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CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 
 
 Publication No. 409 
 
 # 
 
 ( (f? 
 
 1930 
 
PRESS OF 
 
 F. ROBERTS COMPANY 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE 
 HISTORY OF THE SLAVE TRADE 
 
 TO AMERICA 
 
 ELIZABETH DONNAN 
 
 Professor of Economics and Sociology in Wellesley College 
 
 VOLUME I 
 
 1441-1700 
 
 / 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 Published by Carnegie Institution of Washington 
 
 1930 
 
DIVISION OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH 
 CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 t/J 
 
 The importance of a documentation of the history of American 
 slavery has been adequately set forth by Dr. J. F. Jameson in the 
 preface to the first volume of Mrs. Catterall’s Judicial Cases concern¬ 
 ing American Slavery and calls for no restatement at this time. The 
 volume of documents here presented, and the two which are to follow, 
 illustrate the history of the trade on which the institution rested. For 
 more than one hundred and fifty years that trade not only brought to 
 America a large part of her labor supply but also exerted a consider¬ 
 able influence on the relations between various European countries 
 and on the dealings of Great Britain with her American plantations. 
 When a collection which should illustrate this traffic was first under 
 consideration the intention was to confine it to the trade to the Thir¬ 
 teen Colonies, but it soon developed that such an attempt would be 
 unsatisfactory, perhaps absolutely misleading. The traffic to the 
 Thirteen Colonies, to the West Indies, and to Spanish America was 
 so closely interwoven that to a certain extent it seemed necessary 
 to treat it as a whole. In volumes I. and II. this is attempted, though 
 the emphasis has been placed upon the English trade to the British 
 West Indies. The first volume deals with the traffic in slaves from 
 the time it became a part of European commerce until the end of 
 the seventeenth century; the second volume is to carry the account 
 through the eighteenth century to the year 1807, when British and 
 American legislation alike outlawed the trade; the third volume 
 shifts the emphasis from the history of the trade to the connection 
 of the Thirteen Colonies with that trade. The outstanding topics illus¬ 
 trated by the material in the first volume are the beginnings of Afri¬ 
 can exploitation, the friction of European countries in Africa, the 
 development of great commercial companies for the control of the 
 traffic, the struggle for Spanish-American markets, the methods of 
 trade, and its effect on English policy in the West Indies. As was to 
 be expected, what emerges is the history of the trade as seen by the 
 white man rather than as seen or suffered by the negro. The record 
 is that of the trader concerned with method, with profits and losses, 
 with the struggle for monopoly or for freedom of trade, rather than 
 with the race or races which he was subjugating. To merchant, 
 planter, agent of the African Company or British official, the oppor- 
 
 v 
 
VI 
 
 Preface 
 
 tunity to study primitive peoples at first hand meant little, and was 
 allowed to slip by unused. Our records of the slave trade shed little 
 light upon the manner of people enslaved, their origins, and the differ¬ 
 ences among them, save when such points were translated into pounds 
 sterling. This fact leaves us in ignorance of much which would today 
 be of inestimable value in studying the African origins of the Ameri¬ 
 can negro population. 
 
 Both printed and manuscript sources have been utilized. The 
 voluminous papers of the Royal African Company, the Colonial Of¬ 
 fice Papers, both in manuscript and as they appear in the Calendar 
 of State Papers, the Spanish archives, narratives of African voyagers 
 and traders, these have all been drawn upon. The amount of material 
 relating to this subject is prodigious and all that such a volume can 
 hope to do is to suggest possibilities for intensive study and to point 
 the way to available material for such study. 
 
 Few liberties have been taken with the texts whether printed or 
 manuscript, but occasional punctuation has been added to clarify 
 the meaning, and abbreviations have been expanded for the same 
 purpose. The capitalization of the originals has been preserved 
 save in translations, where, in general, it has been made to conform 
 to present usage. The spelling of the originals has also been re¬ 
 tained but not the use of italics. In other respects the practice of 
 earlier volumes of the Department of Historical Research of the 
 Carnegie Institution has been followed. 
 
 To name here the individuals who have lent frequent and kindly 
 aid in the preparation of this work is impossible without extending 
 the preface to undue length. A few obligations, however, stand 
 out above all others. The debt to Dr. J. F. Jameson is immeasur¬ 
 able. Not only was his the original plan for such a collection of 
 material as this, but his knowledge and wisdom have been called upon 
 constantly as the work has progressed. The skilful and patient co¬ 
 operation of Miss Ruth Anna Fisher in procuring for the editor 
 the desired material from the Public Record Office also deserves 
 mention. 
 
 Elizabeth Donnan 
 
 June 23, 1930 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Map of the Coast of Africa.Frontispiece 
 
 Preface . v 
 
 Part I., 1441-1600 
 
 Introduction. 1 
 
 Documents: 
 
 1. The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, 1441-1448. 18 
 
 2. Permission granted to the Governor of Bresa for Four Thousand Slaves • • 41 
 
 3. The Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea, 1555. 42 
 
 4. The Second Voyage of William Towerson, 1556. 43 
 
 5. The First Voyage of John Hawkins, 1562-1563. 44 
 
 —--6. The Second Voyage of John Hawkins, 1564-1565. 47 
 
 7. Guzman de Silva to Philip II.. 57 
 
 8. Guzman de Silva to Philip II.. 60 
 
 9. Guzman de Silva to Philip II.. 60 
 
 10. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 62 
 
 11. Guzman de Silva to Philip II.. 63 
 
 12. Guzman de Silva to Philip II.. 63 
 
 13. Guzman de Silva to Philip II.. 64 
 
 —*14. The Third Voyage of John Hawkins, related by Miles Philips and John 
 
 Hawkins, 1567-1568. 66 
 
 15. Deposition of William Clarke. 69 
 
 16. Deposition of John Hawkins, of the City of London, Gentleman. 70 
 
 17. Deposition of John Tommes. 71 
 
 18. Deposition of William Fowler of Ratcliffe, Merchant. 72 
 
 Part II., The Seventeenth Century 
 
 Introduction. 73 
 
 Documents: 
 
 19. Voyage of Pierre van den Broeck to Cape Verde, 1606. 122 
 
 20. Brother Luis Brandaon to Father Sandoval. 123 
 
 21. Announcement of a Contract for Negroes, 1614. 124 
 
 22. The Voyage of Richard Jobson to the Gambia River, 1620. 125 
 
 23. George Downing to John Winthrop, jr.. 125 
 
 24. The Guinea Company to James Pope.^ 126 
 
 25. The Guinea Company to Bartholomew Haward. 129 
 
 26. The Guinea Company to James Pope. 130 
 
 27. The Guinea Company to Francis Soane. 132 
 
 28. The Guinea Company to Bartholomew Haward. 133 
 
 29. Captain John Blake to the Guinea Company. 134 
 
 30. Vice-Director Beck to the Amsterdam Directors of the West India Company 136 
 
 31. Vice-Director Beck to the Amsterdam Directors. 138 
 
 32. Vice-Director Beck to Director Stuyvesant. 140 
 
 33. Journal of the Slaver St. Jan . 141 
 
 34. Deposition of Adriaen Blaes, 1659. 145 
 
 35. Receipt of Pedro Diez Troxxilla for Slaves, 1660. 149 
 
 36. Vice-Director Beck to the Directors of the West India Company. 150 
 
 37. The Case of the Martyn ‘van Russen . 153 
 
 38. Petition of John Knight, Thomas Knight, and Company. 154 
 
 39. The Company of Royal Adventurers to Francis Lord Willoughby .... 156 
 
 • • 
 
 VII 
 
Table of Contents 
 
 • • • 
 
 vm 
 
 PAGE 
 
 40. Declaration of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England trading to 
 
 Africa . 157 
 
 41. Declaration of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England trading to 
 
 Africa . 160 
 
 42. The Privy Council to Francis Lord Willoughby. 161 
 
 .__ The Company of Royal Adventurers to the King. 164 
 
 44. Consideration of a Petition of the Company of Royal Adventurers trading to 
 
 Africa . 165 
 
 45. Vice-Director Beck to Director Stuyvesant. 167 
 
 46. The King to Francis Lord Willoughby. 168 
 
 47. The Privy Council to Francis Lord Willoughby. 168 
 
 48. A List of the Royal Adventurers of England trading to Africa, 1667 .... 169 
 
 49. Petition of Sir Thomas Bludworth and Others. 172 
 
 50. Reflections on Jamaica Slave Trade, 1670. 173 
 
 51. Proposals for Resettlement of the Company of Royal Adventurers trading to 
 
 Africa, 1671. 174 
 
 52. The King to William Lord Willoughby. 176 
 
 X 53. Charter of the Royal African Company. 177 
 
 \. 54. The Trade of the Royal African Company, 1672. 192 
 
 55. Thomas Clifford to the Commissioners of Customs. 193 
 
 56. By the King: a Proclamation. 194 
 
 - -57. Considerations on Spanish Trade. 197 
 
 58. Voyage of the James, 1675-1676. 199 
 
 59. The Case of the Susanna . 209 
 
 60. The Case of the Thomas and Francis . 212 
 
 61. Answer of the Royal African Company. 215 
 
 62. Accounts of the Sarah Bonaventura, 1676-1677. 217 
 
 63. Petition of the Royal African Company. 222 
 
 64. The King to Governor Jonathan Atkins. 223 
 
 65. The Case of the Antego Merchant . 224 
 
 66. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 225 
 
 67. Journal of the Arthur, Dec. 5, 1677—May 25, 1678. 226 
 
 68. Thomas Thurloe to the Royal African Company. 234 
 
 69. Thomas Thurloe to the Royal African Company. 235 
 
 70. Thomas Clarke and Hugh Elliott to the Royal African Company. 236 
 
 71. Thomas Clarke and Hugh Elliott to the Royal African Company. 238 
 
 72. Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company. 238 
 
 73. Hender Molesworth and John Gauden to the Royal African Company . . . 239 
 
 74. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company • • . 240 
 
 75. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company . . . 240 
 
 76. The Case of the Golden Sun . 242 
 
 77. The Factors at Nevis to the Royal African Company. 242 
 
 78. Hender Molesworth and John Gauden to the Royal African Company . . • 243 
 
 79. The Case of the Golden Sun . 244 
 
 80. Captain William Smith and Jonas Lynch to the Royal African Company • . . 245 
 
 81. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 245 
 
 82. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company • . . 246 
 
 83. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 249 
 
 84. The Factors at Nevis to the Royal African Company. 250 
 
 85. Edward Pierce to the Royal African Company. 251 
 
 86. The Case of the Coaster . 251 
 
 87. Hender Molesworth and Rowland Powell to the Royal African Company . . 255 
 
 88. Accounts of the Swallow, 1679-1681. 256 
 
 89. The Case of the Golden Sun . 258 
 
 90. Mr. Hoarde to the Royal African Company. 259 
 
 91. The Factors at Cape Coast Castle to the Royal African Company. 259 
 
 92. The Factors at Nevis to the Royal African Company. 260 
 
 93. Accounts of the Mary, 1680-1681. 262 
 
Table of Contents ix 
 
 PAGE 
 
 94. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 264 
 
 95. Planters of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. 265 
 
 96. Henry Greenhill to the Royal African Company. 266 
 
 97. Certain Considerations relating to the Royal African Company, 1680 • • • 267 
 
 98. Hender Molesworth and Rowland Powell to the Royal African Company . • 271 
 
 99 The Factors at Cape Coast Castle to the Royal African Company. 272 *" 
 
 100. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company • • . 273 
 
 101. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 274 
 
 102. The Factors at Jamaica to the Royal African Company. 274 
 
 103. The Factors at Cape Coast Castle to the Royal African Company. 274^ 
 
 104. Henry Carpenter and Robert Helmes to the Royal African Company • . • 275 
 
 105. Henry Carpenter and Robert Helmes to the Royal African Company • . . 276 
 
 106. The Capture of the Providence, 1682. 276 
 
 107. Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. 279 
 
 108. The Voyage of the Sieur le Maire, 1682. 281 
 
 109. John Barbot’s Description of Guinea. 282 
 
 no. Voyages to Martinique, 1679, 1682. 301 
 
 hi. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 304 
 
 112. John Case to the Royal African Company. 305 
 
 113. The Factors of Cape Coast Castle to the Royal African Company. 306 " 
 
 114. Edwyn Stede and Stepheti Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 306 
 
 115. Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lord President of the Council. 307 
 
 116. The case of the Dorothy . 308 
 
 117. Protest of the Royal African Company. 317 " 
 
 118. Voyage to Congo, 1683-1684. 319 
 
 119. Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. 325 
 
 120. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company .... 330 
 
 121. Act to Encourage the Importation of Negroes. 331 
 
 122. The Case of the Richard and Margaret . 333 
 
 123. Baltazar Coymans to the King of Spain. 335 
 
 124. Pedro de Oreytia to Francisco de Amolaz. 336 
 
 125. Pedro de Oreytia to Francisco de Amolaz. 336 
 
 126. Francisco Lorenzo de San Millan to Francisco de Amolaz. 337 
 
 127. Pedro de Oreytia to Francisco de Amolaz. 338 
 
 128. Report of the Council of the Inquisition to the King. 338 
 
 129. Francisco de San Millan to Francisco de Amolaz. 340 
 
 130. Order of the King of England in Council. 340 
 
 131. Lieutenant Governor Hender Molesworth to William Blathwayt. 341 
 
 132. Resume of the Origin of the Introduction of Slaves into Spanish America • . 342 
 
 133. Minutes of the Council of the Indies. 346 
 
 134. Instructions to Sir Philip Howard as Governor of Jamaica. 351 
 
 135. Instructions to Captain Thomas Woodfine... 352 
 
 136. Instructions to Captain Samuel Kempthorne. 354 
 
 137. Royal African Company: Extracts from the Black Book. 355 •* 
 
 138. The Council of the Indies to the King. 357 
 
 139. The Royal African Company to Captain John Low. 360 
 
 140. Instructions to Captain Robert Barrett . . . . ^. 360 
 
 141. Opinion of the Spanish Fiscal concerning the Assiento. 362 
 
 142. Instructions to Captain John Woodfine. 363 
 
 143. Frans Schoonenbergh to the Marques de los Velez: a Summary, 1688 .... 364 
 
 144. John Coymans and Company to Manuel Coloma. 367 
 
 145. John Coymans to Manuel de Belmonte. 369 
 
 146. Manuel de Belmonte to the Marques de los Velez. 369 
 
 147. Address of the Council and Assembly of Jamaica to the King and Queen . 370 
 
 148. Accounts of the Arminian Merchant, 1689-1691. 371 
 
 149. Marques de los Velez to the King of Spain. 373 
 
 150. Systema Africanum: or a Treatise, discovering the Intrigues of the Guiney 
 
 Company, 1690. 377 
 
X 
 
 Table of Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 151. Petition to the House of Commons. 384 
 
 152. Charles Penhallow and Walter Ruding to the Royal African Company • . • 385 
 
 153. Cornelius Hodges to the Royal African Company. 385 
 
 154. Earl of Inchiquin to the Assembly of Jamaica. 387 
 
 155. Petition of John Gardner and Letitia Bawdon. 388 
 
 156. William Hardringe and Nicholas Prideaux to the Royal African Company . 391 
 
 157. Voyage of the Hannibal, 1693-1694. 392 
 
 158. Representation of Gilbert Hetchcott and John Gardner. 410 
 
 159. Petition to the House of Commons. 413 
 
 160. The Case of the Avarilla . 414 
 
 161. Losses reported by the Royal African Company. 415 x 
 
 162. Petition to the House of Commons.• 417 
 
 163. Memorandum to the Royal African Company. 418 
 
 164. At Old Calabar, in 1698. 419 
 
 165. Governor Sir William Beeston to the Board of Trade. 420 
 
 166. An Act to Settle the Trade to Africa. 421 " 
 
 167. Voyage to New Calabar, 1699. 430 
 
 168. The Factors of Cape Coast Castle to the Royal African Company. 435 ** 
 
 169. Captain Matthew Wilson to the Royal African Company. 436 
 
 170. Negotiations between M. Andre Brue and Mr. Corker. 436 
 
 171. Description of the Coast of Guinea. 438 
 
 172. Petition of Merchants trading to Africa and the Plantations. 444 r 
 
 173. The Factors at Gambia to the Royal African Company. 445 
 
 174. The Board of Trade to the King. 445 
 
 175. James Vernon to the Earl of Manchester. 446 
 
 176. Earl of Manchester to James Vernon. 447 
 
 177. James Vernon to the Earl of Manchester.,. 448 
 
 178. Earl of Manchester to James Vernon. 450 
 
 179. James Barbot’s Voyage to the Congo River. 451 
 
 Index. 467 
 
DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE HISTORY OF 
 THE SLAVE TRADE TO AMERICA 
 
 PART I.: 1441-1600 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 With the origins of the institution of slavery and of the traffic in 
 slaves the documents here presented do not deal. Neither slavery 
 nor the slave trade was new to mankind in 1441, the date of the first 
 narrative here printed. For perhaps five centuries trade routes from 
 central Africa, to east and north, had been kept open, and slaves had 
 been carried through eastern ports to the rest of the world, some of 
 them undoubtedly finding their way to the markets of western Europe. 
 The modern traffic which is here presented, though it for a time made 
 use of some of the facilities of the earlier trade, was not merely a con¬ 
 tinuation of the old, with a change in direction which turned the 
 slave coffles from east to west. Nor was the fifteenth-century trade 
 simply the result of a change in the method by which the slave was 
 transported. The fact that after 1444 slaves were carried from the 
 African coast by water rather than overland would scarcely justify 
 one in regarding the fifteenth century as the beginning of a new com¬ 
 merce. 1 Yet one may, without doing violence to the facts, consider 
 1444 as the inauguration of an essentially new thing in the history of 
 the Western world, that is, the modern traffic in negroes. It was then 
 that the Europeans themselves first carried slaves from Africa to be 
 sold in European markets. 2 Within a dozen years the traffic in 
 negroes had become an accepted and profitable part of European 
 commerce, the privilege of carrying them being eagerly sought. The 
 conjunction in a single half-century of the discovery of an immense 
 new labor supply and of a new and comparatively empty continent 
 in which such a supply could be profitably utilized gave an importance 
 and a permanence to this branch of trade which, had Europe alone 
 been the vent, it could never have attained. To examine the origin 
 of this modern slave trade one must turn first to the exploration and 
 exploitation of the West African coast from which came the supply, 
 and next to the introduction of the negro, there obtained, into Western 
 
 1 Jose Antonio Saco, Historia de la Esclavitud de la Raza Africana en el Nuevo 
 Mundo (Barcelona, 1879), p. 26. 
 
 2 A few natives had been carried to Portugal from the Canaries in 1434, and, in 
 1441, Antam Gongalvez, as will be seen from the text of Azurara here printed, carried 
 captives home, but these were not for the purpose of trade, any more than was the native 
 of Brazil whom William Hawkins carried to England a century later. 
 
2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 markets. Of the exploration of the African coast a brief statement 
 will here suffice, since the tale has been many times told. Here again 
 for beginnings one must turn to the ancients, but this story, as well 
 as that of slavery, has not been one of continuous development, from 
 the time of the Phoenicians, through the Middle Ages, to the modern 
 era. 3 The voyages of Sataspes, of Eudoxus, and of Hanno, even if 
 accepted as authentic, contributed nothing to the daring fifteenth- 
 century progress of the Portuguese along the African coast, progress 
 which was an essential prelude to the development of the modern 
 slave trade. 4 For a time Portuguese exploits were largely owing to 
 the vision and perseverance of one man, Prince Henry of Portugal, 
 grandson of John of Gaunt of England. 5 In the first quarter of the 
 fifteenth century the Canaries and the Madeira Islands had been 
 opened to Portuguese settlement. Driven by the ardor of the Prince, 
 Portuguese navigators pushed along the coast of Africa during the 
 remainder of that century. In 1434 Cape Bojador, long the object 
 of superstitious fears, was rounded; in 1436 the Rio d’Ouro was 
 reached. Then Henry’s interest turned elsewhere. In 1441 he re¬ 
 verted with fresh determination to the African explorations. The 
 
 3 Most accounts of African exploration or of African geography begin with a 
 review of the ancient voyages. For brief statements see C. Raymond Beazley and E. 
 Prestage, introduction to Azurara, Chronicle of the Conquest of Guinea, II. xxxvi-xliii; 
 W. W. Claridge, A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti (London, 1915), I. 11-29. 
 Longer accounts may be found in Sir Edward Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography 
 (London, 1879), I. 262-335; James Rennell, Geographical System of Herodotus (London, 
 1830), II. 348-443. For Hanno’s voyage down the coast see W. Schoff, The Periplus of 
 Hanno (Philadelphia, 1913), esp. p. 5; Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or 
 Purchas: his Pilgrimes (Glasgow, 1905), I. 210-214. The literature of the Portuguese 
 explorations is abundant and much of it excellent. See especially the work of C. R. 
 Beazley, Prince Henry the Navigator (New York, 1895), “Prince Henry of Portugal 
 and the African Crusade of the Fifteenth Century”, American Historical Review, 
 XVI. n-23, and “Prince Henry of Portugal and his Political, Commercial, and 
 Colonizing Work”, ibid., XVII. 252-267; also R. H. Major, Prince Henry of 
 Portugal (London, 1868), and J. P. Oliveira Martins, The Golden Age of Prince 
 Henry (London, 1914, translated). Oliveira Martins’s Les Explorations des Portugais 
 anterieures a la Decouverte de V Amerique (Paris, 1893, translated from the 
 Spanish) contains a map tracing the Portuguese progress down the coast. One of the 
 better brief accounts is that of Charles de Lannoy and Herman Vander Linden, Histoire 
 de VExpansion Coloniale des Peuples Europeens: Portugal et Espagne, )usqu’au Debut 
 du XIX e Siecle (Brussels and Paris, 1907), pp. 40-50. The histories of Gambia and 
 the Gold Coast usually devote a few pages to African exploration, as H. F. Reeve, 
 The Gambia, its History Ancient and Modern (London, 1912), pp. 30-40; Claridge, 
 History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, I. 33-53; as do also the histories of slavery, 
 see Saco, op. cit., pp. 21-47. 
 
 4 It is not necessary here to evaluate the claims of the French to priority of 
 exploration, since, even if they were established at St. George del Mina in 1364, they 
 did not begin a commerce in the natives at that time. The reader who is interested 
 to pursue the subject of the French claim will find an excellent presentation of the 
 evidence in C. R. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography (London, 1905-1906), III. 
 430-440, as well as in Azurara, Chronicle, II. lxiv-lxx. 
 
 5 For an interesting examination of the importance of this English relationship, 
 and of the influence of the English Queen Philippa on the history of Portugal during 
 this century, see Beazley, Prince Henry, pp. 133-137. Lannoy and Vander Linden give 
 a succinct account of Portugal’s economic and political condition at the beginning of 
 her maritime career. Contrasting views of the character and influence of Prince Henry 
 may be found in the work of Beazley and of Oliveira Martins. 
 
Introduction 
 
 3 
 
 passages here printed from Azurara’s account carry the story of ex¬ 
 ploration and of the exploitation of the natives forward to the year 
 1448, at which time the Portuguese had reached the Senegal. 
 
 Between 1448 and the death of Prince Henry in 1460 his captains 
 had reached Sierra Leone. Of the voyages in the later years of his 
 life the most important was that of the Venetian Cadamosto, who 
 entered the service of the Prince in 1455, and made two journeys 
 to the coast, in 1455 and 1456. 6 Though he had quite frankly been 
 attracted to the service of the Prince by news of the great gain to be 
 obtained from the Guinea trade, 7 he made no attempt to increase 
 his profits by imitating the slave raids of the previous decade. Indeed, 
 the meagre observations which he makes on that trade suggest that 
 already wholesale slaughter and rapine had given way to an orderly 
 traffic, with the Arabs acting as middlemen. 
 
 Before this Trade was settled, the Portuguese Caravels, sometimes four, and 
 sometimes more, used to come to the Gulph of Argin, well armed, and, landing 
 by Night, surprised some Fishermen’s Villages: they even entered into the 
 Country, and carried off Arabs of both Sexes, which they sold in Portugal. . . . 
 However, for some Time past, Peace and Commerce has been restored to them 
 all; and the Infante suffers no farther Damage to be done to these People . 8 
 
 The centre of this commerce was the island of Arguin, a settlement 
 eight years old when Cadamosto visited it. Here, he says, for woollen 
 and linen cloth, silver, tapestry, and grain, the Arabs gave slaves and 
 gold. In his second voyage he travelled some distance up the Gambia 
 and exchanged goods for gold and slaves with a Mandingo chief, but 
 of this transaction he gives no details. 
 
 One more navigator should be included in the roll of Prince Henry’s 
 captains, Diego Gomez, who made two voyages, in 1457 or 1458 and 
 1460. 9 His account indicates the existence of friendly intercourse 
 and trade with the natives. By this time some seven or eight hundred 
 slaves were being carried to Portugal annually. 10 
 
 In the year following the death of the Prince, 1461, King Alfonso 
 sent out Piedro de Cintra, who in a single voyage gained some knowl¬ 
 edge of Sierra Leone, and the Grain, Ivory, and Gold Coasts as far 
 as the point later known as Elmina. 11 Ten years later the mouth of 
 the Niger had been passed, and the islands of Sao Thome, or St. 
 Thomas, and Fernando Po added to the map by Santarem and Pedro 
 
 6 The narrative, written in Italian, was first published in Venice in 1507. It is 
 contained in Thomas Astley, A New General Collection of Voyages and Travels 
 (London, 1745), I. 572-596. J. S. Clark, Progress of Maritime Discovery (London, 1803), 
 pp. 235-286, prints selections from it. Beazley summarizes Cadamosto’s account in 
 Azurara, Chronicle, II. xxii-xxv, and in Prince Henry, pp. 261-288. 
 
 7 Azurara, Chronicle, II. xxii-xxiii. 
 
 8 Astley, I. 577, 578. 
 
 8 Azurara, Chronicle, II. xxvi-xxvii. 
 
 10 Saco, Historia de la Esclavitud, p. 36. 
 
 11 Azurara, Chronicle, II. xxviii-xxix. 
 
4 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 de Escobar. At the end of another decade the equator was crossed, 
 and the Congo coast traced. The sources of the slave supply were 
 thus open to the white world. 12 The coast line now accessible ex¬ 
 tended for four thousand miles, from the Senegal River in the north 
 to the southern limits of Angola beyond the equator. For three 
 centuries white traders frequented the mouth of the Senegal or the 
 Gambia, or voyaged to the south, along the coast of Sierra Leone, 
 then bore eastward, and proceeded along the Grain Coast, the Ivory, 
 the Gold, and the Slave coasts, perhaps to find their graves in the 
 unwholesome region of the Bight of Benin. South from this point 
 trading vessels visited the islands of Sao Thome ^nd Fernando Po, 
 or pushed along the coasts of Congo and Angola, to their marts at 
 Loango and Loando. 
 
 Not only had the Portuguese explored the coast and developed an 
 African commerce, but they had planned for permanent occupation. 
 In 1448 a fort was erected, or at least begun, upon the island of 
 Arguin, which in 1461 was rebuilt or improved. 13 In 1458 a mission 
 was sent out to Africa under the Abbot of Soto de Cassa, to convert 
 the natives of the Gambia region. 14 The most ambitious undertak¬ 
 ing of the Portuguese was the erection of Fort St. George at Elmina, 
 begun with great ceremony, in 1481, by Diogo d’Azambuja, who 
 remained there as governor. The spot was probably chosen for its 
 proximity to gold rather than to negroes, though the Portuguese 
 were said to have sent from there a cargo of negroes at once, and 
 it was a centre of negro trade till the end of the eighteenth century. 
 Four years after the establishment of this fort the king added to his 
 titles that of Lord of Guinea. 15 
 
 Obviously Portugal could not explore so vast a coast, annex its 
 trade, and take possession of its shores without attracting the jealous 
 attention of other European countries. The authority of the Church 
 was early invoked to support the Portuguese claim against present 
 and potential rivals. That such request should be granted was scarcely 
 surprising, in the light of Prince Henry’s missionary zeal. To him 
 the navigation of the African coast was, in part at least, as genuine 
 a crusade as were those of an earlier day. It was entirely reasonable 
 for him to request absolution for those taking part in the Portuguese 
 voyages, and for the pope to grant the request. 16 The next step fol¬ 
 lowed naturally. If the Portuguese were carrying forward a “holy 
 warfare” the lands which they discovered should manifestly be placed 
 
 12 Major, Prince Henry, pp. 317-321; Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography (1906), 
 III. 567; Azurara, Chronicle, II. xxviii-xxxvi. 
 
 13 1 hid., II. xxii, xxviii. Major (Prince Henry, p. 317) says the fort at Arguin was 
 not built until 1461. 
 
 14 Azurara, Chronicle, p. xxvi. 
 
 15 Beazley, Prince Henry, p. 315; Major, Prince Henry, pp. 323-326; Sir Arthur 
 Helps, The Spanish Conquest in America and its Relation to Slavery ( 1900 , ed. M. 
 Oppenheim), I. 42-44. 
 
 v Dec. 19, 1442, bull Illius que se (Eugenius IV.) ; Beazley, “Prince Henry of 
 Portugal and the African Crusade”, Am. Hist. Rev., XVI. 15. 
 
Introduction 
 
 5 
 
 under their jurisdiction. Thus the series of papal bulls by which the 
 pope sanctioned the Portuguese claims seems but the logical out¬ 
 come of Prince Henry’s proselyting zeal. Positive papal decision as 
 between rival claimants was not at first necessary. Eugenius IV. in 
 *443 had taken “neutral ground” as between Spain and Portugal, 
 while Nicholas V. in 1452 had given to King Alfonso general powers 
 to conquer and enslave pagans, but had not added exclusive control 
 over the newly discovered territory. This neutral attitude could not, 
 however, be long maintained as knowledge of the riches of the Guinea 
 coast spread. In 1454 John II. of Castile, protesting at the seizure 
 of a Spanish trading vessel bound from Guinea, was met by the re¬ 
 sponse that Guinea belonged to Portugal, and not long after this the 
 pope lent his authority to the declaration. 17 
 
 Not only did Portugal attempt to shut out other nations from the 
 profits of this new trade, but from the first she maintained an exclu¬ 
 sive trade among her own subjects. By royal decree of September 
 x 5> I 44^> the right to control the trade was granted to Prince Henry. 18 
 After his death, the Portuguese king gained from it a fixed and steady 
 revenue by farming it, in 1469, to Fernando Gomez for five years, at 
 1000 ducats a year, and this method, or some variation of it, con¬ 
 tinued to be used by both Portugal and Spain. 19 Even at this time 
 the monopoly was not accepted without protest. The Cortes of 
 Coimbra in 1473, a year before the expiration of the grant to Gomez, 
 asked that the Guinea trade be drawn by lot, that all might benefit. 20 
 It is not unlikely that the attempt to maintain an exclusive trade 
 weakened the power of Portugal to protect her resources from foreign 
 encroachment. Envious Portuguese, excluded from that part of the 
 trade which seemed most lucrative, certainly were at times found 
 assisting other nations in trade, in defiance of their own country. 
 Portugal had undertaken two difficult tasks: to keep all save a privi¬ 
 leged few of her own traders from sharing in the profits of the trade; 
 and to keep all other nations from dividing the spoils with her. In 
 the second she failed so lamentably that the first soon became of minor 
 importance. This failure was not evident in the fifteenth century, 
 
 17 For a brief but excellent statement of the relations between Spain and Portugal 
 during this century see Frances G. Davenport, European Treaties bearing on the History 
 of the United States (Washington, 1917), I. 1-2, 33-35. See also Miss Davenport’s 
 discussion of the various bulls relating to the Portuguese position, as well as the bulls 
 themselves {ibid., pp. 1, 9, 24, 27, 34, 49). Miss Davenport calls attention to the fact 
 that many modern historians, following a statement made by Barros, have placed this 
 papal sanction of Portugal’s rights at an earlier date. Ibid., I. 12, n. 23. 
 
 18 Beazley, Prince Henry, pp. 303-304. As a matter of fact, Prince Henry had 
 controlled the African expeditions since 1443. Azurara, Chronicle, I. 54. 
 
 18 Ibid., II. xxix; Helps, Spanish Conquest, I. 42, n. 1, “500 cruzados” or 1000 
 ducats; Oliveira Martins, Golden Age, p. 218. Major {Prince Henry, p. 321) says 
 this was about £40 a year. For a discussion of the system see Lannoy and Vander 
 Linden, pp. 137-144. 
 
 20 Oliveira Martins, Golden Age, p. 220. 
 
6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 however. Spain for the most part accepted her exclusion from the 
 African coast. England, so far as we know, made in this century 
 but one abortive effort to share the trade. In 1481 rumor reached 
 Portugal that two Englishmen, William Fabian and John Tintam, 
 were equipping an expedition for Guinea trade. John II. of Portu¬ 
 gal promptly protested that this violated the terms of his papal privi¬ 
 leges, and the voyage was stayed. About the same time Edward 
 IV. of England asked the pope for permission to trade in Africa but 
 nothing came of his request. 21 
 
 Of the history of the Portuguese in West Africa during the six¬ 
 teenth century singularly little is known. They had by this time 
 become much more interested in their possessions in India, and most 
 students of Portuguese expansion dwell upon India and Brazil rather 
 than upon West Africa, which gradually became merely a source of 
 slaves for Brazil. Elmina continued to be the centre of the Gold 
 Coast trade of Portugal. Here she maintained a governor, a chief fac¬ 
 tor and a small garrison. At Axim, Accra, and Shama were small 
 settlements and trading centres. At other trading posts a factor and 
 a priest or two made up the Portuguese establishment. Though she 
 claimed control of a long line of coast, her contact with the natives 
 was largely through the priests, and she had worked out little 
 machinery of administration. The greatest extension of her interest 
 was in Angola and the Congo, which largely supplied the Portuguese 
 sugar plantations of the neighboring island of Sao Thome with 
 laborers. Here the anonymous Portuguese pilot who visited the 
 island about 1520 found some planters owning as many as 300 
 slaves. 22 From the Angola region also came negroes for Brazil, 
 which proved a well-nigh inexhaustible market. 
 
 Despite the failure of Portugal to work out an adequate system of 
 government or of trade, there can be no question that she continued 
 to be the dominant influence on the West African coast throughout this 
 century. A group of narratives collected by Hakluyt and Purchas are 
 suggestive of the importance of her traffic, though they give little 
 exact or satisfactory information. The first of these is a report on 
 
 21 Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries 
 of the English Nation (Glasgow, 1903-1905), VI. 122-124; Astley, Voyages and Travels, 
 I. 138. J. M. Sarbah (“The Gold Coast when Edward IV. was King”, Journal of the 
 African Society, III. 194-197), quoting from what he described as an “original relation”, 
 asserts that this voyage was actually completed, that Englishmen defeated the Portuguese 
 at Cape Three Points, and that they traded successfully for elephants’ teeth and grain, 
 but not for negroes. This is a complete contradiction of Hakluyt’s statement and some 
 other authority than that of an anonymous translation is needed before it is accepted. 
 For the English request to the pope see Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, I. 142. 
 
 22 “Voyage from Lisbon to the Island of St. Thome ... by a Portuguese 
 Pilot”, Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, pp. 298-310. While the strength of the 
 Portuguese on the coast between the Senegal and Gambia rivers waned, they never 
 wholly withdrew from the region. There is also some testimony to the presence on 
 this coast of a few Spaniards. Hakluyt, VII. 95-96; Astley, I. 242-245. 
 
Introduction 
 
 7 
 
 the Kingdom of Congo by Edward Lopes, a Portuguese who visited 
 that region in 1578 : “Besides, there is also a greater Trafficke and 
 Market for slaves, that are brought out of Angola, then in any place 
 else. For there are yearely bought by the Portugais above five thou¬ 
 sand head of Negroes, which afterwards they conveigh away with 
 them, and so sell them into divers parts of the World.” 23 
 
 Purchas adds to this stray facts gathered from Master Thomas 
 Turner, who, after visiting Angola and living in Brazil, reported, 
 
 Out of Angola is said to bee yeerely shipped eight and twenty thousand slaves 
 and there was a Rebellion of slaves against their Masters, tenne thousand mak¬ 
 ing a head and barracadoing themselves, but by the Portugais and Indians 
 chased, and one or two thousand reduced. One thousand belonged to one man, 
 who is said to have tenne thousand slaves, Eighteene Ingenios, etc. his name is 
 John de Pads, exiled out of Portugall, and heere prospering to this incredibilitie 
 of wealth . 24 
 
 About 1610 Purchas obtained the story of the adventures of 
 one Andrew Battell, who had left England in 1589, had been captured 
 by the Portuguese not long after, and had been a prisoner in Angola 
 from that time until his return to England in 1610. In 1600 or 1601 
 he had been sent to Benguella, on the south-central coast of Angola, 
 to trade. Here he found an encampment of natives who travelled 
 from Sierra Leone, and with whom he traded: “We laded our ship 
 with slaves in seven days, and bought them so cheap that many did 
 not cost one real, which were worth in the city of Loando twelve 
 milreis.” 25 
 
 Not until well into the sixteenth century was Portugal forced into 
 her losing struggle for control of her African discoveries. For a time 
 her most dangerous rival was England. Whether or not the papal 
 bulls had prevented an earlier appearance of the English on this coast, 
 it is certain that with the waning influence of such decrees after the 
 Reformation England’s interest in maritime adventure grew rapidly . 26 
 
 r>u-ii* 23 * ^ Report of the Kingdome of Congo, a Region of Affrica: gathered by 
 Phillippo Pigafetta, out of the Discourses of Master Edward Lopes . . . here 
 
 abbreviatted”, Purchas, Pilgrimes, VI. 444-445. 
 
 Relations of Master Thomas Turner”, ibid., XVI. 291. “This number may 
 perhaps seeme incredible and justly: yet hee tells the report, which in some one 
 yeere after some great battle, may also be probable: but the general report is of 
 divers thousands shipped thence yeerly: the Portugais making their gaine bv the 
 Negroes foolish and spightfull wars upon each other.” 
 
 . “ The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh, in Angola and the 
 adjoining Regions, in Purchas, Pilgrimes, VI. 367-406, and reprinted in Hakluyt Society 
 Publications, second ser., vol. VI. 
 
 26 There are many general accounts of the English on the African coast in the 
 sixteenth century, practically all of them based upon or reprinting Hakluyt’s narratives: 
 Astley, Voyages and Travels, I. 138-191; Robert Kerr, Voyages and Travels, VII. 211-350.* 
 W. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish, and Irish Joint-Stock 
 Companies to 1720 (Cambridge, 1910), II. 1-14, and J. A. Williamson, Sir John Hawkins 
 (Oxford, 1927), pp. 32-62, have supplemented Hakluyt by a study of the State Papers. 
 
8 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Her traders, familiar with the commerce of the Canaries by 15 26, 27 
 had probably appeared on the Guinea coast by 1530, possibly earlier. 
 With the single exception of John Hawkins’s forays, they traded along 
 the coast for nearly one hundred years before they turned to slaving 
 upon it. During that era the narrative of English adventures is of 
 less interest to students of the slave trade than to those concerned with 
 the maritime expansion of Britain. It is an interesting though a boot¬ 
 less speculation to inquire whether, if the English had not entered upon 
 the slave trade, they would have built up African colonial possessions. 
 Anderson thinks not, 28 because of the limited number of Guinea com¬ 
 modities offering profitable trade. Among these the most important 
 was gold, the lure which drew the earliest English venturers to the 
 coast. 
 
 By 1530 there was in western England a small group of merchants 
 trading to Brazil. Among these was William Hawkins, father of the 
 famous John. To him alone, among the English traders, it seems 
 to have occurred to touch at the northern Guinea coast on his out¬ 
 ward voyage to Brazil, which he probably did in 1530, 1531, and 
 1532, 29 and possibly did in 1536. It may be surmised that these 
 voyages were joint ventures, since that form of business promotion 
 was certainly in use shortly after this. Bonnassieux refers to an 
 English African company of 1536, probably meaning a syndicate 
 with which William Hawkins was connected. 30 Hawkins may have 
 had vessels on the coast in 1536; it is fairly certain that he had in 
 H39-1540. 
 
 Between 1540 and 1553 the industry of Elakluyt apparently dis¬ 
 covered no English visits to Guinea; after that time they were, for a 
 few years, frequent. English merchants experimented first with the 
 Barbary trade. Captain Thomas Windham, in the employ of some 
 of the same men who later sent him to the Guinea coast, made trips 
 
 37 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, VI. 124-136; Astley, Voyages and Travels, I. 
 138. The Canary trade was never closed to England, and Anthony Hickman and 
 Edward Castlyn, who appeared early in the Guinea trade, probably had English factors 
 in the Canaries throughout Mary’s reign. Williamson, Sir John Hawkins, p. 43. 
 
 28 Adam Anderson, Origins of Commerce (Dublin, 1790), II. 128. 
 
 29 The narrative of these voyages will be found in Hakluyt, XI. 23-24; see also 
 Williamson, Sir John Hawkins, pp. 10-11. The best account of the life and the trading 
 ventures of William Hawkins is to be found in Williamson, pp. 2-31. At this time 
 the name Guinea was used for the stretch of West African coast from the Senegal 
 River to the Bight of Biafra. 
 
 Pierre Bonnassieux, Les Grandes Compagnies de Commerce (Paris, 1892), p. 
 89, n. 3. The letter of 1767, on which Bonnassieux rests his statement, he prints (pp. 
 96-98). Scott ( Joint-Stock Companies, II. 3, n. 1) concludes that the reference is to 
 William Hawkins, though without offering his evidence. Anderson ( Origins of Com¬ 
 merce, II. 82) also places the arrival of the English on the Guinea coast at 1536. 
 
Introduction 
 
 9 
 
 u° ai ^ ai y in 1 55 1 an d 1552. 31 In 1553 his promoters, growing 
 
 o der, commissioned him to visit Guinea and Benin, under the guid¬ 
 ance of a wise, discreet and sober”, as well as expert, Portuguese, 
 Anthonie Anes Pinteado. The English visited the River Sestos, where 
 they^might have taken a cargo of Guinea grain (pepper) had they 
 not . thirsted for gold. This they found in the neighborhood of 
 Elmina. Then, against the advice of Pinteado, they visited Benin, 
 which proved disastrous to the health of the men. Of the seven- 
 score that had left England scarce forty returned. Neither of the 
 leaders lived to see England. 32 
 
 In spite of this fearful mortality, they had returned with gold, 
 ivory, and spice sufficient to induce another group of adventurers to try 
 their fortunes. They were Sir George Barne, Sir John Yorke, Thomas 
 Eok, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin or Castlyn, who in 
 October, 1554, sent out the Trinity and the John Evangelist, each of 
 140 tons, and the Bartholomew, 90 tons, under John Lok. 33 This 
 venture was distinctly successful. The vessels not only returned with 
 a gi atifying cargo of gold and ivory, but they also brought u certaine 
 blacke slaves whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel 
 agree with our meates and drinkes. The colde and moyst aire doth 
 somewhat offend them.” 34 Extracts from the next two Guinea voy¬ 
 ages, those of Towerson in 1555 and 1556, are printed on later 
 pages (nos. 3, 4). 
 
 Up to this time the English had manifested no desire to fortify 
 or settle the coast, though they had been invited by a friendly chief to 
 build a fort within his territory. 35 In 1561 a group of venturers, most 
 of whom had already traded in Africa, proposed to John Lok the 
 task of selecting a site for a fort. 36 Lok, after two unsuccessful starts, 
 declined the commission because of the lateness of the season. Though 
 he rejected the notion that one need fear the Portuguese, he reported 
 
 31 
 
 A/r * Thom ^ s Wroth > Francis Lambert, Sir John Yorke, Sir William Garrard, and 
 
 Master Cole are those named as promoters of the second Barbary voyage (Hakluyt VI. 
 1 36- 1405 Astley, Voyages, I. 140-141). Hakluyt reprints Eden’s account and also his 
 preface, Richard Eden, Decades of the New World (London, 1555), pp. 343-360. For 
 evidence that these men also financed the first Guinea voyage see Williamson, p. 40. 
 Windham had in 1545 been concerned with William Hawkins, and his interest in 
 CfUinea may have been aroused at that time. 
 
 “A voyage made out of England unto Guinea and Benin in Affrike, at the 
 c arges of certaine marchants Adventurers of the Citie of London, in the yeere of our 
 Lord 1553 , Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, VI. 141-152; Astley, I. 141-144. Hakluyt’s 
 account is taken from that of Richard Eden. ' y 
 
 33 “The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne, Sir John Yorke, 
 
 I nomas Lok, Anthonie Hickman, and Edward Castlyn in the yere 1554 The CaDtaine 
 whereof was M. John Lok”, Hakluyt, VI. 154-177; Astley, I. 144-149 ^ptaine 
 
 34 Hakluyt, VI. 176. ^ 
 
 35 Ibid., p. 226. 
 
 r a 3 Y*r,r' PP- J 53 - 254 . Those concerned were Sir William Chester, Garrard, Thomas 
 Lodge, William Winter Benjamin Gonson, Hickman, and Castlyn {ibid., p. 253, and 
 Williamson, p. 54). The queen allowed them four royal vessels and was to receive a 
 share of the profits. Cal. St. P. Dorn., 1547-1580, p. 178. 
 
10 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 to his principals that four “great ships” of Portugal, one of which 
 was of 700 tons, were waiting his arrival on the coast. 37 The venturers 
 persisted, and the vessels were on the coast in the spring of 1562. In 
 spite of their early misadventures, the queen’s third of the profits 
 amounted to £iooo. 38 The next season (1563) they sent out another 
 fleet, which traded both at the River Sestos and on the Gold Coast. 
 Throughout their trading they were obliged to keep up a desultory 
 warfare with the Portuguese, and suffered from sickness which car¬ 
 ried off half their men. 39 Undiscouraged, the same group, with the 
 addition of Benjamin Gonson, sent out an expedition under David 
 Carlet in 1564, the difficulties of which are related in the account of 
 Hawkins’s voyages. 40 
 
 This was the extent of the recorded English trade to the Guinea 
 coast when Hawkins conceived his buccaneering scheme, the account 
 of which is here printed (nos. 5-18). English merchants had no forts 
 or settlements, and had had up to this time no interest in the slave 
 trade. They had made frequent use of the method of joint venture, 
 which was to develop into that of the corporate company. The 
 Guinea coast was known to English seamen, who had already demon¬ 
 strated the weakness of the Portuguese control and their own ability 
 to trade where they liked. The Portuguese monopoly was a fiction. 
 It remained for Hawkins to prove that the Spanish monopoly of the 
 American markets was likewise a fiction. 
 
 With the failure of Hawkins’s third voyage, attempts at English 
 trade on the Guinea coast seem to have languished. For a period of 
 twenty years Hakluyt again has no narrative of African voyages, and 
 though it is highly improbable that there were no such voyages, this 
 is certainly an indication that they were not common. 41 In 1588, with 
 Portugal under Spanish domination and England at war with Spain, 
 Elizabeth granted a patent to merchants of London and Devonshire 
 for exclusive trade on the northern Guinea coast for ten years. This 
 change in the method of trade was probably an attempt to give greater 
 government protection in time of war rather than for the purpose 
 
 87 Dec. 11, 1561, “Lok to Marchants adventurers for Guinie”, Hakluyt, VI. 256-257. 
 
 38 Williamson, p. 56. Scott estimates the profits of this voyage as between 40 and 
 50 per cent. Joint-Stock Companies, II. 5-6; Cal. St. P. Dorn., 1547-1580, pp. 178, 183, 
 215; J. S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, I. 78-80. 
 
 ^Hakluyt’s brief account of this voyage (VI. 258-261) was written by William 
 Rutter, a factor of Hickman. But five of the original seven were concerned in this 
 enterprise. 
 
 40 Hakluyt, VI. 262; Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. 6-8; Williamson, pp. 57-58. 
 Winter seems to have dropped out of the group. 
 
 41 In 1582 a voyage to Africa and Sao Thome was suggested. Cal. St. P. Dom., 1581- 
 159O1 P- 59 - 
 
Introduction 
 
 11 
 
 of making the trade a privileged one. 4- Of the third of the three 
 ventui es attempted under this charter we have an account . 43 Its 
 leaders were Richard Rainholds and Thomas Dassell. Contrary to 
 the custom of the coast, they carried no Portuguese supercargo, a 
 fact which won for them great favor with the natives but so roused 
 the antagonism of the Portuguese that they barely escaped destruc¬ 
 tion at their hands. It is to be remembered that this patent con¬ 
 cerned but a small part of the coast. At the same time that its 
 holders were sending voyages to Senegal and Gambia two London 
 merchants, John Bird and John Newton, sent out expeditions to 
 Benin, but their narrator, James Welsh, makes no reference to traffic 
 in negroes. In 1592 the privilege of trade between the River Nunoe 
 (Nunes) and the Magrabumbo River, on the coast of the Sierra 
 Leone, was gi anted to five merchants of Taunton, chief among whom 
 was Thomas Gregory. Beyond that fact we know little . 45 'For 
 complete lack of evidence to the contrary one must conclude that 
 between 1569 and 1618 England’s only connection with the slave 
 trade came through casual captures of prizes carrying slaves. 46 
 
 The P01 tuguese were not slow to respond to the challenge to their 
 African monopoly offered by the English voyages. Angered by 
 Windham s Barbary ventures, they circulated in England the rumor 
 that all English found in Africa would be treated as enemies. 47 Learn- 
 ing of his Guinea expedition and fearful that it was directed toward 
 Elmina, the heart of their African trade, they sent forth a galleon to 
 check him. Apparently the Portuguese commander was reassured 
 after encountering the English at Madeira, for Windham was allowed 
 
 r 1 42 P oM, nt R °o 1Is ’- 1 ° £! iz V Haklu y t » VI \ 443 - 450 . The patentees were William 
 
 Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicolas Spicer, John Doricot of Exeter, John Young of Coliton, 
 
 Richard Dodenge of Barnstable, and Anthony Dassell and Nicolas Turner of London, 
 it was stated in the patent that they had already sent vessels to Gambia. Their desire 
 for African trade they ascribed to the “persuasion and earnest motion of certain 
 rortugals resident within our Dominions”. For brief accounts of the early English 
 African companies see Cecil Carr, Select Charters (Selden Society, vol. XXVIII.), pp. 
 xlm-xliv; W. R. Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. 10-17; Bonnassieux, Les Grandes Com- 
 pagnies de Commerce, pp. 89-91; G. F. Zook, The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 trading into Africa, pp. 5-7. Bonnassieux’s assumption of the existence of a company 
 in 1536 and the slightness of his evidence have already been noted. 
 
 4i VH* 90-98; Astley, Voyages and Travels, I. 244-245. 
 
 ^Hakluyt, VI. 450-467; Astley, I. 199-205. 
 
 Ibid., i'. 139 ’ Carr > PP- xliii-xliv, from Patent Rolls, 34 Eliz., pt. vi. The 
 Magrabumbo River was probably the Sierra Leone, known in the next century as the 
 Malimbo. 
 
 J n 1 598 the patent of 1588 was renewed for another ten years, to the Earl of 
 Nottingham and Sir John Stanhope. After that we hear no more of it (Cal. St. P. 
 Dorn., 1598-1601, p. 16). In 1591 Capt. Christopher Newport, with three ships and a 
 pinnace, took a Portuguese vessel bound from Lisbon to Cartagena with 300 negroes 
 on board. Failing to sell the negroes at San Juan, Porto Rico, he landed them on the 
 western end of Porto Rico, and sunk the vessel. The next year William King with 
 the Salomon and the Jane Bonaventure, on a voyage to Mexico, captured a vessel from 
 Guinea with 270 negroes, all but 15 of whom he landed on the western end of Porto 
 Rico. Hakluyt, X. 184-185, 191. 
 
 4 ‘ Hakluyt, VI. 140. 
 
12 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 to proceed unmolested. 48 In 1555 Lopez de Sousa was despatched 
 to England to assert Portuguese control of Africa. De Sousa asked 
 that Guinea voyages be in future prohibited, that renegade Portu¬ 
 guese who were aiding them be returned to Portugal, and that all 
 gold already brought to England be given up. After some months 
 of negotiation the Privy Council forbade the equipping of further 
 Guinea ventures. 49 
 
 That the prohibition against Guinea voyages was but half¬ 
 heartedly enforced and offered small obstacle to acquaintance with the 
 Guinea coast even under Queen Mary, Towerson’s three voyages 
 afford ample proof. 50 With Elizabeth’s accession to the throne any 
 attempt at checking African trade ceased, and from that time Portu¬ 
 gal protested in vain. In 1561 Emanuel d’Aranjo arrived in England, 
 his purpose being to protest against the English trade to Guinea, “if 
 any is meant, which the King of Portugal mistrusts, because of the 
 merchants rigging and preparing their ships that way’’. 51 The queen’s 
 reply was that her merchants did not trade at points under Portu¬ 
 guese control, to which the minister retorted that all the West African 
 coast was under Portuguese control. Elizabeth ordered that Guinea 
 expeditions be reported to the Lord Admiral; beyond that she would 
 not go. 52 A year later Portugal tried again, but gained nothing 
 further. 53 
 
 In 1568 Portugal once more expostulated against the English trade 
 on the coast, and Emanuel Alvarez was sent to London. After a 
 conference with him, Guzman de Silva, Spanish minister to England, 
 reported to his master that the Portuguese were prepared to sell 
 negroes to the English in certain specified places. 54 This is interesting, 
 since the only market which the English had was Spanish America, 
 and, if true, it seems to imply that Portugal was looking toward an 
 English alliance against Spain. Nothing came of the suggestion and 
 
 18 Hakluyt, VI. 146. 
 
 49 Acts of the Privy Council, vol. V., 1554-1556, pp. 162, 305, 315; Williamson, pp. 
 44-46. The partial success of the Portuguese mission Williamson attributes entirely 
 to Philip’s influence. 
 
 "Towerson sailed in September, while negotiations were still in progress. There 
 had been issued an order in July “staying” all vessels bound for Guinea ( Acts of 
 Privy Council, V. 162). One Guinea venture was, however, checked by the Privy 
 Council order, that of Edward Castlyn, Jeffery Allen, Rowland Fox, and Richard 
 Stockbridge, which was in preparation in December (Williamson, p. 46). Nowhere 
 are we told who financed Towerson’s voyages, perhaps because his promoters were 
 violating the Privy Council order. Williamson’s surmise is that the promoters were 
 Garrard, Lodge, Hickman, and Castlyn, since in the Canaries Towerson dealt with 
 Edward Kingsmill, who was a factor of Hickman and Castlyn. Williamson, p. 49. 
 
 01 Cal. St. P. For., 1561-1562, pp. 54, 55, 72-73. As this was probably the year in 
 which Elizabeth became a partner in the African trade, d’Aranjo’s mission was hopeless. 
 Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. 5-6. 
 
 52 Cal. St. P. For., 1561-1562, p. 90; Williamson, p. 59. 
 
 ° J Cal. St. P. For., 1562, pp. 9, 41-42, 54; Williamson, pp. 60-62. 
 
 54 Cal. St. P. Span., 1568-1579, pp. 18, 22, nos. 13, 15; Williamson, p. 163. 
 
Introduction 
 
 13 
 
 we do not know that it was ever made to the English themselves. 
 England refused to yield to Portugal’s complaints, basing her conten¬ 
 tion on the weakness of Portugal’s hold in Africa. Even at Elmina, 
 her strongest post, she had not more than fifty or sixty men. Anderson 
 records that in 15 7 2 Portugal yielded to the fact and granted to 
 England peaceful trade on the coast . 55 
 
 - It is not unusual to speak of the French as “following” the English 
 upon the African coast, but there is excellent reason for thinking 
 that they preceded rather than followed. John III. of Portugal had 
 protested against French encroachment before the end of the fifteenth 
 century . 00 The records of Rouen show a considerable trade to Brazil 
 in the forties, and by 1541 French merchants were touching at Guinea 
 on their passage to Brazil, as had William Hawkins ten years earlier. 
 There were also voyages in 1541, 1543, 1546, and 1549 whose 
 destination was the Guinea coast. When Windham appeared there in 
 1 553 it must already have been familiar ground to French venturers. 
 This is further confirmed by the fact that Garrard sent to Rouen that 
 year, asking that Jean Hermyn go as surgeon on the Prumerolle 
 (Primrose) in the contemplated voyage to Guinea. From this one 
 may conclude not only that Hermyn knew the coast, but that the 
 English were acquainted with that fact . 57 In the English narratives 
 collected by Hakluyt there are frequent references to French trade. 
 Windham, in his Barbary voyages, had found the French there. 
 Towerson joined a French vessel and traded beside it for a time. 
 He mentions the “great trade” of the French at Cape Verde. Refer¬ 
 ences to French voyages indicate that they continued to be frequent 
 throughout the seventies. Their greatest success they found in the 
 region of the Senegal and Gambia rivers, where they well-nigh dis¬ 
 placed the Portuguese . 58 On the Gold Coast they were less successful. 
 Voyages sent thither by Rouen merchants in 1581, 1582, 1583, and 
 1587 were total losses because of the active hostility of the Portuguese 
 at Elmina .° 9 In 1595 they lost an expedition at the hands of the 
 English . 00 For the time their struggle for a hold on African trade 
 
 M Cdl. St. P. Dom., Addenda, 1566-1579, p. 248; Origins of Commerce, II. 183. 
 
 Lannoy and Vander Linden, p. 144; Pierre Cultru ( Histoire du Senegal du XV e 
 Siecle a 1870, pp. 31-32) gives a brief statement of the French progress down the 
 West Coast. 
 
 51 E. Gosselin, Documents Authentiques et Inedits pour servir a VHistoire de la 
 Marine Normande et du Commerce Rouennais pendant les XVI e et XVII s Siecles 
 (Rouen, 1876), pp. 143-147, 1 5 1 i Bulletins de la Societe de VHistoire de Normandie 
 1887-1890 (Rouen, 1890), pp. 236, 255, 258, 263. 
 
 oS Cultru, Histoire du Senegal, pp. 34-35; Hakluyt, VI. 138, 213-214, 237, 241, 242. 
 Astley ( Voyages, I. 242) wrote that the French did not go into the Gambia 
 River, however, because of the hostility of the Portuguese. 
 
 00 Charles de La Ronciere, Histoire de la Marine Francaise. IV. qc. 
 
 60 o 1* n f * j j* 
 
 Oossehn, p. 151. 
 
I 
 
 14 The Slave Trade 
 
 seemed a failure, and during the next decade there is little evidence of 
 French activity in these regions. 01 
 
 During this century the French, like the English, had made no 
 attempt at fort or settlement. Their trade had apparently been 
 financed in much the same manner as that of the English, since there 
 are records of groups of Rouen merchants who sent out one venture 
 after another. They had taken no part in the slave trade. While 
 England displayed no great objection to it when Hawkins attempted 
 it, the French had expressed positive disapproval in a statement com¬ 
 parable with that of Justice Mansfield, nearly two centuries later. 62 
 
 The market which Portugal and Spain could furnish for negroes 
 must have been speedily saturated and the commerce in negroes 
 have remained but a small part of European commerce, monopolized 
 by the Portuguese, had not the New World discovered a need for 
 labor which the native Indian could not meet. When or how the 
 first negro came to the Western world we shall probably never know. 
 Tradition has it that Columbus himself carried one or two, and this 
 is not unlikely since they were numerous in Spain when he set forth 
 on his first voyage. But for anything deserving to be called impor¬ 
 tation and resting upon historical evidence we must look to the 
 sixteenth century. Ovando’s instructions as governor of Hispaniola 
 allowed him to carry negro slaves “born in the power of Christians”, 
 that is to say, born in Spain or Portugal. This, Scelle believes, implies 
 a transportation of slaves already in progress, and he offers in con¬ 
 firmation of his interpretation the fact that but a few months later 
 Ovando asked that the importation be suspended, since the negroes en¬ 
 couraged the Indians to rebellion. It is scarcely possible that in so short 
 a time sufficient negroes could have been carried to Hispaniola to make 
 trouble if importation had begun with the permission of 1502. 63 
 Acceding to his request, Queen Isabella ordered that no more slaves 
 should be carried to the West Indies; but with her death the pro¬ 
 hibition was removed and in 1505 seventeen were sent out, with a 
 promise of more. This seems to have been in response to a request 
 from Ovando, who had again changed his mind about the desirability 
 of the negroes. 64 All this relates to Christian negroes carried from 
 Spain. That somehow others had found their way to Hispaniola may 
 be surmised from the fact that in 1506 Ovando was ordered to 
 expel all Berber and pagan slaves from the island. 65 
 
 fil Astley, Voyages, II. 568-569. 
 
 b2 Williamson, pp. 73-76; La Ronciere, IV. 80. 
 
 C3 Saco, Historia de la Esclavitud , pp. 61-62; Georges Scelle, La Trade Negriere 
 aux Indes de Castille: Contrats et Trades d’Assiento (Paris, 1906), I. 122; Helps, 
 Spanish Conquest, I. 127, 154. 
 
 64 Saco, pp. 62-63; Scelle, I. 122-123; Helps, I. 154-155, n. 3. 
 
 i5 Saco, p. 63; Scelle, I. 124. 
 
Introduction 
 
 15 
 
 The first considerable response which Ferdinand made to the appeal 
 for laborers seems to have been in 1510, when he ordered the Casa 
 de Contratacion to send out 250 negroes. This is the date which 
 Scelle takes as the beginning of a traffic in negroes between the Old 
 and the New World. These, it must be remembered, were Christian 
 negroes, to be purchased in Lisbon. 66 
 
 Not until 1513 did the sale of licenses to import negroes become a 
 source of profit to the government. At that time Ferdinand charged 
 two ducats a head for permission to import blacks. 67 A year later 
 their number in the island had alarmed the officials and importation 
 was again checked for a short time. 68 With the death of Ferdinand in 
 1516 there ensued a short period in which the carrying of slaves to 
 the island was suspended by Cardinal Ximenes. For this various rea¬ 
 sons have been offered: that he was opposed on principle to the slave 
 trade, that he objected to the lax method by which licenses had been 
 distributed, that he was afraid of a negro population. The suspension, 
 no matter from what motive, was of little significance, since Charles 
 V., the new ruler, at once granted a license to William of Croy (or 
 Chievres), who bought 600 blacks for America whom Charles insisted 
 on having sent out. 69 Two sets of influences were operating to push 
 the slave trade at this time. 'To courtiers at home it offered a source 
 of rich profit which they would not willingly forego. To the colonists 
 it offered a means of working the mines and also of developing the 
 new sugar industry, which had begun to yield an exportable com¬ 
 modity. Much has been made of the fact that Las Casas requested 
 that importation be encouraged, but he was but one of several peti¬ 
 tioners. The Jeronimite Fathers also were requesting it, the difference 
 being only that Las Casas asked for Spanish or Christian negroes, 
 while the Jeronimites recommended that “bozal” negroes (or those 
 direct from Africa) be used: 
 
 Especially that leave be given to them to bring over heathen [bozales] negroes, 
 of the kind of which we have already experience. Wherefore here it is agreed 
 that Your Highness should command us to grant licences to send armed ships 
 from this island to fetch them from the Cape Verde Islands, or Guinea, or 
 that it may be done by some other persons to bring them here. Your Highness 
 may believe that if this is permitted it will be very advantageous for the future 
 
 . 66 Saco, p. 67; Scelle, II. 125-126; Helps, I. 173. Bourne states that Ferdinand was 
 at this time trying to develop transportation of negroes directly from Africa. Spain in 
 America (American Nation, vol. II.), p. 270. The Casa de Contratacion, a board 
 in charge of commerce, had been organized in 1503. R. B. Merriman, Rise of the 
 Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New (New York, 1918-1925), II. 225, 
 n. 1; Helps, I. 149, n. 1. 
 
 67 Scelle, I. 126-127. Requests for negroes came from Cuba as well as from 
 Santo Domingo. Four were certainly carried to Cuba in 1513. After that the number 
 increased rapidly. Scelle, I. 131-132, 158; Helps, III. 149. 
 
 68 Don Pedro Suarez de Deza was given permission to carry women only. Scelle. 
 
 I. 128, and n. 1. 
 
 09 Scelle, I. 128-131; Helps, I. 349m 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 16 
 
 of the settlers of these islands, and for the royal revenue; as also for the Indians 
 your vassals, who will be cared for and eased in their work, and can better 
 cultivate their souls’ welfare, and will increase in numbers . 70 
 
 On August 18, 1518, Charles granted to his favorite Lorenzo de 
 Gomenot, governor of Bresa, the right to ship 4000 negroes to His¬ 
 paniola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto Rico (no. 2). Gomenot sold the 
 privilege to Genoese 71 established in Seville, for 25,000 ducats. In 
 some cases they themselves carried the negroes, in others they resold 
 the privilege. Whoever held the license must resort to the Portuguese 
 for the negroes. Under this grant complaints of scarcity and of high 
 price in the Indies were frequent. 72 The license was at length modi¬ 
 fied but not revoked. Permission was given for 1500 to be delivered 
 in Hispaniola, 300 to Cuba, 500 to Porto Rico, 300 to Jamaica, 500 
 to Castilla del Ora on the mainland. 73 Gomenot was to receive the 
 duties on the 1500 delivered in Hispaniola. The privileges granted 
 by the concession of 1518 continued until 1526. Indeed, as late as 
 1534 one still finds in use licenses sold by Gomenot. 74 
 
 Between 1518 and 1526 many special licenses were granted, often 
 to those who wished to carry domestic slaves to the West Indies but 
 had no desire to traffic in slaves. These in themselves were no in¬ 
 fringement of the monopoly, but throughout the period Charles V. 
 seems to have assumed the right to issue further permissions if he 
 chose, and though the Gomenot grant was intended in 1518 to estab¬ 
 lish a monopoly, by 1526 its monopolistic character had well-nigh 
 disappeared. 75 
 
 In 1536 contractors offered to carry 4000 slaves (one-third to be 
 women) to the West Indies in four years. During this time no other 
 license was to be granted for new discovery or conquest. For this 
 they would pay 26,000 ducats. They were outbid by other contrac¬ 
 tors, and in the end neither offer was accepted. 76 
 
 70 Saco, pp. 89-92; Scelle, I. 132-134; Helps, I. 364, notes, II. 10-12, and notes; 
 Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, IV. 380. 
 
 1 Saco, p. 111; Scelle, I. 139-161; Bryan Edwards, History Civil and Commercial 
 of the British Colonies in the IVest Indies (London, 1793-1794). Helps says that Las 
 Casas, asked how many should be sent out, replied that he did not know, and that the 
 Casa de Contratacion determined the number (Helps, II. 12-13; Merriman, III. 657- 
 658). Saco suggests as the reason why Gomenot did not sell the privilege to Portuguese 
 merchants who could probably have sold the negroes for less, that the Spanish were 
 fearful of Portuguese rivalry (Helps, II. 13, n. 3, quoting Saco, p. 113). Despite the 
 fact that the Genoese were obliged to buy their negroes from the Portuguese, their 
 profit was said to have been 300,000 ducats. Helps, II. 13, n. 1. 
 
 2 Scelle, I. 152-154; Helps, II. 13, III. 149. 
 
 73 Saco (p. 135) says that the license was revoked. This Scelle (I. 155) thinks 
 a mistake. 
 
 4 Scelle, I. 156-158. Scelle has here an excellent account of the abuses to which 
 this system was subject. 
 
 75 Scelle, I. 159. 
 
 7fc Helps, III. 151, n. 2. In 1531 the Bishop of Santo Domingo wrote that the 
 perpetuity of Hispaniola, Porto Rico, and Cuba depended on negroes, and suggested that 
 the colonies be allowed to import them without licenses. Helps, III. 149-150. 
 
Introduction 
 
 l l 
 
 Later a contract was confirmed with Henry Eynger, or Ciguer, and 
 William Sailler, Flemings, by which they were to carry 4000 blacks 
 to the Indies in four years, during which no other concession was to 
 be granted. For this privilege they were to pay 20,000 ducats, and 
 fopthe negroes delivered they were not to charge more than 45 ducats 
 a head. They depended on the Portuguese supply, and their Portu¬ 
 guese agents delivered such inferior negroes that the Council of the 
 Indies annulled the contract. 77 
 
 In 1552 a seven-year monopoly was granted to Fernando Ochoa/ 
 under which he was to deliver 23,000 slaves, paying a duty of 8 
 ducats on each. The contract was never fulfilled and was presently 
 annulled.' 8 The union of Spain and Portugal in 1580 made it natural 
 that the privilege of importing slaves should fall to the Portuguese. 
 In 1595 Gomez Reynal was given the most detailed grant that up 
 to that time had been formulated. During nine years he was to 
 deliver 38,250 slaves, at the rate of 4250 annually. Of these 3500 
 must be landed alive. For his concession he paid 900,000 ducats; for 
 every negro short of the quota he forfeited 10 ducats. The negroes 
 must be fresh from Africa, must include no mulattoes, mestizos, 
 Turks, or Moors. In 1600 Reynal died and the contract was trans¬ 
 ferred to Juan Rodrigues Cutino, and extended to 1609. 79 
 
 The annual importation by 1540 had possibly reached 10,000, 
 though all figures must be regarded as conjectural. 80 Bourne esti¬ 
 mates the legal importation into Hispaniola irr the middle of the 
 century at 3 000 ? the illegal entries as 500. Helps suggests an annual 
 importation of 2000, two-thirds of which he believed were illicit. 81 
 
 The prices about 153° were from fifty to seventy pesos in the 
 islands, and from one hundred to one hundred and fifty on the main¬ 
 land. In 1556 they were fixed by royal cedula at one hundred ducats 
 in the West Indies and one hundred and eighty in Chile. 82 This 
 attempt to prevent the monopolists from exploiting the needs of 
 the colonists only served to increase illicit importations and was aban¬ 
 doned early in the sixties. As long as Spain remained in control of 
 the markets of the New World the incentive for England to enter 
 the slave trade was not great and it is small wonder that, after 
 Hawkins’s attempts, the English left the traffic to Portuguese, Spanish, 
 and Dutch, until their own West India colonies invited it. 
 
 " Saco, pp. 146-147; Scelle, I. 169-173; Helps, III. 149, n. 3. This is the first 
 concession to which Scelle is willing to apply the term “asiento”. Saco gives the 
 date of this contract as 1528, and is followed by Helps and Merriman, Scelle as 1538. It 
 is possible that confusion results from the fact that before Ciguer and Sailler were given 
 the “asiento” they had purchased a number of Gomenot’s licenses. 
 
 78 Saco, p. 210; Scelle, I. 205; Helps, III. 151-152, IV. 248. 
 
 79 Scelle, I. 344-383; Saco, pp. 240-245, 247. 
 
 80 Claridge, History of the Gold Coast, I. 80. 
 
 81 Bourne, Spain in America, p. 275; Helps, III. 152. 
 
 82 Saco, p. 212; Bourne, pp. 276-277. 
 
DOCUMENTS 
 
 i. The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, 1441-1448. 1 
 
 Chapter XII. Ho w Antarn Goncalvez brought back the first 
 captives. . . . 2 “O how fair a thing it would be if we who have 
 come to this land for a cargo of such petty merchandise, were to 
 meet with the good luck to bring the first captives before the face 
 of our Prince. And now I will tell you of my thoughts that I.may 
 receive your advice thereon. I would fain go myself this next night 
 with nine men of you (those who are most ready for the business), 
 and prove a part of this land along the river, to see if I find any 
 inhabitants; for I think we of right ought to meet with some, since 
 ' tis certain there are people here, who traffic with camels and other 
 animals that bear their freights. Now the traffic of these men must 
 chiefly be to the seaboard; and since they have as yet no knowledge 
 of us their gathering cannot be too large for us to try their strength; 
 and, if God grant us to encounter them, the very least part of our 
 victory will be the capture of one of them, with the which the Infant 
 will feel no small content, getting knowledge by that means of what 
 kind are the other dwellers of this land. And as to our reward, you 
 can estimate what it will be by the great expenses and toil he has 
 undertaken in years past, only for this end.” “See what you do,” 
 
 [1] 1 The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, by Gomes Eannes de 
 Azurara, translated by C. Raymond Beazley and Edgar Prestage (London, Hakluyt 
 Society, 1896, 1897). The writer of this narrative was royal librarian, chronicler, and 
 keeper of the archives of Portugal. His account of the Portuguese voyages, which 
 begins with 1433 and ends with 1448, was completed in February, 1453, was discovered 
 in the Bibliotheque Royale in Paris, in 1837, by Senor Fernando Denis, and was pub¬ 
 lished in Portuguese four years later. To be enjoyed to the utmost it should be read 
 in its entirety, as any attempt to shorten it deprives it of much of its charm. Few 
 narratives of the fifteenth century are more delightful. Not only was Azurara writing 
 of events of his own time, but he took great care to obtain the accounts of eye-witnesses 
 or of participants in what he describes. In addition to the value which his work derives 
 from its conscientious accuracy, its simple but vivid style gives life to the story. He 
 rendered due honor to those engaged in carrying out the wishes of the Prince by 
 despoiling the natives of the African coast, yet chapter XXV. reflects a rare sympathy 
 and understanding of the sufferings of the innocent Africans. 
 
 While it is undoubtedly true that Moorish slaves were occasionally carried from 
 northern Africa to the Iberian Peninsula, there is no evidence of a regular commerce 
 to Europe in slaves before this time. In the story of Azurara one finds the recognition 
 of a new source of profit to Europeans. The apparent decline in the trade toward 
 the end of the fifteenth century would seem to indicate that Portugal and Spain offered 
 too limited a market for great development of the traffic. Only the appearance of the 
 over-seas demand gave it new life. The passages which follow are intended to 
 illustrate the opening of the trade in slaves along the West African coast, the effect 
 upon the natives of the steady ravaging and pillage to which they were subjected be¬ 
 tween 1441 and 1448, and the ready sale which the captives obtained in Portugal. Most 
 of the modern histories of Portuguese exploration between 1440 and 1448 are based upon 
 Azurara’s account. See Beazley, Henry the Navigator, pp. 168-178, 192-249; R. H. 
 Major, The Life of Prince Henry the Navigator, pp. 172-225; Oliveira Martins, The 
 Golden Age of Prince Henry the Navigator, pp. 205-218. 
 
 2 Antam Goncalvez, who is here exhorting his men to valor, was sent by Prince 
 Henry down the West African coast for a cargo of skins and oils, but, because of his 
 youth, he was charged with no other undertaking. His captives were taken not far 
 south of Cape Bojador. 
 
 18 
 

 19 
 
 replied the others, “for since you are our captain we needs must 
 obey your orders, not as Antam Goncalvez but as our lord; for you 
 must understand that we who are here, of the household of the 
 Infant our lord, have both the will and desire to serve him, even 
 to the laying down of our lives in the event of the last danger. But we 
 think your purpose to be good, if only you will introduce no other 
 novelty to increase the peril, which would be little to the service of 
 our lord.” And finally they determined to do his bidding, and follow 
 him as far as they could make their way. And as soon as it was night 
 Antam Gongalvez chose nine men who seemed to him most fitted for 
 the undertaking, and made his voyage with them as he had before 
 determined. And when they were about a league distant from the 
 sea they came on a path which they kept, thinking some man or 
 woman might come by there whom they could capture; but it hap¬ 
 pened otherwise; so Antam Gongalvez asked the others to consent 
 to go forward and follow out his purpose; for, as they had already 
 come so far, it would not do to return to the ship in vain like that. 
 And the others being content they departed thence, and, journeying 
 through that inner' land for the space of three leagues, they found 
 the footmarks of men and youths, the number of whom, according 
 to their estimate, would be from forty to fifty, and these led to 
 the opposite way from where our men were going (I. 40-42). ... 3 
 And, returning towards the sea, when they had gone a short part of the 
 way, they saw a naked man following a camel, with two assegais in 
 his hand, and as our men pursued him there was not one who felt 
 aught of his great fatigue. But though he was only one, and saw the 
 others that they were many; yet he had a mind to prove those arms 
 of his right worthily and began to defend himself as best he could, 
 shewing a bolder front than his strength warranted. But Affonso 
 Goterres wounded him with a javelin, and this put the Moor in such 
 fear that he threw down his arms like a beaten thing. And after 
 they had captured him, to their no small delight, and had gone on 
 further, they espied, on the top of a hill, the company whose tracks 
 they were following, and their captive pertained to the number of 
 these. And they failed not to reach them through any lack of will, 
 but the sun was now low, and they wearied, so they determined to 
 return to their ship considering that such enterprise might bring 
 greater injury than profit. And, as they were going on their way, 
 they saw a black Mooress come along (who was slave of those on the 
 hill), and though some of our men were in favor of letting her pass 
 to avoid a fresh skirmish, to which the enemy did not invite them— 
 
 % 
 
 3 Because of the heat and the weariness of his men, Goncalvez suggested at this 
 point that they rejoin the caravel, hoping to capture some natives on the return, when 
 they were off their guard. 
 
20 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 for, since they were in sight and their number more than doubled 
 ours, they could not be of such faint hearts as to allow a chattel of 
 theirs to be thus carried off—despite this, Antam Goncalvez bade 
 them go at her; for if (he said) they scorned that encounter, it might 
 make their foes pluck up courage against them. And now you see 
 how the word of a captain prevaileth among men used to obey; for, 
 following his will, they seized the Mooress. And those on the hill 
 had a mind to come to the rescue, but when they perceived our people 
 ready to receive them, they not only retreated to their former posi¬ 
 tion, but departed elsewhere, turning their backs to their enemies 
 (L 4 2_ 43) • • • • 
 
 Chapter XIII. How Nuno Tristam reached the spot where 
 Antam Goncalvez was, and how he dubbed him knight. . . . 4 “And 
 although you are carrying off these two captives, and by their means 
 the Infant may come to know something about this folk, yet that 
 doth not prevent what is still better, namely, for us to carry off many 
 more; for, besides the knowledge which the Lord Infant will gain by 
 their means, profit will also accrue to him by their service or ransom. 
 Wherefore, it seemeth to me that we should do well to act after this 
 manner. That is to say, in this night now following, you should 
 choose ten of your men and I another ten of mine—from the best 
 which each of us may have—and let us then go together and seek 
 those whom you have found. And since you say that, judging from the 
 fighting you had with them, they were not more than twenty men fit 
 for battle, and the rest women and boys, we ought to capture them 
 all very quickly. And even if we do not meet with the very same that 
 you encountered, nevertheless we shall surely find others, by means 
 of whom we can make as good a booty, or perhaps even better” 
 (I. 46). . . . 
 
 As soon as it was night, they set out according to the order that 
 Nuno Tristam gave at first. And so it chanced that in the night 
 they came to where the natives lay scattered in two encampments, 
 either the same that Antam Goncalvez had found before or other like 
 it. The distance between the encampments was but small, and our 
 men divided themselves into three parties, in order that they might 
 the better hit upon them. For they had not yet any certain knowl¬ 
 edge of the place where they lay, but only a perception of them; as 
 you see the like things are perceived much more readily by night 
 than by day. And when our men had come nigh to them, they 
 attacked them very lustily, shouting at the top of their voices, 
 
 4 On the next day after the capture of the two Moors, Nuno Tristam arrived, 
 and urged them to continue the search for captives. Antam, Goncalvez offered excellent 
 arguments against this course and it would have been given up had it not been for the 
 enthusiasm of two squires, anxious to give proof of their valor. 
 

 21 
 
 Portugal and “Santiago”; the fright of which so abashed the 
 enemy, that it threw them all into disorder. And so, all in con¬ 
 fusion, they began to fly without any order or carefulness. Except 
 indeed that the men made some show of defending themselves with 
 their assegais (for they knew not the use of any other weapon), 
 especially one of them, who fought face to face with Nuno Tristam, 
 defending himself till he received his death. And besides this one, 
 whom Nuno Tristam slew by himself, the others killed three and 
 took ten prisoners, what of men, women, and boys. And it is not to 
 be doubted that they would have slain and taken many more, if they 
 had all fallen on together at the first onslaught. But among those 
 who were taken there was one greater than the rest, who was called 
 Adahu, and was said to be a noble; and he shewed in his countenance 
 
 right well that he held the pre-eminence of nobility over the others 
 (I. 47-48)- 5 
 
 Then those captains returned to the ships and bade that Arab whom 
 Nuno Tristam had brought with him, to speak with those Moors 0 
 but they were not able to understand him, because the language of 
 these people was not Moorish, but Azaneguy of Sahara, for so they 
 name that land. But the noble, 7 in that he was of better breeding 
 than the other captives, so had he seen more things and better than 
 they, and had been to other lands where he had learned the Moorish 
 tongue; forasmuch as he understood that Arab and answered to 
 whatever matter was asked of him by the same. And the further to 
 try the people of the land and to have of them more certain knowl¬ 
 edge, they put that Arab on shore, and one of the Moorish women 
 whom they had taken captive, who were to say to the others, that if 
 they wished to come and speak to them about the ransom of some of 
 those whom they had taken prisoners, or about traffick in merchan¬ 
 dise, they might do so (I. 49)* • • * 8 Thereupon our men turned 
 back to the ships where they made their partition of the captives, 
 accoi ding to the lot of each, and the other Moors betook themselves 
 to their encampments, taking the Arab with them. And Antam 
 Goncalvez, because he had now loaded his ship with cargo, as the 
 Infant had commanded, returned to Portugal, and Nuno Tristam 
 
 6 Antam Goncalvez is made a knight. 
 
 . The Arab was a servant of Prince Henry, brought from Portugal to act as 
 
 interpreter. 
 
 Adahu. The language here referred to is that of the desert strip between 
 Morocco and the Senegal. Cadamosto, twelve years later, thus described the Azaneguys: 
 “The Azanaghi are tawney, or rather of a deep-brown Complexion, and live in some 
 places on the Coast, beyond Cape Blanco. . . . The Portuguese carried many of 
 them off; and they proved better Slaves than the Negros.’’ Astley, Vovaaes' and 
 Travels, I. 577-578. 
 
 8 This effort failed, and the Arab was not allowed to return to the Portuguese. 
 
22 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 went on his way, to fulfill his orders, as we have said before that he 
 had received commandment (I. 50). . . . 9 
 
 Chapter XVI. How Antam Goncalvez went to make the first ran¬ 
 som. ... As you know that naturally every prisoner desireth to be 
 free, which desire is all the stronger in a man of higher reason or 
 nobility whom fortune has condemned to live in subjection to another; 
 so that noble of whom we have already spoken, seeing himself held in 
 captivity, although he was very gently treated, greatly desired to be 
 free, and often asked Antam Goncalvez to take him back to his 
 country, where he declared he would give for himself five or six 
 Black Moors; and also he said that there were among the other 
 captives two youths for whom a like ransom would be given. 
 
 And here you must note that these blacks were Moors like the 
 others, though their slaves, in accordance with ancient custom, which 
 I believe to have been because of the curse which, after the Deluge, 
 Noah laid upon his son Cain, cursing him in this way—that his race 
 should be subject to all the other races of the world. 
 
 And from his race these blacks are descended, as wrote the Arch¬ 
 bishop Don Roderic of Toledo, and Josephus in his book on the Antiq¬ 
 uities of the Jews, and Walter, with other authors who have spoken 
 of the generations of Noah, from the time of his going out of the Ark. 
 
 The will of Antam Goncalvez to return to that land, for desire of 
 the ransom and profit he would get, was not so great as his desire to 
 serve the Infant his lord—and therefore he asked leave to go on this 
 journey, saying, that (forasmuch as he perceived the great desire his 
 Grace had to know part of that land) if that were not sufficient which 
 he had ascertained from that Moor, 10 that he should give him license 
 to go and ransom him and the other captive youths with him. 
 
 For as the Moor told him, the least they would give for them 
 would be ten Moors, and it was better to save ten souls than three— 
 for though they were black, yet had they souls like the others, and 
 all the more as these blacks were not of the lineage of the Moors 11 
 but were Gentiles, and so the better to bring into the path of salva¬ 
 tion. 
 
 Also he said that the blacks could give him news of land much 
 further distant, and he promised that when he spoke about the traffic 
 with the natives, he would find means to learn as much news as pos¬ 
 sible. 
 
 8 He voyaged as far south as Cape Blanco. On the arrival in Portugal of the 
 two captains, the regent, Dom Pedro, granted to Prince Henry not only one-fifth of 
 all the booty brought back from these lands but also the exclusive right to license all those 
 who wished to visit Africa. The chronicler relates that the Prince sent Fernam Lopez 
 d’Azevedo to Pope Eugenius, who granted absolution to all who should enlist under 
 the banner of the Prince against the Moors (Azurara, ch. XV.). For the various papal 
 grants to the Portuguese see Davenport, European Treaties, I. 10-12, and the introduc¬ 
 tion of this work, pp. 4-5. 
 
 10 Adahu. 
 
 11 Mohammedans. 
 
1441-1448 
 
 23 
 
 The Infant answered all this and said that he was obliged by his 
 offer, and that he not only desired to have knowledge of that land, 
 but also of the Indies, and of the land of Prester John, if he could. 
 
 Antam Goncalvez made ready to go with his captives, and beginning 
 his voyage, met with so great a tempest that he had to return again to 
 Lisbon, whence he set out (I. 54-55). ... 
 
 However they returned again to the voyage; and arriving at the 
 boundaries of that land where the ransom had to be made, they re¬ 
 solved to put on shore that Moorish noble, that he might go and make 
 
 ready his ransom at the place where he had agreed to meet Antam 
 Gongalvez again. 
 
 The Moor was very well clad in garments given him by the Infant, 
 who considered that, for the excellence of his nobility that he had 
 above the others, if he received benefits, he would be able to be of 
 profit to his benefactors by encouraging his own people and bringing 
 them to traffic. But as soon as he was free, he forgot very quickly all 
 about his promises, on the security of which Antam Gongalvez had 
 trusted him, thinking that the nobility he displayed would be the chief 
 hindrance of any breach of faith on his part; but his deceit thence¬ 
 forth warned all our men not to trust one of that race except under 
 the most certain security. 
 
 And now Antam Gongalvez entering the Rio D’Ouro 12 with ship 
 for a space of four leagues, dropped anchor, and waited for seven 
 days without getting a message from any, or a glimpse of one single 
 inhabitant of that land; but on the eighth day there arrived a Moor 
 seated on a white camel, and another with him, who gave a message 
 that they should await the others who would come and make the 
 
 ransom, and that on the next day they would appear, as in fact they 
 did. 
 
 And it was very clear that those youths 13 were in great honour 
 among them,. for a good hundred Moors, male and female, were 
 joined in their ransom, and Antam Goncalvez received for his two 
 captives, ten blacks, male and female, from various countries—one 
 Martin Fernandez, the Infant’s Alfaqueque, 14 managing the business 
 between the parties (I. 56-57). . . . 
 
 * r t went to the island of Gete, 
 
 and of the Moors that he took. . . . And in the year of Christ, 
 T 443 > Infant caused another caravel to be armed; and bade em¬ 
 bark in it that noble knight, Nuno Tristam, with some other people, 
 and principally those of his own household. And pursuing their 
 voyage, they arrived at Cape Blanco. 
 
 for gold The RiVCr ° f G ° ld received Its name because there the Portuguese first traded 
 
 ” The captives. 
 
 The official whose duty it was to ransom captives. 
 
24 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 And trying to go further, they passed the said cape about twenty- 
 five leagues, and saw a little island, the name of which they after¬ 
 wards found to be Gete. 15 And from this island they now saw that 
 twenty-five canoes, made of wood, had set out and in them a number of 
 people, but all naked, not so much for the need of swimming in the 
 water, as for their ancient custom. 
 
 And they journeyed in such wise that they had their bodies in the 
 canoes and their legs in the water, and used these to help them in 
 their rowing as if they had been oars, and in each boat there were 
 three or four of the natives. And because this was a matter where 
 our men had had so little experience, when they saw them from a 
 distance, they thought they were birds that were moving so; and 
 though they were rather different in size, yet they thought it might 
 well be that they were birds, in a part of the world where other mar¬ 
 vels greater than this were said to exist. But as soon as they per¬ 
 ceived that they were men, then were their hearts clothed with a new 
 joy; and most of all because they saw them so placed that they were 
 well able to take them. But they were not able to make a large booty 
 because of the smallness of their boat: for when they had hauled 
 fourteen captives into it, with the seven men of the caravel who made 
 up the crew, the boat was so loaded that it could hold no more. 
 
 And it booted not to return, for such terror had come upon our 
 adversaries, and they were so quick in taking flight, that before they 
 arrived at the island, some had perished, 16 and the others escaped. 
 But in achieving this capture they experienced two contrary feelings: 
 first of all the pleasure they had was very great to see themselves 
 thus masters of their booty, of which they could make profit, and with 
 so small a risk; but on the other side they had no little grief, in that 
 their boat was so small that they were not able to take such a cargo as 
 they desired. But yet they arrived at the island and captured fifteen 
 other Moors (I. 58-59). . . , 17 
 
 Chapter XVIII. Ho w Lancarote required license from the Infant 
 to go with his ships to Guinea. . . . But when they (the people) 
 saw the first Moorish captives brought home, and the second cargo 
 that followed these, they became already somewhat doubtful about 
 
 lo The island of Arguin, which the Portuguese held as a trading centre from 1448 
 until its capture by the Dutch in 1638. 
 
 16 1 , e., drowned. 
 
 17 The first request for a license to trade which Prince Henry received came 
 from Lagos, the port to which the returning captains had been bringing their booty. 
 In 1444 Lancarote, receiver of customs in Lagos, undoubtedly animated more largely 
 by a desire for vendible slaves than by zeal for discovery, obtained permission to visit 
 the West Coast. With this expedition, the West African slave trade as a part of the 
 commerce of Europe may be said to have begun. For a discussion of its relation to 
 the advance of discovery, see Beazley, Prince Henry, pp. 207-212, who argues that 
 but for the profit offered by the slave traffic African exploration could not have been 
 pushed forward by the Prince. 
 
1441-1448 
 
 2 5 
 
 the opinion they had at first expressed; 18 and altogether renounced it 
 when they saw the third consignment that Nuno Tristam brought 
 home, captured in so short a time, and with so little trouble, and 
 constrained by necessity, they confessed their mistake, considering 
 themselves foolish for not having known it before. And so they were 
 forced to turn their blame into public praise; for they said it was 
 plain the Infant was another Alexander; and their covetousness now 
 began to wax greater. And, as they saw the houses of others full to 
 overflowing of male and female slaves, and their property increasing, 
 they thought about the whole matter, and began to talk among them¬ 
 And because that after coming back from Tangier, the Infant 
 usually remained always in the kingdom of Algarve, by reason of his 
 town, which he was then having built, and because the booty that his 
 captains brought back was discharged at Lagos, therefore the people 
 of that place were the first to move the Infant to give them license 
 to go to that land whence came those Moorish captives (I. 61) . 
 
 Chapter XIX. Who were the captains of the other caravels, 
 and of the first booty that they made. ... All replied that his 
 counsel was very good, 19 and that they would go forward at once. 
 And when all this reasoning was done, they looked towards the settle¬ 
 ment and saw that the Moors, with their women and children, were 
 already coming as quickly as they could out of their dwellings, 
 because they had caught sight of their enemies. But they, shouting 
 
 out “St. James”, “St. George”, “Portugal”, at once attacked them, 
 killing and taking all they could. 
 
 Then might you see mothers forsaking their children, and husbands 
 their wives, each striving to escape as best he could. Some drowned 
 themselves in the water; others thought to escape by hiding under 
 their huts; others stowed their children among the sea-weed, where 
 
 our men found them afterwards, hoping they would thus escape 
 notice. 
 
 And at last our Lord God, who giveth a reward for every good 
 deed, willed that for the toil they had undergone in his service, they 
 should that day obtain victory over their enemies, as well as a guerdon 
 and a payment for all their labour and expense; for they took captive 
 of those Moors, what with men, women, and children, 165, besides 
 those that perished and were killed (I. 65-66). . . . And when 
 
 is *« 
 
 .it , ‘Brides what the vulgar said among themselves, people of more importance 
 talked about it in a mocking manner, declaring that no profit would result from all 
 this toil and expense” (p. 61). 
 
 “Langarote and Gil Eannes arrived at the Isle of Herons in the Bay of Areuin 
 
 T 3n ex S lon . n u g P ar ^ wl ? ich > holdin S a council, decided to attack the natives 
 they had discovered without returning to the caravel for additional aid. The sneaker 
 whose council was accepted was Martin Vicente. P 
 
2 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Langarote, with those squires and brave men that were with him, had 
 received the like news of the good success that God had granted to 
 those few that went to the island; and saw that they had enterprised 
 so great a deed; and that God had been pleased that they should 
 bring it to such a pass; they were all very joyful, praising loudly the 
 Lord God for that he had deigned to give such help to such a handful 
 of his Christian people (I. 67). . . . After the Moorish prisoners 
 had all been transferred from the boats to the caravels, some of our 
 Christian folk were left to watch them and the rest landed, and went 
 over the island, until they found the others under guard of the seven 
 men of whom we have spoken before. And when they had collected 
 all their prisoners together, it was already late, for in that land there 
 is a difference in the length of days from ours; and the deed was all 
 the greater, by reason of the distance of the caravels from the scene 
 of action and of the great number of the Moors. 
 
 Then our men rested and enjoyed themselves as their share of the 
 toil required. But Lancarote did not forget to learn from the 
 Moorish prisoners what it was his duty to learn, about the place in 
 which he was now staying and its opportunities; and he ascertained of 
 them by his interpreter, that all about there were other inhabited 
 islands, where they would be able to make large captures with little 
 trouble. 
 
 And so, taking counsel about this, they determined to go and seek 
 the said islands (I. 67-68). . . . 20 
 
 Chapter XXIV. 21 How the caravels arrived at Lagos, and of the 
 account that Lancarote gave to the Infant. The caravels arrived at 
 Lagos, whence they had set out, having excellent weather for their 
 voyage, for fortune was not less gracious to them in the serenity of 
 the weather than it had been to them before in the capture of their 
 booty. 
 
 And from Lagos the news reached the Infant, who happened to 
 have arrived there a few hours before, from other parts where he 
 had been for some days. And as you see that people are desirous of 
 knowledge, some endeavoured to get near the shore; and others put 
 themselves into the boats they found moored along the beach, and 
 went to welcome their relations and friends; so that in a short time 
 
 20 The next expedition, to the Isle of Tiger or Tider in the Bay of Arguin, was 
 a failure, yielding but sixteen or seventeen natives. 
 
 21 Ch. XXII. describes an attack on the island of Tider. in which a dozen Moors 
 were captured, before the invading party of twenty (ten men had been left in the 
 caravels) was attacked by 300 Moors. By the pleasure of God “who succoureth those 
 who go in His service in their dangers and toils”, and by the valor of the Portuguese, 
 they escaped without injury. Ch. XXIII. tells of their landing at Cape Blanco, where 
 they made captives of fourteen Moors. With these, and one more girl, whom they 
 found sleeping in a deserted village, they professed themselves content, and sailed for 
 Portugal, carrying 235 natives. 
 
27 
 
 1441-1448 
 
 the news of their good fortune was well known, and all were much 
 
 rejoiced at it. And for that day it sufficed for those who had led the 
 
 enter Prize to kiss the hand of the Infant their lord, and to give him 
 
 a short account of their exploits: after which they took their rest, 
 
 as men who had come to their fatherland and their own homes; and 
 
 you may guess what would be their joy among their wives and 
 children. 
 
 And next day Lancarote, as he who had taken the main charge of 
 the expedition, said to the Infant: “My lord, your grace well knoweth 
 that you have to receive the fifth of these Moors, and of all that we 
 
 have gained in that land, whither you sent us for the service of God 
 and of yourself. 
 
 And now these Moors, because of the long time we have been at 
 sea, as well as for the great sorrow that you must consider they have 
 at heart, at seeing themselves away from the land of their birth, and 
 placed in captivity, without having any understanding of what their 
 end is to be—and moreover because they have not been accustomed 
 to a life on shipboard—for all these reasons are poorly and out of 
 condition; wherefore it seemeth to me that it would be well to order 
 them to be taken out of the caravels at dawn, and to be placed in that 
 field which lies outside the city gate, and there to be divided into 
 five parts, according to custom, and that your Grace should come 
 there and choose one of these parts, whichever you prefer.” 
 
 The Infant said that he was well pleased, and on the next day very 
 early, Langarote bade the masters of the caravels that they should 
 put out the captives, and take them to that field, where they were to 
 make the divisions, as he had said already. But before they did any¬ 
 thing else in that matter, they took as an offering the best of those 
 Moors to the church of that place; and another little Moor, who 
 afterwards became a friar of St. Francis, they sent to St. Vincent do 
 Cabo, where he lived ever after as a Catholic Christian, without hav¬ 
 ing understanding or perception of any other law than that true and 
 holy law in which all we Christians hope for our salvation. And 
 the Moors of that capture were in nmber 235 (I. 79-80). 
 
 Chapter XXV. JVherein the author reasoneth somewhat con¬ 
 cerning the pity inspired by the captives, and of how the division was 
 made. O, Thou heavenly Father—who with Thy powerful hand, 
 without alteration of Thy divine essence, governest all the infinite 
 company of Thy. Holy City, and controllest all the revolutions of 
 higher worlds, divided into nine spheres, making the duration of 
 ages long or short according as it pleaseth Thee—I pray Thee that 
 my tears may not wrong my conscience, for it is not their religion but 
 their humanity that maketh mine to weep in pity for their sufferings. 
 
28 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 And if the brute animals, with their bestial feelings, by a natural in¬ 
 stinct understand the sufferings of their own kind, what wouldst Thou 
 have my human nature to do on seeing before my eyes that miserable 
 company, and remembering that they too are of the generation of 
 the sons of Adam? 
 
 On the next day, which was the 8th of the month of August, very 
 early in the morning, by reason of the heat, the seamen began to make 
 ready their boats, and to take out those captives, and carry them on 
 shore, as they were commanded. And these, placed all together in 
 that field, were a marvellous sight, for amongst them were some white 
 enough, fair to look upon, and well proportioned; others were less 
 white like mulattoes; others again were as black as Ethiops, and so 
 ugly, both in features and in body, as almost to appear (to those who 
 saw them) the images of a lower hemisphere. But what heart could 
 be so hard as not to be pierced with piteous feeling to see that com¬ 
 pany? For some kept their heads low and their faces bathed in 
 tears, looking one upon another; others stood groaning very dolor¬ 
 ously, looking up to the height of heaven, fixing their eyes upon it, 
 crying out loudly, as if asking help of the Father of Nature; others 
 struck their faces with the palms of their hands, throwing themselves 
 at full length upon the ground; others made their lamentations in 
 the manner of a dirge, after the custom of their country. And though 
 we could not understand the words of their language, the sound of it 
 right well accorded with the measure of their sadness. But to in¬ 
 crease their sufferings still more, there now arrived those who had 
 charge of the division of the captives, and who began to separate one 
 from another, in order to make an equal partition of the fifths; and 
 then was it needful to part fathers from sons, husbands from wives, 
 brothers from brothers. No respect was shewn either to friends or 
 relations, but each fell where his lot took him. 
 
 O powerful Fortune, that with thy wheels doest and undoest, com¬ 
 passing the matters of this world as pleaseth thee, do thou at least 
 put before the eyes of that miserable race some understanding of 
 matters to come, that they may receive some consolation in the midst 
 of their great sorrow. And you who are so busy in making that 
 division of the captives, look with pity upon so much misery; and 
 see how they cling one to the other, so that you can hardly separate 
 them. 
 
 And who could finish that partition without very great toil? for 
 as often as they had placed them in one part the sons, seeing their 
 fathers in another, rose with great energy and rushed over to them; 
 the mothers clasped their other children in their arms, and threw 
 themselves flat on the ground with them, receiving blows with little 
 
1441-1448 
 
 29 
 
 pity for their own flesh, if only they might not be torn from them. 
 
 And so troublously they finished the partition, for besides the toil 
 they had with the captives, the field was quite full of people, both 
 from the town and from the surrounding villages and districts, 
 who for that day gave rest to their hands (in which lay their power 
 to get then living) for the sole purpose of beholding this novelty. 
 And with what they saw, while some were weeping and others separat¬ 
 ing the captives, they caused such a tumult as greatly to confuse those 
 who directed the partition. 
 
 The Infant was there, mounted upon a powerful steed, and accom¬ 
 panied by his retinue, making distribution of his favours, as a man 
 who sought to gain but small treasure from his share; for of the 
 forty-six souls that fell to him as his fifth, he made a very speedy 
 partition of these [among others], for his chief riches lay in [the 
 accomplishment of] his purpose; for he reflected with great pleasure 
 upon the salvation of those souls that before were lost. 
 
 And certainly his expectation was not in vain; for, as we said 
 before, as soon as they understood our language they turned Christians 
 with very little ado; and I who put together this history into this 
 volume, saw in the town of Lagos boys and girls (the children and 
 grandchildren of those first captives, born in this land) as good and 
 true Christians as if they had directly descended, from the beginning 
 
 of the dispensation of Christ, from those who were first baptised 
 (I. 80-83). 
 
 Chapter XXVI. How the Infant Don Henry made Lancarote a 
 knight. Although the sorrow of those captives was for the present 
 very great, especially after the partition was finished and each one 
 took his own share aside (while some sold their captives, the which 
 they took to other districts) ; and although it chanced that among the 
 prisoners the father often remained in Lagos, while the mother was 
 taken to Lisbon, and the children to another part (in which partition 
 their sorrow doubled the first grief)—yet this sorrow was less felt 
 among those who happened to remain in company. For as saith the 
 text, the wretched find a consolation in having comrades in misfortune. 
 But from this time forth they began to acquire some knowledge of 
 our country, in which they found great abundance, and our men 
 began to treat them with great favour. For as our people did not find 
 them hardened in the belief of the other Moors, and saw how they 
 came in unto the law of Christ with a good will, they made no differ¬ 
 ence between them and their free servants, born in our own country. 
 But those whom they took while still young, they caused to be in¬ 
 structed in mechanical arts, and those whom they saw fitted for manag- 
 
 Lagos. 
 
 22 
 
30 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ing property, they set free and married to women who were natives of 
 the land, making with them a division of their property, as if they 
 had been bestowed on those who married them by the will of their 
 own fathers, and for the merits of their service they were bound to 
 act in a like manner. Yea, and some widows of good family who 
 bought some of these female slaves, either adopted them or left them 
 a portion of their estate by will, so that in the future they married 
 right well, treating them as entirely free. Suffice it that I never saw 
 one of these slaves put in irons like other captives, and scarcely any 
 one who did not turn Christian and was not very gently treated. 
 
 And I have been asked by their lords to the baptisms and marriages 
 of such, at which they, whose slaves they were before, made no less 
 solemnity than if they had been their children or relations. 
 
 And so their lot was now quite the contrary of what it had been, 
 since before they had lived in perdition of soul and body; of their 
 souls, in that they were yet pagans, without the clearness and the 
 light of the Holy Faith; and of their bodies, in that they lived like 
 beasts, without any custom of reasonable beings—for they had no 
 knowledge of bread or wine, and they were without the covering of 
 clothes, or the lodgment of houses; and worse than all, through the 
 great ignorance that was in them, in that they had no understanding 
 of good, but only knew how to live in a bestial sloth. 
 
 But as soon as they began to come to this land, and men gave them 
 prepared food and coverings for their bodies, their bellies began to 
 swell, and for a time they were ill, until they were accustomed to the 
 nature of the country, but some of them were so made that they were 
 not able to endure it and died, but as Christians. 
 
 Now there were four things in these captives that were very differ¬ 
 ent from the condition of the other Moors who were taken prisoners 
 from this part. First, that after they had come to this land of Portu¬ 
 gal, they never more tried to fly, but rather in time forgot all about 
 their own country, as soon as they began to taste the good things of 
 this one; secondly, that they were very loyal and obedient servants, 
 without malice; thirdly, that they were not so inclined to lechery as 
 the others; fourthly, that after they began to use clothing they were 
 for the most part very fond of display, so that they took great delight 
 in robes of showy colours, and such was their love of finery, that they 
 picked up the rags that fell from the coats of the other people of the 
 country and sewed them on to their garments, taking great pleasure 
 in these, as though it were matter of some greater perfection. And 
 what was still better, as I have already said, they turned themselves 
 with a good will into the path of the true faith, in the which after 
 they had entered, they received true belief, and in the same they died. 
 
1441-1448 
 
 3i 
 
 And now reflect what a guerdon should be that of the Infant in the 
 presence of the Lord God, for thus bringing to true salvation, not 
 
 only those, but many others, whom you will find in this history 
 later on. 
 
 Now when the partition was thus accomplished, the captains of 
 the other caravels came to the Infant, and with them some noblemen 
 of his house, and said to him: u Sire, in that you know the great toil 
 that Langarote, your servant, hath undergone in this action just 
 achieved, and with what diligence he effected it, by the which God 
 hath given us so good a victory as you have seen; and also as he is a 
 man of good lineage, who deserveth every good; we beg your grace 
 that for his reward, you would be minded to knight him with your 
 own hand. Since you see that for every reason he deserveth this 
 honour, and even if he had not deserved it so well (said those cap¬ 
 tains of the caravels), we think it would be an injury to us (as he 
 was our captain-general, and laboured so much before our eyes), if he 
 did not receive for it some honour superior to that which he had 
 before, being an upright man and your servant, as we have said.” 
 
 The Infant answered that it pleased him greatly; and that besides 
 he was much obliged for their having asked it of him, for by it they 
 gave example to the others that might desire to act as captains of 
 brave men, and toil for their honour. 
 
 And so forthwith he made Lancarote a knight, giving him a rich 
 guerdon, according as his deserts and his excellence required. And to 
 the other leaders also he gave increased advancement, so that besides 
 
 their first profit they considered their labour right well bestowed (I. 
 
 83-86). ... V 
 
 Chapter XXXI. 23 How Dims Diaz went to the land of the 
 Negroes, and of the captives that he took . . . . And as they went 
 further on, 24 they met with other boats, whose crews, seeing ours to 
 be men, were alarmed at the novelty of the sight; and moved by fear 
 they sought to flee, each and all; but because our men had a better 
 opportunity than before, they captured four of them, and these were 
 the first to be taken by Christians in their own land, and there is 
 no chronicle or history that relateth aught to the contrary (I. 
 99)• • • • 
 
 Chs. XXVII. and XXVIII. tell of an unsuccessful voyage down the coast, in which 
 the increasing hostility of the natives resulted in the death of the leader, Goncallo de 
 Sintra, and many of his men. Ch. XXIX. describes a voyage undertaken by Goncalvez to 
 the River of Gold; ch. XXX., a voyage of Nuno Tristam, in 1445, in whick he saw 
 the land of the negroes but was unable to land. This probably means that the 
 Portuguese had reached Cape Palmas. 
 
 M Diaz had by this time voyaged past the desert coast-line and as far south as 
 the mouth of the Senegal River. He continued along the coast until he reached “a great 
 cape, to which they gave the .name of Cape Verde” (p. 99). 
 
32 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Chapter XXXV . 25 How Antam Goncalvez went to make the 
 ransom. . . . And when the noble 26 concluded his bargaining, he 
 received some things which pleased him most among those tendered 
 to him by our men (though they were really small and of little value), 
 and he gave us for the same nine negroes and a little gold dust (I. 
 hi). . . . 
 
 Chapter XXXVI. How they took the Moors at Cape Branco . 
 “Let us return”, said Antam Goncalvez, “to Cape Branco, for I have 
 heard say that on the side opposite the sunset there is a village, in 
 which we could find some people of whom we could make booty, if we 
 took it suddenly and by surprise.” All said that this was good counsel, 
 and that they should put it in action at once; and, for this thirty-eight 
 men were set apart, who were most ready for the service, and they 
 landed and went to the village straightway, at the beginning of the 
 night, but found nothing in it. “Then said some of them, it would be 
 well for us to return to our boats and row as far as we may along the 
 land, till we see morning; and as soon as that shall happen, we will 
 land and go towards those Moors to hold the passage of the Cape; 
 because they needs must go along the said Cape before they can re¬ 
 treat into the upland. And as they have with them women and chil¬ 
 dren, they will be forced to rest part of the night, and though they 
 travel continually, they cannot go so fast as to prevent us from passing 
 them.” And in this counsel they were all agreed, and rowing all the 
 night without taking any rest (because in such places and times sloth¬ 
 fulness is the greatest cause of loss), the night came to its end. And 
 when the clearness of the day was beginning, twenty-eight of them 
 landed, for the others stayed to guard the boats. And those that were 
 on land went on, till they arrived at a certain high place, from which 
 they perceived they could keep a good watch over all the parts round 
 them; and concealing themselves as well as they could on account of 
 the rising of the sun, they saw Moors coming towards them, men and 
 women, with their boys and girls, in all seventy or eighty, as they 
 reckoned. And without any further speech or counsel, they rushed 
 out among them, shouting out their accustomed cries, “St. George”, 
 “Portugal”. And at their attack the Moors were so dismayed that 
 most of them at once sought relief in flight, and only seven or eight 
 stood on their defence, of whom there now fell dead at the first charge 
 
 25 In 1446 Antam Goncalvez set forth to bring back Joao Fernandez, who had 
 been left at the River of Gold the year before in order that he might gather information 
 about the land and the natives. Ch. XXXII. describes the beginning of this voyage; ch. 
 XXXIII. recounts the capture of thirty-five Moors; ch. XXXIV., the finding of Joao 
 Fernandez. 
 
 26 Named Ahude Meymam. Joao Fernandez had made the acquaintance of this 
 native chief and had learned that he had black slaves whom he wished to sell. This 
 seems to be the first instance of purchase rather than capture on the part of the 
 Portuguese. 
 
1441-1448 
 
 33 
 
 three or four. And these being despatched, there was no more toil of 
 fight, and only he who knew himself light of foot thought he had any 
 lemedy for his life; but our men did not stand idle, for if their 
 enemies took care to run they did not for their part let themselves 
 rest; for at such a time toil of the kind they underwent is true rest for 
 the conquerors. And so they captured in all fifty-five, whom they took 
 with them to the boats. Of their joy I will not speak, because reason 
 will tell you what it must have been, both of those who took the cap¬ 
 tives and of the others on board the caravels, when they came with 
 their prize. And after this capture they agreed to turn back to the 
 kingdom [of Portugal]. . . . 
 
 # Wherefore they guided their caravels towards Portugal, making 
 straight for Lisbon, where they arrived quite content with their booty. 
 But who would not take pleasure at seeing the multitude of people that 
 ran out to see those caravels? for as soon as they had lowered their 
 sails, the officers who collected the royal dues took boats from the 
 shore to find out whence the ships came and what they brought; and 
 as soon as they returned and the news passed from one to another, in 
 a short time there was such a multitude in the caravels that they were 
 nearly swamped. Nor were there less on the next day, when they took 
 the captives out of the ships and wished to convey them to a palace 
 of the Infant, a good way distant from the Ribeira. For from all the 
 other parts of the city they flocked on to those streets by which they 
 had to convey them. Of a surety, saith the author of this history, 
 many of those I spoke of at first, who murmured over the commence¬ 
 ment of this action, might well rebuke themselves now, for there was 
 no one there who would be then counted as of that number. And the 
 noise of the people was so great, praising the great virtues of the 
 Infant (when they saw them take the captives in bonds along those 
 streets), that if anyone had dared to speak in the contrary sense he 
 would very soon have found it well to recant. But perchance it would 
 have availed him little, for the populace (and most of all in a time of 
 excitement) but rarely pardoneth him who contradicteth what it 
 willeth to hold established. Nor doth it appear to me that there could 
 be a man of such evil condition that he could speak against so manifest 
 a good, from which followed such great profits. 
 
 The Infant was then in the district of Viseu, from which he sent 
 to receive his fifth; and of those who remained, the captains made 
 
 a sale in the city, from which all received great advantage (I. 113- 
 116). . . , 27 
 
 27 Chs. XXXVII. to XLI. deal with an expedition to Arguin financed by Goncalo 
 Pacheco, of Lisbon, treasurer of Ceuta, Alvero Gil, assayer of the mint, and Mafaldo of 
 Setubal. In the first village which they found they captured seven natives, one of 
 whom led them to a larger village, where they made forty-six captives. In all, they 
 captured one hundred and twenty natives and sailed as far south as Cape Verde.' 
 
34 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Chapter XLII. How Alvaro Vasquez took the thirty-five Moors. 
 . . . “Now,” said Alvaro Vasquez, “our booty is before your eyes, 
 but it is so clearly discovered that of necessity we shall be seen before 
 we can arrive at it; and because it doth not appear to me to be so 
 great a settlement as that it can hold a people with whom we cannot 
 cope, still, in order that we may achieve some sort of success, let each 
 one run as fast as he can, and so let us stoutly £all upon them, and if 
 we are not able to make captives of the young men, yet let us seize 
 upon the old men, the women, and the little children, and let us take 
 such advisement that whosoever putteth himself on his defence shall 
 be slain without pity; and as to the others, let us seize them as best 
 we can.” And before he had quite finished these reasons, many of 
 them began to increase their pace, while others were running as fast 
 as they could; and the Moors, like unwary people, little recking of 
 such a danger, when their enemies came upon them, were all thrown 
 into that confusion which the fortune of the case required. And 
 when they saw men coming upon them so suddenly and so boldly, 
 and armed with weapons quite strange to them, they were altogether 
 amazed. Whereat our men took so much the greater boldness, seeing 
 their timorous disorder, and at once began to seize upon as many of 
 them as they could, and seeing that some sought to put themselves on 
 their defence, they slew them without mercy. But the affair lasted not 
 long at that time, for that the enemy soon began to fly. And there 
 were many amongst them who then looked on their wives and chil¬ 
 dren for the last time, and in a short space the booty would have 
 been much larger if that arm of the sea had not been so near that 
 many of them escaped into it, inasmuch as for the most part, not 
 only the men but also the women and the children, all knew 
 how to swim. And others who were bold and light-footed, trusting 
 in their fleetness, escaped through all; though some were deceived in 
 it, for they found others of our men who followed and captured them 
 in spite of their lightness of foot, so that in all there were taken 
 captive thirty-five, besides some that perished (II. 133-134). • • • 
 
 Chapter XLIV. How they sailed to the land of the Negroes. 
 And so they hoisted their sails forthwith and pursued their voyage, 
 and sailing on their course a space of 80 leagues they came near to 
 the coast of Guinea, where they made them ready with their boats to 
 land, but when the black men caught sight of them they ran down to 
 the shore with their shields and assegais, as men who sought to make 
 themselves ready for battle; but although they showed so fierce a 
 countenance, yet our men would have gone on shore if the roughness 
 of the sea had consented thereto; and, far as they were from the 
 shore, our men did yet perceive that it was a land very green, peopled 
 
i 44 I -*448 
 
 35 
 
 by human folk and tame cattle, which the inhabitants of the land had 
 with them for their use. And they would have gone further on still, 
 but the storm increased upon them with much distemperature of the 
 weather, so that they were forced to turn back without remedy (II. 
 
 136) • • • • 
 
 Chapter LX. 28 How those caravels arrived at the river of Nile, 
 and of the Guineas that they took. Now these caravels having passed 
 by the land of Sahara, as hath been said, came in sight of the two palm 
 trees that Dims Diaz had met with before, by which they under¬ 
 stood that they were at the beginning of the land of the Negroes. 
 And at this sight they were glad indeed, and would have landed at 
 once, but they found the sea so rough upon that coast that by no 
 manner of means could they accomplish their purpose. And some 
 of those who were present said afterwards that it was clear from the 
 smell that came off the land how good must be the fruits of that 
 country, for it was so delicious that from the point they reached, 
 though they were on the sea, it seemed to them that they stood in 
 some gracious fruit garden ordained for the sole end of their delight. 
 And if our men showed on their side a great desire of gaining the 
 land, no less did the natives of it show their eagerness to receive 
 them into it; but of the reception they offered I do not care to speak, 
 for according to the signs they made to our men from the first, they 
 did not intend to abandon the beach without very great loss to one 
 side or the other. Now the people of this green land are wholly 
 black, and hence this is called Land of the Negroes, or Land of 
 Guinea. 30 Wherefore also the men and women thereof are called 
 “Guineas”, as if one were to say “Black Men”. And when the men 
 in the caravels saw the first palms and lofty trees as we have related, 
 they understood right well that they were close to the river of Nile, 
 at the point where it floweth into the western sea, the which river is 
 there called the Senegal (II. 176-177). . . , 31 
 
 And as all the eight were going in the boat, one of them, looking 
 
 28 In 1445 a group in Lagos asked permission to equip an African voyage. This 
 amounted to at least twenty-seven vessels, later increased to thirty by the addition of 
 vessels belonging to Pacheco. The Portuguese made their first attack at Cape Blanco 
 where they found the village deserted. Later, in a battle with the Moors, they captured 
 fifty-seven. Five caravels returned, one remained in the Bay of Arguin, six pressed 
 southward (II. 146-176). Azurara’s narrative follows the adventures of those who 
 went south. 
 
 29 Cape of Palms or Cape Palmas. 
 
 30 Up to this time the Portuguese had encountered Moorish tribes or possibly 
 some of the negroid peoples that represented a fusion of Moor and negro. Pure 
 negroes were not to be met north of the Senegal River. Indeed, several of the tribes 
 between the Senegal and the Gambia were Mohammedans with an intermixture of 
 Arab or Moorish blood, though the Portuguese would probably have called them 
 negroes. South of the Gambia pure negroes, untouched by the influence of the 
 northern peoples, were, and are still, to be found. 
 
 31 That one might find one’s way up the River Nile from the West Coast was a 
 tradition which survived for many years. 
 
36 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 out towards the mouth of the river, 32 espied the door of a hut, and 
 said to his companions: “I know not how the huts of this land are 
 built, but judging by the fashion of those I have seen before, that 
 should be a hut that I see before me, and I presume it belongs to 
 fishing folk who have come to fish in this stream. And if you think 
 well, it seemeth to me that we ought to go and land beyond that 
 point, in such wise that we may not be discovered from the door of 
 the hut; and let some land, and approach from behind those sand¬ 
 banks, and if any natives are lying in the hut, it may be that they 
 will take them before they are perceived.” Now it appeared to the 
 others that this was good advice, and so they began to put it into 
 execution. And as soon as they reached the land, Stevam Alfonso 
 leapt out, and five others with him, and they proceeded in the manner 
 that the others had suggested. And while they were going thus con¬ 
 cealed even until they neared the hut, they saw come out of it 
 a negro boy, stark naked, with a spear in his hand. Him they 
 seized at once, and coming up close to the hut, they lighted upon a 
 girl, his sister, who would be about eight years old. This boy the 
 Infant afterwards caused to be taught to read and write, with 
 all other knowledge that a Christian should have; and many Christians 
 there be who have not this knowledge as perfectly as he had (II. 178- 
 
 179)* • • • 
 
 Chapter LXIII. How the caravels set forth from the river f and 
 of the voyage which they made. . . . And in this wise Gomez Pirez 
 lost the company of the other caravels, and following his course 
 towards Portugal, after taking in water at the isle of Arguim, he came 
 to the Rio do Ouro, and sailed as far up as the port where he had 
 been the preceding year with Antam Gongalvez and Diego Alfonso, 
 and there presently the Moors came, and in taking security of them 
 he learnt there were no merchants there. But they sold him a 
 black for the price of five doubloons, which he paid them by certain 
 things he gave them in their stead. Also they brought him water 
 on their camels, and gave him meat and made him a sufficiency of 
 good reception; and above all they showed such confidence that with¬ 
 out any hesitancy so many entered into the caravel, that he was not 
 very well pleased, and would not consent that any more should enter; 
 but at last, without causing them any injury, he had them put on 
 land, making an agreement with them that next year, in the month 
 of July, he would return there, when he would find blacks in abun¬ 
 dance and gold, and merchandise by which he might gain much profit 
 (ii. 193-194).... 
 
 02 The Senegal, which they entered as soon as they discovered its mouth. 
 
1441-1448 
 
 37 
 
 Chapter LXIV. Of how Lancarote and Alvaro de Freitas cap¬ 
 tured a dozen Moors. . . . And as they went forward, not very far 
 from there, while traversing a sandhill, they saw the Moors, who 
 were journeying in a hollow. “Now”, said those who there bore 
 the office of captains, to these others, “you can show your good will 
 by toiling in the pursuit of those foemen”. And although our men 
 were already somewhat wearied, it appeared to them as if they had 
 only that moment issued from their ships, so great desire had they 
 to come up with the enemy. And this desire they now put into prac¬ 
 tice very quickly, for the Moors were hardly able to issue forth before 
 our men were up with them; and some, that endeavoured to offer 
 a defence, in a brief space learnt the error of their sect, for without 
 any pity our men killed them very speedily, in so much that there 
 remained alive no more than twelve, whom they took back as their 
 prisoners. And although the booty was not great in comparison of 
 other spoil which had already been made in that land, yet were they 
 all very glad of it; and this because the victory had been obtained 
 
 by so few men rather than because of the share of gain that fell 
 to the lot of each (II. 196). 
 
 Chapter LXV. How Lancarote and Alvaro de Freitas and 
 Vicente Diaz took fifty-seven Moors. . . . And now 33 our men began 
 to run forward, shouting out their accustomed cries, to wit, “St. 
 James , “Portugal”, “St. George”; but the sound of these was not 
 very pleasant to the enemy, so that they had not leisure to place 
 their pack-saddles upon their asses. And those who had the packs 
 upon their necks freed themselves from these burdens, and what 
 was more noteworthy, some who had their children upon their 
 shoulders, seeing that they could not save them, let them fall upon 
 the ground, with how great a crash you may imagine. And so in this 
 anguish they began to fly, not all together, nor by one road, but each 
 one by himself, quite leaving behind their women and children, with¬ 
 out any hope of remedy. Yet true it is that some there were who, 
 though they perceived the manifest discomfiture of their party, had 
 the courage to show some defence, the which were very quickly 
 despatched from life. And finally of all the people there were taken 
 
 33 
 
 . the last exploit, Lancarote and Alvaro de Freitas sailed northward to 
 
 Arguin, where they were joined by Vicente Diaz. In the council as to whether thev 
 should return at once to Portugal or seek further booty, the latter argued for a 
 prompt return: Your proposal would be good if the place were such that by toiling 
 h °P e to receive some profit; but this land, as you know, is alreadv turned 
 upside down, and it hath been disturbed a thousand times, and the caravels "go bv it 
 every day so that there is not a Moor, however simple he may be, that dareth to set 
 
 and fl 0 "d , 'l land 1 r but ratber reaa ° n „ teac L h . eth that they must have been terrified 
 
 rptnrned '"r *1 far f, 3 ,h f c “ ld ’ J ll! s J nsibl = counsel did not prevail; they 
 
 returned to Tider, where they found no Moors, but they had better success on land 
 
 near by, where the Moors were overtaken just on the point of departure. 
 
38 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 fifty-seven; some others were killed and again others escaped. Oh, 
 if only among those who fled there had been some little understanding 
 of higher things. Of a surety I believe, that the same haste which 
 they showed in flying, they would then have made in coming to where 
 they might have saved their souls and restored their affairs in this 
 life (II. 200-201). . . . 34 
 
 Chapter LXXV. Of how the caravel of John Goncalvez Zarco 
 arrived at the land of the Negroes. . . . And when they were as 
 near to the Cape 35 as it might be a third of a league, they cast 
 anchor and rested as they had arranged; but they had not been there 
 long when from the land there set out two boats, manned by ten 
 Guineas, who straightway began to make their way direct to the ship, 
 like men who came in peace. And when they were near, they made a 
 signal asking security, which was granted them, and immediately 
 without any other precaution, five of them went on board the caravel, 
 where Alvaro Fernandez had them entertained as hospitably as he 
 was able, giving orders to provide them with food and drink and all 
 other good company that could be made them. And after this they 
 departed, giving signs of great contentment, but it seemeth that they 
 had come with something different conceived in their minds. And as 
 soon as they reached the land they told the rest of their fellows all 
 they had found, and from this it seemed to them that they could easily 
 capture them [the Portuguese]. And with this design there put off 
 six boats with thirty-five or forty of their company prepared like 
 men who meant to fight; but when they were near, they felt a fear 
 of coming up to the caravel, and so they stayed a little distance off 
 without daring to make an attack. And when Alvaro Fernandez per¬ 
 ceived that they dared not come to him, he commanded his boat to 
 be lowered and in it he ordered eight men to place themselves, from 
 among the readiest that he found for the duty; and he arranged that 
 the boat should be on the further side of the caravel so that it might 
 not be seen by the enemy, in the hope that they would approach nearer 
 to the ship. And the Guineas lay some way off until one of their 
 boats took courage to move more forward and issued forth from the 
 others towards the caravel, and in it were five brave and stout 
 Guineas, distinguished in this respect among the others of the com¬ 
 pany. And as soon as Alvaro Fernandez perceived that this boat 
 was already in a position for him to be able to reach it before it 
 could receive help from the others, he ordered his own to issue forth 
 quickly and go against it. And by the great advantage of our men 
 
 34 Chs. LXVI.-LXXIV. recount the adventures of various other leaders of this 
 expedition, who made occasional captures, the most important of which were accomplished 
 in the Canary Islands. Ch. LXXV. gives special praise to Joao Goncalvez Zarco, as bent 
 not upon profit for himself but upon doing service to the Prince. 
 
 35 Cape Verde. 
 
1441-1448 
 
 39 
 
 in their manner of rowing they were soon upon the enemy, who see¬ 
 ing themselves thus overtaken, and having no hope of defence, leapt 
 into the water, while the other boats fled towards the land. But our 
 men had very gieat toil in the capture of those who were swimming, 
 for they dived like cormorants, so that they could not get a hold of 
 them; yet they soon captured one, though not without some dif¬ 
 ficulty; but the capture of the second caused them to lose all the 
 otheis. For he was so valiant that two men, very mighty as they 
 were, could not drag him into the boat until they took a boathook 
 and caught him above one eye, and the pain of this made him abate 
 his courage and allow himself to be put inside the boat. And with 
 these two captives they returned to the ship (II. 226-228). 
 
 Chapter LXXVII. Of the things that happened to Jodo 
 Fernandez. . . , 36 And to their land come some Moors and they sell 
 them of those Negroes whom they have kidnapped, or else they take 
 them to Momdebarque, which is beyond the kingdom of Tunis, to 
 sell to the Christian merchants who go there, and they give them these 
 slaves in exchange for bread and some other things, just as they do 
 now at the Rio do Ouro, as will be related further on. . . . And it 
 is said that in the land of the Negroes there is another kingdom 
 called Melli, 7 but this is not certain; for they bring the Negroes from 
 that kingdom, and sell them like the others, whereas ’tis manifest 
 that if they were Moors they would not sell them so (II. 233- 
 2 34 )• • • • 
 
 Chapter LXXXVII. Of how Alvaro Fernandez returned again 
 to the land of the Negroes, and of the things he accomplished there . 
 
 . . . And when the ship had been provisioned, they made their voy¬ 
 age straight to Cape Verde, whereat in the past year they had cap¬ 
 tured the two Guineas of whom we have spoken in another place, and 
 thence they passed on to the Cape of Masts (II. 258). . . . 
 
 And so journeying along the sea coast, in a few days they went on 
 shore again, and came upon a village, and its inhabitants issued forth 
 like men who showed they had a will to defend their houses, and 
 among them came one armed with a good buckler and an assegai in 
 his hand. And Alvaro Fernandez seeing him, and judging him to be 
 the leader of the band, went stoutly at him, and gave him such a great 
 wound with his lance that he fell down dead, and then he took from 
 him his shield and assegai; and these he brought home to the Infant 
 along with some other things, as will be related further on. 
 
 It will be remembered that Joao Fernandez had spent seven months in the 
 desert lands between the Barbary States and the land of the negroes. The author 
 
 has here turned from the account of adventures on the coast, to relate what had been 
 learned of the interior. 
 
 of the^Gambfa fCrS ^ ** kingd ° m ° f the MandIn S oe s> who were the dominant tribe south 
 
40 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Now the Guineas, perceiving that man to be dead, paused from 
 their fighting, and it appeared to our men to be neither the time nor 
 the place to withdraw them from that fear. But rather they returned 
 to their ship and on the next day landed a little way distant from 
 there, where they espied some of the wives of those Guineas walking. 
 And it seemeth that they were going nigh to a creek collecting shell¬ 
 fish, and they captured one of them, who would be as much as thirty 
 years of age, with a son of hers who would be of about two, and also 
 a young girl of fourteen years, who had well-formed limbs and also a 
 favorable presence for a Guinea; but the strength of the woman was 
 much to be marvelled at, for not one of the three men who came 
 upon her but would have had a great labour in attempting to get her 
 to the boat. And so one of our men, seeing the delay they were mak¬ 
 ing, during which it might be that some of the dwellers of the land 
 would come upon them, conceived it well to take her son from her 
 and to carry him to the boat; and love of the child compelled the 
 mother to follow after it, without great pressure on the part of the 
 two who were bringing her. From this place they went on further 
 for a certain distance until they lighted upon a river, 38 into the which 
 they entered with the boat, and in some houses that they found they 
 captured a woman, and after they had brought her to the caravel, 
 they returned once more to the river, intending to journey higher up 
 in order to try and make some good booty. And as they were pur¬ 
 suing their voyage thus, there came upon them four or five boats of 
 Guineas prepared like men who would defend their land, and our 
 men in the boat were not desirous to try a combat with them, seeing 
 the great advantage their enemies had, and especially because they 
 feared the great peril that lay in the poison with which they shot. 
 And so they began to retreat to their ship as well as they could, but 
 seeing how one of those boats was much in front of the others, they 
 turned round upon it, but it retired towards its companions, and as 
 our men were trying to reach it before it escaped (for it seemeth 
 that it was already distant a good way from the company) their boat 
 came so near that one of those Guineas made a shot at it and hap¬ 
 pened to hit Alvaro Fernandez with an arrow in the leg. But since 
 he had already been warned of its poison, he drew out that arrow 
 very quickly and had the wound washed with urine and olive oil, and 
 then anointed it very well with theriack, 39 and it pleased God that it 
 availed him, although his health was in very troublous case, for dur¬ 
 ing certain days he was in the very act of passing away from life. 
 The others on the caravel, although they saw their captain thus 
 
 38 The Lagos. 
 
 30 Theriaca Andromachi, or Venice treacle, a remedy said to contain sixty-one 
 drugs, and to have been named by Nero’s physician. 
 
1518 
 
 4i 
 
 theTirfvedlff fr ° m - V ° y r g ‘ ng forward along that coast until 
 
 1 7 j u d \ narrow stri P of s and stretching in front of a great 
 
 of knd tJ Cre mT T d T h ,° at and WCnt inside t0 see what kind 
 °. f * d the y would find; and when they were in sight of the beach 
 
 ^j 11 * | ^ Sj some with shields and 
 
 t , g * S ’ hers ^‘ th b °r- And as SOOn as the y came near the water 
 
 hese began to play and dance like men far removed from any sor- 
 
 to tha b t fT" 'I 1 the , b ° at ’ , wi . shful t0 esca pe from the invitation 
 to that festival returned to them ship. And this took place 110 
 
 eagues beyond Cape Verde, 40 and all that coast trendeth commonly 
 
 the south. And this caravel went further this year than all the 
 
 others, wherefore with right good will a guerdon of 200 doubloons 
 
 was granted unto it, that is to say 100 which the Infant Don Pedro, 
 
 who was then Regent ordered to be given, and another 100 which i 
 
 obtained from the Infant Don Henry. And had it not been for the 
 
 illness of Alvaro Fernandez, by which he was much disabled, the cara- 
 
 t ll a t 1 a. s t n 1 a p p 'T , it was obliged to return from 
 
 that last place I have mentioned, and it came straight to the Isle of 
 
 A 2 ‘ m M nd thenCe t0 the Ca P e of the Ransom, where they found that 
 Ahude Meymam of whom we have already spoken at times in this 
 
 ory. And although they did not carry an interpreter, yet by 
 making signs they obtained a negress, whom the Moors gave them 
 in exchange for some cloths they brought with them, and had they 
 brought so little they could have obtained much more, judging by 
 the desire that the Moors showed. And thence they made their 
 voyage towards the Kingdom, where they received the doubloons as I 
 have already said, together with many other guerdons from the Infant 
 them lord who was very joyful at their coming on account of the 
 
 advance they had made in their expedition (II. 258-261). . . . 41 
 
 2. Permission granted to the Governor of Bresa 
 for Four Thousand Slaves. 1 
 
 The King. Our officials who reside in the city of Seville in our 
 House of Trade of the Indies; Know ye that I have given permis- 
 
 40 
 
 41 probab F in the neighborhood of Cape Roxo. 
 
 Rio do Ouro 44 to ?eZn P ™ d . the Moors at the 
 
 Prince Henry. The effort at peaceful traHJn 56 K a * ter T obtainin g a license from 
 
 ■&tji ^Ms 
 
 W d fnfant and all ’£2 
 
 describes^ a vlyage^Meca” Mo^co in ZA*’ .™IX.-XCII. Ch XCm. 
 for fifty-one negroes. According to Azur’ara, there wefe‘carri^d°to* p We t '^ V? hanged 
 
 r/n e *s if 41 r d ^ s ’ 927 captives - Moors and (II 288) 8 
 
 [2] Scelle, La TraUe Negriere aux Indes dc cLiUe I Vet For 
 this grant, see introduction, p. 160. * * 7ss% * or an account of 
 
42 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 sion, and by the present [instrument] do give it, to Lorenzo de 
 Gorrevod, governor of Bresa, member of my Council, whereby he, 
 or the person or persons who may have his authority therefor, may 
 proceed to take to the Indies, the islands and the mainland of the 
 ocean sea already discovered or to be discovered, four thousand negro 
 slaves both male and female, provided they be Christians, in wha - 
 ever proportions he may choose. Until these are all taken and trans¬ 
 ported no other slaves, male or female, may be transported, except 
 those whom I have given permission [to take] up to the present da e. 
 Therefore, I order you to allow and consent to the governor of 
 Bresa aforesaid or the person or persons aforesaid who may have his 
 said authority to transport and take the four thousand slaves male 
 and female, without molesting him in any way; and, if the said gov¬ 
 ernor of Bresa or the persons aforesaid who may have his authority, 
 should make any arrangements with traders or other persons to ship 
 the said slaves, male or female, direct from the isles of Guinea an 
 other regions from which they are wont to bring the said negroes to 
 these realms and to Portugal, or from any other region they please, 
 even though they do not bring them to register in that house, they may 
 do so provided that you take sufficient security that they bring you 
 proof of how many they have taken to each island and that the said 
 negroes male and female, have become Christians on reaching each 
 island, and how they have paid the customs duties there, in order that 
 those taken be known and be not in excess of the aforesaid number. 
 Notwithstanding any prohibition and order that may exist to t e 
 contrary, I require you and order you in regard to this not to collect 
 any duty in that house [of trade] on the said slaves but rather you 
 are to allow them to be taken freely and this my cedula shall be 
 written down in the books of that house [of trade]. 
 
 Done in Saragossa, the eighteenth day of August of the year 1518. 
 
 I the King, 
 
 By order of the King, Francisco de los Covos. 
 
 3. The Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea, 15 55 - 1 
 
 The First Voyage made by Master William Towrson Marchant 
 of London, to the Coast of Guinea, with two Ships, m the Yeere 
 
 1555 - 
 
 m 1 Richard Hakluyt Principal Navigations, VI. 177-2” 1 AyJ'Y- v °y a if s and 
 I ,<0-161-Kerr Voyages and Travels, VII. 246-273. The two ships, the 
 Hart and the Hinde, were bound for the River Sestos in Guinea, and o^e^havens 
 thereabouts. They reaehed Cape Three Pomts m ^"“Ye^ith ihem lest they incur 
 
 ; : S of ITp! rtu^e!e ndl T g owers:r::co a unt , certainly indicates that odier English 
 trades were on the African coast at this time. Apparently the order of the Privy 
 Council against Guinea expeditions was not taken with great seriousness. 
 
43 
 
 1 55 ^ 
 
 This fellowe came aboord our shippe without feare, and as soone 
 as he came, he demaunded, why we had not brought againe their 
 men, which the last yeere we tooke away, and could tell us that there 
 were five taken away by Englishmen: we made him answere, 
 that they were in England well used, and were there kept 
 till they could speake the language, and then they should be 
 brought againe to be a helpe to Englishmen in this Countrey: and 
 then he spake no more of that matter. ... we saw many boates 
 lying upon the shoare, 3 and divers came by us, but none of them 
 would come neere us, being as we judged afraid of us: because that 
 foure men were taken perforce the last yeere from this place, so 
 that no man came to us. . . . 
 
 Then we went aboord to goe from this place, seeing the Negroes 
 bent against us, because that the last yeere M. Gainsh did take 
 away the Captaines sonne and three others from this place with their 
 golde, and all that they had about them: which was the cause that 
 they became friends with the Portugales, whom before they hated, as 
 did appeare the last yeere by the courteous intertainement which the 
 Trinitie had there, when the Captaine came aboord the shippe, and 
 brought them to his towne, and offered them ground to build a Castle 
 in, and there they had good sales (VI. 200, 205, 207). . . . 4 
 
 4. The Second Voyage of William Towerson, 1556. 1 
 
 The second voyage made by Maister William Towrson to the coast 
 of Guinea, and the Castle of Mina, in the Yeere 1556, with the 
 “Tiger” of London, a ship of 120 tunnes, the “Hart” of London of 
 60 tunnes, and a Pinnesse of sixteene tunnes. 
 
 • * • This place is called Bulle,~ and here the Negros were very 
 glad of our Negros, and shewed them all the friendship they could, 
 when they had told them that they were the men that were taken 
 away being now againe brought by us. . . . 
 
 7? 1- ,4 y° un S native who had been for a time at Elmina and was able to give the 
 
 English information about the Portuguese garrison and trade. Towerson was trading 
 
 at » not far from Elmina, which was still the chief Portuguese settlement on 
 
 the Gold Coast. 
 
 , . , They were n ° W a ,t a v * da S e east of Elmina. Both this settlement and that at 
 wh ’ c V he y ^ad ^ rst traded the English called “towns of Don John”, by which they 
 probably meant that they were under Portuguese control. 
 
 xrr 4 Robert Gainsh was captain of the John Evangelist on Lok’s voyage (see Hakluyt 
 Vi. 155). Lok s vessels in their trading along the Gold Coast had evidently carried off 
 natives from a village between Cape Three Points and Elmina. Curiosity alone seems to 
 have been the animating motive, as there is no evidence that these adventurers had 
 any thought of entering upon the traffic in blacks. Indeed they made considerable 
 effort to preserve friendly relations with the natives, as their only hope of maintaining 
 themselves against the Portuguese lay in native support. 
 
 bl] * Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, VI. 212-231; Astley, Voyages and Travels, I. 
 162-168. 
 
 -/ BuUe J ™ hich they reached J an * J 5 , 1557 , was not far from Cape Three Points. 
 Claridge, who knows the coast, suggests that Bulle may have been Dixcove. History 
 of the Gold Coast, I. 68. * 
 
44 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 The sixteenth day I went along the shore with two pinnasses of 
 the Frenchmen, and found a Baie and a fresh river, and after that 
 went to a towne called Hanta, twelve leagues beyond the Cape. At 
 this towne our Negros were well knowen, and the men of the towne 
 wept for joy when they saw them, and demanded of them where 
 Anthonie and Binne had bene: and they told them that they had 
 bene at London in England, and should bee brought home the next 
 
 voyage. . . . 3 
 
 Then wee departed and went to Shamma, 4 and went into the river 
 with five boates well appointed with men and ordinance, and with our 
 noises of trumpets and drummes, for we thought here to have found 
 some Portugals but there were none: so wee sent our Negros on shore, 
 and after them went divers of us, and were very well received, and 
 the people were very glad of our Negros, specially one of their 
 brothers wives, and one of their aunts, which received them with much 
 joy, and so did all the rest of the people, as if they had bene their 
 naturall brethren (VI. 217, 218-219). . . . 5 
 
 5. The First Voyage of John Hawkins, 1562-1563. 1 
 
 The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir 
 John Hawkins, sometimes treasurer of her Majesties navie Roial, 
 made to the West Indies 1562. 
 
 3 The English had joined a French squadron and they were trading amicably 
 
 together, united by common hostility to the Portuguese.. Towerson was apparently 
 returning negroes that he had in his earlier voyage carried away, though there is no 
 mention of such action in the account of his former visit. . 
 
 4 Shama, or Chama, was not far from the mouth of the River Pra, between 
 Cape Three Points and Cape Coast. The Portuguese used it as a supply station for 
 wood and water for Elmina. Some years later it became the seat of a Dutch fort. 
 “And here the Negros shewed us that there was an English 'ship at the Mina, 
 which had brought one of the Negros againe, which Robert Gaynsh tooke away. 
 
 Hakluyt, VI. 219. , 
 
 5 No extracts from the narrative of Towerson’s third voyage, 1558, have here been 
 
 printed. It may be found in Hakluyt, VI. 231-252; Astley, I. 169-176; Kerr, 
 Voyages and Travels, VII. 283-290. On that voyage he had two vessels from the 
 Royal Navy, one of which, the Minion , was later to share in Hawkins’s third and 
 disastrous voyage to the West Indies. The date of Towerson’s third voyage, which 
 appears in Hakluyt as 1577, should be 1558. It was printed correctly in the Hakluyt 
 
 edition of 1589. 
 
 [5] 1 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, X. 7 "^ > Sir Clements R. Markham, The 
 Hawkins’ Voyages, pp. 5-7; Beazley, English Garner: Voyages and Travels mainly 
 in the 16th and 17th Centuries (New York, 1903), I. 29-30; E. J. Payne, Voyages of 
 Elizabethan Seamen (Oxford, 1893), first ser., pp. .6-8. This account, written > 
 Hakluyt from information given him by Hawkins, is extremely meagre, and. could 
 scarcely have satisfied the painstaking Hakluyt. Williamson suggests that its omissions 
 are by no means the result of the effect of time on. the memory of the narrator, but 
 are deliberate suppressions of the facts of the expedition. Many, popular accounts tell 
 the story of Hawkins’s three slaving voyages, some of them trying to rid him of the 
 stigma of initiating the English slave trade by adducing the fact that Lok had, in i 554 > 
 carried negroes to England. While this is true, it has been pointed out that there, is 
 no reason to believe that Lok had any thought of trafficking in blacks. Hawkins s raids 
 were not followed by similar expeditions on the part of his countrymen, and the 
 organized English traffic in blacks can hardly be said to date f rom # Hawkins s time. As 
 a matter of fact, the exploits of Hawkins are of much greater significance in the history 
 of the relations between England and Spain! than they are in that of the English slave 
 trade. The following narratives do however give an idea of conditions on the African 
 
1562-1563 45 
 
 Master John Hawkins having made divers voyages to the lies of 
 t e Canaries, and there by his good and upright dealing being growen 
 in love and favour with the people, informed himselfe amongst them 
 by diligent inquisition, of the state of the West India, whereof hee 
 had received some knowledge by the instructions of his father, 2 but 
 increased the same by the advertisements and reports of that people. 
 And being amongst other particulars assured, that Negros were very 
 good marchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of Negros might 
 easily bee had upon the coast of Guinea, resolved with himselfe to 
 make trial! thereof, and communicated that devise with his worship- 
 full fnendes of London : namely with Sir Lionell Ducket, sir Thomas 
 Lodge, M. Gunson his father in law, sir William Winter, M Brom- 
 field, and others. 3 All which persons liked so well of his intention, 
 that they became liberall contributors and adventurers in the action. 
 For which purpose there were three good ships immediately provided I 
 1 he one called the Salomon of the burthern of 120. tunne, wherein 
 M. Hawkins himselfe went as Generali: The second the Swallow of 
 i°°. tunnes, wherein went for Captaine M. Thomas Hampton: and 
 the third the Jonas a barke of 40. tunnes, wherein the Master sup- 
 plied the Captaines roome: in which small fleete M. Hawkins tooke 
 with him not above 100. men for feare of sicknesse and other incon¬ 
 veniences, whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subject. 
 
 With this companie he put off and departed from the coast of 
 Lngland in the moneth of October 1562. and in his course touched 
 
 c °a s t at this time and a little notion of the Spanish market. For studies of Hawkins 
 and his ^mes.see Sir Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy (London 1899) I 
 74-119, and Williamson, Sir John Hawkins. The latter account, which uses much new 
 
 T? t VOrMe V '* ht tha " ha ^ most historians?" 
 
 W lliam Hawkins, father of John, was apparently the only one of the English 
 
 ^ys h^was^min wh .° combined Guinea and Brazil trade. Of him Hakluyt 
 
 esteemed and Zh r £‘ sdome ,> valure experience, and skill in sea causes mucl. 
 
 Tw. , beloved of K. Henry the 8, and . . . one of the principall Sea-captaines 
 in the West parts of England in his time” (Hakluyt, XI. 23). Between mo and 
 
 raas 3 t e in a itro HaT aSe h ‘° ^ razil ’ S" ! he ° utward voyage touching at the Guinea 
 coast. In 1539 Hawkins brought to England a Brazilian native chief, leaving as 
 
 ostage a Plymouth seaman, Martin Cockeram. Unhappily, the chief died on the 
 
 V ' bl l t . su . ch was the reputation of Hawkins that he seems to have 
 had no difficulty in reclaiming his hostage. The narrative of William Hawkins’s voyages 
 is printed in Markham, The Hawkins’ Voyages, pp. 3-4, and Hakluyt, XI. 23-24. g 
 tra , en J amm Gonson, or Gunson, the possessor of a fortune made in the Levant 
 n r A d h e ; treasu T r< : r of the Royal Navy. Sir William Winter was master of ordnance 
 of the navy, Sir Lionell Duckett was later lord mayor of London, Sir Thomas Lodee 
 one of the governors of the Muscovy Company, was lord mayor in 1563. The group 
 here mentioned was already interested in the African trade, and had possibly been 
 responsffile in large part for the queen’s interest in it. That Hawkins should turn to 
 them for advice and support seems to indicate that Williamson is correct in his 
 contention that there was no conflict of interests between Hawkins’s project for 
 
 a ,V ng A" n, hC n *? r - er Guinea coast (Gambia and Sierra Leone) and their voyages for 
 gold and other African commodities on the Guinea coast proper. This takes issue with 
 most writers on the subject, who contend that Hawkins by his violence a lienated the 
 support of the natives, which the English traders had been at great pa ?ns to cultivate 
 and therefore brought the English Guinea trade to an end for tw^my years See 
 W. R. Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. 8-9. ^ ^ 
 
4 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 first at Teneriffe, where hee received friendly intertainment. From 
 thence he passed to Sierra Leona, upon the coast of Guinea, which 
 place by the people of the countrey is called Tagarin, where he 
 stayed some good time, and got into his possession, partly by the 
 sworde, and partly by other meanes, to the number of 300. Negros 
 at the least, besides other merchandises which that countrey yeeldeth. 
 With this praye hee sayled over the Ocean sea unto the Hand of 
 Hispaniola, and arrived first at the port of Isabella: and there hee 
 had reasonable utterance of his English commodities, as also of some 
 part of his Negros, 5 trusting the Spaniards no further, then that by 
 his owne strength he was able still to master them. From, the port 
 of Isabella he went to Puerto de Plata, where he made like sales, 
 standing alwaies upon his guard: from thence also hee sayled to Monte 
 Christi another port on the North side of Hispaniola, and the last 
 place of his touching, where he had peaceable traffique, and made 
 vent of the whole number of his Negros: for which he received in 
 those 3. places by way of exchange such quantitie of merchandise, 
 that hee did not onely lade his owne 3. shippes with hides, ginger, 
 sugars, and some quantities of pearles, but he fraighted also two other 
 hulkes with hides and the like commodities, which hee sent into 
 Spaine. 6 And thus leaving the Hand, he returned and disemboqued, 
 
 4 This meagre description of the method by which the slaves were obtained is 
 supplemented by Williamson, from the complaints transmitted to England by the 
 Portuguese government. According to the Portuguese account, Hawkins seized in 
 River Caces (Cacheo) a vessel containing 200 negroes and other goods to the value ot 
 15,000 ducats; in the River Mitombi (also called the Sierra Leone River), in Sierra Leone, 
 he captured three vessels with seventy negroes each, one with many negroes , and one 
 with ivory, wax, and 500 negroes. A Spanish document, recounting the sins of Hawkins, 
 lists not less than thirteen prizes. This more than trebles the number of negroes that Haw¬ 
 kins says he carried to the West Indies. Williamson’s surmise is that these negroes were 
 obtained by forced trade with the Portuguese rather than by actual warfare, since nowhere 
 do the Portuguese complain that any of them had been killed. Sir John Hawknis, yp. 
 80-86, from State Papers, Foreign, Eliz., vol. 99, and Archivo General de Indias, 
 
 47 3 56 By a royal cedula of 1556 the maximum price of a negro in the West Indies 
 had been fixed at 100 ducats {£20-^0), and in Mexico at 120 ducats. Saco p. 212. 
 
 6 This act accords with Williamson’s theory that Hawkins believed that he could 
 serve the Spaniards in entirely friendly fashion by such a voyage as the one here 
 described, though it is difficult to see how he could have entertained the idea. He was 
 not only violating the regulations against trade to foreigners but, as Professor Pollard 
 observes, was exercising a privilege not allowed to Spanish subjects themselves. Trade 
 in negroes had been almost from the beginning a carefully guarded privilege, hardly 
 because of the “humanitarian pleadings” of Las Casas, as Pollard suggests, but rather 
 because it was recognized at once as a potential source of great profit. It is scarcely 
 necessary to resort to a humanitarian explanation in addition to the financial one, in 
 view of the prevailing commercial practice (A. F. Pollard, History of England from 
 the Accession of Edward VI. to the Death of Elizabeth , pp. 312-313). For trade 
 relations between Spain and England, see C. H. Haring, Trade and Navigation between 
 Spain and the Indies in the Time of the Hapsburgi r, p. «6. The two vessels sent by 
 Hawkins to Spain were seized when they reached Seville, and Captain Hampton, wh 
 ' had charge of them, was obliged to flee from the country. Six months after his 
 return to England, the English ambassador at Madrid wrote to Hawkins, advising 
 him to promise one of the favorites of the king 4,000 to 5,000 ducats if he wished 
 to see his goods again. This he did, but to no avail. Hawkins estimated the loss 
 at £20,000. Dec. 8, 1563, Cal. St. P. For., 1563, P- 612, July 5, 1564, ibid., 1564-1565, p. 171. 
 
47 
 
 1564-1565 
 
 passing out by the Hands of the Caycos, without further entring into 
 the bay of Mexico, in this his first voyage to the West India. And so 
 with prosperous successe and much gaine to himselfe and the afore- 
 sayde adventurers, he came home, and arrived in the moneth of Sep¬ 
 tember 1563 (X. 7-8). 
 
 6. The Second Voyage of John Hawkins, 1564-1565. 1 
 
 The voyage made by AT. John Hawkins Esquire, and afterward 
 knight, Captaine of the Jesus of Lubek, one of her AJajesties 
 shippes, and Generali of the “Salomon”, and other two barkes going 
 in his companie, to the coast of Guinea, and the Indies of Nova 
 Hispania, begun in An. Dom. 1564. 
 
 Master John Hawkins with the Jesus of Lubek, a shippe of 700. 
 and the Salomon a shippe of 140, the Tiger a barke of 50. and the 
 Swallow of 30. tunnes, being all well furnished with men to the 
 number of one hundreth three score and tenne, as also with ordinance 
 and victuall requisite for such a voyage, departed out of Plymmouth 
 the 18. day of October, in the yeere of our Lord 1564 (X. 9). . . . 2 
 
 Here we stayed but one night, and part of the day: for the 7 of 
 December wee came away, in that pretending to have taken Negros 
 there perforce, the Mynions men gave them there to understand of 
 our comming, and our pretence, wherefore they did avoyde the snares 
 
 [6] 1 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, X. 9-63; Markham, The Hawkins’ Voyages, 
 PP* 8-69. That portion of this narrative which relates to the Minion is also printed 
 in Hakluyt, VI. 263-265. The account of the voyage is written by John Sparke, an 
 officer on the Jesus. In addition to his narrative, there is the account sent by Diego 
 Guzman de Silva, the Spanish ambassador, to Philip II., and two books of evidence 
 from Portugal (Williamson, Sir John Hawkins, p. 102). A preliminary list of the 
 adventurers, made up in March, 1564, included the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Robert 
 Dudley,. Lord Clinton, Sir William Cecil, Sir William Garrard, Sir William Chester, 
 Benjamin Gonson, Edward Castlyn, John Hawkins, and William Winter (Williamson, 
 p. 92, from Lansdowne MSS. 6 , ff. 48-49). Cecil stated later that he had refused to 
 give his countenance to the expedition. It is possible that the original plan put 
 forward by Hawkins was to trade on the Guinea coast alone, and that when the 
 queen consented to an extension of the voyage Cecil knew nothing of the change. 
 That the queen, in spite of warning, did consent, seems probable. On June 18, 1564, 
 Challoner had written her: “If hereafter she would avoid these troubles, their folks 
 going to sea must be looked to, and specially that they enterprise no voyage to the 
 Indies and the islands of this king’s navigation” {Cal. St. P. For., 1564-1565, pp. 159-160). 
 On July 24 De Silva asked the queen what voyage Hawkins was planning, having heard 
 that he was going to Guinea, and requested that he be obliged to give security that 
 he would not plunder Spanish subjects, to which the queen had “replied graciously”. 
 July 31, 1564, De Silva to Philip II., Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, p. 370; Aug. 22, 1564, 
 De Silva to the queen, Cal. St. P. For., 1564-1565, p. 191; see Corbett, Drake and the 
 Tudor Navy, I. 83, 94-98; Williamson, pp. 92-100. 
 
 2 The Jesus, at least twenty years old at this time, had already been condemned 
 as not worth repairing, but had later been overhauled; the Salomon and the Swallow 
 were Hawkins’s own vessels. The crews of the four vessels were, 80, 35, 20, and 15, 
 a total of 150. The cost of the expedition, aside from the capital value of the ships 
 and the cost of cargo, was <£4,990* For 500 negroes there was an allowance of 120 
 quarters of beans and peas, and of shirts and shoes. Williamson, pp. 94-95, from 
 the Lansdowne MSS. 6, ff. 48-50. 
 
4 8 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 we had layd for them. . . . 3 In this place 4 the two shippes riding, 
 the two Barkes, with their boates, went into an Island of the Sapies, 
 called La Formio, to see if they could take any of them, and there 
 landed to the number of 80 in armour, and espying certaine made 
 to them, but they fled in such order into the woods, that it booted 
 them not to follow: so going on their way forward till they came 
 to a river, which they could not passe over, they espied on the other- 
 side two men, who with their bowes and arrowes shot terribly at 
 them. Whereupon we discharged certaine harquebuzes to them againe, 
 but the ignorant people wayed it not, because they knewe not the 
 danger thereof: but used a marveilous crying in their flight with 
 leaping and turning their tayles, that it was most strange to see, and 
 gave us great pleasure to beholde them. At the last, one being hurt 
 with a harquebuz upon the thigh, looked upon his wound and wist not 
 howe it came, because hee could not see the pellet. Here Master 
 Hawkins perceiving no good to be done amongst them, because 
 we could not finde their townes, and also not knowing how 
 to goe into Rio grande, for want of a Pilote, which was the very 
 occasion of our comming thither: and finding so many sholes, feared 
 with our great ships to goe in, and therefore departed on our pre¬ 
 tended way to the Idols (X. 16-17 ). . . . 5 
 
 In this Island 6 we stayed certaine daies, going every day on shore 
 to take the Inhabitants, with burning and spoiling their townes, who 
 before were Sapies, and were conquered by the Samboses, Inhabitants 
 beyond Sierra Leona. . . . These inhabitants have diverse of the 
 Sapies, which they tooke in the warres as their slaves, whome onely 
 they kept to till the ground, in that they neither have the knowledge 
 thereof, nor yet will worke themselves, of whome wee tooke many in 
 that place, but of the Samboses none at all, for they fled into the 
 
 3 They were at Cape Verde. Of the natives here Sparke wrote, they are “counted 
 
 the goodliest men of all other, saving the Congoes, which do inhabite on this side 
 
 the cape de Buena Esperanga. . . . These men also are more civill then any other, 
 
 because of their dayly trafficke with the Frenchmen, and are of nature very gentle 
 
 and loving” (X. 15). On July n, 1564, at a meeting at the house of Sir William 
 
 Garrard, it had been arranged to send the Minion, the John Baptist, and the Merlin 
 on a Guinea voyage (Hakluyt, VI. 262; introduction, p. 10). Hawkins’s vessels had met 
 the Minion and for some distance had been in touch with her. The Merlin was before 
 long blown up and the Minion’s captain and a dozen of her men were captured by the 
 Portuguese (Hakluyt, VI. 264-265, X. 10, 35). The statement that the men from the 
 Minion spoiled Hawkins’s trade has been cited to show the antagonism between the 
 traders in gold and other Guinea commodities and Hawkins’s slaving. Williamson 
 however refuses to accept this argument, and thinks it probable that the betrayal of 
 Hawkins was the inadvertent gossip of some sailor. Williamson, pp. $7-5%, IQI * 
 
 4 The islands of Alcatraz, not far from Cape Verde, at which they had anchored 
 on Dec. 8. 
 
 6 These islands were not far from the mouth of the Sierra Leone River. Originally 
 known as Ilhas dos Idolos, the name was gradually corrupted into Isles de Los, and at 
 last Isles Delos, by which name they frequently appear in the slave-trade literature 
 of the late eighteenth century. 
 
 6 The island is called by the narrator Sambula. Markham supposed it to be 
 the modern Sherbro Island. Hawkins’ Voyages, p. 18 n. 
 
i 5 6 4~i5^>5 
 
 49 
 
 maine (X. 17). . . , 7 In this Island aforesayde wee sojourned unto 
 the one and twentieth of December, where having taken certaine 
 Negros, and asmuch of their fruites, rise, and mill, as we could well 
 cary away, (whereof there was such store, that wee might have laden 
 one of our Barkes therewith) wee departed (X. 20). . . , 8 The two 
 and twentieth the Captaine went into the River, called Callowsa, 
 with the two Barkes, and the Johns Pinnesse, and the Salomons boate, 
 leaving at anker in the Rivers mouth the two shippes, the River 
 being twenty leagues in, where the Portugals roade: hee came thither 
 the five and twentieth, and dispatched his businesse, and so returned 
 with two Caravels, loaden with Negros. 9 The 27. the Captaine was 
 advertised by the Portugals 10 of a towne of the Negros called Bymba, 
 being in the way as they returned, where was not onely great quan¬ 
 tities of golde, but also that there were not above fortie men, and an 
 hundred women and children in the Towne, so that if hee would give 
 the adventure upon the same, hee might gette an hundredth slaves: 
 with the which tydings hee being gladde, because the Portugals shoulde 
 not thinke him to bee of so base a courage, but that hee durst give 
 them that, and greater attempts: and being thereunto also the more 
 provoked with the prosperous successe hee had in other Islands adja¬ 
 cent, where he had put them all to flight, and taken in one boate 
 twentie together, determined to stay before the Towne three or 
 f°u re houres, to see what hee could doe: and thereupon prepared his 
 men in armour and weapon together, to the number of fortie men 
 well appointed, having to their guides certaine Portugals, in a boat, 
 who brought some of them to their death: wee landing boat after 
 boat, and divers of our men scattering themselves, contrary to the 
 Captaines will, by one or two in a company, for the hope that they had 
 to finde golde in their houses, ransacking the same, in the meane time 
 the Negi os came upon them, and hurte many being thus scattered, 
 whereas if five or sixe had bene together, they had bene able, as their 
 
 companions did, to give the overthrow to 40 of them, and bein«- 
 
 . 1 1 & 
 
 , '^ c e° rd i n g to Sparke, the Samboses had been here but three years but in that 
 time had so planted the ground, that they had great plentie of Mil, Rise, Rootes, 
 Pomp ions, Pullin, goates, of small frye dried, every house full of the Countrey fruite 
 planted by Gods providence, as Palmito trees, fruites planted like dates, and sundry 
 other in no place in all that Countrey so aboundantly, whereby they lived more 
 
 follows 7 thCn ° ther ”‘ An account of the customs of the Samboses and the Sapies 
 
 9 2u C ° f . Hawkms .’ s men was murdered by the natives before they left this place. 
 That is, Hawkins apparently purchased negroes from the Portuguese The 
 Portuguese account of this sojourn says that Hawkins captured sixteen or seventeen 
 Portuguese vessels and took from them 600 negroes. Some of the vessels were those 
 belonging to the monopolists who supplied the Spaniards with slaves, and Williamson’s 
 conjecture that dissatisfied Portuguese, themselves shut out from the Spanish trade 
 aided Hawkins, is entirely plausible. Williamson, pp. 102-103. ’ 
 
 • . 10 ,™ e a j d frequently rendered to Hawkins by the Portuguese is worthy of note, 
 in the light of the international situation. 
 
50 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 driven downe to take their boates, were followed so hardly by a 
 route of Negros, who by that tooke courage to pursue them to their 
 boates, that not onely some of them, but others standing on shore, 
 not looking for any such matter by meanes that the Negros did 
 flee at the first, and our companie remained in the towne, were sud¬ 
 denly so set upon that some with great hurt recovered their boates; 
 othersome not able to recover the same, tooke the water, and perished 
 by meanes of the oaze. While this was doing, the Captaine who with 
 a dosen men, went through the towne, returned, finding 200 Negros 
 at the waters side, shooting at them in the boates, and cutting them 
 in pieces which were drowned in the water, at whose coming, they 
 ranne all away: so he entred his boates, and before he could put off 
 from the shore, they returned againe, and shot very fiercely and hurt 
 divers of them. Thus wee returned backe some what discomforted, 
 although the Captaine in a singular wise maner caried himselfe, with 
 countenance very cheerefull outwardly, as though hee did litle weigh 
 the death of his men, nor yet the great hurt of the rest, although his 
 heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it; done to this end, that the 
 Portugals being with him, should not presume to resist against him, 
 nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hinderance for 
 the death of our men: having gotten by our going ten Negros, and lost 
 seven of our best men, whereof M. Field Captaine of the Salomon, 
 was one, and we had 27 of our men hurt(X. 20-23). . . . 
 
 The 28 they came to their ships, the Jesus, and the Salomon, and 
 the 30 departed from thence to Taggarin 11 . . . sojourning at Tag- 
 garin, the Swallow went up the river about her trafficke, where they 
 saw great townes of the Negros, and Canoas, that had threescore 
 men in a piece: there they understood by the Portugals, of a great 
 battell betweene them of Sierra Leona side, and them of Taggarin: 
 they of Sierra Leona, had prepared three hundred Canoas to invade 
 the other. The time was appointed not past sixe days after our 
 departure from thence, which we would have seene, to the intent 
 we might have taken some of them, had it not bene for the death and 
 sickenesse of our men, which came by the contagiousnes of the place, 
 which made us to make hast away. 
 
 The 18 of Januarie [1565] at night, wee departed from Taggarin, 
 being bound for the West Indies, before which departure certaine 
 of the Salomons men went on shore to fill water in the night, and 
 as they came on shore with their boat being ready to leape on land, 
 one of them espied an Negro in a white coate, standing upon a 
 rocke, being ready to have received them when they came on shore, 
 having in sight of his fellowes also eight or nine, some in one place 
 
 11 Here the natives destroyed a number of their water casks, unwisely left on shore. 
 
75 ^-/ 5^5 
 
 5 i 
 
 leaping out, and some in another, but they hid themselves streight 
 againe: whereupon our men doubting they had bene a great com- 
 panie, and sought to have taken them at more advantage, as God 
 would, departed to their ships, not thinking there had bene such a 
 mischiefe pretended toward them, as then was in deede. Which the 
 next day we understood of a Portugal that came downe to us, who 
 had trafficked with the Negros, by whom hee understood, that the 
 king of Sierra Leona had made all the power hee could, to take 
 some of us, partly for the desire he had to see what kinde of 
 people we were, that had spoiled his people at the Idols, whereof 
 he had newes before our comming, and as I judge also, upon 
 other occasions provoked by the Tangomangos, but sure we were 
 that the armie was come downe, by meanes that in the evening wee 
 saw such a monstrous fire, made by the watring place, that before 
 was not seene, which fire is the only marke for the Tangomangos to 
 know where their armie is alwayes. If these men had come downe 
 in the evening, they had done us great displeasure, for that wee 
 were on shore filling water: but God, who worketh all things for the 
 best, would not have it so, and by him we escaped without danger, 
 his name be praysed for it. 
 
 The 29 of this same moneth we departed with all our shippes from 
 Sierra Leona, towardes the West Indies, and for the space of 
 eighteene dayes, we were becalmed, having nowe and then contrary 
 windes, and some Ternados, amongst the same calme, which hap¬ 
 pened to us very ill, beeing but reasonably watered, for so great a 
 companie of Negros, 12 and our selves, which pinched us all, and that 
 which was worst, put us in such feare that many never thought to 
 have reached to the Indies, without great death of Negros, and of 
 themselves: but the Almightie God, who never suffereth his elect to 
 perish, sent us the sixteenth of Februarie, the ordinary Brise, which is 
 the Northwest winde, which never left us, till wee came to an Island 
 of the Canybals, called Dominica, where wee arrived the ninth of 
 March, upon a Saturday: and because it was the most desolate place 
 in all the Island, we could see no Canybals, but some of their houses 
 where they dwelled, and as it should seeme forsooke the place for 
 want of fresh water, for wee could find none there but raine water, 
 and such as fell from the hilles, and remained as a puddle in the 
 dale, whereof wee filled for our Negros (X. 23-25). . . , 13 
 
 The tenth day at night, we departed from thence, and the fifteenth 
 had sight of nine Islands, called the Testigos: and the sixteenth of 
 an Island, called Margarita, where wee were entertayned by the 
 
 12 Hawkins by this time had about 400 negroes. Williamson, p. 104. 
 
 13 The nature of the “Canybals” of this West India island is enlarged upon. 
 
52 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Alcalde, and had both Beeves and sheepe given us, for the refreshing 
 of our men: but the Governour of the Island, would neither come 
 to speake with our Captaine, neither 1 yet give him any licence to traf- 
 ficke: and to displease us the more, whereas wee had hired a Pilote 
 to have gone with us, they would not onely not suffer him to goe 
 with us, but also sent word by a Caravel out of hand, to Santo 
 Domingo, to the Vice-roy, who doeth represent the kings person, 
 of our arrivall in those partes, which had like to have turned us to 
 great displeasure, by the meanes that the same Vice-roy did send 
 word to Cape de la Vela, and to other places along the coast, com¬ 
 manding them that by the vertue of his authoritie, and by the obedi¬ 
 ence that they owe to their Prince, no man should trafficke with us, 
 but should resist us with all the force they could. . . . 
 
 Here perceiving no trafficke to be had with them, nor yet water 
 for the refreshing of our men, we were driven to depart the twen¬ 
 tieth day, and the 2 and twentieth we came to a place in the maine 
 called Cumana, whither the Captaine going in his Pinnisse, spake 
 with certaine Spaniards, of whom he demanded trafficke, but they 
 made him answere, they were but souldiers newely come thither, and 
 were not able to by one Negro: whereupon hee asked for a watring 
 place, and they pointed him a place two leagues off, called Santa Fe, 
 where we found marveilous goodly watering, and commodious for 
 the taking in thereof: for that the fresh water came into the Sea, 
 and so our shippes had aboord the shore twentie fathome water (X. 
 26-27). . . , 14 
 
 . . . wee kept our course along the coast, and came the third of 
 April to a Towne called Burboroata, 15 where his ships came to an 
 ancker, and hee himselfe went a shore to speake with the Spaniards, to 
 whom hee declared himselfe to be an Englishman, and came thither to 
 trade with them by the way of marchandize, and therefore required 
 licence for the same. Unto whom they made answere, that they were 
 forbidden by the king to trafique with any forren nation, upon penaltie 
 to forfeit their goods, therfore they desired him not to molest them 
 any further, but to depart as he came, for other comfort he might 
 not looke for at their handes, because they were subjects and might 
 not goe beyond the law. But hee replied that his necessitie was such, 
 as he might not so do: for being in one of the Queens Armadas of 
 England, and having many souldiours in them, hee had neede both 
 of some refreshing for them, and of victuals, and of money also, 
 
 14 Cumana is on the north coast of Venezuela. Santa Fe was directly east of 
 Cumana. A peaceable tribe of Indians living near brought food to the ships. On the 
 28th they departed down the coast, mercifully escaping an attack by crafty Caribs who 
 tried to entice them by offering to traffic with them (X. 27-30). 
 
 16 Borburata, near the modern Port Cabello. 
 
1 5^4-1565 53 
 
 without the which hee coulde not depart, and with much other talke 
 
 perswaded them not to feare any dishonest part of his behalfe towards 
 
 them, for neither would hee commit any such thing to the dishonour 
 
 of his prince, nor yet for his honest reputation and estimation, unlesse 
 
 hee were too rigorously dealt withall, which hee hoped not to finde at 
 
 their handes, in that it should as well redound to their profite as his 
 
 owne, and also hee thought they might doe it without danger, because 
 
 their princes were in amitie one with another, and for our parts wee 
 
 had free trafique in Spain and Flanders, which are in his dominions, 
 
 and therefore he knew no reason why he should not have the like 
 
 in all his dominions. To the which the Spaniards made answere, that 
 
 it lay not in them to give any licence, for that they had a governour 
 
 to whom the government of those parts was committed, but if thev 
 
 would stay tenne dayes, they would send to their governour who was 
 
 threescore leagues off, and would returne answere within the space 
 appointed, of his minde. 
 
 . In , th< T meane time > the y were contented hee should bring his ships 
 into harbour, and there they would deliver him any victuals he would 
 require Whereupon the fourth day we went in, where being one 
 day and receiving all things according to promise, the Captaine ad¬ 
 vised himselfe, that to remaine there tenne dayes idle, spending vic¬ 
 tuals and mens wages, and perhaps in the ende receive no good 
 answere from the governour, it were meere follie, and therefore 
 determined to make request to have licence for the sale of certaine 
 leane and sicke Negros which hee had in his shippe like to die upon his 
 hands if he kept them ten dayes, having little or no refreshing for 
 them, whereas other men having them, they would bee recovered 
 well ynough. And this request hee was forced to make, because he 
 had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals and for necessaries 
 winch he should take: which request being put in writing and pre¬ 
 sented, the officers and towne-dwellers assembled together, and finding 
 his request so reasonable, granted him licence for thirtie Negros, 
 which afterwards they caused the officers to view, to the intent they 
 should graunt to nothing but that were very reasonable, for feare of 
 answering thereunto afterwards. This being past, our Captaine, 
 according to their licence, thought to have made sale, but the dav 
 past and none came to buy, who before made shewe that they had 
 great neede of them, and therefore wist not what to surmise of them 
 whether they went about to prolong the time of the Governour his 
 answere because they would keepe themselves blamelesse, or for any 
 
 .,. , purpose sent them worde, 
 
 marvelling what the matter was that none came to buy them They 
 
 answered, because they had granted licence onely to the poore to buy 
 
54 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 those Negros of small price, and their money was not so ready as 
 other mens of more wealth. More then that, as soone as ever they 
 sawe the shippes, they conveyed away their money by their wives 
 that went into the mountaines for feare, and were not yet returned, 
 and yet asked two dayes to seeke their wives and fetch their money. 
 Notwithstanding, the next day divers of them came to cheapen, but 
 could not agree of price, because they thought the price too high. 
 Whereupon the Captaine perceiving they went about to bring downe 
 the price, and meant to buy, and would not confesse if hee had licence, 
 that he might sell at any reasonable rate, as they were worth in other 
 places, did send for the principals of the Towne, and made a shewe 
 hee would depart, declaring himselfe to be very sory that he had so 
 much troubled them, and also that he had sent for the governour 
 to come downe, seeing nowe his pretence was to depart, whereat they 
 marveiled much, and asked him what cause mooved him thereunto, 
 seeing by their working he was in possibilitie to have his licence. 
 
 To the which he replied, that it was not onely a licence that he 
 sought, but profit, which he perceived was not there to bee had, and 
 therefore would seeke further, and withall shewed him his writings 
 what he payed for his Negros, declaring also the great charge he was 
 at in his shipping, and mens wages, and therefore to countervaile his 
 charges, hee must sell his Negros for a greater price then they offered. 
 So they doubting his departure, put him in comfort to sell better there 
 then in any other place. And if it fell out that he had no licence 
 that he should not loose his labour in tarying, for they would buy 
 without licence. Whereupon, the Captaine being put in comfort, 
 promised them to stay, so that hee might make sale of his leane 
 Negros, which they granted unto. And the next day did sell some 
 of them, who having bought and payed for them, thinking to have 
 had a discharge of the Customer, for the custome of the Negros, 
 being the Kings duetie, they gave it away to the poore for Gods sake, 
 and did refuse to give the discharge in writing, and the poore not 
 trusting their wordes, for feare, least hereafter it might be demaunded 
 of them, did refraine from buying any more, so that nothing else 
 was done untill the Governours comming downe, which was the four¬ 
 teenth day, and then the Captaine made petition, declaring that hee 
 was come thither on a shippe of the Queenes Majesties of England, 
 being bound to Guinie, and thither driven by winde and weather, so 
 that being come thither, hee had neede of sundry necessaries for the 
 reparation of the said Navie, and also great need of money for the 
 paiment of his Souldiours, unto whom hee had promised paiment, and 
 therefore although hee would, yet would not depart without it, and 
 for that purpose he requested licence for the sale of certaine of his 
 
1 564-1565 
 
 55 
 
 Negros, declaring that although they were forbidden to traffique 
 wit 1 strangers, yet for that there was a great amitie betweene their 
 princes, and that the thing pertained to our Queenes highnesse, he 
 
 ought hee might doe their prince great service, and that it would bee 
 well taken at his hands, to doe it in this cause. The which allega¬ 
 tions with divers others put in request, were presented unto the Gover- 
 nour, who sitting in counsell for that matter, granted unto his request 
 or *cence But yet there fell out another thing which was the abat¬ 
 ing of the kings Custome, being upon every slave 30. duckets, which 
 would not be granted unto. 16 
 
 Whereupon the Captaine perceiving that they would neither come 
 neere his price hee looked for by a great deale, nor yet would abate 
 the Kings Custome of that they offered, so that either he must be a 
 great looser by his wares, or els compell the officers to abate the 
 same kings Custome which was too unreasonable, for to a higher 
 price hee coulde not bring the buyers: Therefore the sixteenth of 
 April hee prepared one hundred men well armed with bowes, arrowes, 
 harquebuzes and pikes, with the which hee marched to the towne- 
 wards, and being perceived by the Governour, he straight with all 
 expedition sent messengers to knowe his request, desiring him to 
 march no further forward untill he had answere againe, which incon- 
 tinent he should have. So our Captaine declaring how unreason¬ 
 able a thing the Kings Custome was, requested to have the same 
 abated, and to pay seven and a halfe per centum, which is the 
 ordmarie Custome for wares through his dominions there, and unto 
 this it they would not graunt, hee would displease them. And this 
 word being caned to the Governour, answere was returned that all 
 mgs should bee to his content, and thereupon hee determined to 
 depart, but the souldiers and Mariners finding so little credit in 
 their promises, demanded gages for the performance of the premisses 
 or els they would not depart. And thus they being constrained to 
 
 send gages, wee departed, beginning our traffique, and ending the same 
 without disturbance. 
 
 Thus having made trafique in the harborough untill the 28. our 
 Captaine with his ships intended to goe out of the roade, and pur¬ 
 posed to make shew of his departure, because nowe the common 
 sort having imployed their money, the rich men were come to towne 
 who made no shew that they were come to buy, so that they went 
 about to bring downe the price, and bv this pollicie the Captaine 
 knew they would be made the more eager, for feare least we departed, 
 and they should goe without any at all. 
 
 , 16 Re membering that the maximum price which could legally be charged fnr 
 
 king^s customs? ’ ^ ^ ^ that Hawkins desired an abatement of the 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 The nine and twentie wee being at ancker without the road, a 
 French ship called the Greene Dragon of Newhaven, 17 whereof was 
 Captaine one Bon Temps came in, who saluted us after the maner 
 of the Sea, with certaine pieces of Ordinance, and we resaluted him 
 with the like againe: with whom having communication, he declared 
 that hee had bene at the Mine in Guinie, and was beaten off by the 
 Portugals gallies, and inforced to come thither to make sale of such 
 wares as he had: and further that the like was happened unto the 
 Minion : besides the Captaine Davie Carlet and a Marchant, with a 
 dozen Mariners betrayed by the Negros at their first arrivall thither, 
 and remayning prisoners with the Portugals; and besides other mis¬ 
 adventures of the losse of their men, happened through the great 
 lacke of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the ships: 
 which was most sorrowful for us to understand (pp. 3 °" 35 )* • • * 
 the 19. came thither; 18 where having talke with the kings treasurer 
 of the Indies resident there, he declared his quiet trafique in Bur- 
 boroata, and shewed a certificate of the same, made by the gover- 
 nour thereof, and therefore he desired to have the like there also: 
 but the treasurer made answere that they were forbidden by the 
 Viceroy and Councill of S. Domingo, who haying intelligence of our 
 being on the coast, did sende expresse commission to resist us, with all 
 the force they could, insomuch that they durst not trafique with us 
 in no case, alleaging that if they did, they should loose all that they 
 did trafique for, besides their bodies at the magistrates commaunde- 
 ment. Our Captaine replied, that hee was in an Armada of the 
 Queenes Majesties of England, and sent about other her affaires, but 
 driven besides his pretended voyage, was inforced by contrary windes 
 to come into those partes, where he hoped to finde such friendship 
 as hee should doe in Spaine, to the contrary whereof hee knewe no 
 reason, in that there was amitie betwixt their princes. But seeing 
 they would contrary to all reason go about to withstand his trafique, 
 he would it should not be said by him, that having the force he hath, 
 to be driven from his trafique perforce, but he would rather put it 
 in adventure to try w T hether he or they should have the better, and 
 therefore willed them to determine either to give him licence to 
 trade, or else to stand to their owne harmes: So upon this it was 
 determined hee should have licence to trade, but they would give 
 him such a price as was the one halfe lesse then he had sold for 
 before, and thus they sent word they would do, and none otherwise, 
 and if it liked him not, he might do what he would, for they weie 
 
 - Havre de Grace, known to the English as Newhaven, had within the century 
 become a port of some importance. Elizabeth, had had it under her control for a brief 
 
 time in 1562 but it was returned to the French in 1563. . 
 
 18 Hawkins, his trade completed, departed on May 4 for Rio de la Hacha, which 
 
 he reached the 19th. 
 
 17 
 
November, 1565 57 
 
 not determined to deale otherwise with him. Whereupon, the cap- 
 taine waying their unconscionable request, wrote to them a letter, that 
 they dealt too rigorously with him, to go about to cut his throte in 
 the price of his commodities, which were so reasonably rated, as they 
 
 could not by a great deale have the like at any other mans handes 
 (X. 38). . . , 18 
 
 After which departure from them, 20 with a good large winde the 
 twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall, God be 
 thanked, in safetie, with the losse of twentie persons in all the voy¬ 
 age, and with great profit to the venturers of the said voyage, 
 as also to the whole realme, in bringing home both golde, silver, 
 
 pearles and other jewels great store. His name therefore be praised 
 for evermore. Amen. 
 
 The names of certaine Gentlemen that were in this voyage. 
 
 ' M. John Hawkins. 
 
 M. John Chester, ^ sir William Chesters sonne. 
 
 M. Anthony Parkhurst. 
 
 M. Fitzwilliam. 21 
 M. Thomas Woorley. 
 
 ,M. Edward Lacie; -[with divers others. 
 
 The Register and true accounts of all herein expressed 
 hath beene approoved by me John Sparke the younger, who 
 went upon the same voyage, and wrote the same (X. 63). 
 
 7. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 ... I have used all diligence to obtain information about Haw- 
 
 19 
 
 The next morning Hawkins landed one hundred men, a display of force 
 sufficient to bring the authorities to his terms: “So upon this gages were sent, and we 
 made our trafique quietly with them”, concludes Sparke (p. 40). The remainder of 
 the narrative deals with matters important to the history of Spanish-English relations in 
 the IN ewjWorld, but of no significance to the development of the trade in slaves. 
 
 Banks TW ° FreDCh shipS encountered four or five days after they left the Newfoundland 
 
 at ,, 21 Do ^tless the Fitzwilliam who later acted as an agent for Hawkins in Spain. 
 Markham, Hawkins Voyages, pp. viii-x, 64, n. 2. 
 
 [7] P. Span., 1558-1567, pp. 502-504. See Williamson (p. 98) for a brief 
 
 account of De Silva’s character and his services in England. On Aug. 27, 1565, he had 
 written to the king: “These people must be waxing fat on the spoils of the Indies. A 
 ship belonging to Winter, of 80 tons burden, is leaving for Guinea.” This letter is the 
 hrst which displays any knowledge on the part of De Silva as to the activities of 
 Hawkins on his second voyage {Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, p. 470). On Oct. 1 he 
 wrote that Hawkins had arrived at Plymouth Sept. 25, with 50,000 ducats in gold and 
 some commodities. The great danger he felt was lest others follow the example 
 because the greed of these people is such that they might arrange to always undertake 
 similar voyages”. A week later he added that he could learn nothing fresh save that 
 Hawkins had traded in Jamaica and Tierra Firme with Spanish licenses; on Oct 20 
 he was assured by Hawkins that he had traded with permission of the Spanish 
 governors, but this he found it difficult to believe. Ibid., pp. 485-486, 488, 496. 
 
 After some comparison of the abridgments or paraphrases in the Calendar of State 
 Papers with the originals, it was thought desirable in many cases to use the material 
 of the Calendar, since it seemed possible to effect some saving of space with no sacri- 
 hce of essential accuracy. The same decision was made in regard to material in the 
 House of Lords MSS. (Historical MSS. Commission), and that of the Acts of the Privy 
 Council, Colonial. 1 y 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 58 
 
 kins’s voyage, and find that after he left Galicia, where he touched, 
 he went to Guinea and traded with the Portuguese slavers. . He ob¬ 
 tained a number of negroes and sent men on shore to obtain more. 
 He took some, but lost nine soldiers killed, amongst whom were 
 some Portuguese. They say he must have had 400 blacks, but in the 
 accounts he gives he says there were only 370, and with these and a 
 good stock of goods, cloths, linens, and the like, he went straight to 
 Dominica, and thence to Deseada, where lie took water, fuel, and 
 other necessaries for the voyage to the mainland. He then went to 
 a place called Barrota, and on his arrival the governor came with 
 troops to know who they were. He was told they were Englishmen 
 who wished to trade, and replied that they could not trade there, as 
 your Majesty had prohibited it on pain of death. The captain 
 answered that he had a large number of men with him, and he was 
 unable to restrain them from landing and doing damage if they were 
 not allowed to traffic, and he thereupon entered into a private 
 arrangement with the governor that he would send some men ashore 
 next day who would make for the settlement and threaten damage, 
 and the governor would then appear and give them leave to trade in 
 order to prevent injury. This was done, and 200 troops, with some 
 pieces of artillery, were landed, and firing was commenced, when the 
 governor came out and a pretence of fighting was made, but soon 
 ceased, and they were allowed to trade for the sake of peace, after 
 some written demands and answers had passed between them, accord¬ 
 ing to the arrangement. The people on shore bought a quantity of 
 cloths, linens, and other things, and 140 slaves, and the expedition 
 then sailed to another island, called Quiros Sail (Curasao), where 
 they say they only found two Spaniards, who had a laige quantity of 
 skins. They bought 1500 skins of them, and the meat they required 
 for their use. They sailed thence to Rio de la Hacha, where the 
 same took place with the governor as had passed at Barbarrota. 
 There they sold the rest of the slaves and a large part of then mer¬ 
 chandise. . . . The man who gives me this account, and who went 
 the whole voyage, tells me that Hawkins got a Spanish pilot out of a 
 Portuguese ship, by whose aid the voyage was made, and who still 
 remains secretly in the ship." 
 
 This Hawkins, as I wrote your Majesty, spoke to me in the palace, 
 and I treated him courteously, although I had heard something of 
 what I have mentioned, but wished to gain further particulais, and 
 in order not to arouse his suspicions I asked him to dine with me, 
 and he gave me a general account of the voyage, which corresponds 
 with the information already given as regards the places he went to, 
 
 8 Of this De Silva later wrote: “This was not the case, but he took one on his 
 first voyage who piloted him so well that Hawkins became well acquainted with the 
 navigation himself. The foundation for the statement that he had a Spaniard with him 
 was that he captured a negro in Guinea who had been brought up in Portugal, and 
 used him as an interpreter, bringing him to England with him.” Cal. St. P. Span 
 
 1558-1:567, p. 523 - 
 
November, 156^ 
 
 59 
 
 but n°f: as regards his mode of trading. On the contrary, he said he 
 had traded greatly to the satisfaction of the Spaniards everywhere, 
 and with license from the governors, which he would show me. He 
 told me, amongst other things, that he had a bill from one of the 
 governors for 600 dollars, which was to be paid to him in another 
 
 weTther Where ’ h ° Wever ’ he did not touch ’ on account of the bad 
 
 The owners who provided the capital for him are, I am informed, 
 dissatisfied with him, and believe he has brought more gold than he 
 confesses. He on his part does not appear contented with the sum 
 they have paid him, and this may lead to the truth coming out He 
 is now rendering his accounts, and I learn from the person who has 
 to receive them that he credits himself with 1600 dollars given to 
 one of the governors for leave to trade, and also for the bill for 600 
 dollars from the other governor which was not presented for pay¬ 
 ment in accordance with an arrangement between them, so that it 
 might appear that the governor had paid for what he had bought. 
 
 I his bill must be the one Hawkins told me he had from one of the 
 governors. 
 
 The voyage has brought him 60 per cent profit. They tell me 
 that this profit has encouraged some of the merchants here to under¬ 
 take like voyages and even that Hawkins will return in May. This 
 is important and needs decisive action. I could speak to the queen 
 and tell her that the man confesses to have traded in places where 
 your Majesty has forbidden commerce, and request her to have him 
 punished; but I want to have the matter very clear first, and if any 
 statement has been received by your Majesty from the parts visited 
 by the expedition, confirming my information they would be very 
 important in proceeding against him although he will not lack friends, 
 as amongst those who took shares in his enterprise, besides the mer¬ 
 chants, are Benedict Spinola and the Earl of Pembroke. Spinola 
 tells me that when they took their shares they understood it was in 
 a voyage to Guinea and the Mina and not the voyage taken by 
 Hawkins. Secretary Cecil tells me that they offered to take him in 
 ike the rest when Hawkins left, but that he refused as he did not 
 ike such adventures. When I return to England I will see the 
 licenses the captain says he has from the governors, and if there 
 appears to be any ground the queen shall be addressed on the subject. 
 
 If there is any way of getting him punished it will be expedient as an 
 example to others, but if not, it will be best to dissemble in order 
 the more easily to capture and castigate him there if he should repeat 
 the voyage. If his suspicion is not aroused and he makes the voyage 
 he will touch on the coast of Spain, and I will be on the alert to 
 advise of his movements. . . . 
 
 Antwerp, 5th November 1565. 
 
6o 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 8. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 
 ... I wrote to your Majesty some days ago that I thought Cap¬ 
 tain Hawkins might be fitting out his ships (which he said were in¬ 
 tended to be ready to serve your Majesty) really for the purpose 
 of making another voyage like his last one to the Indies, and I am 
 informed to-day that it is so arranged that there shall be no difficulty 
 about finding people to trade with him in the places he visited last 
 year. My information is not certain enough to enable me to frustrate 
 the plan yet, and I will wait until it is more advanced, and I can wit 
 good grounds ask the queen to stop the voyage, but I think that the 
 
 governors should be warned.” 
 
 London, 4th June 1566. 
 
 9. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 
 ... In my last of the 5th instant I told your Majesty I had sent 
 a person to discover about the ships that I was informed were being 
 got ready to go to the Indies. 2 His statement goes herewith, and the 
 intention appears to be to go to Guinea and capture negroes, and 
 then to sell them in your Majesty’s islands, to the best of their 
 ability. I received the statement on the 10th instant, and on the 
 same day went to the queen, and told her that she would recollect 
 that when Captain Hawkins sailed two years ago she had assured me 
 that he would not go to any place where your Majesty’s subjects 
 might be injured, or to any prohibited port. Notwithstanding this, 
 and her orders to that effect, he had acted differently, and had traded 
 
 [8] 'Cal. St. P. span., 1558-1567, P- 556 . De Silva s uneasiness was growing and he 
 sent lengthy reports of both facts and rumors to Philip. Early in February he made 
 to Hawkins a proffer of service under the Spanish king: “They have again asked him 
 to make another voyage like the last, but he says he will not do so without your 
 Majesty’s license, as it is a laborious and dangerous business. The trade of capturing 
 negroes in Guinea and taking them to the Indies is considered very profitable and may 
 be undertaken by any man who understands the voyage. It seems advisable to ge 
 this man out of the country, so that he may not teach others, for they have good s ips 
 and are greedy folk with more freedom than is good for them. This Hawkins has 
 now eight ships” (Feb. 4, 15 66, ibid., p. 522)- At the next interview between Hawkins 
 and the ambassador details of the Spanish service were considered, Hawkins stipulating 
 that, “as a reward for his service, he would be content that as your Majesty has a 
 hundred odd slaves, or the value thereof, left in Santo Domingo by him in the hands 
 of your Majesty’s ministers a certain sum of money should be handed over to him 
 which will be derived from the proceeds of some hides that he sent to Seville (I-eb. 
 
 11, 1566, ibid., p. 525). . . 
 
 Throughout March, April, and May the ambassador continued uncertain as to 
 
 whether the vessels which Hawkins was fitting out were for the service of the 
 Spanish king or for a third expedition to Guinea and the Indies. Mar. 23, 30, May 4, 18, 
 
 ibid., pp. 534, 538, 548, 551. . . 
 
 2 Two months later De Silva was convinced by Hawkins that the suspicions here 
 expressed were entirely unjust and that the vessels were for the services of Spain. 
 Aug. 3, 1566, ibid., p. 570. 
 
 [9] 'Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, pp. 584-585* . , 
 
 2 “Three ships are fitting out to go to the Mina. ... I am also told that six 
 or seven other ships are being fitted in certain ports, with the same object. Ibid., p. 584. 
 
October f 1566 
 
 61 
 
 in places where even your Majesty’s subjects could not go without 
 special license, and although I might have complained greatly of his 
 action I had refrained from doing so, because certain members of 
 her Council were interested in the enterprise. The news being pub¬ 
 lished could not fail to reach your Majesty’s ears, and as the busi¬ 
 ness was an important one, upon which your Majesty laid great stress, 
 you naturally would be annoyed. I understood that certain other 
 vessels were now being prepared for a similar voyage, in accord¬ 
 ance with the statement which I read to her, and I begged her to 
 order these to refrain from offending by dealing or trading in any 
 part prohibited by your Majesty, as apart from the fact that it is 
 unjust to do so, your Majesty would have serious reason for com¬ 
 plaint and resentment. 
 
 She replied that as to Hawkins’ voyage she knew some of her 
 Council had had an interest in it, but that they did not mean him to 
 go to any place forbidden by your Majesty, nor had his intention 
 been to do so, but he had been forced by winds, and had been driven 
 to those places where he traded with the license and permission of the 
 governors, of which he had brought evidence. Until she had been 
 satisfied upon this point she had refused to see him. I said I knew 
 very well what had happened in the matter, but had passed it over 
 for the reasons I have stated. If, however, no remedy was found 
 I could not avoid informing your Majesty. She said that it was 
 necessary that her subjects should know which were the forbidden 
 places, so that they might not go there, and also that the governors 
 should be directed not to allow them to trade. I said that the places 
 prohibited were very well known, and it was not right to expect your 
 Majesty to build forts in your dominions, as a defense against your 
 own friends, but that her subjects ought to know that they must not 
 act in this way. She said that the French and other nations went there 
 to trade. I said perhaps they did, sometimes, but it was against the 
 wish of their kings, and without their knowledge, and they were only 
 robbers and pirates who lived outside the law. She called Cecil, and 
 told him to have these peoples summoned and examined as to where 
 they were going, and then that such steps should be taken as were 
 necessary. This afternoon the Council is to meet to discuss the mat¬ 
 ter. I quite believe that the measures they adopt will be good, and 
 advice should also be sent to the places they may go to, since there 
 will be plenty of time for it, as they are going to Guinea first. I 
 inform the king of Portugal’s agent in Antwerp that he may send 
 advice of it to his king, and so wherever these people arrive they 
 may find resistance and they may thus perhaps be prevented from 
 
6 2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 making this voyage as an ordinary thing. It is important to stop 
 this from the beginning. . . . 3 
 London, 12th October 1566. 
 
 10. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 
 [London, November 4, 1566.] 
 
 ... I wrote to your Majesty that the queen had summoned Cap¬ 
 tain Hawkins, respecting the ships which he had ready to send to 
 Guinea and the Indies. He came and was ordered, as also was the 
 other man they call Tenar, not to go to the places prohibited by your 
 Majesty under grave penalties, and the judge of the admiralty 
 was directed to treat in the same way the others who might wish 
 to make a similar voyage. There were different opinions in the 
 Council about it, but the queen ordered it. It is very important, 
 and if your Majesty thinks well it might be advisable to say a word 
 to the queen’s ambassador expressing thanks for her action in the 
 matter. . . . 2 
 
 3 On the 19th De Silva wrote: “The step they have taken up to the present is to 
 order the detention of George Tenar [Fenner ?], who was to take the three ships which 
 were being fitted out in Portsmouth, and they have sent to summon Hawkins who was 
 fitting out his in Plymouth. With regard to the latter, they have delayed longer than 
 I like, notwithstanding that I have hurried, them all I could, as I am afraid they have 
 delayed advising him so that he might have time to despatch his ships before the order 
 arrived, which is the sort of things they are in the habit of doing here” (ibid., p. 588). 
 In December, 1566, another Guinea expedition, to which De Silva may here refer, set 
 sail from England, those interested being George and Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, 
 John Worme, Francis Leigh, John Howard, William Bats, Nicholas Day, and John 
 Thomson. Their vessels were the Castle of Comfort, the May Flower, the George, and a 
 pinnace. Two of Fenner’s men who went ashore to trade at Cape Verde were held 
 captive by the natives, who asserted, “That there was in the foresayd roade, three 
 weekes before wee came, an English shippe which had taken three of their people”. 
 Later in the voyage they encountered a Portuguese vessel, with which they traded five 
 negroes that they had on board for sugar. Most of the account deals with their difficulties 
 with the Portuguese. Hakluyt, VI. 266-284; Williamson, pp. 158-161. 
 
 [10] 1 Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, p. 593. Hawkins, on Oct. 31, gave bond for £500 
 that he would send no ship to the Spanish Indies. He returned to Plymouth in November 
 and not long afterward the Swallow, the Powel, the Salamon, and the Pasco, laden by 
 John Hawkins and under the command of John Lovell, sailed for Guinea. Williamson, 
 pp. 122-123. 
 
 2 On Dec. 20 the king responded, asking his minister to thank the queen for her 
 action. This De Silva reported on Jan. 25 that he had done (Cal. St. P. Span., 1558- 
 1567, pp. 605, 613). Meanwhile Lovell had arrived at Cape Verde, where he took a 
 Portuguese slaver. In February he seized another. In all, his prizes amounted to 
 about 30,000 ducats. From Africa the vessels sailed with their booty to the Indies, 
 where they touched at Margarita, Borburata, Curasao, and Rio de la Hacha. Here 
 the trading was bungled, and from a letter of Hawkins to the treasurer of Rio de la 
 Hacha one learns that Hawkins apparently received nothing for the negroes delivered 
 by Lovell, a fact which he found more tolerable “because the loss was scattered among 
 divers venturers”. Williamson, pp. 124-125. 
 
63 
 
 July, 1567 
 
 11. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 
 ... I have spoken to the queen about the six ships that are being 
 tte out or Hawkins. She says she has had the merchants in her 
 presence and made them swear that they are not going to any place 
 prohibited by your Majesty. I have requested her not to allow it, see- 
 ing the trouble that may result therefrom. 
 
 They give me to understand that the ships are being fitted out be¬ 
 cause the Portuguese sunk a ship of Vice-Admiral Winter’s recently 
 and they are going in the direction of the Mina. Cecil also says they 
 are not going to your Majesty’s dominions but still I am doubtful, 
 because what they seek in Guinea most are slaves to take to the West 
 Indies. I will use all efforts to prevent their going, but the greed of 
 these people is great and they are not only merchants who have shares 
 in these adventures but secretly many of the queen’s Council. 
 
 London, 26th June 1567. 
 
 12. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 
 I hear that the ships that Hawkins is going to take out are being 
 got ready rapidly, and I am now told that there are to be nine of 
 them, four of the queen’s, and five which Hawkins has in Plymouth, 
 where they say the others are to join them. The four belonging to 
 the queen are off Rochester. They are fine vessels, the principal 
 of them being called the Jesus de Lobic of 800 tons, and another of 
 300, the other two being somewhat smaller. They are armed with 
 fine bronze cannon. The five ships which are to join them consist 
 ot one of 130 tons, another of 100 tons and another of 80 tons, 
 the rest being smaller, but all very well fitted. They have brought out 
 from the Tower of London lately the artillery, corslets, cuirasses, 
 pikes, bows and arrows, spears, and other necessary things for the 
 expedition. They say that 800 picked men are to go, and the sailors 
 to work the ships are engaged by order and permission of the queen, 
 paid at the same rate as for her service. All this looks as if the object 
 was different from that which they say, namely, to go to the Cape de 
 
 Slll" ] S J 1558-1567, pp. 651-653. The first news of this expedition De 
 
 , T ? d to Ph.l.p on May 31: “I am informed that they are going™ fit 
 TK four fine . sl J 1 P s and a Pinnace at Rochester, two of them belonging to the g queen 
 The matter is kept very secret and nothing has been done yet to the ships except to 
 ou k fh h t e TG bU ‘ f l* * S tho “S h t ‘hat John Hawkins will go with them. They will give 
 anH ? 3t ^ u m u er .? han ^ belonging to two rich aldermen here called Ducket 
 
 and Garret, but it 19 believed that some of the councillors will have shares Thev will 
 probably go to Guinea and afterwards whithersoever .they please. I will endeavour to 
 stop them from going to places prohibited by your Majesty, and have advised the Kins- 
 
 i&n&TWSL-s: 6 d 
 
 of ^^visit^o 6 the°Spanis^i-American C ports. d “ d SHva had sti " » 
 
 [12] Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, pp. 656-657. 
 
6 4 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Verde Islands and Guinea to capture negroes, and thence to go 
 and sell them for gold, silver, pearls, hides, and other merchandise 
 in your Majesty’s Indies. They are taking linens, cloths, merceries, 
 and other things of small value to barter for the negroes. The 
 admiral went yesterday with his officers to Rochester where the 
 queen’s ships are being fitted out; they say that they sail in ten days, 
 and many sailors have come from the West Country to man them. 
 
 The queen, as I have written, assures me that they will not go to 
 places prohibited by your Majesty, and the secretary has done the 
 same. I returned to the subject again yesterday, and had Cecil 
 informed on my behalf that the ships would certainly go to your 
 Majesty’s Indies, whereupon he sent word to me that I might believe 
 his assurance that they would not. I have nevertheless asked for an 
 audience of the queen to warn her again. . . . 
 
 London, 12th July 1567. 
 
 13. Guzman de Silva to Philip II. 1 
 
 . . . Having been advised that the ships for Hawkins’s journey 
 were being got ready although the queen and Cecil had assured me 
 that no harm should be done to your Majesty’s subjects and the 
 expedition would not go to the parts of the Indies your Majesty 
 had prohibited without license, I still thought well to take fresh 
 action in the presence of Cecil, and I asked the queen to summon him, 
 and in his presence told her she would recollect that I had formerly 
 asked her not to allow certain ships commanded by Hawkins and 
 others under a certain Fenner to sail without steps being taken to 
 obtain security that they should not go to your Majesty s Indies, 
 nor do harm to your subjects elsewhere, and that she had ordered 
 this to be done, both because it was just and to oblige your Majesty, 
 for which step I had thanked her in your Majesty’s name; and when 
 I was informed of the active preparations being made by Hawkins 
 I had asked her to act in the same way. She had told me that in her 
 presence she had made them swear that they would not go to any 
 part of the Indies where trade was prohibited, without your Majesty’s 
 license, and she had again commanded them not to do so, which state¬ 
 ment was confirmed by her secretary. I had of course believed her, 
 but had since been told that four of her own ships with artillery 
 and munitions from the Tower were being fitted out for the expedi¬ 
 tion, and I thought well, in compliance with my promise, to again 
 press the matter upon her. It was not only published that the ships 
 were going to Guinea, but it was now asserted that they were to go 
 from there to your Majesty’s Indies to sell the negroes, and although 
 
 [13] 1 Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, pp. 659-661. 
 
July, 1567 
 
 65 
 
 I ought in face of this to make a formal requisition I was neverthe¬ 
 less so confident in her word and that of Cecil that I confined myself 
 to telling her verbally in Cecil’s presence about it. My reason for 
 this also was to make neighbors understand that where such love and 
 kindness existed an official representation was unnecessary. The 
 queen replied that it was true that two of her ships only, which she 
 had lent to the merchants as usual, were going, and it was true also 
 that they were well fitted, both on account of the French pirates that 
 were about, and against the ill-treatment of the Portuguese, but I 
 might be sure that what she told me was true, and that they would 
 not go to any prohibited place or where trouble might be caused 
 to you. The secretary in her presence with a great oath affirmed 
 the same, and I have since been informed that the queen had pre¬ 
 viously told Hawkins to take care not to go to any place that would 
 annoy your Majesty. Notwithstanding all this, however, I am 
 assured that Hawkins and his company will go to New Spain after 
 they have captured their negroes in Guinea, because beside the 
 trifles they take to barter for the slaves, they are taking a large 
 quantity of cloths and linens which are not goods fit for that coun¬ 
 try, and they also carry quantities of beans and other vegetables 
 which are the food of the blacks, and the slaves are not usually taken 
 anywhere but to New Spain and the islands. 
 
 Hawkins on these journeys first touches at the Canary Islands 
 for water and other nec&ssaries, and he is particularly friendly with a 
 certain Pedro de Ponte who lives at Teneriffe and his son Nicolas de 
 Ponte of Xaide. I have read original letters signed by these men 
 for Hawkins and besides matters of commerce in them, I saw that 
 Pedro de Ponte advised him to send information stating that certain 
 women slaves, ornaments, and other things belonging to Hawkins 
 which the authorities had sequestrated and deposited with Pedro de 
 Ponte were not his property, but belonged to another, and so he 
 could recover them. These men, I am informed, always supply 
 Hawkins with victuals, and in the first voyage he made to Santo 
 Domingo five years ago they gave him a pilot called Juan Martinez 
 of Cadiz, who guided them on the journey and returned hither with 
 him, and was hidden here for some time. I understand they are not 
 only Englishmen who prompt these voyages but also some Spaniards 
 who are in the various islands and with whom these people have a 
 mutual arrangement with regard to the profits. If it were not for 
 these Spaniards helping them to the islands these expeditions would 
 never have commenced. 
 
 Four days since they brought from Rochester hither two great 
 ships belonging to the queen, which are those that Hawkins is to 
 
66 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 take. They are here to be armed and fitted, and they say they can¬ 
 not sail so soon as I was told. It is now asserted that the expedition 
 cannot meet until the 15th or 20th of next month. . . . 2 
 
 London, 21st July 1567. 
 
 14. The Third Voyage of John Hawkins, related by Miles 
 Philips and John Hawkins, 1567-1568. 1 
 
 A discourse written by one Miles Philips, Englishman, one of the 
 company put on shoare Northward of Panuco, in the West Indies by 
 M. John Hawkins 1568, conteining many special things of that coun¬ 
 trey and of the Spanish government, but specially of their cruelties 
 used to our Englishmen, and amongst the rest to him selfe for the 
 space of 75. or 16. yeres together, until by good and happy meanes 
 he was delivered from their bloody hands, and returned into his owne 
 Countrey . An. 1582. 
 
 Chap. I. Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure 
 from the coast of England, with the number and names of the ships, 
 their Captaines and Masters, and of our trafique and dealing upon 
 the coast of Africa. Upon munday the second of October 1567. the 
 weather being reasonable faire, our Generali M. John Hawkins, 
 having commanded all his Captaines and Masters to be in a readi- 
 nesse to make saile with him, hee himselfe being imbarked in the 
 Jesus, whereof was appointed for Master Robert Barret, hoised saile, 
 and departed from Plimmouth upon his intended voyage for the 
 parts of Africa, and America, being accompanied with five other 
 
 2 “The 1 principal merchandise is to barter for negroes; a sure sign that they are 
 going to your Majesty’s Indies as I previously advised, and as I am also told by a 
 person who is going with them, who assures me that Hawkins has never made a 
 voyage without Pedro de Ponte of Teneriffe being interested in it” (July 26, 1567, De 
 Silva to the king, Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, p. 663). On Aug. 2 De Silva sent to the king 
 a long account of the plan for opening new gold iftines in Africa which three Portuguese 
 had brought to the attention of the English and which Hawkins was said to be promoting 
 {ibid., p. 666; Williamson, pp. 126-132). By letters of Sept. 13, Oct. 4, 13, 14, 18, and Dec. 
 13 the ambassador kept the king informed of the preparations going forward, ostensibly 
 for this new gold-mining project. By Oct. 13 he had learned that the three ships which 
 went to Guinea the previous summer, which he describes as Hawkins’s, had visited the 
 forbidden places, a fact which did not tend to allay his suspicion of the expedition then 
 in preparation. Cal. St. P. Span., 1558-1567, pp., 675, 678, 679, 680, 682, 688. For the 
 use made of foreign aid by the early English voyagers see G. B. Parks, Richard Hakluyt 
 and the English Voyages (1928), p. 12. 
 
 [14] 1 Hakluyt, IX. 398-445; Beazley, English Garner, I. 173-218. Of Hawkins’s third 
 voyage there are six English accounts: those by Miles Philips, Job Hortop, David 
 Ingram, Hawkins’s own narrative, a brief relation in the Domestic State Papers, 
 
 vol. 49, no. 40, and the Cotton MS. printed by Williamson, pp. 493-534. Hawkins’s 
 
 account is printed in Hakluyt, X. 64-74; Markham, The Hawkins’ Voyages, pp. 70-81; 
 Beazley, English Garner, I. 93-103; Payne, Elizabethan Seamen, I. 69-81. Philips’s 
 narrative is in English Garner, I. 173-218; Hortop’s in Hakluyt, IX. 445-465, and in 
 English Garner, I. 219-242; Ingram’s in English Garner, I. 161-172. The disastrous 
 outcome of the venture is related in a letter of William Hawkins, jr., printed in 
 
 English Garner, I. 82-90. There are also the Portuguese book of complaints, an 
 
 official Spanish report, and depositions in the Admiralty Papers. For an account of 
 all these see Williamson, pp. 142-144. 
 
1567-1568 6 7 
 
 saile of ships, as namely the Mynion, wherein went for Captaine 
 M John Hampton, and John Garret Master. The William and 
 John wherein was Captaine Thomas Bolton, and James Raunce 
 Master. Ihe Judith, in whom was Captaine M. Francis Drake after¬ 
 ward kmght, and the Angel, whose Master, as also the Captaine and 
 Master of the Swallow I now remember not. And so sayling in com¬ 
 pany together upon our voyage untill the tenth of the same moneth, an 
 extreeme storme then tooke us neere unto Cape Finister, which dured 
 tor the space of foure dayes, and so separated our ships, that wee 
 ad lost one another, and our Generali finding the Jesus to bee but 
 in ill case, was in minde to give over the voyage, and to returne 
 home. Howbeit the eleventh of the same moneth the Seas waxing 
 calme, and the winde comming faire hee altered his purpose, and 
 held on the former entended voyage: And so comming to the iland of 
 Gomera being one of the ilands of the Canaries, where according 
 to an order before appointed, we met with all our ships which were 
 before dispersed, wee then tooke in fresh water and departed from 
 thence the fourth of November, and holding on our course, upon the 
 eighteenth day of the same moneth wee came to an ancker upon the 
 coast of Africa, at Cape Verde in twelve fadome water; and here 
 our Generali landed certaine of our men, to the number of 160 or 
 thereabout, seeking to take some Negros. And they going up into 
 
 the Countrey for the space of sixe miles, were encountred with a 
 
 great number of Negros: who with their invenomed arrowes did hurt 
 a great number of our men, so that they were inforced to retire to 
 the ships, in which conflict they recovered but a fewe Negros, and 
 of these our men which were hurt with their envenomed arrowes, 2 
 there died to the number of seven or eight in very strange maner, 
 with their mouths shut, so that wee were forced to put stickes and 
 other things into their mouths to keepe them open, and so afterward 
 passing the time upon the coast of Guinea, untill the twelfth of Janu¬ 
 ary, wee obtained by that time the number of 150 Negros. And 
 
 being ready to depart from the Sea coast, there was a Negro sent 
 
 as an Ambassador to our Generali, from a King of the Negros, 
 which was oppressed with other Kings his bordering neighbours, 
 desiring our Generali to graunt him succour and ayde against those 
 his enemies, which our Generali granted unto, and went himselfe in 
 person a lande, with the number of two hundreth of our men or 
 thereabouts, and the said King which had requested our ayde, did 
 joyne his force with ours, so that thereby our General assaulted,' and 
 
 “Hiiwkins says that he suffered one of the wounds, “yet thankes be to God 
 escaped”. Hakluyt, X. 64-65. ’ 
 
 3 Hawkins’s account reads, “with promise that as many Negros as bv these 
 
 warresi might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure”. 
 Ibid., X. 65. v 
 
68 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 set fire upon a Towne of the said Rang his enemies, in which there 
 was at the least the number of eight or ten thousand Negros, and 
 they perceiving that they were not able to make any resistance sought 
 by flight to save themselves, in which their flight there were taken 
 prisoners to the number of eight or nine hundreth, which our Gen¬ 
 erali ought to have had for his share: howbeit the Negro King 
 which requested our ayde, falsifying his word and promise, secretly 
 in the night conveyed himselfe away with as many prisoners as he 
 had in his custodie: but our Generali notwithstanding finding himselfe 
 to have nowe very neere the number of 500* Negros thought it best 
 without longer abode to depart with them , 4 and such marchandize as 
 hee had from the coast of Africa, towards the West Indies, and 
 therefore commanded with all diligence to take in fresh water and 
 fewel, and so with speed to prepare to depart. Howbeit before we 
 departed from thence, in a storme that wee had, wee lost one of 
 our ships, namely the hVilliam and John, of which ship and of her 
 people, we heard no tidings during the time of our voyage (IX. 39 ^' 
 400). . . . 
 
 Now 5 had we obtained between foure and five hundred Negros, 
 wherwith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of 
 the West Indies, and there, four our Negros, and other our mer¬ 
 chandize, we hoped to obtaine, whereof to countervail our charges 
 with some gaines, wherunto we proceeded with all diligence, fur¬ 
 nished our watering, tooke fuell, and departed the coast of Guinea 
 the third of Februarie, continuing at the sea with a passage 
 more hard, then before hath bene accustomed till the 27 day 
 of March, which day we had sight of an Hand, called Dominica, 
 upon the coast of the West Indies, in fourteene degrees: from 
 thence we coasted from place to place, making our traflike with 
 the Spaniards as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had 
 straightly commanded all his Governors in those parts, by no meanes 
 to suffer any trade to be made with us: notwithstanding we had rea¬ 
 sonable trade, and courteous entertainment, from the lie of Margarita 
 unto Cartagena, without any thing greatly worth the noting, saving 
 at Capo de la Vela, in a towne called Rio de la Hacha (from whence 
 come all the pearles) the treasurer who had the charge there, would 
 by no meanes agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water, he had 
 fortified his towne with divers bulwarkes in all places where it might 
 be entered, and furnished himselfe with an hundred Hargabuziers, 
 
 4 According to Hawkins, the negroes took 600 prisoners, the English 250. This 
 250 which they themselves took was all the booty they obtained (Hakluyt, X. 65). The 
 Cotton MS. contains a long account of difficulties with the Portuguese, . who were 
 trafficking for negro cargoes which were to go to the West Indies. Williamson, pp. 
 
 5 The remainder of the account here used is that by Hawkins himself. Hakluyt, X. 
 
 64.-74- 
 
April, 1569 69 
 
 so that he thought by famine to have inforced us to have put a land 
 our Negros: of which purpose he had not greatly failed, unlesse we 
 had by force entred the towne: which (after we could by no meanes 
 obtaine his favour) we were enforced to doe, and so with two hun¬ 
 dred men brake in upon their bulwarkes, and entred the towne with 
 the losse onely of two men of our partes, and no hurt done to the 
 Spaniards because after their voley of shot discharged, they all fled. 
 
 Thus having the town with some circumstance, as partly by the 
 Spaniards desire of Negros, and partly by friendship of the Treas¬ 
 urer, we obtained a secret trade: whereupon the Spaniards resorted 
 to us by night, and bought of us to the number of 200 Negros: in 
 all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were 
 glad of us and traded willingly (X. 66-67). • • - e 
 
 15. Deposition of William Clarke. 1 
 
 Tuesday 19 Ap. 1569. 
 
 William Clarcke of the City of London, merchant-tailor. 
 
 To the schedule of articles annexed: 
 
 Ad octavum d'icit That at suche time as this examinant lost the 
 companye of the saide John Hawkins, and the other shippes of his 
 flete, in the bay of Mexico, ther wer in the foure shippes articulated 
 viz. the Jesus, the Swallowe, the Grace of God and the Angell xlv 
 negros of goodlie stature, and fashion, and yonge of yeres, beinge 
 the choise, and the principall of all the negros, whiche had bin pur¬ 
 chased in this last voyadge at Gynney And as towchinge ther value, 
 this Deponent judgethe, they might be worthe a pece at the haven of 
 Vera Crux, which some call St. John de Lowe cccL pesos of goulde. 
 Reddens earn causam scientie sue Dicit, That this Deponent havinge 
 had experience of the trade of negros in the hether partes of the 
 
 . H° rto P dismisses the sale of the negroes most summarily: “we drove the 
 Spaniards up into the country above two leagues, whereby they were inforced to trade 
 with our General, to whom he sold most part of his Negros” (Hakluyt, IX. 449). The 
 
 of the selling of the negroes which gives any details is that of the Cotton 
 Mb. I he first attempt at peaceful sale was made at Borburata. Here Hawkins sent a 
 letter to the governor, asking that he be allowed to sell sixty negroes in order to pav 
 his soldiers. “In this you shall not break the comaundement of your prince but doe 
 him good servyce and. advoyed divers inconveniences which happen often tymes 
 thorowghe being to precise in observing precepts withowt consideracion” (Williamson 
 pp. 169, 516). After sundry delays Hawkins gained a trade, though the author of this 
 account fails to tell whether he sold the sixty negroes. For his dealings with the 
 treasurer at Rio de la Hacha see Williamson, pp. 171-179, 519-528 
 
 [15] 1 Public Record Office, High Court of Admiralty, Examinations, vol 16 from 
 the Court of Inquiry relative to the Proceedings of John Hawkins. The adventurers 
 had, by their proceedings in the Admiralty Court, no idea of obtaining damages at the 
 time but wished only to get the facts on record. Of the depositions here printed 
 Beazley says: The Depositions were made to eleven Interrogatories and to a 
 Schedule of values consisting of twenty-seven Items. . . . The whole purpose of the 
 Depositions was to get up the biggest possible bill against the King of Spain ” Enal'uh 
 Garner, I. 104. ' y 
 
70 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 West Indias, one of those choise negros, woulde have ben commonlie 
 soulde there for CL Pesos of goulde, 2 unto whiche places manye 
 negros be brought by the frenche men, Portugalls, and Englishe men, 
 and none brought by those nacions to the havon of Vera Crux, that 
 ever he coulde here of, whiche haven of Vera Crux is aboute vi c leages 
 sailinge beyonde Rio de Hacho one of those hether places, in the 
 west Indias. At whiche place called Rio de Hacho there was soulde 
 this last voyadge, to the inhabitantes there, one negro for CL pesos 
 of golde, and yet in this Deponentes judgement, that negroe was not 
 so muche worthe as manye of the saide xlv negros were, wherefor he 
 knowithe, that those chosen negros woulde have ben soulde this last 
 yere one w’th an other at the saide Rio de Hacho for CL pesos of 
 goulde the peso beinge of the value of xvi royalls of plate of the 
 Spanishe Coyne ut dicit. 
 
 16. Deposition of John Hawkins, of the City of 
 
 London, Gentleman . 1 
 
 Saturday, 23 Ap. 1569. 
 
 Ad seciind articulum dicit, That he this deponent w’t the flete afore¬ 
 said, did arrive uppon the quoaste of Guiney in november Anno 1567* 
 where this Deponent, and other merchantes appointed by the said 
 Companie, for the assistance of trafficke, did purchase and buye a 
 good quantitie of Negros. And from thence dep’ted w’th them unto 
 the West Indias. In w’ch contrye, this Deponent and his William 
 Clarke w’th other factors did trafficque withe the inhabitantes 
 there, and did receyve, in trucke and exchange of wares, and commo¬ 
 dities to the sayde companies use, and behowffe, so muche tres- 
 ure and commodities as amounted to the sum of 29,743 Pesos of 
 golde at the least, everye Peso of golde beinge of the value of xv 
 rialls of plate spanishe money. . . . 2 
 
 Ad octavum aTlum Dicit That after the trafficke (by him deposed 
 of before), the Jesus, the Swallowe the Grace of God and the Angell 
 articulated departinge from Cartagena (as is aforesaid) brought in 
 them from thence unto the porte of Vera Crux, xlv negros of goodlie 
 stature, shape and personage, and yonge of yeres beinge the choise 
 and principall of all the negros w’ch wer gotten and purchased in 
 this last voyadge at Guiney. And moreover there were xii other 
 negros carried then in the Minnion to Vera Crux. All w’ch xlv 
 
 2 Roughly, the peso may be reckoned at nine shillings. 
 
 [16] 1 High Court of Admiralty, Examinations, vol. 16. 
 
 2 Williamson (p. 180) reckons this total at about £73>5°°> of which he attributes 
 £10,000 to returns from the 400 negroes sold. This can be but a guess, since one has 
 no means of knowing the amount of English goods sold. The cost of outfitting the 
 voyage was about £16,500. For another attempt to translate these sums into English 
 terms of Hawkins’s day and of our own times, see English Garner, I. 105-107, 115-126. 
 
April, i$6q ?I 
 
 negros were of the saide companies goodes and adventure and eyther 
 slayne in the fight at Vera Crux or then taken by the spaniardes from 
 the possession of this said Deponent. And the other xii negros whiche 
 were in the Minnion might have ben soulde at the sayde place of 
 Vera Crux greatelie to the proffitt of the saide Sir William Garrard 
 and compame if the saide Spaniardes had not used suche violence. 
 By reason whereof, this Deponent was enforced to Departe from 
 the said porte of Vera Crux soner then he thought to do. And this 
 Deponent seythe that at suche time as he was at Vera Crux, being in 
 September last as before, the said lvii negros, one w’th an other 
 might have ben soulde at Vera Crux for iiii= Pesos of Goulde everie 
 negro (the peso of Goulde beinge worthe xv Rialls of plate as afore- 
 saide). And for reason of his knowledge the better he saythe that 
 this Deponent hathe soulde and seene others buye and sell negros 
 at Rio de Hacho and other hether places of the West Indias bothe 
 this last sommer, and ii other voyadges before. And by that experi¬ 
 ence knowethe that suche choise Negros ben commonlie soulde there 
 for CL Pesos of goulde. And seythe that this last yere there was 
 one choise Negro soulde at Rio de Hacho for CL Pesos of Golde, 
 and yet, in this Deponents Judgement that negro was not worthe so 
 muche money as mayney of the saide xlv negros were. For he seythe 
 that the Englishmen frenchemen and portugalls doe bringe meny 
 Negros to the saide hether places of the West Indias. but none that 
 ever this Deponent coulde here of, to the haven of Vera Crux, beinge 
 aboute vi c leages sailinge beyonde these hether places, By reason 
 whereof the Negros and all other wares must be derer bought and 
 soulde there, then in the other saide hether and nere places. 
 
 17. Deposition of John Tommes. 1 
 
 Monday 25 April 1569. 
 
 Ad. octavum.' articulum Dicit That ther were in the foure shipps 
 articulated whiche were taken by the Spaniardes as is aforesaid the 
 number of xliiii or xlv negros or thereaboutes who were chosen 
 negros and the best of the negros that were gotten in Gynney this 
 last voyadge of the saide companye And besides ther were x or xii 
 negros or thereaboutes in the aforesaid A dynnyou whereof she 
 brought vii from the saide porte of la Vera Crux into England and 
 the rest died by the way homewardes. . . . 
 
 [17] 1 High Court of Admiralty, Examinations, vol. 16. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 72 
 
 18. Deposition of William Fowler of Ratcliffe, Merchant. 1 
 
 Saturday 30 Ap 1569. 
 
 Ad octavum articulum Dicte schedule Dicit That by the experience 
 of the trade w’ch he hathe had to and at the saide place called Vera 
 Crux and other the cheiffe of the West Indias as is aforesaid this de¬ 
 ponent knowethe that a Negro of a good stature and yonge of yeres is 
 worthe and is commonlie bought and soulde there at Mexico and 
 the maine lande of the West Indias for iiii c v c and vi c pesos. For 
 if a negro be a Bossale that is to say ignorant of the spanishe or 
 Portugale tonge then he or she is commonlye soulde for iiii c and 
 iiii c L [450] pesos. But if the Negro can speake anye of the foresaide 
 languages any thinge indifferentlye (whiche is called Ladinos) then the 
 same negro is commonlye soulde for v c and vi c pesos as the negro 
 is of choise and yonge of yeres And this Deponent seythe that the 
 best trade in those places is of Negros. The trade whereof he this 
 Deponent hathe used and hathe soulde Negros at the saide places 
 and seen other marchantes likewise sell ther Negros there, Divers 
 tymes And thereby knowethe that the common price of negros is as 
 before is Deposed Whiche Negros beinge caried into the Inner and 
 farder partes of the mayne lande of Peru in the west Indias be 
 commonlye sold there for viii c and ix c pesos. . . . The Peso being 
 worthe (as he seythe) at la Vera Crux xiii Rialls of plate of the 
 spanishe coyne beinge vi s. viii d. sterling, And in other places of 
 Mexico, Peru, and mayne lande the saide Peso is worthe xiiii Rialls 
 which is vii s. sterlinge. 
 
 [i8] 1 High Court of Admiralty, Examinations, vol. 17. 
 
PART II.: THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The comparatively simple annals of the African trade of the six¬ 
 teenth century gave way in the seventeenth to a far more confused 
 series of events. The three nations which had already appeared 
 upon the west coast of Africa were joined by Dutch, Dane, Swede, 
 and Brandenburger, all struggling for a share of the spoils ' For 
 a time this coast was both the prize for which European nations 
 contended and the battle-ground on which the struggle was carried 
 on. I he difficulties inherent in the close proximity of rival nations 
 desirous of the same commodity were increased by the possibility 
 o gaining native allies, and native African wars became a part of 
 the story of European international relationships/ Of international 
 struggles the most important one was that between English and 
 Dutch, which finds frequent reflection in the documents printed in 
 these volumes. The complete story belongs to diplomatic and naval 
 history, but it cannot be ignored in any account of the slave trade, 
 since the contest itself helped to determine the character of the traffic 
 ror which the nations competed. 
 
 Not only is it necessary during this century to follow the progress 
 
 0 . ln I ter ! iatl0 ^ a ! relatl °ns on the African coast, but one must bear in 
 mind, the affairs of the home governments. Each country was 
 experimenting with methods of commercial development and seeking 
 or the form of business organization best suited to distant commerce. 
 
 1 he .relation of the slave trade to the government, its sources of capi¬ 
 tal, its effect on home industries, and above all the form and the 
 powers of the company which carried it on, all these and many 
 
 more topics demanded attention in every country which ventured 
 into the commerce. 
 
 Nor is this the whole story. The market, as well as the method 
 and the source of supply, calls for attention. During this century 
 bpain lost all claim to exclusive control of the West Indies. English, 
 rrench, Dutch, and even Danes became possessed of territory in the 
 Caribbean. Here the development of the sugar industry quickened 
 the demand for slaves and gave to each colonizing country an addi¬ 
 tional reason for clinging to a foothold in Africa. To a lesser degree 
 the industry of the continental American colonies also called for an 
 enlarged labor supply. While the eighteenth century was the period 
 of large demand on the continent, the last forty years of the seven¬ 
 teenth saw the tobacco colonies absorbing a steadily growing- number 
 of negro laborers. Many of these topics find ample illustration in 
 the documents which follow, others are but hinted at. 
 
 73 
 
74 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Those facts of West Indian settlement essential to an understand¬ 
 ing of the traffic in negroes during the seventeenth century can be 
 briefly stated. Throughout the sixteenth century European nations 
 had been, on the whole, content to leave possession and settlement 
 to the Spaniards, concentrating their efforts on obtaining an entrance 
 into Spanish markets. But soon after the opening of the seventeenth 
 century Spain was obliged to share her lands in the New World with 
 other nations, whose colonies were soon to rival hers in wealth and 
 strength. The English and French settled St. Christopher in 1623. 1 
 Barbados was occupied by the English in 1625. After that they 
 spread rapidly to the more important of the Leeward Islands. Nevis, 
 Antigua, and Montserrat were by 1632 considered English islands. 
 
 The French were not far behind. The French Company of the 
 Islands of America, created in 1626, 2 settled Guadeloupe and Mar¬ 
 tinique in 1635, and Marie Galante in 1648* St. Lucia and Grenada 
 were added to the French possessions in the fifties. 
 
 The Dutch in the decade of the thirties settled Curagao, St. Eusta- 
 tius, and Tobago. The Danes, late arrivals, acquired the small 
 island of St. Thomas in 1671. 
 
 In all the islands slave labor was used to some extent from the 
 first, though the source of the early slaves is obscure. Some doubt¬ 
 less came from Dutch ships; some from the Spanish colonies. 3 In 
 none of these islands did the slave trade assume importance until the 
 introduction and development of sugar-planting, between 1640 and 
 1650/" This not only created a demand for labor greater than the 
 system of indenture could supply but also gave the planter a com¬ 
 modity with which to pay for the coveted negroes. 
 
 The traders first ready to meet this demand were the Hollanders. 
 Despite the persistent intrusions of the French and English on the 
 Guinea coast throughout the sixteenth century, it was the Dutch, 
 arriving on this international battle-ground about 1592, that brought 
 about the downfall of Portuguese power. Barbot ascribes their 
 first visit to a disaster suffered by Bernard Ericks, or Erickson, who 
 
 1 The English had established themselves in the Bermudas in 1609. 
 
 2 In 1664 the planting company transferred its rights to Colbert’s new company. 
 Upon the dissolution of this company in 1674 the crown took over the control of the 
 islands. 
 
 3 In 1632, after an English settlement had been made on Tortuga, Pym suggested 
 that Dutch ships carrying negroes to Spanish colonies were accustomed to pass sufficiently 
 near to the island so that it might be possible to obtain the necessary negroes from 
 them. In February of the next year it was learned that Capt. Anthony Hilton had 
 already purchased forty negroes, and the Providence Company directed him to procure 
 more from the Dutch, and if he should have too many to send the excess to Providence 
 Island. In 1634 this company, in which Maurice Thompson, later a member of a 
 Guinea company, was concerned, wrote to Capt. Nathaniel Butler that it was buying 
 and using negroes. If he found that there were too many on the island he was to sell 
 them to New England or Virginia. A. P. Newton, Colonising Activities of the English 
 Puritans, pp. hi, 149; Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, pp. 295, 296. 
 
Introduction 
 
 75 
 
 was captured by the Portuguese and held for some time on the island 
 of Principe, not far from Sao Thome.* Here he learned something 
 of the profits arising from trade on the Gold Coast, and as soon as 
 he was at liberty he offered his services to a group of Holland mer¬ 
 chants for a Guinea voyage, which seems to have been sufficiently 
 successful to prompt other ventures. Balthazar de Moucheron, 
 appreciating the possibilities of the African trade, tried immediately 
 after this to make some permanent settlement on the coast. With 
 a small force he attacked Elmina but the audacious project failed. 
 
 e then attempted to gam possession of Principe and Sao Thome, 
 
 but here also he was unsuccessful, and the effort to settle on the 
 coast was for a time abandoned. 5 
 
 Coming into a region already occupied and with no established 
 trading posts, the Hollanders, if they established permanent trade, 
 must first make friends with the natives, and at this they proved more 
 adept than the French and English had shown themselves a few years 
 earlier. Not long after Balthazar de Moucheron’s futile attempt 
 to capture Elmina the natives of Fetu, near Commenda, attracted by 
 the goods of their new friends, which they thought better and cheaper 
 than those of Portugal, and angered by the tyranny of the Portuguese, 
 drove them from all parts of the Gold Coast save St. George del Mina 
 and Axim. This cleared the way for the Dutch, who soon estab¬ 
 lished themselves at Mouri (or Mowree) on the Gold Coast, where, 
 in 1611 or 1612, they built Fort Nassau. 7 
 
 In the struggle which ensued between Dutch and Portuguese the 
 Dutch pushed steadily forward. In 1617 they purchased from the 
 natives the island of Goree, on which they built two small forts, and 
 at Kufisque or Rio Fresco, not far away on the mainland, they estab¬ 
 lished a factory. 8 These with Fort Nassau gave them access to two 
 excellent regions for commerce, the Gambia River and the Gold Coast. 
 In 1621 the Dutch West India Company was established, and to it 
 was granted a monopoly of all African trade, as well as the right 
 
 James Barbot, “Description of the Coast of North and South Guinea” Churchill 
 Voyage and Travels V. 164; Astley, II. 569. “Troubles and warres in the Netherlands 
 constrained us to seek Trafhque here also, and to undertake this voyage, by that meanes 
 oputthePortugalls from it, which in the end we did”, in “A Description and Historicall 
 Declaration of the Golden Kmgdome of Guinea, otherwise called the Golden Coast of 
 
 M>na . written by one that hath oftentimes beene there” (Purchas, VI 280-281) 
 From this account Astley draws freely. 2*02X1). 
 
 P P . 4 8- 5 L o ann ° y and VandCr Linden> UEx t ansion Coloniale: Neerlande et Danemark, 
 
 ® Barbot, “Description of Guinea”, Churchill, V. 164. 
 
 , Zook, The Company of Royal Adventurers trading into Africa p 1 
 
 Some Accent N f erlan f\ , et Danemark, p. 74;'Jam^ Bandine], 
 
 aome Account of the Trade in Slaves from Africa (1842), pp. 40-41. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 ?6 
 
 to develop the Dutch possessions in the New World. 9 The combina¬ 
 tion thus effected between control over the supply of negroes and con¬ 
 trol over the market for them was an extraordinarily advantageous 
 arrangement and the company grew and prospered. In 1625 the 
 Dutch, allying themselves with the natives, attacked Elmina. They 
 were at this time repulsed, but, renewing the attempt in 1637, ^ty 
 succeeded in taking this, the first and strongest fortification which 
 the Portuguese possessed on the entire African coast. 10 In 1642 
 Fort St. Anthony at Axim was taken from the Portuguese and their 
 day on the Gold Coast was over. The Dutch had succeeded where 
 both English and French in the preceding century had failed. In 
 large part this success can be ascribed to the Dutch policy of estab¬ 
 lishing settlements. The natives were afraid to deal with the Eng¬ 
 lish and French, who traded and departed, leaving them .to the wrath 
 of the Portuguese. With the Dutch they saw protection and per¬ 
 manent trade. Also, Portugal was now absorbed in the Spanish mon¬ 
 archy, and since Spanish interest was in America rather than in Africa 
 the Portuguese grip upon the West Coast had relaxed. Bosman s 
 frequently quoted saying, “the Portuguese served for setting dogs to 
 spring the game”, has tended to minimize the length and the impor¬ 
 tance of Portuguese occupation. It must be remembered that Portu¬ 
 gal held the Gold Coast for well-nigh two hundred years. Her 
 domination left many traces still to be discerned, in place-names, in 
 the language and religion of the tribes near the coast, and in the physi¬ 
 cal characteristics of the natives themselves, since there was much 
 intermarriage. 11 
 
 *A. J. F. van Laer, Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts (1908), pp. 86-115. For 
 an account of the inception of this company see J. F. Jameson, “Willem Usselinx , 
 Papers of the American Historical Association, vol. II., no. 3, pp.. 22-47. Pages 54^3 
 compare the charter as actually formulated with Usselinx s projected charter. X. e 
 inclusion of the Guinea merchants was not part of the original plan (pp. 49-50). Mis¬ 
 takenly enough, the anonymous author of the Case of the Royal African Company 
 (1729) intimates that the company resulted from Dutch observation of English measures 
 for encouraging the African trade (p. 5). There was certainly little in the English 
 patent of 1618 which could have served as a model for the far-reaching powers of the 
 Dutch charter of 1621. 
 
 10 Astiey, Voyages and Travels, II. 569, 57 I- 573 > 59 3_ 593 * 
 
 n William Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea 
 (1721), p. 2. Because of the contrast between Portugal’s earlier and later position on 
 the coast the tendency has been to underestimate her activities in.the seventeenth century. 
 Early in this century the Portuguese settled four forts in the interior of Angola, for¬ 
 bidding foreign nations to visit that coast (Ravenstein, History of Angola, p. 157). They 
 had by no means abandoned other parts of West Africa. Pierre van den Broeck found 
 them buying slaves at Cape Verde in 1606 (no. 19)> Jobson found them trading on the 
 Gambia in 1622 (Astley, II. 248; Purchas, IX. 288). In 1641, the year the Dutch 
 occupied Angola, the Portuguese built a fort at Cacheo (Lannoy, Portugal et Espagne, 
 p. 76; Scelle, I. 552). Ten years later the Dutch gave up all claim to traffic between 
 Guinea and Brazil, and the slave trade of Brazil henceforward was largely in 
 Portuguese hands (Lannoy, p. 77). The most important of the Portuguese factories 
 was that of Santiago at Cape Verde, which was the entrepot for the other Portuguese 
 factories on the coast. Scelle, I. 561. 
 
Introduction 
 
 77 
 
 With the capture of Elmina the Dutch at once made it their hea'd- 
 quarters, supplementing it with Fort Conraadsburg, which they built 
 on a hill overlooking the castle of Elmina. During the period of the 
 English civil wars and the Commonwealth they had opportunity to 
 strengthen their hold on the coast as well as to develop their mar¬ 
 ket, and soon had a chain of forts that promised to give them com¬ 
 plete supremacy. \Their claim to control was however not yet accepted 
 by other aspirants to the Gold Coast trade. The relative stability 
 of Portugal s long dominance gave way to a rapid shifting of owner¬ 
 ship among the rival nations now gathering on the Guinea coast. 
 
 Among their earlier and less important competitors was Sweden, 
 whose activities were of short duration and can be dismissed with 
 a few words. In 1647 a Swedish African Company was established 
 under the guidance of Louis de Geer of Liege. 12 Though the com¬ 
 pany was Swedish in name, in reality it was largely made up of 
 
 f ut< ? h rC ! ai l t T S T excluded fr °ni the African trade by the monopoly 
 of the Dutch West India Company and determined to enter into 
 irect competition with that company. Henry Carloff, 13 a Dane, was 
 sent out by the company and established settlements at Cabo Corso 14 
 (Carolusborg) between the Dutch strongholds of Elmina and Nassau, 
 and at Takoradi, Anamabo, and Ursu, all on the Gold Coast, Both 
 Dutch and English protested against this, but the English company of 
 this time was in no condition to exert force and the Dutch were 
 apparently not ready to do so. 15 Carloff, quarrelling with his superi- 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 Lannoy, L Expansion Coloniale: Suede, pp. 42-43. 
 
 was a inti ? amC a P pears in . man y forms, Caeloff, Carloof, Karloff, Carolof, 
 
 to pay for th™ Wh ° Se serv,ces were all the command of any nation willing 
 
 to pay tor them. If one assumes, as seems probab e, that he is the Sir Henrv Tarlnff 
 
 a^d included l67 °’- hi , s activiti ' s the com. extended over twe^ year! 
 
 Srw^t^iiraT^^^^LTradeT^ 68 - ^ “ C ° U,d wel1 ^ “ 
 
 r . hn r ThC acc ™ nts ° f the establishment and early history of European settlement at 
 tn haffl *?’ ° r CapC C ° a ^. C . aStIe ’ 38 the En g Iish later ^lled it, are so conflLdng as 
 he efd of tT^nf reconciliatlon ; The Danish governor, Eric T^leman, who wrote at 
 la k d ^ the T centu A r y> says that it was built by the Swedes in 1652, its first stone beinjr 
 laid by Gov Isaac Melville of Basel. In 1658 it was surrendered to the Danes and th? 
 
 mnnf-lf ear, ri ^ treachery, it passed to the Dutch, to be taken by the natives within a 
 
 month, and soon after given back to the Swedes. In 1663 it was again seized bv the 
 
 End Ve f and transferre d to the Dutch (Sir Matthew Nathan, “The Gold Coast at the 
 
 wl/ f TV Se T ™. th S ntUry under the Danes and Dutch”, Journal of the African 
 Society, IV. 17). This differs at several points from other accounts of the vicissitudes 
 of Cabo Corso. Barbot at one place credits the Dutch with building it, at another he 
 S3ys they purchased it from Carloff, who had built it for the Danes 
 
 n A TU r V l659 r a ? d May 22, 1661, the factory here was burned, presumably by the 
 Dutch. The East India Company, as leaseholder of the factory, put in claims fo/repara- 
 sZh ° m HoHand £2500 for the first, loss, £15,474. 12,. for the second Dhd B 
 Sainsbury, A Calendar of the Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1660-1663’ 
 
 7) ‘ THiS W0UW ‘° indiCate reC ° gni2ed P-ess^n 
 
 15 
 
 patented^Guinea CoSpat ihTthe tlr^ 
 
 with the Swedes 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 78 
 
 ors, left their service for that of the Danes. On the outbreak of 
 war between Sweden and Denmark in 1657 he reappeared on the 
 coast in command of a Danish war vessel, which seized the Swedish 
 settlements at Takoradi, Anamabo, Ursu, and perhaps that at Carol- 
 usborg. 16 These soon passed from Danish hands to those of the 
 Dutch and it was to the States General of the Netherlands that 
 Sweden appealed for indemnity. The request was ignored, on the 
 pretext that the company was actually Dutch not Swedish, and that 
 therefore the Swedes had no ground for complaint. 17 A Swedish 
 war vessel sent out in 1661 to retake these establishments was equally 
 unsuccessful in the face of Dutch opposition. This ended the Swedish 
 attempt to share in the African trade. Of the rivalry of Swedes and 
 Danes the Dutch might have made short work, but their troubles were 
 augmented by the reappearance of the English on the coast shortly 
 after the Restoration, now supported by a powerful company and pre¬ 
 pared to fight for an exclusive trade. 
 
 Despite the fact that England began her experiments in joint ven¬ 
 tures early in the sixteenth century, she was much slower than the 
 Dutch to realize the advantage of a powerful joint-stock company. 
 The Dutch establishment of 1621 was hardly equalled by England 
 before 1672, and not until a number of less substantial creations had 
 attempted the African trade. 
 
 <The first genuine incorporation for Guinea commerce was in 1618, 
 when James I. created the Company of Adventurers of London trad¬ 
 ing into Parts of Africa, by granting to Sir Robert Rich, soon to be¬ 
 come Earl of Warwick, and a group of more than thirty patentees, 
 control over the trade on the explored coast south of Barbary. 18/ There 
 
 18 The Danes had appeared on the West Coast about 1642, in close connection 
 with the Dutch. Though they remained there until 1850, they were at no time of any 
 great importance. Under Christian IV. a Danish company was established with 
 Gliickstadt as its centre, and merchants were sent out to establish factories. They 
 built a small lodge at Accra, with which they were content until CarlofFs expedition, 
 when they transformed Ursu Lodge into Fort Christiansborg, and built Fort 
 Frederiksborg. Their most prosperous years were 1652-1658 (Waldemar Westergaard, 
 The Danish West Indies, p. 21; Lannoy and Vander Linden, VExpansion Colomale, 
 II. 413-414; id., Suede, p. 43). In 1679 one of the Danish employees murdered the 
 governor at Christiansborg and sold the fortress to the natives and the Portuguese. The 
 Danes, aided by the Dutch, with whom they were then on good terms, redeemed it in 1682, 
 only to lose it to the natives again in 1692. After their second redemption of it, in 1694* they 
 succeeded in holding it throughout the eighteenth century. Frederiksborg they sold 
 to the English company in 1685 (Nathan, “The Gold Coast under Danes and Dutch , 
 Journal of the African Society, IV. 23-24). Paul Erdman. Isert, a Danish medical 
 inspector on the coast in the eighteenth century, says that Christiansborg was purchased 
 from the Portuguese in 1660 ( Voyages en Guinee et dans les Caraibes en Amet ique, i 793 > 
 p. 15). Isert’s treatise, compiled from letters written while he was medical, inspector 
 for the Danish possessions in Africa, was translated from the German.. A Danish edition 
 was published in 1917. For a modern account o^ the Gold Coast in the seventeenth 
 century, see Claridge, A History of the Gold Coast, vol. I. 
 
 17 Lannoy, Suede, p. 44. , .. . c . 
 
 18 Pat. Rolls, 16 Jac. I., pt. vi; Carr, Select Charters, pp. xliv, 99-106; Cal. St. 
 P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 20; Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. 11-14. Sir William St. John 
 was governor of the company; Sir Allen Appesley, deputy governor. 
 
Introduction 
 
 79 
 
 is room for speculation as to whether Rich was cherishing some notion 
 of procuring African laborers for the recently planted colony of 
 Virginia, but if this were the case his plan was never carried out. 19 
 
 eorge Thompson, a Barbary merchant, was at once sent out by the 
 patentees to explore the Gambia and report on its commercial possibili- 
 
 tl£ i o- i° Sln i g r h l. S ves r se J, to the Portuguese, he appealed for assistance, 
 and Richard Jobson followed him up the Gambia in 1620, to learn that 
 he had been murdered by one of his own men. From Jobson’s account 
 of his expedition we gain what knowledge we have of the early activi- 
 ties and plans of this company, as well as some information about the 
 region. Of the Mandingoes at the mouth of the river Jobson re- 
 corded that they were afraid of the shipping (presumably, of his ves¬ 
 sel), they having beene many times by severall nations surprized, 
 taken and carried away”. Jobson traded up the Gambia with a native 
 
 merchant, called by him Buckor Sano, who in the course of the trade 
 ottered him slaves. His reply was that, 
 
 We were a people, who did not deale in any such commodities, neither did 
 wee buy or sell one another, or any that had our owne shapes; he seemed to 
 marvell much at it, and told us it was the only marchandize they carried downe 
 into the countrey, where they fetcht all their salt, and that they were sold 
 there to white men who earnestly desired them ... we answered, They were 
 another kinde of people different from us ... 21 
 
 Not only did this company make an effort to explore the Gambia 
 River, with the idea of developing its trade, but it also built the 
 first English factory in West Africa. 22 ' Its trading voyages were 
 disastrous failures and after three attempts, which incurred heavy 
 osses, it gave up the effort and sent out no more expeditions. 23 
 
 Theoretically these patentees still held the power to exclude all 
 other adventurers from the African coast, or, if they chose, to admit 
 them to trade by special license, after Portuguese and Spanish fashion. 
 At least one group of merchants resented this. In 1624 Sir Richard 
 Young, Sir Kenelm Digby, George Kirke, Humphrey Slaney, Nicholas 
 Crisp, and William Clobery made complaint against the patent of 
 the company, alleging that it had been obtained by “untrue sug¬ 
 gestion”, since it was granted to the patentees because of their dis- 
 
 “ See this work, vol. III., Virginia. 
 
 w r ^F lch * rd T . he , 9 °¥ en J rade or a Discovery of the River Gambra, and 
 
 the Gotden Trade of the Aethiopians (London, 1623); Astley (II. 174-189) and Purchas 
 (VI. 2^4-247, and IX. 284) print abbreviated versions of Jobson’s narrative 
 m f Jobson, The Golden Trade, pp. 28-29, 88-89; A. E. M. Gibson, in ‘‘‘Slavery in 
 Western Africa ( Journal of the African Society, III. 24-25), says that Jobson and 
 
 otibbs formed a company which shipped a considerable number of slaves to the 
 plantations of the New World. Concerning this statement it is necessary only to say 
 
 than tha r t th o[°7o e bIon StlbbS § J ° Urney t0 the Gambia was about one hundred years later 
 
 St ’ P ’ Co1 ” x 574-i66o, p. 339. 
 
 . ld -’V' 2 ?- N Th e Joss on the three voyages was over £5000 (Scott, Joint-Stock 
 Companies, II. 12-13). Anderson attributes the speedy defeat of this company to the 
 activity of the separate traders. Origins of Commerce, II. 366-367 y 
 
8o 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 covery of the trading ground, whereas the petitioners had been trad¬ 
 ing in those parts for years. They averred that they had raised stock, 
 had built houses and factories, and had employed one thousand tons 
 of shipping, all of which they had been obliged to give up when the 
 patent of 1618 was granted. The patentees, on the other hand, had 
 so little appreciated and used their privileges as to allow both Dutch 
 and French to establish themselves in their territory. 24 Because of 
 these complaints the patent was declared a “grievance”, but Carr s 
 statement that it was revoked is open to question. Various scraps 
 of information relating to the next six years certainly indicate the 
 existence of some sort of “Guinea Company . The most puzzling 
 note is one directing that letters be written to the merchants of the 
 Guinea Company, “Humph. Slaney, Capt. Crispe, Cloberry, and 
 John Wood”. 25 In 1626 George Digbie and others, “the Governor 
 and Company of Guiney and Binney”, ask for and receive the assur¬ 
 ance of two ships to protect them from danger and to pursue a hope¬ 
 ful discovery”. 26 In 1627 letters of marque are issued to Sir Thomas 
 Button and other adventurers trading to Guinea. 27 Not long after 
 this an order is issued by the Council forbidding all trading with 
 Guinea except on the part of the “patentees”. 28 In 1629 Crisp, 
 Slaney, Thomas Chamberlayne and Abraham Chamberlayne, sr. and 
 jr., and Robert South petition for redress for the capture of the Bene¬ 
 diction and the James Bonaventur e while trading in the River Sene¬ 
 gal. 29 ^ Obviously, between 1624 and 1630 Guinea trading was 
 recognized as legitimate and as entitled to the protection of the 
 government, whether under the patent of 1618 or not. 
 v In 1631 Charles I. granted to the group of separate traders, Sir 
 Richard Young, Sir Kenelm Digby, George Kirke, Humphrey Slaney, 
 Nicholas Crisp, and William Clobery, the right to thc-exclusive trade 
 to “Guinea, Binney and Angola” for thirty-one years/ 0 7 Nicholas 
 Crisp, long an interloper, seems always to have been the leader 
 
 24 Commons Journals, I. 710, 771, 793 " 794 > Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 62; Carr, 
 Select Charters, pp. xliv, 99, n. 2. The charter of this company is in Carr, pp. 99-106. 
 
 25 Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 75. One would assume that the differences of 
 1624 had been adjusted by including the malcontents within the company were it not 
 that, three years later, Crisp again appears as a trouble-making interloper. 
 
 26 Ibid., p. 82. 
 
 27 Cal. St. P. Dom., 1628-1629, p. 297. 
 
 28 Ibid., 1627-1628, p. 270. 
 
 29 Ibid., 1629-1631, pp. 45 , 145 - „ . , 0 
 
 30 Carr, Select Charters, pp. xliv-xlv, from Patent Rolls, 7 Car. I., pt. xiv, and 8 
 Car. I., pt. xxi; Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 135» Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. I 4 -I 5 * 
 Cal. St. P. Dom., 1631-1633, p. 186, gives the date of the patent as June 25, 1631. Carr 
 who gives the date as 1632, calls it a lease, not an incorporation. Its holders could 
 make regulations and seize interlopers, but could not issue licenses, though they might 
 take into the group new members. Latimer speaks of the proclamation of the grant 
 in Bristol in 1631 as prohibiting local merchants from competing in the trade, as if 
 they had heretofore done so (John Latimer, Annals of Bristol: Seventeenth Century, 
 Bristol, 1900, p. 121). Scott (II. 14) gives its date as June 25, 1630. 
 
Introduction 
 
 81 
 
 o tus group of merchants and by 1644 was said to own half of 
 its possessions. It required but one successful venture on the part 
 of this company to bring the interloper into competition with it. 
 In 1636 a vessel brought from Africa to England gold and other com- 
 modi ties to some £30,000, 32 and in the next two years holders of 
 the patent were invoking the aid of the Admiralty to prevent the 
 sailing of the Talbot and the Star of London to their territory. 33 
 I hat all was not well with the new company may be surmised from 
 the fact that in 1636 the Privy Council considered complaints of its 
 creditors. Disappointingly little is known of its history for the next 
 decade.' The fact that in 1641 the House of Commons considered 
 a petition for the establishment of a company for America and 
 Africa probably means nothing as to the success or failure of this 
 group of venturers, yet it suggests that something much more exten¬ 
 sive than the existing company was contemplated, perhaps something 
 ° ] n l‘ nes the Dutch West India Company, whose success on 
 the West Coast must have been well known to the English at this 
 time. Possibly, too, the increased need for negroes in the English 
 colonies in America prompted the desire for an elaborate and sub- 
 
 v 1 a j r,sp . bad bu,1 ‘ a factor y at Cormantine on the Gold Coast in 162a IZook 
 Koyal Adventurers, p. 6 . For an account of his varied activities see Zook on ,7 
 Wallace Notestein, ed„ Journal of Sir Simond, D’Enoes, p 31I ’ PP ‘ 4 ’ 
 
 teott, J°,nt-Stock Companies, II. 15; Carr, Select Charters, p. xlv. 
 
 » „ ; y yfy 1574-1660, PP . 259-260,273; cai. st. p. D am ., 1637, P . 533 . 
 
 A * • U Co '* i ,574-i66o, p. 241. For what is known of the finances of the 
 company during these early years, see Scott, II. 14-15. Prince Rupert was at one fim! 
 its governor. Hilary Jenkinson, “The Records of the English African Companies” 
 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (third ser.), VI. 195. P * 
 
 Stock, Proceedings and Debates, I. 121-122. At this same time the English came 
 l°* n ag ^ eeraent Wlth the Portuguese respecting African trade (Jan. 29, 1642) : “And 
 to hC f com ™ erce and f fee coming of the subjects of the King of Great Britain 
 
 preh h end < e°d aS unde^ d ty 1 PartS , Africa > island of St. Thomas and other islands com- 
 
 LntbvtheM tt era ’ C ° U a r* yet £ b ® agreed on ^ reason of the defect of the powers 
 thi^ n^ ! R ? 0Wned KlI ] g of . Por tugal to ambassadors, that by this debate 
 
 delayed it is n C n h th PC f 6 a^ be f wee . n both kin S s and their subjects be not 
 
 of AfriJ n ? botb .P arts concluded on, that in the lands, places, castles, posts, coasts 
 
 unde^ them GU1I vf a ’ * Bm % e ?’ , n the 1S 3nd ° f St * Thomas and other islands comprehended 
 for tr J^Tf whe , rein 4 . lt sha ” a PP L ear that the subjects of Great Britain have dwelt 
 of r, ?i f m l r - C u andlSe l 0r have „ had trade or commerce there in the time of the Kings 
 anv C trmihi ° r h . ltbert0 > there shall be no alteration or change, neither shall they have 
 be J h ° f done them by the Portugals for that cause. And if any customs 
 
 t b he O de ™ nded fro , m t he objects of the King of Great Britain, on any cause, in 
 than A t eS * 1S L an k d \ a n d u P ^ laces af o r esaid, they shall not be greater or more grievous 
 h ?! C W ? 1C t shad be demanded from other nations in league with the King of 
 ortugal, and the subjects of the King of Portugal wanting foreign ships for their 
 navigation and commerce to the coasts and islands aforesaid, may freely, at their own 
 pleasure, hire the ships of the subjects of the King of Great Britain: and that commis¬ 
 sioners and ambassadors shall be named by both kings, who shall treat and conclude 
 
 whir e h r T,?h 1co ™ merce , and fre , e coming to the coasts, islands and places aforesaid, 
 which hath been demanded by the commissioners of the King of Great Britain fnr 
 
 ° f th ! ir ki "g ; ^ng persuaded out of the confidence of the ancCnt atnitv 
 K?nv h of h p h , been i be .',7 een the predecessors of the same kings, that the most renowned 
 King of Portugal will grant to no nation more ample rights, immunities, and privileges 
 
 than he will grant unto the subjects of the King of Great Britain.” Frances G. DavCn- 
 port, Treaties, I. 337 n. 
 
82 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 stantial foundation and one which should definitely unite the trade 
 of Africa with that of the American plantations. Nothing came 
 of this plan, nor are the names of those who fostered it known. 
 
 Crisp’s difficulties presently involved the company and probably 
 brought its trade to an end. In 1644 he was attacked in Parliament 
 as a monopolist, and was charged with owing the state £16,000, for 
 which his share of the property of the Guinea Company was se¬ 
 questered, 39 
 
 Despite these vicissitudes the patent of the company was still con¬ 
 sidered in operation when Cromwell’s government was inaugurated, 
 and the Puritan party soon called into question the monopoly which 
 it granted. In 1649 1650 members of the group (unnamed) 
 
 were brought before the Council of State to answer the charges made 
 in the “Remonstrance” of Samuel Vassall and his company, that 
 the grant had been obtained by “procurement of courtiers”. 37 The 
 defendants answered that, on the contrary, they had brought in to 
 England £10,000, that they had settled a factory in 1632, had pur¬ 
 chased Wiampa (Wyamba?) in 1633, had taught the son of the 
 King of Aguna English, and would in future keep the Dutch from 
 overrunning the coast if their patent were renewed. 38 ‘On April 9, 
 1651, about a year and a half after the protest of Vassall, the 
 Council of State, in accordance with the report of the Committee 
 of Trade, renewed or regranted the patent, apparently to a new group 
 altogether. The merchants who received and traded under the new 
 order were Rowland Wilson, Thomas Walter, Thomas Chamber- 
 lain, John Woods, Maurice Thompson, John Frederick, and Samuel 
 Vassall. 39 
 
 The territory included in the patent was greatly reduced, being 
 limited to twenty leagues “on each side of the two chief factories, 
 or residences by the sea coast, the fort of Cormantin, and the river 
 Cerberro [Sherbro], near Sierra Leone”. Within these limits the 
 patentees were directed to fortify and secure the trade for the Com- 
 
 36 Carr, Select Charters, p. xlv. In 1709 his grandsons asserted that he had 
 acquired all his partners’ interest in the company and had in 1647 been given a twenty- 
 year extension of the demise ( Commons Journals, XI. 54^> XV. 180; Carr, p. xlvi, n. 5)* 
 Bonnassieux states that Thomas Crisp, an agent of this company, purchased Cape Verde 
 from a native king in 1649. Les Grandes Compagnies de Commerce, p. 9 °> *i. 3 * 
 
 ” Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, pp. 331, 338 ; Scott, pp. 15-16. The Guinea traders 
 called to support the “Remonstrance” were! Samuel Vassall, Peter Andrews, Mr. Frith, 
 and Samuel Wilson. 
 
 88 Ibid., pp. 339-340, 341, 342, 345 ; Carr, pp. xliv, xlv, n. 4.. Their promise as to 
 the Dutch indicates a degree of self-confidence by no means justified by their previous 
 achievements. 
 
 38 The men named in the grant of 1631 had by this time all resigned their interest 1 
 to Crisp. The author of an account in Egerton MSS. 1162A, f. 173, states that the 
 charter was confirmed to “Rowland Willson and others”. The names of some of the 
 others are learned from the letters of 1651-1652 printed hereafter. It is probable that 
 these were not the only capitalists concerned in the company. 
 
Introduction 
 
 l 
 
 83 
 
 inonwealth. South of these points the trade was to be open to all. 
 1 he privileges given were for fourteen years. 40 
 
 That the newly created patentees undertook trade promptly is 
 shown by the documents hereafter printed (nos. 24-20 )/ Their 
 troubles began at once. Government patents were unavailing to pro- 
 
 Tn' ,?r?iT f ore, B? hostlllt y and from the forces of the Stuarts. 
 In 1652 the Guinea Company petitioned for redress because of the 
 
 loss of the Friendship to Prince Rupelt and the Portuguese, and asked 
 
 for protection against the Dutch. 44 . In 1653 the Swedes were the 
 
 aggressors. The company was driven from its Accra factory and 
 
 the minister to Sweden was instructed to enter complaint and demand 
 
 remuneration for the losses sustained. 42 Altogether the losses on 
 
 !iVu lC3n C ° aSl i du !? n S the Interregnum were estimated at £300,000, 
 and the company s efforts to develop the trade were soon abandoned. 42 ' 
 
 n 1657 the East India Company, having received a new charter 
 and issued additional shares, expended a portion of the money thus 
 available in leasing the property of the Guinea Company on the coast: 
 Cormantine, Cape Coast, and Wyamba. The purpose of the lease 
 was to unite the two regions by carrying the gold of Africa to India, 
 thereby avoiding the mercantilist criticisms aimed at the company • 
 by its enemies. This company attempted no exclusive control of 
 trade on the coast but granted licenses to other vessels on the pay¬ 
 ment of a duty of ten per cent, on their cargoes. The experiment 
 proved so satisfactory that at the time of the Restoration the com¬ 
 pany would gladly have continued it, and suggested that its new 
 charter include the Guinea privileges. Two competitors stood in the 
 way: bir Nicholas Crisp, whose monopoly could be considered as 
 legally continuing till June, 1662, 45 and the royal party led by Prince 
 Rupert, professing anxiety to develop the gold mines of Africa. Even 
 with the chartering of Prince Rupert’s new company in 1660 the East 
 India Company did not lose hope, and as late as the summer of 1662 
 it suggested to the Duke of York that the two trades could well be 
 
 IT a C t l : I574 'C 66 °’ P- 355 ; Scott, Joint-Slack Companies, I. 248-250, 
 
 writer', f n U ^ h st J tement °f f>e region granted is perfectly clear, Scott and othe^ 
 writers^ fol owing him have confused the location and extent of this grant. 
 
 thaf if hfJ'aJ' P : a’J 574 ' i66o > P- 383, 389, 405- At this time the company stated 
 that ltjiad adventured £70,000 upon the coast. y 
 
 J Ca/. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 409. 
 
 Carr, Select Charters, p. xlv; George Cawston and A. H. Keane, Earlv Chartered 
 Companies, p 230; Astley, Voyages and Travels, II. 159. Malachv Po^tlethwa^ 
 Importance of the African Expedition Considered (.758, p 27) makes the exagar r a^d 
 claim of a loss of from £600,000 to £700,001; in his UniJJsal Dictionary of Trlde 
 75 ’ Jc- 72 txr-n- e P aCCS thC l0SSCS at fr ° m £ 700,000 to £800,000. y T 
 
 PP- 41, 156. Wl iam Foster > The En ^sh Factories in India, 1655-1660, p 141, 1661-1664, 
 
 45 The East India Company, in the negotiations of 1662 with the Duke of Vnrlr 
 speaks of its rights as resting on an “assignment from Sir Nicholas Crispe which expires 
 
 dd H 4 \ Sainsbur J> Court M'«utes of the East India Company, 1660-^63 
 
 pp. 202-203. How the year 1664 was arrived at is not clear. 
 
S 4 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 united. It next asked to retain its West African possessions until 
 Christmas, 1664, and to share the trade with the Royal Adventurers. 
 The offer was not accepted, and after some negotiation the East 
 India Company paid the balance that it owed on the lease and con¬ 
 cluded a formal agreement for withdrawing its goods and factors, 46 
 at least one of whom, and probably more, remained on the coast in 
 the employ of the Royal Adventurers. 47 
 
 ‘How much these privileged groups or the independent traders 
 who harassed them traded in slaves it is impossible to say. The 
 earlier discussions in Parliament and the official records of various 
 kinds make no references to the slave trade, yet there can be little 
 question but that the English were becoming habituated to it. A 
 stray list of names of 1623 is endorsed, “Adventurers in the slave 
 trade taken out of the map”, with no further explanation. 48 * In 
 1629 and 1630 Crisp and his companions were asking for restitu¬ 
 tion for the Benediction, carrying 180 slaves, which with the James 
 Bonaventure had been seized by the French while they carried on their 
 “accustomed trade”. 49 “Accustomed” here may imply the slave trade, 
 or it may mean merely that the Benediction was trading in her usual 
 place. The Talbot, restrained by order of the Privy Council from ven¬ 
 turing into company regions, was fitted to “take nigers, and to carry 
 them to foreign parts”. 50 One looks in vain for any indication that this 
 is unusual or surprising. In 1642 two British merchants, by name 
 Burchett and Phillips, offered to supply the Spanish-American plan¬ 
 tations with 2000 negroes a year from Angola, but no conclusion can 
 be drawn from this as to the English trade since these men were 
 acting as intermediaries for the Dutch. 51 /* The instructions sent by 
 Warwick to Captain John Severn of the Elias suggest a source of 
 supply of which the English may have made frequent use. He 
 
 40 Sainsbury, pp. viii, xxxi-xxxii, 42, 88, 259-263, 264, 265-267, 337 “ 34 i- Cawston and 
 Keane state that it built two forts on the coast during its five years’ occupancy 
 (Early Chartered Companies, pp. 230-231). The value which this company attached 
 to its African lease certainly suggests that the English possessions were not so reduced 
 as was later stated. 
 
 47 Gilbert Beavis. Cal St. P. Col., 1661-1668, p. 206. 
 
 48 Feb. 1622/3, Hist. MSS. Comm., Eighth Report, pt. II., p. 38, b. 
 
 48 Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 114; Cal. St. P. Dom., 1629-1631, pp. 39, 133, 4^6; 
 P. Cultru, Histoire du Senegal du XV e Siicle a 1870, p. 41. The statement sometimes 
 found, that the Benediction carried 900 negroes, is most improbable, as she was a vessel 
 of but 300 tons. 
 
 60 Cal. St. P. Dom., 1637, P- 533 *, Cal. St. P. Col, 1574-1660, pp. 259-260, 273. John 
 Crisp was the promoter of the Talbot’s voyage; Maurice Thompson, Oliver Clobery, 
 Oliver Read, George Lewine, and “others” were the venturers concerned in the Guinea 
 voyage of the Star of London the next year. Thompson, as has been remarked, was 
 one of the planters of Providence Island, which was at this time receiving negroes 
 (Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, pp. 295-296). Bonnassieux takes it for granted that the 
 chief business of this company was carrying negroes to the American colonies. Les 
 Grandes Compagnies, pp. 90-91. 
 
 B1 Scelle, La Traite Negriere, I. 487-488, n. 2. 
 
Introduction 
 
 85 
 
 J a r jf,^j lCaptUred ne g roe s [are] to be left at my island of Trini- 
 
 * hf T ^ . le . t , t i ei ' S ° f 1651 Panted in this volume make unquestionable 
 the fact that the company of that year traded in slaves, but they 
 do not offer evidence as to whether the project they describe was a 
 customary form of traffic or a new venture.' * 
 
 In the list of depredations committed by the Dutch, which the 
 nghsh presented in 1664, seven vessels are enumerated as having 
 been seized on the Guinea coast or bound for it, before 1660. Of 
 
 iof S snPr‘fi ee 4 C ^ rt Tl 7 Camed ne ? r0es ‘ The car g°es of the others are 
 not specified T^re is no evidence that the East India Company, 
 
 when it leased the Gold Coast factories, intended to purchase negroes 
 beyond those needed as company servants. 54 
 
 bE b ? eSt0ra ; ion the potential wealth of Africa gained im¬ 
 mediate attention^ A patent was granted on December 18, 1660 but 
 
 once the patentees attempted trade under it, the strength of’ the 
 Dutch on the African coast was manifest, and their hostility forced 
 a reorganization of the company. JThe fi rst charter was lacgd 
 
 by a grant of larger powers, on January 10, 1663. 55 That the rights 
 of the patentees of 1631 were not yet legally extinguished is suggested 
 by the cautious wording of this charter, which makes the new grant 
 whose term is one thousand years, contingent upon the expiration,’ 
 orfeiture, surrender, or other determination of the earlier privi¬ 
 leges. The list of patentees was an imposing one, most of them 
 being cavaliers who had supported Charles II. during his exile. At 
 
 53 p Un ? 7> l643, Cal ' St ' P * Col -> 1547-1660, p. 324. 
 
 Post, no. 43, n. 6. 
 
 *5^ subordinate 6 to yot'l^ 
 
 ^1662° wa P H*° V1 ^ e ^ t0 the compan y b y the Guinea factors. Capt. Stephen Mitchell 8 
 1664! pp 43 : 50-5x! e i57?2 P 7 r 5°. CUre tWCnty blaCkS - F ° Ster ’ Engllsh Factories « India, l6 6i- 
 
 Of this company see Hilary Jenkinson, “Records"^ ^he EngHs^ 3 African^Co 6 
 (■Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, third ser V^iog 2 m ? Com P am es 
 see Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers. * ** A * 198-201 ) » for ^s history 
 
 its negotTation^wfth ^he 1 ^^^^ ^Yo^k^in ^slz^speaks’ right! ^ <**>"*>* 
 assignment from Sir Nicholas Crispe” Bv the’ time of thJ* ght as resting on ‘an 
 
 old grant had legally expired ‘The sup^rtnSness dispT/y^Towardlh^ 6 ? ^ 
 unused patent was probably a result of the desire to ie-nnrp t-v,*. 1S j on ^~ 
 
 Interregnum and emphasize the continuity of the actions of the Stua^I 6 ™ 1 ^ ° f ^ 
 
86 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 their head was the Duke of York, and the king was one of the 
 shareholders. 57 
 
 The new company undertook as the first necessity the restoration 
 of the ruined English forts on the West Coast 58 and the recovery of 
 English property in the hands of the Dutch. This property, partly 
 that of the independent traders, partly that of the older company, 
 amounted to £300,000. 
 
 v The expenses of the struggle with Holland which occupied much 
 of the next decade, the unceasing conflict with the interloping trader, 
 the volume of debts which the company was unable to collect, soon 
 exhausted the resources of the Company of Adventurers and within 
 ten years it gave way to a reorganized group, the Royal African Com¬ 
 pany, of 1672. All its claim to forts and factories on the West Coast 
 was surrendered, in return for £34,000 in shares in the new venture. 59 
 The larger number of the documents which follow deal with the 
 history of the new company, which retained an unrestricted monopoly 
 until the Revolution of 1688, and by the act of 1698 gained, instead 
 of complete monopoly, the right to exact a duty from other traders 
 
 on the coast. 
 
 ^The development of the West India market for slaves, which 
 accompanied the addition of Jamaica to British possessions and the 
 increasing population of Barbados and the Leeward Islands, seems 
 a plausible reason for enhanced interests in the Guinea traffic after 
 1660. Most writers on the subject have assumed without question 
 that the purpose of the incorporation of 1660, as well as of the earlier 
 grants, was to further the slave trade for the West Indies and per- j 
 haps for Spanish America. 60 Yet in the list of commodities to be j 
 traded in, enumerated in the patent, there is no mention of blacks. 
 
 Dr. Zook’s belief that the primary purpose of the establishment was 
 the exploitation of African gold, in which Prince Rupert had become 
 interested during the Interregnum, gains some support from the fact 
 that Pepys first heard of the company from the Earl of Pembroke, 
 
 67 “Only there was walking in the gallery some of the Barbary Company, and 
 there we saw a draught of the arms of the Company, which the King is of, and so is 
 called the Royall Company, which is, in a field argent an elephant proper with a 
 canton on which England and France is quartered supported by two Moors. The crest 
 an anchor winged, I think it is, and the motto too tedious: ‘Regio floret patrocimo com- 
 mercium-commercioque RegnumY” Pepys, Diary, May 23, 1663. _ 
 
 68 The Case of the Royal African Company (p. 5) stated that at the time of the 
 Restoration Cormantine and a fort on the Gambia were the only English possessions of 
 
 consequence in Africa. . , 
 
 59 Of that sum Nicholas Crisp was to have received £20,000 for the castle ot 
 Cormantine and “other factories built by him”, at an expense of £100,000, so his gran son 
 stated in 1696 and 1709 (Commons Journals, XI. 542, XII. 166, XVI. 180). For an 
 account of the trouble in adjusting the conflicting claims of Crisp and the old and new 
 
 companies see Zook, pp. 14-16. , 
 
 60 Newton, Colonising Activities, p. 35 5 V. T. Harlow, A History of Barbados, 1025- 
 
 1685 (1926), p. 310. 
 
I ntroduction 
 
 8 7 
 
 one of the incorporators, as destined to develop African gold mines 61 
 Clarendon’s account of the inception of the company ifannolglv 
 vague and raises questions rather than answering them. Y 
 
 ome merchants and seamen made a proposition by Mr. William 
 Coventry and some few others to the Duke of York ‘for the erection 
 
 Th’e S'* '."'S‘"“A*'” “ P™< 1 " 
 
 .... h , ef end of thls trade was, besides the putting off great ouan- 
 
 oZlZ*ZZ“fTr according as ,h « 
 
 to return with gold, which that coast produced in good quantitv and 
 
 " Th„"i S, ,; hiC f h t Were ™ di,r “ an y plantation ^ 
 prices.. 1 hough this statement seems sufficiently explicit as to com- 
 
 merce in negroes, it is not clear whether Clarendon is speaking of the 
 
 first or the second company, or whether he has fused the two com¬ 
 panies in his account. 62 • com 
 
 The patent itself lends no aid to either interpretation of its pur¬ 
 pose but offers the “recent interruption of orderly trade’’ as the 
 
 ZTin Vf: eSt h abliS ^ ment ‘ This Sanation was further empha- 
 
 tTaffic carried n h r r T P , any fated that in 1660 the African 
 traffic, carried on by individual traders, was a constant prey to the 
 
 Dutch, who would have driven the English from the trad! had a 
 
 ST VsToflh T . h!S iS al8 ° the Viw of the author 
 
 to etlhlkh J the f°l a \ A f ncan Company, who ignores any desire 
 
 the EWlf F T W T u Ut Contends that - bec ause of the abuses of 
 he Dutch, England without a strong company would have lost her 
 
 Tart aTd de “ THe ^ade” was doubtless 
 
 part a trade in negroes but it cannot be assumed that every reference 
 
 o African trade can be translated into “slave trade”. England had 
 
 ong traded on the West Coast in other commodities before she traded 
 
 extensive^ in slaves, and the terms African trade and slave trade 
 
 ZZ X n ° “ synonymous in 1660. The failure not only of the 
 patent itself, but also of much of the contemporary material to men- 
 tion negroes, leaves one in great uncertainty as to the degree of im- 
 portance which was attached to the slave trade in 1660. 65 
 
 Whatever its purpose, there can be no question but that the com¬ 
 pany was expected to trade, and did trade, in negroes from its crea- 
 
 AdJ2:??XT ry ’ ° Ct - 3 ’ 16601! CaU Sl - P - C ° l > r. X 7 fi; Zook, Royal 
 
 accounl concemf/To^w^h' the ZrlZ^oi 37 « 75 ' . C ' a l endon "«• in this 
 
 Dutch war, which he hid persiste^oppostd C ° mPaDy bU ‘ W “ h “ S rdation to the 
 
 Col, rdtratil’. (l,I2)l Pt X - VoI ‘ L - P- 3 2 5 , n. Cal. St. P. 
 “CW of the Royal African Company, pp. 6-7. 
 
 ivory, waf^ides^woods,* tmd ^rain'^pepper^at'lfiio^oas ^th “ from 
 
 an d that from, gold a? £200,000. 1665 (Jan l^Brief a* 
 
 and present condition of the Royal African Company^’, ft. £ “ 
 
88 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 tion. James Earl of Marlborough, even before the actual issue of the 
 charter, was endeavoring to induce the company to make Jamaica 
 a base for the sale of negroes. Before the formal issue of the patent 
 the company had ready five vessels bound for Gambia with stores 
 and factors on board. 66 The next year, 1661, eight vessels were 
 hired by the company for its African trade. 67 Eight of the vesse s 
 listed in the Catalogue of Damages submitted by the English in 
 1664 were trading on the Guinea coast during the period of t is 
 charter; two were unquestionably trading for negroes. 6 In April, 
 1662, Lord Windsor, governor of Jamaica, was notified that the 
 company would within ten months deliver three hundred negroes to 
 that island. Governor Willoughby was also informed that Barbados 
 and the Caribbee Islands were to have three thousand annually at 
 £17, and was asked to discover how many could be disposed of at 
 
 that price. 69 # . 
 
 Of the intentions of those responsible for the reorganization ot 
 
 the African Company there is no doubt. In the two years, that 
 elapsed between the granting of the first charter and its revision it 
 had become manifest that great profits were to be obtained from 
 carrying laborers to the Sugar Colonies, and the revised charter of 
 1663 for the first time mentioned the trade in negroes as part of 
 the recognized activities of a chartered African company. 70 Between 
 August 11, 1663, and November 17, 1664, Dr. Zook estimates that 
 the company had sent 3075 negroes to Barbados, 71 References to 
 trade in the correspondence passing between the islands and England 
 support the belief that the early years of the company were years 
 of considerable activity. On March 20, 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford 
 and Peter Colleton, the factors of the company in Barbados, wrote: 
 
 66 Dec. 7 1660, T 70: 1221. Pepys names one additional Guinea vessel, and records 
 disasters to two of the vessels before they left England. Diary, Dec. 9 > IO > 1660. 
 
 m Cal St P Col.. 1661-1668, p. 65; Cal. St. P. Dorn., 1661-1662, p. 209. In 1660 
 the company’s vessels were: Henrietta, Sophia Amity, Griffin Kingsdale,Assurance- in 
 1661, Victory, Dolphin, African, frigate, Faithful Advice, John, Martha, Charles, Black 
 
 amoor \* g ee no n i t joes not of course inevitably follow that a vessel trading on 
 the coast was a company vessel. Some of these vessels had certainly gone out before 
 the charter was issued, others may have been individual traders, not disposed to 
 accept their exclusion from the trade. John Young and Company petition for the 
 Merchants Deliaht, Arnold Brames and Company for the Black Boy, James Birkin tor 
 the Charles, all seized not far from Elmina {Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, p. 65; 1669, p. 
 588). They may or may not have been leased to the company. 
 
 66 Ibid., 1661-1668, p. 88; Zook, Royal Adventurers, p. 74 - . , 
 
 70 “The whole, entire and only trade for the buying and selling bartering and 
 exchanging of for or with any negroes, slaves, goods wares and merchandises whatso¬ 
 ever to be vented or found at or within any of the Cities” on the west coast of Africa 
 (Carr, Select Charters, pp. xlvii, 180). For the activities of the company between 1660 
 
 and 1663, see Zook, Royal Adventurers, pp. 10-13. 0 
 
 71 Zook, p. 82. The items recorded by Zook total only 2261: 1051 men, 1018 
 women, 136 boys, 56 girls; those transcribed by Harlow, with the date of the cargoes, 
 equal 2264. Harlow, History of Barbados, p. 312. 
 
Introduction 
 
 89 
 
 “The Speedwell arrived with 282 negroes, who have greatlylost in 
 
 b i7,of 1 r a "' p “ br “ kinS amon S •hm. Thlsucce,, 
 
 the £ nf'V ” k T anC theS , e ’ Wlth Capt - Nor brook’s have produced 
 
 ootV/ I ei V days Iater the y wrote ^at they were sending 
 
 would buv TV ivi Klt - S ’ and had on their hands 200 that nobody 
 would buy. This did not imply that the island had been surfeited with 
 
 negroes ut resulted from the sickly character of the cargoes. 72 In 
 
 August, 1664, twelve ships were being prepared for the coast The 
 
 ZSZiStfr 
 
 The activity in trade had been accompanied by a strengthening of 
 
 a^d lodges eStabl ' S i mentS on theWest Coast. In 1663 the factories 
 and lodges were Cormantine, Commenda, Takoradi Anto Ana 
 
 w" By . J “r * ,66y ’ d * h " ; " ■“*»»» 
 
 f , ', P T j d ' J These constituted a threat to Dutch control 
 S s he Hollalld ^s could ill brook. Two methods of attack on the 
 nghsh were possible. Their vessels on the sea could be seized, and 
 the natives could be incited to oppose their trade along the coast. 
 Both methods were used. A dozen or more English vessels were 
 
 control 7 ® VentUrmg mt0 waters over which th e Dutch claimed 
 
 In June, 1663, the Dutch regained Cabo Corso. With it in their 
 possession, they felt themselves strong enough to put forth vigorous 
 claims to exclusive trade on the coast. This they did not only by 
 
 72 
 
 them, which our^ichk/ phytickn S ’Dr La Roused ^ 3 ? rea u t mortalit y amongst 
 
 73 t 
 
 Jan. 2, 1665, “Petition of the Company to the Kins” Cal St P Dnm -.ec* 
 
 PP. 159-.60, 666, 67,-674; Cal. St. P. Col., ,66,-,668 p g 2 66 ‘ 66 *' 166 ^ 
 
 74 Zook, p. 46. 
 
 N "They report that they have settled “Poriadally, Goally, Trevisco Gambia Bi„ 
 Copintin 0 , Cape" Corso," Wyamba', A^Tdra^in”.- ' CaTtp 
 
 ea rl i e r 78 ©/"these ^ ££ 
 
 SrTan 8 , m H 'l 62 ' ?r n!n < S pr ° test ’ conceraed Wholly with attacks on he 
 
 teiBssJt cT the company, on Sept, a 5, ,663, an egression rfits oblig,! 
 thp f hin \ (Beer ’ 0l i Co l oni al System , I. 332, n. 4). The commercial treaty between 
 the two nations, agreed to in September of that year, essayed to settle African 
 
 but it scarcely accomplished a temporary cessatioi of host lit es For de^ads of the 
 company’s part in the Anglo-Dutch struggle see Zook, pp. 30-60 f 
 
9 o 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 paper representations but by a judicious use of the natives. Tetters 
 from the company’s agents on the coast describe this phase of Dutch 
 activity as seen through English eyes: 
 
 June . The Dutch give daily great presents to the King of Futton and his 
 “capeshiers” to exclude their Honours (the Royal African Company) from the 
 trade, and to the King of Fantyn and his capeshires, to make war on the English 
 castle of Cormantin, saying if they could but get that place never Englishman 
 more should have trading upon that coast. Had not Capt. Stokes arrived, it s 
 much to be feared the Flemish flag had been on Cormantin, as it is now on the 
 castle at Cape Corso. The Dutch prevailed on the King of Aguina treacher¬ 
 ously to lay hold on John Cabessa, who was a great defence to Cormantin, and 
 on the 28th May to plunder the house at Wiamba. Sept . From Capt. Stokes 
 at Annashan: The English got a treaty with them of Futton in spite of the 
 Dutch, and four hostages that they should build a castle there, but the Dutch 
 would not suffer them to land, from Capt. Stewart at Ardra: The Dutch 
 told the King of Ardra that they had conquered the Portugals, the potentest 
 nation that ever was in those countries, and turned out the Dane and Swede, 
 and in a short time should do the same to the English, and by these discourses 
 hindered the Company’s factors from trade. From the Council of Factors at 
 Cormantin: The Dutch have given bribes to the King of Cabessaland, who 
 seized some goods going from hence, and killed the negroes that bought them. 
 Have settled two Englishmen at Commenda, where the King sent two hostages, 
 one his own son; but the Dutch have a great ship before the place, firing at all 
 canoes that pass in or out. Aug. From MF. Brett, factor at Commenda. 
 Came to the place on the 21st, and the Dutch man-of-war told them they must 
 not go ashore; in two days more the Amsterdam came from Castle de Myne, 
 and sent two men on board to see if they belonged to the Royal Company, pre¬ 
 tending if they had been interlopers that they (the Dutch) had power to take 
 them. Next day the Dutch manned out three long boats, and continued firing 
 at all canoes that would have traded with the English, and those canoes that 
 were made fast to the English ship the Dutch cut from the ship s side, which 
 one of the seamen endeavouring to prevent, a Dutchman cut. him in the leg. 
 So the English ship weighed anchor the long boat’s men giving us such base 
 language as was not to be endured. 78 
 
 This was the situation on the coast when Captain Robert Holmes 
 made his second African expedition, an expedition so successful that 
 on his departure the Dutch held Elmina only. The retaliatory harry¬ 
 ing of the coast by De Ruyter restored Dutch control at every point 
 save Cape Coast Castle, and inflicted upon the Guinea Company 
 
 TT 1663, June 1/11, “Protest of John Valckenburgh, Director-General of the North 
 coast of Africa and the island of St. Thome, on behalf of the States General and their 
 authorised West India Company, against Francis Selwyn, agent of the Royal English 
 Company trading to Africa” {Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 1 35 _1 3 ^)• A second 
 protest followed on Sept. 2/12 {ibid., p. 158) : “No person with a knowledge of the coast 
 of Africa can be ignorant that the Portuguese, as the first discoverers, have maintained 
 against all, the Gold Coast of Guinea; and the Dutch Company, who have obtained 
 such conquests at the expense of much treasure and blood, ought to be left undisturbed. 
 The English reply was a claim to the ownership of Cape Coast, which was rested 
 
 on an agreement made with the natives in 1649. 
 
 78 1663, June to Sept., “Extracts of letters from Cormantin and other places in 
 Africa”, Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 146-147; see also pp. 91, 156; Hist. MSS. Comm., 
 Heathcote MSS., pp. 146, 149, 150. 
 
Introduction 
 
 9i 
 
 opeTf^r Sn o V , , ,! 0 ? 2 f 5 0 - 000 - 79 With such acts of 
 open aggression committed by both nations war could no longer he 
 
 avoided: but war did little to restore the failing ortun s of the 
 
 Afncan Company. The treaty of Breda, July 2^1667 Placed the 
 
 clo?/ a r t0 be f ° Und during the Dutch war - 80 At its 
 
 l C £'Tlf m \T d ° h ° ,“ ld >™ •« others who 
 ; n( . w I t j- A . f [ lca - The arrival of the Barbadoes Merchant 
 
 Id ako"''T ,h T "T *** in June 
 
 , 7 ' an .J aiso , Two ships of the Royal Company had arrived 
 
 cult t W ° ‘ CenSe ^ ships from Guinea with 1000 negars”. 81 It is diffi- 
 
 667 t a ha C t eP i haTTf ma< l e ^ thC C ° mpan " in the a^umnof 
 
 10&7, that it had sent 6000 slaves to the plantations annuallv 82 
 Complaints of scarcity continued and it became evident by 1660 that 
 e ruined company could never re-establish English prestige in 
 Africa and supply the West India demand. g 
 
 small* ¥ tHe Comp ™y the West Indies had made no 
 
 f J 1 1 ^nbution., In lts struggle with the Dutch, the company 
 
 1 u j ' • 1 s y m P. a ^y ln the plantations, which from the first had 
 
 660 .nd'IrrTh^ ', h ' n "" ,OP °'>’ er "" d b J patents of 
 
 own ev,I r’ u 3d l 081 no °PP° rtuni ty to complain of their 
 
 own exclusion from the trade and the scarcity and the high price of 
 
 he company’s negroes. The council and assembly of Barbados in 
 
 coast P If t that d the kmg 5 ° r f , ree , dom of trade u P° n the African 
 n ° , 8 , If f e h tvere not allowed they asked that the island be fur- 
 
 as that If Ihe egr ° e h b I tH t P ? ndm / mcor P ora tion, at the same rate 
 ment L/ 1 merC , hantS who had formerly supplied them. 88 Resent¬ 
 ment oyer the inadequate supply of negroes and the accompanying 
 high prices continued to find frequent expression. 84 P ' g 
 
 stanH,' 1666 ’ I ranC i S h° rd Willoughby wrote to the king that a 
 ng guar might be supported without calling upon his Majesty’s 
 
 references in the Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668 f ’ PfS MSS ” P ’ 230; and 
 
 Bennet, C°™ P !?/"/>. “col^iM^Jx 1 negr ° e . s c are fre< l uent: Feb. 12, 1665, Lynch to 
 Barbados to the king, ibid p 4I * •’ fulv ^ governor and council of 
 
 king, ibid., p. 487. ' P * 4 3 ’ JuIy (?) > l667 > Wllham Lord Willoughby to the 
 
 ** Ibid., pp. 468, 476. 
 
 trading to°Gufnea”f'Stockf pTocledL^^ol^tZ^uZ 0 Petiti ° D ° f merchants 
 166.-1668, pViU-irr. “ MiDUteS ° f CoUndl ^ Assembl r Barbadoes”, Cal. St. P. Col., 
 
 Tho m a'‘stneno , Be 4 n„^tii: d p. t0 2 78 . r Henr7 ^ PP ' 2 ° 8 - 2 °^ Feb ‘ * 2 - 4 « 5 , 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 revenue, except the first year, “if his Majesty would allow them free 
 trade, and also to Guinea for negroes”. 85 In 1667 he stated his 
 belief that unless two grievances of the Barbados were speedily 
 remedied the plantations would be ruined. Of these grievances the 
 more acute was the Guinea trade. “The island must be granted free 
 trade to Guinea for negroes by which they may be as plentifully 
 furnished as formerly, so excessive scarce and dear are they now that 
 the poor planters will be forced to go to foreign plantations for a live¬ 
 lihood ” 86 In September Barbados again petitioned for free trade to 
 Guinea for negroes, “or else that the Royal Company be obliged 
 to supply them at the price mentioned in their first printed declara¬ 
 tion, though that too, like the canker of usury, will soon be the 
 bane of a laborious planter”. 87 
 
 The company had agreed to supply Barbados at £17 per head 
 or 2400 pounds of sugar, Jamaica at £18. In the representation 
 of 1667 the petitioners maintained that negroes had sold in the 
 island before the establishment of the company at from £12 to £16 
 each; while now, for the poorer ones, they were sometimes obliged 
 to pay £30, the better sort going to. the Spanish for £18, a state¬ 
 ment the company was quick to deny. ss Dr. Zook, from the materia 
 in the company’s ledgers, estimated that the average price m 1663- 
 1664 was about £16, the price for women and children bringing it 
 below the £17 agreed on. While some negroes sold for as much 
 as £20, an increasing number of refuse negroes which sold for very 
 small prices lowered the average. 89 Complaints of. scarcity the com¬ 
 pany met with an unanswerable retort; it had furnished more slaves 
 than the planters could pay for. In 1668 it wrote, 
 
 As to their metaphor of proving as usury, like a canker to the planters, it 
 will prove a worse canker to the Company, if they never pay for the negroes 
 they have, which hitherto has been their practice. And as it was testified they 
 had so great a glut of negroes that they would hardly give them their victua s 
 for their labour, and multitudes died upon the Company’s hands, cannot omit to 
 beseech his Majesty to write so effectually to the Governor of Barbadoes, that 
 they may be assisted in recovering their debts, and that some method be pro- 
 
 85 May 12, 1666, Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 382-383. 
 
 89 Zook, p. 82; Harlow, Barbados, p. 312. In 1664 Modyf 
 company already cited, wrote: “The price of 12 /.to 15 /. for 
 observed but it would have been well to have expressed their age. 
 
 1668, p. 194- 
 
Introduction 
 
 93 
 
 posed that their negroes may be paid for, except (which would be better) 
 Barbadoes will give security in London to pay at the rate agreed on for negroes, 
 no ice o eir e ivery there, which is conceived the only way to secure the 
 
 ompany rom eing first not paid, and then loaded with complaints not 
 founded on solidity of reason or truth of fact. 90 
 
 At the same time the company proposed to deliver negroes at £17 
 per head, but asked that Barbados report the number desired and the 
 time of year as well as give security for the payment. Undeterred 
 
 1 J J • J /m - ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ more negroes than it 
 
 could or did pay for, the planters asked again in 1668 and in 1669 for 
 
 free trade in slaves, and were assured that they would be supplied, 
 at reasonable rates, with negroes who were to be retained on the 
 island and not sold to other nations. 91 
 
 By 1669 the company, which was now granting licenses to others 
 rather than carrying on its own trade, was still hopeful that addi¬ 
 tional capital might be obtained, provided the king paid the 
 remainder of his subscription, but its affairs were in so desperate a 
 
 state that there was no remedy but the drastic reorganization of 
 1672. 92 
 
 With the affairs of the reorganized company, the Royal African 
 Company, the papers which are hereafter printed largely deal, and 
 little need be said here of its history, its trade, or its problems. A 
 few questions however call for explanation. Throughout its existence 
 the protection of its monopoly rights was to the company a matter 
 of prime importance, and much of its energy was devoted to that end. 
 
 The maintenance of complete monopoly required that Dutch and 
 French be excluded from the West Coast, that English and colonial 
 vessels other than those sent out by the company be prevented from 
 trading in slaves, and that no supply be drawn from parts of Africa 
 outside the company’s territory. While the slave trade from Mada¬ 
 gascar never assumed large proportions, it appears from time to 
 time as a vexation to the company, a constant, though a minor, 
 threat against monopoly. Eastern Africa lay within the territorial 
 limits of the East India Company and only by its co-operation could 
 the African Company check the slave trade from this region. In 
 1663 1^° private merchants, Samuel Lligginson and Truston Miner, 
 applied to the East India Company for permission to trade to Mada¬ 
 gascar for blacks. The petition, “along with the desire of the Royal 
 Company”, was referred for consideration to a committee which 
 
 90 1668, Jan. 23, 
 Barbados”, Cal. St. P. 
 no. 44, notes. 
 
 Answer of Sir Ellis Leighton to Petition of Representatives of 
 Col., 1661-1668, pp. 542-543. For some discussion of the debt see 
 
 o. D * Aug. 3, 1668, “Address of the Representatives of Barbados to the King” Cal 
 P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 541, 601; May 12, 1669, Acts P. C. C., I. 518-520/ The 
 reference to sale refers to possible sale to the Spaniards. 
 
 82 Aug. 25, 1669, Cal. St. P. Dom., 1668-1669, p. 459. 
 
94 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 reported that in its opinion it would not be to the company’s inter¬ 
 est “to allow others to trade within the limits of their charter”. 93 
 All would-be traders did not ask for a license however. In the year 
 1677 the attention of the company was directed to the possible 
 rivalry of Madagascar by news from the plantations that several 
 colonial vessels had been sent thither, as well as by the fact that 
 certain English vessels seemed to be equipped for such a voyage. 
 In April two members of the African Company, Benjamin Skutt 
 and Proby, were desired to propose to the East India Company 
 that it prohibit vessels' from Madagascar from watering at St. 
 Helena. 94 In November Sir John Banks was instructed to represent 
 to the East India Company “that this Compa. is credibly informed 
 that the Ships Greyhound and Governor are bound to Madagascar 
 to carry negroes from thence to the plantations, if they doe not 
 restrain it, it will be of much damage to this Company”. A week 
 later he reported that upon his acquainting the company with this 
 word two of its committees were instructed to meet with committees 
 of the African Company. The company thereupon appointed the 
 committees of shipping and correspondence to go on with the mat¬ 
 ter under the direction of John Bence. 95 
 
 Later events suggest that the companies were not entirely suc¬ 
 cessful in executing whatever plans they may have laid in these con¬ 
 ferences. The factors in Barbados wrote that three ships from 
 Madagascar had come in, bringing a total of 700 negroes. 96 
 
 Robert Holden of Jamaica also reported the arrival of a vessel 
 carrying Madagascar negroes. 97 In 1681 Governor Dutton stated 
 vaguely that during the last seven years “many” slaves had been 
 brought into Barbados from Madagascar. 98 The company’s factors 
 reverted to the subject from time to time, once expressing a fear 
 that the trade to Madagascar might be prejudicial to the company, as 
 900 negroes had been brought in from Madagascar within two 
 months. 99 In 1700 the Fidelia , owned by Charles Noden, had made 
 an experimental voyage to Madagascar, with orders to return by 
 way of the West Indies with negroes. 100 Massachusetts, New York, 
 and Virginia had each received East African negroes. Governor 
 Bradstreet of Massachusetts stated that about 1678 there had ar- 
 
 63 Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1660-1663, p» 323. 
 
 84 R. N. Toppan, Edward Randolph: including his Letters and Official Papers 
 (Prince Society), II. 249; P. R. O., T 70:77* For an account of the papers in T 70 see 
 no. 53, n. 1. 
 
 95 Nov. 8. 15, 1677, 70:77- 
 
 80 Mar. 22, 1678/9, Stede and Gascoigne to the Royal African Company, T 70: 10. 
 
 8T Beer, Old Colonial System, I. 374. 
 
 88 June 11, 1681, report of Dutton, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 71. 
 
 88 Apr. 11, 1683, Apr. 9, 1684, Stede and Gascoigne to the Royal African Company, 
 T 70:10; Cal. St. P. Col., 1700, p. 119. 
 
 109 Feb. 5, 1700, “Journ. of the Lords of Trade and Plantations”, ibid., p. 59. 
 
Introduction 
 
 95 
 
 rived in that colony a cargo of these negroes. 101 Bellomont reported 
 
 and MadatlcTr ™ ' rad ' b "™ N ™ Y “ k 
 
 POWCr wn ly ‘ n d ‘ scoura ging this trade the company could 
 count upon While pirates were occasionally troublesome on the 
 
 West Coast of Africa, the East Coast was constantly infested with 
 them and few traders escaped their attentions for long. News of 
 them raids was bound to deter all but the stout-hearted, or those 
 allied with them, from venturing into this territory, and even the 
 oldest masters were often not anxious to repeat the voyage. 103 
 
 Sevlmee r th e re n t the AfnCan - rade by tHe French durill S the 
 
 sev-enteeth century was- a minor one as compared with that of the 
 
 glish and of the Dutch. To them as well as to the English it was a 
 penod of experimentation, to find a form of business organization 
 suitable alike to the conditions in Africa and to the needs of the 
 West India plantations. The success of the various experiments 
 was slight and bankruptcies and reorganizations were frequent. Until 
 1664 this commerce remained largely in the hands of the merchants 
 of Normandy, either as private individuals or as small private associa¬ 
 te f? firSt ° f ? csc gr ° ups enduri "g en0l igh to receive notice was 
 
 Senetl T Uen r K- ntS ’ “ l626 t0 eX P loit the region of the 
 
 Senegal. In 1633 this group asked for the protection of the govern- 
 
 t ’ t d T7 Wlth u the f0I - mal 1SSUC ° f letters P atent t0 it, March 7, 
 1634, the French organization of African trade may be said to have 
 
 its beginning. 101 Shortly after this the trade of two other groups 
 
 was given official sanction, the first to trade between Sierra Leone 
 
 and Cape Lopez, the second from Cape Blanco to Sierra Leone, save 
 
 at -u7u tain p01nts reserv ed to the Norman traders. 105 
 
 en Colbert, as part of his project for the aggrandizement of 
 
 France, created the French Company of the West Indies, these smaller 
 
 companies received 150,000 livres for their African property, all 
 
 °, f y hl , ch * ay between Cape Blanco and the Gambia River. South of 
 
 that the French had no foothold in Africa, though the new patent 
 
 granted a monopoly to the entire West Coast from Cape Blanco to 
 
 the Cape of Good Hope. 100 Colbert’s hopes for his creation, un- 
 
 301 rrvi • • - 
 
 1I2 71 hls wol *k, vol. III., Massachusetts and New York, 
 p. 119. Complaints a S ainst th e Earl of Bellomont”, Cal. St. P. Col. y 1700, 
 
 Plantatio^” y ;w I7 °\ “ 0wners . of the B ^kford galley to the Council of Trade and 
 
 Tunp T r 1” P ’ } ’ see i a iP p P' 35 *> 35 2 - John Harris sailed on the Beckford in 
 
 Indfes He w, V * S aT l 6 E - St Coast J and Madagascar, to be carried to the West 
 inaies. He was seized by the pirates under Ryder Mar jo T 6nn a Vest 
 
 slave traders venturing into the waters about Madagascar which were thirkk^bffW ^ 
 
 W.th p.rates, was great, yet they not infrequently traded toeTther d« f Mv T V 
 
 Jameson, Privateering and Piracy, pp. 180-187. together peacefully. See J. F. 
 
 P- Ctt'tru, Histoire du Senegal du XV* Slide i 1870, pp. ,7 i7 
 
 10a r , U< i' en Peytraud, L’Esclavage aux Antilles Francoises avant 1780 (1807! dd 7 8 
 
 PP. 68-8a U ’ trU ' HlSt ° lre dU SinigaU PP - 52 ' 56: S - L M ’™> Colberfs 7 %}d%h V PoVy, 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 doubtedly modelled upon the Dutch West India Company, were never 
 realized, and in 1672 the company was released from its obligation 
 to carry on the African trade. Indeed, as an active organization, 
 it was by that time at an end, though its formal dissolution did not 
 take place until 1674* A second company, the Company of the 
 Senegal, the leaders of which were Maurice Egrot, Frangois Frangois, 
 and Frangois Raguenet, was formed in 1673. To its predecessors in 
 the trade it paid 78,000 livres and received the exclusive right to 
 traffic as far south as the Gambia River. 107 In 1679,. after a half- 
 dozen successful years, this group was enlarged and given the more 
 extended territory of the earlier patent. 108 It proved inadequately 
 capitalized for its increased undertakings and by 1681 it was prac¬ 
 tically bankrupt. 109 
 
 Again Colbert tried a royal company, the second Company of the 
 Senegal, similar to the Company of the West Indies. The new com¬ 
 pany, composed not of merchants but of officials, who entered to 
 gratify Colbert and the king, unwillingly assumed the debts of the 
 earlier group. Before long it had completely demonstrated its 
 inability to meet the demands made upon it. Its extended charter 
 was revoked in 16845 and the Company of Guinea established, with 
 a monopoly of that part of its territory south of the Gambia, 110 it 
 retaining its right north of that river. In the West Indies the two 
 companies shared the privilege of trade. The reduction of its terri¬ 
 tory failed to make permanent improvement in the condition of the 
 Company of the Senegal. In addition to the difficulties created by its 
 insufficient capital, it was involved in quarrels with the English on 
 the coast, and in 1692 it confessed itself ruined, having expended 
 over a million livres on its African property. Two years later it 
 surrendered its privileges, for 300,000 livres, to the Sieur d Apougny, 
 one of the directors. Under him a new company was organized in 
 1696, the Royal Company of the Senegal, Cape Verde, and the Coast 
 of Africa. With France restored to her earlier position on the 
 African coast by the Peace of Ryswyk, the new company sent out to 
 that coast Andre Brue to re-establish the damaged power and pres¬ 
 tige of the French. 111 This Senegal Company, which existed until 
 1709, was in no way to interfere with the Guinea Company of 
 
 107 Cultru, p. 58. . . 
 
 108 Raguenet had died; his widow and Egrot had ceded their interests to Rene Bains, 
 Louis le Brun, and others (Cultru, Histoire du Senegal, p. 59 n * > Peytraud, LEsclavage 
 aux Antilles Franqaises, p. 41). The company’s factories were on the island of St. Louis, 
 at Arguin, Goree, Joal, Portudal, Rufisque, and Albreda on the north bank of the Gambia. 
 
 109 Cultru, p. 60; Mims, Colbert’s West India Policy, pp. 294-295. . 
 
 110 Bonnassieux, pp. 227-228; Moreau de Saint Mery, Loix et Constitution des 
 
 Colonies Franqaises de I’Amerique sous le Vent (1784-1790), I. 409. _ , , . 
 
 F’ Berlioux, Andre Brue ou I’Origine de la Colome Franqaise du Senegal 
 
 (1874), p. 36; Peytraud, p. 49. 
 
Introduction 
 
 1685, which still possessed the right to the trade of the southern 
 Guinea coast. 
 
 To estimate the accomplishments of these short-lived companies 
 one must look both to Africa and to the West Indies. In the latter, 
 the introduction of sugar cultivation, about 1643, made it at once 
 evident that if this new industry were to yield its potential profits 
 the labor supply must be rapidly increased. The obvious source of 
 such increase was West Africa. The French market for slaves was 
 therefore ready as soon as organization of the business in France 
 and exploitation of the African coast could combine to utilize it. 
 
 The African activities of the Norman traders were concentrated 
 in the region of the Senegal. At the mouth of this river Captain 
 Thomas Lambert, who had been frequenting it since 1626, built the 
 first French habitation in 1638, though there seems to have been 
 no resident establishment for some years after that time. Lam¬ 
 bert’s expedition of 1637-1638, 112 narrated by Claude Jannequin de 
 Rochefort, traded up the river to Terrier-Rouge on the northern 
 shore and along the coast south of the river. To the natives the 
 French offered iron bars, cottons, linens, brandy, beads, and silver 
 trinkets, for which they received gum, gold, hides, and pepper. 113 
 Just when the French scruples against dealing in slaves were dis¬ 
 carded is not clear, but by the time French planters called for negro 
 labor for their growing sugar plantations French merchants were 
 willing, though not always able, to provide such labor. The first 
 recorded attempt of the French to meet the demand for negroes 
 is that of 1643, when the Company of the Isles of America contracted 
 with the Rouen merchant Rozer for sixty negroes, at 200 livres each, 
 to be delivered at Guadeloupe. 114 Though this is the first evidence 
 ^ French traffic in slaves which has come to light, the French colo¬ 
 nists were at this time by no means unacquainted with negro labor. 
 Belain d’Esnambuc, landing at St. Christopher in 1625, had found 
 forty negroes or thereabouts already on that island, and in 1635 a 
 Dutch trader had added to that number. 115 
 
 T m Cultru, pp. 40-43; Astley, II. 3; Claude Jannequin de Rochefort, “Voyage en 
 o lb r\£ a r, erem ? nt - au R °y aume de Senegal sur le Fleuve Niger” (Paris, 1643), in 
 £ u Walcknaer > Histoire General des Voyages (1826), II. 328. Astley gives an abstract 
 of the narrative, II. 20-27. Two Capuchins of Rouen, who visited Cape Verde in 1635 
 have also left an account of the French Senegal. “Relation des RR. PP. Alexis de Saint 
 Lo et Bernardin de Renouard”, Walckenaer, II. 304. 
 
 “Astley, II. 23. 
 
 Mims, Colbert s JVest India Policy, pp. 33~34» 28311. Rozer’s negroes, who were 
 to be delivered by a Captain Droualt, were to* be paid for one-third at once, two-thirds 
 on delivery; but in October Rozer asked for immediate payment, offering as his reason 
 the fact that the negroes were costing more than he expected because of the great 
 demands the Dutch were making on the coast. In 1648 Houel, governor of Guadeloupe 
 stated that he personally had paid for these negroes, and asked that he be granted the 
 mand Marie Galante and be allowed to take them there, since the company seemed 
 unwilling to repay him for them. 
 
 llj Mims, pp. 283-284; Peytraud, p. 5. 
 
98 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 It would be strange if the Dutch had not more than once left 
 blacks with the French planters, but the Dutch may not have been 
 wholly responsible for the increasing black population of the French 
 islands. The scanty records of the early companies, like those of the 
 English, do not mention blacks, yet it is quite probable that the trans¬ 
 action with Rozer in 1642 was not the first of its kind between the 
 French merchants and the French company. 116 The Dutch however 
 were the main reliance of the planters for the next twenty years. In 
 
 1654 there were 600 or 700 negroes brought into Martinique, and by 
 
 1655 there were from 12,000 to 13,000 blacks in the French islands. 
 
 In 1664 the Dutch brought to Martinique at least one cargo of 300. A 
 decade earlier the negroes sold for 2000 pounds of sugar each; for this 
 cargo they asked 3000 pounds per head. De Tracy, regarding this as 
 exorbitant, arbitrarily reduced it to 2000 pounds, at which price the 
 Dutch were apparently content to traffic. 
 
 The profit which they were deriving from this commerce, extrava¬ 
 gantly estimated at 266 per cent, by De Tracy, 117 made it seem a 
 most promising field for the company of 1664. On its establishment 
 a force of sixty men was sent out to the island of St. Louis in the 
 mouth of the Senegal, Sieur Villault de Bellefond was directed to 
 make treaties with the black chiefs, and Sieur Jacquet was made 
 director of the commerce on the coast. 118 The company was how¬ 
 ever not yet ready to undertake the negro trade directly, and instead, 
 on February 8, 1665, it contracted with Carloff 119 to carry negroes 
 to the French West Indies for six years. All his negroes were to go 
 to the French possessions, where, after allowing the company to retain 
 seven per cent, of them, he might sell the remainder at whatever 
 price he could obtain. The sugar received in payment he must trans¬ 
 port to France. 120 Carloff’s privileges did not include the monopoly 
 of the traffic, since Colbert was not yet ready to deprive the colonists 
 of the Dutch supply. Throughout 1668 Dutch vessels bringing slaves 
 were freely admitted to French ports. 
 
 What use Carloff made of his grant we do not know. Apparently 1 
 he traded on the coast, and if so he may have delivered negroes to 
 the islands, but no record of such delivery before 1669 has come to 
 light. In that year he seems to have been co-operating with officials 
 of the company rather than fulfilling an independent contract. The 
 company by that date was ready to undertake its own trade. 121 Two 
 
 “See Peytraud, pp. 5, 36-37. 
 
 Mims, pp. 45, 284-285. 
 
 118 Villault de Bellefond’s Relation des Cosies d’Afrique appelees Guinee (1669) 
 is a result of his voyage to the coast in 1666 and 1667. See Astley, II. 374-387; Mims, 
 p. 117. 
 
 19 See ante, n. 13. 
 
 120 Mims, pp. 117-118. 1 
 
 U1 De Baas, governor general of the French West Indies, was explicitly instructed 
 in 1668 to admit Dutch, vessels bringing slaves. 
 
Introduction 
 
 99 
 
 vessels, Justice commanded by the Sieur d’Elbee and Concorde under 
 ar o , cairie iom Ardra to Martinique 997 negroes, 753 of 
 whom were safely delivered.- So satisfactory was this expedition 
 p f a short time Colbert cherished dreams not only of supplying 
 the French planters, but also of depriving the Dutch of their lucrative 
 
 t S he n ^ h p radS; r 1672 , C , ar !, 0ff deIivered 350 to Guadeloupe, and 
 the St Francis, Captain Mallet, brought in 200 on the company’s 
 account. r y 
 
 This seems to have been the end of the company’s short-lived at¬ 
 tempt to provide the islands with laborers. 123 With the entrance of the 
 company into the slave trade Colbert had ordered the exclusion of 
 the Dutch. Having successfully driven them from the French 
 islands, he now found that the company was unable to meet the 
 demands of the planters, and tried in vain to induce private traders 
 to enter upon the trade in slaves. The special tax which had rested 
 on private trade had been removed in 1670. In 1672 the bounty 
 of thirteen livres a head for each slave imported by the company 
 was extended to private traders. 125 At a time when English monop¬ 
 olists were engaged in a losing struggle to maintain themselves 
 against the competition of the interloper, few independent French 
 merchants could be induced to enter the trade even by a bounty, and 
 the b rench planter’s prosperity was seriously threatened. 326 Du Clerc 
 secretary to de Baas, reported to Colbert in 1675 that no one was 
 bringing negroes to the islands. This condition the Company of the 
 Senegal of 1673 was apparently not expected to remedy immediately 
 It was given a few years in which to establish itself on the coast 
 efore it was called upon to supply the islands with slaves. At least, 
 the fact that on October 16, 1675, the liquidators of the West India 
 Company bargained with Jean Oudiette to supply the French islands 
 with 800 negroes a year lends itself to this interpretation. This 
 contract Oudiette failed to carry out, and after nearly four years of 
 
 t t j J° ur n a l du Voyage du Sieur Delbee, Commissaire general de la Marine aux 
 
 I S 66 e Q’ > ^n n ^eL C ^f e d de ' G p y / n ^ , P°V r 1 ’etabHssement du commerce en ces pays, en l’Annee 
 166 9 , in Jean Clodor e, Relation de ce qui s’est passe dans les Isles et Terre Ferme de 
 
 the^Pri?^ f a A V 67 f ’ IL 34 ?" 4 . 94 ' D ’ EIbee gives an account of his negotiations with 
 the Prince of Ardra for permission to establish a lodge at Offra and an excellent 
 
 faTrade'in bracks Pr ° CeSS ° f trade with the natives > though it is not especially limited 
 
 123 Mims, pp. 118, 165-171. 
 
 y „ 12iCo } hert ’ s resolve to exclude the Dutch was apparently reached in the summer 
 ctf/ 669, when he sent out a French patrol to capture Dutch intruders. Mims, pp. 184- 
 
 126 Mims, pp. 225-226, 286. 
 
 . Mims, p. 287. This of course should not be interpreted to mean that no 
 pnvate traders engaged in the trade. From incidental records we know that French 
 d3d n °t entirely cease after 1672. For example, in June, 1673, the French complained 
 to the English government that, though the countries were at peace, one of the agents 
 
 r Co ™ pany had fired u P° n the St. Etienne while she traded for slaves. 
 
 c,ai. iit. T, Lol., 1669-1674, pp. 502-503. 
 
100 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 unfulfilled promises it was annulled and the government turned to the 
 company for negroes. 127 
 
 Meanwhile, the company, despite troubles with its neighbors on 
 the coast of Africa, had prospered. Goree and Arguin had been 
 taken from the Dutch. 128 Du Casse, sent out to protect these pos¬ 
 sessions, which remained in French hands by the terms of the Peace 
 of Nymwegen, had made treaties with native chiefs at Rufisque, Joal, 
 and Portudal. 129 The trade of the company had increased and in 
 1677 it had sent eighty negroes to Martinique. In 1679, as it was 
 preparing to offer negroes to the Dutch and Spanish, it was asked 
 to supply 2000 annually for eight years to the French islands, and 
 also those required for the royal galleys. For the negroes sent to 
 the West Indies, where they were to be sold at any price which 
 the company could obtain, a bounty of thirteen livres per head was 
 to be paid. In addition to this favor the company was freed from 
 all duties on goods imported from France to Africa or the West 
 Indies, and from half the duty on goods sent from the West 
 Indies to France. 130 All other French subjects were excluded from 
 the trade for twenty-five years. Sixteen ships were soon engaged to 
 carry negroes: four to Marseilles with slaves for the galleys, four 
 to Spain, and eight to the West Indies. With this enlargement of 
 its activities the success of the company’s earlier years deserted it. 
 Vessels were wrecked, many blacks died in the Middle Passage, 131 
 planters failed to pay. At the end of the first year the debt of the 
 company was 1,200,000 livres. 132 Twice the king postponed action by 
 its creditors. May 26, 1680, an agreement was reached between the 
 entrepreneurs and the creditors, but the company was unable to carry 
 out its terms. It was declared bankrupt and came to an end July 
 2, 1681. 
 
 127 Mims, pp. 290-291; Bonnassieux, p. 226; Peytraud, p. 41. 
 
 128 Comte d’Estrees had taken Goree in 1677, Casse, Arguin in 1678. Du Casse 
 was not so successful on the Gold Coast. The natives, probably at the instigation of 
 the Dutch, drove the French from Commenda. Astley, II. 3-4; Berlioux, pp. 30-31; Mims, 
 pp. 288-298. 
 
 129 Astley„ II. 17-18. # ... . 
 
 130 Mims, pp. 291-292; Moreau de Saint-Mery, Loix et Constitutions des Colonies 
 
 Franqaises de VAmerique, I. 314-317, 325-326; Bonnassieux, p. 226. 
 
 131 The figure quoted by Mims, 2000, is not credible. Though the number may 
 have been large, it can hardly have been three times as large as the number of 
 negroes delivered, which is what this figure means. Two hundred one might accept, 
 though that involves a heavier mortality rate than is shown by most figures for the 
 period. Mims, p. 294. 
 
 132 The conflicting figures relating to the brief history of this company are perplex¬ 
 ing and refuse to be reduced to consistency. Mims has shown the impossibility of 
 accepting the bounties paid as any clue to the number of importations. De Blenac, 
 in July, 1680, said that in the preceding sixteen months, the period during which the 
 company had possessed the monopoly, but six or seven hundred had been brought into 
 the islands. If this is accepted, it is evident that the eight vessels preparing for the 
 island trade never made the voyage and also that a very small part of the difficulties 
 of the company could be attributed to the debts of the planters. Mims, pp. 296-297. 
 
Introduction 
 
 IOI 
 
 The organization which immediately replaced this one, Colbert’s 
 second Company of the Senegal, perhaps because it was not made up 
 of merchants, displayed more interest in exploration and less in 
 commercial matters than had its predecessor. Records of exploration 
 and accounts of the visit of members of the Academy are left to us, 
 but we have little information about its trade. 133 It was not inactive 
 however. By 1684 it had four vessels ready to carry negroes and 
 had already delivered 290 to Santo Domingo. Labat states that 
 this company in the brief period of its active life carried 4561 negroes 
 to America. An anonymous writer of the time, explaining why the 
 company had failed to carry the 2000 contracted for annually, main¬ 
 tained that 1200 was all the islands could pay for and that they were 
 a ready in debt more than 5,000,000 pounds of sugar. The islands 
 maintained that they needed from 2500 to 3000 negroes annuallv, 
 but Peytraud’s calculations indicate that had they actually received 
 this number a large part of their sugar production would have been 
 absorbed in paying for them. 134 
 
 Despite the arguments of the company that it was supplying as 
 many negroes as the islands could profitably use and pay for, it was 
 deprived of its exclusive privilege and, as has been stated, a supple¬ 
 mentary Company of Guinea was established in 1685. 135 Even with 
 the two companies, complaints that the supply was inadequate were 
 frequently heard. 136 This new company was to furnish 1000 negroes 
 annually, receiving the usual bounty and exclusive rights in territory 
 south of the Gambia for twenty years. At this time Louis XIV. 
 questioned whether the sugar planters needed 2000 annually, since if 
 6000 pounds of sugar were paid for a negro pieza d } India , such an 
 importation would require 12,000,000 pounds of sugar a year. The 
 maximum production of the islands being 20,000,000 pounds, but 
 8,000,000 pounds would remain to satisfy all other needs. The re¬ 
 sponse was that 2000 were none too many, that indeed they needed 
 more than this to provide for the expansion of the islands.' At this 
 point the king suggested that he send a vessel to Cape Verde for 
 negroes and sell them in the islands on his own account. Having no 
 mind to lose on the venture, even though it was wholly for the good 
 of the planters, he wished to be assured that the cargo would all be 
 sold and paid for. 137 The colonists suggested that they supply their 
 needs by buying negroes from neighboring lands, belonging 'to the 
 competing powers, this serving two purposes: they would be strength- 
 
 r; ^ A ? acc ° unt of Dancourt’s voyage is contained in Les Voyages du Sr. le Maire aux 
 lies Canaries, Cap Verd, Senegal et Gambia, A voyage to Goree, made in 1682, carried 
 three members of the Academy of Science. Berlioux, Brue, pp. 32-33; Mims, p. 301. 
 Mims, pp. 303-306; Peytraud, pp. 45-46. 
 
 136 Cultru, pp. 62-63. 
 
 138 Peytraud, pp. 45-48. 
 
 137 Ibid., pp. 46-47. 
 
102 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ened, their neighbors weakened. For this project the king expressed 
 no enthusiasm, though he admitted that it might possibly be employed 
 in Cayenne and Surinam. In this correspondence the king took occa¬ 
 sion to warn the colonists that they must avoid allowing the price of 
 blacks to fall. Since past companies had suffered heavy losses in this 
 business, the present organizations could hardly be expected to main¬ 
 tain the trade in the face of falling prices. 138 
 
 War made increasingly difficult the transportation of negroes to 
 the islands, and by the nineties the fact that the companies could not 
 be relied upon for a sufficient labor supply was tacitly accepted. On 
 August 27, 1692, du Casse, governor of Santo Domingo, was told that 
 the planters might obtain negroes wherever they could get them. 139 
 
 When the Sieur d’Apougny came into control of the company in 
 1694 its trade was at a low ebb and its resources dissipated by conflicts 
 on the coast, the English having taken both Goree and St. Louis. 
 Taking the aggressive at once, the company sent Comte de Gennes 
 to Africa in 1695* With but little difficulty, on July 22, he captured 
 James Fort, which the French retained until 1697, when it was re¬ 
 stored to the English by the treaty of Ryswyk. 140 During the two 
 years that the Gambia was under French control the French strength¬ 
 ened themselves at Albreda, on the mainland, and established a 
 factory up Vitang Creek, a southern tributary of the Gambia. The 
 Sieur Brue came to the coast possessing a larger grant of author¬ 
 ity than had hitherto been allowed to French officials. His work 
 belongs to the eighteenth century, but the beginning of it was accom¬ 
 plished in the last years of the seventeenth. He established factories, 
 made treaties with native chiefs, traded for slaves, explored the coun¬ 
 try, carried on friendly negotiations with the English. All in all, he 
 was one of the ablest directors that the French ever maintained upon 
 the African coast. 141 
 
 138 Sugar had fallen in price and negroes would naturally be expected to follow. 
 Peytraud, p. 47. 
 
 13 » 
 
 1 Ibid., pp. 48-49. . . 
 
 Berlioux maintains that it was not the war but the character of its organization 
 
 which ruined the company (pp. 35 - 37 )* Frangois Froger, in A Relation of a Voyage made 
 iit the Years 1695, 1696, 1697 on the Coasts of Africa (London, 1698), describes the ex¬ 
 pedition of de Gennes. Berlioux sums up the French position on the coast at this time 
 by saying that they possessed two poor forts, their trade had been without profit^ and 
 their war without glory (p. 37)- James Booker, governor of Gambia, had taken Goree 
 
 and St. Louis' from the French in 1692. . _ , , , _ , . ,. T 
 
 141 Cultru, pp. 64-65. There are few accounts in English of the French in West 
 Africa. That of Astley, to which reference has here been made, rests heavily upon 
 that of Jean Baptiste Labat, Nouvelle Relation de VAfrique Occidentale (1728), which 
 in turn is compiled from the narratives of La Courbe, “Premier Voyage du Sieur La 
 Courbe au Senegal en 1685”) Froger’s Relation, and Brue s papers. . Berlioux, in his 
 Andre Brue ou VOrigine de la Colonie Frangaise du Senegal, accepting in good fait 
 Labat’s statement that he wrote from Brue’s own memoirs, devoted his effort to 
 untangling Labat’s confused and perplexing chronology. Pierre Cultru, by an analysis 
 of contemporary material, has shown that not only the chronology but also the integrity 
 of Labat’s work is to be questioned, since he attributes to Brue the work of La Courbe, 
 and in the very words of La Courbe’s own narrative. See Cultru, Histoire du Senegal, 
 pp. 6-14, and throughout chapters I.-V. 
 
Introduction 
 
 103 
 
 The W es t Indies were slow to see improvement however. Soon 
 after the company was established the complaint was made that the 
 scarcity of negroes was such that the price had gone to 12,000 and 
 15,000 pounds of sugar per head. Two thousand blacks, the number 
 the company was to send, would be purchased in eight days by Mar¬ 
 tinique alone, so great was the need. 142 Perhaps because of pres- 
 sure from the plantations, the king granted certain other privileges 
 of trade in blacks which seem to have violated the company’s monop¬ 
 oly, but since the grant was made in May, 1698, and revoked in 
 February, 1699, f he injury to the company’s trade could not have 
 been serious. 143 The company about this time bargained to deliver 
 to banto Domingo one thousand negroes whom it attempted to 
 procure from the plundered Spanish colony of Cartagena. This 
 enterprise failed. It delivered but 438 negroes, and was directed 
 to recompense the inhabitants of Santo Domingo for its failure to 
 complete the contract. 144 On the whole, France can scarcely be 
 said to have solved, by the close of the seventeenth century, the 
 problem of supplying the laborers necessary to her colonies. 
 
 . As mi .g ht be . expected from its location and history, Brandenburg’s 
 interest in Africa was roused much later than that of other European 
 states. As part of the Great Elector’s plans for the aggrandizement 
 of his country he cherished the idea of developing its maritime power. 
 
 r a c • Ben J. amm Raule proposed an expedition to the West Coast 
 o Africa, which he himself was willing to finance. Three years later 
 he suggested the formation of a Guinea company. 145 Brandenburg 
 in the meantime was negotiating with France for permission to carry 
 slaves to the French West India islands. 148 Raule’s plans were in 
 part realized in 1680, when an expedition set forth under Captain 
 Jons Bartelsen, who was to take negroes from Guinea and Angola 
 and dispose of them at Lisbon or Cadiz. 147 The company received 
 
 ^ tt . e f s P atent ln 1682 or 1683, two settlements were made on the 
 Oold Coast, and an expedition was promptly sent out to take 600 
 negroes. The African settlements were Great Friedrichsburg, three 
 
 142 Peytraud, p. 49. 
 
 143 ru:j * 
 
 Ibid., p. 50. 
 
 144 ~" ‘ " 
 
 1 • , Ibid., p. 51. In 1698 had been created the Royal Company of Santo Domimm 
 
 t T a \l° Send T- Within ^ next fiye 1500 white settlers and 2,00 Sacks’ 
 nd after that 150 white and 200 black inhabitants annually. Here again 5 the nolicv 
 
 Of rnutbetSf tre?tie S A m"de n Peri0d ' ™ S C ° lleCtio ” contains’copied 
 
 '“Ibid., I. 13 5 . 
 
 Zl$. 7 { 17 ’ “Instructions for Capt. Joris Bartelsen”, Hid., II. 05-06 
 
 Ibid., I. 158, II. 120-133, 136-142. y 
 
104 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 miles east of the Dutch fort at Axim, and Fort Dorothea at Akwidah. 
 There was also a lodge at Takoradi. Because of the fact that 
 the headquarters of this company were at Emden, it is frequently 
 
 referred to as the Emden Company. t 
 
 Coupled with the desire of the Great Elector to enter into world 
 commerce by way of the African coast was his desire to obtain 
 possessions in the West Indies, but here as well as in Africa he was 
 hampered by the tardiness of his attempt. The Brandenburgers 
 tried first for Tobago, which was excellently situated for the slave 
 trade. Here they met the opposition of the Dutch, and plans for 
 obtaining it were not pushed. 149 Owning no West India base, the 
 company used St. Eustatius 150 and the Danish island of St. Thomas. 
 
 In 1698 the English Commissioners for Trade and Plantations wrote 
 to the king that the African Company of Emden had quarrelled wit 
 the Danes and was about to buy from a Rotterdam merchant the 
 island of Tortola, which it would use as an entrepot for European 
 goods. In 1685 the Brandenburgers, taking advantage of the fact 
 that the French had abandoned Arguin, established themselves there. 
 Though the French Senegal Company protested, the Peace of Ryswyk 
 left the Prussians in possession. Here they were a thorn in the side 
 of the French company, not because of their great strength, but 
 because of the contraband trade originating there. 151 After the death 
 of the Great Elector interest in the company waned, and in 1717 
 the principal fort, Great Friedrichsburg, was sold to the Dutch. 
 
 The insatiable desire of Spanish America for negroes continue 
 throughout the seventeenth century to provide Spain with a trouble¬ 
 some domestic problem, as well as to affect her relations with ot ei 1 
 countries. More than any other one factor, the need for negroes 
 eventually ended Spanish control of her own markets. Fear of this 
 eventuality, while it affected Spanish policy, could not prevent the 
 outcome. Reference has already been made to the death, of redro 
 Gomez Reynal in 1600, with the term for which he held his assiento 
 uncompleted. On his death the Consulado transferred the contract, 
 for the three years that remained, to a Portuguese, Joao Rodriguez 
 Coutinho, who had been for many years a factor in Ango a. 
 Coutinho did not live to complete the term of his contract, which 
 soon made a bankrupt of the brother who took it over For some halt- 
 dozen years the government retained to itself the privilege o se ing , 
 licenses, during which time few were sold, and many negroes were in- 
 
 149 
 
 150 
 
 Schiick, I. 207, 231-235. 
 
 Bonnassieux, p. 464. The Dutch, je 
 
 alous of this rival, created many difficulties 
 
 for it 
 
 151 July 9, 1698, Council of Trade and Plantation to the king, Cal. St. P. Col., 1697- 
 1698, p. 328; Berlioux, p. 4. 
 
 152 Saco, Historia de la Esclavitud, p. 247. 
 
I ntroduction 
 
 ■ 105 
 
 troduced illicitly. Recognizing the failure of this method, the Span¬ 
 iards turned again to their natural purveyors, the Portuguese. Antonio 
 Rodriguez Delvas, a rich Portuguese merchant, in 1615 paid iic.ooo 
 ducats a year for the privilege of importing from 3500 to 5000 
 negroes annually into Spanish colonies, held it until 1623, and yielded 
 it to Manoel Rodriguez Lamego, also a Portuguese, and the first 
 holder of die contract who made it a financial success. 153 Lamego was 
 followed in 1631 by Melchior Gomez Angel and Christoval Mendez 
 ae oossa, whose operation of it was uneventful. 154 
 
 Up to this time, whatever the contraband trade may have been, the 
 official supplying of negroes for Spanish-American markets had been 
 a domestic affair. Spain, through the Contratacion, 155 had dealt 
 only with Spanish subjects or Spanish dependents, who alone had 
 been admitted to Spanish ports. But with 1640 a change in policy 
 seemed inevitable. At that time Portugal broke away from Spanish 
 dominance, and Spain, aggrieved, refused to grant the favor of her 
 trade to citizens of the rebellious country. Turning from Portugal, 
 s e ™ght have found the Dutch able and willing to supply her needs 
 but of Holland she had similar reason for resentment and greater 
 fear: once allow traders from Curasao the right of entry into ports 
 of the Spanish main, and it would be difficult, if not impossible, to 
 confine their entries to negroes. The result of the dilemma was that 
 tor fifteen years Spain made no negro contract. Complaints of this 
 neglect of the interests of Spanish America were at first frequent 
 and bitter, but they presently diminished, as the colonists found meth¬ 
 ods by which they could supply themselves without the help of the 
 home government. 156 
 
 To check the volume of illicit trade which threatened the very foun¬ 
 dations of Spanish commercial policy, as well as to restore to the 
 bpamsh treasury the revenue from the assiento, Spain was at length 
 dnven to re-establish the contract system. A bargain with two 
 wealthy Genoese, Domingo Grillo and Ambrosio Lomelin, was com¬ 
 pleted July 5, 1662, to go into operation May 1, 1663. 157 By this 
 
 p i . pp. 250, 256, 268; Georges Scelle, “The Slave-Trade in the Soanish 
 
 Th^articL^D 0 ?!^^ W Sient0 ”’ American Journal of International Law, IV. 622-625. 
 article (pp. 612-661) in a measure summarizes the greatly elaborated historv of 
 
 * he aS L‘,™ t0 „ by Scelle - La Traiu Negriere aux Indes de Castilll. aD ° rateC * hlStory of 
 Scelle, I. 437-458. 
 
 AmerirpJnff ^ asa de C ? ntrataci 6 .n, established in 1503, centralized the administration of 
 American affairs, even hearing civil cases relating to America. 
 
 a, 9! n- L \ Trah . e N ^ ri ' ere > 482-487. The English were not to be considered 
 
 also h { °/ ?? assien t°, not only because they had little foothold in the trad e d but 
 
 487-489 ° f thCIr heretlcal faith > a handicap which the Dutch also suffered. Ibid*, L 
 
 r *° TAn account of this contract will be found in Scelle I /Ti 
 
 Company of Royal Adventurers trading into Africa, pp. 93-9O describes^! briffll 
 
 J ecor dOffi« aC rt Un f 18 dr f Wn f K° m the < r olonia ' ° ffi « Papers in the British Publfc 
 ecord Office, the former from the papers in the Spanish archives. 
 
io 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 contract the Italians were to deliver in Vera Cruz, Porto Bello, and 
 Cartagena twenty-four thousand piezas d’Indta within the next seven 
 years, on which they were to pay a duty of 300,000 pesos. If at the 
 end of that time they had not yet completed the number they were 
 to have two years of grace, while if they had delivered more they 
 were to pay duty on the excess. 158 For their negroes the assientists 
 were to contract only with countries at peace with Spain.. Because o 
 the Anglo-Dutch War, which worked havoc with Spamsh-American 
 trade as well as with that of the participants in the struggle, the 
 assientists were unable to meet their engagements and their trans¬ 
 actions fell into great confusion. , 
 
 In 1668 Lomelin, who had gone to the Indies to set in older t e 
 
 affairs of the assiento, died before he had accomplished this pur¬ 
 pose. 159 Grillo offered a revised plan for the assiento, which was 
 accepted, but the enemies of his monopoly in Spam and America 
 prevented him from carrying it out. Though his contract was de¬ 
 clared terminated in May, 1671, he was, as late as 1674, hopefully 
 bargaining with the Dutch company for three thousand negroes to 
 
 be delivered within six months. 160 . , . , 
 
 Despite Spanish fears and Spanish opposition it had, during the 
 term of this contract, become a recognized fact that blacks for the 
 Spanish market must be drawn from Curasao and the English islands 
 rather than from Africa. The intercourse which Spain most feared 
 was steadily increasing, despite all her precautions. Antonio Garcia, 
 the next holder of the assiento, though a Portuguese, purchased his 
 cargoes in large part from Curasao, 161 drawing upon capital advanced 
 by the Amsterdam house of Coymans. The failure of the Spanish 
 banking house which acted as his security brought his purchases to 
 an end, and left him imprisoned for debt. 162 The Spanish government 
 declared his contract forfeited, and for a brief time the body of Seville 
 merchants, the Consulado, undertook to obtain negroes in Africa and 
 deliver them in Spanish America, 163 hoping to put an end to the smug¬ 
 gling trade. Their method was by the sale of licenses, the purchasers 
 of which were forbidden to go to Curagao for their blacks, lnex- 
 
 w> C„n, T -o- The term iieza d'India was not synonymous with negro. While 
 a black of unusuaTquaHty might be considered a pieza i, usua% requ.red Wo and 
 sometimes three negroes to constitute one. Age, height, and details of physical co 
 dition were considered and careful instructions given as to the circumstances" n £ er £^ t< , 
 
 three negroes constituted two piezas d India, or two, one. n e ^ , were forced 
 
 agent for Barbados, wrote with exasperation that the English merchants were torcea 
 
 to stand by and see eleven negroes counted as a single pieza. 
 
 ^Scelle, I. 528-529, 533. 
 
 “*/&, pp. 565 - 578 , 599- The use of Curacao as a base for negroes for the 
 
 Spanish-American market, as the Spanish government had foreseen, greatly increase 
 
 clandestine entry of negroes. . , , ,■ s ,1 t ,<7. 
 
 ’"'Garcia was, in five years’ time, to deliver 20,000 piezas de India bcel ^> 5 7 
 
 Their contract was made in February, 1676, to go into effect in four months. 
 
 162 
 
 163 
 
Introduction 
 
 107 
 
 pencnceci in the trade themselves, unable to find experienced middle- 
 
 tories^n Africl ^ ^ “ d the Portn 8 ne » e and Dutch fac¬ 
 tories in Africa closed against them, they were obliged before long 
 
 tZ he t D f company, and take their negroes from Curasao 
 
 of the Garcia’s imprisonment and the exclusion 
 
 to ohm? f the , Dut c; ch W «t India Company had been endeavoring 
 o obtain from the Spanish government redress for its losses and 
 
 to dispose of the negroes which it had gathered together at 
 Curacao for Garcia. This it failed to do, the government con¬ 
 tending, and rightly, that the Dutch contract with Garcia was a matter 
 of private business with which the government had nothing to do. 16 * 
 
 Don T 9 th R C ° nSulad ® resigned its undertaking to Genoese merchants, 
 A {1 B o rr0S0 , a ? d hlS son -> n -law, Nicolas Porcio, with full knowl- 
 
 wlVfnH- r 0 ° f the 1 o n 5 eg T° eS T £re t0 be obtained from the Dutch 
 West India Company. 165 In other words, the Spanish government 
 
 ad accepted the fact that its laborers must be obtained from- 
 
 oreigners and heretics The disaster that overtook this bargain and- 
 
 s transfer to the hands of Balthazar Coymans is described in the 
 
 documents hereafter printed. 166 The opposition of the Inquisition 
 
 was P° we rful enough to make Coyman’s possession of the privilege 
 
 short-lived. With the passing of years Spanish bitterness towafd 
 
 ortugal had lessened and in 1694, through the agency of Bernardo 
 
 Marin de Guzman, a merchant of Caracas, the assiento was entrusted 
 
 r e Portuguese. Though they were the first to carry slaves from 
 
 West Africa they had been the last of the European nations to 
 
 place the trade in the control of a joint-stock company. With the 
 
 ortuguese Company of Cacheo, organized in 1692, Guzman con— 
 
 tracted for negroes, and from this company Spain was drawing her 
 
 licit labor supply at the end of the seventeenth century. 167 
 
 n these official contracts with the Spanish government England had x 
 
 no part, but it by no means follows that she had no concern in 
 
 Spanish trade. Her interest in it must be traced along two distinct 
 
 a n o ten opposing lines. The African Company, with its monopoly 
 
 of home markets, was naturally desirous of engrossing Spanish 
 
 markets as well. The plantations saw possibilities of gain in Spanish 
 
 trade, prowded the company did not dominate it. The governors are 
 
 fran? P i f* ? PaiI \ reto / ted with acuteness that they had by that time probably all been 
 
 Holland “a/d ln s troduced 'T « h possessions. The diplomatic interchange between 
 noiiand and Spain, in which Holland aimed at official recognition of rLo V j 
 
 and Spain requested that the Dutch open to her the rade n/tr A S ura ^° tra . de 
 
 (especially Ardra), brought about no great results at this time but it Daved f? Ct0nes 
 
 £l,tVr 7 - 6 C 2 e 5 . 0f FlanCe 3nd EnS ' Jd in ‘° -d'r’the^ei'kterntt 
 
 PP* 621-632; the contract is printed ibid., pp. 831-836. 
 
 Nos. 123 ff.; see I. A. Wright, “The Coymans Asiento (ifiRc 
 
 oor reeks vi - deei ™- agen 
 
io8 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 sometimes found forwarding the interests of the company sometimes 
 trying to foster independent traded The date of Grille s contract 
 with Spain coincided with England’s entry into the trade on a large 
 scale Here there seemed a chance for England to share in the prohts 
 of this branch of the commerce. While Spain herself would not traffic 
 directly with English heretics, the Genoese were troubled by no such 
 scruples. At the time the Company of Royal Adventurers was char¬ 
 tered (Jan. io, 1663) the Italian contractors had made two bargains 
 for negroes, one with Carlos Hisbert for four hundred and one with 
 the Dutch West India Company for fourteen hundred. These were 
 to be brought to Curasao, at which place the Spaniards would call or 
 them. Grille was prepared to make a third agreement with the 
 Guinea Adventurers, who, along with the rest of the world, regarded 
 the Spaniards as possessed of unlimited buying power and as a 
 veritable gold mine to all comers. The negroes for the Spanish 
 market they hoped to obtain from Old and New Calabar, regions 
 whose negroes were not in high favor with the English Thirty-hve 
 hundred negroes sold annually to Spain would, they reckoned, bring 
 into England £ 86,000 of the eagerly desired Spanish silver. I c. com¬ 
 plete the details of the bargain, Grillo’s agent, one Richard White, 
 came from Madrid to London, authorized to bargain with any nation 
 in Europe, Africa, or the Indies, save Portugal. 170 By the terms of 
 the subcontract arrived at, the company was to deliver 3500 negroes 
 annually, at Jamaica and Barbados, where the Spaniards were to come 
 
 for them. 171 .... 
 
 The obscurity which surrounds the making of this contract is ren- 
 
 dered greater by the contradictory nature of the records of it which 
 are available. Rightly or wrongly, Grillo maintained that it would ave 
 been dangerous for him to allow the Spanish court to know' that he 
 was buying his negroes from the English company. To avoid this 
 
 ’“One of the great difficulties encountered in attempting to reduce to order the 
 meagre Je cord of the commerce between the English islands and Spanish America 
 He from the fact that both England and her colonies were often acting m ignorance 
 r of S wh j ha m d 'been d^ne by the olhifr. The result was a confusion of orders and requests, 
 and explains many apparent discrepancies m the records. 
 
 ™ 9 i66i Feb., Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-166S, p. an; Scelle, I. 5^4; 
 
 170 T 70’ 7 S PP 11 15, 20, 47, 48. See also Scelle, I. 523-524; Zook, p. 93. 
 
 had evidently none too good a reputation in England. Before he ventured to London he 
 obtained or s'o he thought, the assurance of the Duke of York that he would be « 
 
 while transacting the business of the ass.ento. Nevertheless he test , 0 SecretaU 
 after his arrival and spent some time in prison, in spite of his protest to &ecret > 
 Bennet that he had come “to do the King great service by the importation of vast 
 sums of bullion not by the business of the biacks alone’Dorn., i 66 3^i 664,^ 
 ... ter t 6 R-i 6 q tq 6 211 21 ^- 216 , 225; Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, p. 15 . . , 
 
 Bence,^ the member of the African Company delegated to conduct the negotiations with 
 him, seems also to havO fallen under suspicion, for a warrant was issued to searc 
 
 house for seditious papers. Cal. St. P. Dom., 1663-1664, p. 144* ~«mnanv 
 
 171 This according to Zook (p. 93), who cites a statement made by the compa y 
 
 to this effect (C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8). Scelle gives the number as 5000 (La Traite A 9 
 I. 524). Payment was to be made to Sir Martin Noell. 
 
Introduction 
 
 109 
 
 difficulty he resorted to a covert bargain, which was in part explained 
 three years later. Alexander Bence and John Reid hired in England 
 two vessels which carried the negroes. The freight for these vessels 
 was to be paid to a Spaniard, who in turn assigned it to George 
 Wallis, an Englishman living in Cadiz. From his hands it apparently 
 was to be transferred to Bence and Reid. Payment was to be made 
 every four months, but on May 14, 1667, one John Allen wrote to 
 Arlington that the English vessels had been in use two and a half 
 years, with no payments. He asked that the aid of the English am¬ 
 bassador at Madrid be enlisted, and that, in the event of his failure 
 to obtain the money from Grillo, the truth of the matter be carried 
 to the Queen Regent of Spain. 172 From this one would certainly infer 
 that the English supposed the Spanish government to be ignorant of 
 the source of Grillo’s negroes. Scelle however states that Spain at 
 first ordered Grdlo to annul the contract with England, and specifically 
 forbade him to treat with countries which had not freedom of trade 
 with Spain. Upon further consideration however the government’s 
 opposition was withdrawn, and the assientists were told that they 
 might complete the English bargain. 173 The Duke of York was asked 
 to obtain permission for Grillo’s agents to live in Jamaica and Bar¬ 
 bados, 174 on the same terms as English subjects, and the company made 
 its first sale to Grillo and Lomelin, 175 receiving from the king safe con¬ 
 duct for the vessels carrying the negroes. 
 
 To understand the further course of events it is necessarv to review 
 the relations between the English and the Spanish colonies' 
 
 During the fifteen or more years in which there had been no con¬ 
 tract for negroes for Spanish America the Spanish planters had de¬ 
 veloped a considerable illicit importation. While this was chiefly 
 from Curasao, they were not oblivious to the desirability of trade 
 
 172 
 
 DD Vw’ ;? h " n 1Ien tC U SeC - Lord Arlin gt°n”, Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, 
 
 pp. 466-467, 47 i , Cal. St. P. Dom., 1667, PP- 98, 133; Scelle, I. 525-526. The English 
 
 SETS W } th thlS a S J WaS j throu g hout the entire history of the contract unfor- 
 
 tunate. On Jan. 14 1676, Alexander Bence complained to the king that he had hired 
 
 JZnlnvfn 1°!? ° V! t0 trans P ort the negroes that he purchased from the 
 
 com p any in the West Indies. These vessels were never returned and the petitioner was 
 
 T i ged owners “=£8000, for which he received no recompense. Acts P. C. C., 
 
 x* o4/« i 
 
 m , Tu Sce ! le u T * 527 * ,T his su gg esf s sufficient knowledge on the part of Spain to 
 make the elaborate machinery for concealment entirely unnecessary. In the light of 
 
 p.® 1; P , ani . s , h reluctance to allow even a subcontract for negroes to be made with the 
 
 nglish, the directions sent to Sir Richard Fanshaw, early in 1664, to demand an 
 
 sl S ave nt t°r a ^ C t C “ in!t0 i the ?, 0yal African Com P an y a monopoly of the profitable 
 
 tfZt ? d S P anish colonies , were, to say the least, over optimistic (“News 
 
 letter from Williamson to Fanshaw, Feb.-Mch., 1664”, Hist. MSS. Comm., Heathcote 
 
 Ar,ington - p - 74) - Fanshaw was a 
 
 rk<8 663, “^ Iemoria J of Sir Ellis Leighton to the Duke of York”, Cal. St. P. Col., 
 1001-1665, p. 158; see also pp. 174, 466-467, 471. 
 
 1 74 -i 75 5 l663> <KingS Warrant t0 the Governors of Barbadoes and Jamaica”, ibid., pp. 
 
110 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 with the English islands. Here the obstacles to free trade were great. 
 Both Spanish and English legislation forbade it, and the objectives 
 of those who desired it were too conflicting for them to co-operate 
 harmoniously in evading the laws. What the Spaniards desired was 
 access to English markets in the islands; what the English chiefly de¬ 
 sired was access to Spanish markets. The English company looked 
 toward a monopoly of the Spanish trade, while the planters wished an 
 opportunity to develop their own commerce with the Spanish colonies. 
 
 On the whole, the planters, finding, after some attempts at trade, 
 that they were to be shut out from it, obstructed rather than promoted 
 its development. In general the English governors favored the de¬ 
 velopment of trade, even after the planters had come to oppose it. 
 
 In Barbados the Spanish merchants took the initiative in the effort 
 to establish a traffic in negroes. Spanish merchants visited the island 
 in March, 1662, and proposed to Walrond, president of the council, 
 that they buy negroes for Peru, where the market price was then 1000 
 pieces of eight. On all goods brought to the island in payment for 
 the negroes they offered to pay ten per cent, and assured Barbados 
 of at least five million pieces of eight yearly. 176 The Spaniards pro¬ 
 fessed to be ready to expend £100,000 at once. Though the council 
 hesitated to agree to a transaction which obviously violated the navi¬ 
 gation laws, Walrond was unwilling to close the door on so promising 
 a trade, and allowed the Spaniards to purchase 400 negroes, at from 
 125 to 140 pieces of eight per head. Modyford, speaker of the 
 assembly, while not supporting Walrond, could not but see the ad¬ 
 vantage of a sale which “filled the island with money”, and urged 
 that permission be granted to the Spaniards to buy negroes in the 
 island. Such a transaction would aid Barbados and have the added 
 advantage of driving the Dutch from the trade. 
 
 In Jamaica the situation was reversed and the English took the 
 first steps looking to trade. In 1661, when Lord Windsor was sent 
 out as governor, he was instructed to obtain for Jamaica free trade j 
 with Spain, by force if necessary. His effort to open a trade peace- , 
 fully was met by a refusal on the part of the Spanish governors to 
 whom he made proffers of traffic, and, following the suggestion of 
 his instruction, the Jamaica council in 1662 resolved upon a trade by 1 
 force. The Spaniards were not to be won in such fashion. In 1663, , 
 when the deputy governor, Sir Charles Lyttelton, wrote that he hoped 1 
 to establish Spanish trade, he had given up forcing the way into 
 
 176 Harlow, History of Barbados, p. 141; Beer, Old Colonial System, I. 3 2 9“33 
 
 177 Thomas Modyford recounted these events to his brother: 1662, Mar. 30-Sept. i 3 > 
 “Extracts of letters from Thomas Modyford”, Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 123-124. 
 
Introduction 
 
 111 
 
 Spanish ports but hoped to induce the Spanish merchants to come to 
 Jamaica as they had to Barbados. 178 
 
 Owing to past enmity between Spanish and English, this proved 
 difficult. In May, 1664, Thomas Lynch wrote to Secretary Bennet 
 that the Spaniards were drawing their supply of negroes from 
 the Genoese, who had contracted to supply them with 24,500 
 m seven years, to be drawn from the Dutch at Curasao, on which 
 . curse d little barren island they have now 1500 or 2000”. In complete 
 ignorance, apparently, of the fact that the English company had 
 already made a bargain with the Italians, he went on to suggest that 
 the company sell negroes to the Genoese in order to divert the trade 
 from the Flemings and exclude them from Africa. 179 
 
 The home government was not only willing to accede to the wishes 
 of the colonial governors, but it had already made an effort to facil- 
 itate the coveted trade. The governors of Barbados and Jamaica 
 had been instructed to allow Spanish subjects to purchase negroes in 
 the islands on the payment of a ten per cent. duty. From this export 
 duty negroes of the Company of Royal Adventurers were exempt. 
 Any trade with the Spaniards, whether that of the company or that 
 which had its origin in the West Indies, since it violated the navigation 
 acts, must be conducted by special license, and in January, 1663, the 
 new company, with the prospect of the assiento contract before it, 
 requested that such licenses be confined to it alone. This the various 
 orders sent to the West Indies failed to do. 
 
 The action of the government pleased neither the W^est Indies nor 
 the company. The latter resented the fact that trade was not confined 
 to its vessels, the former that the exemption from duty granted to the 
 company served as a subsidy to the company at the same time that it 
 deprived the islands of a source of revenue. The planters, seeing 
 themselves deprived of all possible advantages from the Spanish trade 
 in negroes, soon became conscious of its disadvantages. From it 
 they not only gained no income but they saw transferred to the 
 Spaniards large numbers of negroes that, had they remained in the 
 English plantations, might have lowered the prevailing prices. The 
 petition of Sir Paul Painter and others against the monopoly of the 
 company charged it with having “contracted with forreiners for the 
 su pply of the Spanish plantations with negroes, which do leave the 
 English plantations in America, which produce the same commodities 
 with the Spanish, either ill supplied, and at excessive prices, or not 
 all supplied; by reason whereof ... all his Majesties plantations 
 
 178 
 
 ., . c dbid., pp. 50, 106. The assumption underlying trade by force was, of course, 
 mat Spanish merchants were eager to trade but were prevented by government officials 
 against whom the force was to be used. ’ 
 
 May 25, 1664, Thomas Lynch to Sir Henry Bennet, Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, 
 
 17 * 
 
 P* 211. 
 
I 12 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 in America are at present much decayed”. 180 To this the company 
 replied that by the Spanish trade it had prevented the Spaniards from 
 bargaining with the Dutch (the expression of a hope rather than 
 a consummation) and had brought ready money into the West Indies. 
 Also, it had delivered but 1200 negroes to the Spaniards, and was 
 obliged to deliver no more, as the contractors had broken their con¬ 
 tract. The company further stated that the trade had not prevented 
 it from supplying the colonists with a bountiful supply of labor, and 
 that it could hardly be true that the trade with the Spaniards was 
 injurious to the islands since the colonists themselves indulged in it. 
 Nor was it true that the negroes were used by the Spaniards to raise 
 the same commodities which the English raised. The Spaniards used 
 them as domestic servants and in their silver mines. 181 
 
 Though the company thus defended the Spanish trade, it was 
 hardly less unhappy over it than were the planters. The imminence of 
 war made it probable that the bargain with the Genoese could not 
 be met and as early as in 1664 the English were casting about for 
 ways of inducing Grillo to lighten it. 1S2 In 1665? upon countering 
 Grillo’s complaint that the company was not fulfilling its contract, 
 it obtained permission from the king to buy negroes in the plantations 
 and ship them to the assientists’ agents without duty. 183 In their 
 turn the assientists were unable to meet their engagements*. The 
 closing years of Grillo’s activity were also the years pf the dissolu¬ 
 tion of the Company of Royal Adventurers and the formation of the 
 Royal African Company. The treaty of Madrid, signed July 18, 
 1670, by checking the perpetual warfare between England and Spain 
 in the Caribbean, had made illegal trade easier and also had roused 
 hopes that legal trade might now be established, 184 but the nearly 1 
 defunct company was in no condition to make use of any advantage 
 offered by the treaty. All it could do was to attempt to forestall a 
 development of Spanish-American trade on the part of the islands, 
 by petitioning the kingtoTonfine such trade, if it was to be permitted, 
 to the company alone. 185 
 
 During the next few'years the greatest interest in this commerce 
 
 180 Stock, Proceedings and Debates, I. 342, 344. . , c . , 
 
 181 1667, Nov. 15, Stock, I. 347-348. The complaint of 1667 against the Spanish 
 trade was by no means the first which the island had expressed. In January, i 5 » 
 Barbados charged that the scarcity of negroes and the prevailing high prices were to 
 be attributed, not to the Dutch war, but to the trade with Spam. January, 1665, 
 “Brief Narrative of the Trade and present Condition of the Royal African Company , 
 Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, p. 266. 
 
 183 Ca/. SL P.^Col., 1661-1668, p. 215. Letters directing that this be allowed were 
 
 sent to the governors of Barbados and Jamaica. . , 
 
 184 The author of the Importance of the British Plantations (p. 41) regarded t 
 signing of this treaty as the beginning of trade between Jamaica and the Spams 
 
 colonies. 
 
 185 Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, p. 57. 
 
Introduction 
 
 113 
 
 was displayed by the colonial governors, who, in general disposed to 
 support the company s desires, were not averse to developing a direct 
 trade with the assientists if it were possible. 186 Sir Thomas Lynch, 
 avid for any gain to be derived from this alluring Eldorado, was will- 
 ing to lend all possible assistance to the company in establishing the 
 trade. His correspondence shows his equal willingness to dip into 
 the profits of Spanish commerce by any other method. U I gave Major 
 Beeston and Mr. Read (who was Factr to the Royall Company) 
 ord’r to treat with the Assientistas Factor to come hither for Negros, 
 thinking it might have help’d to Reestablish the Royall Company, 
 But Hee was soe Hated and the Gent, soe Watched that nothing cd. * 
 bee Done”, Lynch wrote to Arlington in 1671. 187 Some months 
 later he recounts the prices paid by the Spaniards : “The Men of War 
 have sold Spanish sixty or eighty at 150 to 200 pieces of eight which 
 makes a great noise and will draw abundance of negroes here”, but 
 adds, there is no possibility of doing anything, the Governors 
 [Spanish] are so fearful and the Grillos factors so careful”. 188 His 
 desire to share in the traffic had already led him to offer his services 
 as Jamaica factor to the new company which was being organized, 
 and about this time he essayed an independent venture in the trade, 
 sending a ketch loaded with negroes to Cartagena. This the 
 Spaniards captured and destroyed, inflicting on him a loss of some 
 £1500, enough to check his zeal for independent action. 189 
 
 Before this catastrophe Lynch had approached the trade by still 
 another route. Since his overtures to the company and his letters to 
 Arlington failed to bring results, he wrote directly to Sir William 
 Godolphin, English minister at Madrid. This move he himself de¬ 
 scribed to Arlington: 
 
 His chief hope was to have stolen into a little commerce with the Spaniard, 
 but finds this Peace makes them cautious and that it is difficult, so has con¬ 
 sidered doing it more overtly by way of the Asientistas at Madrid. His Lord- 
 ship will see by enclosed how he proposes it to Sir W. G(odolphin) and if he 
 can effect anything like this Sir Thomas will provide the negroes and take on 
 him the charge and care of managing all, and his Lordship shall have one 
 third of the whole profit, only paying proportionably when loss happens. Can¬ 
 not foresee that anything can be done but this way: has sent three times to 
 Cartagena, yet could never buy so much as an emerald, but others have sold some 
 few straggling negroes for it is only for that the Spaniards will venture . 190 
 
 186 The Council at one time shared the belief that the sale of negroes to Spanish 
 America would benefit the island. Council Minutes, Nov. 28, 1671, Cal. St. P. Col., 1669- 
 l6 74> P. 276. 
 
 Aug. 20, 1671, C. O. 1:27, no. 22; Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, p. 247. 
 
 18 Jan. 13, 1672, Lynch to Secretary Joseph Williamson, Cal. St. P. Col., 1669- 
 l6 74» PP- 316-317. Grillo’s contract had already been terminated but his agents probably 
 continued to hope that it would be re-established. 
 
 189 Cal. St. P. Col, 1669-1674, pp. 316-317; Sept. 28, 1672, Richard Browne to 
 Williamson, ibid., 415. 
 
 190 Mar. 2, 1672, Lynch to Arlington, ibid., p. 335. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 114 
 
 One more effort Lynch made to turn the attention of English officials 
 to the benefits of this trade. On April 4, 1673, he wrote to the Coun¬ 
 cil for Plantations: “They say the contract with the Grillos (or 
 negros expires in eight months, and the cities of Carthegena, Mexico, 
 etc., are offering a yearly payment to the King of as much as he got 
 by that assiento for permission to buy negroes where they can best.” 
 Should this be so, he believed Jamaica could be serviceable to the 
 Royal African Company. 191 
 
 While Lynch was giving persistent attention to the establishment 
 of Spanish trade for negroes, the planters themselves seem for the 
 most part to have either ignored or opposed his> efforts. One excep¬ 
 tion to this is to be noted. On November 28, 1671, the council of 
 Jamaica considered the sale of negroes to the Spaniards at 80 pieces 
 of eight or fifty doubloons each, “which will bring money to the 
 island to buy better of our own merchants”. 192 This argument, how¬ 
 ever, did not prevail with the planters. Lord Vaughan, who suc¬ 
 ceeded Lynch, wrote to the Council for Foreign Plantations : 
 
 I heare, My Lords, That the Contract with the Grillos is not like to be 
 renewed, and that the Spanish Gov’rs here have Some of them received Licenses 
 from Spaine, to buy a certain Number of Negroes, where they can procure 
 them, if it bee soe, it were a good opportunity for our R. Compa. to endeavor 
 the making of a Contract with them, which would exceedingly contribute to 
 the Interest of England and of this Island . 193 
 
 That there would be difficulties was recognized. One 1 of the greatest 
 lay in the tradition of hostility between Spaniards and English: 
 
 The next thing to be wished for in that world is a trade with the Spaniards, 
 but will find so many obstructions from their jealousies and interests in the 
 beginning, that will require a more than ordinary care in conducting it and 
 some assistance here at home by making it practicable. It is not to be thought 
 that the Spaniards can quickly forget all the mischiefs continued upon them by 
 us in those parts ... it is not unlikely that we, instead of the Flemings, ha 
 been the convoys and shares in their rich flotas, if we had given them no 
 frequenter cause of enmity to us in those parts than the Dutch had done. But, 
 my lord, to gain a trade with them, I cannot but think the likeliest way would 
 be, first, to make some new contract with the undertakers at Madrid for supply¬ 
 ing the Spanish West Indies with negroes, and this would be easy to be done, 
 if vour lordship would induce his royal highness and the African company to 
 endeavour it; since I once tried the matter and found, by advice from Spain, 
 that they were very ready to treat with us, and to break with the Hollanders, 
 who supply them at present from Curacoa . 194 
 
 191 Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, p. 478. Jamaica apparently did not yet know the 
 actual conditions of Grillo’s contract. 
 
 192 
 
 193 
 
 Ibid., p. 276. . . „ 
 
 'Jan. 25, 1675/6, Vaughan to “Lords of the Councill for forrain Plantacions , 
 
 Reed. 17 May 1676, Library of Congress, Br. trans., Egerton MSS. 2395, f. 523; Cal. 
 
 St. P. Col., 1675-1676, p. 342. . „ 
 
 194 Letter from Mr. Nevil to the Earl of Carlisle, on the “Present State of Jamaica , 
 Interesting Tracts relating to the Island of Jamaica, p. 107; also in Edward Long, 
 The History of Jamaica (1774), I. 598-599, App. 
 
Introduction 
 
 115 
 
 The feasibility of trade was to be put to the test with Barbados, 
 not Jamaica. A vessel left Spain for Barbados in 1677. In order 
 to avoid any display of hostility, which might frustrate its plan or 
 prevent future trade, the good offices of the Duke of York or the 
 Council of Trade were solicited: 
 
 Memorial of some persons concerned in a Spanish ship, the Santo Domingo, 
 Captain Fedor de Lagos, lately left Spain for Barbadoes to purchase negroes 
 and transport them to the Spanish West Indies. That the Royal African Com! 
 pany will procure letters from His Royal Highness or the Council of Trade and 
 to the Governors of Barbadoes that said ship may receive all encouragement, 
 and continue a further trade from the Spanish West Indies to Barbadoes for 
 
 buying and transporting blacks without exacting more duties or other imposi- 
 tions than the law appoints. ^ 
 
 Orders were sent to Vaughan and to Sir Jonathan Atkins of Barbados, 
 directing them to 
 
 take special care that such ships or persons be civilly treated, and receive all 
 fitting countenance in their design, provided they do nothing contrary to the 
 Acts of Navigation or the laws of the island, and that said persons have free 
 admission, bringing in either money or goods of said countries and that no 
 other duties or impositions be demanded than the law appoints . 195 
 
 For once the home government and the determined and outspoken 
 governor of Barbados were in agreement. At about the same time 
 mat these orders were issued Atkins was writing to the Lords of 
 
 I rade of the arrival of a Spanish vessel, and pointing out the advant- 
 ages it promised: 
 
 Arrival of a Spanish ship from Cadiz desirous to trade for negroes. Finds 
 they at once obtained a trade but lost it again by the petulancy of the then 
 lieutenant Governor, but are resolved to come again by the persuasions of the 
 Lniinea Company,, being a new society of merchants who have contracted with 
 the Crown of Spain to furnish them with negroes. Advantageous to the Guinea 
 society and the is and, which will also be rid at good rates of refractory, 
 dangerous, and bad negroes, and there will be always a stock ready upon the 
 island tor the Spanish to come and buy within ten or twelve days sail of 
 .Hispaniola, where they carry them all . 196 
 
 On July 24, 1677, the Concord, returning from Barbados, reported 
 that the Spaniards were trading there for refuse negroes, and that 
 one vessel had carried away upwards of three hundred at £25. 197 In 
 November “by beat of drum it was proclaimed, that trade with the 
 
 Spaniards for negroes or any other goods was free and open for 
 everyone”. 198 
 
 195 
 
 that- hp \l 7 V May I - 2 ’ P - Coi -’ 1677-1680, p. 84. In October, 1677, Vaughan wrote 
 
 friendliness^’! 7«r e p! e i6Q e ^ * W ° Spanish sh, ' PS ’ which he treated with 
 
 ioa _ _ ^ x • y* 
 
 July ibid 6 7 p’ I3//23 ’ GoV ‘ Atkins t0 the Lords of Trade and Plantations, “Read 17 
 
 197 
 
 ^ Cal. St. P. Dom., 1677-1688, p. 263. 
 
 Jamaica ^.'“ J ° Unlal ° f Co1, Wil,iam Beeston”, Interesting Tracts relating to 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 ii 6 
 
 In England the Council of Trade and Plantations consulted with 
 the African Company over the course suggested by Governor Atkins. 
 The company, as was to be expected, expressed its entire agreement 
 with his faith in the advantages which would accrue to the residents 
 of the island from Spanish purchases of blacks, 199 and appointed a 
 committee to come to an agreement with Spain over the details of 
 carrying the negroes. 200 Curiously enough, it seems not to have 
 occurred to the Lords of Trade up to this time to ascertain the legal 
 status of the trade in question. They now addressed a query to the 
 Solicitor General, which brought from him a positive statement. 
 Since negroes were undoubtedly commodities, it was therefoie for¬ 
 bidden to have traffic in them with the Spaniards. 201 There seemed 
 '^nothing for the Lords of Trade to do but to report, early in 1678, 
 
 ^""that trade in negroes with Spain was forbidden. 20 " 
 
 ^ This is the period of the assiento of Barroso and Porcio, when 
 ^ Spain had become much more lax as to the source of the negroes 
 furnished by the assientists. In 1680 John Crocker appeared in 
 Jamaica, bearing license from the King of Spain to trade with English, 
 French, or Dutch in America, for negroes for the Spanish colonies. 
 Lieutenant Governor Morgan wrote: “it is confidently reported that 
 we shall shortly have free trade with Spain. . . . This will speedily 
 make this Island very considerable, for all the current cash that we 
 now have is brought here by private trade with them.” 203 But to trade 
 in negroes, it was necessary to have the negroes and these Jamaica 
 could not supply. 204 Crocker was still waiting for negroes in Janu¬ 
 ary, 1681, with hopes that vessels of the company were soon to 
 
 arrive. 205 
 
 To the scarcity of negroes the planters now added another obstacle 
 to the trade. In 1681 the Jamaica assembly laid upon the negroes 
 exported from the island a duty of £5. According to Morgan’s 
 apologetic letter explaining his acceptance of the measure, it was 
 occasioned “by the merchants supplying the Spaniard with great num¬ 
 bers of negroes rather than the planters whose necessities pressed 
 them much for a good supply”. Morgan goes on to say. 
 
 I wanted not reason enough to refuse the Bill, but two Madeira ships were 
 just arrived whose duties amounted to about 800 and were in hazard to be 
 
 199 Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, pp. I 34 -I 35 - 
 
 200 T 70: 77. n 0 
 
 201 C. O. 268:1, pp. 74 - 75 ; Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, pp. 84-85, 118, 120. . 
 
 202 Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, pp. 120, 209-210. Beer believes that this lniorma- 
 
 tion was never transmitted to the colonies. Old Colonial System, I. 362. 
 
 203 Nov. 12, 1680, Sir Henry Morgan to Lord Sunderland, Cal. St. P. Lol., 1677- 
 1680, p. 630; Jan. 27, 1681, Morgan to Lords of Trade and Plantations, ibid., 1681-16 5, 
 
 P ' 5 ’ 204 Sept. 3, 1680, “A Spaniard for negroes, in a streite how to supply him”, 
 
 206 Jan. 27, 1681, Morgan to the Lords of Trade, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 5 - 
 
Introduction 
 
 117 
 
 lost, and moreover abundance of Interloping negroes were on the Island, pur- 
 posely reserved for the Spanish trade. I was anxious also myself to avoid any- 
 ‘ n f, hat ™>ght make them uneasy on the first entrance into business, so by 
 
 hut with ° f r e C ° unc t! c° ne ,° n y exce P ted ) 1 gave this bill the Royal Assent, 
 but with a caution to the Speaker and Assembly that they should not make it a 
 precedent for any such bill in the future. 206 
 
 . Lynch ’ a S ai , n governor of Jamaica in 1682, never ceased to be 
 interested in the possibilities of the trade and to record his hopes 
 and disappointments concerning it. In April the scarcity of negroes 
 discourages the Spaniards;*" in July the governor of Panama sends 
 for negroes; in September the interruption of the assiento because 
 of Forcios difficulties discourages him, but he feels that trade is 
 certain to come to Jamaica if they can but obtain negroes; 209 in 
 November he concludes that the assiento must be ended, since the 
 Spaniards have not called for 2000 negroes held at Curagao for them, 
 while ships from Havana and Panama are trying to buy from 
 
 j r Ca \ v February > i68 3 . the agents of the African Company 
 an ynch both report that Spanish buyers after waiting four months 
 have purchased from an interloper. 211 
 
 In the autumn Tynch reported the purchases of Gill, who wished 
 to carry away three hundred to four hundred negroes and would 
 gladly do business at Jamaica. 212 That Barbados had at least a desul¬ 
 tory share in the trade may be inferred from the fact that Governor 
 Dutton was charged with accepting six dollars a head for allowing 
 1000 negroes to be sold to Spain. Dutton readily admitted this, 
 saying that it was a customary payment. 213 By the next year, 1684, 
 the involved affairs of Porcio had drawn Jamaica into their circle, 
 and Lynch’s letters were filled with details of the quarrels between 
 rival factions (no. 119). Porcio’s agents, who were endeavoring 
 to safeguard the trade of their principal until he could obtain justice 
 in Spain, seemed to Lynch to be interfering with an embryonic trade 
 of considerable promise. The home government gave its consent to 
 the trade; 214 the Royal African Company was supplying negroes in 
 sufficient quantities and the Spaniards were thought ready to buy” 
 were it not for the obstructions put in their way. 215 
 
 Cal Henry Morgan t0 the Lords of Trade and Plantations, 
 
 L,ai - at. r. Go/., 1681-1685, p. cc. * 
 
 20; r jj 
 
 T 70: 10. 
 
 ^ Cfl/. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, P* 302. 
 
 210 Sept- 29, 1682, Lynch to the Lords of Trade, ibid. ‘ 
 
 ^ Nov. 6, 1682 Lynch to Jenkins, ibid., pp. 319-320; Nov. 16, 1681, T 70: 10. 
 
 be b. 20, 1683, Molesworth and Penhallow to the Royal African ComDanv 
 
 T 7o: .0; Feb. aa 1683, Lynch to William Blathwayt, Cal. St. P. Col, t6Si-,68 5 , p 393’ 
 
 2i3 2 ’ l683 ’ Lynch t0 the Lords of Trade and Plantations, ibid., p 52c 
 
 Ibid., pp. 553, 561. 
 
 2is Apr. 29, 1685, Acts P. C. C., II. 81. 
 
 P 7<q* 5 TW 9 nu’r e ^' C ? l c SL P ' j 68i-i685, pp. 629, 633, 636; Nov. 30 1684, ibid., 
 
 P- 739 > Beer, Old Colonial System, I. 362-363, n. 4. 
 
118 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 i 
 
 During the time that Coymans held the assiento the trade was by 
 no means confined to the Dutch. In June, 1685, Diego Maget 
 arrived in Jamaica, with permission to buy negroes. He requeste 
 that he might have the privileges of trade granted to Englishmen an 
 be allowed to carry the fruits of the Spanish colonies to Jamaica in 
 payment. The Lords of Trade to whom he petitioned referred the 
 subject to the Commissioners of Customs, who replied that of the 
 assiento they knew nothing. As to that, they suggested consultation 
 with the Royal African Company; as for the introduction of Spanish 
 products into Jamaica, that was clearly forbidden. 216 Ignoring the 
 unfavorable nature of the report of the commissioners, and probably 
 ignorant of it, the agent of the new assiento took 300 negroes and 
 left instructions with a resident factor to carry on the business 
 The home government seemed equally blind to the objections of the 
 commissioners. When Sir Philip Howard went to Jamaica as gov¬ 
 ernor he carried instructions directing him to encourage the Spanish 
 trade. 218 The vigorous assistance lent to the business of the assiento 
 by Hender Molesworth during his service as acting governor of 
 Jamaica, though strongly opposed by the^ Jamaica planters, gained 
 
 the commendation of the Lords of Trade. 
 
 By 1688, after four years of wrangling and uncertainty, Porcio 
 was re-established in the assiento; but Jamaica, at last determined 
 to protect what she regarded as her own best interest, had forbidden 
 Spanish trade. 220 In 1689 the council and assembly of Jamaica made 
 vigorous protest that while thousands of negroes had been imported 
 by the company during the last years, but few had fallen to the 
 planters, the factors grasping all. The negroes were picked to suit 
 the Spaniards, the factors reaping the benefit. The planters received 
 the refuse at £22 each. Their ready money was often refused because 
 it was not pieces of eight. Though Jamaica had an act providing that 
 two planters should always be joined with two merchants in lotting 
 the negroes, this was disregarded. 2 " 1 
 
 Aug ^t*9,^i6^5,^Molesworth tt>* Biathwaytj iM., p. S 4 . Hender Molesworth, one 
 of the African Company's factors, was acting governor from 1684 to 1687. 
 
 219 May 10 1686^ Lofds ^f*'Trade to Hender Molesworth, Cal. St. P. Col., 1685- 
 
 lf -oo n iS^Beer op cit I. 365-366. No sooner had Molesworth gained governmental 
 
 consent* on'bofh sidesman' he'encountered a fresh ^xation^Theshipmentsof negroes 
 were interfered with by the pirate crews infesting the Caribbean (Nov. 5. Mol 
 
 worth to the Lords of Trade, Cal. St. P. Col., i6S5 : i688, pp. f 77 ‘? 78) ' , f , „ s 
 
 must have gone forward without the obstacles which, from the interchange of letter 
 between the governors of the islands and the officials at home, appear continuous. On 
 Aug I! .<* 7 : Molesworth wrote to the Lords of the Treasury th.t he had made 
 something while the assiento trade was in Spanish hands and he was a factor o 
 
 Royal African Company. Cal. St. P. Col., 1685-1688, pp. 406-407. , 
 
 220 Scelle, I. 672; July 19, 1688, the Royal African Company to the Lords of 
 
 Trade, Cal. St. P. Col., 1685-1688, p. 573 - 
 
 221 Cal. St. P. Col., 1689-1692, pp. 106-107. 
 
Introduction 
 
 119 
 
 th J he P rotest of the colony had no apparent effect on the action of 
 
 £,!r Pany htde ° n the P° Iic y of ^e government, which con- 
 t nued to support and encourage Spanish trade in negroes. Lecky, 
 
 along with numerous other historians of England, states that in 1689 
 
 ngland and Spain completed a convention whereby England was to 
 
 supply the Spanish West Indies with negroes. 222 This is far from 
 
 aving been the case. The assiento had been granted by the Spanish 
 
 | I • agreement was reached must be 
 
 vover Cn T T, ‘ R ,° y , al Afr ' Can Compan y> not between the two 
 governments. The English government was, however, ready to give 
 
 whatever protect,on the traffic needed. Porcio’s agent, Santiago Cas¬ 
 tillo, arrived in England shortly before the end of June, 1680 223 
 and began negotiation with the Royal African Company for 
 negroes. Meanwhile, before either party to the negotiation could 
 bargain with confidence^ the interpretation of the navigation laws 
 must be determined. _.On August 22 the law officers reported that 
 while unloading to careen was lawful, negroes were merchandize, and 
 under the act could be exported only on the same terms that other 
 goods were .^5 From the law officers the question was transferred 
 to the Commissioners of Customs, who saw no objection to the 
 presence of Spanish factors in Jamaica if the prohibition of alien 
 sups trading in British countries were dispensed with by law 226 
 Agarn, on November 11, the “Judges” ruled that negroes were mer¬ 
 chandize and their report was laid before the king. 227 Those concerned 
 in the assiento contract were growing impatient at the protracted con¬ 
 sideration of the legality of the trade and the Spanish ambassador 
 requested that the purchase of negroes in Jamaica be permitted while 
 those in authority reached a conclusion. Such purchase had, he said, 
 been allowed for twenty years. 228 
 
 On February 5, 1690, an Order in Council granted freedom to Bar¬ 
 bados and Jamaica to trade in negroes with Spain. The governors 
 were irected to grant protection to Spaniards coming to the islands 
 for negroes.- On April 17 Castillo and Captain Thomas Hewetson 
 
 222 t 1 
 
 made by ASdersfn^Or^ nt e r Eighteenth . Century (z 8 7 8), II. 12. The statement Is 
 author.-fv Rrvon Rd 9 A °l,P ommer f e ^790) } III. i2o, and frequently quoted on his 
 
 Saco p y 288 y ’ HlSt ° ry ° f the WeSt Indi6S < i8i 9 )> vo1 ‘ 11 > ch. 2, p 55 ; 
 
 ’ “Acts P. C. C., II. 134. 
 
 ,^ r * can Company, by the Revolution of 1688, had lost its charter nriviWpo 
 
 I 7 t 0U j\ the not admit it, the trade was ’legally open to anyone^ Seine 
 
 Llf„; l’ SayS C , aS “'- 10 a ' SO bar 6 ained with a group of private merchantsof 
 England who were planning to enter the trade, as well as with fhe Dutch. * 
 
 226 P ' Col '> i68 9-i 692, pp. 132, 133. 
 
 Ibid., p. 15c. 
 
 227 TL-J 
 
 Ibid p p . I7 i-i 72 , i 73 . 
 
 Ibid., p. 186. 
 
 .etwee! fheYpunwind B^LU^pianm^on^^wafclnn^'b^ knl^Z %T '"V^ 
 
 Je Jamaica council July 29, 1692 ask for a klnAsh L t ’ T the minutes of 
 
 40,000, the remains of the Jamaica merchants’ estates there. IbiT, p. 67s! ° r '° BeIi ° 
 
120 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 completed an agreement for negroes. 230 The troubles of the assientists 
 were not over. Though England had consented to the Spanish trade, 
 Jamaica was by no means reconciled to it and the Jamaica assemb y 
 reimposed a duty on the exportation of negroes, which roused the 
 
 governor’s indignant protest. 231 - 
 
 The amount of the trade in 1690 was probably small, ihe bwan 
 convoyed one small ship from Jamaica to Cartagena.-- in 1692 
 John Bird, John Pargiter, and others, owners of the Mary, petitioned 
 for arrangements to protect their purchase in Jamaica and transport^ 
 tion for 200 negroes, who were to be sold in Havana for £28 each. ^ 
 When Colonel Beeston, lieutenant governor of Jamaica, in doubt as 
 to the apportionment of negroes among Spanish contractors, asked 
 for instructions and the African Company was called before the 
 Lords of Trade to arrange details, 234 the company said that it had 
 no contract with the assientists and had ordered all negroes in Jamaica 
 to be sold by inch of candle, that is, by auction. 233 Two months 
 later instructions to Beeston directed him to encourage the tra e of 
 the assientists. 236 Soon after his arrival in Jamaica he wrote that 
 Castillo, with £300,000 to expend, had been there for negroes, but, 
 unable to procure them, had departed to Danish St. Thomas. Mean¬ 
 while 700 had arrived in Jamaica and more were expected. i 
 the conflict of interests between the island and the merchants at home 
 Beeston leaned toward the side of the planters, so far as to defend the 
 export duty of 20 5., as aiding an empty treasury and doing no harm 
 to the assientists. 233 At the close of 1695 Kast repeated to the king 
 the old complaint, that the factors sold the best slaves to the 
 Spaniards and gave to the planters nothing but refuse.- 1 hen the 
 trade languished and Beeston wrote: “the Assiento and all other 
 trade being gone, the merchants have little money.” 210 This period 
 corresponded with that in which Guzman and the Portuguese company 
 were coming to terms and organizing the new assiento. Whether 
 or not this company hoped at the outset to supply the required num¬ 
 ber from its own African factories, it soon gave up such hope and 
 turned to the English for assistance. The Portuguese were prepared 
 
 230 Cal. St. P. Col., 1689-1692, p. 247. _ , .... T , 
 
 23 1 Aue 12 1691, Inchiquin to the Lords of Trade, ibid., p. 523, Jul> 20, 
 Inchiquin to'the assembly, Interesting Tracts relating to Jamatca, p. 236. 
 
 232 Cal. St. P. Col., 16S9-1692, p. 296. 
 
 233 Mar. 17, 1692, Acts P. C. C., II. 169. 
 
 234 Cal. St. P. Col., 1689-1692, p. 667. 
 
 236 Ibid., p. 677. 
 
 230 JO 
 
 237 June'10, 1693, Beeston to Nottingham, Cal. St. P. Col., 1693-1696, p. 
 
 238 Oct. 9, 1693, ibid., pp. 187-188. 
 
 239 Dec. 26, 1695, Kast to the king, ibid., pp. 633-634- 
 
 2W July 22, 1696, Beeston to the Lords of Trade, ibid., 1696-1697, p. 43. 
 
 114. 
 
 1691, 
 
Introduction 
 
 121 
 
 to make Jamaica an entrepot for blacks, and asked to establish Cas- 
 1 o there as their agent. They had also contracted with a group of 
 
 L °^ w"ir CrCh D"u’ S ', r Stephen Evance . Jeffrey Jeffreys, John Stafford, 
 and William Richardson, to carry their negroes to Cartagena . 241 In 
 
 accordance with English restrictions, all English ships which con- 
 tracted to dehver negroes for the Portuguese assiento were obliged to 
 unload their cargoes in one of the English plantations. This, in ad¬ 
 dition to being an inconvenience and expense, increased the mortality 
 
 of the voyage. For these reasons English memorialists asked to be 
 delivered from the regulations . 242 
 
 The merchants also found cause for grievance in their treatment in 
 pamsh-American ports. Heathcote wrote to the Board of Trade 
 t at the English had been ill used in Cartagena, and would doubtless 
 De in Vera Lruz, to which two vessels were now bound . 243 To facili¬ 
 tate the efforts of the Portuguese, the London merchants asked that 
 
 j . . ^ ed to give assistance. 
 
 Customs commissioners and admirals received the same directions. 244 
 
 n this mass of details, in the letters putting forth the grievances 
 of the colonists or the avarice of the colonial governors, the legal 
 hesitancies of law officers, the old and recurring hostility of English 
 and Spanish, the envy of the Dutch, the quarrels of rival factions, 
 one thing stands forth unmistakably. Slowly the rigidity of trade 
 restnetmn was breaking down. The Spanish desire for negroes and 
 the English desire to sell were contriving to destroy an outworn com¬ 
 mercial system and England was moving steadily nearer to the 
 agreement with Spain which in 1663 could not be given to heretics/ 
 
 241 
 
 June 6, 1698, Beeston to the Board of Trade, Cal St P Col 1607 T 6nR ™ 
 
 aSstanr/ 65 / 2 ,! 7 ' The petitio " ° f Sir Ste P h en Evance and his companions toJeceiVe the 
 sststance of the governors of Barbados and Jamaica in fulfilling their contract with 
 
 ortuguese company of the assiento was reported upon favorably by the Board of 
 rnvthlr,. SOmet 5 T u enefi< i ial t0 , the islands ' * he a ssiento passed* to*Francebefore 
 3 "9^344 366, ACU P - C ■ C " "• 340 > C ‘ l - S ‘- P C °‘- “99, PP- a,., %Z 
 
 2« 9 ^* I2> 16984 Ceil. Treasury Papers, 1697-1702, p. 224. 
 
 Mar. 4, 1699, Heathcote to the Board of Trade, Cal. St. P. Col., 1699 pp cc-c6* 
 also, depositions of John Chapman and John Neill, ibid., p. 88. PP ’ 55 5 ’ 
 
 June 21, 1699, tbid., pp. 291, 324; Acts P. C. C., II. 340. 
 
DOCUMENTS 
 
 19. Voyage of Pierre van den Broeck to Cape Verde, 1606. 1 
 
 Pendant-que nous faisions de l’eau a la meme isle du Cap Vert, ou 
 nous avions terri, il y vint une chaloupe Angloise de Juvale, pour 
 nous donner avis que les Anglois savoient ou il y avoit un vaisseau 
 charge de riches marchandises et d’esclaves, ofrant de nous y conduit e, 
 si pour leur part du butin, nous voulions leur donner les esclaves 
 Noirs de l’un et de l’autre sexe. Nous acceptances le parti, et aiant 
 trouve le vaisseau ancre a Juvale, il se rendit a nous. 
 
 Il etoit de Lubec, du port de 240 tonneaux, charge de sucre de b. 
 Thomas, 3 de dents d’elefant, de coton, d’une partie de reales de huit, 
 de quelques chaines d’or, de 90 esclaves des deux sexes, de 4 Portu- 
 gais, et de 11 hommes de Lubec qui etoient malades. Le Maitre etoit 
 
 mort, et ils alloient terrir a Lisbonne. 
 
 Nous emmenames la prise au Cap Vert, pour y mettre^ de nos 
 gens, et pourvoir a ce qui pouvoit lui manquer. Nous laissames les 
 esclaves entre les mains des Anglois; puis nous remimes a la voile le 
 16 de Juillet 1606, et primes la route de Hollande, etant trois vais- 
 seaux de compagnie. Nous entrames dans la Meuse le 5 d’Octobre 
 
 suivant. ... . , 
 
 La plupart des Portugais qui resident dans ces pais-la sont de 
 
 vrais bandits. Il en demeure une partie a Portodale 4 et a Juvale, 
 ou ils trafiquent avec les Anglois, et avec nous. Ils rassemblent dans 
 ces deux places autant d’esclaves qu’ils peuvent, et les menent a b. 
 Domingo, ou a Catsiao, 5 d’ou ils les envoient au Bresil, et ils les y 
 
 fi,! > R. A. C. de Renneville, ed., Recueil des Voiages qui out servi d VEtabhssemcnl 
 etaux Progres de la Comfagnie des Indes Orientales (Amsterdam, 1703-1710), IV, 
 e ‘ 6 Z Iftlev published an English translation of an extract from Van den Broecks 
 narrative niade ^from a French version published in Amsterdam m 1725 (Astley 
 
 Voyages 'and Travels, II. 247-248). This voyage was the first of i, e , ver3 ' .^anchored 
 author who sailed from Holland Nov. to, 1605, as supercargo. The vessel ancho ™ 
 at the island of Goree, opposite Cape Verde, on Jan. 15, 1606. Here were found 
 Dutch three French, and five English vessels. Van den Broeck was sent to Portudal 
 on the mainland where for four months he traded with the natives. He then rejoined 
 “he ves^ wMch was preparing to return to Holland. At that point the incident here 
 
 narratedotookoPlace. ^ of Goree . j Rich a rd Rainolds named it 
 
 one of the chief places of trade between the Senegal and the Gambia rivers. Ast y, 
 
 V ° ya< ">%lo Thome or St. Thomas, an island not far north of ,h « ^““^Ll^when 
 seat of many Portuguese sugar plantations. Save for a brief interval after 1648, wh 
 it was in the hands of the Dutch, the Portuguese held it throughout the century. F 
 quent r :?ereLs a m it are found in’the accounts of the slave trade as |t was a convenmn 
 place at which to obtain wood, water, and provisions, before the long voyage to 
 
 WeSt ‘Portudal, north of Joal, also named by Rainolds as . an 
 
 place, later became one of the centres of conflict between French and Dutch, and Frenc 
 
 and E ?gJ‘ n sh some eighteenth . century maps Santo Domingo appears as an alternative name 
 
 for the River Cacheo. There may have been two settlements on opposite banks oi 
 river, bearing the two names. Cacheo continued to be a trading centre for th 
 Portuguese throughout the seventeenth century. 
 
 122 
 
March, 1610 
 
 123 
 
 vendent bien cher. II y en a qui aiant amasse de grosses sommes a 
 c« negoce r.ch. M „, 1,„ b.„, ob,i.„„e„, rmi „J d e Tu ~ , 
 et s en retournent en Portugal (pp. 308-309). . " 
 
 6 
 
 20. Brother Luis Brandaon to Father Sandoval . 1 
 
 [March 12, 1610.] 
 
 negroes ^ ™ ^ Y ° U W ° uld like t0 know whether the 
 
 hi I reS that iTh t ^ ST' 8 haVe been le S a,1 y captured. To 
 this „„ fi h 1 S mk y ° Ur Reverence sh °uld have no scruples on 
 
 Ran H f’r S l r ? matter which has be “ questioned by the 
 
 Board of Conscience in L.sbon, and all its members are learned and 
 
 conscientious men. Nor did the bishops who were in Sao Thome, Cape 
 
 Itult'wkh i, w'“ virtuous 
 
 fault with it. We have been here ourselves for forty years and 
 
 there have been [among us] very learned Fathers; in the Province 
 of Brazil as well, where there have always been Fathers of our order 
 eminent in letters, never did they consider this trade as illicit There¬ 
 fore we and the fathers of Brazil buy these slaves for our service 
 without any scruple. Furthermore, I declare that if any one could be 
 excused from having scruples it is the inhabitants of those regions, 
 or s mce the traders who bring those negroes bring them i„°good 
 aith, those inhabitants can very well buy from such traders without 
 any scruple, and the latter on their part can sell them, for it is a 
 generally accepted opinion that the owner who owns anything in 
 good faith can sell it and that it can be bought. Padre Sanchez thus 
 expresses this point in his Book of Marriage, thus solving this doubt 
 of your Reverence Therefore, we here are the ones who could 
 ave greater scruple, for we buy these negroes from other negroes 
 and from people who perhaps have stolen them; but the traders who 
 a e them away from here do not know of this fact, and so buy those 
 negroes with a clear conscience and sell them out there with a clear 
 conscience. Besides I found it true indeed that no negro will ever 
 say he has been captured legally. Therefore your Reverence should 
 not as them whether they have been legally captured or not, because 
 
 frnrn on f j W y -T rS before W is venture , on Nov. i, 1600, Pieter de Marees set forth 
 
 Wtt Gunea, 1602, 191 a) describes the Guinea coast, the third the co» 7 nf s „ ‘ l 'a 
 and French ( e i6o5 S ) firSt appearance il was transIated into German (1603), Latin (1604”), 
 
 in [ adi»no» C0 ’f r M storia de la Esclavitud, pp. 253-254. Father Sandoval considerablv 
 
124 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 they will always say that they were stolen and captured dlega y, 
 in the hope that they will be given their liberty. I declare, moreover, 
 that in the fairs where these negroes are bought there are always a 
 few who have been captured illegally because they were stolen or 
 because the rulers of the land order them to be sold for offenses so 
 slight that they do not deserve captivity, but these are few in num¬ 
 ber and to seek among ten or twelve thousand who leave this port 
 every year for a few who have been illegally captured is an impos¬ 
 sibility, however careful investigation may be made. And to lose 
 so many souls as sail from here-out of whom many are saved- 
 hecause some, impossible to recognize, have been captured lllega > 
 does not seem to be doing much service to God, for these are few 
 and those who find salvation are many and legally captured. 
 
 21. Announcement of a Contract for Negroes, 1614. 
 
 Know ye all that his Majesty commands that a contract should be 
 made as to the hiring and general trading of negro slaves for tie 
 
 West Indies, on the. following conditions: 
 
 First: that said contract should be madeTwith the Portuguese for 
 eight years; that the number of negroes to be shipped be 3500 Re¬ 
 lives annually, allowing twenty per cent, for those who might die; that 
 the pilots and seamen of the vessels in which they are shipped be old 
 Portuguese Christians (avoiding the use of others who might be used 
 but who are not Christians) ; that the negroes be shipped by the 
 most direct route, without coming to Seville, as many as possib e 
 being taken from Cape Verde; that-they be landed in the harbor 
 of Cartagena and New Vera CruzOo be thence distributed to other 
 places where they might be needed in accordance with the orders 
 of the Royal Council of the Indies (thus avoiding under severe penal¬ 
 ties sailing for and landing at other ports) ; that no negroes should 
 be brought into Buenos Ayres and Rio de la Plata; and that t 
 ships making these voyages should clear under the orders and registry 
 of the House of Trade in Seville or in Cadiz, but of no other place, 
 giving the necessary guaranty for their return J Whoever desires to 
 bid for this contract can come to Licenciate Garcia Paez de Aiacie , 
 his Majesty’s fiscal, in his Council of the Indies, in the city of Madrid. 
 On the 13th day of the month of October, 1614, before me, the 
 present scribe, being in the port of Guadalajara where the meetings 
 of the people of this region take place, the preceding announcement 
 relating to the shipping of negro slaves to the Indies was made by 
 voice of Francisco Hernandez, town crier of the said port, exact y 
 in accordance with its contents and the condition therein set forth, 
 
 [21] 1 Scell.e, La Traite Negriere, I. 828-829. 
 
August, 1645 
 
 125 
 
 and in loud and distinguishable manner, in the presence of many 
 people. All the foregoing I attest, and offer my signature herewith. 
 
 Before me, Juan de Retuerta. 
 
 22. The Voyage of Richard Jobson to the Gambia River, 1620. 1 
 
 They [the Portuguese and mulattoes] doe generally imploy them¬ 
 selves in buying such commodities the countrey affords, wherein 
 especially they covet the country people, who are sold unto them, 
 when they commit offences ... all which things they are ready to 
 vent, unto such as come into the river, but the blacke people are 
 bought away by their owne nation, and by them either carried or 
 sold unto the Spaniard, for him to carry into the West Indies to 
 
 remaine as slaves, either in their Mines, or in any other servile uses, 
 they in those countries put them to. 
 
 2 3 * George Downing to John Winthrop, jr 1 
 
 August 26, 1645. 
 
 T 1 | . • * you shal see a flourishing Hand, many able 
 
 men. I beleive they have bought this year no lesse than a thousand 
 Negroes, and the more they buie, the better able they are to buye 
 
 for in a yeare and halfe they will earne (with God’s blessing) as 
 much as they cost. . . . 2 
 
 ;.A man that will settle ther must looke to procure servants, which 
 
 • | • ^ ^ ^ 8, or 9 yeares time, onely 
 
 paying their passages, or at the most but som smale above, it would 
 
 do very well, for so therby you shall be able to doe something upon 
 a plantation, and in short tim be able, with good husbandry, to pro- 
 
 ,1 [2 ^ J Ri< * ard , Jol ; son > ^ he Golden Trade or a Discovery of the River Gamhm and 
 the Golden Trade of She Aethiopians (London, i6aj), pp. zL 9 [ in edof p .V-J 
 
 ser C VI dndH Zt erS ’ W C ° U > Ct l? nS ° f the Massach ^‘ts Historical Society, fourth 
 T ' 537 ’ 539> The celebrated George Downing, cousin of the younger Winthrop 
 
 0 s hU g oh , tWenty - tW0 Barbados, Nevis, and St. Christopher, in the caTad* 
 
 m: r M^ s s^, o ^ wnins,s father as to the vaiue ° f 
 
 n , , G° hn Scott’s “Description of Barbados” gives the number of negro slaves in 
 
 Barbados at this time _ as 5680 (Beer, The Old Colonial System, I. 3m) 
 
 “Thp F^T S °r r 5 , e ^? Te ls a note in th e Harley Papers, Welbeck Abbey MSS.: 
 for ri »7 F® ? f C , ar i 5 lsle , sent . a Governor to Barbadoes who did dispossesse the Governor 
 n ° r the Ear ) e of Pembrooke, and he granted Land as others did before to severall 
 personns, heitherto the Collonies did not thrive, but were like to bee extinguish [edl for 
 want of provision untill it happen’d that the Duch loosing Brasille, many Duch and 
 Jews repairing to Barbadoes began the planting and making of sugar, which caused the 
 Duch with shipping often to releive them and Credit when they were ready to perish 
 Likewise the Duch being ifigaged on the coast of Giney in Affrick for negros slaves 
 havmg lost Brasille. not knowing where to vent them they trusted them to Barbadoes^ 
 was the first rise of the plantacion that made it able to subsiste and trafficke ” 
 
 Sir R l P ?H r f ndors ^ d ’ “toucheing Barbados”, the endorsement in the handwriting^ of 
 Robert Harley, who was appointed keeper of the seals of Barbados in 166' S 
 
126 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 cure Negroes (the life of this place) out of the encrease of your owne 
 plantation. 
 
 24. The Guinea Company to James Pope. 1 
 
 London, the 17 September, 1651. 
 
 Mr. James Pope. 
 
 Loving Freind, Wee desire you in the first place to performe your 
 duty unto Allmighty God that so wee may expect a blessing from 
 him upon your endeavors, w’ch God graunt. You are to imbarque 
 your selfe upon the shipp Freindship Captaine John Blake Comaunder, 
 and being dispatch’t from Gravesend you are to desire the said 
 Captaine Blake to hasten into the Dowens, and from thence with the 
 first opportunity of winde and weather that God shall send to saile 
 directly for the river of Gambra 2 in Guinney, taking in your Compa 
 the James bound for Siera Leon and any other good ships that you 
 shall there finde, and when it pleaseth God you arrive in the river of 
 Gambra, in the first place you are to sett upp your two Barges, with 
 the two Pinaces, and having man’d, victualled, and fitted the Barges, 
 you are imediately to send them away up the River, w’th one or both 
 of the small boats, as you shall see occasion, to finde out Mr. Langley 
 w’th our Letter directed unto him, leaving one Factor at Baraconda 3 
 
 by the way. 
 
 Upon this shipp wee have laden a Cargo of goods and provisions 
 as per Invoice and bill of Lading amounting unto £ Consigned unto 
 you, or your assignes, which wee desire may be put off to our most 
 advantage, for hides, wax, and teeth, gold, Ambergreez, or any other 
 merchantable Comodity you shall meete withall, disposing of our Fac¬ 
 tors at severall places as you shall see occasion vvzt. Mr. Benjamin 
 Clark, whome wee conceave wilbee fitting to bee our Accomptant for 
 the receaving in or delyvering out of the Freindship any goods, 
 Richard Swan, who hath had experience for many years of the trade 
 with Negers and Portugals at Siera Leon, him you may imploy at any 
 of our Factories, as you shall see convenient, Richard Dobb, and 
 Nicholas Bowles, all w’ch Factors you are to settle there, except Mr. 
 Clark, who is to retorne for England upon the Freindship. 1 
 
 [24] 1 The letters of 1651 and 1652 here printed are from the Portland -MSS. at 
 Welbeck Abbey, and were obtained through the kindness of Richard W. Goulding, Esq., 
 Librarian of the Duke of Portland. They are calendared in Hist. MSS. Comm., 
 Thirteenth Report, App., pt. 2, Portland MSS., II, 28-29. The first letter is endorsed, 
 
 “Commission for Mr. James Pope the 17 of 7 ber 1651 . < 
 
 2 Gambia. The forms Gambra and Gambo continued to be used until the second 
 half of the seventeeth century. The term Guinea still applied in 1651 to the noithern as 
 
 well as to the southern section of the West Coast. ... 1 . . 
 
 3 The distances recorded by the early explorers lend little aid in locating the 
 villages on the Gambia. According to Jobson’s account, Barracunda was between t ree 
 and four hundred miles up the Gambia; it was about two hundred and fifty mi es 
 from the location of the present Bathurst. 
 
September } 1651 
 
 127 
 
 Captaine Blake hath promised to give you his best asistance in 
 your Irade, so in your absence you may desire him to manage your 
 Trade aboard the ship with the helpe of Mr. Benjamin Clark, desir¬ 
 ing you, and al the subordinate Factors to have a speciall respect 
 unto Captaine Blake, and that you live in love and freindship together. 
 
 At your arrivall upon the Coast you may stop at Refisco 4 to give 
 t ose people notice that you are coming upon the Coast to trade, 
 and bound for Gambra, that if they will provide any goods, you will 
 deale with them, the like word you may send from thence to Porto 
 Daily and Joally, giving them notice of your arrivall. The french 
 Aqua vitae, and most part of the Christall is not yet come, you may 
 expect it y t le Pinace John, w’ch wee stay here to carry it after you, 
 by whome wee will write you, and send you the Invoice and bill of 
 Lading. For your Trade in the river for wax, hides, and Eleph’ts 
 teeth, wee desire you to cut the price at as low rate as you can, and 
 to ease us what you may of the Also’sf?], desiring you to procure as 
 many hides, teeth, and wax, as you can, that the ship may bee full 
 Laden, whereby to countervaile our great charge of fraight, victuall, 
 and wages, having a speciall regard that the hides bee well cured, 
 and that they be well dried and beaten, before you lade them aboard. 
 
 • 1 hC tW0 A barges etc. wee desire may bee dispatch’t with all expedi¬ 
 tion up to Mr Langley as aforesaid, fitted and vitled with all things 
 necessary, w ch arriving with him, they are to bee at his order and 
 direction, and when it pleaseth God that Mr. Langley shall retorne 
 in the Freindslup, wee desire that hee may have all due accomoda¬ 
 tion and respect from Captaine Blake and your self, taking a par- 
 ticuler accompt of what Gold hee retorneth, and to bee safe put up in 
 the Iron chest, w’ch he hath with him, and if hee bring downe any 
 mineral! Ore, sand, or earth in Barrells, that they bee also safely 
 stowed in the ship, untill their arrivall here, Consigned here in London 
 y bill of Lading to us that signe your Comission, for the use of 
 our selves, and the rest of the Adventurers in this new Discovery, and 
 in like manner for the hides, teeth, and wax etc. that you shall lade 
 aboard the Freindship. When God shall send Mr. Langley aboard 
 the Freindship,' and bring us a Comfortable retorne, our order is, 
 that you doe with all expedition dispatch away the Pinace John for 
 London with large advice, that wee may prepare against the next 
 : y eare t!n j eI y- ^oth for the discovery and Trade, and if any thing be 
 omitted in this our Comission, w’ch you thinke may bee for the 
 
 good and benefit of our voyage, wee leave it to your discretion to doe 
 therein, as you shall see cause. 
 
 4 Rufisque or Rio Fresco. 
 
 1., B Portud .al and Joal. These directions indicate that the English had settled factors 
 both up the river and at the trading posts on the coast. 
 
128 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Wee desire you to settle a Factory for us at the most convenient 
 place to have the Comaund of that river. For what debts wee have 
 ow'ing in the river of the last voyage by Francisco Vaz de franca and 
 Andreas Perdegon etc., wee desire may be recovered in, 6 and that 
 you trust as little of our goods for the future as you can, and for the 
 goods left with Mr. Langley, desire an Accompt for them, wee have 
 left it to Mr. Langley’s Choice, either to stay in the Countrey or to 
 retorne home upon the Freindship, either way wee desire you, hee 
 may be accomodated to his Content. And Mr. Shalcrosse, whom wee 
 have enterteyned to goe Master of the Barge up the river, wee pray 
 you give him so much of those instructions which Mr. Langley left 
 with you, as may direct him to finde the said Mr. Langley up in the 
 river, and in Case Mr. Langley should miscarry (w’ch God forbid) 
 Our order is, that Mr. John Wall proceed to performe the said 
 designe, who is acquainted with all Mr. Langley s intentions. 
 
 Wee pray you prohibite all private Trade of the Seamen or others 
 what you can, forbidding all men the buying of hides, for wee will 
 have none laden aboard the Freindship but what is for our accompt. 
 Wee pray you buy for us 15 or 20 young lusty Negers of about 15 
 yeares of age, bring them home with you for London, laying in that 
 Countrey provisions for them, as you shall see needfull. Also bring 
 a Certificat home with you that the 4 Butts of wine laden the last 
 voyage in the Dolphin and the 3 pipes of wine nowe laden in the 
 Freindship, were all sold to Portugall Merchants and others in the 
 River of Gambra, putting your owne name and some other of your 
 men there unto the said Certificat, w ch wee pray you faile not to 
 doe. The keyes of all the Cargasoon Chests are herewith delivered 
 you as also the 2 keyes for Mr. Langley’s 2 cases of strong waters 
 and 1 key for a box of quick silver for Mr. Langlie. Wee have not 
 further to inlarge only praying the Almightie to bless you with life 
 and health for a prosperous success upon our affaires we rest. 7 
 
 Your loving freinds 
 
 Row: Wilson 
 Maurice Thomson 
 John Woods. 
 
 6 The Order in Council approving the grant of the Guinea trade to the group 
 whose names are here affixed was not issued until Apr. 9,. 1651. Apparent y t es 
 merchants had been trading in the Gambia before the deliberations of the Council 
 of State over the African trade were completed, and probably had been trading without 
 a patent. Cal. St. P. Dom., 1651, p. 107. 
 
 7 The last paragraph of a similar letter of the same date but containing no 
 reference to negroes, sent to Capt. John Blake, reads, “Wee doubt not of your care 
 and vigilancy to prevent any surprisalls by the French in regard you know o t e 
 
129 
 
 December } 1651 
 
 25. The Guinea Company to Bartholomew Ha ward. * 1 2 
 
 London, the 9 of December, 1651. 
 
 Mi. Bartholomewe H award, First we pray you performe your 
 
 dayly dutie unto Almightie God, that so we may expect a blessing 
 upon your endeavours. 
 
 You are to hasten with your ship to Gravesend, and being cleered 
 there into the Downes, and from thence with the first faire winde 
 and weather, in Compa. with such ships as you shall finde, to saile 
 directlie for the River Gambra in Guinny, where you shall finde the 
 ship Freindship Capt. Jno. Blake Comaunder, upon w’ch ship Mr. 
 James Pope is our cheif factor, to whome you are to deliver our 
 Letter, and such Cargo as we have laden in you (excepting the cases 
 of suger chest boards belonging unto Mr. John Wood) unto whome 
 (jye.iiaye written to buy and put aboard you so many negers^ 
 yo r ship can cary, and for what shalbe wanting to supply with Cattel, 
 as also to furnish you with victualls and provisions for the said negers 
 and Cattel, as also with such Caske as Capt. Blake can spare, to be 
 filled with water, all w ch we have desired Air. Pope to effect in as 
 short a time as may be, and when he shall have laden your Cargo 
 of negeis or Cattel aboard, you are to signe bills of ladeing for 
 what you shall receive desireing his letter to Mr. Francis Soane 
 Mercht at Barbados - unto whome we have written effectually for 
 
 (iifferenccs wee have with them”. On Oct. 6, 1651, Captain Blake in a letter “To the 
 wor 11 Guiny Compa. thes present In London At the Guiny Cort to Mr. Jo’n Balloe In 
 Bushipgaite stret reported that he had anchored in the Downs the day before and 
 would sail with the first favorable wind. On Oct. 10 instructions were sent to the 
 master of the pinnace John, signed by Wilson, Woods, and Samuel Vassall. 
 
 , three merchants who signed the letter here printed were among those to whom 
 the charter for African trade had recently been granted, after an investigation by the 
 Council of Trade. Rowland Wilson may have been the elder bearer of that name a 
 wealthy London merchant, who died in 1654, but probably he was the younger, who was a 
 member of the Council of State in 1649 and 1650. Maurice Thompson had been interested 
 in trade and colonial development for twenty-five years. In 1626 he equipped three ships, 
 which carried Warner and 60 negroes to St. Christopher. (The source of these negroes 
 remams a matter of conjecture. Williamson’s surmise that the vessels took them from 
 'ta A h riC w n , coast J on . the v °yage to the West Indies is at least possible. J. A. Williamson 
 
 l he Lanbbee Islands under Proprietary Patents, p. 31.) He was a trader to Virginia 
 
 and an owner of sugar plantations in Barbados. Stock, Proceedings and Debates I iqc 
 197. * 
 
 M lThe “Commission of Rowland Wilson, John Woods and Samuel Vassall to 
 Mr. Ihoinas Bluck, 10 October 1651”, is not here printed. Bluck, master of the pinnace 
 John, was to accompany the Friendship. In this commission there is no mention of 
 negroes. Samuel Vassall, whose name here appears, had in 1650 remonstrated against 
 the monopoly privilege on the coast, and had been charged by the company with burning 
 its establishment at Wyamba. He was a London merchant with extensive interests in 
 INew England, Virginia, the West Indies, and Guinea. Whether his earlier African 
 trade included negroes is still an unanswered question. Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, pp. 
 33 *» 339 - ’ 
 
 2 Barbados had become, in the preceding fifteen years, an important source of 
 
130 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 the sale of your negers, and ladeing your ship for London, whose 
 order and directions you are to followe untill he shall give you your 
 dispatch for London. . Wee desire you to be veary carefull in the 
 well stoweing of your ship and that none of the goods you shall 
 take aboard be abused, and being dispatched from thence we pray you 
 hasten for London, and when you come int[o] our Chanell be veary 
 vigilant and carefull for feare of surprysalls, not trusting any. And 
 our ord’r is that all the while you lye in the River Gambra untill 
 your Cargo be provided that you followe the directions of Mr. James 
 Pope and from all places where you shall touch send us advice of 
 your proceedings. There is put aboard your Pinck Supply 3° P a * re 
 of shackles and boults for such of your negers as are rebellious and 
 we pray you be veary carefull to keepe them under and let them have 
 their food in due season that they ryse not against you, as they have 
 done in other ships. 
 
 When you shall come into the Downes you are to send unto 
 Mr. Thomas Waad at Dover for a case of Cristall beads w’ch he 
 will put aboard you there w’ch you are to cary with you for Gambra 
 and deliver with the rest of the Cargo unto Mr. James Pope. So 
 Comitting you to God’s protection we rest Your loving freinds. 
 
 Row: Wilson 
 Thomas Walter 
 Tho: Chambrelan 
 John Woods 
 Maurice Thomson. 3 
 
 26. The Guinea Company to James Pope. 1 * 
 
 London, the 9 of December, 1651. 
 
 Mr. James Pope. 
 
 Loveing freind, Upon receipt of your letter out of the Downes 
 bearing date the 7th of October we dispatched away the Pinnace Jno.: 
 Thomas Bluck master, without the French Spirrets, depending upon 
 
 sugar, and therefore an excellent market for slaves. The estimates of the negro population 
 about this time vary from 20,000 to 30,000, both of which, it is safe to say, were con¬ 
 siderably exaggerated. Most of these negroes were brought by the Dutch, about whose 
 trade at this period little information has come to light. The white population shows a 
 decrease during the decade 1645-1655* For the sources of population figures, see V. T. 
 
 Harlow, History of Barbados, p. 338; Beer, Old Colonial System, I. 320 n. 
 
 3 Endorsed, “Comission for Mr. Bartholomewe Haward M’r of the Frigot Supply 
 the 9 December 1651”. # ... 
 
 [26] 1 Addressed: “To Mr. James Pope Merchant aboard the Ship Freindship in the 
 
 River Gambra by the Frigot Supply whome God preserve.” 
 
December, 16^1 
 
 l 3 1 
 
 it that you had taken aboard those of Mr. Delavalls, w’ch we wrote 
 
 im to lade aboard, but the winde comeing faire you set saile before 
 our etter came to hand. So nowe to furnish you with those spirrets 
 etc we have brought this Pinck named the Supplye, by whome you 
 shall receive those Spirrets and other goods mencioned in the Invoice 
 and bill of Ladeing here inclosed, w’ch you are to receive and dispose 
 of to our most advantage, wherewith or any other goods you caryed 
 out we pray you buy as many good lusty negers as shee can well 
 cary and so dispatch her for the Barbados, with Invoice and bill of 
 Ladeing Consigned unto Mr. Francis Soane and in case you cannot 
 procure negers enough to lade her then you are to supply what shalbe 
 wanting in Cartel, that shee may not goe emptie, putting in water 
 and provisions for them, to w’ch effect we have writt Capt. Blake 
 to let him have what Caske he can well spare, out of the Freindship 
 
 Wee pray you let this Vessell be dispatched with all the convenvent 
 
 g 1 1 • 1 - ^ you may imploy her in 
 
 trade there in such places as you shall thinke fitting for the further- 
 ance of your Voyage. 
 
 Wee have an intent against the next yeare to buy 200 Negers in 
 t at River. So we desire you to contrive howe wee may procure 
 them, that our ship stay not long upon it, and if it may be to make 
 a certaine agreem’t for them because we desire to be at a certainety 
 before we send a ship, Also we desire you to inform yourself what 
 quantity of negers have beene bought there this yeare, and whither 
 
 shipped and upon what ships by name ether English Duch or French 
 and the masters names. . . . 
 
 We also desire you to assist Mr. Haward M’r of this pinck supply 
 in the fitting of his ship for the better accomodacion for his negers 
 or Cattle and advise us by the Jno. what you have laden aboard her 
 and when she departed, and furnish him the said Mr. Haward, 
 with victualls for himself and ships Compa., so long as he shall stay 
 there, and for the Negers passage to Barbados that he may not spend 
 of his ships provisions, and for what elce is needfull for our trade 
 and factorie in Gambra we referr you to the instructions given you 
 at your goeing out in the Freindship. So praying for your health we 
 Comit you to god resting Your loveing freinds 
 
 Row: Wilson 
 John Frederick 
 John Woods 
 Thomas Walter 
 Tho: Chambrelan 
 Maurice Thomson. 
 
i3 2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 [P.S.] We pray you inquire for some of that Country Marybucks 
 bookes 2 of the Mahomitants religion and send us them if cheape. 
 
 Wee have delivered to Mr. Haward in a black box our Guinny 
 Patent 3 and have obtained the broad seale of the Comonwealth to 
 be affixed thereunto whereof Capt. Blake and yourself may serve 
 yourselves as you see occasion. Also we have delivered unto Mr. 
 Haward 6 strings of East India Cristall beads. 2 of a round small 
 sort, 2 of a great round sort, and 2 of squre cristall, they goe for a 
 sample at the request of a good freind, you may sell them to the most 
 advantage and enquire what quantitie will there vend 
 
 Your Loving Frend 
 
 John Ballowe 
 
 for the Guinny Compa. 
 
 27. The Guinea Company to Francis Soane. 1 
 
 London, the 9th of December, 1651. 
 
 Mr Francis Sone. 
 
 Loveing Freind, This Serveth only to Accompany the bearer heereof 
 Mr Bartholomew Haward Master of the Frigot Supply, whome we 
 have consigned unto Mr. James Pope in the River Gambra to lade 
 aboard her as many Negors as shee can carry, and in default Ihereot 
 to fill her up with Cattle, and to consigne them unto you in the Barba¬ 
 dos as by Bill of Lading for our accompt. All w’ch negors or cattle 
 we desire you to take into your custody, and make Sale of them for 
 present payment in Suger lading it upon this our Frigot, and for what 
 Shee Shall want of her lading to supply it at fraight at the rate accus¬ 
 tomed. We doe not inlarge further at present in regard we Shall 
 wright you from hence directly by the first Ship after we heare of the 
 peace of the Island 2 only we pray you dispatch our Ship home for 
 London with as little loss of tyme as may be. 
 
 Wee have agreed with Mr. John Wood that such negers as shall 
 come from the River Gambra in our said Frigot Supply that you take 
 them upon his plantation makeing sale of them so soone as you can 
 for our most advantage for ready payment, not trusting any, and in 
 
 2 Meaning, books of the marabouts of that country. The word marabout which is 
 found in half a dozen forms, comes from the Arabic word for a hermit or holy ''lan , 
 the Mohammedans. These men were common among the Moors and Berbers of North 
 
 nCa 
 
 3 See Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 355 - , _ 1 a t th- 
 
 [27] 1 Addressed: “To Mr. Francis Sone, Merchant In the Island of Barbados by the 
 
 Frigot Supply whome God preserve.” The company also sent a letter to Captain Blake, 
 asking for his co-operation in loading and caring for the negroes. 
 
 2 The royalist party, under Francis Lord Willoughby, on Jan. n, 1652, made peace 
 with the parliamentary expedition sent out to take Barbados. 
 
December f 1651 
 
 the Interim before you shall have solde them you may make use of 
 ieir Labour in Lieu of their dyet, we doe this to prevent the makeing 
 o debts upon the Island and in case any of the said negers should be 
 sick and not able to work you may charge their victuals to our Com- 
 panyes acco. untill such time as they are recovered. So praying for 
 your health etc. we comit you to God, resting 
 
 Your Loveing freinds 
 
 Row: Wilson 
 John Woods 
 Tho: Chambrelan 
 John Frederick 
 Thomas Walter 
 Maurice Thomson. 
 
 28. The Guinea Company to Bartholomew Havvard. 1 
 
 London the nth of Decemb. 1651. 
 
 Afr. Bartholmew Hay ward. 
 
 Loving frend, Conserving the procecution of your voyadg refer 
 yow to the compa. Comition given yow, this only sarving to desire 
 yow that when god shall send yow to arrive in the Barbados in safty 
 
 Tl* . ^ ^ ttl til suger Chests bords 
 
 unto my Kinsman francis Sone and in the time thay remaine abord 
 your ship that thay bee Carfully looked unto that thay bee not broken, 
 ut if the Hand should not bee reduced wherby yow cannot come to 
 and your negros: then I desire yow at the port or ports, wher the 
 Lompa shall order yow to goe that there yow make sale of them to my 
 best advantaig for redy paym’t in Indico or sugar, and bring the pro¬ 
 ceed of them home w’th yow and for care and paines therin I shall 
 requitt. ther is in the Casses bords for 90 Chests: that is 5 Chest in 
 eatch casse redy fitted with heads, ther wants nothing but to putt them 
 together, soe not elce at present but to desire god to prosper your 
 voyage and send yow to retorne in safety. 
 
 Your Loving frend 
 
 John Woods. 
 
 [28] 1 Addressed: “A Remembranc for Bartholmew Haward 
 deliverd him by John Woods.” 
 
 m’r of the frigott Suply 
 
134 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 29. Captain John Blake to the Guinea Company. 1 
 
 Vintan River In the River Gambae this 
 
 15th off February [1651/2]. 2 
 
 JVo’ll Rouland Willson, Samuell Vasall, Morese Thomson 
 and the Rest of the Compa. 
 
 After my Servese presentend I having this opportunity Could doe 
 noe lesse then present you with thes Lines Conserning the passages In 
 thes parts Sence our Arivall w’ch are Sad. The 14th of 9 ’ber wee 
 Cam Into this River and arived at Gillifre 3 whear wee Set up our 
 Barges and being Set up thay departed from us; the 25th dito wee 
 Set Saill with them for this place, at our arivall In the river wee had 
 the sad newes of Mr. Langlyes deth and all the rest of theme but 
 three w’ch remain’d alive w’ch Sence wee find too trwe. Mr. Boules 
 one of your factores went up In one of the Barges with a Cargo to 
 Baracundie and after himself and goods was landed being taking of 
 a pipe of Tobaco In one of the negroes pipes went to your gould 
 Chist w’ch was left the last yeare with Mr. Langly, and having the 
 pipe in his mouth having opened the Chist many times before and 
 knowing what was In the Chist being powder with other Small thinges 
 the powder tucke fire and blwe up part of the house and the other 
 part burnt with many other howsen In the town with all the goods 
 and the prosed therof w’ch was left of the last yeare as Teth and 
 other goodes allso the Cargoe w’ch hee had with hime, noe mane 
 hurt but hime Sellfe and he was very much Burnt So that our men of 
 the barges Sent him downe abord In the wheary w’ch was left with 
 Mr. Langly and the three men that was left alive as I sort [saidj 
 befor w’ch to of them weare very weake and one dead Senc[e] hee 
 Cam abord; allso Mr. Boules lived too dayes after that he Cam 
 abord but dyd a most misirabell Creatuer being allmost Eaten up 
 with magates thay being So long Coming doune; our barges departe 
 from Baracundae the 8th of Desember. Sence our Coming nto 
 this River It hath pleased the Lord aflickt us with much Sicknes that 
 wee have bured three and twenty men. My Chefe and my Second 
 maites and botswaine are three of them; both my Guneres maites 
 and botswaines mait, three more, Mr. Dobes one of your factores 
 
 [29] 1 Addressed: “To the wor’ll Rouland Willson and Compa. Adventreres to 
 
 Guiny these In London”. , ^ , . . 
 
 2 Vintang or Bintam River is the largest southern tributary of the Gambia, enter¬ 
 ing it about twenty-five miles from Bathurst. • 
 
 3 Gillifree or Jillifree was a small settlement on the north bank of Gambia 
 opposite James Island. The later reference to an island probably, means that close 
 to the settlement was an island which bore the same name. Later in the cen ury 
 Royal African Company established a factory here, opposite its fort on James s a 
 Francis Moore described it in the next century as a large town inhabited by Portuguese, 
 Mandingoes, and Mahommedans. Travels in Africa, p. 67. 
 
February, 1651/2 
 
 foure the rest of them the lustiest men wee had In our Shipe, my 
 Sellf having bine very Sicke being taken Sick one of the first So thlt 
 
 hm Tl rtf' I'' T u t dld CVer thincke that 1 should a recoverd, 
 
 more pkaSed ^ ^ to raise and re store mee and many 
 
 more of us to our health againe, I hope to his glory and our Corn- 
 
 fortes ; most part of all our men hath bine sicke and are Sicke at 
 
 present, but all upon the mending hand but vere weake and febell. 
 
 Wee have noe more well mene at present then will man our long 
 
 f hooT th T Um my Sdlfe at PrCSent ** wel1 a " d ^sty and 
 
 hope with In a short tyme to see all the rest up againe and lusty 
 
 God sending the pines [pinnace] Jo’n from Jualg , 4 as wee Expeckt 
 
 ir every day, then wee doe Intend to get our hides abord and! goe 
 
 out of this river for It Is a very unhoulsom place that wee are burnt 
 
 up for want of Are and breses, here Is noe but what Comes from the 
 
 shore and thay are so hot that thay doe allmost Stifell us that It 
 
 weare beter to have non at all. Conserning our Traid wee have about 
 
 bume nyne thouson hydes ashore and abord not a Tune of teth, and 
 
 les waxe, but I hope wee Shall have more; heare Is Too Traders 
 
 more In the River besides our Sellves, a Fleming that was here the 
 
 Tl riVt 0 A ? e l m€ 5 Wh ° e hath bult a Caste11 u P° n the litell 
 K ?t° i Gll re ' 1 , thlncke hee ma Y e bee likened to the man that 
 bu his howse upon the Sand, for when the raines Comes I belfe It 
 
 will wash all away. Mr. Pope Is within thes too dayes at farthest 
 going up n one of the pinases To Baracundae to see after the 
 barges and when hee returnes then we are to depart the river w’ch I 
 beleve will be the medell of maye or longer as hee Concludes. I 
 becech you If our Companyes wifes Comes to Inquire for newes to 
 put them In as go[o]d Comfort as you may, becase they may not 
 discomfort my wyfe. I dout not but by gods, asitance wee 
 shall doe well enoufe, for thancks bee to the Lord allmity that his 
 and Is Stayd amongst us for I never See men dye So soudainely In 
 iiy Life, Concluding It to be Sum straing deses as you may gese, 
 or wee have beuried all thes men In a months tyme, Sum tymes 
 
 , r f e and four In a da y: thus having not Ellse at present 
 lesire you not to bee dishartened at the newes. I hope by 
 Cods asistance that wee Shall have good newe[s] by our barges of 
 1 hop full voige ther and I shall doe my Indever here to acte what 
 cane and I becech god to give his blesing and I hope all will bee to 
 
 «Si SSll jl y ° nC ° f the many ways in which J° aI was written. 
 
 1 he Danish foothold on the Gambia was slight anrl hnc u #on i • , 
 
 V most writers. This factory was probabljT built by the Danish ' En °^ 
 
 nder Christian IV., which established itself on the Gold Coast about ifiL 
 conceivable that it belonged to an independent trader with no company bthind him. * 
 
1 3 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 his glory and our Comfortes, and unto his protectione I commite you 
 and so take leave and rest. 
 
 [P. S.] This Letter Cometh by the Daine. I pray bee pleased 
 to Send the Inclosed to my wyfe. 6 
 
 30. Vice-Director Beck to the Amsterdam Directors 
 
 of the West India Company. 1 
 
 [CuRAgAO, June 11, 1657.] 
 
 Honorable, Respected, Wise, Prudent and most Discreet Gentle¬ 
 men, . . . and further [the Biscayan] made a proposal and even 
 wrote a letter to me with his own hand, the original whereof I am 
 sending herewith to your Honors, tending to trade the company s 
 negroes, that is, all that are here at present for sale, on the following 
 conditions, to wit; That the company shall have a ship with their 
 own crew here ready for the negroes to embark in, and when resolved 
 to accept his offer, to let him know at the place designated by him, 
 and where our people have recently visited him, when he will without 
 loss of time repair in person to this harbor, and enter into an agree¬ 
 ment and contract for what articles and at what price the. negroes 
 shall be delivered at the place where he hopes to take them in safety 
 and without danger; and that he will not receive any negroes before 
 payment for them shall be made on board the ship, and he or his 
 partner shall remain on board the ship, with the negroes, until the 
 
 6 The letter to his wife adds details concerning the health of the men and com¬ 
 ments on their habits, but does not increase our knowledge of their trade. Obviously 
 Captain Blake had not yet received the instructions to load with negroes and sail for 
 Barbados. The Friendship was destined never to carry out these directions. On Mar. 
 2, 1652, she, the Supply, and* the John were still trading in the Gambia when Prince 
 Rupert’s squadron entered the river. At this time the Duke of Courland was buildi g 
 a small fort near the mouth of the Gambia and a seaman from one of his vessels gave 
 to Prince Rupert’s men news of where the English ships were to be found. Warburton s 
 Memoirs of Prince Rupert (III. 357-358) refers to the capture of the John but makes no 
 mention of the Friendship. There were apparently other English ^ vessels not far 
 away, for William Coxon, mate on the Supply, said later that he might have caused 
 all the English ships belonging to the company to be seized as he knew where they 
 were. As reparation for the loss of these three vessels the Guinea Company, in June, 
 
 1652, asked for £10,000. Cal. St. P. Col., 1574-1660, P- 383 - ' 
 
 hoi 1 Albany, State Archives, New York Colonial MSS., 17: 27;. Voyages of the 
 Slavers St. John and Arms of Amsterdam, 1659, 1663 (New York Cf>lomal Tracts, no. 3), ; 
 pp 113 118-123. The translations which follow have been revised by Mr. A. J. t ._ van , 
 Laer and will be found to differ somewhat from those printed in the Voyage of the 
 St. John. Beck was the vice-director of the Dutch West India Company stationed at 
 Curacao. By the directors at Amsterdam is meant the directors of the Amsterdam 
 chamber of the West India Company, which was organized into five divisions or 
 chambers, the Amsterdam chamber representing four-ninths of the whole. Ihe plan 
 outlined by Beck for surreptitious trade with the Spaniards was one which had been 
 recently laid before him by an unnamed Biscayan with whom the Dutch had been 
 secretly trading in commodities other than negroes. The relations between Curasao and 
 New Netherland at this time were close and the material on the trade of New Nether- 
 land in vol. III. of this work should be read in connection with this correspondence: 
 
 between Beck and the company. 
 
June t 1657 
 
 137 
 
 ca 0 r n ried°out" nd agre£ment which wil1 be ^ade here shall be fully 
 
 on^LToTth S rT f ° he says he wil1 conve y them !s 
 
 the north side of Cuba, where their [Spanish] nation has no 
 
 l r hTwmVT ca, ;, s ,o prev "'. t • hc proi '“" *° <«■*»* 
 
 that he will leave his own cousin, who is likewise closely related to the 
 friends to whom he will convey the negroes, here at Curacao as a 
 
 in° good a f n a1th eC alT‘heT 1 ’ 1 “ ^ that he sha11 have P^formed 
 
 good taith all he has promised; as more fully appears bv the 
 
 annexed relation and report of Cornet Balthazar vL Ess and Johan 
 
 Rombouts on the subject. He has requested an answer to this for 
 
 his information. I therefore wish your honors’ early instructions 
 
 5,e r XlSL ,0 T ' ‘ ‘ ,0 ° r ,° mit ” ,h “ in 
 
 the meanwhile I may receive a supply of provisions sufficient for the 
 negroes to enable me to wait for him. 
 
 I have received the agreement and contract which your honors 
 ave concluded with Mr. Henrico Matthias, merchant of Amster¬ 
 dam, respecting the negroes. On looking and reading it over, I find it 
 ery avorable for the said Mr. Henrico Matthias, but can readily 
 
 the trade" h that yo “ r honors have done it to begin and introduce 
 ti ade here. I shall not be wanting, God willing, in obeying and 
 
 fX and r T r l °K-f erS a v d , ‘ nstructi °ns in this regard faith- 
 y d to my best ability. Meanwhile, should it happen that 
 
 not r ’v^T 1C ° ^ a iTp aS S ex P ected shi P did not arrive here, as it has 
 
 we Jh l 813 eXP f Ct y ° Ur further order and answer whether 
 
 we shall,dare to proceed or not with the negroes on the aforesaid 
 
 Biscayan s presented proposals set forth as above. In the strong hope 
 
 a ^ XpeCta 5>- tbat we shall be able to open a trade with our nearest 
 ghbors, I shall purchase on your honors’ account a small cargo 
 from Skipper Simon Cornelissen Gilde, so that they may at least 
 find something on coming here; and our vessels in going to Bonayre 3 
 may advise the Biscayan and the other inhabitant mentioned above 
 
 D Ut a ch pos r b { e 7o T n= 'e.seW ^ 
 
 America.“spS.h* ™X n «s°wh„"offered “tnpt “t'rad^Tth na” 
 were discouraged lest their actions on the Wes” Coast emhrfil S ' Ci "Z 
 
 European nations, as they undoubtedly would have done. The resul^o” al 7 'this°wa r 
 nurch a ° r 3 Pen r° d ° f “I", ,went 7 7 *“ S P ain had contract for negroes aid ilbcit 
 
 sTi h n^dr:„! r z s e w b ; k ha P ve I i , 5 een resorted to - SceMe> ia Tra,u Nigriire: 473-495; 
 
 Bonaire or Buen Ayre, a Dutch island not far from Curasao. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 
 in the inclosed letters what goods they can obtain in coming here, 
 taking a sample of each article along to show them, should occasion 
 present, and, at the same time, inform the Biscayan that I have not 
 received any orders to allow negroes to leave the island until payment 
 for them has been made, and that I shall let him have, within four 
 months after date, a fuller and more explicit answer which I hope I 
 
 shall receive from your honors in the meantime. . . . 
 
 I am confident that on these conditions he would give at least two 
 hundred pieces of eight for a merchantable negro or negress, one 
 
 with another. . . . 4 
 
 J 
 
 31. Vice-Director Beck to the Amsterdam Directors. 1 
 
 [Curaqao, July 28, 1657.] 
 
 Gentlemen, ... As I advised your honors in my last letter, I dis¬ 
 patched the freight-boat to the Biscayan at the appointed and desig¬ 
 nated place—a certain small island near the Main and sent him 
 word on the subject of his proposed trading for negroes, as I had 
 informed your honors more at large in my last. . . . Whereupon he 
 resolved to visit this place in person, in our aforesaid freight-boat. 
 
 He was accomplished by a certain Padre, named Friar Francisco, to 
 purchase a few parcels of merchandize with one or two little negro 
 girls. I also sold to the above named Biscayan a small negro boy 
 with a few goods, for which he had brought with him some hides 
 and tobacco in our aforesaid boat; these are sent herewith as a speci¬ 
 men by the aforesaid ship Voogel Struys, 2 the price of the hides being 
 fifteen shillings each and of the tobacco six pieces of eight the arobe 
 of twenty-five pounds as per invoice, 3 I have sold to the afore- j 
 said Padre Friar Francisco goods to the amount of over four 
 hundred pieces of eight and two little negro girls, all at a fair 
 and reasonable price, in order to encourage and stimulate them to 
 come to these ports to trade, which I think is greatly for the com¬ 
 pany’s interest. Wherefore, I let the Padre have the two little negro 
 girls at one hundred and fifty pieces of eight each, which together 
 amounts to three hundred pieces of eight, and to the aforesaid Bis¬ 
 cayan a little boy at one hundred and twenty pieces of eight. ... 
 
 With regard to the trade in negroes, the aforesaid Biscayan, now 
 here, has given me such explanations and further information on that 
 point, that we can come to no other conclusion than that a goo 
 
 4 If a piece of eight be reckoned at 4 s., this would indicate an extravagantly high 
 price for negroes, £40, in contrast to the £18 for which, shortly afterward, the Company 
 of Royal Adventurers agreed to furnish them to the British islands. 
 
 
 1 
 
 [31] 1 N. Y. Col. MSS., 17:28. 
 
 2 The Ostrich. c 
 
 3 Arroba, a Spanish weight, which varied locally from twenty-five 
 
 to thirty-six 
 
 pounds. 
 
i39 
 
 July, 1657 
 
 and favorable result is to be expected from it. He has communi¬ 
 cated to me the most direct and shortest route, how and in what 
 manner not only one shipload of negroes, but gradually more, with 
 good saleable merchandize besides, could be traded off. Were a 
 ship with necessaries in the harbor here he would be willing, on 
 receiving notice thereof at the appointed place, to come here and 
 enter into such agreement with the company, from which, as he 
 rmly believes, he and the company would derive great advantage. 
 
 The place the negroes should be conveyed to is called Porto Bello 
 the staple place of trade. Permission can be obtained to dispose of 
 
 e cargo freely there on paying one hundred and thirteen pieces of 
 eight for each negro, which is the royalty. But such permission is 
 not given except to persons of their own nation; but it can be obtained 
 under the pretext that they had chartered a Dutch ship and crew to 
 fetch and bring over the negroes, and that the negroes and merchan- 
 dize in the ship are the property of their nation. 
 
 Such is the manner in which the aforesaid Biscayan would contract 
 for and purchase negroes from the company on the following condi¬ 
 tions: lhat he, or his companion, with five or six more of their 
 nation, shall embark at their own expense with the company’s skipper, 
 commissary, crew, and matrosses in the ship lying ready to sail and 
 prosecute with them their voyage to Porto Bello, and after receiving 
 a permit there from the governor, sell the negroes, which they know 
 they can sell immediately after their arrival at such a high price that 
 the out ay of the aforesaid royalty in order to obtain the permit, may 
 be easily repaid. Therefore, they will undertake this themselves, 
 and pay to the company, after safe arrival there, for each negro and 
 negress between eighteen and thirty years of age, two hundred reals 
 or pieces of eight, in silver bars or pieces of eight; further they will 
 be able to obtain there a proper permit to trade then to other places, 
 o load the ship with such cargo and freight as the countries supply 
 and are most profitable to the company. In like manner, the price 
 or the goods being agreed upon and arranged here, the payment 
 there for them shall be made in the same manner as for the negroes, 
 but the risk of the sea and the expenses of the negroes, until they 
 arrive at the above place, must be borne by the company, but when 
 arrived there, they will be responsible for them. For the full per- 
 ormance of the conditions which shall be made with them here on 
 the part of the company, the aforesaid Biscayan offers to stake his 
 life, and even to remain here in person in the fort, or at the option 
 of the company to leave another responsible person here at the risk 
 of his life, if any fraud is or has been intended or designed. And it 
 is further conditioned that the negroes in their minority, as well as old 
 
140 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 and deformed ones, must be disposed of at a special and lower price. 
 On these terms he is resolved, at all times from now henceforth, when¬ 
 ever a ship with negroes will be ready here, at the time and place 
 to be named where advice is to be sent him, to come hither and wit 
 God’s merciful help faithfully to perform whatever is above- 
 
 mentioned. 
 
 The other plan or proposal mentioned in my last, to run the negioes 
 in at the north side of Cuba, is not, he says, so feasible as this. 
 
 32. Vice-Director Beck to Director Stuyvesant. 1 
 
 [CuRAgAO, August, 1659.] 
 
 Honorable, Valiant, Wise, Prudent and most Discreet Sir. 
 
 Sir , I now transmit to your honor duplicates of what I have already 
 sent by the galiot Nieuw Amstel, Skipper Augustinus Heermans, and 
 it will be very agreeable to me if I may be informed by the earliest 
 opportunity of their speedy and safe arrival. I would not forego the 
 present favorable occasion and opportunity of the ship Sphaera 
 Mundi, Jan Pietersen skipper, to acquaint you of the circumstances 
 of this island up to the present time (God be praised!) in regard 
 to the continuation of the trade with our nearest neighbors. Hitherto 
 all current articles of commerce have been sold, no matter how many 
 were imported, especially negroes, the trade in which at this place 
 the company reserves to itself. 
 
 There are lying here at present, practically ready to sail hence 
 directly for the Fatherland, two ships, which keep me so busy that I 
 have not enough time left to write to your honor at length. One is 
 the company’s ship called the Coninck Salomon, 2 which arrived here 
 on the 2d of July from Guinea, with three hundred and thirty-one 
 slaves. Of these I have sold upon delivery 300 at one hundred and 
 fifty pieces of eight each, to a certain Spanish trader whom I am daily 
 expecting to come here and receive them, which I wish may occur 
 before the departure of the aforesaid two ships in order to be able to 
 
 transmit the proceeds to the lords masters. 
 
 Franck Bruyn selected from the aforesaid lot of negroes for your 
 honor, two boys and a girl who go over in this ship. I have done 
 every thing possible to protect them against the cold. I he said 
 Franck Bruyn has also selected two for Commissary Van Brugh, 
 who likewise go by this conveyance on said commissary’s account. 
 Your honor will please to have such payment collected therefor from 
 said Van Brugh for the company, as you will consider just. Com¬ 
 missary Laurens van Ruyven has also purchased two young negroes 
 
 [32] 1 N. Y. Col. MSS., 17: 41. 
 
 2 King Solomon. 
 
^59 i 4 i 
 
 here for account of his brother the secretary of your province, at 
 the same price as the lot sold for here, viz., one hundred and fifty 
 patacoons. I am still in daily expectation of a ship with negroes. I 
 wish they were come, even were they a thousand head. I expect the 
 abovementioned merchant here, as already stated, to take away those 
 
 of the Comnck Salomon. He is well able and will eagerly buy the 
 whole lot at once. 
 
 I have received orders from the lords masters to send your honor 
 against the spring some fifteen or sixteen negroes, whom I could have 
 easily dispatched now, but we have no coarse cloth to clothe them, 
 and aie fearful that they will not be able to endure the winter there. 
 As negroes will be plenty here in future, I thought it best, according to 
 the ordeis of the lords masters, to postpone sending them until the 
 ?Pring, when I shall be sending a young negro girl for Mr. Augustinus 
 Heermans according to his request. Meanwhile, I hope to receive for 
 my instruction your honor’s advice and order as to whether you will 
 require any more negroes than the above, and of what age and in 
 what numbers you wish them sent. . . . 
 
 33. Journal of the Slaver St. Jan . 1 
 
 Journal kept on the ship “St. Jan”, begun on the fourth of March 
 of the year i6$g. 
 
 We weighed anchor, by order of the Hon’ble Director, Tohan 
 Valckenborch, and the Hon’ble Director, Jasper van Heussen, to 
 
 proceed on our voyage to Rio Reael, 2 to trade for slaves for the 
 hon ble company. 
 
 March 8. Saturday . Arrived with our ship before Ardra, 3 to take 
 ' on board the surgeon’s mate and a supply of tamarinds for refresh- 
 ment for the slaves,* sailed again next day on our voyage to Rio 
 Reael. 
 
 1 7' Arrived at Rio Reael in front of a village called Bany, 4 where 
 we found, the company s yacht, named the Vredeff which was sent 
 out to assist us to trade for slaves. 
 
 In April. Nothing was done except to trade for slaves. 
 
 May 6. One of our seamen died; his name was Claes van Diemen, 
 of Durgerdam. 
 
 3 A Spanish coin, about $1.12. 
 
 [33] * N. Y. Col. MSS., 17:43 (a). 
 
 2 The modern Rio del Rey, just east of the Old Calabar River, 
 proceeding from Elmina, on the Gold Coast, to the Slave Coast. 
 
 Arda or Ardra, one of the first settlements on the Slave Coast, 
 extending from the Gold Coast to the Bight of Benin. 
 
 * Bonny, a village near the mouth of the New Calabar River. 
 Peace. 
 
 The St. Jan was 
 a low, open coast 
 
142 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 i 
 
 22. Again weighed anchor and ran out of Rio Reael accompanied 
 by the yacht Vrede ; purchased there two hundred and nineteen head 
 of slaves, men, women, boys, and girls, and set our course for the 
 high land of Ambosius, 6 for the purpose of procuring food there 
 for the slaves, as nothing was to be had at Rio Reael. 
 
 26. Monday. Arrived under the high land of Ambosius to look 
 there for victuals for the slaves, and spent seven days there, but 
 barely obtained enough for the daily consumption of the slaves, so 
 that we resolved to run to Rio Cammerones to see if any food could 
 be had there for the slaves. 
 
 June 5. Thursday. Arrived at the Rio Cammerones 7 and the 
 yacht Vrede went up to look for provisions for the slaves. This day 
 died our cooper, named Pieter Claessen, of Amsterdam. 
 
 29. Sunday. Again resolved to proceed on our voyage, as there 
 also but little food was to be had for the slaves in consequence of 
 the great rains which fell every day, and because many of the slaves 
 were suffering from the bloody flux in consequence of the bad pro¬ 
 visions we were supplied "with at El Mina, amongst which were many 
 
 barrels of groats, 8 wholly unfit for use. 
 
 We then turned over to Adriaen Blaes, the skipper, one hundred 
 and ninety five slaves, consisting of eighty one men, one hundred 
 and five women, six boys, and three girls for which bills of lading 
 were signed and sent, one by the yacht Vrede to El Mina with an 
 account of, and receipts for, remaining merchandise. 
 
 July 25. Arrived at Cabo de Loop de Consalvo 10 for water and 
 
 wood. # 
 
 27. Our surgeon, named Martyn de Lanoy, died of the bloody 
 
 flux. n 
 
 Aug. 10. Arrived the company’s ship, named Swartem Arent, 
 
 from Castle St. George d’el Mina, bound for Patria. 
 
 jj. Again resolved to pursue our voyage towards the island of 
 Annebo, 12 in order to purchase there some refreshments for the slaves, 
 
 • The high land of Ambosius is southeast of the Rio del Rey, north of the mouth 
 
 of the Kamerun River. . r 
 
 7 The Kamerun River is southeast of Calabar, near the curve of the Bight ot 
 
 Biafra. 
 
 8 Hulled or crushed grain, either oats, wheat, barley, or corn. # 
 e Elmina had been acquired by the Dutch in 1637 and since that time had been 
 their headquarters on the coast. For a period somewhat later than ' this, descriptions 
 of the castle of Elmina abound, all describing it as the strongest and handsomest fort 
 upon the coast. It had about one hundred white men and fifty cannon. Astley, Voyages, 
 II. 589-590. The term Gold Coast is a more or less flexible one, but it may be con¬ 
 sidered to include the coast line from Axim, west of Cape Three Points, to the River 
 
 10 The name of this cape, more commonly spelled Cape Lopez de Gongalvez, later 
 becomes simply Cape Lopez. Just south of the equator, it was regarded as t e sout ern 
 
 limit of the Bight. 
 
 11 Black Eagle. 
 
 12 Annobon, south of Sao Thome. 
 
143 
 
 *659 
 
 We have lain sixteen days at Cabo de Loop hauling water and wood. 
 Among the water barrels, more than forty had fallen to pieces and 
 were unfit to be used, as our cooper died at Rio Cammerones, and 
 we had no other person capable of repairing them. 
 
 Aug. 13. Arrived at the island Annebo, where we purchased for 
 the slaves one hundred half tierces of beans, twelve hogs, five thousand 
 cocoanuts, five thousand sweet oranges, besides some other stores. 
 
 * 7 • Again hoisted sail to prosecute our voyage to the island of 
 Curagao. 
 
 Sept. 21. The skipper called the ships officers aft, and resohed 
 to run for the island of Tobago and to procure water there; other¬ 
 wise we should have perished for want of water, as many of our 
 water casks had leaked dry. 
 
 24. Friday. Arrived at the island of Tobago and hauled water 
 there, also purchased some bread, as our hands had had no ration 
 for three weeks. 
 
 2j. Again set sail on our voyage to the island of Curacao, as 
 before. 
 
 i Nov ' 7 * Lost our ship on the Reef of Rocus, 13 and all hands 
 immediately took to the boat, as there was no prospect of saving 
 
 the slaves, for we must abandon the ship in consequence of the heavy 
 surf. 
 
 4. Arrived with the boat at the island of Curasao; the Hon’ble 
 Governor Beck ordered two sloops to take the slaves off the wreck, 
 
 one of which sloops with eighty four slaves on board, was captured 
 by a privateer. 
 
 List of the Slaves who died on hoard the Ship “St. Jan )} from 30th 
 June to 2Qth October in the year 1659 . 14 
 
 [1659] 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 15 
 
 June 30. 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 July 1. 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 . 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 . 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 6. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 7 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 8. 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 9 . 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 10. 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 12. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 13 Los Roques, southeast of Curacao, almost directly north of Caracas 
 “N. Y. Col. MSS., 17:43 (b). 
 
 “The Dutch text says Jongens (boys), but the note at the end of this table make* 
 it clear that both sexes are included. 
 
144 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 [List —continued:] 
 
 [1659] 
 
 Men. 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 13.- 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 14. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 16. 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 17. 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 18. 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 19.~ 
 
 X 
 
 3 
 
 
 20. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 21. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 23 . 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 24 . 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 
 25 . 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 26. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 28. 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 29 .. 
 
 * 
 
 2 
 
 
 Aug. 2. 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 3 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 6. 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 8. 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 9 .-. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 11. . 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 16. 
 
 1 man leaped 
 
 
 
 
 overboard 
 
 
 
 18. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 20. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 22.. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 23. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 24. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 29. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 i.. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 Sept. 3. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 6. 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 7 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 8. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 13 . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 14 . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 16 .-. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 19 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 23 . 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 24 . 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 26 . 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Oct, T . 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 3 . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 4 . - . 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 IO . 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 12 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 13. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 19. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 23. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 29. -. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 59 Men 
 
 47 Women 
 
 4 Children 
 
I 
 
 16 59 145 
 
 P n the first of November, two hours before day, have we lost the 
 ship St* Jan, upon the reef of Rocus and fled with the boat to 
 the island of Curasao, and left in the ship eighty-five slaves, including 
 
 men, women, boys and girls, and arrived on the fourth of this month 
 at Curagao. 
 
 34. Deposition of Adriaen Blaes, 1659. 1 
 
 Appeared Adriaen Blaes van der Veer, and says, that he was com¬ 
 manded by Johan Valckenburch, general of El Mina and the Gold 
 Coast, on the 4th of March last to sail as skipper of the ship St. Jan 
 from the roadstead of the Castle del Mina aforesaid, with commis- 
 sary Johan Froon and the accompanying crew or sailors, in the com¬ 
 pany s service, to the Calabari or Rio Real, there to trade for slaves 
 and to proceed with them, by order of the aforesaid general, to this 
 place. In obedience to these orders, two hundred and nineteen slaves, 
 big and little, were actually traded and purchased, wherewith we sailed 
 in order to prosecute our voyage and carry out our instructions. Not 
 obtaining at the Calabari such sufficiency of provisions as this voy¬ 
 age demanded, for the sustenance of the aforesaid slaves, we resolved 
 to go to the highland of Ambosius where we were unable to procure 
 any provisions, as was our desire. We therefore went to the River 
 Camerones, where we obtained a few articles, but not as much as 
 we wanted. Nevertheless, we pursued our voyage towards Capo de 
 Lopo Gonsalves, at which place we took in wood and water, and 
 thence stood across although experiencing great misery and want of 
 food, to Anabo, where we got some provisions and went on our voy¬ 
 age and made land in the month of October last at the island of 
 Tobago, the greater portion of the slaves having died from want and 
 sickness, in consequence of such a very long voyage, so that we saved 
 only ninety slaves, out of the whole cargo. Having taken in water 
 and a few refreshments from the surrounding islands, we set sail 
 from there, passing around the islands, and after we fixed our course 
 on the first instant, west by south, we ran ashore, two hours before 
 day, on one of the reefs of Rocus, on the north east side of the island. 
 At day break, perceiving our danger, we saved ourselves with all 
 the crew in the boat, leaving the negroes in the ship, taking our 
 course to this place, in order to inform the Hon’ble Director M. 
 Beck of our misfortune. After we had left some of the men at 
 Bonayre, because the boat was too heavily laden with the crew, we 
 arrived here on the fourth instant. Having reported ourselves to 
 the aforesaid Hon’ble Director, he dispatched me with the above 
 boat to Aruba, 2 whither the company’s vessels had sailed, the day 
 
 [34] * N. Y. Col. MSS., 17: 52. 
 
 Oruba, a Dutch island just northwest of Curacao. 
 
146 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 before, on the company’s business, with orders to proceed in said 
 vessels with five of my men, and Jan van Gaelen, the company’s ser¬ 
 vant. Arriving there on the following day, we went over in the 
 company’s vessel, whereof Hans Marcussen Stuyve was skipper, 
 with Jan van Gaelen, and two of my crew, and the other three of my 
 men in the bark, called the Jonge Bontecoe, 3 of which Jan Ryckertsen 
 was skipper, all in the service of the company. 
 
 We pursued our voyage without any mishap, pursuant to the orders 
 we had received from the aforesaid hon’ble director to this place, and 
 so on to Rocus, to save the aforesaid slaves and ship’s property, and 
 having sailed on the evening of the seventh after remaining half an 
 hour here, we arrived in the afternoon of the following day off 
 Bonayre where we met an English privateer, 4 who having the wind , 
 of us, overtook us and compelling us to strike and to send off a boat, 
 the aforesaid Jan van Gaelen went on board him, who told him, 
 we came from Curasao and were going to Bonayre. Thereupon, the 
 said privateer dispatched in our boat, in which Jan van Gaelen whom 
 he detained had gone to his ship, on board our vessel a party of his 
 men to search for pieces of eight which, they said, we had. Then 
 not finding any, as we had none, they forced us to run with them up 
 the roadstead of Bonayre, where we arrived about two hours before 
 the privateer. Some of my men who were on shore, not knowing 
 anything of these proceedings, called out, If I were on board? The 
 privateer’s men taking up the word before me, asked, “Who?” 
 Thereupon they answered, “The skipper of the ship wrecked at 
 Rocus”, adding, Had we been to the slaves, or were we going to 
 save them? The privateers answered that they were going to save 
 them; manifesting great joy thereat, saying, when the privateer cast 
 anchor, “Captain, we have a good Prize”. Thereupon they forced 
 the deponent to go on board the rover which was a small frigate, 
 carrying four guns, and about thirty men, whereof Jan Pietersen, 
 a native of Denmark, was captain. This vessel was called the Casteel 
 Ferget. 5 Coming on board, the captain enquired how many negroes 
 he had left on his ship? Deponent answered, “over eighty”. When 
 he heard that, he sent the vessel in which the deponent came, belong¬ 
 ing to the company, to Little Curacao, to bring his lieutenant and 
 some of his men, who were lying there in a periauger, which they 
 had taken from the Spaniards, to watch the company’s vessels. Mean¬ 
 while this deponent remained on board the rover, and they returning 
 to us in the roadstead of Bonayre, the rover permitted this deponent 
 
 I 
 
 8 The Young Brindled Cow. 
 
 * Caper, hereafter translated rover, a term sometimes used to designate pirates 
 rather than the slightly more law-abiding privateers. 
 
 B The Castle Frigate. 
 
147 
 
 1 & 59 
 
 to go back to the bark, on board of which still were, Skipper Hans 
 Marcussen aforesaid, with one of his hands, who had been com¬ 
 pelled to go to Little Curagao to fetch his aforesaid lieutenant and 
 men. 1 o this vessel I came, as stated, from the aforesaid rover with 
 two of my crew, being then in all five servants of the company on 
 said company s vessel. The captain of the rover having then placed 
 his lieutenant and pilot, with some of his hands, on board the bark, 
 we set sail under compulsion, leaving Jan van Gaelen aforesaid and 
 some of our men behind, whom the rover retained by force on board 
 his ship, not heeding any protests or requests as free men, which 
 they themselves admitted us to be, having cognizance of the commis¬ 
 sion granted by the hon’ble director to the aforesaid Hans Marcus¬ 
 sen Stuyve, as skipper of the aforesaid company’s vessel, and that 
 therefore, they used force and violence towards us who were not 
 in any manner in their service, but indeed in that of the company, 
 to whom alone we owed obedience, and that for the purpose of exe¬ 
 cuting the orders of the hon’ble director, to which end and to no 
 other were we sent out. All this notwithstanding, we were compelled 
 to accompany the aforesaid rover who set sail at the same time, 
 taking his course towards the main land of Caraccas where he drove 
 on shore a Spanish ship mounting six guns, and with our bark, in 
 our presence and before deponent s face, drove a Spanish periauger 
 ashore. Thence they forced us to cross over with the rover and cast 
 anchor under Little David’s Island, and having put more people in 
 our bark, until they numbered in all fourteen men, whilst he remained 
 there at anchor, we set sail for Rocus. 
 
 : On arriving at that place, we found the other of the company’s 
 
 3 vessels, named the Jonge Bontecoe, whereof Jan Ryckertsen afore- 
 f sa id was skipper, with three of my men on board, who had gone over 
 to him at Aruba, out of my aforesaid boat. They went thither, as 
 already stated, by command of the aforesaid Hon’ble Director, also 
 with orders and to no other intent than to save the aforesaid slaves 
 etc., and had lain there four days and had so far succeeded as to pass 
 a line on board my ship, two of the negroes coming on board swim¬ 
 ming. . The aforesaid line breaking loose, and finding themselves too 
 weak in consequence of the strong wind, the men resolved to wait 
 our arrival, having been informed of our approach, so as, when thus 
 reinforced and when the weather would moderate, to save with our 
 sloops or boats the aforesaid remaining slaves etc. from my ship 
 which also belonged to the company. Then they, the rover’s men, 
 who were on board our bark, supposing that the aforesaid skipper 
 Jan Ryckertsen with his crew and my three men had saved all, coming 
 near to them went on board with our bark, according to the orders 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 148 
 
 they had to that effect from their captain, who had been informed of 
 the departure of the aforesaid company’s bark for the same 
 purpose for which we were sent out, by a Frieslander named 
 Jacob Petersen from Belcom, a sailor in the company s service, 
 under Skipper Hans Marcussen Stuyve, who had voluntarily deserted 
 to them on the same day that we came on board the rover. Which 
 [orders] were to board them, and in case they had saved the slaves 
 etc. to seize and forcibly remove them. They accordingly did attack 
 them in a hostile manner in the presence of the deponent and the 
 other four of the company’s servants who could not refrain from 
 pointing out the injustice which was being done to them. Finding 
 that no more than the two aforesaid slaves had been saved, they took 
 away perforce our boat together with Jan Ryckertsen s boat, all 
 belonging to the company as appurtenances of the aforesaid vessels, 
 and with them, the weather moderating somewhat, removed the 
 slaves from my ship, making use for that purpose of one of my sailors 
 named Martin Michielsen van Hulst, who was on board Jan Ryck- 
 ertsen’s bark aforesaid. By his assistance, for the negroes knew him 
 and called him by name, the aforesaid Jan Ryckertsen got the line 
 on board, and went over together with one of the rovers at which 
 time all the slaves etc. were still on board. Then came also swim¬ 
 ming on board the lieutenant of the rover with two of his men, who 
 then being four in number brought back on board a rope for the com¬ 
 pany’s vessel by which they let all the negroes who were capable of 1 
 swimming, swim off to the reef, whilst they brought those who could 
 not swim in one of the boats belonging to the aforesaid vessels to 
 the same reef, and having meanwhile made the other boat dry inside 
 the reef, they brought in her on board the aforesaid Jan Ryckertsen s 
 bark eighty two slaves and two sucklings. And this deponent hav¬ 
 ing, before they removed any of the slaves, requested of the lieu¬ 
 tenant and his men belonging to the rover, permission to go with his 
 aforesaid sailor, he was unwilling to grant it until some of the slaves 
 had been removed out of the ship, so that when this deponent went on 
 board his ship there remained on board no more than about thirty. 
 slaves. After all the negroes had been removed from his ship, this 
 deponent was also brought to Jan Ryckertsen s bark, with the instruc¬ 
 tions which General Johan Valckenburch aforesaid had given him, 
 together with all the papers and accounts of the said commissary, 
 relating to his cargo and trading, done pursuant to the company’s 
 orders. Then the deponent was conveyed by them with the afore¬ 
 said bark and negroes, to David’s Island, where the rover lay at 
 anchor waiting for us, leaving behind them the vessel whereof Hans 
 Marcussen Stuyve aforesaid is skipper, to save two negroes whom, 
 the deponent had left on board when he quit the ship. That vessel 
 
i66o 
 
 149 
 
 joined us the next day at said David’s Island, bringing along the two 
 aforesaid slaves, some kettles, rope and about 70 pounds of ele¬ 
 phants tusks, also some flags, compasses, and other articles. The 
 rover having removed the slaves and everything else out of the com¬ 
 pany s vessels, took from the deponent the instructions given him by 
 the general, with all the commissary’s papers, notwithstanding the 
 
 !Tf S , t , S , at ! "T 6818 , t0 the contrar y- giving the deponent for answer, 
 that all belonged to him. He moreover commanded them to remain 
 
 y Untl l i 16 had hauled wood and water, and afterwards took 
 sand Hans Marcussen Stuyve’s vessel, saying he needed her He 
 made the deponent remain on board Jan Ryckertsen’s bark, com¬ 
 pelling him to make room for said Hans Marcussen Stuyve with all 
 his crew and some of the deponent’s men. Then he ordered them 
 not to sail for this place until he had taken his departure, which was 
 on the 23d instant, steering his course towards the Main. And this 
 deponent with his crew, and that of the company’s bark, took their 
 course with the aforesaid Jan Ryckertsen’s bark, to this place where 
 they arrived in safety on the 25th instant. 
 
 This he^ declares to be the truth, and to have thus occurred, and 
 will it need be confirm the same on oath, in presence of Mr. Ghysbert 
 de Rosa and Pieter de Leeuw, witnesses hereunto invited. Curacao 
 in fort Amsterdam the 27th November A° 1659. 
 
 Adriaen Blaes 
 
 Witnesses, 
 
 Ghysbert de Rosa 
 Peter de Leeuw 
 
 In my presence Nicolaes Haek, Secretary. 
 
 35. Receipt of Pedro Diez Troxxilla for Slaves, 1660. 1 
 
 I, underwritten, hereby acknowledge to have received from the 
 Hon’ble Matthias Beck, governor over the Curagao Islands, sixty 
 two slaves, old and young, in fulfillment and performance of the con¬ 
 tract concluded on the 26th June, A’o 1659, by Messrs. Hector 
 Pieters and Guilliaume Momma, with the Lords Directors at the 
 Chamber at Amsterdam; and as the negroes by the ship Coninck 
 Salomon were disposed of, long before the arrival of the undersigned, 
 ana the ship Eyckenboom , 2 mentioned in the aforesaid contract, has 
 not arrived at this date, the said governor has accommodated me, the 
 undersigned, to the best of his ability with the abovementioned sixty 
 two slaves, and on account of the old and young which are among the 
 aforesaid negroes, has allowed a deduction of two negroes, so that 
 
 [35] 1 N. Y. Col. MSS., 17: 57. 
 
 2 Oak Tree. 
 
150 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 there remain sixty head in the clear, for which I, the undersigned, have 
 here according to contract paid to the governor aforesaid for forty six 
 head, at one hundred and twenty pieces of eight, amounting to five 
 thousand five hundred and twenty pieces of eight. Wherefore, four¬ 
 teen negroes remain still to be paid for, according to contract in 
 Holland by Messrs. Hector Pieters and Guillaume Momma in Am¬ 
 sterdam, to Messrs, the directors aforesaid, on presentation of this my 
 receipt, to which end three of the same tenor are executed and signed 
 in the presence of two undersigned trustworthy witnesses, whereof the 
 one being satisfied the others are to be void. Curacao in Fort Amster¬ 
 dam, the i ith January, A’o 1660. It being understood that the above 
 fourteen negroes, to be paid for in Amsterdam, shall not be charged 
 higher than according to contract at two hundred and eighty guilders 
 each, amounting together to three thousand nine hundred and twenty 
 Carolus guilders. Dated as above. 
 
 Pedro Diez Troxxilla, 
 
 Witnesses, Evert Jansen. 
 
 Nicolaes Haeck, 
 
 L. V. Ruyven. 
 
 36. Vice-Director Beck to the Directors of the 
 
 West India Company. 1 
 
 [Curasao, February 4, 1660.] 
 
 Noble, Honorable, Respected, Wise, Prudent and most 
 Discreet Gentlemen, 
 
 Gentlemen, My last to your honors, dated 5 January, as per copy 
 enclosed, was by the ship Gideon, skipper Simon Cornelissen Gilde, 
 
 by way of the Caribbean Islands. . . . 
 
 You will learn from my last letters, and from the annexed papers 
 sent again herewith, the fate of the ship St. Jan, which was due here 
 from Guinea with negroes, and which according to your honors 
 orders was to replace the aforesaid ship Diemen here. What causes 
 us most grief here is, that your honors have thereby lost such a fine 
 lot of negroes and such a fast sailing bark which has been our right 
 
 arm here. 
 
 Although I have strained every nerve to overtake the robbers or 
 the negroes and bark, as stated in my last, yet have I not been as 
 successful as I wished. I shall communicate the particulars to your 
 honors, God willing, by the ship St. Joris , 2 which is about to sail 
 
 [36] *N. Y. Cal. MSS., 17: 57. The government of the West India Company was 
 vested in a board of nineteen, of whom eighteen were representatives of the ve 
 chambers, one was named by the States General. The charter of the company outline 
 its organization in detail. Van Laer, Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS., pp. 87-121, esp. pp. 
 95-97,101. 
 
 St. George. 
 
February } 1660 ■ 
 
 direct from hence this month. If no remedy can be found to prevent 
 such robberies and villainous crimes as the carrying away of the 
 company s slaves and bark, and no prosecution and redress follow, 
 t ey will not only persist therein, but even strike terror into the 
 Spanish merchants who come here to trade. 
 
 We regret exceedingly that such rovers should have been the cause 
 
 u-ur succes 1 s t ^ ie zea l we f ee l to attract the Spanish traders 
 hither for your honors’ benefit, by previous notices and otherwise, for 
 the augmentation of commerce and the sale of the negroes which 
 
 are to come here more and more in your honors’ ships and for your 
 account. ... 
 
 I have witnessed with pleasure your honors’ diligence in providing 
 us her e from time to time with negroes. That will be the only bait to 
 allure hither the Spanish nation, as well from the Main as from other 
 parts, to carry on trade of any importance. But the more subtly and 
 
 quietly the trade to and on this island can be carried on, the better 
 will it be for this place and yours. . . . 
 
 Inasmuch as Mr. Gliysbert de Rosa and I have been authorized by 
 1 he private persons interested in the ship Hoop 3 to apply to the 
 governor of the Havana, by whom we understand the rover has been 
 arrested, and to that end have received from them such papers, 
 letters, and proofs as may serve for the recovery of said ship and 
 cargo, nevertheless up to this time have we had no opportunity to 
 effect the work according to our good inclination, except that Mr. 
 Gysbert de Roosa has recently sent his yacht, the Jongen St. Paaulo * 
 with a cargo to St. Jago de Cuba, by which we wrote conjointly a 
 letter to the governor at Havana (a copy of which is inclosed)' to 
 be sent overland from Cuba, to give said governor some preliminary 
 advice, until a more favorable opportunity shall present itself to 
 carry out your honors’ intentions and those of the private friends 
 
 who are interested, whereof your honors shall later be punctually 
 informed. 
 
 I only now 1 eceived the contract entered into by your honors with 
 Messrs. Hector Pietersen and Guilliaume Momma, by the ships 
 Gideon and Liefde, after the negroes that had come by the ship 
 Coninck Salomon had all been sold, and although the ship Eycken- 
 boom has not yet arrived, two Spanish vessels with a yacht from Cadiz 
 have cast anchor in this port on the 2 January. They are come pur¬ 
 suant to express orders exhibited to me by the captain of the afore¬ 
 said vessel Pedro Sorilbo by name, and Skipper Evert Jansen, for 
 the purpose of taking away those negroes, according to contract; and 
 they gave me to understand, that in case they should leave here with¬ 
 out negroes, the whole object of their voyage would be thereby frus- 
 
 3 The Hope. 
 
 4 The Young St. Paul. 
 
1 5 2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 trated, and they should in consequence suffer excessive damages. I 
 found myself, therefore, obliged to solicit as well the freemen as the 
 company’s servants, to loan from their plantations to the company as 
 many negroes as they could possibly spare, under the promise that 
 good stout negroes should be returned in their stead, out of the first 
 lot which would come for the company. In this way, what with the 
 Cape Verde negroes, and those of the company and of private indi¬ 
 viduals, I have collected together with great trouble sixty-two head. 
 As there were among them some old and some young, two were 
 deducted for them, as appears by the original receipt transmitted 
 herewith. They have accordingly paid me here for forty-six head, 
 as per contract, at one hundred and twenty pieces of eight, amounting 
 to five thousand five hundred and twenty pieces of eight, leaving four¬ 
 teen head of negroes, for which the aforesaid Messrs. Hector Pieter- 
 sen and Guillaume Momma are to pay your honors in Holland, as is 
 more fully set forth in the receipt to which for brevity sake I 
 refer. . . . 
 
 The aforesaid captain, highly gratified and contented, sailed from 
 here with his aforesaid two ships on the 15th January for Porto 
 Bello, as he informed me. . . . 
 
 I received by the ship Gideon f from Cape Verde only twenty eight 
 slaves, old and young, as appears by the receipt delivered to the 
 skipper. In consequence of their condition and age, they are not 
 worth so much on the average as the negroes lately brought by the 
 Coninck Salomon. But I have since been informed that if an effort 
 were made a handsome lot of negroes could be imported from that 
 place^ who would bring a proportionately higher price. . . . 
 
 The Spaniards seeing that we are so weak, can get up one pre- 
 t6xt~or another, especially those who come from Spain, who look 
 on this trade with a jealous eye. For some merchants who arrived in 
 this port with the aforesaid two ships have, as I am informed, 
 alleged here to one and another, that the trade which we carry on 
 here with the Spanish nation on the coast or elsewhere would not be 
 permitted in Spain, and such a prohibition would be issued that no 
 Spaniard belonging to any place would dare to come hither for the 
 purpose of trade. On the other hand, I have understood from the 
 captain himself that they are confident the trade here will flourish 
 more and more, and he hoped that his ship, the St. Catalina } would 
 return here in four months with three to four thousand pieces of eight 
 to invest in negroes and merchandise. This was confirmed to me by 
 the Dutch skipper Evert Jansen, in case they arrive safe at Porto 
 Bello. The Spanish frigates which have been previously here, and 
 trade to New Spain, have also told me the same thing, and said that 
 
February f 1661 
 
 *53 
 
 y came yearly from New Spam up to Caracas, with considerable 
 cas to trade there for cocoa and merchandises, and that they then 
 would seek a pretext to touch, on their way from Caracas, here to 
 purchase negroes and stock goods. 
 
 37 - The Case of the Martyn van Russen} 
 
 C . . ^ February, 1661. 
 
 the e M^r mUS Dom ' nus "°ster Rex contra navem quandam vocatam 
 he Martyn van Russen de Middleburrough in Zealand cuius 
 
 E?hi n oD r e d s US n J ° hnSOn f p U,t ,! Vlag J Ster ejuSque a PP arat «s ct accessiones^t 
 Ethiopes pecumam R.allos de octo et alia bona in dicta navi per 
 
 navem the Dyamond Friggot cujus Richard Whiteing fuit capitaneus 
 
 ar C ontra P d?c P t e mense Februarii 1661 aut eo circiter seizitam 
 
 ac contra dictum Leonardum Johnson in specie ac omnes etc. . . • 
 
 Pnr fmV T r h h at Sh ° rt 7 makein S or enacteing the said Act of 
 
 ” f ’ j he sa me was pubhckely made knowne and proclaymed In 
 this kingdome of England, and all Merch’ts Both natives and For- 
 reigners did take notice thereof, and the same was sent into all 
 orreign partes and more especially into Holland and Zealand, or 
 e effect thereof was made knowne to or imparted unto the Mer- 
 c j s ‘here by their correspondents and Factors resident in England, 
 and that the Master of the said shippe the Martyn Van Russen, and 
 er owners or some of them did know of the passeing and publishing 
 
 Shinle rh d m* ^ ^ ‘ T* the comein S forth of the said 
 
 shippe the Martyn Van Russen from [blank]* upon this her last 
 
 Voyage, wherein she brought Negroes to the Island of Jamaica, 4 and 
 
 at the said shippe the Martyn Van Russen came out of the said 
 
 Fort of or some other Port belonging to the States Generali 
 
 ot the United provinces since the first day of the moneth of Novem- 
 
 Th i7 }t R ' Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files file its no mo nt o 
 ^ Jt yn ,? an Ru . ,sen . <°t Rosen) was a Dutch vessel of about’300 tons’ Thisattenm 
 establfrr nav,ga “ 0n aCt may have been P rom P ted by the Guinea clmpanyTusI 
 
 shinning ^ uotat ! on . {ro ™ th e act of Parliament for encouraging and increasing: of 
 2^o) P If will n K avigatl ° n , ls , here u ? mitted : 12 Car. II., c. 18 {Statutes of the Realm, V 246- 
 tion intn H -?V eCa ed t - hat thl e S act ’ the s °- calIed first navigation act, forbade importa- 
 vessels afte/lDec ° f "T co ^ m / )diti f in foreign-owned or foreign-built 
 
 violation 6f this act S ' the Martyn Russen was tradin S in 
 
 3 Middelburg. 
 
 Jamaica, captured by an expedition sent out bv Cromwell in ifirr 
 
 the en E " X u y h earS “ the ha " d I ° f *« E "g>-b. Under J Spanish rule whc’h /receded 
 the English capture it had been the centre of the illicit trade nf Hip preceaea 
 
 Z\t' y ^ d 3 tr3de in negr ° es - Edward Long (His,orf of I 3*75) ^es 
 
 an evn 1658 ^ ere We - re 1400 negr . oes on the island in a population of 5900. ThLmav be 
 an exaggeration, as in 1661 the island had but 514 {Cal. St. P Col ^ \ C 
 
 hortly after Jamaica’s capture, the inhabitants sent to Cromwell a request to be’-HI 5 h 
 a direct trade with Africa for negroes but there is nTevidence tha ir 
 attention. Harlow, History of Barbados, p. 303, n. 1. Ce that ,t received 
 
154 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ber 1660 at Least wise the said shippe the Martyn Van Russen hei 
 M’r and Company or some of them had notice of the said Act in some 
 Forreign parte before her comeing unto Jemaica, Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 Item that in or about the moneth of February In the yeare of our 
 Lord God 1661 the said shippe the Martyn Van Russen did arrive 
 at the said Island of Jamaica with severall Negroes in her, And 
 did there send ashoar severall of the said Negroes, and sell them 
 in the said Island, and Received severall summes of mony for them, 
 and did trade and traffique in the said Island, and that the said ship 
 the Martyn Van Russen was and is a Dutch Built shippe, and dot 
 belong unto Dutch-men, Subjects of the States Generali of the United 
 Provinces and That she was sayled, was [with] a Dutch M r and 
 
 Item That By reason of the premises the said shippe the Martyn 
 Van Russen and the Negroes and mony seized m her and her ladeing 
 were seized by the Captains officers and marriners of his Majestyes 
 shippe the Dyamond, And That by reason of such her adeing con¬ 
 trary to the foresaid Act of Parli’ment, The Shippe, Tackle and furni¬ 
 ture, moneys, and Negroes seized in her ought to bee condemned and 
 adjudged unto his Ma’tye as goods forfeited and confiscated by 
 vertue of the said Act, Ac ponit ut supra. 
 
 Item Quod praemissa etc. 5 
 
 38. Petition of John Knight, Thomas Knight, and Company. 1 
 
 Whitehall, ii April [1662]. 
 
 The humble petition of John Knights, Thomas Knights, and Com¬ 
 pany late Owners of the ship called the Daniell whereof Henry Oakes 
 
 3 Endorsed: “Martin van Russen. Dominus Rex contra eandem et Leonard urn 
 T , . 1; Allpo-atio Cheeke” Various questions arose in connection with this 
 
 txtmblesome Vessel,^om^of them illustrating th’e difficulties incident to administering 
 
 negroes and money on board and sent the vessel away.£rize monef due 
 
 ii. r ra’T.rsr: 
 
 which were greatly needed on the island, and on their refusal he angrily announced that 
 hewouTd^ buy them a{i. Whiting seized the vessel but the fovemor held the negroes 
 and sold forty to “Major John Coape, a Quaker and ancient rebel^^and the^ restate ^ 
 Spanish vessel to which he gave a safe conduct. o 
 
 an TtSj t? Ae,sT n c'c Wh i e 3 zS- 3 ro aS Thefet o^he African companies of the Restoration 
 had’S the rime' oi the D^J^l been established, but it is not possible to ma e 
 certain how many of the vessels bound for Guinea in the years 1660-1663 sailed under 
 the aegis of the new company and how many were private ventures. 
 
155 
 
 April, 1662 
 
 was aster was this day read at the Boord, 2 wherein they sett forth, 
 that being the true and lawful Owners of the Ship, about May last 
 
 r a ivt^ *■ le _ same from the Port of London with severall 
 Goods and Merchandizes for their owne Accompt, and did give Order 
 
 to the said Henry Oake the Master to sayle to, or neere the Gold 
 toast at Guinny, and there he safely arrived, and did barter away 
 part of his Ladeing for 82 Negroes, a parcell of Elephants Teeth, and 
 some Gold, and had as much goods left, as would have produced 
 100 Negroes more, and Provisions for them, and the said Oakes was 
 to have sayled with the same from Guinny, to the Barbadoes there 
 to have refreshed his Negroes and soe to have gone to Cadiz in 
 opaine, there to have sould them, but as he was in his lawfull Employ¬ 
 ment, one Jasper Vanhuison Generali for the Dutch West India 
 Company resideing at Guinny first seized his Boate and five of his 
 men, goeing towards Cormantine 3 and carryed them away Prisoners, 
 and some few dales after, a ship of Amsterdam, of which one Aron 
 Couzens was Commander belonging to the Dutch, being mounted 
 with 30 Guns, and the ship Daniell haveing but Four, the said shipp 
 of Amsterdam ... tooke her and all the Goods and Negroes, strip¬ 
 ping and plundnng the Company, and carried the said shipp and 
 Goods to the said Jasper Vanhuisen at Castle de Maine, 4 . . . And 
 had not the said Dutch soe interrupted the Petitioners Trade the said 
 Negroes would have yielded 7000 sterling. The shipp cost 800 
 and the Gold Elephants Teeth, and other Goods were worth neere 
 
 * 00 ° f u >. he P eti „ tloners ha Y e ca used their proofes to be made in 
 e riigh Court of Admiraltie and have summoned the Dutch by a 
 publique Edict, upon the Exchange, and procured legall notice by 
 Letters to be given to their Ambassador and have done all that the 
 aw requireth on their part. The Boord haveing taken the per- 
 ticulers into consideration It was this day ordered his Majestie present 
 in Councell that Mr. Secretary Nicholas and Mr. Secretary Morice, 5 
 or one of them, should make the Case of the Petitioners to be one 
 of those they putt upon the English demands, and also that the 
 Petition be sent over recomended to Sir George Downing his 
 
 , . That is, the Privy Council. After the Restoration, affairs relating to trade and the 
 
 and° n p? a „ 7 T handl l d by the r P c rivy CoUncil - usuaMy through its Committee for Trade 
 nd PJantationis, or by one of the two councils, the Council for Trade and the Council 
 
 Tohn nta H° n i • C 'r 7 I; Anc ! rew c s - B , rltlsh Committees, Commissions, and Councils, 
 2 ,6 JS ( Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. XXVI.), pp. 6a, « 7 , 74 ff. 
 
 and a fisJ '" g ‘ Sh h3d . had a trading post at Cormantine on the Gold Coast since 1624, 
 
 theCnmn f "Tp S< ”i l’?" the time ° f the company of 1631. Until the incorporation of 
 the Company of Royal Adventurers this had been the headquarters of the English trade 
 
 TnTk" that C ? mpa " y Cape Coast Cas tle became the centre of the Gold Coasfcommerce’ 
 
 Amsterdam^ ' MS ' ° e Ruyter took Corm t> n tine and there established the Dutch Fort 
 
 ^Elmina. 
 
 Will: B S l r T E - dwa o d NichoIa r s > Secretary of State to Charles I. and Charles II Sir 
 >> dham Morice, Secretary of State 1660 to 1668. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 Majestys Resident at the Hague, 6 to represent the same effectually 
 to the states Generali there. 7 
 
 39. The Company of Royal Adventurers to 
 
 Francis Lord Willoughb y. 1 — ^ 
 
 My Lord , The Royal Company being very sensible how necessary 
 it is that the English Plantations in America should have a competent 
 and a constant supply of Negro-servants for their own use of Plant¬ 
 ing, and that at a moderate Rate, have already sent abroad,.and 
 
 shall within eight days dispatch so many Ships for the Coast of ^ 
 Africa as shall by Gods permission furnish the said Plantations'“Withr^ 
 at least 3000 Negroes, and will proceed from time to time to pro¬ 
 vide them a constant and sufficient succession of them, so as the 
 Planter shall have no just cause to complain of any Want: And for 
 the Price, and terms of Payment, they have for the present resolved, 
 to order all their Servants and Factors not to sell any Negroes highei 
 than is expressed in this following Resolve. 
 
 Resolved, That Orders be given to the Factors in the Plantations of the Chari- 
 bee Islands, to sell all Blacks that are found in Lotts 2 (as hath been customary) at 
 
 6 Sir George Downing had been English resident at the Hague almost con¬ 
 tinuously since 1657. For the English demands see no. 43, n. 6, post. , . 
 
 7 The Dutch contention was that the Daniel, which had obtained its cargo at 
 
 Amsterdam, was in reality a Dutch vessel, masquerading as English in order to avoid 
 seizure by the Dutch West India Company as an interloper (Zook, p. 38). 1 his was 
 
 but one of many captures by the Dutch. See no. 43, n. 6, post. 
 
 hoi 1 “The Letter of His Royal Highness the Duke of York, and the rest of the 
 Company of Royal Adventurers! of England trading to Africa: to the Right Honourable 
 Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham, Lieutenant General and Chief Governour in and 
 over all His Majesties Islands, Colonies, and Plantations commonly called theCharibee 
 Islands in America”, The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers 
 trading into Africa (1667), pp. 8-9. For a brief account of this company and that of 
 1660 which it supplanted, see this work, introduction, pp. 85-88; for a more extended 
 account, see G. F. Zook, The Company of Royal Adventurers', for the charters of the 
 companies, see Cecil Carr, Select Charters of Early Trading Companies (Selden Society), 
 pp. 172-181, 186-192. The royal interest in the African companies was an actual 
 financial interest. Of the company of 1660, Carr says only that the king might come 
 into it if he chose {Select Charters, p. xlvi). Pepys writes that he was a member of 
 the company (Wheatley ed., III. 139), and this statement is supported by the fact that 
 on June 29, 1661, a warrant was issued to pay Thomas Holden, treasurer of the com¬ 
 pany £90 for the king’s additional share. Additional sums of £250, £180, £60 are 
 later’ referred to {Cal. St. P. Dorn., 1661-1662, pp. # 22, 25, 250, 314)- After the 
 reorganization a warrant for the remainder of the king’s subscription of £6000, the 
 unpaid amount being £5200, and for £400, the queen’s subscription, was issued {ibid., 
 1663-1664 p. 184). The company later requested from him £7600, due on his shaies 
 (Carr, p. 181., n.). James Duke of York, refers to his investment in the reorganized 
 
 Francis Lord Willoughby had left Barbados on its surrender to the parliamentary 
 forces in 1651, but was reappointed governor in 1663, not only of Barbados but of all 
 the Caribbean Islands, and held office until his death ini July, 1666. . 
 
 2 “In lots”, i.e., good and bad together. This practice, a common one in the 
 West Indies, never prevailed in the continental colonies. Mrs. Aphra Behn, in er 
 novel Oroonoko, or the Royal Slave, published in 1688, describes this method o s ^. e ‘ 
 “Those who want slaves, make a Bargain with a Master, or a Captain of a ship, 
 and contract to pay him so much apiece, a Matter of twenty Pound a Head, for as 
 many as he agrees for, and to pay for ’em when they shall be deliver d on sue a 
 Plantation. So that when there arrives a ship laden with Slaves, they who have so 
 contracted, go aboard, and receive their Number by Lot; and perhaps in one Lot that 
 may be for ten, there may happen to be three or four Men, the rest Women and Children. 
 Or be there more or less of either sex, you are obliged to be contented with your 
 Lot.” Works (1915)) v - 1 33 - 
 
January f 1662/3 
 
 *57 
 
 £ 17 . sterling p. head in Money (ps. of 8/8 Sivil and Mexico at 4 sh.) or Bills 
 Exchange for England with good assurance of payment, or at 2400 /. of well 
 cured Muscovado Sugar 3 in Cask, with express condition, that no Blacks be 
 delivered without present payment in Money, Bills, or Sugar, viewed and 
 
 accepted bv the Factors, or in Cotton or Indico, according to the price currant 
 between them and Sugar. 
 
 And do desire your Lordship, that you will be pleased to communi¬ 
 cate these Resolutions of the Company to your respective Deputies in 
 His Majesties American Dominions under your Lordships Govern¬ 
 ment, and direct them to publish the same within their respective 
 Limits and Jurisdictions, and to gather from the Planters and Inhabi¬ 
 tants, and to transmit to us as soon as they conveniently can, the cer¬ 
 tain number of Negroes which they desire, and will engage to receive 
 yearly from Us on those reasonable Terms proposed, that so we 
 may proportion our Care for them accordingly. 
 
 And further, The Company doth desire your Lordship to order 
 this inclosed Paper of Conditions to be declared by your respective 
 Deputies, in the most usual manner, and to receive such Subscriptions 
 as shall be accordingly made, and to transmit to us Authentique Copies 
 of them by the first Passage that shall present for England, after the 
 time of subscribing is expired. 
 
 By Order of the Royal Company: 
 
 Ellis Leighton, Secret. 
 
 Dated at Whitehall, January io, 1662U3]. 
 
 40. Declaration of the Company of Royal Adventurers of 
 
 England trading to Africa. 1 
 
 To all His Majesties Native Subjects in General: the Publique 
 Declaration and Invitation of the Company of Royal Adventurers of 
 England Trading into Africa. 2 
 
 Whereas the Kings most Excellent Majesty hath seriously con¬ 
 sidered what Profit and Honour did formerly accrew to His good 
 Subjects by the Trade of Africa, while the same was supported, and 
 regulated by the Authority of the Charters granted by His Majesties 
 Royal Predecessors; and His Majesty finding that of late years the 
 Sovereign influence of those Charters hath not had its former good 
 
 Muscovado was unrefined sugar. This is based on sugar at about 14 s. 3 d. per 
 100 lbs. To obtain the money price of the negroes sold in Barbados 1663-1664, Harlow 
 uses 15^. per 100 lbs. as the average value of sugar. History of Barbados, p. 312. 
 
 [40] 1 From The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers of 
 England trading into Africa, pp. 1-4. 
 
 * A similar declaration was issued to “all his Majesty’s subjects resident in any 
 of his Majesty’s Dominions of America”. The Several Declarations of the Comhanv 
 
 PP- 5 - 7 - y> 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 158 
 
 Effects, by reason of the universal intestine Confusion of the Times; 
 by the advantage whereof, other Nations have taken confidence so 
 far to invade and disturb His Majesties Subjects in the said Trade, 
 that it is in danger utterly to be lost to this Nation, and thereby His 
 Majesties Dominions in America in apparent hazard to be rendered 
 useless in their growing Plantations, through want of that usual sup¬ 
 ply of Servants which they have hitherto had from Africa; which 
 mischief cannot be prevented but by His Majesties Re-establishing 
 the said Trade, and erecting a Corporation under the special Pro¬ 
 tection of His Royal Authority, consisting of such persons of Honour 
 and Experience, as may by a considerable Joypt-Stock, and Common 
 Counsel, vigorously assert the Right thereof. 
 
 And His Majesty having to that end been graciously pleased to 
 grant to His Royal Highness the Duke of York, and others, (who 
 have already formed and employed a Joynt-Stock of seventeen thou¬ 
 sand and four hundred pounds) His Letters Patents for the Incor¬ 
 poration and Regulation of the whole Trade of Africa from Cape 
 Blanc to Cape de bona Esperanza: His Royal Highness therefore, 
 and the rest of the Royal Company, desiring to communicate the 
 advantage of the said Trade to all His Majesties Subjects in general, 
 thought fit to give notice, and do hereby give notice, and publish 
 to all His Majesties native Subjects of England; 
 
 That all or any of them that live within the City of London, or 
 twenty miles thereabouts, may at any time before the twentieth day 
 of October next ensuing the date hereof, and those that live in other 
 parts of the Kingdom before the fifth of November following, freely 
 be admitted into the said Corporation and Joynt-Stock, subscribing at 
 least four hundred pounds respectively to be paid to such Treasurers 
 as shall be thereunto appointed; The one half thereof on or before 
 the first of December; the other half on or before the first of March 
 next following . 3 
 
 And to that end a Book shall lie open for the said Subscriptions, 
 during the time aforesaid, at the Insurance-Office in the Royal Ex¬ 
 change in London, every day from Eight to twelve of the clock in 
 the morning; before such Subscriptions, they shall find such equal 
 and indifferent agreements prefixed, as may satisfie all rational per¬ 
 sons, that nothing is designed but Publick Good, and the just Right of 
 every Individual interested. 
 
 By order of the Company of Royal Adventurers into Africa, 
 
 Ellis Leighton, Secret. 
 
 Dated at Whitehall, January 12, i662[/3]. 
 
 8 Those subscribers who resided in America were allowed one month after the 
 publication of the declaration in America. Their subscriptions were to be paid in 
 London, within one year of the date of the declaration, with interest at the rate of six 
 per cent, from the first day of March following the date on which the final payment 
 was to be made by the subscribers resident in England. 
 
l 59 
 
 January t 1662/3 
 
 The Condition for Subscriptions. 
 
 We whose Names aie hereunder written, do hereby promise and 
 engage our selves, to adventure these several sums of Money by us 
 subscribed, to be lmployed (by Gods assistance) in a Joynt-stock in 
 t e ra e o Africa, according to such conditions as is hereafter 
 expressed, and as shall be further thought fit by the generality of 
 Adventurers at any Court hereafter to be holden by them, or the 
 major part of them that shall be present. 
 
 And we do by our said subscriptions, oblige our selves, our Heirs, 
 Executors, and Administrators, to pay to the Treasurer, or Treas- 
 urers of the Company of Royal Adventurers into Africa, or to such 
 as shall be thereunto appointed for this Joynt-stock, the several sums 
 of Money by us hereafter particularly subscribed, according to these 
 dayes prefixed; to wit, the one half thereof on or before the first 
 of December, and the other half on or before the first of March next 
 
 following, or within ten daies at the furthest after each of the said 
 fixed daies of payment. 
 
 Otherwise it shall be free for the Company to exclude us from 
 
 their Society; and notwithstanding such exclusion, to recover the 
 
 Moneys by us subscribed, according to our Obligation, by our sub¬ 
 scription. 
 
 And we jhe. Subscribers do severally further agree, that at the 
 end, or expiration of seven years, to commence from the time of the 
 first payment aforesaid, then by a Committee who shall be chosen 
 by the generality of Adventurers for that purpose, a just and indif¬ 
 ferent valuation shall be made of all the remains of Stock then un¬ 
 divided, whereby any Adventurer that shall please to draw forth his 
 Remains, may be paid the same in money according to that valua¬ 
 tion at three six months time: And it is also agreed, That the like 
 indifferent valuation of all Remains of Stock, as aforesaid, shall 
 be duly, made once in every three years, after the expiration of the 
 aforesaid seven years, and the same liberty as aforesaid, to the 
 Adventurers. 
 
 And we the several Subscribers do severally further agree, That 
 any Adventurer, who shall be present at any General Court, shall 
 vote., and rule in the Government of this Stock and Trade according 
 
 to his Adventure, that is, for every four hundred pounds adventure 
 to have one Vote. 
 
 And we the said several Subscribers do hereby further agree, and 
 engage, our selves, that if at any time during the continuance of this 
 Stock, it shall duly appear that any of us shall use any other Trade 
 to the parts of Africa (contained in the Patent) than in Joynt- 
 stock, or what shall be allowed of by the Committees of the Stock, 
 
i6o 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 that in such case, that person, or persons so trading in a Clandestine 
 manner, contrary to this our intention, he or they shall wholly lose 
 and forfeit all their Stock or Adventure, and the same shall go to 
 use of the rest of the Adventurers in general. 
 
 And we the several Subscribers do hereby further agree, That 
 the management of the whole Trade shall be committed to a com¬ 
 petent number of the Interested, to be Elected by the generality of 
 the Adventurers. 
 
 And that the Committee (so Elected) shall not sell any Goods 
 (whatsoever) that shall be received from beyond the Seas by any 
 particular contract, but publickly by the Candle only. 
 
 And that no Dividend of any profit of the said Stock shall be made 
 
 in Goods, but in money onely. 
 
 By Order of the Company of Royal Adventurers into Africa 
 
 Ellis Leighton, Secret. 
 
 Dated at Whitehall, January 12, 1662[1/3]. 
 
 
 41. Declaration of the Company of Royal Adventurers of 
 
 England trading to Africa. 1 
 
 To all His Majesties Native Subjects of England; The Publick 
 Declaration and Invitation of the Company of Royal Adventurers 
 of England Trading to Africa . 
 
 Whereas His most Excellent Majesty for the Reasons declared 
 in our former publick and general Invitation, hath been graciously 
 pleased to grant his new Letters Patents to His Royal Highness the 
 Duke of York, and others (therein mentioned) for the Government 
 of the Trade of Africa from Sally inclusive, to the Cape de Bona 
 Esperanza, under a Joynt-Stock, and hath enlarged the Powers and 
 Privileges of the said Company; and hath according to his accustomed 
 Royal Universal Care of all his good Subjects, now made it a National 
 Company, under the Name and Title of the Company of Royal 
 
 Adventurers of England trading to Africa. 
 
 The said Company in Conformity to the said Royal Intention of 
 His Majesty, and to evidence to the whole World, that they intend 
 not to confine the Benefit of the said T rade to a Few, 01 exclude 
 any from it that will be governed; Notwithstanding that they have 
 already a Subscription of a competent sum of Money, that may 
 answer to the necessary Occasions of the Trade, and have already dis¬ 
 patched a very considerable number of Ships, and sufficient Caigoes 
 for the present supply of the respective Markets of that Coast: Yet 
 they do hereby once more invite all His Majesties Native Subjects 
 
 [41] x The Several Declarations of the Company, pp. 9-10. 
 
 
March, 1663 161 
 
 of England in general inhabiting in the City of London, or within 
 twenty miles thereof, within a Month of the Date hereof, and all 
 others without those Limits within two Months, to subscribe by them¬ 
 selves, or their Attorneys what sum or sums they shall please to 
 adventure in the said Joynt-stock, to which, and the freedom of the 
 said Company, they shall be admitted without any Line, on the Condi¬ 
 tions and Terms following, which are but equal to those on which the 
 present Members have been admitted. 
 
 That is to say, 
 
 That every man shall subscribe what sum he pleaseth, not under 
 Fifty pounds: and that whatsoever shall not exceed Four hundred 
 pounds, shall be paid unto the Treasurer of the Company within 
 eight days after such under-writing. 
 
 And that for what any part of any mans Subscription shall exceed 
 Four hundred pounds, he shall have Terms of payment for the same 
 
 in eight Quarterly portions, commencing the twenty fourth of Tune 
 next. 
 
 And to this end the Book shall lie open for such Subscriptions in 
 the Glass-house in Broad street, London, during the time aforesaid, 
 every week day from eight to twelve of the clock in the forenoon, 
 and from three to five in the afternoon, 2 
 
 By Order of the Company of Royal Adventurers of 
 England Trading to Africa. 
 
 Ellis Leighton, Secret. 
 
 Dated at Whitehall, Febr. 16, 1662[73]. 
 
 42. The Privy Council to Francis Lord Willoughby. 1 
 
 Whitehall, ii March, 1663. 
 
 Whereas Wee are certainly informed, that the Spanish Planters 
 of West India have lately attempted to trade with Our Island of 
 Barbada for a supply of Negro Slaves, and did to that end resort 
 thither, first with their monies onely, and afterwards with both money 
 and other commodities, But then departed thence abruptly in greate 
 dissatisfaction, in regard that they were given to understand that 
 they could not lawfully import into that or any other Our American 
 
 2 This subscription, with another opened Aug. 25, 1663, brought the stock of the 
 company to £102,000, of which about £57,000 was paid. In September, 1664, it was 
 increased to £120,200. Zook, pp. 17, 19. 
 
 L2] 1 Acts P. C. C., I. 345 - 349 - The privilege of supplying the Spanish markets 
 with negroes had been long coveted by England before the assiento of 1713. In 1660 
 James, earl of Marlborough, had tried without success to come to some arrangement 
 with the newly established company whereby Jamaica should be made the base for 
 negroes for the Spanish colonies. With the reorganization of the company in 1663 the 
 instructions here printed were sent to Willoughby. Cal. St. P. Col., 1574, p. 491 ^i- 
 1668, pp. 106, 123-124, 125, 143; and Hist. MSS. Comm., Heathcote Paters, pp. 88-80 deal 
 with the attempts to build up this trade. 
 
162 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Dominions the Commodities of the manufacture and growth of their 
 Plantations and yet left behind them a promise, that if they might 
 have assurance of free accesse and recesse with their Shipps moneys 
 and Goods, and free Pratique [Trafique] and commerce with Our 
 Subjects in Our said Plantations, they would make them Martes from 
 whence they would purchase their supply of Negro Servants, and 
 such other European Comodities of all sorts as their owne Planta¬ 
 tions may want, and pay Us a reasonable Custome for the same, 
 
 And whereas Wee find upon good and mature deliberation, that 
 Our graunting of such Assurance as is desired by the said Spaniards 
 may redound not only to the increase of Our Revenue, but also to 
 the signall Advantage of Our good Subjects both at home and abroad, 
 in point of their trade and Navigation, and judging that the cause 
 doth not in any wise crosse the generall or speciall intention of the 
 Act for Navigation, 
 
 Wee have therefore thought fitt and do hereby declare, That Our 
 Royall Will and Pleasure is to give and graunt, and Wee do hereby 
 give and graunt free licence and Warrant to any of the Spanish Sub¬ 
 jects of America, to come from any Port of America, and to enter 
 into any Road, Port or Haven, of Our said American Dominions, 
 with their Shipps, Moneys, Bullion, and Goods, and freely to sell, 
 barter, and exchange the same to and with Our Subjects there, and 
 as freely to returne to any of the said Spanish American Ports with 
 their Shipps, and such Goods and Negroes as they shall have bought 
 in our said Dominion, without any lett, trouble or molestation to be 
 made or given by you, or any other Our Officers or Subjects military ; 
 or civill, whatsoever, And Wee do hereby command that both you 
 and they do lend the utmost assistance for the inviolable observance 
 of this Our Graunt, and free Licence aforesaid, Any thing in the Act 
 of Navigation, or any other Law, Statute or Ordinance, or any Let¬ 
 ters of Mart or Reprizall given or to be given to the contrary Not¬ 
 withstanding. 
 
 And Wee do further hereby impower and require you to make and ; 
 give free Passeports and protections accordingly to any such Spanish 
 Shipps, Monies and Goods trading to or from any of Our said 
 American Dominions under your Government, when and as often 
 as you shall be thereunto requested and desired. 
 
 Provided allwaies, that such Spaniards do agree, and accordingly 
 well and truly pay for Our use to such Person or Persons as Wee shall 
 appoint to collect and receive the same, 
 
 For all Goods and Merchandizes whatsoever either imported or 
 exported the same duties of Tonnage and Poundage as is now estab¬ 
 lished by Law in this Our Kingdome of England, to be paid in peices 
 of Eight Royalls at the rate of Four shillings the peice, 
 
March, 1663 
 
 And for every Negro person or Slave, that the said Spaniards or 
 any other shall transport for any other Port or Place in America, 
 
 other then such who are actually under Our obedience, Tenn peices 
 of flight for each Head. 
 
 Excepting allwaies all such Negro Slaves as are or shall be brought 
 
 directly or immediately by Contract made here in England with our 
 
 Company of Royall Adventurers of England trading to Africa. All 
 
 which Our Royall Will and pleasure is, shall and may be free exported 
 
 without the payment of any Duty or Imposition whatsoever to Us or 
 Uur Successors. 
 
 And further Our will and Pleasure is, and Wee do hereby require 
 you to give your expresse Order and assistance to Our Collectors, 
 and other Officers of Our said Customes, That no Negro Persons be 
 exported from any the Islands or places within your Government 
 under pretence of furnishing any Plantation of Our owne American 
 Dominions, untill the transporter or Lader of them shall have first 
 given good and sufficient Security by Bond to the use of Us and Our 
 Successors, that he will returne Certificate within a Competent time 
 from the place to which they are bound that the said Negros are 
 there landed and disposed of to the use of the said Plantations 
 
 And Our further will and Pleasure is, and Wee do hereby strictly 
 command and enjoyne you, and all Our other Ministers and Officers 
 under you, that you do not permitt or suffer any Goods, Monies, or 
 Merchandizes whatsoever, that shall be so imported on Spanish Ships 
 by virtue of this our Licence to be reshipt and exported thence, on 
 any other Shipps or Vessells, then those that do and shall properly 
 belong unto Our Subjects of England, and for which the Merchants 
 and Laders thereof, and the Commanders of the said Shipps and 
 Vessells do give you good security by Bond to our use, that the same 
 shall be brought into Our Kingdome of England directly and there 
 landed, and not elsewhere, 
 
 And further Our Will and Pleasure is, that you give to the Com¬ 
 manders of every such Ship a Certificate of the quantity and quality of 
 all such monies, Bullion, Goods and Merchandizes as he shall have 
 given you such security for, to the end, that the same might be ex¬ 
 hibited to the cheife Officers of Our Customes here in the port, where 
 the same shall be entred and landed, 
 
 . Provided allwaies that the King of Spaines Subjects shall not by 
 virtue or colour of this Our Licence be permitted to import into our 
 said Island of Barbada, or any other Our American Plantations, any 
 Goods, Ware or Merchandizes whatsoever of the Growth or manu¬ 
 facture of Europe, Asia, or Africa, It being the true intent of this 
 our gratious Licence, that the said Spaniards shall import no Goods 
 or Merchandizes whatsoever, saving only such as are the proper 
 
164 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 
 product of the Spanish American Plantations. Provided also that the 
 said Spaniards shall not by virtue of this Our Licence have Liberty 
 to export from any of Our American Plantations any Comodities 
 whatsoever of the Product of Our said Plantation, saving onely such 
 necessary provision, as shall be requisite for the feeding of themselves 
 and such others as they shall transport from thence. 
 
 43. The Company of Royal Adventurers 
 
 to the King. 1 
 
 1663. 
 
 Humbly represent that the trade of Africa is so necessary to Eng¬ 
 land that the very being of the Plantations depends upon the supply 
 of negro servants for their works. This trade was at the time of 
 his Majesty’s restoration managed by particular adventurers, who 
 were so far from any possible design of having forts or asserting 
 the honour of the nation that they were a constant prey to the 
 Hollanders and were quite tired out of the trade by their great 
 and frequent losses, of which they brought in clear proofs to the 
 Court of Admiralty; so if his Majesty had not established a com¬ 
 pany the nation had probably by this time been quite driven out of it. 
 The Company under the special management of the Duke of York 
 sent out this last year above 160,000 /. in cargoes, - have plentifully 
 supplied the coast to the great satisfaction of the natives, furnished 
 all the Plantations with negro servants, set up new manufactures at 
 home and improved the old, vented a great many native commodi- ; 
 ties, employed above 40 ships, and doubt not they shall import very 
 considerable quantities of gold and silver, as they have already begun. 
 They have built forts and factories in Africa and repaired others, 
 and have no European rivals but the Hollanders; but as to them, 
 experience of the past gives just cause to apprehend what is intended 
 for the future., 7 For as the annexed extracts of letters prove, the 
 Dutch have endeavoured to drive the English Company from the 
 coast, have followed their ships from port to port, and hindered 
 them coming nigh the shore to trade; 3 they have persuaded the 
 negroes to destroy their servants and to take their forts, have seized 
 their boats and goods, violently taken possession of Cape Coast, and 
 shot at his Majesty’s Royal flag. To complete the former indigni¬ 
 ties, one Valckenburgh, Director-General of the West India Com- 
 
 [43] 1 Abridgment, from Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 175-176. Endorsed, “The 
 
 Royall Company, losse of whole trade in Affrica”. . ,, 
 
 2 The company later said that it had sent forty ships to Africa during 1663. 
 
 Zook, p. 19. 
 
 3 See n. 6., below. 
 
August, 1664 
 
 165 
 
 pany in Africa, has sent a protest 4 to their factors, in which he 
 c a lenges the whole trade of Guinea as their propriety, by right of 
 conquest from the Portuguese; of which having sought remedy by 
 means of Sir George Downing 0 the Company have received no satis¬ 
 faction. In a word, notwithstanding a stock so considerable, and 
 the many good ships of force and the land forces they have sent, had 
 it not been for the countenance of some of his Majesty’s ships, to give 
 the Company a respect in the eyes of the natives and preserve their 
 forts, the Company had ere this been stripped of their possessions 
 and interest in Africa; Cormantin Castle itself being in extreme dan- 
 ger when the Marttiaduke and Speedwell arrived there. The Dutch 
 have sent a second protest, 0 in which they say they will force the 
 English from their forts if they do not quit them. 
 
 44. Consideration of a Petition of the Company of 
 Royal Adventurers trading into Africa 1 
 
 Whitehall, 24 August, 1664. 
 
 Upon the humble petition of the Company of Royall Adventurers 
 o England trading into Africa, with a Paper annexed, read at the 
 Board the Third of August instant, Shewing, That the Petitioners 
 have given his Majestys Island of Barbado’s a liberall Supply of 
 
 6 *663, June 1/11, ibid., pp. 135-136. 
 e i66 3 , Aug. 26, ibid., p. 156. 
 
 21 t a. l6 ! 3 t P- 158. The “Kings Narrative of Dutch affairs”, Nov 
 
 tiry m'slfry IV ^ «o a i '^rp ty r h h PS - had b T taken . on the Guinea coast (Parliamen- 
 later Hemnnr 1 a ^ ' . The English, m accordance with the commercial treaty of 1662 
 
 £ 8 f r j he f ‘ >ll j' win S seizures: Constant Mary, for Guinea! 
 
 seized May 8, 165+ Brotherhood, seized on Guinea coast, February, 1655/6* Sarah 
 
 ‘ ne V ei " ed . Au e us J> 1656; Fortune, for Guinea, ^ized August 165 6 [von 
 Cane T ' { °v? Gu Q mea > seized August, 1656; Rappa Hanoeck, for Guinea sefzed near 
 fPernambuco) ° U i6<;^ t ’ie//' 6 ^ ; Braztl Fre 9 “*> seized between Angola and’ Fernambuck 
 SfriSn P sent to Bohuee (?) for negroes, seized January, 
 
 Hart whn • , ° r Guinea, seized February, 1661; Saint-John Baptist, Emanuel 
 
 art, who had carried negroes from Guinea to “Baghia in Brazil” and there bartered 
 
 St^lnh* SUgar ’ S ^ 1Z 1 < T d J une > l66 i; Black Boy, seized near Commenda, Apr. 13 1661* 
 
 6 Ci t0 fn a c anne {Cala A bar Z } i0 l negrOCS ’ n - d - Cont ^ f - Guinea ’seized 
 
 1 Lharles > f or Guinea, seized 1661; Merchant’s Delight, seized near Cape Coast 
 
 the Damaned {^ X \^ a u a ? 0n v f °r Gu , inea ’ seized about 0ct * x 5 , 1661. A Catalogue of 
 the damages for which the English demand Reparation (London, 1664), PP- 5-12; Cal 
 
 St P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 65, 113, ibid., 1699, P. 588. P 5 ’ 
 
 ve ell 6 / £* tbe m C p°n reCt f 3 ' 6 f ° r f he S ? izing °* the Varies, she (or possibly another 
 master of the same name ) wa ^ rei leased to trade again in 1662. William Crawford, 
 
 - L h . Charles > made affidavit that in October, 1662, his frigate and the James 
 
 skiff sent^lhe’ IT" 6 t pr " Vent ? d fr ° m trad ^ b J the Golden L y° n > a Dutch vessel. A 
 sKitt- sent to the shore to buy slaves, was seized by the Dutch with its goods and men. 
 
 did m f n WCre 3 A er r< : turned Wlth warnings against further trade. That these threats 
 
 Sn d a ;n°i* PreV ^ n l Cra ^ ford ( r ° m trading is certain, for on Oct. 26, 1663, the King of 
 
 pain ducted Francisco Salmon, accountant of the navy, to allow the 128 slaves from 
 
 the Charles, master William Crawford, to be brought into Cadiz and sold Cal St P 
 
 Col 1661-1668, p. 113; Hist. MSS. Comm., Heathcote MSS., p. 132 
 
 w i 44 ActS P ' C \ C ’’ }' 381-382. Incurable optimism as to their future ability to pav 
 was common to the planters of all the colonies and the reluctance of the colonial 
 semblies to allow the forcible collection of debts created constant friction between the 
 
166 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Negro-Servants; And have given the Planters long time of Payment 
 for them, for their greater Incouragement; Who are, at this time 
 Indebted to the Petitioners, at least, forty thousand pounds sterling, 
 And that the Petitioners finde themselves very much abused by the 
 intollerable delayes of Payment 2 amongst the most of the Planters, 
 against which the present Forme of Judiciary proceedings in that 
 Island afford no Remedy, but what is worse then the disease, So that, 
 unless some better Constitution and Execution of Justice be sud¬ 
 denly established in that Island, the Petitioners whole Stock will be 
 exhausted, and buryed in the hands of the Planters, and not recov¬ 
 erable but at the pleasure of the Debtors; And thereby the Growth of 
 the Plantations, and just Interest of the honester Pay-Masters is 
 obstructed And praying Redresse herein. 0 
 
 company and the assemblies. Most, if not all, of the laws relating to deb ^^" e pass ^ 
 with an eve to the debt for slaves, and rested heavily on the African Company, the 
 largest creditor to be affected. Against these laws the only recourse of the company 
 wa? an appeal to Privy Council and King. The usual method of debt collection was 
 foi< the creditor to bring suit in the local court. If he obtained a judgment, the provost 
 marshal was directed to sell the debtor’s goods by public outcry. planter - 
 
 tained and rightly, that his negroes were frequently seized for small, debts, and. he was 
 thus left with 8 no means of working his plantation. It was to obviate thls possibility 
 that many of the laws were passed to which the company objected. 
 
 2 Slaves purchased by contract with the company were to be paid f ° t'n^hree 
 installments, two, four, and six months after their arrival. Six, nine, and twelve 
 
 months’ credit soon became the usual terms. ,. , 
 
 s A letter to Lord Willoughby urging him to see that this evil be remed 
 follows ( Acts P. c. C., I. 382-383). The matter of the pan^sd s 
 
 to be an acute vexation to the company. In 1665 the planters owed £49,895 ( Zo ? k > pp. 
 7C n \ on Aug 27 1669, the Privy Council again considered it, the company having 
 
 alleeedthat the debtors refused to pay and that the laws of the island protected them 
 in this course This statement on the part of the company was supported by evidence 
 from other sources. Willoughby wrote, July 22 , 1668 “There is such animosity bet ””“ 
 
 the planter and merchant that all ways are studied by some of the Assembly to make 
 
 the merchants quit the island, and they have proposed an Act that no merchant shall 
 
 sue for a debt this four years to come {Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, P- 594 ) : 
 
 The law left property attached for debt in the hands of the debtor for eig y y 
 after attachment If the property were negroes, as was frequently the 
 expiration of the eighty days the attached goods had disappeared.. The complai 
 of P the company caused the Privy Council to consider the matter again and. to suggest 
 that land as will as goods be subject to attachment, since land could not be spirited away 
 during the interim before sale (Harlow, Barbados, pp. 202, 315, Acts P. C. C., I. 528& 5 * 9 . 
 „ 2 ) § To this suggestion the assembly refused to accede. A year later Governo 
 Willoughby pointed out to the speaker that the laws relating to the collection of 
 debts had not as yet been remedied. Four years after this Governor Atkins himself 
 none too friendly to the African Company, urged the assembly to repeal the laws 
 that protected the debtor, by means of which the company was defrauded. Though the 
 assembly brought counter charges against the company it at last repealed the olfending 
 law Jan. 22, 1677 (Atkins to Williamson, C. O I: 39 , no 9 i Harlow, Barbados p 219, 
 Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, pp. 54°, 544 )- The laws of the other glands regulating 
 relations between debtor and creditor were likewise distasteful to the home government 
 In Antigua, by the act of extent, goods were to be valued by sworn appraisers, t 
 taken in fixed order. Slaves were attached to the freehold If the personal property 
 were insufficient to clear the debt, then the creditor must work the estate. In appraisa , 
 sugar was valued at twice its market price. This act in response to criticism, was 
 amended in r6 7 6. C. S. S. Higham, Development of the Leeward Islands under tne 
 
 Restoration, 1660-1688 (Cambridge, 1921), pp. 1 57 _1 59 * 
 
167 
 
 April, 1665 
 
 45 * Vice-Director Beck to Director Stuyvesant . 1 
 
 Curasao, 16 April, Anno 1665. 
 
 *. * ; A S ^P’ n ? mec * Joffr. Catarina ~ whereof Jacob Dircksen 
 Willree is skipper, arrived here on the 14 January last, from Arder, 
 
 on the coast of Guinea, with one hundred and fifty slaves. She was 
 sent in the service of the company from Amsterdam to the Castle 
 del Mina to carry a message to Mr. Valckenburgh with some supplies 
 tor that place, and succeeded very well, notwithstanding many English 
 ships were off that coast. ... 
 
 Since my last, I have sold here to the Genoese 3 all the slaves which 
 had come here on the company’s account in the last ships and were 
 remaining at this place and were considered merchantable and could 
 be spared from the country, one hundred and twenty pieces of eight. 
 And because of these English troubles, and because for some time 
 no slaves were expected here from the coast of Guinea, the afore¬ 
 said Genoese have taken their departure hence with their ship and 
 the above-mentioned purchased slaves, on the 23 January last for 
 Cartagena. We shall learn betimes whether this trade shall be 
 renewed in Holland with the company, or whether it will be pursued 
 and continued at this place by other Spaniards. 
 
 I have, since that, been informed that the principals of the above- 
 mentioned Genoese in Spain have contracted with Royal Company of 
 
 • 1"j nC f T° r t ^ 16 del ‘ ver y slaves, such delivery to be made at the 
 island of Jamaica, and that a large ship belonging to the said Genoese 
 • has already arrived at Jamaica, to carry away the slaves, according 
 to the conti act concluded with the Royal Company. But inasmuch 
 as no slaves had reached there for the Royal Company, they were 
 allowed to purchase as many slaves from the English planters and 
 inhabitants as they were to receive. In regard to this contract, all 
 commissions of privateers and ships against the Spaniards in these 
 West Indies are revoked, and they are forbidden to inflict any 
 damage on the Spanish nation by land or water; and when a rich 
 Spanish prize was brought by the English privateers into Jamaica, 
 they were obliged to restore her, free of costs and charges. 
 
 I doubt if this English royal company will be able to fulfill their 
 contract with the Genoese, if it be of any magnitude, in consequence 
 of the disturbances and troubles caused by themselves on the coast 
 of Guinea and the great obstruction they will encounter as long as 
 these troubles continue, in their slave trade and in all their other 
 commerce, from the privateers of Holland and Zeeland, of which 
 they have had, hitherto, no suspicion. 
 
 [ 45 ] *N. Y. Col. MSS., 17: 104. 
 
 " Miss Catarina. 
 
 3 The assientist Grillo and Lomelin had bargained with the Dutch 
 Company for 1400 negroes. 
 
 West India 
 
168 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 46. The King to Francis Lord Willoughby. 1 
 
 Worcester House, 30 March, 1666. 
 
 Whereas the Company of Royall Adventurers of England trading 
 into Africa did by their Petition desire they might have Leave to 
 support the Bargaine they have made with Signior Grillo by such 
 Negroes as shalbe procured by Signior Grillo himself, or any Agents 
 employed by him, the better to comply with a Contract they have 
 made with him, His Majesty in Councill having taken the said Peti¬ 
 tion into Consideration, and finding that in the present juncture of 
 Affaires the Agreement cannot otherwise be complyed with, Wee do 
 in his Majesties name pray and require you to permit all such Negros 
 as shalbe comprized within the numbers, that ought to be delivered 
 to Signior Grillo by the said Contract, whether brought in by Signior 
 Grillo himself in the Ships of any Nation in Amity with his Majesty, 
 or by the Company into Jamaica or Barbados, or by either of them 
 procured upon the place, to be reimbarked and transported from 
 thence, paying no other Duty or Custome for the same than the 
 Petitioners are lyable to pay for such as they have sold, and do and 
 shall deliver unto the said Signior Grillo, the Company sending under 
 their Seale a Certificate of the Number that are to be delivered yearly 
 to Signior Grillo, Which Indulgence his Majesty is pleased to graunt 
 as a Favour to the said Royall Company that they make use of it so 
 far forth as they shall find it for their Interest and extend, it, or 
 withdraw it, as they shall see occasion, they signifying from time to 
 time their desire to you. 2 
 
 47. The Privy Council to Francis Lord Willoughby. 1 
 
 Whitehall, 6 April, 1666. 
 
 [A letter to Lord Willoughby of Parham. The Company of Royal 
 Adventurers having complained] That Captaine Nicholas Pepperell 
 Commander of the Petitioners Ship Charles having seized in the 
 Coast of Guinny the Ship William and Susan trading there in contempt 
 of his Majesties Charter, and brought her to Barbados to be there 
 adjudged in his Majesties High Court of Admiralty, the said Cap¬ 
 taine was at his Arrivall arrested by the Owners of the said Ship in 
 an Action of 500,000 pounds of Sugar at Common Law, Whereupon 
 the Petitioners Factors applyed themselves to Your Lordship and 
 desired that the said Action may be dismissed from the Common 
 Law to its proper Judicature the Admiralty, which your Lordship 
 
 [46] 1 Acts P. C. C.y I. 409-410. See introduction, p. 168. 
 
 3 A similar letter was sent to Sir Thomas Modyford, governor of Jamaica. 
 
 [47] 'Acts P. C. C., I. 411-412. The brackets used here and in a few other selec¬ 
 tions from the Acts are those used in the texts to indicate material which has been sum¬ 
 marized. 
 
/( ^7 169 
 
 refused, and sitting in the Court of Admiralty would not take any 
 Cognizance of the Cause there, but left them to defend his Majesties 
 Charter at Common Law, as by the Petition a-Copy whereof is here¬ 
 with sent your Lordship may appeare, Which his Majesty having 
 taken into Consideration, hath commanded us to signify unto your 
 Lordship That it is his expresse Pleasure and Command That you 
 forthwith dismisse the said Action Bayle out of the Court of 
 Common Pleas in that Island, in which it is depending and transmit 
 the whole Case and pretence of the Plantiffs together with all Writ¬ 
 ings and Papers thereunto belonging to this Boord, His Majesty 
 intending to take Cognizance thereof himself. 2 
 
 48. A List of the Royal Adventurers of England 
 
 TRADING TO AFRICA, 1667. 1 
 
 The Kings Most Excellent Majesty 
 The Queen’s Majesty 
 His Royal Highness the Duke of York 
 His Highness Prince Rupert 
 
 The Duke of Albemarle 
 The Earl of St. Albans 
 Earl of Anglesey 
 Lord Arlington 
 
 l Whi w th f Dutch stmg f le . actually brought about the ruin of the company of 
 l\A h obsta 9 les encountered in the West Indies were contributing factors which 
 ould not be ignored. Not only did the Barbadian planters fail to pay for their 
 but tbe T sympathies, and sometimes those of the government of the island 
 thnufht 7 e i e ° f n Y lth the interloper rather than the company. That Willoughby was 
 
 later gh Tan° ^t*** 8 !?p ^ 5 , bove ord f r shown by the fact that nearly two years 
 ter, Jan. 31, 1668, the Privy Council called a second time for the transference of this 
 case to England. Zook, pp. 76-78. 
 
 [48] 1 The Several Declarations of the Company, p. 10. This list, printed in order 
 o s ow sources of capital and influence, is not dated and appears with material of 1663, 
 but since William Rumbold, whose executors are here included, did not die until 1667, 
 and since it was. published in 1667, it must belong to that year. The original list of 
 subscribers contained in the charter of 1660 is as follows (Carr, Select Charters, pp. 
 
 Rn*n ^7 n J am f r Du ^ e ° f M aria Princess of Orange, Princess Henrietta, Prince 
 
 Rupert, Duke of Cumberland, George Duke of Buckingham, George Duke of Albemarle 
 James Marquis of Ormond, Philip Earl of Pembroke, Henry Earl of St. Albans, Edward 
 Ear of Sandwich, John Earl of Bath, Thomas Earl of Ossory, George Lord Berkeley, 
 William Lord Craven John Lord Berkeley, Charles Lord Brandon, Sir George Carteret 
 Charles Howard, William Coventry, Sir Charles Sidley (Sedley), Sir John Warner, Sir 
 V-Sn- B fH ey> H ^ r 7 Jerniyn, William Legge, John Denham, Sir Anthony de Marces, 
 Vermu fon ^ Edward Turner ’ Edward Gregory, Richard Nicholls, Cornelius 
 
 , Iij 6 j tb * s Bst bad doubled. While it still contained a large group of courtiers it 
 had added a number of the merchant class, chief among whom were Backwell, Noell 
 Povey, and Riccard; Queen Katherine, Mary the Queen Mother, James Duke of York 
 Henrietta Maria Duchess of Orleans, Prince Rupert, George Duke of Buckingham, Mary 
 Duchess of Richmond, Edward Earl of Manchester, Philip Earl of Pembroke, Henry 
 Ear of St. Albans, John Earl of Bath, Edward Earl of Sandwich, Charles Earl of Carlisle 
 Earl of Lauderdale, George Lord Berkeley, William Lord Craven, Lord Lucas Charles 
 Lord Gerrard, William Lord Crofts, John Lord Berkeley, Thomas Grey, Sir George 
 Carteret, Sir Charles Sidley (Sedley), Sir Ellis Leighton, Edward Gregory, Sir Edward 
 S * r Anthony de Merces, William Legge, Richard Nicholls, Sir William Davison 
 William Cutler, Sir James Modyford, Thomas Cullem, George Cock, Charles Porter 
 hir John Colleton, John Buckworth, Sir John Robinson, Sir Nicholas Crisp, Sir Richard 
 Ford Sir William Rider, John Bence, Sir George Smith, Sir John Shaw, Sir Martin 
 Noell, Abraham Brigges, Thomas Povey, Edward Backwell, Matthew Wren Tobias 
 Kustat, Martin Noell, jr., Henry Johnson, James Congett, John Ashburnham, ’ Edward 
 Noell, James Noell, Francis Meynell, John Cooper, Sir Andrew Riccard, William 
 
170 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Lord Ashley 
 
 Sir Allen Appesley * 2 
 
 Col. William Ashburnham 3 
 
 Mr. John Ayres 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham 
 
 The Earl of Bath 
 
 Lord Bellasis 
 
 John L[ord] Berckley 
 
 Henry Brounkerd Esq; 
 
 Edward Backwell, Esq; 4 
 
 Alderman John Bence 
 
 Mr. Alex. Bence 
 
 Mr. John Ball 
 
 Mr. Birkhead 
 
 Mr. John Buckworth 
 
 The Earl of Carlisle 
 
 William Earl of Craven 5 
 
 William L[ord] Crofts 
 
 Sir George Carteret 
 
 Sir William Coventry 6 
 
 The executors of 
 
 Sir John Colleton 
 The Executors of 
 
 Sir Nicholas Crispe 
 Sir Anthony Craven 
 Capt. George Cock 7 
 Mr. William Cutler 
 Mr. Thomas Cullom 8 
 Mr. John Collvill 
 Thomas Crispe Esq; 
 
 Mr. Jeremy Copping 
 Capt. Edward Crispe 
 Mr. Thomas Childe 
 Mr. John Conny 
 Sir William Davison 
 Mr. Francis Dashwood. 
 The Countess of Falmouth 
 Sir Richard Ford 
 Sir Philip Frowd 9 
 Mr. Robert Foley 
 
 Harbart, Sir John Jacob, Sir John Harrison, Sir John Wolstenholm, Sir William Wake, 
 
 Sylas Titus, Peter Proby. ... 
 
 C. M. Andrews points out that eleven members of the African Company (by which 
 he evidently means the Company of Royal Adventurers) were members of the Counci 
 of Trade created in 1660, and that eight members of the African Company were also 
 members of the Council for Foreign Plantations: Lord Berkeley, Sii George . arteret, 
 Sir Nicholas Crisp, Sir Andrew Riccard, Sir John Shaw, Thomas Povey, Martin Noell, 
 and Sir John Colleton. Andrews, British Committees, p. 68. 
 
 3 An older Sir Allen Apsley was deputy governor of the company of 1618. I his 
 member of the family was treasurer of the household of the Duke of York, and a 
 
 member of Parliament from 1661 to 1678. . 
 
 3 William Ashburnham, described by Pepys as an “experienced man and a 
 Cavalier”, was cofferer of the household after the Restoration. In the patent of the 
 company John Ashburnham is named, but no William. 
 
 4 Edward Backwell, alderman and goldsmith, was one of the most successful 
 bankers of the time. Cromwell and Charles II., as well as many members of the 
 nobility, the city companies, and the East India Company, at times called upon him 
 
 for funds. , , TT , 
 
 6 William Earl of Craven, to whom Charles I. and Charles II. w;ere heavily in¬ 
 debted, was one of the proprietors of Carolina, and a member of the Privy Council. 
 Throughout his life he was devoted to Elizabeth of Bohemia and was probably familiar 
 with Prince Rupert and his plans for an African company. 
 
 6 Sir William Coventry, private secretary to James, Duke of Vork; a member 
 of Parliament in 1661; in 1665 made privy councillor and knighted. 
 
 7 Capt. George Cock, a prosperous merchant, had served in the Royalist forces, 
 and in 1660 had been made searcher of the port of Newcastle. Pepys referred to him 
 in the entry, “This morning Captain Cocke did give me a good account of the Guinny 
 
 trade”. Diary, Nov. 4, 1663. . , , , . 
 
 8 Sir Thomas Cullum, alderman, who had made a fortune in the draper s business, 
 
 married the daughter of Nicholas Crisp, and been knighted in 1660, had died in 1664. 
 This Thomas may have been his son. 
 
 0 Richard Ford, the London merchant trading between Rotterdam and Exeter in 
 1652, may well have been Sir Richard Ford, M. P. 1662-1677. Sir Philip Frow e, 
 knighted Mar. 10, 1665, was secretary of the Council for Foreign Plantations, establis e 
 
 in 1660. 
 
i66y 
 
 i 7 
 
 Thomas Grey, Esq; 
 
 Col. Ranald Graham 
 Sir Dennis Gawden 10 
 Lord Hawley 
 William Harbert Esq; 
 
 Mr. James Hore 
 Mr. Henry Johnson 
 Thomas Killigrew Esq ; 11 
 The Earl of Lawtherdale 
 Lord Lucas 
 
 Sir Charles Littleton 12 
 Sir Ellis Leighton 
 Sir John Lawrence 
 Sir John Lawther 
 Col. William Legg 13 
 Christopher Lawther, Esq; 
 Mr. Robert Lee 
 John Letten 
 
 Sir Anthony de Marces 14 
 Sir James Modyford 
 Sir Thomas Modyford 15 
 Alderman Francis Meynel 
 Mr. Richard Middleton 
 Richard M^ountney 
 
 Mr. Henry More 
 The Execut. of Sir Martin Noell 
 Edward Noell Esq; 16 
 Thomas Noell Esq; 
 
 The Earl of Peterburgh 
 Edwards Prodgers Esq; 
 
 Thomas Povey, Esq; 17 
 Charles Porter, Esq; 
 
 Mr. Peter Proby 
 Mr. John Portman 
 Duke of Richmond 
 Sir John Robinson 
 Sir William Rider 
 Sir Andrew Riccard 18 
 Tobias Rustat Esq; 
 
 The Execut. of 
 
 Mr. William Rombald 
 Mr. Rosse 
 
 Mr. George Robinson 
 The Earl of Sandwich 
 Sir Charles Sidley 
 Sir John Shaw 
 Sir James Shane 
 
 The Execut. of Sir George Smith 
 
 “Sf Denn *s pauden, attached to the victualling office. 
 
 ;s.:r=f. d , liar zlni; 
 
 was madf t«lsur« L o 7 g f h, W O 0 H had U " der Prince Rupert - after the Restoration 
 
 member of Se^lor^m^l “ d gr °° m ° £ ^ be “ er - was a 
 
 prmt L th f r na T de Marces 35 de Martes - Select Charters , p. I73 . 
 
 and deputy love™^/ T° ’ - y ° Ung K er brother ° f Thomas ' was merchant, colonial agent, 
 agent f Ja . ma ' ca ; Between 1664 and 1666 he was in London as colonia 
 
 jfmaica Sir %-r ap . p r°' 5 te / ^ his Brother chief judge of the admiralty court of 
 Plamation. tpriginaTy 8 a LyalLt/L'tVg^e'o parHa^n^^d^ in 
 
 Jamaica? 1 CXX 7 h X SSS 
 
 known in p? r , A j dreW !i ? n, . ui PP- 49 - 55 - His brother Thomas was well 
 
 »~n. if., .»it:..r?,;s! , = 11 *•*• •< «»<■ 
 
 »r-5ra r 
 
 equests and receiver general for rents and revenues of the plantations. Ibid., pp 51-52 
 owner in Jam^^^as'TaVhe'r-indaw of JohnWd Betke^y d ° n merchants and a land 
 
172 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Edward Seymour Esq; 
 Mr. John Sweeting 
 Mr. George Snell 
 The Execut. of 
 
 Mr. Francis Simpson 
 Mr. Arnold Sartillon 
 Sir Edward Turner 
 Capt. William Thomas 
 Mr. George Toriano 
 Mr. James Temple 
 
 The Execut.‘of Sir Thomas Viner 
 Sir Robert Viner 
 Brome Whorwood Esq; 
 
 Sir William Warren 
 Sir John Wolstenholme 
 Matthew Wrenn Esq; 
 
 Joseph Williamson Esq; 
 
 Mr. Francis Warner 
 John Wolstenholme Esq; 
 
 Mr. John Young 19 
 
 By Order of the Company of Royal Adventurers of 
 England trading into Africa. 
 
 Ellis Leighton, Secret. 
 
 49. Petition of Sir Thomas Bludworth and Others. 1 
 
 Whitehall, 16 July 1669. 
 
 ... Sir Thomas Bludworth, Knight, Sir William Ryder, Knight, 
 Roger Chappell and others Merchants, 2 Shewing, That in October, 
 1667, they set out the Ship Thomas and William, Robert Bartlet 
 Master with a Cargo of Goods to trade on the Coast of Guinea, there 
 to take in Negros, and to returne for Cadiz in Spaine, in which 
 Voyage she sprang a Leake, insomuch that she was forced to put in 
 at Surinam, where at her Arrivall, the said Master found the same 
 contrary to his Expectation to be in the possession of the Lute: , 
 and being no waies able to proceed any further with his said Ship 
 was necessitated to contract for his Slaves to be paid in heading J 
 
 19 The following members of this company were in 1663 also members of the East 
 India Company: Edward Backwell, who in 1661-1663 held, a license to supp y [ 
 
 East India Company with coin and bullion; John Bence; Sir Richard Ford; Franc , 
 Meynell who likewise had the privilege of supplying the company with coin and 
 bullion •’ Sir Andrew Riccard, who was governor of. the East India Company from, 
 1660 to 1662; Sir William Rider; Sir John Shaw; Sir George Smith; and Sir Joh , 
 Wolstenholme, who was a heavy stockholder in the East India Company. Sains ur y> 
 Minutes of the East India Company, 1660-1663, pp. v, xxx, 23, 24, 146, 241, 3 . 
 
 *’ 49 ^ 2 sir Thomas Bludworth was a member of the East India Company and had in 
 1662 served on a committee which endeavored to continue that company s interest in 
 West African coast (introduction, pp. 83-84). Sir William Rider was deputy governor 
 of the East India Company at the time the African company of 1663 was formed. 
 Rider became a member of this company; both Bludworth and Rider were stockhol ^ rS 
 in the African company of 1672 ( Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1660-1663, 
 PP . 36, 'o" 2 “ , ^7 ^ 59 ) Roger Chappell had been a factor of the East Indta Company 
 
 on the Guinea coast. Ibid., pp. 213, 356. , • 1 ne 
 
 3 Surinam had been captured by the Dutch in February, 1 7 , , w Hile 
 
 would suppose Captain Bartlett might have known when he set sail m October, w 
 he could hardly have known that it was recaptured by the English in October. 
 
 however he may have heard while trading on the West Coas . y e eac william 
 Surinam was restored to the Dutch, probably not long before the Thomas and IVilliam 
 
 arrived there. Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 599-600. 
 
i 73 
 
 i6yo 
 
 for Ca s kc, and to hire two Dutch Pinkes to carry part thereof to 
 Barbados, engaging all the Petitioners Estate at Surinam to returne 
 the said Pinkes, but at their Arrivall at the Barbados, the said Pinkes 
 and their Lading were seized condemned and sold by which meanes 
 1 j sa ‘dM aster cannot comply with his Engagement at Surinam, 
 and the Petitioners Estate there being to the value of Three Thousand 
 pounds wilbe lost, And therefore humbly Praying, That if the said 
 lwo rinkes and their Lading cannot be delivered unto them, they 
 may receive the full Proceed thereof according as they were sold 
 towards the Satisfaction which they must make out of their Estates 
 at Surinam for the said Pinkes and Goods in them, which the Dutch 
 value at Two Thousand pounds. 4 
 
 50. Reflections on Jamaica Slave Trade, 1670 (P). 1 
 
 Some Reflections on the Royall African Companys Interest in the 
 Plantations and the use of a Major Generali in the Island of Jamaica, 
 
 The preservation of the Royall Affrican Companys interest in sup¬ 
 plying our Plantations with Negros is as necessary as any one matter 
 w’ch concernes them, for though by the Interloping Trade both from 
 Affrica and the Dutch Island of Cuirisa 2 they may in time of Peace 
 bee supply d and perhapps att 10 p Cent lower rates, yett would they 
 prove but a petty Recompence for the Stop of them in time of Warr, 
 w c h would infallibly happen if the Compa. should by Interlopers bee 
 discouraged from minding that matter, asMiey must needs bee if 
 things there proceed, as lately they have done. 
 
 The Remedy of this mischiefe seemes att present principally to bee 
 Intrusted to His Ma’ties Governours there; w’ch it is true might bee 
 effectuall, if the Governo’r was not to need the Country for his own 
 propper support: but that being so, if hee [be] zealous for the Com¬ 
 pany, hee loses the Country, and if hee favour the Country, to which 
 hee is necessitated by his interest, hee as certainly loses the Company 
 
 and is Slander’d, as one guilty of Tricks, w’ch destroys him att 
 Court. 
 
 These mischiefes might bee remedyed and the Affrican Companyes 
 interest might bee with ease preserved, if some necessary Rules were 
 made concerning that Trade here, and the inspection of them placed 
 in A Major Generali who by usage there officiated in some sort like 
 a Comissary of the Musters a place absolutely necessary for the 
 safety of all their Lives. 
 
 4 The petition was referred to Lord Willoughby for his report. 
 
 J 5 ° ] ^ ibra T of Con S ress > British Transcripts, Egerton MSS. 2395, f. 466. Endorsed, 
 
 K. Attrican Company in Jamaica and Concerning a Maj’r Genn’ll”. This manuscript 
 itself undated, is found between one of Dec. 22, 1669, and one of Mar. 30, 1670. 
 
 2 Curasao. ’ 
 
174 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 For they considering that the advantage arising by Blacks in 
 Planting compared to that of white Servants is very considerable 
 have in their Laws att Jamaica Fourseene that the proportion of 
 Blacks might in short tyme bee such, that a Rebellion of them would 
 bee easy and therefore have in their Assembly Enacted that to every 
 Eight Blacks, as I take it, every man should bee obliged to keep one 
 white man. 
 
 This Law soe necessary and made considerably penall is in the 
 plantations frequently broken and will in the end signifie nothing if 
 a due Register or Muster bee not kept both of the blacks and Whites 
 in the Island and the particular Planters to whom they belong. 
 
 This might bee easily done if the King by his Letter should take 
 notice of the Premises: And appoint that for the safety of his Subjects 
 there An Office for Tolling Blacks and Registring all Sales of them 
 should bee held att every place where Quarter Session Courts are kept 
 and that these Registers should bee duly returned to the Major Gen- 
 eralls Office, to bee compared with the Muster Rolls of the Whites 
 belonging to every plantation in the severall precincts of the Island. 
 
 It might bee further ordered that once a quarter the Number of 
 
 the dead Blacks might bee returned. 
 
 It might bee further necessary that all Blacks now in the Island 
 or hereafter to bee brought thither should bee marked with one 
 Generali Brand. And that any which should after bee found without 
 that Brand should bee forfeited, Branded and Sold, the proffitt to bee 
 
 to the Governor and the other to the White Informer, with 
 Freedome to him that is a White Servant who discovers a concealed 
 Black of his Masters. 
 
 This Office would absolutely prevent Interloping, prevent clamour 
 against the Governors either there or here and secure the Island of 
 Jamaica from Rebellions of their Blacks, which is most in danger 
 by its severall Mountainous Woody Fastnesses to receive them. 
 
 The Company for a Law of this sort might afford and would be 
 ready to allow a sufficient support by way of Factorage for maintain¬ 
 ing the Office, as suppose it was 5 5 per head for every new Black 
 they brought to bee pd. att his first Branding. 
 
 51. Proposals for Resettlement of the Company of Royal 
 Adventurers trading into Africa, 167 i. 1 
 
 Present stock, 122,000 l. to be valued at 10 per cent., and so reduced 
 to 12,200 /. Creditors to receive two-thirds of their debts in old stock 
 
 [51] x Cal. St. P. Col., 1661-1668, pp. 119-120 (summary).. These proposals are cal¬ 
 endared under the date 1663, which is probably a mistake, since the financial plan ere 
 proposed is that used in 1671. The document bears three indorsements, the first o 
 which is undated, the second is “Guiney Company, 1671”, the third, a late penci 
 indorsement, is “Guinea, 1671, 63, Jan.”, which perhaps accounts for its place in the 
 Calendar. 
 
and the remainder in ready money; 2 84,000 /. new stock to be raised, 
 in subscribing which present adventurers and creditors, who shall sub¬ 
 scribe two-thirds of their debts into the old stock, shall have the pref¬ 
 erence; every 100 /. adventurer to have a vote in the management. 
 Government in England to be by committee of five, or at most seven 
 persons, to be chosen by plurality of votes in general court; two of 
 the five, or three of the seven, to retire annually, and others substi¬ 
 tuted; the committee to meet three days a week and stay three hours 
 at each meeting, and to receive 20 j. apiece for each meeting; no mem¬ 
 ber to be absent except he have first petitioned the general court to 
 lay down his place; the committee to have power to suspend any of 
 the Company s officers hereafter mentioned, unless upon their appeal 
 the general court restore them; the said officers to give security for 
 faithful discharge of duties, viz., a treasurer and chief accountant at 
 150 /. each per ann. salary, second accountant at 100 l., warehouse¬ 
 keeper at 60 l., surveyor of ships at 30 L, and messenger at 20 /. 
 Resolutions of the committee to be by majority of votes, and binding 
 on the Company unless contradictory to some order of the general 
 court.. Any member of the committee defrauding the Company or 
 receiving any gift or bribe to forfeit his whole stock, and any officer so 
 guilty to be forthwith discharged and made incapable of being ever 
 restored. Posts in Africa to be Cape Corso, Anashan, Commenda, 
 Aga, and Acra ; 3 castle of Cape Corso to be head factor}^ and residence 
 of the agent for the whole of Africa; also of two merchants, a gold- 
 taker, a warehouse-keeper, a chief accountant and second accountant, 
 and three younger factors; garrison to be 50 English soldiers and 30 
 negro slaves, a captain, and four sergeants or corporals. Anashan 
 to have chief and second factor, a sergeant, ten English soldiers, and 
 eight negroes. Commenda, Aga, and Acra to have each a house, 
 two factors, two soldiers, and two negroes. For the Caribbee islands 4 
 
 2 The creditors were to receive £19,000 in cash, and £38,000 in shares of the 
 old company, which would be written down to £3800. Of £100,000 capital of the new 
 company, £16,000 went to shareholders and creditors of the old company, £19,000 as 
 cash to creditors, and £65,000 was to be used as working capital. For every £100 of 
 his debt a creditor would thus receive £33. 6. 8 in cash, and £6. 13. 4 in the stock of 
 the new company. Scott, Joint-Stock Companies, II. 19. 
 
 Cabo Corso (Cape Coast), not far from Elmina, remained throughout the 
 period of the English slave trade the chief English factory upon the Gold Coast. This 
 form of the name was retained by the English throughout most of the seventeenth 
 century but by the eighteenth it had been transformed into Cape Coast. Excellent 
 pictures of this fort are to be found in Churchill, Voyages and Travels, vol. V., and in 
 Astley, Voyages and Travels, vol. II. Anashan was less than ten miles east of Cape 
 Coast; Commenda, west of Cape Coast; Elmina, about half-way between them; Agga 
 or Adga, east of Anashan, in the Fantyn province; Accra, about 150 miles east of 
 Cape Three Points, near the eastern limits of the Gold Coast. Portuguese, French, 
 and Danes had had forts or factories at Accra before this time. 
 
 * By 1671 the British were in possession of Barbados, the Leeward Islands, 
 Jamaica, and the Caymans. 
 
i 7 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 the Company to allow the factors two per cent, for sales and returns 
 in goods, and one per cent, for returns in bills of exchange; the factors 
 to make good to the Company all their debts, and the Company to be 
 at no further charge. For the supply of the plantations with negro 
 servants; the Company to grant license to all his Majesty’s subjects 
 to fetch negroes on payment of 3 /. per ton on the tonnage of their 
 ships, but binding them not to touch at certain points; also to make 
 offer to governors to furnish them annually with as many negroes 
 as they will contract for at 17 /• P er head at Barbadoes, 18 /. at 
 Antigua, and 19 /. in Jamaica, with a reduction of 1 /. per head at 
 each place to any one contracting for a whole ship-load and paying 
 one-fourth of the price in advance with security for the remainder; 
 the Company not to be bound to supply negroes to any planter in¬ 
 debted to them for a former supply. If the Company’s creditors will 
 not accept of one-third in money and two-thirds in old stock, the 
 whole effects to be made over to them and a new patent taken out. 
 Endeavours to be used to obtain an Act of Parliament for confirmation 
 of the Company’s charter. 
 
 52. The King to William Lord Willoughby. 1 
 
 Whitehall, 22 November, 1671. 
 
 It is of a long time That Wee have been made acquainted with the 
 hard measures the Royall Company trading to Africa have received 
 in Our Island of Barbados in relation to the great debts due to them 
 and the delay and fayler of Justice they have mett with in their 
 endeavors for the recovery thereof. But now lately they have by 
 their complaint made to Us so fully represented their case in that 
 Particular, and the ruine impending upon their whole. Stock, and 
 Trade, to the Scandall of the Government there which is like to be 
 followed with a totall losse of that beneficiall Trade to us and Our 
 Kingdomes, and even ruine to that and other Our Plantations, That 
 Wee have taken the same into Our most serious and Princely con¬ 
 sideration, and by advice of Our Privy Councill have resolved to inter¬ 
 pose in the most effectuall manner, Our Justice and Royall Power, 
 that full right may be done to the said Company, and that, by no 
 Artifice or combination upon pretence of Law or Custome in that 
 Island they be any longer withheld from what is due to them. 
 
 And though Wee might justly send for some of their cheif Debitors 
 hither to answer this complaint, and to abide such rule as shalbe found 
 expedient for their plenary satisfaction, and the recovery of their 
 Trade which is in great hazard by the proceedings used there, in this 
 
 [52] 1 Acts P. C. C., I. 572-574. William Lord Willoughby, brother of Francis, suc¬ 
 ceeded him as governor of Barbados, reaching the island in January, 1667. 
 
September, 1672 
 
 177 
 
 Case, Yet being desirous to recommend Our Justice by all waies of 
 lenity and moderation towards such as We hope will not continue 
 Obstinate in a course of wrong and injury to their fellow subjects 
 Wee have thought fitt first to settle this way and method for the 
 obteyning Justice to the said Company Vizt. 
 
 That you Our Governor or Deputy Governor of that Island, do 
 employ your utmost Care and diligence in assisting Mr. Robert Beven 
 and Mr. Edwin Stede Agents now purposely sent by the said Company 
 for recovery of their said debts procureing him with all the Interest 
 you have speedy and full justice therein, And that none may shelter 
 themselves under Our Authority, or as persons employed by Us, and 
 in Our Service Our Will and pleasure is, That if upon the prosecution 
 of the said Agent, and such assistance and Countenance as you shall 
 give him, which Wee command you to doe in the most effectuall 
 manner, as in an affair, which Wee take much to heart, the said 
 Debitors or any of them, shall not make payment to the said Agent 
 of the debts due to the said Company within four Moneths after 
 demand that every person neglecting or refuseing such payment be 
 discharged from his Office, place, or Imployment, or proffitt, trust, 
 or honour in that Island especially of his place of Judicature they 
 being altogether unworthy to have a hand in the distribution of 
 Justice, that are not just in their owne particular Concerns. And if 
 this course shall not take the Effect Wee hope and desire Wee are 
 resolved to apply the utmost and most severe remedies Our Royall 
 authority is furnished with to compell the refractory to pay their just 
 debts, and to letfc them see, That distance of Place shall shelter none 
 from Our Justice and Power. 
 
 And Wee doe further streightly charge and Command you . . . 
 That this Our Letter be published in the accustomed Places and then 
 recorded in the Generali Assembly of Our said Island, whereof, and 
 of your punctuall execution of these Our Commands in all Points, 
 Wee shall require a strict account of you. 2 
 
 53. Charter of the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Charles the Second by the Grace of God King of England Scotland 
 France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc., To all to whom 
 these presents shall come, Greeting: Whereas all and singular the 
 
 2 A similar letter was sent to Jamaica May 25, 1672. A letter of Nov. 26, 1672, 
 duplicates this. Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, pp. 363-364, 436. 
 
 [53] X T 70: 1505. By far the most valuable single source of material for the 
 slave trade is the body of records of the Royal African Company in the Public Record 
 Office, known as Treasury Papers 70, and here cited as T 70. For a description of 
 these papers see Hilary Jenkinson, “The Records of the English African Companies”, 
 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (third ser.), VI. 197-220; a list will be 
 found in Lists and Indexes, no. XLVI. (Public Record Office, 1921), pp. 52-76. A 
 more extended study based on these papers will be found in a forthcoming book on 
 
i 7 « 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 regions, countrys, dominions and territories, continents, coasts and 
 places, now or at any time heretofore called or known by the name 
 or names of Guinny, Buiny, 2 Angola and South Barbary or by any of 
 them, or which are or have been reputed esteemed or taken to be 
 parcel or member of any region country dominion territory or con¬ 
 tinent called Guinny or Binny, Angola or South Barbary and all and 
 singular ports and havens, rivers, creeks, islands and places in the 
 parts of Africa to them or any of them belonging, and the sole and 
 onely trade and traffic thereof, are the undoubted right of Us our 
 heirs and successors and are and have been enjoyed by Us and by our 
 predecessors for many years past as in right of this our Crown of 
 England, 
 
 And whereas the trade of the said regions, countries and places 
 is of great advantage to our subjects of this Kingdom, and for the 
 improvement thereof divers attempts have been made and several 
 charters granted by our Royal Progenitors to several persons with 
 such powers and authorities, as were then conceived proper for the 
 carrying on of the said trade, but all the said endeavours proved in¬ 
 effectual untill We by Letters Patents under our Great Seal of England 
 bearing date the tenth day of January in the fourteenth year of our 
 reign did give and grant unto our Royal Consort Queen Katherine, 
 Mary the Queen our Mother (since deceased), our dearest Brother 
 James Duke of York and others therein named the propriety and 
 government of all the said regions territories, countries, dominions, 
 continents, coasts and places, in trust for the Company of Royal 
 Adventurers of England, trading into Africa, And for the better 
 managing of the Trade and traffic thereof, did create and make them 
 and such as they should think fit to receive into their Society [a?] 
 body politick and Corporate by the name of the Company of the 
 Royal Adventurers of England trading into Africa, Granting to them 
 and their Successors the sole Trade of the said Regions, Countries, 
 Dominions, Territories, Continents, Coasts and places, with prohibi¬ 
 tion to all others, and several other liberties and priviledges as by the 
 said Letters Patents may appear, whereby the said trade is very 
 much advanced and improved, 3 
 
 Nevertheless, by accidents in the late wars and other casualties the 
 said Company have sustained great losses by means whereof their 
 
 the Royal African Company, by Dr. George F. Zook. The letter-books, ledgers, minute- 
 books, cash-books, waste books, and journals, amounting to some 1600 volumes, offer 
 an embarrassment of riches from which to make selections illustrative of the history 
 of the companies. Most of the extracts here printed have been taken from the letter- 
 books and journals, as more illuminating when removed from their context than would be 
 detached portions of the ledgers. Extracts from these papers, selected by Miss Ruth 
 Anna Fisher, were printed in the Journal of Negro History, XIII. 286-394. 
 
 2 Benin. 
 
 3 For the charter of 1663 see Carr, Select Charters, pp. 177-181. 
 
September, i6j2 179 
 
 stock hath been so impaired that, besides the great Debts they were 
 payable unto, there remained not sufficient to manage the said trade, 
 whereupon all persons refused to advance any more money upon that 
 account lest it should be subject to the payment of those debts and 
 not be employed in the said trade, 
 
 And it being found also by experience that the powers and privi- 
 eges in our said Letters Patents granted were not sufficient for those 
 purposes for which they were designed, 
 
 Thereupon the said Company, to enable them to pay and satisfy 
 t eir just debts so far as the value of what remained unto them will 
 extend unto, have treated with the persons hereafter named who upon 
 that occasion have made subscriptions towards a new stock, and 
 have for valuable considerations undertaken to assure unto them all 
 the said regions, dominions, territories, continents and places by Us 
 granted as aforesaid, and all their rights and privileges in the trade 
 thereof, And for that end to become humble suitors to Us that We 
 would be graciously pleased to accept a surrender of all their rights 
 and interests either in law or equity in the said regions, dominions, 
 territories, continents, coasts and places, and of all their whole rights 
 and privileges of trade unto those parts, And that We would be 
 pleased to make the said persons hereafter named a new Society 
 or Corporation to whom the said regions, territories, continents, 
 coasts and places and the sole trade thereof may be granted with 
 such powers and privileges as shall be most convenient for the 
 advancement and carrying on the said trade, 
 
 And the said Company have accordingly besought Us on that behalf 
 and have under their Common Seal surrendered the said property and 
 sole privileges unto Us for the purposes aforesaid, 
 
 Now know ye that We graciously tendering the encouragement and 
 advancement of the said trade and to the end the new Company or 
 Corporation hereafter erected and constituted may be the better en¬ 
 abled to maintain and enlarge the said trade and traffic into and from 
 the parts and places 'in the said Letters Patents and hereafter in 
 these presents expressed, and at the humble petition of the said Com¬ 
 pany of Royal Adventurers of England trading into Africa and also 
 of the persons hereafter named, We have accepted of the said sur¬ 
 render and of our more especial grace, certain knowledge and mere 
 motion, We have given and granted, and for Us our heirs and suc¬ 
 cessors do hereby give and grant unto our dearest Brother James, 
 Duke of York, Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, Mr. John Buckworth, 
 Sir John Banks, John Bence, Esquire, William Earl of Craven, Mr. 
 Jarvis Cartwright, Mr. Samuel Dashwood, Sir Richard Ford, Mr. 
 Thomas Farrington, Captain Ferdinando Gorges, Mr. Edward 
 
i8o 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Hoopegood, Mr. John Jeffries, Sir Andrew King, Charles Modyford, 
 Esquire, Mr. Samuel Moyer, Mr. Peter Proby, Mr. Gabriel Roberts, 
 
 Sir John Shaw, Mr. Benjamin Skutt, Sir Robert Vyner, Mr. Thomas 
 Vernon, Mr. Nicholas Warren and Mr. Richard Young, 4 their execu¬ 
 tors and assigns, all and singular the regions, countrys, dominions, 
 territories, continents, coasts and places lying and being within the 
 limits and bounds hereafter mentioned (that is to say), beginning 
 at the port of Sallee in South Barbary inclusive, and extending from 
 thence to Cape De Bona Esperanza inclusive, with all the Islands 
 near, adjoining to those Coasts and comprehended within the.limits 
 aforesaid, which regions, countrys, dominions, territories, continents, 
 coasts, places and Islands have been heretofore called or known by 
 the name of South Barbary, Guinny, Binny or Angola or by some or 
 any other name or names, which are or have been reputed, esteemed 
 or taken to be part, parcel or member of any Country, region, do¬ 
 minion, territory or continent within the limits aforesaid, and all 
 and singular Ports, Harbours, Creeks, Islands, Lakes, and places, in 
 the parts of Africa, to them, or any of them, belonging or being 
 under the obedience of any King, State, or Potentate of any Region, 
 Dominion or Country within the limits aforesaid, 
 
 To have and To hold all and singular the said Regions, Countries, 
 Dominions, Territories, Continents, Islands, Coasts and places afore¬ 
 said, and all and singular other the premises within the limits afore¬ 
 said, to the said James, Duke of York, Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, 
 Mr. John Buckworth, Sir John Banks, John Bence, Esquire, William 
 Earl of Craven, Mr. Jarvis Cartwright, Mr. Samuel Dashwood, Sir 
 Richard Ford, Mr. Thomas Farrington, Captain Ferdinando Gorges, 
 Mr. Edward Hoopegood, Mr. John Jeffries, Sir Andrew King, 
 Charles Modyford, Esquire, Mr. Samuel Moyer, Mr. Peter Proby, i 
 Mr. Gabriel Roberts, Sir John Shaw, Mr. Benjamin Skutt, Sir Robert 
 Vyner, Mr. Thomas Vernon, Mr. Nicholas Warren and Mr. Richard 
 Young, their ex’ors and assigns, from the making of these, our Letters 
 Pattent, for and during the term, and unto the full end and term of 
 one thousand years, yielding and rendering therefore unto Us, our ( 
 
 4 This group of twenty-four constituted the “assistants” of the new company, named 
 later in the charter. The names in this list which had not heretofore appeared in 
 African charters are: John Banks, Jarvis Cartwright Samuel Dashwood, Thomas 
 Farrington, Ferdinando Gorges, Edward Hopegood, John. Jeffreys, Andrew King, 
 Charles Modyford, Samuel Moyer, Gabriel Roberts, Benjamin Skutt, Thomas Vernon, 
 Nicholas Warren, and Richard Young. Sir John Banks was a merchant of small 
 beginnings, who, according to Evelyn, had by 1676 amassed a fortune of £100,000 
 (Diary, ed. Dobson, II. 393). The colonizing activities of Gorges are too well known 
 to need description. John Jeffreys and his brother Jeffrey, both London merchants, were 
 closely associated with the slave trade throughout the remainder of the century (see 
 their activities in the Virginia trade, this work, vol. III). Samuel Moyer had been a 
 London alderman in 1652, and in 1653 was a member of the Council of State {Cal. St. P. 
 Dom., 1652-1653, PP- 62, 339 ). Benjamin Skutt and Gorges had been signers of a 
 petition for free trade to Africa, in 1667. Stock, Proceedings and Debates, I. 34 2 " 345 * 
 
September, 1672 • 181 
 
 heirs and successors, two Elephants, whenever we, our heirs and suc¬ 
 cessors, or any of them, shall arrive, land or come into the Dominions, 
 
 Regions, Countrys, Territories, Plantations and places before men¬ 
 tioned, or any of them. 
 
 Nevertheless, our Will and pleasure is, And we do hereby declare 
 the true intent and meaning of these presents to be, that this, our 
 present grant and demise of the Regions, Countrys, Dominions, Ter¬ 
 ritories, Continents, Islands, Coasts, and places aforesaid, and all the 
 benefits, comodity, profits, and advantages made and to be made 
 and gotten out of the same, or by reason of the term aforesaid, shall 
 be and shall be interpreted to be in Trust and for the sole use, benefit 
 and behoof of the Royal African Company of England hereafter 
 mentioned, and their Successors, and after, in and by these presents 
 Incorporated, or mentioned to be Incorporated, And, therefore, for 
 the setting forward and furtherance of Trade intended, in the parts 
 aforesaid, and the incouragement of the undertakers in the discover¬ 
 ing the Golden Mines and settling of Plantations, being an enter¬ 
 prise so laudable and conducing to so worthy an end as the increase 
 of Traffic and Merchandize wherein this nation hath been famous; 
 of our further and more ample [ torn] Grace and favour certain 
 knowledge and mere motion, We do will, ordain, constitute, appoint, 
 give and grant unto our said dearest Brother James, Duke of York, 
 His Highness, Prince Rupert, Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury, Henry, 
 Earl of Arlington, [and igg others] that they and all such others, 
 as they shall from time to time think fit and convenient to receive 
 into their Company and Society to be traders and adventurers with 
 them to the said Countries, shall be one body Politick and Corporate 
 of themselves, in deed and in name, by the name of the Royal African 
 Company of England: and them, by that name, one body Politick 
 and Corporate in deed and in name, We do, for us, our heirs and 
 successors, make, create, ordain, constitute, appoint and confirm by 
 these presents; and that by the same name they shall have perpetual 
 succession, and that they and their successors, by the name of the 
 Royal African Company of England, at all times hereafter, shall be 
 persons able and capable in Law to have, take, purchase, receive, 
 possess and enjoy Manors, Messuages, Lands, Tenements, rents, liber¬ 
 ties, priviledges and hereditaments of whatsoever kind, nature, or 
 quality to them and their Successors, and by the same name shall 
 and may be persons able and capable in law to plead and be impleaded, 
 answer and be answered unto, defend and be defended, in whatsoever 
 Court and places, and before whatsoever Judges, Justices, Officers 
 and Ministers, of us, our heirs and Successors, and in all and singular 
 pleas, accompts, Suits, Causes, and demands whatsoever of what kind, 
 
182 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 nature or sort soever, and in such manner and form as any other of 
 our Liege People of this Kingdom of England, or other dominions, 
 being persons able and capable in Law to plead and be impleaded, 
 answer and be answered unto, defend and be defended, have, purchase, 
 receive, take, possess, give and grant, let and dispose by any jawfu 
 ways and means whatsoever. And that it shall, and may be, lawful 
 for the said Royal African Company of England and their successors 
 to have and use a Common Seal for all the causes and businesses of 
 them and their Successors, which seal our will and pleasure is shall 
 be engraven and set forth in manner and form following, that is to 
 say, On the one side the image of our Royal Person in our Parliament 
 or royal robes, and on the other side an elephant bearing a castle sup¬ 
 ported by two negroes or black mores: 
 
 And for the better ordering and Governing of the said Company 
 we have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs 
 and successors do give and grant unto the said Royal African Com¬ 
 pany of England and their successors that there shall from time to 
 time, be a Governor, Sub Governor, and Deputy Governor and twenty- 
 four assistant members of the said Company, which said Governor, 
 Sub-Governor, and Deputy Governor and assistants, or any seven or 
 the major part of them (of which the Governor, Sub-Governor, or 
 Deputy Governor to be one) and their successors, we will shall be 
 called the Court of Assistants of the Royal African Company of 
 England, shall be and are hereby authorized and impowered accord¬ 
 ing to such Rules, orders and directions, as shall from time to time 
 be made and given unto them by the General Court of the said Com¬ 
 pany, and for want of such order rules or direction by the said 
 General Court then they the said Governor, Sub Governor, Deputy 
 Governor and Assistants or any seven or the major part of them, 
 Whereof the said Governor Sub Governor or Deputy Governor to 
 be one, are hereby authorized and impowered from time to time to 
 have the Whole management and direction of all the Affairs and 
 business of the said Company as well in buying and selling of all 
 goods and merchandizes as in providing Ships, erecting factories, 
 and in the Choice of their factors and all their other Servants and 
 ministers Whatsoever, and generally to act and do in all other things 
 Whatsoever they shall Judge necessary to the well ordering and 
 Government of the said Company and the trade thereof, and so 
 enjoy, perform and execute all the powers, authoiities, priviledges, 
 Acts and things to all intents and purposes as if the same were done 
 by the said General Court, and that our dearest and intirely belove 
 brother James Duke of York shall be the present Governor and 
 Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury shall be the present Sub Governor and 
 
Mr. John Buckworth shall be the present Deputy Governor, and 
 that Sir John Banks, Capt. John Bence, Esq., and William Earl of 
 Craven, Mr. Jarvis Cartwright, Mr. Samuell Dashwood, Sir Richard 
 Ford, Mr. Thomas Farrington, Capt. Ferdinando Gorges, Mr. 
 Edward Hopegood, John Jeffries, Esq., Sir Andrew King, Charles 
 Modyford, Esq., Mr. Samuell Moyer, Mr. Peter Proby, Mr. Gabriel 
 Roberts, Sir John Shaw, Mr. Benjamin Skutt, Sir Robert Vyner, Mr. 
 Thomas Veinon, Mr. Nicholas Warren, and Mr. Richard Young 
 shall be Assistants of the said Company, together with three such 
 other persons as shall be chosen at the next general Court of the said 
 Company or any other General Court by the major part of the 
 persons there assembled before the fifth day of January next ensuing 
 to be Assistants, and that the said Governor, Sub Governor and 
 Deputy Governor and the said Assistants shall continue in their said 
 respective places and Offices untill the twentieth day of January next 
 ensuing the date of these presents, and from thence untill there 
 shall be a New Choice duely made of Governor, Sub Governor and 
 Deputy Governor and twenty four persons as Assistants of the said 
 Company to succeed them according as is hereafter directed, unless 
 they or any of them shall die or be removed by Order to be made 
 by the General Court of the said Company before the expiration of 
 the said time; and in case any of them shall die or be so removed 
 before the expiration of the said time it shall, and may be, lawful 
 for the major pait of the persons assembled at any General Court 
 of the said Company to make choice of any member of the said 
 Company in the place of such persons so deceased or removed, which 
 person so to be chosen shall continue in the said office during the 
 residue of the said time. 
 
 And we do further, for us our heirs and successors, give and grant 
 to the said Royal African Company of England and their Successors 
 that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Company at any 
 time between the first day of January and the said twentieth day of 
 January next ensuing, the date of these presents, and so from time 
 to time between the first and twentieth day of January in every year 
 successively, to assemble a General Court of the Royal African Com¬ 
 pany of England, ^nd by the major part of the generality there pre¬ 
 sent, to make a general Collection and choose a Governor, Sub- 
 Governor and Deputy Governor and twenty four assistants for the 
 purposes aforesaid, which are to continue in the said office for the 
 ensuing year next after the twentieth day of January following the 
 said election, and from thence until other persons be duly chosen in 
 their rooms; and upon the death or removal of any Governor, Sub- 
 Governor or Deputy Governor, assistant or assistants at any time 
 
184 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 within the year and before the said twentieth day of January, it shall 
 be lawful for the Generality of the said Company, at any General 
 Court to be for that purpose assembled by the major part of the per- 
 sons present at such General Court, to elect and choose a Governor, 
 Sub-Governor, Deputy Governor or assistants, as there shall be occa¬ 
 sion, in the place and room of such person as shall be so dead or re¬ 
 moved : Provided Always, that the Sub-Governor and Deputy Gover¬ 
 nor and assistants, in this patent named, shall, before he or they enter 
 upon the execution of the said places respectively, take their Coipora 
 Oaths, for their true and faithful execution of their respective 1 rusts 
 and places, before the Lord Keeper or Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 for the time being, who are hereby authorized to administer the same 
 accordingly. And Provided also, that all and every the other persons 
 above mentioned, members of the said Company, and all such other 
 persons as shall from time to time be admitted members of the said | 
 Company, before they shall have liberty to act as members of the said ■ 
 Company or have any benefit, profit or advantages thereby, shall be¬ 
 fore the said Governor, Sub-Governor and Deputy Governor, or any 
 three of the assistants above named, who are hereby respectively author¬ 
 ized to administer the same, take an Oath of Fidelity to the said Com- 
 pany, which oath We will and appoint shall be in these words follow¬ 
 ing, You do swear to be good and true to our Sovereign Lord the 
 King’s Majesty and to his heirs and successors and that you will be 
 faithful to the Royal African Company of England trading into 
 Africa, in the management of their said trade; the seciets of the sai 
 Company which shall be given you in charge to conceal by the said ( 
 Governor, Sub-Governor or Deputy Governor you will not disclose, 
 and during the present joint stock of this Company you will not trade . 
 to any of the limits of this Company’s Charter without leave of the 
 General Court or Court of Assistants, So help you God; And also, 
 that the said Court of Assistants shall have power and authority to 
 administer an Oath of Fidelity to all their Inferior Officers and 
 ministers that shall be chosen and employed under them in the services 
 of the said Company, for their faithful and due execution of their 
 several places and Trusts reposed in them, to the best of their skill, 
 so that nothing be contained in the said oath that is or shall be 
 repugnant to the laws of this Kingdom: And upon the choice of any < 
 succeeding Governor, Sub-Governor, Deputy Governor and assistants, 
 We do give and grant power unto the preceding Governor Sub Gov¬ 
 ernor or Deputy Governor, or any three of the assistants to administer 
 a Corporal Oath, to the Succeeding Governor, Sub-Governor or 
 Deputy Governor, for the due and faithful execution of their respec- 
 
September, 1672 xg ^ 
 
 tive Trusts and places, which they are to take before they enter upon 
 the execution of their several Trusts and places. 
 
 And for the better ordering and managing the affairs of the said 
 Royal African Company of England, we do, by these presents, for us, 
 our heirs and Successors, grant unto the said Governor, Sub-Governor 
 and Deputy Governor and assistants, or any seven of them, of which 
 the Governor, Sub-Governor or Deputy Governor to be one, full 
 power and authority at all times convenient to assemble themselves 
 together in any place or places convenient, for the direction and man¬ 
 agement of the affairs and business of the said Company, and to hold 
 Courts and as often as they find cause to summon a General Court of 
 the said Royal African Company, who from time to time, upon their 
 meeting, shall have power to make and may make, ordain, constitute 
 and establish, such, and so many good and necessary and reasonable 
 laws, ordinances, orders and constitutions, as to the greatest part of 
 them so assembled shall seem necessary and convenient for the good 
 Government of the said Company and their affairs, and them, or any 
 of them, to alter, change, make void, and if need be, make anew, as 
 they shall think fitt and convenient, and to impose and set such pains 
 and punishment upon the offenders and breakers of the said Laws and 
 ordinances, either by imprisonment or fines as in their, or in the 
 greater part of their discretion shall be thought reasonable; which 
 said Laws and ordinances shall be put in execution by the said Court 
 of Assistants. And, our will and pleasure is the said fine and fines 
 shall be levied and received to the use of the Company and their 
 Successors, in such manner as the said General Court or Court of 
 Assistants shall direct and appoint, and by them to be enjoyed, with¬ 
 out any account to be made to us, our heirs or successors for the 
 same; all which Laws, ordinances and constitutions, so to be made as 
 aforesaid, We Will and Command, to be observed and kept so as the 
 said Laws, ordinances, orders, constitutions, imprisonments, fines and 
 amerciaments, be reasonable and not repugnant to the Laws of this our 
 Realm of England. 
 
 And we do hereby further grant, that if the Governor, Sub- 
 Governor, Deputy Governor or any of the Assistants for the time 
 being shall at any time hereafter be convicted for any misdemeanour 
 and declared to be removed by the judgment of the generality of the 
 said Company or the major part of them or so many of them as 
 shall be then duly assembled upon summons issued for calling of a 
 General Court by the Governor Sub-Governor or Deputy Governor 
 or any three of the Assistants, which summons the said Governor, 
 Sub-Governor or Deputy Governor, or any three of the assistants^ 
 are hereby required to issue forth when and as often as they shall 
 
186 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 be thereunto required by any twelve of the Generality of tire Com- 
 pany, that then, and in every such case, such Governor, Sub-Governor 
 Deputy Governor, and assistant or assistants as shall be so convicted, 
 and declared to be removed shall be ipso facto removed and depiive 
 of his said office, and the said Company may proceed to the New 
 Election of other persons in their offices at the same Court or any 
 other Court, in manner as is herein before prescribed. 
 
 And we do, moreover, for us, our heirs and Successors, give and 
 grant unto the said Company and their Successors that it shall and 
 may be lawful to and for any person or persons of the said Royal 
 African Company of England, or their, or either of their Execu¬ 
 tors, Administrators or Assigns, and every of them to grant 
 and assign over to any person or persons whatsoever, any of their < 
 Stock and Stocks, and the proceeds and profits thereof: Provided 
 always, that for the preventing of all mistakes, the said Assignment 
 be made in open Court before the Governor, Sub-Governor or Deputy 
 Governor and assistants, or any seven of them, of which the 
 Governor, Sub-Governor or Deputy Governor to be one, and there 
 registered, and not otherwise, and so as the said party making such 
 assignment be not indebted to the said Company, or being indebted 
 to the said Company, do give them satisfaction for the same be ore 
 such assignment be allowed; And, so as such Assignment [Assignee], 
 before he or shee be admitted to take the said assignment, or any 
 benefit thereby, in case he or she be not then a member of the said 
 Company, as shall be admitted a member thereof, in open court, 
 before the Governor, Sub-Governor or Deputy Governor and Court | 
 of Assistants, who are hereby impowered to give the same, do take 
 the Oath above prescribed to be taken by all the members of the 
 said Company. And that all and every such Assignee and Assignees 
 from and after the making of any such assignment or assignments 
 and taking the Oath aforesaid, shall and may have and enjoy the 
 same rights, benefits as the assignor or assignors had or might have 
 
 enjoyed. L 
 
 And further, of Our more especial Grace, certain knowledge and 
 mere motion, We do hereby, for us, our heirs and Successors, grant 
 unto the said Royal African Company of England and their Succes¬ 
 sors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Company and 
 their Successors, and none others, from time to time to set to Sea 
 such and so many shipps, pinnaces, and barks as shall be thoug t 
 fitting by the said Court of Assistants for the time being, of [w ic ] 
 the Governor, Sub-Governor, or Deputy Governor to be one prepare 
 and furnished with Ordnance, Artillery and Ammunition or any other 
 habiliments in warlike manner fitt and necessary for their defence, 
 
September } 1672 187 
 
 And shall for ever hereafter have, use and enjoy all mines of Gold and 
 Silver (subject to the proviso and limitation in that behalf herein¬ 
 after contained) which are or shall be found in all or any the places 
 above mentioned, And the whole, entire and only Trade, liberty, use 
 andprivilege of Trade and Traffic into and from the said parts of 
 Africa above mentioned (that is to say): into and from all and 
 r ^ e ^ 10ns ’ Countries, Dominions, Territories, Continents, 
 Islands, Coasts and places now or at any time heretofore called or 
 known by the name or names of South Barbary, Guinny, Buiny or 
 Angola or any of them, or which are or have been reputed, esteemed 
 or taken as part, parcel or member of any Region, Country, Dominion, 
 I erritory or Continent called South Barbary, Guinny, Buiny or An¬ 
 gola,. or any other Region or Countries or places within the bounds 
 and limits aforesaid, and into and from all and singular Ports Havens 
 Rivers, Creeks, Islands and places in the parts of Africa’to them 
 or any of them belonging, or being under the obedience of any King, 
 State, or Potentate, of any Region, Dominion or Country in South 
 Barbary, Guinny, Buiny or Angola, or limits aforesaid, for the buying, 
 selling, bartering and exchanging of, for, or with any Gold, Silver,’ 
 Negroes, Slaves, goods, wares and merchandizes whatsoever to be 
 rented or found at or within any of the Cities, Towns, places, Rivers 
 situate or being in the Countries, Islands, Places, Ports and Coasts 
 aforementioned,, any statute, Law, grant, matter, customs or privilege 
 to the contrary in any wise, notwithstanding. 
 
 And likewise that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said 
 Royal African Company of England and their Successors, and none 
 others, from henceforth, at any time or times, from time to time, after 
 the date of these presents, to use, prepare and set to Sea such and so 
 many Ships, Barks and Pinnaces and such number of men to sail 
 therein for the further discovery of the said Rivers and places before 
 mentioned, And all Lands, Dominions and Territories within the 
 compass of the same, paying always unto us, our heirs and Successors 
 such customs, subsidies, imposts and other duties as shall be due and 
 payable for and in respective of the exportation and importation of 
 any goods, Wares and Merchandizes by them or any of them, to be 
 exported or imported by virtue of these presents. 
 
 And of our further Royal Favour, We have granted and by these 
 Presents for us, our heirs and Successors, We do grant unto the said 
 Royal African Company of England and their Successors that the 
 said Regions, Countries, Dominions, Continents, Territories, Islands, 
 Coasts, Rivers, places and passages within the limits and bounds 
 aforesaid, or any of them, or the Lands, Seignories or Dominions 
 thereunto adjoining shall not be visited, frequented or traded unto 
 
 
18 8 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 by any other of our subjects, or by any other of the subjects of our 
 heirs and Successors, either from any Ports or Havens belonging 
 or appertaining or which shall belong or appertain to us, our heirs 
 and successors, or to any foreign Prince, State, or Potentate what¬ 
 soever, and therefore we do hereby, for us, our heirs and Successors, 
 charge and command, prohibit and forbid, all the subjects of us, 
 our heirs and Successors, of what degree or quality soever they be, 
 that none of them directly or indirectly, presume to visit, frequent, 
 trade or adventure to traffic into or from the said Regions, Countries, 
 Dominions, Territories, Continents, Islands, Rivers, and places afore- 
 said or any of them or to import any Red Wood, Elephant s Teeth, 
 Negro Slaves, Hydes, Wax, Gums, graines or any other the Com¬ 
 modities of the said Countries, from any port or places, within the 
 limits aforesaid whatsoever into any of our Kingdoms or Dominions, 
 other than the said Company, their Successors, Factors, Deputies, and 
 Assignees, unless it be with license and consent of the said Company, 
 first had and obtained in writing under their common seal, upon pain 
 of our indignation and imprisonment of their bodies during the pleas¬ 
 ure of us, our heirs and Successors, and the forfeiture and loss of 
 both their ships and goods wheresoever they shall be found, either 
 within any of our Kingdoms or Dominions or any other place or 
 places out of our Dominions. 
 
 And our further will and pleasure is, and we do also hereby further 
 charge, prohibit and forbid all and every the Factors and Masters 
 of Ships, Mariners and Members of the said Company and 
 their Successors that they or any of them do not, directly or indirectly, 
 presume to trade, adventure or traffic for themselves, or any of them, 
 in or from the Regions, Countries, Dominions, Territories, Conti¬ 
 nents, Islands, Rivers, and places aforesaid, or any of them, unless it 
 be with license and consent of the said Company first had and obtained 
 in writing under their common seal aforesaid; and for the further 
 effecting of our pleasure herein, We do hereby, for us, our heirs an 
 Successors, grant and give full power and authority unto the said 
 Royal African Company of England and their successors for the time 
 being, that they, by themselves, their factors, deputies and assigns, 
 shall and may, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, enter 
 / into any Ship, Vessel, house, shop, Cellar or work-house and attack, 
 arrest, take and seize all and all manner of ships, vessels, Negroes, 
 Slaves, goods, Wares and Merchandizes whatsoever which shall be 
 brought from or carried to the places afore mentioned, or any of them, 
 contrary to our Will and pleasure, before in these presents expressed, 
 the moiety or half of all forfeitures thereupon arising, We do hereby, 
 for us, our heirs and Successors, give and grant unto the said Company 
 
September f 1672 189 
 
 and their Successors, to their own proper use and behoof without 
 account, And the other moiety or half part thereof, We will, shall be 
 and remain to the use of us, our heirs and Successors. 
 
 And for the better preventing of Secret and clandestine trading con¬ 
 trary to our intentions herein before expressed, our further will and 
 pleasure is, and we do for us our heirs and successors grant unto the 
 said Royal African Company of England and their Successors, that 
 no Commissioner or other officers whatsoever that are or shall be 
 appointed to manage the affairs of the Customs payable to Us our 
 heirs or successors shall permit any entries to be made of any goods 
 or merchandise to be exported from any of our ports in our Kingdom 
 of England for or to any of the parts aforesaid or of any goods or 
 meichandise of the growth and production or manufacture of the 
 parts or places aforesaid of Guinny, Buiny, Angola and South Bar¬ 
 bary above limited or appropriated to the said Royal African Com¬ 
 pany of England, to be imported other than such as from time to time 
 shall be allowed of by the said Court of Assistants of the said Com¬ 
 pany, or their successors under their common seal or the hands of 
 the officer to be by them appointed to sit in the Custom House for 
 that purpose : 
 
 And we do of our more especial grace and favour certain knowl¬ 
 edge and mere motion for us our heirs and Successors give and grant 
 unto the said Royal African Company of England, that the Governor, 
 Sub-Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants of the said Company 
 for the time being or any seven of them duly assembled in manner 
 aforesaid, shall and may have the ordering rule and government of all 
 such forts, factories and plantations as now are or shall be at any 
 time hereafter settled by or under the said Company within the parts 
 of Africa aforementioned, and also full power to make and declare 
 peace and war with any of the heathen nations that are or shall be 
 natives of any countries within the said territories in the said parts 
 of Africa as there shall be occasion, as also that the said Governor, 
 Sub-Governor and Deputy Governor and assistants, for the time 
 being, or any seven of them, duly in Court assembled as aforesaid, 
 shall have full power, license, and authority, to name and appoint 
 Governors and Officers, from time to time, in the said factories and 
 plantations, which said Governors shall have, and by these presents 
 we do, for us, our heirs and Successors, give to them full power and 
 authority to raise armies, train and muster such military forces as to 
 them shall seem requisite and necessary and to execute and use within 
 the said plantations the Laws called the Marshall Laws, for the 
 defence of the said plantations against any foreign invasion or domes- 
 tick insurrection or Rebellion, according to such Rules, directions and 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 190 
 
 instructions as, from time to time, shall be given them by the Court 
 of Assistants of the said Company, the Sovereign right, power and 
 dominion over all the said plantations, to be at any time settled in 
 the parts aforesaid. And power of making Peace or warr when we 
 shall be pleased to interpose our Royal Authority therein, to us, our 
 heirs and Successors, Always reserved. 
 
 Provided also, and our further Will, and true intent and meaning 
 is, that we, our heirs and Successors shall and may have, take and 
 receive two thirds parts of all the Gold Mines which shall be found, 
 seized, possessed or wrought in the parts and places aforesaid, We, 
 our heirs and Successors, paying and bearing two-thirds part of all 
 the charges incident to the discovering, buying, keeping, defending, 
 maintaining, working and transporting of the said Gold. And that 
 the said Company and their Successors shall, and may have, take and 
 enjoy the other third part of all the said Gold Mines, found or to 
 be found, they the said Company and their Successors from time to > 
 time bearing and paying the other third part of all the charges for 
 Working and transporting the said Gold as aforesaid. 
 
 And for the more effectual encouragement of merchants that shall 
 trade into the places aforesaid and for the attracting of trade to these 
 parts We have thought fit to erect and establish and we do by these 
 presents erect constitute and establish a Court of Judicature to be | 
 held at such place or places, fort or forts, plantations or factories 
 upon the said coasts as the said company shall from time to time 
 direct and appoint, which Court shall consist of one person learned 
 in the Civil Laws, and two merchants, which said persons and such 1 
 offices of the said Court as shall be thought necessary shall be nomi¬ 
 nated and appointed from time to time by the Court of Assistants 
 or the major part of them, and which said person learned in the 
 Civil Law and two merchants or the major part of them, whereof 
 the said person learned in the Civil Law to be one, shall have cog¬ 
 nizance and power to hear and determine all cases of forfeiture and 
 seizures of any ship or ships, goods and merchandizes trading an 
 coming upon any of the said coasts or limits contraiy to the true 
 intent of these presents, and also all causes of mercantile or maritime 
 bargains buying selling and bartering of wares whatsoever and all 
 policies or acts of assurance all bills bonds or promises for payment 
 of money on mercantile or trading contract all charter parties or cove 
 nants for afreighting of vessels and wages of mariners and all other 
 mercantile and maritime cases whatsoever concerning any person or 1 
 persons residing, coming or being in the places afoiesaid, and al 
 cases of tre[s]passes, injuries and wrongs done or committed upon the 
 high sea or in any of the regions, territories, countries or places afore- 
 
September y 1672 191 
 
 said concerning any person or persons residing coming or being in the 
 parts of Africa within the bounds and limits aforesaid. 
 
 All which cases shall be adjudged and determined by the said Court 
 upon due examination and proof according to the rules of equity 
 and good conscience and according to the laws and customs of mer¬ 
 chants by such methods and rules of proceedings as we shall from time 
 to time direct and appoint either under our Great Seal or Privy Seal, 
 and, for want of such direction and until such direction shall be made, 
 by such ways and means as by the judges of the said courts shall in 
 their best judgment and direction think meet and just whether it be 
 a summary way or otherwise according to the exigency of the several 
 cases that shall be brought in judgment before them, and all judg¬ 
 ments detei minations or decrees made in the said courts are to be 
 put in writing and signed by the persons that were present at the 
 making of the same, and shall contain a short state of the matter 
 
 of fact as it appeared to them and their sentence and adjudication 
 thereupon. 
 
 And further, We do hereby for us, our heirs and successors, give 
 and grant unto the said Royal African Company of England, that 
 they shall enjoy to all intents and purposes all privileges in the City 
 of London, as fully as any company of Merchants established by any 
 Lettei s Patent granted heretofore by us, or any of our predecessors 
 at present do or may enjoy. And further, we do hereby for us, our 
 heirs and successors, charge and command all and singular, Admirals, 
 Vice-Admirals, Generals, Commanders, Captains, Majors, Sheriffs, 
 Justices of Peace, comptrollers, collectors, waterers, searchers 
 and all other officers and ministers of us our heirs and Successors 
 whatsoever to be from time to time, in all things, aiding, helping and 
 assisting unto the said Company and their Successors or any employed 
 by them, upon request made as they tender our displeasure; And will 
 avoid the contrary at their peril. 
 
 And our Will and pleasure is, and by these presents we do grant 
 for us, our heirs and Successors, unto the said Royal African Com¬ 
 pany of England and their Successors, that these our Letters Patent, 
 and all and singular grants, clauses and things therein mentioned 
 under the limitations and conditions therein contained and expressed 
 shall be and continue firm, valid, good and sufficient in the Law and 
 shall be construed, reputed and taken as well in the meaning as to 
 the words of the same, most favorably and to the benefit of the said 
 Company and their successors, any omission, uncertainty or defect 
 in these presents or any other clause, matter or thing to the contrary 
 in any wise notwithstanding, although express[ly?] mentioned of the 
 
192 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 true yearly value, or uncertainty [certainty?], of these premises or of 
 any of them, or of any other gifts and grants by us, or any of our 
 progenitors or predecessors heretofore made to the said Company 
 of Royal Adventurers into Africa in these presents is not made, or any 
 statute, Act, Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation or restriction here¬ 
 tofore had, made, enacted, ordained or provided or any other matter, 
 cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary hereof in anywise notwith¬ 
 standing. 5 
 
 In Witness etc. Witness the king at Westminster the seven and 
 twentieth day of September [1672]. 
 
 By the King 
 
 [Pygott] 6 
 
 [Enrolled 17 July, 1674.] 
 
 54. The Trade of the Royal African Company, 1672. 1 
 
 Account of the Limits and Trade of the Royal African Company. 
 The company’s limits under his Majesty’s Charter begin at Sally in 
 South Barbary new Tangier and end at Cabu Buen Esperan^a where 
 the East India Company’s limits take place. . . . 2 Next begins the 
 North coast of Guinea. On James Island in the River Gambia the 
 companies have a fort where are kept 70 men, and a factory whence 
 elephants’ teeth, bees-wax, and cowhides are exported in very consider¬ 
 able quantities; the river is very large and runs up much higher than 
 any discovery has been made, and the gold is supposed to come most 
 from places at its head; in this river they have small factories at Rio 
 Noones, Rispongo, and Calsamanga, and trade by sloops to Rio 
 Grande and Catchao, 3 for those commodities and negroes. At Sierra 
 Leone River they have a factory for the same commodities, whence 
 they sail into Sherboro River, where there is a factory, and trade 
 chiefly for redwood . . . thence they trade to Cabe Mount and 
 Cestos for elephants’ teeth, where there was formerly a factory; and 
 all along by ships staying a day or more they trade on the Grain and 
 
 5 To facilitate the reorganization of the African business, the Company of Royal 
 Adventurers granted to Thomas Matthews and Francis Mann, merchants resident in 
 Jamaica, power of attorney to deal with all property belonging to or owed to them. 
 At the same time the Royal African Company granted to them and to Thomas Skutt 
 similar power, thus making easy the transfer of property from one company to the other. 
 Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, VI. 54-58. 
 
 6 Sir Richard Pygott, clerk of the patents. 
 
 [54] x Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, pp. 412-413 (summary). 
 
 z A description of Barbary and the Canary Islands follows. 
 
 3 These are not places on the Gambia, as one might think, but rivers southeast 
 of the Gambia. The order is, the Casamance, the Cacheo, the Grande, the Nunez, the 
 Pongo. 
 
December, i6j2 
 
 l 93 
 
 Quaqua coast, 4 for Guinygrains or Mallagruetts, 5 which is physic 
 for negroes, and Quaqua cloths which are sold on the Gold Coast, 
 and for teeth. At Cape Trespontes 6 begins the trade for gold, and 
 on that coast they have factories, not laid down in the maps, at Ashi- 
 nee, Abinee, Dixiscove, Anashan, Anto, Succondee, Anamaboo, Wy- 
 amba and Aga; Cormentine was taken from them in the first Dutch 
 war, when Mr. Selwyn was agent, and at the same time they took 
 Cabo-Corso Castle from the Dutch, which is now their chief port 
 and place of trade, with ioo English, besides slaves, and the residence 
 of their Agent-General, who furnishes thence all their under-factories 
 with goods, and receives from them gold, elephants’ teeth and slaves. 
 Near Cabo Corso is the great Dutch castle called the Mina; and more 
 leewardly the company have another factory at Acra for gold. Their 
 next factory is at Ardra for slaves only, which are there very plentiful; 
 next follows Benin with a factory where they procure great quantities 
 of cotton cloths to sell at Cabo-Corso and on the Gold Coast; then 
 more leewardly lies the Bite, whither many ships are sent to trade 
 at New and Old Calabar for slaves and teeth, which are there to be 
 had in great plenty, and also in the rivers Cameroons and Gaboons 
 which are near, but no factories, those places being very unhealthy. 
 A trade for Angola is begun, and they have ordered a factory to 
 settle near the Portugals’ chief city at Sunis, whence it is hoped great 
 quantities of slaves and copper may be got. They have not yet 
 discovered any other places within the limits of their Charter. The 
 slaves are sent to all his Majesty’s American Plantations which 
 cannot subsist without them. . . . 
 
 55. Thomas Clifford to the Commissioners of Customs. 1 
 
 December 21, 1672. 
 
 By the order in Council of the 20th inst., made on the petition of 
 the Royal African Company, I am to order the stopping of any ships 
 
 The Quaqua coast extended from the River Lagos to the Cobre or Ancobre River, 
 between the Ivory and Gold coasts. The origin of the name is uncertain but the 
 most common explanation offered is that it was given by travellers because of the 
 peculiar sounds made by the natives as they paddled their canoes. 
 
 5 Mallaguetta (spelled in many fashions), occasionally called Paradise grains, was 
 not unlike Indian pepper. The English early discovered it and, after they had ceased 
 carrying it to England, purchased it to mix with the food for their negro cargoes. 
 
 b Cape Three Points was about sixty miles west of Cape Coast Castle. It con¬ 
 sisted of three headlands, perhaps ten miles apart. Assini was the first commercial 
 town on the Gold Coast; Abinee, a trading post five or six miles east of Assini; Dixcove, 
 variously spelled, was a few miles east of Cape Three Points; Anamabo and Cormantine 
 were east of Cape Coast, Sekondi was west, about half-way between Cape Three 
 Points and Cape Coast. 
 
 [55] 1 Cal. Treasury Books, 1672-1675, p. 19. From the first, the company realized 
 that it must be unremitting in its vigilance in opposing the independent trader. The 
 laxness of the enforcement of its monopoly privileges during the past years had given 
 fresh impetus to a trade always difficult to hold under legal restrictions. The company 
 first directed its attention to detaining possible interlopers before they sailed. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 194 
 
 bound out upon private accounts to any places between Sallee and 
 the Cape of Good Hope to the prejudice of and contrary to the 
 Charter granted to the said Company. On behalf of said Company 
 I am informed that the ship George } William Shafte, master, and the 
 Benjamin, Abraham Major, master, are now outwards bound from the 
 Thames upon the said [Guinea trade] account. Until further order 
 herein you are to lay a stop on said ships and to hinder them to pio- 
 ceed on their voyage. 2 
 
 56. By the King: a Proclamation. 1 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 Whereas it is found by Experience, That Traffique with Infidels 
 and Barbarous Nations not in Amity with Us, and who are not holden 
 by any League or Treaty, cannot be carried on without the Establish¬ 
 ment of Forts and Factories in places convenient, the maintenance 
 whereof requires so great and constant Expence, that it cannot be 
 otherwise defrayed, then by Managing the whole Tiade by a Joynt 
 Stock; We in Our Royal Wisdom taking the same into Our serious 
 Consideration, and more especially having found by expeiience, That 
 the whole Trade of the Coast of Guiny, Buiny and Angola, and other 
 parts and places of Africa, so much importing our Service, and the 
 Enriching of this Our Kingdom, was very much abated, and attempted 
 to be Ingrossed by Foreigners, and in eminent danger to be utterly 
 lost, and taken from Us, and Our loving Subjects, not onely by 
 Foreign Force, but by the Violence and Inconstancy of the Heathen 
 Natives: For the Recovery and Preservation whereof, We were 
 Graciously pleased to encourage and invite Our loving Subjects to 
 Raise a Joynt Stock to be used and imployed therein: And in con¬ 
 sideration thereof, and for the better Securing of such as should come 
 
 2 On Dec. 28, Clifford reported that the owners of the vessels in question had 
 given assurance that they had no intention of going to Africa, and he had ordered their 
 release, receiving security that they would not enter the territory of the company s grant. 
 
 Cal. Treasury Books, 1672-1675, p. 23. . 
 
 fc6l 1 Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society, XII. 121- 
 123. See Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, P- 626; Cal. St. P. Dorn 1673-1675, P- 437- This 
 proclamation came as the result of a request from the Royal African Company, which 
 notified the Privy Council that ships from New England and divers other parts ot 
 his Majestys Dominions in America”, as well as ships of the Dutch and other foreigners, 
 were carrying on the trade of which the company had the monopoly, and, more than 
 that, were carrying it on at the invitation of the plantation governors themselves. Sir 
 Francis North, attorney general, was ordered to prepare this proclamation, which was 
 approved on Nov. 25 ( Acts P. C. C., I. 614-615). The governors of Barbados, Jamaica, 
 the Leeward Islands, Bermuda, Virginia, Maryland, Carolina, New England, an ew 
 York received copies, with orders to see that it was punctually obeyed, not only by 
 discouraging and hindring as much as in you lyes all Attempts and Endeavours, contrary 
 thereunto, but by affording your utmost Assistance to the said Company or their Agents 
 in taking the Forfeitures of such Persons as shall presume to transgresse the said 
 Proclamation, and otherwise, as to you shall seem best for procuring aU due obedience 
 to his Majestys Comands in this Particular”. Dec. 2, 1674, Acts P. C. C., I. 616. 
 
i 95 
 
 November, 1674 
 
 in and be concerned in the said Joynt Stock and Trade, We did by 
 Our Letters Patents, under Our Great Seal of England, bearing date 
 the Seven and twentieth day of September, in the Four and twentieth 
 yeai of Oui Reign, Grant unto several of Our loving Subjects, the 
 whole entiie and onely Trade into and from Africa, from the Port 
 of Sally in South Barbary inclusive, to the Cape de Bona Esperanza 
 inclusive, with all the Islands near adjoyning to those Coasts, and 
 compi ehended within the Limits aforesaid, and did Incorporate them 
 by the name of The Royal African Company of England; And the 
 said Company having raised a very great Stock sufficient to Manage 
 the Tiade theieof, have since, at their great Expence and Charge, 
 Fortified and Settled divers Garisons, Forts and Factories, by which 
 means they have so Secured the said Trade, that the same doth now 
 begin to flourish, and if not disturbed, is likely to be further improved 
 to the great benefit of this Our Kingdom; Nevertheless, We are In¬ 
 formed by the humble Petition of the said Company, That divers of 
 Our Subjects in seveial of Our Plantations in America, who are not 
 Members of the said Company, nor any ways concerned in their Stock, 
 do endeavour to reap the Benefit and Fruit thereof; 2 and to that end 
 have already sent several Ships into those parts to Trade, and are 
 pioviding more, the which if it should be permitted, and not strictly 
 and presently prevented, will disable the said Company from support¬ 
 ing the gieat Charge of maintaining the said Forts, Garisons and 
 Factories, and consequently, unavoidably occasion the loss of the whole 
 Trade of those Countreys: 
 
 Wherefore for remedy thereof We have thought fit, with Advice 
 of Our Privy Council, to Publish and Declare Our Royal Will and 
 and Pleasure to be, And We do hereby strictly Prohibit and Forbid 
 all and every of Our Subjects whatsoever, Except the said Royal 
 Company and their Successours, at any time or times hereafter, to 
 send or Navigate any Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels, or Exercise 
 any Trade from any of Our Plantations, Dominions, or Countreys 
 in America, to any of the Parts or Coasts of Africa, from wSally to 
 Cape de Bona Esperanza, or any of the Islands near thereunto, as 
 aforesaid, or from thence to carry any Negro Servants, Gold, Ele¬ 
 phants Teeth, or any other Goods or Merchandizes of the Product 
 
 2 The assembly of Jamaica had, early in 1674, passed an act authorizing the free 
 importation of negroes in all ships conforming to the requirements of the navigation acts. 
 
 It is difficult to interpret this as anything but sheer defiance of the company’s charter* 
 but Governor Lynch explained it by saying that the company’s patent was not yet in 
 wrn 1 - sland when the measure was Passed (Sir Thomas Lynch to Secretary Sir Joseph 
 1 lamson, Nov. 20, 1674, Cal. St. P. Col., i 669 -i 674 > PP* 559 > 5 ^ 4 > 622). At the sugges¬ 
 tion of the Council for Trade and Plantations, in addition to the customary instructions 
 for governors, Vaughan was adjured to take care that there be no trading from 
 Jamaica to any place in Africa within the charter of the Royal African Company 
 and not to suffer any ships to be sent hither. Cal . Si. P. Col., 1669-1674, p. 625. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 or Manufacture of the said Places, to any of Our American Dominions 
 or Plantations, upon pain of Our high Displeasure, and the forfeiture 
 and loss of the said Negro’s, Gold, Elephants Teeth, and all other 
 Goods and Merchandizes, and the Ship or Vessels which shall bring 
 or carry the same. And We do hereby also strictly Require and 
 Command all Our Governours, Deputy-Governours, Admirals, Vice- 
 Admirals, Generals, Judges of Our Courts of Admiralty, Com¬ 
 manders of Our Forts and Castles, Captains of Our Royal Ships, 
 Justices of the Peace, Provost-Marshals, Marshals, Comptrollers, 
 Collectors of Our Customs, Wayters, Searchers, and all other Our 
 Officers and Ministers Civil and Military, by Sea or Land, in every 
 of Our said American Dominions or Plantations, to take effectual 
 care, That no person or persons whatsoever within their respective 
 Limits or Jurisdictions (except the said Company and their Succes- 
 sours) do send or Navigate any Ships or Vessels, or Exercise any 
 Trade from any of Our said Dominions or Plantations, to any part 
 of the said Coast of Africa, within the Limits aforesaid, or from 
 thence to Import any Negro Servants, Gold, Elephants Teeth or ' 
 other Goods of the Product of any of those Parts, into any ot Uur 
 said Dominions or Plantations in America; And if any person or 
 persons shall presume to act or do in any wise contrary to this Uur 
 Royal Proclamation, to the end Our Will and Pleasure herein may 
 be the better observed, We do further Will, Require, and strictly 
 Command all Our said Governours, Deputy-Governours, Admirals, 
 Vice-Admirals, Generals, Judges of Our Court of Admiralty, Com¬ 
 manders of Our Forts and Castles, Captains of Our Royal Ships, 
 Justices of the Peace, Provost-Marshals, Marshals, Comptrollers, 
 Collectors of Our Customs, Wayters, Searchers, and all other Our 
 Officers and Ministers Civil and Military, by Sea or Land, in every 
 of Our said American Dominions and Plantations, That as often as 
 need shall require, they be Aiding and Assisting to the said Royal 
 African Company, their Successors, Factors, Deputies or Assigns, to i 
 Attach, Arrest, Take and Seize all such Ship or Ships, Vessel or- 
 Vessels, Negro Servants, Gold, Elephants Teeth, or Goods, Wares 
 and Merchandizes, wheresoever they shall be found, for Our Use, 
 according to Our Royal Charter Granted to the said Company, upon 
 Pain of Our high Displeasure, and as they will answer the contrary 
 
 3,t their Perils 
 
 Given at Our Court at Whitehall, the Thirtieth day of November, 
 in the Six and twentieth year of Our Reign [1674]. 
 
 God save the King. 3 
 
 3 The proclamation was read and ordered to be published “by beat of drum, and 
 set up in some public place”, by the Jamaican council, Mar. 17, 1675 (Cal. &t. F. Lol., 
 1675-1676, P . 186). John Latimer, the historian of Bristol trade who regards the 
 incorporation of the Royal African Company as the triumph of the London monopolists 
 
l 91 
 
 February f 1674/5 
 
 57. Considerations on Spanish Trade . 1 
 
 a Jamaica Feb’ry 2 1674/5 
 
 Considerations about the Spaniards buying Negros of the English 
 Ro } all Company and receiving y z att Jamaica and % at Barb ado’s. 
 
 The English having now peace may more certainly and cheaply sup¬ 
 ply both which imports the Catholick King and the Assientistos, 
 otherwise his Dues and their proffitts may bee delayed or lost. 
 
 The English Company now consisteth of most Merchants that 
 conduct the Company businesse better, and will most certainly Comply 
 with any contract they make, if the Assientisto’s bee Spaniards, it is 
 the better for them the Indies and his Cath: Ma’tie the[y] should 
 agree with the English, because the Negros will come att lower rates, 
 it being near 20 ps 8 : cheaper to give 110 ps: 8 per hd. att Jamaica 
 then att Curosao. The cheaper they Buy the cheaper they may sell 
 
 with little Risques and greater quantities and better pay the Cath: 
 King’s dues. 
 
 From Jamaica Negroes may bee easily transported to S’ti Martha 2 
 and soe to all the ports Eeeward soe farr as La vera cruz. 
 
 From Barbados to all the Windward parts of the Continent. 
 
 The Spaniards need not fear agrandizing Jamaica by any such 
 contract, for it is rather believed by the Planters there such a con¬ 
 tract would bee to the pr judice of the Settlement, soe none of them 
 desire it. 3 
 
 But now were it so, such a consideracon comes now too late for 
 the Island is already well fortified and peopled and soe planted that 
 it will Loade 100 Shipps yearly, so it is their interest to live well by 
 a bad Neighbour they cannot remove. 
 
 The English cannot give them such apprehensions of introducing 
 goods and spoiling the Trade of the Flotes as the Dutch have done, 
 for they have noe slight or Counterfeit goods, nor Silks, nor Linnens 
 
 over Bristol merchants, writes of this proclamation as a flagrant violation of the 
 rights of the Merchant Venturers, and as the first document in a new struggle between 
 the two parties. While he finds no evidence that Bristol traders openly protested, he 
 regards it as certain that the proclamation was quietly ignored, and the company’s subse¬ 
 quent troubles with interlopers would indicate that he was right. Annals: Seventeenth 
 Century, p. 368. 
 
 [57/ 1 Library of Congress, Br. trans., Egerton MSS. 2395, f. 50. 
 
 Santa Marta is on the coast of Venezuela. 
 
 The governors of Jamaica and Barbados had, on the whole, favored supplying 
 the Spaniards with slaves from their islands, but the planters had opposed it. See 
 introduction, pp. no-117. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 198 
 
 which can bee transported soe cheape Via Jamaica as Cadiz and it is 
 certaine such goods for these 3 or 4 yeares have been cheaper amongst 
 the Spaniards then the English att Jamaica. 
 
 Nor is it the interest of England, the vent of their Manufacture by 
 Spaine should be interrupted etc. the Planters doe lesse desiie it 
 fearing Jamaica should not bee supplyed. 
 
 To prevent further such importations of Goods the Negro s may 
 bee transported in English Shipps and delivered in Rodes and Bayes 
 before Officers that should see them imediately dispatched which 
 will likewise avoid Risque of Enemyes, in Spanish Shipps neither one 
 
 nor the other can bee avoided. 
 
 Who understood well the English interest and that of Jamaica, 
 know it is for their advantage the Spaniards bee pr served in the 
 possession of the Countreys they have in the West Indies, and that 
 the French grow not too Strong or numerous on Spamola, the reasons 
 are obvious and not to bee enumerated. 
 
 Such a Contract made and Settled att Jamaica would occasion a 
 Factory being there, that would bee meanes of giving the Spaniards 
 more advice more frequently from Europe and of all passages in 
 those parts, and.would bee a cause (att least a Witness) of the 
 Governours good keeping the Capitulatorys. 4 
 
 On such a Contract the King of England his Minist rs and the 
 Governour here, would effectually endeavour the due observance of 
 the peace and the very Shipps the Spaniards hyred to attend the 
 Negro’s transportation would awe and reduce and punish all Pyrates, 
 and then that severity would make them not dare approach the Island, 
 but leave these Indies or that Trade which is that the Spaniards 
 cannot doe, but with vast charges and in long tyme, and by Europeans 
 and Subjects, which will much more endanger introduceing goods and 
 underhand Trade, then the English who are Strangers. 
 
 Such a Contract would occasion an amicable end of the differences 
 and pretentions betweene the Subjects of one and the other Ciowne, 
 and make them have as good a Correspondence as the Laws of their 
 Nations will permitt; it may likewise make all the world see that as it 
 is the English interest for the Spaniards to keep the Countreys they 
 now possesse so it is not for the advantage of the English to have any 
 
 other Collony but Jamaica. j 
 
 If it bee 20 ps. 8. in the Assientist’s way to receive the Negroe’s 
 att Jamaica and buy of the English, it is fitt they pay something more 
 per hd. to his Cath: Maj’tie and will considerably advance the revenue. 
 
 4 A reference to the terms of friendship which the treaty of 1670 attempted to 
 establish. Davenport, Treaties, II. 95 _ 9 ^> 186-189. 
 
1675-1676 
 
 l 99 
 
 58. Voyage of the James, 1675-1676. 1 
 
 7 ^ 75 - Maicli. A journall of my intended voyage for the gold 
 Coast kept by mee Peter Blake Commandr of the Royall Com- 
 panys Ship James in the searvis of the Royall Affrican Company of 
 
 27. Saturday, the Committee came downe consisting of three 
 
 persons viz: Mr. William Roberts Esqr. Capt. Abraham Holditch 
 and Mr. William Stevens. . . . 
 
 'A prill. f Thursday 1. ... sent a pylott a shore with my lettr to 
 
 the company and ordered him to ride through for London, 
 rec d a packett from Mr. Heron 2 by ordr of the royall company 
 directed to Agent Generali Mellish Esqr. at Cape Corsoe_ 
 
 Monday 5* • • • off Cows road . . . sent a letter to bee con¬ 
 
 veyed to the African howse 3 according to the Direction, and I made 
 saile. . . . 
 
 Friday 50th. . . . made the Land of Bonevis 4 
 
 Maie, Saturday 1. ... eastermost pointe of Saintiaugoo 5 I 
 
 hailed in for Appaia roade . . . went ashoare to the Govern’r 
 whome . . . informed mee that Geo: Parris had ben—but was gone— 
 for Saintiauggoe roade, upon which I retturned aboard and fynding 
 that hee was und’r commaund of the Portingall foarte wee thought 
 it most conveinent to saile for Cape Mount and waite his comeing 
 
 Monday 50. [ August ]. 6 . . . came in sight of the towne of 
 
 Assenee . . . sent my pinase with six of my passeng’rs to Cape 
 Corso with all the lett’rs and pap’rs belonging to the Agent. . . 
 
 Tuesday 51st. . . . severall canoes came aboard from this towne 
 
 to whom I sold severall goods for gold and slaves. 
 
 Sept r 1675> Wednesday 1st. . . . severall canoeoes came . . . 
 to whome I sold severall goods for gold and slaves. . . 
 
 Thursday 2d. ... severall cannoes aboard of wich I tooke but 
 
 littell gold and bought 3 slaves. . . . 
 
 Friday 3d. ... I bought two slaves and tooke two ounces of 
 
 gold. . . , 
 
 Monday 6th. ... a neaggerman dep’ted this life whoe died 
 suddenly. . . . 
 
 [58]^ T 70: 1211. 
 
 ^Sanuid Heron was secretary of the Royal African Company. 
 
 ^The African House was on Throgmorton Street. 
 
 Bonavista, one of the Cape Verde Islands. 
 
 * Santiago, the largest of the Cape Verde Islands. 
 
 Meeting the frigate Hawk, Captain Blake examined her papers, and ordered her 
 
 at mn ,h POn a a ny part of the W u St C °- St - He then sailed down the “ast, stopping 
 but apparent^ no* fo? flTd° ^ ^ ^ malla S uetta ™ d ivory. 
 
200 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Tuesday yth. . . . had sight of the foart of axseine 7 standing 
 close by the sea side sheweing redd with a redd Clift to the west¬ 
 ward of it . . . came to Anchor. ... 
 
 Sunday 12th. Mr. Fowle Aylmore came aboard of mee in a can- 
 noe from suckindee w’th an ord’r from agent Mellish for mee to saile 
 fore Cape Corsoe by reason that the footoo’rs had made a quarrel 
 
 with him and fyred severall shott. . . . 8 
 
 Thursday 30th. . . . rec’d a letter from Agent Mellish not to 
 
 molest any of the commendoe peeple but ... to saile to windwar 
 and there to sell what goods I cann postible and to sell as cheape 
 
 etc. . . . came to Anchor ... 
 
 Friday 13th. [ October ] . . . orders to sail for Wyemba 
 Sunday 17th. . . . came to anchor . . . near the greate divill s 
 hill of Wyemba. . . . From Wyemba to Accra looking for Capt. 
 
 Howe. # , 
 
 Friday 22nd. . . . came to Anchor in Accra Roade . . . the 
 
 cheefe of O’r foarte came aboard by whome I sent the king and the 
 Cabbeseeres there Custome w’ch was one anchor of brandy. . . . I 
 was informed, that the daine had bought most of p’te of Capt. Howe 
 his cargoe and that it was to bee landed here, but I will prevent him 
 
 of his desyne. ... . ... . ..., . 
 
 Tuesday 16th. [ November ] ... Anchored . .. the devills hill bearing 
 
 W and by No. and the factory house bearing W and by N No. w ch 
 is the old Factory, but the new Factory which is now building lyeth 
 some two miles to windward of the old one. . . . Mr. Arthur came 
 aboard who informed me that he had not seen Capt. Howe in his 
 Interlop’r pass to windward since my departure, and that he had writt 
 
 to the Agent for me to take in his Slaves. . . . 
 
 Tuesday 23rd. . . . Anchored near Cormentyne and went 
 
 ashoare to Aga. 10 . . . a Lre [Letter] from Mr. Harvey cheefe 
 
 ’Axim, near the mouth of the River Cobre (or Ancobre), northwest of Cape 
 Three Points The Portuguese, who had established the first fort here, St. Anthony, 
 had been driven out by the Dutch in 1642 (William Bosnian Description of Guinea, 
 pp 2-3) Here, Captain Blake, with the permission of the Duch Coape man [mer¬ 
 cantile 3 agent] a shoare”, took wood and water and purchased five chests of courne 
 for his slaves, at 3 d. per chest. This business he had transacted when a new Dutch 
 governor arrived from Elmina who refused to allow him to obtain fuither supplies. 
 
 8 The “Footoo’rs” were the natives of Fetu, the ‘ accaneys , with whom y 
 auarrelled were from the neighboring province of Akanna, north of fetu. A l 
 days later’the captain was directed to join with Mr. Johnson, the agent at Coraraen a, 
 and the caboceers or chief men of Fetu, in a palaver over some missing gold which 
 
 belonged to the factory. „ „ . , 
 
 8 At Sekondi Captain Blake took in corn for food for the cargo presently to b 
 
 purchased. It is to be remembered that these places are close together, so that, tho g 
 the journeys of the James were frequent, she was at no time far from Cape Coas 
 
 10 Dutch, Danes, and English all traded here. The Dutch and Danes had eac 
 a fort, the English, a small factory. Churchill, Voyages, p. 177 * 
 
 
1675-1676 
 
 201 
 
 of Aga, wherein he did inform me that the Warsawes 11 and the 
 Footoores had beaten the Accany’s and that the Warsawes were at 
 Ineshan and also that he had severall slaves, 100 Chests of Corne 
 w th other goods and money of the Compa. w’ch was in much dainger 
 . . . therefore desired my assistance. ... 
 
 Wednesday 24th. . . . wee put aboard of my Long boate the 
 
 Comp’a Gold and Slaves and . . . the other Goods, and I ordered 
 
 them to return to Annamabooe w’th all speed to gett the goods out of 
 that factory. ... 
 
 Sonday 20th. . . . Det’d to keep our Negroes ap’te from our 
 
 white men. ... 
 
 December, Wednesday 8th . . . . Capt. Fowles in the Vine came 
 
 to anchor close by me. I sent my pinace aboard him for my L’res, 
 and he came aboard in my pinace and bro’ me an ord’r to deliver 
 him all my Slaves, but I resolved to speak w’th the Ag’t before I 
 parted with them, by reason they were good Slaves and the most of 
 my own buying, in ord’r to the same I mand my pinace, and at mid- 
 night I put fro[m] o’r Ship bound for Cape Corso. 
 
 Thursday gth. . . . landed at Cape Corso, and aplyed myself to 
 the Agent, and gave him an acc’t of what slaves I have aboard and 
 the goodness of them as also the great trouble I have had in provid¬ 
 ing of them, upon w ch he ord’red me to deliver him all those Slaves 
 w ch were put aboard by the Factors at Annamaboe, and at Agga w’ch 
 was about 16. this evening the agent gave me an ord’r and also an 
 ord’r for Capt. Fowles for the afores’d slaves, and I set saile w’th 
 my pinace from Cape Corso, bound for Anamabee 
 
 Friday 10th. This morning . . . went aboard Capt. Fowles 
 where I delivered him his Order from the Ag’t to receive from me all 
 such slaves as were put aboard by Mr. Bellwood and Mr. Harvey 
 Factors at Anamabee and Agga, also I made him a tender of the sd 
 slaves, but he was not ready to receive them. . . 
 
 Saturday nth. . . . rec d from Agga, 6 chests of corn to feed 
 the Slaves, having no corn aboard. . . . 
 
 Thursday 23. . . . Capt. Fowles came up from Wyemba and 
 
 came to anchor of from Cormentyne, also this day I tooke of all Mr. 
 Harvey’s Corne and Slaves. . . . 
 
 Friday 24th. . . . Capt. Mingam who was bound for the byte 13 
 
 is arrived at Cape Corsoe and hath brought w’th him a ship w’ch he 
 
 ^Wassau was a native province northwest of Fetu. 
 
 1 Anashan. 
 
 . 13 There are two bights, that of Benin, and Biafra, east of Benin. In the general 
 
 region described as the “Bite” both may be included. When a narrower limit is 
 intended it is usually the Bight of Biafra. 
 
202 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 supposes to be prize . . . bound for Madagascar, 14 there Cargo con¬ 
 sisting of p’es of 8/8 Iron barrs and brass Manelaes. 10 . . . 
 
 January [ 1675/6 ], Thursday 6. . . . myself and Carpenter went 
 ashoare ... to cutt wood to make head ledges and Comings for a 
 grateing is to be let down the aire among the Slaves. . . . 
 
 Saturday 8. ... the great Man of this place made me pay 3 
 
 ounces for my wat’r w’ch he sd was by ord’r of the brassoe of Fan- 
 teene 17 by reason the Cabbesees of the place made a compl t that 
 Capt. Fowles went away and did not give them a dosie 18 I was forct 
 to make him paym’t w’th >4 a brll of powder and halfe a Saye, and 
 discount a peece in money w’th him other wise he would have pan¬ 
 yard 19 my people, I deliv’d him a whole brll of Gunp’r and he pd 
 me for the one half one boy and 1 woman Slave. ... 
 
 Sunday 9th. . . . shipt of all my Corne and some wood . . . 
 rec’d a lett’r from Ag’t Mellish wherein he ordered me to saile for 
 Wyemba and there take in w’t Slaves Mr. Arthor had bought. I 
 returned him this answer—to desire him I might goe for Accra an 
 take in those good Slaves because I was afraid of having a parcell of 
 their Slaves from Wyemba. 
 
 Monday loth. . . . came to anchor in Wyemba road . . • w ® 1 } t 
 ashoare and aply’d myself to Mr. Adam Arthor the chiefe of this 
 Factory and showed him the Ag’ts L’re, also gave him a L re from 
 the Ag’t directed to himself, he sd the Slaves were already at the 
 old Factory house, but I saw some 60, very thin ordinary Slaves w’ch 
 
 he had by him at this new Factory. . . . 20 
 
 Tuesday nth. . . . Wee putt on board her (the longboat) 48 
 men slaves, and by my pinace I sent of as many Slaves as she would 
 conveniently carry, being very thin Slaves and severall boys for men 
 w’ch I did object aga’t but Mr. Arthor said they came from the King 
 and he rece’d them perforce for the Compa. debts. ... 
 
 Wednesday 12. I went ashoare and sent of the remaining parte 
 of Mr. Arthor’s Slaves aboard w’ch made up the whole number to be 
 167 rec’d from him, also those last slaves were for the most parte 
 very thin Slaves I was forct to receive them or none for he had no 
 more, this night I stayd ashoare in expectation of more Slaves w’ch 
 
 “ For an account of the attitude of the Royal African Company toward the 
 
 slave trade from Madagascar, see introduction, pp. 93 - 95 - < Tnwpr 
 
 15 Variously spelled. These were metal rings, worn by the African tribes. Tower 
 
 son carried them to Africa, and from that time for many years they were one of the 
 
 important commodities of European traffic on the coast. p „ 
 
 A marginal note here reads, “Mingam brought] a Boston man to Cape Corso 
 
 16 Commings, coamings, raised borders about the edges of the hatches and scuttles 
 of a ship, which prevent water on the deck from running below; also called carlings, 
 
 and combings. 
 
 17 The chief man of the Fantine people. 
 
 18 Dos, dashee, or gratuity. . , . . £ r- i, 
 
 19 Kidnapped. The “Saye” referred to above is doubtless a piece of Englisn 
 
 woollen. See no. 62, n. 2, post. # . . 
 
 20 Here he made a new tank for carrying water for the slaves. 
 
203 
 
 1675-1676 
 
 “ uld l,e cUk^SW d h,V ' fr ° m "" King day ,igh ' wVh he Sd 
 
 Thursday 13. finding noe Slaves come down from the King 
 
 hhsTaves CamC aftCr m6 ’ 1 gaVC him a recei P t for 
 
 Set sail fro’ Wyemba Jan’y 1675/6. 
 
 Sanday 16th. . . . came to anchor athwart Anamaboe. I sent 
 
 my pinace ashoare to the Factory to know if they would deliver me 
 
 any Slaves and Corne, they sd they had no orders, but would have 
 
 d goods, and I had no Ord rs to goe into the road, I also sent for 
 
 30 paire of shackel s I lent them and they told my mate they had 
 
 Slaves in them and could not let them out lest they should run 
 away. ... 
 
 Wednesday igth Anchored in Cape Corso road, went ashoare 
 and applied myself to Ag’t Mellish, also made my Compl’t of the 
 Slaves 1 rece d at Wyemba by his ord’rs, he replyed they were paid 
 in by the King for a debt and it could not be helpt. 
 
 Monday 24th. sent ashoare the remains of all the goods, 
 
 except Powd r and Brandy, I went ashoare, gave the Agent an acc’t 
 
 of the sales of what goods I had disposed of, and what slaves I have 
 bought. . . . 
 
 Thursday 27th.. . . . Capt. Eaton (in the Merchants Delight) 
 sett saile from this place bound for Anamaboe and Agga there to 
 take in Slaves and Corne, and from thence to Accra and Wyemba, 
 to take in theire Slaves, this morning W’m Bartlett and . . . by 
 ord r of Agent Mellish came aboard and counted and marked all our 
 
 laves. . . . went ashoare and wee adjusted my acc’t w’ch was all 
 right onely 1 Chest of Knifes wanting. ... 
 
 February, Tuesday 1st. ... the Generali replyed he would 
 not deliver him 21 upon w’ch I demanded leave to come into the road 
 w th my ship. He sd I might come into the road but he would not 
 suiter me to touch the Interloper. Grible, the Master of the Interloper, 
 made great Compl’t how he tooke his goods and gave him w’t price he 
 p eased for them, also he made him pay extraordinary prices for 
 slaves, I demanded by w’t Commission he brought the sd Grible 
 downe, he being an English man and English vessel. The fiscall sd 
 •... (they] thought him to be a hollander ... he was brought down by 
 mistake. I replyed I did think he had affronted the King of England 
 m seazing his subjects and imprisoning them at Axem in time of peace 
 and that he had affronted the Royall Compa. in harbouring and pro¬ 
 tecting English Interlopers w’ch were the Companies enemies. He 
 
 f 
 
 him o r Ca J ptai . n Blake had demanded that the Dutch general at Elmina surrender to 
 m a London interloper, the Alice , anchored under the protection of the castle’s guns. 
 
204 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 replyed that his Masters at home would answer and that in a short 
 time he did not doubt but he should have a Comission to take all 
 
 English and Dutch Interlopers. ... 
 
 Monday 7th. . . . Anchored in Suckindee road . . . Mr. 
 
 Fowler Aylmore came aboard and said I should have my Corne as 
 fast as I would take it . . . , , 
 
 Tuesday 8th. . . . they would have given my men old Corne w en 
 
 was not fitt for o’r Slaves to eate—after some dispute I had other 
 
 Corne. ... 22 
 
 Wednesday 9th. rec’d 100 Chests of Corne. ... 
 
 March, Wednesday 8th. Sett saile from Dickey’s road bound tor 
 
 the Barbadoes. . , , ,, ,. . t „ 
 
 Thursday 16th. ... a Turnadoe—w’th much thund r lightening 
 
 and raine this day I put all my slaves out of Irons. • • • 
 
 Wednesday 22th. ... I called all my thin Slaves aft. w ch came 
 
 from Wyemba and found 25 of them . . . gave my slaves tobacco 
 
 and pipes. ... . c u 
 
 Tuesday 28th. Caught fish and agreed to give for every 10 nsn 
 
 a pt. of brandy, gave my Slaves 10 fish in their suppis. 
 
 Wednesday 29th . Caught albycoures and sharks, gave the Slaves 
 
 albycoures. ... , 
 
 Thursday 30th. . . . gave the Slaves tobacco and pypes an 
 
 albyc’r in their Suppis. ... 23 
 
 Friday 31st. . . . gave the Slaves fish in their suppis. . . 
 
 Monday 17th, [April] ... a stout man slave leaped overboard and 
 
 drowned himself. , 
 
 May, Sonday 21st. Made the Island of Barbadoes Att Anchor 
 
 in Kerley Bay. 24 
 
 Monday 22nd. Mr. Steed 25 went aboard and looked on o r Slaves 
 Tuesday 23rd. orders to prepare the Slaves for sayle on Thurs- 
 
 ]^Wednesday 24th. o’r Slaves being shaved I gave them fresh water 
 
 to wash and Palme Oyle and Tobacco and Pipes. 
 
 Thursday 23th. Mr. Steed and [blank] came on board to sell 
 
 o’r Slaves—wee sould 163 Slaves. ' I 
 
 Friday 26th. wee sould 70 Slaves. 
 
 22 He continued to buy corn, at Dixcove receiving 1000 chests at iy 2 accies per 
 An accy varied in value from time to time and place to place, but it 
 
 chest. 
 
 probably about five shillings. . . ( 
 
 23 The slaves had fish daily and on April 14 and May 1 they were grven beef. 
 
 'They also were given tobacco at least once on the vo>age. 
 
 24 Carlisle Bay. 
 
 25 Edwyn Stede, one of the company’s factors at Barbados. 
 
1675-1676 
 
 205 
 
 Saturday 27th. Sould 118 Slaves. 
 
 Monday 2Qtli. delivered 80 Slaves which were part of the 118 
 which were sould on Satturday. . . 
 
 Tuesday 30th. . . . went on boord with a Planter to sell him 
 
 some of o’r refuse Slaves but hee did not like them and I went on 
 shoare and gave Mr. Steed an Acc’t. 
 
 Wednesday 31st . . . . Mr. Man and myself came on boord and 
 
 sould 5 of the refuse Slaves. 
 
 dune, Thursday 1st. . . . Mr. Steed and - begann to sell 
 
 Capt. Seamans Slaves. ... 
 
 Sonday 4th. . . . ordered with all expedition to fitt my Shipp 
 to take in Capt. Reckords Slaves to carry them downe to Nevis by 
 Reason that Capt. Reckord would nott carry them doune unless they 
 would Insure him 40 Tunns of Sugar fraight at 3/. 10 s. per 
 Tunn. . . , 26 
 
 Tuesday 6th. . . . My men resolved for Nevis. Mr. Gascoyne 
 
 fetcht ashoare the remaining Slaves being 7 Men and 10 Women. 
 
 Saturday 10th. . . . took out my dispatches to sayle. . . . Capt. 
 
 Reckord sent his slaves on board of mee being 223 Slaves and one 
 from Collonel Newton. . . . 
 
 Sett sayle for Nevis. . . . 
 
 Wednesday 14th. . . . Went on board of His Majesty’s Friggott 
 the Phoenix, being sent for by General Stapleton, 27 the Governor 
 of this Island . . . the General asked mee wherefore I brought 
 downe byte Slaves 28 and did not bring downe mine owne Gold Coast 
 Slaves Also said he did believe that I had on boord all the refuse 
 of the Shipps that were att Barbadoes. I did assure him that they 
 were the whole cargo of the John Alexander. Had they come downe 
 in their owne shipp, it had been much moore for the Company’s Inter¬ 
 est—was always my opinion. 
 
 Thursday 13th. I went ashoare, to discourse about the disposall 
 of o r Slaves and they (the Agents) shewed mee the Company’s 
 instructions which was not to sell good Slaves under 19 /. per head and 
 if they could not gett their price that then they should send their 
 shipps downe to Jamaica and that they said that the Man of Warr had 
 given out that they were refuse Bite Slaves soe that they could not 
 sell them but att an Under Rate soe wee continued to Consider of 
 
 26 The crew objected to this but were persuaded to undertake it. Captain Reckord 
 had arrived May 30 from Old Calabar. 
 
 ” Sir William Stapleton. 
 
 28 The prejudice against slaves from the Bite (the Calabars), which is here 
 shown, continued throughout the eighteenth century and frequently appears in the 
 documents which follow. 
 
20 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 what to doe with the Shipp untill the morrow and we went aboard 
 to view the Slaves. . . . 29 
 
 hee [Carpenter, agent] went upon the Quarter Deck and they sould 
 20 Slaves, 13 women and 7 men att [blank] per head being thin 
 Slaves—wee concluded the day of Sayles to bee on Wednesday next 
 and tomorrow wee would put upp bills to take suggar upon fraught 
 and that I should Agree with the fraughters and that I should meet 
 
 them att Mr. H’s house. 
 
 Tuesday igth. prepared o’r Slaves for the Sale tomorrow. . . . 
 
 Wednesday 20th. began o’r sale of the Slaves and sould the three 
 fourths of the whole number. ... Mr. H. tells mee that the whole 
 number of Slaves would make out one with the other 18 /. Sterling 
 
 per head. 30 
 
 Thursday 22nd. . . . wee sould all o’r Slaves to 19 w’ch being 
 
 very bad were carryed ashoar 18 of them were sould for a Thousand 
 pound of Sugar per head and one which was a ! mad Meuth [Mute ?] 
 was sould for 1400 li. of Sugar. Alsoe in the morning aboord 20 
 refuse slaves were sould att 1700 li* of Sugar per head. . . . 
 
 An Acc } tt of the AIortaility of Slaves aboord the Shipp James . 
 
 1675 
 
 Abbenee [September] 
 Temenn October 
 
 Day 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Boys 
 
 Girls 
 
 Departed this Life suddenly. 
 Departed this life of Con¬ 
 vulsion Fitts 
 
 6 
 
 28 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Agga December 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Departed this life of a 
 feavour 
 
 Cape Corso January 
 1675/6 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rec’d from Wyemba thin 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 and Consumed to Nothing 
 and soe dyed 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 26 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Rec’d from Wyemba very 
 thin and wasted to Nothing 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 and soe dyed 
 
 Suckingdee February 
 1675/6 
 
 8 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Rec’d from Wyemba very 
 
 
 
 
 
 thin and dropsicall and 
 soe departed this life. 
 
 
 
 Thwort of Butteren 33 
 
 23 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 bought to Windward and de¬ 
 parted this life of a Con- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sumption and Wormes. 
 
 29 
 
 'The captain protested against the order to carry the cargo to Jamaica; first, 
 because the man-of-war which had spoiled his sale at Nevis would now report at 
 Jamaica that the cargo was refuse from both Barbados and Nevis; secondly, becaus 
 the crew had been promised that they might sail for England on July 15. Mr. Carpenter, 
 the company’s agent at Nevis, to clear himself from blame in disregarding the com¬ 
 pany’s orders, made legal protest to the crew, then went forward with plans for sale 
 
 at Nevis. . . . 
 
 30 This would make sugar slightly over ioj. per cwt. A marginal note reads. 
 
 “Noat. Good Slaves att 3500 lbs. of sugar per head.’ 
 
 31 A marginal note reads: “made an end of selling o’r Slaves. They set sail tor 
 
 England July 8, and anchored in the Downs Oct. 12. 
 
 32 T 70: 1211. 
 
 33 Boutri (?), a Dutch post between Sekundi and Dixcove. 
 
1675-1676 
 
 207 
 
 L* Account —continued:] 
 
 1675 
 
 Day 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Boys 
 
 Ditto 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Dirkeys Cove 34 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 March 
 
 2 6 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 5 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Att Sea 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Att Sea 1676 
 
 18 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 30 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 3 i 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Ditto Aprill 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 15 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 20 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Ditto 
 
 26 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Att Sea May 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ditto 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Girls 
 
 (Received from Wyembah 
 with a dropsy and de¬ 
 parted this life of the same 
 disease 
 
 Rec’d from Wyemba thin and 
 soe Continued Untill Death 
 Miscarryed and the Child 
 dead within her and Rot¬ 
 ten and dyed 2 days after 
 delivery. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah very 
 thin and soe Continued 
 untill hee departed this 
 life. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah very 
 thin and fell into a flux 
 and soe Continued untill 
 his death. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah very 
 thin and soe fell into a 
 Consumption and dep’ted 
 this life. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah very 
 thin and soe Continued 
 Wasting untill death. 
 
 Very sick and fell overboard 
 in the night and was lost 
 Rec’d from Wyembah thin 
 and Consumed very low 
 and after dyed of a Great 
 Swelling of his face and 
 head. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah thin 
 and dyed of a flux 
 Rec’d from Wyembah 
 Sickned and would not eat 
 nor take anything, 
 bought by mee and dyed of 
 a flux 
 
 The one rec’d from 
 Wyembah and dyed of a 
 flux. 
 
 The other rec’d ditto who 
 Leaped Over boord and 
 drowned himself, 
 rec’d thin at Wyembah and 
 dyed of a Consumption, 
 rec’d from Weyembah with 
 a dropsy and soe dyed, 
 bought by myselfe and being 
 very fond of her Child 
 Carrying her up and 
 downe wore her to noth¬ 
 ing by which means fell 
 into a feavour and dyed. 
 Rec’d from Anamabooe de¬ 
 parted this life of a flux. 
 Rec’d from Agga and de¬ 
 parted this life of a flux. 
 
 34 Dixcove. 
 
208 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 [. Account —continued:] 
 
 1676 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Att Sea May 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Barbados 
 
 ditto 
 
 ditto 
 
 ditto 
 
 ditto 
 
 June ditto 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 29 
 
 3i 
 
 I Men j 
 
 Women IB 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 2 
 
 1 
 
 Boys I Girls 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah and 
 dep’ted this life of a 
 
 ■ dropsy. 
 
 |Rec’d of Mr. Ballwood att 
 Amy Sea and dyed of a 
 feavour by Lying in the 
 Long boat, in the rain in 
 the night which noe man 
 knew of for hee went into 
 
 ■ her privately. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah very 
 thin and old and dep’ted 
 I this Life of the flux. 
 
 Rec’d from Annamabooe and 
 dep’ted this life of a flux. 
 Rec’d from Wyembah with a 
 Dropsey and departed this 
 I life of the same disease, 
 bought by mee att Anamaboe 
 and departed this life of 
 1 the flux. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah thin 
 and Consumed away un- 
 . till life departed from her. 
 Rec’d from Wyembah thin 
 and dep’ted of a flux. 
 
 Rec’d from Anamaboe and 
 dyed of the Cramp in all 
 his Joynts and all over 
 his body being lately re- 
 I covered of the flux, 
 bought by mee dyed of the 
 Cramp. 
 
 the one'rec’d from Wyembah 
 very thin departed this 
 life of the flux the other 
 reed from Anamabooe and 
 departed this life of the 
 ■ flux. 
 
 Rec’d from Annamaboe and 
 departed this life of a flux, 
 bought by mee and departed 
 this life of Convultions. 
 Rec’d from Agga and de¬ 
 parted this life of a flux. 
 Rec’d at Wyembah and de¬ 
 parted this life of a flux. 
 The woman bought by mee 
 dyed of Convultions the 
 man rec’d att Anamabooe 
 dyed of the flux. 
 
 Rec’d from Wyembah and 
 dyed of a Consumption. 
 Rec’d ditto and dyed of a 
 dropsy. 
 
May , i 6 y 6 2< 
 
 t of the Slaves mortallity rec’d out of the (< John Alexander”. 
 
 June 15th 1676 
 
 Day 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Boys 
 
 Girls 
 
 
 In Nevis 
 
 15 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 ( both very thin and Weake 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 when rec’d. 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 very thin when rec’d. 
 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 5 9* The Case of the Susanna 1 
 
 i I’mo Maii 1676. 
 
 Nautae sive M^arrinarii Navis vocatae the Thomas and Francis 
 contra Capitaneum Georgium Gallop 
 
 Exton Suckley 
 
 Quo die Exton nomine procuratoris ac ut procurator legitimus Nau- 
 tarum Navis vocatae the Thomas and Francis omnibus melioribus et 
 efficatioribus via modo et juris forma necnon ad omnem quemcunque 
 juris Effectum dicit allegat et in hiis scriptis in jure proponit articula- 
 tim prout sequitur. 
 
 Imprimis that on or about the twenty sixth day of February 1673 
 the shipp the Susanna whereof [ blank ] Lench was Captaine or Com¬ 
 aunder was taken and seized by the said shipp the Thomas and 
 Francis whereof Capt. George Gallop was Commander and there was 
 taken and seized in the said shipp six hundred and forty Negroes or 
 
 [59] "Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files, file 117, no. 191. The case 
 °r u j Sann & (which in some records appears as the Dame Susan) illustrates some 
 of th e domestic difficulties arising from negro prize vessels. On Nov. 6, 1674, the 
 Privy Council referred to the Lords Commissioners of Appeals a petition from Gilbert 
 Pickering, Thomas Peachy, Robert Coat, and others, seamen of the Thomas and Francis, 
 stating that on Feb. 26, 1674, they had taken the Susanna from the Dutch off Curasao, 
 as she came from Guinea, with 600 or more slaves and 271 gold marks, besides other 
 goods of considerable value. As the said ship carried letters of marque, the negroes, 
 being between decks, belonged to the petitioners, but the captain (George Gallop) and 
 the governor of Jamaica (Sir Thomas Lynch) sold them and converted the proceeds to 
 then 1 own use, contrary to his Majesty’s proclamation for the encouragement of seamen 
 {Acts P. C. C., I. 615-616). On Jan. 10, 1676, the Lords Commissioners of Appeals 
 reported that the 300 negroes disposed of by the admiralty court in Jamaica were to 
 be allotted according to the judgment there rendered, the 244 remaining were to be 
 divided among the captain, the officers, and the seamen, any negroes that they had 
 already received being subtracted from their allottment. Lord Vaughan, the new 
 governor of Jamaica, who had arrived there Mar. 14, 1675, was to be charged to collect 
 the payment for these negroes as rapidly as possible, in order that the rights of the 
 captors might be speedily satisfied. This report was accepted by the Privy Council 
 and acted upon on Jan. 19, 1676 ( Acts P. C. C., I. 648-650; R. G. Marsden, Documents 
 relating to the Law and Custom of the Sea, Navy Records Society, II. 95-101). In 
 April, 1676, the complaint of the officers and seamen of the Thomas and Francis that 
 the captain had had an illegal number of the negroes was referred by the Privy 
 Council to the High Court of Admiralty ( Acts P. C. C., I. 662). The Admiralty case 
 here follows. Exton and Suckley were the' advocates for the litigants respectively. 
 
2 10 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 thereabouts 3 and not long after the takeing and seizeing thereof the 
 said Captaine George Gallopp ordered forty, thirty five, thirty one, 
 thirty, twenty nine, or twenty eight negroes to be taken out. of the 
 said shipp the Susanna and brought on board the said shipp the 
 Thomas and Francis and there were from the said Prize brought on 
 board the said shipp Thomas and Francis according to such order 
 or by some other order or appointment of the said Capt. Gallopp or 
 some of his Officers by and with his Consent forty, thirty five, or at 
 least twenty eight Negroes before the said shipp the Susanna was 
 brought into any Port att least before they arrived att Port Royall in 
 Jamaica and were delivered to Coll. Collier and Coll. Benlosse at 
 Jamaica or were all disposed of by the said Capt. Gallopp or with his 
 privity and consent and converted to his owne use and not brought to 
 any Accompt, nor are they any of the Negroes condemned or men¬ 
 tioned in the sentence given by the Lords Commission’rs of Appeale 
 concerning the Negroes seized in the said shipp ponit tamen de quoli- 
 bet alio numero et conmuni divisione et de quolibet. 
 
 Item that over and besides the said Negroes mentioned in the next 
 precedent article and in the sentence aforesaid the said Capt. Gallop 
 tooke into his custody thirty Negroes and branded them or marked 
 them on one of their shoulders with his owne marke vizt y G. G. and 
 disposed of them to some plantation which he had on the Island, of 
 Jamaica and converted them to his owne use att least did not bring 
 them or any of them to Accompt soe that the said Capt. Gallopp 
 ought and is bound by law to accompt for seaventy one and seaventy 
 negroes to the said Nlarrin^s and to pay the vallue thereof to be 
 devided according to the usuall manner amongst the Seamen belong¬ 
 ing to the said shipp the Thomas and Francis, ponit tamen de quolibet 
 
 alio numero mancor[?] sive mancipiorum et ut supra. 
 
 4. Item quod praemissa omnia et singula fuerunt et sunt, vera 
 notoria publica manifesta pariter ac famosa ac de et super eisdem 
 laboravit et laborat publica vox et fama unde facta fide de jure in 
 
 hac parte requisita petit pars proponens. 
 
 5. Item that the paper or Schedule hereunto annexed was and is 
 the 4 paper hand writeing of the said George Gallopp att least sub¬ 
 scribed by him and sent and delivered to Capt. Gear according to his 
 order. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 Cap'tn Geair, Being ill disposed, and not in a Condition to come aborde my 
 selfe, I have sent the Docktor to Looke After the sick Negroes and by him 
 these few Lines, to Request you to Rooke me out thirty stoute Negroe men, 
 
 3 There were actually 544 negroes in the Susanna. The 244 adjudicated by the 
 Lords Commonissioners of Appeals had sold for £4801. Cal Treasury Books, 1676-1679, 
 pp. 589-590; Marsden, II. 99. 
 
 4 The word “pretended” is here crossed through in the manuscript. 
 
May, 1676 
 
 211 
 
 Which 7 s 0n ali a : t Vtim e frL COnVen;enCy 1 W!U SCnd the L ° n ^ boate to them 
 
 Your Loveing frinde 
 
 sende the Portegese Negroe for one. George Gallopp 
 
 CoL a m R ar 0 An e c d or t0 a nd C0 l i r ^ where 1 WOuld Likewise have you 
 
 G-ome to an Ancor, and be shue to Keepe a strict gard and Lett noe Botes 
 
 w att soe ever come Aborde not soe mutch as our owne untill farther order 
 i 673 °[ 74 ] b5 ° rde thC T ^ ° nd Fr “ nCiS aHaS Sainte Geor <> e the 4th Martch 
 
 Rohcrtu 8 Cok, Ephraim Wareing, Stephanus Graunt et Socii 
 
 est teT Navls vocatae . the Thomas and Francis cujus Georgius Gallop 
 
 tra Drae n f?r er ^ Ca P ltan ' U * et in schedula Praesentibus annexa con- 
 tra praefatum Georgium Gallop. 
 
 n Exton Suckley 
 
 Uuo die Exton nomine procurator^ ac ut procurator legitimus orae 
 Robert Cok, Ephraim Waring, St.phani Gran? To 
 omnibus melior.bus et efficatioribus via modo et juris forma nec non 
 
 ad.omnem quemcunque juris effectum dicit, allegat et in hiis scriptis 
 in jure proponit articulatim prout sequitur. 
 
 I- m,s J ba f the shl PP the Susanna w’ch was taken on or about 
 the 27th day of February 1673 English style in the West Indies by 
 the shipp Thomas and Francis Capt. George Gallop Comaundr and 
 ■ e T ? ln 9 H° rse jv ch was victualled and manned out of the sd. shipp 
 the Thomas and Francis and und’r the Commaund of Edward Odway 6 
 at w ch tyme of capture there were on board the said shipp 660 
 Negroes all w ch were above the Gun Decke of the said shipp and 
 : there was not any provision made for them in the hold of the said 
 shipp for any Lodging there, and that there was likewise at the 
 said tyme of seizure 184 markes of Gold found above the Gunn Decke 
 in severall parcells and all put into one Bagg which were of the Weight 
 
 were taken and 
 
 seized in the said shipp and came to the Possession of the said Capt. 
 
 George Gallop et pomt de quolibet alio numero Negrorum et de 
 
 quohbet alio pondere aut valore auri et conmuni divisione et de 
 quolibet. 
 
 2. Item that after the seizure of the said shipp and slaves and 
 gold as afors d the said Capt. George Gallopp tooke the said Negroes 
 and so d and disposed of the same at his own will and pleasure viz’t. 
 he tooke out of the said shipp forty of the best men Negroes and 
 sold and disposed of them before the shipps arrivall at Jamaica 7 
 and landed 26 Negroes more the first night which he came to Port 
 Koyall in Jamaica and put them into Capt. Coop[er’]s house for his 
 owne use and thirty others he marked or caused to be marked with 
 the marke G.G. on one of their should’rs being his usuall marke and 
 
 < ^ r ° r Capt’n Geire Aborde of the Susanne.” 
 
 Otway” in the report of the Lords Commissioners of Appeals. 
 
 From and landed” to “for his owne use” is written in the margin. 
 
212 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 sent them to a plantac’on which lieth upon the sa.d Island to be them 
 employed for his owne use and benefit and the remaind r were sold 
 or disposed of upon the said Island by him and for his use and benefit 
 
 ponit tamen de quolibet alio numero et ut supra. 
 
 a. Item that every Negroe or Black slave was worth one with 
 another 25 /. a peice and for soe much they were sold or might have 
 (at the s’d rate) bene soe sold and that every pound weight of go d 
 was and is worth the sum of 44 /. sterling or every marke of Gold 
 worth 30 l. sterling et ponit de quolibet alio valore et pretio et ut 
 
 SUP Item that there belonged to the said shipps or men of warr the 
 numb’r of 8 200 men or marriners and that all and singul r t e persons 
 menc’oned in the schedule hereunto annexed were at the tyme of t e 
 Capture afores’d seamen and mariners belonging to the said shipp t e 
 Thomas and Francis, and that they are by the Law and usuall 
 privileges in such cases entituled unto and ought to have there p r- 
 ticul’r shares thereof and that the s’d Captame George Gallop hath 
 and doth refuse to pay unto them there respective shares due unto 
 them at least not their proportions as he ought to doe1 and did _an 
 doeth take the Advantage of there necessitys and would force them 
 to take much lesse then what they ought by law and custome to have, 
 thinking thereby to make a Gaine Extraordinary and beyond Equity 
 and reason 10 That those that did take any mony in parte or other¬ 
 wise for their shares the s’d Capt. George Gallop did promise . . . 
 unto them that if the sume of money by them received did not amount 
 unto what should be their just and lawfull due, it should be no preju¬ 
 dice to them but they should have as much as any other et ponit ut 
 
 supra 
 
 Item that the p’rtyes above menc’oned haveing noe other wayes or 
 meanes to recover their respective dues have caused the s d Capt , 
 Gallop to be arrested by vertue of a warr’t from this Court and he 1 
 
 arrested. 
 
 Item quod praemissa etc. 
 
 60. The Case of the Thomas and Francis . 1 
 
 5 Junii 1676. 
 
 Nautae sive Marrinarii navis vocatae the Thomas and Francis 
 contra Capn. Gallop. 
 
 Exton. 
 
 Suckley. 
 
 8 The number “160” is here crossed through m the manuscript; for 
 
 9 it Car II c 14 “An Act for confirming an Act, intituled, A 
 encouraging and increasing of Shipping and Navigation, and several other Acts both 
 
 public and private mentioned therein.” Statutes at Large, -3 t ■ a 
 
 10 From “That those” to “as much as any other” is written in the marg • 
 
 part of the sentence is crossed through in the manuscript. 
 
 [60] 1 Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files, file 117, no. 193. 
 
June, 1676 213 
 
 Quo die comparuit personaliter dictus Capitaneus Georgius Gallop 
 et sine Revocacione et omnibus melioribus et necnon ad omnem Juris 
 
 effectum exinde quovismodo sequi valentem dicit allegat et hiis scriptis 
 in Jure proponit prout sequitur 
 
 1. Imprimis whereas it is expressed in the Answere of him the s’d 
 Capt. Geo. Gallop to the latter end of the first Ar’cle that there were 
 delivered to him the s’d Capt. Gallop for his proporcion as Com- 
 maunder of the shipp Thomas and Francis the number of 29 or 29 
 and a halfe Negroes the same is by error sett downe to be delivered 
 as Comander of the Thomas and Francis for they were in Truth 
 delivered unto him as he was a Quarter'part Adventurer in the shipp 
 called the Flying Horse w’ch was the Private man of Warre w’ch was 
 in Consort-shipp with the said vessell the Thomas and Francis of 
 w ch he the s d Capt. Gallopp was Comaunder whereof docendo de 
 errore he desireth the same may be retracted and amended Ac petit jus 
 et justitiam, ac ponit communem divisionem et de quolibet. 
 
 2. Item that all the Negroes that were brought in the said shipp 
 the Susanna to Jamaica were all taken out of the s’d shipp before 
 the s’d shipp and Negroes did come to Port Royall viz’t att a Place 
 called the Kayes and none of the s’d Negroes that were so brought 
 to Jamaica were or could be disposed off by the s’d Capt. Gallop but 
 by and with the order and privity of S’r Thomas Lynch the Governor 
 of the s d Island for as soone as ever the s’d vessell came but upon 
 the Coasts of the s’d Island of Jamaica the s’d Capt. Gallop went 
 to the s d Governor and gave him notice of the s’d shipp and Negroes 
 and he presently ordered Coll. Muddiford 2 Leiften’t Coll. Beeston 3 
 and one Mr. Robert Hewett to goe imediately and take possession of 
 the s’d vessell the Susanna and the Negroes, and they did goe on 
 board accordingly and did see all the s’d Negroes disposed according 
 to the orders of the s d Governor except such Negroes as were got 
 on shoare by the Marrin’rs in the Huddle and promiscuous deliv’y of 
 the s’d Negroes on the shoare w’ch were ab’t 30 or att least 26 
 Negroes, and soe much was and is well knowen to Leifen’t James 
 Gier, John Miller and others the Marriners of the s’d shipp the 
 Thomas and Francis, and soe much or the like in effect they or some 
 of them have confessed and acknowledged before credible witnesses 
 
 Hocque etc. ponit tamen de quolibet alio numero etc. Ac ponit ut 
 supra. 
 
 3 - Item that the s’d Leiften’t Gier and John Miller and others 
 he marin’rs of the s’d shipp the Thomas and Francis had their parts 
 
 * Col. Thomas Modyford. 
 
 Sir William Beeston was lieutenant governor of Jamaica from 1692 to 1702. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 214 
 
 and shares of those Negroes that were soe promiscuously got a shoare, 
 and the s’d Lieift’t Gier hath also had and rec’d 50 l. m money and 
 one Negroe man in full of all his share and proporc on of the s d 
 Negroes and hath given his discharge in full for the same under his 
 hand, and the s’d S’r Thomas Lynch hath or had the s d discharge, 
 and. the s’d John Miller hath received ab’t Thirty Pounds in full of 
 his share, and given his discharge under his hand in full of all de- 
 maunds from the s’d Negroe Prize, and soe have sev all others 0 
 the s’d Marrin’rs all which discharges the s’d Governor hath or had 
 in his Custody and the s’d p’rty proponent desireth that for avoyding 
 any further trouble or charge the s’d Receipts or discharges may be 
 produced. Et petit jus et justitiam etc. Ac ponit ac supra 
 
 4. Item that the s’d Capt. Gallop did besides the afores d 29 
 Negroes and halfe or 30 Negroes w’ch he rec’d on board the Thomas 
 and Francis as and for his Quarter part Adventure in the Flying 
 horse receive on board his s’d shipp the Thomas and Francis Twelve 
 Negroes for Capt. Henry Archbold w’ch the s’d S r Thomas Lynch 
 accompted for, and he the s’d Capt. Gallop also reed five others 
 w’ch he also bought and payd for to the s’d Governor and he also 
 received on board his s’d vessell the Thomas and Francis six Negroes 
 for the Acc’t of Capt. George Needham besides some Negroes w ch 
 were also deliv’d on board the Thomas and Francis for the Acc t of 
 Capt. Mathews the certain quantity whereof he doth not know, but 
 to the best of his remembrance they were five, all w ch sev all parcells 
 are by error and mistake as he conceiveth reckoned to have been 
 taken on board the Thomas and Francis for the peculiar Acc t of him 
 the s’d Capt. Gallop. Hocque etc. ponit tamen de quolibet et alio 
 
 numero Ac ponit ut supra. . 
 
 c Item that the s’d Negroes seized in the Susanna were nev 
 
 particularly mustered or numbred by the s’d Capt. Gallop or any of 
 his Compa. that he knoweth off but only as they were told out upon ] 
 the delivery by the s’d Coll Muddiford and others who were sent 
 on board by the s’d Governor or by such others as they appointed and 
 the s’d Governor hath given an Acc’t both of the number and how the 
 same were disposed, and his Acc’t is allowed and confirmed by the 
 Sentence of the Lords of the Appeale and there are only two hundred 
 and Forty Four Negroes adjudged by their Sentence to be devided 
 between the s’d Capt. Gallop and his Marnners and the s d Capt. 
 Gallop hath not had one Negroe of that 244 w’ch remaine to be 
 shared and devided as more fully may appeare by the s d sentence 
 and the s’d Governors Acc’t. Que pro hoc lecta et inserta haben 
 
 vult et petit etc. Ac ponit ut supra. . . , 
 
 6. Item that there is noe Faith or Creditt Sufficient in Law to e 
 given unto the sayings and depon’s of James Gier, John Mi er, an 
 
October, i6j6 215 
 
 Richard Rogers for they sweare and depose in their owne Cause and 
 for their owne advantage and benefitt, for the more they can gett 
 Irom the s d Capt. Gallop the more they expect to get for them- 
 selves and soe much is publiq[ue] and no[to]rious and the s’d 
 Richard Rogers was lately convicted at Jamaica and condemned 
 amongst others for running away with a Prize and the s’d Capt. 
 
 Gallop begged and obteined his life from the s’d Governor. Hocqruel 
 etc. Ac ponit ut supra. 
 
 7. Item quod praemissa sunt vera etc. 4 
 
 61. Answer of the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 October 26, 1676. 
 
 After which was read the answer of the Royal Company, received 
 t July 1676. That it is therein alleged the Company very scantily 
 supply Barbadoes with negro servants, and those at excessive prices; 
 to which the Company reply that they have been settled little above 
 four years, in the two first navigation was obstructed by the Dutch 
 war and general embargoes laid on all ships, yet the Company sent 
 forth seven ships to carry soldiers and ammunition, etc., to preserve 
 the forts and factories in Guinea, whence they proceeded with negroes 
 to the Plantations, and four of the ships to Barbadoes. The 'third 
 year, the war being ended, the Company most vigorously prosecuted 
 their trade, and thence sent out fifteen ships to the coast of Africa, 
 
 i., / The ■ seamen again complained to the Privy Council that Captain Gallop was 
 delaying settlement with them, and a hearing was set for Aug. 2, 1676 (Acts P. C. C. I. 
 
 nrnr^prl l677 ^ a Warrant was sent to Lord Vaughan for the full amount of the 
 e ^ fr r 244 ? egr ° es > w ^ lch J? ad not yet been remitted (Cal. Treasury Books, 
 676-1679, pp. 589-590). From Jamaica meanwhile Lieut. Gov. Sir Henry Morgan 
 had written to Secretary Williamson: “there is the greatest cheat in the world intended 
 
 KW hnf °th he K KlI L S ab0Ut Capt - Gall ? p ’ s ne gro prize, which was condemned to the 
 the S CpnprIl ie rv haS R be a n J 10 ret j. rn to , hls Ma jesty though above 7000 /. received; and 
 ken^t fork C nT aU r 11 n] der " a .^ n S the reason, Sir Thos. [Lynch] answered that he 
 , nn P ; f fo ^ Capt - GaHop; but if Gallop had come he would have answered that it was 
 condemned to the King. To keep people in the dark there was no register kept of 
 
 wlfR ° f thC ^ nd . e A ranatl °n, and contrary to all custom she was condemned when 
 
 Ch n C r a 3 d - Apr ‘ I3 ’ l675 ’ Ca J'r St p • CoL > ^75-x6 7 6, p. 206). Governor 
 nf t f 5 a f r . lved in Jamaica to supersede Lynch on Mar. 13, 1675. After the rendering 
 ot the decision Vaughan wrote to Sir Robert Southwell that his Majesty had been 
 misinformed about the facts of the case, but offered no further explanation. Ibid., p. 427. 
 
 ;A 6l J St ; ?' Col '> l( ? 7 S~i 676, pp. 387-388, “Memorandum. On 6th April and 
 
 £6th October 1676 was read at the Committee of Trade and Plantations, a paper of 
 
 R a rK a ^ CCS pre j ented tc \ hls Majesty, with a petition of the Council and Assembly of 
 Barbadoes, and referred to the consideration of the Committee by an Order of zath 
 ovember 1675.” This paper, the second article of which charged the Royal African! 
 umipany with failing to supply enough negroes and with charging excessively high 
 prices resulted from the deliberations of the assembly of Barbados in February and ? 
 viarch, 1675. It reached the King and Council in November of that year and was 
 referred to the Privy Council’s Committee of Trade and Plantations. Here it failed 
 0 obtain any attention until Apr. 6, 1676, and was not considered until October when 
 ne Royal African Company, the agent for Barbados (Colonel Thornborough), and the 
 commissioners of Customs were asked to be present at a hearing of the grievances 
 ' d '> pp - J 74, 193, 373, 475- 
 
2l6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 and ordered six of them to Barbadoes with about 2000 negroes, 
 which their factors disposed of at a much lower price than was usual 
 before this Company was established. Last year they sent twenty 
 ships to Africa, and appointed eight of them with about 3000 negroes 
 to Barbadoes. 2 It is alleged the Company have sold their negroes at 
 20 Z. and 22 Z. per head, but an examination of the Comply s books 
 shows the price to have been about 15 Z. per head. By t le o - 
 pany’s last letters there remained owing to them about 2 5 ’°°° • 
 besides the 3000 negroes sent last year, which may swe e e 
 to 70,000 Z. sterling or more. 4 This present year the Company have 
 
 .... 5 
 
 sjr- -",23s ErJfJZsfssJssi 
 
 negroes were received in Jamaica, not a 1660-1674, p. 316). 
 
 wrote Governor Lynch (Lynch to Williamson Cal. St P. C»/., »««9 ' f 
 
 Richard Brown, writing from Jamaica in September, 7 G com cargoes (ibid., 
 
 cargoes of 35 °. I 5 °> a ” d Iz j ; 0 negr ° es ’ s ° m ® charter Under the charter importation 
 p. 4.5). All this preceded the granting* the ch«,„. their , >w P allowing 
 
 failed to satisfy the Jamaicans who in ^75, having^ ^ ^ obtain ed from the 
 
 free importation, importuned the Du nPf ;t; n n of the assembly and council 
 
 r, - - 
 
 , i j / (l-c Tnlv d/ii Atkins to the Lords of Trade, ibid., p. 422). 
 a tts d d ( efens; ^ctmp^ny made various assertions about mi 
 
 J674, it stated that seven ships, with 2320 “cf'p ’ Co ; d 1669-1674, p. 552); between 
 ships, with 1720 negroes, to Barba os (. • '• ' ' reac hed Barbados, where but 
 
 March and June, .« 7 «. «« were sen, on ,0 Nevis, 
 
 plans'for "landing* 1540 the next ? year were already made in November, ,676 (ibid., p. 
 5 ° 3) ; 3 Coupled with 7^-* “ft t °^ c ^d 
 rs Tp'p d ea^ 
 
 l^e%\o C misedt 6 P * The'fact that Barbados was maUng complatnt^ather 
 
 P, - 
 
 4 The members of the new company, with the expenenc _ V . 
 
 Merchant Adventurers^ wel )1 in ^ mind, to investigate 
 
 islands must be avoided. In 73 \ xhe king, in pursuance 
 
 SW 2SSEZ& TJX-gp&Sfe 
 
 amount of outstanding debt, a protest whic was collect its debts that 
 
 r. “s. “ sss- 
 
 the eighty-day interim between the attachment ^n sale an important 
 
 Barbados, p. 318 n.; ante, no. 44, n 3). Jamaica, tor tne ht not to 
 
 market for negroes, protested that the outstanding 
 
1676-1677 
 
 217 
 
 already soit ships and intend more, by which the Company hope their 
 Lortfalups nuy be satisfied what little reason they have to complain, 
 which the Company believe they would not have done but to prevent 
 the Company s complaint against them. 
 
 Andrew King, Sub-Governor, 
 
 Gabriel Roberts, Deputy Governor. 5 
 
 62. Accounts of the Sarah B<onaventura, 1676-1677d 
 
 London, 1676, November the 15. 
 
 Invoyce of Sever all goods laden on bord the “Sarah Booneadven- 
 ture Henry Nurse comander: For Acco. of the Royall African Com¬ 
 pany of England to buy Negroes—marked and nomberd. Contents. 
 Lost and Charges Foil. 
 
 
 
 
 //. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 Iron 
 
 At 13. 6s. per 
 
 barrs 100 qtt.; 26c. 2[qu.] 2 lb. 
 
 Tunn 
 
 18 
 
 0 
 
 3 
 
 No 1 
 
 Sayes 2 1 balle 
 
 20 p’s at 42s per p’s 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 8:9 
 
 Perpetuanos 3 2 balles 
 
 25 p’s in each balle at 24s. per p’s. 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 87 
 
 20 peeces each 
 
 20 ” ” 
 
 Sleties 4 5 Casses 
 
 
 
 
 88 
 
 89 
 
 0 0 
 
 N N 
 
 ■100 p’s at 11 s. per p’s 
 
 55 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 20 ” ” 
 
 
 
 
 
 49 
 
 Paper brails 5 1 Casse 
 
 123 p’s at 4s. and 7d. per p’s 
 
 Tallow Ferkings at 47s. per Cent. 
 
 28 
 
 05 
 
 03 
 
 04 
 
 09 
 
 06 
 
 h, r r iUd A e l he C ° mp T: against her {Cal St ' P - Col -> i669-i 674, P. 478), yet by Novem¬ 
 ber, 1676, her own debt was £25,000. Ibid., i6 7S -x 6 7 6, p. 503. V 3 3 
 
 d am ,„^ t K th !u heann ^ °“ the 3ist the company “complained [that] they were extremely 
 aamaged by the interloping ships, notwithstanding they had been at 50,000 /. charge to 
 
 ri, U a ‘l d R f a °eh S a° r ‘ he Supi ;P rt of , t . he ‘ r *. rade " {ihii - P- 388). Colonel Thornborough adnfitted 
 that Barbados was well supplied with negroes, the scarcity having belonged to the period 
 
 the Dutch wars. Governor Atkins however had written, July 4/14, 1676 that 
 negroes were still acking, adding, “they that can stop the market when they please 
 TrL makC tl ? e JHarket what they please”. In reporting on this matter the Lords of 
 ade remarked that it was Governor Atkins’s business not to encourage complaints but 
 
 ^XtsV ^sif * * C - C -' L 676 ' 679; CaL SL P - C ° L ’ l6 ”- 676 , pp. 419-425I 
 [62] ’ T 70: 1212. 
 
 ,J aye * or L sa y s > a woollen cloth resembling serge. The amount in a “piece” 
 Varied^ locally, but it was about sixteen yards. 
 
 quality Perpetuanos ’ fre Q u ently called perpets, an English woollen cloth of lasting 
 
 ^A thin linen cloth, taking its name from Silesia, though that form was soon lost 
 and white ^ SpelhngS ’ was a striped cloth of Indian make, usually blue 
 
2l8 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 25 
 
 45 
 
 64 
 
 65 
 
 66 
 
 67 
 
 68 
 
 61 
 
 16 
 
 4i 
 
 Brought forward 
 
 to bright Muskeets at 8s. per p. 
 
 5 Tapsells 6 1 Casse 
 
 40 peeces broad at 12s. 2d. per p s 
 
 Long Cloath 1 Casse 
 
 10 Peeses m 20 half Peeces blew 29s. p’s 
 
 Old Sheets 4 Casses 7 
 
 65 in each Chest ] c , 
 
 » ” ” [260 Sheets at 2s. 4d. per bnt. 
 
 65 ” ” ” 
 
 6 - » »> ” 
 
 5 Niccones 8 1 Casse 
 
 50 Peeces at 7s. 6d. per p’s. 
 
 Boysados 1 balle 
 
 4 Peeces at 49s. per p’s 
 
 Knives one barren 
 
 41 doz at 35s. per grose is 5. 19- 7-1 
 40 doz. at 16s. per grose 2. 13. 4 - ) 
 
 Powder 5 barrells at 55s. per barell 
 
 Charges For Custom and Shiping, all Charges 
 
 ll. 
 
 S. 
 
 d. 
 
 208 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 06 
 
 08 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 30 
 
 06 
 
 08 
 
 19 
 
 03 
 
 04 
 
 09 
 
 16 
 
 
 08 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 i 5 
 
 
 IO 
 
 
 
 358 
 
 19 
 
 01 
 
 The Account of Negroes bought one bord the good Ship called the 
 (i Sarah Booneadventure” by Henry Nurs Comander For the Ac¬ 
 count of the Royall African Company of England on the gold Coast 
 of Guiney from the 28 day of Feb . to the 18 day of July 1676 / 7 . 
 
 Men Slaves 
 
 Women 
 
 Boyes 
 
 C/2 
 
 < V 
 
 o 
 
 the First Cost 
 
 P’s Sayes 
 
 Perpetonos 
 
 Nittones 
 
 Tapsells 
 
 Paper brails 
 
 Sheets 
 
 Musketts 
 
 Sleties 
 
 Iron barrs 
 
 Knives 
 
 h 
 
 CJ 
 
 T 3 
 
 £ 
 
 0 
 
 PH 
 
 \< 
 
 u 
 
 C 3 
 
 SN 
 
 
 Oun.[ounces] 
 
 Ang. [angles] 10 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 y 2 
 
 Receid 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Cost 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 / * 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 z 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Reed 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 - — 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2^ 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 3/2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 ’Tn^^the Guinea Company complained that the Customs Commissioner^ had 
 seized old sheets imported for their Guinea trade to the value of £1000. Cal. St. P. 
 
 Dom ” s 1 ^ 5 cotton c^oth 3 f r om 3 India, variously spelled, niccanees, nichanees 
 
 8 Boysados, more commonly baysados, is probably some variation of 
 
 Enelish woollen stuff known as bays. • 1 or> minre 
 
 “On the African coast fifteen angles.(or angels) were equ.valent to an ounce 
 
 of gold; in Europe, twenty. Bosman, Description, p. 75 * 
 
1676-1677 
 
 219 
 
 Men Slaves 
 
 1 -— 
 
 Women 
 
 Boyes 
 
 (W 
 
 <D 
 
 <L> 
 
 0 
 
 - ----- 
 
 the First Cost 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 16 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 
 CO 
 
 V 
 
 X 
 
 rt 
 
 GO 
 
 in 
 
 ew 
 
 *54 
 
 *54 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 14^ 
 
 1 Perpetonos 
 
 j Nittones 
 
 Tapsells 
 
 Paper brails 
 
 Sheets 
 
 cfi 
 
 4-J 
 
 IT) 
 
 a 
 
 s 
 
 1 Sleties 
 
 — ! 
 
 Iron barrs 
 
 Knives 
 
 54 barr’ll Powder 
 
 
 Oun.[ounces] 
 
 Ang. [angles] 
 
 —----1 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 54 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Receid 
 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Reed 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Reed 
 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 FA 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2/4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 54 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 14/4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 13 54 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 36 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 54 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 26 
 
 39 
 
 85 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 21 
 
 72 
 
 54 ] 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 Account of goods belonging to the Negro Cargo: Sold For Gold one 
 
 bord the Sara boneventure” Henry Nurs Comander: For Account 
 
 of the Roy all African Company In Guiney Gold Cost in the yeare 
 
 I677. 
 
 To Forty Five Muskeetts 
 To Twenty Iron barrs at 16 per bendy 
 To Tenn Ferkings of Tallow 
 To Sixteene Sheets 
 
 To Fore barells Powder at 2s. 6d. per bar’ll 
 To Twelve Sleties at 6d. per p’s 
 To Twelve Perpetanos at nd. per p’s 
 To too Sayes at 22d. per p’s 
 To half one Saye 
 
 Henry Nurse 
 
 Mk’s 
 
 Oun. 
 
 Ang 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 Goods sold For Corn at Dickeys Cove before wee went to Cape 
 Cost and Afterwards At etc 
 
 To one Saye at 
 to too Perpetanos 
 to Twenty Seven brails 
 to Twenty one Sheets 
 to Twenty Fore knives 
 
 Occoda [Akwidah?] 
 
 16 Chests 
 
 20 ” 
 
 54 
 
 21 ” 
 
 Bought hi Chests 
 
 To one p’s boysado 12 Chests 
 To Thirty six Sheets at 
 Three Sheets for too Chests 24 
 
 1 
 
 }■ bought 036 Chests 
 
 147 
 
 Henry Nurse 
 
220 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 p’s Sayes 
 
 Perpetuanos 
 
 Sleties 
 
 Muskets 
 
 Bar’ll Powder 
 
 £ 
 
 O 
 
 c 3 
 
 H 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 Iron Barrs 
 
 paper brails 
 
 _— -- 
 
 | boysados 
 
 Knives 
 
 Sheets 
 
 
 [Marks] 
 
 [Oun.] 
 
 1 
 
 1—1 
 
 bb 
 
 c 
 
 < 
 
 1_1 
 
 2^ 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 45 
 
 4 
 
 IO 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Chests 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 i 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 i 
 
 24 
 
 57 
 
 Bought 147 
 
 
 
 
 iVz 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 45 
 
 4 
 
 IO 
 
 20 
 
 27 
 
 i 
 
 24 
 
 73 
 
 147 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 The Account of Charges At Occodah In buying Come and other 
 Necessaries For the Negros: From May the 18 to June ph. 
 
 To the Brassooe of the towne For house rent to put the Corn in as 
 wee bought it: and A negro man' to watch it:—Three paper brails 
 To new Corn Plantings and limes and red peper and Shugar 
 Canes:—Too paper brails and Forty eight Knives. 
 
 To Carring Corn out of the house to the bote by the Negros: 
 
 Too hundred eightyeight Knives. 
 
 To Foreteene gallons Palm Oyle For the Negros too paper brails. 
 
 Henry Nurse 
 
 To three Iron barrs for three hundred wet. of Mallegeeto. 
 
 To goods lost going one Shore att Occodah when the bote was lost 
 _one peese of boysado: sixteen sheets: 36 knives. 
 
 Henry Nurse 
 
 To goods Trusted Aloome at Pumponnee 11 at our going up to 
 windward hee promising to Furnish us with Corne at Out g° in S 
 downe Againe—too p’s boysados, Fore Paper brails and Fore Iron 
 
 barrs. TT XT 
 
 L_J t - ' \TD\r \ TTDCI? 
 
 Account of goods delivered one Shore At Cape Cost And Accra 
 As by Recepts. 
 
 To too peeces Sayes: one perpetuanos: twenty Fore Niccones: One 
 Tapselle: one hundred sixty Five Sheets: half one barrell of Powder : 
 Eighty Five Sleties: Tenn Peeces blew Long Cloth: Five Hundred 
 and Fore Knives: Fivety too Iron Barrs. 
 
 11 Pumponnee or Pompena, east of Laye, near the mouth of the River Volta. 
 
; 
 
 1676-1677 
 
 221 
 
 cn 
 
 a 
 
 0 
 
 X 
 
 A 
 
 | Perpetuanos 
 
 Necones 
 
 Tapsells 
 
 paper brails 
 
 Sheets 
 
 Musketts 
 
 
 35 
 
 26 
 
 39 
 
 85 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 73 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 
 * 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 1 
 
 
 160 
 
 
 > 
 
 50 
 
 50 
 
 40 
 
 123 
 
 260 
 
 50 
 
 barells Powder 
 
 Sleties 
 
 Long Cloath 
 
 Boysados 
 
 Knives 
 
 Iron barrs 
 
 £ 
 
 0 
 
 h 
 
 so 
 
 bfi 
 
 c 
 
 24 
 
 u 
 
 V 
 
 
 Men Slaves 
 
 Women 
 
 Boyes 
 
 Gerles 
 
 --- 
 
 Chests Corn 
 
 Marks 
 
 Oun: 
 
 y* 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 72 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 Bought 
 
 46 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 20 
 
 
 For 
 
 
 
 
 
 147 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 372 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V* 
 
 85 
 
 10 
 
 
 504 
 
 52 
 
 
 Delivere< 
 
 i or 
 
 Sh 
 
 ore 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 100 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 972 
 
 100 
 
 10 
 
 
 46 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 147 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 Henry Nurse. 
 
 Received one This Cargo Five Markes, Three Ounces, Seven Ang: 
 of gold . . . and bought on bord one hundred Negro persons: viz: 
 Forty Six Men; Thirty Fore women, Foreteene boyes: and six gerles, 
 and one hundred Forty Seven Chests of Corn and the Rest of the 
 goods delivered on shore to Cape Cost and Accra To Mr. Harbin. 
 
 Errors Excepted. By William Dexter. 
 
 The Account of Goods bought For the Account of the Roy all 
 African Company of England For the Negros at Saint Temay, 12 Aug. 
 4th 1677. 13 
 
 p’s eight 
 
 To One Con For the negros 06 
 
 To Too thousand CockernutSi 20 
 
 To One Quarter Caske of Palm Oyle 06 
 
 To One Thousand one hundred Fivety yames 30 ► 84 
 
 To Seventy Seven of Plantings 05 
 
 To Six Thousand five hundred heads of corn 13 
 
 To limes Oringes and Red Pepper 04 
 
 peeces of Eight 84 
 
 To eighty Fore Peeces of Eight) 
 At Five Shilings per peese is ) 
 
 12 Sao Thome or St. Thomas. 
 
 13 Some notion of the purchases which this cargo permitted may be learned from 
 a later item: “Capt. Henry Nurse demands freight for 474 negroes del’d at Jamaica 
 out of the Sarah Bonaventure.” T 70: 77. 
 
222 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 63. Petition of the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Whitehall, 22 November, 1676. 
 
 [The Council refer to the Committee for examination and report 
 the petition of the Royal African Company, showing] That Edwin 
 Steed their Agent residing in Barbados having in pursuance of his 
 Majestys Charter granted to them seized a Vessel called the Anne 
 of Barbados and her Lading of Negros imported thither contrary to 
 the said Charter and the Priviledges thereby granted to the Peti¬ 
 tioners, One James Vaughan, Bernard Schenckingh and Arthur 
 Middleton Merchants 2 without regard to his Majestys Proclamation 
 have lately brought an Action against the Petitioners Agent in the 
 Barbados grounded upon the Statute of Monopolies for the recovering 
 of Treble Damages against him for seizing the said Vessell and Lad¬ 
 ing, Which being contrary to Law as the Petitioners are informed, 
 They most humbly prayed his Majesty would be pleased to issue out 
 his Royall Comands to the Cheif Governor of the said Island of Bar¬ 
 bados for the securing the Petitioners and their Agents in the quiet 
 Enjoyment of all those Imunitys and Priviledges granted to them by 
 his Majesty and that no such vexatious Actions may be brought and 
 encouraged there against the Petitioners and their Agents contrary 
 to Law, and in contempt of his Majestys said Charter. 3 
 
 / 
 
 1 1 Acts P C. C., I. 680-681; see also Cal. St. P. Col., 1675-1676, pp. 496-497, 504. 
 Once the Dutch war was at an end the problem of the interloper became a much more 
 troublesome one. In addition to the proclamation of 1674, letters had been sent to 
 all the governors of the American plantations admonishing them to see that the monopo y 
 of the company was respected. Barbados was one of the worst offenders, not o y 
 receiving and protecting interloping vessels which arrived there, but aho sending 
 vessels fo the coast. On Sept. 15 and Nov. 26, 1675, and on Mar 1 1676, Stede and 
 Gascoigne write of their troubles with the Providence, the Speedwell, and other “"name 
 vessel The case of the Providence was a particularly flagrant one, which in March, 
 r6 7 6, the Council was asked to consider. It had carried 150 negroes to the island where 
 1 the company's agent had seized So, only to have them taken from hur. by violence 
 while he and his assistants were severely beaten.. An appeal to Governor Atkin 
 brought no relief. The Council reviewed the facts f. 3 letter to Atkms directmg^h^ 
 to deal more severely with violators of the charter {Acts P. . . 55 5 » \ . 
 
 P. Col, 1675-1676, p. 359 ). The owner of the Anne, also guilty of interloping trade, had 
 
 resorted to legal rather than to physical obstructions to the monopoly of the ^pany. 
 
 2 Sept. 15, 1675, Stede and Gascoigne wrote of an interloping ketch whic: , 
 
 having made one successful trip as the property of Morris and F ° w ^ 1 ;^ ad R b ^ a n rd S 1 ° eS s 
 to Vaughan and Middleton, who prepared to use it in the same business. R g 
 of the governor’s orders, the owners of this vessel, had continued their }“ 
 
 the harbor until it was forced to depart by the' arrival of H. M S. Foresightt Possibly 
 this was the Anne, though one can not be certain of that, as of course Vaug 
 Middleton may have owned a number of slaving vessels. Ibid., p. 27 °-. 
 
 * “On the 24th the Council adopt the proposal of the committee to insert a clause 
 to this effect in the letter prepared for Sir J. Atkins with a Reprimand to him for 
 suffering the said Action to be comenced against the Petitioners Agent, for act g 
 according to his Majesty's Royall Charter.” Acts P. C. C., I. 681. 
 
 The company’s troubles with an interloper were by no means over once a vess 
 was seized. The sympathies of the island were often so strongly with t e o enter 
 it was difficult to obtain a conviction. On Apr. 2, 1676, Peter Bee:k or wro ^r 7 -m m 
 Joseph Williamson that the admiralty judges, Sir Henry Morgan, Lieut.-Co . 1 
 
 Beeston, and Lieut.-Col. Robert Byndlosse, had dismissed the case of a vesse rom 
 
223 
 
 December f 1676 
 
 64. The King to Governor Jonathan Atkins. 1 
 
 1676, December 9. 
 
 . . . and to the end you may be so worthy of imitation by other 
 Plantation Governors in all respects we think fit further to take 
 notice of a complaint made to us by the Company of Royal Adven¬ 
 turers trading to Africa that an action hath been brought against 
 their Agent residing under your Government for having seized accord¬ 
 ing to the power they have by our Royal Charter, a vessel called the 
 Anne of Barbadoes, with her lading of negroes imported thither, 
 and to let you know that you failed in duty to us in suffering the said 
 action to be commenced against the said Company’s Agent for acting 
 according to our said Charter, which ought not to be questioned or 
 judged there, and therefore we require you to discountenance this 
 action, and to prevent such proceedings for the future. And we, 
 intending that the said company of Royal Adventurers shall not by 
 any ways be invaded upon as the rights of our charter to them, have 
 thought fit to order in Council that no ships but only such as are in 
 the service of the said Company shall be permitted to go to sea on 
 a trading voyage from any ports or places of any parts of our Plan¬ 
 tations in America whose cargo may be suspected by the Agents of 
 the said Company to be proper for any parts of Africa within the 
 said Company’s Charter, until such time as the masters, owners, or 
 other proprietors of such ships and vessels have given good security 
 that they will not go to any parts within the limits of the said Royal 
 African Company’s Charter, viz., from Sallee to the Cape of Good 
 Hope, and that they shall not import any negroes, gold, elephants’ 
 teeth, mallagetta, or other commodities of the countries within our 
 said Charter to any of our said Plantations we have therefore thought 
 fit to signify our pleasure to you and do hereby require you to take 
 such bonds accordingly. . . . 
 
 admiralty court to that of common law. This was apparently the St. George, from 
 Angola, with 300 negroes, transferred to the island courts because of the plea that it 
 was seized not on the high seas but in or near a harbor, and therefore came within 
 
 parish jurisdiction. On learning of this action, the Lords of Trade appealed to the 
 
 surrogate of the Admiralty and to the Attorney General as to English usage, and were 
 informed that the case was unquestionably an admiralty case, whereupon they 
 instructed Lord Vaughan, governor of Jamaica, to see that the jurisdiction of the 
 
 admiralty court was sustained {Cal. St. P. Col., 1675-1676, pp. 366-367, 369, 411, 416, 
 
 418, 429-431). The belief in England was that if the case were to be brought into 
 the common law court the judges would rule that the company’s charter was void 
 by the statute against monopoly. 
 
 [64] 1 Cal. St. P. Col., 1675-1676, p. 511. A similar letter was to be sent to the 
 governors of the other American plantations. 
 
224 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 65. The Case of the Antego Merchant - 1 
 
 Whitehall, 26 January, 1677. 
 
 The Royal African Company of England by petition this day read 
 at the Board 2 have presented that having formerly complained to the 
 King of some ships going out to the coast of Guinea contrary to peti¬ 
 tioners charter (which grants petitioners the sole liberty of trading 
 on the coast of Africa from Sallee to the Cape Bon Esperance) the 
 King did order the stop of such ships till the master gave security 
 not to proceed to any of the said limits. 3 Since this those loose traders 
 have been more cautious by entering at the Custom House for some 
 other places the goods they intend for that trade, having at the same 
 time other ships fitting out to take in the said goods at sea or at some 
 convenient ports, and then proceed for the coast of Africa, as peti¬ 
 tioners have very good ground for believing that sundry ships have 
 lately done, and are now informed that one John Case, master of 
 the Antego Merchant, is laden with goods proper for Guinea, though 
 entered at the Custom House for Antigua. Therefore petitioneis 
 pray remedy against said ship and all others such. It is theiefore 
 hereby ordered that Treasurer Danby direct the Customs Commis¬ 
 sioners not to permit said ship to depart till security be given that 
 she shall not trade within the said limits, and if the master refuse 
 to give such security the Lord Treasurer is to report it to the Council 
 
 Board. 4 
 
 [65] 1 Cal. Treasury Book, 1676-1679, pt. I., p. 529; Acts P. C. C., I. 685-686; Cal St. 
 P Col., 1677-1680, p. 10. The sending out of interloping vessels was by no means con¬ 
 fined to the West Indies. Efforts to prevent their sailing were frequentin London, whence 
 many departed in spite of the watchfulness of the company. The interloper not on y 
 braved the danger of being seized by agents of the company; he was also a fair 
 prey for the Dutch. The Alice of London, John Gribble master, was seized by the 
 Dutch while being chased by the vessels of the Royal African Company {ibid.., 1675- 
 1676, p. 345). For attempts on the part of the Dutch and English to combine against 
 
 the interloper, see ibid., 1677-1680, pp. 13, 144* 
 
 2 Privy Council. 
 
 3 The Orders in Council, Sept. 20, 1672, and Sept. 4, 1674; see Petition of the 
 Royal African Company to the King”, Jan. 26, 1677, Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 10. 
 
 4 The Antego Merchant was but one of many suspicious vessels which the Royal 
 
 African Company called to the attention of the customs officials. In May, 1677, com¬ 
 plaint was made of the Blossom, owned by George Parris and John How, who had 
 already traded within the company’s territory. Though the Blossom was entered tor 
 the Canaries, her goods were suitable for Guinea and the gossip of the sailors was that 
 they were carrying blacks to the plantations {Cal. St. P. Col, i 677 _i ^^°> PP* 7 » 3 » 1 
 
 Acts P. C. C., I. 704; Cal Treasury Books, 1676-1679, p. 619; C. O. 268: 1, pp. 69-73 )• 
 Pp. 79 and 80 of the last-named relate to the detention of the Mary, also under suspicion. 
 Earlier in the year John Thornborough, master of the Tyger, had left Lon on or 
 Guinea and Barbados, boasting that he would publicly expose his negroes for sa e » 
 The company requested that the governor of Barbados be directed to prevent t is. 
 Acts P. C. C., I. 691. 
 
June, 1677 
 
 225 
 
 66. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, May 24, 1677. 
 
 Arrival of an interloper belonging to Colonel William Sharpe, 
 Chief Judge, 2 John Worsam and Major John Hallett, two of his 
 Assistants (as our Stephen Gascoigne was informed by Colonel John 
 Stanfast), Philip Cheeke and Roger Cowley, a Commissioner of 
 Customs, which gives great encouragement to other people to take 
 this liberty, seeing those that sit in great places and live by the King’s 
 Commissions presume to act as they do. The ship brought but 98 
 negroes and but few or no elephants teeth. Advice of her arrival 
 came a little too late for they were twelve miles distant, and the 
 negroes were landed and carried to Colonel Richard Bailey’s planta¬ 
 tion, close to the landing-place, about an hour before the factors got 
 there. Acquainted the Governor with it who sent for Colonel Bailey, 
 and he told him the negroes were sent for by Judge Sharpe and the 
 other before named. These men have been very solicitous to turn out 
 the Company’s factors from their offices for doing their duty. “Sure 
 it would discourage the whole fraternity of interlopers if some of 
 these be displaced for their disobedience to the King’s commands.” 
 
 June 16, 1677. 
 
 Arrival of an interloper with 120 negroes landed on the back part 
 of the island before the factors had notice, having been on board the 
 Company’s ship all day selling negroes. Leonard Woodfine was 
 Commander and Richard Bate, Barnard Schenckingh, and Arthur 
 Middleton Owners. 
 
 [66] 1 Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, pp. 93-94. Stephen Gascoigne was the second 
 Barbados factor of the Royal African Company. Stede, his senior in appointment, was 
 not long after this made a member of the council of Barbados, retaining his position 
 with the African Company (ibid., pp. 328, 647). The selections relating to the West 
 India Islands printed in this work have been chosen to illustrate the history of the 
 company rather than the history of the slave trade in its relation to Jamaica or 
 Barbados. That history remains to be written, but a few excellent short accounts have 
 been published: see G. L. Beer, Old Colonial System, pt. I., vol. I., pp. 316-381; V. T. 
 Harlow, History of Barbados, pp. 310-330; Frank Pitman, The Development of the 
 British West Indies, pp. 61-90; Waldemar Westergaard, The Danish West Indies, pp. 
 1 37 ~ 1 56; C. S. S. Higham, The Development of the Leeward Islands, ch. VII. 
 
 2 Sharpe was speaker of the Barbados assembly, as well as judge. Letters from 
 Barbados, received in May, recount that Sharpe had in 1675 aided rioters against 
 the Royal African Company’s factors, who were seizing the negroes of a interloper. The 
 circumstances are so similar that one wonders whether the incident is not the one 
 here described, despite the discrepancy in dates (Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 99). 
 The king had ordered Sharpe’s removal from his judgeship on May 18, 1677. Ibid., p. 90. 
 
226 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Impossible for the factors to prevent the landing, those employed 
 to give notice being beaten and wounded without any cause given. 3 
 
 67. Journal of the Arthur, Dec. 5, 1677-May 25, 1678. 1 
 
 Dec. 5th 1677. A Journall of a voyage att New Callabarr 2 in 
 the shipp the Arthur Capt’n Rob’t Doegood Commander: one 
 the accompt of the Royall Affrican Company of England, of all actions 
 and transactions from Gravesend to New Callabar and from thence 
 to the Island of Barbados our portt of Discharge. 
 
 Feb . 1677W8]. Wed . 5 Wee Brake ground at Gravesend by five 
 of the Clock in the mourninge and came to Anchor againe 7th day 
 
 att twelve the wind att s. e. . . . 
 
 Munday 11 February 16771/8]. This day aboutt nine in the 
 morninge Came one Board the Kinge of New Calabarr with some 
 others of his genres [gentlemen?] and after a Long discourse Came 
 to Agreem’tt for Currentt for negro man 36 Copper Barrs: for on 
 negro woman 30 and for one monello 3 eight yames 
 
 Tuesday 12th Feb’y 1 ^77 [/^T This morninge Came one Board of 
 us some Cannowse [canoes] Belonninge to Bandy 4 with negroes but 
 nott any wee did like: from which persons wee had Intelligence of 
 Capt’n Wilkinse 5 your Hon’rs Ship and that he had been gone from 
 thence aboutt two moones and whilst he lay there was enforced to putt 
 his negroes all on shore By reason of fire which appeared to be in his 
 
 3 Governor Atkins was far from being in sympathy with the African Company. 
 On Sept. 16 he wrote that the Guinea Company took upon itself to be governor of 
 Barbados. He was evidently convinced however that he must support the contentions 
 of the company if he wished to retain the favor of the home government for, on Nov. 
 28, he wrote to the Lords of Trade and Plantations: “The complaints of the Royal 
 African Company concerning interlopers are no small scandal to him. Account of an 
 action which hath happened which cleared the whole point, by a vessel being brought 
 in by his Majesty’s frigate and the case publicly heard in the Court of Admiralty where 
 the Governor presided, and the right of the African Company was fully asserted, which 
 gave satisfaction to the whole Assembly, insomuch that Mr. Sharpe who otherwise is 
 a very honest man, very popular and ingenuous, did before them all acknowledge he 
 had been deceived and was sorry for what he had done, and that he would never more 
 act in it, so hopes that uncertain trade will be given over.” Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, 
 
 pp. 150, 183. . 
 
 [67] *T 70: 1213. Items regarding the preparation of the cargo of this ship may 
 
 be found in T 70: 77, for Nov. 8 and 20, 1677, and Feb. 19 and 26, 1678. The Arthur 
 had made at least one earlier voyage to Guinea. On June 18, 1677, Thomas Holden 
 wrote to Secretary Williamson from Falmouth: “The 14th came in here the Arthur 
 of London in nine weeks from Jamaica laden with sugar for London. She has been 
 twelve months out of England, for she went for Guinea to load negroes, of which s e 
 made but an indifferent voyage, many of them dying in their passage. Cal. St. P. Dorn., 
 1677-1678, p. 199. 
 
 2 New Calabar was west of Old Calabar. 
 
 3 Manello. 
 
 4 Near the mouth of the New Calabar River. 
 
 6 Probably William Wilkins of tffe Golden Lyon. Capt. Amos Wilkins, Lenox, was 
 also in the service of the company at this time and had delivered 152 negroes in 
 Barbados in August, 1677. T 70: 77. 
 
i6yy-i6y8 
 
 227 
 
 forecastell insoemuch that hee was very Likely to have Lost his 
 ship By fire had nott the inhabitants [on] shore been kinde to him 
 and helped him in the quenching of the fire and did honnorably deliver 
 him againe all his negroes 
 
 Wednesday 13 February i6yy[/8]. The 12th day wee Bought 
 3 men 3 women as your hon’rs will finde one my Books of 
 Acc tt and this day we Bo [ought] 14 men and 18 women very good 
 and young negroes with some provisions for them. ... 
 
 Sunday iyth Feby. i6yy[/8 ]. Bo’t 10 men 5 women 1 Boy and 
 3 girles all very likely negroes nott one of them exceedinge 30 years 
 nor one under 14 yeares 
 
 Monday 18th Feby i6yy{/8 ]. This day wee Bo’t 4 men and 4 
 women havinge noe encouridgm’t to By more by Reason of shore 
 Remissniss in Bringing us provitions Doubtinge wee should have 
 more Negroes then wee were Likely to have provitions and soe they 
 to take advantage that did forbarre to Bye sendinge away again 
 severall negroes and keepinge only such as we had minde to. 
 
 Wednesday 20th Feb. i6yy[/8 ]. This day we had Qannows 
 from Callabar and wee Bought 6 men 6 women and on Boye but had 
 very Littell provitions from [for ?] them 
 
 Thursday 21st Feby i6yy[/8~\. This day we had severall Cannows 
 on Board of us with Negroes Butt very few provitions wee Bo’t 9 men 
 and 11 women which were very stoute negroes indeed Butt nott many 
 yames more then what before this day was promised to Bee Brought: 
 the goods in our hands we kept till such Tyme as they had Brought 
 enough for those negroes we had Bo’t of them 
 
 . Friday Feby 22 i6yy\/8~\. This day we sentt our Boat att Donus 
 to see whatt might be done there, wee findinge negroes to be Brought 
 one Board of us fast enough but were nott free to deale in many 
 fearing lest wee should take in negroes and have noe provitions for 
 them and the Boate returned againe with 1000 yames which they 
 had purchased from severall of those on shore findinge yames very 
 scarce this day, wee Bo’t 7 men and 4 Women with some provitions as 
 your hon’r may finde one the Booke of acc’tt. 
 
 Sattday 23 Feb i6yy[/8~\. This day wee Bo’t butt one Negro 
 woman with some provitions havinge but few Cannows one Board 
 of us and noe choice of Captives 
 
 Sunday 24 Feb i6yy[/8'\. This day wee Bo’t 11 men 6 women and 
 3 girles, findinge the negroes to be very good and Likely stout and 
 young negroes did purchase the more Butt those which had nott 
 Brought provitions as wee expected for the passage of those negroes 
 they sould us did detaine and keep in our hands soe much goods as 
 would purchase those provitions and they to Bringe the same the 
 next Cominge one Board. . . . 
 
228 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Munday 23 Feby 167.7U8 ]. This day wee Bo’t 6 very Likely men 
 with some provitions more indeed we might have purchased Butt 
 havinge Negroes plentie one Board and the Advantage of Takeinge 
 our Choice did Resolve to take none but such as were very good 
 indeed therefore sentt away againe severall negroes. . . . 
 
 Friday 1st March i6yy[/8]. This day wee Bought 13 men and 
 4 women very good negroes with some provitions: wee have some 
 of our seamen sick and doubt we shall Loose some: Butt the Incour- 
 agement and hopes of not stayinge Long here is our greatest Com- 
 fortt and Trust shall bee Ready to goe from this place in three 
 weeks tyme more our Businiss fully perfected as to our Negroes 
 and provitions. . . . 
 
 Sattday 2 March 16771/8]. This day wee Brought 2 men and 2 
 women havinge nott many Cannows one Board of us did Forbare to 
 Buy too many expectinge to have as wee did Resolve our Choice of 
 negroes : wee have made Choice of negroes to the Best of our skill 
 and Judgm’tt and as likely negroes as a man should see yett wee 
 finde that some of them doe decay and grow Leane and some are 
 sick they want for no thinge havinge dealy as much provition as 
 they cann make use of neither doe the[y] want for any Comfortt not 
 suffering any man one Board to strike them. 
 
 Acctt of what Negroes Dyd every day 
 
 Sunday 3 March 1677I/8]. This day wee Bought 5 men and 5 
 women and some provitions: aboutt 2 in the morning died one of our 
 seamen after 5 days sickness and about 4 in the afternoon died one 
 negro man: have 5 others sick. 
 
 Monday , 4 March 1677I/8 ]. This day wee Bought 3 men and 4 
 women and 7 Girles very Likely Captives wee had some provitions 
 and some oyle for them as will appere pr accontt 
 
 Tuesday 5. This day wee Bought 5 men and 5 women wee for- 
 gett nott your hon’rs Interests mindeinge if possible to gett most 
 men: if they are any way promisinge Butt as yett wee finde the women 
 generally Better then they men. 
 
 Wednesday 6 . This day wee Bought 3 men: 1 women with some 
 provitions as pr accompt will appeare very good negroes nott for- 
 gettinge your hon’rs orders that none exceed the age of fourteen 
 neither under the age of twelve yeeres as heatherto had Been minded 
 and accordingly Bo’t 
 
 Fryday 8. This day wee Bought 2 men and 1 woman haveinge 
 nott many Cannows one Board to take greater Choice therfore did 
 
1677-1678 
 
 229 
 
 forbare to purchase expectinge more for to Chuse for your hon’rs 
 Better advantage Resolvinge as was befor minded to Buye not any 
 Butt such as might If Life might bee permitted Answer your hon’rs 
 expectation and advantage: 
 
 The 7 day aboutt four in the afternoon died one woman. This 
 day as will appeare y re accompt wee did nott purchase any Negroes 
 Butt some provitions for negroes: wee have many sick Captives 
 Butt take the greatest Care wee can to preserve [them]. 
 
 Sattday g } March 1677/8. This day wee Bought 8 men and 6 
 women very Likely Negroes with some provitions—wee had died this 
 day one man and severall others that are sick nottwithstandinge our 
 Care with the Docktors phisick there is nothinge wantinge to them. . . . 
 
 Tuesday I 2 f March 1677/8. This day wee purchased 1 man 
 4 women and 1 Boy with some provitions as will appeare pr Accontt 
 and att 10 in the forenoon died one man which to our knolidge had 
 nott been sick 12 houres. 
 
 TVednsday 13, March 1677/8 • This day havinge many Cannows 
 on Board wee Bought 9 men and 8 women with some provitions many 
 others wee might have Bo’tt more but wee had noe Reason findinge 
 many bad negroes and the sickniss of ours one Board did soe much 
 troble us takeing them in very Likely and stout negroes to fall sick 
 
 in soe short Tyme that wee Littell in Curagm’tt. this day died 1 
 man and 1 Boy. 
 
 Thursday 14, March 1677/8. This day wee Bought 1 man and 
 1 woman with some provitions wee are nott free to Buy to many 
 all one Tyme our Complem’tt Beinge all most up Butt are very 
 Likely to Loose more here havinge many very sick. 
 
 Fry day 75. This day wee havinge many Cannewes on bord and 
 very Likely negroes wee Bought 11 men, 4 women, 2 Boyes and 
 1 Girle wee had not purchase soe many Butt findeinge them very 
 Likely negroes and haveinge then many sick: . . . died this day one 
 man 
 
 Sattday 16. This day wee Bought 3 men and 1 woman with some 
 provitions wee hope to depart this place in few dayes our Comple¬ 
 ment beinge up: nether intend to purchase one negroe more except 
 more dye to make our full number when wee shall come clare ofe: 
 wee have many sick and doubt will not long live: the reason of ouer 
 Byinge is bye the Loss of Negroes here. . . . 
 
 Monday 18. haveing soe many very sick expectinge in few dayes 
 the Loss of some negroes and haveinge very likely Negroes By the 
 side wee Bought 4 men and some provitions: this day died 1 woman. 
 
230 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Tuesday IQ. Came down againe Fogo Towne G where wee lay 
 
 two dayes to take in Water. 
 
 Wedsday 20. died this day on man and on woman. 
 
 Thursday 21. . . . wayd from thence . . . died on man haveing 
 
 many more very sick. . . . 
 
 March, 1678. 
 
 Wednsday 27. . . . this day died one man. died of our negroes 
 befor such tyme as wee could gett over the Barr 12 men 6 woman 
 
 and 1 Boy: have sevarall others sick. 7 
 
 Thursday 28. ... in the afternoone I causd a muster of the 
 
 negroes haveing all that were well downe btween deck and soe told 
 them up, on and on, giveinge all tobaco as the came up. and found 
 to bee one Board a life 175 men: 135 women: 9 Boyes: and 10 Girles 
 and nott one Negro more in the shipp; myselfe sarchinge both betwen 
 decks: and likewise the hold: and am very Certaine there was not one 
 Negroe more Bought for I paied the goods my selfe for every Negroe 
 was purchasd this voyage, this day died one man. and 2 women. 
 
 Fryday 2Q. . . . and aboutt 5 of the Clock in the afternoon wee 
 had sight of Farnandy po 8 att the S. E. of us—this day died one 
 woman. 
 
 Sattday 30. . . . this day wee had died two men—haveinge att 
 
 Least 30 more very sick. . # , 
 
 Sunday 31. ... in the morninge died one of our seamen and 
 
 in the afternoon that day died our docktor w ch wee did accon tt a 
 great Lost haveinge 6 white men very sick and many negroes sick, 
 had not been sick passinge three dayes and wee had Been att sea of 
 from the Barr when he died, 5 dayes. 9 this day died one woman and 
 
 one Girle. 
 
 A prill, 1678. 
 
 Munday 1. ... this day died one man and one woman 
 
 Tuesday 2. ... aboutt two of the Clock in the afternoone wee 
 
 came up with Cape Stt. Johns 10 itt Lay E. from us aboutt 7 Leagues, 
 this day died two men—wee haveinge many more sick takeinge the 
 greatest Care wee Could for there preservation. 
 
 0 Fokke, near the mouth of the New Calabar River. 
 
 7 From this point on, a tabulated account follows the daily entries and repeats 
 the information contained in them concerning deaths. It is omitted. Including ays 
 here omitted, it records the death, besides these, of 34 men, 32 women, 1 boy, an 1 
 girl, before the ship reached Barbados. The record of the weather and of the passage 
 of the Arthur from one place to another have also been omitted. 
 
 8 Fernando Po, an island, not far from the mainland, to the southeast of Cala ar. 
 
 9 And the “Docktors mate” died on Apr. 4. 
 
 10 Cape St. John is not far north of the equator. 
 
1677-1678 
 
 231 
 
 Munday 8. ... our negroes fallinge sipk very many to our 
 
 greate Troble Resolved to goe at Cape Lopuse 11 to take some Re- 
 
 freshinge for them there aboutt 4 in the afternoon wee had a fresh 
 gale: this day died one man. 
 
 Tuesday g. This day aboutt 12 in the forenoone wee Came to 
 anchor neare the wateringe place at Cape Lopus. died this day and 
 last night [two women] 
 
 Wedsday 10. there was att Cape Lopus when wee Came in a 
 Dutchman, Belonginge to the mine, which had traded upon the Coast 
 5 months for Teeth,. the next day after wee Came in he went away 
 
 from Cape Lopus this day wee sentt our Boat one shore for water: 
 this day died [one woman] 
 
 Thursday //. This morninge our men went ashore woodinge 
 and some for water, wee had one Board Load of wood this day and 
 4 Tunn of Water: this day died one man. 
 
 Fry day 12. This day wee had 2 Boates Load of wood on Board 
 and some water, wee finde our Negroes to a mend and to be very 
 well Refreshed wee Concludee itt to be By Reson of the Change 
 of the water: this day died one woman. 
 
 Sattday 13 . Wee are now Cleeninge our ship: in the hold throw- 
 inge away the Rotton yames wch are a great many more than wee 
 thought, wee doubt wee shall not have good in the ship 30,000 yames 
 
 and shall be forced to take in provition here, this day died one 
 woman 
 
 Sunday 14. The tyme wee had Been at Cape Lopus wee did 
 accord with some of the Inhabitants there for some provitions for 
 our negroes and they Brought one Board this day green plantins and 
 
 some Drye one Buffalo w’ch your hon’rs will finde one the Accon’tt 
 Booke. 
 
 Munday 13. This day aboutt 2 of the Clock in the morninge wee 
 sett seale from Cape Lopus. . . . wee finde that the negroes are 
 greatly refreshed By the stoping a Littell tyme. this day died one man 
 
 Tuesday 16. . . . this day died one man 
 
 Fryday ig . ... in the afternoone wee had sight of Anabo 12 
 
 aboutt 8 Leagues distance, this day and Last night died 2 negro men. 
 
 Sunday 21 . ... this day died one Negroe man: some more wee 
 
 have sick and though wee have noe Docktor yett wee doe the Best wee 
 Cann for them giveinge them Brandy and Mallagetta: there is 
 nothinge wantinge to them, this day died one man. 
 
 11 Cape Lopez was a much-used delivery point for slaves carried bv the Dutch 
 to the ^Portuguese Sao Thome. 
 u Annobon. 
 
232 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Munday 22. This day the winde nott Blowinge soe Fresh I did 
 Muster the Negroes Causeing all to goe Downe Between decks that 
 were weell and soe counted them up giveinge as they Came up one 
 after one, Beinge all out of sheckells, Tobacco: and found to be alife 
 155 men 119 women 9 Boyes 9 Girles and noe more, this afternoone 
 
 died one woman. . . . 
 
 May. 
 
 Wedsday i. our negroes are now for the most part in health. 
 Tuesday 14. . . . this day died one man:—wee finde our negroes 
 
 provitions to fall shortt By Reason of the many yames w’ch are 
 
 Rotten. . , 
 
 Wedsday 15. ... I tooke acco’tt of the Negroes Causeinge all that 
 
 were well to goe downe Between decks : and soe Countinge the sick 
 
 alought in the fore Castell and upon deck first: then Causeing the 
 
 woman to Come up first one after one: and after the men: and I 
 
 found to bee alife then 144 men: no women: 9 Boyes and 9 Girles 
 
 and noe more, this eveninge about seaven of the Clock died one 
 
 woman. 
 
 Thursday 16. ... this morninge and Last night died two men: 
 
 one Boye: god Continue the gale otherwise wee doubt itt will be 
 hard for us all intendinge to give our Negroes white mens provitions 
 if theres should fall shortt w’ch wee doubt as yett wee have nott 
 abated the negroes any thinge of there victialls but have as much as 
 
 att first. 
 
 Sattday 18. ... this afternoone died one man 
 
 Tuesday 21. ... aboutt 4 of the Clock in the afternoone wee had 
 
 sight of the Island of Barbadoss, suppossinge too Late to gett in that 
 night wee stood away. 
 
 Wednsday 22. The morninge Beinge hasie and darke wee Could 
 not see the Island for two houres after wee stood towards itt wee 
 made seale and seald N. W. and By 12 of the Clock that day wee 
 Anchord in Caleele Bay 13 in Barbadoss: aboutt two houres after 
 wee Came to Anchor; the Commander ordered his Boat to be mand 
 who goes one shore and gives your hon rs agentts accompt of the 
 ships arrivall: my selfe Contininge one Board: expecting there "Wo ^ 
 shipps one Board that night. 
 
 Thursday 23. This day wee expected your hon’rs Agentts one 
 Board but did not Come. I went into the hold to see what was Left 
 of the Negroes provition and found about 240 yames a few drye 
 plantaines w’ch was Left of that wee tooke in att Cape Lopus. 18 
 
 13 Carlisle Bay. 
 
233 
 
 i6yj-i6j8 
 
 stock Fish: 3 parts of a hdd. of Beanes: a very small matter of 
 Mallagetta and about id 1. of Tobaco: this is that w’ch was Left 
 of there provitions: w’ch was not enough to give them Sattisfacktion 
 three dayes: wherefor your hon’rs Agentts did order partatoes one 
 Board whiles the Remaind there. 
 
 Fryday 24. This day I wentt one shore to your hon’rs Agentts 
 and gave there W’rships the Charter p’tt and alsoe an accompt of 
 what Negroes wee Bought what died one the Coast: what in the 
 passage and how many wee Brought into Barbadoss alife: alsoe there 
 worshipps. had the sight of the Invoyces with the Declaration and 
 proclamation: there worships intendinge the next day to Bee one 
 Board and Lotte the negroes: w’ch after I had satisfied there wor¬ 
 ships what they desired I went one Board againe. died one woman. 
 
 Sattday 25. This day your hon’r Agentts were one Board and 
 Lotted the Negroes: which beinge done I shewed there Worships 
 my Booke of Accompt and whatt provitions was Left alsoe the 
 Accompt of Teeth purchased and what goods Remayned of the 
 Cargoe shipt one Board by your hon’rs Beinge now in the ship the 
 Arthur eight hole Cest of Copper Barrs: and 34 Barrs in a Broken 
 Chest, 26 Iron Barrs 16 Tapseels 10 pentadoss 14 16 dozen of Knives 
 
 —this day died one negro man w’ch your hon’rs agentts had the 
 sight of. 
 
 Sunday 26 . Tuesday Followinge is intended the day for sale of 
 
 Negroes: I am ordered to Tarry one Board w’ch accodingly doe. 
 this day died one man. 
 
 Tuesday 28. This day were many of your hon’rs Negroes sold: 
 the next day Beinge Keept: there were none sold untill Thursday. 
 Wednsday Beinge the 29 May. 15 
 
 Thursday 30. this day the negroes were very thinn upon haveinge 
 nott many Left. 
 
 3 1 • The next day Rainy weather were not many Buyers one 
 Board: if itt had Been Fare Weather suppose had sold all the Negroes 
 
 there were 23 Left unsold: 16 and the next day Beinge Satterday 
 Mr. man Came on Board By your hon’rs Agentts order and Caused 
 them to be Caryed away. I suppose the[y] were sold: after the 
 negroes were all outt I Left the shipp and went one shore and the 
 7th of June Came outt of Barbadoss in the shipp the Edward and 
 
 14 Pintadoes, printed chintz or calico, from the East Indies. 
 
 15 May 29 was the day on which Charles II. was born in 1630 and on which 
 he returned from his “travels” to London in 1660. 
 
 16 There were apparently 265 living negroes when the sale began. To have dis¬ 
 posed of 242 in four days indicates a fairly satisfactory market. 
 
234 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Ann Captn Nathaniell Green Commander: in Company with eleven 
 seale more Bound for England. 
 
 Your Hon’rs Sav’t 
 
 Geo. Kingston 17 
 
 68. Thomas Thurloe to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Gamboa, 15th March 1677/8. 
 
 The next most considerable place for Trade is within this 
 River of Gamboa for Slaves, Teeth, Wax and Hydes and may yield 
 yearly between 5 and 6000 Slaves, 14 or 15 tuns of Teeth an wax 
 and about 10,000 Hydes, the prices differ according to theperson he 
 Goods are bought of, the dearest rates are those we give to the Portu¬ 
 gueze which are 30 Bars for a Slave 2 18 Barrs per Cent for Teeth 16 
 for wax and 3 Hydes per b’l. To the natives wee give not so much but 
 agree with them as wee can. But wee buy fair more of the Por 
 gueze than of the Natives. If the Portugueze be keptpoore then they 
 will certainly bring their goods to the Islands but if they g 
 grow rich then they will stand upon high terms and carry their goods 
 to any Interloper’s Strange Ship that comes m unless wee comply with 
 them in every particular therefore this method ought to be used, to 
 lend the best of them soe much and no more as with the pioffitt o 
 the goods wee lend them they may pay us againe and just maintain 
 their families soe that they wilbe allwayes in a necessity of borro ^ 
 and consequently only trade for us and not dare to sell what t Y 
 gett to any strange Ship for fear wee should deny the lend g 
 fhem Once a Year (vizt.) about the ende of February a Vesse 1 should 
 be“nt up the River to buy Slaves end Teeth of Merchant,*, come 
 to such a particular place about 200 leagues up on purpose to mee 
 with us and the Portugueze where those Comodityes are purchas 
 
 i679 , ;;™h M 
 
 TAT't’’™- .0 “’Abstracts of Letters Rec'd by the Royal African Company of England 
 
 Hr” ” * 
 
 Xme are n't numbered. The name is written Thurloes m the lett r-book 
 
 2 The value of an iron bar, the trading medium on much of the African , 
 
 varied 7 o greatly from time to time that any state,XVca“e7u7smdy of the ledgers 
 with caution. The estimates range fiom 2 s. o . y .. , u 0 £ ave rage 
 
 of the Royal African Company, Dr. George F. Zook has compileda table * 
 
 prices of slaves, translated into pounds sterling, which is to appear in a tort c B 
 
 work on the Royal African Company, and which will furnish a valuable means 
 comparing all statements of prices made in the papers here pr . 
 
 •That is, to James Island, in the Gambia, on which *e Engl.rt, fort stood^ The 
 
 English company of 1618 had established a settlement an ap . ro ast for 
 
 built or rebuilt a fort in ,663-1664. This was one of the «hree places on the coast for 
 which the Royal African Company had paid its predecessors £34,000. A pla 
 fort as it stood in 1732 is to be found in Astley, II. I 7 1 * 
 
235 
 
 May, 1678 
 
 at a cheaper late than here below; and there is itt where wee buy the 
 Country clothes which are very necessary to buy provisions here for 
 wee spend 10 or 1200 every Year: 
 
 A third place to Trade in is betweene Cape Verde and this Rivers 
 mouth which yeilds a good quantity of Negroes and Hydes but 
 dearer then here for being an open place the French and Spaniards 
 use it continually which hath raised the price of their Comodities, 4 
 wee have not used that place because the Dutch had a Factor there; 
 but since their Island hath been taken per the French, 5 I sent thither 
 to see what might be done and In a month or five weeks time bought 
 26 Negroes and 1400 Hydes, and if Goree were settled per the 
 English, for the Dutch are taken and the French have left it, soe that 
 tis ^ee for the first commer, without wee might have a Considerable 
 trade upon that Coast for it yeilds at best 500 Negroes and 50,000 
 hydes Yearly. 
 
 As for the sending out of Ships hither, it would be convenient to 
 order it soe that none may be here In the raine time for that may 
 prove the overthrow of a Voyage. 6 4 every Year would be enough 
 ( Vizt .) 2 for Negroes one to goe from hence at Christmas and the 
 other at the latter end of May, and may both be dispatched from 
 hence, for all the time betweene June and Christmas will be to buy 
 ones Cargoe and from Christmas to June the other. . . . this day 
 I have sent another Ship to that Coast to buy Slaves and Hydes. 
 
 69. Thomas Thurloe to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 28th May 1678. 
 
 . . . As to the Trade of these parts I have allready written by the 
 Friendship Capt. Anthony Young in which I have given you an Acco’t 
 of the trade of this River, Cassamanza, Cacheo, and the Coast of 
 Cape Verde, to which last place the Convert hath since made a Voyage, 
 but not answerable to expectation, being hendred in the Trade by 3 
 Interlopers (Vizt.) 2 French and one English or Irishman who gave 
 such accessive rates that wee were not able to doe any good there, and 
 accept some Course be taken to keepe Interlopers offe the Coast 
 there is no thought of a Trade that way. There is at present in this 
 River a Dutch Ship of 450 Tons to buy Teeth, Wax and Hydes belong- 
 
 /The reference is to Goree, though this trading district also included Rufisque. 
 Portudal, and Joal. H 
 
 6 Goree, purchased from the natives by the Dutch in 1617, captured by Captain 
 Holmes in, his progress down the West Coast, and recaptured by De Ruyter a few 
 months later, had been taken by the Comte d’Estrees on Nov. 1, 1677. P. Cultru 
 Histoire du Senegal du XV e Siecle a 1870, p. 59. 
 
 ^The rainy season set in here at the end of May or the beginning of June. 
 
 L09J T 70: 10. The name is given as Thurloes in the company’s transcript of the 
 
 letter. 
 
236 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ing to the Dutch West India Compa. and an Englishman by name 
 Capt Elton for Slaves the Ship belonging to the Duke of Ormond 
 as he reports. If they be suffered to trade here you cannot expect 
 so large returnes as if some meanes were taken to hinder them: I 
 had never any order from the Gamboe Adventurers to seize them noi 
 as Yet from you, 2 therefore desire that you would be pleased to give 
 me full instructions as to that matter and how farr you wilbe pleased 
 and bare me harmless in it. . . . 3 
 
 70. Thomas Clarke and Hugh Elliott to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Dated at Orphra in Arda 2 the 17th September 1678. 
 
 This goes by the good Ship Arthur Capt. Hen. Oake 
 Comand’r. By order of Agent and Councill to be dispatcht from 
 hence 32 Windw’d Negroes She brought with her from Cape Coast, 
 with 378 Slaves we have Shiped ab’d of from hence makes up her 
 full Complem’t of 410 Slaves, She is orderd to carrye. She arrived 
 
 here the 27th Aug’st past. 
 
 Some third of the Cargoe that was sent from Cape Corsoe was 
 Long Cloth w’ch is not vendible at present by reason there comes here 
 more than will vend from Cape Corsoe, and besides the Dutch has a 
 greate quantity by him w’ch makes a greate glutt for the present. ^ 
 Wee were further ordered by Agent and Councill to Send yor 
 hon’rs a true Invoice of the Remaines of this Factory by this Ship and 
 to give yo’r Hono’rs acco’t of the affairs of yo’r Factory here with an 
 
 ’The Gambia Adventurers, a company subsidiary to the Company of Royal 
 Adventurers trading into Africa, was formed in 1668. Its members were largeT 
 members of the older company. For the privilege of exclusive trade with the 
 Seneeal-Gambia region it paid the parent company £1000 a year (Zook, pp. 22-23)- 
 A letter from the “Committee of the Gambia Stock” to the Earl of Carlisle, Mar. 27, 
 f 67 8 concerning the amount owed by St. Thomas for negroes, evidently re ates to the 
 affairs of this group. The Duke of York desired to press for payment (Sloane MSS. 
 2724 P- 33 )- I" October of that year the adventurers wound up their affairs, recording 
 in ttidr minutes that they were ready to deliver their goods on James Is ' a " d ' f B r ? can 
 Island and at Sherbro, amounting in all to £12,527 9 s - 4 d., to the Roy 
 Company and receive payment. On Dec. 10, “Squire” Bence and Benjamin Hmton were 
 delegated to call the attention of the African Company to the fact that, a ^ cor< ^ g . 
 the terms of the lease, the company was to make payment within one month fro 
 
 date of the appraisement. Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 3 ° 3 * 
 
 3 The remainder of this letter was printed in the Journal of Negro History, XIJ • 
 290 (July, 1928). It describes the method by which, in Thurloe’s opinion, the rive 
 
 trade should be carried on. , . , , u 
 
 [70] 1 T 70: 15, “Abstracts of Letters, 1678-1681”; the list of goods sent by the agent 
 
 is also to be found in T 70: 20, “Abstracts for the Committee of? Goods”. , 
 
 2 Offra (Orphra) was the residence of the European factors in Ardra. Sieur a # 
 describes at some length his entertainment by the Prince of Ardra at Offra. o ore, 
 Relation de ce qui s’est passe dans les Isles et Terre-Ferme de l Amenque, II. 397 4 
 
September, 1678 
 
 237 
 
 Inventory of w’t goods most in request at this Factory w’ch have here 
 inclosed sent yo’r hon’rs and as to the affaires of this Country. 
 
 Invoice of goods most in demand at the Royall Companies Factory 
 At Orplira in Arda 17th September 1678. 
 
 Red Broad Cloth and fine Scarlett Cloth 
 Broad White Baftares 3 Ditto narrow 
 
 Writt potkeyes 
 Callicoe Lawnes 
 
 all sorts White Callicoes except 
 I Long Cloth, All sorts Printed 
 [ Callicoes or Stony 
 
 All Sorts Pintadoes Red Ground the best 
 All Sorts fine Chints 
 All Sorts Chercotes 
 
 All Sorts Cuttanes 4 Red the best without Stripes or Flowers 
 Ditto a Sort Stamped in Engl’d with Flowers 
 Si Ikes of all Sorts as Sattin and Damaske the Richest the best 
 All Sorts of beads, white, Greene and Lemon Coller the best 
 well Strung 
 
 Rangoes 5 of a deepe Red Coller 
 Striptt tufted Hollands 
 
 Drap’r of all Sorts the Lowest prices 
 Dammasques of the Cheapest Sorts 
 Printed Lynens like to Birds eye 
 Syndall allyars and other Ditto 6 
 Cheany Silks 
 
 Brandy in Quarter Caske 
 
 Fine Hettiaes 7 
 
 Brass pans of all Sorts 
 
 Ditto Large to wash their Bodies in 
 
 Brass Kettles 
 
 Red Corrall in Long Beades 
 
 Bouges 8 and Iron the halfe part of the above said Cargoe 
 Gilded Leather Gold 
 
 3 Bafts, baffetas, or baftas, a cheap cotton fabric which was originally made in 
 the Orient but later was produced by Great Britain for her African market. 
 
 4 Cuttanees, an Indian linen. 
 
 c Arrangoes. 
 
 * Holland, a linen cloth; draperies probably refers to woollens in general; sendal 
 is used both for fine linen and for a thin silk. 
 
 7 Sletias. 
 
 8 Bowges or cowrie shells, a generally accepted medium of exchange on the West 
 Coast, and much in demand at Arda, where the favorite payment for slaves was half 
 in cowries, half in European goods. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 238 
 
 Accompt of the Remaines of the Royall African Compa. of 
 
 30 
 
 Welsh Plaines 9 
 
 152 
 
 7 
 
 Carpetts 
 
 124 
 
 80 
 
 Ginghams 
 
 100 
 
 20 
 
 Dos. red Scarlett 
 
 4410 
 
 16 
 
 Brass Panns 
 
 140 
 
 77 
 
 Red Perpetanoes 
 
 342 
 
 5 
 
 Blew Ditto 
 
 210 
 
 71. Thomas Clarke and Hugh Elliott to the Royal 
 
 African Company . 1 
 
 Ophra in Arda, 20th o’ber 78. 
 
 This goes by Capt. Robt. Bell Comand’r of the Phineas and Mar- 
 garett who was Ordred by the Agent and Councill at Cape Corsoe 
 to be dispatched from hence with 500 Negroes 30 of said Number 
 he brought from Cape Corsoe we have with much difficulty [made] 
 up his complement as above and have taken bills of Lading f° r the 
 same and according to Orders consigned them to Jamaica to Mr. 
 Hender Molesworth Mr. John Ball and Mr. Stephen Gascoigne 
 
 Your Honors Factors there. , 
 
 Wee were forced to sell Perpetuanoes w’ch were of a Long Stand¬ 
 ing by us and some Damnified two for one Slave, Long Cloaths 3 for 
 2 Slaves, Manalleos 200 a Slave all of them dead goods, When in 
 Request went of one Long Cloth a Slave," one Perpetuanoe a ave 
 if wee had good goods by us in the Vacancy of a Shipp wee need not 
 to Lower the Prices. There was a necessity for it otherwise the Ship 
 must a gon a way with halfe her Slaves. 
 
 72. Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, October 30th, 1678 
 
 Since the Golden Lyon Wm. Wilkins parted from this Island we 
 had a rumor of sundry Negroes delivered out of that Ship and Sold 
 to Severall of the Inhabitants of this place on which we have made 
 the best inquiry wee could after it and doe find that Severall negroes 
 were Sold and put a Shore out of the Ship how many we cannot dis¬ 
 cover though tis said 60 or 70, 10 of which were bought by Capt. Toby 
 Freere for which he gave bills of Exc’a to one Mr. James Taggart 
 who it Seems was brooker betweene the Master of the Ship and said 
 Freere this we charged Freere with who confest the Buying the num- 
 
 9 A woollen cloth of the simplest weave, made in western England and W ales. 
 
 [71] ‘T 70: 15- 
 
 2 In the margin, “150 Manalleos a Slave.” 
 
 [72] 1 T 70: 1, p. 1, Letter-Book. 
 
2 39 
 
 November, 1678 
 
 ber of Taggart and that they came out of the Ship but that he neither 
 dealt with the Master or the men or knew any of them. Said Freere 
 also confest he knew 2 more of his Neighbours that bought 8 more of 
 said Taggart and that Major John Hallett bought 24 or 25 of the 
 Master directly and all those the best and choice of the men Negroes 
 which as is said were putt on Shoare out of said Ship to Lewards of 
 this town, after the Master was cleard and in the Night time and there 
 deliverd to Taggart and Hallett of all which wee will use all pos¬ 
 sible means to make a full discovery and to send the Compa. the best 
 proofe we can gett of it that so the Compa. may gett full reparation 
 for their loss we have also wrot this day these particulars and sent 
 them to Nevis to the Compa. Fact’rs there. 2 
 
 73. Hender Molesworth and John Gauden to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jamaica, Novemb. the 16th, 1678. 
 
 Wee had almost forgotten to take notice of the inclosed acco’t 
 of Sales of Negroes per the Prosperous for neat proceed whereof 
 wee make good to your acco’t Curr’t £1385*12.9 a very sickly percell 
 as ever came to this Island in soe much that from Fryda. the day of 
 their arrivall to Monda. the day of Sale 14 dyed soe that of 163 
 brought in made but 149 delivered 
 
 2 On Nov. 12 Gascoigne wrote: “Wee have not bin able as yett to gett a discovery 
 of the Number of Negroes delivered here out of the Golden Lyon by Wilkins and his 
 accomplies but one James Taggart confesseth he had of one Steward who had them 
 out of the Ship 29 Negroe men and that himself bought out of said Ship i Negroe Woman 
 and that Capt. Shewell comander of the Noble Katherine had a Youth out of said Ship, 
 wee hope by the next to make so full a discovery of this matter as to send the Compa. 
 
 6 P articulars u P° n oath ” ( T 7 o: 1, PP* 1-2). On Nov. 30 the factors at Nevis, 
 William Freeman, Henry Carpenter, and Robert Helmes, wrote that the examination of 
 the men on the Golden Lyon , which had been conducted in Nevis, had brought forth 
 no information. Stede and Gascoigne, on receipt of this word from Nevis, added: “the 
 Master and men it seems will make noe discovery thereof but deny all nor can wee 
 gett such Testimony upon Oath that those 30 Negroes Taggard owned he bought came 
 out of the Ship he not seeing them come out nor dealing with the Master or any of 
 that Ships. Company for them but with a third person who had them out of that 
 Ship and is of this.Island, soe that Taggard will only sweare he beleeves they might 
 come out of that Ship but not that he knowes it”. By Mar. 3 the agents had apparently 
 despaired of learning all the truth and sent over what depositions they had obtained, 
 testifying to the illegal entry of thirty negroes (T 70: 1, pp. 1, 10-11). 
 
 The agents here and in a number of subsequent letters are not referring to the inter¬ 
 loping trade, but to another of the company’s difficulties, the surreptitious carrying of 
 negroes by the captains and officers, as their own private ventures. It was customary 
 to allow a limited number of “privilege slaves” to captain, officers, and the doctor. 
 To carry privately any number beyond this was a violation of the rules. The captain’s 
 “privilege” was usually four in every one hundred and four. The letters which 
 follow furnish ample illustration of the company’s difficulties with its own servants, 
 as well as with the inhabitants of the West Indies, who were by no means loath to* 
 obtain their negroes at a bargain, whether from the Dutch, English private traders, 
 or dishonest officials of the company. 
 
 [ 73 ] a T 70: 15, p. 3. Hender Molesworth, long a factor of the Royal African 
 Company, was acting governor of Jamaica after the death of Governor Lynch in 1684. 
 
240 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 74. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Barbados, Decemb. the 2d: 1678. 
 
 Wee feare the many Negroes so lately imported will be a meanes 
 of makeing the Compa. Slaves by the Martha and the Arthur not to 
 goe of soe quick as otherwise they would especially the meaner sort 
 of them. 2 they alsoe comeing both together on Sunday the first instant 
 but both the Mast’rs dead, the Arthur brought in 329 Negroes of 417 
 taken in at Arda of which many are small and some weake old and 
 very sickly hath also some Gold for the Compa. which he is not 
 able to tell the quantitye. The Martha brought 385 of 447 taken in 
 and are pretty good Slaves but many small ones amongst them, wee 
 shall use all possible endeav’rs to put them off at good price and pay 
 and hope they will not lye long on hand the time of year requiring 
 hands in most Plantacions notwithstanding the supplyes by Inter¬ 
 lopers and many people are come out of the Country to buy. The 
 Martha hath on board about nine or ten Thousand weight of teeth 
 and a Small percell of Copper and Some of the richest of the outwd 
 Cargoe of Silks. Yesterday also arrived the Compa’s Ship called 
 the Coaster from Arda. Tho. Girdis formerly Comand r who dying 
 the Ship is Comanded by Mr. Belladine there being 113 Slaves of 150 
 taken in at Arda. they are bound to Jamaica whether they shall be 
 dispatched with all possible speed wanting wood and water and some 
 refreshments for the Slaves. . . . 3 
 
 75. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Barbados, the 23d Decern. 1678. 
 
 . . . Wee formerly acquainted the Compa. wee had used all 
 possible endeavors to seiz the last Interlopers Ship that discharged 
 here and to that end had sent the man of warr Boats to surprise her 
 
 [74] X T 70: 15; also in T 70: 1, pp. 15-16. 
 
 2 See journal of the Arthur, no. 67, ante. 
 
 3 For the subsequent history of this vessel, see nos. 77, 78, 86, post. A list of bills or 
 exchange is here omitted. The vessels delivering negroes in the West Indies were 
 accustomed to carry sugar to England, but as a cargo of sugar was of less value than 
 the negro cargo it replaced the agents usually returned bills' of exchange in addition to 
 the sugar (Pitman, Development of the British West Indies, p. 66), and listed sue 
 bills in their letters. These lists are here omitted unless they contain items of special 
 interest. 
 
 [75] *T 70: 1, pp. 6-8. A similar letter, of the same date, not a duplicate of this 
 appears in T 70: 15; in T 70; 10 is a summary of a letter of this date which reads. 
 “A succession of Interlopers. Notwithstanding all care used. Parris with, 180 Negroes 
 . . . Davis 160 Negroes. Another with 200 and odd.” The earlier paragraphs of this 
 letter recount the difficulties of the agents over the Coaster, which had run away wit 
 some of the company’s gold. 
 
December, 16/S 
 
 241 
 
 where she lay at anchor but that she was gon before they came, and 
 as wee were informed for London, but since wee are given to under¬ 
 stand that she is gon to Antego and there recommended to Mr. James 
 Vaughan the Deputy Governor (for a good Freight for England) 
 by Coll. Christopher Codrington 2 of this Island who is a great 
 Favourer of Interlopers, and who reed, the Gold, Teeth and Wax 
 also the Negroes out of this last Interloper as wee are told and secured 
 them in his dwelling house, cureing house and boyling house, useing this 
 expression also as wee are told that he would warrant and secure them 
 ag st the Compa’s Factors or any [one] else lett them come with 
 what Authoritie or force they could and yet this man as wee are told 
 is labouring to gett his Maji’s mandamus to be made one of the 
 Council of this Island. Wee are also told [ torn ] and his Brother 
 Collo. Drax 3 and Collo. Sharpe bought all the cheife negroes out of 
 the Interloper which as report goes were sold also at very low rates 
 which if true wee presume is done upon a designe of prejudice to the 
 Compa. to enable Collo. Drax and others to be able to aver when 
 they come to England (whither they are speedily bound) that they 
 have bought of the Interlopers, much cheaper than they can of the 
 Compa. (Viz.)\ that the Interlopers sell their choyce Negroes at 14 /. 
 per head as ’tis said these did, and their midling and poore Negroes at 
 8 /. per head to the end this may be an argum’t for an open trade 
 as they call it-f-though wee presume the Freightors and owners who 
 ever they be will finde themselves und’r great losses notwithstanding 
 tis said they had good quantity of Gold and teeth and some wax 
 but of these things wee can send the Compa. no proofe as they 
 require from us by severall of their Letters. Wee are getting an 
 informacon of those things some from one and some from another 
 and therefore cannot expect to gett proofe of what wee soe learne 
 by chance as it were though we believe it to be truth. 
 
 To give the Compa. an Acco’t of transactions in the Voya. and 
 of what private trade hath bin for we discover none but those negroes 
 formerly advised that Capt. Woots pretended he had bought with 
 some Madera wine he had on the Coast being eleven in Novmb’r 
 wherein we since discover your Factor Mr. Holland pretends he was 
 a part concernd but wee having sold them for the Compa. acco’t shall 
 leave them to make their application to the Compa. for what favour 
 they shall be pleased to grant them. 4 
 
 2 Christopher Codrington, collector, had been deputy governor of Barbados in 1669 
 and 1671, during Willoughby’s two absences in England. In 1674 he migrated to 
 Antigua, and in 1688 was made governor of the Leeward Islands. 
 
 3 Col. James Drax, one of the wealthiest of Barbados planters. 
 
 * From the second letter of this date: “Our Comission on 92 Negroes ) « 
 
 d’d Capt. Penny for £1380 Ster at per Cent. ) 2 °* 00 
 
 “Our Comission on 66 Negroes d’d Capt. Cosker for £990 Ster at 1 £14. 17. 00 
 per Cent. ) 
 
 <£35. 11. o” 
 
242 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 76. The Case of the Golden Sun . 1 
 
 Whitehall, 24 January, 1679. 
 
 Whereas the Commissary of the States Generali of the United 
 Provinces, and of the Dutch West India Company hath this Day 
 represented . . . that one Captain James Browne did in the yeare 
 1 677 piratically take in a Certain Ship called the Sun on the Coast 
 of Cartegena neer too hundred negros belonging to the said West 
 India Company, and one Balthazar de rue Inhabitant of Amsterdam, 
 and Landed some of them at Jamaica. That by order of the Gover¬ 
 nor and Councill there they were to be seized and sold, and the pro¬ 
 ceed deposited for the use of the Right Owner. That accordingly 
 they were sold, and the Bond of three thousand pounds entered into 
 for restitution thereof as aforesaid. That the said Right having 
 been fully proved to be in the said West India Company etc. It 
 is humbly prayed that the said Bond may be delivered up to their 
 Agent Sir Thomas Modyford. 2 
 
 77. The Factors at Nevis to the Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Nevis, the 3rd of January, 1678 C/9] 
 
 We formerly wrote you that we had Laid Stopadge in the hands of 
 those that bought Capt. Wilkinson’s Freight Negroes for the wrong 
 done the Compa. for Landing Negroes in Barbadoes, 2 and also 
 had an Arrest ag’st the Master, Since which he hath Petitioned the 
 Generali 3 to have a tryall at a Spetiall Court which was Granted and 
 for want of Evidence from Barbadoes did quitt the Security, we 
 haveing noe Proofe that might be sufficient for us to joyne Issue and 
 when further Proofe comes can then Commence a New Suite, we 
 Suppose twill be 10 weeks before the Golden Lyon may saile from 
 hence, She being a Ship of great burthen and the Planters but now 
 begining to Grinde and have yett but little or no Suggars aboard soe 
 that we hope may hear from you before She Sailes hence. 
 
 Tis now 3 weeks since here arived Mr. John Bellwood one of 
 your Factors at the Coast from Barbadoes who came from thence in 
 Persuite of the Ship the Coaster that touched at the Island for 
 
 [76] 1 Acts P. C. C., I. 799; see also nos. 79, 89, post. 
 
 2 The matter was referred from the Council to its Committee for Trade and 
 Plantations, which reported Feb. 10, 1679 {Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 328). On 
 Feb. 21 an Order in Council directed that, as soon as proper evidence was produced, 
 the bond entered into by Richard Braine, judge of the admiralty, should be delivered 
 up {ibid., p. 331). 
 
 [77] *T 70: 1, pp. 8-9. The factors were William Freeman, Henry Carpenter, and 
 Robert Helmes. 
 
 2 This refers to the Golden Lyon. The captain’s name is given as William 
 Wilkins in the letter of Oct. 30, 1678. 
 
 3 Sir William Stapleton, governor of the Leeward Islands 1672-1686. 
 
February f i6y8/g 
 
 243 
 
 Provisions Bound for Jamaica and was there put from her Anchor 
 and left the said Bellwood and 9 more of his men a Shoare. he was 
 in hopes to have mett him here but missing her imediately proceeded] 
 to Jamaica where we hope he will find her. And that they on 
 board had no other than honest intentions to the Compa’s Interest 
 its a great Disapoyntment to Montseratt where you designed to send 
 her but presume your Orders came to late to Cape Cost for the 
 Agents sending her thither. That Island will now want a Small Ship 
 or two this Yeare as also Antegua another Vessell beside the Wellcome 
 that you have ordred thither also this Island hopes for good Supply. 4 
 
 78. Hender Molesworth and JohnGauden to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jamaica, 14th Feb’ry 1678 [/g]. 
 
 Wee came to understand (upon the returne of the expresse that wee 
 sent to Blewfeilds) that there were severall Negroes privately sold 
 and conveied a Shoare out of the Coastev 2 (to the Number of 44) 
 at her being there w’ch wee have since secured onely one person that 
 bought 10 of them stands it out and resolves to try the property by 
 Law. As for all the rest the Buyers being sufficient men Wee have 
 accepted their becoming D’rs [debtors] unto you Leaving the Negroes 
 in their hands at the prices they Bought them. But this person, not 
 being responsible like the rest Wee had not the same reason to con¬ 
 tinue them with him and therefore it is that he contends. 3 
 
 You may please to take notice that at the time of the Sales finding 
 soe many Concerned in the Comission Negroes vizt. Girdis and 
 
 On Feb. 12, 1679, the IVelcome, John Elliott, arrived at Barbados with 210 
 negroes from Old Calabar. She was supplied with wood, water, and provisions for 
 her negroes, then sent on to Antigua, where 163 were sold and 47 given to the captain 
 tor his freight and commission. Nevis soon after received 171 negroes by the Charles 
 Capt.. Andrews: “the worst Parcell that wee have ever seen from the Coast and the 
 quantity being not halfe what we expected” (Mar. 3 and n, 1679, factors to the 
 company, T 70: 15, and 1, p. 14). The smaller islands were prone to think themselves 
 neglected in favor of Barbados and Jamaica yet their negro population was steadily 
 increasing (Higham, pp. 145, 148): 
 
 Montserrat Antigua 
 
 i6 72 . 523 570 
 
 j 678 . 992 2172 
 
 Nevis St. Christopher 
 
 1739 904 
 
 3860 1436 
 
 [78] * T 70: 15. 
 
 2 Stede and Gascoigne wrote to the company, on Dec. 23, of the Coaster’s 
 clandestine departure from Barbados. 
 
 8 “As for the 10 Negroes out of the Coaster w’ch wee advised were in dispute for 
 the partye concerned upon our repaying him £3 which he had paid the Boatswaine in 
 part for them was contente to decline his pretensions soe wee let Lt. Collo. Scot have 
 them at the same price, they were at first sold unto Snaswell, he having been very 
 diligent and active for us in the discovery of the rest and Seizing and Securing of 
 those by w’ch he thinks himselfe Sufficiently gratifyed for his paines and charge therein 
 and will serve for incouragem’t both to him and on [to] others on such like future 
 Occasions.” Mar. 8, 1679, Molesworth and Gauden to the company, T 70: 15. 
 
244 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Belwood for buying on the Coast and Girdis and Evans for the 
 delivery, Wee reduced the same into mony for the more easie dividing 
 it, and have only paid Mr. Evans and Belwood their parts the rest 
 being £26. 11. 3 belonging unto Capt. Girdis remaines in our hands for 
 yo’r Order whose chest likewise (sealed up by Mr. Belwood at the 
 time of his decease) continues aboard the Coaster and soe will goe 
 home in her We thinking it not prudent for us to remove it. 
 
 And you may please to observe by the Acco. of Negroes per Capt. 
 Lowe that my Lord Carlisle is there charged £40 for two Negroes 
 per supposed to be paid here but he having since told us that he 
 intended to pay for them by Bills of exc’a and expected to have them 
 at the Compa’s lowest rates £17 P er head wee accepted thereof, 
 and therefore it is that wee charge yo’r acco’tt with £136 for 130 /. 
 he gives bills for being for the said Negroes out of Captaine Lowe 
 and 6 more out of the Coaster —soe doe wee likewise Charge you 
 with the full mony paid him here for w’ch he gives his Bills with 
 deduction of 10 /. per Cent w’ch wee think better then any Goods 
 wee can Load from hence whereof wee desire y’or opinion for o r 
 further Governm’t 
 
 You have likewise herewith Mr. Bellwoods Bill for the 40 /. wee 
 lent him to pay the fr’tt of the Ketch w’ch he hired to follow the 
 Coaster at her going away from Barba, for w’ch he refers himselfe 
 
 unto you. 4 
 
 79. The Case of the Golden Sun . 1 
 
 Whitehall. 21 February, 1679. 
 
 [The Council approve, and give orders in accordance with the 
 Committee’s report in the case of the negroes claimed by the Dutch 
 West India Company, that Lord Vaughan, Governor of Jamaica, had 
 certified the particulars ut supra ] And that the property which is 
 claimed by the Said Commissary in the said Negros might appear 
 unto us he hath produced the deposition of Nicholas Van Beeck and 
 Marc Broen Directors of the Dutch West India Company, taken at 
 Amsterdam the 24th of November last, declaring that on the 27th 
 of January 1677 Laden at Curasao one hundred and Sixty One 
 Negroes on board the Golden Sun, Francis Wier Master, whic 
 were all belonging unto the Said West India Company; as alsoe the 
 Depositions of Balthazar De Rue concerning the Lading of thirty 
 Negroes more on board the said Ship, for the use of himselfe an 
 others the freighters. W^ee have Likewise seen two originall Instru 
 ments of Procuration from the said Directors of the Dutch West 
 
 4 Mar. 8 the factors reported the arrival of Captain Bell with 282 negroes, of which 
 53 were delivered to him by lot for his freight and 7 for his commission. T 70. 15* 
 
 [79] 1 Acts P. C. C., I. 806-807; see nos. 76, ante, 89, post. 
 
2 45 
 
 May } i6j(} 
 
 India Company and the Said Balthazar de Rue, constituting Sir 
 Thomas M^odyford their Lawfull Attorney in all things relating to 
 the Said Negroes. Wee are therefore most humbly of opinion that 
 . . . the Earle of Carlisle or the Commander in Chief of . . . 
 Jamaica for the time being bee required to give Order that [upon 
 production of evidences making out the right of de Rue and the Com¬ 
 pany in the negroes the bond] entered into by Richard Braine Judge 
 Admirall of Jamaica . . . and others for Restitution of the Said 
 Negroes unto the Right Owners, bee forthwith Delivered up unto the 
 Said Sir Thomas Modyford; all reasonable charges expended upon 
 account of the said Negroes being first satisfyed unto Such to whom 
 the same shall appear to bee Due according to such Regulation and 
 agreement as his Lordshipp shall Direct. 
 
 Councill Chamber ioth of February 1679. 
 
 80. Captain William Smith and Jonas Lynch to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Taccarada, 2 March the ioth i6j$ [/<)]. 
 
 Wee sold and bought since wee came upon the Coast vizt. 306 
 Barres of Iron 3 p’s Seayes 15 p’s Perpetuanoes 63 1. w’tt of Brasse 
 Kittles 200 Pewter bassions 12 Jugges 46 dooz Knives 97 musquetts 
 7 p’s Sletias 40 p’s niconees 142 p’s Brawles 2 p’s nillias 3 200 p’s 
 Gumy stuffes 108 bunches blue Beads 13 11. w’tt of Cowreyes 30 halfe 
 firkines of tallow 20 Barr of powder for w’ch wee bought 53 Eleph’ts 
 teeth w tt 864 11 . and 18 markes Gold with 8 negroe Slaves and 
 Provisions for the Negroes vizt. 256 Chests of Corne and 150 1. 
 of Mallagetta. . . . 
 
 81. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, 6th May 1679. 
 
 Wee send first acco’t of sales of Negroes by the Ruth, Capt. 
 Pomeroy which as they were few in Numb, so they were very bad 
 Slaves and Sold at meane rates People being fearfull to buy them 
 there having bin so great a mortality among them and these few 
 survivors, were very poore, by reason of the flux they had bin 
 visited with and want of their country provisions and little of any 
 
 [80] * T 70: 15. 
 
 “Taccarada or Takoradi, east of Cape Three Points. The Dutch had here a 
 small fort called Fort Witsen. Before 1700 this post had been held by English, Dutch, 
 Brandenburgers, Swedes, and Danes. Bosman, Description of Guinea, pp. 17-18. 
 
 Nillias, Indian piece goods, of which there were striped and plain varieties. 
 The term Bengalis was also applied to these goods. 
 
 [81] *T 70: 1, pp. 15-16. 
 
246 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 other sort would they eate as Mr. Kingstone informs us; 2 Upon the 
 Ships arrivall we strictly examine [d] Mr. Kingstone concerning pri¬ 
 vate Trade, and if any Negroes were on board that were not the 
 Companys. he averred to us he was confident there was none, not¬ 
 withstanding which we hyred a boat to watch the Shipp that night, 
 who discovred nothing carried out of the Ship, and, yet we are in¬ 
 formed and have very good reasons to believe though wee cannot yett 
 gett it proved upon Oath that 4 Negroes and 16 Eleph ts teeth were 
 carryed out of the Ship that night Some of the Seamen soe declaring 
 though upon our examining the matter they mince the matter. Wee 
 have also reason to suspect Capt. James in the Ann brought 10 
 Negroes and put them on Shoare privately as the Doctor confessed to 
 me Edwyn Stede upon my charging him here with it though afterwards 
 he fell of from what he said but possible may agine justifie it before 
 the Compa. upon their further examination of the matter. 
 
 Mr. Kingstone having used his endeavors to sell what of the 
 Negroes Provisions remained in the Ruth and finding no body that 
 would offer any thing for them he hath left sundry species thereof 
 
 with us. 
 
 82. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, 24th May 1679. 
 
 Wee are now to give the Compa. an acco’tt at Large of the Pinck 
 Marigold from New Callabar. And of the Behauviour of Mr. 
 Lambert Peachy the present Mast’r and M. Fowler the Compa s 
 Factor on board and all that Ships Compa. and Say as we hinted 
 in a former tjiat upon the arrivall of that Ship the Master and 
 Factor came on shoare to us, when we examined them their occa¬ 
 sion of touching here having taken in provisions and refreshm’ts 
 sufficient for the Negroes at St. Thomas to carry them to Nevis 
 they replied they wanted a small Anchor which they doubted of being 
 supplied with at Nevis, and so they cam thither having Lost their 
 Anchors in the River of Callabar where they also beliged [bilged] 1 
 their ship by means of the unskilfullness of the mate who pretended 
 to be Pilott. Wee then stricktley examind Mr. Fowler as to private 
 Trade on board the Ship, who answerd with all confidence and 
 
 2 Another letter of this date is to be found in T 70: 15, which up to this point 
 is identical with this one. The remainder of this paragraph is omitted and instead 
 
 is given a list of bills of exchange, amounting to <£3* 5 * * 3 * 6 . 
 
 3 On May 14 the agents wrote that there were sixty more negroes on the Kutn 
 than had been reported as belonging to the company; in June they reporte t a 
 they had examined the seamen of the vessel but found them unwilling to tes 1 y 
 they lose their wages. Each man interviewed asserted that there were on hoard more 
 negroes than Kingston had reported but from no one could the factors gain definite an 
 conclusive evidence. T 70: 1, pp. 23-24; Harlow, Barbados, p. 3 2 4 * 
 
 [82] *T 70: 1, pp. 19-22. 
 
May, i6yg 
 
 247 
 
 assurance there was not any, nor could be he having taken more than 
 ordinary care to prevent it and farther gave us acco’t of the Numb’rs 
 of the dead, which he also averred he saw each dead and throwne 
 over board and that the remainder were only 118 and that there was 
 not a Negroe in the Ship more than that Numb’r on any Acco’tt which 
 was also confirmed by the now Master Lambert Peachey, wee then 
 told the Factor how much it conserned that he should be as Little 
 absent from the Ship as might be especially at Night telling him 
 farther how the Mast’r of the Golden Lyon had abused the Compa. 
 By delivering out of that Ship here a considerable Number Negroes 
 (of the best) and that here were a great many people about the 
 Towne who kept boats and went off in the Night time to see what 
 purchase they could gett from any of the Ships Compa. and would 
 if not well watcht tempt out some of the Negroes and therefore 
 charged said Fowler to be extremly Vigilant no such or the Like 
 fraud were put upon him to the prejudice of the Compa. adding 
 farther We conceived it would not be necessaires to put waiters on 
 board the Factor being a Live, besides that the comon sort of people 
 1 heie that were to be hired into that imploye were soe false wee knew 
 not how [to hold] them knowing whilst they tooke pay from us in 
 behalfe of the Compa. they would be made drunk or be bribed to 
 take no notice what was done to the Compa’s prejudice. After this 
 upon farther discourse with the Factor and meeting with some indirect 
 answers from him and his Letting fall some indecent discourses and 
 expressions of the Compa. particularly of their severyty to those 
 imployed by them of their slender wages and of the difficulty of getting 
 frorn them allowance and paym’t of any thing disbursed by those in 
 that imploym t or other, enough according to his expression to make 
 any body cheate the Compa. wee began to distrust and surmise he 
 was upon that designe, and there upon did desire to see his Journall 
 his Acco tt of Negroes bought and those dead which we found exactly 
 according to what he told us before with which the Capt’s acco’tt also 
 agreed though the acco’tt of mortality kept by the Doctor differs his 
 Acco’tt of mortality being short of theirs [blank] Negroes. Wee 
 desired to see a muster of the Negroes the next day as well to know 
 the Number on board as their condicon which was with difficulty 
 obtained, neither Mast’r no[r] Fact’r being on board, but as wee have 
 just cause since to believe were driving their bargains on shoare, for 
 the Negroes they designed to cheat the Compa. of, for upon count¬ 
 ing of the Negroes instead of 118 they said only remained of 293 
 bought in Callabar for the Compa. wee found 180 odd Slaves, wee 
 demanded of the Persons on board who pretended to those super¬ 
 numerary Negroes and by whom they were bought in. they replied 
 they knew nothing of it how they came in or to whom they belonged 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 248 
 
 and about 8 at Night Mr. Fowler came to our house (of the same 
 day many hours after wee had made this Discovery) and told us that 
 early in the morning he had mustered the Negroes and had found a 
 considerable Numb’r more than belonged to the Compa.; but told 
 us not what Numb’r wee asked him if he knew not that before; he 
 protested he did not, wee asked him how they came into the Ship and 
 who pretended to them, he averred he knew nothing of it, wee asked 
 him if upon the mustering of them in their voya. he made no dis¬ 
 covery of any Negroes more than the Compa’s he answered he had 
 not mustered them all the voyage by reason of his great sickness all 
 the way thoug he said he saw all the dead Negroes thrown over 
 board. Wee asked him if he had Lycence from the Compa. for any 
 private adventure on his own acco’t and if he had any pretence to 
 to those Negroes, he said noe he was allowed nothing of that Nature 
 by the Compa. Wee asked him if the deceased or present Master 
 had any such Lycence and if any of them pretended to them, he said 
 they had noe Lycence for private trade nor did he know they or either 
 of them pretended to them nor who did. wee asked him since he dis- 
 coverd this Fraud so early in the morning why he acquainted us not 
 earlier with it and what he and the Capt. had done on Shoare all 
 that day in the Compa. he was in who wee knew to be people that 
 were Likely to deale for any thing they would sell, he said he was 
 coming early in the morn’ to tell us of it butt mett with the Mast r 
 who dissuaded him upon some Slender pretence nor did he know he 
 was obliged to acquaint us with the discovery he had made or wee 
 [had] any pow’r to call him to any such acco. of what frauds he ■ 
 discovered which he had done by Letter to the Compa. (his Instruc¬ 
 tions only Leading him thereto) and was all was incumbent on him, 
 wee asked him if the Compa. [would] not have thought he had , 
 done them good service to have comunicated his discovery to us 
 that wee might have assisted him in preventing the Negroes being 
 carryed out of the Ship and to have seized them for the Compa s 
 use, he answerd noe Nor did he Believe wee could seize them for 
 the’ Compa. for that by Charter Party if any were brought contrary 
 to it they were to be mulct by the Compa. 20 /. per head and not 
 to be seized or medled with by us which with many other insolent 
 expressions and reflections of his on the Compa. and defending and 
 justifieing himself in his honest and prudent care of the Compa s 
 business caused such indignacon in us against his actings, that wee 
 could not but tell him it appeared to us all his actions were knavish 
 and that he deserved severe punishm’t, to which he replied he care 
 not for what wee said or thought: He doubted not but the cornpa. 
 would be pleased with what he had done and would reward him 
 for his good service and that he had those Friends would bring him 
 
June , i6jg 
 
 249 
 
 off thus wee paited haveing before sent a Guard to the Ship according 
 to the Letter. 
 
 And wee have Just cause by all his actings and proceedings to 
 believe he was a Sharer in this cheate by denying and concealing all 
 from us and being allways actually in Compa. with the Mast’r and 
 those his assistants in bringing the Negroes 
 
 Wee omitted to acquaint the Compa. that after wee discovered 
 the supernumerary Negroes on board Capt. Peacheys Ship wee de¬ 
 manded of him to signe a bill of Lading for all the Negroes then on 
 board for to deliver them to the Compa’s Agents at Nevis for the 
 Compa’s Acco’tt which he possitively denyed saying he was not 
 obliged by Chart r Party to signe any Bill of Lading for them nor 
 would he on any tearmes. 
 
 83. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Barbadoes, June the 10th, 1679. 
 
 With this wee send the Compa. bill of Lading for the Negroes 
 Left on board the Marigold that were fitt to be carried to sea vizt. 
 One hundred and fifteene w’ch were sent to Nevis their first designed 
 Port soe soone as wee could gett a Vessell to carry them which was 
 the Last of May wee hope they are arrived there in safety and to a 
 good markett they that were sent being very good Slaves. Wee tooke 
 7 a Shoare w ch were not fitt to be sent not being able to stand all of 
 w ch are dead notwith-standing wee used all possible care to pre¬ 
 serve and recover them so that the Compa. may perceive that not¬ 
 withstanding thee 45 Negroes brought on shoare by the Mast’r and 
 Factor and the mortality w’ch was great among them by reason of 
 their stop here yett at the time of sending there remained 4 more 
 then the Mast r and factor owned to be on board the Ship in the 
 whole when they came into the Roade. And it doth most certainly 
 appeare to us the great mortality of Negroes that was in that Ship 
 from Callabar hither and here was occasioned by the Ships being 
 crowded and pestred with the supernumerary Negroes taken into that 
 Ship not having Roome to stow or cleane them for wee never saw 
 soe stinking foule and nasty Ship in our Lives. 2 When the Ship came 
 
 [S 3 ] 2 1 T 70: 15. 
 
 9f a .* A ! ette f of June i° (possibly dated June 19), nearly identical with this one, 
 at this point has the following: “but* wee presume they stood not much upon that 
 
 resolving if soe many remained a Live in the Ship as they pretended to they would 
 
 nave noe Loss, the Living being still theirs and the Dead the Compa’s. And as a 
 rurther testimony of the Fact concurance and Interest in this cheate.” This ioins what 
 follows without punctuation (T 70: 1, p. 23). 
 
 Over one hundred years later, the committee of the Privy Council which was 
 investigating the African trade estimated that the percentage of loss on the Middle 
 , assa f. e > in . I f 1 8o > was 2 7 2/3. The figures given in those letters of 1678 examined by 
 f\u eC A r . below that rate > amounting to between 19 and 20 per cent. Report 
 or the Committee of the Privy Council on Trade to Africa (1789), pt. IV., no e app 
 
 B, quoted by Highara, Lee-ward Islands, p. 158. ’’ V ’ 5 ’ PP ' 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 250 
 
 from St. Thomas Wm. Longstone Sailor and some others of the 
 Ship’s Compa. (as they told us) in messing them there went to count 
 them w’ch being told to Mr. Fowler he was very angry with them for 
 soe doing and asked what they had to doe to count the Negroes, that 
 was his worke and not theirs and that they had a very uneasie being a 
 board the Ship from thence hither for attempting to tell the Slaves 
 
 there. 3 
 
 Those 37 which were here seized by us and afterwards were con¬ 
 demned were sold for 400 l. to be paid part in 3 mo’ts the rest at 
 
 Xm as . . ., 
 
 The Ship was also appraised at 360 Is. Sterling which is now sold 
 
 for 400 /. to be paid some in p’sent the rest at 6 mo’ts 
 
 On Thursday the 29th of May Capt. Wm. Smith in the Blossom 
 arrived here In about 9 weeks from Cape Corsoe bound for Virginia 
 touching here for wat’r and Refreshments for the Negroes not having 
 touched at the Islands, he brought hither 117 men one Boy and one 
 hundred twenty six women in pretty good Condition, on his arrivall 
 wee searched the Ship and found noe Negroes more then before 
 menconed nor other private trade the Factor Mr. Lynch also assuring 
 us there was none, they saild the 5th Instant Leaving with us coppy 
 of their acco’t of disposall of their cargo at Guynie signed by the 
 
 Master and Factor to be sent the Compa. 4 
 
 This day arrived the Swallow Evan Seyes from new Callabar in 9 
 weeks and in 9 weeks 4 daies from Anibo 0 where he touched for 
 refreshm’ts and came hither for Provisions his Yearns being all rotten, 
 they tooke in at Callabar 179 Neg’rs and Lost. 19 of them, wee shall 
 furnish them with all speed with such provisions as this country at 
 present affords and will dispatch them with all speed to their designed 
 
 port of Virginia. 
 
 84. The Factors at Nevis to the Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Nevis, 15th July 1679. 
 
 About 14 days Since H. Carpenter writt you an uncopied Lett r 
 the Contents of which was to advise you that on the 28th ultimo 
 being Satturday wee had some notice of an Interloper about the Island 
 
 3 The other letter closes with the statement that the master, Peachy, the factor, 
 
 Fowler, the mate, White, and the gunner, John Hunt, seem to be the only ones on board 
 the Marigold concerned in the fraud. On July 12 the agents reported that the mate 
 and captain had offered 59 negroes to an unnamed resident of the island, who refuse 
 to buy and reported the offer to the company’s factors. T 7 °* L P* 2 5 * , t 
 
 4 Nathaniel Bradley, one of the Cape Coast factors, wrote on Mar 29, 1679, 
 
 he had loaded the Blossom with 270 negroes in 15 days. The captain had apparently 
 lost 26 negroes on the passage. T 70: 15, p. 30. 
 
 6 Annobon. 
 
 [84] *T 70: 1, pp. 26-27. 
 
251 
 
 September, i6yg 
 
 the Landing of whose Negroes wee indavord what possible wee 
 
 the St tf P r V ’ e H ““ at aU Sus P iclous places of Landing, 
 
 the Satturday Henry Carpenter spent in riding round the Island to 
 
 v ew sa,d Places wh.ch that night was secured as well as wee could 
 
 as allso Sunday and on Sunday night Henry Carpenter with 2 [torn! 
 
 happened to be at the Places where the Ship and Sloop Intended to 
 .Land their negroes etc. 
 
 the Persons concerned to help the Interloper were one Charles 
 
 T C0Un , CiU and als ° a C -Pt in this Island 
 
 and one John Eddy a Capt. alsoe, Phillip Lee speake[r] of the 
 
 ssembly: Josf Tory a Leiv’tt and Richard Cary and Thomas 
 elchamber which Last the Negroes were consigned to with io or 12 
 more Ordinary fellows which they had gott. 
 
 85. Edward Pierce to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Bence Island, 2 Aug. 4, 1679. 
 
 1 Y- ' Th ? Ne g roe Ship would be most convenient sent out of Eng¬ 
 land in Aprill to be heare in June, may be hired as you think fitt accord¬ 
 ing to the help you send us in men and Sloopes you may guess what 
 iwgroes wee may be able to send you. Betwixt this place and Rio 
 Noones, I question not if I have help to gett ready by July 120 good 
 slaves if wee have such assistance that wee can send to the River at 
 Grandby and the Begegres, (besides teeth) you may buy 4 or 500 
 Slaves Yearly and if your cheif factory for the parts aforementioned 
 
 were plast at the Idoloas 5 your business would be done with a great 
 deal more ease than it is. 6 
 
 86. The Case of the Coaster 1 
 
 Decimo Octavo Septembris Anno Domini 1679 
 Hugo Wilkins contra navem the Coaster f et contra omnes etc. 
 
 awwVt Bence Island 3 '..^ A* !> eginnin « of this pi ^ce, who was the'company’s 
 
 afconfpa„; ser !ant" 2 ° ° r 3 ° " egroes bred in Barbad ° 9 be sent out “ him 
 
 Sierra ^LeoneYiver^Th. IsIand is . th j Iar g e ? t of thr « islands in the mouth of the 
 ’ Rlver ’ The company had erected a small fort here, which was used chiefly 
 
 fR* k !. f^ USC ‘. ^ ccordin S t0 Barb «t, the one advantage was its difficulty of access 
 (Barbot, “Description of Guinea”, Churchill, Vovaaes V go) The ill. 1 a a 
 
 nbe a source of slaves for America uo.il the ^Yemh’centu^ s^g Yhead 
 a R^Nufiez 8S1VC WaderS 3fter ‘ he African Company abandoned it in 1728. d 
 
 md t he rh Casama°ce an r 1 vers‘‘ BeRCgreS ” Pr ° bably referS *“ a region betwee " tha Cacheo 
 “One of the corruptions suffered by the Isles of the Idols. 
 
 I he company at this time was far from prosperous On Tnlv t a t /c t u 
 
 nT 7 Wr ° te *° Sir R - Verne y, “Sir Gabriel Roberts [deputy governor the comnanvl 
 md I went .0 Windsor about the Royal African Company® business’’ andTY/w 
 e commented that the king could not borrow from the African Company which ** 
 as poor as a courtier”. Hist. MSS. Comm., Seventh , pp 47 ” a ^fa l^b 
 
 7 78, Z m,ralty C ° Urt ' Instance and PHze: Libd Files ’ »»• no 474a t' s 476 See no,. 
 
2 5 2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 et contra societatem Regalem Africanam Angliae proprietaries dictae 
 navis pro interesse[ ?] 
 
 Chapman Francklin 2 
 
 Quo die Francklin nomine procuratoris ac ut procurator legitimus 
 dictae societatis Regalis per viam reconventionis omni meliori modo, 
 nec non ad omnem juris effectum exinde quovismodo sequi valentem 
 dixit, allegavit et in hiis scriptis in jure proposuit articulatim prout 
 sequitur viz. 
 
 1. Impr’s. That the said shippe Coaster mentioned in the pio- 
 cesse of this Cause in the yeares One thousand six hundred seaventy 
 and seaven and one thousand six hundred seaventy and eight, and 
 moneths therein concurreing, and dureing all the voyage in question, 
 wherein the wages in question are demanded was the shippe of the 
 Royall African Company of England, and the said Company were, 
 and are the owners thereof, and soe commonly accounted. Ponit 
 tamen de quolibet alio temporis Spatio etc. Et ponit pars ista com- 
 munem divisionem, et de quolibet. 
 
 2. Item. That within the time mentioned in the next precedent 
 article the said Shippe was by the said Royall Company set out to 
 sea, and imployed in their owne service to goe from this porte of Lon¬ 
 don to Guinia, there to take in Negroes for, and upon the accompt 
 of the said Royall Company, and to carry the same to the Island of 
 the Barbadoes, or to such other places as the said Royall Company, 
 or their agents should appoint, and there to unlade, sell, and dispose 
 of the same for and upon the accompt of the said Royall Company, 
 and afterwards to returne for England where the said voyage was to 
 end, and determine. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio temporis spatio etc. 
 Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 3. Item. That the said shippe within the time aforesaid mentioned 
 in the first ar’le of this allegation did arrive at Guinia aforesaid 
 where there were laden, and put aboard the said shippe (at which time 
 Thomas Girbis the master of the said shippe was liveing) for and 
 upon the accompt of the said Royall Company a greate number of 
 negroes, which were transported in the said shippe to the said Island 
 of the Barbadoes where the shippe arrived with the same within the 
 time aforesaid, and more particularly in or about December or Janu¬ 
 ary one thousand six hundred seaventy and eight. Ponit tamen de 
 quolibet alio temporis spatio etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 4. Item. That the said Thomas Girbis was by the said Royall 
 Company appointed ma’r of the said shippe the voyage in question, 
 and did goe from this port of London in the said shipp as, and 
 
 2 Chapman and Francklin were the advocates of the litigants respectively. 
 
September } 1679 
 
 2 53 
 
 being ma r thereof, and was master of the said shippe in the 
 s’d voyage untill his death which hapned upon, or about the 
 Coast of Guinia in or about the moneths of August, September, or 
 October in the yeare of our Lord one thousand six hundred seaventy 
 
 and eight. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio temporis spatio etc. Et 
 ponit ut supra. 
 
 5. Item. That the said shippe some moneths after the death of 
 the said Thomas Girbis the Ma’r thereof being arrived at the Barba- 
 does with the said Negroes before alleadged in her the said Hugh 
 Wilkins after the arrivall of the said shippe there with the said 
 negroes in her which did belong unto, and were the negroes of the 
 said Royall Company did of his owne head without any authority 
 from the said Royall Company, or any of their agents, or factors, 
 take upon him to take and did take out of the said shippe eleaven 
 of the said Negroes, which were then aboard the said shipp which 
 then lay at the Barbadoes, and put, or cause them to be put into a 
 boate, or wherry belonging to the Barbadoes, which hee had pro¬ 
 cured for that purpose, and did in the said boate, or wherry, carry 
 or cause the said eleaven negroes to be carryed, and put on shoare 
 in Barbadoes, and there hee the said Hugh Wilkins did of his owne 
 head without any authority from the said Royall Company sell, and 
 dispose of, or barter away the said eleaven negroes, and had received 
 monies, or comodities for the same to the value, or sum of twenty 
 pounds (sterling) for every one of the said negroes, one with another, 
 in toto eleaven score pounds, and that hee, [did] and doeth dispose 
 of the same to his owne use, and benefitt, and never gave any accompt 
 thereof to the said Royall Company or any for them. Ponit tamen 
 de quolibet alio temporis spatio etc. et de quolibet alio numero 
 aethiopum etc. et de quibuslibet aliis pecuniarum summis etc. Et 
 ponit ut supra. 
 
 6. Item. That every one of the said negroes one with another was 
 the time aforesaid worth the summe, or value of twenty pounds 
 sterling, and soe much was the common and usuall price of a negroe 
 in the Barbadoes the time aforesaid, and soe much negroes were then 
 and there usually sold for. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio temporis 
 spatio etc., et de qualibet alia pecuniarum summa pro valore etc. Et 
 ponit ut supra. 
 
 7. Item. That the said Hugh Wilkins after the time of the 
 arriveall of the said shippe in the Barbadoes the time aforesaid, and 
 after hee had carryed the said eleaven negroes on Shoare as afore¬ 
 said, did never returne againe on board the said shippe, but did con¬ 
 trary to his duty desert, and forsake the said shipp at the Barbadoes, 
 and did runne away from the same, and would not, nor did come 
 
2 54 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 home in the said shipp for England, which hee ought to have done, 
 by which meanes the said Royall Company for want of his service 
 in the said shippe were, and are damnified to a great value. Ponit 
 tamen de quolibet alio numero aethiopum etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 8. Item. That after the time of the arriveing of the said shippe 
 at the Barbadoes the time aforesaid, and after the s’d Hugh Wilkins 
 had carryed the said negroes out of the said shippe on shoare at the 
 Barbadoes aforesaid, some of the mariners of the said shippe, whereof 
 Mathew Barker( named in the processe of this cause) whoe is pre¬ 
 tended to be the apprentice of the said Hugh Wilkins was one; did 
 contrary to their dutyes (the said Thomas Girbis the Ma’r of the 
 said shipp haveing been dead some moneths before) instead of land¬ 
 ing, and putting the other negroes, which were then left in the said 
 shippe, (which were about the number of eighty, or ninety negroes) 
 on shoare at Barbadoes, and deliv’ing the same to the agents, and 
 factors of the said Royall Company there, did runne away with the 
 said shippe and negroes then aboard her to the backe side of the 
 Island of Jamaica, where they kept themselves out of command of the 
 authority and governement of that place, and would have there dis¬ 
 posed of the said negroes at their owne will and pleasure, but that 
 one Mr. Molesworth being agent of the said Royall Company or 
 some other the agents of the s’d Royall Company there, hearing 
 thereof did cause a boate, or Shallopp to be manne[d], and there 
 upon brought in the s’d Shippe into a porte in Jamaica contrary to the 
 will of the said shippes company. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio 
 numero aethiopum etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 9. Item. That the said Mathew Barker after the arriveall of 
 the said shippe at Jamaica as aforesaid, did desert the said shippe, 
 and did runne away from the same and did not come home in the 
 said shippe to the great losse, and damage of the said Royall Com¬ 
 pany. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 10. Item. That the voyage in question was a tradeing voyage, 
 and that the whole, and entire trade of Guinia, especially for negroes, 
 did before, and dureing the voyage, in question, and since belong to 
 the Royall African Company of England, exclusive to any persons 
 of England, and that no mariners which did serve in the said shippe 
 the voyage in question, or which have served, or doe serve in any 
 of the shippes of the said Royall Company to, or for Guinia or 
 Buiny were, or are, or ought to deale, or trade for, or dispose of any 
 negroes whatsoever, nor did, or doe the said Royall Company permit, 
 or give them the said mariners any order, or leave soe to doe, nor 
 had the said Hugh Wilkins any authority to trade for, or buy or 
 dispose of any negroes the voyage in question. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
February, 1679/80 255 
 
 11. Item Quod praemissa omnia et singula fuerunt et sunt vera 
 publica notoria pariter et famosa, atque de et super eisdem laboraver- 
 unt et laborant in praesenti publica vox et fama unde facta fide de 
 jure in hac parte requisita petit pars ista proponens jus et justitiam etc. 
 
 8 7 * Hender Molesworth and Rowland Powell to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jamaica, Feb. 15, 1679/80. 
 
 y^ee take notice of y r reviving of your old order for paying of the 
 Chirugions head mony 2 at delivery of the Negroes. 
 
 Wee take notice of the hint you are pleased to give us of the Inter¬ 
 lopers 3 who are apt enough to Boast w’thout a Cause but notwith¬ 
 standing their Bravados there is none of them will put themselves 
 here under the Hazard of Seizing, And if they Sculke only in Creekes 
 and Bayes about the remote parts of the Island, wee [do] not envy 
 them the proffit of the voya. If they gett noe more by any thing 
 else then they shall by their Negroes (when all their returnes are at 
 home) though it be naturall to them to put the best Face upon a bad 
 
 matter, yet what their Tongues will not confess their purses will 
 feele. 
 
 On the 23 ulto. arrived Capt. Nurse from Angola with 490 neg’rs 
 w’ch wee exposed to Sale the 29th Ditto within w’ch time there dyed 
 20 Soe that wee reed, but 470 and amongst them objected against 20 
 more as under aged according to what our receipts will mention for 
 which wee allow noe freight here. 
 
 And on the 25th Ditto arrived Capt. Andrew Branfill in the Vine 
 with 278 from Old Callabar (w’ch wee sould the first Currt. whereof 
 two dying before Sale wee reed, only 276). 
 
 The negroes by Nurse were meanly condition’d for besides neer 
 Yz boyes and Girles there were a great many Leane and Sickly ones 
 occasioned from the want of Provisions throughout the voyage the 
 Capt. himselfe also having been very ill on the Coast. 
 
 [87] * T 70: 1, p. 46. 
 
 3 The ships’ doctors were paid so much per head for the negroes landed in good 
 condition. 
 
 . . 3,rhe company not long after this again petitioned for help in upholding its 
 privileges, and on Mar. 9 the Privy Council directed that letters be sent to Barbados, 
 
 Nevis, and Jamaica, ordering them to observe the company’s charter. Acts P. C c' 
 I. 885. ' ’ '* 
 
256 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 88. Accounts of the Swallow , 1679-1681A 
 
 London the 23rd March i679[/8o]. 
 
 Invoice of goods laden abord the “Swallow” Capt. Evan Seys Com¬ 
 mander for accompt of the Royall African Company of England 
 Bound for New Callabar their to take in 220 Negroes And consigned 
 
 unto said Capt. Evan Seys. 
 
 
 Iron 2000 
 
 barrs wt. 25 
 
 tons 
 
 Copper barrs. 
 
 5 chests 
 
 
 lb. 
 
 
 barrs 
 
 cwt. 
 
 qr. 
 
 44 
 
 200 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 06 
 
 45 
 
 200 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 07 
 
 46 
 
 200 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 06 
 
 47 
 
 200 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 08 
 
 48 
 
 200 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 07 
 
 130 
 
 131 
 
 160 
 
 tare 
 
 1,000 10 : 
 
 1 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 06 
 
 at £6:3 
 
 ;s, 3 barrells 
 
 
 
 
 
 cwt. 
 
 qr. 
 
 
 lb. 
 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 14 
 
 Tare 20 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 04 
 
 19 
 
 2 : 
 
 0 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 6 : 
 
 1 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 11 
 
 ” 61 
 
 
 2 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 05 
 
 
 5 • 
 
 3 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 06 net at £3: 
 
 Beeds, i chest 
 
 26 bunches white wt. at 13 d. <£4*02.4 
 17 ditto christall wt. 48 ” *5 d. £3100. 
 
 29 
 
 10, 
 
 { 
 
 Manelloes 1 bunch black 
 
 cwt. qr. lb. 
 
 5,000 rings wt. 1 12 : 25 net at £3*5 
 
 For customs and all other charges 
 1 box 2 scarlett laced coates{for presents £5.08.5 
 2 white hatts laced j £2:05 
 
 Negroe Provitions 
 
 1 hhd. and 1 Runlett qt. 76 galls, fine spiritts £11: 10 
 
 6 hhds. beanes 
 1 hhd. flour 
 
 1 hhd. pease 
 
 2 puncheons and 1 barrell 
 
 i barrell qt. 1 tobacoe 
 
 1 barrell qt. 7 gross pipes 
 
 1 hhd. vineger 
 
 1 hhd. salt 
 
 254 stock fish at £6-3 and 
 
 7:05 
 3: 10 
 1:15 
 6: 10 
 2:19 
 0:09 
 3:05 
 1:02 
 
 puncheon beef, £3:5 9:00 
 
 /. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 381 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 63 
 
 07 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 08 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 02 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 00 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 47 
 
 13 
 
 0 
 
 539 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 [88] *T 70: 911, “Invoice Book, outward, of the Royal African Company, 1680-1681”; 
 T 70: 939, “Invoices Inward, 1680-1681”. 
 
1679-1681 
 
 257 
 
 Nevis January 12th 1680J/1]. 
 
 Accompt of Sales of 71 Negroes Sould out of the Shipp “Swallow” 
 
 Capt . Evan Says Commander For Accompt of the Roy all African 
 Company of England. 
 
 Sir W. Stapleton at 3000 
 George Cruff 
 James Walker 
 
 Moses Leavermore 2 at 3800, 1 at 2800 
 
 Edward Parsons 
 
 John Pope 
 
 John Chapman 
 
 John Williams 
 
 Thomas Weekes 
 
 John Syms 
 
 Humphrey Heywood 
 
 Nath. Harris 
 
 Joseph Crisp 
 
 David Howels 
 
 Walter Clarke 
 
 Hurly Welch 
 
 John Wighall 
 
 Hurly Jackman 
 
 Robert Ellin 
 
 Phillip Sullivan 
 
 John Jeffries 
 
 Edward Harris 
 
 Capt. Evan Seys 
 
 William Meede 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 t-i 
 
 c3 
 
 fat) 
 
 33 
 
 CO 
 
 O 
 
 co 
 
 -O 
 
 15,000 
 2,800 
 26,600 
 10,400 
 
 19.200 
 2,800 
 2,000 
 3 , 5 <x> 
 
 9.500 
 
 10.800 
 7,000 
 
 14,000 
 
 32.200 
 
 13.800 
 
 3 . 5 00 
 3,5oo 
 
 3.200 
 1,700 
 
 1.200 
 1,080 
 3,5oo 
 3,000 
 2,560 
 8,181 
 
 Allowed by the Ma’r for the overplus of 
 
 Men 
 
 3 i 
 
 
 Women 
 
 29 
 
 
 Boys 
 
 7 
 
 
 Girls 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 36 
 
 
 7 i 
 
 — 
 
 
 3 
 
 104 commission 
 
 
 16 
 
 6 freight 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 91 
 
 6 dead 
 
 97 
 
 10 
 
 his FPtt etc. 
 
 3 i 
 
 29 
 
 199,721 
 
 736 
 
 200,457 
 
 Note that the 2 boys and 2 girls marked 
 with S the mast’r pretended was his and 
 his mates for which noe Fr’tt or com- 
 miss’n was allowed him. 
 
 Will’m Freeman 
 Henry Carpenter 
 Robert Helmes 
 
 London the 31st March 1681 
 
 Nevis. Received from Mr. Henry Carpenter and Company the 
 sum of Two hundred Sixty two'pounds in Negroes at Sixteen pounds 
 per head and is in full payment for two thirds parts of Freight of 
 eighty seven Negroes brought to this island in the ship Swallow and 
 for which I have given three receipts by this tenour and date. 
 
 Dated the 17th day of January i68o[/i]. 
 
 £262 
 
 Evan Seys 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 258 
 
 Received of Mr. Henry Carpenter and Company the sum of Four 
 Pounds and Seven Shillings and is in full for the head money of 
 Eighty seven Negroes brought to this island in the ship Swallow 
 Capt. Evan Says commander, For which I have given three Receipts 
 of this tenour and Date. Dated in Nevis the 18 day of January 
 168o[/i ]. . . . 
 
 £4.7 Jeremiah Oxtea 
 
 89. The Case of the Golden Sun d 
 
 Whitehall, 2 April, 1680. 
 
 Wheras it has been represented in behalf of the Dutch West 
 India Company and the executors of Balthazar de Rue concern’d 
 in the Negros seized on board the Golden Sun in the year 1677* 
 That Sir Thomas Modiford their late Atturney and Procurator [is 
 dead,] 2 The said West India Company and Executors of Balthazar 
 de Rue humbly desire Charles Modiford Baronet, Hender Moles- 
 worth and Francis Hanson Esqrs. being by them appointed to be 
 their Atturneys, and Procurators, His Majesty would be pleased to 
 renew his orders to the Earle of Carlisle or the Comander in Cheif 
 of Jamaica for the time being to the end the said Bond may be 
 delivered up to them and the proceedes of the said negros duely 
 recovered. It is thereupon Ordered in Councill that ... as soone 
 as the Evidences making out the Right of the said [Company, and 
 Executors] in the said Negros shall be lawfully produced by Sir 
 Charles Modiford, Bart. Francis Hanson and Hender Molesworth, 
 Esqres. or either of them jointly or severally, Then the said Bond 
 entred into by the said Richard Braine, Judge Admirall of Jamaica 
 and others, for restitution of the said Negros unto the Right Owners 
 be forthwith delivered up unto the said Procurators or any of them, 
 all reasonable charges expended upon accompt of the said Negros 
 being first satisfied unto such to whom the same shall appear to be 
 due, according to such Regulation and agreement as his Lordship shall 
 direct. [The Committee]are hereby ordered to signifie unto the 
 Earle of Carlisle or the Comander in cheif of Jamaica for the time 
 being his Majestys pleasure herein . 3 
 
 [89] 1 Acts P. C. C., I. 885-886; see also nos. 76, 79* ante. On Mar. 26 Peter Hacker, 
 acting for John Wachtendonck, commissary for the United Provinces, petitioned the 
 Lords of Trade and Plantations that the restitution of the loss go forward as if Modyford 
 and Balthazar de la Rue were still living. Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, pp. 499, 500. 
 
 2 Modyford died in Jamaica in 1679. 
 
 3 On Apr. 8 the Lords of Trade and Plantations communicated to Lord Carlisle 
 the directions of the Council. Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 517. 
 
June, 1680 259 
 
 90. Mr. Hoarde to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jam[es] Island, the 22 June 1680. 
 
 • • ; The 13th May the Lawrell Capt. Cha. Plumer Commander 
 came in this River to buy Negroes he being very well acquainted 
 here made a great Stop to the Trade soe that I could not buy a Slave 
 o the Merchants in 13 or 14 days which hath been a greate impedi¬ 
 ment to the Converts Dispatch besides the diffrence that he made 
 betweene the natives and I. After all these wrongs I man’d the Ann 
 and went downe and brought her under Comand of the Castle. Then 
 he gave me a Bond of £2000 ster. under his hand and seale to depart 
 in 48 howers after the signeing the said Bond and not to apeare in 
 the River of Gambia or upon the Coast of Guiny in the Space of one 
 whole Yeare. This Bond he hath Forfeited: for he traded in the 
 River 12 or 14 days after against my will and consent Traded and 
 bought Sev’all Neg’rs to your Prejudice ... The Bond I will send 
 
 home by Capt. Crow to prosecute the Law against him if you 
 please. . . . 
 
 The Convert Sailes with 213 Negroe Persons, 2 to keep her upon 
 Demmorage till I have her Complement I thinke it not convenient 
 for now the Raines are come in they fall Sick and dye dayly in 20 
 dayes time have Lost 80 Negroe Persons; besides having noe prospect 
 of getting the Rest till the Ann comes downe the River to Stay for 
 her it is not worth while. She I sent up for 80 dayes to gett the 
 WLargretts Cargoe. I hope to dispatch her before her time is expired. 
 Now she hath aboard 112 Tunns of Hydes and three or foure Tonns 
 of Teetn and Wax: The Capt. and most of his men are sick beyond 
 hopes of Recovery. 
 
 91. The Factors at Cape Coast Castle to the 
 Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Cape Corsoe Castle, June the 28th, 1680. 
 
 Captaine Mingham Received 16 Slaves out of the Sloop vizt. ten 
 men and six women. 
 
 [90] X T 70: 1, p. 58. Hoarde was one of the company’s Gambia factors. 
 
 (i 2 Of the arrival of this vessel at Barbados, the agents wrote July 30, 1680: 
 
 “Now is arrived the Convert Capt. Robert Butcher from Gambia who sailed thence 
 the first instance with two hundred and thirteene Negroes and has brought hither 
 One Hundred and eighty Slaves. Some good men amongst them but the Women very 
 bad and as wee conceive many of the men are much the worse for being soe loaded with 
 Irons as they have bin all the Voyage the Captaine saying they are very unruly and 
 once designed to rise and cut him and his People off Soe durst not trust them otherwise 
 he sayeth he Left one of the Companies Shipps there bound directly home and three 
 Interlopers which is all the Accompt he gives us of that Place.” T 70: 1, pp. 62-63. 
 
 [91] 70: 15. The agents were Nathaniel Bradley, Henry Spurway, Thomas 
 Spurway, Theo. Pysing, and John Mildmay. 
 
260 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Captaine Mingham being about gitting his Corne of at Amessa and 
 Cormantine 2 having advice that Slaves could not be gott without 
 Sayes and Perpetuanoes he put on board the Sloop 9 Sayes and thirty 
 Perpetuanoes to bring to Cape Corsoe, to help purchase his Slaves 
 (as per the matter of the Sloopes Receipt) ; but the wind not being 
 faire for the Sloope to come up and extraordinary high Sea Running 
 on Shoare and very strong Weather, She was Within three dayes 
 after forced on shoare from her Anchor and grapnell at Amessa, 
 where she staved all to Peeces which when the Country People saw 
 they came downe with Numbers of Soldiers and tooke away all the 
 goods and forced the Sloopes men overboard and Capt. IVIinghams 
 men comeing to see if they could save the sloop or goods, except foure 
 markes seven ounces and six angles which one of the Sloopes men 
 saved in his sash and brought up hither which I received. 
 
 There was Lost in that Sloope seventy Iron Barrs, forty seven 
 Nicconees narrow, nineteen Brawles, Seventy six Tapseels, two Ging¬ 
 hams, two barrells of Powder, two halfe Firkins of Tallow, forty 
 Pewter basons, foure Pounders, one Damaged Perpetuanoe, and nine 
 sayes and thirty Perpetuanoes of Captaine Minghams and noething 
 
 of Satisfaction to be gott for them. 
 
 What Captaine Mingham brought downe of his Windward and 
 Stayes Cargoe he put on Shoare here and hath a Receipt for them, 
 and wee have put on board Ninety Caske of Bowges to purchase his 
 Complement which is the only commoditye that wee have that will 
 purchase Slaves at Allampo. 3 
 
 Captaine Seaman hath one hundred and fifty Slaves on board and 
 is takeing in his Corne at Annamaboe and is to have what Slaves they 
 have there, and from hence to goe downe to Acra where in few dayes 
 Question not that Fort and the Isabella will supply him with his 
 Complement. 
 
 92. The Factors at Nevis to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Nevis, the 16th July 1680. 
 
 The 12th of this instant the murther was tryed an Acco’tt of the 
 Proceedings therein you have inclosed as also what elce theie passed, 
 
 In which you will see how wee moved the Court That the Neg is That jfl j 
 
 3 Amissa and Cormantine were but a short distance east of Cape Coast Castle. 
 
 3 Allampo or Lampi, the region east of the River Volta. 
 
 [92] *T 70: 1, pp. 53-54. Extracts from this letter are printed, Cal. St. Co/., 1677- 
 
 1680, pp. 579-580. 
 
 2 The murdered man was James Starky, a former agent of the African Company, 
 who was killed in a riot occasioned by an attempt on the part of the company s agents 
 to seize negroes illegally .imported. The agents brought suit against Richard Cary, 
 Thomas Belchamber, and Capt. John Edge for 40 negroes (Admiralty proceedings, July 
 12, 1680, Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, pp. 570 - 57 i)- Higham, Leeward Islands, p. 162, 
 gives an account of the attack in which Starky was killed. 
 
July, 1680 
 
 261 
 
 wee formerly seazed might be tryed in that Court but was denyed. 
 Capt. Cope Capt. Helmes and Mr. Holbirch 3 will give you a full 
 acco. what therein passed as also about Thornebury an Interloper who 
 came to an anchor iy 2 Leag’ to windw’d of the Fort the 15th of 
 June and there Rid 4 or 5 da’s in Sight of all the Island till he had 
 Landed his Negroes to whome Boats from the Ships and Shoare went 
 to and againe very frequent, the same da. wee waited on The Gen’all 
 and Acquainted him thereof and desired his assistance in seizing The 
 Neg. rs and The Preventing of The Landing of Them According 
 to his Maj tres Chart: on which he Issued out a warrant directed to 
 The Marshall to Seiz Said Ship and Neg’rs and to bring her under 
 Comand which was told him that Afternoone who Promised to doe 
 it. with all speed but insteed Thereof went out of The way and never 
 did it Of which the Gen all was made acquainted the 16th Day about 
 Sun Sett. They brought from sd. Ship about 180 Neg’rs 5 in a Sloop 
 and Landed Them at Stanley’s Bay where wee endeavored to seize 
 them but was Prevented by Mr. Phillip Lee Speaker of The Assembly 
 who first drew his Sword and bid defiance to any that would seize 
 them together with Mr. Rich’d Carry and Thos. Belchamber, Ltt. 
 John Sockwell, John Standley and One O Storman 6 all standing with 
 Their Swords pointing to our Breasts and some with their Pistolls 
 Swearing Bitterly that they would kill that man that would offer to 
 seize a Negroe there notwithstanding they had at that very instant the 
 Gen’alls Order Red to them wherein He comanded all his Comiss’rs 
 Officers to assist us in The Seasing of Those Neg’rs of which they 
 would take no notice but in stead of Obeying the Same They with 
 about 20 Say’lrs and Privateers accompanying them with their 
 Swords Drawne kept us from makeing any Seizure of them saying that 
 they had brought them and would Land them if They died for it and 
 what they did they would maintaine with Their Lives and fortun’s 
 of which the next da. wee acquainted the Governor who gave us This 
 Answer That he knew noe Law to punish Them for it but would 
 acquaint The King thereof. 7 Mr. Lambert your Factor on the 
 
 The Calendar prints this name as “Holbital”. 
 4 Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 551. 
 
 6 The Calendar reads “80”. 
 
 6 Austerman. 
 
 On July 1 Stapleton had written to the Lords of Trade: “I have the Kind’s 
 orders from Newmarket to seize all interlopers, ships and other goods, and help the 
 agents of the Royal African Company, whose complaint was the reason of the order 
 I beg your Lordships instructions how to act in cases where there is resistance or a 
 man defends his own. I am aware that it is my duty to defend the King’s perogative 
 but the law takes hold of any violent act of bloodshed, without which people will not 
 part with that which is their own. I never refuse any warrant for seizure or 
 assistance when I may safely give it. We have had one man murdered already in’one 
 such quarrel, account of the trial enclosed” {Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 560). On 
 Aug. 25, 1683, the Privy Council prepared for the king’s signature an order to Stapleton 
 informing him that complaints about interlopers continued, and directing him to enquire 
 into the murder of one of the company’s agents, undoubtedly meaning Starky. Thev 
 mention as concerned Charles Pym, John Eddy, Philip Lee, Joseph Jory, Richard Carv 
 and Robert Belchamber. Ibid., 1681-1685, p. 480. 
 
262 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Geo. and Betty was in Compa. with us and saw all what Passed 
 of which he will give you a full Acco. God sending him well to you. 
 
 Thornebury came into This Roade where he now Rides at an 
 anchor The 14th Instant wee have not Yett meddled with him but 
 intend to see what may be done with him as speedily as may be wee 
 wish our Success may be better then hitherto it hath been. 8 
 
 93. Accounts of the Mary, 1680-1681. 1 
 
 London the 14th August 1680 
 
 Invoice of goods laden on hoard the “Mary”, Cap. Robert Smith 
 Commander For accompt of the Royall African Company of England 
 Bound for Cape Coast Castle and consigned unto the Agent Gen¬ 
 erali and the Rest of the Councell, vizt. _ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Iron 32,000 barrs wt. 40 ts. at £14 10 
 
 
 
 580 
 
 
 
 Cowry 50 barrells [details of 
 
 weight for each barrel given 
 
 
 
 
 
 separately, 
 
 amounting to] 101 cwt. 2 qr. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 lb. net, at 
 
 67 s. 
 
 
 
 340 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 Beads 11 
 
 chests 
 
 
 
 
 
 bunches 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 36 
 
 great white 
 
 1. 
 
 0. 
 
 09 
 
 
 
 
 66 
 
 small white 
 
 1. 
 
 3 - 
 
 05 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 Haire collor 
 
 1. 
 
 O. 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 black 
 
 1. 
 
 1. 
 
 06 
 
 
 
 
 61 
 
 small black 
 
 1. 
 
 3 - 
 
 04 
 
 
 
 
 85 
 
 great white 
 
 2. 
 
 1. 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 54 
 
 Lemon collor 
 
 0. 
 
 2. 
 
 08 
 
 
 
 
 52 
 
 Reds 
 
 0. 
 
 2. 
 
 06 
 
 
 
 
 67 
 
 white 
 
 1. 
 
 3 * 
 
 05 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 green transparent 
 
 0. 
 
 1. 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 lemon collor 
 
 0. 
 
 0. 
 
 06 
 
 
 
 
 87 
 
 ditto transparant 
 
 0. 
 
 2. 
 
 07 
 
 
 
 
 57 
 
 orange 
 
 0. 
 
 2. 
 
 05 
 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 green transparent 
 
 0. 
 
 3 - 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 lemon ditto 
 
 0. 
 
 1. 
 
 °3 , 
 
 
 
 
 64 
 
 black 
 
 0. 
 
 2. 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 813 [883] bunches 
 
 i 5 - 
 
 2. 
 
 27 net 1763 at 13d. 
 
 95 
 
 09 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 [ 9 - 
 
 17 - 
 
 7 ] 
 
 
 
 
 220 
 
 orange \ Q Punches at 
 
 2 s. id. 
 
 
 33 
 
 06 
 
 8 
 
 100 
 
 Lemon ) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sheets 15 chests [details] total 
 
 975 sheets 
 
 at 2 s. 8 d. 
 
 130 
 
 
 
 spirits 20 whole cases at ioj. 
 
 8 d. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 Tallow 100 half firkins 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 wt. 23. 2. 27 gross 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3. 3. 05 tare 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19. 3. 22 net at 38/. 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 Powder 75 barrells at 50 s. 
 
 
 
 
 187 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Saves 15 Cases [details of quantity 
 
 in e 
 
 ach] total 300 ps. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 at 44 s. 
 
 660 
 
 
 
 8 It is evident from the letters of the agents that the difficulties with interlopers 
 had not abated, and the company again appealed to the king for aid. On Sept. 9, 1680, 
 its petition was referred by the Privy Council to a committee for consideration. Acts 
 
 P. C. C., I. 885, II. 8. 
 
 [93] 1 T 70: 911. Certain corrections of the figures have been inserted in brackets 
 throughout these accounts. 
 
i68o-i68i 
 
 [A ccounts —continued:] 
 
 Pewter 
 
 2 barrells 
 
 30 
 
 4 lb. basons 
 
 30 
 
 3 lb. ” 
 
 30 
 
 2 lb. ” 
 
 10 
 
 i lb. ” 
 
 w 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 basons 
 
 Musketts 3 chests 
 50 
 50 
 50 
 
 150 ps. at 8 s. 6. 
 
 1. 
 
 0. 
 
 15 
 
 z. 
 
 2. 
 
 00 
 
 2. 
 
 2. 
 
 15 net 295 at 9 d. 
 
 Knives 1 barrell 
 
 58 doz. best at 34 d. £8. 04. 4 
 
 12 doz. ordinary 20 d. 1. 00. o 
 
 Siletias 4 cases [details] 84 ps. at 20 j. 8 d. 
 
 Plains 2 bales 
 12 Ells 
 8 
 
 20 Ells reds at 24 s. 
 
 Perpetuanos 5 bales and 1 case [details] 146 ps at 30 s. 
 Linnen 1 case, 12 ps each 20*4 yds at 23 s. 
 
 For customs and all other charges 2 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 [2 
 
 3 
 
 3 ] 
 
 63 
 
 15 
 
 
 9 
 
 04 
 
 4 
 
 87 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 [86 
 
 16 
 
 0] 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 219 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 
 54 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 2558 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 [2547 
 
 1 
 
 7 l 
 
 London, the 30th September 1681 
 
 Sundry Accts. To the Mary Capt. Robert Smith 
 Voyadge in the said Ship 
 
 For freight of 459 negroes delivered att 
 Barbados out of the said ship accord¬ 
 ing to Contract at £5: 15 per head 
 Freight of 45 refuse negroes at £4. 10 
 
 6 negroes the Capt. bought with his owne 
 gold at 20 a each at £3. 12 per oz. 
 
 Provitions for the negroes 
 Gold oz. a Ta 
 
 For freight of 652 2 6 2 at 10/p 
 
 Charges of merchandise 
 For passage of 17 passingers 
 6 a of gold paid to the generall of the 
 mine for gunsmiths tools 
 
 £2639. 
 
 202. 
 
 £27. 
 £15. 
 
 cowry 
 
 £49. 
 
 05 
 
 10 
 
 00 
 
 15 - 
 
 15. 4 
 
 1. 08. 6 
 
 The Mary and owners to Sundry Accompts. 
 
 To voyage in Said Ship 
 
 For goods wanting £5. G2> 6 
 
 abated on this accompt 3 
 
 Breach of Charter party for 11 negroes 
 
 Carryed over and above what was laden for the 
 Companies acct. £220. o. o 
 
 To Cash paid advance on the passengers and 
 ■p,. Parage 34 . o. o 
 
 Uitto paid here on acct 1200. o o 
 
 To Ballance 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 2884 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 100 
 
 97 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 5 i 
 
 03 
 
 10 
 
 £3033 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 225 
 
 03 
 
 2 
 
 1234 
 
 1574 
 
 00 
 
 07 
 
 — 
 
 £3033 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 No. 
 
 me W5UC, dinuuiniiig 10 ^254. 14. 8, tOllOWS. 
 
 r 70: 962, “Copy book of Accounts of the Royal African Company of England 
 from July n, 1678 to Dec. 31, 1681”. y S ana ' 
 
264 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 94. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados the 4th Septemb. 1680. 
 
 Upon makeing up the Accompt with Captaine Woodfine for the 
 Freight of those Negroes were brought hither by him there hapned 
 a diffrence between us which could not well be adjusted by us here, 
 And therefore both he in behalfe of himselfe and Owners And wee in 
 our capacity Referred it to the Determination of the Company. It 
 falling out that after wee had divided the Negroes and delivered the 
 Captaine his Freight and Comiss’n Negroes. Dureing the 10 dayes 
 time Reserved by the Compa. for Sales Ten of the Companies Ne¬ 
 groes died For which nevertheless he expected Freight—alleadging 
 after the Dividend and delivery of the Negroes each one ought to 
 Stand to their Loss without any Defaulcation or abatement of Freight, 
 he haveing also Lost two or three of his in the ten daies time, But for 
 as much as this case had not happned to be disputed before, wee 
 did not give him allowance of Freight for those Ten Negroes but 
 reffered it to the good pleasure of the Company: As wee doe alsoe 
 his demand of Comission for Fifty Negroes he placed the Factor 
 for and bought on the Coast which not appearing to us wee leave 
 him to make out the Justice of his demand to the Company. 
 
 Wee now send four First Bills of Exchange and Three First 
 Receipts vizt. 
 
 John Sewger and Wm. Johnstowne on Wm. Boulton pay ab. the 
 12th November 
 
 John Farmer on John Bawden Payable at 40 daies Sight. 
 
 Christopher Codrington on Anthony Wallinger att 40 daies 
 Samuel Smart on Nathaniel Bridges payable the 12th November 
 Ralph Gibbons Receipt for head mony of 387 Negroes by Woodfine 
 
 Comission on said mony at 7 per ct. 
 
 Comission on £1170 for 78 Negroes d’d Capt. Woodfine in part of 
 Freight at i ]4 per ct. 
 
 Comission on £465 for 3 1 Negroes d d Capt. Butcher in part of 
 Freight at i ]4 per ct. 
 
 £246. 
 
 00. 
 
 00 
 
 IOO. 
 
 00. 
 
 00 
 
 234 * 
 
 11. 
 
 6 
 
 200. 
 
 00. 
 
 00 
 
 i 9 - 
 
 07. 
 
 00 
 
 £799. 
 
 w 
 
 00 
 
 6 
 
 55 - 
 
 19. 
 
 TO 
 
 I 7 * 
 
 II. 
 
 OO 
 
 6. 
 
 19. 
 
 6 
 
 £880. 
 
 8. 
 
 10 
 
 For all which wee pray our Accompt may have Creditt 
 
 [94] 1 T 70: 15; the same letter without the accounts is to be found in T 70: 1, p. 64- 
 On Apr. 1, 1680, Governor Atkins sent to William Blathwayt, auditor general, a certificate 
 of negroes received from the company, signed by Stede and Gascoigne. From Dec. i> 
 1678, to Dec. 1, 1679, “1425 negroes [were] received and sold to sundry persons for 
 money and sugar at sundry prices”, amounting in all to 20,520 /. On Jan. 5, 16 o, 
 484 negroes were sold for 7050/. Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-1680, p. 509. 
 
November, 1680 
 
 95. Planters of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade and 
 
 Plantations. 1 
 
 265 
 
 [Jamaica,] November 4, 1680. 
 
 ... 3. The inhabitants beg that the foundation of the patent 
 
 may be kept, which they conceive was that the (Royal African) 
 Company would improve the trade by fully furnishing and at moderate 
 rates. As to quantity, it is supposed that three or four thousand 
 (negroes) would sell and every year more and more; as to price, 
 16 / or 17 /. a head for lots in which are no refuse negroes, at six 
 months credit, which rate the Company cannot in reason find fault 
 with, since many affirm that they seldom cost the Company above half 
 that price, and others if permitted would furnish fully at 14 / a 
 
 TN 1{ C °mpany objects that the Island has always had more 
 than it could pay for, then it is truly answered that the Company ruin 
 their own chapmen by selling at such rates and taking 20 per cent, the 
 first six months and 15 per cent, after, so that it is hard for the poor 
 planter ever to pay; and it is well for the Company, if ever paid, that 
 the Island is in their debt; and the Islanders are under no great 
 obligation to the Company for biting and devouring them by such 
 unreasonable and unconscionable dealing. The Company also puts the 
 King to great expense for frigates to protect their trade to the ruin 
 of his customs, trade and navigation, seeing that each negro at work 
 in the colonies produces to His Majesty ten shillings (and most say 
 15 shillings) per annum custom, or else his master cannot be enabled 
 to pay for him. Governors and captains of ships also are under 
 many difficulties, law-suits, etc., in obeying orders in favour of the 
 Company. Wherefore it is hoped that His Majesty will regulate the 
 negro trade, and instead of giving the Commander-in-Chief instruc¬ 
 tion in favour of the Company, will order him not to suffer them out 
 of revenge for discovering their abuses to King, kingdom and colonies, 
 to ruin the planters by hastily calling in of their debts seeing that 
 they receive so great interest for forbearance and have hitherto been 
 too hard for other interests. 2 
 
 1680”^ Ca! St F C ° ! ’’ i677 ' i68 °’ PP- 626-627, “Unsigned, Inscribed, Read 4 Nov. 
 
 -In a hearing of Nov. 4, 1680, before a committee of the Privy Council at which 
 this paper was presented, the company maintained that Jamaica owed £60000 for 
 negroes and would owe £50 000 more on the arrival of the cargoes then on the wav 
 
 Ld e a 0 £2°o oo e " egr0e i S T s ’ p “ S £ i 5S - freight, With a 25 per cent, loss for mortality 
 and a £20,000 annual charge on its forts. Despite its difficulties thp mmnnn,, Jj 
 
 ready to fulfil its obligations, provided the planters would meet theirs (C ? 0 
 £ 229; cal St. P. Col 1677-1680, PP . 625-626). On Nov. „ the ^commenied 
 that the company send 3000 slaves annually, to be sold at £18, by lot, without reserve finr^ 
 on six months’ credit. Montserrat and St. Christopher, which had been complaining of 
 an inadequate supply, were also to be provided with blacks. All this, however was to 
 be contingent on the payment of the debt to the company (C. O. 391: 3 p 2 qi 
 
 P • Col > i6 77-i68o, p. 629 ). The next day the Council issued an orde/’in^accordan^e 
 
266 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 96. Henry Greenhill to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Cape Corso Castle, Decern, the 7th 1680. 
 
 He [Captain Norsworthy] 2 does not scruple the publique owning 
 that any Interlopers came upon the Coast; he would give them better 
 entertainment then your hono’rs Ships and that I am apt to beleeve 
 he would performe because I have heard of many that have been 
 here with whom here hath been such a Correspondence that tiading 
 hath been frequently allowed. 
 
 with this report ( Acts P. C. C., II. 12). On the same day (Nov. 12) a, request from 
 Tamaica asked that the chancellor of Jamaica be empowered to stay execution if creditors 
 should take violent measures to collect their debts. The report on this request was 
 unfavorable, as it was believed that such a policy would discourage the Royal African 
 Company. The petitioners were however assured that the company would be urged 
 not to be over hasty in collecting its debts (C. O. 391: 3 , PP- 239-241; Cal. St. P. Lol., 
 
 1677-1680, pp. 630-631, 638-639). . 
 
 The efforts of Jamaica planters to relieve their condition did not cease with this 
 
 petition. The next spring (April, 1681) the Privy Council considered a petition from 
 
 several of them asking to be allowed to send directly to Angola for a cargo of negroes. 
 At the same time a request from “divers merchants, planters, tradesmen and seamen , 
 for freedom of trade on the African coast, was presented. The Royal Company was 
 heard and the petitioners were offered opportunity to subscribe to an increase of £60,000 
 in the stock of the company. This they declined to do, and the matter of the petition 
 was dismissed ( Acts P. C. C., II. 19-20). Meanwhile, Governor Atkins wrote that the 
 assembly of Barbados had sent instructions to Colonel Drax, then in London, to over¬ 
 throw the patent of the Guinea Company and to that I told them that I could not join 
 them, for that I acted daily by the King’s patent, and in that particular by both his 
 patent and express orders as well as your Lordships’.. But their hopes went hig 
 (Oct. 26 1680, Atkins to the Lords of Trade and Plantation, Cal. St. P. Col., 1677-168 , 
 d 621)/ In 1689 the subject of the outstanding debts was again a matter of con¬ 
 troversy. The council and assembly of Jamaica suggested to the king that if the 
 
 company had over extended its credit it was because the factors had distributed negroes 
 to their favorites, irrespective of whether they could pay for them. The company 
 retorted that twenty members of the assembly were among the debtors, and that the credit 
 the planters had received amounted to £90,000, of which it would lose one-third by 
 the recent act which decreed that a piece of eight should pass for six shillings {Lai. 
 
 St. P. Col., 1689-1692, pp. 106-107). . V 
 
 To the company, its burden of debt, out of all proportion to its reserve strength, 
 
 threatened its financial security throughout the twenty years which had elapsed since 
 its establishment. To the islands the volume of debt menaced their political security. 
 Planters, hopelessly in debt, felt themselves in the power of the company. “Agents of 
 the African Company carry such a sway here as almost to stop any proceeding, tor 
 if a man does not vote as they would wish for a Vestryman or Assemblyman they 
 proceed against him for what he owes them for negroes (most of the planters being 
 in their debt) thus ruining him and his family. Many honest men have met with 
 this usage who would not be biassed against their consciences. By such disloyal actions 
 we are laid open to the attacks of any enemy’’ (July 2, 1695, Governor Russell to 
 
 the Lords of Trade, Cal. St. P. Col., 1693-1696, p. 526). _ 
 
 The petitions of Joshua Brooke and Samuel Nash against the African Company, 
 presented to the House of Commons Dec. 16, 1680, and Jan. 5, 1681, may also have 
 dealt with the question of the company’s monopoly. Stock, I. 422. 
 
 [96] *T 70: 1, p. 99. , 
 
 2 Greenhill was a newly arrived agent at Cape Coast Castle, Norsworthy 3 
 
 retiring agent. 
 
i68o 
 
 267 
 
 97 * Certain Considerations relating to the Royal 
 
 African Company, 1680. 1 
 
 7 % 
 
 The Design of this Treatise is, 
 
 I. To open the Original and Growth of the Guiney Trade. 
 
 n G f.° demonstrate the Utility and Advantages which redounds to 
 the Nation by that Trade. 
 
 III. That the same National Advantagious Trade cannot be 
 securely carried on but by a Company and Joint-Stock. 
 
 And the late Parliament did allow the same Policy [trade by 
 chartered companies] as appears by an Act, Intitled An Act Declara¬ 
 tory concerning Bankrupts, made in the 14th year of His Majesties 
 Ke'gn for the encouragement of the East-India and Guiney Com¬ 
 panies. And that the Nobility and Gentry might not be discouraged 
 m their Honourable Endeavours of Adventuring their Money in the 
 said Societies, did exempt them from being subject to the Statutes 
 against Bankrupts: And did therein further declare, That by such 
 Undertakings, Navigation was Increased, and the Publique Good of 
 the whole Kingdom very much advanced. And by another Act of the 
 same Parliament made in the [blank] year of His Majesties Reign, 
 
 they thought fit to own the African and East-India Companies by 
 1 axing their Joint-stocks by Name. . . , 3 
 
 Secondly. The Publique Utility and Advantages of the Guiney 
 1 fade. For the Utility and Advantages that redound to the Nation 
 by the Guiney Trade : 1 hey are such as these. 
 
 I. The Exportation of our Native Woollen and other Manufac¬ 
 tures in great abundance, most of which were imported formerly out of 
 Holland; but have of late Years (by the present Companies Direc¬ 
 tion) been Manufactured at home: And for the greater expence 
 thereof, have given express Orders to their Factors at Guiney to 
 undersel all other Nations; whereby the wooll of this Nation is much 
 moie consumed and spent then formerly; and many Thousand of the 
 poor People imployed. . . . 
 
 • Certain Considerations relating to the Royal African Company of Enaland- 
 
 Dpnni^’ l h A. 0 rigl 7 f al 9 r0CWt L hi and Nati °™l Advantages of the Guiney Trade, are 
 monstrated. as also that the same Trade cannot be carried on, but bv a Comtanv 
 
 St 0 /i h (l lr°. ; als0 *5 Harle [ an MSS. 7310, pp. 45-50). No adequate idea of 
 
 DarnnhW 7 * • a ? , be obtained wid iout giving some attention to the 
 
 pamphlet controversies of the day. At the same time that interlopers of Bristol and 
 
 the American plantations were violating the company’s monopoly, many writers were 
 inveighing against it in print and the company was, almost from the beginning on the 
 defensive as to the desirability of its chartered right of exclusive trade ’cT^ 
 Considerations presents the company’s side of the dispute rather more concisely than 
 do some of the statements of its case. From this time forward anyone who dips into 
 the pamphlet literature of the slave trade is in danger of being submerged so 
 
 on ? in R OUS , d °A S r bec ° me * For a of pertinent pamphlets see a forthcoming volume 
 on the^Royal African Company, by Dr. George F. Zook. 
 
 3 *4 Chas. II., c. 24, Pickering, Statutes at Large, VIII. 128-129. 
 
 Here follows a brief history of the successive African charters, which adds 
 nothing to the account in the introduction. ’ 
 
268 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 III. By the Negro Trade the Company yearly, at very reasonable 
 Rates, furnish with vast Numbers of Servants all His Majesties 
 American Plantations, and that upon large Credit and Time given to 
 the Planters for Payment; who at this present owe to the Company 
 more then One Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling, whereby they 
 are enabled to carry on their Plantations to much greater advantage, 
 which Credit neither ever was, nor probably will be given in like 
 proportion by Private Traders, by which all the Plantations do 
 flourish more then formerly. A great increase is made to His Majes¬ 
 ties Revenue, and to the Wealth of this Nation. So that the Riches 
 of that part of the World, (being the result and product of Industry 
 and Labour) is in good Measure Owing to the Royal African Com¬ 
 pany. Besides that, it hinders the exhausting this Nation of its natural 
 
 born subjects. . . . 
 
 Thirdly. The Guiney Trade lost to this Nation unless carried 
 on by Company and Joynt-Stock. 
 
 ... It comes now in the third place to be demonstrated, that the 
 same great and important advantages must be inevitably lost, unless 
 the Trade be carried on by way of a Company and Joynt-Stock. 
 
 First, by long experience it is evident this Trade cannot be carried 
 on but by a constant maintaining of Forts upon the place, and Ships 
 of warre to protect the ships of Trade, and this is occasioned by 
 reason of the Natural perfidiousness of the Natives, who being a 
 Barbarous and heathen people, cannot be obliged by Treaties without 
 being awed by a continuing and permanent Force, And partly because 
 the Dutch, Danes, French, and other Nations, that likewise Trade 
 in the same Country are ever more vigilant for their own profit, 
 frequently instigating the Natives against us, as well as by their 
 own force, to extirpate and destroy the English Commerce there, as 
 the Dutch did the English Factories in the Spice Islands and other 
 parts of India, for want of a Constant force to protect them, which 
 could never since be regained, they attempted the same in Guiney 
 and forceably possest themselves of the Castle of Cormantine. The 
 charge of maintaining this Force doth Communibus Annis amount to 
 more than 20,000 /. a year in time of peace, and must needs be much 
 more in time of Warre: And it cannot be imagined that private per¬ 
 sons who are ad libitum y can have either will or ability to defray a 
 standing expence of this Magnitude. Besides it will not onely be 
 impracticable to know what proportion of Tax to lay upon every 
 private Trader or ship upon such occasions, but also it will be uncer¬ 
 tain to find whether the Trade will answer the charge to be imposed, 
 because Trading or not Trading, and for what value, will depend 
 meerly upon the will and discretion of such Private Traders; And it 
 
i68o 
 
 269 
 
 will undoubtedly fall out, that when the charge is highest the Income 
 will be lowest, as in time of Warre, either Native or European, which 
 may be expected, and must be provided against. For when the 
 danger and charge of supporting the Trade is greater then the present 
 profit, those piivate Traders will desist, and consequently for want 
 of supplyes to defend the Forts, etc. the whole Trade in Guiney must 
 be inevitably lost, and all the English interest there fall into the 
 hands of Enemies. And (to say nothing of the Dishonour and 
 Shame) how great Dammage and Debilitation that would prove to 
 this Kingdom and the Plantations, may be computed by what hath 
 been before said of the Utility and Advantages redounding to this 
 Nation and the Plantations by the Guiney Trade. But in the con¬ 
 tinuance of the Present Company and Joint-Stock, so great a mis¬ 
 fortune can never probably happen, for there is a Stock of at least 
 150,000 /. sterl. constantly engaged, and under the command of the 
 Governours and Committee by common consent of the whole Company 
 to be imployed for the prosecution and necessary Defence of the 
 Trade, a considerable part whereof alwayes remaines in their Forts 
 and Castles for that purpose. 
 
 Secondly, (Because Contraries alwayes appear best by Opposition, 
 and the happiest experiences are those which are gained by the 
 Calamities of other Men) It is to be remembered in those times 
 before the Charter of 1662 what Advantages the Dutch took against 
 the private Traders, whose losses as is beforesaid, amounted to no 
 less than 300?000 Pounds, as by their severall Petitions and Com¬ 
 plaints to the House of Commons was alledged: and the Trade being 
 then almost lost, great Endeavours were used by His Majesty for the 
 Subscription of a New Stock. The like happened before to the East- 
 India Trade from the Year 53 to 57, upon an open Trade used in 
 those Years; from the Disorders and ill Success of which looseness 
 of Trading, the Powers then in being presently united them into a 
 Company and Joynt Stock again; and since by his Majesties Charter 
 have so continued to this day. And how dangerous it will be to make 
 a second Experiment after the sence of many Palpable Inconveniences 
 and Mischiefs by the First; Jet the World Judge. 
 
 Thirdly, The maintaining of Forts and Ships of War, being of so 
 great charge, and yet so Essential to the defence of the Guiney Trade, 
 the Company cannot be able to defray the charge of the said Forts and 
 Ships, if they may not enjoy the benefit of their Grant with exclusion 
 to others. 
 
 Fourthly, ... an instance of which kind [injury by a private 
 trader] happened not long since upon the Coast of Guiney, when 
 some considerable Natives coming aboard some private Traders 
 Ships, they forthwith caryed them away, and sold them at the Plan- 
 
270 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 tations for Slaves; which perfidious action was afterwards revenged 
 upon the Companies innocent Servants and Ships, some of his 
 Majesties good Subjects having been Murder’d upon the same Ac¬ 
 count, and others kept long on Bondage, and Ruined in the Estates. 
 
 Lastly, Our Neighbours of Holland who so much Covet and Solicite 
 Trade, will be glad to see this Inclosure broken down, and a loose 
 and open Trade permitted here to Guiney, as foreseeing that thereby 
 the English (their most formidable and puissant Competitor) must 
 inevitably at last abandon that Trade, and therefore doubtless would 
 be content to purchase the dissolution of the Royal African Company 
 with a greater summe of Money than ever was subscribed to support 
 it. But yet (contrary to the Native Humour and Genius of a Repub- 
 lique) they themselves do oblige their own Subjects to Traffique by 
 way of Company and Joint-stock, to the East-Indies and Guiney, 
 Endowing them with great Immunities, and obliging themselves to 
 assist their Guiney Company with sixteen Ships of War, at the States 
 Expence, upon any Emergency, as well knowing that there is no other 
 secure way of Trading to those parts. The King of Denmark also 
 hath done the like in point of Company and Joint-Stock; And (which 
 perhaps is more Important than all the rest, and ought to make the 
 deepest impression in the Minds of all English Men) the French 
 King, who now Courts Trade beyond all his Predecessors, is Erecting 
 a Company for management of a Guiney Trade by a Joint-Stock with 
 Vast Incouragements and Immunities granted to them, and Exclusion 
 of all other his Subjects. 4 So that if our Forts, Factories, and Trade, 
 be not secured against the Attacks and Invasions of three so Puissant 
 Nations (which, as is effectually demonstrated before, cannot be done 
 but by a Company and Joint Stock) we of England must quickly bid 
 a final Adieu to all future Trading upon the Coast of Guiney. 
 
 From all which hath been said, it is hoped it doth plainly appear. 
 
 First, That this Trade Incorporated in a Company is, in its Consti¬ 
 tution, National. 
 
 Secondly, That without Forts and Force by Land and Sea, it can¬ 
 not be secured to the Kingdom. 
 
 Thirdly, That without a Charter Exclusive to all other His Majes¬ 
 ties Subjects, upon sufficient Penalties, and a large Joint Stock to 
 support the Charge, those Forts and Forces cannot be maintained. 
 
 Fourthly, That not only all the Powers in force in this Nation, 
 whether Legal or Usurped, ever since the Trade of Guiney hath been 
 discover’d, but all European Nations using any considerable Trade 
 thither, have, and still doe unanimously Prosecute the same by a 
 Company and Joint-Stock, Exclusive to all other their Subjects. 
 
 4 See introduction, p. 96. 
 
January f 1680/1 
 
 271 
 
 To Conclude, It is an easie thing to unsettle and destroy a Trade, 
 not without Great Labour, Danger, and Expence acquired, But it will 
 ^ v ^ry difficult to regain it if once lost, especially this of Guiney, 
 which all our Neighbour Nations so earnestly thirst to gain from 
 us, and which if deserted but for one moneth, would certainly be 
 possest Either by the French or Dutch, so as not likely to be regained 
 from them And therefore it is hoped it will be maturely and seri¬ 
 ously considered how great a dammage the loss of this Trade would 
 
 e to the Kingdom, and how dangerous the unhinging the present 
 Constitution thereof may be. 
 
 98. Hender Molesworth and Rowland Powell to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jamaica the 24th January 1680/1. 
 
 On the 9th December Capt. Peter Heywood in his Maj’ities Frig- 
 ate the Norwich intercepted a great Interloper by name the Vyner 
 M r Rany with twenty two Gunns and two hundred and twenty 
 Negroes the remaines of six hundred and odd taken in at Guiny and 
 lay off with her in sight of this Harbour until Rowl. Powell whent 
 aboard to make seizure of her in your name. 2 
 
 On the 20th Currant arrived Capt. Edw. Hill from Arda with 
 about 217 Negroes in a very bad condicon, the flux and small Pox 
 having made a great destruction amongst them. 
 
 Whilst the Freg tt continued in Port attending the condemnation 
 and etc. of the Vyner there unluckily arrives at the windward part of 
 the Island Capt. Daniell formerly imployed by you and Lands about 
 2 5 ° brave Angola Negroes 3 which were dispersed and secured before 
 we could have any timely notice to prevent it. they are like to make 
 
 a great Voyage of it having lost but three or four Negroes in their 
 whole Passage from Angola. 
 
 A Person of quality (that is your Debtor in noe inconsiderable 
 sume) living near the place where the Negroes Landed, having (as 
 wee are informed) showen them more Countenance then Suites with 
 
 a T jo. ij pp. 75 " 7 ^> an abstract of this letter is to be found in T 70: 10. 
 
 Three days later Lieut. Gov. Sir Henry Morgan wrote to the Lords of Trade 
 recounting this seizure and the condemnation of the Finer. He added: “Notwithstand- 
 ing all our vigilance, some interlopers do escape, and landing their negroes, distribute 
 them in the plantations near adjacent and so avoid seizure. One Captain Daniel did this 
 last week and left only a bare ship to be seized by the Naval Officer, which was done 
 accordingly by virtue of the Act of Navigation” (Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 6). The 
 riner was appraised at £400, and her 191 negroes at £11 per head, making a total 
 or ±-2501, besides some gold and ivory. Cal. Treas. Bk., 1681-1685, vol. VII. pt. I 
 
 T , l Up t0 this time Angola cargoes had not been common in the British plantations 
 1 he Portuguese were still drawing most of the negroes for their South American 
 colonies from this region. 
 
272 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 our Interest, Wee have declared our resentments against him after 
 such a manner, as by due course of Law must very much endamage 
 him or reduce him to such termes as wee desire for the future soe as to 
 bind him to us, which will be a President of no small advantage unto 
 our affaires for the time to come. 
 
 Captaine Daniell having privately Landed his Gunns and the most 
 valluable materialls of his Ship, comes into the Harbour with her Hull 
 where she is seized by virtue of the Act of navigation and will doubt¬ 
 less be condemned to the King. In the condition she is scarce thought 
 to be worth the charge of Condemnation which makes them thinke of 
 buying her for a tryfle, refitt her and Loade her home, which we take 
 to be the designe of their bringing her in and therefore shall endeavour 
 
 to disappoint them. . , . 
 
 Captaine Hill had twellve Negroes upon a private acco tt which he 
 
 acquainted us with as being content to referr himselfe to the Company 
 concerning them which wee tooke into our custody and disposed on 
 
 them. 4 
 
 99. The Factors at Cape Coast Castle to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Cabo Corso Castle, April the 6th, 1681. 
 
 In answer to what your Honours are pleased to suggest concerning 
 Capt. Woodfin’s Negroes whereof 160 died and no complaint made 1 
 of their Goodness wee are apt to beleive that had he taken in only 
 400 there had few miscarried and wee find that the Covetousness of 
 Command’rs Crowding in their Slaves above their proportion for the 
 advantage of Freight is the only reason of the great Loss to the 
 Compa. If your Honours would be pleased to beate them down in 
 their number though you gave them five shillings per head exter- r 
 ordinary Your Honours would be considerable gainers at the yeares 
 
 end. 
 
 4 In March Morgan wrote: “since the taking of the Privateer the interlopeing 
 
 shipps tradeing for Negroes contrary to the Charter of the Roy 11 Afnc 5 " 
 
 have been too successful in this Island, Fouer of them haveing in some i 4> dayes (dure 
 
 ing His M’ts Frig’t being att Sea) landed their Negroes both to windward and 
 
 Leeward of Port Roy’ll whereof the Factors here had not the least notice, whereby to 
 
 make a timely seizure before their landing them, and dispersing them 
 
 severall adjacent Plantacons ” Mar. 16, 1681, Lieut. Gov. Morgan to the Committee 
 
 of Trade and Plantations, C. O. i: 46, no. 112. 
 
 [99] X T 70: 1, pp. 112-113. The factors were Henry Greenhill, Henry Spurway, and 
 
 Daniel Bridge. 
 
273 
 
 April, 1681 
 
 ioo. Edwin Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados the 9th Aprill, 1681. 
 
 Wee alsoe send accompt of Sales of two Interlopers Cock and 
 1 nomas, and of thirty Negroes seized in Pepper ell as alsoe accompt 
 of Intrest for the Yeare 1680. 2 
 
 Wee alsoe herewith send the Company Accompt of Sales of the 
 Serrehon Negroes brought in the Charles Captaine Bludworth As 
 alsoe accompt of Sales of Negroes from Gambia brought in the 
 Samuell Captaine Booth whoe arrived here the 18th March in about 
 a months time from Gambia bringing 199 Slav’s of two hundred and 
 thirteene taken in there, they were as good as any wee Received from 
 that Country. 
 
 [ioo] 1 T 70: 15. 
 
 . The factors in Barbados were far from satisfied with the support given to 
 
 the company by the government. On May 30, 1681, they wrote: “We must acquaint 
 the Company that whilst we were selling negroes on board their ships, an interloper 
 arrived at the leeward end of the Island with about a hundred negroes, which were 
 then put on shore without. interruption. Nor is it in our power, do what we can to 
 prevent it without the assistance of the man-of-war, which has not cruized since the 
 arrival of our new Governor We have addressed ourselves to him on the subject, and 
 he replies that he would willingly give the Company all the assistance that he safely 
 could, but complains of the want of effectual orders to do all he would. We beg the 
 Company s further assistance herein, for without it the interlopers will spoil the trade 
 and do what they please, for they carry their heads very high.” Governor Dutton 
 presented his side in a letter to Sir Leoline Jenkins, written June 14, 1681: “I am 
 very much pressed by the Agents of the Royal African Company to issue my warrant 
 to the man-of-war that lies here to seize the interlopers; that frequently come in, but I 
 tell them that I have no instructions empowering me to do so. When the King gives 
 me such orders, I shall be ready to execute them. All the power that I now have' is 
 when the Company have sold their slaves for time to the inhabitants to see that they 
 have no delay of Justice in obtaining their money according to contract.” On July 2 
 the factors continued their complaint: “We heard with great satisfaction of the 
 capture of the Vyner, a n interloper, by the Norwich frigate in Jamaica. We should 
 have been as satisfied if the Richmond had taken some of the many that come here, but 
 tor the reason formerly given she has not been ordered out since Sir R. Dutton’s arrival. 
 
 . . . So that we look, upon the island as, in effect, without a frigate for more than 
 twelve months, at which the interlopers much rejoice, not caring to have a ship of war 
 here. The Vyner did some damage to the Norwich when, taken, and they bemoan the 
 misfortune that she did not sink the Kings ship by striking her amidships.” Conditions 
 sseem to the factors, no better in the autumn. Their letter of Nov. 9 shows how com¬ 
 pletely the Barbadian planters were at odds with the company over the question of 
 interlopers, as well as how little the proclamation of 1680 had accomplished. “Unless 
 the King support the Company and discountenance those in places of trust who ought 
 to support his rights, but instead thereof not only are breakers thereof themselves but 
 encourage others, we shall never see the Company established in full enjoyment of its 
 grant. Colonel Henry Drax and Mr. John Peers of the Council of Barbados are such 
 men, and also, as we are informed, Colonel Christopher Codrington, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 John Codrington, and Mr. Samuel Husbands: it would be well if the King displaced them 
 from the honour and trust which they so much abuse. Two interlopers have lately 
 landed their negroes at the usual point to leeward: one carried ninety, the other a 
 hundred and ten. We could not prevent it. No one will help us now the man-of-war 
 is gone. If she were here the Governor would not let her meddle with interlopers 
 without the King’s further order.” Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685 pp. 75, 145-146. 
 
274 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ioi. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, Apr. 9, 1681. 
 
 Wee are apprehensive the Trade that is of Late drove to 
 Maddagascar for negroes which they bring hither may in time be 
 some Inconvenience to the Companies trade. And it is noe small quan¬ 
 tities have been imported being between 900 and 1000 that have been 
 brought and sold here in about 2 mo’th time soe that if noe remedy 
 be found they and the Interlop’s will give a full supply of negr s to 
 
 this place. . . . 
 
 102. The Factors at Jamaica to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jam’ca the 13th Aug’st 1681. 
 
 Wee herewith send you Capt. Lowes Bills upon his Owners for 
 £5848 at 3 Severall times of payment drawne upon Mr. Wm. Fownes; 
 Mr. Ben Miller and Mr. Geo. Margetts being for the vallue of 
 344 Negroes delivered here according to contract at £17 per head 
 upon w’ch wee doe not drawe any Commission at present expecting 
 what you will be pleased to Order therein according unto what wee 
 humbly hinted in some of our former. 2 Wee alsoe have given him 
 our rec’ts according to Chart p’ty for 362 Negroes quallified accord- 
 ing to the Compa’s Declaration whereof 18 were his Comission 
 Negroes. And for 108 Neg’rs of an inferiour Sort not quallified 
 according unto Contract. The Fact’r you sent upon him died a little 
 before his arrivall here but by Capt. Bell 3 Wee now send you his 
 Booke wherein he kept the acco’tt of the Cargoe signed by him and 
 Capt. Low according to the usuall method The Copie whereof Capt. 
 Low brings home with him. 
 
 103. The Factors at Cape Coast Castle to the Royal 
 
 African Company . 1 
 
 Cabo Corso Castle the 28 Sept. 1681. 
 
 Wee are Sorry wee must complaine of our late deed trading att 
 Cabo Corse occasioned by the want of goods we wrot your Honours 
 
 r 102I 1 T^ 70: 16 P The factors were Molesworth, Powell, and Wathing. Rowland 
 Powell was not only a factor of the Royal Company but had been secretary to Lieut. Gov. 
 Morgan, who a short time before this dismissed him for an unwarranted use of the 
 official seal of the governor. Francis Hanson had drawn an order to intercept int 
 lopers, giving to the company greater power than it had possessed This order was 
 printed as a proclamation and several copies sent to Englan , w ere or a 1 
 seems to have received much attention. See C. O. i. 4^> nos. 14 > I 47 > > 0 
 
 MSS. 2724, f. 1, and 2728 B, f. 193; Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, PP- 5 6 - 57 , 72 “ 73 - 
 
 2 July 12 the agents wrote to Captain Low’s cargo of 470: Wee shall be at a Loss 
 how to charge our Comiss’n on the Negroes wee deliver Capt. Low for if you tye us 
 such greate parcells) to the per Cent, you will breake our Factory. 70. 1 
 
 3 Captain Bell had arrived from Ardra late in May with 321 alive out of a 
 cargo of 500. By the day of sale but 299 were living, and three more die e 0 
 they could be removed from the ship. June 11, 1681, agents to the company, T 70. 1 > P* * 
 
 [103] X T 70: 20. The agents were Henry Greenhill, Henry Spurway, and Walter 
 Stapleton; the letter was for the guidance of the committee on goods. 
 
December, 1681 
 
 275 
 
 for and it gnved us the more to see our Neighbours att the Mine to 
 
 thnve soe upon it. Wee are so sensible of the occasion of it and 
 
 they take great Pride to shew the English how well they are furnished 
 
 with all sorts of goods and how their ware houses are cramed with 
 Prodigious quantitys. 
 
 Wee are willing to turn every Stone and have therefore sent the 
 
 in e wee bought of the Dutch up to Commenda with a cargoe of 
 Goods which will not sell here. 
 
 If we have certain Supplys the out Factories will turne to o-ood 
 accompt if not they will prove chargable. 
 
 Weehaveadded a Cattalogue of goods most vendible at this Place 
 which by all opertunityes wee fail not to acquaint your Honours 
 there being some small additions to what was in our last vizt. 500 P’s 
 bales, 1500 P’s Perpetuanoes (800 of which must be green, 600 blew' 
 and 100 red) but not any Printed for they will not sell Lett the 
 collours be what they will, 400 Guynie Stuffs but noe Pamphreawos, 
 F^ W CS ’ ^ Callicoe Clouts, 500 one pound Pewt’r Basons, 150 
 2 lb. Ditto, 150 3 lb. Ditto, 150 4 lb. Ditto, 300 p’s Allejars, 100 
 Ginghams, the Red Stnpt best, 5000 Sheetes, 600 broad Tapseiles, 
 300 Narrow ditto, 500 Long Clothes white, 100 half firk’s Tallow, 
 100 Dozen Knives ordinary, 5 p’s of Scarlett Broad Cloth, 2 P’s red 
 ditto, 2 P’s blew Ditto, 4000 blew Pantkaes, 200 Sleties fine, 500 cours 
 Ditto, 100 Herba Longees, 200 red-ground Pintadoes, 200 Boysadoes, 
 500 broad Niconees, 100 narrow Ditto, fifty white Blanketts, 300 
 looking glasses of the each one hundred No. 3, 4, 5 with plain Shut¬ 
 ters not with brass hinges. Without your Honors are pleased to 
 su Pply us with severall Arda Cargoes especially good store of Bowges 
 you will unavoidably Lose considerably by those Ships you send to 
 take their Slaves in here upon the Gold Coast what for the greate 
 scarcity of them and the extravagant pizes that are given by the com¬ 
 manders of ships. 
 
 104. Henry Carpenter and Robert Helmes to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Nevis the 24th Decemb’r, 1681. 
 
 On the 3d Instant in the Evening Capt. Cope in the George and 
 Betty arrived in this Road with 415 Negroes most women amongst 
 w ch was about 40 Children under the Age of 8 Yeares to our best 
 Judgment w’ch wee told him was contrary to his Charter Party whoe 
 answered that they could not buy soe many men and women w’thout 
 that numb’r of Children but wee b[e]leive something else in it w’ch 
 wee hope in Little time to discover. . . . 
 
 [104] 1 T 70: 16. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 276 
 
 He hath Remaining of his Cargo these follow Goods: 2 7 doz’n 
 knives, 2 l / 2 yds. Scarlett, 10 hangers, 4 Musketts, 7 pr. Sissers, 3 
 Doz’n Looking Glasses, 2 Cham Potts, 3 doz’n and 2 Padlocks. 
 
 On the 5th Inst. Capt. Branfill arrived in the Road and brought 
 310 Neg’rs most women amongst w’ch was very few Gold Coast he 
 taking in but 77 there and 193 Att Alampo and he was forst [foiced] 
 to goe to Arda to make up his complement w’ch he did there. 3 
 
 105. Henry Carpenter and Robert Helmes to the 
 
 Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Nevis the 29th May 1682. 
 
 This goes via Bristoll and serves only to advise you that on Wednes¬ 
 day the 16th Instant Capt. Penny in the Unity arrived in this 
 Road with 232 Negroes w’ch wee Imediately mustered. Hee took in 
 at Angola but 250 pretending that his Cargoe would Purchase noe 
 more, he hath Left of his Cargoes severall Perpetuanes, and barrells 
 of Gunpowder and other Goods to the value of £300 as he saith. 
 On the 20th day wee delivered to 
 
 Capt. Jourey and Compa. according to Contract 216 Negroes 
 
 To Capt. Penny for his Com’on 9 
 
 Tooke on shoare not qualified according to Contract 7 
 
 232 
 
 The 7 tooke on shoare being 6 boyes and one Girle wee have sold 
 for 6960 /. Sugar the Contractors Factors haveing not sold above 
 70 of theires. Wee have had noe adv’e abt. the Delivery of this 
 Shipp of Negroes then ever wee had before. By Capt. Kennedy 
 intend (God willing) to send you Bills of Exchange for those Negroes 
 and 2 Bills for Capt. Lawrence his alsoe. 
 
 106. The Capture of the Providence, 1682. 1 
 
 This Journall Begun att Deptfoard the 23d of July 1680: aboard 
 his Ma)’ ties Hatch Capt. Chris. Billopp Command’r. 
 
 June 5th, 1682., Aboute 7 this morning the Gueney Compeneyes 
 Agent 2 Came to mee: and desired mee to come to Sayle and bring in 
 
 2 That is, of the cargo which was to have been traded for slaves. 
 
 3 John Mildmay, the factor at Ardra, had assured the company that he could 
 despatch five hundred negroes every five weeks, and that it was to its advantage to 
 take as many as possible from this post, since the duties and charges for .water, were 
 the same whether the ship carried 50 or 500 blacks. The number of arrivals in the 
 West Indies from Ardra suggests that his advice had been heeded. Oct. 13, 16SO, 
 
 Mildmay to the company, T 70: 1, p. 87. 
 
 [105] *T 70:16. ___ , , 
 
 [106] *P. R. O., Admiralty Papers, Captains’ Logs, 289, pt. IX. The ketch was 
 
 the Deptford, with which Captain Billop was patrolling the Leeward Islands. 
 
 2 Henry Carpenter, one of the factors of the Royal African Company at Nevis. 
 
1682 
 
 277 
 
 an interloper that is standing to and fro before the Rode aboute 8 
 r. Carpenter brings mee the Generalls 3 order, betwixt 9 and 10 
 before nonne come up with hir: She kepeing hir topsayles [aloft ?] 
 Comanded a gun to be fired a tharte hir fore fout to bringe downe 
 hir topsayles. She giveing noe obedience I Calld to the Master to 
 
 a . t !°!' d a " d S> ve accompt what hee was and from whence hee 
 e wi is Shipp. Nantor [Nanton] answerd mee you are pyratts 
 and Rouges: and I will nott Stir out of my Shipp: upon w’ch I tould 
 him there was them abord that knew us well Enough: him Selfe fired a 
 greatt Goone with a Shott which came a Lettell before the Ketches 
 maine mast over hir: upon w’ch I tould Nantoe that hee deserved 
 Death For fienng att the Kinge’s Collors: hee answeared that aney 
 Rouge mite put a broade the King’s Collours: and hee would not 
 beleve ous: I bed them beware of bringing themselves into a Forder 
 predickment: and if they would Submitt quiettly they should have 
 alt there Cloth s and wages and privatt adventures: But the Comander 
 Nantor being upon the poupe and all his men in a Row towards the 
 head of the Shipp all armed hee asked them, if they would Stand by 
 him they answered all they would Dye before they would part with 
 j r 7 p, l ln , a bravadoe the Comander threw his hatt forwards 
 and Clapt his hand upon his breast, Saying as Longe as this hartte 
 is with in mee I will nott parte with my Shipp, in A Fettell tyme 
 1 ter wee Fad the Shipp Providince aboard the Comander of hir or • 
 the next man to him Fierd a greatt gune Intending to Strick our 
 mame Mast : For w’ch Cause my Selfe with 4 or 5 More Enterd 
 the Shipp: The Compeney discharged there Small Armis and wounded 
 7 ™. of A the Ketche’s men: I perserving my Intention got up to the 
 Maine Mast and arrested the Shipp in the Kings Name: Comanding 
 there Submission with their aid and assistance. . . . Dewering all 
 this transaction the Shipp Shewd noe Coders after they had Submitted 
 wee Loused from the Shipp and Stoud in for pallmatoe poynt but 
 could not fetch itt Soe anekerd in the ould Roade St. Xpofers: 4 there 
 was killed and wounded 46 Neagroes. . . . 
 
 June iot'h. The Providince was tryd and Condemd as an Enter- 
 loper. 
 
 June 13th. The Generali Eshewed forth his Comission to 4 to 
 Compell mee and all the Ketche’s Compeney to give in Evidence. I 
 Refused with out the Generali was present: for w’ch hee Confind 
 mee and threatnd to Clapt Irons upon mee and Send the Ketch home 
 
 3Sl l Wil ! iam St apJeton, governor. Stapleton’s first account of this seizure sent to 
 Blathwayt on June 7, though very brief, agreed in the main with this record. Cal.St. 
 
 « . CO/., I65I-I6S5, P* 243 . 
 
 4 St. Christopher. 
 
278 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 without mee: to Complye I gave accompt of whatt I knew: himselfe 
 Comanded mee to Send all my pepell a Shoare to doe the Lyke. . . . 
 
 June 15th. My mate, Boatswaine and 2 Mid Shipp men and one 
 Seaman was Comitted to Close Preson because they would not Sweare 
 as they would have them: one of them Shott through the Shoulder: att 
 the Same tyme, the Enterlopers men had there Leberty to goe where 
 they pleased. Every man of them guellty of Morder and treason: 
 
 June ig. This day George Nantor Comm’r of the Providence had 
 there tryall: The Courte and Jurey being more there Frinds then the 
 Kings Clerd them: the Ketche’s Carpent’r being a Wittnease for the 
 
 Kinge was Carryed to Preson from quortt. ... 
 
 July 1 The Generali Sent his Marshall with a warrant for mee 
 to appeare before him and his Deputy Govern’rs to answear the Com- 
 plant of the Bench and Juerey for affronting them in quort att 
 Nanters tryall. I Emediattley went wher the Generali and his Deputy 
 Govern’rs was: To know his plesuer. hee tould mee hee would not 
 meddell with that besnesse nor acquett mee till tusday att quortt and 
 if I did nott give him very good Satisfaction hee would make mee 
 an Exampell with maney other threatings and abussef Languesh. 
 
 July 6. ... the Generali Sent one of his Marshalls men a bord 
 
 for mee to Come to quort: I being very Sick and Ell writt to the 
 Generali: not being Satisfied: Sends his Marshall of with a warr t to 
 bringe mee a Shoare: A Second tyme hee Sends his Marshall a bord 
 to Forse mee a Shoare: and Corpall Burt with a Comession to my 
 gunner to take the Comand of the Ketch, my Offercers and Com- 
 peney being Loth to Lett mee goe out of the Ketch and declared they 
 would not goe home under aney Comand’r but hee that brought them 
 out with out itt were the Kings Pleasur whoe plased him over ous: 
 by perswaseon’s they went with out mee. Sum friends from Shoare 
 Sende mee word I was Rewend it if I came a Shoare the Generali had 
 Sworne as Soone as hee gott mee hee would Clapt mee in Iron s and 
 Send the Ketch away with out mee. Capt. Elley Robenson Came a 
 bord and tould mee hee had heard the Generali Discorse to the Lyk 
 perpose, not 3 owers past, the gunn’r perserved how all pepell 
 Stoud Effected and Dissired to bee Excused of the charge and the 
 Com’r to mee upon my desire: By Friends I was advised to make the 
 best of my waye home and depend upon the Kings Marcey Rather 
 
 6 On Tune 18 Governor Stapleton communicated to the Lords of Trade the other 
 side of this story Billop, instead of remaining at Nevis and preparing the necessa y 
 affidavits for'the governor, had sailed for St. Christopher, and remained 'dieted 
 davs in order to prevent the discovery of the fact that he and his men had 
 goods and negroes from the Providence. “Of two hundred and fifteen negroes imported 
 hither Billop and his men have conveyed away all but eighty-four of the ' 
 twelve infected with small-pox, besides eight or nine killed.” With this letter went 
 an abstract of depositions taken June 12. Cal. St. P. Col., 1 1 1 5 > P- 5 • 
 
September, 1682 
 
 279 
 
 than throw my Selfe into the hands of my thristing Enemeyes whoe 
 were wholeley Resolved to Rewen mee. 6 
 
 July 7. Before day this morning gott the Ketch under Sayle Sent 
 to the Generali to desire his Letters for England I would Stay for 
 
 fl 12 att n 'ght: none came. I bore away Resouling to trust 
 to Mercey att home. 7 
 
 Sept. 8. The Corte lYlarshall was helld for trying of mee the 
 Corte Clerd mee of all Complants Relateing to the Providience En- 
 
 terlopei, foi bieach of orders Confinde mee Dewering his Mai’ties 
 Pleasure. 8 J 
 
 Errors Excipted 
 
 Chris Billopp. 
 
 107. Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lords of Trade and 
 
 Plantations. 1 
 
 Jamaica, Sept. 29, 1682. 
 
 ... A fortnight ago came one Don Gaspar de Montesdoco from 
 Havana to buy negroes. He wants one hundred and fifty, but will 
 
 hardly get so many, unless of runaways or men not worth the keep¬ 
 ing. . . . 
 
 , , T he com missioners appointed to enquire into the embezzlement of goods on 
 
 board the Providence reported that all the teeth, copper, redwood, and wax were 
 missing and about half of the 215 negroes. Captain Billop admitted taking some goods 
 but denied having taken the negroes. Other witnesses contradicted this (July 6 1682 
 report of Commissioners with list of deponents, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 262-264)! 
 
 t n a da y that thls report was made the governor and council wrote to the 
 
 ords of Trade that Captain Billop was one of the worst men they had ever seen 
 in the king’s service. Ibid. 
 
 . / ‘J* 6 [ Bl Hop] feigned to be unable to come ashore and kept us all night in town 
 
 . °i U ' k-i/ 16 * WaS ? S wed as any us - • • • The Marshal, at Colonel Burt’s request, 
 t ?° k '°. p s TY° r . d to . appear next day, but in the night he got out of command. Though 
 the ship is still in sight . . . .” (July 7, 1682, Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, Cal St. 
 
 . TVT A * c ... ^ ^ ^ was especially anxious to have Billop returned 
 
 to Nevis for trial, since he had so insolently flouted the authorities of the island. 
 
 ibid., pp. 264-265. 
 
 8 The Lords of Trade requested that Billop be held until further information 
 came from Stapleton (Sept. 12, Journal, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, PP- 292-293). On 
 Sept. 25, having received communications from Nevis, they called Billop before them 
 and, ignoring the fact that he had been cleared by court-martial, asked the attorney 
 general what legal steps could be taken to recover the negroes. They were advised 
 that the proceedings of the court-martial should be set aside and the case referred to 
 the admiralty court at Nevis. On his side Billop was not idle, but petitioned the king 
 that the negroes from the Providence which Sir William Stapleton had taken from 
 him be restored {Cal. St. P. Co/., 1681-1685, pp. 299, 303, 311, 357). To this the law 
 otticers replied that he had no claim whatever to the negroes {ibid., p. 441). A part 
 of these negroes were carried to New York and sold. Here their owners, John 
 Bawden and Thomas Temple, of London, brought suit against Captain Billop and 
 were awarded judgment. Ibid., p. 441. 
 
 C io 7 ] 'Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, PP- 301-302. Sir Thomas Lynch, appointed to 
 succeed the Earl of Carlisle as governor of Jamaica, had arrived in the island in the 
 summer of 1682, for his second service in that capacity, with instructions admonishing 
 him to protect the Royal African Company in its interests and also to see that it 
 earned out the terms of the Order in Council of November, 1680, by supplying Jamaica 
 with 3000 slaves yearly, at £18, on six months’ credit. Sept. 8, 1681, ibid., p. 114. 
 
28o 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Three days ago Don Josepe d’Ollo came here from Porto Bello. 
 He left his harco luengo at Tuana, a leeward port twenty-five leagues 
 from Port Royal, and came here in a sloop, being told that one Spurre, 
 an English pirate, with sixty men, was on the coast. He brought me 
 two letters from the Governor of Panama, which I enclose. I expect to 
 hear that the Governor of Carthagena will send a like message to 
 me, the reason being that it is difficult and dangerous to go to Cura¬ 
 cao. 3 The Assiento has been interrupted, the Assientistas not having 
 paid the King the contract, which is one thousand rials a ton. These 
 Governors have seized two thousand negroes, but Don Josepe says 
 they have compounded in Spain, and that the Assiento will be set on 
 foot again. The chief men therein are certain Dutch merchants of 
 Cadiz. Be this as it may, if we had negroes, the convenience of our 
 ports that lie north and south of Carthagena and Portobello would 
 certainly draw all the trade they may have with strangers to us, and 
 possibly my presence here would not discourage them. 4 But it is hope¬ 
 less to think of a sufficient supply for such a trade when our own 
 planters are so in want of slaves that the last ship had more buyers 
 than negroes. 5 In this way our best trade and our fairest hopes are like 
 to be lost. I shall do all that I can to keep them, in the hope that the 
 Royal African Company may have time to supply us fully. I fear that 
 you may be offended at a judgment delivered here about that Com¬ 
 pany’s patent. 6 I should have prevented it, had I been able, by remov- 
 
 2 Enclosure: “The Governor of Panama to Sir Thomas Lynch. I am appointed 
 Governor of this province, and have received an order from the King, my master, to 
 agree for two hundred negroes in some of the Windward Islands which are friends to 
 this Crown. Having always found friendship with the English in the Canary Islands, 
 where I was born, I send Don Joseph de Olio, fully accredited, to you to purchase these 
 negroes. Signed, Don Pedro de Porette. Translation.” Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, 
 
 P # 302* 
 
 3 On Nov. 6 Lynch wrote to Sir Leoline Jenkins that he understood that the 
 Dutch had 2000 negroes at Curacao which they had been holding seven or. eight 
 months for’ the Spaniards. Meanwhile, the governors of Panama and Havana, believing 
 that the assiento had been broken off, were sending to Jamaica for negroes {Cal. St. 
 P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 319-320). This was the period of the contract of Don Juan 
 Barroso and Nicolas Porcio. Barroso had bargained Lor negroes with Dutch, English, 
 and French, but the Dutch alone carried out the bargain. Barroso’s death threw the 
 affairs of the assiento into confusion, from which Porcio was unable to rescue them. 
 Scelle, I. 632. 
 
 4 Lynch had during his earlier administration of Jamaica (1672) written to 
 Arlington that he had hoped to foster a trade with the Spaniards but that he found 
 them cautious. Cal. St. P. Col., 1669-1674, p. 335 i Beer, The Old Colonial System, I. 360. 
 
 5 “I think the Company has imported about fifteen hundred since I came, which 
 were sold for ready money in a day; and many men that had money went away 
 without any slaves.” Aug. 29, 1682, Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lords of Trade an 
 
 Plantations, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 286. 
 
 6 This probably refers to the case about which Lynch wrote on Aug. 29, 1682: 
 “The Royal African Company’s factors would not seize [the ship] because they have 
 a great trial going forward this sessions and most people judge that they will be cast. 
 I fear judges and jury will not allow seizure after the negroes are landed and marked, 
 and the property has changed hands. I have done and shall do my best to serve 
 the Company, but if the interlopers cannot be brought into the Admiralty-Court nothing 
 more can be done here than in England or Barbados.’ Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, 
 p. 286. 
 
168 2 
 
 281 
 
 ing the cause to England, but both parties, Englishmanlike, were posi¬ 
 tive. The Chief Justice has reported the case to Mr. Blathwayt. If 
 the Act about negroes choque” them I can get the Assembly to quash 
 
 it, but I fancy that it would be better for the Acts to stand, and so 
 think their factors. . . . 7 
 
 108. The Voyage of the Sieur le Maire, 1682. 1 
 
 On donne en echange a ces Negres, de la toile, du cotton, du Cuivre, 
 de 1 etain, du fer, de 1 eau-de-vie, et quelques bagatelles de verre. Le 
 profit qu’on tire de ce commerce est de huit cent pour cent. Les 
 Cuirs, 1 Yvoire, la Gomme se portent en France, et quant aux Esclaves, 
 
 on les envoye aux lies Francoises de l’Amerique, pour travailler au 
 Sucre. 
 
 On en a des meilleurs a dix francs piece, et on les revend plus de 
 cent ecus. Pour quatre ou cinq pots d’Eau devie, souvent on aura 
 un assez bon Esclave; ainsi la depence est moins dans l’achat, que 
 
 dans le transport, a cause des grandes depences des Vaisseaux (p. 
 72).... 
 
 Mais si le Prince est perfide, 2 ses Sujets ne le sont pas moins, car 
 ils se vendent 1 un 1 autre, sans egard au degrez du sang, ensorte que 
 le Pere vendra son Fils, et le Fils son Pere et sa Mere, quand le cas 
 y echoit, Ils prennent pretexte d’engager ceux qu’ils veulent vendre a 
 les aider a porter quelque chose a l’Habitation, et quand ils y sont, 
 ils les livrent a quiconque en veut, lors qu’ils n’entendent pas la langue. 
 
 Voicy a cette occasion une avanture arrivee il y a quelque temps, 
 qui verifie ce que je dis. Un de ces miserables forma le dessein de 
 vendre son Fils: Celuy-cy s’en appercut, et dissimulant la chose, 
 
 7 The reference is probably to the law fixing the price of negroes at £18 per 
 head and making the planters “judge in their own cause as to what negroes are 
 merchantable”. The company petitioned to the king against this act on Jan. 12, 1683 
 Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 370. 
 
 [108] J. le Maire, Les Voyages du Sieur le Maire aux lies Canaries, Cap Verd, 
 Senegal, et Gamble, sous Monsieur Dancourt, Directeur General de la Compagnie Roiale 
 dAffrigue^ (Paris, 1695). An English translation was published in London in 1696; 
 Astley prints an abstract of the voyage, Voyages and Travels, II. 248-254. Dancourt 
 was sent out by Colbert’s second Company of the Senegal, established in 1681. Le 
 Maire was a surgeon in the employ of the company. They sailed on the St. Catherine 
 from France, Apr. 12, 1682, and reached Goree on May 20. Here Dancourt established 
 his headquarters, then visited the French trading posts in the region. In this journey 
 he arrived at the island of St. Louis in the mouth of the Senegal, about which Le Maire 
 is writing, on Dec. 13. The English looked with hostile eyes at the French attempt to 
 restore the company and re-establish its trade. “The French, in 1681, attempted to engross 
 the Trade on the Western Coast of Africa. They suffer none to trade at Arguin; and 
 by their Forts at the mouth of the Sanaga, and at Goree, pretend to an exclusive Right 
 to four hundred Miles of Coast: At the same Time they carry on a Trade in the 
 Gambra, in Sight of the British Fort; and at Anamaboo, on the Gold-Coast, within 
 View of Cape Corse, or Cape Coast, where heretofore they were never permitted to 
 slave.” Astley, Voyages and Travels, II. 161, from The Importance of the African 
 Company (1744), P- 24. 
 
 2 Le Maire has been setting forth the iniquities of the native prince of the 
 Senegal country. 
 
282 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 comrae il entendoit le Francois, pendant que son Pere etoit alle quelque 
 part, il fut au Magazin, declara qu’il avoit un Esclave en traite et 
 convient du prix, le livre et le vend; cet Esclave etoit le Pere, qui 
 voyant qu’on luy mettoit les fers aux pieds, se tourmente, dit que 
 l’autre est son Fils, celuy-cy le nie, et le marche eut lieu. 
 
 Ce crime ne demeura pas long-temps impuni; car le Fils retournant 
 chez luy avec sa marchandise, rencontra un Grand Seigneur qui luy 
 enleve tout ce qu’il a, le fait Esclave, et le vend a l’habitation (pp. 
 
 81-82). . . . 
 
 109. John Barbot’s Description of Guinea. 1 
 
 Goods for Trade. Besides those mentioned above, 2 which are 
 the most staple commodities, the French import common red, blue, 
 and scarlet cloth, silver and brass rings, or bracelets, chains, little bells, 
 false crystal, ordinary and coarse hats; Dutch pointed knives, pewter 
 dishes, silk sashes, with false gold and silver fringes; blue serges, 
 French paper, steels to strike fire; English sayes; Roan linnen, salam- 
 poris, platillies, 3 blue callicoes, taffaties, chints, Cawris or shells, by 
 the French called Bouges, coarse north red cords called Bure, lines, 
 shoes, fustian, red worsted caps, worsted fringe of all colours, worsted 
 of all colours in skeins, basons of several sizes, brass kettles, yellow 
 amber, maccatons, that is, beads of two sorts, pieces of eight of the 
 old stamp, some silver pieces of 28 sols value, either plain or gilt, 
 
 riool 1 “A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea, and of Ethiopia 
 Inferior, vulgarly Angola, being a new and accurate Account of the Western Maritime 
 Countries of Africa”, by John Barbot, agent-general of the Royal Company of Af:nca 
 and Islands of America, at Paris, in Awnsham and John Churchill, Collection of 
 Voyages and Travels (1732), V. 1-420. Churchill’s was the first printing of the account, 
 which is also in abbreviated form to be found in Astley, Voyages and Travels, Ill. 1-668. 
 
 John Barbot was an employee of the French African companies of 1675 and 1681, and 
 between 1678 and 1682 made at least two voyages to the West Coast and America. 
 His “Description”, written in French and translated into English by the author himself 
 after some years of residence in England or frequent visits there, was written in 1682, 
 but considerable additional matter was incorporated before Churchill s publication in 
 i 7 22 The journal from which much of his account is taken begins Oct. 22, 1678, the 
 day on which he sailed from Rochelle. British Museum, Add. MSS 28788 is a short 
 account, in French, of some of Barbot’s African adventures. The first section of his 
 narrative, from which these extracts are taken, deals with what he calls Northern 
 Guinea”, that is, the Senegambia region. After describing trade in general, and 
 the slave trade in particular for this region, he pursues the same order for other 
 regions, interspersing his generalities with many references to his own experiences. 
 The topic words printed by Churchill in the margin have here been omitted. 
 
 2 Barbot in the pages that precede this, has given an account of African trade in 
 general, and of the French trade in particular. The French held two places of some 
 strength, St. Louis and Goree. In addition to these, they traded by means of small 
 factories or lodges at Rufisque, Camina (?), Joal, and on the Gambia and by sloops 
 which they sent up the Senegal. They claimed the exclusive trade of the Senegal and 
 of the coast between the Senegal and the Gambia. Barbot repeats. in this list of imports 
 all the commodities which he has previously mentioned. His lists of French, Dutc , 
 Portuguese, and English trading goods make possible some comparison of the products 
 
 of these nations. ... 
 
 3 Salempore, a blue cotton cloth, made in India, and used in large quantities in 
 the West Indies; platilla, a white linen, made in Silesia for the Ameiican market. e 
 name was apparently of Spanish origin. 
 
168 2 
 
 S&3 
 
 Dutch cutlaces, strait and bow’d, clouts, galet, martosdes, two other 
 sorts of beads, of which the Blacks make necklaces for women, white 
 sugar, musket balls, iron nails, shot, white and red frize, looking- 
 glasses in gilt and plain frames, cloves, cinnamon, scissors, needles, 
 coarse thread of sundry colours, but chiefly red, yellow, and white, 
 copper bars of a pound weight, ferrit; 4 mens shirts, coarse and fine, 
 some of them with bone-lace about the neck, breast and sleeves; 
 Haerlem cloths; Coasveld linnen; Dutch mugs white and blue; Leyden 
 rugs, or blankets; Spanish leather shoes, brass trumpets, round pad¬ 
 locks, glass bottles, with a tin rim at the mouth, empty trunks, or 
 chests, and a sort of bugle called Pezant; 5 but above all, as was said 
 above, great quantities of brandy, and iron in bars. Particularly 
 at Goeree, the company imports ten thousand or more every year, of 
 those which are made in the province of Brittany, all short and thin, 
 which is called in London narrow flat iron, or half flat iron of Sweden; 
 but each bar shortned, or cut off at one end to about 16 or 18 inches, 
 so that about eighty of these bars weigh a ton, or twenty hundred 
 weight English. It is to be observ’d, that such voyage-iron, as called 
 in London, is the only sort and size used throughout all Nigritia, 
 Guinea, and West-Ethiopia, in the way of trade. 6 Lastly, a^good 
 quantity of Coignac brandy, both in hogsheads and rundlets, single 
 and double, the double being eight, the single four gallons. 
 
 < Tta principal goods the French have in return for these commo¬ 
 dities from the Moors and Blacks, are slaves, gold-dust, elephants 
 teeth, bees-wax, dry and green hides, gum-arabick, ostrich feathers, 
 and several other odd things. . . . 
 
 These people 7 no way differ from the Foules; and there the French 
 have built a small fort, mounted with eight guns, at a place called 
 Gallem, or Galama, 120 leagues higher up the country than the 
 Terrier-rouge, of which I shall speak in its place. There they buy 
 slaves in considerable numbers . . . which they convey down to their 
 factory every year. . . . 
 
 On the rivers a Morsil and des Maringuins, at Mambrin, on the 
 north-side of the Senega, and at Lametor, or Brak, on the south-side 
 of the same, the French purchase a considerable number of slaves 
 . . . The country of little Brak affords them slaves. . . . 
 
 4 Probably meaning a copper alloy, copper ferrite. 
 
 3 Bugles were small glass beads made in Venice and sold in strings and clusters. 
 
 6 At Goree a slave was purchased for from twelve to sixteen iron bars; at 
 Portudal from eighteen to twenty bars were paid. Churchill, V. 44. 
 
 7 Barbot is describing a people called by him Fargots, from a country adjacent to 
 the Senegal River, two hundred and fifty leagues from St. Louis. The Fulas were de¬ 
 scribed by all visitors to the Senegal region as skilled farmers and herdmen. They 
 were in no one spot, but scattered through every country between the Senegal and the 
 Gambia. In appearance they were tawny rather than black, with aquiline noses and 
 small mouths. Cultru, Histoire du Senegal, p. 78. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 284 
 
 At the villages of Bozaert, or Bozar, and Caye, near the factory 
 
 they have slaves (pp. 44 _ 47 )* • • • 
 
 Slaves. Those sold by the Blacks are for the most part prisoners 
 of war, taken either in fight, or pursuit, or in the incursions they make 
 into their enemies territories; others stolen away by their own country¬ 
 men; and some there are, who will sell their own children, kindred, or 
 neighbours. This has been often seen, and to compass it, they desire 
 the person-they intend to sell, to help them in carrying something to 
 the factory by way of trade, and when there, the person so deluded, 
 not understanding the language, is sold and deliver’d up as a slave, 
 notwithstanding all his resistance, and exclaiming against the 
 treachery. I was told of one, who design’d to sell his own son, after 
 that manner; but he understanding French, dissembled for a while, 
 and then contriv’d it so cunningly as to persuade the French, that the 
 old man was his slave, and not his father, by which means he deliver d 
 him up into captivity; and thus made good the Italian Proverb, A 
 furho furho e mezzo ; amounting to as much as, Set a thief to catch 
 a thief, or Diamond cuts Diamond. However, it happened soon 
 after, that the fellow was met by some of the principal Blacks of 
 the country, as he was returning home from the factory, with the 
 goods he had receiv’d for the sale of his father, all which they took 
 awav, and order’d him to be sold for a slave. 
 
 The kings are so absolute, that upon any slight pretence of offences 
 committed by their subjects, they ord^r them to be sold for slaves, 
 without regard to rank, or possession. Thus a Marabout, or Priest, 
 as I believe, was sold to me at Goeree, by the Alcaide of Rio fresco, 
 by special order of king Darnel, for some misdemeanors. I took 
 notice, that this Priest was above two months aboard the ship, before 
 he would speak one word; but I shall say more of him in another place. 
 
 Abundance of little Blacks of both sexes are also stolen away by 
 their neighbours, w r hen found abroad on the roads, or in the woods, 
 or else in the Cougans, or corn-fields, at the time of the year, when 
 their parents keep them there all day, to scare away the devouring 
 small birds, that come to feed on the millet, in swarms, as has been 
 
 said: above. 
 
 In times of dearth and famine, abundance of those people will 
 sell themselves, for a maintenance, and to prevent starving. When 
 I first arriv’d at Goeree, in December, 1681, I could have bought 
 a great number, at very easy rates, if I could have found provisions^ 
 to subsist them; so great was the dearth then, in that part of Nigritia^ 
 
 To conclude, some slaves are also brought to these Blacks, from 
 very remote inland countries, by way of trade, and sold for things 
 of very inconsiderable value; but these slaves are generally poor and 
 weak, by reason of the barbarous usage they have had in traveling 
 
168 2 
 
 285 
 
 so far, being continually beaten, and almost famish’d; so inhuman 
 are the Blacks to one another (pp. 47-48). . . 
 
 This fort [James] is a quadrangle or square, built with lime and 
 stone, and has four bastions, lined with good brickwork* and in the 
 outworks, three, as it were, redoubts in the form of horseshoes, with 
 batteries along the palisadoes from one to another; and within the 
 fort, spacious buildings, storehouses, magazines, a cistern for fresh 
 water, a powder-room, and sixty or seventy pieces of cannon mounted, 
 besides several others dismounted. . . . This is the next best forti¬ 
 fication to Cape Coast Castle, of all that are to be found, on either 
 the north or south coasts of Guinea, having under its jurisdiction 
 several factories on the respective branches of that river, as being 
 the head settlement of the royal African company of England, and 
 the chief magazine for trade, managed by a governour or agent, with 
 several factors under him. One of these factories is at Gilofre, on the 
 north side of the river, opposite to the fort. 
 
 The French company of Senega have another factory at Albreda, 
 a little village at some distance westerly from Gilofre, both of them 
 
 belonging to the king of Bar, and this is under the direction of the 
 agent at Goeree. 
 
 The factors of the English company at James-Fort, and those of the 
 French at Albreda and other places, drive a very great trade in that 
 country, all along the river, in brigantines, sloops, and canoes; pur¬ 
 chasing elephant’s teeth or ivory, bees-wax, slaves, pagnos or clouts, 
 hides, gold, etc. . . . 8 
 
 The French having an inconsiderable trade here, in comparison of 
 the English, who are almost as good as masters of the river, they 
 send all they can get in exchange from the Blacks in brigantines to 
 Goeree, where they have their chief fort and magazines; for it is 
 very rare they have any ships coming into the river, during the war 
 with England, because of Fort-James, which commands all the river, 
 and for fear of meeting the English company’s ships: besides, that 
 they have been often insulted by the natives in their factory at 
 Albreda, that being only a thatch’d house, of little or no defence, 
 and their goods pillag’d; the king of Bar having always been more 
 favourable to the English, in all likelihood because they have so good 
 a fort, and a good garrison in James island, so near him, and conse¬ 
 quently may soon revenge any wrong offer’d to the company’s people 
 by the natives. 
 
 The Dutch had formerly a considerable trade at Gambia; but 
 since the taking of the island Goeree from them by the French, in 
 the year 1678, (as has been mentioned above, speaking of the river 
 
 8 There follows a long list of the commodities given in exchange for these 
 articles, very similar to that on pp. 282-283, with the addition of salt. 
 
286 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Senega) they have lost all their interest in these parts of Africa, and 
 all manner of trade whatsoever; unless now and then some inter¬ 
 lopers of that nation will run the hazard of being seiz’d, and their 
 ships and goods confiscated by the English agent, or the commanders 
 of the royal African company’s ships following that trade. 
 
 As for the Portuguese trade here, they drive it far up, by cross 
 rivers from Cacheo to Gambia; very few of their ships coming di¬ 
 rectly to the great river, for fear of being seiz’d by the English 
 and French, who now claim the sole privilege of trade in this place, 
 
 exclusive of all other Europeans (pp. 74-75). . . . 
 
 In former times, the Lisbon merchants drove a great and profitable 
 trade in the rivers Rha and Gambia; but at present, they have in a 
 manner settled it at Cachau, or Cacheo, on the river of St. Dominick, 
 contenting themselves with sending now and then some barks or 
 brigantines to Rha, up the inland waters, to purchase slaves for 
 Spanish wine, brandy, oil, dry fruit of Spain, iron, the best commodity, 
 fine linnen, thread, and gold and silver laces, cloth, damasks, needles, 
 thread, silk, haberdashery of several sorts, and such stuffs as are 
 proper for Gamboa (pp. 81-82). . . . 
 
 A Description of South Guinea. The road at Anamabo is gen¬ 
 erally full of English ships, or those of other nations, anchoring there 
 to trade, or else for corn or other necessaries; but more especially 
 for slaves, which are sometimes to be had in considerable numbers: 
 and there are great quantities of corn for the ships that have bought 
 slaves at other places along the coast, or at Fida, Calbary, 9 Rio Real, 
 etc. This great concourse of ships to Anamabo, very much obstructs 
 the company’s trade with the natives, whom, as I observ’d above, the 
 English factors dare not in the least contradict; but are rather obliged 
 to bear with them, and sometimes so infested, that they are close 
 confined to the castle, without daring to stir abroad. Nay, if the 
 Blacks dislike the English chief factor, they send him away in a 
 canoe to cape Corso, or oblige him to pay a heavy fine. 
 
 The great wealth of the Fantineans 10 makes them so proud and 
 haughty, that an European trading there must stand bare to them. 
 
 The maiz or Indian wheat sells there by the chest, at one Akier 11 
 of gold. The chest contains about three bushels. When there is a 
 great demand or scarcity, it rises to two and three Akiers. In plenti¬ 
 ful years and times of peace, it has been sold for ten, and even for 
 eight Takoes of gold, which is not three shillings English (p. 
 177). . . . 
 
 9 Whydah and Calabar. 
 
 10 The people of Fantyn, one of the eleven Gold Coast countries mentioned by 
 William Bosman, Description of Guinea, p. 4. All writers agree as to the character of 
 these natives. 
 
 11 An accy was about five shillings. 
 
168 2 
 
 287 
 
 I have already observed, that all the above-mentioned places of 
 
 war°with d rlf“ gWlna |,l re wel ' seated for t™ d e, when they are not at 
 war with their neighbours; for when they are, there is little gold 
 
 and few slaves to be had. The Acra Blacks come down to this coast 
 
 o trade, when they hear there are ships riding, that have a well 
 
 sorted cargo, of such goods as they have occasion for, viz. sayes, old 
 
 there S ’, COe r e il t b j? leS ’ I™" and brand T A S°°d slave sells 
 
 there, as at all other trading places on the Gold-Coast westward, at 
 
 the rate of one Benda of gold, which is two ounces (p. 181). 12 
 
 In time of war, it [Accra] furnishes so great a number of’ slaves,’ 
 that it amounts to, at least, as many as are sold all along the rest of 
 the coast This country is continually in war with some of the 
 neighbouring nations, which are very populous, and from whom they 
 take very many prisoners, most of whom, they sell to the 
 uropeans. The slaves are commonly purchased for coesvelt 
 linen slyzigery ywat, sheets, sayes, perpetuanas, firelocks, powder, 
 
 . randy ’ bug ! es ’ knives, top-sails, nicannees, and other goods, accord¬ 
 ing to the times The natives carry those commodities to Abonee 
 market, which is four leagues beyond Great Acra northward, for the 
 Accanez peop e, who resort thither three times a week; as do other 
 B acks from the country of Abonee, Aquamboe, and Aquimera, who 
 all buy those goods of the Acra men, at such rates as they think fit 
 to put upon them, the king refusing to permit those strangers to go 
 down themselves to the European warehouses on the coast; for which 
 reason, those Blacks pay often double the value for what they buy. 
 
 1 he king has there an overseer, who has the power to set the price 
 on all goods, between buyer and seller. This general overseer is 
 assisted by several officers to act for him, where he cannot be present 
 himself. Those employments are much sought after there, as being 
 both honourable and advantageous; because, both the king’s and their 
 
 perquisites are very considerable (p. 184). 
 
 The king and chief Blacks of Acra were, in my time, very rich in 
 
 slaves and gold, through the vast trade the natives drove with the 
 
 Europeans on the coast, and the neighbouring nations up the coun¬ 
 try. . . , 13 
 
 French, English, and Portuguese ships ply most at this coast 
 LJNingo], to purchase slaves and provisions. Notwithstanding the 
 great numbers of slaves I have mentioned to be transported from 
 these parts, it sometimes happens, when the inland country is at peace 
 that there are none at all; as it happen’d to me in the year 1682,’ 
 when having lain three days before Lay, 14 1 could not get one, nor was 
 
 13 
 
 An ounce of gold was about £4 sterling. 
 
 ruined/e^co^V 8 !^’ Whh ‘ heir e " emieS ’ ““ A ’ uamboes ' had 
 
 14 Laye, east of the mouth of the Volta River. 
 
288 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 there any likelihood of it at that time, as the abovementioned Black 
 Santi told me; and yet, but two months before my arrival there, one 
 of the men of war of our little squadron got three hundred slaves in a 
 very short time, which shows that the trade is very uncertain (pp. 
 
 185-186). ... , 
 
 The merchants and factors on that coast [Gold Coast] pay for the 
 commodities they buy, not only in gold, but in slaves, which they call 
 by the Portuguese name Cativos, carrying two, three, or more aboard 
 together in a canoe. Sometimes they in that manner carry great num¬ 
 bers of slaves aboard, at other times fewer, according as they happen 
 to be at peace or war with their neighbours. In the year 1682, 
 could get but very few, because there was at that time almost a gen¬ 
 eral peace among the Blacks along the coast; and consequently they 
 were two or three pieces of eight a man dearer than at my former 
 voyage. I shall have occasion to speak more particularly of slaves, 
 
 consider’d as a peculiar commodity (p. 261). . . . 
 
 The trade of slaves is in a more peculiar manner the business of 
 kings, rich men, and prime merchants, exclusive of the inferior sort 
 
 of Blacks. 15 
 
 These slaves are severely and barbarously treated by their masters, 
 who subsist them poorly, and beat them inhumanly, as may be seen 
 by the scabs and wounds on the bodies of many of them when sold 
 to us. They scarce allow them the least rag to cover their naked¬ 
 ness, which they also take off from them when sold to Europeans; 
 and they always go bare-headed. The wives and children of slaves, 
 are also slaves to the master under whom they are married; and when 
 dead, they never bury them, but cast out the bodies into some by 
 place, to be devoured by birds, or beasts of prey. 
 
 This barbarous usage of those unfortunate wretches, makes it 
 appear, that the fate of such as are bought, and transported from the 
 coast to America, or other parts of the world, by Europeans, is less 
 deplorable, than that of those who end their days in their native 
 country; for aboard ships all possible care is taken to preserve and 
 subsist them for the interest of the owners, and when sold in America, 
 the same motive ought to prevail with their masters to use them well, 
 that they may live the longer, and do them more service.. Not to men¬ 
 tion the inestimable advantage they may reap, of becoming chnstians, 
 and saving their souls, if they make a true use of their condition. ... 
 
 The Gold Coast, in times of war between the inland nations, and 
 those nearer the sea, will furnish great numbers of slaves of all sexes 
 
 15 The paragraphs which precede this describe the methods by which Gold Coast 
 
 natives are enslaved, repeating much of the subject matter of pp. 284-285. , . 
 
 16 The section omitted deals with the duty of white owners to Christianize their 
 
 negroes. 
 
168 2 
 
 289 
 
 and ages; sometimes at one place, and sometimes at another, as has 
 
 een already observed, according to the nature of the war, and the 
 situation of the countries between which it is waged. I remember, 
 to this purpose, that in the year 1681, an English interloper at Com- 
 mendo got three hundred good slaves, almost for nothing besides the 
 trouble of receiving them at the beach in his boats, as the Commendo 
 men brought them from the field of battle, having obtained a victory 
 over a neighbouring nation, and taken a great number of prisoners. 17 
 
 At other times slaves are so scarce there, that in 1682, I could get 
 but eight from one end of the coast to the other; not only because 
 we were a great number of trading ships on the coast at the same time, 
 but by reason the natives were every where at peace. At another time, 
 I had two hundred slaves at Acra only, in a fortnight or three weeks 
 time; and the upper coast men, understanding I had those slaves 
 aboard, came down to redeem them, giving me two for one, of such 
 as I understood were their near relations, who had been stolen away 
 by inland Blacks, brought down to Acra, and sold to us. 
 
 I also remember, that I once, among my several runs along that 
 coast, happened to have aboard a whole family, man, wife, three young 
 boys, and a girl, bought one after another, at several places; and 
 cannot but observe here, what mighty satisfaction those poor crea¬ 
 tures expressed to be so come together again, tho’ in bondage. For 
 several days successively they could not forbear shedding tears of joy, 
 and continually embracing and caressing one another; which moving 
 me to compassion, I ordered they should be better treated aboard 
 than commonly we can afford to do it, where there are four or five 
 hundred in a ship; and at Martinico, I sold them all together to a 
 considerable planter, at a cheaper rate than I might have expected, 
 had they been disposed of severally; being informed of that gentle¬ 
 man’s good-nature, and having taken his word, that he would use 
 that family as well as their circumstances would permit, and settle 
 them in some part by themselves. 
 
 I have elsewhere spoke of the manner of valuing and rating the 
 slaves among the Blacks, and shall conclude this chapter, which proves 
 to be one of the longest, with an odd remark; which is, That many 
 of those slaves we transport from Guinea to America are prepossessed 
 with the opinion, that they are carried like sheep to the slaughter, 
 and that the Europeans are fond of their flesh; which notion so far 
 prevails with some, as to make them fall into a deep melancholy and 
 despair, and to refuse all sustenance, tho’ never so much compelled 
 and even beaten to oblige them to take some nourishment: notwith¬ 
 standing all which, they will starve to death; whereof I have had 
 
 17 Barbot has already recounted this; see Churchill, V. 155-156. 
 
290 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 several instances in my own slaves both aboard and at Guadalupe. 
 And tho’ I must say I am naturally compassionate, yet have I been 
 necessitated sometimes to cause the teeth of those wretches to be 
 broken, because they would not open their mouths, or be prevailed 
 upon by any intreaties to feed themselves; and thus have forced some 
 sustenance into their throats. 
 
 At the end of the supplement to this description, may be seen how I 
 ordered the slaves to be used, and managed, in our passage from the 
 coast to the West-Indies; which if it were well observed by other 
 Europeans following that trade, would certainly save the lives of 
 many thousands of those poor wretches, every year, and render the 
 voyages much more advantageous to the owners and adventurers; it 
 being known by a long course of experience that the English par¬ 
 ticularly every year lose great numbers in the passage, and some ships 
 two, three, and even four hundred out of five hundred shipped in 
 
 Guinea (pp. 270-272). . . . 
 
 European Goods for Guinea. As to the different sorts of goods 
 the Europeans generally carry thither for trade; each nation com¬ 
 monly supplies the coast, as much as is convenient, with such as their 
 respective countries afford; and what they want at home for well 
 assorting their cargo, they buy in other parts of Europe. For in¬ 
 stance, 
 
 The French commonly carry more brandy, wine, iron, paper, fire¬ 
 locks, etc. than the English and Dutch can do, those commodities 
 being cheaper in France; as, on the other hand, they supply the 
 Guinea trade with greater quantities of linen cloth, bugles, copper 
 basons, and kettles, wrought pewter, gun-powder, sayes, perpetuanas, 
 chints, cawris, old sheets, etc. than the French; because they must get 
 these wares from England or Flolland. 
 
 The French commonly compose their cargo for the Gold Coast 
 trade, to purchase slaves and gold-dust; of brandy mostly, white and 
 red wine, ros solis, firelocks, muskets, flints, iron in bars, white and 
 black contecarbe, red frize, looking-glasses, fine coral, sarsaparilla, 
 bugles of sundry sorts and colours, and glass beads, powder, sheets, 
 tobacco, taffeties, and many other sorts of silks wrought, as brocardels, 
 velvets, etc. shirts, black-hats, linen, paper, laces of many sorts, beads, 
 shot, lead, musket-balls, flints, callicoes, serges, stuffs, etc. besides 
 the others goods for a true assortment, which they have commonly 
 from Holland. 
 
 The Dutch have Coesveld linen, sleysiger lywat, old sheets, Leyden 
 serges, dyed indigo-blue, perpetuanas, green, blue, and purple. 
 Konings-Kleederen, annabas, 18 large and narrow, made at Haerlem, 
 
 1S Cotton or linen pieces about a yard in length. 
 
168 2 
 
 291 
 
 JZ n ? T j rke / StU T ffs ’ J urke y carpets, red, blue, and yellow cloths, 
 
 Leri / n" d Wh ' te Leyden ru S s > silk stuf fs, blue and white; brass 
 nT “f a ' S1Ze , s; C0 PP e r basons, Scotch pans, barbers basons, some 
 wrought others hammered; copper pots, brass locks, brass trumpets, 
 p w ter, brass, and iron rings, hair trunks, pewter dishes, and plates (of 
 a narrow brim;) deep porringers, all sorts and sizes of fishing-hooks, 
 
 VenlrTh’ ln sh f ts > and ln P>Pes, three sorts of Dutch knives: 
 
 bugles, and glass beads, of sundry colours and sizes; Sheep¬ 
 skins, iron bars, brass pins, long and short; brass bells, iron hammers, 
 powder, muskets, cutlaces, cawris, chints, lead balls, and shot, of sun¬ 
 dry sorts; brass cups, with handles, cloths of Cabo-Verdo, Quaqua, 
 rdra, and of Rio-Forcado; 19 blue coral, alias akory, from Benin; 
 
 S r °"£ waters ’ and abundance of other wares, being near a hundred 
 and fifty sorts, as a Dutchman told me. 
 
 The English, besides many of the same goods above-mentioned, have 
 tapseils broad and narrow, nicanees fine and coarse; many sorts of 
 c ints, or Indian calhcoes printed, tallow, red painting colours; Canary 
 wine, sayes, perpetuanas, inferior to the Dutch, and sack’d up in 
 painted fillets, with the English arms: many sorts of white callicoes; 
 blue and white linen, China sattins, Barbadoes rum, or aqua-vitae, 
 made from^sugar, other strong waters, and spirits, beads of all sorts, 
 buckshaws, Welsh plain, boysades, romberges, clouts, gingarus taffe- 
 ties, amber, brandy, flower, Hamburgh brawls, and white, blue and 
 
 white, and red chequer’d linen, narrow Guinea stuffs chequer’d, ditto 
 broad, old hats, purple beads. J 
 
 Note, That all the iron for Guinea, is of the very same size and 
 weight as described in the description of Nigritia; and is called at 
 Tondon by the name of Voyage-Iron, and is the only sort used all 
 over the coasts of North and South Guinea, and in Ethiopia. 
 
 The Danes, Brandenburghers, and Portuguese, provide their car¬ 
 goes in Holland, commonly consisting of very near the same sort of 
 wares, as I have observed the Dutch make up theirs; the two former 
 having hardly any thing of their own, proper for the trade of the 
 Gold Coast, besides copper and silver, either wrought or in bullion, 
 or pieces of eight, which are commodity also there. 
 
 The Portuguese, as I have already said, have most of their cargoes 
 from Holland, under the name of Jews residing there, which consists 
 in many of the same sorts of goods, mentioned in the article con¬ 
 cerning the Hollanders; to which they add some things of the product 
 of Brazil, as tobacco, rum, tame cattle, St. Tome cloths, and others 
 from Rio-Forcado, and other circumjacent places in the gulph of 
 Guinea (pp. 272-273). ... 
 
 ^Rio Forcado or Forcados is west of the New Calabar River. 
 Buckshaws, India piece goods. 
 
292 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 All the before-mentioned sorts of European goods yield here a 
 price higher or lower, according to the briskness or dulness of trade 
 which is more or less proportionable to the quantity they know is at 
 a time on the coast, either in the forts and factories, or aboard ships 
 in the roads; or according as they are at peace or war amongst them¬ 
 selves, up the inland countries, as also answerable to the winter and 
 summer seasons. So that I cannot say any thing precisely of the 
 
 price of each individual commodity. 
 
 The Dutch general, at Mina, sets a price current on all the Dutch 
 goods, of which he sends copies to all his officers, of the out-forts and 
 factories of his dependence on the coast, to disperse it all about the 
 inland people in their several districts; and for ought I know, the 
 English do the same in their several settlements. 
 
 The goods sold by the English, Dutch, Danes, Brandenburghers, 
 etc. ashore out of their settlements, are generally about 25 per Cen . 
 dearer to the Blacks, than what they are aboard ships in the roads; 
 the super-cargoes of the ships commonly falling low, to get the more 
 customers, and make a quicker voyage: for which reason, the forts 
 have very little trade with the Blacks during the summer season, 
 which fills the coast with goods by the great concourse of ships at 
 that time from several ports of Europe; and as the winter season 
 approaches, most of them withdraw from the coast, and so leave 
 elbow-room to the fort factors, to trade in their turn, at a greater 
 
 rate, -during that bad season (p. 274). ... 
 
 Of the Slave Coast. . . . The rate in trade is generally adjuste 
 with the king, and none permitted to buy or sell till that is proclaimed; 
 whereby he reserves to himself the preference in all dealings, he tor 
 the most part having the greatest number of slaves, which are sold a 
 a set price, the women a fourth or a fifth cheaper than the men. This 
 done, and the king’s customs paid, as above mentioned, the factor 
 has full liberty to trade, which is proclaimed throughout the coun¬ 
 try by the king’s cryer. 
 
 The most usual difference between the European and the hida mer¬ 
 chants, is, when the factor will not give them such goods as they 
 demand, especially Bougies and Cauries, which are the money of the 
 country, and what they are most fond of; but commonly this is ad¬ 
 justed by paying part in Cauries, and part in other goo s. 
 slaves bought with Cauries cost double the price as if purchased with 
 other commodities, especially when those shells are dear in Europe, 
 the price being higher or lower, according to the plenty or scarcity 
 
 there is of them. 
 
 At other times the king fixes the price of every sort of European 
 goods, as also of slaves, which is to stand betwixt his subjects an 
 
168 2 
 
 B 293 
 
 outw^tina rt the K re ;° re "° Euro P ean must go there to trade, with- 
 out waitmg on him before he presumes to buy or sell. 
 
 tanf generally resides at Savi, a town about four miles dis¬ 
 
 tant up the inland from the village of Pilleau, at the entrance into a 
 
 Z°Z d : 7 hlther the fact ° r s and super-cargoes repair upon their arrival, 
 
 h h h\Tl C ° Py °i thC T° 1Ce ° f g °° ds the y have to dispose of, out of 
 which the king picks such as he has occasion for. 
 
 he proportion of trade is commonly adjusted by the two stand- 
 
 Fm- S examnlf barS and Caurie f’ for bluing of all other commodities, 
 b or example, a slave is rated at one Alcove of Bougies, or Cauries- 
 
 otTrrT? of . fift y, GaIinas > bot h of them proper measures’ 
 Sfjji T n y ’ n’ h l c ^ mabes about six ty pounds weight French, by the 
 hCre ^ alled Guonbotton, and is about four thousand of those 
 hells m number. The other rate is fifteen bars of iron. This regu¬ 
 lation being agreed on by the king and factors, the goods are brought 
 ashore, and earned on men’s backs to the French house, whither the 
 ing himself repairs, or else sends his factors or agents. When he 
 
 what th SC \ think r fit ’ the n ° biHt y ° r P rime P^ons P ic k out 
 
 what they have occasion for, and after them every other Black; and 
 
 then every buyer, king or subject, pays the factor the number of slaves 
 
 according to the amount of the goods each of them has so pitched 
 
 As the slaves come down to Fida from the inland country, they 
 
 Ti 6 P J . U V nt:o a boodl > or prison, built for that purpose, near the beach, 
 a of them together; and when the Europeans are to receive them, 
 they are brought out into a large plain, where the surgeons examine 
 every part of every one of them, to the smallest member, men and 
 women being all stark naked. Such as are allowed good and sound, 
 are set on one side, and the others by themselves; which slaves so 
 rejected are there called Mackrons, being above thirty five years of 
 age, or defective in their limbs, eyes or teeth; or grown grey, or that 
 have the venereal disease, or any other imperfection. These being 
 so set aside, each of the others, which have passed as good, is marked 
 on the breast, with a red-hot iron, imprinting the mark of the French, 
 h-nglish, or Dutch companies, that so each nation may distinguish 
 their own, and to prevent their being chang’d by the natives for 
 worse as they are apt enough to do. In this particular, care is taken 
 that the women, as tenderest, be not burnt too hard. 
 
 The branded slaves, after this, are returned to their former booth, 
 where the factor is to subsist them at his own charge, which amounts to 
 about two-pence a day for each of them, with bread and water, which 
 is all their allowance. There they continue sometimes ten or fifteen 
 days, till the sea is still enough to send them aboard; for very often 
 it continues too boisterous for so long a time, unless in January, Feb- 
 
294 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ruarv and March, which is commonly the calmest season: and when 
 it is so, the slaves are carried off by parcels, in bar-canoes, and put 
 aboard the ships in the road. Before they enter the canoes, or come 
 out of the booth, their former Black masters strip them of every rag 
 thev have, without distinction of men or women; to supply which, 
 in orderly ships, each of them as they come aboard is allowed a 
 piece of canvas, to wrap around their waist, which is very acceptable 
 to those poor wretches. ... in the aforesaid months o January, 
 February and March, which are the good season, ships are for the 
 most part soon dispatched, if there be a good number of slaves at 
 hand; so that they need not stay above four weeks for their cargo, and 
 
 sometimes it is done in a fortnight. 
 
 The Blacks of Fida are so expeditious at this trade of slaves, that 
 they can deliver a thousand every month, in case there be no ships 
 at Jackin, 21 in great Ardra, about three leagues and a. half east from 
 the port of Fida; which makes a considerable alteration, because the 
 king of great Ardra, thro’ whose country they must of necessity pass 
 down, when the ships are at Jackin, to favour his own people, com¬ 
 monly shuts up all the passes to Fida, which puts the Ardra men upon 
 dealing underhand with those of Fida, tho’ the two kings are inveter¬ 
 ate enemies: but when the king of Ardra leaves the commerce open, 
 
 then it flourishes at Fida. , . . 
 
 If there happens to be no stock of slaves at Fida, the factor mus 
 
 trust the Blacks with his goods, to the value of a hundred and fifty, 
 or two hundred slaves; which goods they carry up into the inland, to 
 buy slaves, at all the markets, for above two hundred eagues up the 
 country, where they are kept like cattle in Europe; the slaves sold 
 there being generally prisoners of war, taken from their enemies, like 
 other booty, and perhaps some few sold by their own countrymen, 
 in extreme want, or upon a famine; as also some as a punishment o 
 heinous crimes: tho’ many Europeans believe that parents sell their 
 own children, men their wives and relations, which, if it ever happens, 
 is so seldom, that it cannot justly be charged upon a whole nation, as 
 
 a custom and common practice (pp. 3 2 ^-3 27 ). ... 
 
 As to the slaves, and the trade of them, whereof I have before 
 spoke at large, it will be proper to observe here, that commonly h 
 slaves we purchase at Fida and Ardra, are brought down to he 
 coast from several countries, two and three hundre eagues up 
 inland; where the inhabitants are lusty, strong, an v ® r J a or . , 
 people: thence it is, that tho’ they are not so black and fine to lo 
 
 at as the North-Guinea and Gold-Coast Blacks, yet are t ey er 
 
 the American plantations, than any others; especially in t e sug 
 
 21 
 
 Jakein or Jaquin, near the eastern border of Whydah. 
 
168 2 
 
 295 
 
 islands, where they require more labour and strength than in the other 
 colonies of Europeans, at which the Fida and Ardra slaves are found, 
 y constant experience, to hold out much longer, and with less detri- 
 m nt to themselves, than the other slaves-transported thither from 
 the other above-mentioned parts of Guinea. One thing is to be taken 
 notice of by sea-faring men, that these Fida and Ardra slaves are of 
 a the others, the most apt to revolt aboard ships, by a conspiracy 
 carried on amongst themselves; especially such as are brought down 
 to Fida, from very remote inland countries, who easily draw others 
 into their plot: for being used to see mens flesh eaten in their own 
 country, and publick markets held for that purpose, they are very full 
 of the notion, that we buy and transport them to the same purpose; 
 and will therefore watch all opportunities to deliver themselves, by 
 assaulting a ship s crew, and murdering them all, if possible: whereof 
 we have almost every year some instances, in one European ship or 
 other, that is filled with slaves (p. 339). 
 
 Commodities Exported and Imported. The Dutch, as I have 
 hinted before drive a considerable trade at Ardra, and next to them, 
 the English, having proper factories or lodges at Little Ardra, and 
 at Ottra; and exporting thence, slaves, cotton cloths, and blue stones, 
 called Agry or Accory, very valuable at the Gold-Coast. 
 
 he best commodity the Europeans can carry thither to purchase 
 slaves, is Boejies, or Cauris, 22 so much valued by the natives; being 
 the current coin there, as well as at Popo, Fida, Benin, and other 
 
 countries farther east; without which, it is scarce possible to traffick 
 there. 
 
 Slaves in Ardra are usually purchased, one half with those Boejies, 
 and the other half with European goods; and when they are scarce 
 and dear in Europe, as it happens sometimes, we endeavour to satisfy 
 ! the Ardrasians with one-third or fourth part of them, and the other 
 parts in other merchandize: of which, generally flat iron-bars are, 
 
 next to Boejies, the most acceptable; for the round or square bars 
 will not do. . . , 23 
 
 All the above-mentioned goods, are also proper for the trade in 
 Benin, Rio Lagos, and all along the coast to Rio Gabon. 
 
 The commerce is there adjusted with the king, in the same manner 
 as is done at Fida; and as soon as a ship arrives there from Europe, 
 the commander or super-cargo must wait on the governor of Little 
 Ardra, to be conducted by him to the king, taking along with him the 
 fjsual presents, which commonly consist in a parcel of about three or 
 
 22 
 
 Bougries or cowries. 
 
 uxune ! s ,T !’u.i iS !, 0f fl g00dS h / re - i r !, ‘ e 1J S S T' a -'i ‘° th F ? n pp ' but “mains more 
 
 “? uch , as flowered silks, gold and silver cloth, and caudebec hats. It also 
 
 areoes 5 ° f n| y mentl °n of “umbrelloes” which the editor has seen in enumerations of 
 ai s<jes sent to the coast. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 296 
 
 four pound weight of fine coral, six Cyprus cloths, three pieces of 
 morees, and one piece of damask, for the king; another parcel of 
 coral for the queen; a piece of damask napkins for the prince; one 
 piece of armoizin 24 for the Foella, or captain of the Whites; another 
 for the porters of the court; another for the courtiers, or else some 
 beads, or great brass rings; ten galinhas 2 “ of Boejies for dancers, 
 who commonly attend at the water-side at landing; or the value 
 
 thereof in other things. _ 
 
 This governor is commonly very civil towards the officers of ships 
 who land there, ordering twelve or fifteen hundred armed men to re¬ 
 ceive them on the shore, all dancing: and if he is hindred by business 
 from waiting with them on the king, at Great Ardra, he charges some 
 of his principal officers to accompany them with a fine retinue, and ; 
 porters with hammocks, each porter to have four brass rings a day, 
 besides subsistence. 
 
 ’Tis usual for Europeans, to give the king the value of fifty slaves 
 in goods, for his permission to trade, and customs for each ship; and 
 to the king’s son, the value of two slaves, for the privilege of water¬ 
 ing; and of four slaves for wooding, in case it be wanted; otherwise 
 
 those duties are not paid. . 
 
 As for the hire of bar-canoes, we commonly, adjust it with the 
 Honga, or captain of the bar; for every twelve trips of a canoe, with : 
 goods from or to a ship, one slave in goods: which obliges the Honga 
 io attend in person at the beach, with his men, all the while the ship 
 is sending her cargo ashore, in order to quicken his canoe-rowers, and - 
 to give the necessary assistance, if the canoe happens to be over¬ 
 turned by the surges, or filled with water; or to help our people in the 
 long-boat, in which we usually bring our goods from the ship to the 
 skirt of the surf, cast anchor there, and deliver the goods by parcels 
 into the bar-canoe, to run them ashore thro’ those horrid surges, which 
 no boat or pinnace can perform, without the risque of being split in 
 
 pieces, and all the goods cast away. 
 
 The Europeans being obliged to deliver at their own charge, at 
 Great Ardra, all such goods of their cargo, as the king has pitched 
 upon for himself out of their invoices; the common allowance to the 
 porters, is one brass ring for each trip, of a light burden, the distance 
 being sixteen leagues; which is extremely cheap. . 
 
 These particulars, I have thought proper, for the information ot 
 such as trade at Ardra: to which purpose, the following observations 
 
 will be of use. 
 
 24 
 
 ' Armozeen, striped or flowered taffeta. ... , /^oilinas 
 
 25 “Forty Booges make one Tokey; five Tokeys one Gallina; and twenty GalUnas, 
 
 one Grand Cabess, equal in Value to One Pound Sterlmg.” William Smith, Voyage 
 
 Guinea, p. 179. 
 
168 2 
 
 297 
 
 I have hinted before, that we always adjust the price of European 
 goods, of slaves, and of the blue stones, called Agry or Accory, with 
 the king of Ardra; which being agreed on, that prince causes a pub- 
 lick cryer to proclaim it about the country, and to declare that every 
 man may freely trade with the super-cargo of such a ship, who is to 
 satisfy the cryer for his labour; and to pay him forty brass rings, 
 twenty hens, one goat, a piece of canequin, and a piece of short or 
 little armoizin. And without such publick notice from the king to 
 his people, none of them would ever dare to dispose of any Agry 
 slaves or blue stones, above mentioned. 
 
 The governor, or his officers, who have conducted the factor or 
 supercargo of a ship to Great Ardra, to adjust trade with the king, 
 accompany him back in the same order as far as a village, distant 
 about four English miles from the shore of Ardra, to the south south¬ 
 west, called by the Hollanders, Stock-vis-dorp, where they appoint 
 a house for him to drive his trade in; which being done, the factor 
 causes all his cargo to be brought ashore, and carried to that village 
 by porters; and thence, he sends up by them to Great Ardra, all the 
 goods the king has pitched upon for himself. 
 
 After which, the great captain of commerce, called the Foella, is 
 to take his choice of the cargo; but it is very rare, that factors or 
 supercargoes will give a true invoice of all their best goods, either to 
 the king, or the Foella, as knowing they have other notable persons, 
 and considerable merchants to please, who generally give a better 
 price, or pay more punctually than the former usually do. 
 
 This custom of adjusting the price of goods and slaves, at first, 
 very much facilitates the expedition of European ships, as taking off 
 all manner of disputes and contests betwixt the several native traders, 
 and the Europeans; and when any such happens, which was not fore¬ 
 seen, the king, being informed thereof, immediately regulates it. 
 
 The measure for Boejies, is there the very same as at Fida, and the 
 Blacks, who, like those of Fida, can neither write nor read, observe 
 niuch the same ways of accompting, by means of small cords or 
 strings, knotted in several parts, on which they soon make their cal¬ 
 culations. 
 
 . The factor or supercargo having finished his sale, is to present the 
 king again with two muskets, twenty five pounds of powder, and the 
 value of nine slaves in other goods, as an acknowledgement to that 
 prince for his favour in granting him the permission to trade in his 
 dominions: he must also, on the same account, present the Foella 
 with one piece of armoizin, the Honga or captain of the bar with 
 another piece, and some other inferior officers with another piece 
 among them. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 298 
 
 So that reckoning all those customs and duties together, one way 
 or other, they amount to the value of seventy, seventy five, or eighty 
 slaves, in goods, for each trading ship: whereas at Fida, they do 
 not altogether exceed thirty-two, or thirty-five; which is great odds 
 for the English and French factors residing there. 
 
 The English have also a lodge at Offra, but the Dutch having the 
 preheminence in commerce, as being the first intruders at Ardia, they 
 carry a great sway over the English; and one year with another export 
 above three thousand slaves. 
 
 The Portuguese, in the beginning of this century, had a consider¬ 
 able trade there, but were supplanted by the Hollanders (pp. 348- 
 350). . • • 
 
 Commerce and Slaves; The Europeans are there [Slave Coast] 
 commonly treated with all manner of civility by the natives; and there 
 is great variety of refreshments, at a very cheap rate: For example, 
 we pay for a barrel of fresh water, and a load of wood for fuel, two 
 brass rings; for a chest of salt, four; and for a pot of beer, one: and 
 those rings they reduce into hens; four of them there called a yellow, 
 
 being five hens. 
 
 The slaves we purchase there, are either prisoners of war, or given 
 them as contributions, by neighbouring nations or kings; and some 
 also that have been judicially condemned for crimes committed, to 
 perpetual slavery: besides, a very few sold to us by their own kindred, , 
 
 or parents (p. 352). ... . , , , 1 ! 
 
 Those [the blacks] of Foko will supply us with fresh water and 
 
 wood. The water is there taken out of a pond near the town, which 
 keeps well at sea; whereas that which can be had at New Calabei, 
 is nothing near so good. 
 
 They will also supply us with yams and bananas, at reasonable 
 rates, at the proper times of the year; but in August and September, 
 and so on to March, those eatables grow very scarce, and dear among ' 
 them: insomuch, that some ships have been forced to fall down to 
 Amboses, 26 and Camarones river, in May and June, to buy plantains, 
 which is a sort of banana dried, yet somewhat green, and is a food • 
 well liked by the natives; thus spending a month or five weeks in 
 that voyage, and afterwards turning up again to the westward, to 1 
 New Calabar, to purchase their cargo of slaves. To avoid this long 
 delay, at that time of the year, it is much better for a ship, bound 
 to this place from Europe, to stop in his way at cape Tres-Pontas, 
 at the Gold Coast; or at Anamabou, on the same coast, to buy Indian 
 wheat or corn there: the Calabar slaves being generally better pleased 
 with food of their own country, than with any of Europe, except 
 
 29 In some places called Ambosius. 
 
168 2 
 
 2 99 
 
 horse-beans, which 
 but especially those 
 after observed. 
 
 many like pretty well, boiled with pork, or oil; 
 we purchase at the Gold-Coast, as shall be here- 
 
 The yams, which are the chief of their subsistance, are not fit 
 to be taken out of the ground before the months of July and August; 
 and therefore most European travellers account those two months, 
 as also June and May, for the best season of the year, in Calabar 
 river; because of the continual rains which refresh and cool the air, 
 and give the natives an opportunity to apply themselves wholly to 
 commerce, up the land, for getting of slaves and elephant’s teeth; and 
 are consequently the fittest time for us to purchase slaves with expedi¬ 
 tion, and less hindrance and fatigue: but more especially in August 
 and September, tho’ the months of June and July are somewhat 
 troublesome, because of the lightening and thunder, then very fre¬ 
 quent and terrible; but the daily great rains do abate the heats very 
 much. 3 
 
 We reckon the months of October, November, and December, the 
 worst season, because of the dry scorching heat of the sun, and the 
 thick fogs, which are there frequent; so that it is not possible to see 
 from one end of the ship to the other (pp. 379-380). 
 
 The town of Great Bandy, consisting of about three hundred 
 houses, divided into parcels, stands in a marshy ground, made an 
 island by some arms of the river from the main: it is well peopled 
 with Blacks, who employ themselves in trade, and some at fishing, 
 like those of New Calabar town, in the inland country, by means of 
 long and large canoes; some sixty foot long and seven broad; rowed 
 by sixteen, eighteen or twenty paddlers, carrying European goods and 
 fish to the upland Blacks; and bring down to their respective towns, 
 in exchange, a vast number of slaves, of all sexes and ages, and some 
 large elephant’s teeth, to supply the Europeans trading in that river. 
 Several of those Blacks act therein as factors, or brokers, either for 
 their own countrymen, or for the Europeans; who are often obliged 
 to trust them with their goods, to attend the upper markets, and 
 purchase slaves for them: for all that vast number of slaves, which 
 the Calabar Blacks sell to all European nations, but more especially 
 to the Hollanders, who have there the greatest trade, are not their 
 prisoners at war, the greatest part being bought by those people of 
 their inland neighbours, and they also buy them of other nations yet 
 more remote from them. 
 
 There is also a market for slaves at Belli, a large town at west of 
 Old Calabar inland, but the trade is not so brisk as at the east of 
 the river Calabar. 
 
 Of all European trading nations that frequent this river, and the 
 adjacent parts, the Dutch have the greatest share in the trade; the 
 
3 00 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 English next, and after them the Portuguese, from Brasil, St. Ihome 
 and Prince’s islands; and all altogether export thence a great number 
 of slaves yearly to America, besides a considerable quantity of good 
 
 elephant’s teeth, and abundance of provisions (pp. 3 8o \ 3 81 )- • • • 
 
 It [Old Calabar River] is well furnished with villages and hamlets 
 all about, where Europeans drive their trade with the Blacks, who 
 are good civiliz’d people, and where we get, in their proper seasons, 
 as at New Calabar, all sorts of eatables, yams, bananas, corn, and 
 other provisions for the slaves which we barter there, as well as 
 elephant’s teeth, and I believe have the greatest share of, of any 
 
 Europeans. 
 
 It is to be observed, that the trade goes on there very slowly, 
 several ships being obliged to stay eight or ten months, according 
 to the circumstances of the natives, making fast their ships to large ^ 
 trees on the bank of the river, to save their cables. 
 
 The air in this river is very malignant, and occasions a great mor¬ 
 tality among our sailors, that make any long stay. I remember, that . 
 at my first voyage into Guinea, being in the frigate call d tne Sun of 
 Africa, I met at sea, in crossing the line, an English flyboat, bound 
 for Nevis, but first for Prince’s island, which had but five men of all - 
 the crew able to hand the sails, having been ten months in Old Cala 
 bar, to purchase about three hundred slaves, of which one-third part, 
 or better, were then dead, tho’ they had been but three weeks from 
 
 that river. j 
 
 The Hollanders, of all the other European Guinea traders, can 
 
 least bear wfith the intemperature of the air, in Old Calabar; and for j, 
 that reason, as well as for the tediousness of their traffick there,, in 
 all probability, they seldom send their ships thither: besides its being 
 so situated in the gulph, that the tide almost continually runs with 
 great violence towards Camarones river, in the circular part of t e 
 bight, north from all the coast round it; which gives a great fatigue 
 to sailors that come out of Old Calabar, to turn up a ship for 
 three weeks or a month in the gulph to gain Prince’s island, St. Thome, 
 or cape de Lope Gonzalves, to take in fresh water, wood and pro- 
 visions; which is also very prejudicial to the slaves aboard. . . . an 
 instance [of the ignorance of the bar here] I have, at my own cost, 
 in the Griffin frigat, which some adventurers of London and myself 
 had fitted out in 1697, for New Calabar river; and after a very 
 prosperous voyage and trade, in three months exactly from the Downs 
 to that river, having in that space taken in thiee hundred and ty 
 slaves, was miserably cast away on that bar, coming out to procee 
 
 21 Barbot follows with an account of goods and prices in Old Calabar. The 
 money of account in Old Calabar was the copper bar, one bar of iron being rec "one 
 equivalent to four copper bars. A man slave was sold for thirt>-eig t, a worn 
 thirty-six or thirty-seven copper bars. 
 
i6yg } 1682 
 
 301 
 
 to Jamaica, in the best weather that could be wished; through the 
 neglect of the officers, and for want of taking due observations of 
 the channel, and not having sense enough, when the ship had but 
 gently touch d undamaged on the skirt of the bar, to cast anchor 
 there, and knock out the heads of all the water-casks to lighten her. 
 But all the crew got into the long-boat, and run ashore at Bandy; 
 leaving the ship with all her sails out, and all the slaves in her, to be 
 tossed to and fro for three days in the channel, till at last it was 
 split in pieces, after the king of Bandy had sent several canoes aboard 
 hei, which took out all the slaves, and the best part of her rigging 
 and utensils for himself: being amazed and much surprised at the 
 conduct of our people; most of whom died there, and some few, after 
 three months stay in misery among the Blacks, got their passage in 
 a Poituguese ship over to St. Thome, and thence afterwards to 
 England. It was a great surprise to the adventurers, to hear of their 
 arrival here, when we expected letters from Jamaica, with an account 
 of the ship’s arrival there with a good cargo of Blacks; which was 
 no less expected there by many of the planters, then in great want 
 of Blacks, who at that time yielded forty pounds a man (pp. 382- 
 384). . . . 2S 
 
 no. Voyages to Martinique, 1679, 1682. 1 
 
 We arriv’d before it about the evening of the twelfth of May, and 
 paid the usual salutes to the fortress . . . and got ashore, just as 
 the tatoo was going: having thus made our passage from Cayenne 
 hither, in seven days, without any remarkable accident. The slaves 
 aboard, being about two hundred and fifty, were all very hearty, 
 having lost only seven of them by sickness, or otherwise, in all our 
 voyage at and from the Gold Coast of Guinea, and found the island 
 in much want of them; and therefore to render them more valuable, 
 
 I resolv’d to dispose of part of them at Guadaloupe, being inform’d 
 that the planters long’d there much for our arrival. 
 
 Accordingly the next day having waited on count de Blenac, captain- 
 general and commander in chief of all the French Caribee islands, 
 and brought our ship about the Negroes point, and Le Prescheur, 
 some days after, when it had been careen’d in the Cul de Sac Royal, 
 to the town of St. Peter of La Basseterre or Martinico; after the 
 usual compliments to the governour, we begun the sale of our slaves, 
 at about seven thousand pounds weight of brown sugar, the 
 
 28 From the Rio del Rey, which Barbot next describes, four or five hundred slaves 
 a year are carried, the greatest share by the Dutch, who give in exchange copper and 
 iron bars, brass basins, beads, armlets, and presses for lemons and oranges. 
 
 [no] 1 Barbot’s account of two voyages to Martinique is printed in book II. of “A 
 Supplement to the Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea’’, Churchill, 
 Voyages and Travels, V. 570-588. 
 
302 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Indian piece, as they term it there, 2 to be paid at farthest within 
 the month of June following, upon a certain forfeiture agreed on. 
 The sale went thus on pretty briskly, all our slaves being Gold Coast 
 Blacks, which are much more acceptable in the French islands . . . 
 I caus’d about sixty of them to be ship’d off for Guadaloupe, in a 
 small fly-boat, of about eighty tuns, which had been dispatch’d from 
 Rochel, with provisions for the frigate, the Sun of Africa, I was in, 
 to help load off our effects, and arrived at Martinico a month before 
 me. . . . 
 
 On the seventeenth of May I went aboard the flyboat the Hope, 
 and proceeded for Guadaloupe. . . . At break of day the nineteenth, 
 we were got to the westward of the northerly point of Dominica . . . 
 and about noon anchor’d in Guadaloupe road: where, after the usual 
 compliments paid to the chevalier Hinselin, the then governour of the 
 island, and he having forc’d me to accept of his house, which stands 
 on the waterside of La Basseterre, near the iron-gate, (a battery of 
 some heavy, large iron guns, that point at the road, to secure the 
 landing-place;) I had all my slaves brought ashore thither, and in a 
 few days disposed of them all to the inhabitants and planters, for 
 about six thousand pounds of brown sugar a-piece, one with another, 
 the sugar being there better than at Martinico (p. 57 1 )* • • • 
 
 . . . However, the next morning, 3 after abundance of fatigues and 
 motions, we had so work’d the ships, that about nine a-clock we 
 reach’d the road aforesaid, and there came to an anchor, near our 
 other companion of the Guinea voyage, the Jolly, who was arriv’d 
 there twelve days before us, and inform’d me, that at his sailing 
 from Whidah road in Guinea, with the Emerillon and the Pearl, as 
 I have taken notice in that part of the description of Whidah, he fell 
 to the leeward of the islands Prince and St. Tome in the Bight of 
 Guinea; and after several days spent in turning and tacking, at last 
 reach’d the cape Lope, where having taken in wood and water, finding 
 the officers and crew very sickly, and no refreshments at all at the 
 said cape, at that time, even not so much as a chicken, they had pro¬ 
 jected to sail for St. Tome; but whether thro’ ignorance, or design of 
 the pilots aboard, could not compass it, and were necessitated to make 
 the best of their way for Martinico, in the sorry condition they were 
 in. But by a particular providence finding the tradewinds of south¬ 
 east, at two degrees south of the line, they got their passage in forty- 
 
 2 Note in Churchill: “Note, That the French imitate the Spaniards in valuing 
 slaves by the denomination of the Indian piece, which the Spaniards call Pieza de 
 Indias. By which is meant, a Black from fifteen to twenty-five years of age; from 
 eight to fifteen, and from twenty-five to thirty-five, three pass for two. Below eight, and 
 from thirty-five to forty-five, two pass for one. Sucking infants follow their mothers 
 without accompt. All above forty-five years, with the diseased, are valued by 
 arbitrators”. Churchill, V. 571. 
 
 3 This was in June or July, 1682, on Barbot’s second voyage to Martinique. 
 
303 
 
 i6yg f 1682 
 
 eight days, and had sold their slaves immediately, the males at six, the 
 females at five thousand weight of brown sugar, the Indian piece, 
 pay in Ju y an 1 ugust following, being the season when sugar 
 is mos genera y made. The next day I caused a hundred and twenty 
 
 and° U ff S aV6 V° be , sh ?’ d ° ff for Guadaloupe, in the Sun of Africa, 
 and afterwards in the ship the Wonderful, consign’d to the company’s 
 
 agC " t tbere: and th ^ n Proceeded to the sale of the remaining slaves 
 '? th ‘'■ Eme rtllon, which I had caused to be removed into the Jolly 
 that the other might sail immediately for the Cul de Sac Royal, to 
 careen and refit Two days after this, our consort the Pearl arrived 
 from Cayenne, for which place I had detached her . . . on the four¬ 
 teenth of May of that year, as we proceeded from Prince’s island to 
 
 An J e nf Ca ’ i a " d had *° d there " ear a hundred slaves, at two hundred 
 r u . S a ' p . lece > one WIth another, payable one half in bills 
 of exchange in Paris and Rochel, and the rest in Rocou, 4 or Anotto 
 
 and some sugars and money; Rocou to be taken at twelve sols a 
 pound; the finest sugar at twenty-seven livres Tournois a hundred; and 
 the inferiors proportionable, as M. de Ferolles, the then governor, 
 mform d me by h,s letter: withal complaining, in the name of the 
 inhabitants, that I had not sent two instead of one hundred slaves, 
 w ic t ey very much wanted in that island, and the company had 
 
 promised; but the sending of that number would have too much sunk 
 the price of them. 
 
 A few days after, I receiv’d information from the governor of 
 
 Guadaloupe, and the company’s agent there, that the slaves I had 
 
 sent them by the Wonderful, were all sold, at the same price we had 
 
 at Martinico, which was yet more advantageous to the company, 
 
 the sugar of Guadaloupe being far better than that of the former 
 island (p. 573) - 
 
 I spent that time 0 in regulating the affairs of the company, with 
 er agents there; and visiting my friends and acquaintance about the 
 island, as madam du Lion, the former governour, the chevalier Hin- 
 selm’s widow, the present governour; and other persons of note, with 
 whom I had much discourse concerning the good of that colony, and 
 the affairs of the company, especially in relation to the trade of slaves; 
 all of them desiring I should move the board at Paris, to order that 
 island for the future, to be more constantly supply’d with them 
 from Guinea; and not to send thither the refuse of the slaves of 
 Martinico, as had been practis’d to their great prejudice, by the 
 company’s agents and commanders; but that their ships should alter- 
 
 4 Rocou, a red or deep orange dye, from small red berries, for a 
 extensively on the island of Cayenne. Churchill, V. 560-561. 
 
 0n Barbot ’ s journey home he was obliged to wait three days at 
 
 ibid., p. 574 . 
 
 time raised 
 Guadeloupe. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3°4 
 
 natively make directly for their island from the coast of Guinea. 
 They also desired I should pray the board to employ in their affairs 
 there, men of a good repute and vers’d in trade, with many other 
 
 particulars (p. 574 )- • • • 
 
 hi. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company . 1 
 
 Barbadoes, 27th Jan’ry 1682/3. 
 
 The 24th Instant Lott Ambrose Com’ander of the Golden Fortune 
 arriv’d here bringing 226 Negroes of 258 taken in on the Gold Coast 
 and at Ardra at which last place he left the St. George the 24t 
 October who then wanted 100 Negroes of his Complem t. he touched 
 at Cape Lopus and Annibi and mett with the Lady Frances Capt. 
 Hay Com’r who has not above 20 or 30 Negroes Liveing of abt. 160 
 
 Taken in at the Bite. _ . ^ 
 
 Upon the Arrivall of Capt. Ambrose in the Golden Fortune wee 
 
 tendred the Negroes he bought to Mr. Howell and C’pny togeather 
 with bills of exchange for the value of them as the Company ordered 
 us but they refused to take them and to signe those bills wee tendred 
 them Declaring they would signe noe bills should bind them that were 
 the Drawers but only as Friends and Factors to Mr. Champion Ashly 
 they would receive the Negroes and give such bills as might bind 
 him for paym’t by vertue of his bond which they alsoe alleadged was 
 allwaies Incumbent on them by that Agreem’t and tendred us bills 
 accordingly, but they not being in such manner Drawn as by the 
 Companyes orders wee were appointed to require, wee refused to 
 accept them but again Tendred the Negroes to Mr. Howell and C pny 
 with plain Bills for theire amount to be paid at 2, 4 and 6 mo. sight 
 but they continueing to refuse to accept them and to signe those bills 
 wee Tendred them wee protested ag’t them as they have against us 
 for not Delivering the Negroes to them upon the bills they offered to 
 give us for theire amount which severall Protests are here inclosed soe 
 wee shall proceed to sell them for the Companyes acco’tt with what 
 convenient speed wee can and for the best price wee can get. 
 
 The 25th Instant arrived the Mary Capt. Nurse who tooke in 
 at the Gold Coast 507 Negroes out of which they lost 33 which died 
 in the Voyage, the rest wee delivered the Capt. accoiding to t e 
 order wee received from the Compa. and for the Amount of which wee 
 send the Company herewith the severall first bills of Exchange. Wee 
 delivered the Capt. 15 Negroes for his commission, which is nigh 
 14 a Negroe more than it amounted for which part he must acco tt 
 
 to the Compa. ... 
 
 [hi] *T 70: 16, “Abstracts for the Committee of Accounts, 1681-1684”. Topical notes 
 in the margin have been omitted. 
 
305 
 
 
 February } 1682/3 
 
 The Negroes by the Mary came in Good Condition and are a 
 parcel! of as good Negroes as ever came to the Island there not 
 emg moie than Tenn in the Shipp that could be excepted against 
 eitiei for Age or Inability though the Company were pleased to allow 
 them 30 at £10 per head. These Tenn refuse Negroes by reason of 
 Sickness and Poverty were not able to goe over the Shipps side alone 
 for which reason the Capt. pressed that wee would take those Tenn 
 on the Companyes Acco’tt notwithstanding the Compa. had allowed 
 them before 30 at £10 per head, the Capt. pretending those being 
 for what were not of right Age and that for those could not goe over 
 the Shipps side ought to be the Companyes losse but wee could by noe 
 meanes understand it soe and have therefore taken Bills of Exch: 
 for all at £15 per nead except 30 at Tenn and have left it to the 
 Company to determine the Dispute with the owners abt. those 10 
 Negroes that could not goe over the Shipps side, the Compa. being 
 only able to determine that point whether they intended upon any 
 pi etence whatsoever to allow more than 30 Negroes for the Refuse 
 of that Shipp. . . , 2 
 
 \Vith this wee send the Compa. 8 first bills of Ex 5 a and 4 first 
 receipts vizt. 
 
 Tho: Lear on John Hill at 30 daies sight £140 
 
 Tho: Colleton on Sr. Peter Colleton at 60 daies £112 
 
 Cash for a rec’t of Capt. Prissick for Mr. Freres’ 
 
 passage home 
 
 £ 5 . 
 
 
 
 
 For Wm. News receipt for head money of 
 378 Negroes by the Arcuna Merch’t 
 
 For Capt. North’s receipt for Refreshm’t 
 
 18. 
 
 
 
 £ 18. 
 
 for his Negroes 
 
 £ 8. 
 
 9. 
 
 6 
 
 
 For Capt. Atwells rec’t for the passage of 
 
 
 
 
 
 Arthur Richards and Tho. Burkham 
 
 £ 10. 
 
 — . 
 
 — 
 
 £ 42. 7. 6 
 
 Com’on on said money at 7 per ct. 
 
 Com’on on £6735 ster. for Capt. 
 
 £ 20. 
 
 12. 
 
 1 
 
 £294. 7. 6 
 
 Nurses bills at 1^2 per ct. 
 
 £101. 
 
 0. 
 
 6 
 
 
 £121. 12. 7 
 
 £416. o. 1 
 
 For w’ch wee pray the Compa. will please to give us Credit 
 
 112. John Case to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Bence Island, Feb. 26, 1682/3. 
 
 If yo’r Hon’rs think fit ... to employ the Charles from this 
 place to Barbados with Negroes they may (God adding blessing to 
 their endeavors) make Two Voyadges in a yeare which would be 
 
 2 Here the agents add that the Mary brought two dishonest employees of 
 the company from Cape Coast, Arthur Richards and Thomas Burkham, who were to 
 be sent home with Captain Atwell. 
 
 [112] *T 70: 16. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3°6 
 
 farr more beneficiall then to have the negroes lye soe long upon 
 expence of Provision and yo’r Hono’rs running that Hazard in Send¬ 
 ing Vessells without advice and giving great’r prizes for their better 
 Dispatch. 
 
 113. The Factors of Cape Coast Castle to the 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Cape Coast Castle, Mch. 20, 1682/3. 
 
 . . . Coast not being now soe much cloyed with Interlopers Goods 
 as formerly w’ch gives us Encouragem’t wee shall Dispose off o’r 
 Sayes and Perpetuanes . . . the vast quantities that have bin vended 
 by Interlopers of Sayes at 11 and 12 Angles and perpetuanes from 
 6 to 8 Angles have occasioned yo’r Hono’rs to lye on hand unless wee 
 had Disposed of them to little or noe Profit. 
 
 114. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, the nth April 1683. 
 
 The 28th March Capt. Barton in the Delight togeather with Agent 
 Wight arrived herein ab’t one mo. time bringing 169 Slaves of 171 
 taken in at Cuhho, Beson 2 and Rio Grande as alsoe ab’t 15 or 16 
 Tunns of Ellephants Teeth and Wax and ab’t £800 Sterling worth 
 of the Cargoe he carried out with him being as Mr. Wight tells us 
 Disappointed of his expectations in the Trade he designed in those 
 parts by reason of a greate Spanish Shipp that had taken in 200 and 
 odd Negroes Just before he came thither and had filled all those 
 parts with all sorts of Goods soe that they wanted nothing and besides 
 that the Portugueze have newly setled a Compa. and Factory there 
 by which the Natives are much kept downe and suppressed in theire 
 way of Trade which made them resolve to buy only for present ne¬ 
 cessity till things are better adjusted betweene them and that New 
 Compa. or Factory soe that as he would not sell all his Goods neither 
 would he get his Complem’t of Negroes for besides that he wanted 
 of his Number designed to be taken in and abt Yz d part of those he 
 did bring were very small most of them noe better then sucking 
 Children nay many of them did suck theire Mothers that were on 
 
 [113] *T 701 16. The factors were Greenhill, Spurway, Master, and Stapleton. 
 
 [114] X T 70: 16. , , 
 
 2 Cuhho, possibly Cacheu or Cacheo; Beson, Bassam. These are south of the 
 Gambia, in a region in which the Portuguese more commonly slaved than the English. 
 
 3 For an account of the Portuguese control of the coast see Scelle, La Trai c 
 Negriere, II. 3-16. Scelle however mentions no Portuguese company of this date. The 
 first company of Cacheo or Cacheu had been, established ip 1675, to have the monopoly 
 of the commerce of Cacheo for six years. Between its end and 1690, when the next 
 Portuguese company was established, other nations traded at and near Cacheo as 
 frequently as did the Portuguese. 
 
May, 1683 
 
 307 
 
 board for all that were Runners he attempted [accompted?] as 
 .Negroes some of whose mothers wee believe died on board of shipp 
 and the most part of those small ones not worth above £c per head. 
 Wee told Ag t White wee wondred to see soe many small Children 
 brought by him for that they were not worth theire Freight to which 
 he replyed they cost not much and the Shipp had as good bring them as 
 nothing she being paid by the month soe wee Delivered him his Due 
 proportion of small and greate and thought it necessary to give the 
 Compa. this Acco’tt that soe they may not blame us for the small 
 rizes [prices] wee are forced to sell them for when they are truly 
 Informed they are such Pittifull Children and not men and women are 
 Delivered us nor doe wee at any time Complaine of the badnes of the 
 .Negroes are brought to us on the Companyes acco’tt but when there is 
 such apparent cause for it that if wee should be silent therein wee 
 should justly deserve theire Displeasure for not giveing them an 
 acco’tt how ill they are dealt with and if the Com’anders of theire 
 Shipps would be soe just to the Compa. to themselves and to us to 
 tell them what ill Negroes the Compa’s Factors in Guynie put on 
 them while they first serve the Interlopers with the Choicest of theire 
 Negroes (as Capt. Nurse and others doe Informe us) and by that 
 meanes put none but meane Negroes on board the Co'mpa’s Shipps 
 that are not preempted (for the others will take none but thoise lett 
 it Cost the Compa. what it will to procure them) It will evidently 
 appeare to the Compa. that betweene Interlopers and preempted 
 Shipps noe good Negroes are sent to us and very often when the 
 Masters buy theire owne Negroes that wee are to sell they take not 
 much more care for they can charge to the Compa. a like prise for a 
 bad as for a good Negroe for wee are sure they very often come in 
 very badd and poore condition. . . . 
 
 115* Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lord President 
 
 of the Council. 1 
 
 Jamaica, May 6, 1683. 
 
 ... I have also told him (Sir B. Bathurst) 2 that in the last six 
 months we could have sold two or three thousand negroes to the 
 Spaniards, and that, as the Company sent none, I was forced to 
 allow interlopers to supply one hundred and thirty to dismiss the 
 Don, who had waited for them six months. 3 Nor do I hear that the 
 
 [115] 1 Cal. St. P. Col, 1681-1685, p. 427, “Reed. 7 June 1683. Read at Committee 
 17 July 1683”. 
 
 . 2 Sir Benjamin Bathurst was deputy governor of the Royal African Company at 
 this time. F y 
 
 , " 0n Feb ' 22 ’ l683, L y nch had written to William Blathwayt, that the Spaniard 
 
 had waited four months and then gone away with 100 negroes purchased from an 
 interloper. Cal St. P. Col, 1681-1685, P* 393* 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3°8 
 
 African Company intends to send a ship, though negroes are much 
 needed and our planters are rich enough to pay for them. Our 
 sloops sell very many, for they are now generally very safe, being 
 well armed and provided with my commission. ... We were sur¬ 
 prised to hear that our friends contended so violently for keeping up 
 the Negro Act. 4 I gave no such directions, and the people will be 
 quite content with the King’s order. It is the failure to provide 
 negroes that is the ruin of all. We have lost our chance, for the 
 Dutch have pieced their contract, so now the Governors cannot 
 send, and will not receive, our vessels. 5 The Company’s objection 
 about light money would have been answered by saying that the law 
 intended weighty. . . . (French pirates) designed to come eastward 
 to the latitude of Barbados and take the negro ships. . . . 
 
 ii 6. The Case of the Dorothy} 
 
 5’to Octobris 1683 
 
 Alicia Potts vidua Relicta et Administratrix bonorum etc. Thomae 
 Potts defuncti, Elizabetha Spike vidua Relicta et Administratrix bono- 
 
 4 In January, 1683, the company petitioned against the act which fixed the price 
 of negroes, and made the planters the judges of what negroes were merchantable. In 
 addition to these grievances, the petition charged that the light weight of Spanish money, 
 which circulated freely in Jamaica, had driven the price of sugar up and caused a 
 one-third loss on Jamaica returns; that interloping ships on the Guinea coast increased the 
 price of slaves one-third; and that masters were refusing to go to Jamaica. For all 
 these reasons the petitioners begged that they be released from the terms of the Order 
 in Council of November, 1680, and that the Jamaica law be disallowed (Cal. St. P. Col., 
 1681-1685, p. 370). The answer made by Jamaica alleged: (1) that the lightness 
 of the money was not new and also that it was no disadvantage to the company, which 
 seldom received its returns in money, and also that light money could always be refused, 
 
 (2) that the Order in Council was too recent to have affected the price of negroes 
 in Guinea, and that; separate traders still found it profitable to sell for £18 per head 
 in Jamaica; (3) and that there were plenty of ships’ masters who were still willing 
 to come to Jamaica. The answer also dealt with the volume of debt complained of 
 by the company, charging that this was in part the result of actual corruption on the 
 part of the factors, and in part due to the mismanagement of the company. The total 
 amount was actually small in comparison with the size of the company and the growth ft 
 of the colony, and Jamaica was known to pay her debts better than the other plantations 
 (ibid., p. 378). On Feb. 14, 1683, at a meeting of the Lords of Trade and Plantations, 
 the argument was heard. “Several members of the Royal African Company attended, 
 Sir Benjamin Bathurst, Sir Dudley North, Sir Benjamin Newland, Sir Peter Colleton, 
 and Mr. Scut. Their petition was read, together with the answer of the merchants of 
 Jamaica. The gentlemen of Jamaica added that light money may be refused in payment, 1 
 and that, as to the Company^ complaints of recent hostile proceedings towards the 
 Company in Jamaica, the Island will always own and acknowledge the Company’s 
 charter. The Lords recommend that the Act for rations of negroes be not confirmed, 
 but be kept in operation during the King’s pleasure” (ibid., pp. 3 S3-384)• This action ! 
 was communicated to Lynch, Feb. 17, 1683 (ibid., p. 386). The obvious fact that 
 private traders bore none of the heavy charges of the forts and could therefore under¬ 
 sell the company without loss, the colonists ignored here as elsewhere, in their attacks j 
 
 on the company. Ibid., p. 378. . . , 
 
 6 The Consulado had resigned its effort to supply the Spanish colonies with 
 negroes in 1681, and after much consideration and negotiation the contract was given 
 to Don Juan Barroso, acting for or with Baltazar Coymans and Don Nicolas Porcio. 
 Scelle, I. 636-640. 
 
 [116] 1 Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files, file 121, no. 97. 
 
309 
 
 October, 1683 
 
 rum etc. Johannis Spike defuncti, Thomas Knewstubb pater et Ad- 
 ministiatoi bonorum etc. Johannis Knewstub defuncti, et Anna Brad¬ 
 ley vidua domina Johannis Smith defuncti nuper dum vixit ejus ap- 
 prenticii, nuper nautarum navis vocatae the Dorothy (cujus Williel- 
 mus Greene nuper fuit Magister) respective defunctorum, contra 
 dictum Willielmum Greene in causa subtraccionis salariorum. 
 
 Francklin. L ee 2 
 
 Quo die Francklin nomine procuratoris ac ut procurator legitimus 
 dictorum Alicae Potts Elizabethae Spike et Thomae Knewstubb et 
 Annae. 
 
 Bradley omni meliori modo necnon ad omnem juris effectum exinde 
 quovismodo sequi valentem dixit allegavit et in hiis scriptis In jure 
 proposuit articulatim pro ut sequitur vizt. 
 
 1. Inprimis. That the shippe the Dorothy mentioned in the proc¬ 
 ess of this cause, did upon or about the two and twentyth day of 
 November one thousand six hundred and eighty one lye at Anchor 
 in Tilbury hope near Gravesand, being then bound out to Guinia upon 
 the voyage in question, and that the said shippe was then ready to 
 set saile and that upon or about the s’d two and twentyth day of 
 November one thousand six hundred and eighty one Mr. Richard 
 Price one of the owners of the said Shippe did come from London 
 or some other place aboard the said shippe, and did bring or cause 
 part of the outward loading of the s’d shippe to be brought and the 
 same was brought and put aboard the said shippe and afterwards the 
 same was carryed in the said Shippe to the Coast of Guinia and the 
 same with other of her outward loading was there bartered away for 
 Gold and slaves and Elephants teeth and this was and is true pub- 
 lique and notorious and soe much the said William Greene doeth know 
 to be true and hath confessed to be true. Ponit tamen de quolibet 
 alio temporis spatio etc. Et ponit pars ista conjunctim et de quolibet. 
 
 2. Item. That the said William Greene at the time of the hiring 
 of the mariners sev ally named in this Cause did not tell or acquaint 
 them or any of them nor any other the mariners of the said shippe, 
 at the time of hiring them or any of them nor at any other time that 
 the said shippe was to goe to Jamaica, but at the hiring of them and 
 every of them did tell and acquaint them that the said shippe was 
 bound for the Coast of Guinia, and that duringe the time the said 
 shippe was in the port of London, and at the time when she went 
 from the port of London upon the voyage in question, and at, and 
 upon her arrivall upon the Coast of Guinia which was in Aprill one 
 thousand six hundred and eighty one the company and mariners of the 
 
 * Francklin and Lee were the advocates of the litigants respectively. 
 
3 IO 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 said shippe did take and apprehend and soe it was discoursed of among 
 them in the said voyage that the said shippe was. bound for Guinia 
 and that the said mariners did not know or were informed, that the 
 said shippe was bound otherwise then to the Coast of Guinia and 
 that the said Wm. Greene the master doeth know beleive and hath 
 confessed soe much to be true. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio temporis 
 spacio etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 3. Item. That upon or about the twenty second day of Novem¬ 
 ber one thousand six hundred and eighty one, at or about which time 
 the said shippe then lying at Tilbury hope was ready to set saile for 
 the Coast of Guinia, the said Mr. Richard Price being then one of 
 the owners and imployers of the said Shippe, being then come aboard 
 the s’d shippe, at which time the Mariners before named in this Cause 
 and others the Mariners of the said shippe had served and were 
 Mariners of the s’d shippe some two months others for one month or 
 thereabouts or sometime lesser then a month and the s d Price know- 1 
 ing that the mariners of the s’d shippe before named and others the ! 
 mariners of the said shippe were hired by the said master by the 
 month and for monthly wages and not by the voyage, to serve in the 
 said shippe did pay unto the said mariners halfe pay by the month \ 
 as and being hired by the month at and after the sev’all rates by 
 the month at which they were hired for, by the said William Greene, 
 and for a lesser part of a month, and that the said Mr. Price did 
 not then nor at any other time tell or acquaint the mariners of the ( 
 said shippe or any of them, that the said shippe was bound for 1 
 Jamaica nor make any mention thereof at all and so much the said i 
 William Greene doeth know and beleive to be true and soe much he 
 hath confessed to be true. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio temporis 
 spacio etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 4. Item. That the said William Greene did himselfe before 
 the said shippe set saile from Tilbury hope for Guinia acquaint the 
 said Mr. Price, and others the owners of the said shippe or some of 
 them, that he had hired the mariners of the said shippe to serve in 
 the same for monthly wages and monthly pay, and that the said 
 William Greene did never contract and agree with the said mariners 
 or any of them to have and receive their pay at Jamaica and not 
 before for soe many months as they should have served in the said 
 shippe or that the Cargoe of the s’d shippe, which should be taken 
 in and was afterwards taken in at Guinia should be carryed to 
 Jamaica or Barbadoes and soe much the said William Greene doeth , 
 know to be true and soe much he hath confessed to be true. Ponit i 
 tamen etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 5. Item. That whereas it is set forth in the answeares of 
 the said William Greene made in this Cause that the shippe the 
 
October y 1683 
 
 311 
 
 Dorothy was not at any time in the voyage in question upon 
 Coast of Guinia within one hundred leagues of any port or har- 
 
 are any ports or harbours 
 upon the Coast of Guinia at least not any where any shippes can or 
 
 Sri r Ua J rV 3 — trad u e ’ bUt there Were and are r0ades U P° n the 
 
 sa .d Coast of Guinia where shippes have and doe comonly anchor 
 and trade with the natives of Guinia and that the Royall Company of 
 ng ish merchants tracking to Guinia had and have severall Castles 
 and factories standing and being upon the Coast of Guinia vizt. 
 Capcoast or Capcourse Castle soe called or by some such like name 
 standing very near unto the sea, another Castle standing near the 
 said Coast called by the name of Anamaboo or some such like name, 
 and another Castle called Alacra 3 or some such name, and that the 
 manner of trading at Guinia was and is that shipps doe anchor upon 
 the Coast of Guinia there, and there were and are some places there, 
 upon which there were and are four fathoms water, and some six 
 fathoms and some other eight and some other ten fathoms and not 
 more, and that the said places in which the said shippes have and doe 
 usually anchor were and are some about three, some about foure and 
 some about five miles from shoar, and not above, and there the 
 . n p is h ohippes have and doe usually trade with the natives of Guinia 
 in bartering away their outward Cargoe and in exchange thereof 
 receiving aboard the said shippes negroe slaves and gold and Ele¬ 
 phants teeth and other comodities of that country, and soe and in 
 that manner the said Shippe the Dorothy the said William Greene 
 the Master of the said shippe and the agent and supra Cargoe for the 
 owners thereof did trade the voyage in question and did barter the 
 outward Cargoe of the said shippe for gold and negroes and Ele¬ 
 phants teeth, and there rec’ed the same aboard the said shippe and 
 soe much the said William Greene the Master doeth know to be 
 true and hath confessed to be true. Ponit tamen de quibuslibet aiiis 
 numeris hexapidarum (anglice fathoms) et temporis spacio etc. Et 
 ponit ut supra. 
 
 6 . Item. That the first place the ship arrived at the voyage in 
 question upon the Coast of Guinia was Ballisor or some such like 
 name and that the ship did anchor there in seaven fathoms water, and 
 within four miles of the shoar, and the next place the ship traded at 
 was Capalone 4 or some such like name, and there she did anchor 
 m five or six fathoms water, and within five miles of the shoar and 
 the next place the ship arrived at upon the Coast of Guinia was called 
 Comenda or by some such like place, and there the said shippe did 
 
 3 Alacra may possibly be an attempt at Accra. The names of these trading points 
 ire so^distorted that one can scarcely guess at the places meant. 
 
 Appolonia ? 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3 12 
 
 anchor in about six fathoms water and about two miles from shoar 
 or Land, and another place the shippe came to upon the Coast of 
 Guinia was called Capcoast or some such like name where the shipe 
 anchored in about five fathoms water, and within two or three miles 
 of the shoar or Land and soe near, that the Governor of the Castle 
 there for the English Company of merchants tracking for Guinia, 
 understanding the s’d shippe was an Interloper, did fire two or three 
 peeces of ordnance, loaden with bulletts, at the s’d ship, the Dorothy, 
 to drive her from trading there, and that the said bulletts came very 
 near the said shippe, and the next place the ship arrived at upon the 
 Coast of Guinia, was called Anamaboo, or some such like place, and 
 the said shippe did anchor in or about ten or eleaven fathoms deepe, 
 in water, and about six miles from the shoar, and another place to 
 which the said shipe arrived in the said voyage upon the Coast of 
 Guinia was called Elampough, 5 or by some such like place where the 
 said shipe anchored in or about four fathoms water, and about two 
 miles from shoar, and in all and every of the said places the said 
 shippe and the said Wm. Greene the master, and the supra Cargoe 
 or agent of the owners of the said Shippe, did sell and barter away 
 the outward Loading of the said shippe carryed in her thither from 
 the port of London or a great part thereof and for the same had 
 and received negroes and gold dust and Elephants teeth and this was 
 and is true. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio numero hexapidarum (Ang- 
 lice fathoms) et de quolibet alio temporis spacio etc. Et ponit ut 
 
 supra. 
 
 7. Item. That whereas the said William Greene in his answeares 
 made in this Cause doeth answear, that he doeth believe, that by the 
 carelessness of the company of mariners of the said shippe or some 
 of them the gunpowder in the said shippe tooke fire, and blew up 
 and destroyed the said shippe and all her Cargoe except a peece of 
 Cable and Anchor and boms rope the truth is, that the said William 
 Greene doeth believe in his conscience and soe hath confessed that 
 the company of mariners of the said shippe were not in any default 
 therein or that the s’d shippe or her Cargoe was blowne up by their 
 carelessness, and the said party proponent doeth alleadge that when 
 the said shippe was blowne up by gunpowder, there were aboard the. 
 said Shippe about one hundred and thirty five negroes, whereof some 
 were men and some were women, and that at the time aforesaid one 
 Nathaniel Mills was aboard the said Shippe, and was Carpenter of 
 the said shippe, and that John Leyton was then second mate of t e 
 said shippe and was then aboard the said Shippe, and that one Henry 
 Clerke was then aboard the said Shippe, who was supra Cargoe of t e 
 said shippe and was appointed by the owners to barter away the out 
 
 c Alampo. 
 
October f 1683 313 
 
 ward loading of the said Shippe and did barter away the same or a 
 great part thereof and invested the same in negroes and gold dust 
 and elephants teeth and that when the said Shippe was blowne up the 
 said John Leyton was then upon the upper deck of the said Shippe, 
 and that the said Leyton and Mills and the said Henry Clerke by 
 the powder takeing fire were all blowne into the seas, being in the 
 night time, and did in order to save themselves get sev’ally upon some 
 broken peeces of the said Shippe, in the sea, and the said William 
 Green being then alsoe blowne by the said powder into the sea did 
 get upon some broken peece of wood of the said shippe, and the said 
 William Greene and the said Leyton and Clerke continued in the 
 sea upon some broken peeces of the said shippe for about five or six 
 hours after they were blowne into the sea and that the said Mills 
 continued in the sea upon some broken peece of the said shippe for 
 about two or three hours and this was and is true. Ponit tamen de 
 quolibet alio temporis spacio etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 8. Item. That presently after the said Mills and Leyton were 
 blowne out of the said Shippe into the sea and being sitting upon 
 the pieces of wood upon which they then sev’ally were the said Mills 
 and Leyton were near together and the s’d Leyton and Mills had some 
 discourse and speech togeather and the said Leyton did ask the said 
 Mills if he did know or could tell how the said accident of the blowing 
 
 j U P the said shippe did come or to that effect whereupon the said Mills 
 who was then in danger of drowning and had little or noe hope of 
 being saved did then seriously tell him the s’d Leyton that he the 
 said Mills did presently before the blowe was given by the gunpowder 
 by which the said shippe and her Cargoe were blowne up see a negro 
 woman betweene deck of the s’d ship who had fire with her which he 
 did take to be a pipe of tobacco lighted which she had got (the negroes 
 aboard the said Shippe being allowed by the M’r to take tobacco 
 aboard the said Shippe, and the same being allowed by other masters 
 of shippes who take negroes aboard to take tobacco) and that he did 
 observe that she did fling the same pipe lighted from her which as 
 he the said Mills said and as he really beleived did fall into the hole 
 of the said Shippe where the powder was and instantly the shippe 
 thereupon was blowne up, and that it was then in the night time and 
 there was not at that time nor that night any fire left or any Candle¬ 
 light left burning in the hold of the s’d ship by any of the company 
 of mariners of the said ship and that the mariners of the s’d ship 
 were always very carefull to prevent any danger that might come to 
 the said ship by the powder of the said ship or otherwise. Ponit tamen 
 etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 9. Item. That after the discourse of the effect aforesaid which 
 happned betweene the said Leyton and Mills, the said Leyton did 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3 r 4 
 
 leave the peece of wood on which he then was, and swam away to 
 a bigger peece of wood, of the s’d shippe then in the sea upon which 
 the said William Greene the master then was and got upon the Same 
 and there continued with the said William Greene about foure or 
 five hours till they were saved by the natives of the Country and 
 that presently upon his comeing upon the said peece of wood where 
 the said M’r was he the said Leyton did tell the said William Greene 
 what the said Nathaniel Mills had told him to the effect afores’d con¬ 
 cerning the accident of blowing up of the said ship as in the next 
 precedent article is alleadged or to that effect. Ponit tamen etc. Et 
 ponit ut supra. 
 
 10. Item. That after the said Leyton had swam away as afore¬ 
 said from the place in the sea where he had discoursed with the said 
 Mills as aforesaid the said Henry Clerke who was alsoe blowne out 
 of the said ship into the sea and had gotten upon a peece of wood 
 thereof to save himselfe did come near to or was near the place where 
 the said Nathaniel Mills was in the sea, and there had speech and 
 communication with him the said Mills, and the said Nathaniel did 
 then tell the said Henry Clerke, that the accident of blowing up the 
 said ship by powder came as is before alleadged in the eight article 
 of this allegation, and that the said Henry Clerke, and the said 
 William Greene, and John Leyton, being taken by the natives of the 
 country out of the sea about four or five of the Clock in the morning 
 after the said accident happened did then or about that time and 
 afterwards sev’all times or at least once tell and acquaint the said 
 William Greene what the said Nathaniel Mills had sev’ally declared 
 to them concerning the accident of blowing up the said ship and 
 Cargoe was as in the eight article of this allegacion as alleadged, and 
 the same was generally beleived and received soe to be by the com¬ 
 pany of mariners of the said ship who escaped out of the said ship 
 and were saved, that the said ship was blowne up as was related by 
 the said Nathaniel Mills as is before alleadged. Ponit tamen etc. 
 Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 11. Item. Whereas it was and is in fact alleadged on the behalfe 
 of the said Wm. Greene in that cause that the mariners and seamen 
 did without the consent of him the said Wm. Greene or his knowledge 
 remove the gunpowder that was aboard the said ship from one end 
 of the ship to the other about the sixth day of the said month of 
 August 1682 and at or about the ninth day of August the powder 
 by the carelessness of the mariners and seamen tooke fire and did 
 blowe up and destroy the said ship and her Cargoe and ladeing the 
 truth is, that the goods in the said ship being part of her Cargoe 
 which were then aboard her and were then in the place where the 
 said ship lay to be bartered away were under the powder in the hold 
 
3i5 
 
 October, 1683 
 
 of the said ship and without the removeing of the powder the same 
 could not be taken from thence, and in case the same powder was 
 removed from thence to any other part of the said ship, the same was 
 soe done and removed to that part of the shippe to which the same 
 was removed by the mariners of the said ship, by the express order, 
 and command, of the said Wm. Greene the Master of the said ship, 
 that soe the goods under the powder might be come at, and bartered 
 away, and soe the same or some of them, were bartered away by 
 the said Wm. Greene and the s’d Henry Clerke, the agent 
 or supra Cargoe of the said owners or some of them, for gold dust 
 and negroes and elephants teeth, or other goods with the natives 
 o Guinia before the said accident of blowing up the said ship hap- 
 
 pned and soe much the said Wm. Greene doeth know and believe 
 to be true. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 12. Item. That the said Nathaniel Mills did about two or three 
 hours after the relation which he had made to the said John Leyton 
 and Henry Clerke touching the blowing up of the said ship was 
 drowned and did perish in the seas, and was not heard of afterwards 
 nor his body found, and that a youth or boy belonging to the said ship 
 at the time when the said accident happned and who was blowne out 
 of the said shippe with the said Nathaniel Mills had sometime bin 
 with him the said Mills upon the peece of wood of the said ship in 
 the sea upon which the said Mills was, which boy was afterwards saved 
 out of the sea by some of the natives of Guinia in their Carg: did 
 declare that the said Nathaniel Mills was drowned and perished 
 in the sea and the said youth or boy is not yet come from Guinia but 
 was and is there or in some other part beyond or upon the seas and 
 
 is soe comonly accompted reputed and taken to be. Et ponit ut 
 supra. 
 
 13. Item. That the said Henry Clerke some months or weeks 
 before the begining of this Suite at least before the twentyth day of 
 September one thousand six hundred and eighty three, and before the 
 giveing of the present allegacion on the part and behalfe of the said 
 William Greene in this cause did depart out of England for Guinia 
 and gone thither and since that time was not nor is in England and 
 this was and is true. Ponit tamen de quolibet alio temporis spacio 
 etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 14* Item. Quod praemissa omnia et singula fuerunt et sunt vera 
 pubhca, manifesta et notoria etc. unde facta fide petit pars ista jus 
 et justiciam etc. 6 
 
 Potts et alii contra Greene. 7 
 
 Francklin 
 
 Exton. 
 
 " Endorsed, “Dorothy. Alicia Potts vidua et alii contra Guilium Green Magistrum 
 aictae navis. Allegatio per Francklin data, 5 0 Octobris 1683.” 
 
 Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files, file 121, no. 105. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 316 
 
 Quo die Francklin nomine procuratoris ac ut procurator legitimus 
 dictae Aliciae Potts et aliarum partium agentium omni meliori modo 
 dixit allegavit et in hiis scriptis in jure prosposuit articulatim prout 
 sequitur vizt. 
 
 1. Inprimis. That Whereas it was and is in fact alleadged on 
 the part and behalfe of the said William Greene in this Cause, that the 
 said Wm. Greene the Master of the said shipp the Dorothy nor any 
 other masters of shipps who take in Negroes on the Coast of Guinia, 
 doe permit any negroes to take tobacco betweene decks of the said 
 shipps, or any other shipps, but doe give libertie for negroes to take 
 tobacco above deck only, and that all mariners who have used, and 
 doe use the said voyage doe know the same to be true, and ought to 
 prevent any negroes, to take tobacco betweene the decks for fear 
 of mischeife that may ensue thereby, and not to permit the same, 
 and in case the accident did happen by the negroe woman takeing 
 tobacco of blowing up the said Shippe, the same ought to be imputed 
 to the carelessness of the Mariners of the said shipp especially during 
 the time that the said William Greene was in such a sad distemper 
 that he could not look after the same—the truth of the fact was and 
 is that at the time when the said accident happned there were aboard 
 the said Shippe one hundred and thirty five negroes, or thereabouts, 
 and that they all did every day take tobacco aboard the said Shippe 
 the voyage in question by permission of the said William Greene the 
 Master, and that the Company of Mariners of the said Shippe were 
 about seaventeene or thereabouts, and noe more, two of which before, 
 and when the said accident happned were ashoar by order of the said 
 William Greene the Master of the said Shippe, or Henry Clerke the 
 supra Cargoe of the said ship both or one of them in order to trade 
 for slaves and other Comodities of Guinia, and it being then about 
 Midnight when the said accident happned, some of the Mariners as 
 is usuall and accustomed for them to doe were asleep haveing first 
 performed their duty in the said ship, and that the Mariners which 
 were of the watch did take all possible care they could in lookeing 
 after the said ship, and her loading—and that it was impossible for 
 the Mariners of the said ship soe to prevent the same but that some 
 of the negroes without their knowledge, might and did and had in 
 the said voyage got tobacco pipes, and haveing tobacco allowed them, 
 did sometymes carry the same betweene the decke, with the pipes in 
 which they had taken tobacco, and the same not being quit out did 
 some tyme there privatly take tobacco in the same, which when any 
 of the company of Mariners did at any time perceive they did take 
 the same away from them, and that Nathaniel Mills perceiving a 
 Negroe woman (as he himselfe said before his death) imediatly 
 before the said accident happned, to have some fire about her betweene 
 
October f 1683 
 
 317 
 
 the deck which as he said he conceived to be a pipe of tobacco lighted, 
 did as he said run to take the same away from her but before he 
 could come at her she as he said flung the same away from her, and 
 imediatly the shipp was blowne up, and that if the said William 
 Greene was sick when the said accident happned quod non fatetur etc. 
 yet if he had bin upon the deck, and in health, he could not have 
 prevented the same accident, and that the said accident ought not 
 to be imputed to the Mariners of the said Shipp who were not in 
 any blame therein, and that the said powder being removed by order 
 of the said William Greene the Master, some or one of the Mariners 
 of the said Shippe did some day or dayes before the said accident 
 happned tell him the said Wm. Greene that there might be danger 
 to the s’d Shipp by reason of the removeing the said powder and told 
 the said Greene that he the said Mariner wished (to prevent any 
 danger therein) that the powder were overboard in the sea or to 
 that effect, to which the said Wm. Greene answered let the powder 
 alone in the place to which is removed for it will doe well enough. 
 Ponit tamen etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 2. Item. Quod praemissa etc. 8 
 
 117. Protest of the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 October 23, 1683. 
 
 Reasons advanced by the Royal African Company why the law of 
 Jamaica fixing the price of negroes at eighteen pounds a head should 
 not be continued. When the Royal Company was convened before 
 the King in November 1680, it agreed to supply three thousand 
 negroes annually at 18 /. a head. The Jamaicans turned this into a 
 law, which remains suspended during the King’s pleasure. We, the 
 Company, now begged to be released from that agreement, because 
 the terms which were then advantageous are now the reverse. The 
 number of interlopers increases; negroes cost a third to a half more 
 than they did, and are difficult to procure. There is also a loss on 
 
 8 Endorsed, “Dorothy. Potts et alii contra Wm. Greene Magistrum ejusdem navis. 
 Allegatio per Francklin data 21 0 Octobris 1683.” 
 
 [117] 1 Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 525-526, “Unsigned. Endorsed. Reed. 23 Oct. 
 Read 30 Oct. 1683”. Relations between Jamaica and the company grew no better during 
 the summer of 1683. In August the planters and merchants asserted that the company 
 had ceased supplying negroes altogether. The Lords of Trade took up the subject once 
 more in October, upon receipt of a petition from the “Planters and Merchants of 
 Jamaica”, signed by William Beeston and five others. The petitioners stated that 
 they heard from Jamaica that the company was not supplying sufficient negroes and 
 was unwilling to sell them at the legal price, though other merchants offered from 
 three to five thousand a year at reasonable rates. They asked that if the company 
 was to be allowed to abandon its contract price it be compelled to furnish a sufficient 
 supply, five thousand the first year and three thousand thereafter being suggested 
 ' ( l bid., pp. 471, 474, 512-513). The company’s statement of its side of the controversy 
 is here printed. 
 
318 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 the exchange from Jamaica. If it be objected that times may improve, 
 we answer that in that case we shall be ready to lower our rates. We 
 are taxed with having failed to supply the stipulated number. We have 
 made provisions in ships and goods for the full quantity, but many 
 ships have been unable to procure negroes, and after lying many 
 months have left with but half their load of negroes, though with 
 cargo all dispersed. Also, we have often lost a half to a third of 
 the negroes shipped. Even if we had procured all the negroes we 
 wanted, many commanders positively refuse to go to Jamaica in 
 consequence of the laws. As to the objection that if our price were 
 not limited, we might, being monopolists, make it ruinous, we answer 
 that we enjoy far fewer advantages than any other joint stock com¬ 
 pany. Negroes are not only very chargeable and perishable, but it is 
 impracticable to keep any quantity unsold for many days; we must 
 part with them for what we can get. Again, our accounts will 
 show that we have pushed our trade so far and supplied all planta¬ 
 tions so fully that our factors, some of them, write to us to desist. 2 
 If the planters of Jamaica are short of supply it is their own fault. 
 We should gladly have furnished them as well as the rest, but their 
 light money must pass, else there are no payments, and they can 
 charge what they please for their goods, whereas we are limited. 
 If they object that our stock is too narrow, we answer that the Colo¬ 
 nies have made it so, for they now owe us over 130,000 /. We hope 
 that the King, having incorporated us, will not subject us to terms 
 which must be our ruin. We are envied for our advantages, yet our 
 members have not had so much as interest on their money, though no 
 stock has been managed with more faithfulness and care. 3 Some pre¬ 
 tend that if the trade were thrown open, it would be for general ad¬ 
 vantage. If they consider that the inhabitants with whom we trade 
 are such that no peace or correspondence could be continued with 
 them without forts, and that strong foreign companies, particularly 
 
 2 The company reported for Jamaica the following importation: 1680, 1371 
 negroes; 1681, 1576; 1682, 1452; 1683, 2919 (Beer, Old Colonial System,, I. 357). It had 
 sent to Barbados eighteen ships, carrying 6380 negroes between September, 1682, and 
 August, 1683 (ibid., p. 351 n.). These figures, as Beer has pointed out, conflict with 
 various statements from other sources. Lynch had written, on Aug. 29, 1682, that since 
 his arrival (May 14) the company had sent about fifteen hundred negroes. On May 
 6, 1683, he wrote that it had sent none for six months (Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 
 286, 427; Beer, loc. cit., p. 356, n. 2). In August, 1683, the company reported eleven 
 shipments, amounting to 3460 blacks, made between September, 1682, and August, 1683. 
 In October its report was that it had contracted for 8500, taken 3716, and delivered 
 3020, between March, 1681, and October, 1683. “None delivered in 1683, and only five 
 hundred in 1682.” Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 486, 532. 
 
 3 Up to 1678 the company had been entirely successful, paying, according to 
 Scott, nearly 55 per cent, between 1676 and 1678. This flourishing condition undoubtedly 
 helped to draw interlopers into the trade and gave additional vigor to the arguments 
 for freedom of trade. While it may be true that for a year or two the stockholders 
 had received no dividends, Scott finds that between 1680 and 1692 eight dividends were 
 paid and a reserve was created. Joint-Stock Companies, II. 21. 
 
1683-1684 3 19 
 
 Dutch, are ready to take our forts if we abandon them, they will see 
 
 inff'meriT’f '( SUCC f SS of a few lnter lopers may persuade unthink- 
 J?' ’ ^ d , the trade ™, ere abandoned to them it would soon cease. 
 
 irofit h h re v re t0 n e allowed , the same Iibert y as others. Jamaica 
 will profit by it as well as ourselves. 4 
 
 118. Voyage to Congo, 1683-1684. 1 
 
 . . . At the same time the Most Reverend Cardinal Cibo writ us 
 a letter in the name of the sacred college, complaining that the per- 
 mcous and abominable abuse of selling slaves was yet continued 
 among us, and requiring us to use our power to remedy the said abuse; 
 which, notwithstanding, we saw little hopes of accomplishing, by 
 reason that the trade of this country lay wholly in slaves and ivory. 
 
 £ SS ’ ^ etlng to g ether not long after, we joined our addresses 
 to the King of Congo, and count of Sogno, and obtained the favour 
 from them, that the heretics at least should be excluded from dealing 
 in this merchand.ze; and that especially the English, who made it 
 their chief business to buy slaves here, and to carry them to Barbadoes, 
 an island of theirs in the West Indies, where they were to be brought 
 up in the Protestant religion, so very contrary to ours. This letter 
 was first read by me to the count, and afterwards on a feast-day I 
 made the contents of it known to the people, earnestly recommending 
 to them to have a compassionate regard to so many miserable crea¬ 
 tures, their countrymen, that were daily suffered to come under the 
 power of heretics, that would not only enslave them, but likewise per- 
 vert the good principles we had instilled in them. I moreover urged, 
 that if there were a necessity for a trade of this kind, they should 
 sooner have to do with the Hollanders, who were obliged to deliver 
 
 On Oct. 30 the Lords of Trade and Plantations, having heard both sides of the 
 dispute recommended that the Order in Council of November® ,6So be repealed and 
 
 to furnil a j n ama^: Ct wTth U ;^o bTLk s T th\ r rx' Ta^nd 8 **“ 
 
 9 h 4-io8) Ce to be unspecified {CaL st - p - col, 1681-1685, pp. 530, 536? aaZT'rm 
 
 Year 1682, made English from the Italian”, in John Pinkerton A Cenomi r //” e 
 
 °of and M ° S J lnterest \ n 0 Voyages and Travels in all Parts of the IVorld^maZ 
 
 f VMich are now first translated into English (London, 1814) XVI iqc-tit Father 
 
 France r da ^°" te ! i0ne ,rft Naples on Tei? m Jona" 
 
 yage May 5, 1682, but having spent some time in Brazil before they reached AfnVa 
 was ay 6, 1683, when they landed, in Angola (Pinkerton, Voyages XVI 211! A 
 flourishing missionary station already existed in Angola, and ato a few days one ol 
 the resident fathers went with the writer to the River Zaire (Convn'i in th } ° n ^ ° f 
 of Sogno. Here he had been about a year at tke of „hi?h h. ! ., Pr0V u“ 
 
 ?redeMe 0f - the - Pr0gre K ° f ' hC < ', hurch in <his reg ‘ 0n is P robab, y worthy of greater 
 credence, since it may be presumed to be largely the result of his own observatin? ,i, f 
 18 his account of the mermaids in the River Zaire. observation, than 
 
3 20 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 so many slaves at Cadiz every year, whereby their countrymen might 
 have still the happiness of continuing among Catholics, though in 
 
 ^proposed likewise for them to trade in this nature with the Portu¬ 
 guese, rather than the Hollanders; which they would not hearken 
 unto for several reasons. 
 
 First, Because they would by no means have that nation establish 
 themselves in their country. Secondly, By reason that they would give 
 them no opportunity to sell their arms and ammunition amongst them: 
 and Thirdly, Because they always under-valued the slaves, and never 
 offered so much as they were worth. 
 
 These, with some others, have been the reasons that the Portu¬ 
 guese have never yet been able to get any footing in Sogno. 
 
 A year almost past before there was any ship appeared in this 
 country; at last an English vessel came to anchor there. This 1 im¬ 
 mediately advised the count of, requiring at the same time, that 1 
 she were really English, she should not be suffered to land any person 
 whatsoever. The count’s answer was, that I should be obeyed: but 
 which I observed to be spoke by him with such coldness, that 1 could 
 easily discover in him a contrary intention; and which I was the more 
 confirmed in, when I reflected upon the profit he was to make, both 
 by the buyer and the seller. All this while the captain of the ship 
 pretended that he would tarry only three days to take in fresh pro¬ 
 visions; which being past, he scarcely shewed the least sign of being 
 gone. While he was yet in the river, I happened to go down to the 
 shore to speak with the Mafucca, or Receiver of the Whites. Being 
 but just entered his house, I saw two Englishmen, who I thought had 
 been no nearer than their usual station; they seeing me, drew in, and 
 I turned my back to go out again: but scarce had I reached the thresh- 
 hold, before I heard a brace of pistol-bullets whiz by my ear At 
 this being astonished, I looked about, but saw nobody. Then 1 tell 
 on my knees, returned thanks to heaven for my escape; and after¬ 
 wards went in again boldly to make my complaint to the master ot 
 the house of the villainy, which I suppose was designed me by these 
 Englishmen; but to my great disappointment he returned me neither 
 a compliment nor a resentment. 
 
 The day following the before-mentioned captain came to me, but 
 that rather to affront than to confer with me; demanding of me at 
 first sight, “What I had to do to oppose the English trading in that 
 port?” To which I replied, “That pursuant to an agreement between 
 me and the count, all heretics were to be excluded from dealing m 
 slaves throughout the dominions of Sogno, but as to all other matters 
 of traffick they were at liberty.” “What do you mean by heretics. 
 
321 
 
 168 s-168 4 
 
 quoth he. “Is not our Duke of York a Roman Catholic, and chief 
 o our company, from whom I have a full power to trade, where, and 
 in what merchandize I please?” “Granted,” said I; but then I 
 alledged further, “That I was sure it was not the intention of that 
 Duke, that Christians should be bought and sold for slaves, nor that 
 such as he (meaning the captain) should be allowed not only to trade, 
 but likewise to rob and infest the shore wherever they came, in like 
 manner as another English captain had done there last year; who, as 
 soon as he had taken in all his lading, fell to wasting the country, and 
 forced away several of the natives into slavery, and killed many 
 others that he could not get away. This (I told him) I would 
 assuredly acquaint the Duchess of York, my countrywoman, 2 with, 
 that the Duke her husband’s reputation might not suffer, and such 
 offenders might be published as they well deserved.” To this the 
 captain began to reply with great heat, defending both himself and 
 his countryman, the other captain, thinking to overcome reason with 
 noise; and if some people had not come in to my assistance, I know 
 not what might have come on it. I afterwards sent to let the count 
 know, that I should not open the church-doors till those heretics, that 
 were enemies both to our church and him, were gone. This message 
 soon brought the count to our convent, where, when he entered to 
 speak with me, there came in with him only one man, who had a long 
 knife in his hand drawn about four inches out of the sheath: this 
 knife, as he knelt on the ground, he held with one hand on the haft, 
 and the other on the sheath. For the better understanding of this, 
 you must know that whenever the count comes to speak with us, 
 nobody has leave to enter the room with him but the interpreter: 
 and when an extraordinary case requires another’s coming in, he must 
 kneel all the while, in like manner as the interpreter is obliged to do. 
 The count began with me very low, endeavouring to convince me, that, 
 considering the many enemies that surrounded him on all sides, he 
 ought to provide himself of arms and ammunition of war, and which 
 he could best do from the European ships that came to trade in his 
 dominions. This and the like he urged with a great deal of cunning, 
 but at length perceiving by my answers that he gained but little upon 
 me, he began to gather up his countenance, and to move his lips quick 
 in order to thunder out some dreadful menaces against me; but which 
 I timely perceiving, started up upon my feet, and prevented his fury 
 with the following words: “The reason,” said I to him resolutely, “of 
 my coming into your dominions, was for the service of God, and the 
 salvation of your souls; and in order to that duty incumbent on me, 
 
 I cannot dispense with the hazarding even of my life, in withdrawing 
 
 2 Mary of Modena. The Italian marriage had taken place in 1673. 
 
3 22 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 so many poor souls from out of the power of Lucifer,” (meaning 
 the slaves to be bought by heretics,) “which nevertheless you seem 
 by your arguments to give wholly up to him. Think then, my lord 
 count,” continued I, “on your own case in so palpable an act of diso¬ 
 bedience; for as for my part, I shall always endeavour to persist in 
 my duty.” Having spoke these words, I immediately offered to go 
 out of the room, but the repenting count catching me fast hold by the 
 arm, and changing his countenance almost from black to yellow, would 
 by no means suffer me so to do, crying out, “Hear my reasons first, 
 Father; hear my reasons before you go.” Then clapping himself 
 down upon a bench, he fell into a long discourse, but in which I often 
 interrupting him, he at last flew away in a great passion, muttering 
 and mumbling to himself, “That he was the head of the church in 
 his dominions, and that I without him could do nothing; no, not so 
 much as baptize a child.” By these and other such like speeches of 
 his, I could easily perceive that he sided with the English, and I was 
 thoroughly convinced thereof afterwards, when he caused proclama¬ 
 tion to be made at three of the clock in the morning, to forbid all his 
 subjects throughout the whole Banza to go any more to our church; 
 but this he nevertheless did without laying any penalty on those that ) 
 disobeyed him, and consequently his subjects being true servants of 
 God, took no manner of notice of his proceeding, but continued to , 
 come to church as before. Notwithstanding their good dispositions, 
 
 I thought myself obliged to excommunicate the count by fixing a 
 schedule on the church-doors, and which I did by an authority sent 
 me from the bishop of Angola. Hence it followed that our slaves I 
 that belonged to the offices of the church, as likewise those that 
 served in the convent, immediately forsook me, and that I suppose 
 by instigation of their prince who had withdrawn them, to cause me 
 the sooner to comply. Whilst I yet continued firm in my resolutions, 
 a Dutch ship appeared in the harbour: soon after her arrival the 
 count’s secretary brought her captain, according to custom, to me for 
 my benediction, which nevertheless the English captain had neglected 
 to ask; I gave it him, and by those means extinguished part of the 
 fury instilled into the people’s breasts by the magicians and wizard 
 against me; for they had made it their business to make the people 
 believe, that I purposely opposed the aforesaid contracts with the 
 Europeans, that their nation might be unprovided of arms and am¬ 
 munition when their enemies the Portuguese came against them, and 
 which they likewise affirmed I by secret means encouraged. The 
 anchoring this ship in the harbour occasioned the speedy departure 
 of the other; for in less than thirteen days after she hoisted sail and 
 put to sea, carrying away with her about fourteen or fifteen of the 
 
1683-1684 323 
 
 "Mhft S ° gn ?j u 65 '! 68 near a hundred more which the captain 
 said had been sold him by the pagans (pp. 253-255). . . . 3 
 
 , US now , come t0 other matters not unlike the foregoing. In 
 the fifth year of my mission another English ship happened to come to 
 
 andTn ;7 '"ft u , 7 "'' S °° n " S 1 P erceived it, I went to the count 
 and said. Behold my lord, another English ship appears in the 
 
 ar our and at the same time begged of him not to permit any of 
 the men to land, for fear of the like inconveniences that had before 
 happened: he seemed to comply readily with my desires, and promised 
 that none should; nevertheless self-interest blinding him again he 
 received the ac . cu . stomed , Presents, and suffered them to trade again 
 
 wi in his dominions, which we would by no means agree to The 
 captain came with his commission to our convent, and endeavoured to 
 nd me out, but could not. In the mean-time, without any further 
 de ay, we published a manifesto, that upon pain of excommunication 
 none should presume to sell any slaves to the English: but as to 
 bartering ivory, ebony, or the like with them, they might freely do it. 
 Ihe captain hereupon could get but five negroes, and those he bought 
 before the manifesto was published. He came a second time to my 
 apartment accompanied by a Dutch captain, and with a great deal 
 of submission said to me, “Father, what reason have I given you to 
 deny me, so much to my disadvantage, a free trade in this port, when 
 1 have suffered so many hardships, and undergone so great peril 
 in my voyage hither?” To which I courteously answered, “That I 
 would do any thing that lay in my power to serve any Christian, and 
 him in particular, who appeared to be so very civil, but that in this 
 matter 1 could do nothing without an order from my superior.” I 
 to d him further, “That though I was against his trading ashore, as 
 eing an Englishman, and consequently a heretic, I could not prevent 
 his doing it by sea, and therefore if he could find any to traffic with 
 him he might freely do it.” “That is what I would rather have,” 
 replied the captain, “for thereby I may trade custom-free. Now I 
 perceive ” continued he, “that these brutes,” meaning the Negroes, 
 have always their hands open to receive presents, but when there is 
 any favour to be returned, they immediately shrug up their shoulders 
 and excuse themselves, pretending the missioners will not let them 
 grant it. But why,” added he, “did they not explain themselves at 
 first, that I might have saved my present, and sailed about my busi¬ 
 ness elsewhere? It shall go hard, but I will make them know whom 
 
 • The author, continuing his account of the controversy relates the nrn„i/l.n.' t 
 assistance which he received from an epidemic of smallpox whi^h speedily broutrht thi 
 nanve ruler to his knees. The Dutch traders who made iheir appearance here® abPut 
 his time were a great trouble to Father Merolla, since they were not content with 
 trading but at the same time subtly instilled heretical doctrines into the simple minds 
 this^he natlVeS * The E "S lish seem have given the Capuchins no such difficulty as 
 
3 2 4 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 they have to deal with.” Then turning to me, he said, Well, 
 Father, I cannot but thank you heartily for acquainting me with the 
 truth, and let them restore to me what I gave them, and I will be 
 gone. But first,” quoth he, “give me leave to present Your Rever- 
 ence with a barrel of wheat-flour to make your Hosts of, a small 
 vessel of Aqua-vitae, and something else that may lie within the verge 
 of my capacity.” I returned him a thousand thanks for his kind 
 proffers, and told him, that though I had occasion for the wheat- 
 flour I would by no means accept it of him, and afterwards having 
 forced a basket of fruit upon him dismissed him. The count having 
 disposed of the present that was given him, could by no means restore 
 it, and besides durst not for fear of excommunication provide him 
 with the slaves he had promised. This so vexed the captain, that 
 taking along with him two slaves, and a little ivory he had got before, 
 he left his house in the night-time, and went immediately aboard 
 his ship; his landlord soon missing him got up betimes, and went after 
 him for his rent, but the captain having caused three Patereroes 4 
 to be turned against the Negro’s boat, dared him to come near^ him 
 after the following manner: “Come hither, slave”, quoth he, and 
 I will pay you in a certain coin that you very well deserve.” After 
 which, bestowing a great many curses,on him, he set sail and departed. 
 The count was again excommunicated for his disobedience, but not 
 by a paper fixed up at the church-doors formally, which he took with ■ 
 much patience. Though a Black, he is an absolute prince, and not 
 unworthy of a crown, though he were in Italy, considering the num¬ 
 ber of his subjects, and large dominions. 
 
 Before the Englishman had weighed anchor to be gone, another 
 Dutch ship came into the river, which my companion Father Benedict 
 da Belvedere perceiving, immediately opposed the landing of any of i 
 her men; his reason was that they were heretics, in like manner as 
 the English, and which he confirmed by the heresies the above-men¬ 
 tioned Dutch captain had not long before spread amongst us. I 
 could not well dissent from this opinion of his, nevertheless for quiet¬ 
 ness-sake I told him, that since we had so luckily got rid of the 
 English, we must of necessity admit of the Dutch, or the people would 
 be apt to rebel; for not caring to trade with the Portuguese for some 
 reasons best known to themselves, they would have nobody else to 
 utter their commodities to, which would prove no small detriment 
 both to the church and the state. He understood me I don’t ques¬ 
 tion, but notwithstanding, took little or no notice of what I said, being , 
 transported with too great a zeal for the church s good, which had it 
 not been so excessive, might have succeeded better than it did. (PP* 
 257-258). ... 
 
 4 Pedereros, spelled in a multitude of ways, were small guns. 
 
325 
 
 February } 1684 
 
 119- Sir Thomas Lynch to the Lords of Trade and 
 
 Plantations. 1 
 
 Jamaica, Feb. 28, 1684. 
 
 ... On the 3rd instant the Ruby returned from Carthagena con¬ 
 voying the Spanish ship St. Thomas with three hundred negroes. 2 The 
 city was in great confusion over the loss of the two ships [taken by 
 the pirates] and the Governor was embroiled with Don Nicolas 
 Porcio, the Assiento’s Agent General. 3 The disorder was increased 
 
 by u-u P l am iJ ennant ’ S misconduct ; 4 however, they paid the money 
 which the ship and negroes were hypothecated for, 2800 pieces of 
 eight, and they are now returned hither to buy more negroes. They 
 have brought but 2800 pieces of eight for the purpose, either because 
 they could not get the money, or more probably with the intention of 
 borrowing again, so as to compel me to send convoy to protect them 
 and bring back the merchants’ money. Unfortunately we have no 
 negroes nor hope of negroes this long time. There were two miser- 
 nble ships of the African Company with two-thirds both of blacks 
 and Christians dead; and about ten days since agent Peirson arrived 
 in an interloper of forty guns. He landed two or three hundred 
 negroes at Barbados, of which I am told that the Spaniards bought 
 a hundred and fifty. I shall order the ship to be seized, and shall do 
 my best always, but I know of no expedient but that which I proposed 
 to Sir Benjamin Bathurst for clearing the coast of Africa and 
 America. Being unwilling to offend the Company, I told the Span¬ 
 iards that I must not buy of interlopers, and Colonel Molesworth 
 threatened to seize them; but the negroes were landed out of port 
 and will pass to the Spaniards by second hands. Besides having 
 l given them liberty I cannot retrench it, and were they kept here four 
 or five months and not suffered to buy what they may, this trade 
 would be ended before it is well begun, whereas it is my wish to con¬ 
 tinue it, at any rate until I receive your orders. It seems to me 
 probable that if we were supplied with negroes, much of this trade 
 would come to this Island, to the advantage alike of the King, the 
 Company, and the nation. 
 
 [ JI 9 ] ^ Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 594-598. 
 to Cartagena 31 ^ ^ ^ Th ° mas ’ conv °y ed by the Ruby, had transported the negroes 
 
 u ^ ter ^ dea th of Barroso, Porcio undertook to carry out the assiento bargain 
 fr°n e ^ b u'’ ° n comin S t0 America, he encountered the opposition of the Dutch, who con- 
 \ tro ! led bis source of supply, and of the Spanish governor at Cartagena, who was 
 J t e mfluence of the Dutch (I. A. Wright, “The Coymans Asiento, 1685-1689” 
 Bijdragen voor l aderlandsche Geschiedems en Oudheidkunde, reeks VI. deel T 
 atlevenng 1-2, pp. 23-62). Lynch’s letter here printed, with a number which followed 
 this one, gives some idea of the confusion resulting in the West Indies from the quarreling 
 of the rival factions over the Spanish trade. See also Scelle, I. 641-654. 
 
 The nature of Capt. Matthew Tennant’s misconduct is made clear in the latter 
 part of the letter. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3 2 6 
 
 They tell me there is at Rotterdam, Cadiz, and Seville the house 
 of Quayman [Coymans] Brothers, which, with their Company, are 
 the greatest traders in Europe. Last February they contracted with 
 the King of Spain to import eighteen thousand negroes in seven years, 
 but, being strangers, the Assiento was made in the name of Don Juan 
 Barrera del Rozo, 5 an old man of Cadiz; and it was agreed that his 
 son-in-law, Don Nicolas Porcio, a Venetian, should come into the 
 Indies as Apoderado General. Neither of these two last are con- 
 cerned except in the name, for the Dutch are obliged for the King s 
 dues, that is, for 1,125,000 pieces of eight in seven years. The 
 negroes are to be imported in licensed Spanish ships that equal ten 
 thousand tons, which, taxed at twelve pieces of eight per ton, gives the 
 sum named. The Quaymans have agreed with the West India Com¬ 
 pany of Holland at 107 pieces of eight per head ready money, and 
 120 credit. At the same time when this contract was concluded there 
 was in Spain one Abraham Gill, 6 a mongrel Dutch or Englishman, an 
 agent or servant to Mr. John Bawden. This Gill and one Don 
 Diego Magette, a Dutchman, contracted with Porcio for eighteen 
 hundred negroes, twelve hundred of them at Barbados, and the rest 
 here or in any other Colony. These negroes are to be delivered at 
 sixty pieces of eight when received and fifty-eight when delivered; the 
 buyers running the risk of the fifty-eight, the sellers of the sixty.. This 
 seemed to Bawden so bad a contract that he has renounced Gill and 
 revoked the credit that he gave him at Barbados. However, they 
 have come here, without money or credit, and, as I have already re¬ 
 ported, have been trusted by our merchants. They have punctually 
 repaid the advances, and are now come back, but with so many broils 
 that it is difficult to adjust them. But Magette is now going to Eng¬ 
 land thence to Rotterdam to procure convoy from the States, and 
 thence to Spain to solicit the establishing of the Assiento in some other 
 name than Porcio’s. Gill talks of going to Barbados. I promised to 
 
 5 Don Juan Barroso del Pozo. On points where it can be tested, Lynch’s 
 version differs somewhat from the facts. Coymans and Company, an Amsterdam 
 company with a branch at Cadiz under Baltazar Coymans, had supplied Porcio with 
 negroes, but the original contract was made with Barroso, and at this time could hardly 
 have been made with the Dutch house. The papers which follow (nos. 123, 132-149. 
 post) tell something of the Spanish difficulties over this contract. 
 
 6 In November, Lynch, persistent in his efforts to foster the Spanish trade, wrote 
 to the Lords of Trade concerning this man: “He had agreed for eighteen hundred 
 negroes from Barbados at one hundred and eighteen pieces of eight per head. Bawden 
 thinking this too little has abandoned his agent, so he endeavours to buy negroes here, 
 and probably may get credit for twenty or thirty. thousand pieces of eight, and carry 
 away three or four hundred negroes on the Spanish factor s account. They fear t a 
 the Dutch cannot supply sufficient, so would gladly draw all or part of that business 
 hither, where they can enjoy advantages not to be found at Barbadoes or Curacao. Since 
 the affair of Vera Cruz the governors also incline to this, from their opinion that 1 love 
 the Spanish nation. But all this means nothing unless we have negroes for them. .• 
 Possibly interest of state and the profit of the Assientistas may induce them t° station 
 an agent here, which is a safe place thanks to the two frigates ’. Nov. 2, 1683, Cal. 
 
 P. Col., 1681-1685, PP- 535 » 536. 
 
February f 1684 327 
 
 tr y to get what money the Spaniards owe him, for I conclude that he 
 cannot fulfil his contract. 7 
 
 But I must return from this sub-contract to the Grand Assiento. 
 In order to carry it on Porcio sailed on the 9th August from Cadiz 
 with three ships of the Assiento’s, the new Governor of Carthagena, 
 Don Juan Pando, being in one. When they arrived off Curagoa there 
 boarded them Dr. Baltazar Van Becke and Mynheer Van Bell, factors 
 for the Assiento. They offered Porcio a thousand negroes, but while 
 they were disputing about the terms a gust of wind forced the ship 
 to leeward, and so the factors were carried to Carthagena. Then 
 Porcio fell sick and deliriated”, and when recovered was fantastical, 
 and irresolute and impracticable, which provoked the Governor, a 
 prompt and choleric Biscayer, and gave the Dutch factors opportunity 
 to gain him wholly to themselves. Just as they were on the point of 
 breaking, most fatally the privateers arrived on the coast. The 
 Governor took the Lapaz and St. Francisco } two great ships intended 
 to fetch negroes, and sent them out, where they were lost. This 
 made Porcio rave indeed, because the great stress of the Assiento’s 
 business depended on these ships. To pacify the factors the 
 Governor promised 25,000 pieces of eight out of the King’s dues; 
 and judging Porcio incapable of acting (as possibly he is) put in Don 
 Gasper Perez, Porcio s servant, and Francisco de Torregruetto in 
 his place, taking from Porcio all the papers, moneys, etc., belonging 
 to the Assiento, and allowing him six thousand pieces of eight per 
 annum on condition that he gave these men power to act in his name, 8 
 pending arrival of orders from Spain. And these men have written 
 to me to favour the captain and the despatch of the ship St. Thomas , 
 asking the liberty to buy negroes that I had promised to Porcio, and 
 promising to comply and correspond faithfully. 
 
 All this was transacted in Carthagena, while the Ruby rode outside. 
 Porcio contrived to send a servant, St. Jago de Castillo, 9 on board the 
 
 7 Gill s own side of his experiences with the assiento he put forward in a petition 
 of Dec. 10, 1684: “I contracted with one Barrosse and Porcio for 4800 negroes, and 
 had already brought about 900 to Jamaica as [in ?] a Spanish ship, but was forced 
 to pay 2000 /. to Sir T. Lynch for license to trade with the Spaniards, and another 
 700/. for the convoy of H. M. S. Ruby. I permitted, however, the Spanish Captain to 
 bring some dry goods, though illegally, from Jamaica to Carthagena, and the ship 
 was seized in Jamaica for trading therein. I was present at the seizure and a witness for 
 the Crown, but was imprisoned by Sir T. Lynch, proclaimed a vagrant and idle fellow, 
 and was forced to leave the Island privately, giving 1000/. security, to give the King an 
 account of these oppressions which are to the disadvantage of all his subjects, and es¬ 
 pecially of the Royal African Company. I beg that the proclamation may be nullified, 
 and that I may be permitted to sue' the executors of Sir T. Lynch for recovery of the 
 money^and for damages.” Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 748-749. 
 
 8 Miss Wright states that Porcio’s power of attorney was given to two Dutchmen 
 van Belle and Beque (Beck ?). Wright, “The Coymans Asiento”, p. 25,, n. 3. 
 
 u St. James Castillo, later a resident of Jamaica, and agent for successive assien- 
 tists. During the struggle between opposing factions to gain control of the privilege and 
 the property of the assientists, in Jamaica, he represented the interests of Porcio. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 328 
 
 frigate, with a present to Captain Tennant. Tennant received him, 
 and also a present of two thousand pistoles from him and from Don 
 Juan Coleman, an Irish priest; but without counting the money put 
 it into his closet and sent an armed boat on shore from the frigate to 
 fetch Porcio himself. The factors, however, informed the Governor, 
 who put Porcio into irons, and by torturing some of his servants dis¬ 
 covered the pistoles, and wrote me the letter enclosed to Mr. Blath- 
 wayt, on which I desire your instructions. About the 3rd instant the 
 frigate and the St. Thomas arrived here. The two Dutch factors 
 asked leave to careen their sloop and hire another to take them to 
 Curagoa. I readily granted it and treated them civilly; and they 
 seemed wonderfully obliged and talked of buying plantations, negroes, 
 and what not; but I doubt this was only aegrotat demon, for they are 
 of a country where nothing binds but interest. At parting they gave 
 me the Governor’s letter that charges St. Jago de Castillo for running 
 away, and Porcio for giving him two thousand pistoles of the 
 Assiento’s money. On this I gave an order to Captain Tennant to 
 deliver the money to Colonel Molesworth and Captain Penhallow. 10 
 
 I have been cruelly enraged with Captain Tennant for his behaviour 
 in sending for Porcio, breaking orders, dishonouring and embroiling 
 myself, and not delivering the money. First, he pretended that the 
 sum was somewhat short of 1,600 doubloons, then he would not 
 deliver it without St. Jago’s order, then he restored but 1,239 pistoles, 
 pretending that St. Jago had given him 360 for his passage, but at 
 last, after twenty or thirty days’ hesitation, he delivered the rest that 
 he says he has received. I subsequently ordered the arrest of Cas¬ 
 tillo 11 to discover what had become of certain other money, but on 
 the day that Captain Tennant paid the 1,239 pistoles he vanished, 
 some say to Porto Bello, some say to Spain. I am extremely puzzled 
 what to do, for we think Porcio inclined to us, and judge that this 
 servant fled to save himself and serve his master. However, to keep 
 the Governor of Carthagena in good humour, I wrote to him that if 
 the Dutch factors would prosecute him criminally I would appoint 
 judges, and that they should have justice, but they asked only that 
 the money shall be secured, which it shall be until the Governor, the 
 factors, or Porcio make it clear whose money it is. I should be glad 
 of your directions in such cases, for I am no lawyer, though I am 
 sufficient to be aware that I ought to have made an example of Cap¬ 
 tain Tennant. But I would not, for he promises amendment, and I 
 was unwilling to ruin a young man who is sailor enough. Moreover, 
 I was loth to embroil myself further till I had received your instruc- 
 
 10 Feb. 4, 1684, “Orders from Sir Thomas Lynch to Capt. Matthew Tennant, H. M. 
 S. Ruby”, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 583. 
 
 11 Feb. 26, 1684, “Order of Sir Thomas Lynch to the Provost Marshall of 
 Jamaica”, Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 590. 
 
329 
 
 February f 1684 
 
 tions; and, besides, I could not send him home prisoner, for no mer¬ 
 chant ship would take charge of him, and if one did, what security 
 is there for its expenses? If you and the Admiralty will not judge 
 such a case remitted by affidavits, I beg you to consider how compe¬ 
 tent a court-martial of captains would be. 
 
 As to the negotiations, all I can say is that neither Dutch nor 
 Spaniards come here out of kindness to us, but only from necessity 
 and the convenience of our ports, or from the abundance of our 
 negroes. I do not think it possible to keep any contract with the 
 Spaniards, for their ill conduct will ruin any that trust them. Par¬ 
 ticular Spaniards may be in their senses, but the Government is out of 
 it; and it is possible these Quaymans may find it so. They are said 
 to have advanced five or six hundred thousand pieces of eight, at 
 various ports in the Main, which is to be returned in galleons that 
 are not yet arrived from Spain. Since Spain and France have broken, 
 the trade of the Indies and the navigation to Curacoa must be very 
 hazardous, and if Holland takes part in the war I think the French 
 should attack Curagoa again, otherwise it will have little communi¬ 
 cation with the great trading ports. Altogether, if we can get negroes 
 it is very likely that, let who will have the Assiento, they will come 
 to us for negroes, but they will not come nor find the least credit 
 unless they have convoys, a matter which I beg you to lay before the 
 King. And pray inform His Majesty that, from the hour the frig¬ 
 ates are withdrawn, we are ruined. The Trompeuse shows what 
 a pirate can do. 12 The privateers are civil to the traders only for fear 
 of the men-of-war, and, if the men-of-war were taken away, they 
 would enter every port and harbour, carry away our men, and inter¬ 
 cept the very boats that carry goods about. So that in two years we 
 should be all negroes, the increase of whom and lessening of the whites 
 gives me great apprehensions. . . , 13 
 
 La Trompeuse, a French pirate ship, which, after making trouble for a number 
 ot slaving vessels on the Guinea coast, had been harassing traffic in the Caribbean She 
 
 was captured and burned by the English in 1683. Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 519-S21 
 and index. D y 3 * 
 
 Signed, Thomas Lynch. Inscribed, “Reed. 13 May 1684”. On June 20 Lynch 
 wrote to the Lord President of the Council that Gill and a companion, Matthew Meverell 
 with the connivance of James Bank and Roger Elletson, had attempted to seize the 
 Spaniards. To undo as far as possible the unfortunate effect of this, Lynch had pub¬ 
 lished a proclamation permitting the Spaniards to buy negroes. The Spaniards had 
 not returned at the time Lynch wrote, but he thought that might be because there was no 
 sale for negroes at Cartagena. Lynch however admitted that the Spaniards hated the 
 English and would rather the Dutch had their money (Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685 pp. 
 656-657). Meverell’s version was that the St. Thomas was a Dutch-built vessel, whose 
 master and owner were Spanish, trading in defiance of the navigation act. So ’“vastly 
 prejudicial to the people of Port Royal” was her trade that five and twenty sloops 
 had been “obliged to lay up ... in consequence”. May 9, 1673, ibid., p. 629. 
 
330 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 120. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Barbados, 15th March, 1683/4. 
 
 Wee now alsoe send the Comp’as first acco’tt of Sales of Negroes 
 per Capt. Clarke in which we spent much time to sell them being a 
 sort of Negroes utterly disliked in this Countrey soe that wee were 
 forced to sell many of them at low rates and for long day of pay and 
 had they not bin well chosen Negroes, well provided for in theire 
 Voyage and brought in as good condition as ever wee saw any 
 Negroes brought to this Island, wee should have had a very hard talk 
 to have sold the Midling sort of those Negroes at any rate. 
 
 The 28th Feb’ry last Capt. Thomas Browse arrived here in the 
 Daniel alias Elizabeth bringing 428 Slaves of 530 taken in at Wheda 
 on the Companyes acco’tt. 
 
 It is a most undoubted Truth and by experience wee soe find it that 
 the Liberty the Company are pleased to give their Com rs to sell theire 
 Freight and Com’on Negroes when and where they please after they 
 are divided and deliv’rd to them is a great hinderance to the Sale of 
 both: both useing all possible endeav’rs to sell theire Negroes as well 
 as they can and the Customers take advantage to beat downe the 
 Markett by holding off till they can by that meanes get better penny 
 worths from either then otherwise they could hope for if all were 
 to be disposed off by one Interest. Nor is it a small Detrim t to 
 the Compa. that by this Liberty the Masters of those Shipps forstall 
 the Companyes Market for when a shipp comes in with Negroes wee 
 are forced to stay 3, 4 or 5 daies from selling that soe wee may give 
 due notice of the time of o’r Sales and invite Customers to come, many 
 of which comeing to Towne goe on board the Shipps to see the 
 Negroes in what condition and to informe themselves what sort of 
 Negroes they are. when finding the Capt. at Liberty to sell his Negroes ■ 
 they buy of him rather then to come downe again to buy in a Crowd 
 by w’ch wee not only loose the benefit of o’r Labor and Cost in Send¬ 
 ing upp and downe the Countrey to Invite Customers to o’r day of 
 Sales and soe become advancers of anothers Interest, but thereby alsoe 
 loose the advantage of ready mony Customers and bill of Excha. men 
 and none left us to deale withall but ill pay Masters and such as buy^ 
 but few Negroes at a time which wee look upon as o’r bounden duty 1 
 to give the Company an Acco’tt off, and submit it to theire consid- 
 
 eracion. 
 
 Capt. Browse hath 92m of Gold for acco tt of the Company and 
 owners but noe Teeth. 
 
 [120] ^70: 16. 
 
I 
 
 April, 1684 
 
 331 
 
 Wee now send the Compa. 8 first bills of Excha. and three first 
 rec’ts vizt. 
 
 Rich. Seawell on Tho. Henchman at 40 daies £530. 00. 00 
 
 Jos. Harbin and Chas. Pope on Sam. Clay pay’bl 31st May 212. 
 
 Gerrard Hawtaine on Jno. Easton pay’bl per mo. June 30. 
 
 Jno. Wiltshire on Geo. Greene pay’bl ditto g 0 . 
 
 Edwd. Parsons on Paul Allestree pay’bl dittto 30. 
 
 Cash For Ja. Brownes rec’t for head money on 174 Negroes) 
 per Unity Capt. Thomas Draper j 8* 14. 
 
 Ditto for Jno. Crofts rec’t in part of Sailary Factor on Doegood 10. 
 
 Comission thereon at 7 per Ct. is 
 
 To Geo. Skutts 3 bills of Excha. on Ben. Skutts ) p 
 for 825 /. each for Negroes per the Unity is j 
 To Capt. Hen. Clarkes rec’t for 128 Negroes \ 
 
 in part of Freight at £15 per head is j 1920 
 
 | 
 
 Com. thereon at i t / 2 per Ct. 
 
 <£+395 
 
 For w’ch we pray our Acco’tt may have Creditt 
 
 £850. 14. 
 
 59. 10. 11 
 
 65. 18. 6 
 
 £976. 3. 5 
 
 121. Act to Encourage the Importation of Negroes. 1 
 
 Jamaica, April 2, 1684. 
 
 An Act for the encouragment of the Royall African Company of 
 England to Import Negros into his Alajesties Island of Jamaica. 
 
 Whereas his Majesty hath been pleased by his Letters Patents 
 1 under the great Seale bearing date the 27th day of September 1672 
 to grant the Sole Trade to Africa from Sally to Cape buon Esperanza 
 to the Royall African Company, And wheras his Majestys Subjects 
 of this Island have made Complaints to [the Committee] that the said 
 Company have not brought into this Island a sufficient quantity of 
 Negros for the supply thereof, whereby there is a great want of them 
 to the great prejudice of his Majestys Customes and the Inhabitants 
 1 of this Island; To which the said Royall Company have answered 
 and alleaged for reason of their not Importing into this Island the 
 quantity of Negros required the great number of Interlopers who 
 contrary to his Majestys said letters Patents Doe Trade on the 
 Coast of Africa within the Limits aforesaid and freely bring Negros 
 to this Island which doth disable them the said Company from bring¬ 
 ing hither that quantity of Negros they otherwise should; Which 
 
 [121] 1 Acts P. C. C., II. 64-66. A preliminary draft of this act was formulated by 
 Nov. 14, 1683, shortly after the repeal of the Order in Council of November, 1680. It 
 was sent to the agents of Jamaica on Jan. 22, 1684. On Feb. 28, the planters and 
 merchants of Jamaica complained to the Lords of Trade that so long as this measure 
 was under discussion they could not hope to receive any negroes from the company 
 (CW. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 544, 570, 579, 598, 601). The company, by no means 
 satisfied with the bill proposed, petitioned for further hearings, and succeeded in 
 reducing the number of negroes it was called upon to supply the first year from 5000 
 to 3000. C. O. 268: 1, pp. 113-117; Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, pp. 624, 632, 636. 
 
332 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 his Majestys Subjects of this Island taking into Consideration and 
 being willing to give all reasonable encouragement to the said Royall 
 African Company to supply this Island with Negro Slaves, Do enact 
 and Declare, and it is hereby enacted and Declared by the Governor, 
 Councill and Assembly and by the authority of the same that it shall 
 not be the practice of any his Majestys Subjects of this Island to 
 encourage any Interlopers nor deale with them for Negros, but who¬ 
 soever of his Majestys Subjects residing in this Island shall directly 
 or indirectly by himself or any other or by any Covin or fraudulent 
 way or means buy or Cause to be bought in this Island any Negro 
 or Negros brought by any Interloper or any person or persons what¬ 
 soever, but such as are therto impowered or appointed by the said 
 Royall African Company from any of the Parts or Coast of Africa 
 which are within the Limits of their Patent aforesaid shall forfeit 
 and pay for every such Negro so bought the sum of ten pounds cur¬ 
 rant money of this Island, the one half thereof shalbe to our sover- 
 aign Lord the King his Heires and Successors for the publique use 
 of this Island, and the other half to him or them that shall first sue 
 for the same in any publique Court of Record in this Island in which 
 no Essoign, Protection or wager of Law shalbe allowed. And this 
 Act to continue in force for one whole year to comence from four 
 months after the day of the passing the same; and if within the said 
 year the said Royall African Company shall have Imported into this 
 Island five thousand Negros then to continue in force for one year 
 more otherwise to cease and determine at the end of the first year. 
 And if the said Royall African Company shall before the expiration 
 of the second yeare have Imported into this Island the Number of 
 Three thousand Negros, then this Act to be in force for one year 
 longer comencing from the expiration of the second year, otherwise 
 to cease and determine at the end of the second year, The true 
 intent and meaning of this Act being that if the said Royall African 
 Company do not bring in the full number of five thousand Negros 
 before the expiration of one year . . . then this Act to cease and 
 determine at the end of one year [and so for 3000 more in the second 
 year]. But in case the said Royall African Company do continue to 
 bring in the full number of three thousand Negros yearly then this 
 Act to continue and be in force from year to year reckoning from the 
 expiration of the first year untill the end of that year wherin the said 
 Company shall have failed to bring in the full number of three thou¬ 
 sand Negros . . . Provided always that in consideration of the un¬ 
 certainty of timeing the arrivall of Negros there, It shalbe under¬ 
 stood that the supernumeraries of any yeare shalbe accounted on to 
 the next year and so from year to year to be continued on as long as 
 this Act shalbe in force. 
 
333 
 
 November f 1684. 
 
 And 'whereas this Island being of great extent and having many 
 Bayes and Harbours where Interlopers may land their Negros and 
 Dispose of the same to the Inhabitants of this Island in such manner 
 that it wilbe very difficult for any one to prove that any Negros were 
 bought from Interlopers, wherby the true intent and meaning of this 
 Act may be frustrated, It is hereby further declared . . . that if any 
 new Negros be found in the possession of any of the Inhabitants of 
 this Island, and he or she be sued for the penalty appointed by this 
 Act on such as do buy Negros of Interlopers, and that the said Party 
 in whose possession such new Negro or Negros are found cannot 
 prove they have had the said Negro or Negros in their possession for 
 the space of three months before the comencement of the sute for the 
 penalty, nor prove that the said Negro or Negros were Imported into 
 this Island by Persons therto authorized by the said Royall African 
 Company or there sold by the said Companies Factors, that then it 
 shall be taken for granted, they were Imported by Interlopers, and the 
 Party or Partys in whose possession the said Negro or Negros were 
 found to pay the penalty by this Act Imposed. 
 
 122. The Case of the Richard and M ARGARET. 1 
 
 12 No’r 1684. 
 
 Briscoe et alii contra navem le Richard and Margaret cujus Abra- 
 hamus Williams est magister. 
 
 Barret. Exton. 
 
 Quo die Exton nomine procuratoris ac ut procurator legitimus prae- 
 fati Abrahami Williams omnibus melioribus et efficatioribus via modo 
 et juris forma necnon ad omnem quemcunque juris effectum dicit alle- 
 gat et in hiis scriptis in jure proponit articulatim prout sequitur. 
 
 1. Imprimis, that the s d shipp the R } d and Margarett whereof 
 Abraham Williams is now Mr was designed upon an Interlopeing 
 voyage to the West Indies and the same was knowne to the s’d Tho: 
 Briscoe and others of the s’d shipps Company Marriners of the s’d 
 s hipp and that they knew that there was dang’r in tradeing there the 
 same being contrary to the Charter of the Affrican Company and in 
 case the s’d shipp should be there taken by any shipp or by any port 
 belonging to the s’d Company or where they could procure the same 
 to be seized the same would be confiscated et ponit communem divi- 
 sionem et de quolibet. 
 
 2. Item that the s’d shipp soe tradeing with in the Limitts of the 
 Charter to the s’d Affrican Company the M’r of the s’d shipp died 
 
 [122] 1 Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files, file 121, no. 192, pt. 1. 
 
334 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 and Tho: Briscoe tooke upon him to be M’r and command’r of the 
 said shipp and there were taken on board sev’all Negroes and other 
 goods and the s’d Tho: Briscoe the then M’r with foure others of 
 the shipps Company did on or about the 2d day of June 1683 take the 
 shipps boate and goe on shoare and left not a sufficient number of the 
 shipps Company on board to look after the s’d shipp and Negros or 
 blacks and never returned to the s’d shipp againe although staid there 
 above a month et ponit de quolibet alio numero nautarum et quoli- 
 bet alio tempore. 
 
 3. Item that it is [not?] customary for a Mast’r of any shippe 
 being in those parts and haveing such a Cargoe to goe on shoare upon 
 any occasion whatsoever and especially when any negroes were on 
 board and that the s’d shipp did stay in expectation of the s’d Briscoe 
 the Mast’r and the other men untill the sixth day of July following 
 to the hazard of the s’d shipp and Ladeing and the s’d Company re- 
 maineing on board for want of the Mast’r and the said foure other 
 Marriners and alsoe for want of water were forced to put into 
 Jamaica and the s’d shipp and ladeing was there taken and seized 
 and by the Governor there afterwards confiscated and condemned 
 and declared to be forfeited et ponit ut supra. 
 
 4. Item that the s’d shipp being soe seized confiscated and con¬ 
 demned the s’d Richard Walter now owner did buy the s’d shipp 
 of the Governor of Jamaica and really and bona fide pay for the 
 same et ponit ut supra. 
 
 5. Item quod praemissa etc. 
 
 Tho : Exton. 2 
 
 Briscoe et Rogers contra navem the Richard and Margarett ac con¬ 
 tra Richardum Walter proprietarium dictae Navis. j 
 
 Barrett. Exton. 3 , 
 
 Quo die Barrett nomine procuratoris ac ut procurator legitimus 
 dictorum Brisco et Hodges omni meliori modo necnon ad omnem 
 quemcunque juris effectum exinde quovismodo sequi valentem dicit 
 allegat et in hiis scriptis in jure proponit articulatim prout sequitur 
 vizt. 
 
 1. Imprimis that the said Thomas Brisco and John Bradley 
 together with Thomas Curtis, Eliathim Tolman, and Samuell Whillett 
 did at Tobago take the long boat and goe on shoare to hire a sloope 
 to carry the Negroes to Barbadoes, to Mr. Richard Walter the own r 
 and m’r merchant of the sayd shipp, the shipp being fowle and 
 leakey and not being able to gett to Barbadoes, and were cutt of or 
 
 2 Endorsed: “Richard and Margaret. Thomas Briscoe et socii contra eandem. 
 Allegatio per Exton data 12 Nov. 1684”. 
 
 ‘Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize: Libel Files, file 121, no. 194. 
 
335 
 
 1 68 s 
 
 taken by the natives at Tobago, Hocque fuit et est verum etc. ponit 
 tamen etc. Et ponit communem divisionem et de quolibet. 
 
 2. Item that sixty odd Negroes were sent in a sloope to the said 
 Mr. Walter at Barbadoes and he or his order received them and the 
 last Mr. Master Abraham Williams before the shipp was seized at 
 Jamaica did send the rest of the Negroes and all the gold and other 
 lading to Collonell Freeman and Mr. Kelly to Portomorant 4 for the 
 own’rs use who received the said Negroes and all the gold and other 
 lading for the said Mr. Walter the own’r, hocque fuit et est verum 
 etc. ponit tamen etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 3 * Item that the said Collonell Freeman and Mr. Kelly or one of 
 them have paid all the rest of the marrin’rs and Seamen left on board 
 the said shipp theire whole wages due to them, hocque fuit et est 
 verum etc. ponit tamen etc. Et ponit ut supra. 
 
 4. Item quod praemissa etc. 5 
 
 123. Baltazar Coymans to the King of Spain. 1 
 
 Sire: Don Baltazar Coymans, administrator of the contract 
 relative to negroes, says that having asked permission to clear a ves¬ 
 sel, called El Prof eta Daniel y for the introduction [of negroes], which 
 is anchored in the Bay of Cadiz, the captain of which is Juan Escholt, 
 your Majesty was pleased to order that he should propose [for this 
 
 ^Port Morant is on the southern shore of Jamaica. 
 
 5 Endorsed: “Richard and Margaret. Briscoe et Hodges contra eandem. Allegatio 
 per Barret data 2 Nov. 1684”. 
 
 x [l u 23] T^ rchiv ° Genei ; aI de las Indias > I53-7-7-I8A. The selections from the Archives 
 of the Indies were made with the aid of Miss Irene A. Wright; the translation was 
 done by Dr. James A. Robertson and Mrs. Fanny R. Bandelier. The abundance of 
 hpamsh papers dealing with the slave trade can be surmised from the fact that the 
 documents here printed are but a small part of those dealing with a single episode 
 in the administration of the contracts by means of which Spain gained her supply of 
 black labor. On July 3, 1684, Franz Schoonenbergh, Dutch envoy extraordinary to the 
 Spanish court, complained to the Council of the Indies concerning the administration of 
 the assiento under Nicolas Porcio. This complaint, undoubtedly made at the instigation 
 1 1 a tazar toymans, stated that Porcio’s debts were unpaid and that his creditors 
 
 looked to the Dutch West India Company for their payment. This was seriously injuring 
 the credit of the company. . These charges the Council of the Indies was directed by 
 the Spanish king to investigate. After some consideration the council reported that 
 satisfactory terms had been arranged between Porcio and his creditors and that the 
 Dutch were acting in bad faith. Porcio’s agents seemed to be amply supplied with 
 money but were encountering the opposition of the Dutch, who were doing all in their 
 power to ruin the assientist, even enlisting in their service the Spanish governor of 
 Cartagena, and spreading about word that Porcio was of unsound mind. The belief 
 of the council was that the erring governor should feel his Majesty’s displeasure and that 
 the Dutch should learn that their efforts were of no avail {ibid., 153-7-10). In October, 
 1684, Coymans presented to the Spanish king a memorial complaining further of 
 Porcio. This he followed in February with a statement of the terms on which he 
 was willing to administer the assiento until Porcio’s contract should have expired. He 
 apparently succeeded in convincing the council of the unfitness of Porcio, for an agree¬ 
 ment was reached shortly after this by which Porcio was relegated to the position of 
 agent to Coymans (Wright, “The Coymans Asiento”, pp. 24-28). The letters which 
 follow relate to the first vessel sent out under the new contract. The first letter here 
 printed is undated but was acted upon in a council meeting of Mar. 13, 1685. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 336 
 
 purpose] a vessel manned by a Flemish or Dutch crew, in accordance 
 with the terms of the concession; but on account of the great delay 
 which would result from having vessels come from Holland, owing to 
 the ice which it is said has commenced to form, and since the lading 
 of the abovementioned ship has been completed, and since it is very 
 advisable to advance the introduction [of negroes] in the service of 
 your Majesty, in order that this may have effect: 
 
 He entreats your Majesty to be pleased to grant him permission 
 for the aforesaid ship to make one voyage only for the said introduc¬ 
 tion, the ship being manned by a Flemish and Dutch crew as agreed; 
 that Don Pedro de Oreytia, president of the Casa [de la Con- 
 tratacion] take part in the inspection of this crew; that the aforesaid 
 fuan Escholt be appointed captain of the said vessel with the approval 
 of the said Don Pedro de Oreytia, both of them [Coymans and 
 Oreytia] committing the charge of the ship to him. If this be done 
 in this wise and he be given the proper dispatches for clearing the said 
 ship he [Don Baltazar] will be greatly obliged. 2 
 
 124. Pedro de Oreytia to Francisco de Amolaz. 1 
 
 . . . Two days ago I was given a letter from your lordship in 
 which the council ordains that I am to inspect the tonnage and clear a 
 vessel which Don Baltazar Coymans is sending out, informing me (at 
 the same time) that the contract relating to negroes is in his care. I 
 at once complied with the order and I am told that the vessel will 
 sail on the day after tomorrow and as soon as she is gone I shall 
 inform your lordship about the manner in which the order of the 
 council was executed . . . 
 
 Cadiz, March 18, 1685. 
 
 125. Pedro de Oreytia to Francisco de Amolaz. 1 
 
 ... I have gathered very special information concerning the 
 person of Captain Juan Escholt [and I am told] that everybody knows 
 him and considers him as a man of tested courage and very worthy 
 of all confidence, and not only all these opinions are in his favor, but 
 Count de Aguilar also knows him and [knows that] he was anxious 
 to serve his Majesty, and sehor Don Francisco Lorenzo de San Millan 
 agrees with all this. I must therefore tell your lordship that he is 
 
 2 This is followed by a minute from the council meeting of Mar. 13, 1685, giving 
 permission to the Prophet Daniel to sail after the ship, crew, and captain had been 
 inspected. 
 
 [124] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-18B. The elaborate introductions and conclusions of these 
 letters are omitted. Endorsed: “Council, March 27, 1685: Let this information be 
 awaited, in order to know when he left and how it was executed.” 
 
 [125] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-18C. The first paragraph of the letter repeats the 
 directions of the council meeting of Mar. 13. 
 
April, 1685 
 
 337 
 
 well suited for the purpose. This captain was born in the city of 
 Lube.ck, a Hanseatic city in Germany. He was married and took up 
 his citizenship in Amsterdam. He had two brothers who were in 
 his Majesty’s service in Flanders, one of whom, called Marcos 
 Escholt, captain of a regiment of Germans, was killed in the defeat 
 at. Valenciennes, 1677. The vessel called El Profeta Daniel is a 
 frigate of war, built in Hamburg. It has a crew of 160 men, all 
 sailors and soldiers, carries 58 pieces of artillery, 14 stone mortars, 
 and the ammunition corresponding to them. 
 
 As I have to leave for Seville at once, senor Don Francisco 
 Lorenzo de San Millan remains in charge of the inspection of the 
 crew, and to see to it that everything is carried out as the council 
 ordains and as it is set forth in the contract relating to negroes. I 
 have sent an order to Seville that Don Juan Cruzado de la Cruz, the 
 chief pilot and ship gauger, is to come down here at once to gauge 
 the vessel. The necessary assistance will be given in every way so 
 that this vessel may make its voyage with the speed that is desired, 
 taking all the proper precautions. May God guard your lordship as 
 many years as possible. 2 
 
 Cadiz, March 24, 1685. 
 
 126. Francisco Lorenzo de San Millan to 
 Francisco de Amolaz. 1 
 
 Dear sir: I place myself at the command of your lordship and I 
 solicit very fervently your grace, entreating your lordship to favor 
 me by granting it to me and to command whatever might be to the 
 service and pleasure of your lordship and this out of my affection and 
 as one of your servants I solicit on this day. 
 
 On Thursday, the 6th day of this month, when the strong east 
 wind which blew occurred, and when the ship called El [ Profeta ] 
 Daniel (which is to take part in the negro trade in the interest of 
 Don Baltazar Coymans, administrator of that contract), could have 
 been made ready to sail, we went to take the measurements of the 
 vessel, for which work I was personally present aboard the vessel. Ac¬ 
 cording to the measurements taken in compliance with the regulation 
 for war ships, the vessel is of 50954 tons burden, and for merchant ves¬ 
 sels 42414 tons. Therefore, advising that the vessel is provided with 
 everything it needs and is ready to proceed immediately on her voyage, 
 
 2 On Mar. 25 Francisco Lorenzo de San Millan wrote to Amolaz that he was 
 executing the orders regarding the clearance of the vessel. Only a small proportion 
 of the letters exchanged over the sailing of the Prophet Daniel are here printed, but 
 enough a^re presented to show the nature of the Spanish supervision of the assiento 
 [126] 1 Arch. Ind., 453-7-7-18E. Endorsed: “Council meeting of April 17, 1685. 
 
 Received, and that he is to continue with everything he mentions according to the’ orders 
 given.” 
 
33 » 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 I shall now pass on to the inspection and survey of the crew, in the 
 way his Majesty ordains. 
 
 I am also looking after the work on the pontoon and the finishing 
 of the careening, of which I am reporting to your lordship as I have 
 also done to the president, Don Pedro de Oreytia, who, for the time 
 being, is in Seville. May God Our Lord guard your lordship the 
 many years I desire and as is needful. 
 
 Cadiz, April 8, 1685. 
 
 127. Pedro de Oreytia to Francisco de Amolaz. 1 
 
 Captain Juan Escholt, commander of the vessel called El Prof eta 
 Daniel, sailed with negroes to Cartagena and Porto Bello by virtue 
 of the orders of the council: and since he carries aboard his vessel 
 the flag of his Majesty, he wishes to obtain letters patent in case 
 he should meet with pirates on the voyage or in one of the ports 
 at which he touches. What I can affirm is that this man is a man of 
 great courage and circumspection and he seems very devoted to the 
 service of his Majesty. Will your lordship please to report [this] 
 to the council, which will then order what it may consider best. May 
 God guard the person of your lordship the many years I desire. 2 
 
 Seville, April 13, 1685. 
 
 128. Report of the Council of the Inquisition to the King. 1 
 
 Sire: In minutes of December 1 and 24 of the year 1672, on the 
 occasion of the contract of negroes which the Grillos owned on the 
 island of Curasao, occupied by the Dutch, and other landings made 
 in the port of Cartagena in the Indies by other ships, which put in 
 there under different pretexts, and especially those which say that they 
 belong to some of your Majesty’s armed fleets which are called the 
 Guard of the Indies, this council represented to your Majesty the 
 serious peril which might occur if those men were allowed to pene¬ 
 trate inland, on account of the injuries their sects and religious errors 
 
 [127] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-18F. , j 
 
 2 Endorsed: “Council held on April 17, 1685. The council having seen and 
 examined this letter about the petition made by Captain Juan Escholt, your excellency 
 having ordered it, agrees that although this matter should be brought before the 
 Assembly of War, your excellency is herewith informed that under no circumstances will 
 the council of its own dictate consent that he is to be given the privilege or grant he 
 requests. Council, April 30th, 1685. He is to be answered to the effect that it has 
 not been considered advisable to grant this petition, the more so after learning w a 
 he has written later on about this captain”. On Apr. 24, 1685, Oreytia wrote, 
 vessel called El Profeta Daniel, of which Juan Escholt is captain, and whic is a ou 
 to take part in the traffic in negroes, sailed on Wednesday last, the 18th of this mon 
 at sun rise and with favorable winds. With regard to this it will not be necessary 0 
 grant him the letters patent he had claimed. My idea in proposing it was to n ou 
 whether the man possessed much courage and experience and his willingness to oppos 
 the pirates [he might encounter].” Ibid., 15 3 - 7 ~ 7 _ 1 8J. 
 
 [128] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-19 I. 
 
339 
 
 April, 1685 
 
 might arouse among the natives contrary to the purity of our Holy 
 Catholic Faith and your Majesty s service; your Majesty was peti¬ 
 tioned [in these minutes] in order to prevent this to be pleased to per¬ 
 mit the inquisitors of Cartagena and other tribunals in the Indies to be 
 ordered as a duty to proceed against the English and Dutch in accord¬ 
 ance with law and without restriction of any kind, as the tribunal pro¬ 
 ceeds against your Majesty’s subjects and other residents of the Indies. 
 
 Your Majesty, in view of this representation and the advice of the 
 Council of the Indies on this matter, with your customary holy zeal 
 was pleased to make the following decision. 
 
 I agree with the opinion [of the council] and have ordained that an answer 
 be given to the Council of the Indies in accordance therewith, and I do like¬ 
 wise to the Council of the Inquisition, but vessels that are forced to put into 
 port must be excepted from this rule, because the agreements set forth in the 
 articles of peace must be observed. 
 
 Having heard that a few Dutchmen are trying to make a contract 
 for the negro trade in the Indies, and that, in order to carry on the 
 business of trading there, they will try to penetrate inland—from 
 which will arise against our religion those troubles that can be 
 imagined, since those who will accompany the negroes, as aforesaid 
 will be of the Dutch nation, and since the Grillos are permitted to have 
 only one interpreter the fear of injury may be augmented because 
 of the savageness and weakness of those natives, especially of those 
 inland; and since they find it necessary to stop [for purposes of trade] 
 in many towns very far distant from the tribunal, and no aid can be 
 given promptly because of the great distance, the Bishop Inquisitor 
 General and the council are of the opinion that their first obligation is 
 to entreat your Majesty that, in case any contract is made with the 
 Dutch, you will please to ordain that all necessary orders be provided 
 and issued for the utmost care of the conservation and purity of our 
 Holy Catholic Faith, because one can very justly fear that if the 
 negroes come by way of the Dutch, they may be greatly imbued with 
 doctrines and errors and that if they be allowed to penetrate into the 
 interior they might pervert many of these natives, and that this coun¬ 
 cil should advise the inquisitors to exercise special vigilance. Your 
 Majesty will ordain what seems best to your royal service. 
 
 Madrid, April 13, 1685. 2 
 
 ’Endorsed: “At the meeting of June 7 of the year 1686, I have adopted the 
 resolution which will come before the council.” On Apr. 16 his Majesty sent to the 
 Duke of Medina the following decree: “Inasmuch as the Council of the Inquisition 
 has heard that several Dutchmen are trying to make a contract relative to negro trade 
 in the Indies, it represents in the enclosed consultation what was put forward for the 
 greatest protection of the purity of our Holy Faith. Let this be examined in the 
 Council of the Indies, and tell me what the council’s opinion is with regard to its 
 contents” (Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-19)* It should be remembered that the Council of the 
 Indies had taken, as it believed, adequate precautions to protect the faith of the negroes. 
 On Feb. 10, 1685, it issued the following order: “Let an order be given to Don Baltazar 
 
340 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 129. Francisco de San Millan to Francisco de Amolaz. 1 
 
 On the 16 of this month I inspected the vessel called El Pro feta 
 Daniel, captain Juan Escholt, which is about to sail for the Indies 
 at the expense of Don Baltazar Coymans of the contract and trade 
 of negroes (the administration of which trade he assumed) and with 
 an interpreter I examined the Flemish and Dutch crew with which 
 the vessel is manned, and I listed them all, with their names, personal 
 description, filiation, and nativity. Great care has been taken to 
 prevent the ship from carrying merchandise and to this effect I went 
 down into the hold personally with the officials. I inspected that, the 
 places between decks, and the staterooms, and notified them that the 
 vessel was to sad immediately as soon as the inspection was ended and 
 they were provided with all the necessaries for this voyage. They 
 carried this order into effect on Wednesday the 18th at sunrise, when 
 they set sail and within a short time they were lost sight of. The 
 necessary documents were given to the attorney of Don Baltazar 
 Coymans by virtue of the orders of the Council [of the Indies] and 
 in reference to the said visit of inspection, both the said attorney and 
 the captains agreeing to comply with the obligation not to make 
 more than this one voyage and to return to this port and then to substi¬ 
 tute in place of one of the two naval ships which were granted him, 
 another ship which is his own. For the present the above is all I have 
 to report to your lordship, whom I entreat to keep me in your good - 
 grace and remember to command me [always]. . . . 
 
 Cadiz, April 22, 1685. J 
 
 130. Order of the King of England in Council. 1 
 
 April 29, 1685. 
 
 Whereas his Majesty hath been informed that notwithstanding the 
 severall Injunctions that have been signified from time to time to the 
 Governors of his Majestys Plantations in America for the due observ- , 
 ance of the Acts of Trade and Navigation, Yet neverthelesse that 
 
 Coymans through the secretary’s office to the effect, that on the vessels which are to 
 sail to his factories in Africa to buy negroes, ten discalced Capuchins are to be taken 
 to the colonies. They are to be assigned to the vessels at the expense of the aforesaid 
 Don Baltazar, who shall provide for their support in their respective colonies and also 
 the customary ration and they shall be maintained in the said colonies (Arch. Ind. 153- 
 7-7-10). A royal decree of Mar. 25, 1685, confirmed this provision. 
 
 [129] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-18I. Much the same information was contained in a letter 
 
 of Apr. 16, by the same writer. Ibid., 157-77-7-18G. 
 
 [130] 1 Acts P. C. C., II. 81. In response to a petition from the company, James n. 
 issued a proclamation, similar to that of Nov. 30, 1674, against interlopers. In this he 
 spoke of the trade as “of late disturbed by several ill disposed Persons who prefernng 
 their private profit before the Publick Good, have ... in a Clandestine and is 
 orderly manner, Traded into those Parts”. Transactions of the American Antiquarian 
 Society, XII. 137-139; P. C. C., II. 80. 
 
34i 
 
 May, 1685 
 
 forrein vessells have Traded in those Parts, For the prevention 
 wherof it is this day Ordered by his Majesty in Councill, that the 
 Captains of such of his Majestys Shipps as shall be sent into America 
 do seize all vessel s belonging to strangers and forreine vessells not 
 made free, which they shall finde trading or attempting to Trade there 
 on rary to the said Acts in order to their prosecution pursuant to the 
 Lawes in that behalf with this exception onely, that such Spanish 
 vessells and ships imployed by Spaniards as shall come to Buy Negros 
 at Jamaica or Barbados be permitted so to do, and that the said ships 
 and persons may have free admission and liberty of bringing either 
 money or Goods of the product of the Spanish Dominions in America 
 and to carry away from the said Places such negros as shall be agreed 
 for provided they do nothing otherwise contrary to the Acts of Navi¬ 
 gation and the Lawes Established on those Islands. Wherof Samuel 
 Pepys Esqre. Secretary of the Admiralty is to take notice, and to 
 cause all such Instructions to be given to the said Captaines of Shipps 
 as shall be requisite for the said purpose. 2 
 
 131. Lieutenant Governor Hender Molesworth to 
 
 William Blathwayt. 1 
 
 Jamaica, May 15, 1685. 
 
 • T en . a S° ai *rived Don Baltasar Beck, a Dutch gentleman bred 
 m hpain bearing the royal cedillas of the King of Spain in favour of 
 Don Baltasar Coymans—to whom the King has committed the sole 
 management of the Assiento—for the introduction of negroes into 
 t e panish Indies, and for taking of all effects whatsoever out of the 
 
 if n t> ° • orcao an( ^ hjs Agents." This was done on a suggestion 
 t at Porcio was wholly incapable of carrying it on for want of money; 
 ut from all that appeared here, the want was not of money, but of 
 negroes. Having communicated his powers to me, he desired me to 
 secure both the person of Porcio’s agent and all effects in his hands 
 e ongmg to the Assiento; to which I answered that this was impos¬ 
 sible except by due process of law, that the Island itself was a kind 
 ot prison, which he could not leave nor send goods from without 
 authority, and that I could not judge of the validity of his powers 
 until I knew how they had been respected by the King of Spain’s 
 
 of the same , d ? y that this order was issued letters were sent to the governors 
 
 B a rh^ P r J °T r ? en J nS St 7 Ct observan ce of the acts of navigation, the letters to 
 
 Tr ^ the Lords^of 
 of negroes from n Cu e r S a S Qa r o. the im P°rtation 
 
 [i 3 i] \Cal. St. P. Col., 1685-1688, p. 44. ff W. 
 
 "See Scelle, La Traite Negriere, I. 657-675: Wrieht “The Cnvm-nc a*- * » 
 The cedula issued Mar. 25, 1685, cancelled all previous grants and directed I i 
 Protection be granted to the Coymans against Porcio. Cal. St. P. Col., 1685-1688, p. 45!^ 
 
342 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Ministers in the Indies. He thought this reasonable, not doubting to 
 hear soon of the ratification of his powers in the proper quarter. 
 Meanwhile the two parties kept making demands and protests, etc., 
 complaining each that I was partial to the other, though I did my best 
 to be indifferent. Beck tries to make me believe that he is come, not 
 so much to take away the business, as to establish it on a better fp“ n ° a ' 
 tion, and that he hopes to hear from London of a contract with the 
 Royal African Company, acknowledging (as is true) that the negro- 
 trade could not be driven so advantageously for the Assiento from 
 any port in the Indies as from this. I told him that he would not want 
 encouragement. He then made the following proposal as absolutely 
 essential for the settlement of a trade here, viz., that Coymans should 
 be protected, as he was by the Spanish King’s letters in the Spanish 
 Indies, from any suit by Porcio for debts due to him. I answered 
 that I could deny my King’s justice to no one, but that I would write 
 him [home?] for instructions, and meanwhile would do what I could 
 to protect him against the creditors of the Assiento. I beg for in¬ 
 structions, and hope that my conduct will be approved. . . . 
 
 132. Resume of the Origin of the Introduction of Slaves 
 
 into Spanish America . 1 
 
 Resume of the origin of the introduction of negro slaves into the 
 Indies and the need there is of them in those provinces. From the 
 book entitled Norte de la Casa de la Contratacion de las Indies, by 
 Don Jose de Veytia, it appears that a few years after the discovery 
 of the Indies, it was found that the work in the mines and the culti¬ 
 vation of the fields could not be mastered by the Indians, and, in order 
 to help them, it was resolved to bring some slaves over from Europe, 
 such as negroes, but excluding Berbers and mulattoes and, from among 
 the said negroes, those called “Gelofes” [Jolloffs?], who were con¬ 
 sidered as haughty and rebellious. Among other orders Veytia notes 
 that by a cedula of July 16, 1550, the Casa de la Contratacion was 
 ordered not to allow any more negro slaves to go to the Indies from 
 the Levant, for it was understood that some of these were descended 
 from the Moorish race, or else had contact with them, and that it 
 did not seem advisable that people of that sort should be taken to 
 countries where the faith had been so recently planted, even if they 
 were of the negro race of Guinea. 
 
 3 Enclosures which went with this letter were: (i) grant of the assiento by the 
 King of Spain to Don Balthazar Coymans, Madrid, Mar. 25, n. s.; (3) same, da 
 Mar 5; ( 4 ) similar grant, ordering that Coymans be given legal protection agamst Pore o, 
 Mar. 25; (5) order revoking all previous rights granted to Barroso and Porcio, Madrid, 
 Mar. 15, 1685, printed. Cal. St. P. Col., 1685-1688, p. 45* 
 
 [132] 1 Arch. Ind., i 53 - 7 " II > not dated. 
 
343 
 
 168 s 
 
 It was also decreed that no Spanish-speaking negro [negro ladino ] 
 was to be taken to the Indies, all negroes who had been for one year 
 in Spain or Portugal being considered as such, for they would cause 
 the loss of the new negroes [bozales ] by ill advice. 
 
 • ^ me went on, and the work in the fields and in the mines 
 increased, a still greater lack of laborers became evident: and, as 
 the appreciation of the negroes increased and a good market was 
 found for them, the number of those brought in continued to grow and 
 at the time permits for this trade were being granted in Spain the 
 price paid per capita was already as high as 30 ducats and a duty of 
 over 20 reals. Those of the purchasers who were unable to pay 
 cash in Seville obligated themselves to pay 40 ducats in the Indies 
 and a duty of 30 reals instead of 20, this being the duty pertaining to 
 the crown of Castile, and with respect to the crown of Portugal, 
 another duty had to be paid there, as well as entrance duty in the 
 Indies. 
 
 The duty payable on these licenses continued to grow in such a way 
 that this gave rise to the formation of asientos to transport shiploads 
 of negroes, and the income derived from these asientos was consid¬ 
 ered so steady that annuities were established which were publicly 
 proclaimed by a crier in the manner of the revenues of the duties 
 on import and export, or of the excise. The first asiento was the 
 one provided by the decree of January 30, 1595, with Pedro Gomez 
 Reynal," for a term of nine years. He was allowed to ship 4250 
 slaves per annum, it being assumed that about 3500 of these would 
 reach their destination alive and having the characteristics and con¬ 
 ditions stipulated in the treaty. Inasmuch as Reynal died before 
 executing his asiento, Juan Rodriguez Cutino continued at the head 
 of it from 1601 to 1609 under the same terms. 
 
 After this these rights were administered at the account of his 
 Majesty till the year 1615, when a new asiento was made with Antonio 
 Rodriguez de Rivas and this asiento lasted until 1622 and within 
 this term 29,574 slaves were shipped. 
 
 After the year when the latter contractor died, the administration 
 of this right was placed in charge of the tribunal of the Casa de la 
 Contratacion and the kind of contracts made with several people 
 who obligated themselves to barter a certain number of negroes was 
 called avencas. 
 
 This was followed by another asiento with Manuel Rodriguez 
 Lamego, which ended in the year 1630. After an accounting had been 
 rendered to his Majesty, the latter ordered the tribunal of the afore¬ 
 said Casa to adjust the avencas, until Don Luis del Alcazar, factor 
 
 2 F° r a detailed account of all these contracts, see Scelle, La Traite Negriere vol 
 I., passim . ’ 
 
344 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 of the Casa, arrived, who had been appointed as administrator. In 
 1631 an asiento was made with Melchor Gomez and Cristobal Men¬ 
 dez de Sosa: but after the rebellion of Portugal no other treaty was 
 made and several years went by without an asiento being made, until 
 the year 1662, when one was made. This was under charge of 
 Domingo Grillo and Ambrosio Lomelin, who obligated themselves 
 for seven years to introduce 3000 slaves per year, paying at the rate 
 of 100 pesos per pieza de Indias 3 or in all 300,000 pesos. They 
 were to build several vessels, in addition to the rest of the conditions 
 and qualifications expressed in their asiento, which was approved by 
 decree of his Majesty dated July 31, 1662. By another decree, dated 
 September 5, 1668, his Majesty approved the agreement made with 
 regard to the aforesaid transaction of several lawsuits and the pro¬ 
 vision they promised to make in Flanders over and above the two 
 years granted them to continue the introduction of slaves, as was 
 their obligation. They obtained a continuation of another two. Then 
 they had in all four years, which were to terminate on March 1, 1674, 
 in the course of which they were to complete the number of negroes 
 which they had failed to introduce in the first seven years of the 
 asiento. They were to live up to the agreement and [to a further 
 stipulation] that during the said four years of the continuation they 
 could not introduce negroes anywhere else. 
 
 By a decree of December 28, 1674, the Queen Mother, our lady 
 (being at the time ruler of these kingdoms), was pleased to approve 
 the instrument of the asiento made with Antonio Garcia and Don 
 Sebastian de Silice for five years for a payment of 450,000 reals of 8, 
 for the right of introducing 4000 piezas of negro slaves into the 
 Indies, with the qualifications and under the condition contained in 1 
 the instrument of the contract, which was made with regard to it, 
 but this did not become effective for lack of credit. 
 
 Later, on account of lack of funds and of credit on the part of the 
 said Antonio Garcia and other partners in the asiento which had 
 been made with him, it was placed in charge of the Consulado of 
 Commerce of the city of Seville, with whom an instrument was drawn 
 up, which was approved by his Majesty in the decree of February 
 10, 1676, obligating themselves to introduce ten thousand tons which 
 is equal to as many other permits for five years, at 2000 tons, annu¬ 
 ally, paying 112 pesos and a half per ton, which altogether amounts to 
 1,125,000 pesos, payable in the Indies in three voyages of the 
 respective galleons, on each one of these voyages paying one-third, 
 and a gift of 100,000 pesos more as a thank offering, in cash, besides 
 advancing 150,000 pesos on account of the first payment, and comply- 
 
 3 For pieza de India see the introduction, p. io6n. 
 
168 5 345 
 
 ing with all the rest of the qualifications and conditions contained in 
 the aforesaid asiento. 
 
 Upon the expiration of the term of five years, a new asiento of 
 negroes was made with Don Nicolas Porcio, by power of attorney 
 from Don Juan Barroso y Pozo, his father-in-law, a resident of Cadiz. 
 In a decree dated January 31, 1682, his Majesty deigned to approve 
 the instrument which had been drawn up in respect of the asiento 
 during the time of the other five years, for the amount of 1,125,000 
 pesos, payable in the same form as had been agreed to with the said 
 Consulado of Commerce, together with all the other conditions agreed 
 to then, adding several more from the asiento made with Domingo 
 Gnllo and Ambrosio Lomelin and others named in this instrument. 
 
 Lately an agreement was made with Don Baltazar Coymans, to 
 assume the administration of this asiento for the term fixed with the 
 said Don Nicolas Porcio and upon finishing this term, for another 
 two years at his own account and risk, and with all the qualifications 
 agreed upon with him. He also obligated himself by a separate asiento 
 to furnish 200,000 escudos of his own, 50,000 of which were to be 
 paid at once for the purchasing of four frigates for the roval navy, 
 the remaining 150,000 escudos to be paid in 12 equal monthly pay¬ 
 ments in the state of Flanders, the first one of these payments to be 
 payable on November i, 1685. 
 
 A copy of each one of the asientos referred to, from the time one 
 was committed to the care of Domingo Grille, up to the present time, 
 is enclosed with this Resume and whatever is said about them is what 
 has taken place with regard to the form adopted for the introduction 
 of the said negro slaves and the making of asientos of negroes. As 
 ar as the need of negro slaves in the Indies is concerned, there are 
 enclosed two consultas of the council—one of April 28, of the year 
 1674, m which an account was rendered to the Queen Mother, our 
 lady (who at the time was ruler of these kingdoms), of the news 
 received from the envoy of Portugal, as to whether negroes could be 
 ta en from the factories of that kingdom with whom to supply the 
 Indies and how important it was that orders should be sent to the 
 envoy to make arrangements for men to go and barter in the said 
 factories and to attempt to arrange by asiento at Lisbon the duties 
 
 on the negroes. About this her Majesty deigned to decree the fol- 
 lowing: 
 
 The necessity of availing ourselves immediately of the revenue which this 
 operation might yield, because of the importunities of the present necessities of 
 
 the monarchy, permits of no delay in the negotiations proposed by the council_ 
 
 especially since it is certain that they can not get along without negroes in the 
 Indies; and it is to be believed that those who are not allowed to enter through 
 us, will be taken in by others. Therefore, on this account, and because the 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 346 
 
 method of single licenses is not considered a good one, I order the council 
 that it try to make a hard and fast asiento without any delay whatever in 
 regard to the introduction of negroes, and to inform me of what is done in this 
 regard and what is best so that this matter may be concluded with that haste 
 that is fitting, for this is what I have decided on. 
 
 The other consulta is dated May 24, 1679, complying with an 
 order by his Majesty, ordering the council to deliberate upon the 
 best course to pursue in case they were to trade with the English, 
 for the negroes whom they were accustomed to buy for the Indies 
 from the Dutch might be had from the English at first hand and 
 at more convenient prices. The council stated its opinion as to what 
 it considered best in the matter and his Majesty was pleased to state 
 the following: 
 
 I am informed of and I agree with the opinion [of the council] and vith 
 regard to the fact that all nations have negro factories merely to derive profit 
 from their sale, and that there is great need of them here for the Indies, the 
 council will consider whether there might be some way of establishing our own 
 factories. 
 
 With regard to the order of his Majesty, that he be informed 
 whether meetings of theologians and jurists have been held to deter¬ 
 mine whether it is licit to buy them as slaves and make asientos for 
 them and whether there are any authors who have written on this 
 particular question and to mention their names, no record has been 
 found in the offices of the secretary regarding this matter, except the 
 one meeting held lately at the lodging of the president, Don Vicente 
 Gonzaga, which was attended, besides other officials, by Messrs. Don 
 Luis Cerdeno and Don Jose de Veytia and the Minister Cornejo, but 
 as this meeting is so well known, what was done is not discussed here; 
 moreover the original reports of the meeting are in the hands of his 
 Majesty, w r ho asked for them as soon as the vote had been taken, 
 and a memorandum of them is in possession of the fiscal. 
 
 133. Minutes of the Council of the Indies . 1 
 
 Summary of what occurred in connection with the conveniences or 
 inconveniences which might result from the treaty of administration, 
 which was made with Don Baltazar Coymans in regard to the intro¬ 
 duction of negro slaves into the Indies. . . . 2 
 
 [133] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-10. . . , 
 
 2 Here follows a review of the negotiations which had been going on, with some 
 
 details omitted in earlier accounts. On coming to the conclusion that the management 
 of the assiento might well be withdrawn from Porcio’s charge, the council sent one 0 
 its members secretly to Coymans, apparently to learn upon what terms he wou 
 take it. Shortly after this he presented a proposal to introduce negroes amounting to 
 3000 tons in shipping annually, to pay 200,000 escudos to the Spaniards, 50,000 of w ic 
 were to be used to pay for frigates to be built in Holland.. After some consideiation 
 it was agreed that the contract was to be given to him despite the fact that he was 0 
 the Dutch nation and therefore a heretic. Since he would take the contract on no ot er 
 terms two warships manned by Flemish and Dutch were to be sent to the West Indies. 
 An agreement following these terms was drawn up and sent to Coymans. 
 
i 68 s 347 
 
 His Majesty was pleased to say in his royal order of May 4, 1684: 
 
 As it is advisable to investigate all that happened with regard to the contract 
 , or . ne g™es granted for the Indies, I have resolved to form a committee, con¬ 
 sisting of you Don Vicente Gonzaga, Don Gil Castrejon, Don Antonio 
 Ronquillo, and Don Tonbio de Mier, of the Council of Castille, Don Luis 
 Cerdeno and Don Jose de Veytia of the Council of the Indies, and Father 
 Cornejo of the Order of St. Francis. And I ordain that you are to call a 
 meeting for Sunday, the 6th day of the present month and to take thither all 
 the consultas and documents touching this matter that may be necessary, and that 
 they be examined with special care and that a report be given me immediately 
 of what comes out and your opinion. 
 
 The meeting having taken place in accordance with this royal 
 order, a consulta was held on that same sixth day of the month, and 
 the report was made to his Majesty that at the said meeting Don 
 Jose de Veytia had presented the recommendation made by the Bishop 
 of Sigiienza, confessor of his Majesty, which originated this meeting, 
 the contents of this recommendation being to the effect that the Nuncio 
 of his Holiness had proposed a modification of the contract relative 
 to the asiento of negroes which had been made with a Dutch heretic, 
 because of the inconveniences and risks likely to befall religion in the 
 dominions of the Indies, if this contract were allowed to be carried 
 out as agreed.. His Holiness being apprised of the contract, he ordered 
 him [the nuncio] to make the most suitable recommendations in order 
 to prevent [the said risks]. [He said] that he had started to make an 
 investigation and in consequence thereof had spoken about it to his 
 Majesty, but upon finding that his admonitions had no apparent effect, 
 he considered it his duty to repeat the assertion that of all the intellec¬ 
 tual and prominent persons with whom he had spoken about this con¬ 
 tract, not one spoke well of it, neither as it concerned the state and 
 political situation nor in its connection with the interests of his 
 Majesty, and, what was no less important, in its relation to the safety 
 of matters pertaining to religion. . . . 3 
 
 As for the religious question which seemed to be the principal issue 
 on which his Majesty ordered them to express their opinion, the com¬ 
 mittee unanimously declared that they had no doubt with regard to 
 this matter, nor could they possibly have any. . . . 
 
 First, the intercourse was lawful when there was no danger of per¬ 
 version; and this could not be feared even remotely, for, although the 
 idministration of the contract was entrusted to Dutch persons, this 
 present manager had to reside in these realms [Spain], the business 
 dealings were to be handled by Catholics, and if any Dutch trader 
 
 8 The objections to the contract were carefully considered. The committee then 
 eported to his Majesty that the contract was most favorable to the interests of the 
 ■mg and of the public, that Coymans had already set about fulfilling its terms and 
 hat it would hardly be possible to cancel it. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 348 
 
 had to assist tradesmen in their dealings, they were to obtain the 
 advantages of such an one who had never had any business experi¬ 
 ences in the Indies. Although many heretics of different sects have 
 gone to the Indies, not one of them has ever tried to introduce his 
 creed there. In case any such should go there, measures had been 
 taken and orders had been given to the officials of the Inquisition, to 
 punish them through their tribunal if they trespassed the permission 
 granted them. The Faith was so firmly rooted in the Indies, and 
 especially at ports where transports with negro slaves had to put in, 
 that it could safely be said that it could not be more assured in the 
 ports of Castile. There were no Indians at these ports nor even 
 at a great distance from them, among whom they might, on account of 
 their ready compliance, introduce their erroneous beliefs; and they 
 cannot go into the interior of the country, because of the prohibitions 
 in the laws of the Indies. As many cautions as possible were taken 
 with regard to the two warships allowed to be manned by Flemish 
 and Dutch crews in order to prevent these men from going ashore 
 and from having any intercourse whatsoever with the Catholics. . . . 4 
 
 Third, [the intercourse was lawful] since it was certain that 
 the Indies could not be maintained without negroes, because 
 the lack of Indians has made it necessary that they be supple¬ 
 mented by making use of these people both for the labor of 
 the estates, and for service in the families, as it is impossible 
 to obtain Spaniards or creoles who are willing to do this kind of work; 
 also the Dutch own the factories whence the negroes are brought. 1 
 The public reason for maintaining those realms makes the trading 
 lawful, because the Catholic could purchase from the infidel what was 
 distinctly for necessary use, and not only the purchase is lawful, but 
 also the delivery of the goods by the same hand, especially when, t 
 notwithstanding the many efforts made, no Spaniard could be found 
 who was willing to take the asiento, inasmuch as the Consulado, which 
 alone could handle the trade and which had done so before, refused 
 it. Wherever the public weal is concerned, intercourse and trading 
 are not only permitted but also the alliance with and use of armed 
 auxiliaries, even of heretics, in defense of those domains proper, in 
 case assistance cannot be obtained in any other way, as has been 
 done in many instances in the past. 1 J '! 
 
 Great care has been taken in this contract, not only to safeguard 
 everything concerning religion, but so great stress was laid on this 
 that the Dutchman with whom the matter was arranged was made to 
 take ten Capuchin monks to his factories in order to instruct the 
 negroes in our Holy Faith. He obligated himself to take them, to sup- 
 
 4 Secondly, intercourse is lawful when there is no cause for scandal. In the trade 
 under consideration there could be no such cause, since it granted no greater intercourse 
 than was already permitted in Italy and Spain. 
 
168 5 
 
 349 
 
 port them, and allow them to preach in public, a stipulation never 
 before included in any asiento, and one which it was believed would 
 not be allowed, as it was totally opposed to their [/. e. } the Dutch] 
 religion. 
 
 These arguments were so weighty that, since the Nuncio was the 
 i one who first raised the question, as stated in the consulta of the 
 Bishop Confessor, Senor Don Luis Cerdeno was ordered to go to 
 inform him [i. e. f the Nuncio] of the motives which caused the 
 contract to be executed. Upon receiving this information, the Nuncio 
 replied that he was convinced. 
 
 Lastly, a matter that admitted no compromise to the most scrupu¬ 
 lous investigation, was that the Council of the Inquisition, which 
 applies itself with so great zeal to keeping our Holy Faith untouched 
 and pure, upon notice of the asiento made with the Grillos, and of the 
 permission for a foreign interpreter which had been granted in this 
 asiento together with the introduction of other Englishmen and Dutch- 
 : men, advised his Majesty that it would be proper to issue the fitting 
 warnings lest any spark be introduced prejudicial to the religion, by 
 ordering the inquisitors to proceed against infidel foreigners who 
 raised any disturbance, in the same manner in which they proceeded 
 against Catholics who committed any crime against the Faith. His 
 Majesty was pleased to come to such a resolution. If the Inquisition 
 i had found restriction or harm to religion in the contract it would 
 have opposed it. That body took the same action in the consulta 
 which it gave his Majesty on April 13 of that year with regard to 
 ; this contract, when it represented to his Majesty that if the contract 
 were to be executed, orders should be issued for the exercise of the 
 greatest care in the preservation and purity of our Holy Faith. Since 
 this tribunal is the one to decide all points of religion, its representa¬ 
 tions attest in every way the decision of the committee. . . . 5 
 
 Until now no reply to this consulta has been received. 
 
 By decree of July 5, 1685, his Majesty was pleased to order the 
 Council of the Indies to inform him at once concerning the advantage 
 of the negroes in America and what damage would follow in case 
 they could not be had; whether there had been held any meetings by 
 theologians and jurists to decide whether it was considered lawful 
 to buy them as slaves and form asientos for them; whether there were 
 
 I M s 
 
 5 The report here reviews the communications which had been received from the 
 Council of the Inquisition. This body had referred at great length to objections which 
 it had made in 1672. against the introduction of negroes by way of Curasao, and to 
 the provisions that had been made to prevent any religious heresy from gaining entrance 
 to the Spanish-American ports. At the present time, under the projected contract with 
 the Dutch, there was great danger that the negroes might themselves be perverted on 
 the voyage across the ocean, and might carry false doctrines to the natives of the 
 interior. This the Council of the Indies regarded as highly unlikely, since the Dutch 
 were interested only in their profits and would interfere in no way with the faith of 
 their captives. These captives could be landed only at four ports in the new world 
 m all of which they would find representatives of the Church. 
 
35° 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 any authors who had written about this particular matter and who 
 they were; and then were to state all other private information, 
 that the council might have on hand or might acquire, with all other 
 documents belonging thereto; all of which they were to place as soon 
 as possible in his royal hands. 
 
 Complying with this order, the council made a consulta for his 
 Majesty on August 21 following, stating that its information on this 
 matter consisted of two points. 
 
 First. What is the advantage America derives from the fact 
 that negroes are brought there and what are the damages that would 
 follow if they did not have them? 
 
 Secondly. Whether any meetings had been held by jurists and 
 theologians to determine whether the traffic in negroes was lawful and 
 to make an asiento for them; and whether there were any writers 
 who discussed this point. 
 
 As to the first, the introduction of negroes into America is not 
 only desirable, but absolutely necessary, for reasons expressed in the 
 consultas, several of which dwell more particularly on this matter. 
 
 From the absolute need of these slaves, the fatal consequences which 
 would result from not having them were easily deduced, for if they 
 are the ones who cultivate the haciendas, and there is no one else who 
 could do it, because of a lack of Indians, and where Indians were to 
 be found they would not be forced to render personal services, it would 
 follow that if a prohibition were issued to discontinue bringing them, 
 the food needed for the support of the whole kingdom would cease 
 to be produced; the landed properties, the main wealth of which con¬ 
 sists chiefly of negro slaves, would be lost, and America would face 
 absolute ruin. This was experienced when the kingdom of Portugal 
 separated itself from the Spanish crown, 6 for since [then] the asientos 
 had lapsed and the bringing of negroes from Cape Verde and the fac¬ 
 tories owned by the Portuguese in Africa had ceased, and although 
 certain permits were issued, they were not half enough to provide 
 America where great poverty was suffered in consequence. It was 
 then, in order to repair the loss, because the public weal demanded the 
 support of those dominions, that the asiento was made with Domingo 
 Grillo, slaves were provided, and immediately the benefit of their 
 introduction was felt. Everything else connected with this question 
 and deemed useful was considered. 
 
 With reference to the second point, as to whether there had been 
 a meeting of theologians and jurists to consider whether it is lawful 
 to purchase negroes as slaves and make asientos of negroes, on the 
 question as to whether this slavery is permitted, there are many 
 authors who discuss it, such as those noted in the above-mentioned 
 
 “Portugal’s freedom from Spain was achieved in 164 . 0 . 
 
 1 
 
35i 
 
 November, 1685 
 
 consulta (who, however, are not named here in order not to lengthen 
 this abstiact). The council is therefore of the opinion that there 
 cannot be any doubt as to the necessity of those slaves for the support 
 of the kingdom of the Indies, and as to the importance to the public 
 welfare of continuing and maintaining this procedure without any 
 change; and with regard to the point of conscience, its probability 
 because of the reasons expressed, the authorities cited, and its long- 
 lived and general custom in the kingdoms of Castile, America, and 
 Portugal, without any objection on the part of his Holiness or ecclesi¬ 
 astical state, but rather with the tolerance of all of them. This is 
 what it seemed appropriate to the Council of the Indies to represent 
 
 to his Majesty. After his Majesty had examined it, he was pleased to 
 decide : 
 
 It is well. 
 
 I 34 * Instructions to Sir Philip Howard as Governor 
 
 of Jamaica. 1 
 
 November 25, 1685. 
 
 . . . You are to give all due encouragement and Invitation to Mer¬ 
 chants and others who shall bring Trade unto Our said Island, or any 
 way contribute to their advantage, And in particular to the Royal 
 African Company of England. 
 
 And as We are willing to recommend unto the said Compa. that 
 the said Island may have a constant and sufficient Supply of Mer¬ 
 chantable Negroes at moderate Rates in Money or Commoditys, Soe 
 you are to take care that payment bee duly made and within a com¬ 
 petent time according to their Agreements. 
 
 And whereas Wee are informed that permission is granted from 
 Spain, for the Shipping of that Kingdom to come to Our Island of 
 Jamaica to buy Negros, which Trade will probably bee of consider¬ 
 able advantage to Our subjects, and particularly to the Royal African 
 Compa.; Our Will and pleasure is That, for the encouragement of 
 the said Trade, you take especial care that such Shipps or persons as 
 shall come to that Our Island bee civilly treated and receive all fitting 
 encouragement in their design of buying Negroes. Provided they doe 
 nothing contrary to the Act of Navigation or the Laws establisht in 
 that Our Island; and that the said persons may have free admission 
 of bringing in either Money or Goods of the product of any of the 
 said Countrys. And Wee doe strictly require that noe other Duties 
 or Impositions be exacted or demanded for the Blacks and Goods 
 more than the Law doth appoint. And you are Likewise upon the 
 :oming or departure of Any Shippe to or from Our said Island to 
 miy or carry away such Negroes, to order them to bee convoyd by Our 
 
 [ J 34 ] 1 C. O. 138: 4, pp. 319-342. 
 
352 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 frigates as far as you shall find conduceing to their Security, and 
 encouragement of that Trade. 
 
 And it being represented unto us, that the said King of Spain hath 
 granted power to Balthazar Coymans to Trade under a Patent form¬ 
 erly granted to Nicholas Porcio for Importing Negros into the Spanish 
 West Indies, And to take possession of the Estate of the said Porcio 
 for the benefit of his Creditors, And that the said Coymans hath 
 impowred Diego Maget to settle in Our Island of Jamaica in order 
 to continue the Negro Trade with Our subjects in that Island; You 
 are therefore to permit the said Magett to have the free benefit of 
 the Law and to Countenance him and all others concerned in the 
 said Grant from the King of Spain in their proceedings there soe far 
 forth as may consist with the encouragement of the Negro Trade in 
 that island. . . . 
 
 Sunderland. 2 
 
 135. Instructions to Captain Thomas Woodfine. 1 
 
 London, the 10th December 1685. 
 
 According to our Agreement with you and your owners as obliged 
 by Charter party (to w’ch Wee require yo’r due regard for what is 
 to be performed on yo’r part) Wee have laden aboard your 
 Shipp Sarah Bonadventura a Cargoe of Goods Consigned yourself 
 proper for the Trade of Africa, Windward of Cabo Corsoe Importing 
 £1906: 7: 6 d. wherein yo’r owners are interested. lou are therefore 
 to firm bills of lading for what Goods are for our acco’tt or Permission 
 laiden aboard yo’r said Shipp. And with the first good opportunity 
 that God shall send, sett sail and apply as near to Cape Mount on 
 the said Coast as yo’r Shipp can conveniently come where and at all 
 Places of Trade on the Graine, 2 Quaqua and Gold Coasts (except at 
 our Factoryes) before you arrive att Cabo Corso, You are to use 
 yo’r best skill and endeavo’rs to dispose of the said Cargoe for Gold, 
 Elephants Teeth, Mallagetta or what else is vendable in Europe. 
 And when you have disposed of the said Cargoe or such part thereof 
 as you find will sell in the time agreed for yo’r Stay in those parts, 
 then sail to our Factory at Cabo Corsoe Castle and render our Agent 
 Generali and Councill there a true acco’tt of the Disposall of the 
 said Cargoe. You are also to deliver them the severall Goods Wee 
 have Consigned them by yo’r Shipp according to bill of Lading from 
 whome you are to take aboard for our Acco’tts Five hundred and fifty 
 Negroes if they have or can procure them, within the time that you 
 shall agree to stay on that Coast for them (without charging the 
 
 2 Robert Spencer, second Earl of Sunderland, was principal Secretary of State. 
 
 [135] J T 70: 61, “Instructions to Captains, 1685-17000”. 
 
 2 The Grain or Pepper Coast extended from the River Sestos (or Sestro) to 
 Cape Palmas. The Ivory, Quaqua, and Gold coasts were eastward from it. 
 
December f 1685 353 
 
 Company Demorage and when laden stear away for Tamaica and 
 deliver the Negroes to Coll. Hender Molesworth', Mr. Charles Pen- 
 hallow and Mr. Walter Ruding ... our Factors there. But to 
 prevent the damage w’ch might accrue to vo’r owners by yo’r long 
 stay on the Coast, if Negroes should be scarce and cannot in fit time 
 and at reasonable tearms be Procured on the Gold Coast Wee have 
 laden a Cargoe of Goods (such as you approved of) proper and 
 fitt (Consigned yo’r Selfe) for the Purchase of the said Number of 
 Five hundred and fifty Negroes on the Coast of Ard 3 w’ch Wee 
 expect and require that you husband the best you can for our advant¬ 
 age, And if our Factors on the said Coast can further yo’r dispatch 
 that you doe by them as directed in Charter party. But in case you 
 have yo r whole Number of Negroes from the Gold Coast you must 
 then leave the said Cargoe with our said Agent and rest of the Coun- 
 
 ciU, or such P ar t thereof in proportion to the Number of Negroes 
 you receive from thence or the Windward Parts. 
 
 Having purchased yo’r said Complement of Negroes or such part 
 of them as you think Convenient for yo’r Shipp to carry Signe bills 
 ot lading for them for our Acco’tt and proceed to Jamaica aforesaid 
 and deliver them to our said Factors from whom you are to Receive 
 two third parts of yo’r Freight, in the said Negroes by lott and a 
 Certificate to us for the Remainder. 
 
 And if any mortallity should happen among yo’r Negroes in yo’r 
 voyage, Wee require for our Satisfaction that you send or bring home 
 a Certificate under yo’r Mates and Chirurgeons hands testifying the 
 Time of the Death of such as shall happen to dye, for Wee shall allow 
 of none, but what are soe certifyed to be dead. . . . 4 
 
 You are every night to enter what goods that day you sold, and 
 for what, that yo r Actings may be cleare for our Satisfaction in case 
 of yo r mortality this voyage (w’ch God forbid) and for that purpose 
 Wee now deliver you a booke signed by our Dep’ty Govern’r. 
 
 Wee wish you a good voyage and rest Your loving Friends etc. 
 
 Benja. Bathurst, Sub: Gov’r 
 
 Jacob Lucie Dept’y Gov’r. 
 
 John Bence 
 
 Wm. Hussey 
 
 Peter Joye 
 
 Francis Hopegood 
 
 Robt. Williamson 
 
 John Morgan 
 Abra: Hill 
 Wm Juatt 
 George Bonn 
 Richard Cradock 
 John Short 
 
 \ 
 
 3 Ardra. 
 
 4 The omitted paragraph closely resembles that in the instructions to Captain 
 Kempthorne, May 4, 1686, beginning, “The Lawes having asserted”, no. 136, below. 
 
354 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 136. Instructions to Captain Samuel Kempthorne. 1 
 
 London, the 4th May 1686. 
 
 You are with the First Opportunity of Wind and Weather that 
 God shall send after receipt hereof, to Sett Sail with your Ship the 
 Loyall Factors from the River of Thames, and make the best of your 
 way to the Coast of Angola in Africa, and on Arrivall there, use 
 yo’r utmost endeavours to dispose of the cargoe of Goods, wee have 
 laden aboard your Shipp amounting to £1 143 • 12 s : o d. for the Pur¬ 
 chasing of 300 Lusty and Sound Negroes and Provitions for them, 
 according to Charter party to which wee expect you duely conforme, 
 and with the Surpluse of the said Cargoe, 2 buy what Elephants teeth 
 you can for our Acco’tts. Wee have likewise laden another Cargoe of 
 Goods importing £173:17: for the buying Elephants teeth, wherein 
 you and your Own’rs are conserned as agreed in Charter party. 
 
 Having finished your business on the Coast of Angola you are to 
 direct your course to Jamaica where God sending you safe to arrive 
 deliver the Negroes to Hender Molesworth Esq’r, Mr. Charles Pen- 
 hallow and Mr. Walter Ruding our Factors there who will pay you 
 two thirds of your Freight out of them, and give you Certificates for 
 the remainder. 
 
 Wee expect that you bring or send home a certificate under your 
 Mates and Chirurgions hands to testifie the Death of all Negroes that 
 shall happen to dye in the voyage specifying the time of their Death, 
 for wee will not allow of any for dead but what are soe certified. 
 
 Herewith you have a booke signed by the Dep’ty Gov’r in which 
 you are daily to enter what Goods you Barter and what you receive 
 for them, Signing the Same every Night for our Satisfaction, in case of 
 your Mortality this voyage, (which God forbid). Give the Com¬ 
 pany full advises of your proceedings by all Opportunitys. 
 
 The Lawes having asserted his Maj’ties right to grant Charters and 
 to punish any Subjects that shall presume contemptuously to violate 
 his Prerogative therein, Wee have by vertue of his Maj’ties Charter 
 given you a Commission to Seize Interlopers, and doe expect and 
 require in Conformity to your Charter Party, that you put the same 
 effectually in execution against all vessells and Persons you shall meet 
 with, and find trading on the Coast contrary to his Maj’ties said Grant 
 according to the Instructions Signed by our Secret’ys. And for your 
 encouragement vigorously to execute the said Commission, the Royal 
 African Company doe hereby engage their Stock to keepe and Save 
 you harmlesse for what you shall act agreeable thereto, and grant you 
 one fourth part of what prizes you shall seize and be condemned. And 
 wee have ordered our Factors in the Plantations to Secure you against 
 
 [136] *T 70: 61. 
 
 3 Despite the complaints made of the increasing price of negroes on the coast, they 
 were evidently not expected to average <£4 per head. 
 
March, 1687 
 
 355 
 
 any trouble may happen to you for executing the said Commission. 
 We wish you a good voyage, l o’r Loving Friends etc. 
 
 Benja. Bathurst Sub. Gov’r. ]eremy Sambrooke 
 Gab. Roberts. Dep’ty Gov’r. 
 
 Wm. Turner 
 Hen : Tulse 
 Jacob Lucie 
 John Short 
 
 John Morice 
 John Morgan 
 Rich’d Cradock 
 John Pery 
 
 William Langhorne 
 Wm. Des Bouverie 
 George Bonn 
 Fraun Hopegood 
 William Juatt 
 
 Robt. Williamson 
 Sam’ll Stanier 
 John North 
 
 P: S. If you meete any of these Interlopers that are to Strong for 
 you, soe that you cannot take them, yett you shall doe well to enquire 
 as much as you can who is the Master and from whence the Ship was 
 Sett out and what is her Lading and who are the Owners or Imployers 
 and what is the Name of the Ship and what other perticulers you can 
 learne that may helpe us to a further discovery at their returne, and 
 t at no thing be forgott or lost of the discovery you make, left all be 
 plainely and fairly written in your Journall. 
 
 T 37 - Royal African Company: Extracts from the 
 
 Black Book. 1 
 
 The 16th March 1685 [7 ?] 2 
 
 Vide a letter from the factors at Jam’ca Dated the 2d Nov. 1686. 
 On the 16th Ult. arrived the Sarah Bonadventure from the Gold 
 oast and Ardia with 250 very indifferent Neg’rs the remainder of 
 530 taken aboard. Capt. Tho. Woodfine her former Commander dyed 
 about three daies before they Sailed from Ardra and one Thomas 
 Attwell the Chief Mate Succeeded him as Master who Stopt at Barba¬ 
 dos in his passage hither where wee Suspect he landed Some of his 
 choicest Neg rs but of that wee have yet noe certeine proof. About 
 which Collo Molesworth hath writt to Collo. Steede to make some 
 Enquiry and to advise you of it. 
 
 Out of the 250 Neg’rs Imported Attwell Endeavored to conceale 
 49 which were all hid in the hold and other private places of the shipp. 
 at the first comeing on board but 2 daies after his arrivall he privately 
 conveys 11 ashoare about two howers before day of which wee have- 
 ing some information and of the place where they were landed went 
 mediately and seized them and soone after goeing aboard and telling 
 
 [137] T 7°‘ 1433, “Black Book of the Royal African Company of England from 
 February 10, 1685, to July 28, 1702”. B 
 
 ■ . , ’ Th e date of the entry in the Black Book is Mar. 16, 1685, which is probably a 
 mistake for 1687, since the letter which is entered is dated Nov. 2 1686. ^ 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 
 35 6 
 
 the Ma’r what wee had done (carryeing with us two waiters which 
 remained on board till after the day of sale) he did confess that he 
 had 38 more in the Shipp which he would willingly have sold privately 
 for Capt. Woodfines Widdow being as he sayes purchased with her 
 husbends Goods but were all then produced unto us. 
 
 Notwithstanding Capt. Xho. Woodfine’s many Oathes and protesta- 
 cons both from himself and Shipps Company that he did not privately 
 convey ashoare any Neg’rs last Voyage yet wee have some reason now 
 to believe the persons that he employed haveing since his death con¬ 
 fessed that they sold 18 for him to the Spaniards which were the 
 Neg’rs wee formerly advised you in our Letter by him, that wee had in 
 Suspition the Truth of which (notwithstanding the strict Enquiry wee 
 then made) wee could not find out, those very persons that he em¬ 
 ployed at that time Voweing to us and offering to sweare that the 
 Neg’rs they sold to the Spaniards were sent them out of the Country 
 where they had bin a long time and belonged to severall people who 
 ordered them to be left at theire house to be recruited and well fed 
 before they were sold but wee feare it’s too late for us now to recover 
 any Satisfaction for them. Upon our Discovery of those Neg’rs that 
 were privately landed wee demanded of Attwell what Gold belonged 
 to you and the Own’rs but he told us he had none and Shewed us Agent 
 Nurse and the rest of the Comnells [sic] receipt for it but being willing 
 to be farther Satisfied what else was on board wee demanded to see 
 what was in the Capt’s chest where wee found the severall parcells 
 mentioned in the enclosed paper under Attwells owne hand but wee be- 
 leiveing by the severall markes as well as the M’s Information that 
 most of it belonged to Agent Nurse and the other Factors at Cape 
 Coast and that they might have had liberty from you to send home 
 what they got in Gold or anything else, forbore the seizeing it but if 
 you approve not of it the said paper w r ill oblige Attwell to be account¬ 
 able to you for it. 
 
 Wee had almost forgot to advise you that upon Attwells first arriv- 
 all he informed C. P. 3 that he had a Negroe man aboard which was 
 sent him by Agent Nurse but he not being well satisfied in the thing 
 refused him and [he] goes included in the Number wee sold for the 
 Company and for which wee have given rect’s. 4 
 
 3 Charles Penhallow. 
 
 4 The agents were not always as severe as in this ruling. “Capt. Kempthorne 
 had a Negroe man and 2 small boyes which he shewed us and said they were not pur 
 chased with your Goods but were given him by the King of Angola in returne of a present 
 he had made him which wee beleiveing would not take any thing for theire Freight con 
 sidering the care he took in bringing your Goods in soe good condition, but refer 
 
 to you to deale by him about it as you think most convenient’. Mar. 18, 1687, Jamaica 
 factors to the company, T 70: 1433, p. 13 - 
 
357 
 
 March, i68j 
 
 138. The Council of tile Indies to the King . 1 
 
 Sire: By a decree of October 16 last, handed to the Marques de 
 los Velez, your Majesty is pleased to state: 
 
 The Council of the Inquisition having made the enclosed report of a consulta- 
 
 rand a r fte X rTh nmg °7 C ° Undl of the Indies which accompanies 
 
 it and after the memorial touching the treaty for the introduction of negroes 
 
 hllf nMO d °T" I0 , nS (also enclosed) had been rendered at the same time in be- 
 h • i, k Don IS . lco * as Porcio, I have determined that in order that this matter 
 
 mig t -h e e ? ami u ed , and dlsc,lssed ^ its seriousness and importance demand a 
 Mmmittee be called in your lodging, attended by you, namely, Marques de los 
 
 of he CounJr a of C cn ' C n°’ ?° n 1 r UIS d< C Salcedo . Juan de Tordecillas, 
 of the Council of Castilla, Don Juan Lucas Cortes, Don Lope de Sierra Osorio 
 
 Don Francisco Camargo of the Council of the Indies, and Doctor Don Mateo 
 
 Lozana curate of the parish church of San Miguel of Madrid, and after having 
 
 ron^ini “ these . docuraents and after due consideration of the clauses therein 
 
 on w comes out and your ° pinion ’ 1 ° rdain that tws 
 
 In the execution of this order, the committee of officials above men- 
 tioned having been called together for November 29 last and the 
 
 decree above mentioned having been read, the reports of consultation 
 accompanying it were read. . . , 2 
 
 In a paper from Don Manuel Francisco de Lira, dated November 
 1, 1686, your Majesty remitted to the Marques de los Velez 
 a consulta of the Council of the Indies of October 25, of that 
 same year (so that it might be examined by this committee), accom¬ 
 panied by a letter from Cardinal Portocarrero in which, by order of 
 the Congregation of Cardinals of Propaganda Fide 3 which he says 
 le has received, he notes the perils which he fears might befall the 
 ntegrity of the religion, if the trading in negro slaves should be con¬ 
 tinued in the Indies through the intermediary of the Dutch. The 
 touncil states that it has nothing to add to this comment and to what 
 t expressed in its report of May 24, 1685, which includes another one 
 
 [ 138 ] Arch Ind., 153-7-7-57- In the margin are written the names of the members 
 
 nav h trv°p • ’ W, V 'i note ’ Let the assemW y give me its opinion in order that I 
 
 nay try Porcio in justice”. 
 
 On Apr 13 , 1685 , the Council of the Inquisition had formally protested against 
 - contract with the Dutch. To the protest the Council of the Indies had replied that 
 very precaution was being taken to safeguard the faith of the negroes. This response 
 is Majesty sent to the Council of the Inquisition. Not satisfied, the council appealed to 
 .Ilk -° f cens 1 ors ’ and was told by that board that the bargain with the Dutch was 
 
 laHrn” 1C th n ° r h ° neSt ' DUt * h i bC K ng “ 3 sa S acious P e °P Ie whose principles were 
 
 ’ - the . ne / r ° es would certainly be corrupted. The Council of the Inquisition 
 
 lerefore insisted that the contract be declared void. In the section here omitted which 
 
 escribes this interchange, occurs a reference to negotiations with the Dutch West 
 
 ndia Company. Miss Wright calls attention to the fact that though this was the first 
 
 iTcnnLTT?L h T ad ,. officiall y appeared in the dealings with Coymans, nevertheless 
 ie council ot the Indies must have known that it was not dealing with Baltazar 
 oymans alone, but with John Coymans and Company of Amsterdam as well, and that to 
 eai with John Coymans was in effect to deal with the Dutch West India Company and 
 S Sp T4? u r the States General. Wright, “The Coymans Asiento”, p. 28 . 7 
 
 The Congregation of the Propaganda was established by Gregory XV in 
 * one of the chief administrative agencies of the Church. ’ 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3 5 8 
 
 of the sixth of the same month and year, issued by the special commit¬ 
 tee which your Majesty ordered to meet in the home of Don Vicente 
 
 Gonzaga . . . 4 . 
 
 From all these reasons proposed by one or the other of these tri¬ 
 bunals, and from the careful consultation held concerning them, this 
 committee, considering how much would be risked in case the perils 
 w T hich are feared so zealously and in so Catholic a mannei should 
 occur (which God forbid), and believing that the Council of the Indies: 
 bore them in mind when it approved the contract, would not dare to 
 give an opinion which might oppose such authorized statements. 
 Although the greatest safeguards, which seemed at that time sufficient 
 to prevent the perils which it was feared might result from the trade \ 
 with the infidels, were provided, not without grave sorrow does experi-, 
 ence teach the ministers who compose the committee that not even ; 
 those safeguards nor the very severe penalties provided by the laws | 
 of the Indies are sufficient to abolish the trading and commerce of the j 
 foreign nations, even without so natural a pretext as the treaty pro¬ 
 vides, and that, despite the assignment of the four main ports for the 
 trade, since communication of news from one port to the other by 
 means of smaller vessels cannot be controlled, such vessels will intro¬ 
 duce all the unregistered negroes they please into the coves and inlets ; 
 along the coast, and transport them into the interior wherever they 
 can obtain the ends most suitable to them and most damaging to us,, 
 availing themselves of the carelessness of the governors, or of their 
 permits, palliated by a necessary or enforced arrival in port [on 
 account of accident at sea], although such transgressions are improb-i| 
 able because of the complicity of the one who ought to punish them' 
 or because of having to depose the one who assists them. And since 
 the introduction of Mohammedan slaves into America is forbidden on. 
 account of the danger which lies in their intercourse with the Indians, 
 with still greater reason should the intercourse with heretics be 
 watched, who are so well versed in their perverse dogmas and who 
 moreover are so close to their own islands that they attain by induce » 
 ment the greater increase of their dominions and a numberless follow¬ 
 ing of their erroneous creed. Despite the fact that it was agreed in 
 the treaty that the negroes who were to be introduced should be new 
 ones, brought directly from the African islands where [the Dutch] do 
 their bartering, and while it is to their greatest interest to make as, 
 quick a transportation as possible, still they without fail stop with 
 their armed vessels at Curasao and hold fairs where they exchange 
 the new negroes for rascals trained by their masteis and who are 
 
 4 At this meeting the committee met the protests of the Bishop of Siguenza against 
 the assiento with the contention that negroes were absolutely necessary to the America 
 colonies and that permission to trade with infidel nations was the only means by w 
 they could be obtained. 
 
March, 1687 
 
 359 
 
 un ea thy, drunkards, and otherwise full of vices and perhaps already 
 instructed in the precepts of their erroneous teachings. Only a small 
 number of these would suffice to cause the damage which is so justly 
 apprehended. Although one should be persuaded to the contrary, the 
 trade with infidels which is regularly permitted in all Catholic courts 
 ( or t e faith is so innate among all their inhabitants that suspicion 
 is far removed) and the universal blessing of peace united with so 
 inviolable and absolute a security dispense with the prohibition in 
 those courts, yet it is most religiously observed in the Indies. 
 
 . Assu L red by these superior principles the judgment of this assembly 
 is to the effect that your Majesty should be pleased to declare the 
 contract with Don Baltazar Coymans and Company for the intro¬ 
 duction of negroes into America null and void for the time of his own 
 obligation as well as while he acts as administrator for the unexpired 
 term of Don Nicolas Porcio’s contract, giving the necessary orders 
 to this end, that they be given justice with as little delay as possible, 
 
 ' concerning any credits they might hold against the treaty, and that 
 
 a prompt settlement should be made of all the claims they are able 
 to prove. 
 
 The committee does not proceed to advise your Majesty on the 
 second point, namely whether or not Don Nicolas Porcio should be 
 heard before a court of justice, but awaits the resolution your Majesty 
 may deign to issue on this point. A rule should be provided for the 
 measures to be taken with regard to his claim, to the course of the 
 treaty, and to the safety of the assets, in order to settle promptly what 
 may be proven to be due the exchequer and the rest of the creditors. 
 The committee entreats your Majesty to give this matter the earliest 
 and most reserved dispatch in order to obtain the cargo[es] in the 
 
 ports of the Indies before suspicions are aroused and they succeed 
 in hiding them. 
 
 The Licentiate Don Lope de Sierra, although he agrees that, for 
 the motives given, the contract be declared null and void, hands in a 
 separate opinion, which accompanies this decision, so that upon ex¬ 
 amining it all, your Majesty may ordain what seems best. 5 
 
 Madrid, March 5, 1687. 
 
 r , The minori ty report which accompanied this statement was a cogent presentation 
 of the arguments against the position taken by the Council of the Inquisition: (i) Its 
 action resulted in part from an episode which had occurred under the Grillo contract 
 
 anrl infl on Jf* Tu- pet T° ner a S ainst the contract was a friend of Porcio 
 
 and influenced by that friendship rather than by zeal for the Faith. (?) The Dutch were 
 
 un the slave trade purely for profit. There was far greater profit in the sale of new 
 
 hegroes than in the sale of experienced slaves, therefore there was no danger that thev 
 
 Sl J bst ^ ute . the latter for the former. (4) At the ports of entry S it was not 
 possible for heretic crews to come in contact with native Indians, hence there was no 
 danger tbat the nat would be corrupted. Therefore, since all the arguments were 
 without foundation, the report of the Council of the Inquisition deserved no consideration 
 Nevertheless the contract with Coymans should be annulled, not because it was made 
 
3 6 ° 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 139. The Royal African Company to Captain John Low. 1 
 
 London, 20 Sept. 1687. 
 
 You having desired to have the carrying the Black boy Charles 
 to his Freinds upon your shipp the St. George we consent to it (god 
 sending you wel to returne) we expect that you take account or give 
 us some other good Proofe of his delivery. He being, as we are 
 Informed sonne to the Messuca of Cabenda who is brother to the 
 King of that Country and is in greatest authority under him whereby 
 hee is able to doe us much prejudice or Furtherance in our Trade 
 for which reason is our Desire to please him. He trusted his sonne 
 to Capt. Seys, but what Instruction he had about more then to deliver 
 him to us we know not, Capt. Seys having Been ill ever since he Came 
 over but we understand by other Masters that have since been on that 
 Coast that his father expects him back we have therefore Clothed and 
 sett him out in such Maner as we are advised may be acceptable to 
 his freinds w’ch we recomend to you[r] Managem’t soe as may not 
 only be advantagious to your Selfe but allsoe to our futer Trade in 
 that place soe wishing you a good Voyage. 2 
 
 140. Instructions to Captain Robert Barrett. 1 
 
 London 25th October 1687 
 
 . . . and when you have disposed of yo’r Cargoe or such part 
 thereof as you shall find will sell in the time agreed for your stay in 
 those parts then saile to our factory at Cabo Corsoe Castle and render 
 our three Cheif Merchants there a true accompt of the disposal of the 
 said Cargoe and deliver them what goods you have remaining of the 
 said Windward Cargoe together with the said Gold, Ellephants teeth 
 etc. and you are to deliver them the severall Goods wee have con¬ 
 signed them by your ship according to the bill of Lading from whome 
 
 with a heretic but because it had been obtained by trickery and fraud on the part of 
 Coymans and had already been made the cover under which he had smuggled a large 
 amount of merchandise into Spanish American ports. 
 
 [139] l T 70: 61. Instances of the visits of young Africans to England or to countries 
 
 of Europe are not unusual in this century or the next. Barbot tells of one Emanue , 
 who was carried to Holland and there set free. He travelled in France and Portugal, 
 then returned to his native land, where he became a governor at Portudal. This negro 
 had been carried from Africa as a slave; but another black of whom Barbot writes was 
 sent by his father from Bissam, on a sort of informal diplomatic mission to Portuga , 
 where his baptism was made a great ceremony. One s faith is slightly shaken in. * e 
 authenticity of these accounts by the fact that Barbot names both his European visitors 
 Emanuel. Barbot, “Description of Guinea”, Churchill, V. 4 2 5 > 4 2 ^* . , 
 
 'Roberts, subgovernor, and George Bonn (or Boun), deputy governor, signe 
 this, along with Bence, Stanier, Morgan, Niceolls, North, Ashby, Dashwood, Cooke, 
 
 Short, and Juatt. . . . . 
 
 [140] X T 70: 61. Captain Barrett’s vessel was the Dolphin. His instructions for his 
 early trading resemble those given to Capt. Thomas Woodfine, Dec. io, 1685, save in one 
 particular. Captain Barrett was directed to buy on the Windward Coast, before he 
 reached Cape Coast Castle, 20 negroes, who were to be guards to those purchased later. 
 
 - 
 
 j 
 
 
 
October, i 68 y 361 
 
 you are to take a receipt or receipts for the same under their hands 
 and if you have not purchased the full Number of 20 Negroes they 
 will make up that numb’r for which and for the Negroes Provisions 
 you must give them bills of Lading. 
 
 Wee have laden another Cargoe of Goods consigned to Mr. Pettey 
 Wyborne and Mr. Henry Stronghill at Whidah for the purchasing of 
 210 Negroes for the use of the Royall African Company of England 
 which you are to deliver to him or them by such proportions as he or 
 tiey shall first put the Value in Negroes aboard your Ship and your 
 men and boats are to be assisting in Landing the Goods and Receiving 
 the Goods as hath been accustomed, but if at your arrivall you find 
 them both deceased or gone away then you are to use your utmost 
 endeavours to purchase the Remaining Negroes mentioned in Charter 
 party with the Cargoe of Goods Laden aboard you for that purpose 
 and it must be your care to view well the Negroes that they may be 
 sound and Merchantable between the ages of 15 and 40 and that the 
 Major part be males. It is for your safety that Wee order you in 
 Charter party to take in 20 Gold Coast Negroes for Guardians which 
 you must carefully doe, and Receive the other 210 from Mr. Pettey 
 Wyborne and Mr. Henry Stronghill at Whidah, you are to signe bills 
 of lading at Cabo Corsoe for 20 Negroes you take in there consigned 
 to our Factors, MF. Henry Carpenter and Mr. Thomas Belchamber 2 
 our Factors at Nevis. 
 
 And at Whedah alsoe signe like bills of Lading for 210 Negroes 
 you take in there consigned as afores d to Nevis ... from whome 
 you are to Receive two third parts of your Freight in Negroes by 
 Lott and a Certificate to be for the Remainder: the Compa. not having 
 of Late had any good satisfaction of the purchasing and disposing 
 of our Negroes doe order that all Negroes as they are brought aboard 
 shall be taken Notice off and Numbered by the Master, the Mates, 
 and Boatswaine, Chirurgeon, and Carpenter, or soe many of them 
 as shall be aboard, and dayly entered into the bookes signed by our 
 Sub: Gov’r: or Dep’ty Gov’r: and that the said Officers doe signe the 
 bookes as often as any Negroes come aboard, and that all said Negroes 
 brought aboard be Expressed in bills of Lading to be signed by the 
 Comander and witnessed by some of the said officers before they 
 weigh anchor and one or more bills of lading to be left with our 
 Factors ashoare if there be any, or with the next ship that is to follow 
 to be sent to us. And that the Negroes be mustered within 14 days 
 after setting saile and soe from 14 days to 14 days all the voyage 
 untill their arrivall and that every Muster be entered into the said 
 
 2 Belchamber was in 1679, it will be remembered, supporting interlopers, even to 
 the extent of employing violence in their behalf. See no. 84, ante, and Higham, The Lee¬ 
 ward. Islands, pp. 162-163. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 362 
 
 booke by the said Officers And if any Mortality shall happen amongst 
 your Negroes in yo’r Voyage wee require for our satisfaction that you 
 send or bring home a Certificate under yo’r Mates and Chirurgeons 
 hands testefying the time of the death of such as shall happen to 
 dye, for Wee shall allow none but what are soe certifyed to be dead. 
 
 You are every Night to enter what goods that day are sold and for 
 what that your actings may be clear for our satisfaction in case of 
 your Mortality this voyage (which God forbid) and to that purpose 
 wee now deliver you a booke signed by our Sub 1 Gov r 1 or Dep ty. 
 Gov’r : 3 
 
 141. Opinion of the Spanish Fiscal concerning 
 
 the Assiento. 1 
 
 The fiscal has examined the credentials of the States General and 
 the memorial, both of which the envoy extraordinary of the Prince 
 of Orange has placed in the royal hands of his Majesty, in order that 
 the agreement celebrated with the Coymans and the Company of t e 
 West Indies with regard to the contract for negroes may be fulfilled, 
 at the same time referring to specific representations which the envoy 
 will make in regard to the matter. However, as until now the latter 
 has done nothing special as is apparent from these documents, the 
 fiscal can only discuss the point of the representation made by the 
 States General, which is prejudicial to what has been agreed in the 
 contract as well as to the interests of his Majesty therein; for since 
 this contract was made with a private individual who, for its filfillment, 
 pledged his person and his wealth, he obligated himself to rendei 
 account and settlement to the creditors of the previous contractor, 
 renouncing his personal rights and subjecting himself to the jurisdic¬ 
 tion of the council. No report reached here that the contract was being 
 discussed with the Dutch West India Company, or that that com¬ 
 pany or the States General had any part in this enteiprise. It would 
 seem that if attention were paid to these representations as represent¬ 
 ing the interests of the States General, the contract would be rendered 
 null and void, as this fact would alter its nature and character; for 
 never would it be possible to accuse the contractors, or demand an 
 accounting of them, or force them to settle interests, or punish them 
 for any violation of contract which they or their factors might com¬ 
 mit, without being necessarily exposed to the States General’s coming 
 to the defense on every such occasion, claiming the same interest and 
 
 3 The usual paragraph relating to interlopers follows. 
 
 [141] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-7-61. Don Baltazar Coymans died on Nov. 8, 1686. This 
 deprived the Amsterdam house of Coymans of a representative trusted by the Spaniards 
 and increased the difficulties of administering the assiento. In November, 1687, the 
 Dutch envoy extraordinary had protested in behalf of John Coymans and the Dutch 
 West India Company against Spanish intervention, supporting his protest by a request 
 from the States General that he be given a hearing. Wright, “The Coymans Asiento”, 
 
 PP- 52 - 53 - 
 
February f i68j/8 363 
 
 * ( ss > since it would become a state 
 
 matter in accord with their desire, it would be reduced to the last 
 motive: the judicial litis pendencia. The very memorial of the envoy 
 sustains this judgment, when he expressly states that the States Gen¬ 
 eral make this representation because it concerns the reciprocal welfare 
 of the royal service of his Majesty and the common interest of both 
 parties and the cultivation of the good understanding which their 
 masters always profess. It is therefore the opinion of the fiscal that 
 if these perils should impress the council the latter should please dis¬ 
 cuss them with his Majesty so that he, bearing them in mind, may 
 feel able to reply to the States General that, since Coymans has com¬ 
 plained that the contractor of negroes owed him a considerable sum of 
 money and that he had other creditors, he therefore petitioned the 
 administration of the contract with the same qualifications and condi¬ 
 tions under which the other enjoyed it, binding himself to everything 
 he had agreed to with his person and wealth and to render account 
 with payment and to be subject, both himself and his commissioners, 
 to the penalties incurred by violation, without the West India Com- 
 pany or the States General intervening in this contract, for since 
 these latter cannot be accused in this way under this subjection and 
 agreement, it would not appear just to have them admitted to such 
 intervention; and that to this moment everything agreed upon has 
 been maintained with these individuals, with great amplification, with 
 the sole purpose of maintaining the equilibrium of justice which, in 
 Spain, is kept both with its own subjects and with foreigners; and that 
 the same course will be followed in the future provided Messrs. Coy¬ 
 mans, their factors, and administrators comply on their part with 
 what was agreed . 2 
 
 Madrid, November 23, 1687. 
 
 142. Instructions to Captain John Woodfine. 1 
 
 London the 16th February 1687/8 
 
 Wee have thought fitt to Inclose herein our Letter to be delivered 
 to the King [of] Cacongo itt is in answer to a Letter we Received 
 Dated in Molimbo 2 15th July 1685 written in Portuguez and Signed 
 Micom for the King of Cacongo to acquaint us that by the Death of 
 
 . Nov. 29, 1687, the Council of the Indies reviewed the present status of the 
 
 assiento. On the death of Baltazar Coymans the Amsterdam house of Coymans with 
 the support of the Dutch West India Company and the States General, had taken over 
 tne administration of the contract, appointing John Carcau as a Spanish agent To 
 this the Council of the Indies objected, since the original bargain had been made with 
 an individual and Spain was not yet ready to admit that the States General had anv 
 share in the assiento. Arch. Ind., 153-7-61. . y 
 
 [142] 1 T 70: 61. 
 
 2 Molimbo, south of Loango, in the Congo region, was largely controlled bv the 
 Portuguese. J 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3 6 4 
 
 the former King he now was Governor of that Countrey and that he 
 would give Traders all simillar Usuage and Courtesie and not Longer 
 hold up the old Customes w’ch in Truth are very high and advances 
 the Price of Slaves alsoe the Governo’rs: all along the Coast of 
 Angola From all hands we find are faulse and Imposing on all Com- 
 anders and itt is there Common Practice that when a Shipp hath 
 aboard the greatest part of her Slaves that instead of a Speedie Dis¬ 
 patch they will hold Slaves to gett a higher price and more Custome 
 then att first agreed for w’ch is very unjust and their unkind usuage 
 makes us much Neglect them. Capt. Browne is the onely Person that 
 tells us of any kin[dn] ess Showne to any of our Comanders w’ch was 
 by the said King of Cacongos Mifuca in Safely Conveying aboard 
 what goods we had ashore when the King of Loando Armie came 
 downe upon them for w’ch Civillity we returned him our Thankes and 
 being the Substance of the Letter writt for him Imports Kindesse. 
 we desire you to put itt upon him what he will doe by abaiting of 
 Customes and the Prices of Slaves to encourage us to send Shipps to 
 his Countrey and pray alsoe Consider his power how farr he is able to 
 keepe his word with us and soe farr as you find may be done to our 
 advantage we pray you to treate with him and take from him such 
 assurance of his fidellitie thereto as he can give and the Like you may 
 favor us with in dealing with the other Governo’rs and where you 
 find itt may be realie a futur service to us wee would have you to 
 present Severall things under mentioned laden on board you for that 
 purpose and Seperate from your Cargoes for Trade and if you can¬ 
 not meete with Termes that in prospect May Deserve our Present 
 Wee desire you to bring them home to us Wee wish you a good Voy¬ 
 age and rest. Gab. Roberts Sub: Governor. 4 
 
 143. Frans Schoonenbergh to the Marques 
 de los Velez: a Summary, 1688. 1 
 
 True and very brief summary of what is happening at the present 
 time in regard to the condition of the contract of negroes; reasons 
 why the administrator of that contract avoids replying to the demands 
 
 3 Loando, sometimes St. Paul de Loando, was south of the Congo, the cetnre of 
 the Angola slave trade. Loango, also on the coast south of the Equator, was north ot 
 
 4 These instructions were also signed by Thomas Nicolls, Samuell Dashwood, 
 Thomas Heatly, Wm. des Bouverey, John More, Jacob Lucie, Peter Joye. John twke, 
 Joseph Woolfe, Wm. Hussey, Edward Colston, Robt. W’mson, Abr a Hill, and John 
 
 Verney. . . 
 
 [143] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-n. The summary was sent on July 4, 1688. Byi this time 
 
 the Spanish opponents to Coymans had gained control of the administration o. e 
 assiento, and his representative Carcau was imprisoned. The piotest against t e inter 
 ference of the government in the execution of the contract came from the Dutch envoy 
 rather than from the house of Coymans in Amsterdam or the imprisoned representative 
 of the firm. From the summary one surmises that Porcio had succeeded in enlisting 
 sufficient support to threaten the interest of the Dutch merchants. 
 
1683 
 
 SH 
 
 of Porcio and others; injuries that his Majesty will receive from the 
 intervention that has been placed; and the way in which this business 
 may be managed from now on. 
 
 The administrator of the contract omitted to present himself to 
 contradict the intervention and Porcio’s demand: 
 
 First: Because in the contract made with Don Baltazar Coymans, 
 his Majesty has agreed and pledged his royal faith and word to supply 
 him in every possible way during all that time that the contract has 
 yet to run. The intervention being determined on without any rea¬ 
 son which the administrator might give, broke this agreement and he 
 would become a criminal if he proceeded afterward to contradict the 
 intervention and reply to Porcio’s demand. 
 
 Second: That were the administrator to make the said reply and 
 contradiction he might fear to injure the administration and Don 
 Baltazar Coymans for whom he serves as administrator, in the inter¬ 
 est that he [Coymans] and his property have therein, and in a sum 
 of over 260,000 pesos which the contract and Porcio owe him (of 
 which there is documentary proof), as well as the security for all of 
 Porcio’s debts, for all those of consideration that Porcio has under 
 the contract, the said Don Baltazar Coymans made himself liable for 
 by giving him credit; for had he not done so, no person would give 
 him anything for the contract. This security and credit appear in the 
 documents held by Porcio’s creditors. These prove that Don Bal¬ 
 tazar was the only person interested in the contract through his obli¬ 
 gations and credits: and that Porcio would not have sent a single 
 ship to the Indies unless through the intervention of Don Baltazar’s 
 aid has always been well known. 
 
 Third: The administrator feared also to prejudice himself with 
 the Dutch West India Company with regard to the old and new obli¬ 
 gation which it has in the contract and his administration as well as 
 in the obligation of the other persons interested in the company which 
 are still owing, so that the administrator might not have to suffer with 
 such persons through any miscarriage that could not be blamed on 
 him. 
 
 Fourth and most important: That the administrator ought not to 
 make said reply and contradiction, for he had been advised not to 
 do it by Don Juan Coymans and Company, to which he must render 
 account, and which has aided the new administration with regard to 
 the old obligations which it holds in the contract; and these subjects 
 have an especial aversion to lawsuits and to avoid them abandon any 
 business whatever, especially those of this kind which cannot con¬ 
 tinue if there be the least rumor. 
 
 The injuries that his Majesty receives from the intervention that 
 has been made and Porcio’s appeal, are many: First: all the injuries 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 3 66 
 
 which are received by the administration and those interested in the 
 administration, which extend to those whom the administration has 
 represented to his Majesty in a memorial of May 5 this year. 
 
 Second: the amount of the duties on shipments of negroes which 
 failed to be introduced because of the said intervention; the distrust 
 that is engendered because of the intervention; and the consequences 
 of the loss it occasions; and that money which his Majesty was to con¬ 
 tinue to receive in cash has entirely disappeared because of the said 
 intervention. 
 
 Third: the loss which must be considered in the long time that 
 must elapse before the contract can regain the direction it had because 
 of the lack of confidence engendered toward it by those persons who 
 might again have to make pledges, and which they find it necessary to 
 secure by mortgage and do so secure them in order to pass them. 
 
 The status that can be given to the administration of the contract 
 of negroes under present conditions in order that it may regain its 
 former force and credit, will be considered as follows: 
 
 To declare that said administration be placed in care of Don Juan 
 Coymans and Company, he being the brother of Don Baltazar Coy- 
 mans to whom the administration was granted—and that said Don 
 Juan Coymans appoint a person to exercise it, and that he alone have 
 obligation to render his account at the end of receipts and disburse¬ 
 ments; and that it be in his possession, delivering it at the order of his 
 Majesty, with which he shall have complied with his duty. That his 
 Majesty and his officials take charge of the collection of what money 
 may be at that time in the Indies, from the factors and persons who 
 hold it and cause the said factors to render account just as the admin¬ 
 istration does in Spain, in order that which one is most satisfactory 
 to his Majesty and to the administration might be known. 
 
 In this way, Don Juan Coymans and Company, grateful for this 
 confidence, will put forth their best efforts to bring about the constant 
 introduction of negroes with the greatest haste possible, and he only 
 can succeed in doing it. 
 
 Besides the above, if necessary, and in order to avoid the senseless 
 scuffle which has increased the disaffection and envy which follow 
 this enterprise, especially that the administrator is a foreigner of this 
 or that rank, assurance will be obtained from the said Don Juan Coy¬ 
 mans that the person whom he may appoint for that purpose be a 
 vassal of your Majesty and one approved by him; also that the admin¬ 
 istrator report beforehand to the council all the factors who should 
 be appointed for the Indies, and these shall not exercise that duty 
 without the approval of the council. This also means that his Majesty 
 will also have information regarding these subjects and will be better 
 
November, 1688 367 
 
 satisfied with them and with their rendering of accounts as has been 
 said, and of the procedure of the administration, etc. 2 
 
 * 44 * John Co\mans and Company to Manuel Coloma. 1 
 
 Your Excellency: As your excellency was pleased to favor us 
 
 . • 1 • 1 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ reasons we had for 
 
 trying to obtain the settlement due us, of the 200,000 escudos, which 
 
 we paid for the asiento pledged by my brother, Don Baltazar Coy- 
 mans, we acknowledge that the remonstrance made by your excellency 
 produced the effect, that lately his Majesty deigned to ordain that 
 the petitions formulated by the envoy extraordinary, Don Francisco 
 de Schoonenbergh, were to receive an answer, and the States General 
 have sent to us (to the members of the West India Company as well 
 as to ourselves for the part which concerns us) a copy of the official 
 communication, which the constable of Castile wrote to the said envoy 
 extraordinary containing the resolution adopted by his Majesty. As 
 we are placing this in the hands of your excellency, we shall not expand 
 on its contents but together with it, in a separate report, we hasten to 
 inform. your excellency of the reasons which prompt us and which 
 may eliminate those the constable thinks fit to maintain. 
 
 It being indisputable that what we claim is due us, and'that by right 
 we could adopt the means which we can and must make use of in order 
 to attain the full settlement, therefore we once more hasten to place 
 these reasons before the great understanding of your excellency, hop- 
 mg that your excellency will be pleased to favor us by seeing that the 
 settlement be not delayed and that we shall not be obliged to obtain 
 and put into execution the means which in any instance would only 
 serve to disturb, the cordial understanding existing between his 
 Majesty and their lordships the States [General], since those all 
 powerful ones.will concur and protect us as their subjects. 
 
 We also bring to the attention of your excellency the fact, that 
 whatever is. assumed in the reply and resolution of his Majesty to the 
 effect that it is possible to continue the asiento with the intervention 
 placed on it is quite contrary to what is actually happening, because 
 on Francisco de Rivas, factor in Panama, and Don Juan Francisco 
 
 tW* Dutch r . e P Iy t 8 . th ? protests of the Spanish government maintained that 
 
 tnere could be no possible objection to the States General taking a hand in the affairs 
 eassiento, since it was the business of that body to protect the interests of all 
 ns subjects. It further contended that the Spanish government had violated the contract 
 with Coymans, which exempted the property of foreigners from seizure and provided 
 tor the payments of all debts due to him. The fact that he had died should have made 
 no difference wh atever the conduct of the bargain, as the origina i instrument provided 
 ior the continuance of the business under a successor in case of his death The 
 °u ^Spaniards had disrupted the administration of the assiento and had 
 iett the Dutch with no alternative but to obtain what was their due by anv means in 
 their power. Arch. Ind., 153-7-8-47C. y y n 
 
 P44] Arch Ind., 153-7-8-47B. Coloma was Spanish minister at the Hague. 
 
3 68 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Massis, factor of the asiento in Cartagena, have written us that it is 
 impossible to continue the course of the asiento with the intervention 
 bv officials who mingle their own private interests [with it] and em¬ 
 barrass everything. Therefore, despite the fact that at the present 
 time there are five or six thousand piezas [de Indias ] negro slaves on 
 the island of Curacao and that Don Juan Carcau, general manager 
 of the asiento, is in those seas with two warships, the Rey Balt as or 
 and the Santiago de la Victoria , and the frigate Santa Rosa , which 
 left Cadiz bound for America with the register of the Casa de Con- 
 tratacion y Comercio de las Indias. and which might be used for the 
 transportation of the aforesaid negro slaves to ports of the Indies, 
 we can assure your excellency that all this has been embarrassed on 
 account of the intervention placed on the asiento. Hence the company 
 finds itself with the pledge contracted and with five or six thousand 
 negroes on the island of Curacao, Don Juan Carcau facing the con¬ 
 siderable expenditure for two warships of 50 cannons and 120 men 
 each and a frigate of 20 cannons, not counting the salaries of the fac¬ 
 tors, whom he is obliged to keep at all the factories, while we are 
 unable to collect what pertains to us for the expenditures we have 
 made, inasmuch as the asiento is deprived of its resources by stopping 
 its operations, and the resources in the Indies, as well as in Cadiz, 
 are embarrassed because of the intervention. The one to lose most is 
 the royal treasury of his Majesty for there is no doubt but that the 
 negro slaves referred to would have been introduced and the royal 
 treasury would have collected 500,000 pesos in tonnage dues: but 
 now everything is exposed to a total loss, and moreover, in one way 
 or the other, means will not be wanting to introduce the negroes into 
 the Indies, without paying duties. Your excellency, with absolute 
 truth, may report that all this is just as we say and that the people in 
 Spain should disabuse themselves [of delusion], and that as long as 
 the intervention is not lifted no further step will be taken to carry on 
 the enterprise and that we shall be forced to take action by claiming 
 the settlement which by right is ours, and that the one to lose most 
 will be the royal treasury. 
 
 Your excellency is pleased to favor us and it is for that reason that 
 we are going into details in informing you with all our characteristic 
 frankness and zeal, which we have shown to good purpose on the 
 occasion of the settlement of the 200,000 escudos. We trust that 
 your excellency may be pleased to intercede in order that a 
 settlement may be made with us and, if your excellency so ordains, we 
 shall await a reply and in the meantime we remain, with all resigna 
 tion, subject to the obedience of your excellency s orders, praying that 
 God may protect the most excellent person of your excellency many 
 and most happy years. 
 
 Amsterdam, November 30, 1688. 
 

 December, 1688 369 
 
 145. John Coymans to Manuel de Belmonte. 1 
 
 Dear sir: As your lordship will have understood from the burgo¬ 
 master-president what steps were taken in order to obtain the settle¬ 
 ment of oui part in the contract of negro slaves, and that everything 
 will be suspended until we know what the good offices may produce 
 which Don Manuel Coloma has offered to use [in our behalf], I have 
 nothing to add to this, except to place in the hands of your honor a 
 copy of the letter I wrote to the aforementioned envoy extraordinary, 
 and also a copy of the summaries which will serve to dispel the argu¬ 
 ments contained in the royal resolution handed to his excellency, the 
 envoy extraordinary Don Francisco Schoonenbergh. And since his ex¬ 
 cellency, the Marques de los Velez has been pleased to write to your 
 lordship in his letter dated November 4, to the effect that his excel¬ 
 lency is pleased to help our cause and [to say] that he will contribute 
 to expediting it as soon as possible in such a way that we may obtain 
 satisfaction, we entreat your lordship to put us at the feet of his 
 excellency, assuring him of our submission to whatever may be to his 
 greatest service, and that we implore his excellency to be pleased to 
 give the last stroke to this business, as its course is interrupted and 
 there is no possibility of a continuation unless the intervention be 
 lifted. We should be exceedingly sorry to be obliged to avail our¬ 
 selves of means which might disturb the amicable intercourse and 
 understanding now existing between his Majesty and the States Gen¬ 
 eral, and therefore we expect from the magnanimity of his excellency 
 a favorable resolution without any further delay and beg to remain at 
 the service and command of your lordship. At this your house 
 December 6, 1688. 
 
 146. Manuel de Belmonte to the Marques de los Velez. 1 
 Your Excellency, 
 
 Sir: The twelve magistrates of this city of Amsterdam have sent 
 me word by the burgomaster-president, stating, that they are obliged 
 to protect the interests of Don Juan Coymans and Company and that 
 they would very greatly regret, if the settlement which they con¬ 
 sider is fully due them, were delayed, because in such case they would 
 be under the unavoidable necessity of providing the means that might 
 contribute to its attainment [torn]. 
 
 Your excellency, so that this settlement may not be delayed, I have 
 taken the liberty of assuring them full payment, as your excellency 
 has ordered me to do and Don Juan Coymans has written me the 
 enclosed note, accompanying the papers that were sent with it. I am 
 placing them all in the hands of your excellency, trusting that your 
 
 [145] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-8-47A. Belmonte was Spanish resident in Amsterdam 
 L146] Arch. Ind., 153-7-8-47. 
 
370 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 excellency may be pleased to order that I be advised as to what I 
 shall answer to the letters of the magistrate. . . . 
 
 Amsterdam, December 6, 1688. 
 
 147. Address of the Council and Assembly of 
 Jamaica to the King and Queen. 1 
 
 July 26, 1689. 
 
 We think it our duty to make known to you the state of this Island 
 by the late Governors 2 and the usage of the factors of the Royal 
 African Company towards the planters. Though some thousands of 
 negroes have been imported by the Company into this Island, pur- 
 suant to the instructions of King Charles, within the past six years, , 
 yet few of these have fallen to the planters’ share; the factors, of 
 whom Colonel Molesworth was one, grasping all into their own hand 
 by countenancing none but their own creatures. Before the Assiento 
 was settled here the royal frigates were employed in convoying ship- 1 
 loads of the choicest negroes to the Spaniards. After it was settled, 
 the negroes were picked to suit the Spaniards, the factors and their , 
 particular friends still reaping all the benefit, the Dutch factors for 
 the Assiento allowing these gentlemen 35 per cent.; and now it is , 
 feared that the Dutch have quite taken the whole trade from us. , 
 Lists were published of the sharers in the 35 per cent., as though it 
 were a public concern, but most of them were favorites or servants of 
 the factors, and the most eminent merchants get but small sums. Thus 
 foreigners get the best of the negroes, and we only the refuse at £22 
 a head. 
 
 Again, when planters have gone on board to buy negroes, their 
 ready money has been refused because it was not pieces-of-eight. The 
 factors have received several thousand pounds for interest, and some¬ 
 times the interest has exceeded the principal. When planters have 
 agreed with masters of ships for their freight and commission, the 
 factors have threatened not to load sugar on their ships and have 
 forced them to forego the bargain. An act provides that two planters 
 shall always be joined to two merchants for the equal lotting of the 
 negroes, but they have always appointed their own creatures to this 
 time. The Duke of Albemarle demanded from the factors of the 
 African Company a list of the debts due from the planters, that it 
 might be seen whether the Island was indebted for such vast sums as 
 the Company represented. Colonel Molesworth promised a perfect 
 list in a few days, and on a second demand Captain Ruding also 
 promised the same. His Grace reminded him of the promise but was 
 
 [147] 1 Cal. St. P. Col., 1689-1692, pp. 106-107. 
 
 2 At the close of Sir Thomas Lynch’s administration in 1684 the lieutenant gover¬ 
 nor, Hender Molesworth, acted as governor until the arrival of Albemarle in 1687. His 
 short service (1687-1688) was followed by that of Sir Francis Watson, lieutenant 
 governor and a Jamaica planter. 
 
answered that the list could not be furnished without the Company’s 
 orders. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that it is not the 
 planters but the factors’ favorites who are the debtors. Heretofore 
 the Company s factors used to ship home their debts in produce of 
 t e Island, but now that the factors have fallen into a private way of 
 trade this is no longer done. In one parish it is well known that not 
 £2000 is due to the Company, yet it can easily be shewn that £4000 
 has been lost by buying refuse negroes of Jews and beggarly sub- 
 brokers who buy sick negroes at £8 or £10 a head; so that scarce a 
 third of the negroes bought by the planters from the Company are 
 now alive. It is now near nine months since the Duke’s happy arrival 
 and we have had but one small ship from the African Company, and 
 we know not when to expect another. In St. Jago del Castillo’s 
 answer to Don Nicholas Porcio in the Court of Chancery here it will 
 be seen that sundry sums were paid in 1684-1685 to the Governor, 
 Captains of frigates, and the factors of the Company. Sir Thomas 
 Lynch in fact voided King Charles’s grant that negroes should be 
 delivered to us at £17 a head; and thus it is that several planters 
 have been ruined and forced to leave the Island. We beg therefore 
 a repetition of King Charles’s order that we may be provided with 
 good negroes at reasonable rates. We would ask you to consider 
 
 i e thl ff n r i en ? and , the customs >f all the negroes that died 
 
 on the planters hands in the past six years had lived and worked 
 
 At a moderate computation a full third of the net proceeds of our 
 produce passes into the Royal Exchequer. 3 
 
 148. Accounts of the Arhinian Merchant, 1689-1691. 1 
 
 London the n December 1689. 
 
 Invoice of goods Laden aboard the “Arminian Merck’t” Capt. John 
 Hosea Command’r for accompt of the Royall African Company of 
 England Bound-for Cabo Corso Castle and other places for the pur¬ 
 chasing Negroes att s’d Place or to Leeward thereof And consigned 
 unto the s’d Capt. John Hosea att all Places to windward of the River 
 Volta and to Leeward of s’d River to Capt. Percy Wyborne or to 
 
 ! e s d John Hosea according to the s’d companies instructions vizt. 
 
 * 
 
 Cowries, 46 Barrells [details given amounting to] 
 
 97 cwt. 1 qr. 16 lb. att £4. 10. 6 
 Brass basons, 1 cask, 173 basons, 2 att <£7 
 Callawapoose, 1 case, 50 pcs., att 16 s. 
 
 Chintz, 2 cases, 200 [pieces] Kaddy Chintz, att 5 s. 6 d. 
 
 Longcloath, 2 bales, 1 case, 70 white Longclo. att 30 s. £105. 
 
 2000 Rangoes att 24 s. per ct. £ 24. o. o 
 
 234 Ozs. Corrals att 3J. 2 d. £ 37. 1# 0 
 
 440. 
 
 14. 
 
 40. 
 
 53 . 
 
 14. 
 
 166. 
 
 1. 
 
 , ^ the foot: “Oath of Ralph Knight that he was present when the address was 
 
 co ™ mIssione <J T to ^ar it. Sworn 12 July 1689. Signed Ralph Knight.” 
 
 ' L 4 l 70: 9l6, p * 4 °’ Invoice Book Outwards of the Royal African Co. No. n 
 rom Peb. 13, 1688/9 to Dec. 15, 1692”. ’ ’ ’ 
 
37 2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 [Accounts —continued:] 
 
 Brought forward 
 Trunks, 20 Nets, att 16 s. 
 
 Perpetuanoes, 1 bale, 25 pcs. at 23 s. 3 d. 
 
 Sayes, 1 case, qt. [quantity] 20 pieces, att 39 6 d. 
 
 Brandy, 1 hhd. 
 
 Iron Barrs, 126 cwt. 25, att 13 s. 6a. 
 
 On the amount of the aforegoing goods in this cargo i l / 2 
 per cent in consideration of Extraordinary charges 
 For customs and all other charges 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 71:4. 
 
 1. 
 
 8 
 
 16. 
 
 0. 
 
 0 
 
 29. 
 
 1. 
 
 3 
 
 39 - 
 
 10. 
 
 0 
 
 11. 
 
 I 5 - 
 
 
 85. 
 
 4 - 
 
 1 
 
 895. 
 
 12. 
 
 0 
 
 i 3 - 
 
 8. 
 
 8 
 
 16. 
 
 5 - 
 
 5 
 
 Provisions for the Negroes 
 
 2 hhds. qt. 128 gall’s Eng. spirritts: 
 
 5 puncheons Bisquett qt. 14. 3. 3 
 
 7 hhd. qt. 36. 3- 21 Beefe \ 
 
 3 barrill S 
 
 1 puncheon qt. 3 Tobacco 
 
 1 hhd. qt. 20 gross Tobaccoe pipes 
 
 2 hhds. Beans ca 25 s. 
 
 2 hhds. qt. 18 bush’l salt 
 38 quarters Beanes 
 
 For charges of shipping 
 
 925. 6. 1 
 
 18. 
 
 7 - 
 
 0 
 
 7 * 
 
 7 - 
 
 9 
 
 55 - 
 
 M 
 
 O 
 
 0 
 
 16. 
 
 16. 
 
 0 
 
 1. 
 
 0. 
 
 0 
 
 2. 
 
 10. 
 
 0 
 
 2. 
 
 5 - 
 
 0 
 
 45 - 
 
 10. 
 
 0 
 
 12. 
 
 0. 
 
 0 
 
 £1086. 11. 10 
 
 London the 26 June 1691. 2 
 
 Acco’t Sales of Negroes by the “Arminian Merch’t”Capt. John 
 Hosea Command’r for acco’t of the Royall African Company of 
 
 England. 
 
 % 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Boys 
 
 Girls 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Sold Joseph Holdersby to pay in Aprill 
 
 » Eliza Ramsay ” ” ” 3 months 
 
 » John Phillips ” ” ” ready money 
 
 ” John Newsam ” ” ” 6 months 
 
 ” William Dotten. bills of the shipp 
 
 ” Jonathan Walke to pay 15% money 
 rest in 6 ms. 
 
 ” Edmond Scrope ” ” in 3 months 
 
 ” Joseph Kirle ” ” ready money 
 
 ” Nicholas Handmary to pay ready money 
 ” Phillip Scott ” ” in 6 ms 
 
 • • • 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 40 
 
 18 
 
 45 
 
 26 
 
 333 
 
 82 
 
 130 
 
 40 
 
 35 
 
 46 
 
 0 
 
 c~. 
 
 0 
 
 [Total] 3 
 
 Delivered to Capt. his Comision Negroes 
 Ditto on acco’t of freight according 
 to charter party 
 
 172 
 
 9 
 
 7 i 
 
 99 
 
 6 
 
 44 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 5138 4 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 252 
 
 149 
 
 19 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 2 T 70: 943, “Invoice book homewards, From March 23, 1690—Sept. 6, 1692’’. 
 
 3 There precedes this total a list of 90 similar purchases, no purchase being ot 
 
 more than 12 slaves, several of only one. - wn 
 
 4 Apparently intended as the equivalent in Barbadian currency of the items shown 
 
 above, in sterling. 
 
May, i6go 
 
 373 
 
 [A ccounts —continued:] 
 
 Charges on sd Negroes vizt. 
 
 To Cash paid for mustering the Negroes, bringing the Gold a Shore 
 and afterwards Deviding the Negroes 
 
 paid for 4400 qtl. Potatoes at 7/6 per cent. 
 
 paid for Lymes 
 
 paid for 100 last Fish 
 
 paid for Plantines 
 
 pd. for Boate Hire to carry on board the Potatoes att severall Times 
 pa. tor provision with wine brandy and sugar att Sale 
 pd. for Seven days boate hire aboard and ashore att Sale 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 Commission money att 7 per cent 
 
 16. 
 
 19. 
 
 1. 
 
 12. 
 
 10. 
 
 i9- 
 
 17. 
 
 5 . 
 
 17 - 
 
 17. 
 
 15 - 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 7V2 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 41. 14- 
 
 2. 16. 10^ 
 
 To accot. of the Royall African Comp’y of England for the nett 
 proceeds carried thither without our prejudices five thousand 
 JNinty three pounds nineteen shillings curant money of Barbad. 
 
 Memorand. the four negroes was found aboard vizt. two boys and 2 5 girles which*was 
 owned by the Master and Mates. 
 
 The usuall Affidavits 
 
 Barbados 27th Feb. 1690. 
 
 149. Marques de los Velez to the King of Spain. 1 
 
 Madrid, May 12 ('?), 1690. 
 
 Si re : By a decree of your Majesty of the 20th of last March, 
 addressed to me, the Marques de los Velez, your Majesty is pleased 
 to state: 
 
 , ^ ^° U ^ ree l e ^ ers Don Manuel Coloma and two memorials 
 
 by the Envoy Schoonenbergh, which are herewith enclosed, all of them concern¬ 
 ing the asiento of negroes made with the firm of Coymans, in order that you 
 may examine them and after obtaining the opinion of such members of the 
 committee appointed to consider the matter as seems desirable to you, you may 
 at once, without loss of time, enter into conference with Schoonenbergh and 
 discuss with him the means of adjustment most suited to my service, in order 
 ■O av °id complaints by the Dutch and to the greatest satisfaction of the inter- 
 -Sted parties. You shall consult with me on the conclusions you may have 
 eached, in order that I may take the proper action. 
 
 In obedience to what your Majesty was pleased to order me, I 
 :onvoked a meeting of the members of the committee which your 
 VTajesty has assigned in matters touching the asiento of negroes, as 
 t seemed to me that after conferring with them and having their 
 
 [149] 1 Arch. Ind., 153-7-9, “Private session about the treaty of negroes. Report to 
 is Majesty.” On Apr. 4, 1689, the committee into whose hands affairs pertaining to the 
 ssiento had passed reported that Porcio’s claims, not those of Coymans, were to be 
 naintained. The West India Company thereupon opened a market for negroes in Cu- 
 a?ao. a renewal of Coy man’s request for the 200,000 escudos advanced by him to his 
 rother caused the re-examination here printed. 
 
374 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 opinions, I could with greater assurance, inform your Majesty what 
 was discussed in this matter. 
 
 At this meeting the decree above referred to and the documents 
 accompanying it were examined, the originals being returned into 
 the keeping of your Majesty. These documents consist of three rep¬ 
 resentations made by the Envoy Schoonenbergh through the Constable 
 of Castile, minister of state, who was assigned to hear this envoy, 
 the first of these petitions dated November 9, 1689, accompanying 
 a letter of the States General of Holland to his Majesty, written at 
 the Hague on September 21 of the same year. The second one was 
 dated January 9 of the present year, and the third and last was dated 
 March 12 last, and enclosed a second letter from the States General, 
 dated January 21 of this year. 
 
 The two letters by the States General and the representations pre¬ 
 sented by their envoy extraordinary, aim solely to present a claim 
 for damages suffered by the West India Company and the firm of 
 Coymans, from the intervention imposed on the administration of 
 the asiento of negroes which was under the management of Baltazar 
 Coymans, for the account and risk of Nicolas Porcio, principal con¬ 
 tractor as well as creditor (which he was supposed to be) of large 
 amounts supplied for operation of the asiento. They state that not 
 only were these amounts left unsettled, but they had increased throug 
 losses and deaths which had occurred among a large number of slaves 
 they brought to the island of Curacao, to be sent from there to the 
 Indies, a thing they had not dared to do on account of the remark¬ 
 able occurrence of the intervention. This damage involved them in 
 new and bigger claims both against the exchequer and against the 
 asiento itself when they least expected it, the royal word of your 
 Majesty having been pledged for the safety of the operation of their 
 administration. They conclude by asking for a settlement of the 
 amounts to their credit (which they supposed to be very much in¬ 
 creased) , transgressing so far as to give to understand that if this were 
 not granted them they would find the means to take it. 
 
 At the same time three letters, written by Don Manuel Coloma, 
 his Majesty’s minister to the Hague, were read, dated respectively, 
 January 3 and 17 and February 14 of the present year. The contents 
 of the first two letters confine themselves to referring to the con¬ 
 tinued demands made on him by the firm of Coymans and by t e 
 Dutch West India Company with regard to the credits they claimed 
 to hold against the asiento, and to the declaration made by him both 
 of the justifiable motives which preceded the installation of the inter¬ 
 vention and the rehabilitating of Porcio and of your Majesty s just 
 displeasure because of the lack of moderation in the representations 
 made through the envoy extraordinary at this court about the inter- 
 
May, i6go 
 
 375 
 
 ests referred to, a settlement of which had been attempted, giving him 
 to undei stand that orders had been issued to the pensionary-general 
 
 to wiite a strong rebuke to that minister, which, it was assured had 
 been done. 
 
 The last letter of Don Manuel notes that at a meeting which he 
 had with those States on February 4 of this year, the president of the 
 meeting had declared to him that the W^est India Company had stated 
 to. them and shown clearly its interest in the asiento of negroes of 
 Nicolas Porcio, to whom the firm of Coymans doing business at 
 Amsterdam had advanced large sums (as did the company as well) ; 
 that he must support their rights and ask the States to do the same 
 with your Majesty; and that they requested him [Don Manuel] to 
 interpose his good offices so that your M^ajesty might show them jus¬ 
 tice and settle with them. To this he [Don Manuel] replied that the 
 States had been poorly informed about the fact, as the West India 
 Company desired to have a share in the asiento of negroes, which it 
 could not have directly or indirectly, and no less with regard to the 
 rights of the Coymans. If the latter were legitimate creditors of 
 Porcio and would appear at the right time and in the proper manner, 
 they would be heard and justice would be administered to them in 
 accordance with the customary rectitude of your Majesty’s courts. 
 He had informed the States General of what was taking place, and 
 since later the matter had again been broached to him, he would make 
 it evident by the summary of the lawsuit which was discussed in the 
 special committee appointed by your Majesty to consider this asiento 
 and the claims of Coymans, who was interested with Porcio as a 
 private individual. Having put aside his legal right and submitted 
 to that of your Majesty’s magistrates, from which he could make no 
 objection, for apparently his rebellious spirit was put on for the 
 purpose of disquieting that company by interposing himself with the 
 States; and although because of that he was legitimately debarred 
 from being heard in justice, still your Majesty’s merciful graciousness 
 would extend mercy to him so that he might be heard in accordance 
 with the justice which existed for the parties to a suit. He advised 
 that on that very day he had delivered over all the papers and the 
 declaration which he had made relative to this matter. He entreated 
 your Majesty to favor him and order what should be done. 
 
 In view of the abovementioned representations and letters from the 
 States General and their envoy extraordinary to this court and the 
 contents of the information reported by Don Manuel Coloma, the 
 committee reports to the lofty understanding of your Majesty that the 
 complaints propounded are without justification although upheld by 
 superficial reasons which aim to give body to a fantasy. For, if the 
 credits they claim to hold against the asiento are certain, they ought 
 
376 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 to offer them as a lawful plea to this committee which your Majesty 
 was pleased to appoint for their determination. With regard to the 
 credit against Nicolas Porcio who (touching what he has proven in 
 the committee) has just as great claims and rights against Coymans 
 who managed the asiento for four years at his own account and risk, 
 taking for his own use whatever it produced. This liquidation of 
 credits should be continued in the usual way within legal terms without 
 their trying to become plaintiffs instead of defendants, or judges in¬ 
 stead of litigants, threatening that they will take justice into their 
 own hands. The committee leaves the decision on this immoderate 
 representation to the sober deliberation of the Council of State, whom 
 it chiefly concerns; and only goes on to execute what your Majesty 
 orders it to make manifest. According to the contents of the last 
 letter of Don Manuel Coloma the two letters of the States General 
 enclosed in the report of the meeting which Don Manuel had with 
 them are earlier, and earlier than the presentation of the abstract 
 of what took place with regard to this matter and the defense offered 
 therein. After these dispatches, apparently no positive reply was 
 given by the said States, from which one must morally infer that 
 having recognized the equity of what had been done, they calmed 
 down, and, should this not be the case, it is to be hoped that they will 
 give that answer after their investigation. It is the opinion of the 
 committee that your Majesty ought to order that Don Manuel 
 Coloma on his part should insist on an answer, giving them to under¬ 
 stand repeatedly that in your Majesty’s great equity and graciousness 
 and through the equity with which your tribunals proceed the subjects 
 of those States may be certain of receiving fair judgment without a 
 difference being made in favor of the natives of these realms, provided 
 they justify their interests by regular means. That through the 
 constable an answer is to be given to the envoy extraordinary Schoon- 
 enbergh, stating that your Majesty is awaiting a positive answer from 
 the States General to the proposition made to them through his 
 minister by the committee of February 4 last in which he concurred and 
 the abstract and other documents which he showed them relative to 
 the moderate procedure on the part of your Majesty’s officials with 
 regard to this matter, believing that if they are convinced of the 
 truth, they should induce their subjects to pursue the method of peti¬ 
 tioning justice for that which by right belongs to them, as has been 
 so often declared to them by your Majesty, who will look after their 
 interests with that consideration that will maintain the most sincere 
 relations with them. 
 
 In order to curtail somewhat the ardent zeal of this envoy the 
 committee considers it best not to execute this business with him 
 until the mail for the north has left which carries to Don Manuel 
 
i6go 377 
 
 Coioma the orders I have proposed, provided your Majesty is pleased 
 to approve them. 
 
 Your-Majesty after examining all this will order what seems best. 2 
 
 I 5 °- Systema Africanum: or a Treatise, discovering the 
 Intrigues of the Guiney Company, 1690. 1 
 
 It being every true English Man’s Concern, to endeavour, to the 
 utmost of his power, the Honour and Welfare of his Country, and 
 to stir up all good Men, in this Juncture of time, to put thereto their 
 helping hand, by representing to the Parliament jointly and severally, 
 the great Inconveniences which this Nation lieth under, by the many 
 Violences committed upon their Fellow-Subjects in general upon the 
 Coast of Africa by the Royal African Company. And because I am 
 experienced in their Intrigues, and a Sufferer by their Arbitrary Pro¬ 
 ceedings, I will cast in my Mite with others who have laboured under 
 the same Oppression, and drunk of the same Cup of Afflictions. . . . 
 
 And first having monopolized all the Coast of Africa from Sally 
 in South Barbary ... to Cape de Bona Esperanca, . . . Which vast 
 Tract of Coast is lockt up from none but the Subjects of England, but, 
 in a manner, free to all Strangers, as French, Dutch, Portuguese, 
 
 1 ^ 9 2 Spanish government agreed to name a committee which should 
 arbitrate^ between Coymans and Porcio. Wright, “The Coymans Asiento”, pp. 60-61. 
 
 ITS 0 ] Systema Africanum: or a Treatise, discovering the Intrigues and Arbitrary 
 Proceedings of the Guiney Company, and also How prejudicial they are to the American 
 Planters, and IVoollen, and other English Manufactures: To the visible Decay of 
 Trade, and consequently greatly Impairing the Royal Revenue, which would be in¬ 
 finitely Encreased, provided Merchants and Mariners were Encouraged, who can discover 
 several Places not yet Known, or Traded unto, by the Affrican Company. Together 
 with a True Account of their Fortifications. Humbly Submitted to Their Majesties, 
 and to the Consideration of Both Houses of Parliament, By William Wilkinson Mariner 
 (London, 1690). The Epistle to the Reader. The following Treatise is written by a 
 Person well Experienced in the Affairs of Africa, having, for many Years, frequented 
 those Coasts, as well the parts belonging to the English, as those which appertain to 
 the Portuguese, French and Dutch.” The writer goes on to say that he intends to set 
 forth the abuses practised on the interlopers and the servants of the company, the 
 ruin of the trade, and the dishonour of the nation. One phase of the history of the 
 Royal African Company can from this point on be followed in Stock, Proceedings and 
 Debates, vol. II. 
 
 With the Revolution of 1688 all outstanding charters were nullified. This 
 forced the company into a struggle for legal sanction of the monopoly rights which 
 heretofore it had always, possessed. As a result, a war of petitions and counter¬ 
 petitions began, which, with some interludes, continued until 1750. The question was 
 brought before Parliament by a request from the company in January, 1690 (repeated 
 in March and October), for leave to offer a bill confirming its rights. The company 
 emphasized its protection, of trade, its encouragement to manufactures, its grants of 
 credit to the plantations, its addition to the wealth of the nation and the revenues of 
 the crown. Merchants and planters of Jamaica and Barbados, interlopers who had 
 suffered at the hands of the company, woollen manufacturers, clothiers, cutlers petitioned 
 against a monopoly. On Nov. 26, 1690, a hearing was granted and a bill introduced, 
 against which the.company promptly petitioned (Stock, II. 16-45 passim). The pamphlet’ 
 extracts from which are here printed, was written, as the author sayis, to influence the 
 result of this struggle against a renewal of the monopoly privilege. With it should 
 be read the committee report presented to the House of Commons by Sir Peter Colleton 
 Nov. 26, 1690. Ibid., II. 32-35. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 378 
 
 Danes and Hamburghers, who, to the great detriment of this Nation 
 in several Respects, carry the greatest part of the Traffick to their 
 respective Habitations, which might come directly for England, if this 
 Inconveniency were removed. 
 
 And this is not all the Evil which we suffer by this Charter, but the 
 Trade of the several Manufacturers of the Growth of England is 
 most wretchedly impaired, Lands undervalued and laid as it w T ere 
 neglected. The Merchants enhanced, 2 the Artificers ruined, the 
 Shipping and Navigation discouraged, the Poor distressed for want 
 of Employment, the Trade decayed; and consequently that Branch 
 of the Royal Revenue, whose Lustre depends upon the greatness of 
 Trade, is visibly decayed. 
 
 Let us descend to Particulars, relating to the Actions of the Royal 
 Company, and their Agents abroad in Africa, who, by vertue of this 
 Charter, oppress their Fellow-Subjects, by taking their Ships, im¬ 
 prisoning and starving their Seamen, illegally condemning the said 
 Shipps and Goods without any Jury, and converting the said Ships 
 and Goods to their own use. 
 
 To this, add the Injuries committed upon those persons which 
 miserably fall under their power, as the breaking open their Chests, 
 and rifling their Writings, concealing and hiding their Books of 
 Accompts, to the end that such poor men may forever be incapacitated 1 
 of redressing the Disorders, or of making up their Accompts without 
 their Employers here in England. If after such Cruelties they escape 
 with their Lives to return home, which few do, by reason of the bar¬ 
 barous usage of their persons by the Agents of the Company afore¬ 
 said, who have often declared, That they will shew more mercy to a ! 
 Turk, than to an Interloper, as they term those of the King’s Subjects 
 which Trade upon the Coast of Africa without their Licence, which ^ 
 proves the undoing of many a good Subject, the loss of many good 
 Seamen, and the ruin of many good Families in England, who were 
 harassed with the hardships of Imprisonment, and want of Sustenance, • 
 which is ever accompany’d with Sickness. 3 
 
 To this, add the continual Upbraidings of the Agents, that at 
 length, sinking under their Afflictions, are forced to take up in the 
 Company’s Service, to shun the Dangers which threaten them every 
 way, that is, the want of present Subsistence, and the hardships of 
 Imprisonment, whilst they refuse to serve the Royal Company. . . • 
 
 Whereas if a Free Trade were granted to the Subject, it would raise 
 a desire in the great Undertakers, and Money d Men, to prepare , 
 
 2 “Reduced” is here inserted with pen. ... 
 
 3 Among the petitions presented during the spring of 1690 were two complaining 
 of the imprisonment on the coast of the crews and officers of private vessels, the Henry 
 and Mary taken in 1683, and the Alligator, in 1686. Stock, II. 22. 
 
i6qo 
 
 379 
 
 considerable quantities of Goods, and build many Ships, which by 
 consequences would encourage the Ingenious Artizans to make up 
 store of Manufactures of all sorts, and many Thousands of Poor 
 would be employed, which at present want Bread; and Men of design 
 would be every where seeking to improve their Talent. And first of 
 all, as to the Manufactures of the Growth and Product of England, 
 as Cloth, Bays, Says, Perpets, Serges, Bridwaters, 4 Iron, Brass, 
 Copper, Tin, Lead, Glass, Felts, Shoes, English Spirits, Knives, and 
 infinite others would be Daily Exporting, to the great Encouragement 
 of all Men; for by this means Lands would bear a better Price, yea, 
 more Rent, and each Man s Industry would be upon the stretch to 
 outdo his Fellow; and instead of 100,000 /. worth of Goods, which 
 are now Exported in a Year, we should have Four Times the Quan¬ 
 tity Exported, which, without all peradventure, would infinitely In¬ 
 crease, according to the Encouragement given: 
 
 And I hope that the Persons concerned in these several Manufac¬ 
 tures, and whose particular Grievance and Concern this is, will not 
 be wanting to make their Addresses to their Majesties, and this pres¬ 
 ent Parliament, for a Redress of these Abuses, they being sensibly 
 wronged hereby, and particularly the Serge-Workers, who by these 
 proceedings are debarred the Vent of their Manufacturers, the 
 Subject not daring to Buy being debarred of the privilege of Trans¬ 
 porting the said Commodities to that part of the World which Ex¬ 
 pends most, that is, to the Coast of Africa; and by this means the 
 Publick Vent of Serges is in a manner lost, and the Sale limited by 
 the Royal Company, who are but one joint Stock, and by this means 
 screw up the Tradesmen to a limited Quantity and Price, Length, 
 Breadth and Weight, and allowing but just what they please for 
 them, which many Poor Persons are obliged to take, though not capa¬ 
 ble of maintaining the Workmen, yet for the Causes aforesaid, are 
 by their present want of Money obliged to take what they can get, 
 to the great disheartning of such Undertakers, and the utter Ruin of 
 that once Flourishing Trade. 
 
 And the same Measures are to be taken by those whose Trade con¬ 
 sists in the Manufactures of Iron, Tin, Copper, etc. whose Interests 
 it is to promote the Publick Exportation of those Commodities, being 
 of the Growth and Manufacture of this Land, and do lie under the 
 same Circumstances as the Serge-Workers do. . . . 
 
 Or, If we consider Trade of Negro Servants, which proves so 
 Advantageous to the Western Plantations in the several Islands of 
 America, as well as that Continent whose chief Commerce is Sugar, 
 Tobacco, Indico, Ginger, Cotton, and Dying Stuffs, which are the 
 
 * Bridgewater, a kind of English cloth, named from the town in which it was 
 first manufactured. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 380 
 
 Natural Product of this New World, whose Penury or Plenty lies 
 indispensably upon the Trade of Negro Servants from Africa, which 
 the Royal Company manage with more than an ordinary Sight for 
 their own Advantage, taking Care that the Planters shall never be 
 furnished with Negroes sufficient to follow their Business with Satis¬ 
 faction, and Imposing what Prizes they please, and do Trust but 
 Six Months; for which they exact such an Interest, that they ^in a 
 manner sweep away the profit of their Labours; so that altho the 
 Planter’s Industry be never so great, yet he shall not be able to effect 
 his Designs, because his Hands are thus bound by the Company; yet 
 I am sure that if the Planters were furnished with Negroes from 
 Africa, Answerable to their Industry, that Four times the Sugar, 
 Indico, Cottons, etc. would be Imported every Year; then let every 
 Rational Man judg, If this would not be infinitely more Advantageous 
 
 to the Kingdom in general. 
 
 And to such a heighth is the Pride of this Company grown, that 
 they presume not only to Oppress the Subjects abroad, but like- , 
 wise to Lord it over them here in England, by Imposing 4° P er 
 Cent, upon such as with their License Trade to Africa, as Samuel 
 Shering, and others, now in London, can Witness, who paid them the j 
 Value aforesaid, for a Permission to Trade at Angola, a Place in | 
 Africa, and remote from any of their Castles and Factories, and in 
 the Portuguese Territories, which is both hurtful to Traffick, and 
 prejudicial to the King’s Prerogative and Revenue, it being a part of 
 Religion to pay Tribute to Cesar; but I never heard of any Law or 
 Gospel, to oblige Men to pay Tribute to the African Company. . . . 5 
 
 We will now speak of the Forts and Dwelling-places which the 
 Royal Company pretends to have on the Coast of Africa, and I will _ 
 begin with that of James Island in the River of Gambia, which is the 
 first Fort they have on the Coast of Africa. The Walls about 12 . 
 Foot high, having 4 Flankers to the 4 Winds, whereof those to the 
 North and West are kept in good order, having 6 Guns apiece 
 mounted; the other two seldom in order, and between Factors and 
 
 Soldiers, 40 men. t 1 
 
 They have likewise two Platforms of 6 Guns apiece lately repaired, 
 but unfit for service, there being no shelter for those men which play 
 those Guns, they being exposed to the Enemy. 
 
 Fresh Provisions, Wood or Water they have none, but what is 
 daily brought from the Continent, which the Negroes hinder them 
 when they please; so that this is all the Fortification or booting which 
 the Company have in all this Trackt of Coast from Sally to Gambia, 
 by Computation 1200 miles. 
 
 5 The author lists the French forts as Arguin, St. Louis, Goree, and Albreda. 
 
i6go 
 
 381 
 
 Fiom Gambia to Siera Leona, is about 360 miles, where they have 
 a sony House, with 12 men, and sometimes not eight; and 14 
 or 16 Guns laid without any manner of Art, but open to the Enemy. 
 
 Fiom Sieia Leona to Sherbro, is about 3b miles, where they have 
 a small House without any Guns, and 4 or 5 men. 
 
 From Sherbro till you come to Succunde, they have not the least 
 Footing, which is about 740 miles. 6 
 
 At Succunde they have a small House of Thatch with 2 men, and 
 no Guns. 
 
 From Succunde to Comenda, is 18 miles; they have there a Thatcht 
 Hovil with 3 men, and no Guns. 
 
 Fiom Comendo to Cape Coars, is 20 miles, where they have a 
 Castle, with about 40 Guns mounted, and about 100 Soldiers: But 
 the English have not had it above 5 [25] 7 years’ for it was taken 
 from the Dutch by Sir Robert Holmes. The Dutch lost this Fort 
 for want of men to defend it, having lost their men by Sickness, and 
 the Mortality which hapned amongst them that year. But chiefly 
 by the help of the Danes, and the Natives, under whose protection 
 the English landed their Guns and men, which caused the Surrender 
 of that place: But Admiral Stoaks the foregoing Year having been 
 before it, and the Natives at that time not inclined to favour the 
 English, they returned Re Infecta. By which it appears, that the 
 Natives aie the best Bulwark to defend any Hold the English have 
 upon those Coasts; and for want of the Natives good will, Cormanteen 
 Castle was taken by the Dutch in the Year 1664^ and they have it in 
 possession to this day. 
 
 From Cape Coars to Anamabo, where they have lately built a small 
 
 Fort of 6 or 8 Guns, and 10 or 12 men, and is from Cape Coars 12 
 miles. 
 
 From Anamabo to Agah, where they have a small Fort with 6 or 
 8 men, and is about one mile distant. 
 
 From Agah to Acra, where they have a small Fort with 16 Guns, 
 and about 20 men; the Dutch having a better Fort, and more Guns 
 in the same Town, and within Musquet shot; and as well here, as all 
 the Coast along, can command the English Force. And ’tis mani¬ 
 fest the English Security is founded in the Interest they have with 
 the Natives, who will not suffer the Dutch to interrupt them, their 
 Policy teaching them to invite all Nations to come and Trade freely 
 with them, causing such as have any Forts or Factories amongst 
 them, to keep at peace one with another. The Danes preservation is 
 a good Instance of this, whose Castle may at any time be taken by 
 
 6 Sir Peter Colleton’s report to the House of Commons gave 600 miles, which 
 is nearer the truth. His summary of the testimony against the company somewhat 
 modifies these statements. Stock, II. 35. 
 
 ' The figures in brackets have been inserted in the pamphlet with pen. 
 
382 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 the Dutch from Castle de Mina, but the Natives will not suffer it to 
 be done, these places being distant about 70 miles. 
 
 From Acra to Papa, and so to Ardah, where they have a thatcht 
 House, and 2 white men, is about 200 miles. 
 
 From Ardah to Binin is about 120 miles, where they have a 
 thatcht House, and about 5 men. 
 
 From Binin to the furthest part that they have any Trade to, but 
 no Footing House or Castle, being the Rivers of Congo and Loango, 
 and is about 900 miles. 
 
 And so to Angola, a Portuguese City, and all the Coast as far as 
 Cape Bona Esperanca, which they have included in their Patent, not 
 having Fort or Flouse, or any Footing or Trade, being 1600 miles. 
 
 Thus you see how the vast rich Coast of Africa is managed by the 
 Royal Company, who, in effect, do not occupy 300 Leagues them¬ 
 selves, and, at best, do but go halfs with the French in that which 
 they seem to have. And this is evident enough, for notwithstanding 
 their Fort of Gambia, the French not only Trade in that River, but 
 likewise hinder the Company from Trading in the River’s Mouth, 
 witness James Jobson now in London, who was sent by Agent John 
 Costle in the Year 1680, or 81, to trade with the Companies Sloop 
 with a Cargo fitted for the Coast of Jually, and Portudaly, was 
 taken by a French Ship of 10 or 12 Guns, and carried up to Gorey, 
 and there detained Prisoner for the space of 42 days or more, it not 
 being in the power of the English to demand their Liberty, to the 
 discredit of the Nation, and the ruin of Trade. 
 
 Again, Benedict Stafford, the following Year, being by the same 
 Agent commanded to go and trade upon the Coast aforesaid (at 
 Portudaly, which is the River’s Mouth of Gambia) was taken by the 
 French, and carried up to Gorey, and detained during their Agent’s 
 pleasure. 
 
 Again, in the Year 1687/8 a Sloop, commanded by Samuel Lee, 
 called the Mary, was sent to Trade by the Companies Agent A. C. 
 [Alexander Cleeve] which the French having Notice of, went in search 
 of the said Sloop, and having found her in the River of Geba, set 
 upon her with their Long-boat only, and a few small Arms. ... ; 
 
 In Fine, the French have so pestered those Northern parts, that 
 the English are in continual apprehensions of losing their Royal Fort 
 of Gambia, and not without some reason; for the French are always 
 better provided of Men, Ammunition and Arms than they are, and 
 not able to make any considerable Resistance, did they not depend on 
 the friendship and assistance of the Negroes. 
 
 By this time I hope the Parliament will be undeceived by the Pre¬ 
 tences wherewith the Royal Company endeavour to Lull the Nation 
 asleep, by suggesting strange things of their Force in Africa. 
 
i6go 
 
 Let us now speak something of the great Charge which they pre- 
 tend they are at in keeping their Forts, and herein you shall see with 
 
 what Injustice the Royal Company Acts towards their own Servants, 
 und this is worth your Observation. 8 
 
 It is generally believed, that the Royal Company do allow to every 
 Soldier Twenty Shillings, and to every Seamen Twenty Seven, or 
 Twenty Eight Shillings, which is a most notorious Untruth, for 
 
 alt - h ,°J heyPr r'. Se asaforesaid > >t is most certain that the Wages 
 paid Men in Africa will not amount to above Five Shillings and Nine 
 
 ence, or Six Shillings at most, for Twenty Shillings sterling pro rato, 
 that is, according to the Price of Goods between London and Guiney, 
 
 VIZ. 1 ’ 
 
 London. 
 
 One Blew Shirt Value Two Shillings and Eight Pence. 
 
 One Pair of Shoes Value Two Shillings and Nine Pence. 
 
 One Quart of English Spirits Value Four Pence. 
 
 Which in all comes to Five Shillings and Nine Pence. 
 
 Africa. 
 
 One Blew Shirt Value Nine Shillings. 
 
 One Pair of Shoes Value Nine Shillings. 
 
 One Quart of English Spirits Value Two Shillings 
 Which in all comes to Twenty Shillings 
 
 Now let any Rational Man judg what Expences the Company are 
 at to keep Seven Houses and Four Forts with less than Two Hundred 
 Men, which they pay off at lesser Rates than the Bankrupts in London 
 Compound with their Creditors, and what security they can propose 
 in this their Weakness from so powerful a Rival as their Neighbours 
 the French are; to say nothing of the Dutch, Portuguese, and other 
 Nations, who go snacks with them for the Trade of those parts; and 
 what pity it is that a Coast of about Five Thousand Three Hundred 
 Miles should be thus slighted and kept under by the Company, who 
 are not able to manage one Quarter thereof themselves, it being 
 impossible to furnish that Trade with so limited a Stock as One 
 Hundred Thousand Pounds sterling per Annum, when as if the matter 
 were regulated, as is done by the Turkey Company, the Trade of 
 Africa would consume Six times the quantity of Goods. . . . 9 
 
 Consider I pray what has been said in this short Treatise, wherein 
 
 Truth hath been said without Prejudice, only designing to serve 
 his Country. 
 
 . u* / The C0 T pany re P° rted t0 the committee of the House of Commons that it had 
 eight torts on the coast, which cost between £19,000 and £20,000 a year. 
 
 , . J he y . author then dilated on the unwholesome climate and the high death-rate 
 of the English on the coast. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 And withal to shew the World how far the Royal Company are 
 from being what they pretend to be. 
 
 What Inconveniences they by their Charter bring upon this Nation. 
 
 What Opportunities and Advantages they give the French, and 
 other Nations, to our own Ruin. . . . 
 
 But as I have laid this Foundation, in representing these Disorders, 
 
 I hope God of his Mercy will favour this Nation, by putting into the 
 Hearts of our Gracious King William and Queen Mary, together with 
 the present Parliament now Assembled, like another St. George, to 
 Defeat this African Monster, or like an other Alexander,, to Cut 
 in pieces with his Victorious Sword this Enchanted Gordian-Knot 
 for the good of these Nations. 
 
 151 Petition to the House of Commons. 1 
 
 April 21, 1690. 
 
 A Petition of divers Clothiers of Suffolke and Essex, and others, 
 employed in the Woolen Manufacture of Says, and Stuffs, was read; 
 setting forth, That the Petitioners enjoyed an open Trade for the 
 Woolen Manufactures of Says, when Trade was free for all Mer¬ 
 chants to send their Ships to Guiny; whereby there was so quick a 
 Vent and so good Prices given, that the Petitioners were encouraged 
 to carry on the Making of far greater Quantities of Says and Stuffs, 
 which gave Employ to many Thousands of Inhabitants of the 
 County; But that now, and for some Years past, such their former 
 Trade is restrained, their Goods under-priced and left upon their 
 Hands, if not sold, for what Prices the Company, trading to Guiny, 
 will give for them; who, being the alone Buyer, and none else suffeied 
 to export the said Goods, the Petitioners are foiced to sell at the 
 Rates they are pleased to allow; whereby great Quantities of the 
 Petitioner’s Goods lie upon them; by which Means (having no other 
 Sale than as aforesaid) they must be forced to lay down their 
 Trades; the Effect whereof is too manifest in the Rum of many poor 
 Families, and the Tradesmen dealing in, and living upon, the Woolen 
 Manufactures: And praying, That the said Trade may no longer be 
 restrained; but that all Merchants may have Freedom to expoit them, 
 many being ready to buy, and encourage the Petitioners in making 
 such their Manufactures, had they Liberty, and Freedom of Tiade. 
 
 [151] 1 Commons Journals, X. 382; a similar petition of Oct. 21, 1690, is to be found 
 in the Journals, X. 448. Those given in this work are sufficient to make clear the charac¬ 
 ter of the appeals which were made to Parliament for increased freedom of trade and to 
 illustrate the widespread ramifications of the African trade in English industry. 
 
 
September , 1690 385 
 
 I 5 2 * Charles Penhallow and Walter Ruding to the 
 
 Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Jamaica per mo. July 1690. 
 
 On the 14th ulto arrived here The Shipp Hanafo with 359 Negros 
 the remainder of 400 taken in on the Coast of Arda Where Capta. 
 Danvere the Master dyed and Mr. Tebitt the Chief Mate succeeded 
 him in the Comand, On the Arivall of this Shipp St. James Castello 
 desned to have the Negros in part of his Contract with You. A Coppy 
 of which wee rec’d in Yo’r Letter But this Shipp being Sent out Long 
 before any Such Contract was made, Wee were of Opinion that the 
 Compa. never intended this Shipp Should be Included in that Agree¬ 
 ment. However to supply St. James’s present Occasion as alsoe to 
 Gratifie the Country (w’ch the Governor 2 recomended to us it being 
 the first Shipp of Negros that Arived Since his taking the Government 
 upon him) Wee Concluded to putt them all into Lotts as formerly 
 and that St. James Should have the Greatest part of them all att the 
 same late the Rest were sold to the Country, Which he willingly 
 Consented unto with this provisoe that wee Would by the first Oppor¬ 
 tunity advise you what wee had done and in Case You Should Con¬ 
 sent that those Negros, Should be taken in part of his Contract that 
 then the Overplus of the Mony he paid more [than] that Contract 
 menc’one Should be Refunded, About w’ch pray lett us have Yo’r 
 Orders by the first Opportunity. 
 
 153. Cornelius Hodges to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 James Island Sept the 16th 1690. 
 
 . . . The Manner and Reasons for the Merch’ts purchasing Gold 
 and Carring it into the Moores Cuntrey as they doe are thes following 
 
 C I 52] 2 T 70. 17, Abstracts of Letters from Dec. 14, 1687, to Nov. 10, 1693.” 
 
 On July 6, 1690, Governor Inchiquin had written to the Lords of Trade that the 
 company had sent out but one cargo, of 300, which may have been the cargo of the 
 Hanah. Later the company itself complained that it had been able to send out but a 
 scant supply because of the embargo of the previous year. It was not possible for 
 t e African vessels to adjust their sailings to the time of the convoys and therefore the 
 company asked permission to send ships as occasion might require (Sept. 11, 1690, 
 Memorandum of the African Company to the Lords of Trade”, Cal. St. P. Col., 1699, 
 p. 610 ). The “account of ships sent out by the Royal African Company”, of Dec. 21 ,’ 
 1691 , indicates that their activity well-nigh ceased with the Revolution of 1688 : in 1685 ’ 
 38 ships in 1686, 32; in 1687, 24; in 1688, 24; in 1689, 9; in 1690, 6 ] in 1691, 3. 
 
 L 1 533 T 70: 17. On Mar. 11, 1689, Cornelius Hodges was sent by John Booker, 
 agent of the Royal African Company at James Island, up the Gambia River’ 
 to learn what he could of gold mining in the interior. This was one of the few 
 attempts made by the company to learn something of the interior of the country whose 
 littoral it occupied. In his explorations he gleaned a little knowledge of the slave trade 
 of the inl a nd, though he, like Jobson seventy years before him, was less interested in 
 traffic in the natives than in gold. He passed about 225 miles beyond Barracunda, then 
 turned back to that point and left the Gambia to travel by land to the Senegal! On 
 July 14, 1689, he reached the Camberdoo River, a branch of the Senegal. Here he was 
 detained for some months by his inability to obtain' supplies, the entire country suffering 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 386 
 
 In the first place It is to be understood that Merch’tts and Bittchee- 
 reen Esteeme Nothing Riches more then Slaves and Cows. I doubt 
 not But yo’r Hon’ors are Sincible the quantity of Slaves that Are 
 broughft] down Annually by them are Considerable but we never 
 find that in a Thousand they [bring] Either woman boy or Girle but 
 in Generali Men Slaves such as they Know not what to doe with all, 
 Either through Stubborness or feare of theire Runi’g, Otherwise 
 [than] to bring them to us to sell, for the which haveing Received 
 Goods [they] Return’d up through the Countreys of Comberdoo Com- 
 manna and Bamboo where the[y] Purchase gold as being Light and 
 Saife to Carry and the Most Exteemed of anything at Tarra 
 [Jarra ?] * 2 where they carry it to purchase Slaves—Men Slaves which 
 they purchase for Sale they buy for 1 Ounce, Boys and Female Slaves 
 w’ch is for theire owne use 2 oz and sometimes more accoding to 
 there features. 
 
 A farthor Reason is this such as Carry any Europian Goods pays 
 such Customs both by the way and att Tarra that Though they buy 
 theire Slaves verry Cheape yett they find In [they?] turne to A verry 
 small acco’tt. Still another Inconvenience for them with Europian 
 Goods as thus before they Can purchase Slaves they must turne theire 
 Goods Into Coathes and with those Cloathes purchase Salt of the 
 Moores who Brings It above 1100 Miles on Camells and will Truck 
 it for no oth’r Soart of Commoditi then Cloathes Gold and Slaves, 
 aft’r haveing purchased Salt they truck it for Slaves w’ch is the 
 Reason that many times before they can dispatch the Goods of 4 or 
 5 Slaves that It Costs them V 2 as much for Lodging and provisions. 
 But he that Goes with 500 Oz of Gold paye Noe Customes and may 
 turne it Into what Comodity he pleaseth In Less than Two Dayes. ... . 
 
 After I had binn some small time in the Countrey understanding 
 that a Greate part of the Gold of those parts was Conveyed Over the 
 River of Sannaga 3 Into the Moores Countrey to Tarra w’ch I know 
 to be Onely Mart for Slaves in all these Wast’m p’ts of Affrica I 
 fitted 13 men with a Reasonable Cargoe and sent them to the Aforesd 
 Tarra. It being bett’r than 300 Miles nearer E N E from Yafara 
 to make Inspection Into the Countrey that I mought be satisfied of 
 y’r way of dispossall of the Gold and Purchasing the Slaves for the 
 Moores as well as they are Supplyed with Slaves from thence. After 
 they’r Passing a Greate Many Difficulties they arrived were they 
 found the place to be Built with Stone and verry Neare as Bigg as the 
 
 from famine. The following passage explains why the natives carried their gold to 
 the Moors, that is, north of the Senegal, rather than to the English. For the entire 
 letter sent to the court of assistants of the Royal African Company see Thora Stone, ed., 
 “The Journey of Cornelius Hodges in Senegambia, 1689-1690”, English Historical Review, 
 XXXIX. 89-95. 
 
 2 All these places are between the Gambia and the Senegal rivers, perhaps 30° 
 miles from the coast. 
 
 3 Senegal. 
 
387 
 
 July, 1691 
 
 £ y J f F L0 '!’ d W j th ir J he WalIs ‘ • • • Now the Fa m!ne haveing 
 
 wine l FrUStrat 4lf. Hop ® s of an y Good in the se parts made some 
 at the more Willing to Goe, and Accordingly the 9th Tan’ry I sett 
 
 forvvard. Now the Bitcherren’s of Cadjada began to play theire parts 
 
 Bravely Saying that Since I was not Sattisfied with understanding the 
 
 Gold trade, but that I must make Inspection into the Slave trade I 
 
 should pay Dearly for my Experience for before I Could Cross the 
 
 Kiver of Sanaga w ch is about 90 miles from Yalara Nearest E the 
 
 Falk ?p° SSed ° VCr Calkd Can -> ure Some 6 7 miles below the 
 
 Fa! s they had Raised forces and besett me B’times to destroy me. . . .* 
 
 tV 13 , f. ndmg th °" gh b y ch ance I mought gett Saife to Tarra Yett 
 I found It Impossible to gett Safe Back for as yett I had not gott into 
 the Emperors dominions Soe upon a Farther Consideration thought it 
 more discreet to Returne with what they had Left me than to proceed 
 and Never returne Soe the next Morn I began my Journey Back and 
 y Noone Crossed the River of Sannaga here Called the Black sea 
 being Come to this Place I thinke It Requisitt to Give Your Hon’rs 
 a Short accott how the French manages Affaires here As thus the 
 River is one of the most Delightsome Spationest Considering how 
 high it Runs that Ever I have Seene but att no time Navigable so 
 lgh Except in the Mo. of Aug’st and sume part of Sept and 
 Though unknown to the French there is severall fine Swaches that a 
 vessel mought Ride all the yeare Long Inn. For this 4 Yeares Last 
 past the French with a Greate deale of Trouble and vast Expence in 
 Customs has Come up to a porte within 20 Miles of Canjure Called 
 Darremane 0 and though they have Come with 2 vessells as Last 
 yeare in 6 or 7 days has dispatched and Return’d but gives the Same 
 prices or verry Neare what we give at Jellefree 6 the French If once 
 they gett a Lrue understanding of the trade of those parts may with 
 a greate deale of Ease Frustrate us of the Greatest part of o’r Trade 
 tor Slaves and Raise thrice the Quantity that wee doe. 7 
 
 154- Earl of Inchiquin to the Assembly of Jamaica. 1 
 
 July 30, 1691. 
 
 I understand, by a message I sometime since received from you, 
 that you had once read and passed a bill for raising a duty of forty 
 
 The writer no sooner escaped from this danger and crossed the river than he 
 
 Tad 5? three or four hundred armed men* and would have lost his life 
 
 had not some Mohammendan priests come to his rescue 6 
 
 commerciay r value e of t thh h /nIand e reg^oif^had eS b«n ,U ^ubIi S s^ed S by J Chamb(mn r ^au >rt d* >n 
 
 HisLRe'v., XXxr X nC 8 9 Senegal C ° mPany l688 ' St ° ne ’ “ J ° urne >' o( Hodges” 
 
 * Gillifree. ’ 
 
 U the F u ench . devel °P raent of Sold trade Hodges has little fear, so bitter 
 
 is the enmity of the natives who control it toward them. His return, arduous because 
 of the famine, was accomplished safely and he reached Barracunda July 4 1600 
 L 1 54 ] Interesting Tracts relating to Jamaica (1800), p. 236. ’ ^ 
 
 1 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 388 
 
 shillings per head on negroes exported. . . . The first is absolutely 
 repugnant to the commands I have received from the king, and should 
 it pass, would, in my judgment, be highly prejudicial to the kingdom 
 of England and this island, it being the greatest blow that can.be 
 given to trade, which is the life of this place, and I am bound to 
 encourage and protect, and will do it. . . . 
 
 155. Petition of John Gardner and Letitia Bawdon. 1 
 
 [January 23, 1692/3 ?] 
 
 To the Right Hon'hie the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in Parlia¬ 
 ment Assembled . 
 
 The humble Petition and Appeale of John Gardner Merchant and 
 Dame Letitia Bawdon Widow and Executrix of S’r John Bawdon 
 dec’d from an Order made in the Court of Exchequer on Saturday 
 the 7th Day of May last, and from a Decretall Order made in the 
 said Court the 13th Day of June last, both Orders made in a Cause 
 there depending between the Pet’es Appellants P 1 ts and the Royal 
 Aifrican Compa. of England Def’ts and from a final Decree made in 
 the said Cause on the 24th day of November last. 
 
 Sheweth 
 
 That yo’r Pet’r Gardner and the Testator S’r John Bawdon being 
 interested in severall Plantations in the West Indies and haveing most 
 absolute Occation for Negroes from Guinea and other Places in 
 Affrica, to be imployed in, and for the necessary Support and Carry¬ 
 ing on of the said Plantations and Trade in the West Indies Your Peti¬ 
 tioner and the said Testator did for the Support of the said Trade 
 and Plantations send severall Ships att severall times to trade first to 
 the Coast of Affrica and there to take in Negroes, and soe to proceed 
 to the West Indies. But the Company’s Agents pretending the Com¬ 
 pany had the Sole Trade in those parts of Affrica did take and seize 
 the said Ships and Goods, sometimes before their Arrivall in Affrica, 
 
 [Tcc] 1 House of Lords MSS., calendared in Hist. MSS. Comm., Fourteenth Rept., A pp. 
 VI. (MSS. H. of L., 1692-1693), PP- 3 I 4 - 3 I 5 . See Lords Journals, XV. 195, ? 3 1 j Stoek 
 II. 69. John Gardner, a London merchant and private trader, was the signer of a 
 petition from the sugar planters in 1690 (ibid., II. 43)- 1 ° March, 1694, he was o 
 of the witnesses examined by a committee of the House of Commons which was mv 
 gating the state of the African trade (ibid., PP 9 i- 9 ») 5 on Dec. 10, 1695, he presented 
 to the Commons a list of vessels captured by the French between Guinea and the West 
 Indies (ibid., p. 135 n.). His own losses he reported as £13,300. Ibid., P- 1 / 6 - 
 
 2 Possibly the Sir John Bawden, or Baudon, who some years before had broug 
 suit against Captain Billop for the seizure of negroes from the Providence (see this 
 work vol. III., New York; Cal. St. P. Col., 1681-1685, p. 440 - Sir Thomas Lynch, in 
 writing to Blathwayt in 1683, referred him to a Colonel Bawden for further information 
 of the pirate Van Horn (ibid., p. 394 )- On Nov. 3 of that year the Committee of 
 Trade and Plantations called for his attendance as one concerned in the Leewa 
 Islands. Ibid., p. 537. 
 
January, 16Q2/3 389 
 
 and sometimes upon their Arrivall in Affrica, and sometimes 
 aftei the _ s ai d Ships had taken in Negroes and were sailing 
 rom- Affrica towards the West Indies, and converted them all 
 to the Companys the Def’ts Viz., by force, and contrary to Law (as 
 Your Petitioners are advised) And Your Petitioner Gardner and the 
 J. estator Applying themselves thereupon to the Def’ts They the said 
 Company Justified the same and absolutely refused to let Your Peti¬ 
 tioner and the Testator Trade to the Costs of Affrica for Negroes, 
 unless they would pay them 30 li and 4 R per Cent, for Permission 
 money, and take a Lycence from the said Company to Trade in 
 ffnca and alsoe to take the Companys Goods and Merchandizes 
 ere att such Rates as the Company should impose upon the same 
 or otherwise that they would Grant noe Lycence att all. 
 
 hat the Trade of the West India Plantations not being any wayes 
 to be carryed on, or the Plantations preserved without Negroes from 
 Affrica, and the Appellant Gardner and Testator (in those dayes) 
 not being able to Right themselves att Law, Your Petitioner Gardner 
 and the said Testator were enforced to comply with the Company 
 in what Termes soever they then imposed, and accordingly did take 
 Lycences to Trade, and paid 30 and sometimes 40 li. per Cent permis¬ 
 sion money to the Company and Carryed from hence to Affrica such 
 Goods as the. Company thought fitt to let the Appellant and Testator 
 nave, and paid such prises for them as the Company thought fitt to 
 impose And particularly the Appellant and Testator did about June 
 1688 take a Cargoe of Goods from the Company to Trade with to 
 Attrica for Negroes in the Ship John and thereupon the Company 
 made a Bill of Particulars and prises thereof and therein lett downe 
 and demanded 425 li odd moneys for Permission money and Oblidged 
 your Petitioner Gardner and Testator with Sureties to enter into a 
 ond of 3000 li and odd pounds penalty Conditioned for payment 
 of 1504 li. 6 s. 7 d., into the said Company wherein was included the 
 said 425 li. odd moneys Permission money. 
 
 That the Company, the better to Colour their designes, use to take 
 Articles and Charter parties from the persons to whom they gave 
 Lycence, and therein insert what facts they thinck fitt, and contrary 
 to the very Truth of the matter, And alsoe took security for and have 
 exacted, and received from your Petitioner and Testator severall other 
 
 Great Sumes of money for Lycence or Permission money to Trade 
 to Affrica. 
 
 That the said S’r John Bawdon being Dead Your Petitioners did 
 prefer their Bill in the Court of Exchequer to have a Discovery and 
 Account of the Ships and Goods seized by the Companys Agents and 
 Particularly the Ship whereof George Nanter was Master and to 
 have an Account of the permission money soe unjustly received, and 
 
39 ° 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 to be relieved against the said Bond and the permission money therein 
 contained and in all other the premisses, to part of which said Bill 
 ( Vizt.) to such part as demanded a Discovery Account or Releite 
 touching the Ship whereof George Nanter was Master and the Goods 
 and Negroes taken by the said Companys Agents and to all charges 
 touching the seizing and disposeing of the said Ships and Goods the 
 said Company Pleaded the Statute of Limitations which Plea was 
 allowed by the Court by the said Order of the 7th of May last, and 
 the Residue of the said Cause proceeding to hearing the Court of 
 Exchequer att the hearing were not pleased to Relieve the Petitioners 
 as to the permission money but declared they would not Intermeddle 
 with the same And Decreed Your Petitioner to Account for the 
 whole 1504 /. 6 5. 7 d. without haveing any Abatement for the per¬ 
 mission money in the said Bond, or haveing any Account for the other 
 Lycence or permission money soe unjustly exacted as aforesaid. 
 
 By which Orders and Decree Your Petitioners humbly conceive 
 
 themselves agreived. . . 
 
 First in That the said Plea of the Statute of Limitations was 
 allowed by the Court though the matters in Demand were transacted 
 upon and beyond the Seas and being alsoe matters of Account And 
 transactions between Merchants And the Plea itt selfe being very 
 insufficient Informall and Wanting proper averment. 
 
 Secondly In that the said Court of Exchequer did not Relieve 
 Your Petitioners against the said Frauds Impositions and Practices of 
 the said Deft’s and against the said Lycence or Permission money but 
 left Your Petitioners Remediless therein. 
 
 Wherefore Your Petitioners most humbly Appeale from the said 
 Orders and Decree unto Your Lordships in Parliament And humbly 
 pray Redress therein from your Lordships in this most Supreme 
 Judicature according to the Usuall method of proceedings in Appeales 
 before Your Lordships. 3 
 
 3 The Lords, having listened to the reading of the petition, called for the answer 
 of the Royal African Company, which was delivered Feb. i: “In 1688 the Com¬ 
 pany made an agreement with Gardner and Sir John Bawdon touching the ship John, 
 of London, whereof William Portlock was Master, for a trading voyage to Atnca, 
 and an account was adjusted, before the ship left Gravesend, concerning the cargo 
 bought of the Company, amounting to 1504 /. 16 s. 7 d., for payment whereof in 1 
 months Gardner, Sir John and Portlock gave a bond of 3008 /. 13 s. o d. Only 500 • 
 has since been paid, and that not before August 1690. Sir John having died, and 
 Appellants refusing to pay the rest, Respondents sued Gardner upon the bond, ^nd 
 obtained judgment. Appellants then brought their Bill in the Exchequer. The Cou , 
 after allowing Respondents’ plea of the Statute of Limitations with regard to the s p 
 whereof Nanter was master, proceeded to hear the Cause on 13 June, and referred it 
 to the Deputy Remembrancer to certify what was due upon the bond, and to take a 
 distinct account of the elephants’ teeth and gold laden on the ship The Report, 
 
 being heard, was ordered to be reviewed by allowing the Appellants their s are 
 some gold, which was the produce of part of the windward cargo of the Swan outwards, 
 and saving Respondents harmless against the other owners and partners of t e s ip 
 in that respect. The Deputy Remembrancer accordingly certified 777 L 6 s. 6 d. due to 
 
39 i 
 
 February t i6g2 /j 
 
 William Hardringe and Nicholas Prideaux to 
 the Royal African Company. * 1 
 
 Barbados the iith Feb’ry 1692/3. 
 
 ' : ■ Upon The first of Novemb. arrived here the Sept. Capta. 
 William Parrish with Six or Seven Hundred Negroes taken in the 
 most Part at Whida the said Did also dispatch Capta. Chantrells 
 Sh p from the Gold Coast with foure hundred gold Coast Slaves who 
 Meetting am°ng st the Islands with Some french Privateeres was taken 
 and Carried to Martineco. Capta. Bell also an Interloper was Taken 
 to the Leward of Acra after a Sharp Dispute and was brought to 
 anchor by the French but the Cable being Shott in the Fight the Sh’p 
 rann ashore and was Lost and almost all the Negroes. Capta. Parrish 
 dyed the Second or third daye of the Sale of his Negroes, the whole 
 ship came out as we have bin Certainley Inform’d at fourteen Pounds 
 per Head one shill, more or Less, the Negroes were very Young but 
 wanting victualls were Reduced to Greate Poverty which we’ the 
 Rather advise of, that The Compa. may Give Strict Orders to y’r 
 Mast rs not to Stint, theire Negroes in Victualls and for as much as 
 Corne is not at all Times to be Procured it may much Conduce to the 
 Good of the Voyage to but [put] in a good Quantity of Beanes at 
 home which Provision is Found verry Serviceable and more nurishing 
 then Corne but in this wee only humbly offer our Oppinions upon the 
 discourses we have Heard on this Subject. . . , 2 
 
 According to the first Intentm’tt, we cannot omitt to add our 
 Second Intreaties to the Compa. to Revoke the Power Given our 
 Governors to Sell the negroes by Inch of Candle 3 which will Prove 
 a most Pernissious evill to Theire Concernes by being Bound up and 
 all Interlopers left at theire Liberty. But more espetially if the 
 Spannard Should Trade here againe as we hope they may in Time, 
 
 Respondents, and the Court on 24 Nov. confirmed his Report and ordered payment. The 
 Orders and Decree are just and equitable. Pray that the Appeal may be dismissed with 
 costs. Sealed with the Company’s seal. Endorsed as' brought in thisi day”. MSS H of 
 L., 1692-1693, p. 315. 
 
 The company’s answer was endorsed: “John Gardner and Letitia Bawdon, Pet., v. 
 Affrican Company, made 23 Janu 1692. Febry 15th 1692, heard by Mr. Gardner’for 
 himselfe and the Lady. Ordered that the petition! be dismissed and the decree affirm’d”. 
 
 I he case was heard Feb. n, 1693, and on Feb. 15 petition and appeal were dismissed 
 and the orders of May 7, June 13, and Nov. 24 were affirmed. Stock, II. 69, 72 74 
 [156] *T 70: 17. ’ 
 
 2 The company seems to have followed this advice about provisioning the negroes. 
 On Nov. 10, 1698, an Order in Council grants to the African Company leave to export 
 beans for supplying their negroes in transportation. Acts P. C. C., II. 326. 
 
 8 That is, by auction, bids being received while the candle burned an inch. This 
 method of sale is encountered on the Continent in the eighteenth century, but* seems 
 never to have been a favorite one in the West Indies. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 392 
 
 from the Late Encouragem’tt that is Given by the Late act 4 upon 
 which Mr. Scroope went downe to Informe and Invite them hether, 
 and we hope his designe will have a good Issue. Negroes are now 
 much wanted and if either or both the Shipp [s] that touched at 
 Madera come here we hope will find a good Sale. 
 
 157. Voyage of the Hannibal, 1693-1694/ 
 
 After my return to England, 2 I was for some time destitute of 
 employment, until my ever honoured patron and benefactor, Sir 
 Jeffrey Jeffreys, Knt. 3 out of his extraordinary generosity and good 
 will to me, understanding that the ship Hannibal of four hundred and 
 fifty tons, and thirty-six guns, was to be sold, gave me orders to buy 
 her. Having done this he was pleas’d to deposit the money for her out 
 of his own pocket; and after, by his interest, to bring in his worthy 
 brother, John Jeffreys, Esq., Sam. Stanyer, Esq., then sub-governor 
 of the African company, and some other eminent merchants, to be 
 part-owners with me, and then to recommend me and the ship to the 
 royal African company of England; from whom, upon his account, 
 I found acceptance: Being entr’d into their service, on a trading voy¬ 
 age to Guiney, for elephants teeth, gold, and Negro slaves; and having 
 the needful cargoes on board, wherewith to purchase them, as well as 
 supplies of merchandize, stores, etc., for the company’s castles and 
 factories; my business being compleated at London, I took boat for 
 Gravesend the fifth of September in the evening, and got on board 
 
 4 The reference is to a Barbados act of Aug. 2, 1692: “Whereas heretofore the 
 Subjects of the Kingdom of Spain, have been permitted to trade here, and to buy and 
 purchase Negroes; which Trade hath been in some measure restrained by an Act ot 
 this Island, or by some clause or clauses thereof, laying a Tax or Duty on such Negroes 
 so bought and purchased, which said Act long since expired: To the intent therefore 
 that the same may be manifest and made known, Be it enacted and it is hereby enacted 
 and declared by his Excellency, Colonel James Kendal, Captain General and c 
 Governor of this and other the Caribbee-Islands, the Honourable the Council, and 
 General Assembly of this Island, and by Authority of the same, That the said Act, 
 and all and every Act and Acts of this Island, and all and every the Sentences, 
 Clauses and Penalties therein contained, which did lay a Tax or Duty, on. any Negro 
 or Negroes, so bought or purchased by any Subjects of the King of Spain, shall 
 and are hereby declared absolutely null, void and of none effect; and that the said Sub¬ 
 jects of the King of Spain, may have free liberty of trading to this place for Negroes 
 as aforesaid; and that no Tax or Duty shall be laid upon or required from them for 
 such Negroes as shall be by them bought for the future”. Acts passed in the Island 
 
 of Barbados (1764), pp. 127-128. . . T j a c „ 
 
 r 1C7I 1 “A Journal of a Voyage made in the Hannibal of London, Ann. 1693-1094, 
 
 from England, to Cape Monseradoe, in Africa; and thence along the Coast of Guiney 
 to Whidaw, the Island of St. Thomas, and so forward to Barbadoes. With a Cursory 
 Account of the Country, the People, their Manners, Forts. Trade etc. , by Thomas 
 Phillips, commander of the said ship; from Churchill, Collection of Voyages and T ™ vels 
 (1732), VI. 173-239. Astley, Voyages and Travels (II. 387-416), contains an abstract 
 
 of this account. . . , , 
 
 2 The author introduces his narrative by a brief account of his capture by tne 
 
 French and detention in France just before this voyage. 
 
 3 One of the influential London members of the Royal African Company, con¬ 
 cerned in trade to Virginia. See this work, vol. III., Virginia. 
 
i6g3-i6gi 
 
 393 
 
 about eleven at night, with money to pay my men their river-pay, and 
 one month’s pay advance-money, as per agreement (p. m ). P ^ “ 
 
 smooth thC A ° f 0 . c . tob f ’ ln the morning, we had fair weather, 
 ooth sea, and a small gale of wind at S.S. W. which towards eve¬ 
 ning veer d about to the S.E. and E. and invited us and the rest of 
 the outward bound ships, in the Downs to go to sea; 5 of which those 
 for Gurney were, the East-India Merchant? of thirty guns, Capt. 
 
 Phm?n? f l Y C T, mander; tbe of thirty-six guns, Thomas 
 
 r f ° ,r i e £° ^ coast ; Mediterranean of twenty-four guns, 
 
 foTthe P f % Ang ° Ia ’ the /^ of ‘welve guns, Capt. Somes 
 
 !nd 1 B P ; , he °, rtU T 0f tWdve guns ’ Capt - Hereford, for Angola; 
 and the Eagle packet boat, Capt. Perry, for Gambo and the coast. 
 
 We having agreed among ourselves, that Capt. Thomas Shurley, who 
 
 had been long acquainted with the Guiney trade should give sailing 
 
 orders, shape the course, and carry the light, we came on board to 
 
 unmoor our ships, and about eight were under sail (p. 174). 7 
 
 [Dec. 23.] We found the other two vessels to be one Gubbins an in- 
 terloper come from Barbadoes, chiefly laden with rum, to trade for 
 gold and slaves, of which I bought about 500 gallons of him cheap and 
 sold it to good advantage; the other vessel was the Stanier sloop, with 
 Mr. Colker on board her, who was agent of Cherborough, 8 and came 
 thence to trade along the coast for teeth (p. 190). 
 
 • The 2 . 8tb came her f 9 Ca P t - J° hn S °ans, in the Jeffrey, and hav¬ 
 ing supply d himself with some wood, water, and rice, set sail again 
 
 who we^ he to V be S deUvered d at tMrty -' hree em P loy « s ° f ' h ' African Company, 
 
 «Th d c 7 „V, h r r ' ° ve « akln e ,he r” J ' hey did not leave the Downs until Oct. 25. 
 
 On Ian T ^,ifwill M n^ had r / Ce u nty de,ivercd a negro cargo in Jamaica. 
 nf fE r 7 ’, r 6 ??’ y^ a Rudin &> one of the company’s factors, wrote that the cargo 
 
 above^thelrei^ht. T r 7o:^ CaPtain ShUHey ’ jUSt S °‘ d ' had am0un,ed ,0 £6 ^ S *• » d ■ 
 
 The , concernin S the weather, navigation, and incidents of the voyage. 
 
 Jf PhTilins’s In mlsha P.. 7 as an encounter with a French man-of-war in which' live 
 
 brother of PhniiS , T,1 'i** and ‘hirty-two wounded. Among the wounded was a 
 
 Verde Tsl^H P ’ a ad c ° f s,xteen ' 0n De c- 2 they reached Santiago, one of the Cape 
 Verde. Islands, under Portuguese control. Here Phillips put in for water and 
 
 fo r r V thT nS ’ had ’ 311 intCrvi a7 Wkh the S° vernor of the island, who desired payment 
 was , P 7 V1S1 ° nS / n m ° n t y: l J aVG him to ^derstand that I had none of tha't, nor 
 
 having dth°eT a rred?f r §hlpS t0 ’ carr y monies with ‘hem to purchase necessaries, 
 
 g ether credit.where they come, or effects to raise money with, more especially 
 
 in my voyage to Gurney, where we had good factories, and where our European coins 
 
 Cape “Monserad 6 ” I ’£r hurchl J I \ V J; l86 )* ° n Dec - 2 3 , steering along the shore close to 
 eh™* ^^ serado (Mesurado), he saw three vessels, one of them the East-India Mer¬ 
 chant, badly shattered by a storm. Phillips went at once to the rescue of the vessel 
 explaining, my best friend Sir Jeffry Jeffries, Knt. and some others of my worthy 
 
 diTs^tim 38 ri 6 i a V *;° y ; a u fr J C x n com P an y bein g deeply concern’d in her’’. From 
 ■ ^Sherbro hC Hanmba led f ° r Barbados the two vessels remained together. 
 
 dxtppn f aPC ^esin-ado. ° f thi s spot Phillips writes: “Cape Mounseradoe is about 
 uxteen leagues distant from cape Mount. . . . Here is a store of good rice and chean 
 
 ff whirh^T h r ° US E ht U k m abundance ‘ • : The chief commodity we traded for was rice’ 
 
 are the * 1 A™! ^ tUnS J payin . g m ° Stly for il in boo S es or cowries, which 
 
 are the goods they chiefly esteem, for a pint of which we could buy 30 lb. of rice The 
 
 ther goods they approved of were iron bars and red Welsh plains; but they had 
 
394 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 for the Bite, on Thursday the 3d of Jan. having left me a packet 
 of letters directed to Sir Jeffrey Jeffreys to be forwarded to Europe 
 with the first conveniency. Agent Colker set sail for Sherberow, on 
 the 5th, and Gubbins in the Barbadoes interloper, the same morning 
 for the gold coast, by whom I sent letters to the African companies 
 three chief merchants at Cabo Corce castle, signifying my agreement 
 with the company to slave upon the gold coast, and bespeaking their 
 diligence in procuring what numbers they .could for me against my 
 arrival there, with what else was needful: I was forced to stay here 
 ten days after I had compleated my business for Capt. Shurley to 
 refit his ship, which at length being done, we both set sail with the 
 morning breeze, on the 9th of Jan. 1693/ 4 the coast. The negroes 
 of this place, express’d a great affection for the English, and as much 
 hatred to the French; two of them took Capt. Shurley s and my name, 
 
 assuring us their next sons should be call’d so (p. 194) • • • • 
 
 [Monday, Jan. 15 .] At ten we were off the river Sino, about twelve 
 leagues from Sanguin, 10 which is easily known by a tree making like 
 a ship with a top-sail loose; from whence came several canoes aboard 
 us with pepper, or, as they call it, Malagetta, which is much like our 
 India pepper, and, for ought I know, as good. It was brought in 
 ozier baskets. I bought 1000 weight of it at one iron bar. (value in 
 England three shillings and six pence) and a dashy of a knife or two 
 to the broker. The reason of our buying this pepper is to give our 
 negroes in their messes to keep them from the flux and dry belly¬ 
 ache which they are very incident to (p. 195). . . - 11 . 
 
 [Wed. to Mon., Feb. 4.] Being anchor’d he 12 sent his boat aboard 
 us, with a private commission from king William, whereby he appear d 
 to be a Dutch privateer, tho’ a trader upon the coast, where he had 
 been above nine months up and down without being able to dispose 
 of all his cargo; he was lately come from Angola, the Captain s name 
 was William Fleming, the master’s name Stephen Waterman, the 
 ship’s name Jacob Hendrick ; she had 16 guns and 42 men; the.Capt. 
 was sick; they advis’d us that Capt. Gubbins and his doctor in the 
 Barbadoes-Interloper were dead; that the country was all in wars; 
 that there was little gold upon the coast, by reason the negro-traders 
 could not bring it down in safety, the passages and roads being stopt; 
 
 nothing considerable to trade with us for them. We bought some fowls of them ... 
 we also purchas’d some limes, wild oranges, pine apples, and two or three small go 
 (Churchill, VI. 191). Here Phillips supplied himself with water and wood. 
 
 10 Sanguin River, “where the Grain or Malagetta coast begins . Sino was 
 a short distance from Sestos. The coast from this point on is described in much detai 
 
 by Barbot. Churchill, V. 136-138. . 
 
 11 For Barbot’s description of Guinea pepper, see ibid., V. 132. 
 
 12 The captain of a near-by ship at which the Hannibal had fired, taking it to 
 French vessel. On the voyage down the coast Captain Shurley, Phillips s brother, an 
 several of his men were taken sick. On Jan. 17 his brother died. On Jan. 25 an > 
 Phillips lay off Bassam, trading for gold. Here natives came out in canoes, promising 
 slaves, but the promise was not kept. Churchill, VI. 196-198. 
 
16Q3-16Q4 
 
 39 5 
 
 and tlm the negroes had taken the Danes fort 13 at Accra, kill’d one 
 or the factors, and much wounded the other. 
 
 [Mon. to Wed., Feb. 6.] Here were above a dozen Dutch inter- 
 lo p ers at this time trading upon the coast, notwithstanding all the 
 Dutch are prohibited that trade, except the ships belonging to their 
 Gurney company, who have orders to fight and take by force of arms 
 the said interlopers where-ever they meet them upon the coast, who 
 upon such capture become as much prize as any declar’d enemy, the 
 ship and goods being confiscated to the use of the said company, and 
 the men made prisoners in the dungeon at the Mine; and if I mistake 
 not, the captain and other principal officers condemn’d to die (p. 
 
 [Thur Feb. 14.] . . . By this canoe 14 [from Cape-Coast Castle] 
 
 receive a etter rom our agents, advising me to dispose of as much 
 as 1 could of my cargo before I came there, where there was no trade 
 nor gold, by reason the country was all in wars; and that there was 
 no probability of procuring any number of slaves upon the gold coast 
 
 £ Feh * l6 '^ fill ’ d some water here, 16 got a little wood, and some 
 
 cancy-stones, for our slaves to grind their corn upon; and no trade 
 presenting, we parted thence the 19th for Succandy (p. 202). . . , 17 
 [fob, 27.] The castle of Cabo Corce is the chief of all those our 
 African company have upon this coast, and where their agents or chief 
 
 .Chnstiansborg castle. The Danes had had a lodge or factory here since the 
 tTthJ'pnV Cen l ury - Throu S h the treachery of a factor the castle was surrendered 
 It !L P bl US b UeS V n ^79 to be regained by the Danes in 1682 or the beginning of 1683 
 It was held by them until the natives seized it in 1693, to which capture Phillips here 
 
 (William 60 ^ 311 Sta r> d th - 3 C the Dutch helped the Danes to regain it on this occasion 
 (William Bosnian, Description of Guinea, 1721, pp. 59-60). There are pictures of 
 
 xvHi 8 an i4? rS i42 Lae9en Paul lsertS Breve f ra Dansk Guinea (Copenhagen, P i 9 i 7 ), pp. 
 
 ,, , , 14The Han P l ? al was t anchored at Axim, about two miles from the Dutch fort, and 
 
 into e ^ terta ; nin \ on board the Dutch factor, Mr. Rawlinson, who was frightened 
 
 into hasty departure by the sight of the canoe here mentioned. 
 
 * Rawhr ? son ’. ^covering from his fear that the canoe contained the Dutch fisca] 
 
 3nTpl°ir Xamm !i « ls , af ? airs > returned to the ship, and invited Captains Shurley 
 and Phillips and Mr. Buckridge to have dinner with him the next day. This gave 
 
 a ? ?PPortunity to inspect the town and view a native dance. Phillips observes 
 tnat this is the best and cheapest place to buy the canoes used in slaving at Whydah 
 they being very scarce and dear to leeward”. Resuming their leisurely way down 
 the coast, they passed the Brandenburg fort, Great Friedrichsburg, and Cape Three 
 Points,^and anchored at Dixcove Feb. 16. Churchill, VI. 201-202. 
 
 16 Dixcove. The English had begun a fort here in 1691, after a dispute with the 
 Prandenburgers over possession of the location. It was not completed until 1697. 
 kAaridge, The Gold Coast, I. 127. 
 
 17 According to their charter-parties from the Royal African Company, Sekundi 
 was the last point at which to dispose of their windward cargoes, of which they had 
 ^3000 apiece, and had not yet bartered away £200 each. Here they found the factor 
 Johnson, insane. Here, also, the Eagle joined them and they learned that Captain 
 Perry was dead. On the 21st they sailed to Shama, or Chama, and Ampeny Point 
 
 , a j ^ between Elmina and Cape Coast Castle. Along the coast they had some 
 ft “ «°* d but found the natives afraid to trade with them because of their awe 
 7 the Dutch, who held Commenda near by and were trying to destroy the English 
 trade, being, as Phillips wrote, “very insolent upon that coast”. Churchill, VI. 203 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 396 
 
 factors always reside, to which all the other factories are subordinate. 
 This castle has a handsome prospect from the sea, and is a very regu¬ 
 lar and well contriv’d fortification, and as strong as it can be well 
 made, considering its situation, being encompass’d with a strong and 
 high brick wall, thro’ which you enter by a well-secur’d and large gate 
 facing the town, and come into a fine and spacious square wherein 4 
 or 500 men may very conveniently be drawn up and exercis d. It 
 has four flankers which have a cover’d communication with each other, 
 and are mounted with good guns. . . . 18 
 
 In this castle the agents and factors have genteel convenient lodg¬ 
 ings; and as to the soldiers, I believe there are not better barracks 
 anywhere than here, each two having a handsome room allow’d them, 
 and receive their pay duly and justly in gold dust once a week for 
 their subsistence. The castle has in all about forty guns mounted, 
 some of them brass, and commonly 100 white men in garrison, with 
 a military land officer to discipline and command them under the 
 agents (p. 204). . . . 19 
 
 I also carried there on account of the African company, muskets, 
 niconees, tapseals, baysadoes, brass kettles, English carpets, Welsh 
 plains, lead bars, firkins of tallow, powder, etc. None of which did 
 answer expectation, being forc’d to bring back to England a great 
 part of them; and those we sold were at a very low rate (p. 
 206) . . . . 20 
 
 At Cabo Corce we took in part of the Indian corn order d us for 
 the provision of our negroes to Barbadoes, the allowance being a 
 chest which contains about four bushels for every negro. It is charg d 
 the company at two achies per chest, and bare measure; but we could 
 buy better of the blacks at an achy and , and heap’d measure. Here 
 is some palm oil, but it is cheaper at Whidaw, tho the island of 
 
 18 Here is omitted a lengthy account of the cistern which supplied the fort and 
 occasional visiting vessels with water. The space which Phillips gives to the account is 
 some indication of the importance of the water supply in all the English stations. 
 Lack of it was considered the greatest weakness of James Fort, in the Gambia. 
 
 19 The Hannibal landed thirty soldiers for the Royal African Company, all in 
 good health, though two months later nearly half of them had died. The company 
 kept here three merchants, who at this time were Joshua Platt, William Ronan and 
 William Melrose. Phillips’s stay of 29 days gave him time to observe food, buildings, 
 gardens, as well as to trade in gold. He tells of a school maintained in the castle to 
 teach the small black children of the town to read and write and “so prepare them to 
 be made Christians”. Mr. Clayten, chief of Fort Royal, once the Danish Fort Frederiks- 
 borg, died while he was there, and John Rootsey, a Barbadian who had come out on the 
 Hannibal or the West Indian Merchant, was appointed to the place (Churchill, VI. 
 204-207). The Danish Fort Frederiksborg had been delivered to the Royal African 
 Company in 1685, and renamed Fort Royal. In 1699 the old fort was torn down an 
 a new one built. 
 
 20 Here follows a description of the method of trading for gold. Up to this 
 time Phillips’s trade had been entirely for teeth and gold. 
 
I ^ 93~ I ^94 397 
 
 1S the cheapest place, and where there is most plenty of 
 
 it (p. 208 ) . . . . 21 F y 
 
 [Apr. 26.] . . . and after dinner I went ashore to Mr. Searle the 
 factor here, 22 to know where and when we should send for the corn 
 assign d us here by the chief merchants at cape Corce, there being not 
 enough to supply us there, and therefore were to call for the rest at this 
 place, and Aena [Accra?], to compleat our quantity of 700 chests 
 each. Mr. Searle immediately order’d what quantity he had to be de- 
 lvered us whenever our boats came for it, and entertain’d us very 
 lovingly till night when Capt. Shurley and I went on board. Animabo 
 lies in the Kingdom of Fantine, is a pretty large town; the negro in¬ 
 habitants are accounted very bold and stout fellows, but the most 
 desperate treacherous villains, and greatest cheats upon the whole 
 coast, for the gold here is accounted the worst, and the most mix’d 
 with brass, of any in Guiney; it lies about 4 leagues to the East of 
 Cabo Corce. Our castle is pretty strong, of about 18 guns, where 
 we were very kindly entertained by Mr. Searle some days, and by 
 Mr. Cooper at Aga on other days. Aga is a small thatch’d house, 
 about half a mile to the east from Animabo, on the sea-shore, having 
 little or no defence except a few muskets (p. 209). . . 23 
 
 May the 12th. . . . Here [Accra] 24 Mr. John Bloome the fac¬ 
 
 tor order d us the remainder of our corn, to compleat 700 chests 
 apiece, which we got aboard, fill’d some water, and had pretty good 
 trade (p. 211). . . . 
 
 May the igth. Steering along shore within three leagues, with fine 
 easy gale, we spy d a canoe making off towards us, whereupon we lay 
 by and staid for her; when she came aboard the master of her brought 
 in three women and four children to sell, but they ask’d very dear 
 for them, and they were almost dead for want of victuals, looking 
 like meer skeletons, and so weak that they could not stand, so that 
 they were not worth buying; he promis’d to procure us 2 or 300 slaves 
 
 At Cape Coast the two vessels landed their cargo for the castle, amounting to 
 about three hundred tons of goods each, disposed of what they could of their windward 
 cargo, and after two months sailed for Anamabo, passing the Dutch Fort Nassau and 
 the English establishment at Anashan on the way. 
 
 22 Anamabo. 
 
 23 Shurley and Phillips remained at Anamabo till May 2, taking in 180 chests 
 of corn and two boats of water. Here they entertained and were entertained by Mr. 
 Fasleman, the Dutch governor of Cormantine; here Henry Nurse, third mate on the 
 East-India Merchant and eldest son of the African agent who built the fort at 
 Sekundi, died; and here, Phillips wrote, “I had two little negroe boys presented me 
 here by our honest factors, and two before at Cape Corce, with good store of Muscovy 
 ducks, and other fresh provisions” (Churchill, VI. 210). May 4-9 the two captains 
 spent at Winneba, with Mr. Nicholas Buckridge, the company’s factor. At this place 
 they procured canoes for their slaving at Whydah. Ibid., pp. 210-211. 
 
 24 “Acra fort has about 20 guns, but a thin garrison, not consisting of above 12 
 white men; it is in form square, having a bastion or flanker at each angle, on which 
 the cannon are mounted. . ... The Dutch fort of 16 guns, lies about musket-shot from 
 ours, much higher, so that it looks into our fort, and would be able to do it a great 
 deal of mischief in case of war "{ibid., p. 213). Captain Shurley died during the stay 
 of the vessels at Accra. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 398 
 
 if we would anchor, come ashore, and stay three or four days, but 
 judging what the others might be, by the sample he brought us, and 
 being loth to venture ashore upon his bare word, where we did not 
 use to trade, and had no factory, we sent him away, and pursu’d our 
 voyage; besides that we were upon the Alampo coast, which negroes 
 are esteem’d the worst and most washy of any that are brought to the 
 West-Indies, and yield the least price; why I know not, for they seem 
 as well limb’d and lusty as any other negroes, and the only difference 
 I perceiv’d in them, was, that they are not so black as the others, and 
 are all circumcis’d, which no negroes else upon the whole coast (as 
 I observ’d) are: The negroes most in demand at Barbadoes, are the 
 gold coast, or, as they call them, Cormantines, 25 which will yield 3 or 
 4 /. a head more then the Whidaws, or, as they call them, Papa 
 negroes; 26 but these are preferr’d before the Angola, as they are 
 before the Alampo, which are accounted the worst of all. 
 
 May the 21st. This morning I went ashore at Whidaw, accom- 
 pany’d by my doctor and purser, Mr. Clay, the present Capt. of the 
 East-India Merchant, his doctor and purser, and about a dozen of 
 our seamen for our guard, arm’d, in order here to reside till we could 
 purchase 1300 negro slaves, which was the number we both wanted, 
 to compleat 700 for the Hannibal, and 650 for the East-India Mer¬ 
 chant, according to our agreement in our charter-parties with the 
 
 25 Coromantines, or Kormantines, the name applied in the West Indies to the 
 negroes from the Gold Coast, many of whom came from Cormantine, east of Anamabo. 
 Bryan Edwards says of them, “They sometimes take to labour with great promptitude 
 and alacrity, and have constitutions well adapted for it”, a sufficient reason for the 
 high degree of favor with which they were regarded both in the West Indies and 
 in the continental colonies {Hist, of the West Indies, third ed., 1794, II. 63). On the 
 occasion of an uprising in Antigua Christopher Codrington wrote to the Board ot 
 Trade a description of these negroes: “They are not only the best and most faithiu 
 of our slaves, but are really all born Heroes. There is a. difference between them and 
 all other negroes beyond what ’tis possible for yr Lordships to conceive. There never 
 was a raskal or coward of that nation, intrepid to the last degree, not a man. of them 
 but will stand to be cut to pieces without a sigh or groan, grateful and obedient to a 
 kind master, but implacably revengeful when ill-treated. My Father, who had studied 
 the genius and temper of all kinds, of negroes 45 years with a very .nice observation, 
 would say, Noe man deserved a Corramante that would not treat him like a Friend 
 rather than a Slave, and all my Corramantes preserve that love and veneration for him 
 that they constantly visit his grave” (Dec. 30, 1701, Cal. St. P. Col., 1701, p. 7 21 )- See 
 also this work, vol. III., Rhode Island. 
 
 Oronooko, Mrs. Aphra Behn’s romantic hero, was a Cormantine. Of his country 
 she wrote: “Coramantien, a Country of Blacks so called, was one of those Places in 
 which they found the most advantageous Trading for these Slaves,, and thither most of 
 our great Traders in that Merchandize traffick; for that Nation is very warlike and 
 brave; and having a continual Campaign, being always in Hostility with one neig - 
 bouring Prince or other, they had the Fortune to take a great many Captives | for a 
 they took in Battle were sold as Slaves | at least those common men w r ho could not 
 ransom themselves. Of these Slaves so taken, the General only has all the Profit, an 
 of these Generals our Captains and Masters of Ships buy all their Freight. Works, V. 
 
 1 3 3 ~ 1 34 . 
 
 26 Whydah, Fida, or Juda, was near the centre of the Slave Coast. The Popo 
 or Pawpaw negroes came from the region round Great and Little Popo, on the Slave 
 Coast near Whydah. 
 
16Q3-16Q4 
 
 399 
 
 snenf- com P^ n y’ P r °curing which quantity of slaves we 
 
 spent about nine weeks. . 
 
 wh?r U / faCt ° ry [at W ^ dah] lies about three miles from the sea-side, 
 where we were carry’d in hamocks, which the factor Mr. Joseph 
 
 belong ^" t . t0 , attend our landing, with several arm’d blacks that 
 belong d to him for our guard; we were soon truss’d in a bag, toss’d 
 upon negroes heads, and convey’d to our factory (p. 214) 27 
 
 Our factory built by Capt. Wiburne, Sir John Wiburne*; brother, 
 stands low near the marshes, which renders it a very unhealthy place 
 to live in; the white men the African company send there, seldom 
 return,ng to tell their tale: ’tis compass’d round with a mud-wall, 
 
 vard S1X thC S0uth - Slde !s the gate; within is a large 
 
 yard, a mud thatch d house, where the factor lives, with the white 
 
 men; also a store-house, a trunk for slaves, and a place where they 
 
 bury their dead white men, call’d, very improperly, the hog-yard; 
 
 ere is also a good forge, and some other small houses. . . . And 
 
 here 1 must observe that the rainy season begins about the middle of 
 
 May, and ends the beginning of August, in which space it was my 
 
 misfortune to be there, which created sicknesses among my negroes 
 
 aboard it being noted for the most malignant season by the blacks 
 
 themselves, who while the rain lasts will hardly be prevail’d upon to 
 stir out of their huts. . . , 28 F 
 
 The factory prov’d beneficial to us in another kind; 29 for after we 
 had procured a parcel of slaves, and sent them down to the sea-side 
 to be carry d off, it sometimes proved bad weather, and so great a 
 sea, that the canoes could not come ashore to fetch them, so that they 
 returned to the factory, where they were secured and provided for 
 till good weather presented, and then were near to embrace the oppor- 
 turnty, we sometimes shipping off a hundred of both sexes at a time. 
 
 • u u , ‘? t0r ’ ^ r - f >elrson > was a brisk man, and had good interest 
 with the king, and credit with the subjects, who knowing their tempers, 
 
 which is very dastard, had good skill in treating them both civil and 
 rough, as occasion requir’d; most of his slaves belonging to the fac¬ 
 tory, being gold coast negroes, who are very bold, brave, and sensible, 
 ten of which would beat the best forty men the king of Whidaw had 
 in his kingdom; besides their true love, respect and fidelity to their 
 
 master, for whose interest or person they will most freely expose 
 their own lives. . . . 
 
 As soon as the king understood of our landing, he sent two of his 
 cappasheirs, 30 or noblemen, to compliment us at our factory, where 
 
 27 
 
 a Phillips here interpolates an account of the method of travelling in hammocks 
 with mottoes. 0 ” 1 ‘ ° f What apparentI y the authol '’ s «rst encounte^ 
 
 „„„ iT Th l. fir T service • w J lich ,h ? factor y rendered was to house the goods which 
 were brought ashore at night, too late to be carried to Phillips’s own warehouse 
 Caboceers. 
 
400 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 we design’d to continue, that night, and pay our devoirs to his 
 majestv next day, which we signify’d to them, and they, by a foot- 
 express, to their monarch; whereupon he sent two more ot his 
 grandees to invite us there that night, saying he waited for us, and 
 that all former captains used to attend him the first night, w ere 
 upon being unwilling to infringe the custom, or give his majesty 
 any offence, we took our hamocks, and Mr. Peirson, myself, Capt. 
 Clay, our surgeons, pursers, and about 12 men, arm d for our 
 guard, were carry’d to the king’s town, which contains about 5° 
 
 houses (p. 216). ... 31 . , 
 
 We returned him thanks by his interpreter, and assur d him how 
 
 great affection our masters, the royal African company of England, 
 bore to him, for his civility and fair and just dealings with their 
 captains; and that notwithstanding there were many other places, 
 more plenty of negro slaves that begg’d their custom, yet they had 
 rejected all the advantageous offers made them out of their good 
 will to him, and therefore had sent us to trade with him, to sup¬ 
 ply his country with necessaries, and that we hop’d he would en¬ 
 deavour to continue their favour by his kind usage and fair dealing 
 with us in our trade, that we may have our slaves with all expe¬ 
 dition, which was the making of our voyage; that he wou o lge 
 his cappasheirs to do us justice, and not impose upon us in t eir 
 prices; all which we should faithfully relate to our masters, t e 
 royal African company, when we came to England. He answer 
 that the African company was a very good brave man; that he 
 lov’d him; that we should be fairly dealt with, and not imp os d 
 upon; But he did not prove as good as his word; nor indeed (tho 
 his cappasheirs shew him so much respect) dare he do any thing 
 but what they please . . . 32 so after having examin’d us about our 
 cargoe, what sort of goods we had, and what quantity of slaves we 
 wanted, etc., we took our leaves and return’d to the factory, having 
 promised to come in the morning to make our palavera, or agreement, 
 with him about prices, how much of each of our goods for a slave. 
 
 According to promise we attended his majesty with samples, of 
 our goods, and made our agreement about the prices, tho’ not with¬ 
 out much difficulty; he and his cappasheirs exacted very high, but 
 at length we concluded as per the latter end; then we had ware¬ 
 houses, a kitchen, and lodgings assign’d us, but none of our rooms 
 
 31 They were conducted to the presence of the king, with much hand-clapping 
 
 and many obeisances on the part of the caboceers.. , , , j n f 
 
 32 Here follows an account of the repast which the king set before them and ot 
 
 his loud expressions of grief on learning of Captain Shurley s eat > ur , ^rief 
 
 so the king maintained, promised to bring him many gifts on this voyage. The grid 
 changed to anger and charges of bad faith against his guests w en e was as ^ u 
 by Captain Clly that the cargo contained no silks, muskets, or pictures intended for 
 
 him. Churchill, VI. 217. 
 
1693-1694 
 
 40i 
 
 had doors till we made them, and put on locks and keys; next day 
 we paid our customs to the king and cappasheirs, as will appear 
 hereafter; then the bell was order’d to go about to give notice to 
 alt people to bring their slaves to the trunk to sell us: this bell is 
 a hollow piece of iron in shape of a sugar loaf, the cavity of which 
 could contain about 50 lb. of cowries: This a man carry’d about 
 and beat with a stick, which made a small dead sound (p. 217). . . . 
 
 Capt. Uay and I had agreed to go to the trunk 33 to buy the slaves 
 by turns, each his day, that we might have no distraction or disagree¬ 
 ment in our trade, as often happens when there are here more ships 
 than one, and the commanders can’t set their horses together, and 
 go hand in hand m their traffick, whereby they have a check upon the 
 blacks, whereas their disagreements create animosities, underminings, 
 and out-bidding each other, whereby they enhance the prices to their 
 general loss and detriment, the blacks well knowing how to make the 
 best use of such opportunities, and as we found make it their busi¬ 
 ness, and endeavour to create and foment misunderstandings and 
 jealousies between commanders, it turning to their great account in 
 the disposal of their slaves. 
 
 When we were at the trunk, the king’s slaves, if he had any, were 
 the first offer d to sale, which the cappasheirs would be very urgent 
 with us to buy, and would in a manner force us to it ere they would 
 shew us any other, saying they were the Reys Cosa, 34 and we must 
 not refuse them, tho’ as I observ’d they were generally the worst 
 slaves in the trunk, and we paid more for them than any others, which 
 we could not remedy, it being one of his majesty’s prerogatives: then 
 the cappasheirs each brought out his slaves according to his degree 
 and quality, the greatest first, etc. and our surgeon examin’d them 
 well in all kinds, to see that they were sound wind and limb, making 
 them jump, stretch out their arms swiftly, looking in their mouths 
 to judge of their age; for the cappasheirs are so cunning, that they 
 shave them all close before we see them, so that let them be never so 
 old we can see no grey hairs in their heads or beards; and then having 
 liquor’d them well and sleek with palm oil, ’tis no easy matter to know 
 an old one from a middle-age one, but by the teeths decay; but our 
 greatest care of all is to buy none that are pox’d, lest they should 
 infect the rest aboard. . . . 
 
 When we had selected from the rest such as we liked, we agreed 
 in what goods to pay for them, the prices being already stated before 
 
 . 33 “I could hardly stand or go to the trunk without assistance, and there often 
 
 fainted with the horrid stink of the negroes.” Phillips complained of violent pain in 
 his head during most of his stay on the coast. Ibid., p. 218. 
 
 34 Reys Cosa or slaves of the king. Phillips, engaged in the English trade 
 Rarbot, in the French trade, and Bosman, in the Dutch, all traded on the coast at the end 
 of the seventeenth century and all have left somewhat detailed descriptions of the 
 processes of trade which make possible a comparison of their trade and their dealing 
 with the natives. 
 
402 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 the king, how much of each sort of merchandize we were to give for 
 a man, woman, and child, which gave us much ease, and saved abun¬ 
 dance of disputes and wranglings, and gave the owner a note, signi¬ 
 fying our agreement of the sorts of goods; upon delivery of which 
 the next day he receiv’d them; then we mark’d the slaves we had 
 bought in the breast, or shoulder, with a hot iron, having the letter 
 of the ship’s name on it, the place being before anointed with a little 
 palm oil, which caus’d but little pain, the mark being usually well in 
 four or five days, appearing very plain and white after. 
 
 When we had purchas’d to the number of 50 or 60 we would send 
 them aboard, there being a cappasheir, intitled the captain of the 
 slaves, whose care it was to secure them to the water-side, and see 
 them all off; and if in carrying to the marine any were lost, he was 
 bound to make them good, to us, the captain of the trunk being 
 oblig’d to do the like, if any ran away while under his care, for after 
 we buy them we give him charge of them till the captain of the slaves 
 comes to carry them away: These are two officers appointed by the 
 king for this purpose, to each of which every ship pays the value of 
 a slave in what goods they like best for their trouble, when they have 
 done trading; and indeed they discharg’d their duty to us very faith¬ 
 fully, we not having lost one slave thro’ their neglect in 1300 we 
 bought here. 
 
 There is likewise a captain of the sand, who is appointed to take 
 care of the merchandize we have come ashore to trade with, that 
 the negroes do not plunder them, we being often forced to leave goods 
 a whole night on the sea shore, for want of porters to bring them up; 
 but notwithstanding his care and authority, we often came by the 
 loss, and could have no redress. 
 
 When our slaves were come to the seaside, our canoes were ready 
 to carry them off to the longboat, if the sea permitted, and she con¬ 
 vey’d them aboard ship, where the men were all put in irons, two 
 and two shackled together, to prevent their mutiny, or swimming 
 ashore. 
 
 The negroes are so wilful and loth to leave their own country, that 
 they have often leap’d out of the canoes, boat and ship, into the 
 sea, and kept under water till they were drowned, to avoid being 
 taken up and saved by our boats, which pursued them; they having a 
 more dreadful apprehension of Barbadoes than we can have of hell, 
 tho’ in reality they live much better there than in their own country; 
 but home is home, etc: we have likewise seen divers of them eaten by 
 the sharks, of which a prodigious number kept about the ships in this 
 place, and I have been told will follow her hence to Barbadoes, for 
 the dead negroes that are thrown over-board in the passage. I am 
 certain in our voyage there we did not want the sight of some every 
 day, but that they were the same I can’t affirm. 
 
1693-1694 
 
 403 
 
 We had about 12 negroes did wilfully drown themselves, and others 
 starvd themselves to death; for ’tis their belief that when they die 
 they return home to their own country and friends again. 
 
 I have been inform’d that some commanders have cut off the legs 
 and arms of the most wilful, to terrify the rest, for they believe if 
 they lose a member, they cannot return home again: I was advis’d 
 by some of my officers to do the same, but I could not be perswaded 
 to entertain the least thought of it, much less put in practice such 
 barbarity and cruelty to poor creatures, who, excepting their want 
 of Christianity and true religion (their misfortune more than fault) 
 are as much the works of God’s hands, and no doubt as dear to him 
 as ourselves; nor can I imagine why they should be despis’d for their 
 colour, being what they cannot help, and the effect of the climate it 
 has pleas d God to appoint them. I can’t think there is any intrinsick 
 value in one colour more than another, nor that white is better than 
 black, only we think so because we are so, and are prone to judge 
 favourably in our own case, as well as the blacks, who in odium of the 
 colour, say, the devil is white, and so paint him (pp. 218-219) 
 
 The present king often, when ships are in a great strait for slaves, 
 and cannot be supply’d otherwise, will sell 3 or 400 of his wives to 
 compleat their number, but we always pay dearer for his slaves than 
 those bought of the cappasheirs, his measure for booges being much 
 
 larger than theirs, and he was allow’d accordingly in all other goods 
 we had. 
 
 For every slave the cappasheirs sold us publickly, they were oblig’d 
 to pay part of the goods they receiv’d for it to the king, as toll or 
 custom, especially the booges, of which he would take a small dish- 
 full out of each measure; to avoid this they would privately send for 
 us to their houses in the night, and dispose of two or three slaves at 
 a time, and we as privately would send them the goods agreed upon 
 for them, but this they did not much practise for fear of offending 
 the king, should he come to know it, who enjoyns them to carry all 
 their slaves to be sold publickly at the trunk with his own; sometimes 
 after he had sold one of his wives or subjects, he would relent, and 
 desire us to exchange for another, which we freely did often, and he 
 took very kindly (pp. 219-220). . . , 35 
 
 . The pages here omitted, all relating to Whydah, describe many native customs, 
 and give the account promised by Phillips at an earlier point, of a war waged by the 
 Akanna (called by the author Arcany), an inland people designated by Phillips as 
 “the best traders to our ships and castles”, against the Fetu people, who had refused 
 passage to the Akanna through their territory. According to Phillips, the Dutch were 
 the instigators of the Fetu policy, they desiring to absorb the Akanna trade. The 
 English supported the Akanna, even to the extent of sending them arms and a few 
 soldiers. Joined by the people of Sabo, they were victorious, and named a new king 
 of the Fetu, whom they forced to swear allegiance to the Royal African Company. 
 This ceremony Phillips witnessed while he was at Cape Coast Castle. Churchill VI 
 224-225. ’ 
 
404 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 After we are come to an agreement for the prices of our slaves, 
 ere the bell goes round to order all people to bring their slaves to the 
 trunk to be sold, we are oblig’d to pay our customs to the king and 
 cappasheirs for leave to trade, protection and justice; which for every 
 ship are as follow, viz. 
 
 To the king six slaves value in cowries, or what other goods we can 
 perswade him to take, but cowries are most esteem’d and desir’d; all 
 which are measur’d in his presence, and he would wrangle with us 
 stoutly about heaping up the measure. 
 
 To the cappasheirs in all two slaves value, as above. 
 
 The usual charges here which we pay at our departure when we 
 have finish’d our trade, in any goods that remain, are 
 
 One slave value to the captain of the trunk for his care of our 
 slaves while there; one slave value to the captain of the sand for his 
 care of our goods; one ditto to the captain of the slaves who conducts 
 them safe to the sea-side; one ditto to captain Tom the interpreter, for 
 his trouble; one ditto for filling water; half a slave, or as much cowries 
 as the cavity of the bell can contain, to the bell-man. 
 
 Besides all which our factory charges, victualling the negroes after 
 bought till they get aboard, and hire of porters to bring up the goods 
 from the sea-side, which is seven miles at least, and the stoutest fel¬ 
 low would not bring above two bars of iron at a time, and make but 
 one trip in a day, took up great quantities of our cowries, we paying 
 these last charges in nothing else but these shells. 
 
 The best goods to purchase slaves here are cowries, the smaller the 
 more esteem’d; for they pay them all by tale, the smallest being as 
 valuable as the biggest, but take them from us by measure or weight, 
 of which about ioo pounds for a good man-slave. 
 
 The next in demand are brass neptunes or basons, very large, thin, 
 and flat; for after they have bought them they cut them in pieces to 
 make anilias or bracelets, and collars for their arms legs and necks. 
 
 The other preferable goods are blue paper sletias, cambricks or 
 lawns, caddy chints, broad ditto, coral, large, smooth, and of a deep 
 red, rangoes 36 large and red, iron bars, powder, and brandy. 
 
 With the above goods a ship cannot want slaves here, and may pur¬ 
 chase them for about three pounds fifteen shillings a head, but near 
 half the cargo value must be cowries or booges, and brass basons, to 
 set off the other goods that we buy cheaper, as coral, rangoes, iron, 
 etc. else they will not take them; for if a cappasheir sells five slaves, 
 he will have two of them paid for in cowries, and one in brass, which 
 are dear slaves; for a slave in cowries costs us above four pounds in 
 England; whereas a slave in coral, rangoes, or iron, does not cost fifty 
 shillings; but without the cowries and brass they will take none of the 
 
 36 Arrangoes, English cloth. 
 
16Q3-16Q4 
 
 405 
 
 last goods, and but small quantities at best, especially if they can 
 discover that you have good store of cowries and brass aboard, then 
 no ot er goo s will serve their turn, till they have got as much as you 
 have; and after, for the rest of the goods they will be indifferent, and 
 make you come to their own terms, or else lie a long time for your 
 slaves, so that those you have on board are dying while you are 
 
 uying others ashore; therefore every man that comes here, ought to 
 be very cautious in making his report to the king at first, of what sorts 
 and quantities of goods he has, and be sure to say his cargo consists 
 mostly in iron, coral, rangoes, chints, etc. so that he may dispose of 
 those goods as soon as he can, and at last his cowries and brass will 
 bring him slaves as fast as he can buy them; but this is to be under¬ 
 stood of a sing e ship: or more if the captains agree, which seldom 
 happens; for where there are divers ships, and of separate interests, 
 about buying the same commodity they commonly undermine, betray, 
 and out-bid one the other; and the Guiney commanders words and 
 promises are the least to be depended upon of any I know use the 
 sea; for they would deceive their fathers in their trade if they could. 
 
 Sayes, perpetuanoes, knives, old sheets, pewter basons, muskets, etc. 
 w ich are the best goods on the gold coast for gold, are in no esteem 
 here; for they would have four perpetuanoes for a slave, which at 
 prime cost in England, came to 4 /. 1 5 5. so of the rest, especially 
 salempores or fine callicoes, of which they would have four for a slave, 
 which were charged to us by the African company at six pounds first 
 cost; so that it was great loss to send such goods; for we could buy 
 for ten ounces of good coral, 300 in number of good red rangoes, or 
 fout teen bars of iron, which did not come to above forty-five shill¬ 
 ings, as good a slave as for four pieces of calicoes that cost six pounds 
 Sterling. 
 
 The only money they have here are these cowries or shells we 
 carry them, being brought from the East-Indies, and were charg’d to 
 us at four pounds per cent, of which we gave 100 lb. for a slave; as 
 soon as the negroes have them, they bore holes in the backs of them, 
 and string them on rushes, 40 shells on each, which they call a foggy; 
 and five of such foggys being tied together, is call’d a galina, being 
 200 shells, which is their way of accounting their shell-money (pp. 
 226-228). ... 
 
 The canoes 37 we buy on the gold coast, and strengthen them with 
 knees and weather-boards fore and aft, to keep the sea out, they 
 plunging very deep when they go against a sea. . . . those that are 
 most fit for the use at Whidaw, are five hand or seven hand canoes; 
 of which each ship that buys many slaves ought to carry two, for they 
 are very incident to be staved by the great sea when they overset, and 
 
 3 ‘ All carrying to and from, the ship was done in canoes. 
 
40 6 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 here is none for supply, and without them there is no landing or com¬ 
 ing off for goods or men: The canoe-men we bring from Cape Corce 
 being seven in number, of which one is boatswain, and is commonly one 
 of the most skillful canoe-men in Guiney. . • • their pay is ceitain 
 and stated, half of which we pay them in gold at Cape Corce, and the 
 rest in goods when we have done with them at Whidaw, tis also 
 customary to give them a canoe to carry them back, and cut up the 
 other for fire-wood, unless an opportunity offers to sell it, which is 
 very rare. They lost us six or seven barrels of cowries, above ioo 
 bars of iron, and other goods, by the over-setting of the canoes m 
 landing them, which we could never recover, or have the least satis- 
 faction for, but were forced to give them good words, lest they should, 
 in revenge, play us more such tricks; we kept two men ashore here 
 constantly to fill water, which lay and eat at the factory, which fill d 
 our small hogsheads in the night, and roll’d them over tne sand to 
 the sea-side, ready to raft off in the morning, before the sea breeze 
 came in, which is the only time, we having no other way to get it off 
 but by rafting, and in hailing off to the longboat the great sea would 
 often break our raft, and stave our cask, whereby we lost a great 
 many. The longboat was chiefly employ’d in bringing water aboard, 
 which we started into our butts in the hold, and sent the small cask 
 ashore again next morning, of which we had two gangs on purpose; 
 we had a little deal yaul which did us great service in bringing oft 
 cows, hogs, slaves, letters, etc. from the canoes, with only two boys 
 in her: When our slaves are aboard we shackle the men two and two, 
 while we lie in port, and in sight of their own country, for ’tis then 
 they attempt to make their escape, and mutiny; to prevent which we 
 always keep centinels upon the hatchways, and have a chest fu o 
 small arms, ready loaden and prim’d, constantly lying at hand upon 
 the quarter-deck, together with some granada shells; and two of our 
 quarter-deck guns, pointing on the deck thence, and two more out o 
 the steerage, the door of which is always kept shut, and well barr d; 
 they are fed twice a day, at io in the morning, and 4 in the evening, 
 which is the time they are aptest to mutiny, being all upon deck; there¬ 
 fore all that time, what of our men are not employ’d in distributing 
 their victuals to them, and settling them, stand to their arms; and 
 some with lighted matches at the great guns that yaun upon them, 
 loaden with partridge, till they have done and gone down to their 
 kennels between decks: Their chief diet is call’d dabbadabb, being 
 Indian corn ground as small as oat-meal, in iron mills, which we carry 
 for that purpose; and after mix’d with water, and boil d well ln a 
 large copper furnace, till ’tis as thick as a pudding, about a peckful of 
 which in vessels, call’d crews, is allow’d to 10 men, with a little salt, 
 malagetta, and palm oil, to relish; they are divided into messes of ten 
 
16Q3-16Q4 4 o 7 
 
 each, for the easier and better order in serving them: Three days a 
 wee t ey have horse-beans boil’d for their dinner and supper, great 
 quantities of which the African company do send aboard us for that 
 purpose,* these beans the negroes extremely love and desire, beating 
 t eir breast, eating them, and crying Pram! Pram! which is Very 
 good, they are indeed the best diet for them, having a binding quality, 
 and consequently good to prevent the flux, which is the inveterate dis¬ 
 temper that most affects them, and ruins our voyages by their mor¬ 
 tality: The men are all fed upon the main deck and forecastle, that we 
 
 t 1 * C # ^ our arms from the quarter¬ 
 
 deck, in case of any disturbance; the women eat upon the quarter¬ 
 deck with us, and the boys and girls upon the poop; after they are 
 once divided into messes, and appointed their places, they will readily 
 run there in good order of themselves afterwards; when they have 
 eaten their victuals clean up, (which we force them to for to thrive the 
 better) they are order d down between decks, and every one as he 
 passes has a pint of water to drink after his meat, which is serv’d 
 
 them by the cooper out of a large tub, fill’d before-hand ready for 
 them (p. 229). . . . 
 
 When we come to sea we let them all out of irons, they never 
 attempting then to rebel, considering that should they kill or master 
 us, they could not tell how to manage the ship, or must trust us, 
 who would carry them where we pleas’d; therefore the only dan¬ 
 ger is while we are in sight of their own country, which they are loth 
 to part with; but once out of sight out of mind: I never heard that 
 they mutiny d in any ships of consequence, that had a good number of 
 men, and the least care; but in small tools where they had but few men, 
 and those negligent or drunk, then they surpriz’d and butcher’d them, 
 cut the cables, and let the vessel drive ashore, and every one shift 
 for himself. However, we have some 30 or 40 gold coast negroes, 
 which we buy, and are procur’d us there by our factors, to make 
 guardians and overseers of the Whidaw negroes, and sleep among 
 them to keep them from quarrelling; and in order, as well as to 
 give us notice, if they can discover any caballing or plotting among 
 them, which trust they will discharge with great diligence: they also 
 take care to make the negroes scrape the decks where they lodge every 
 morning very clean, to eschew any distempers that may engender from 
 filth and nastiness; when we constitute a guardian, we give him a cat 
 of nine tails as a badge of his office, which he is not a little proud of, 
 and will exercise with great authority. We often at sea in the eve¬ 
 nings would let the slaves come up into the sun to air themselves, and 
 make them jump and dance for an hour or two to our bag-pipes, harp, 
 and fiddle, by which exercise to preserve them in health; but notwith- 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 standing all our endeavour, ’twas my hard fortune to have great sick¬ 
 ness and mortality among them. 
 
 Having bought my compliment of 700 slaves, viz. 480 men and 
 220 women, and finish’d all my business at Whidaw, I took my leave 
 of the old king, and his cappasheirs, and parted, with many affection¬ 
 ate expressions on both sides, being forced to promise him that I 
 would return again the next year, with several things he desiied me to 
 bring him from England; and having sign d bills of lading to Mr. 
 Peirson, for the negroes aboard, I set sail the 27th of July in the 
 morning, accompany’d with the East-India Merchant , who had bought 
 650 slaves, for the island of St. Thomas, with the wind at W.S.W. 
 (pp. 229-230). . . . 3S 
 
 We supply’d ourselves with some Indian corn, figolas, or kidney- 
 beans, plantins, 39 yams, potatoes, cocoa-nuts, limes, oranges, etc., for 
 the use and refreshment of our negroes, at the following rates, viz. 
 
 Indian corn at two alcars per dollar. 
 
 Figolas or kidney beans, at dollars three per chest, which would 
 contain near four bushels. 
 
 Plantins at dollars two and a half per thousand, by tale. 
 
 Yams, which are great large roots, and eat very sweet, much like 
 potato in taste, at dollars 25 per thousand, by tale. 
 
 Cocoa-nuts at dollars 10 per thousand nuts. 
 
 Limes, oranges, limons, bananas, etc. for little or nothing (p. 
 
 232). • • • 
 
 Having completed all my business ashore in fourteen days that I 
 lay here, yesterday in the afternoon I came off with a resolution to go 
 to sea. Accordingly about six in the evening we got up our anchors, 
 and set sail for Barbadoes, being forc’d to leave the East-India mer¬ 
 chant behind, who could not get ready to sail in nine or ten days; 
 which time I could not afford to stay, in respect to the mortality of 
 my negroes, of which two or three died every day, also the small 
 quantity of provisions I had to serve for my passage to Barbadoes 
 
 (p. 234). . . - 40 
 
 38 On Aug. 9 Phillips commented on his need for wood, water, and provisions, and 
 added that his slaves were dying fast; on the 12th he anchored at Sao Thome, put a 
 his negro men into irons lest they should swim ashore and interviewed the ^governor 
 of the island. Here he took water from a brook which crossed the island, which to 
 my taste and apprehension seem’d very good, tho’ the distempers and mortality that 
 afterwards happen’d among my men and slaves, made me suspect it did partake of some 
 of the malignity of the island thro which it runs”. Phillips obtained wood here as 
 well as pork and other provisions, all of the best quality and very cheap. Churchill, 
 YJ 2^2 
 
 39 According to Miss Mary Kingsley, the coarse bananas of the West Coast were 
 called plantains. When used for food on the Middle Passage they were sometimes dried. 
 
 40 Here follows a table giving daily observations of wind weather, and the 
 course of the vessel. Phillips reckoned it 4°75 miles to Barbados. Early in the 
 voyage, fearing that his provisions would become exhausted, he limited the men 0 
 “short allowance of provisions, and to two quarts of water per man per day, 01 mg 
 our provisions in salt water”. It is difficult to see why Phillips failed to provide ample 
 provisions unless he found it impossible to barter the goods he carried for food. e 
 makes no mention of such difficulty save at Santiago. 
 
1 693-1694 
 
 409 
 
 We spent in our passage from St. Thomas to Barbadoes two 
 months eleven days, from the 25th of August to the 4th of Novem¬ 
 ber following: in which time there happen’d much sickness and mor¬ 
 tality among my poor men and negroes, that of the first we buried 
 14, and of the last 320, which was a great detriment to our voyage, 
 le loyal African company losing ten pounds by every slave that died, 
 and the owners of the ship ten pounds ten shillings, being the freight 
 agieed on to be paid them by the charter-party for every negroe 
 e iver d alive ashore to the African company’s agents at Barbadoes; 
 whereby the loss in all amounted to near 6?60 pounds sterling The 
 distemper which my men as well as the blacks mostly die of, was the 
 w ite flux, which was so violent and inveterate, that no medicine 
 would in the least check it; so that when any of our men were seiz’d 
 with it, we esteem’d him a dead man, as he generally proved. I can¬ 
 not imagine what should cause it in them so suddenly, they being 
 free from it till about a week after we left the island of St. Thomas. 
 And next to the malignity of the climate, I can attribute it to nothing 
 e se but the unpurg’d black sugar, and raw unwholesome rum they 
 bought there, of which they drank in punch to great excess, and which 
 it was not in my power to hinder, having chastis’d several of them, 
 and hung over-board what rum and sugar I could find (n 226) 4 * 
 
 The negroes are so incident to the small-pox, that few ships‘t’hat 
 carry them escape without it, and sometimes it makes vast havock 
 and destruction among them: but tho’ we had ioo at a time sick of 
 lt, an ^ that it went thro’ the ship, yet we lost not above a dozen by it. 
 All the assistance we gave the diseased was only as much water as 
 they desir d to drink, and some palm-oil to anoint their sores, and 
 
 they would generally recover without any other helps but what kind 
 nature gave them. 
 
 One thing is very surprizing in this distemper among the blacks, 
 that tho. it immediately infects those of their own colour, yet it will 
 never seize a white man; for I had several white men and boys aboard 
 that had never had that distemper, and were constantly among the 
 blacks that were sick of it, yet none of them in the least catch’d it, 
 tho’ it be the very same malady in its effects, as well as symptoms, 
 among the blacks, as among us in England, beginning with the pain 
 in the head, back, shivering, vomiting, fever, etc. But what the 
 small-pox spar’d, the flux swept off, to our great regret, after all our 
 pains and care to give them their messes in due order and season, keep¬ 
 ing their lodgings as clean and sweet as possible, and enduring so much 
 
 Here Phillips relates his difficulties with one of his sailors, William Lord who 
 deserted him in Barbados, to ship on a New England frigate which had been’fitted 
 by Barbados merchants for the Madagascar slave trade, or possibly a piratical raid in 
 tne Ked Sea. The form of the author’s reference to the Madagascar project makes it 
 evident that he accepted it as an entirely legitimate enterprise. Churchill J VI ->07-208 
 
410 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 misery and stench so long among a parcel of creatures nastier than 
 swine; and after all our expectations to be defeated by their mortality. 
 No gold-finders can endure so much noisome slavery as they do who 
 carry negroes; for those have some respite and satisfaction, but we 
 endure twice the misery; and yet by their mortality our voyages are 
 ruin’d, and we pine and fret our selves to death, to think that we 
 should undergo so much misery, and take so much pains to so little 
 
 purpose. , . , 
 
 I deliver’d alive at Barbadoes to the company s factors 372, which 
 
 being sold, came out at about nineteen pounds per head one with 
 another (p. 237). . . . 42 
 
 158. Representation of Gilbert Hetchcott 
 
 and John Gardner. 1 
 
 To the Hon'hie the Com’ee to whom the consideration of the Peti- 
 tion in the name of the Royall African [ Company ] of England is 
 
 1 ^Gilbert Hetchcott and John Gardner of London Merchants haveing 
 been summoned by this Hon’ble Committee to offer what they have 
 to alledge against the Petition of the said Company humbly represent 
 to this Hon’ble Comittee. 
 
 That wee are advised that at present there is noe Affrican Com¬ 
 pany in being for that the said Company stand Actually dissolved by 
 an Act of this present Parliam’t. That while they were a Company 
 they acted very Illegally and Oppressively. 
 
 1. By Stoping shipps outward bound and bringing them up from 
 Gravesend when they were loaden and ready to Sail, and had paid a 
 Duties and were cleared according to the Laws of the Land and de- 
 teining such Shipps until the Masters and owners had given Bonds on 
 Great Penalties not to Trade on the Coast of Guiny to the great 
 Damage of the Merchants and overthrow of many of their Voyages. 
 
 2. By seizing many Shipps with their Merchandizes in the open 
 Sea and in ports in a Hostile manner, whereby severall lost their lives. 
 
 3. By setting up arbitrary Courts of Judicature in Foreigne parts 
 and trying the validity of their Actions by their owne Agents. 
 
 « At Barbados, which Phillips considered a most unhealthful place, he reports the 
 death of 18 of his own men and of 20 masters of vessels while he sojourned there. s 
 return cargo he took on board 700 hhds. of sugar, at 9 and 10 r. per hundred weight for 
 the muscovadoes, and 11 for the clayed; cotton at 2 d. per lb.; and ginger at S r. per cent. 
 He sailed for England Apr. 2 under convoy, as a French squadron was reported to 
 lying in wait for merchant vessels near Martinique (Churchill, VI. 237-238). On t 
 voyage home Phillips was taken ill and lost his hearing, an affliction which eventually 
 sent him into retirement in Wales for the rest of his life. This therefore recounts his 
 last voyage. 
 
 [158] 1 Br. Museum, Harleian MSS. 73 IO > 207-209. 
 
February, 1693/4 411 
 
 4. By Imprisoning Masters of Shipps and others taken in the said 
 bhipps and not suffering them to come out, untill by Petition they had 
 owne t eir pretended Crime and promised not to comitt the like 
 again and keeping some in Prison untill they had given Bond they 
 wou not prosecute the Company in England and withholding the 
 Wages and keeping the wearing Cloathes of the Masters and Seamen. 
 
 5. By makemg the Governors of the Plantations (who are fudges 
 of the Courts of Equity) their Factors for selling their Negroes and 
 
 recovering them Debts, by which meanes no releife could be had 
 ag t their Oppressions. 
 
 6 By unreasonably Screwing and mulcting the Masters of Shipps 
 and Seamen that went in their Service and by Starting differences 
 with most people with whom they dealt, and refused to referr them 
 to any but those of their own Company, which the persons concerned 
 were forced to submitt to rather then contend at Law with their Toynt 
 
 7. By exacting of others 30 and 40 per Cent for Lycence to Trade 
 and oblidging the persons soe Lycenced to buy their goods of the 
 Company at their own rates notwithstanding which one that did pay 
 the Company 40 per Cent, for Lycence to Trade was forced to take 
 down the Companys Colours and pretend he was an Interloper or 
 Free Trader or the Natives would not suffer him to Trade. 
 
 All which considered, if such a Monopoly should be established, 
 wee presume the Persons who have been of the Company have less 
 reason to expect soe distinguishing a Favour should be shown to 
 them above all other their Majesties Subjects who have an equall 
 right to the Trade, and hope they have done nothing to Forfeit it. 
 But while wee consider not our own private Interest but that of the 
 Nations wee are humbly of Opinion that it is much more for the 
 advantage of the Kingdome in Generali that the said Trade be Free to 
 all in a regulated Company whereby every one that Trades will con¬ 
 tribute equally to the publick charge and wee further Add. 
 
 1. That when the Trade was open much more of our English 
 Manufacture was sent to and vended on the Coast of Guinea then 
 since it was managed by the late Company insomuch that then the 
 Dutch and other Nations began to decline the Trade 
 
 2. That when the late Company began to monopolize the whole 
 Trade some sorts of our Woolen Manufactures proper for that Trade 
 fell 20 and 30 per Cent to which the sellers were forced to submitt 
 there being no other buyers. 
 
 3. That if the Trade were open and Free to all, it would encrease 
 to a considerable degree and much more of the manufactures of this 
 Nation would be exported thither then has been done by the late 
 
412 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Company and other Nations would hardly be able to carry on the 
 
 4 dc. 
 
 4. That it is more for the advantage of the Nation that the Woolen 
 Manufactures be bought by many then by one buyei only. 
 
 5. That there are many places where the late Company have had 
 noe Trade to which private and particular Persons would report. 
 
 6. That the Forts and Factories on the Coasts are nothing neer soe 
 considerable as they pretend and that they can hinder none from 
 
 Tradeing out of the reach of their Gunns. 
 
 7. That one man of Warr would be a greater Protection and 
 
 Security on that Coast to the Trade then all the Forts. 
 
 8. That wee humbly conceive that it may be made appear Forts 
 and Castles are not necessary for the preserveing the Trade to Affrica, 
 but if they shall be thought necessary they togather with the whole 
 Trade may be better maintained both in Warr and Peace by an easy 
 contribution of Persons Tradeing in a Regulated Company then by 
 a Joynt Stock 
 
 *9. That the Forts and Castles may be not only maintained but paid 
 for by chargeing 10 per Cent, or some reasonable Imposition on the 
 Trade, and allowing persons that should advance money thereon 
 Interest till the said imposition shall repay what the Forts shall be 
 reasonably valued at. 
 
 10. That a great part of the Trade to Affrica is for Negro Ser¬ 
 vants which are sent to the English Plantations by whose labour all 
 the West India Comodities as Sugar Indigo Cotton Ginger Tobacco 
 
 etc. are produced. 
 
 11. That the Plenty and Cheapness of Negroes would enable the 
 English Collonies to produce the said Comodities Cheap so as to out- 
 doe other Nations. 
 
 12. That the late Company have not supplyed the said Planta¬ 
 tions with Suffitient numbers of Negroes and haveing the Sole Trade 
 have sold at what rates and imposed what Termes they pleased on the 
 Planters whereby they have been greatly discouraged and other 
 Nations by that meanes have gained ground upon the English w’ch 
 otherwise they could not have done, and wheieas foimerly the Eng¬ 
 lish have supplyed France and Holland with great quantities of 
 Su^ar etc. those Nations now furnish themselves for the most part 
 from their own Plantations. 
 
 13. That the Plantations have brought great Riches to this King- 
 dome by not only furnishing Sugar, Indigo, Cotton, Gingei, 1 obacco, 
 etc. to our own consumption which was formerly brought in from 
 abroad, but supply great quantities to other Nations and would be 
 enabled to doe much more and much cheaper were the Trade to Affrica 
 
February, 16Q4. 4^ 
 
 Free and open whereby the Nation would.be yet more enriched, and 
 
 not only the Navigation and number of Seamen but their Majesties 
 Revenue greatly increased. 
 
 Ail which Particulars respecting Vizt. 
 
 1. The Dissolution of the late Company. 
 
 2. Their evill practices 
 
 3 ‘J he , ad T tage W1 ^ t0 t ^ le Nation to have many buyers of 
 our Woolen Manufactory and much greater Quantities exported. 
 
 4. 1 he Advantage it will be to the Plantations to have Negroes 
 cheap by being brought by many and not one only. 
 
 5. The Increase of our Navigation 
 
 6. The Great [gain to] 2 the Revenue of the Crowne 
 
 Wee doubt not to prove to the Satisfaction of this Hon’ble Com¬ 
 mittee if they shall think fitt and please to allow a Reasonable time. 
 Feb’y 1693. 3 
 
 * 59 * A Petition to the House of Commons. 1 
 
 February 19, 1694. 
 
 A Petition of the Clothiers, in and about Witney in the County 
 of Oxon, was presented to the House, and read; setting forth, That, 
 by reason of the great Difficulties and Disturbance occasioned by 
 Intel lopeis who trade to Africa, the Royal African Company of 
 England have been much discouraged in their Trade to those Parts; 
 whereby the Petitioners, who have their chief Dependence on the said 
 Company, are so much impoverished, that, unless some speedy Relief 
 be given, they cannot subsist in their several Employments: And pray- 
 
 Here had been bracketed “gain”, “gaining”, and several other experiments, all 
 crossed out. 
 
 “ Endorsed, “Mr. Gardner and Mr. Hetchots paper. Feb. 13, 1693/4”. 
 
 [159] Commons Journals, XI. 100. On Jan. 1, 1691, the Royal African * Company 
 presented a petition against the African bill then under consideration (Stock, II. 45). 
 Apparently Parliament did not revert to the subject from that date until Jan. 24, 1694 
 when the company again petitioned, this time for the introduction of a bill granting to 
 it its old monopoly rights (ibid., II. 88). Meanwhile the assembly of Barbados had 
 formulated its grievances against the company: aside from the general objection to 
 monopoly and the complaint that foreign nations were driving the English from Africa 
 it charged more specifically that incorporation of a monopolistic company had reduced 
 the number of vessels engaged in the negro trade, had lessened the king’s customs, and 
 had diminished the supply of negroes in the islands, which in turn had injured the sugar 
 trade (Cal. St. P. Col., 1693-1696, pp. 200, 207). The petition of the company, the action 
 ot the Barbados assembly, and the usual petitions for and against the company’s 
 monopoly which followed every appearance of the African question (one of which is 
 here printed) were referred for committee consideration, and on Mar. 2, 1694 the 
 committee made an extended and informative report to Parliament of the testimony 
 fi-om both sides, presenting at the same time a series of resolutions. These were con¬ 
 sidered but the session closed without the passage of a measure (Stock, II. 90-95) • rough 
 notes of a debate are to be found in Harleian MSS. 7310, ff. 211-229, labelled “Mr 
 Harley’s Minutes”, Mr. Harley being chairman of the committee of the Commons which 
 considered the African trade. 
 
414 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ing, That the Traffick of the said Company may be protected in such 
 manner as the House shall think meet. 
 
 160. The Case of the Avarilla. 1 
 
 io Dec. [16Q4]. The case of the owners of the ship Avarilla, 
 burthen 350 tons. The said ship was, in September 1694, permitted 
 by the Government to go to Guinea in the service of the Royal Afri¬ 
 can Co., manned with 60 men and 30 guns, and from thence intended 
 to Barbadoes and Virginia. In June 1695 she arrived at Barbadoes 
 with her freight of negroes, having by the providence of God not 
 buried one man, nor had one man sick during the voyage to that 
 place. But, immediately upon her arrival there, Capt. Doyley, com¬ 
 mander of his Majesty’s ship the Bristol, pressed fifteen of his sea¬ 
 men and in 3 days after Capt. Massam, commander of a small frig¬ 
 ate, pressed six men, upon which seven or eight more deserted, the 
 ship, for fear, as is supposed, of the same usage. There remained 
 then on board but four common seamen, besides boys and about 
 twenty officers; and, upon consultation, they thought it not safe to 
 proceed to Virginia, being so disabled, but to determine their out¬ 
 ward bound voyage at Barbadoes, the master there disposing of his 
 negroes, and lading home from thence to London. But, finding his 
 number of men insufficient to navigate his ship and make any reason¬ 
 able defence in case of an attack, thought it advisable to redeem four 
 of his men of the captain that pressed them, at five pounds per man, 
 and withal gave to the captain of the Bristol ten pounds to convoy him 
 clear of the Leeward Islands. In his passage home to England, in 
 company with eleven sail more, was met by two French privateers in 
 Soundings, and, after a fight of three hours, in which.the captain and 
 six more were killed and six or seven wounded, the said ship and four 
 men were taken, to the loss of the interested in that single ship of 
 above twenty-five thousand pounds. In all probability, had he had his 
 complement of men, he might have escaped, the two privateers not 
 exceeding him together in number of guns, but were encouraged to 
 assault him by his insufficiency to defend himself. This is the third 
 ship that some of these gentlemen have lost by pressing their men at 
 sea and in foreign parts. 
 
 Arthur Bailey. 2 
 
 [160] 1 MSS. H. of L., 1695-1697, II. 97-98; Lords Journals, XV. 609, 611, 615. 
 
 2 The owners of the Avarilla had made their first complaint of impressment in 
 1689, when she was carrying tobacco from Virginia. On this occasion she was captured 
 by the French because of her lack of seamen (Stock, II. 11-12, 60-61). On Dec. 13, 
 1695, after Bailey had testified that both Captain Massam and Captain Doyley had 
 pressed his men, his complaint was sent to the Admiralty, which replied on Dec. i 7 > 
 that the matter would be inquired into as soon as Captain Doyley, then commander of 
 the Bristol, had returned from the West Indies (Lords Journals, XV. 611, 615, Stock, II. 
 
4i5 
 
 December , i6g$ 
 
 161. Losses reported by the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 (i) African Company’s Paper . 
 
 Dec. 10, 1695. 
 
 Anno 1689. Losses since 
 the War 
 
 Taken by the French on the north parts of Guinea, ships 
 and cargoes 
 In the 
 
 Hare, in Guinea 
 Alexander 
 
 Maryland } a [t] 
 
 North Sound ) Nevis 
 
 Unity, at Sierra Leone and Sherbro 
 Loyal Factor 
 Happy Conclusion 
 Friends’ Adventure 
 William and John 
 
 Valued at Prime Cost, 
 
 { 
 
 as 
 
 per 
 
 Invoice. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. £ 
 
 8,620 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 500 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 961 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 117 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 265 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 2,809 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 476 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 455 
 
 19 
 
 3 
 
 628 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 L 594 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 Anno 1690. Losses since the War 
 In the 
 
 Two Friends, a[t] Barbadoes 
 Seaftower l a[t] 
 
 Blossom \ Jamaica 
 
 Swan, a[t] Montserrat 
 
 Anno 1691. Ini the 
 
 Berkeley Castle, and goods in her, a[t] Barbadoes 
 
 Guinea frigate, and her cargo 
 
 A nn and Mary 
 
 Lisbon Merchant 
 
 Elizabeth 
 
 Insiquin 
 
 Anno 1692. In the 
 Scipio 
 A d^ice 
 3 Brothers 
 Loyal Steed 
 Caesar 
 Benjamin 
 Mediterranean - 
 James 
 
 3 Brothers, a[t] Antigua 
 
 Barba¬ 
 
 does 
 
 Jamaica 
 
 
 
 16,428 17 
 
 
 
 [16,429 4 
 
 528 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
 1,225 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 350 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 312 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 2,416 10 
 
 1,844 
 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 9,359 
 
 17 
 
 0 
 
 1,662 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 L 777 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 242 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 180 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 15,068 1 
 
 312 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 3,966 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 865 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 2,720 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 2,276 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 583 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 227 
 
 16 
 
 0 
 
 997 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 527 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 2] 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 12,476 10 10 
 
 r 36, 137, 140, 143). The embargo and the danger of impressment added greatly to the 
 usual difficulties of the company, even though the government seemed disposed to allow 
 to its vessels sufficient seamen to keep the trade alive. In 1693 the Katherine was 
 granted 30 seamen, one-third of them to be foreigners, and one-fifth of the whole 
 landsmen, to look after the negroes (Acts P. C. C., II. 219, 221, 222). On June 15, 1693, 
 the company was given permission to send six ships, with 200 men, and stores for 
 the coast and merchandise for the purchase of negroes. Ibid., p. 223. 
 
 [161] 1 MSS. H. of L., 1695-1697, II. 79-81. The paper here presented was laid 
 before the committee of the whole House in response to a request from that committee 
 for a statement of the losses of the company. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 [African Company’s Accounts —continued:] 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Anno 1693. In the 
 
 Carolina, a[t] Jamaica x >i 95 
 
 Richard and James ] 22 $ 
 
 Blossom }■ Antigua 1 2 4 i 
 
 Vintage J l 3^2 
 
 Diamond and in Capt. Dolberry, 325 NK of Gold 10,230 
 
 Antelope 74 ° 
 
 Ann, Capt. Thomas Leech, in the north parts 
 of Guinea:— 
 
 tons. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 32 of Gum 
 
 2,264 
 
 IO 
 
 0 
 
 45 of Teeth 
 
 9,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 25 of Wax 
 
 2,500 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 125 of Wood 
 
 7,500 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 and in gold, etc. 
 
 2,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 o 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 Anno 1694. In the 
 Tiger 
 
 Bridgetown 
 
 China Merchant }* 
 
 Henry and William j 
 African 
 
 Eagle ship, and goods in her 
 William 
 
 Biscay Merchant 
 
 Prosperous 
 
 Bilhoa Factor 
 
 William and Mary 
 
 Hopewell 
 
 Shield 
 
 3 Brothers, Montserrat 
 Agreement, Antigua 
 
 Jamaica 
 
 Barbados 
 
 23,264 
 
 IO 
 
 O 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 2 , 53 2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 658 
 
 i 5 
 
 9 
 
 2,656 
 
 16 
 
 11 
 
 11,104 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 4,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 1,366 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 677 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 455 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 184 
 
 IO 
 
 1 
 
 ] 453 
 
 18 
 
 IO 
 
 650 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 l 737 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 1,190 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 377 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 568 
 
 IO 
 
 3 
 
 36,281 5 o 
 
 The French descent at Jamacia 
 The re-taking Senegal and Goree 
 
 1695. This year, by a separate paper 2 
 
 £169,890 16 4 
 
 Signed, by order of the African Company, Warwick Yard, ac¬ 
 countant. 
 
 17,719 
 
 11 4 
 
 [siC 1 
 
 20,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 20,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 29,500 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 (m) /J Dec. African Company’s amended Paper, adding dates to 
 their previous Paper (i) above (see MS. Min., io Dec.) f as follows: 
 
 An account of the Royal African Company’s losses from March 1695 to October 1695: 
 The Three Brothers, Capt. Hudson, taken by a French man of war on the £ 
 
 north part of Guinea, in April, 1695. ... # 3 >°°° 
 
 The Return, Capt. Reeves, taken between Old Calabar and Barbadoes, in May 4,000 
 
 The Guinea Galley, Capt. Piles, taken by two privateers near Cape Clear 
 
 the 1st of August, and carried into Brest. . . . M50 
 
 2 The separate paper (i') is not reproduced, as the information which it contains 
 is also given in “m”, which follows. 
 
 3 MSS. H. of L., 1695-1697, II. 87-88. 
 
December , i6g6 
 [African Company 1 s Accounts —continued:] 
 
 The? Avar ill a, C apt. Robinson, taken by two privateers off Scilly the 23 August 
 The Deborah and Martha, ] 5 6 \ 
 
 Providence 7 *’ l taIien by tW0 P rivateers off Scilly the 23 Augt. | 
 
 The Joan, 1 Both taken in the Channel, much about the same time, the ^ 
 
 the Eagle j Joan from Barbadoes and the Eagle from Antigua 
 
 By several ships from the Leeward Islands, of which no invoice vet 
 come to hand 
 
 417 
 
 £ 
 
 7,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 -—_______ £29,650 
 
 Signed, For the Royal African Company of England, Sam. Heron 
 S ecty.° 
 
 162. Petition to the House of Commons. 1 
 
 Dec. 29, 1696. 
 
 A Petition of the Clothworkers of the Town of Shrewsbury, in the 
 County of Salop, was presented to the House, and read; setting forth, 
 
 The occasion of the loss of this ship was that great part of her men were 
 pressed out of her at Barbadoes, from whence she was returning to England.” Ibid 
 p. 81, paper “1”. * 
 
 Delivered this day, and read in Select Committee on 14th, where these losses, 
 except the first two, were referred to the Admiralty for explanations. MS. Min., 13 
 Dec.; Com. Book, 14 Dec.” These, be it noted, were losses sustained since the war. 
 
 y? ar s later the company stated its entire losses by war as £400,000 (Davenant, 
 Reflections upon the Constitution and Management of the African Trade”, in Works 
 
 Y*, 157 * next year the com P an y reported to the House of Commons its outstanding 
 
 debts as follows: 
 
 Barbados ...£ 38,254 5 6 
 
 Nevis . 3,1:77 1 o 
 
 ” 22,055 15 8 
 
 Mountserrat . 3,602 13 4 
 
 Antigua . 2,545 19 4 
 
 Jamaica . 53,571 05 o 
 
 £123,206 19 10 
 
 The assets, exclusive of these debts, were £286,751 7 j. 3 d., of which £40,000 was 
 
 represented by the African forts. The company’s own debts amounted to £113,788 7 s. 8 d 
 Stock, II. 184-185. 
 
 [162] 1 Commons Journals, XI. 636. The usual petition from the African Company 
 for 3. bill settling the trade to Africa was brought in soon after the opening of the 
 session of November, 1694, with petitions in opposition to the request from Barbados 
 and Jamaica. The committee reported resolutions on Feb. 14, 1695, but there the 
 matter remained (Stock, II. 101-103, 108-109). Before Parliament convened in the 
 
 autumn of 1695, the company presented to the king a petition which was to be laid 
 
 before the House of Commons for consideration (Nov. 16, 1695, Sir William Trumbull 
 
 to the Duke of Shrewsbury, Cal. St. P. Dom., 1695-1696, p. 103). The claims of the 
 Royal^ African Company were once more put forward during the discussion of the 
 establishment of a Scottish company for trade with Africa, and Jamaica found oppor¬ 
 tunity to present her need for open trade (MSS. H. of L., II. 3, 13, 15-19; Stock, II. 
 140 n.). In January, 1696, the company again asked that the trade be ’established 
 by legislation, maintaining that it could not carry it longer without help. Petitions 
 for and against open trade followed, among them petitions from the planters of 
 
 Virginia and Maryland, and a bill was introduced, but too late in the session for enact¬ 
 ment (Stock, II. 145, 160-170). In the session convening Oct. 20, 1696, the question was 
 again up and a bill was once more introduced. The council and assembly of Barbados 
 and the agents of the island depicted its sad state and asked for the relief of free 
 trade, the company made a brief statement of its financial condition, and numerous 
 petitions were presented, among which were the two here printed. Cal. St. P. Col., 1696- 
 *697, pp. 61, 217; Stock, II. 179, 181-185. 
 
4iS 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 That the Royal African Company labouring under great Difficulties, 
 for want of haveing their Trade secured to them against Interlopers, 
 the Petitioners, who have their Dependence on the said Company, will 
 be impoverished for want of Employment, without some speedy 
 Relief: And praying, That the Traffick of the said Company may be 
 preserved in such manner as the House shall think fit. . . . 
 
 A Petition of the Weavers in and about Kidderminster, in the 
 County of Worcester, was presented to the House, and read; setting 
 forth, That the Petitioners, and many Hundred Families in Worces¬ 
 tershire, who have their chief Dependence upon the African Com¬ 
 pany, must go a begging, in case the Trade to Africa be not secured 
 to the said Company from Interlopers: And praying, That the said 
 Trade may be preserved to the said Company. . . . 2 
 
 163. Memorandum to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 York-Island, in the River Sherbrow, 
 
 January the 17th, 1697/8. 
 
 Some extracts of such written testimonies as have been transmitted 
 to the Royal African Company y concerning several abuses committed 
 by the separate traders at or near the River Gambia, on the north 
 coast of Africa. 
 
 Memorandum, that on the 9th day of this instant, the ship New 
 London, Mr. Robert Ford commander, and the ship Empress, Mr. 
 Henry Pitman commander, came both into the said river. 
 
 2 During these years the controversy continued outside Parliament as well as 
 within it, and assertions made in petitions to the House of Commons were often 
 answered in pamphlet form as well as by counter-petitions. One of the sharp dis¬ 
 sensions throughout the controversy concerned the effect of an incorporated monopoly 
 on the woollen industry, the company contending that it contributed greatly to the 
 growth of that industry, while a pamphlet of 1695 maintained that before the incorpora¬ 
 tion Suffolk had exported 25,000 cloths a year to Africa, while two years after the 
 incorporation the number was but 500 ( Reflections upon the East Indy and Royal 
 African Companys). Latimer’s dictum on the African exports of the clothworkers and 
 weavers, “in fact [they] were insignificant”, was probably not far from the truth. 
 John Latimer, History of the Merchant Venturers, p. 179. 
 
 These petitions, along with two for an open trade received the same day, were referred 
 to the committee of the whole which was considering the bill (Stock, II. 186). Through¬ 
 out January and February, 1697, consideration of African trade continued. On Mar. n 
 the company stated that it could no longer maintain the trade and asked that those 
 who were actually trading be called upon to bear the expense. Nevertheless the session 
 ended without action. Stock, II. 187, 190, 202, 203. 
 
 [163] 1 Charles Davenant, “Reflections upon the African’Trade”, in Works, V. 170- 
 171. Davenant’s defense of the privileges of the' company belongs to the controversy of 
 1709, but that part of his evidence which pertains to the period before 1698 is here 
 printed. In ch. I. of the “Reflections” he presented testimony to the abuses committed by 
 the separate traders in the Gambia region. 
 
 The same dispute over monopoly privileges that harassed the Guinea Company also 
 went on during these years, in connection with the East India Cornpany; see A Letter 
 to a Friend concerning the East India Trade (1696, B. M., Harleian MSS. 7310) ; A 
 Treatise concerning the East-India-Trade: being a most Profitable Trade to the King¬ 
 dom, and best Secured and Improved by a Company and a Joint Stock (1696). 
 
419 
 
 i6q8 
 
 The ship Empress came within a league of our factory, and there 
 anchored. Captain Ford, with his ship the New-London, came only 
 to Bob-Island, and not farther up; however, he went in his boat up to 
 Matthew Skinner’s, the chief wood-factor here, and staid three days: 
 at his return he stopt here, asked how we all did, and so went on board 
 the ship Empress, and then on board his own ship the New-London, 
 where, upon his arrival, he and his company combined together, and 
 seized and secured to the number of 16 men, natives of the country, 
 and put them in irons, with an intent to carry them into the West- 
 Indies; moreover, they killed two other men, which so incensed the 
 whole country, that several hundreds of people flocked and bodied 
 on this factory, with an intent to cut us all off; so that we, being in 
 jeopardy of our lives, were forced to take to the great house, and 
 every man to stand to his arms in his own defence. Some then on 
 board negotiating for us, were taken, and put us also to the log for 
 a time: and all this occasioned by the aforesaid Captain Ford, who 
 himself not only seized our Blacks, but the Blacks, for his default, 
 seized and secured our white men. In witness whereof we have here¬ 
 unto set our hands, 
 
 Henry Pittman. 
 
 Richard Lilly. 
 
 Urian Pulford. 
 
 We, who have hereunto subscribed, attest this to be a true copy of 
 the original now’ before us, 
 
 Maurice Matthews, Clerk 
 Thomas Williams. 
 
 Robert Beere. 
 
 John Bridgman 
 Humphrey Lowe. 
 
 164. At Old Calabar, in 1698. 1 
 
 The ship Dragon traded there in April, for two hundred and 
 twelve slaves, men, women, boys and girls, the ship being but a hun¬ 
 dred tuns burden; a hundred and two men, from forty to forty eight 
 copper bars per head; fifty three women, from twenty eight to thirty 
 six of the same; forty three boys, from twenty to forty bars; and 
 fourteen girls from seventeen to thirty, according to their age and 
 constitution, for the following goods. 
 
 Iron bars seven hundred and seventy one; copper bars four hun¬ 
 dred and fifty two; rangoes seven hundred and thirty; beads five 
 hundred and forty six pounds, four pounds making a bunch; pewter 
 tankards fifty two; basons No. 1, thirty six; No. 2, twenty six; No. 3, 
 
 [164] 1 Barbot, “Supplement”, Churchill, V. 464-466. 
 
420 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 forty two; No. 4, forty seven; linen two hundred and twenty yards; 
 knives ninety six; brass bells, No. 1, eight hundred and forty one; 
 No. 2, sixty two; No. 3, sixty nine; No. 4, fifty six. These goods 
 
 reduced to copper bars, as follows. 
 
 Copper Bars 
 
 One bar iron. 
 
 One bunch of beads. 
 
 Five rangoes. 4 
 
 One tankard. 3 
 
 One bason, No. i •••*.••••• *. ^ 
 
 The other numbers less in proportion. 
 
 One yard of linen. 
 
 Six knives. 
 
 One brass bell, No. i •••*••• .. J 
 
 The other numbers less in proportion. 
 
 Purple copper armlets, made at Loanda de S. Paola, in Angola, 
 are a very good commodity here, and at Rio del Rey; and the Portu¬ 
 guese carry a great quantity of them. 
 
 Paid for provisions here: forty baskets of plantains, sixty copper 
 bars; twenty copper bars to duke Aphrom for game: sixty to king 
 Robin for the same; twenty to captain Thomas, at Salt-Town, for the 
 same; twenty to captain Thomas at the watering-place, for the 
 
 same. . . . 2 
 
 165. Governor Sir William Beeston to the Board of Trade. 
 
 Jamaica, July 5, 1698. 
 
 Since my last the business of settling Sir [St.] James Castillo, as 
 the factor of the Portuguese African Company for the Assiento, has 
 been concluded, and the merchants have sold that factor three hundred 
 negroes to be delivered at Vera Cruz, the money to be returned on 
 the merchant’s risk. As there are still several French pirates roving 
 about these seas, they applied to me for one of the King’s ships to 
 escort the negroes and bring back the money, which at first I was 
 unwilling to do; but considering that it was upon the first settling of 
 that trade, that the money would go to England, that the ships lay 
 idle in port, and that the men would be more healthy at sea than in 
 harbour, I allowed the Foresight to go with them. She sailed about 
 ten days since, and I hope will be back in five weeks. 3 
 
 C" 
 
 2 Eight similar items follow. T , 
 
 [165] 'Cal. St. P. Col., 1697-1698, p. 320. After the coming of Wiliam III. to the 
 
 throne Parliament had made an effort to obtain the direction of colonial affairs but had 
 succeeded only in removing them from the Privy Council to a new Board of I rade and 
 Plantations, to be appointed and controlled by the crown. For this board William issued 
 the first commission May 15, 1696, and henceforth references to the Board of Trade, 
 the Lords of Trade, or the Lords Commissioners of Trade refer to this body. Andrews, 
 
 British Committees, p. 113. 
 
 2 See introduction, p. 107. 
 
 3 Endorsed, “Reed. 23 Sept. Read 20 Oct. 1698”. 
 
42 I 
 
 July, 1698 
 
 166. An Act to Settle the Trade to Africa. 1 
 
 [July 5, 1698.] 
 
 . L Whe reas the Trade to Africa is highly beneficial and advanta- 
 gious to t is r ing om, and to the Plantations and Colonies thereunto 
 belonging: and whereas Forts and Castles are undoubtedly necessary 
 for the preservation and well carrying on the said Trade And 
 whereas the Forts and Castles now on the said Coast of Africa have 
 been and are, maintained at the sole Cost and Charge of the present 
 Royal African Company of England toward which Charge it is most 
 reasonable that all Persons tradeing to such Parts of the said Coast 
 of Africa, as are herein after limited and appointed should contribute; 
 Be it therefore enacted by the King’s most Excellent Majesty and 
 by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Tem¬ 
 poral and Commons in Parliament assembled and by the Authority of 
 the same That from and after the Four and twentieth Day of June 
 m the Year One thousand six hundred ninety and eight the said Royal 
 African Company their Successors and Assigns by and with their 
 btock, and Duties herein after appointed to be paid, shall maintain, 
 support and defend all such Forts and Castles as the said African 
 Company now have in their Possession or shall hereafter purchase or 
 erect for the Preservation, Improvement and well carrying on the 
 said Trade and those Forts and Castles from time to time and at all 
 times hereafter as occasion shall require shall supply with Men Artil¬ 
 lery, Ammunition and Provision, and all other Necessaries and inci¬ 
 dent Charges whatsoever. 
 
 *be better to enable the said Royal African Company, 
 their Successors and Assigns, to maintain the said Castles and Forts 
 and for the Preservation and well carrying on the said Trade to and 
 for the Advantage of England and the Plantations and Colonies there¬ 
 unto belonging: Be it further enacted That it shall and may be lawfull 
 to and for any of the Subjects of His Majesties Realm of England as 
 well as for the said Company from and after the said Four and twen¬ 
 tieth Day of June to trade from England, and from and after the 
 First of August One thousand six hundred ninety and eight from any 
 of His Majesties Plantations and Colonies in America, to and for the 
 Coast of Africa between Cape Mount and the Cape of Good Hope, 
 the said Company and all other the said Subjects answering and pay- 
 
 [166] Statutes of the Realm, VII. 393-397 5 9 and 10 Wm. III. c. 26. The persistent 
 company presented a petition Jan. 16, 1697, and another in March (Stock, II. 187 iqo 
 k°ii u - Fetlt . lons , gainst * ts request followed, but it was over a year later before the 
 bill here printed was actually introduced in the House of Commons (Feb. 12 1698). It 
 received the royal signature July 5. Its legislative progress can be followed in Stock 
 it. 216-245 passim. As is usual with compromises, it satisfied neither side, and the 
 conflict broke forth again ten years later, as the time for the expiration of the art 
 approached. 
 
422 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ins for the Uses aforesaid a Duty of Ten Pounds per Centum ad 
 Valorem for the Goods and Merchandize to be exported from Png- 
 land or from any of His Majesties Plantations or Colonies in America 
 to and for the Coast of Africa between Cape Mount and the Cape 
 of Good Hope and in proportion for a greater or lesser Value in 
 Manner and Forme as herein after expressed. 
 
 Ill And for the better collecting such Duty, Be it enacted by the 
 Authority aforesaid That the Master, and Owner or Freighter ot 
 every Ship or Vessell intending to sail or trade between Cape Mount 
 and the Cape of Good Hope aforesaid, at one of the Chief Custom- 
 Houses in England or in such of His Majesties Plantations or 
 Colonies from whence such Ship or Vessell is to sail shall make Entry 
 of the Name of such Master and the Name of such Ship or Vessel 
 and the Burthen thereof soe freighted or intended to sail or trade 
 between Cape Mount and the Cape of Good Hope aforesaid Fifteen 
 Days before any such Ship or Vessel shall be cleared from any such 
 His Majesties Custom-Houses; And that the owner or Exporter ot 
 such Goods and Merchandise intended to be shipped or put on board 
 every such Ship or Vessel so entred for a Voyage to the Coast ot 
 Africa as aforesaid, shall at one of the said Custom-Houses make 
 Entry upon Oath as is herein after expressed, of the Quanti[tije, 
 Quality, and the true and full Value of all such Goods and Merchan¬ 
 dise to be shipped or put on board every such Ship or Vessel so entre 
 and shall sign such Entry by him, them and every of them so made; 
 And at the time of such Entry and Oath made shall pay or cause to be 
 paid the Duty aforesaid to the Collector or other chief officer (foi 
 the Time being) of His Majesties Customs at such Custom-Houses as 
 aforesaid, who is and are hereby authorized impowered and required 
 to demand and receive such Entries and such Duties, as aforesaid, to 
 and for the Use of the said Company and to pay or cause to be paid 
 the said Duty to and for the Use of the said Company in manner as 
 herein after is expressed; and that all such Goods and Merchandize 
 exported from England to the Colonies and Plantations in America 
 and from thence exported for the Coast of Africa shall be deemed 
 and valued at noe more than the true and reall Value of what they 
 cost in England. 
 
 IV. And that the said Oaths may be the more duely admimstred, 
 Be it further enacted, That the Collector or other Chief Officer as 
 aforesaid residing in or near such Ports or Places from whence such 
 Shipps or Vessel is or are to be cleared shall and are hereby required 
 and impowered before the said Ship or Vessel shal be cleared to 
 administer the Oaths following: and every Master of every such 
 Ship or Vessel at clearing, shall make Oath in the Words following. 
 
 vizt. 
 
July f i6g8 
 
 423 
 
 • ^ swear That the Manifest or Particular now by me given 
 
 in and signed to the best of my knowledge and beleif doth contain 
 specify and expresse all the goods Wares and Merchandizes which 
 are laden or intended to be laden or put on board the Ship or Vessel 
 
 called the whereof I A. B. am Master for this Voyage to 
 
 Affrica. So help me God. 
 
 V. And every Owner or Exporter of Goods to be shipped on board 
 
 every such Ship or Vessel upon Entry thereof shall make Oath in the 
 Words following: 
 
 I A. B. Do sweare That the Entry by me now made and signed doth 
 contain and specific all the particular Quantities Qualities and true and 
 full Value of all the Goods Wares and Merchandizes therein ex¬ 
 pressed or to be shipped on board the Ship or Vessel called the 
 
 whereof is Master for the Voyage she is now to 
 
 proceed on to Africa. So help me God. 
 
 VI. And that when and as often as any Goods or Merchandizes 
 are or shall be exported from the Colonies and Plantations to Africa, 
 as aforesaid, that were there imported from England, the said Owner 
 or Exporter of such Goods and Merchandizes so exporting the same 
 shall also swear That to the best of his Knowledge and Belief such 
 Goods and Merchandizes so entred were imported from England 
 into that Colonie or Plantation and that the true and real Value 
 thereof, as cost in England, is fully expressed in the said Entry: And 
 that the said Master and one of the Owners or Freighters of every 
 such Ship or Vessel so entred as aforesaid at the time of such entry 
 or before the said Ship or Vessel shall be Cleared at the Custom¬ 
 house shall give Bond to his Majesty his Heirs and Successors to the 
 Value of such Ship and Lading, That the said Ship or Vessel shall 
 (Wind and Weather permitting not being hindred by other unavoid¬ 
 able Accidents) sail directly to the Coast of Africa between Cape 
 Mount and the Cape of Good Hope aforesaid and from thence shall 
 directly return to and unlade in England or in one of his Majesties 
 Colonies or Plantations aforesaid: and the said Collector or Chief 
 Officer of the Custom-house aforesaid, for receiving the said Entries 
 and Duty as aforesaid and administrating the Oaths by this Act 
 appointed to be administred, is and are hereby directed and appointed 
 to take such Bond as aforesaid and to keep in a Book or Books a 
 particular Account, seperate and distinct from the Custome-house 
 Accounts, of all such Entrys made and Duties paid and payable to 
 and for the Use of the said Company as aforesaid And on Demand 
 made by the said Company or any Person or Persons by them for 
 that Purpose appointed shall render and deliver or cause to be 
 rendred and delivered to the said Company or their Assigns a true 
 and fair Duplicate of all such Entries and Oaths made and signed 
 
424 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 and Bonds given and Moneys paid by the Person or Persons so 
 swearing signing and paying the same and shall pay or cause to be 
 paid to the said Company or their Assigns, all such Sum and Sums 
 of Money by him or them so received, or to be received as aforesaid, 
 deducting the Sum of Five Pounds for every Hundred pounds ac¬ 
 counted for and paid to the said Company and so in proportion for 
 a greater or lesser Sum, received for and on the behalf of the said 
 Company, in Recompence for his or their Trouble. 
 
 VII. And be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That from 
 and after the Four and twentieth Day of June One thousand six 
 hundred ninety and eight it shall and may be lawfull to and for any 
 of the Subjects of his Majesties Realms of England as well as the 
 said company to trade from England or any of his Majesties Planta¬ 
 tions or Colonies in America to the Coast of Africa between [Capel 
 Blancho and Cape Mount, answering and paying a Duty of Ten 
 pounds per Centum ad valorem for the Goods and Merchandize to 
 be exported from England or any of his Majesties Plantations or 
 Colonies in America to and for the Coast of Africa between Cape 
 Blancho and Cape Mount and in proportion for a greater or lesser 
 Value and answering and paying a further Sum and Duty of Ten 
 pounds per Centum ad valorem Redwood only excepted, which is only 
 to pay Five pounds per Centum ad valorem, at the Place of Importa¬ 
 tion, upon all Goods and Merchandize (Negroes excepted) imported 
 into England or any of His Majesties Plantations or Colonies in 
 America from the Coast of Africa between Cape Blancho and Cape 
 Mount aforesaid: And every Master and Trader sailing and trading 
 or intending to sail and trade from England or from any of his 
 Majesties Plantations or Colonies aforesaid between Cape Blancho 
 and Cape Mount aforesaid shall make the like Entry and Oath and 
 give the like Bonds as is before directed for Masters and Traders 
 touching the Trade between Cape Mount and Cape Good Hope and 
 upon such Entry and Oath made as aforesaid shall Pay the Duty afore¬ 
 said, in like manner as is directed for the Duty to be paid by Traders 
 trading between Cape Mount and Cape Good Hope aforesaid: And 
 the Collector or Chief Officer of his Majesties Chief Custom-houses 
 in England, or any of his Majesties Plantations from whence such 
 Ship or Vessel shall be dispatched, are and is hereby impowred and 
 required to take such Entrys and Bonds and administer such Oaths 
 and receive such Duties and on Demand made by the said Company 
 and on their Behalf to pay the same to the said Company or their 
 Order for the Uses as before directed and every other Matter and 
 Thing to do mutatis mutandis as is and are herein and hereby directed 
 and appointed, touching Masters, Owners and Traders trading or 
 intending to trade between Cape Mount and Cape Good Hope; and 
 
July t i6q8 
 
 425 
 
 , al1 Goods and Merchandize (Negroes excepted) that shall be 
 laded or put on board any Ship or Vessel on the Coast of Africa be- 
 tween Cape Blancho and Cape Mount, and shall be imported into 
 „ ■ ? a ? d ° r mt0 any , of hls Majesties Plantations or Colonies afore- 
 
 nrChif n anSWer / nd P ay ** Duti « aforesaid and that the Master 
 or Chief Officer of every such Ship or Vessel that shall lade or receive 
 
 thJi Q, or Merchandize (Negroes excepted) on board of his or 
 their Ship or Vessel between Cape Blancho and Cape Mount shall 
 upon make,ng Bntry at any his Majesties Custom-houses aforesaid 
 of the said Ship or Vessel or before any Goods or Merchandize be 
 
 " , ed , °V ‘ 4 en T f ° f 5 he said Sh ‘P or V «sel (Negroes excepted) 
 11 deliver in a Manifest or Particular of his Cargo and take the 
 following Oath: vizt. * 
 
 I A. B. do swear That the Manifest or Particular now by me 
 given m and signed to the best of my Knowledge and Belief doth con¬ 
 tain, sign,fie and express, all the Goods Wares and Merchandizes 
 (Negroes excepted) which were laden or put on board the said Ship 
 
 Af w ^ dU o, ng !* Er Stay and “ntinuing on the Coast of 
 Africa between Cape Blancho and Cape Mount whereof I A. B am 
 
 VIII. And that the Owner or Importer of all Goods and Mer¬ 
 chandize (Negroes excepted) which shall be brought to England or 
 any of h,s Majesties Plantations from any Port of Africa between 
 Cape Blancho and Cape Mount aforesaid shall make Entry of all 
 such Goods and Merchandize at one of his Majesties Chief Custom¬ 
 houses in England or in such of his Majesties Plantations where the 
 same shall be imported with the Collector or other Chief Officer of 
 the Customs there, upon Oath, and sign the same, of the Quantity 
 Quality and true Value of all such Goods and Merchandize as thev 
 are worth to be sold at the Place of Importation and pay the Duty 
 for the same as aforesaid; And the Collector or other Chief Officer of 
 his Majesties Custom-houses in England or in any of his Majesties 
 Plantations where every such Ship or Vessel shall arrive are and is 
 hereby impowred and required to take the Entries and Manifests and 
 administer the Oaths and take and receive the Duties aforesaid and 
 on Demand made by the Company or on their behalf to Pay the 
 same to the said Company or their Orders for the Uses afore directed 
 and shall render and deliver to the said Company or their Assigns a 
 
 true and fair Duplicate of all such Entries and Oaths made and signed 
 as aforesaid. 6 
 
 IX. Provided always, The said Collector or Officer shall deduct 
 for his or their Trouble Five Pounds for every Hundred Pounds for 
 all the Duties ariseing and to be received by vertue of this Act 
 excepting what Duty shall arise from the Exports and Imports of 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 426 
 
 the said Royal African Company, which shall be exempted from 
 the said Allowance Any thing in this Act contained to the contrary 
 thereof in any wise notwithstanding: And that the said Company and 
 their Successors shall give and render a particular Account in Writing 
 of all the Moneys by them received and also by their Exports and 
 Imports ariseing for the Duties aforesaid and how and in what 
 manner they have disposed and laid out the same yearly within 
 Three Months after the Expiration of every Year unto the Cursiter 
 Baron of the Court of Exchequer; and the said Cursiter Baron of the 
 Court of Exchequer is for the better Discovering the Truth of such 
 Account hereby impowred to examine such Person or Persons as they 
 judge necessary upon Oath touching the Articles or Particulars in 
 such Account expressed or as many of them as the said Cursiter Baron 
 of the Exchequer shall think fit: and that all Goods or Merchandizes 
 (Negroes excepted) which shall be brought from any Part of Africa 
 between Cape Blancho and Cape Mount aforesaid which shall be 
 unladen or landed before Entry made and signed and Oath of the 
 true and real Value thereof Made and the Duty paid as aforesaid 
 shall be forfeited or the Value thereof. 
 
 X. And for the True Performance of the Payments Duties and 
 Directions in this Act ordained; Be it further enacted by the Author¬ 
 ity aforesaid That every Ship or Vessel which shall contrary to the 
 true Intent and Meaning of this Act sail from any Port or Place in 
 England or from any of his Majesties Plantations or Colonies in 
 America to or for the Coast of Africa as aforesaid without being duly 
 entred, Oath made, and Bonde given, as herein before is directed shall 
 be forfeited, or the Value thereof, and every the Goods and Mer¬ 
 chandize which shall contrary to the true Intent and Meaning of this 
 Act be put on board any Ship or Vessel whatsoever sailing from 
 England or from any of His Majesties Plantations or Colonies in 
 America to the Coast of Africa as aforesaid before due Entry be 
 made of the said Goods and Merchandize and of the Value thereof 
 and the Duties paid for the same as is before directed, such Goods 
 and Merchandize shall be forfeited or the Value thereof and that 
 every Ship and Vessel and all and every the Goods and Merchandizes 
 therein or belonging or appertaining to any of his Majesties Subjects 
 that shall sail or be conveyed from any other Part or Place than from 
 England or his Miajesties Plantations and Colonies to the Coast of 
 Africa as aforesaid shall be Forfeited. 
 
 XI. And be it further enacted, That one third part of all or any 
 of the Forfeitures aforesaid, shall be to the Use of his Majestie, his 
 Heirs and Successors, One other third part to and for the Use of 
 the said Company and their Successors to be applyed for the Main¬ 
 tenance of the said Forts and Castles, and the other Third part to 
 
July ) i6q8 
 
 427 
 
 and for the Use and Benefit of him or them that shall inform 
 sue for the same. 
 
 and 
 
 XII. And be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That for the 
 recovering and obtaining all and every the Forfeitures and Penalties 
 y this Act inflicted it shal and may be lawfull to and for all and 
 every Person and Persons whatsoever to sue for the same or any 
 Part thereof in any of his Majesties Courts of Record of this King- 
 
 , 0r ^.?. r i ( l ? ? n Y Majesties Plantations or Colonies in America, 
 
 by Pill Plain Information or otherwise, wherein no Essoign, Wager 
 
 of Law or Protection shall be allowed, nor any more than one Im- 
 parlance. 
 
 xrn Provided nevertheless, That if any Ship or Vessel trading 
 to the Coast of Africa and the Goods exported therein shall be cast 
 away or otherwise lost or destroyed before such Ship or Vessel shall 
 arrive at her Port or Place of Delivery then the Proprietors or Ex¬ 
 porters of the said Goods and Merchandize in such Ship or Vessel 
 so lost or destroyed as aforesaid shall, upon their sending any other 
 
 •j ° r esse , 1 ° Coast of Africa be allowed so much as was 
 paid to the said Company for the Goods and Merchandize so lost 
 as aforesaid, Any thing herein before contained to the contrary hereof 
 in any wise notwithstanding. 
 
 XIV- Provided always and be it enacted by the Authority afore¬ 
 said i hat all Persons being the natural born Subjects of England 
 trading to the Coast of Africa as aforesaid and paying the Duties 
 by this Act imposed, shall have the same Protection Security and 
 Defence for their Persons Ships and Goods by from and in all the 
 said Forts and Castles and the like Freedom and Security for their 
 
 egotiations and Trade to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever as 
 the said Company their Agents Factors and Assigns and their Ships 
 and Goods have, may or shall have, and that all and every Person 
 and Persons trading to Africa and paying the Duties as aforesaid 
 may and are hereby impowred at their own Charge to Settle Factories 
 on any part of Africa within the Limits aforesaid according as they 
 s all judge necessary and convenient for the carrying on their Trade 
 without any Lett Hindrance or Molestation from the said Company 
 their Agents Factors or Assigns, and that all Persons not Members 
 of the said Company so trading and paying the said Duties as afore- 
 said shall, together with their Shipps and Goods, be free from all 
 Molestations Hindrances Restraints Arrests Seizures Penalties or 
 other Impositions whatsoever from the said Company, their 
 Agents Factors or Assigns, for or by reason of their so trading, Any 
 Charter Usage or Custom to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. 
 
 XV. Provided always and be it enacted by the Authority afore¬ 
 said, That if any Goods or Merchandizes which shall be exported 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 428 
 
 for the Coast of Africa and shall have paid the Duties due and pay¬ 
 able by this Act shall be brought back again to England or to any 
 of his Majesties Plantations it shall and may be lawful to export the 
 same Goods again for Africa without paying any Duty, Oath being 
 first made by Two credible Persons not having any Property in such 
 Goods that the same Goods have already upon their first Exportation 
 paid the Duty by this Act imposed, and a true Copy of the Entry of 
 such Goods made upon the former Exportation thereof being first 
 produced and attested upon Oath of Two Credible Persons as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 XVI. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That 
 all the Duties and Impositions ariseing and collected and paid by 
 virtue of this Act shall be and are hereby appropriated wholly to the 
 Maintenance of the Forts and Castles on the Coast of Africa and 
 now are and hereafter shal be in the Possession of the said Royal 
 African Company and for keeping them always in good condition and 
 well Repaired and for the providing Ammunition and all needful 
 warlike Stores and a sufficient Number of Soldiers to defend the 
 same and for paying the said Officers and Soldiers belonging to them 
 and to noe other use or purpose whatsoever, and that a just and true 
 account of the said Duties and laying out of the same for the Uses 
 above mentioned shall be kept in a Book or Books for that purpose 
 which Book or Books shall lye open at the African House scituate in 
 London to be perused at all seasonable times by all Persons trading 
 to Africa; and that an account shall be stated and made up yearly and 
 every Year at Mrchaelmas or within Twenty Days aftei and be 
 recorded in the Court of Exchequer. 
 
 XVII. Provided always and be it enacted and declared by the 
 Authority aforesaid, That no Duty imposed by this Act shall be Re¬ 
 quired levyed or collected in England or any of the Colonies afore¬ 
 said for any Gold or Silver imported from Africa but that the same 
 may be Landed without Entry or Declaration thereof, Any [thing] 
 in this Act contained to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. 
 
 XVIII. Provided always, That nothing contained in this Act shall 
 be interpreted to hinder or exclude any Person or Persons from Trad¬ 
 ing to that part of Africa commonly called Barbary extending South¬ 
 erly as far as Cape Blancho. 
 
 XIX. And whereas by an Act of Parliament made in the Fifth and 
 Sixth Years of the Reign of His present Majestie and the late Queen 
 Mary among other things it was enacted, That no other Copper than 
 what is made of English Oar only should be exported, which proving 
 very prejudicial to the Trade of England by enabling Foreigners to 
 export Copper much cheaper than it can be Carryed from England, 
 Be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid That it shall and may be 
 
429 
 
 July, i6q8 
 
 lawful, to and for any of His Majesties Subjects to export from 
 England all such Copper Barrs as hath or shall be imported into 
 England from foreign Parts and upon Exportation shall draw back 
 all Duties, or vacate the Securities, paying the half of the Old Subsidy, 
 as is usual in other Commodities. 
 
 XX. And be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no 
 Governor or Deputy Governor of any of his Majesties Colonies or 
 Plantations in America or His Majesties Judges in any Courts there 
 for the time being nor any other Person or Persons for the use or 
 on behalf of such Governor or Deputy Governor or Judges from and 
 after the Nine and twentieth Day of September One thousand six 
 hundred ninety eight shall be a Factor or Factors, Agent or Agents 
 for the said Company, or any other Person or Persons for the Sale 
 or Disposal of any Negroes and that every Person offending herein 
 shall Forfeit Five hundred pounds to the Uses aforesaid to be re¬ 
 covered in any of Mis Majesties Courts of Record at Westminster 
 by Action of Debt, Bill, Plaint or Information wherein no Essoign, 
 Protection, Privilege or Wager of Law shall be allowed nor any 
 more than one Imparlance. 2 
 
 Provided that this Act shall Continue and be in Force Thirteen 
 
 Years and from thence to the end of the next Sessions of Parliament 
 and no longer. 3 * * * * 8 
 
 2 “Since mine of 13 October the Act for settling the Royal African Company has 
 
 reached us, at the end whereof is a clause that no Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, nor 
 
 Judge in any Court shall be factors for them or for any others in the sale of negroes. 
 
 Ihis has put us m such disorder that I see nothing but that law and justice must 
 cease among us and therewith the King’s authority, if there be no officers to support it. 
 
 Several of them have resigned already, and the rest, when they please, will make it an 
 
 argument that they serve in those offices for no reward, and therefore not knowing 
 how soon their friends in England may consign them a ship of negroes, they will not 
 part with that which is a sure profit for that which is nothing but trouble and expense. 
 Besides it frightens them all that an information shall lie against them in Westminster 
 Hall, where any envious people may inform against them and judgment may be given 
 against them before they, know of it, which no man will hazard. . . . They [the 
 assembly] have also continued the duty on . . . exported negroes, though for eight 
 months only” (Dec. 5* 1698, Governor Beeston to the Board of Trade, Cal. St. P. Col., 
 1697-1698, pp. 567-568). Before replying to this the Board of Trade asked the opinions 
 of the agents of the plantations as to whether the clause had actually worked incon¬ 
 venience in the colonies. Cary, agent of Nevis, thought not. The agents of Barbados 
 expressed hearty approval of the clause: “when men in great authority are factors they 
 are apt to make use of their powers to promote the advantage of their employers. As 
 a matter of experience, when factors or agents of the African Company in Barbados 
 have been members of the .Council there, and one was Lieut.-Governor, the condition of 
 those who had dealings with them—in effect the whole island—was made much worse 
 and gave rise to complaints, which, we believe, was one reason for the Parliament’s 
 passing the said clause” {Cal. St. P. Col., 1699, pp. 456, 458). On Oct. 12 the Council 
 wrote to Beeston simply that the clause could be changed only by act of Parliament 
 and that the other plantations seemed to approve of it. Ibid., p. 461. 
 
 8 With the passing of this act private traders, who had been more or less restrained 
 up to this time, were able to enter into open competition on the African coast. Labat 
 writing of the effect of the change, said: 
 
 “It is scarce possible to conceive what a Number of English Vessels this Permission 
 brought to the Gambra, and what Confusion it occasioned in the Trade. Each Captain 
 out-bidding the other to get the sooner loaded, the Price of Negros at Jilfray rose to 
 
430 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 , 167. A Voyage to New Calabar, 1699. 1 
 
 The thirteenth of January 1698-9, we sail’d from the Downs. 
 
 Twenty fifth [February], we anchor’d before Sestro river; there 
 we staid till the twentieth of March, getting in wood, water, rice, 
 malaguette, fowls, and other refreshments and provisions, etc. . . . 
 
 Eighth [April], anchor’d before the Prussian fort, Great Fred- 
 ericksburgh, 2 at Tres-Pontas. 
 
 The Prussian general receiv’d us at his fort very civilly, but told 
 us, he had no occasion for any of our goods; the trade being every 
 where on that coast, at a stand, as well by reason of the vast number 
 of interlopers and other trading ships, as for the wars among the 
 natives, and especially that which the English and Dutch had 
 occasion’d on account of a black king the English had murder’d, which 
 must be the king of Commendo before mention’d in this supplement, 3 
 and that the armies had actually been in the field for eight months, 
 which stopt all the passes for merchants to come down to the forts, 
 
 forty Bars a head; so that the Mercadores or Mandingo Merchants would no longer 
 sell their Slaves either at Barakonda, or Guioches, to the French or English Company for 
 the usual Price of fifteen or seventeen Bars, but chose to come down the River, tempted 
 by the great Profits made, which sufficiently compensated their Trouble. By this 
 Means the Servants of the French and English Companies were forced to sit idle, and 
 wait patiently to see the Issue of this ruinous Commerce. Between January and June, 
 1698, these separate Traders exported no fewer than three thousand six hundred Slaves, 
 by which Means they overstocked the Country with more Goods than they could consume 
 in some Years. Nothing could be more imprudent than the Conduct of the English 
 Company, who had better have received nothing from the Parliament for the Reparation 
 of their Fort, than have accepted this Benevolence of Ten per Cent, on Conditions 
 wholly destructive to their Trade, as appears from the extravagant Rate to which the 
 Price of Slaves was risen. It was easy to see their Intention was to ruin the French 
 Company, without reflecting, that, while they hurt them but a little, they ruined them¬ 
 selves intirely.” Astley, Voyages and Travels, II. 78. 
 
 The effect of this legislation on the number of negroes sold in the West Indies was 
 immediately noticeable in Jamaica: 
 
 Barbados Jamaica Nevis 
 
 1698 . 477 3 i 3 
 
 1699 . 486 797 2I 7 
 
 In none of the three islands was there a noticeable drop in price; in Nevis there was 
 a marked increase, the average price in 1698 being <£21 is., in 1699, <£30 3 J * C. O. 388: 
 10, H 105. 
 
 £167] 1 “An Abstract of a Voyage to New Calabar River, or Rio Real, in the Year 
 1699, taken out of the Journal of Mr. James Barbot, Super-Cargo, and Part-Owner 
 with me, and other Adventurers of London, in the Albion-Trig ate, of 3 00 Tons and 24 
 Guns, a Ten per Cent. Ship”, “A Supplement to the Description of the Coasts of North 
 and South Guinea”, in Churchill, Voyages and Travels, V. 455-466. To the “Description 
 of Guinea” which Barbot had written in 1682 he added here all the information which 
 he could collect from correspondence and the accounts of travellers, and also an account 
 of a voyage made to New Calabar by his brother James in 1699, and one made to the 
 Congo by his nephew James in 1700 {ibid., V. 423). After John Barbot’s service on the 
 coast for the French company he apparently spent some time in London, as an independent 
 trader. Ten-per-cent, ships was the term applied to those ships not belonging to the 
 company, which paid a duty of ten per cent, for the privilege of trading on the coast, 
 according to the terms of the act of 1698. 
 
 “The Brandenburg Fort Friedrichsburg, about three miles east of Axim, was 
 built about 1682. It was described as “a handsome fortress, mounted with about forty 
 guns” and was said; to have the most beautiful gate on the coast. 
 
 3 Churchill, V. 441. 
 
i 6 q 9 
 
 43i 
 
 to trade; that it was expected there would be a battle speedily, be¬ 
 twixt them; that the Hollanders, a people very jealous of their com¬ 
 merce at the coast, were very studious to have the war carried on 
 among the blacks, to distract as long as possible the trade of other 
 Europeans, and to that effect were very ready to assist upon all 
 occasions the blacks, their allies, that they might beat their enemies, 
 and so the commerce fall into their hands. 
 
 On the tenth [April], a small Portuguese ship anchor’d by us, the 
 master a black said he had been but three weeks from St. Tome, and 
 that about three months before he saw there four tall French ships 
 coming from the coast of Guinea, loaded with slaves, mostly at Fida; 
 one of them commanded by Chr. Damou. Those ships were sent by 
 the. French king with a particular commission, to purchase slaves in 
 Guinea, to indemnify the freebooters of St. Domingo, for their pre¬ 
 tensions to the booty taken formerly at Cartagena by Mess, de 
 Pointis and du Casse, 4 in lieu of money; and thereby engage them to 
 leturn to St. Domingo, and push on their settlement there, which 
 they have abandon’d; it being agreed to sell them the slaves, at no 
 more, than two hundred and fifty livres, per each Indian piece at St. 
 Domingo, which accordingly has made them return to their settle¬ 
 ments there. Those ships had been forc’d to give near fifty crowns 
 
 a piece, 5 at Fida; slaves being then pretty thin at that place, and in 
 great demand. 
 
 The blacks there, through malice, had diverted the channel of the 
 fresh water ashore, to hinder us taking any, of which we complain’d 
 
 to the Prussian g'eneral, who thereupon gave orders to let us have 
 water. 
 
 He lent us some of his bricklayers, to set up our copper aboard, 6 for 
 our slaves before hand. 
 
 The Portuguese master begg’d our protection to convoy him safe 
 to cape Corso, in his way to Fida, fearing the Hollanders at Mina, 
 who, whenever they can, force all Portuguese ships to pay them a very 
 high toll, for the permission of trading at the coast. 
 
 We have abundance of our men sick, and several already dead, the 
 weather being intolerably scorching hot, and we can hardly get any 
 provisions for them, but a few goats very dear: we had from the 
 
 Portuguese, one goat, one hog, and seven chickens, for five akies 
 in gold. 
 
 4 Jean du Casse (1646-1713) was well acquainted with the African trade when 
 in 1691 or 1692, he was made governor of Santo Domingo, for he had visited the 
 African coast in the service of the French Admiralty, had been director of the French 
 Senegal Company, and a governor on the West Coast, where he contributed to the 
 prosperity of Arguin and Goree. 
 
 “The value of the French crown was about $1.10. 
 
 6 The large boiler used on board ship for cooking. It was customarily set ud 
 and repaired by bricklayers. H 
 
432 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 Here we perceiv’d that above an hundred pounds worth of horse- 
 beans, we had bought at London, for subsisting our slaves in the 
 voyage, were quite rotten and spoil’d, for want of being well stow’d 
 and look’d after ever since. 
 
 On the seventeenth of April, we were before Mina Castle and 
 found seven sail in the road, three or four of them tall ships; among 
 which two frigats, each of about thirty guns, and a hundred and 
 thirty men, cruizers at the coast; who had taken three interlopers of 
 Zealand, one of which carried thirty-six guns, who having made a 
 brave resistance, the commander was to be try’d for his life. One of 
 the frigats having been already two years at the coast, was ready to 
 return home, with a thousand marks of gold (pp. 455*45^) • • • • 
 
 We found no corn there [Cape Coast], every body telling us it 
 was very dear at the coast. 
 
 On the twenty-first [April], we set sail, saluting the castle with 
 seven guns, and anchor’d at Anamabou; where we purchas’d with 
 much trouble, and at a very dear rate, a quantity of Indian wheat, 
 and sold many perpets, and much powder: we paid three akies for 
 every chest of corn, which is excessive dear; but having lost all our 
 large stock of horse-beans, were forc’d to get corn at all rates. Here 
 the blacks put a great value upon perpets, in painted wrappers; oil¬ 
 cloths with gilt leads, with large painted arms of England. 
 
 The tenth [May], we sent the boat to Anischan, at east, for fewel; 
 and bought her loading of billets at three akies for each hundred, very 
 dear wood. . . . 
 
 The twenty-sixth, as we work’d our small bower aboard, both 
 cable and buoy-rope breaking, we were forc’d to sail, leaving the 
 anchor behind, which was hitch’d among the rocks at the bottom; 
 and having purchas’d sixty-five slaves along the Gold Coast, besides 
 gold and elephants teeth, saluted the three European forts, each 
 with nine guns; and steered east south-east, for four or five leagues, 
 then south-east by east for twenty-eight leagues, towards New 
 Calabar, to buy more slaves (p. 45b). . . . 
 
 [June 23]. 7 Our man reported, that the ship we could see within 
 the river was English, commanded by one Edwards, who had got his 
 complement of slaves, being five hundred, in three weeks time; and 
 was ready to sail for the West-Indies: and that he would spare us 
 an anchor of about eleven hundred weight, which rejoiced us much. 
 
 He reported farther, that as soon as the blacks could see our ship 
 off at sea, they immediately went up the river to buy slaves, besides 
 a hundred and fifty that were actually at Bandy town when he left 
 it; and that king William had assur’d him, he engag’d to furnish five 
 hundred slaves for our loading, all lusty and young. Upon which, we 
 
 7 The vessel reached Calabar June 18, but did not enter the river. Instead, the 
 longboat was sent up. 
 
i6gg 
 
 433 
 
 consulted aboard with the officers, and unanimously agreed to carry 
 up the ship, if possible, for the greater expedition (p. 458). . . . 
 
 On the twenty fifth [June] in the morning . . . we went ashore 
 also to compliment the king, and make him overtures of trade, but 
 he gave us to understand, he expected one bar of iron for each slave, 
 more than Edwards had paid for his; and also objected much against 
 our basons, tankards, yellow beads, and some other merchandize, as 
 of little or no demand there at that time. The twenty sixth, we had 
 a conference with the king and principal natives of the country, about 
 trade, which lasted from three a-clock till night, without any result, 
 they insisting to have thirteen bars of iron for a male, and ten for 
 a female slave; objecting that they were now scarce, because of the 
 many ships that had exported vast quantities of late. The king 
 treated us at supper, and we took leave of him. . . , 8 
 
 The thirtieth, being ashore, had a new conference, which produced 
 nothing, and then Pepprell, the king’s brother, made us a discourse, 
 as from the king, importing, He was sorry we would not accept of 
 his proposals; that it was not his fault, he having a great esteem and 
 regard for the Whites, who had much enriched him by trade. That 
 what he so earnestly insisted on thirteen bars for male, and ten for 
 female slaves, came from the country people holding up the price of 
 slaves at their inland markets, seeing so many large ships resort to 
 Bandy for them; but to moderate matters, and encourage trading with 
 us, he would be contented with thirteen bars for males, and nine bars 
 and two brass rings for females, etc. Upon which we offered thirteen 
 bars for men, and nine for women, and proportionably for boys and 
 girls, according to their ages; after this we parted, without con¬ 
 cluding any thing farther. 
 
 On the first of July, the king sent for us to come ashore, we staid 
 there till four in the afternoon, and concluded the trade on the terms 
 offered them the day before; the king promising to come the next day 
 aboard to regulate it, and be paid his duties. . . . 
 
 Our pinnace returned at night from Dony, brought a slave for ten 
 bars of iron and a pint tankard; and a cow and a calf, which cost a 
 hundred and fifty rings. 
 
 The second, heavy rain all the morning. At two a-clock we fetch’d 
 the king from shore, attended by all his caboceiros and officers, in 
 three large canoes; and entring the ship, was saluted with seven guns. 
 The king had on an old-fashion’d scarlet coat, laced with gold and 
 silver, very rusty, and a fine hat on his head, but bare-footed; all his 
 attendants showing great respect to him: and since our coming hither, 
 none of the natives have dared to come aboard of us, or sell the least 
 thing, till the king had adjusted the trade with us. 
 
 8 T hcy continued to higgle over prices on the 27th and 28th. On the 29th thev 
 did not go ashore. J 
 
434 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 We had again a long discourse with the king, and Pepprell his 
 brother, concerning the rates of our goods and his customs. This 
 Pepprell being a sharp blade, and a mighty talking black, perpetually 
 making sly objections against something or other, and teazing us for 
 this or that dassy, or present, as well as for drams, etc. it were to be 
 wish’d, that such a one as he were out of the way, to facilitate trade. 
 
 We fill’d them with drams of brandy and bowls of punch till night, 
 at such a rate, that they all, being about fourteen with the king, had 
 such loud clamorous tattling and discourses among themselves, as 
 were hardly to be endured. 
 
 Thus, with much patience, all our matters were adjusted indiffer¬ 
 ently, after their way, who are not very scrupulous to find excuses 
 or objections, for not keeping literally to any verbal contract; for 
 they have not the art of reading and writing, and therefore we are 
 forced to stand to their agreement, which often is no longer than they 
 think fit to hold it themselves. The king order’d the publick cryer to 
 proclaim the permission of trade with us; with the noise of his trum¬ 
 pets, being elephant’s teeth, made much after the same fashion, as 
 is used at the Gold Coast, we paying sixteen brass rings to the fellow 
 for his fee. The blacks objected much against our wrought pewter, 
 and tankards, green beads, and other goods, which they would not 
 accept of. 
 
 We gave the usual presents to the king and his officers; that is, 
 
 To the king a hat, a firelock, and nine bunches of beads, instead of 
 a coat. 
 
 To captain Forty, the king’s general, captain Pepprell, captain 
 Boileau, alderman Bougsby, my lord Willyby, duke of Monmouth, 
 drunken Henry, and some others, two firelocks, eight hats, nine nar¬ 
 row Guinea stuffs. 
 
 We adjusted with them the reduction of our merchandize into bars 
 of iron, as the standard coin, viz. 
 
 One bunch of beads, one bar. Four strings of rings, ten rings in 
 each, one ditto. Four copper bars, one ditto. One piece of narrow 
 Guinea stuff, one ditto. One piece broad Hamborough, one ditto. 
 One piece Nicanees, three ditto. Brass rings, ditto. And so pro 
 rata, for every other sort of goods. 
 
 The price of provisions and wood was also regulated. 
 
 Sixty king’s yams, one bar; one hundred and sixty slaves yams, one 
 bar; for fifty thousand yams to be deliver’d to us. A butt of water, 
 two rings. For the length of wood, seven bars, which is dear; but 
 they were to deliver it ready cut into our boat. For a goat, one bar. 
 A cow, ten or eight bars, according to its bigness. A hog, two bars. 
 A calf, eight bars. A jar of palm-oil one bar and a quarter. 
 
 We paid also the king’s duties in goods; five hundred slaves, to be 
 purchased at two copper rings a head. 
 
435 
 
 i6gg 
 
 We also advanced to the king, by way of loan, the value of a hun¬ 
 dred and fifty bars of iron, in sundry goods; and to his principal men, 
 
 and^ others, as much again, each in proportion of his quality and 
 ability. 
 
 To captain Forty, eighty bars. To another, forty. To others, 
 twenty each. 
 
 This we did, in order to repair forthwith to the inland markets, 
 to buy yams for greater expedition; they employing usually nine or 
 ten days in each journey up the country, in their long canoes up the 
 river (pp. 459 " 4 ^o). . . . 
 
 The fifth [August], the king sent aboard thirty slaves, men and 
 women; of which we pick’d nineteen, and returned him the rest. 
 
 # The sixth, the king came aboard with four slaves, which, with the 
 nineteen others of the day before, made twenty-three, for which we 
 paid him two hundred and forty seven bars, three of the women hav¬ 
 ing each a child. We allowed him for twenty four heads in specie, 
 a hundred and twelve bars, in Rangoes ten bars, in beads forty six 
 bars, in copper fifty one bars, and in Guinea stuffs twenty eight bars. 
 
 Thus from day to day, from this time to the twenty ninth of August 
 following, either by means of our armed sloop making several voy¬ 
 ages to New Calabar town, and to Dony, to purchase slaves and pro¬ 
 visions; and by the contract made with the king, and his people of 
 Bandy town, and circumjacent trading places; we had by degrees 
 aboard six hundred and forty eight slaves, of all sexes and ages, 
 including the sixty five we had purchased at the Gold Coast, ail very 
 fresh and sound, very few exceeding forty years of age; besides provi¬ 
 sions of yams, goats, hogs, fowls, wood and water, and some cows and 
 calves. As for fish, this river did not afford us any great quantity, 
 which was a great loss to us, being forced to subsist the ship’s crew 
 with fresh meat from land, at a great charge, it being here pretty 
 dear, and most of our salt meat being spent, and have but for three 
 months more of sea-biskit left in the bread-room. Several of our 
 sailors are tormented with cholicks, and some few dead (p. 460) , 9 
 
 168. The Factors of Cape Coast Castle to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 Cape Coast Castle, 5th March, 1699. 
 
 With submission to your honours, it is no wonder the 10 per cent, 
 men made voyages, when at the same time we have little or no busi- 
 
 9 On July 22 John Grazilhier, with the sloop, made a trading excursion along the 
 coast to New Calabar, gathering up slaves for the cargo. He returned to the ship on 
 July 31, with nearly ioo slaves. He took on a fresh cargo of trading goods, and repeated 
 his trip in August. At the same time Mr. Barbot was trading on other parts of the 
 coast. 
 
 [168] 1 Davenant, Works, V. 183-184. Chapter II. of Davenant’s “Reflections on the 
 African Trade” contains what evidence Davenant could collect on the abuses inflicted 
 
436 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 ness, which is customary in all parts of the world where ships resort to, 
 unless their cargoes are consigned to some factor, or others on shore; 
 for natives and inhabitants will never come to a factory or ship to 
 lay out their money, when they can b[u]y goods 30 per cent, cheaper 
 on board a ship than can be afforded in either of the former. The 10 
 per cent, men, for the most part, sold perpets at six ackeys each, and 
 so proportionably the rest of their merchandize. 
 
 169. Captain Matthew Wilson to the Royal 
 
 African Company. 1 
 
 King’s Town, Whidah, 26th June, 1699. 
 
 We arrived the 31st of May, having purchased 215 negroes. The 
 cargo, with what has been disposed of on the Gold-Coast, will fall 
 very short of our complement, the King playing tricks with us, as 
 likewise with other ships that are here. When we came to pay him, 
 he raised his price from his first agreement, being grown very haughty 
 and proud since Whidah has been attended with so many ships. 
 
 170. Negotiations between M. Andre Brue and Mr. Corker. 1 
 
 Memoir of Mr. Corker, November 10, i 6 gg. 
 
 I. That the French Company should enjoy the same Liberty of 
 Trade in the Gambia they had before the War, viz . the Right only 
 
 on the company by the separate traders on the Gold Coast. Those ten-per-cent, men or 
 separate traders, now allowed by the act of 1698 to trade on the coast after a payment 
 to the company, could no longer be described as interlopers. The factors signing this 
 letter were Nicholas Buckridge, Howsley Freeman, and Samuel Wallis. 
 
 [169] 1 Davenant, Works, V. 183. Capt. Wilson was master of the company’s vessel 
 Edward and William. 
 
 [170] 1 Astley, Voyages and Travels, II. 79. Astley’s account, taken from Labat’s 
 rendering of Brue’s papers, explains the negotiation between Brue and Corker by the 
 difficulties into which the company had been plunged by the act of 1698. In order to 
 meet the competition of the ten-per-cent, men Croker “established new Factories up the 
 Gambra, and at Jereja, where his Company had none before. He also made Settle¬ 
 ments at Joval and Portudali; and to bring over the Darnel, or King of Kayor, to the 
 English Interest, sent his Clerks with Goods to his Court, with Orders to sell them at 
 an under Value, and make exorbitant Presents to that greedy Prince; who, after 
 making them dance Attendance from Place to Place, as he had done before, sent them 
 away without a Payment, glad to escape in a whole Skin. Not content with this, General 
 Corker sold the Company’s Goods at as low a Price as the Interlopers; and by Force 
 hindered the French Company’s Ships from trading up the Gambra, stopping some of 
 their Vessels, and firing upon others, for sailing without his Passport. In a Word, he 
 shewed a great Enmity to the French on all Occasions. In the End, he discovered his 
 Error, and saw plainly, that the Consequence of the Parliament’s laying open the 
 Trade, would be the Ruin of the Company’s Affairs; and that the separate Traders, 
 selling their Goods at so low a Price, would spoil all Commerce on the Gambra. He 
 wrote to his Principals, that it was better to quit the Ten per cent, and repair Fort 
 William at their own Charges, than to be obliged at last to abandon it for want of 
 Trade. He resolved at the same Time to accomodate Matters with the Sieur Brue, 
 proposing an Agreement, by which the Price of Goods should be regulated between the 
 two Companies, who should unite to maintain their Trade to the Exclusion of Inter¬ 
 lopers, as soon as the English Parliament should repeal the Act of 1695 [1698] in their 
 favour. For this End he sent an Officer to the Sieur Brue, November 10, 1699, with his 
 Compliments, and to propose the Concordate, as set forth in the following Memoir.” 
 
November, i 6 gg 
 
 of trading to Albreda and Jereja [Joar ?]; and of having Factories 
 at those Places, to live in good Correspondence with the English 
 Company’s Servants as before. 
 
 That, as the English Company had always Settlements at Joal 
 
 and Portudali before the War, they should still enjoy the same 
 Privileges. 
 
 III. That the French Sloop of the Sieur Desnos being only stopped, 
 should be restored on the Sieur Brue’s Order: That this Seizure was 
 only made, because the said Desnos, under Pretence of going to 
 
 ^ hlka ^ t0 recover the French Company’s Debts, had carried on an 
 illicit I rade, and had the Insolence to insult the English General, by 
 threatening to destroy his Fort. 
 
 T? y kat ’i aS S ° man y Ships came yearly on Commission from 
 England to the Coast, it was at that Time impossible to settle a Tariff 
 for Slaves, but that it should be regulated as soon as the English 
 General received the Company’s Orders. 
 
 V. That the English Royal African Company were forbidden to 
 molest the separate Traders, who act by Authority from Parliament, 
 
 which requires the Company to aid and assist them as much as lies 
 in their Power. 
 
 Answer of M. Andre Brne. 
 
 I. That, by the Peace of Ryswick, it was agreed, the Conquest 
 made on either Side should be restored, and all Matters settled as 
 before the War broke out: That before the War the English Com¬ 
 pany s Trade was wholly confined to the Gambia, whereas that of 
 the French extended by Charter from Cape Blanco to the River of 
 Sierra Leona: That the French Company had always claimed a Right 
 to trade in the Gambia jointly with the English, having always held 
 Factories at Albreda and Jereja: That the French had certainly an 
 equal Right to trade up the Gambia with the Portugueze and English 
 Interlopers: That it was the mutual Interest of both the Companies 
 to unite in a Lee Trade; and to regulate a Tariff for their Goods, 
 which, by their Power, they might oblige the Negros to observe, who 
 could then no longer take Advantage of their Misunderstandings. 
 
 II. That the English Company’s Commerce being limited to the 
 Gambia, it was not reasonable to propose settling Factories at Joal 
 
 and Portudali, which was incroaching on the Rights of the French 
 Company. 
 
 III. That Sieur Brue hopes, from General Corker’s Equity, that he 
 will restore to the Sieur Marchand, the French Company’s Store¬ 
 keeper at Albreda, the Sloop and Effects seized-on trading up the 
 Gambia, according to the Inventory delivered by the said Marchand: 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 43 8 
 
 That with Regard to the Sieur Desnos, the Sieur Brue would have 
 done Mr. Corker the Justice due to his Character, if he had asked 
 it of him, and had already recalled Desnos to answer for his Conduct; 
 but he intreated for the future, that he would forbear violent 
 Methods, contrary to the Law of Nations, and which could only 
 serve to break the good Correspondence and Harmony he desired to 
 cultivate. 
 
 IV. That he earnestly wished the General would represent to his 
 Company the Necessity of fixing a Tariff for the Price of Slaves, 
 which should be the same for both Nations, and enjoining their 
 respective Officers to observe it. 
 
 V. That, with all Deference due to the English Parliament, he 
 would Venture to say, it was unjust to give a Liberty to separate 
 Traders to the Prejudice not only of the English Company, but the 
 French, whose Interests on this Occasion were the same. 
 
 The Sieur Brue concluded with exhorting Mr. Corker to write 
 pressingly to the Company, to use their Interests to suppress the 
 Licences of the separate Traders; assuring him, that he would write 
 to his Principals to unite in laying this Matter before the English 
 Parliament. 2 
 
 171. Description of the Coast of Guinea. 1 
 
 . . . Till within these two last years the chief factors of Mouree and 
 Cormantyn 2 had also the advantage of the slave trade of Fida and 
 Ardra, which turned to some account, and was indeed more ad¬ 
 vantageous to them than the gold trade; the commerce there being 
 at so low an ebb, that without the mentioned slave-traffick they could 
 not live up to the part which the dignity of their posts required, with¬ 
 out suffering by it. But since some ill-meaning men have prepossessed 
 
 2 Not long after this attempt to establish friendly relations between the two 
 companies on the basis of their common enmity to the ten-per-cent, traders, Corker was 
 recalled and his place was taken by Mr. Pinder. Active hostilities between France and 
 England for a time interrupted Brue’s attempted efforts at reconciliation, but in 1705 
 the companies reached at least a temporary agreement. See this work, vol. II., 1705. 
 
 [ I7I ] 1 A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, Divided into the 
 Gold, the Slave, and the Ivory Coasts, etc., “Written originally in Dutch by William 
 Bosman, Chief Factor for the Dutch West India Company at the Castle of St. George 
 d’Elmina. And now faithfully done into English.” The account was written in 1701, 
 the Dutch edition published in 1703, a French edition in I7°5> same year that the 
 first English version was published. William Bosman served the. Dutch W^est India 
 Company on the African coast, during which time he wrote a series of twenty letters 
 dealing with the history of European settlements on the coast, and desciibing native 
 customs. 
 
 2 Fort Nassau at Mouree had been the chief place of residence of the Dutch be¬ 
 fore they captured Elmina. The natives there were obliged to pay one-fifth of their cap¬ 
 tures of fish to the Dutch factors who governed the town. .The Dutch fort at Little 
 Cormantine, Fort Amsterdam, had been taken from the English by De Ruyter in 1665 
 (Bosman, ed. 1721, p. 51). Bosman concludes his description of the Dutch and English 
 forts on the Gold Coast by the statement that the two nations had there equal power, 
 that is, none at all. 
 
439 
 
 i6gg 
 
 the directors of the company in prejudice of them, by urging that by 
 t is means they became too rich; for which reason, they have thought 
 ht to entrust the slave trade to the masters of the ships, which they 
 send thither: the consequence of which time will discover; but for my 
 part I don t expect they will find it conduce much to their interest; 
 tor the commanders of ships, though very expert in all sea affairs, yet 
 being unacquainted with the negroes, will not be able to succeed very 
 
 T 6 : , 4, ld f S t la . t some of them are °f such a boorish nature, that 
 they hardly know how to preserve the honour of the company amongst 
 
 the negroes. I would not here be understood to speak of them all, for 
 there are several men of very good parts amongst them: but the dif¬ 
 ference occasioned by this new practice will clearly appear with respect 
 to the other Europeans trading hither; and I cannot believe it will 
 turn to the advantage of the company (pp. 96-97). . . 3 
 
 The remaining trade of these people consists in slaves; which are 
 also bought up by the mentioned negroes: but most of them are trans¬ 
 ported thence by the English, French and Portuguese ships. Some¬ 
 times the slave trade here proves very advantageous, especially about 
 the village Lay. J 
 
 It sometimes happens that when the in-land countries are at peace, 
 here are no slaves to be got: So that the trade of this place is utterly 
 uncertain; and it only serves to touch at in our passage this way, 
 without depending on any thing from it (p. 327). 
 
 The inhabitants of Popo, as well as those of Coto, depend on 
 plunder and the slave trade; in both of which they very much exceed 
 the latter; for being endowed with a much larger share of courage, 
 they rob more successively [successfully] and consequently by that 
 means encrease their trade: Notwithstanding all which, to fraight a 
 ship with slaves, requires some months attendance. 
 
 In the year 1697, in three days time I could get but three slaves; but 
 t ley assured me that if I would have patience for other three days 
 only, they should be able to deliver me one or two hundred. I seemed 
 to approve their proposal, but went on board under pretence of fetch¬ 
 ing some goods ashore which they desired, and immediately weighed 
 anchor and set sail for Fida; where I was informed that their incur¬ 
 sions succeeded so well, that they returned with above two hundred 
 
 slaves; which, for want of other ships, they were obliged to sell to the 
 Portuguese. 
 
 <21 Bos ™ an ’ s reference is to the inhabitants between Ponni and the River Volta on 
 the Slave Coast, a portion of the country which he calls Lampi. Part II., from which 
 the remaining selections are taken, is entitled, “A Description of the Slave Coast of 
 Guinea. To which is added a Just Representation of the Slave Trade, and a General 
 Account of the Slave Coast, the Country of Ardra: Together with-a Circular Tour made 
 by the Author m the Year 1698 to the Rio de Gabon, Cabo-Lope Z di Consalvez the 
 Islands of St. Thome and Annaboa and his Return to the Gold Coast”. ’ 6 
 
440 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 This nation is more than ordinary fraudulent and thievish. It is 
 their common practice to assure the merchant or factor that they have 
 a stock of slaves, only to draw him on shoar; which having done they 
 never part with him without having fleeced him, and besides detained 
 him several months. 
 
 The Portuguese are cheated by them more than any nation; not¬ 
 withstanding which they cannot avoid trading with them by reason 
 they are loaded with such sorry goods, that they can scarce get slaves 
 any where else. 
 
 In 1698, I found a Danish ship there, which was obliged to wait 
 a longer time to deal for five hundred slaves, than I spent in trading 
 for two thousand at Fida: during which time they met with such 
 ample proofs of their villanous nature, that I don’t believe any of 
 that nation will venture thither again. 
 
 A year or two before this, they dealt in the same manner with an 
 English ship, and besides cheated him of some of his goods; but he 
 coming thither again in my time, recovered his damages in the follow¬ 
 ing manner: As soon as he had dropt anchor before Popo, some of 
 the great men, amongst whom was the king’s son, came on board him; 
 all which he clapt in the Bilboa’s: from whence he did not discharge 
 them till he was first re-imbursed and had obliged them to pay a summ 
 besides. 
 
 In the reign of this king’s brother, this nation was more easily 
 dealt with, for when he had done his business, he would not suffer his 
 subjects to impose on the Europeans. In his time one of our com¬ 
 panies ships in eleven days dealt for above five hundred slaves; but 
 that is not what is likely to happen again: For that nation is at 
 present so fraudulent, that undeniably every person that deals with 
 them must be more or less cheated (pp. 333*335 )• • • • 
 
 They 4 are so diligent in the slave trade, that they are able to deliver 
 one thousand slaves every month, if there are no ships at Jakin, 
 which is subordinate to great Ardra, and situate but three miles below 
 Fida; which makes a very sensible alteration; for the King of Great 
 Ardra, through whose territories most of the slaves are obliged to 
 pass, when the ships are there, to favour his own subjects, very com¬ 
 monly shuts up all the passes to Fida by a very strict prohibition; upon 
 which his subjects are obliged to deal by stealth with those of Fida 
 (against whose king he is an irreconcilable enemy) which yet they 
 continually do, seeming not much concerned at their king’s disputes. 
 Notwithstanding which, trade doth not flourish so well as when the 
 King of Ardra leaves commerce open betwixt his subjects and those 
 of Fida (pp. 343-344). . . . 
 
 4 The natives of Whydah. 
 
44i 
 
 ^ollanders were in my time extraordinary well treated here 
 [YVhydah], for the king provided them better than all other nations, 
 - requently sent them a double portion; but since the captains of 
 ships have managed the trade here, I am informed our nation is 
 treated by the king with very small distinction; for which these 
 masters o s ips are solely to blame; for they being utterly ignorant 
 o t e manners of the people, don t know how to treat them with that 
 ecency w ich they require; and the natives here being very judicious, 
 have doubtless lessened their former esteem for them: Upon which 
 ground I dare prophetically averr, that they will certainlv ruine the 
 slave trade here, and so manage it that every body shall be obliged 
 
 having touched on this 
 su ject in the seventh letter, I shall quit it at present; as also that I 
 
 may not anger the sailors, who fancy they understand the slave trade 
 as well as we our selves: But since I have so often mentioned that 
 commerce, I shall describe how it is managed by our factors here. 
 
 . The ^ rst business of one of our factors when he comes to Fida, 
 is to satisfie the customs of the king and the great men, which amounts 
 to about ioo pounds in Guinea value, as the goods must yield there. 
 After which we have free licence to trade, which is published through¬ 
 out the whole land by the cryer. 
 
 But yet before we can deal with any person, we are obliged to buy 
 the king’s whole stock of slaves at a set price; which is commonly one 
 third or one fourth higher than ordinary. After which we obtain 
 free leave to deal with all his subjects of what rank soever. But if 
 there happen to be no stock of slaves, the factor must then resolve to 
 run the risque of trusting the inhabitants with goods to the value of 
 one or two hundred slaves; which commodities they send into the in¬ 
 land country, in order to buy with them slaves at all markets, and 
 that sometimes two hundred miles deep in the country: For you ought 
 
 to be informed that markets of men are here kept in the same manner 
 as those of beasts with us. 
 
 Not a few in our country fondly imagine that parents here sell their 
 children, men their wives, and one brother the other: but those who 
 think so deceive themselves; for this never happens on any other 
 account but that of necessity, or some great crime. But most of the 
 
 slaves that are offered to us are prisoners of war, which are sold by the 
 victors as their booty. 
 
 When these slaves come to Fida, they are put in prison all together, 
 and when we treat concerning buying them, they are all brought out 
 together in a large plain; where, by our chirurgeons, whose province 
 it is, they are throughly examined, even to the smallest member, and 
 that naked too both men and women, without the least distinction or 
 modesty. Those which are approved as good are set on one side; 
 
442 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 and the lame and faulty are set by as invalides, which are here called 
 mackrons. These are such as are above five and thirty years old, or 
 are maimed in the arms, legs, hands, or feet, have lost a tooth, are 
 grey-haired, or have films over their eyes; as well as all those which 
 are affected with any veneral distemper, or with several other diseases. 
 
 The invalides and the maimed being thrown out, as I have told 
 you, the remainder are numbred, and it is entred who delivered them. 
 In the mean while a burning iron, with the arms or name of the com¬ 
 panies, lyes in the fire; with which ours are marked on the breast. 
 
 This is done that we may distinguish them from the slaves of the 
 English, French or others; (which are also marked with their mark) 
 and to prevent the negroes exchanging them for worse; at which they 
 have a good hand. 
 
 I doubt not but this trade seems very barbarous to you, but since 
 it is followed by meer necessity it must go on; but we yet take all 
 possible care that they are not burned too hard, especially the women, 
 
 who are more tender than the men. 
 
 We are seldom long detained in the buying of these slaves, because 
 their price is established, the women being one fourth or fifth part 
 cheaper than the men. The disputes which we generally have with 
 the owners of these slaves are, that we will not give them such goods 
 as they ask for. them, especially the boesies (as I have told you, the 
 money of this country;) of which they are very fond, though we gen¬ 
 erally make a division on this head in order to make one sort of goods 
 help off another, because those slaves which are paid for in boesies 
 cost the company one half more than those bought with other goods. 
 
 The price of a slave is commonly— 
 
 When we have agreed with the owners of the slaves, they are re¬ 
 turned to their prison; where from that time forwards they are kept 
 at our charge, cost us two pence a day a slave; which serves to subsist 
 them, like our criminals, on bread and water: So that to save charges 
 we send them on board our ships with the very first opportunity; 
 before which their masters strip them of all they have on their backs; 
 so that they come aboard stark-naked as well women as men: in which 
 condition they are obliged to continue, if the master of the Ship is not 
 so charitable (which he commonly is) as to bestow something on them 
 to cover their nakedness. 
 
 You would really wonder to see how these slaves live on board; 
 for though their number sometimes amounts to six or seven hundred, 
 yet by the careful management of our masters of ships, they are so 
 regulated that it seems incredible: And in this particular our nation 
 exceeds all other Europeans; for as the French, Portuguese and Eng¬ 
 lish slave-ships, are always foul and stinking; on the contrary ours are 
 for the most part clean and neat. 
 
443 
 
 i6gg 
 
 The slaves are fed three times a day with indifferent good victuals, 
 and much better than they eat in their own country. Their lodging- 
 place is divided into two parts; one of which is appointed for the 
 men the other for the women; each sex being kept a-part: Here they 
 lye as close together as is possible for them to be crowded. 
 
 We are sometimes sufficiently plagued with a parcel of slaves, which 
 come from a far in-land country, who very innocently persuade one 
 
 another, that we buy them only to fatten and afterwards eat them as 
 a delicacy. 
 
 When we are so unhappy as to be pestered with many of this sort, 
 they resolve and agree together (and bring over the rest of their 
 party) to run away from the ship, kill the Europeans, and set the 
 vessel a-shore; by which means they design to free themselves from 
 being our food. 
 
 I have twice met with this misfortune; and the first time proved 
 very unlucky to me, I not in the least suspecting it; but the up roar was 
 timely quashed by the master of the ship and my self, by causing the 
 abettor to be shot through the head, after which all was quiet. 
 
 But the second time it fell heavier on another ship, and that chiefly 
 by the carelessness of the master, who having fished up the anchor 
 of a departed English ship, had laid it in the hold where the male 
 slaves were lodged; who, unknown to any of the ships crew, possessed 
 themselves of a hammer; with which, in a short time, they broke all 
 their fetters in pieces upon the anchor: after this they came above deck 
 and fell upon our men; some of whom they grievously wounded, and 
 would certainly have mastered the ship, if a French and English ship 
 had not very fortunately happened to lye by us; who perceiving by 
 our firing a distress’d-gun, that something was in disorder on board, 
 immediately came to our assistance with chalops and men, and drove 
 the slaves under deck: Notwithstanding which before all was appeased 
 about twenty of them were killed. 
 
 The Portuguese have been more unlucky in this particular than we; 
 for in four years time they lost four ships in this manner (pp. 363- 
 
 365). . . . 
 
 For which reason 0 one barren year occasions an incredible famine 
 here; and sometimes free-men here have sold themselves for victuals; 
 others set their slaves free, perfectly discharging them of their slavery,' 
 because they could not keep them in victuals. An English ship, which 
 was here at that time, got his whole shipfull of slaves, without parting 
 with any other merchandize than victuals, with which he very luckily 
 had abundantly provided himself. 
 
 5 The reason was that the surplus of grain raised at Whydah was sold each sea¬ 
 son, rather than stored for the future. 
 
444 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 When he had fill’d- his ship full of slaves, he went to the Portuguese 
 islands, where he afresh stor’d himself with provisions for his goods 
 
 (PP- 39 1 " 39 2 )• • • • 
 
 All sorts of ships, which have been to fetch slaves, touch here or 
 at the other Portuguese islands in order to take in refreshments, except 
 only our company’s vessels, which avoid it (I believe) out of a ground¬ 
 less jealousie, that when our masters of vessels come to these islands, 
 they should drive a clandestine trade to the prejudice of our company; 
 but in reality at Annaboa, the chief of these isles, nothing else is to be 
 gotten but bare refreshments as well for our own people as the slaves: 
 And of what assistance and advantage this would be to our company, 
 
 1 leave to those who have experienc’d it only to determine. 
 
 It is morally certain, that so many of the slaves w T ould not sicken 
 and dye, if they w r ere sometimes furnished with refreshments. But the 
 directors of the company are otherwise informed, on what grounds I 
 know not. But perhaps the reason why our vessels do not touch 
 here, may be either unknown or unfit to be known by me; and leaving 
 it so I come to Rio de Gabon (p. 400). . . . 
 
 172. Petition of Merchants trading to Africa and the 
 
 Plantations. 1 
 
 February 17, 1700. 
 
 In carrying on the trade to Africa to purchase gold and other com¬ 
 modities, and to procure negroes for the Plantations, several sorts 
 of East India manufactures are exported. The certificate by the 
 chief magistrate of the goods having been landed, required by clause 
 
 2 of the Bill, cannot be procured on the coast of Africa, where the 
 trade is carried on by boats coming off from the shore with gold, ele¬ 
 phants’ teeth and negroes, and taking our commodities in exchange. 
 In many places for several hundred miles there are no English mer¬ 
 chants residing, nor any chief magistrate under whose seal such certifi¬ 
 cate can be procured. Pray they may be under no greater difficulties 
 in their trade, which is so beneficial to this nation, than according to 
 the method now practised at the Custom House, whereby Petitioners 
 are obliged to make oath that the foreign goods they export shall 
 not be landed again in England. 
 
 e Principe (Prince’s Island), one of the three Portuguese islands. 
 
 [172] 1 MSS. H. of L., IV. 94. “Signed by John Brown and 38 other persons. Endorsed 
 as read this day and rejected. MS. Min. No entry in the L. J.’ The petition was 
 presented in connection w T ith a bill for the encouragement of manufacturing, which pro¬ 
 hibited the use of the East India silks and calicoes. Lords Journals, XVI. 519. 
 
June, iyoo 445 
 
 1 73 - The Factors at Gambia to the Royal African Company. 1 
 
 Gambia, March 4, 1700. 
 
 . . . The whole trade of the river is in the hands of the ten per 
 cent, ships, who are here at present, seven in number, some from 
 arolina, and the rest from England, who daily encrease the price of 
 slaves in this river, which is very prejudicial to your interest. 2 Before 
 Mr. Gresham’s decease, our factory at Joally was insulted by the 
 mg, who seized 7 or boo bars cargo, upon account of one slave taken 
 away from him unpaid for, by one Captain Smith, a ten per cent, ship 
 trading in this port, and then bound to the river for further trade; 
 which slave being afterwards returned by Mr. Gresham, yet denied 
 the return of our goods: so that we stand in fear of settling a factory 
 there, which is a considerable loss to your honours, it being the chiefest 
 support to the fort we had hereabouts. . . . 
 
 * 74 - The Board of Trade to the King. 1 
 
 June 28, 1700. 
 
 In obedience to your Order in Council, June 13, we have considered 
 the petition of William Bird, etc., and humbly report that the William 
 and Jane ~ was belonging to your Majesty’s subjects and had licence 
 
 u H /orks > V - 1 75 ~^ 7 6 - The factors were Nathan Piles, Thomas Rayner, 
 
 and Richard Oakley. 
 
 2 Complaints were already coming from the plantations, though the act opening 
 the trade had been in force but two years. On Jan. 5, 1700, Sir William Beeston, 
 governor of Jamaica, wrote to the Board of Trade: “Another fatal thing to the settling 
 and increasing these Plantations is the merchants of London have never left soliciting 
 against the Royal Company under pretence they would supply negroes more plentiful 
 and cheap, till they have gotten them out and themselves in, and whereas the Royal 
 Company usually supplied negroes at £ 22 and £24 per head and gave 6, 8, and 12 
 
 months credit now the Merchants sell for £34 per head and give no credit at all.” 
 Lai. 0/. F. Lol., 1700, p. 19. 
 
 [ J 74 ] Cal. St. P. Col., 1700, p. 386, enclosed in a letter from the Board of Trade 
 to James Vernon, secretary of state, with the request that since it concerned the general 
 subject of English trade it be laid before the king. The Council had reported to the 
 king on June 12 that it had examined the two complaints contained in a memorial 
 from the French ambassador: (1) that the English attempt to trade in the River 
 Senegal, which is French territory; (2) that they obstruct French trade in the Gambia. 
 
 I e English company denied the first; as to the second, it contended that the trade up 
 the Gambia belonged solely to the English. The Council, having heard these state¬ 
 ments,. expressed the opinion that the French should refrain from trading in the 
 Gambia, and that the trade along the coast should be kept free and common to both 
 nations. Ibid., p. 336; see also p. 352. 
 
 J The specific case which had brought this matter up was that of the IVilliam 
 and Jane, a ten-per-cent, or licensed ship trading for negroes at Portudal, which had 
 been seized by the French Mar. 1, 1699, and condemned as prize by the French 
 Admiralty. The English, unwilling to accept exclusion from this part of the coast or 
 to resign hopes of restitution for this vessel, protested, and a long diplomatic correspond¬ 
 ence followed. In response to a request from the owners of the vessel, William Bird 
 and others, the Lords Commissioners of Trade undertook to examine the English con¬ 
 tention that the vessel was pursuing a lawful trade {Cal. St. P. Col., 1700, pp. 338-339 
 346). After examining the reasons put forward by the French Senegal Company for 
 seizing the ship and the answer of the Royal African' Company, the board sent to the 
 king the representation printed here. 
 
446 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 from the African Company according to the late Act of Parliament, 
 and in pursuance of her lawful voyage was trading for negroes at or 
 about Porta Dally 3 on the coast of Africa, but was violently assaulted 
 and taken by some French, since owned therein by the French Senegal 
 Company, brought into France and condemned as prize. Upon appli¬ 
 cation of the owners to the African Company touching the right of 
 your Majesty’s subjects to trade on the said coast of Guinea, the 
 Company answer that by their charter and by their customary trad¬ 
 ing, they have and always had right to trade in the countries of Porta 
 Dally and Joally, having frequently, and as often as they found it 
 [to] their interest, traded considerably thereto with their vessels with¬ 
 out molestation from any persons whatsoever, except in times of war, 
 and except two vessels seized upon by the French in Porta Dally, 1680, 
 1681, and carried to Goree, but were afterwards by them released and 
 full satisfaction made to the Company for the same. The French 
 Ambassador’s Memorial, communicated to us by the Rt. Hon. the 
 Earl of Jersey, Jan. 16 last, owns the right of the English to trade 
 along the coast, and propose(s) that the English and French should 
 unite to exclude the Dutch from interloping there. 4 The coast of 
 Africa supplies great numbers of negroes for your Majesty’s Planta¬ 
 tions, and especially of that sort which are most fitting for your 
 Majesty’s Colony of Virginia. Whereupon we are humbly of opinion 
 that your Majesty may be graciously pleased to insist upon the resti¬ 
 tution of the said ship and damages, and to give such orders as your 
 Majesty shall think fit to prevent the like violence on your Majesty’s 
 subjects for the time to come;’ 
 
 175. James Vernon to the Earl of Manchester. 1 
 
 Whitehall, July 8/19, 1700. 
 
 My Lord, . . . The French Ambassador staid a Day or two after 
 him [King William], but he embarked yesterday in the River. Before 
 
 3 Portudal. 
 
 4 “The French Company of Senegal complain that the English Company estab¬ 
 lished in the River Gambia, far from being grateful for the care with which they have 
 executed the Treaty of Ryswick, by giving back the Fort they had taken from the English 
 during the last war, and from uniting with them as their interests demand against the in¬ 
 terloping Dutch, try to stop the French Company from entering the River Gambia, though 
 the French have alwa)^ had the right of entry and also had a habitation on the banks 
 of this river. The English Company wishes to trade in the River Senegal, where they 
 have never had a station. The two companies would have come to blows if the French 
 had not hoped to obtain justice in Europe. I beg the Earl of Jersey to send orders to 
 the English Company to restore things to the footing on which they were before the 
 war.” Signed, Tallard (Cal. St. P. Col., 1700, p. 30). Camille Tallard, marquis 
 de Baume d’Hostun, was French ambassador to England 1698-1700. 
 
 6 The next day the Privy Council referred to the Board of Trade the papers 
 relating to the seizure. The board asked for proofs that the vessel had a right to trade 
 at the place where it was seized. See the “Reasonsi of the Senegal Company for con¬ 
 fiscating the William and Jane”, and the “Reply to the above”, ibid., 1700, pp. 338-339, 
 346 ' 
 
 C 1 7 53 1 Memoirs of Affairs of State: containing Letters, ‘written by Ministers employed 
 in Foreign Negotiations from the Year 169J to the latter End of IJ08, published by 
 
447 
 
 July } iyoo 
 
 fie wenc, I spoke to him about a Ship called the William and Jane 
 which was seized by the French trading to Port Dally or Joally, on the 
 Coast of Africa, between the River Senegal and Gambia. I know your 
 xcellency has sollicited the Restitution of it, but without effect hith¬ 
 erto, it having been referred to the Commission of Trade. I inclose 
 eir Report, which has been laid before His Majesty, and by His 
 ommand I spoke to the French Ambassador, that he would procure 
 Right to be done us He has promised, that he would represent the 
 Case as strongly as he could; how he will have performed it, your 
 xcellency will best judge. I desired him to consider, that there is a 
 Concern of seven Thousand Pound: that our trading on that Coast 
 was never questioned but once before, two Ships being then seized 
 by the French, but upon our Complaint they were both released, and 
 full Satisfaction was given. I hope they are as well disposed to do 
 us Justice now, and that the good Understanding between us may not 
 only appear by the late Treaty, 2 but by all other Acts of Friendship, 
 and a mutual good Treatment of the Subjects on both sides. I hope 
 the Count de TaHaM does us that Right to let it be understood, with 
 w at Readiness all Dispatch is given to whatever he has to sollicit. 
 
 176. Earl of Manchester to James Vernon. 1 
 
 Paris, July 24, 1700. 
 
 Sir I Was in hopes not to have heard any more of the Ship William 
 an ane since l cannot see any likelihood of Success, and whatever 
 ount 1 allard has promised, he will do it in such a manner that we 
 cannot expect much good from it. Mr. Stanyan 2 is acquainted with 
 the whole matter, and I must also refer you to the Papers, which I 
 sent to Lord Jersey, where you will see I have not been wanting to 
 press it as far as it was possible. I should be glad nevertheless to 
 have a Copy of Mons. de Tallard’s Memorial of the 16th of Janu- 
 ary last, wherein he owns the Right the English have to trade on that 
 Coast, which they absolutely deny here. And as for the two Ships that 
 
 Chns tia n c °l e E sq some time Resident at Venice (London, 1733), p. 168 The Earl 
 
 E.,^%”? had but recently arrived in Paris as ambassador,' Wiring the place of the 
 
 Earl of Jersey, who returned to England to become Secretary of State for the Southern 
 
 Department, an office which he resigned in June for that of Lord Chamberlain The 
 
 later correspondence was with James Vernon, commissioner of prizes 1693-170'.; and 
 
 from May 2 to Nov. 5, 1700 sole Secretary of State. Manchester had Sn to 
 
 F Se ^u ^ a> t 2 ’ r J: por . ting A t ^ a . t he had endeavored to induce M. de Torcy the 
 
 ^ re ^ h 7/^ iniSte i 7 f ° r Fore . lgn Affairs > to reverse the French judgment which declared 
 the William and Jane a prize, but in vain. Ibid., p. 130. aeciared 
 
 2 England had signed the second partition treaty, to which reference is here 
 made, on June n, 1699, the other nations in the months following. 
 
 L i 76J Cole, Historical Memoirs, pp. 171-172. 
 
 2 Abraham Stanyan, in 1699 appointed clerk to the Council extraordinary In 
 1702 he became secretary to the Earl of Manchester. -ordinary. in 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 448 
 
 were released, they never were brought into France, neither could we 
 learn the Names of them. The African Company 3 here is supported 
 by the greatest Men at Court, and it is easy enough to find Argu¬ 
 ments for a Case the French have ever disputed, and as yet it is not 
 settled; and I am of opinion, that when they have not taken our Ships, 
 the Reason always was, that they were too strong for them, as this 
 very Ship was, had she not been surprised, very able to defend her¬ 
 self. I will see what effect Mons. de Tallard’s writing will have, and 
 I will continue to do what I can in it. I do remember that the last 
 time I spoke of it, I shewed Mons. de Torcy the ill Consequences that 
 this might have on another occasion, since it would be a warning for 
 our Ships to defend themselves; that what was our Case now, might be 
 theirs another time. All the Answer he made me was, that if so, it 
 would only be a Dispute between this Company and that of England, 
 and could not engage the Crowns. I told him, I wished it did not, and 
 that he would agree that all the ways should be taken to prevent it. 
 To repeat the many Arguments we had upon that Subject, would be 
 
 endless. . . . 
 
 177. James Vernon to the Earl of Manchester. 1 
 
 Whitehall, July 18, 1700. O. S. 
 
 My Lord , ... I have Directions from the Lords Justices to send 
 you the inclosed Petition and to desire you will procure the Petitioners 
 what Relief you can. This seems to be the same Case with the 
 William and Jane. The Ship 2 has been seized in or near the same 
 place, on the Coast of Africa, upon the same Pretence of being an 
 unlawful Trader, and confiscated to the Senegal Company. I sup¬ 
 pose they intend to proceed against her in the same manner, in some 
 Court of Admiralty; for I suppose the Company has not that Privi¬ 
 lege, by their Charter, to sei^e what Ships they please, and convert 
 them to their own use without Process, or giving the Owners an 
 Opportunity to defend their Rights. If Judgment be given, I think it 
 adviseable, that an Appeal be brought in both Cases according to the 
 Treaty. Thus our Right may, upon so solemn a hearing, be either 
 asserted or given up: for otherwise the Consequence, your Excellency 
 foresees, will be unavoidable, that People must be left to a lawless 
 State on that Coast, and he that is strongest must have the Tiade; 
 
 3 The Senegal Company of France, created in 1696. For an account of this 
 company see introduction, p. 96. 
 
 [177] 1 Cole, Memoirs, pp. 174-175. On July 28 Manchester wrote to James Vernon 
 that he understood that the ship under consideration had already been condemned. It 
 had been brought into France as a prize, the French declaring that the English had 
 no right to trade on the coast. Ibid., pp. 173-174. 
 
 2 Doubtless the St. George, mentioned by name later. 
 
July , lyoo 
 
 449 
 
 and when such a Hearing is ordered, our African Company will think 
 "t *° con( j ern themselves a little more than they are said to have done 
 hitherto for those that are Permission-Ships 3 tho’ they have all the 
 Kight to that Trade by Act of Parliament that the Company can have, 
 paying them that states Allowance for their Licence. Yet as the 
 Company opposed their being admitted into this Privilege, while the 
 Act was passing, so the Merchants think they are careless what 
 becomes of their Ships, provided their own be secured. But when the 
 
 oint of Right must come to be determined, they will consider how 
 
 ar they are concerned in it, and I don’t accuse them that they have 
 
 hitherto been wanting herein. But I give this hint, by what I have 
 
 gathered from the Persons, who came to me about the William and 
 J an e. 
 
 I send your Excellency the Copy of Mons. Tallard’s Memorial, 
 w'hich you writ for. I take notice of an Expression in it, which says 
 the English and French Companies ought to join, and drive the Dutch 
 nterlopers from the Coast. I take the meaning of it to be, that all 
 hhips, which do not belong to one or other of those Companies, ought 
 to be treated as Interlopers: 4 but that is giving a very wrong name to 
 Ships that trade thither under an Act of Parliament, which are now 
 admitted to the said Freedom of Trade that the Company has. The 
 Act of Parliament was made for the good of our Plantations, that they 
 may be furnished with Negroes in greater plenty, and at a cheaper 
 rate by the Merchants supplying them, upon paying an Acknowledge¬ 
 ment to the Company, or fetching them in their own Ships; and if these 
 are to be looked upon as Interlopers, and be confiscated, whenever 
 they are overpowered, the Act is made insignificant, and the Planta¬ 
 tions will be put into a worse Condition than they were before. Since 
 this Controversy is likely often to recur, and being a matter of such 
 consequence, I think it ought to pass through all its Forms; and the 
 rather, since the Senegal Company is so befriended at Court. Tryal 
 ought to be made how far it influences in Judgment. When a final 
 
 Sentence is given, His Majesty must consider whether His Subjects 
 must acquiesce in it. . . . 5 
 
 3 The ten-per-cent, ships. 
 
 V. „ in the wording of the French memorial as we have it explains why 
 
 Vernon should have thought the term “Dutch interlopers” applied to separate traders 
 of a 1 nations. It is true however that Brue, and probably the French Company as a 
 whole, were bitterly opposed to the English ten-per-cent, ships and would gladly have 
 driven them from the coast had it been possible. 
 
 5 On July 25, 1700, O. S., Vernon wrote to Manchester: “I shall forbear saying: anv 
 more concerning our ships, that have been seized on the Coast of Guinea ’till I see in 
 what the African Company justify their Right to that Trade. I asked Mr. Prior, whether 
 the Case of the William and Jane had undergone an Appeal. He thinks it has not 
 but it rests upon the Sentence given in the inferiour Court. He is of your Lordshin’s 
 opinion, that a Review of the sentence will have little effect; and the rather, since 
 Mons. Ponchartrain will preside, when the appeal comes to be heard, who he hears 
 is very much interested in that Company: but I think that Reason should not ’discourage 
 
450 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 178. Earl of Manchester to James Vernon . 1 
 
 Paris, August 4, 1700. 
 
 Sir I Have yours of the 18th of July, O. S. with a Petition of one 
 Daniel Johnson 2 taken on the Coast of Africa. It is certainly t e 
 same Case as that of the William and Jane. I have inclosed the 
 Reasons, which the Senegal Company gave for condemning her as a 
 Prize, and Mr. Prior 3 can give you the whole Proceedings. I tear 
 this will have the like Fate: nevertheless I do intend to give in a 
 Memorial. I cannot tell by the Petition, whether the Ship was 
 brought to Havre de Grace, or sold where it was taken. Besides, the 
 Master should, on his landing, have made a Complaint to the Admir¬ 
 alty Court there, and entered his Depositions; and if he had not there 
 Justice done, he might appeal, as may also the Persons concerned in 
 the William and Jane, if they please: but then they must send some 
 Person to follow it at Havre de Grace, or at the Admiralty of that 
 Province. All I can do is to assist them at Court, for generally the 
 Proceedings are not at Paris; besides, there is a considerable Expence, 
 which I suppose they cannot expect I should be at, and great Atten¬ 
 dance. I do own, that if we ever had a Right to trade on the Coast, 
 it ought to be settled if possible; but you will see by the Papers in¬ 
 closed, that they say we have none, and by their Charter, etc. this 
 King has granted them this Coast of Portudal, exclusive of all Persons 
 whatsoever. So that, if this be Matter of Fact, there is no doubt, 
 but upon the Senegal Company’s producing this, they will have Judg- 
 ment for them in all the Courts of France. I take it, tnat it does 
 concern very much our African Company to take care of this Matter, 
 in case they would preserve this Trade: but I am rather of opinion, 
 they do not intend it, and as much as I can see, they have very seldom 
 traded there; and as for the River of Gambia, the French do not dis¬ 
 pute our Right. The Extract of Count Tallard’s Memorial is a 
 Complaint in those Parts, and has no relation to the Coast of Portu¬ 
 dal. I should be glad to know if any of our African Company’s Ships 
 do trade on that Coast; and if so, whether they have not Leave of 
 the Senegal Company here or if their Ships are taken, etc. I thought 
 
 any from bringing an Appeal. An interested Man does not always care to appear so 
 in publick Judicature: but there his Reputation is a Counter Ballance to his Interest, 
 which will help to keep off a determination against a well-grounded Title. If our 
 Company are not well assured they have such a one, I would have no 0 y e ur ,, 
 troubled in this Matter. That we shall better see, when their Reasons are drawn up. 
 
 Cole, Memoirs, p. 183. 
 
 [178] 1 Cole, Memoirs, p. 182. , , , • .« 
 
 2 A Daniel Johnson was engaged in the slave trade for the company early in the 
 
 eighteenth century. See this work, vol. III., South Carolina. . . . , 
 
 3 Matthew Prior had returned to England from a brief sojourn in Paris and an 
 audience with Louis XIV., in November, 1699. Apparently he had not been on the 
 Continent since that time. L. G. W. Legg, Matthew Prior, pp. 116-117, 121. 
 
August y i?oo 
 
 45i 
 
 it proper to enlarge on this Subject, that you may see how the Case 
 stands, and I need not tell you how high they are here in a Case, 
 where they seem resolved to assert. This should not make me decline 
 any thing that is possible to do, in case the Parties concerned would 
 a e rig t Measures, and would follow it as they ought: but to speak 
 
 P , a “* w%- are for , s T avlng their Money, insomuch that the Captain 
 of the William and Jane could hardly obtain what was sufficient for 
 
 his own Expence here. They should employ some Merchant here, 
 that is acquainted with the Proceedings of this Country, and who on 
 all Occasions might apply to me. . . . 4 
 
 I 79 - James Barbot’s Voyage to the Congo River. 1 
 
 [August 28, 1700.] 
 
 ... Soon after the pinnace return’d aboard, 2 with two blacks of 
 the country, who spoke broken Portuguese, and assur’d us they had 
 a great quantity of slaves to dispose of, at the town of Songo or Sony, 
 
 He had^eTrn h ed te tha7Dn e teh S n n °" 7 d H and the IIth ’ feeling sli S htl y encouraged, 
 and th,t uTt D h ’ Da - nes ’ and Portuguese were making the same complaints 
 
 shins „ M ',h TorC 'i was growing uneasy over the situation. Nevertheless two French 
 mYYiYTL'Ys/Y^ “ * ail ’, w ‘ th -ders to seize all vessels upon thT’coIst (Cole" 
 
 the tf fZ 8 hC 87) m °" h n I4th he wrote ,hat he had gixen in a memorial on 
 
 rhn Af ? eor9 J‘ but cou,d no f tel1 whether to press for an answer until he knew what 
 
 the African Company was planning to do (ibid., pp . , 9I . I92 ). On Oct. .The w 7 ote- 
 
 cannot see more by the Answer of the African Company, than that they assert thev 
 
 FrJn h h ght n tr , ade ° n , those Coasts ' whi oh they deny here, and I do perceYve the 
 
 CnreY have , 3,1 alon £ taken our Ships; and tho’ some may have been Released at 
 
 sYYYhat caY bYXne 7 ho™Y e Mther ’ 'T i' eV u er had any Satisfaction. I will 
 
 i r • done > tho 1 am almos t persuaded they will make none. The onlv 
 
 nf V* *lvur eit ’ 1S t S r erve them in the sarae manner -” On Dec. 15: “As to the Owners 
 
 mitt^Tnd T A rthur ’ a Mer chant here, had Orders to follow that 
 
 matter, and upon Enquiry whether an Appeal did lie, they do assure me that what 
 
 has passed in that Case does not admit of it. The whole Proceedings were before the 
 
 King m Council, and were adjudg’d by him for the Senegal Company here- so that 
 
 ere I s nothin |. m <>re to be done, or to be expected from hence, they still insisting that 
 none have a Right to trade on those Coasts but themselves; which I ordered m 
 Secretary to tell the Person that was employed for them.” Ibid., pp. 220, 262.263 d 
 
 r f- 6 - E 1Sh had not confined themselves entirely to negotiations. The Rochester 
 Captain Mayne, was sent to defend English shipping in the neighborhood of the 
 
 forthe ^rG/orL^Br 111 to J. rue that . he was directed to obtain restitution 
 
 of State bv^whb* th B / ^7/ p 1Cd ^ s ^ ndin f 10 * im a co Py of the action of the Council 
 thp b r ab ! Y ,™ W A llll ^ m and J ane had been declared lawful prize in spite of 
 the fjict that it had paid the ten per cent. duty. The St. George, since it had not 
 paid the duty, had even less claim for consideration than had the former, and could 
 
 H 82, y c“Labat 31,7 PretCXt What6Ver th3t ^ W3S 3 l3wfuI trader * Astky, / 0 ;;;; d 
 
 “An Abstract of a Voyage to Congo River or the Zair, and to Cabinde in the 
 r 1700 , by James Barbot, jr., supercargo, and John Casseneuve, first mate* in the 
 en-per-cent. ship Don Carlos of London, from “A Supplement to the Description of the 
 Coasts of North and South Guinea”, by John Barbot, in Churchill, Voyages V 407-C22 
 James Barbot was a nephew of John, the author of the “Description”, whi had never 
 visited this region of the African coast, and takes his material from Dapper Carli 
 Me roll a, arid other travellers and geographers, as well as from the two journals here 
 
 nenhew’ 1 ^ not alwa > rs . P 0S ! lbIe to discern the point at which he ceases J to quote his 
 nephew s journal, and introduces other material. 4 
 
 o J The Carlos, which sailed from the Downs Apr. 8, 1700, was now in the 
 Congo River. The master had a short time before gone ashore in the pinnace. 
 
45 2 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 the ordinary residence of the prince or earl of that name, lying about 
 five leagues inland from this point; and that there were only an 
 English and a Dutch ship at Cabinde, 3 which had almost got in their 
 
 compliment of slaves (pp. 502-503). . . . 
 
 Our master and mate in the pinnace, conducted by two or three 
 blacks of Sony point, got up the creek of Sony twelve miles, rowing 
 all the day; and being set ashore, walk’d about six English miles } 
 land to the town, and were kept there a pretty while,, before they 
 could speak with the prince : at last being admitted to audience, accord¬ 
 ing to the custom of the country, they presented him with six yards ot 
 fine chints, which he received favourably, and presently order'd a hen 
 to be dress’d and serv’d up in a sorry pewter dish, to treat them. In 
 the discourse the black prince, or count, hearing the captain say, he 
 was come to trade for slaves, ask’d him, Whether he would take due 
 care that those slaves should be instructed in the Christian faith, an 
 whether he had waited on the Portuguese Padre there, which was 
 requisite should be done: and so dismissed him, after presenting him 
 
 with a goat and six hens. 
 
 The captain return’d aboard at eleven at night, accompanied with 
 Manfouge, that is, the receiver of the Whites, Manchingue, and 
 Mananbache, three men of quality, sent by the prince to inspect our 
 goods aboard, the mate being left at Sony as an hostage for them. 
 
 The thirtieth [August], those persons examined all the goods, and 
 liked them very well; at dinner they fed on bread and cheese, it being 
 friday, and consequently a fast for Roman Catholicks, the prince of 
 Sony and all his court being such; and maintaining there two Portu¬ 
 guese friars, or the order of Bernardins, one of whom was but lately 
 dead. Those noble blacks wore long beads and a cross, with some 
 Agnus-Dei at their neck. 
 
 At three in the afternoon they return’d to Sony, the captain accom¬ 
 panying them thither, in order to treat with the prince; but could do 
 nothing, the said prince telling him, that neither he nor his subjects 
 could well trade with him for slaves, unless he had first satisfied the 
 Portuguese Padre, pretending it was not in his power, to let him pur¬ 
 chase slaves in his territories, without having obtained his license to 
 that effect. The captain was forced to comply, tho’ with much reluc- 
 
 tancy at first. 
 
 The Padre, when he waited on him, hearing of his design, started 
 some difficulties; alledging chiefly, that the English carried the slaves 
 to Barbadoes, to the hereticks, where he was sure the poor wretches 
 should never be instructed in the Christian faith: whereupon the cap- 
 
 3 The bay of Cabinda is a short distance west of the mouth of the Congo. The 
 town was on the north shore of the bay, the trading factory on the south shore. 
 
August , ijoo 
 
 453 
 
 tain sh e wd him his commission, 4 but the father not understanding 
 
 nghsh, desired to have it render’d into the Portuguese or Latin 
 
 tongue, which none there could do, and so the father seemingly con- 
 sented to his request. . & y 
 
 ad^V^T ° f Sony 0rder ’ d the same three gentlemen blacks, 
 addrng to them h,s secretary, who could read and write Portuguese, 
 
 aboard eh ^ ° ^ greater dignity than the three others, to return 
 
 aboard the ship, to examine yet more nicely the nature of our cargo, 
 and to return him an exact account forthwith. 
 
 These being arriv’d aboard, were entertained as well as we could; 
 
 heflrh! drank - W1 i h th T the ' r P rince ’ s - the father’s, and their own 
 
 firing rf“Z!” >nd “ Ch h ~ lth **> «lu«d by 
 
 . P ey Sta ‘ d aboard till the second of September, and then returned 
 ny, with a certain quantity of our merchandize, to store the lodge 
 we were to set up there, on the assurances they gave us, that in two 
 months, or ten weeks at farthest, we might there buy five hundred 
 saves; and upon this persuasion we had our lodge settled, being a 
 
 ouse in Sony, contrary to the usual custom there, to settle the lodge 
 near the creek, or river of Sony. g 
 
 The fifth, they persisted to settle the price of slaves at eight pieces 
 a man, and seven for a woman slave; and for boys and girls oro- 
 portionably, according to their age and strength: but fearing what did 
 happen afterwards, that these Sony blacks, being bigotted to their 
 dre s opinion, as to the use of the slaves, would only amuse us 5 
 we sent our long boat to Cabinde, to observe the trade of slaves there- 
 having been told by a black, who spoke indifferent good English, and 
 shew d some certificates of British commanders of trading ships, of 
 is good-nature, and readiness to serve the nation, that we should 
 have a more ready dispatch, at Cabinde, than there, he could but 
 
 hfrjpp 8 so3-so 4 ). me " age t0 the dukC ° f tHat C0Untr >'- as he stil’d 
 
 theTe wa? 1 faCt ° r at our lod g e at Son y. sent us word, 
 
 there was no likelihood of any trade till we had adjusted with the 
 
 PfZl t P -' Ce ° f 8laVeS ’ and the standard of our merchandizes; as 
 also the king’s customs. 
 
 Whereupon the fifteenth [September], Mr. Casseneuve went up 
 
 l ° nyt T’ and there first waited ou ^e Portuguese friar, and 
 presented him with some small refreshments of Europe, (such as 
 
 they were, after a five months passage thither) which he received with 
 
 that the^pfa^rSe^ed 1 'his^lSn «rwhi* , T^d“ T the f fa h Ct 
 
 negro prince suggests that the ultimate destination of J fy he fear of the 
 
 Ameri ‘l: actuaMy "t a r rb fdof 
 
454 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 great satisfaction, and return’d him his present; being some fine sweet 
 oranges and bananas, and treated him with wine. 
 
 Then he waited on the prince, who was sitting on a great chair, his 
 head newly shav’d and naked; having a kind of black cloak over his 
 shoulders, but very short; and a clout of the same black stuff as his 
 cloak about his middle; his legs bare, but slippers on his feet. When 
 Casseneuve enter’d the room, he made a sign to him with his hand, 
 to sit down opposite to him; after some discourse concerning trade, he 
 call’d for a large pot of palm-wine, which he caused to be presented 
 to him, after drinking himself in a great silver cup, on a plate instead 
 
 of a salver. ... ' \ 
 
 We privately agreed with the prince about the trade of slaves, at 
 eight pieces for men, and seven for women; and for the measure of our 
 goods, six foot two inches to each fathom for his, and of five foot 
 only for the people; this prince generally making a better bargain 
 
 for himself than for them (pp. 5 ° 4 - 5 ° 5 )- • • • 
 
 As we suspected with great reason, that we should have but an 
 indifferent trade at Sony, finding more and more by the discourses of 
 the natives, that they were possess’d with an opinion, that we were 
 not Christians, and that we used to carry the slaves to the Turks, and 
 other infidels and hereticks,’where they were never baptiz’d; thought 
 proper to lose no time, in looking out for a bettei place to settle a 
 lodge or factory, in Congo-river i and being inform d, that on the 
 northern shore, at or near a point several leagues up that river, called 
 point Gitaar, lying eighteen or twenty leagues farther eastward, we 
 might settle one, and traffick with the inhabitants of the circumjacent 
 
 territory, call’d Zairy or Serry. . . . 6 
 
 We found in Cabinde road, a little English ship, having a hundred 
 and twenty slaves aboard, and was to compleat its cargo, to two 
 hundred and fifty. The Dutch interloper, that was there when the 
 captain first went to Cabinde, had since been carry’d away as prize, 
 by another belonging to the Dutch West-India company. 
 
 The third of October, we adjusted with the king’s officers for the 
 customs, which we paid in this manner. 
 
 Pieces of sundry sorts of goods. 
 
 For the king’s customs • 
 
 That of Maufouco • • • 
 
 For the Manchins • • • 
 
 For Mafuco Mabouco 
 For Manabele. 
 
 * Here a temporary factory was established to which the king and his retinue 
 came, a reversal of the usual order. 
 
 31^2 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
August, iyoo 
 
 The forty-seven pieces paid to the king, consisting of; 
 
 455 
 
 Tapseils holland, 
 
 Annabasses . 
 
 Nicanees holland. [ 
 
 Black basts, holland. 
 
 Pintadoes, holland.* ’ ’ ‘ ’ [ ‘ j 
 
 Case of spirits. 
 
 Paper, Slesia. 
 
 Brass pan. 
 
 Knives, dozen. 
 
 Four sticks of scarlet, at twenty-nine inches per stick . 
 .ix sticks black basts, at twenty-nine inches per stick 
 
 rlalf case of spirits fine. 
 
 Powder barrels. 
 
 Muskets. 
 
 Coral string,. 
 
 piece i 
 10 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 piece i 
 
 47 
 
 And so proportionably, of the same species of goods, for the fees of 
 the officers; as above said. 
 
 The fourth, we began to send goods ashore, to settle our factory, 
 paying beforehand five pieces for the rent of the house, for all the 
 time we might keep it; and Mr. Barbot, assisted by two whites, gave 
 constant attendance there. Besides the black servants we had hired 
 to assist him, the king gave us two of his own, and each of the before- 
 named officers one; being in all ten or eleven gromettoes or hired 
 men, to whom we are to pay one fathom in goods per week for all 
 ol them, to buy their provisions; and when we shall break up the 
 factory, each servant is to have three pieces of goods: one of them 
 is to serve for an interpreter, and is besides imploy’d to keep off the 
 mob, from insulting us. This is practised commonly here, as well 
 
 We did not adjust a settled price for the slaves, as is customarv 
 
 at Sonho and Zair, but bargain’d daily with the owners of them, a's 
 
 they were brought either aboard the ship or the factory; sending also 
 
 along the bay, some goods in the boat, to trade with the inhabitants 
 
 of the adjacent villages: so that Mr. Casseneuve, who had the care 
 
 of the commerce m the bay, and aboard ship, bought forty-five slaves, 
 
 rom the seventh of October, to the seventeenth of November. The 
 
 twenty-ninth, he was sent to take care of the factory, Mr. Barbot 
 
 being sick; where he purchased to the sixteenth of December, forty 
 
 eight slaves, making in all ninety-three viz. sixty-five men, sixteen 
 
 women, nine boys and three girls, for seven hundred seventy-one 
 
 pieces of sundry goods, the first cost whereof upon invoice, amounted 
 
 to three hundred seventy-two pounds six shillings six-pence sterling- 
 
 and so amounted to four pound sterling a head, one with the 
 other. ... 
 
 After this they were oblig’d to give one piece more for a slave 
 than before, because the blacks saw five other English ships come 
 
456 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 one after another, in the space of eight or nine days time, to pur¬ 
 chase slaves and elephants teeth; and therefore brought no more 
 slaves to the factory, but oblig’d us to give them ten pieces for a 
 man, and nine for a woman. But by good fortune, we had then got 
 our compliment within thirty or thirty-five slaves: which we had soon 
 after, and in all aboard, four hundred seventeen men, women, boys 
 and girls. 
 
 Being short of provisions for our slaves, we bought a hundred 
 baskets of Indian wheat, tho’ at an excessive dear rate, viz. at one 
 piece of our best sorts of goods, brass basons and annabasses, of an 
 English captain Eriford, necessity having no law; which we fetch’d 
 aboard the thirty-first of December. . . . 
 
 For the better understanding of the measure used here, to value 
 European goods in trade, we must observe, that it consists of three 
 sorts, call’d a piece, a fathom, and a stick. The stick is eighteen 
 inches; three sticks are accounted a fathom, and four fathom make 
 what is here call’d a piece. 
 
 The rate of slaves is uncertain, as depending on the scarcity or 
 plenty of them, and the number of foreign ships trading there 
 
 together. 
 
 We esteem slaves here at a reasonable price, when they are at 
 seven or eight pieces a man, and six or seven a woman, Indian piece, 
 as the French stile it. 
 
 Many of the blacks of Cabinde, who dwell near the shore, speak 
 some English, and are commonly call’d portadors, being a sort of 
 brokers to the natives up the inland, to whom they repair, when any 
 ships are in the bay, and bring merchants down aboaid or to the 
 factory, and there usually buy and sell for them; but very often 
 taking advantage of their not understanding English, make them pay 
 a piece, and sometimes two, above the price they contract for with 
 Europeans, which they fetch off after they are gone home again. for 
 here as well as at the Gold Coast of Guinea, the factors must in 
 some manner wink at their knavery, in order to forward their com¬ 
 merce (pp. 510-5 11). . . . 
 
 On the first day of January [1701], Casseneuve’s journal takes 
 notice of their sailing out of Cabinde bay, in the morning in order 
 to proceed to Jamaica, and towards night, had got the bay at south¬ 
 east by south, about five leagues distant; himself, the super-cargo, 
 Mr. Barbot, the captain, and the first mate, with several of their men 
 being sick, and having buried here and at sea, six of their ciew and 
 the third mate; the air of Cabinde being very unwholesome: which 
 gave an opportunity to the slaves aboard to revolt on the fifth, as 
 follows. 
 
August , iyoo 
 
 457 
 
 About one in the afternoon, after dinner, we according to custom 
 cause t tern, one by one, to go down between decks, to have each 
 
 n' S P -Tf f W f t f r: - m ° St ? f , them were y et above deck, many of them 
 provided with knives, which we had indiscreetly given them two or 
 
 hree days before, as not suspecting the least attempt of this nature 
 rom them; others had pieces of iron they had torn off our fore¬ 
 castle door, as having premeditated a revolt, and seeing all the ship’s 
 company at best but weak and many quite sick, they had also broken 
 off the shackles from several of their companions feet, which served 
 em, as well as billets they had provided themselves with, and all 
 other things they could lay hands on, which they imagin’d might be 
 of use for their enterprize. Thus arm’d, they fell in croud’s and 
 parcels on our men, upon the deck unawares, and stabb’d one of the 
 stoutest of us all, who receiv’d fourteen or fifteen wounds of their 
 kmves, and so expir d Next they assaulted our boatswain, and cut 
 one of his egs so round the bone, that he could not move, the nerves 
 being cut through; others cut our cook’s throat to the pi pe ; and others 
 wounded three of the sailors, and threw one of them over-board in 
 that condition, from the fore-castle into the sea; who, however, by 
 good providence, got hold of the bowlin of the fore-sail, and sav’d 
 himself along the lower wale of the quarter-deck, where, (says Cas- 
 seneuve) we stood in arms, firing on the revolted slaves, of whom we 
 lid some, and wounded many: which so terrify’d the rest, that 
 they gave way, dispersing themselves some one way and some another 
 between decks, and under the fore-castle; and many of the most 
 mutinous leapt over board, and drown’d themselves in the ocean 
 with much resolution, shewing no manner of concern for life. Thus 
 we lost twenty seven or twenty eight slaves, either kill’d by us or 
 drown d; and having master’d them, caused all to go betwixt decks 
 giving them good words. The next day we had them all again upon 
 deck, where they unanimously declar’d, the Menbombe slaves had 
 been the contrivers of the mutiny, and for an example we caused 
 a out thirty of the ringleaders to be very severely whipt by all 
 our men that were capable of doing that office. 
 
 I shall conclude the abstract of the journals, of the voyages to 
 ongo and Cabinde, with some particular observations, on the nature 
 of the merchandize then of most demand at Cabinde, at the latter 
 end of the year 1700, and of the custom of measuring and account¬ 
 ing them after the manner of the blacks there; which I found noted 
 in Mi. Barbot s pocket-book, sent home to London, with his trunks 
 from Barbadoes, after his decease there. 
 
 Blue-basts, a piece containing six yards, and of a deep, almost 
 black colour; and is measur’d either with a stick of twenty seven 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 458 
 
 inches, of which eight sticks make a piece; or by a lesser stick, of 
 eighteen inches long, twelve of which are accounted a piece. 
 
 Guinea stuffs, two pieces make a piece; tapseils, have the same 
 measure as blue-basts, nicanees, the same measure; black-bays, two 
 yards and a half for a piece; measured by five sticks of eighteen 
 inches each; annabasses, ten to the piece; painted callicoes, six yards to 
 a piece; blue-paper slesia, one piece, for the piece; scarlet, one stick of 
 eighteen inches, or half a yard, is accounted a piece; muskets, one 
 for a piece; powder, the barrel or rundlet of seven pounds goes for 
 a piece; brass-basons, ten to the piece: we carry thither the largest; 
 pewter-basons, of four, three, two, and one pound, the No. 4. goes 
 four to the piece; blue-perpetuanas are become but of late in great 
 demand; they are measured as blue basts, six yards making the 
 piece; Dutch cutlaces are the most valued because they have 
 two edges; two such go for a piece; coral, the biggest and largest is 
 much more acceptable here, than small coral, which the blacks value 
 so little, that they will hardly look on it; usually one ounce and a 
 half is computed a piece; knives, with horn hafts, the blade very 
 
 broad and long, twenty four to a piece. 
 
 Memorandum: A whole piece of blue-basts contains commonly 
 eighteen yards and a half; however some are shorter, others exceed. 
 
 Pintadoes commonly contain nine or nine yards and a half the 
 piece; tapseils, the piece usually holds fifteen yards; nicanees, the 
 piece is nine or nine yards and a half long (pp. 512-513). . . . 
 
 The chiefest trade of the Portuguese and other whites [in Congo] 
 consists in slaves, carried thence to several ports in the West-Indies, 
 to w r ork at the sugar-mills, and in the mines, the Europeans not 
 being sufficient for that labour; and no men can do it so well as these 
 Angolans for a time: and thus it is at the expence of the lives of 
 these poor wretches, that we draw such vast wealth from America. 
 It is affirm’d, that when the Spaniards were masters of Portugal, 
 they transported every year fifteen thousand slaves out of Angola, 
 into the new world. And the Portuguese still transport a very 
 
 great number. 
 
 All those slaves the Portuguese cause to be bought, by their pom- 
 berroes, a hundred and fifty or two hundred leagues up the coun¬ 
 try, whence they bring them down to the sea-coasts; have but little 
 food by the way, and lie on the bare ground every night in the open 
 air, without any covering, which makes them grow poor and faint. 
 But the Portuguese at Loanda, before they are ship d off, put them 
 into a great house which they have built there for that purpose, 
 
 7 Here Barbot entirely abandons the journals and inserts a description of the 
 country and its commerce, derived from various authors. Such items as these stand as 
 lists in Churchill but are uniformly run together here to save space. 
 
459 
 
 August, i/OO 
 
 and give them their fill of meat and drink, as also palm-oil to refresh 
 and anoint themselves with. But if it happens that there are no 
 ships ready, or that they have not slaves enough to send away, 
 then they use them for tilling the ground, and to plant or cut man- 
 dioca, but at last when they put them on board, they take great care 
 to preserve them from sickness, and that they may come safe and 
 sound to their intended ports, they provide medicines, especially 
 emons and white lead to use against the worms; and if by chance 
 any fall sick, they separate those from the rest, and lay them alone 
 to be curd, wheie they are well provided for, with warm diet. In 
 the ships they have mats to lie on, of which they take great store 
 with them, especially when they go over to the West-Indies, to give 
 every ten or twelve days a fresh mat. But the Hollanders and other 
 Europeans take no such care in transporting their slaves to America, 
 but ship them poor and faint, without any mats, or other neces¬ 
 saries, which occasions many of them to die at sea. 
 
 Portuguese also cause the slaves they ship off to be baptiz’d, 
 it being forbid under pain* of excommunication to carry any to 
 Brazil, that are not christened. However, it is pitiful to see how they 
 croud those poor wretches, six hundred and fifty or seven hundred 
 in a ship, the men standing in the hold ty’d to stakes, the women 
 between decks, and those that are with child in the great cabin, and 
 
 the children in the steeridge, which in that hot climate occasions an 
 intolerable stench. 
 
 The voyage is generally perform’d in thirty or thirty-five days, 
 the trade-wind carrying them, so that they sail over in a line; but 
 some times they are becalm’d, and then the passage is longer. 
 
 The Portuguese deal for slaves at Kamkamba, but not so much 
 as in Massingan and Embakko; for there, when the adjacent blacks 
 want any merchandize, thev bring their slaves to the Portuguese 
 colonies for exchange (pp. 518-519).... g 
 
 Season to sail for Guinea. 9 I Am of opinion, that the proper- 
 est season to render the Guinea voyages most prosperous and safe, 
 is to depart from Europe about the latter end of September, to 
 enjoy the longer the good season on that coast; and to have a suffi¬ 
 cient time to carry on the trade there, so as to reach the Leeward 
 islands of America by the latter end of April following, which is 
 the time when they make the sugar there; that so ships may have 
 their full lading, and sail thence for Europe again before the season 
 
 ®Mandioca, or manioc, a plant the roots of which provided meal. 
 
 • . “ A Supplement to the Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea” 
 
 book II., by John Barbot, Churchill, V. 523-588. This general account of the French 
 trade sums up Barbot’s observations, extending over a period of nearly twenty-five years 
 It is placed here merely to combine it with other material from Barbot, not because it 
 has peculiar significance for the year 1700. 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 460 
 
 of hurricanes there; and arrive here before the boisterous weather, 
 which usually reigns on our coasts about the beginning of October, 
 which the French stile Coups de vents de la St. Michel, or Michael¬ 
 mas storms (p* 5 2 3)- • • • 
 
 Thus far concerning our passage from Guinea to America; which, 
 if observ’d, will not fail of making it easy and expeditious, and may 
 reasonably be perform’d in fifty days to any of the Caribbee islands, 
 or two months at most, to Jamaica: whereas, if we keep our course 
 near to the equator, it may be much longer, because of the great 
 calms we usually meet thereabouts, which is a great disadvantage to 
 our slave-ships; the tediousness of the passage causing a great mor¬ 
 tality among them, especially when they are too much crouded, and 
 come from any of the ports of the Bight of Guinea, which often spend 
 a whole month or more in getting from St.Thome, or to cape Lope, 
 and too often the ships are over-loaded with slaves. 
 
 I have observ’d, that the great mortality, which so often happens 
 in slave-ships, proceeds as well from taking in too many, as from 
 want of knowing how to manage them aboard, and how to order the 
 course at sea so nicely, as not to overshoot their ports in America, 
 as some bound to Cayenne with slaves, have done; attributing the 
 tediousness of their passage, and their other mistakes, to wrong 
 causes, as being becalm’d about the line, etc. which only proceeded 
 from their not observing the regular course, or not making due 
 observations of land when they approach’d the American continent; 
 or of the force and strength of the current of the Amazons. 
 
 Others have been faulty in not putting their ships into due order 
 before they left the Guinea coast, a thing very much to be minded; 
 and have not taken care before they sail’d from Whidah, or cape 
 Lope, to set well their shrouds and stays, tarr them well, with all 
 the running ropes and blocks. If the port or road will allow it, we 
 clean our ships as low as is possible, and tallow them well, to give 
 them the better way: besides all this, during the passage, we take 
 care, in good weather, to have the ships well caulk’d without and 
 within, as well as the decks. The work of the outside we do in fair 
 weather; and if bad, the carpenters work within, and tarr all over, 
 that every thing within may be kept dry, as well for its preserva¬ 
 tion as decency. 
 
 As to the management of our slaves aboard, we lodge the two 
 sexes apart, by means of a strong partition at the main mast; the 
 forepart is for men, the other behind the mast for the women. If 
 it be in large ships carrying five or six hundred slaves, the deck in 
 such ships ought to be at least five and a half or six foot high, which 
 is very requisite for driving a continual trade of slaves: for the 
 greater height it has, the more airy and convenient it is for such a 
 
August, ijoo 
 
 461 
 
 considerable number of human creatures; and consequently far the 
 more healthy for them, and fitter to look after them. We build 
 a sort of half-decks along the sides with deals and spars provided 
 for that purpose in Europe, that half-deck extending no farther than 
 the sides of our scuttles and so the slaves lie in two rows, one above 
 the other, and as close together as they can be crouded. 
 
 The Dutch company’s ships exceed all other Europeans in such 
 accommodations, being commonly built designedly for those voyages, 
 and consequently contrived very wide, lofty, and airy, betwixt decks, 
 with gratings and scuttles, which can be cover’d with tarpawlins in 
 wet weather; and in fair uncover’d, to let in the more air. Some 
 also have made small ports, or lights along the sides at proper dis¬ 
 tances, well secured with thick iron bars, which they open from time 
 to time for the air; and that very much contributes to the preserva¬ 
 tion of those poor wretches, who are so thick crouded together. 
 
 The Portuguese of Angola, a people in many respects not to be 
 compar’d to the English, Dutch or French, in point of neatness 
 aboard their ships, tho’ indeed some French and English ships in 
 those voyages for slaves are slovingly, foul, and stinking, according 
 to the temper and the want of skill of the commanders; the Portu¬ 
 guese, I say, are commendable in that they bring along with them 
 to the coast, a sufficient quantity of coarse thick mats, to serve as 
 bedding under the slaves aboard, and shift them every fortnight 
 or three weeks with such fresh mats: which, besides that it is softer 
 for the poor wretches to lie upon than the bare deals or decks, must 
 also be much healthier for them, because the planks, or deals, con¬ 
 tract some dampness more or less, either from the deck being so 
 often wash’d to keep it clean and sweet, or from the rain that gets 
 in now and then through the scuttles or other openings, and even 
 from the very sweat of the slaves; which being so crouded in a low 
 place, is perpetual, and occasions many distempers, or at best great 
 inconveniences dangerous to their health: whereas, lying on mats, 
 and shifting them from time to time, must be much more convenient; 
 and it would be prudent to imitate the Portuguese in this point, the 
 charge of such mats being inconsiderable. 
 
 We are very nice in keeping the places where the slaves lie clean 
 and neat, appointing some of the ship’s crew to do that office con¬ 
 stantly, and several of the slaves themselves to be assistant to them 
 in that employment; and thrice a week we perfume betwixt decks 
 with a quantity of good vinegar in pails, and red-hot iron bullets 
 in them, to expel the bad air, after the place has been well wash’d 
 and scrubb’d with brooms: after which, the deck is clean’d with 
 cold vinegar, and in the day-time, in good weather, we leave all 
 the scuttles open, and shut them again at night. 
 
462 
 
 The Slave Trade 
 
 It has been observ’d before, that some slaves fancy they are 
 carry’d to be eaten, which make them desperate; and others are 
 so on account of their captivity: so that if care be not taken, they 
 will mutiny and destroy the ship’s crew in hopes to get away. 
 
 To prevent such misfortunes, we use to visit them daily, nar¬ 
 rowly searching every corner between decks, to see whether they 
 have not found means, to gather any pieces of iron, or wood, or 
 knives, about the ship, notwithstanding the great care we take not 
 to leave any tools or nails, or other things in the way: which, how¬ 
 ever, cannot be always so exactly observ’d, where so many people 
 are in the narrow compass of a ship. 
 
 We cause as many of our men as is convenient to lie in the quarter¬ 
 deck and gun-room, and our principal officers in the great cabbin, 
 where we keep all our small arms in a readiness, with sentinels con¬ 
 stantly at the door and avenues to it; being thus ready to disappoint 
 any attempts our slaves might make on a sudden. 
 
 These precautions contribute very much to keep them in awe; 
 and if all those who carry slaves duly observ’d them, we should not 
 hear of so many revolts as have happen’d. Where I was concern’d, 
 we always kept our slaves in such order, that we did not perceive 
 the least inclination in any of them to revolt, or mutiny, and lost 
 very few of our number in the voyage. 
 
 It is true, we allow’d them much more liberty, and us’d them with 
 more tenderness than most other Europeans would think prudent 
 to do; as, to have them all upon deck every day in good weather; 
 to take their meals twice a-day, at fix’d hours, that is, at ten in the 
 morning, and at five at night; which being ended, we made the men 
 go down again between decks; for the women were almost entirely 
 at their own discretion, to be upon deck as long as they pleas’d, nay 
 even many of the males had the same liberty by turns, successively; 
 few or none being fetter’d or kept in shackles, and that only on 
 account of some disturbances, or injuries, offer’d to their fellow 
 captives, as will unavoidably happen among a numerous croud of 
 such savage people. Besides, we allow’d each of them betwixt their 
 meals a handful of Indian wheat and Mandioca, and now and then 
 short pipes and tobacco to smoak upon deck by turns, and some 
 cocoa-nuts; and to the women a piece of coarse cloth to cover them, 
 and the same to many of the men, which we took care they did 
 wash from time to time, to prevent vermin, which they are very 
 subject to; and because it look’d sweeter and more agreeable. 
 Towards the evening they diverted themselves on the deck, as they 
 thought fit, some conversing together, others dancing, singing, and 
 sporting after their manner, which pleased them highly, and often 
 made us pastime; especially the female sex, who being a-part from 
 
August, igoo 463 
 
 the males, on the quarterdeck, and many of them young sprightly 
 maidens, full of jollity and good-humour, afforded us abundance of 
 recreation; as did several little fine boys, which we mostly kept to 
 attend on us about the ship. 
 
 We mess’d the slaves twice a day, as I have observed; the first 
 meal was of our large beans boil’d, with a certain quantity of Mus- 
 covy iard, which we have from Holland, well pack’d up in casks. 
 1 he beans we have in great plenty at Rochel. The other meal was 
 of pease, or of Indian wheat, and sometimes meal of Mandioca; this 
 provided in Prince’s island, the Indian wheat at the Gold Coast; 
 odd with either lard, or suet, or grease, by turns: and sometimes 
 with palm-oil and malaguette or Guinea pepper. I found they had 
 much better stomachs for beans, and it is a proper fattening food 
 for captives; in my opinion far better to maintain them well, than 
 ndian wheat, Mandioca or yams; tho’ the Calabar slaves value this 
 root above any other food, as being used to it in their own country: 
 but it is not at certain times of the year to be had in so great a 
 quantity as is requisite to subsist such a number of people for several 
 months; besides that they are apt to decay, and even to putrify as 
 they grow old. Horse-beans are also very proper for slaves in lieu of 
 large beans: there is good plenty of them in Great Britain, which, as 
 
 well as the other beans, will keep, if well put up in dry fats [vatsl or 
 casks. 
 
 We distributed them by ten in a mess, about a small flat tub, made 
 for that use by our coopers, in which their victuals were served; each 
 slave having a little wooden spoon to feed himself handsomely, and 
 
 more cleanly than with their fingers, and they were well pleased 
 with it. 
 
 At each meal we allow’d every slave a full coco-nut shell of water, 
 and from time to time a dram of brandy, to strengthen their stomachs. 
 
 The Dutch commonly feed their slaves three times a day, with 
 indifferent good victuals, and much better than they eat in their own 
 country. The Portuguese feed them most with Mandioca. 
 
 As for the sick and wounded, or those out of order, our surgeons, 
 in their daily visits betwixt decks, finding any indisposed, caus’d them 
 to be carried to the Lazaretto, under the fore-castle, a room reserv’d 
 for a sort of hospital, where they were carefully look’d after. Being 
 out of the croud, the surgeons had more conveniency and time to ad¬ 
 minister proper remedies; which they cannot do leisurely between 
 decks, because of the great heat that is there continually, which is 
 sometimes so excessive, that the surgeons would faint away, and the 
 candles would not burn; besides, that in such a croud of brutish people, 
 there are always some very apt to annoy and hurt others, and all in 
 general so greedy, that they will snatch from the sick slaves the fresh 
 
The Slave Trade 
 
 464 
 
 meat or liquor that is given them. It is no way advisable to put the 
 sick slaves into the long-boat upon deck, as was very imprudently 
 done in the Albion frigate, spoken of in the description of New 
 Calabar; for they being thus exposed in the open air, and coming out 
 of the excessive hot hold, and lying there in the cool of the nights, 
 for some time just under the fall of the wind from the sails, were 
 soon taken so ill of violent cholicks and bloody fluxes, that in a few 
 days they died, and the owners lost above three hundred slaves in 
 the passage from St. Tome to Barbadoes; and the two hundred and 
 fifty that survived, were like skeletons, one half of them not yielding 
 above four pounds a head there: an oversight, by which fifty pei Cent, 
 of the stock or outlet was lost. 
 
 Much more might be said relating to the preservation and main¬ 
 tenance of slaves in such voyages, which I leave to the prudence of 
 the officers that govern aboard, if they value their own reputation and 
 their owners advantage; and shall only add these few particulars, 
 that tho’ we ought to be circumspect in watching the slaves narrowly, 
 to prevent or disappoint their ill designs for our own conservation, 
 yet must we not be too severe and haughty with them, but on the 
 contrary, caress and humor them in every reasonable thing. Some 
 commanders, of a morose peevish temper are perpetually beating and 
 curbing them, even without the least offence, and will not suffer any 
 upon deck but when unavoidable necessity to ease themselves does 
 require; under pretence it hinders the work of the ship and sailors, 
 and that they are troublesome by their nasty nauseous stench, or their 
 noise; which makes those poor wretches desperate, and besides their 
 falling into distempers thro’ melancholy, often is the occasion of 
 their destroying themselves. 
 
 Such officers should consider, those unfortunate creatures aie men 
 as well as themselves, tho’ of a different colour, and pagans; and 
 that they ought to do to others as they would be done by in like 
 circumstances; as it may be their turn, if they should have the mis¬ 
 fortune to fall into the hands of Algerines or Sallee men, as it has 
 happen’d to many after such voyages perform’d. They ought also 
 to consider the interest of their owners, who put them into that 
 employment; and, unless they have laid aside the sense ot gratitude 
 and credit, it may be an inducement to curb their brutish temper, and 
 move them to a gentle humane carriage towards the poor slaves, 
 and to contribute as far as in them lies, to keep them clean, healthy 
 and easy; to lessen the deep sense of their lamentable condition, which 
 many are sensible enough of, whatever we may think of their 
 stupidity. These methods will undoubtedly turn to the advantage 
 of the adventurers, their masters, and is the least return they can 
 reasonably expect from them. 
 
465 
 
 August, ijoo 
 
 It also concerns the adventurers in Guinea voyages for slaves, not 
 to allow the commanders, supercargo or officers, the liberty of taking 
 aboard any slaves for their own particular account, as is too often 
 practised among European traders, thinking to save something in 
 their salaries by the month: for experience has shown, that the cap¬ 
 tain s slaves never die, since there are not ten masters in fifty who 
 scruple to make good their own out of the cargo; or at least such 
 licence-slaves are sure to have the best accommodations aboard, and 
 the greatest plenty of subsistance out of the ship’s stock: and very 
 often those who were allow’d to carry but two slaves, have had ten 
 or twelve, and those the best of the cargo, subsisted out of the gen¬ 
 eral provisions of the ship, and train’d up aboard, to be carpenters, 
 coopers, and cooks, so as to sell for double the price of other slaves 
 in ., nwrica, because of their skill, etc. And such commanders, when 
 return ome, and requir d to account for such licentious practices 
 and to restore the product of such slaves so dispos’d of, allowing them 
 their first cost, not only refuse to comply with so reasonable a demand, 
 but knowing how many formalities the law in England requires, to 
 compel them to it, which reduces it almost to an impossibility, they 
 fall out with, and ungratefully abuse their benefactors and patrons, 
 u *.* were infinitely better, in lieu of such grants, to augment 
 
 the salaries, proportionably to the great fatigues and imminent haz¬ 
 ards of life in such voyages, with this condition, that any persons 
 whatsoever transgressing in this point, shall forfeit not only such 
 slaves as he shall presume to carry over without permission, but also 
 all his wages, and pay a reasonable fine besides. All this rigorously 
 executed, would have a great influence, and deter many from their ill 
 practices for the future (pp. 545-548). . . . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 *■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
INDEX 
 
 Bibliographical references are entered but once; they refer to the first mention 
 
 notes of the work or collection referred to. 
 
 in the 
 
 Abinee (Abbenee), Africa, 193, 206 
 Abonee, African state, 287 
 Accaneys, African natives, 200, 201, 287 
 Accory (Agry), African stones, 295, 297 
 Accounts, Arminian Merchant, 371-373; Bar¬ 
 bados factors, 24m., 264, 305, 331; Congo, 
 454 - 456 ; Jamaica factors, 274; Mary, 262- 
 263; Nevis, 276; Old Calabar, 419-420; 
 Royal African Company, 415-417; Sarah 
 Bonaventura, 217-221; Swallow, 256-258 
 Accra (Acra), Africa, corn from, 397; Danes at, 
 7811., 395; English at, 83, 89m, 175, 311, 
 381; fort at, 397; Hannibal at, 397; James 
 at, 200; slaves from, 202, 203, 287; trade 
 6, 193, 220, 221, 260, 287 
 Accy, value of, 204m, 286; see also Currency 
 Acron, see Accra 
 
 Acts, African trade, 331 - 333 , 421-429, 446, 449; 
 bankruptcy, 267; trade and navigation, 
 340-341; see also Navigation acts 
 Acts of the Privy Council, i2n. 
 
 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, 93m 
 Acts passed in the Island of Barbados , 392m 
 Adahu, Moorish captive, 21-23 
 Admiralty, and slave trade, 81; Captains’ Logs, 
 276-279; papers referred to, 4170. 
 Admiralty Court, cases (colonial), 168-169, 
 20911^ 222, 226m (French), 44511., 450, 
 (in England), 62, 69-72, 153-154, 209-215, 
 251-255, 308-317, 333-335 
 Advice, seized by French, 415 
 Aethiopian, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 Affonso, Diego, 36 
 Affonso, Stevam, 36 
 
 Africa, ancients in, 2; Brandenburgers in, 73, 
 103-104, 245m, 395m, 430, 431; ceremonials 
 of, 400, 433; Danes in, 77-78; Dutch in, 
 74 " 7 ^> 89-91, 122-123 > East India Company 
 in, 93-94; English in, 7-13, 42-51, 66-68, 
 78-91; exploration of, 2-4, 18-41, 79, 385- 
 387; factors in, 234, 235, 236, 238, 245, 251, 
 259, 266, 272,, 274, 305, 306, 391, 435, 441, 
 445; French in, 13-14, 95-102; natives of, 
 
 9 > 44 , 48, 49n., 200, 201, 268, 283, 284, 287, 
 288, 297, 360, 420, 434, 436m, 452; Portu¬ 
 guese in, 2-7, 11-13, 18-41, 74-76; Swedes 
 in, 77-78 
 
 African, 88n., seized by French, 416 
 African companies (English), 8, n, 77m, 78- 
 89, 93 , 173-174, 43 ° n * 5 debts, 166; records 
 of, 85m; taxation of, 267; (French), 95- 
 103, 270, 43on., 436-437; see also Com¬ 
 panies of the Senegal; Company of Ad- 
 
 venturers of London; Company of Bran- 
 denburg; Company of Cacheo; Company 
 of Guinea; Company of Royal Adventur¬ 
 ers trading into Africa; Dutch West India 
 Company; French Company of the West 
 Indies; Guinea companies; Royal African 
 Company 
 
 African House, London, 199 
 Agga (Adga, Agah), Africa, corn from, 201; 
 description of, 397; English settlement at, 
 
 * 75 , 1 93 , 381, James at, 200, 206; slaves 
 from, 201, 203, 207, 208 
 
 Agreement, seized by French, 416 
 Agriculture, African, 49 n., 459 
 Aguilar, Count de, 336 
 Aguina (Aguna), Africa, ruler of, 82, 90 
 Ahude Meymam, see Meyman 
 Akanna (Arcany), African state, 2oon., 403m 
 Akwidah, Africa, 104, 219m, 220 
 Alacra, see Accra 
 Albemarle, George Monck, duke of, of Royal 
 «,, .-Adventurers, 169; governor of Jamaica, 370 
 Albion, voyage of, 430m, 464 
 
 Albreda, Africa, French trade at, 96m, 102, 285 
 380m, 437 
 
 Alcatraz, African islands, 48m 
 Alcazar, Luis del, 343 
 Alcove, measure of value, 293 
 Alexander, seized by French, 415 
 Alfonso V., of Portugal, 3, 5 
 Alice, interloper, 203m, 2240. 
 
 Allampo (Alampo), Africa, negroes of, 260, 276 
 312, 398, 4 39 n. 
 
 Allen, Jeffery, venture of, i2n. 
 
 Allen, John, negro contract of, 109 
 Allestree, Paul, bill drawn on, 331 
 Alligator , capture of, 378m 
 Alvarez, Emanuel, Portuguese envoy to Eng¬ 
 land, 12 
 
 Ambosius (Amboses), Africa, 142, 145, 298 
 Ambrose, Lott, Golden Fortune, 304 
 America, and African Company, 411; com¬ 
 plaints from, 445n.; exports from, 445m; 
 interlopers of, 195, 267m; orders to, 34m.; 
 proclamation to, 194-196; slavery in, 351; 
 slaves for, 294, 350, 379-380; see also 
 
 Spanish America; West Indies 
 American Historical Review, 2n. 
 
 American J ournal of International Law, io5n. 
 Amissa, Africa, 260 
 Amity, 88n. 
 
 Ammunition, trade in, 218-221, 245, 260, 262, 
 276, 297; see also Commodities 
 
 467 
 
4 6S 
 
 Index 
 
 Araolaz, Francisco de, letters to, 336, 337 ~ 33 ^» 34 ° 
 Ampeny Point, Africa, 3 95 n - 
 Amsterdam, Holland, 244* credit of, 375 5 
 Dutch West India Company, 136; mer¬ 
 chant of, 242; vessels of, 155, 156m, 167 
 Amsterdam, man-of-war, 90 
 Anamabo, Africa, 193, 3 ”, 3 12, 397n.; Barbot 
 at, 432; corn from, 260; Danes at, 77, 78; 
 description of, 397 5 English at, 381 1 French 
 at, 281m; provisions from, 298; slaves from, 
 201, 203, 207, 208, 286 
 
 Anashan, Africa, 89, 175, 193, 397n-5 natives at, 
 201; trade at, 432 
 
 Anderson, Adam, Origins of Commerce 8n. 
 Andicano, Juan de, of Council of Castile, 357 
 Andrews, Capt. -, 243m 
 
 Andrews, C. M., British Committees, Commis¬ 
 sions, and Councils, 1622-167 5, 1 55 n * 
 Andrews, Peter, merchant, S2n. 
 
 Angel, Melchior Gomez, contract of, 105 
 Angel, 67, 69, 70 
 
 Angels (Angles), see Currency . 
 
 Anglesey, Arthur Annesley, earl of, of Koyal 
 Adventurers, 169 
 
 Anglo-Dutch wars, 89, 90-91, 106, 215 
 Angola, 4, 178, 180, 187, 189, 194, 356n.; church 
 in, 319, 322; Dutch in, 76m; Portuguese in, 
 6, 76m, 382; slaves from, 6, 7, 84, 103, 
 123m, 223m, 255, 266m, 271, 276, 398, 458; 
 trade of, 80, 193, 364, 380; vessel for, 393; 
 vessel from, 394; voyage to, 354 
 Ann, illicit trade of, 246; in Gambia River, 
 259; seized by French, 416 
 Annabasses, trade goods, 455, 456, 458 I see a ^ s0 
 Commodities 
 
 Ann and Mary, seized by French, 415 
 Anne, interloper, 222, 223 _ 
 
 Annobon (Anabo, Anibo), African island, 231, 
 304, 439m; provisions from, 142, 143, H 5 » 
 250, 444 
 
 Anotto, see Rocou 
 Antego Merchant, case of, 224 
 Antelope, seized by French, 416 
 Antigua, debts in, i 66 n., 4170*» settlement of, 
 74; slaves for, 243; slave prices in, 176, 
 uprising in, 398m; vessels for, 224, 241; 
 see also West Indies 
 Anti-slavery sentiment, 123-124 
 Anto (Anta), Africa, 89, 193 
 Apougny, Sieur d’, of Company of Senegal, 96, 
 
 102 
 
 Appesley (Apsley), Sir Allen, deputy governor 
 of African company, 78m, 170 
 Appolonia, Africa, 311 
 Aquamboe, African state, 287 
 Aquimera, African state, 287 
 Arabs, captive, 21; trade of, 3 
 Aranjo, Emanuel d’, Portuguese envoy, 12 
 Archbold, Capt. Henry, negroes for, 214 
 Archivo General de Indias, 46m; papers from, 
 335 - 34 °. 342 - 351 , 357 - 359 , 362-363, 364 - 37 °, 
 373-377 
 
 Arcuna Merchant, cargo of, 305 
 Ardra (Arda), Africa, 141, 167, 236; Dutch at, 
 90; English at, 382; goods from, 275, 291; 
 
 slaves from, 99, 240, 271, 274m, 276, 294- 
 295 , 3 ° 4 , 3 53 , 355 , 385; Spanish access to, 
 io7n.; trade of, 193, 237, 276m, 294, 295, 
 438; see also Great Ardra; Little Ardra 
 Arguin, African gulf, 3, 25m, 35m 
 Arguin, African island, Brandenburgers at, 104; 
 expedition to, 33m; fort, 4; French at, 96m, 
 100, 28m., 3Son., 43in.; natives of, 24; 
 Portuguese at, 37, 41; trade of, 3 
 Arlington, Henry Bennet, earl of, of African 
 Company, 169, 181; letter to, 9m., 109, in, 
 113, 28on. 
 
 Arminian Merchant, accounts of, 371-373 
 Arrangoes, trade goods, 237, 371, 404, 419, 420, 
 435; see also Commodities 
 Arroba, Spanish weight, 138m 
 
 Arthur, -, merchant, 45m. . 
 
 Arthur (Arthor), Adam, African factor, 200, 
 202, 203 
 
 Arthur, 236; cargo of, 240; journal of, 226-234 
 Aruba, see Oruba 
 
 Ashburnham, John, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Ashburnham, Col. William, of Royal Adventur¬ 
 ers, 169, i7on. 
 
 Ashley, Anthony Ashley Cooper, baron (3d 
 earl of Shaftesbury), of Royal Adventurers, 
 170, 179-182 
 
 Ashly, Champion, 304, 36on. 
 
 Assientists, 104-121, 168, 197, 280 
 Assiento, 17, 104-121, 124-125, 168, 325-329, 335- 
 340, 341-351, 357 - 359 , 367, 373 - 377 ; ad¬ 
 ministration of, 364-370; and Jamaica, 37°; 
 Coymans, 341; Genoese, 167; interruption 
 to, 280, 365; method of, 343-346; papal 
 objections to, 347; Portuguese, 420; renewal 
 of, 308; Spanish opinion concerning, 362- 
 363; see also Barroso; Coymans; Genoese; 
 Grillo; Licenses; Porcio; Spanish America 
 
 Assini, Africa, 193, 199 
 
 Assistants, of African Company, 180, 183 
 
 Assurance, 88n. 
 
 Astley, Thomas, New General Collection of 
 Voyages and Travels, 3m 
 Atkins, Sir Jonathan, governor of Barbados, 
 116, i66n., 226; certificate from, 264m; in¬ 
 structions to, 223; letters from, 115, 2i6n., 
 217m, 266m; letter to, 229m; reprimand to, 
 222n. 
 
 Atwell (Attwell), Capt. -, 3 ° 5 ', Sarah 
 
 Bonaventura, 355, 356 
 Augwina, Africa, trade of, 287 
 
 Austerman, -, of Nevis, 261 
 
 Avarilla, case of, 414, 4 X 7 
 Avenga, negro contract, 343 
 
 Axim, Africa, capture of, 76; fort at, 200, 43on.; 
 Hannibal at, 395n.; interloper at, 203; 
 Portuguese at, 75; trade at, 6 
 Aylmore, Fowler, African factor, 200, 204 
 Ayres, John, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Azambuja, Diogo d\ governor of Fort St 
 George, Elmina, 4 
 Azaneguy, African natives, 21 
 Azevedo, Fernam Lopez d’, embassy of, 22n. 
 Azurara, see Eannes de Azurara 
 
Index 
 
 469 
 
 Backwell, Edward, of Royal Adventurers, 169m, 
 i72n. y ’ 
 
 Baftas (Baffetas, Baftares, Bafts), see Basts 
 alley, Arthur, London merchant, 414 
 Bailey, Col. Richard, of Barbados, 225 
 Bains Rene, of Company of Senegal, 96m 
 Ball, John, 170, 238 
 Ballisor, Africa, 311 
 
 Ballowe (Balloe), John, of Guinea Company, 
 i29n., 132 
 
 Ballwood, ———, African agent, slaves from, 208 
 Bamboo, Africa, 386 
 
 Bandelier, Fanny R., translations of, 335m 
 Bandmel, James, Some Account of the Trade in 
 Slaves from Africa , 75m 
 
 Bandy, Africa, 226, 300, 432, 435; see also Great 
 Bandy 
 
 Bank, James, 329m 
 
 Banks, Sir John, of African Company, 94, 179, 
 180, 183 
 
 Bantam, India, negroes for, 85m 
 Bar, African state, 285 
 Barbadoes Merchant, cargo of, 85m, 91 
 Barbados (Barbada), 133, 2 o6n.; address from, 
 93 n * I African Company in, 226n Arthur at, 
 232; assembly of, 215m; cargoes for, 240; 
 Coaster at, 252; Convert at, 259m; debts of, 
 92-93, 165-166, 216, 417m; Don Carlos at,’ 
 453 n.; duty act of, 392m; English in, 175m; 
 factors of, 177, 204m, 205, 225m, 4290.; gov¬ 
 ernor of, 156, 176m; grievances of, 91, 92, 
 111-112, 215, 413m; illicit trade in, 253; in¬ 
 terlopers, 222, 225, 241, 273, 393; James at, 
 208 j labor demand in, 86; letters from, 225- 
 226, 238-241, 245-250, 264, 272-274, 304-307, 
 33 0 - 33 i; Madagascar slaves for, 94, 272; 
 mortality of, 410m; opposition to monopoly, 
 93 , 266n.; orders for, i 94 n., 255m; petitions 
 of, 91, 9 2n., 377m, 417m; planters of, 169m; 
 settlement of, 74; slaves for, 88, 108, 131, 
 J 73 , 215, 216, 243m, 263, 304, 305, 306, 3i8n., 
 3 I 9 > 334 , 355 , 39 ^, 402, 430m, 452; slaves 
 from, 197, 25m., 326; slaves in, 125, 130m, 
 217m, 264, 372, 391; slave prices in, 91-92, 
 176; Spanish trade, no, in, ii2n., 115, 117, 
 119, 12m., 161, 163, 168, 197, 325, 341; 
 voyages to, 155, 204, 224m, 310, 408, 409, 
 414; see also West Indies 
 Barbary, trade, 8, 9, 86n., 192m, 428 
 Barbot, James, voyage to New Calabar, 430- 
 435 
 
 Barbot, James, jr., voyage to Congo, 451-465 
 arbot, John, at Calabar, 419-420; “Description 
 of the Coast of North and South Guinea,” 
 75m, 282-300, 43on., 45m.; “Supplement to 
 the Description of the Coasts of North and 
 South Guinea,” 459m; trade of, 40m.; 
 voyages to Martinique, 301-304 
 Barbour, Violet, Henry Bennet, Earl of Arling¬ 
 ton, 109m 
 
 Barker Matthew, of the Coaster, 254 
 Barne, Sir George, trade of, 9 
 Barracoons, 293 
 
 Barracunda, Africa, 126, 134, 135, 385m, 387m, 
 43 on. 
 
 Barrera del Rozo, see Barroso del Pozo 
 
 Barret, -, advocate, 333 
 
 Barret, Capt. Robert, of Jesus, 66 - 
 
 Barrett, Capt. Robert, instructions to, 360-362 
 
 Barroso del Pozo, Juan, assientist, 107, 116. 
 
 28011., 3o8n., 32511., 326, 327n., 342m, 345 
 Barrota, see Borburata 
 Bartels,en, Capt. Joris, expedition of, 103 
 Bartholomew, for Africa, 9 
 Bartlett, Robert, mariner,' 172 
 Bartlett, William, African factor, 203 
 Barton, Capt. -, trade of, 306 
 
 Bassam, Africa, 306, 394m 
 Basseterre, see Martinique 
 
 ? a ? tS, T, 2 - 3 7 ’ 4 ^ 5 >. 457 ; see also Commodities 
 Bate, Richard, interloper, 225 
 
 Bath, John, earl of, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Bath Manuscripts, 9 m. 
 
 Bathurst, Sir Benjamin, deputy governor, of 
 Royal African Company, 307, 308m, 325, 353, 
 355 
 
 Bats, William, African venture of, 62m 
 Battell, Andrew, Strange Adventures of 
 
 in Angola and the adjoining Regions 7n • 
 trade of, 7 ‘ ** 
 
 Bawdon (Bawden), Sir John, 326; bill drawn 
 on, 264; suit, 2 79 n., 388, 389, 390m, 39m. 
 
 Bawdon, Letitia, petition of, 388-390 
 
 Baysados (Bays), manufacture of, 379; trade in 
 
 218, 220, 221, 275, 396, 458; see also Com¬ 
 modities 
 
 Beads, trade in, 132, 256, 262; see also Com- 
 modifies 
 
 Beans, for negroes, 143, 299, 372, 391, 406, 408, 
 432, 463 ; see also Provisions 
 
 Beavis, Gilbert, of East India Company, 84m 
 
 Beazley, C. R., Azurara’s Chronicle of the Con¬ 
 quest of Guinea, 2n., i8n.; Dawn of Modern 
 Geography, 2n.; English Garner: Voyages 
 and Travels, 44m; “Prince Henry of 
 Poi tugal and his Political, Commercial, and 
 Colonizing Work,” an.; “Prince Henry of 
 Portugal and the African Crusade of the 
 Fifteenth Century,” an.; Prince Henry the 
 Navigator, 2n. 
 
 Beck (Van Becke), Baltazar, in Jamaica, 327, 
 34 i, 342 
 
 Beck, Matthias, of Dutch West India Company, 
 1 43 > * 45 > 149 ; letters from, 136-141, 150-153' 
 167 
 
 Beckford, Peter, letter from, 222m 
 
 Beckford, galley, voyage to Madagascar, qcn. 
 
 Beer, G. L., Old Colonial System, 87m 
 
 Beere, Robert, 419 
 
 Beeston, Sir William, admiralty judge, 222n * 
 instructions to, 120; letters from, i 2 on.’, 
 12m., 420, 429m, 445m, lieutenant 
 
 governor of Jamaica, 113, 213; petition 
 from, 317m 
 
 Begegres, Africa, trade of, 251 
 
 Behn, Aphra, Oroonoko, or the Royal Slave 
 156m; Works, i 5 6n. 
 
 Belasye (Bellasis), John, baron, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 170 
 
470 
 
 Index 
 
 Belchamber, Robert, 26m. , 
 
 Belchamber, Thomas, 361; illicit trade of, 251, 
 
 26011., 261 
 
 Bell, Capt. Robert, 238, 2440., 27411., 391 
 
 Belladine, -, of Coaster, 240 
 
 Belli, African slave market, 299 
 
 Bellomont, Richard Coote, earl of, governor 
 
 of New York, 95 
 
 Bellwood, John, African factor, 201, 242-244 
 Belmonte, Manuel de, Spanish resident, Am¬ 
 sterdam, letters of, 369 , A , 
 
 Bence, Sir Alexander, of Royal Adventurers, 
 
 ioSn., 109, 170 , 
 
 Bence, Jofrn, of African Company, 94 , 169m, 
 172m, 179, 180, 183, 236m, 353, 36on. 
 
 Bence (Bance) Island, Africa, 236m, 251, 3 ° 5 - 
 
 Benda (Bendy), value of, 219, 287; see also 
 Currency 
 
 Benedict da Belvedere, Father, 324 
 Benediction, 80, 84 
 Benguella, Angola, trade of, 7 
 Benin (Binny), Africa, 178, 180, 187, 189, 194; 
 bight of, 4, 201 n.; coral from, 291; currency 
 of, 295; descriptions of, 123m; English at, 
 89m, 382; trade of, 80, 193, 254; voyage to, 
 
 Benjamin, interloping vessel, 194; seized by 
 French, 415 
 
 Benlosse, Col. -, slaves for, 210 
 
 Bennet, Sir Henry, see Arlington 
 Beque, see Beck, Baltazar 
 Berbers, excluded from West Indies, 342 
 Berkeley, Sir Charles, of Royal Adventurers, 
 
 r 69 n. , 
 
 Berkeley, George, 1st earl of, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 169m 
 
 Berkeley, John, 1st Baron Berkeley of Stratton, 
 of Royal Adventurers, 169m, 170 
 Berkeley Castle, seized by French, 4 * 5 . . 
 Berlioux, E. F., Andre Brue ou VOrigin de 
 la Colonie Franqaise du Senegal, 96m 
 Bermuda, orders for, 194m; settlement of, 740. 
 Beson, see Bassam 
 Beven, Robert, 177 
 Biafra, bight of, Africa, 20m. 
 
 Bight (Bite), mortality of, 304; negroes from, 
 205; trade of, 193; vessel for, 393; see also 
 
 Benin; Biafra . 
 
 Bijdragen voor Vaderlandsche Geschiedems en 
 Oudheidkunde, 10711. 
 
 Bilboa Factor, seized by French, 416 
 Billop, Capt. Christopher, of Deptford, 276- 
 279, 388m 
 
 Bills of exchange, lists of, 304, 305, 331 
 Binny, see Benin 
 
 Bintam River, see Vintang River 
 Bird, John, London merchant, n; owner of 
 Mary, 120 
 
 Bird, William, petition of, 445 
 
 Birkhead, -, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 
 Birkin, James, 88n. 
 
 Biscay Merchant, seized by the French, 416 
 Bissam, native of, 360m 
 Bite, see Bight 
 
 Black Boy, 88n., 165m 
 
 Black Eagle, see Svuartem Arent 
 
 Blackmoor, 88n. 
 
 Blaes van der Veer, Adriaen, deposition of, 
 145-149; trade of, 142 
 
 Blake, Capt. John, voyage to Gambia, 126, 127, 
 129, 132 
 
 Blake, Capt. Peter, of James, 199-209 
 Blathwayt, William, 2640., 281, 328; letters to, 
 ii7n., n8n., 2770., 3070., 341-342, 388m 
 Blenac, Comte de, commander of the French 
 Caribbean islands, 301 
 Blewfeilds, Jamaica, 243 
 Bloome, John, African factor, 397 
 Blossom, interloper, 224m; mortality of, 250m; 
 
 seized by French, 415, 416 
 Bluck, Thomas, of John, 129m, 130 
 
 Bludworth, Capt. -, of Charles, 273 
 
 Bludworth, Sir Thomas, petition of, 172-173 
 Board of Trade, 104, 12m.; letters to, 420, 
 429m; report of, 445 - 44-6 
 Bolton, Capt. Thomas, of William and John, 67 
 Bonaire (Bonayre), Dutch West Indies, 137, 
 145, 146 
 
 Bonavista (Bonevis), Cape Verde Islands, 199 
 Bonn, George, of African Company, 353, 355 > 
 
 36011. . , 
 
 Bonnassieux, Pierre, Grandes Compagnies de 
 
 Commerce, 8n. 
 
 Bonny (Bany), Africa, 141 
 
 Bon Temps, -, French captain, 56 
 
 Booker, James, governor of Gambia, io2n. 
 
 Booth, Capt. -, of Samuel, 273 
 
 Borburata (Barbarrota, Burboroata), South 
 America, 52, 56, 58, 62m, 69m 
 Bosman, William, New and Accurate Descrip¬ 
 tion of the Coast of Guinea, divided into 
 the Gold, the Slave, and the Ivory Coasts, 
 76m, 438-444; trade of, 395 n -> 4 oin - 
 Boulton, William, bill drawn on, 264 
 Bounty, on French slaves, 99, 100 
 Bourne, Edward G., Spain in America, 1511. 
 Boutri, Africa, Dutch settlement, 206 
 Bowges (Boejies, Boesies, Booges), 237, 260, 
 275, 296m, 442; see also Cowries; Currency 
 Bowles, Nicholas, factor of Guinea Company, 
 
 126, 134 
 
 Boysados, see Baysados 
 
 Bozals, new negroes, 15, 72, 343 
 
 Bozar (Bozaert), Africa, French trade at, 284 
 
 Bradley, Anna, 309 
 
 Bradley, John, seaman, 334 
 
 Bradley, Nathaniel, Cape Coast factor, 25on., 
 
 259m 
 
 Bradstreet, William, governor of Mass., 94. 
 Braine, Richard, judge admiral of Jamaica, 
 242m, 245, 258 
 
 Brames, Arnold, merchant, 88n. 
 
 Brandaon, Brother Luis, letter from, 123-124 
 Brandenburgers, fort of, 103, 395 n *> 43 ° 5 S en " 
 eral of, 431; in Africa, 73, 103-104, 245m; 
 in West Indies, 104; trade of, 291, 292 
 Branding, of slaves, 293, 4 ° 2 , 44 2 
 Brandon, Charles Lord, of Royal Adventurers, 
 
 169m 
 
Index 
 
 47 1 
 
 Brandy, African trade in, 237, 283, 287, 290, 
 2 9 r > 372 ; see also Commodities 
 Branfill, Capt. Andrew, 255, 276 
 Brassoe, African chief, 220 
 Brawls, 217-221, 245, 260, 275; see also Com¬ 
 modities 
 
 Brayley, William, patent of, nn. 
 
 Brazil, and Dutch, 125m; Christian slaves for, 
 459; missionaries in, 319; natives from, 
 in -> 45 n -> products of, 291; slaves for, 6, 
 122, 165m; trade of, 8, 13, 76m, 300; voy¬ 
 ages to, 13, 45m 
 Brazil, frigate, 165m 
 Breda, Peace of, 91, 172m 
 
 Brett, -, factor at Commenda, 90 
 
 Bridge, Daniel, Cape Coast factor, 272m 
 Bridges, Nathaniel, bill of, 264 
 Bridgetown , seized by French, 416 
 Bridgewater, manufactures of, 379 
 Bridgman, John, 419 
 
 Brigges, Abraham, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Briscoe, Thomas, 330, 334, 335m 
 Bristol, interlopers of, 2670.; trade of, 196m, 
 197m 
 
 Bristol, H. M. S., 414 
 
 Broen, Marc, of Dutch West India Company, 
 244 
 
 Bromfield, -, ventures of, 45 
 
 Brooke, Joshua, petition of, 266m 
 Brooker, John, Gambia factor, 385m 
 Brotherhood , seized by Dutch, 165m 
 Brounkerd, Henry, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Brown, John, merchant, 444m 
 Brown, Richard, of Jamaica, 113m, 2i6n. 
 
 Browne, Capt. -, of Angola, 364 
 
 Browne, Capt. James, 242, 331 
 Browse, Capt. Thomas, 330 
 Brue, Andre, negotiations of, 436-438, 449m, 
 45 in.; work of, 96, 102 
 Brun, Louis le, of Company of Senegal, 96m 
 Bruyn, Franck, negroes of, 140 
 Buckingham, George Villiers, duke of, of Royal 
 Adventurers, 169m, 170 
 Buckor Sano, African merchant, 79 
 Buckridge (Buckeridge), Nicholas, African fac¬ 
 tor, 395m, 397m, 436m 
 
 Buckworth, John, deputy governor, of Royal 
 African Company, 169m, 179, 180, 183 
 Buen Ayre, see Bonaire 
 Buenos Ayres, negroes excluded from, 124 
 Bulle, Africa, 43 
 
 Bulletins de la Societe de I’Histoire de Nor¬ 
 mandie, 13m 
 
 Bunbury, Sir Edward, History of Ancient Geog¬ 
 raphy, 2n. 
 
 Burchett, -, merchant, 84 
 
 Burkham, Thomas, African Company employee, 
 
 305 
 
 Burt, -, 278, 279 
 
 Butcher, Capt. Robert, of Convert , 259m, 264 
 Butler, Capt. Nathaniel, 74m 
 Butteren, see Boutri 
 
 Button, Sir Thomas, African venturer, 80 
 Bymba, Africa, 49 
 
 Byndlosse, Lieut.-Col. Robert, admiralty judge, 
 222n. 
 
 Cabenda, Africa, rulers of, 360 
 Cabessa, John, African trader, 90 
 Cabessaland, Africa, Dutch in, 90 
 Cabinde, Africa, 45 m, 452-454, 45«, 457 
 Caboceers, African chiefs, 200, 202, 399, 400; 
 
 duties of, 402; slave trade of, 404 
 Cabo Corso, see Cape Coast 
 
 t G L ° 0P ’ 143 ’ also Ca P e L °P ez 
 Cabu Buen Esperanca, see Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Cacaonuts, cost of, 408 ; see also Provisions 
 
 Cacheo (Caces, Catchao) River, Hawkins at, 
 
 46n.; Portuguese at, 76m, 122, 286; trade 
 
 of, 192, 235, 306; see also Company of 
 Cacheo 
 
 Cacongo, Africa, king of, 64, 363 
 Cadamosto, Alvise, voyages of, 3, 21 
 Cadiz and assiento, 335 , 345, 368; Coymans in, 
 326; slaves for, 103, 155, 165m, 172, 320; 
 trade of, 115 
 
 Cadjada, African village, 387 
 Caesar, seized by French, 415 
 Calabar (Calbarine, Calbary), Africa, 165m; 
 slaves from, 205m, 247, 249, 440; trade of, 
 
 227, 286, 299; see also New Calabar; Old 
 Calabar 
 
 Calabar (Calabari) River, 145 
 Caleele Bay, see Carlisle Bay 
 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 77m; Do¬ 
 mestic, ion.; Foreign, i2n.; Spanish, 47; 
 Venice, 6n. 
 
 Calendar of Treasury Books, 193m 
 Calendar of Treasury Papers, 12m. 
 
 Callowsa River, Africa, 49 
 Calsamanga River, see Casamance 
 Camargo, Francisco, Council of the Indies, 357 
 Camberdoo River, Africa, 385m 
 Camina, Africa, 282m 
 
 Canary Islands, 192m; captives from, 38m; dis¬ 
 covery of, 2; English in, 28on.; Hawkins 
 at, 67; slaves from, in.; trade of, 8, 65; 
 vessel for, 2240.; voyages to, 45 
 Canjure, African settlement, 387 
 Canoes, for slave trade, 296, 405, 406 
 Cantoucory, Africa, 89m 
 Capalone, see Appolonia 
 
 Cape Blanco, Africa, 23, 24, 424, 425, 426; at¬ 
 tack on, 26n., 35n.; slaves captured at, 32; 
 voyage to, 22m 
 
 Cape Bojador, captives, i8n.; discovery of, 2 
 Cape Coast Castle (Cabo Corso), and East 
 India Company, 83; Barbot at, 432; Danes 
 at, 78; description, 395-396; Dutch at, 89, 
 90, 164, 3B1; factors of, 3050., 356; factory, 
 i 55 n., 1 75 , 3 n; history of, 77; interloper 
 £t, 3*2, James at, 201, 203, 206; letters 
 from, 259-260, 266, 272, 274-275, 306, 435- 
 436; Phillips at, 4030., 406; slaves from, 
 238, 250; trade of, 193, 199, 201, 220, 221, 
 236, 260, 352, 360, 397; vessel for, 262, 371 
 Cape de Bona Esperanza, see Cape of Good 
 Hope 
 
 Cape de la Vela, Spanish America, 52, 68 
 Cape Lopez (Lope Gonzalves, Lopus), Africa 
 142, 145, 231, 300, 302, 304, 439m, 460 
 Cape Mesurado, Africa, 393m 
 
47 2 
 
 Index 
 
 
 Cape Mount, Africa, 192, 199, 422-426 
 Cape of Good Hope, 160, 180, 192, 194, 195, 
 223, 224, 331, 377 , 42 i, 422, 423, 424 
 Cape of Masts, Africa, 39 
 Cape of the Ransom, Africa, 41 
 Cape Palmas, Portuguese at, 3m., 35 
 Cape Roxo, Portuguese at, 4m. 
 
 Cape St. John, 230 
 
 Cape Three Points, 6n., 42m, 193, 298, 395m 
 Cape Verde, 76m, 82m; cloth of, 291; English 
 at, 62n., 67; natives of, 48m, 152; Portu¬ 
 guese at, 38, 39; slaves from, 101, 124, 350; 
 trade of, 13, 62m, 235; voyage to, 122-123 
 Cape Verde Islands, negroes from, 15; trade 
 of, 64 
 
 Capuchins, in Congo, 319-324; in West Africa, 
 97n.; on Dutch vessels, 340m, 348 
 Caracas, merchant of, 107, 152 
 Carcau, Jean (Juan), and assiento, 363m, 364m, 
 368 
 
 Cargoes, care of, 402; cost of, 153, 39on., 395m; 
 for African trade, 217-221, 245, 256-258, 
 262-263, 275, 290-291, 397n.; value of, 155; 
 see also Commodities 
 
 Caribbean Islands, 175-176; governor of, 156m; 
 illicit trade of, 153m; slaves for, 88; voy¬ 
 age to, 460; see also West Indies 
 Caribbean Sea, warfare in, 112 
 Carlet, Capt. David, expedition of, 10, 56 
 Carlisle, Charles Howard, earl of, 125m, 169m, 
 170, 236, 244, 245, 258 
 Carlisle Bay, Barbados, 204, 232 
 Carloff (Caerloff), Henry, on African coast, 
 
 77 , 78 , 98, 99 
 
 Carolina, orders for, 194m; separate traders 
 from, 445 
 
 Carolina, seized by French, 416 
 Carolusburg, see Cape Coast Castle 
 Carpenter, Henry, Nevis factor, 206, 239m, 257, 
 258, 361; letters from, 242-243, 250-251, 260- 
 262, 275-276 
 
 Carr, Cecil, Select Charters of Early English 
 Trading Companies, nn. 
 
 Cartagena, 103, 327m; capture of, 431; factor 
 at, 368; governor of, 335; Hawkins at, 68; 
 inquisitors of, 339; slaves for, 106, 113, 
 114, 121, 124, 167, 280, 325, 329m, 338; 
 vessel for, 120; voyage to, nn. 
 
 Carteret, Capt. -, 89m 
 
 Carteret, Sir George, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m, 170 
 
 Cartwright, Jarvis, of African Company, 179, 
 180, 183 
 
 Cary (Carry), Richard, illicit trade of, 251, 
 26on., 26m., 429m 
 
 Casa de Contratacion, Seville, 15, i6n., 105, 124, 
 336 , 342 , 343 
 
 Casamance (Cassamanza) River, trade of, 192, 
 235 
 
 Case, John, Bence Island factor, 305-306 
 Case, John, of Antego Merchant, 224 
 Case of the Royal African Company, 76m 
 Cassa, see Soto de Cassa 
 Casseneuve, John, voyage of, 451-465 
 Castile, and assiento, 374; letter from, 367; slav¬ 
 ery in, 351 
 
 Castilla del Ora, South America, negroes for, 16 
 Castillo, St. James (Santiago), and assiento, 
 119m, 120, 121, 327, 328, 371, 385, 420 
 Castle ( Casteel) Frigate, 146, 146m 
 Castle of Comfort, 62m 
 
 Castlyn (Castelin), Edward, trade of, 8n., 9, 
 i2n., 47n. 
 
 Castrejon, Gil, of Council of Castile, 347 
 Catalogue of the Damages for which the Eng¬ 
 lish demand Reparation, 88 
 Catholic Church, and Portuguese, 4; and slave 
 trade, 15, 123-124, 1370., 338 - 339 . 346 - 348 , 
 357-359 ; in Congo, 319-324, 45 2 , 459 5 
 
 Moors, 27, 30 
 
 Cattle, trade in, 129, 131, 132 
 Cawston, George, Early Chartered Companies, 
 83m 
 
 Caycos, islands, 47 
 Caye, French trade at, 284 
 Cayenne, slaves from, 102, 301, 303, 460 
 Caymans, West Indies, English in, 175m 
 Cecil, Sir William (Lord Burghley), African 
 venturer, 47m, 59, 61, 63-65 
 Cerberro (Cerborou), see Sherbro 
 Cerdeno, Luis, of Council of the Indies, 346, 347, 
 
 349 
 
 Ceremonials, of African natives, 452-454 
 Certain Considerations relating to the Royal 
 African Company of England: in which the 
 Original Growth and National Advantages 
 of the Guiney Trade are Demonstrated, 
 267-271 
 
 Cestos, see Sestos 
 Challoner, Sir Thomas, 47m 
 Chama, see Shama 
 
 Chamberlayne, Abraham, sr., merchant, 80 
 Chamberlayne, Abraham, jr., merchant, 80 
 Chamberlayne (Chambrelan), Thomas, mer¬ 
 chant, 80, 82, 130, 131, 133 
 
 Chambonneau, -, director general of French 
 
 Senegal Company, 387m 
 
 Chantrell, Capt. -, cargo of, 391 
 
 Chapman, -, advocate, 252 
 
 Chapman, John, deposition of, 12m.; of Nevis, 
 257 
 
 Chappell, Roger, petition of, 172-173 
 Charles I., of England, patent from, 80 
 Charles II., of England, and African Company, 
 85, 93, 156m, 160, 169; charter granted by, 
 177-192; instructions from, 168, 176, 223, 
 224, 26m., 370; proclamation of, 194 
 Charles II., of Spain, and assiento, 338, 339m, 
 345 , 346, 357 , 362-363, 364-369, 373 
 Charles V., of Spain, licenses granted by, 15 
 Charles, Capt. Bludworth, 273; cargo of, 243m; 
 for Barbados, 305; seized by Dutch, 88n., 
 164m, 165m; seizure by, 168 
 Charter party, 248 
 
 Charters, of African companies, 83, 85, 87, 177- 
 192, 222-224, 248, 331, 333 
 Cheeke, Philip, of Barbados, 225 
 Cherborough, see Sherbro 
 Chester, John, voyage of, 57 
 Chester, Sir William, African trader, 9m, 47m 
 Childe, Thomas, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 
Index 
 
 473 
 
 Chile, slave prices in, 17 
 China Merchant, seized by French, 416 
 Christian IV., of Denmark, 78m, 135 
 Christian negroes, 29, 30, 42, 124, 288m 
 Christiansborg Castle, seized by natives, 395m; 
 
 see also Fort Christiarisborg 
 Church, see Catholic Church 
 Churchill, Awnsham, Voyages and Travels, 
 282m 
 
 Churchill, John, Voyages and Travels, 282m 
 Cibo, Cardinal, opposition to slave trade, 319 
 Ciguer, Henry, contract of, 17 
 Cintra, Piedro de, voyage of, 3 
 Claessen, Pieter, death of, 141, 142, 143 
 Clarendon, Edward Hyde, earl of, and African 
 company, 87; Life, 87m 
 
 Claridge, W. W., History of the Gold Coast 
 and Ashanti, 2n. 
 
 Clark, Benjamin, Guinea Company factor, 126, 
 127 
 
 Clark, J. S., Progress of Maritime Discovery, 
 3 n - 
 
 Clarke, Capt. Henry, 330, 331 
 Clarke, Thomas, African factor, letters from 
 236-238 
 
 Clarke, Walter, of Nevis, 257 
 Clarke, William, deposition of, 69-70 
 
 Clay, -, of East-India Merchant, 398, 400 
 
 401 
 
 Clay, Samuel, bill drawn on, 331 
 
 Clayten, -, African factor, 396m 
 
 Cleeve, Alexander, African factor, 382 
 Clerke, Henry, of Dorothy, 312-316 
 Clifford, Thomas, order of, 193, 1940. 
 
 Clobery, Oliver, ventures of, 840. 
 
 Clobery, William, merchant, 79, 80 
 Clodore, Jean, Relation de ce qui s’est passe dans 
 les Isles et Terre Ferme de I’Amerique, 99m 
 Clothiers, petitions of, 384, 413-414. 
 
 Clothing, for slaves, 141, 294 
 Cloth-workers, petition of, 417-418 
 Coamings, on slave ships, 202 
 Coape, Maj. John, of Jamaica, 154m 
 Coaster, case of, 240, 242-244, 251-255 
 Coat, Robert, petition of, 2090. 
 
 Cock, Sir George, 1690., 170 
 Cock, interloper, 273 
 
 Cockeram, Martin, Plymouth seaman, 45m 
 Codrington, Col. Christopher, 241, 264, 273m ; 
 
 on Cormantines, 398m 
 Codrington, Lieut.-Col. John, 273m 
 Colbert, Jean Baptiste, companies of, 74m; West 
 India policy, 95, 96, 98, 99 
 Cole, Barbary trader, 9m 
 
 Cole, Christian, Memoirs of Affairs of State: 
 containing Letters vjntten by Ministers em¬ 
 ployed in Foreign Negotiations from the 
 year 1697 to the latter End of 1708, 446m- 
 447m 
 
 Cole, Robert, seaman, 211 
 Coleman, Juan, 328 
 Colker, , African factor, 393, 394 
 
 Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, 
 192m 
 
 Colleton, Sir John, executors of, 1690. 
 
 Colleton, Sir Peter, factor of African Company, 
 88, 89m, 305, 308m, 377m, 38m. 
 
 Colleton, Thomas, 305 
 
 Collier, Col. -, negroes for, 210 
 
 Collvill, John, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Coloma, Manuel, Spanish minister at the Hague, 
 369; letters from, 373, 374-377; letter to, 
 367-368 
 
 Colston, Edward, of African Company, 364m 
 Columbus, Christopher, and slave trade, 14 
 Comberdoo, African state, 386 
 Commanna, Africa, 386 
 
 Commenda, Africa, 311; Dutch at, 395m; Eng¬ 
 lish at, 89, 175, 381, 430; French at, ioon.; 
 interloper at, 289; James at, 200; trade 
 with, 275 
 
 Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, see 
 Board of Trade 
 
 Commissioners of Customs, 215m; on Spanish 
 trade, 118, 119; order to, 193 
 Commissions, on negro trade, 24m., 257, 264, 
 2 74 , 276, 304, 305, 331, 372-373 
 Committee for Trade and Plantations, i5jn., 
 2i5n., 242m, 272m, 388m; see also Lords of 
 Trade 
 
 Commodities, for African trade, 3, 64-66, 97, 
 130-132, 197, 217-221, 236, 237-238, ’245’ 
 260, 262-263, 275, 276, 282-283, 286, 287, 290- 
 
 2 93 > 2 95 > 296, 30m., 371 - 372 , 379 , 393 ^., 396, 
 40on., 404-405, 419-420, 422-423, 427, 433- 
 436m, 455, 457-458; from Africa, 87m, 122, 
 126, 127, 135, 187, 188, 192, 195-196, 235, 
 24 1 , 259, 279m, 416; from West Indies, 64, 
 x 3 8 > 379, 412; see also Sugar; Tobacco; and 
 other specific articles 
 
 Common law, case referred to, 222-2230. 
 Companies of the Senegal, 96, 99, 100, 101, 
 28m., 285, 448 
 
 Company of Adventurers of London trading 
 into parts of Africa (1618), 78, 79 
 Company of Brandenburg, 103; see also Bran¬ 
 denburg 
 
 Company of Cacheo, Portuguese, 107, 306m 
 Company of 1536, English, nn. 
 
 Company of 1588, English, nn. 
 
 Company of Guinea, French, 96, 101 
 Company of Royal Adventurers of England 
 trading to Africa, 86-93, 153m, 155m, 178, 
 192, 236m; and East India Company, 84; 
 i and Spanish-American trade, m-112, 163* 
 167; complaints from, 165-166, 168; debts 
 due to, 176; declarations of, 157-161; dis¬ 
 solution of, 174-176, 179, 192m; letters from, 
 1:56-157, 164; members of, 169-172; sub¬ 
 scriptions to, 159-160 
 
 Company of the Islands of America, 74 07 
 Concord, 115 ’ V/ 
 
 Concorde, cargo of, 99 
 
 Congett, James, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Congo, exploration of, 4; natives of, 4 8n.; Por¬ 
 tuguese in, 6 , 363* 45 ^ I report on, 7; voy- 
 
 ages to, 319-324, 457; see also next item 
 Congo River, 382, 451, 454 
 
 Congregation of the Propaganda, 357 
 
474 
 
 Index 
 
 Coninck Salomon, 140, 141, i 49 > I 5 I > J 5 2 
 Conny, John, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Constant Mary, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 Consulado, body of Seville merchants, 104, 106, 
 107; slave trade of, 3o8n., 344, 345, 34^; 
 see also Assiento 
 Content, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 Convert, trade of, 235, 259 
 Convoy, of African vessels, 385m 
 Cooke, John, of African Company, 360, 364m 
 
 Cooper, -, African factor, 397 
 
 Cooper, Capt. -, of Jamaica, 211 
 
 Cooper, John, of Royal Adventurers, 170m 
 
 Cope, Capt. -, of George and Betty, 261, 275 
 
 Copper bars, 226, 233, 256, 300m; duty on, 428- 
 429; trade in, 193, 240; see also Commod¬ 
 ities; Currency 
 
 Copping, Jeremy, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Coral, see Commodities 
 
 Corbett, Sir Julian, Drake and the Tudor Navy, 
 ion. 
 
 Corker, -, African factor, negotiations of, 
 
 436-438 
 
 Cormantine, and East India Company, 83; Dutch 
 at, 90, 155, 165, 193, 268, 381; factory at, 
 8in., 86n., 89; trade at, 260, 438; see also 
 Little Cormantine 
 
 Cormantines (Coromantines), character of, 398 
 Corn, cost of, 408; food for negroes, 2oon.- 
 204, 245, 300, 391, 397, 406; from Gold 
 Coast, 286, 298, 396, 432; trade in, 219-221, 
 260 
 
 Cornejo, Father, of Order of St. Francis, 346, 
 347 
 
 Cortes, Juan Lucas, of Council of Indies, 357 
 
 Cosker, Capt. -, commission of, 24m. 
 
 Cost, of African cargo, 47m, 220, 352, 354; of 
 negroes, 265, 317; of negro subsistence, 293; 
 see also Prices 
 
 Costle, John, African factor, 382 
 Coto, Africa, slave trade of, 439 
 Cotton, of West Indies, 379, 412 
 Cotton Manuscripts, 66n. 
 
 Council, of Barbados, 215m, 225m; of Castile, 
 members of, 347; of Jamaica, H3n., 114, 
 
 I 54 n * 
 
 Council for Foreign Plantations, 114, 15511., 17cm. 
 Council for Trade, 115, 15511., 17cm. 
 
 Council of State, English, 82, 129m, i8on.; 
 
 French, 45m. 
 
 Council of the Indies, and slave trade, 17, 339 n *> 
 363m; complaints to, 335m; members of, 
 347; minutes of, 346-351; reports of, 338m, 
 357-359 
 
 Council of the Inquisition, and slave trade, 107, 
 
 338 - 339 , 348 , 349 , 357 , 359 n - 
 Council of Trade, Interregnum, 129m 
 Council of Trade and Plantations, ic>4n., 116, 
 i2on., 195m 
 
 Courland, Duke of, 136m 
 
 Coutinho, Joao Rodriguez, contract of, 17, 104, 
 343 
 
 Couzens, Aron, Dutch captain, 155 
 Coventry, Sir William, 87, 169m, 170 
 Cowley, Roger, of Barbados, 225 
 
 Cowries (Cauries), 237m, 245, 256, 262, 282, 
 290, 292, 293, 295, 371, 39311., 406; see 
 also Currency 
 
 Coxon, William, of Supply, 136m 
 Coymans, Baltazar, and assiento, 107, 118, 3o8n., 
 326m, 329, 337, 339 , 34on., 341, 342, 345 “ 
 347 , 352, 357 n -, 359 , 363, 365, 367, 373 , 374 , 
 375, 377n.; death of, 362m; letter from, 
 335-336 
 
 Coymans, John, and Company, 106, 325m; and 
 assiento, 357, 362, 364m, 365, 366; letters 
 from, 367-369 
 
 Cradock, Richard, of African Company, 353, 
 355 
 
 Craven, Sir Anthony, of Royal Adventurers, 
 170 
 
 Craven, William, earl of, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m, 170, 179, 180, 183 
 Crawford, William, affidavit of, 165m 
 Credit, for purchase of negroes, 166, 265 
 Criminals, sold as slaves, 298, 441 
 Crisp, John, venture of, 84m 
 Crisp, Joseph, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Crisp, Sir Nicholas, African merchant, 79~86n., 
 
 i 69 n. 
 
 Crisp, Thomas, of Royal Adventurers, 82m, 170 
 Crispe, Capt. Edward, of Royal Adventurers, 
 170 
 
 Crocker, John, trade of, 116 
 Crofts, John, 331 
 
 Crofts, William Lord, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m, 170 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 82; capture of Jamaica, 153m 
 
 Crow, Capt. -, 259 
 
 Cruflf, George, of Nevis, 257 
 Cruzado de la Cruz, Juan, Spanish pilot, 337 
 Cuba, and illicit trade, 137; negroes for, 15m, 
 16, 140 
 
 Cuhho, see Cacheo 
 
 Cul de Sac Royal, French West Indies, 303 
 Cullom (Cullem), Sir Thomas, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 169m, 170 
 
 Cultru, Pierre, Histoire du Senegal du XV e 
 Siecle a i8jo, 13m 
 Cumana, Venezuela, 52 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m 
 
 Curasao, and Spanish trade, 105, 108, 328, 329, 
 338, 34111., 349m, 358, 373m; Hawkins at, 
 58; illicit trade from, 109; settlement of, 
 74; slaves from, 106, 107, 111, 114, 244; 
 slaves in, 117, 280m, 368, 374; trade of, 
 62m, 136, 173, 280; voyage to, 143,^146 
 Currency, African, 157, 162, 204, 218-221, 234, 
 260, 286, 287, 292, 293, 295, 296m, 306, 405, 
 420, 434, 442; Spanish, 308; of West In¬ 
 dies, 266m, 308m, 317-318, 370, 372m, 373 
 Curtis, Thomas, seaman, 334 
 Customs, see Duties 
 Customs Commissioners, 224 
 Cutino, Juan Rodriguez, see Coutinho 
 Cutler, William, of Royal Adventurers, 169m, 
 170 
 
Index 
 
 475 
 
 Darnel, African king, 2S4, 436n. 
 
 Dame Susan, see Susanna 
 Damon, Capt. Chr., 431 
 
 Danby, -•, treasurer, 224 
 
 Dancourt,-•, director general of French Afri¬ 
 
 can Company, ioin., 28m. 
 
 Danes, and Brandenburgers, 104; and French, 
 45in.; conquered by Dutch, 90; fort at 
 Accra, 395; in Africa, 73, 77, 78m, 135, 
 x 75 n -, 200, 245m, 381, 395m; in West Indies, 
 73 ; trade of, 291, 292, 378, 440 
 
 Daniel, Capt. -, interloper, 271, 272J of 
 
 Mediterranean, 393 
 
 Daniel, cargo of, 330; seizure of, 154-156, 165m 
 Danish Company of Guinea, 135m 
 
 Danvere, Capt. -, death of, 385 
 
 Darremane, see Dramanet 
 Dashee, gratuity, 202 
 
 Dashwood, Francis, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Dashwood, Samuel, of African Company, 179, 
 180, 183, 36cm., 364m 
 Dassell, Anthony, patent of, nn. 
 
 Dassell, Thomas, voyage of, 11 
 Davenant, Charles, defense of African Com- 
 pany, 4i8n.; “Reflections on the African 
 Trade,” 417m, 435m 
 
 Davenport, Frances G., European Treaties bear¬ 
 ing on the History of the United States, 5m 
 David’s Island, 147, 148, 149 
 
 Davis, - , interloper, 240m 
 
 Davison, Sir William, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m, 170 
 
 Day, Nicholas, African venture of, 62m 
 De Baas, governor general of the French West 
 Indies, 98m 
 
 De Blenac, -, on French slave trade, 10011. 
 
 Deborah and Martha, capture of, 417 
 Debts, 92, 93, 266n.; laws concerning, 2i6n.; 
 of African companies, 174-176, 179; of 
 Barbados, 176-177; of French Company, 100, 
 101; of French planters, 101; of plantations, 
 165m, 166, 265, 268, 3o8n., 370, 371; of 
 Spaniards, 327; to African Company, 318, 
 4 i 7 n. 
 
 Delavall, -, merchant, 131 
 
 Delbee, Sieur, Journal of Voyage, 99m; slave 
 trade of, 99, 236m 
 Delight, cargo of, 306, 307 
 Delos, African islands, 48m 
 Delvas, Antonio Rodriguez, contract of, 105 
 Denham, John, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Denmark, African company of, 270; war with j 
 Sweden, 78 
 Deptford, 276, 27S 
 De Ruyter, see Ruyter 
 
 Des Bouverie, William, of African Company, 
 3551.36411. 
 
 Description and Historicall Declaration of the 
 Golden Kingdome of Guinea, otherwise 
 called the Golden Coast of Myna, written 
 
 by one who hath often times beene there, 
 75m 
 
 Deseada, Hawkins at, 58 
 Desnos, Sieur, seizure of, 437, 438 
 Devonshire, merchants of, 10 
 
 Dexter, William, 221 
 
 Deza, Pedro Suarez de, see Suarez de Deza 
 Diamond, 153, 154, 416 
 Diaz, Dinis, expedition of, 31, 35 
 Diaz, Vicente, slaves taken by. 37 
 Diemen, 150 
 Digbie, George, 80 
 Digby, Sir Kenelm, merchant, 79, 80 
 Diseases, of negroes, 206-208, 245, 271, 293, 394, 
 409, 442 , 459 , 464 
 
 Dixcove, Africa, 193, 204; fort at, 395m; James 
 
 at, 207-208; Towerson at, 43m; trade at, 
 219 
 
 1-Jodd, Kichard, African factor, 126, 134 
 Doderige, Richard, patent of, nn. 
 
 Doegood, Capt. Robert, of Arthur, 226 
 
 Dolberry, Capt. -, 416 
 
 Dolphin, 88n., 128, 360m 
 
 Dominica, Hawkins at, 51, 58, 68 
 
 Don Carlos, ten-per-cent, ship, 45m., 453m 
 
 Donus, trade at, 227 
 
 Dony, trade of, 433, 435 
 
 Doricot, John, patent of, nn. 
 
 Dorothy, case of, 308-317 
 Dos, see Dashee 
 
 Dotten, William, of Barbados, 372 
 
 Downing - Sir George, 8 9 n., 125, I55 , 156m, 165 
 
 Doyley, Capt. , of H. M. S. Bristol, 414 
 
 D Oyley, Edward, governor of Jamaica, 154m 
 
 Dragon, trade of, 419-420 
 
 Drake, Capt. Francis, 67 
 
 Dramanet, Africa, 387m 
 
 Draper, Capt. Thomas, 331 
 
 Drax, Col. Henry, 273m; instructions to, 266n. 
 
 Drax, Col. James, of Barbados, 241 
 
 Droualt, Capt. -, 97 n. 
 
 Du Casse, Jean, governor of Santo Domingo, 
 100, 102, 43 in. 
 
 Duckett, Sir Lionel, ventures of, 45, 63m 
 
 Du Clerc, , secretary to Governor de 
 Baas, 99 
 
 Dudley, Lord Robert, African venturer, 47m 
 Duke of York, 85m, 2i6n.; and East India Com¬ 
 
 pany, 83m; and Spanish-American trade, 
 10 9 > 115; letter of, 156m; see also James II. 
 of England 
 
 Dutch, African trade of, 97, 98, 112, 136-154, 
 167, i 94 n., 231, 270, 292, 295, 299-300, 35 9 n., 
 377 > 4 11 1 and African natives, 90, 403m, 431; 
 and assiento, 105, 280, 308, 325m, 340, 346* 
 347 > 362-363; and Catholic Church, 338- 
 339 » 357~359 1 and English, 86, 89-91, 153- 
 154, 164-165, 172-173, 203, 224m, 242, 244- 
 245, 268, 319; and French, 45m.; and 
 Great Friedrichsburg, 104; and Middle 
 Passage, 459, 461, 463; and Portuguese, 75, 
 2oon., 431; and Spanish-American trade, 
 hi, 114, 329m, 348, 357 °.; commodities for 
 African trade, 290-291, 458; depredations 
 of, 85, 90, 164-165; illicit trade of, 153m, 
 2 ° 9 n< > 446 , 449 ; in Africa, 73-78, 82, 122m, 
 2oon., 235, 245m, 285, 298, 300, 30m., 381, 
 395 °., 4445 2 > 4571 in Congo, 322-324; in 
 West Indies, 73, 74, 125m, i 3 on., 280, 328, 
 370; privateer, 394; see also Holland 
 
476 
 
 Index 
 
 Dutch West India Company, 90m, 96, 155, 244- 
 245, 258; agent of, 438m; and interlopers, 
 454; and Spanish trade, 107, 167m, 335m, 
 362-365, 367, 373 n -> 375 5 claims of, 374; 
 contract of, 108, 326; creation of, 75-76; 
 letters to, 136-140, 150-153; monopoly of, 77, 
 395; trade of, 235-236; vessel of, 242 
 Duties, in Barbados, 392m; in Jamaica, 116, 
 120, 387-388, 429m; on African trade, 54, 
 55, hi, 139, 163, 187, 218, 263, 296-298, 326, 
 344, 364, 379, 401, 404, 421-429* 434 * 44 i, 
 454-455; on Portuguese trade, 431; on 
 Spanish trade, 343, 346m, 366; reports on, 
 426; suspension of, 100, 168 
 Dutton, Sir Richard, governor of Barbados, 94, 
 117, 273m 
 
 Dyamond, see Diamond 
 Dyeing stuffs, 379 
 
 Eagle, 393 ,, 395 n., 416, 417 
 Eannes, Gil, expedition of, 25 
 Eannes de Azurara, Gomes, Chronicle of the 
 Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, 2n., 
 18-41 
 
 East Africa, pirates of, 95; slaves from, 89, 93, 
 94, 95; see also Madagascar 
 East India Company, 17cm., 172m; and African 
 Company, 77m, 83-85, 93, 94; limits of, 192; 
 monopoly of, 418m; taxation of, 267 
 East-India Merchant, 393, 398, 408 
 East Indies, commodities from, 217, 218, 219, 
 220, 233, 237, 245, 282, 291, 296, 405, 444, 
 458; trade of, 269; see also Commodities 
 Easton, John, bill drawn on, 331 
 
 Eaton, Capt. -, trade of, 203 
 
 Eddy, John, of Nevis, 251, 26m. 
 
 Eden, Richard, Decades of the New IVorld, 9m 
 Edge, Capt. John, 26cm. 
 
 Education, of African children, 396m 
 Edward and Ann, 233-234 
 Edward and fVilliam, 436m 
 Edward IV., of England, and the pope, 6 
 
 Edwards, -, cargo of, 432 
 
 Edwards, Bryan, History Civil and Commercial 
 of the British Colonies in the IVest Indies, 
 i6n. 
 
 Egerton Manuscripts, 82m 
 
 Egrot, Maurice, of Company of Senegal, 96 
 
 Elampough, see Allampo 
 
 Elbee, Sieur d’, see Delbee 
 
 Elephants teeth, see Ivory 
 
 Elias, 84 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, of England, and African 
 trade, 9m, 10, 12, 47m, 60-65 
 Elizabeth of Bohemia, i7on. 
 
 Elizabeth, seized by French, 415 
 Elizabeth, see Daniel 
 Elletson, Roger, 329m 
 Ellin, Robert, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Elliott, Hugh, African factor, letters from, 236- 
 238 
 
 Elliott, John, of the fVelcome, 243m 
 Elmina, 2n., 77, 155, 382; attack on, 75, 76; 
 castle of, 145; Dutch at, 90, 193, 292; 
 French at, 56; gold, 9; history of, 142m; 
 
 interlopers at, 203m; Portuguese at, 3, 4, 6, 
 13, 75; provisions from, 142; trade at, 43m, 
 44m; voyages to, 59, 6on., 167, 432 
 
 Elton, Capt. -, interloper, 236 
 
 Emanuel, African native, 36on. 
 
 Embakko, Africa, Portuguese trade at, 459 
 Embargo, on African trade, 385, 415m 
 Emden Company, see Brandenburgers 
 Emerillon, voyage of, 302 
 Empress, in Gambia River, 418-419 
 England, and Dutch, 86, 89-91, 153-154, 164-165, 
 172-173, 203, 224m, 242, 244-245, 258, 268, 
 319; and French, 13, 382, 436-438, 446-451; 
 and Portuguese, 6n., 11-13, 62m, 8in., 
 
 128; and Spanish-American trade, 46m, 57- 
 
 72, io5n., 107-121, 137m, 197, 198, 28cm. 
 English, African trade of, 6, 8, 84-89, 126-136, 
 
 172-173, 291, 292, 378-384, 437; excluded 
 from Congo, 319-324; factories and forts of, 
 89, 380-383, 395-396; in Africa, 7-11, 73, 
 i22n., 126-136, 286, 295, 300, 320-323, 381, 
 436m, 440, 445-446, 452-454; in West Indies, 
 
 73, 74-93; on Gold Coast, 76, 155m, 20cm., 
 245m, 286, 287; voyages of, 8-11, 42-57, 66- 
 69, 125, 199-209, 226-234 
 
 English Historical Review, 386m 
 
 Ericks (Erickson), Bernard, on African coast, 
 
 . 74 
 
 Eriford, Capt. -, trade of, 456 
 
 Escholt, Capt. Juan, 335-338, 34° 
 
 Escholt, Marcos, 337 
 
 Escobar, Pedro de, exploration of, 4 
 
 Esnambuc, Belain d’, in St. Christopher, 97 
 
 Essex, petition of clothiers, 384 
 
 Estrees, Comte d’, on African coast, ioon., 235m 
 
 Eudoxus,-, voyage of, 2 
 
 Eugenius IV., Pope, and Portuguese discoveries, 
 4n., 5, 22n. 
 
 Europeans, slave carriers, 1 
 Evance, Sir Stephen, merchant, 121 
 
 Evans, -, commission of, 244 
 
 •Evelyn, John, Diary, i8on. 
 
 Exchequer, Court of, 388, 390, 426 
 Exports, 379; duties on, 421-424 
 Exton, Thomas, advocate, 209, 211, 212, 315, 
 333 
 
 Eyckenboom, 149, 151 
 Eynger, Henry, see Ciguer 
 
 Fabian, William, expedition of, 6 
 Factories, in Africa, 79, 164; see also Forts 
 Factors of African Company, 126, 199, 233, 
 266n., 299, 411, 429; letters from, 225, 234- 
 244, 245-251, 255, 259-262, 264, 266, 271- 
 276, 304-307, 330 - 331 , 355 , 385, 39 I_ 39 2 , 435 - 
 . 436 , 445 
 
 Faithful Advice, 88n. 
 
 Falmouth, Countess of, of Royal Adventurers, 
 170 
 
 Famine, on African coast, 443 
 Fanshaw, Sir Richard, minister to Spain, 109m 
 Fantine (Fantyn), African state, 90, 397; natives 
 of, 202, 286 
 
 Fargots, African natives, 283m 
 Farmer, John, of Barbados, 264 
 Farnandy Po, see Fernando Po 
 
 
Index 
 
 477 
 
 Farrington, Thomas, of African Company, 179, 
 180, 183 
 
 Fasleman, -, Dutch governor of Cormantine, 
 
 39 7 n - 
 
 Fenner, Edward, African venture of, 62m 
 Fenner, George, expedition of, 62, 64 
 Ferdinand, King of Spain, orders concerning 
 negroes, 15 
 
 hernandez, Alvaro, captives of, 38; expedition 
 of, 39-41 
 
 Fernandez, Joao, in Africa, 32m, 39 
 Fernandez, Martin, Portuguese official, 23 
 Fernando Po, African island, 3, 4, 230 
 Ferolles, M. de, governor of Guadeloupe, 303 
 Fetu, Africa, natives of, 75, 90, 200; wars of, 
 403 n. 
 
 Fida, see Whydah 
 
 Fidelia, voyage to Madagascar, 94 
 
 Field, Capt. -, of the Salomon, 50 
 
 Fiscal, of Spain, opinion of, 362-363 
 Fisher, Ruth Anna, “Extracts from the Records 
 of the African Companies,” i78n. 
 
 Fitzwilliam, -, voyage of, 57 
 
 Flanders, and assiento, 344, 345 
 Fleming, William, 394 
 
 Flemings, contract of, 17; trade of, 135, 336, 
 340; see also Assiento; Dutch 
 Flying Horse, 211, 213 
 Foella, native official, 296, 297 
 Fogo Towne, see next title 
 Fokke, Africa, 230, 298 
 Foley, Robert, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 Food, see Provisions 
 
 Footoores, African natives, 201; see also Fetu 
 Ford, Sir Richard, of African Company, 169m, 
 I72n., 179, 180, 183 
 
 Ford, Capt. Robert, of New London, 418-419 
 Foresight, H. M. S., 222m, 420 
 Fort Amsterdam, at Cormantine, 155m, 438m 
 Fort Christiansborg, captured by Danes, 78m 
 Fort Conraadsburg, Dutch, 77 
 Fort Dorothea, on Gold Coast, 104 
 Fort Frederiksborg, 78m, 396m 
 Fort Nassau, Dutch, 75, 397m, 438m 
 Fort Royal, 396m 
 
 Forts, African, 86, 134m, I 55» 164, 195, 200, 311; 
 Arguin, 4; Bence Island, 25m.; cost of, 
 217m, 268, 412, 417m; Dutch, 44m; English, 
 89* 380-382, 383, 395; French, 102, 380m; 
 Gold Coast, 4, 175, 245m, 438m; James 
 Island, 192, 234m, 285; necessity for, 194, 
 268, 318-319; support of, 420-421, 428 
 Fort St. Anthony, on Gold Coast, 76, 2oon. 
 
 Fort St. George, see Elmina 
 Fortune, for Angola, 393; seized by Dutch, 
 165m 
 
 Fort William, repair of, 436m 
 Fort Witsen, Dutch, 2450. 
 
 Foster, Sir William, English Factories in India, 
 1655-1660, 83m 
 Foules, see Fulas 
 
 Fowell, -, Barbados interloper, 222m 
 
 Fowler, -, African factor, 246, 247, 248, 250 
 
 Fowler, William, deposition of, 72 
 Fowles, Capt. -, of the Vine, 201 
 
 Fownes, William, bills drawn on, 274 
 Fox, Rowland, venture of, i2n. 
 
 France, African visitor to, 36on.; ambassador 
 of, 446; and English, 13, 382, 436-438, 446- 
 451; memorial from, 445m 
 Francisco, Fray, trade of, 138 
 
 Francklin, -, advocate, 252, 309, 315 
 
 Francois, Frangois, of the Company of Senegal, 
 9 6 
 
 Frederick, John, merchant, 82, 131, 133 
 
 Freeman, Col. -, negroes for, 335 
 
 Freeman, Howsley, Cape Coast factor, 436m 
 Freeman, William, Nevis factor, 239m, 242m, 
 257 
 
 Freere, Capt. Toby, illicit trade, 238, 239 
 Freight, on negro cargoes, 257, 263, 264, 330, 
 354 , 409 
 
 Freitas, Alvaro de, slaves taken by, 37 
 French, African trade of, 440., 61, 97-103, 235, 
 282-286, 290, 377, 382, 387, 437, 445m; 
 African voyages, 13, 44; and African 
 
 natives, 394; and Spanish-American 
 trade, 56, 12m., 280m; at Sao Thome, 
 
 431; depredations of, 84, 128m, 382, 
 
 388n., 391, 392m, 414m, 415, 416, 447; 
 
 explorations of, 2n.; in Africa, 13, 14, 95- 
 103,. i22n., 293; interlopers, 235; in West 
 Indies, 70, 71, 73, 74; on Gambia, 102, 
 436n., 437; on Gold Coast, 76, ioon., 175m, 
 287; vessels of, 57m 
 
 French Company of the West Indies, 95, 98, 
 99 
 
 French Senegal Company, 104, 387m, 43 m., 
 
 445 n -, 446, 449 , 450 , 45m. 
 
 French West Indies, settlement of, 74; slaves 
 for, ioon., 301-302; slaves in, 98, 103; trade 
 of, 96; see also Guadeloupe; Martinique; 
 West Indies 
 
 Frerer, -, passage to England, 305 
 
 Friedrichsburg, see Great Friedrichsburg 
 Friends’ Adventure, seized by French, 415 
 Friendship, voyage to Gambia, 83, 126-136, 235 
 Frigates, for Spanish navy, 345 
 Frith, -, merchant, 82m 
 
 Froger, Frangois, Relation of a Voyage made 
 in the Years 1695, 1696, 1697 on the Coasts 
 of Africa, io2n. 
 
 Froom, Johan, on the St. Jan, 145 
 
 Frowd, Sir Philip, of Royal Adventurers, 170 
 
 Fulas, African natives, 283 
 
 Fusseire, Philip, surgeon, 89m 
 
 Futton, see Fetu 
 
 Gaboon, Africa, description of, 123m; trade of, 
 
 . *93 
 
 Gainsh, Capt. Robert, 43, 440. 
 
 Galama, see Gallem 
 
 Galina (Gallina), measure of value, 293, 296 
 Gallem, Africa, slave trade of, 283 
 Gallop, Capt. George, of the Thomas and 
 Francis, 209-215 
 
 Gambia (Gambo, Gambra), English in, 89m, 
 446n.; fort, 86n., 380; French in, 13, 102! 
 28m., 282m, 436-437, 445m, 450; mission for, 
 4; natives, 283m; Portuguese trade, 286; 
 
478 
 
 Index 
 
 rivalry in, 436n.; slaves from, 131, 132, 
 2590., 274; trade of, 3, 4, 45m, 75, 76n., 79, 
 128, 131, 192, 234, 418, 429, 43°n., 437, 445; 
 
 vessels for, 88, 393 
 Gambia Adventurers, 236 
 
 Gambia River, expeditions to, 11; explorations 
 of, 79m, 3850.; factories on, 436m; separate 
 traders in, 418-419; voyage to, 125, 126- 
 136; see also Gambia 
 Garcia, Antonio, contract of, 106, 107, 344 
 Gardner, John, London merchant, 388-390, 39m., 
 410-413 
 
 Garrard, Sir William, African venture of, 9m, 
 i2n., 13, 47m, 48m, 63m, 71 
 Garret, John, of the Minion, 67 
 Gascoigne (Gascoyne), Stephen, Barbados 
 factor, 94m, 205, 222n., 225; letters from, 
 238-239, 240, 245, 249-250, 264, 273, 274, 
 304-307, 330-331 
 
 Gauden (Gawden), Sir Dennis, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 171 
 
 Gauden, John, Jamaica agent, 239, 243-244 
 
 Gear, Capt. -, letter to, 210 
 
 Geer, Louis de, of Swedish African Company, 
 77 
 
 Gelofes, see Jolloffs 
 
 Gennes, Comte de, expedition to Africa, 102 
 Genoese, contract of, 16, in, 112, 167; see also 
 Assiento; Grillo; Lomelin 
 George, 62m, 194 
 George and Betty, 262, 275 
 Gerrard, Charles Lord, 169m 
 Gete, see Arguin 
 Ghikar, Africa, trade of, 437 
 Gibbons, Ralph, of Barbados, 264 
 Gibson, A. E. M., “Slavery in Western Africa,” 
 79 n * 
 
 Gideon, cargo of, 150, 151, 152 
 Gier, Lieut. James, 210, 213; deposition of, 214 
 Gifts, for Africans, 295-296, 297, 40on., 434, 
 436m; for ships’ captains, 397m 
 Gil, Alvero, assayer of the mint, 33m 
 Gilde, Simon Cornelissen, 137, 150 
 Gill, Abraham, contract of, 117, 326, 327m, 329m 
 Gillifree, Africa, 134, 135, 285, 387; price of 
 slaves at, 429-4300. 
 
 Girdis, Capt. Thomas, of the Coaster, 240, 244, 
 252, 253 
 
 Gliickstadt, African company of, 78m 
 Goally, see Joal 
 
 Godolphin, Sir William, English minister to 
 Spain, 113 
 
 Gold, 49, 196; at Elmina, 9; captured, 2090., 
 416; discovery of, 181; free from duties, 
 428; mines, 66n., 190, 3850.; on Susanna, 
 2ii; on Swan, 39on.; trade in, 9, 57m, 81, 
 83, 86, 87, 97, 126, 155, 187, 192, 193, 195, 199, 
 201, 219, 221, 223, 240, 241, 245, 283, 285, 
 287, 290, 309, 311, 312, 313, 315, 330, 352, 
 356 , 360, 373, 386m, 392, 394, 395m, 396m, 
 432 , 438, 444 
 
 Gold Coast, Africa, 4, 142m, 145; Brandenburg- 
 ers on, 103-104; exploration of, 3; forts 
 on > 75 > 438n.; French on, 13, ioon.; inter¬ 
 loper on, 394; Portuguese on, 76, 9on.; 
 
 provisions from, 298-299; slaves from, 205, 
 294, 302, 304, 355, 391, 398, 407; trade of, 
 10, 75 , 155 , 193 , 199-209, 218, 219, 287- 
 290, 301, 352n., 395, 432 
 Golden Fortune, cargo of, 304 
 Golden Lyon, 164m, 165m, 226m, 238, 239m, 
 242, 247 
 
 Golden Sun, case of, 242, 244-245, 258 
 Gomenot, Lorenzo de, governor of Bresa, 16, 
 41-42 
 
 Gomera, Canary island, 67 
 Gomez, Diego, voyages of, 3 
 Gomez, Fernando, license of, 5 
 Gomez, Melchor, assiento of, 344 
 Gongalvez, Antam, Portuguese captain, expe¬ 
 ditions of, in., 18-23, 3 in., 32, 36 
 Goncalvez Zarco, Joao, captives taken by, 38 
 Gonson, Benjamin, African venturer, 9m, 10, 
 45 , 47 n - . 
 
 Gonzaga, Vicente, of Council of Castile, 346, 
 347 , 35.8 
 
 Goree, Africa, 235, 45m.; Dutch at, 75, i22n.; 
 English at, 102, i22n., 382, 416; French 
 at, 96m, 100, i22n., 235m, 28m., 282m, 284, 
 285, 38cm., 43m., 446; slave prices, 283m; 
 trade of, 235; voyage to, ioin. 
 
 Gorges, Capt. Ferdinando, 179, 180, 183 
 Gorrevod, Lorenzo de, see Gomenot 
 Gosselin, E., Documents Authentiques et Ine¬ 
 dits pour servir a I’Histoire de la Marine 
 Normande et du Commerce Rouennais pen¬ 
 dant les XVI e et XVII e Siecles, 13m 
 Goterres, Affonso, 19 
 
 Goulding, Richard W., librarian of the Duke 
 of Portland, i26n. 
 
 Governor, voyage of, 94 
 Grace of God, 69, 70 
 
 Graham, Col. Ranald, of Royal Adventurers, 
 171 
 
 Grain Coast, Africa, 4, 394m; exploration of, 
 3; trade on, 192, 352 
 Grandby, see Rio Grande 
 Grand Cabess, measure of value, 296m 
 Grant, Stephen, seaman, 211 
 Grazilhier, John, trade of, 435m 
 Great Ardra, Africa, 296-298, 440 
 Great Bandy, Africa, 299 
 
 Great Elector, African company of the, 103, 104, 
 Great Friedrichsburg, on Gold Coast, 103, 395m, 
 430 
 
 Great Popo, natives of, 398m 
 Green, Capt. Nathaniel, of Edward and Ann, 
 234 
 
 Greene, George, bill drawn on, 331 
 
 Greene, William, master of Dorothy, 308-317 
 
 Greene Dragon, 56 
 
 Greenhill, Henry, Cape Coast factor, 266, 272m, 
 274m, 3o6n. 
 
 Gregory, Edward, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Gregory, Thomas, Taunton merchant, 11 
 Gregory XV., Pope, 357m 
 Grenada, settlement of, 74 
 
 Gresham, -, African factor, 445 
 
 Grey, Thomas, of Royal Adventurers, 169m, 171 
 Greyhound, voyage of, 94 
 
Index 
 
 479 
 
 Gribb Ie , Capt. John, interloper, 203, 224n. 
 Griffin, 88n., 300 
 
 Gnllo, Domingo, contract of, 14, 105, 106, 108, 
 109, 112, 113, i67n., 168, 338, 339, 344, 345, 
 349 , 350 , 359n. 
 
 Gromettoes, African servants, 455 
 Guadeloupe, settlement of, 74; slaves in, 290; 
 slaves for, 97, 301, 302, 303 
 
 Gubbins, Capt. -, interloper, 393, 394 
 
 Guinea, description of, 8n., 123m, 285-286, 438- 
 444 ; discovery of, 18, 35; Hawkins’s voy¬ 
 ages to, 47, 58, 60, 67, 70; natives of, 38-41; 
 slaves from, 35, 42, 45, 64, 103, 140, 294; 
 trade to, 3, 5, 8, 80, 125m, 194, 254, 267, 
 269, 271, 283-286; voyage from, 209m; 
 voyages to, 9, 34, 42-57^, 62, 66, 224, 
 252, 309-317, 392-410, 414; see also Africa 
 Guinea, seized by French, 415, 416 
 Guinea Company, English, 80, 82, 103, 108, 
 
 115, 126-136, 2i8n., 226n.; see also African 
 companies 
 
 Guinea Company, French, 96-97 
 Guinea grain, see Mallaguetta; Pepper 
 Guioches, trade at, 43cm. 
 
 Gunpowder, ..explosion of, 312-317; see also 
 Ammunition 
 Gunson, see Gonson 
 Guonbotton, measure of value, 293 
 
 Guzman, Bernardo Marin de, contract of, 107, 
 120 
 
 Guzman de Silva, Diego, Spanish ambassador 
 to England, 12, 47 n., 57-59, 60, 62-66, 66n. 
 
 Harris, Edward, of Nevis, 257 
 Harris, John, voyage to Madagascar, 95m 
 Harris, Nathaniel, of Nevis, 257 
 Harrison, Sir John, of Royal Adventurers, i7on. 
 Hart,. Capt. Emanuel, of the Saint-John Bap¬ 
 tist, 165m 
 
 Hart, of London, 42m, 43 
 
 Harvey,-, African factor, 200, 201 
 
 Havana, governor of, 151; slaves for, 117, 120, 
 279, 28on. 
 
 Havre de Grace, 56m, 450 
 Haward, Bartholomew, voyage of, 129, i3on., 
 *31, 132, 133 
 
 Hawk, frigate, 199m 
 
 Hawkins, .Mr John, Admiralty case, 62, 69-72; 
 deposition of, 70-71; first voyage of, 44- 
 47 » second voyage of, 47-57; third voyage 
 of, 66-69; trade of, 58; voyages of, 10, 
 60-63 
 
 Hawkins, William, voyages of, in., 8, 9m, 45m 
 Hawley, Lord, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Hawtaine, Gerrard, bill drawn by, 331 
 
 Hay, Capt. -, of the Lady Frances, 304 
 
 Head money, on negroes, 255, 258, 264, 305, 
 33 i 
 
 Heathcote, , agent for Barbados, io6n., 121 
 Heathcote Manuscripts, 90m 
 Heatly, Thomas, of African Company, 364m 
 Heermans, Augustinus, 140, 141 
 Helmes, Capt. -, 261 
 
 Helmes, Robert, Nevis factor, 239m, 2420., 257, 
 275-276 
 
 Hacker, Peter, 258m 
 Haek, Nicolaes, witness, 149, 150 
 Hakluyt, Richard, Principal Navigations, Voy¬ 
 ages,. Traffiques, and Discoveries of the 
 English Nation, 6n. 
 
 Hakluyt Society, Publications of, 7m 
 Hallett, Maj. John, illicit trade of, 225, 239 
 Hamburg, African trade of, 378; ships built 
 337 
 
 Hampton, Capt. John, of the Minion, 67 
 Hampton, Capt. Thomas, of the Swallow, 45 
 46m 
 
 Hanah, cargo of, 385 
 Handmary, Nicholas, of Barbados, 372 
 Hannibal, voyage of, 392-410 
 Hanno, voyage of, 2n. 
 
 Hanson, Francis, of Jamaica, 258, 2740. 
 
 Hanta, Africa, 44 
 
 Happy Conclusion, seized by French, 415 
 Harbert, William, of Royal Adventurers, i7on. 
 171 
 
 Harbin, -, African factor, 221 
 
 Harbin, Joseph, bill drawn by, 331 
 Hardringe, William, letter from, 391-392 
 Hare, seized by French, 415 
 Haring, C. H., Trade and Navigation between 
 Spain and the Indies in the Time of the 
 Hapsburgs, 46m 
 Harleian Manuscripts, 410m 
 Harley, Sir Robert, 125m, 413m 
 Harley Papers, 125m 
 
 Harlow, V. T., History of Barbados, 86n. 
 
 Helps, Sir Arthur, Spanish Conquest in Amer¬ 
 ica and its Relation to Slavery, 4m 
 Henchman, Thomas, bill drawn on, 331 
 Henrietta, Princess, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Henrietta, 88n. 
 
 Henry and Mary, capture of, 378m 
 Henry and William, seized by French, 416 
 Henry the Navigator, Prince, and the Church, 
 4; captives of, 27, 29; death of, 3; ex¬ 
 plorations of, 18, 2in., 23, 24m, 25, 26, 31, 
 33 , 36, 39 , 41; grant to, 5, 22m 
 
 Hereford, Capt. -, of the Fortune, 393 
 
 Heresy, in Spanish America, 349 
 
 Heretics, excluded from slave trade, 310-324. 
 
 346n., 347-343 
 Hermyn, Jean, surgeon, 13 
 Hernandez, Francisco, of Guadalajara, 124 
 Heron, Samuel, secretary of the Royal African 
 Company, 199, 417 
 Herons, Isle of, 25m 
 
 Hetchcott, Gilbert, representation of, 410-413 
 Hewetson, Capt. Thomas, contract of, 119 
 Hewett, Robert, of Jamaica, 213 
 Heywood, Humphrey, of Nevis, 257 
 Heywood, Capt. Peter, of the Norwich, 271 
 Hickman, Anthony, African venturer, 8n., 9, 
 I2n. 
 
 Hides, see Commodities 
 Higginson, Samuel, merchant, 93 
 Higham, C. S. S., Development of the Leeward 
 Island under the Restoration, i66n. 
 
 Hill, Abraham, of African Company, 353, 364m. 
 Hill, Capt. Edward, in Jamaica, 271, 272 
 
480 
 
 Index 
 
 Hill, John, bill drawn on, 305 
 Hilton, Capt. Anthony, 74n. 
 
 Hinde, 42n. 
 
 Hingston, see Kingston 
 
 Hinselin, Chevalier, governor of Guadeloupe, 
 302 
 
 Hinton, Benjamin, 236m 
 Hisbert, Carlos, contract of, 108 
 Hispaniola, see Santo Domingo 
 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Bath Manu¬ 
 scripts, 9m.; Eighth Report, 84m; Four¬ 
 teenth Report, 388m; Heathcote Manu¬ 
 scripts, 9on.; House of Lords Manuscripts, 
 388m; Portland Manuscripts, i26n. 
 
 Hoarde, ——, Gambia factor, letter from, 259 
 
 Hodges, -, 335 n -_ 
 
 Hodges, Cornelius, journey of, 385-387 
 
 Holbirch, -, 261 
 
 Holbital, see Holbirch 
 Holden, Robert, of Jamaica, 94 
 Holden, Thomas, treasurer of Royal Adventur¬ 
 ers, 156m, 226n. 
 
 Holdersby, Joseph, of Barbados, 372 
 Holditch, Capt. Abraham, of African Company, 
 199 
 
 Holland, -, factor of African Company, 241 
 
 Holland, African visitor to, 360m; and Royal 
 African Company, 269-270; Congo trade of, 
 320; privateers of, 167; trade of, 122-123; 
 vessel of, 153; see also Dutch 
 Holmes, Capt. Robert, on African coast, 90, 91m, 
 234m, 235m, 381 
 Hoop (Hope ), 151 
 Hope, for Guadeloupe, 302 
 
 Hopegood (Hoopegood), Edward, of African 
 Company, 180, 183 
 
 Hopegood, Francis, of African Company, 353, 
 355 
 
 Hopewell, seized by French, 416 
 Hore, James, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Hortop, Job, narrative of, 66n., 690. 
 
 Hosea, Capt. John, of Arminian Merchant, 371, 
 372 
 
 Houel, Charles, governor of Guadeloupe, 97m 
 House of Commons, Journals, 8on.; on African 
 trade, 388m; petitions to, 81, 384, 413-414, 
 417-418; report to, 38m. 
 
 House of Lords, Journals, 388m; petition to, 
 388-390 
 
 House of Trade, Seville, 41; see also Casa de 
 Contratacion 
 
 How, John, interloper, 224 
 Howard, Charles, of Royal Adventurers, i69n. 
 Howard, John, African ventures of, 62m 
 Howard, Sir Philip, governor of Jamaica, in¬ 
 structions to, 118, 351-352 
 
 Howe, Capt. -, interloper, 200 
 
 Howell and Company, of Barbados, 304 
 Howels, David, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Hudson, Capt. -, of the Three Brothers, 416 
 
 Hunt, John, of the Marigold, 250m 
 Husbands, Samuel, 273m 
 
 Hussey, William, of African Company, 353, 
 364m 
 
 Idolos (Idols), African islands, 48, 51, 251; see 
 also Delos 
 
 Illicit trade, 239; of African Company’s 
 officials, 247-248, 355; of French, 437; of 
 Marigold, 246; of Nevis, 260, 261; of Ruth, 
 246; see also Interlopers; Smuggling 
 Illius que se, bull, 4m 
 
 Importance of the African Company, 28m. 
 Importance of the British Plantations, ii2n. 
 Importation of negroes, act to encourage, 331- 
 333; amount of, 317; into Barbados, 240, 
 3i8n.; into Jamaica, 318m, 331, 332, 37 °> 
 385; into Spanish America, 17; into West 
 Indies, 412, 43on. 
 
 Imports, duties on, 424-426 
 Impressment of seamen, 414, 417m 
 Inchiquin, Earl of, governor of Jamaica, 120m, 
 385m, 387-388 
 
 Indians, as laborers, 242, 348 
 Indigo, from West Indies, 133, 379, 412; see 
 also Commodities 
 
 Ingram, David,' narrative of, 66n. 
 
 Inquisition, see Council of the Inquisition 
 Insiquin, seized by French, 415 
 Insurrections, on Middle Passage, 259m, 443, 
 457; precautions against, 462 
 Interesting Tracts relating to the Island of 
 Jamaica, ii4n. 
 
 Interlopers, advantages of, 307; and Spanish 
 trade, 117, 307; case of, 333-335; com¬ 
 mission to seize, 354; complaints against, 
 217m, 226n., 308m, 413, 418-419; Dutch, 
 156m, 395, 432, 449; in West Indies, 169m, 
 173-174, 222, 225, 240, 241, 250-251, 255, 
 261, 262m, 267m, 271, 272, 273, 317, 325, 
 36m.; Irish, 235; Jamaica act concerning, 
 33 1- 333 J °f London, 81, 84m, 203m, 224m ; 
 on African coast, 90, 200, 203, 236, 259, 266, 
 289, 306, 312, 43on.; orders concerning, 
 193-194; payment of, 404; petitions of, 377m, 
 388-390; proclamations against, 194-196, 
 34on.; seizure of, 222, 277, 391; success of, 
 319; trade of, 80, 81, 234, 235, 318m, 430; 
 treatment of, 378, 410-413; trial of, 28on. 
 Irish, and slave trade, 235 
 Iron, trade in, 199m 
 
 Iron bars, trade in, 202, 217-221, 233, 2340., 
 238, 245, 256, 260, 262, 283, 290, 291, 293, 
 295, 300, 419, 420, 434; see also Com¬ 
 modities 
 
 Isabella, Queen, of Spain, orders concerning 
 negroes, 14 
 
 Isabella, Hispaniola, 46 
 Isabella, 260 
 
 Isert, Paul Erdman, Voyages en Guinee et dans 
 les Cara'ibes en Amerique, 78m 
 Italians, in Congo, 319-324 
 
 Ivory, Dutch trade in, 235; from Angola, 354; 
 from Congo, 324; from Gambia, 234; on 
 Arthur, 233; on Ruth, 246; on Swan, 390m; 
 seized by French, 416; trade in, 6n., 9, 870., 
 126, 149, 155, 188, 192-196, 199m, 223, 240, 
 241, 245, 259, 283, 285, 300, 306, 309, 311, 
 312, 313, 315, 3 i 9 , 352 , 360, 392, 393, 396m, 
 432, 444; see also Commodities 
 Ivory Coast, 3, 4, 35 2n * 
 
Index 
 
 481 
 
 Jackin, see Jaquin 
 
 Jackman, Hurly, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Jacob, Sir John, of Royal Adventurers, 17cm. 
 
 Jacob Hendrick, Dutch privateer, 394 
 
 Jacquet, Sieur, on the Senegal, 98 
 
 Jakin, see Jaquin 
 
 Jamaica, admiralty court in, 209n.; and 
 African Company, 173-174, 308, 317-319, 
 331 - 333 , 37 o; currency of, 318; debts of, 
 217m, 265m, 266n., 417m; duty on slave 
 trade, 116, 120; English possession of, 86, 
 I 53 n -, i 75 ft.; factors of, 274, 35 6n.; French 
 attack on, 416; Hawkins’s trade in, 57m; 
 illicit trade of, 209-215, 243, 254, 255, 334; 
 letters from, 239, 243-244, 255, 271-272, 341- 
 342; letter to, 177^.] Madagascar slaves for, 
 94 , orders for, 194m; petitions from, 2i6n., 
 3 , 1 7 n *, 377 ft*, 4 I 7 n *; planters of, 265; popula¬ 
 tion of, 153m ; slave prices in, 92, 176 ; slaves 
 for, 16, 88, 108, 153, 154, 205, 2o6n., 210, 
 2i6n., 221, 239, 240, 242, 255, 279m, 28on., 
 300-301, 3 i8n., 319m, 331 - 333 , 353 , 354 , 355 , 
 3 * 5 , 393 ft*, 43 on *> 460; slaves from, 326; 
 slaves in, 174, 2i6n.; Spanish trade of, no, 
 in, ii2n., 114, n6, 117, n8, 120, 121, i6in., 
 167, 168, 197, 198, 279-281, 307, 327m, 341, 
 35 i, 352 , 370,' sugar from, 226m; trade of, 
 173-176, i 95 n*; voyage to, 309, 453m, 456- 
 457 
 
 James, Capt. -, of Ann, 246 
 
 James II. ( duke of York), and African Com¬ 
 pany, 86, i56n., 158, 160, 164, 169, 178, 
 179, 180, 181, 182, 321; and Gambia Ad¬ 
 venturers, 236m; proclamation of, 340m 
 James, for Sierra Leone, 126; mortality on, 206- 
 208; of African Company, i64n., 165m; 
 seized by French, 415 j voyage of, 199-209 
 James Bonaventure, 80, 84 
 James Fort, Gambia, description of, 285, 396m; 
 seized by French, 102; see also Gambia; 
 next title 
 
 James Island, Gambia, 134m; factor, 385m; fort, 
 192, 380; trade of, 234, 236m, 259 
 Jameson, J. F., Privateering and Piracy in the 
 Colonial Period, 9 6n.; “Willem Usselinx,” 
 76n. 
 
 Jane Ronaventure, nn. 
 
 Jannequin de Rochefort, Claude, Voyage en 
 Libye, particulierement au Royaume de 
 Senegal sur le Fleuve Niger, 97m 
 Jansen, Evert, shipmaster, 150, 151, 152 
 Jaquin, Africa, 294, 440 
 Jarra, see Tarra 
 Jeffrey, 393 
 
 Jeffreys (Jeffries), Sir Jeffrey, 121, i8on., 392, 
 393 n*, 394 
 
 Jeffreys (Jeffries), John, 180, 183, 392 
 Jeffries, John, of Nevis, 257 
 Jenkins, Sir Leoline, letters to, 1170., 2730., 
 28on. 
 
 Jenkinson, Hilary, “Records of the English 
 African Companies,” 8in. 
 
 Jereja, Africa, factor at, 436m, 437 
 Jermyn, Henry, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Jeronimites, request for negroes, 15 
 
 Jersey, Edward Villiers, earl of, Secretary of 
 State, 446, 447 
 
 Jesus, of Lubeck, 47, 50, 63, 66, 67, 69, 70 
 
 in Barbados > I2 5 n * j in Holland, 291 
 Jillifree, see Gillifree 
 
 J°al (Joally), Africa, English at, 89m, 437, 446; 
 factory at, 96m, 436m, 438; French treaties 
 with, 100; natives of, 445; trade of, 122, 
 I2 7 , 135 , 235m, 282m, 382, 447 
 Joan, seized by French, 417 
 Jobson, James, captured by French, 382 
 Jobson, Richard, Gambia explorations of, 76m, 
 78m, 125, i26n.; Golden Trade or a Dis¬ 
 covery of the River Gambra and the 
 Golden Trade of the A ethiopians, 79m 
 Joffr. Catarina (Miss Catarina ), 167m; cargo 
 of, 167 
 
 John II., of Castile, protest of, 5 
 
 John II., of Portugal, protest of, 6 
 
 John III., of Portugal, protest of, 13 
 
 John of Gaunt, of England, 2 
 
 John, of London, 389, 39 on.; of Royal Ad- 
 
 1 l ve " turers » 88n *i pinnace, 127, 130, 135, i 3 6n. 
 John Alexander, cargo of, 205; mortality on, 
 209 
 
 John Baptist, Guinea voyage, 48m 
 John Evangelist, for Africa, 9, 43m 
 
 Johnson, -, African factor, 20cm., 395m 
 
 Johnson, Daniel, petition of, 450 
 
 Johnson, Henry, of Royal Adventurers, i69n., 
 171 
 
 Johnson, Leonard, master of Martyn van 
 Russen, 153, 154m 
 
 Johnstowne, William, of Barbados, 264 
 
 Jolloffs, African natives, 342 
 
 Jolly, voyage of, 302, 303 
 
 Jonas, bark, 45 
 
 Jonge Bontecoe, 146, 147 
 
 Jongen St. Paaulo, 151 
 
 Jory (Tory), Joseph, 251, 26m. 
 
 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jevos, 22 
 
 Jourey, Capt. -, trade of, 276 
 
 Journal du Voyage du Sieur Delbee, Commis- 
 saire General de la Marine, aux Isles, dans 
 la Coste de Guynee, pour V Establissement 
 du Commerce en ces Pays, en VAnnee 1669, 
 99 n * 
 
 “Journal of Col. William Beeston,” 1150. 
 
 Journal of Negro History, 178m 
 Journal of the African Society, 6n. 
 
 “Journal of the Lords of Trade and Planta¬ 
 tions,” 94n. 
 
 Journals of the House of Commons, Son. 
 
 Journals of the House of Lords, 388m 
 Joye, Peter, of African Company, 353, 364m 
 Jualg, see Joal 
 Jually, see Joal 
 
 Juatt, William, of African Company, 353, 355, 
 36on. 
 
 Juda, see Whydah 
 Judith, 67 
 
 Justice, cargo of, 99 
 
 Kamerun River, Africa, 142, 145, i 93) 298 
 Kamkamba, Africa, Portuguese trade at, 459 
 
4§2 
 
 Index 
 
 Karloff, see Carloff 
 
 Kast, -, to William III., 120 
 
 Katherine, of England, 169m, 178 
 Katherine, 415m 
 
 Keane, A. H., Early Chartered Companies, 83n. 
 
 Kelly, -, of Jamaica, negroes for, 335 
 
 Kempthorne, Capt. Samuel, instructions to, 353m, 
 354-355 ; negroes of, 356m 
 Kendal, Col. James, governor of Barbados, 
 392m 
 
 Kennedy, Capt. -, at Nevis, 276 
 
 Kerley Bay, see Carlisle Bay 
 Kerr, Robert, Voyages and Travels, 7m 
 Kidderminster, England, petition from, 418 
 Kidnapping, of negroes, 123-124, 202, 284, 289, 
 419 
 
 Killigrew, Thomas, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 King, Sir Andrew, of African Company, 180, 
 183, 217 
 
 King, William, voyage of, nn. 
 
 Kingsdale, -, of Royal Adventurers, 88n. 
 
 Kingsley, Mary, quoted, 4o8n. 
 
 Kingsmill, Edward, i2n. 
 
 King Solomon, see Coninck Salomon 
 Kingston, George, of the Arthur, 234 
 
 Kingstone, -, illicit trade, 246 
 
 Kirke, George, merchant, 79, 80 
 Kirle, Joseph, of Barbados, 372 
 Knewstubb, John, seaman, 309 
 Knewstubb, Thomas, seaman, 309 
 Knight, John, petition of, 154-156 
 Knight, Ralph, oath of, 37m. 
 
 Knight, Thomas, petition of, 154-156 
 Knives, for African trade, 218-221, 233, 245, 
 263, 275, 276, 279, 282, 291, 379, 455; see 
 also Commodities 
 
 Labat, Jean Baptiste, Nouvelle Relation de 
 VAfrique Occidentale, io2n. 
 
 Lacie, Edward, voyage of, 57 
 
 La Courbe, -, “Premier Voyage du Sieur La 
 
 Courbe au Senegal en 1685,” io2n. 
 
 Ladino, Spanish-speaking negro, 72, 343 
 
 Lady Frances, mortality on, 304 
 
 La Formio, African island, 48 
 
 Lagos, Capt. Pedor de, of the Santo Domingo, 
 
 115 
 
 Lagos, African river, 40 
 
 Lagos, Portugal, commerce of, 24m, 25, 26, 35m; 
 slaves in, 29 
 
 Lambert, -, factor on George and Betty, 261 
 
 Lambert, Francis, Barbary trader, 9m 
 Lambert, Capt. Thomas, on the Senegal, 97 
 Lamego, Manoel Rodriguez, contract of, 105, 
 343 
 
 Lampi, see Allampo 
 
 Langarote, Portuguese receiver of customs, 24, 
 25m; knighted, 29, 31; voyages of, 26-27, 
 37 
 
 Langhorne, William, of African Company, 355 
 
 Langley, -, factor on the Gambia, 126-128, 
 
 134 
 
 Lannoy, Charles de, Expansion Coloniale des 
 Peuples Europeens: Portugal et Espagne, 
 2n.; Neerlande et Danemark, 75m; Suede, 
 77 n * 
 
 Lanoy, Martyn de, death of, 142 
 Lansdowne Manuscripts, 47m 
 Lapaz, in assiento trade, 327 
 La Ronciere, Charles de, Histoire de la Marine 
 Franqaise, 13m 
 
 La Rouse, Dr., physician, 89m 
 Las Casas, Bartolome de, 15, i6n. 
 
 Latimer, John, Annals of Bristol, Seventeenth 
 Century, 8on.; History of the Merchant 
 Venturers, 4i8n.; on Bristol trade, 1960. 
 Lauderdale, Earl of, 169m, 171 
 Lavurell, in the Gambia, 259 
 
 Lawrence, Capt. -, at Nevis, 276 
 
 Lawrence, Sir John, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Lawther, Christopher, of Royal Adventurers, 
 17 1 
 
 Lawther, Sir John, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Lawtherdale, see Lauderdale 
 Laye, Africa, 287, 439 
 Lear, Thomas, of Barbados, 305 
 Leavermore, Moses, of Nevis, 257 
 Lecky, W. E. H., England in the Eighteenth 
 Century, 119 
 
 Lee, -, advocate, 309 
 
 Lee, Phillip, of Nevis, 251, 261 
 Lee, Robert, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Lee, Samuel, attacked by French, 382 
 Leech, Capt. Thomas, of the Ann, 416 
 Leeuw, Peter de, witness, 149 
 Leeward Islands, 86, 388; orders for, i94n.; 
 settlement of, 74, 175m; slaves for, 459; 
 Spanish trade of, 34m.; see also Antigua; 
 Montserrat; Nevis; West Indies 
 Legg, L. G. W., Matthevj Prior, 45cm. 
 
 Legge, William, of Royal Adventurers, 1690., 
 171 
 
 Leigh, Francis, African ventures of, 62m 
 Leighton, Sir Ellis, of Royal Adventurers, 93m, 
 io9n., 157, 158, 160, 161, 169m, 171, 172 
 Le Maire, J. J., Voyages du Sieur le Maire aux 
 lies Canaries, Cap Verd, Senegal, et Gamble, 
 sous Monsieur Dancourt, Directeur General 
 de la Compagnie Roiale d’Affrique, 281- 
 282 
 
 Lench, Capt. -, of the Susanna, 209 
 
 Letten, John, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Letter to a Friend concerning the East India 
 Trade, 4i8n. 
 
 Lewine, George, venture of, 84m 
 Leyton, John, of Dorothy, 312-315 
 Licenses, to carry on slave trade, 15, 16, 17, 
 41, 54-55, 114, 139, 176, 380, 389-390, 4ii, 
 
 438, 445-446 
 Liefde, 151 
 
 Lilly, Richard, testimony of, 419 
 Lira, Manuel Francisco de, 357 
 Lisbon, and assiento, 345; merchants of, 286; 
 slaves for, 29, 33, 103; voyage from, nn., 
 23 
 
 Lisbon Merchant, seized by French, 415 
 Little Ardra, trade at, 295 
 Little Cormantine, seized by English, 438n. 
 Little David’s Island, see David’s Island 
 Little Popo, natives of, 398m 
 Littleton, see Lyttleton 
 1 Loando, Africa, 4, 7, 364, 420, 458 
 
Index 
 
 Loango, Africa, 4, 36411., 382 
 
 Lodge, Sir Thomas, African ventures of, on., 
 12m, 45 * ’ 
 
 Lok, Copt. John, voyages of, 9, 10, 43 n., 440. 
 
 Lok, Thomas, trade of, 9 
 
 Lomelin, Ambrosio, assiento of, 105, 106, 109, 
 i6 7 n., 344, 345 
 
 London, cargo from, 312; interlopers of, 81, 84m 
 203m, 2240.; merchants of, 10, 11, 42, 121! 
 129m, iSon., 300, 380, 388, 392, 410, 414, 
 43 on., 445; monopolists of, 196m ; negroes 
 for, 128; vessel for, 130; vessels from, 15c, 
 
 252, 309, 414 
 
 Long, Edward, History of Jamaica, n 4 n. 
 
 Longstone, William, seaman, 250 
 
 Loop de Consalvo, Cabo de, j** Cape Lopez 
 
 Lopes, Edward, “Report of the Kingdome of 
 Congo, a Region of Affrica: gathered by 
 Philhppo Pigafetta,” 7n. 
 
 j / ° P ^ Z ^ a ^Cabo de, see Cape Lopez 
 
 Lord, William, seaman, 409m 
 
 Lords Commissioners of Appeals, 209m, 210 
 
 Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, 
 see Board of Trade 
 
 Lords of Trade and Plantations, letters from, 
 11S, 258m; letters to, n6n., n 7 n., n8n.’ 
 i2on., 2i6n., 2i 7 n., 223n., 226n., 26m., 266m, 
 2 7 in., 272m, 2 7 8n., 279-281, 325-329, 385m; 
 petitions to, 3o8n., 317m, 33m.; recommen¬ 
 dations of, 319m, 34m. 
 
 Lords of Treasury, letter to, n8n. 
 
 Los Covos, Francisco, 42 
 
 Louis XIy ., and African companies, 101: and 
 Matthew Prior, 450 
 
 Lovell, John, voyage to Guinea, 62m, 63 
 
 Low, Capt. John, letter to, 360 
 Lowe, Capt. -, 244 
 
 483 
 
 Magettc (Maget), Diego, contract of, 118, 326, 
 
 Magrabumbo River, see Sierra Leone River 
 Major, Abraham, of the Benjamin, 194 
 
 Mn|-° r ’l R V, H '’ Pnnce Henr y of Portugal, an. 
 Maiimbo River, see Sierra Leone 
 
 a aguetta, African pepper, 9, 193, 199m, 220, 
 
 Mallet 3 ’ 245 ’ 35 ?’ 394, 4 ° 6 ’ 463 
 laliet, Capt. - -, slave trade of, 99 
 
 Man, -, factor of Barbados, 205 233 
 
 Lowe, Humphrey, 419 
 
 Lowes, Capt. -, trade of, 274 
 
 Loyal Factor, seized by French, 415 ; voyage of 
 354 ’ 
 
 Loyal Steed, seized by French, 415 
 Lozana, Mateo, of Madrid, 357 
 Lubeck, captain of, 337 
 
 Lucas, Lord, of Royal Adventurers, 169m, 171 
 Lucie, Jacob, deputy governor, African Com¬ 
 pany, 353, 355, 364m 
 Lynch, Jonas, letter from, 245 
 Lynch, Sir Thomas, governor of Jamaica, 209m, 
 2 i 3-2i5, 308m, 3 7 on.; African Company 
 factor, 250; and Spanish trade, m, 113, 
 u 7 , 28on., 325-329, 371; death of, 239m; 
 letters from, 91m, 117, 195m, 2i6n., 279- 
 281, 307-308, 325-329, 388m 
 Lyon Providence, 165m 
 
 Lyttelton, Sir Charles, and Spanish trade, no; 
 of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 
 Mackrons, defective slaves, 293, 442 
 Madagascar, slaves from, 93-95, 202, 274, 409m 
 Madeira Islands, discovery of, 2; English at, 
 11; vessels of, 116, 392 
 Madrid, treaty of, 112 
 
 Mafaldo, of Setubal, African venture of, 33m 
 Mafucca, African official, 320 
 
 A Dtuuaaos, 205, 277 
 
 Manchester, Charles Montagu, duke of, letters 
 
 X’ 49 447 ' 448 ’ 45<> ' 4511 le “ erS t0 ’ 446 ' 447 ’ 
 
 Manchester, Edward Earl of, 16cm. 
 Mand.ngoes, African tribe, 39 n., 7 , „4 n . 
 
 trade of, 3, 38711., 43 on. 39 ’ 7% I34n '’ 
 Mandioca, see Manioc 
 Manello, metal rings, 202, 226, 238, 256 
 Manfouge, African official, 452 5 
 
 Manifest, of African cargoes, 425 
 Manioc, 459 
 
 Mann, Francis, Jamaica merchant, 192m 
 
 Ma 74^n tUreS ’ f ° r African trade ’ 379 , 384, 411, 
 
 Marabout, Mohammedan priest, 132, 284 
 Marces (Martes), Sir Anthony de, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 169m, 171 
 Marchand Sieur, capture of goods of, 437 
 larees, Pieter de, Beschryvinge ende His- 
 torische Verhael vant Gout Koninckrijck 
 von Gunea, 123m 
 
 Margarita, West India island, 51-52, 62m 68 
 Margetts, George, bills drawn on, 274 
 Margrett, in Gambia River, 259 
 Maria, Princess of Orange, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 169m 
 
 Mane Galante, negroes for, 97m; settlement of, 
 74 ’ 
 
 Marigold, illicit trade of, 246-248, 250m 
 Markham, Sir Clements R., The Hawkins’ Voy¬ 
 ages, 44m 
 
 Marlborough, James Ley, earl of, and African 
 Company, 88; and Spanish trade, i6in. 
 Marmaduke, 165 
 
 Marsden, R. G., Documents relating to the Law 
 and Custom of the Sea } 2 oyn* 
 
 Marseilles, slaves for, 100 
 Martha, cargo of, 88n., 240 
 Martinez, Juan, pilot, 65 
 
 Martinique, prizes, 391; settlement of, 74; slaves 
 for, 98-100, 103, 289; voyages to, 301-304 
 Martyn van Russen {Rosen), case of ic«. 
 154 
 
 Mary, 120; accounts of, 262-263; attacked by 
 French, 382; cargo of, 304-305; London 
 interloper, 2240. 
 
 Maryland, orders for, 194m; petitions from, 
 4 I 7 n * 
 
 Maryland, seized by French, 415 
 
 Mary of England, queen mother, 12, 169m, 178, 
 
 3 84 
 
 Mary of Modena, duchess of York, 321 
 Massachusetts, Madagascar slaves for, 04 Q <r n 
 
 Massam, Capt. -, 414 ’ 
 
 Massingan, Africa, Portuguese trade at, 459 
 
4§4 
 
 Index 
 
 Massis, Juan Francisco, Cartagena factor, 367- 
 368 
 
 Master, -, Cape Coast factor, 3o6n. 
 
 Mathews, Capt. - -, negroes for, 214 
 
 Matthews, Maurice, 419 
 
 Matthews, Thomas, Jamaica merchant, 192m 
 Matthias, Henrico, Dutch merchant, 137 
 May Flower, 62m 
 
 Mayne, Capt. -, 45 in * 
 
 Measures, on African coast, 456, 458 
 Medina, Duke of, order to, 339m 
 Mediterranean, 393, 4*5 
 Meede, William, of Nevis, 257 
 Melli, see Mandingoes 
 
 Mellish, -, agent general, Cape Coast 
 
 Castle, 199, 200, 202, 203 
 Melrose, William, Cape Coast merchant, 396m 
 Melville, Isaac, governor of Basel, 77m 
 Menbombe negroes, insurrection of, 457 
 Merchants, of Barbados, 222, 225; of Devon¬ 
 shire, 10; of London, 10, 11, 82, 121, 129-136, 
 180, 392, 410, 414, 444, 445 n -J of Rouen, 13, 
 95 , 97 ; of Senegal, 386 
 Merchants Delight, 88n., 165m, 203 
 Merchant Venturers, of Bristol, 197m 
 Merlin, Guinea voyage of, 48m 
 Merolla da Sorrento, Father Jerom, “A Voyage 
 to Congo and several other Countries 
 chiefly in Southern Africk,” 319-324 
 Merriman, R. B., Rise of the Spanish Empire in 
 the Old World and in the New, 15m 
 
 Merritt, Capt. - , of the James, 165m 
 
 Method, of slave trade, 5, 10, 14, 292-301, 361; 
 
 see also Assiento; Middle Passage 
 Meverell, Matthew, 3290. 
 
 Mexico, negroes for, un., 114; slave prices in, 
 46m, 72 
 
 Meyman, Ahude, Moorish noble, 32, 41 
 Meynell, Francis, of Royal Adventurers, i7on., 
 171, 172m 
 
 Middelburg (Middleburrough), vessel from, 153 
 Middle Passage, dangers of, 259m; insurrec¬ 
 tions on, 295, 457; length of, 460; mor¬ 
 tality of, 100, 206-209, 249, 272-273, 274m, 
 301, 304, 354, 362, 409-410, 456, 460; of the 
 Arthur, 230-234; of the James, 204; prepar¬ 
 ation of vessels for, 460; provisions for, 
 4o8n.; treatment of slaves on, 290, 406-407, 
 442-444, 459, 460-465; see also Mortality 
 Middleton, Arthur, Barbados merchant, 222, 
 225 
 
 Middleton, Richard, 171 
 
 Mier, Toribiode, of Council of Castile, 347 
 
 Mifuca, African official, 364 
 
 Mildmay, John, Cape Coast factor, 2590., 2760. 
 
 Miller, Ben, bills drawn on, 274 
 
 Miller, John, of Thomas and Francis, 213, 214 
 
 Mills, Nathaniel, seaman, 312-316 
 
 Mims, S. L., Colbert's West India Policy, 95m 
 
 Mine, see Elmina 
 
 Miner, Truston, merchant, 93 
 
 Mingam, Capt. - , 201, 202m, 259-260 
 
 Minion (Mynion) , 44m, 47, 48m, 56, 67, 70, 71 
 Miss Catarina ( Joffr. Catarina) , 167, 167m 
 
 Missionaries, in West Africa, 4, 97m, 123, 319- 
 
 324 , 452 , 459 
 
 Mitchell, Capt. Stephen, 85m 
 Mitombi River, see Sierra Leone 
 Modyford, Sir Charles, of African Company, 
 180, 183, 258 
 
 Modyford, Sir James, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m, 171 
 
 Modyford, Sir Thomas, factor of African Com¬ 
 pany, 88, no, i68n., 171, 213, 214, 242, 245; 
 death of, 258; letters from, 890., 9m,, 92m 
 Mohammedans, 22, 35m, 132, 134m; slaves, 358 
 Molesworth, Hender, Jamaica factor, African 
 Company, ii7n., 118, 238, 254, 258, 274m, 
 
 325, 328, 353, 354, 370; letters from, 239, 
 243-244, 255, 271-272, 341-342, 355 
 
 Molimbo, Africa, 363 
 Momdebarque, Africa, commerce of, 39 
 Momma, Guillaume, 149-152 
 Monopoly of African trade, defence of, 267- 
 270; for Spanish America, 16, 41-42; grants 
 of, 10, 75, 80, 82, 85, 86, 177-192; loss of, 
 421-429; objections to, 91-93, hi, 410-413; 
 of African Company, 223, 331-333, 354 , 377 “ 
 384, 388-390; of French, 99, 103, 28m.; of 
 Portuguese, 5; petitions concerning, 266m, 
 384, 413-414, 417m, 4i8n.; proclamation 
 concerning, 194-196; Spanish, 16, 41-42; 
 Statute of, 222 
 
 Monte Christi, Hispaniola, 46 
 Montelione, Father Francisco da, voyage of, 
 319-324 
 
 Montesdoco, Gaspar de, trade of, 279 
 Montserrat, debt of, 4170.; settlement of, 74; 
 slaves for, 243, 265; see also Leeward 
 Islands; West Indies 
 Moore, Francis, account of, 13411. 
 
 Moors, taken captive, i8n., 20-22, 24-27, 28-32, 
 34, 35m, 37, 38; trade of, 23, 39, 283, 385m, 
 386 
 
 More, Henry, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 More, John, of African Company, 364m 
 Morgan, Sir Henry, 116-117, 215m, 222m, 27m., 
 272m, 274m 
 
 Morgan, John, of African Company, 353, 355, 
 360m 
 
 Morice, John, of African Company, 355 
 Morice, Sir William, secretary of state, 155 
 Morocco, slave trade of, 4m. 
 
 Morris, -, Barbados interloper, 222m 
 
 Mortality, in Africa, 9, 134, 259, 383, 431; of 
 negroes, 239, 255, 272, 354; of seamen, 141- 
 143, 300; on Arthur, 228-233; on Delight, 
 307; on Hannibal, 409; on John Alexander, 
 209; on Lady Frances, 304; on Marigold, 
 247; on Mary, 304; on Middle Passage, 
 100, 248, 271, 274m, 301, 362, 456, 460, 464; 
 on Ruth, 245-246; on St. Jan, 143-145; on 
 Sarah Bonaventura, 353; on Sun of Af¬ 
 rica, 300; on Swallow, 250 
 Mosquitoes, 399m 
 
 Moucheron, Balthazar de, in Africa, 75 
 Mountney, Richard, 171 
 
 Mouri (Mouree, Mowree), Dutch at, 75, 438 
 Moyer, Samuel, of African Company, 180, 183 
 
Index 
 
 Muscovy Company, 450. 
 
 Muskets, trade in, 218-221, 245, 263, 276, 290, 
 455 > 458 ; see also Commodities 
 
 Nanton (Nantor, Nanter), Capt. George, of the 
 Providence, 277, 278, 389, 390 
 
 Nash, Samuel, petition of, 266m 
 
 Nathan, Sir Matthew, “The Gold Coast at the 
 End of the Seventeenth Century under the 
 Danes and Dutch,” 770. 
 
 Navigation acts, 212m; and Barbados, 163; in¬ 
 terpretation of, 116, 119; observance of, 
 115, 27m., 272, 34 i, 35 i; suspension of, in, 
 ji 62 ’ 34 °- 34 i > violation of, 153-154, 3290. 
 
 Needham, Capt. George, negroes for, 214 
 
 Neill, John, deposition of, 12m. 
 
 Nevil, Present State of Jamaica,” 1140. 
 
 Nevis, and African monopoly, 255m; Billop in, 
 27811.; debt of, 417m; Downing in, 125m; 
 illicit trade in, 239; letters from, 242-243, 
 250-251, 260-262, 275-276; letter to, 239; 
 sale of negroes in, 257; settlement of, 74; 
 slaves for, 89, 205, 2o6n., 209, 2i6n., 2430., 
 
 246, 249, 361, 43on.; see also Leeward 
 Islands; West Indies 
 
 New Calabar, provisions from, 300; slaves from, 
 108, 246, 250, 298; trade of, 193, 226- 
 230, 300-301, 432n., 435; voyages to, 256- 
 
 2 58 , 430 - 435 ; see also Calabar; Old Cal¬ 
 abar 
 
 New England, frigate of, 409m; interloping 
 ships of, 194m; orders for, 1940.; slaves 
 for, 74n. 
 
 Newhaven, see Havre de Grace 
 Newland, Sir Benjamin, 308m 
 New London, in Gambia River, 418-419 
 New Netherland, trade of, 136m, 140-141 
 Newport, Capt. Christopher, nn. 
 
 News, William, head money of, 305 
 Newsam, John, of Barbados, 372 
 New Spain, see Spanish America 
 Newton, Col. -, Barbados, 205 
 
 485 
 
 Noell, James, of Royal Adventurers, i7on. 
 
 Noel , Sir Martin, merchant, io8n., 169m, 171 
 Noell, Martin, jr., i 7 on. 
 
 Noell, Thomas, 171 
 
 Norbrook, Capt. -, cargo of, 89 
 
 Normandy, merchants of, 95, 97 
 
 Norsworthy, Capt. -, African agent, 266 
 
 North, Capt. ——, receipt from, 305 
 
 North, Sir Dudley, 308m 
 
 North, Sir Francis, attorney general, i 94 n. 
 
 North, John of African Company, 355, 3 6on. 
 North Sound, seized by French, 415 
 Norwich, frigate, 271, 273m 
 
 Notestein, Wallace, Journal of Sir Simonds 
 L) Ewes, 8in. 
 
 Nottingham, Charles Howard, earl of, patent 
 of, iin. 
 
 Nottingham, Daniel Finch, earl of, i 2 on. 
 
 Nunes (Nunoe) River, see Rio Nunez 
 Nurse, Henry, African factor, 356, 397m 
 Nurse, Capt. Henry, 217-221, 255, 304 
 Nymwegen, Peace of, 100 
 
 Newton, A. P., Colonizing Activities of the 
 English Puritans, 74m 
 Newton, John, London merchant, 11 
 New Vera Cruz, see Vera Cruz 
 New York, Madagascar slaves for, 94, 95; 
 orders for, 1940.; slaves sold in, 279m 
 New York Colonial Manuscripts,” 136m 
 Nicconees (Nittones), India cottons, 218-221, 
 245, 260, 275 287, 291, 396, 455, 458; see 
 also Commodities 
 
 Nicholas, Sir Edward, secretary of state 155 
 Nicholas V., Pope, grants by, 5 
 Nicholls, Richard, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Nicolls (Niccolls), Thomas, of African Com¬ 
 pany, 360m, 3640. 
 
 Nieuw Amstel, 140 
 
 Niger River, exploration of, 3 
 
 Nigritia, Africa, French trade of, 283-284 
 
 Nile River, 35 
 
 Ningo, Africa, 287 
 
 Noble Katherine, 239m 
 
 Noden, Charles, ship owner, 94 
 
 Noell, Edward, of Royal Adventurers, i7on., 
 171 
 
 Oake (Oakes), Capt. Henry, 154 iec 2^6 
 Oakley, Richard, Gambia factor,’ 4450. 
 
 Oak Tree, 149 ’ w 
 
 Oaths, by masters 423, 424; by shi p per ^ 
 Occoda, see Akwidah 
 Ochoa, Fernando, contract of, 17 
 Odway, Edward, see Otway 
 
 Offra, Africa, 99m; lodge at, 298; trade of 
 236-238, 295 
 
 Old Calabar, Barbot at, 419-420; prices in, 
 3 °on.; slaves from, 108, 243m, 255; trade of, 
 J 93 > 205m ; unhealthfulness of, 300; villages 
 of, 300; see also Calabar; New Calabar 
 Oliveira Martins, J. P., Explorations des Portu¬ 
 gal anteneures a la Decouverte de 
 / Amerique, 2n.; Golden Age of Prince 
 Henry, 2n. 
 
 Olio, Josepe d’, trade of, 280 
 
 Oppenheim, M. (ed.), Helps’ Spanish Conquest 
 in America, 4m 
 
 Orders in Council, concerning African trade, 
 128m, 3 o8n., 319m, 33m., 445m; on Naviga¬ 
 tion acts, 340-341; on provisions for 
 negroes, 39m. 
 
 Oreytia, Pedro de, president of the Casa de la 
 Contratacion, 336, 338 
 
 Ormond, James Butler, duke of, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 169m, 236 
 Oronooko, by Aphra Behn, 398m 
 Orphra, set Offra 
 
 Oruba, Dutch West Indies, 145, 147 
 Ossory, Thomas Butler, earl of, of Royal Ad¬ 
 venturers, 169m 
 O Storman, see Austerman 
 Ostrich, 138m 
 Otway, Edward, 211 
 Oudiette, Jean, slave trade of, 99 
 
 Ovanda, Nicolas de, governor of Hispaniola 
 14 r ’ 
 
 Oxtea, Jeremiah, of Nevis, 258 
 
 Pacheco, Gon^alo treasurer of Ceuta, 330 3cn 
 Paez de Araciel, Garcia, Spanish fiscal, " 24 
 
486 
 
 Index 
 
 Painter, Sir Paul, petition of, 92n., hi 
 Pamphlets, on slave trade, 267m 
 Panama, factor at, 367; letters from, 280m; 
 slaves for, 117, 280m 
 
 Pando, Juan, governor of Cartagena, 3 2 7 > 328 
 
 Panuco, West Indies, 66 
 
 Panyard, see Kidnapping 
 
 Papa, see Popo 
 
 Papal bulls, 4m, 5 
 
 Papal grants, 4, 22m . 
 
 Papal nuncio, and assiento, 347, 349 
 Papers of the American Historical Association, 
 76m 
 
 Paragon, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 Pargiter, John, owner of Mary, 120 
 Parkhurst, Anthony, voyage of, 57 
 Parks, G. B., Richard Hakluyt and the English 
 Voyages, 66n. 
 
 Parliament, and African Company, 377m, 4 I 3 n -> 
 417m, 421-429, 436m, 438; see also House 
 of Commons; House of Lords 
 Parliamentary History, 165 
 Parris, George, in Cape Verde Islands, 199 
 Parris, George, interloper, 224, 240 
 Parrish, Capt. William, 391 
 Parsons, Edward, of Barbados, 331 
 Parsons, Edward, of Nevis, 257 
 Partition treaty, second, 447m 
 Pasco, of Hawkins, 62m 
 Passes, see Paths 
 Patent Rolls, nn. 
 
 Paths, Africa, for inland slave trade, 294, 440 
 Paiis, John de, Angola planter, 7 
 Payne, E. J., Voyages of Elizabethan Seamen, 
 44m 
 
 Peace, 141 
 
 Peachy, Capt. Lambert, illicit trade of, 246, 247, 
 249, 25on. 
 
 Peachy, Thomas, petition of, 209n. 
 
 Pearl, voyage of, 302, 303 
 
 Pedereros, small guns, 324 
 
 Pedro, of Portugal, 41 
 
 Peers, John, of Barbadian council, 273m 
 
 Peirson, -, in Barbados, 325 
 
 Peirson, Joseph, Whydah factor, 399, 400, 408 
 Pembroke, Henry Herbert, earl of, venturer, 
 47m, 59 
 
 Pembroke, Philip Herbert, earl of, and African 
 Company, 86-87, 125m, 169m 
 Penhallow, Charles, Jamaica factor, ii7n., 328, 
 
 353 , 354 , 356 
 
 Penny, Capt. -, 24m., 276 
 
 Pepper, trade in, 87m, 97; see also Mallaguetta 
 Pepper Coast, see Grain Coast 
 Pepperell, Capt. Nicholas, 168 
 Pepperell, interloper, 273 
 Pepprell, African chief, 433 
 Pepys, Samuel, and African company, 86, 88, 
 92m, 156m, 17cm.; secretary of the Ad¬ 
 miralty, 341 
 
 Perdegon, Andreas, Portuguese factor, 128 
 Perez, Gasper, agent of assiento, 327 
 Permission ships, see Ten-per-cent ships 
 Perpetuanas (perpets), demand for, 458; price 
 of, 306, 436; trade in, 217-221, 238, 245, 
 
 260, 263, 275, 276, 287, 290, 291, 372, 379, 
 
 405, 432 
 
 Perry, Capt. -, of Eagle, 393, 395m 
 
 Peru, slaves for, no; slave prices in, 72 
 Pery, John, of African Company, 355 
 Peso, value of, 72; see also Currency 
 Peterborough, Henry Mordaunt, earl of, of 
 Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Peterson, Jacob, 148 
 
 Petitions, against the African Company, 377 n -> 
 378m; for open trade to Africa, 418m; from 
 Barbados, 92, 94; from Jamaica, 2i6n., 265, 
 266n.; of African companies, 89m, 165, 168, 
 193, 195, 222, 224, 262m, 3o8n., 319m, 410; 
 of Beeston, 3i7n; of Bird and Pargiter, 
 120; of Bludworth, 172-173; of Gill, 327m; 
 of Hacker, 258m; of Knight, 154-156; of 
 merchants, 9m., 12m., 444; of seamen, 209; 
 of Sir Paul Painter, in; to House of 
 Commons, 81, 266m, 384, 413-414, 4 I 7 n *> to 
 House of Lords, 388-390 
 Peytraud, Lucien, Esclavage aux Antilles 
 Franqaises avant 1789, 95m 
 Philip II., of Spain, 12m; letters to, 57 ~ 59 » 60- 
 66 
 
 Philippa, queen of Portugal, 2n. 
 
 Philips, Miles, narrative of, 66 
 
 Phillips, -, merchant, 84 
 
 Phillips, John, of Barbados, 372 
 Phillips, Thomas, “Journal of a Voyage made 
 in the Hannibal of London, Ann. 1693- 
 1694, from England to Cape Monseradoe, in 
 Africa; and thence along the Coast of 
 Guiney to Whidaw, the Island of St. 
 Thomas, and so forward to Barbadoes,” 
 392-410 
 
 Phineas and Margarett, 238 
 
 Phoenix, H. M. S., 205 
 
 Pickering, Gilbert, petition of, 209m 
 
 Pieces of eight, value of, 162, 202, 266m, 370 
 
 Pierce, Edward, African agent, letter from, 251 
 
 Pietersen (Pieters), Hector, contract of, 149- 
 
 152 
 
 Pietersen, Jan, Dane, 140, 146 
 Pieza d’ India (Piece d’ Inde), 101, 106, 301- 
 302, 344, 368 
 
 Pigafetta, Phillippo, “Report of the Kingdom of 
 Congo . . . gathered by,” 7n. 
 
 Piles, Capt. -, of Guinea, 416 
 
 Piles, Nathan, Gambia factor, 445m 
 Pilleau, African village, 293 
 
 Pinder, -, Gambia agent, 438m 
 
 Pinkerton, John, General Collection of the Best 
 and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels 
 in all Parts of the World, many of which 
 1 are now first translated into English, 3 * 9 n * 
 Pintadoes, East India goods, 233, 237, 275, 455 * 
 458; see also Commodities 
 Pinteado, Anthonie Anes, Portuguese pilot, 9 
 Pirates, 280; French, 65, 308, 329, 420; in the 
 Caribbean, n8n.; of East Africa, 95; pro¬ 
 tection against, 198, 338; vessels seized by, 
 147-149, 151, 325 # 
 
 Pirez, Gomez, expedition of, 36, 41 
 
Index 
 
 487 
 
 
 Pitman, Frank, Development of the British West 
 Indies, 22sn. 
 
 Pitman, Capt. Henry, 418, 419 
 Plantations, see West Indies 
 Planters, of Jamaica, 265, 2661). 
 
 Platt, Joshua, Cape Coast merchant, 396m 
 Plumer, Capt. Charles, of the Lawrell, 259 
 Plymouth, and Hawkins, 62m, 63, 66 
 Pointis, M. de, capture of Cartagena by, 431 
 Pollard, A. F., History of England from the 
 Accession of Edward VI. to the Death of 
 Elizabeth, 46m 
 
 Pollaroone, India island, 85m 
 
 Pomeroy, Capt. -, of Ruth, 245 
 
 Pompena, Africa, 220 
 
 Ponchartrain, -, French judge, 449m 
 
 Ponte, Nicolas de, 65 
 
 Ponte, Pedro de, of Teneriffe, 65, 66n. 
 
 Pope, Charles, bill drawn by, 331 
 Pope, James, voyage of, 126-136 
 Pope, John, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Popo, Africa, 295, 382, 398, 439; see also Great 
 Popo; Little Popo 
 
 Porcio, Nicolas, assiento of, 107, 116, 118, 28on., 
 308m, 325-328, 3 35 n., 345, 352, 357, 359, 
 365, 37 *> 374 > 375 5 claims of, 373m, 376m, 
 377n.; difficulties of, 117, 327, 342, 346m, 
 3640.; rights revoked, 341, 342 
 Porette, Pedro, letter from, 28on. 
 
 Portador, African trader, 456 
 Porter, Charles, of Royal Adventurers, 169m, 171 
 Portland, Duke of, papers of, 126m 
 Portland Manuscripts, 126m 
 Portlock, William, of the John, 39on. 
 
 Portman, John, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Port Morant, Jamaica, 335 
 
 Porto Bello, 328; slaves for, 106, 139, 338; trade 
 of, 280; voyages to, 152 
 Portocarrero, Cardinal, letter from, 357 
 Porto Dally, see Portudal 
 Porto Rico, negroes for, nn., 16 
 Port Royal, trade of, 329m 
 Portsmouth, vessels from, 62m 
 Portudal, English at, 89m, 127, 437, 445m, 446; 
 factory at, 436m, 437; French at, 96m, 100, 
 447 > governor of, 360m; slave prices at, 
 28n.; trade at, 122, 127, 235m, 382, 450 
 Portugal, African companies of, 107, 120, 306, 
 420; African visitor to, 36cm.; and English, 
 11-13, 8in.; and Spain, 5, 76, 105, 107, 344 
 345 » 35 °i monopoly of, 5; slavery in, 351; 
 slaves for, in., 3, i8n., 26m, 4m., 42 
 Portuguese, and assiento, 16, 12m., 124-125. 
 i37n., 350; and Dutch, 74, 75, 90, 2oon.; 
 and English, 10, 42m, 44, 83; and French, 
 
 J 3 ) 45 m.; and Hawkins, 46n.-49n., 58, 62m, 
 
 63, 65; and Middle Passage, 443, 461, 463; 
 book of complaints, 66n.; explorations of, 2- 
 4 ) 18-41; in Angola, 7611., 36311., 380; in 
 Congo, 319-324, 452-453; in Gambia, 128, 
 i34n., 437; in Senegal, 122, 286; on Gold 
 Coast, 56, 76, 9on., 175m, 287, 395; trade of, 
 4-7, 24-41, 68n., 70, 71, 125, 234, 27m., 291, 
 298, 300, 377, 420, 431, 439, 458, 459; voy¬ 
 age of, 6n. 
 
 Postlethwayt, Malachy, Importance of the 
 African Expedition considered, 83m; Uni¬ 
 versal Dictionary of Trade, 83m 
 Potts, Alicia, and the Dorothy, 308, 309, 315, 
 316 
 
 Potts, Thomas, seaman, 308 
 Povey, Thomas, 169m, 171 
 Powder, see Ammunition; Gunpowder 
 Vowel, of Hawkins, 62m 
 
 Powell, Rowland, Jamaica factor, 2740.; letters 
 from, 255, 271-272 
 
 Prestage, Edgar, Azurara’s Chronicle of the 
 Conquest of Guinea, 2n. 
 
 Price, Richard, owner of the Dorothy, 309 
 Price, of African commodities, 298; of trading 
 goods, 292, 383; of sugar, 41cm. 
 
 Prices of negroes, at Calabar, 226, 30cm., 419, 
 433 ) 435 ; at Vera Cruz, 71; female, 442; 
 from prize vessels, 2ion., 212, 441; in 
 Africa, 36, 283m, 287, 297, 354m, 402-404, 
 436; in Angola, 7, 364; in Barbados, 88, 91, 
 92, no, 215, 216, 241, 250, 253, 264m, 305, 
 307, 326m, 372, 391, 398; in Congo, 453- 
 456; in Curacao, 138, 140, 141, 150, 152; 
 in French West Indies, 98, 102, 103, 302- 
 303; in Gambia, 234, 386, 445; in Jamaica, 
 92, 197, 244, 265, 27m., 274, 279m, 28m., 
 301, 308m, 317, 351, 370; in Nevis, 205-206, 
 276; in Santo Domingo, 431; in Spanish 
 America, 16, 17, 46, 54, 55m, 56, 69-72, 113, 
 IJ 4) J 39) 326, 343; in West Indies, 93, 155- 
 r 57) j 76, 216, 43on.; on Slave Coast, 238, 
 292, 295. 
 
 Prideaux, Nicholas, letter from, 391-392 
 Primrose, see Prumerolle 
 
 Principe (Prince’s) Island, Africa, 75; Barbot 
 a b 3°3 i provisions from, 300, 444; trade 
 of, 300 
 
 Prior, Matthew, 449m, 450 
 
 Prisoners of war, as slaves, 29, 288-289, 294, 
 44 1 
 
 Prissick, Capt. -, 305 
 
 Privateers, 146, 147, 167, 414, 416-417 
 Private trade, see Commissions; next title 
 Privilege slaves, on company vessels, 239m, 
 33 °) 373) 4^5) see also Commissions 
 rivy Council, and slave trade, 61-63, 80, 81, 
 84; appeals to, i66n., 209m, 215m, 222, 224, 
 266n.; duties of, 155, 176, 195, 420m, 4450., 
 446n.; investigation by, 249m; orders of, 
 12, 42m, 161-164, 168, 169m, 242m, 244, 
 255m, 258, 261, 265n.-266n., 2790. 
 
 Prizes, nn., 153-154, 209-215 
 Proby, Peter, of African Company, 94, i7on., 
 171, 180, 183 
 
 Proclamation, of Charles II., 194, 222 
 Prodgers, Edwards, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Profeta Daniel, see Prophet Daniel 
 Profit, of Hawkins, 57m, 59, 62m, 70; on slave 
 trade, i6n., 98 
 
 Prophet Daniel, 335, 337, 338, 340 
 Prosperous, cargo of, 239; seized by French, 416 
 Providence, capture of, 276-279, 388m; inter¬ 
 loper, 222n.; seized by privateers, 417 
 Providence Company, 74m 
 
488 
 
 Index 
 
 Providence Island, 74m, 84 n> 
 
 Provisions, cost of, 220, 408, 420, 435; for slaves, 
 47, 65, 141, 142, 145, 188, 204, 220-221, 227- 
 229, 231-233, 2430., 256, 263, 298, 300, 302, 
 372, 373 , 39 i, 393 , 394 , 39 $, 397 , 4°6, 408, 
 430, 432, 435, 444 , 456 , 459 , 462-463; from 
 Calabar, 300; from Portuguese, 431; from 
 Sao Thome, 408; from Tobago, 145; on 
 Slave Coast, 298 ; raised in Africa, 49m 
 Prumerolle, 13 
 
 Prussians, see Brandenburgers 
 
 Puerto de Plata, Hispaniola, Hawkins at, 46 
 
 Pulford, Urian, testimony of, 419 
 
 Pulo Run, India, negroes for, 85m 
 
 Pumponnee, see Pompena 
 
 Purchas, Samuel, Hakluytus Posthumus or 
 Purchas: his Pil grimes, 2n., 6 
 Pygott, Sir Richard, clerk of patents, 192 
 Pym, Charles, of Nevis, 251, 26m. 
 
 Pym, John, 74m 
 
 Pysing, Theodore, Cape Coast factor, 2590. 
 
 Quaqua Coast, Africa, cloth of, 291; trade of, 
 193 , 352 
 
 Quayman, see Coymans 
 Queen Mother, Spain (1674), 344, 345 
 Queen of England, in Royal Adventurers, 169 
 Quiross Sail, see Curacao 
 
 Raguenet, Francois, Company of Senegal, 96 
 Rainholds, Richard, voyage of, 11, i22n. 
 Ramsay, Eliza, of Barbados, 372 
 Rangoes, see Arrangoes 
 
 Rany, -, of the Finer, 271 
 
 Rappa Hanoeck, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 Raule, Benjamin, and African Company, 103 
 Raunce, James, William and John, 67 
 Ravenstein, E. G., History of Angola, 76m 
 Rawlinson, Dutch factor, 395m 
 Rayner, Thomas, Gambia factor, 445 
 
 Read, -, African factor, 113 
 
 Read, Oliver, venture of, 840. 
 
 “Reasons of the Senegal Company for con¬ 
 fiscating the William and Jane” 446m 
 
 Reckord, Capt. -, slaves of, 205 
 
 Redwood, duty on, 424; see also Commodities 
 Reeve, H. F., Gambia, its History Ancient and 
 Modern, 2n. 
 
 Reeves, Capt. -, taken by French, 416 
 
 Reflections upon the East Indy and Royal 
 African Companys, 418m 
 Reformation, taken by privateers, 417 
 Reid, John, contract of, 109 
 Relation des RR. PP. Alexis de Saint Lb et 
 Bernardin de Renouard, 97m 
 Religion, influence on slave trade, 108; see also 
 Catholic Church 
 
 Rennell, James, Geographical System of 
 Herodotus, 2n. 
 
 Renneville, R. A. C. de, Recueil des Voiages 
 qui ont servi a VEtablissement et aux 
 Pfogres de la Compagnie des Indes 
 Orientates, i22n. 
 
 Report of the Committee of the Privy Council 
 on Trade to Africa, 249m 
 
 Retuerta, Juan de, witness, 125 
 Return, seized by French, 416 
 Revolution of 1688, 377m; effect on trade, 385m 
 Rey Baltasar, Spanish warship, 368 
 Reynal, Pedro Gomez, death of, 104; monopoly 
 of, 17, 343 
 
 Reys Cosa, royal slaves, 401 
 
 Rha River, Africa, Portuguese trade of, 286 
 
 Rhode Island, 398m 
 
 Riccard, Sir Andrew, 169m, 17cm., 171, 172m 
 Rich, Sir Robert, African venture of, 78, 79, 84 
 Richard and James, seized by French, 416 
 Richard and Margaret, case of, 333-335 
 Richards, Arthur, African factor, 305 
 Richardson, William, 121 
 Richmond, Duchess of, 1690. 
 
 Richmond, Duke of, 171 
 Richmond, man-of-war, 2730. 
 
 Rider (Ryder), Sir William, of Royal Adven¬ 
 turers, i69n., 171; petition of, 172-173 
 Rio Cammerones, see Kamerun River 
 Rio de Gabon, Africa, 439m, 444 
 Rio de la Hacha, Africa, Hawkins at, 56m, 58, 
 68; sale of negroes in, 69m, 70, 71; trade at, 
 62m 
 
 Rio de la Plata, Africa, negroes excluded from, 
 124 
 
 Rio del Rey, Africa, trade of, 286, 30m.; voyage 
 to, 141, 142, 145 
 
 Rio do Ouro, Africa, 2, 23, 31m, 32m, 36, 39 
 Rio Forcado, Africa, 291 
 Rio Fresco, see Rufisque 
 
 Rio Grande, Africa, 89m; slaves from, 306; 
 
 trade of, 192, 251 
 Rio Largos, Africa, trade of, 295 
 Rio Nunez (Noomes), Africa, trade of, 11, 89m, 
 192, 251 
 
 Rio Pongo (Rispongo), Africa, trade of, 192 
 Rio Real, see Rio del Rey 
 Rispongo, see Rio Pongo 
 
 Rivas, Antonio Rodriguez de, assiento of, 343 
 Rivas, Francisco de, Panama factor, 367 
 River of Gold, see Rio do Ouro 
 Roberts, Sir Gabriel, deputy governor, Royal 
 African Company, 180, 183, 217m, 355, 
 
 360m, 364 
 
 Roberts, William, of the Royal African Com¬ 
 pany, 199 
 
 Robertson, James A., translations of, 335m 
 
 Robinson, Capt. -, of the Avarilla, 417 
 
 Robinson, Capt. Elley, 278 
 Robinson, George, 171 
 Robinson, Sir John, 169m, 171 
 Rochester, vessels from, 63, 65 
 Rochester, 45m. 
 
 Rocou, dye, 303 
 Rocus, see Roques 
 
 Roderic, Archbhhop, of Toledo, 22 
 
 Rogers, -, suit of, 334 
 
 Rogers, Richard, deposition of, 215 
 Rombouts, Johan, report of, 137 
 Ronan, William, Cape Coast merchant, 396m 
 Ronquillo, Antonio, of Council of Castile, 347 
 Rootsey, John, of Barbados, 396m 
 Roques, Los, wreck of St. Jan, at, 143-146 
 
Index 
 
 Rosa, Ghysbert de, witness, 149, 151 
 Rosse, , of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Rotterdam, Coymans at, 326 
 Rouen, merchants of, 13, 95 
 Royal African Company, act regulating, 421- 
 429; and African natives, 403m; and Bar¬ 
 bados, 215-217, 225m; and East India Com- 
 pany, 94; an d Erench, 436-438, 445-449; 
 and Gambia Adventurers, 236m; and inter¬ 
 lopers, 224, 418-419; and Jamaica, 28on., 
 3 °S, 3 1 7 ~ 3 1 9 » 33 I- 333 » and Parliament, 377- 
 384, 410-414, 417-418; and Spanish trade, 
 II 4-H7, 118, 120, 197, 342; complaints 
 
 against, 215m, 247, 370, 377-384, 410-413 ; de¬ 
 fendant, 251-255, 388-390; defense, 267-271; 
 encouragement of, 331 - 333 , 351-352 ; finances 
 °f> i 74 -j 76 , 186, 25m., 269, 318, 409, 413, 
 
 _ _ _ _ • . * I 34 n -> 279m, 3n, 382, 
 
 421; incorporation of, 86, 93, 112, 177-192, i 
 195, 196m; letters from, n 8 n.; letters to, j 
 225, 234-240, 243-251, 255, 259-262, 264, ' 
 2 6, 271-276, 304-305, 435-436, 443; mem-I 
 bers of, 353, 355; officers of, 182-186, 
 
 353 , 355 , 392 ; papers of, 177m, 2340., 305-! 
 3 ° 7 , 330 - 33 L 355-356, 360-362, 371-373, 385, I 
 391-392 ; petition of, 193, 222, 308m, 3190.; ! 
 petitions concerning, 265, 384, 413-414;' 
 
 privileges of, n 9 n., 186-191, 194, 318, 426, 
 450; soldiers for, 396m; territory of, 160, 
 180,^192-195, 223-224, 331, 377; trade of, 
 o7n., 192, 45m.; vessels of, 199-209, 217- 
 22r, 226-234, 252, 325, 371, 414; voyage 
 of, 360-362 
 
 Royal Company of Santo Domingo, 103m 
 Royal Company of the Senegal, Cape Verde, 
 and the Coast of Africa, see Companies of 
 the Senegal 
 
 Royall James and Henry, 85m 
 
 Rozer, -, Rouen merchant, 97, 98 
 
 Ruby, and Spanish trade, 325, 327 
 Ruding, Walter, Jamaica factor, 353, 354, 370 
 385, 393 n. 
 
 Rue, Balthazar de, deposition of, 244; execu¬ 
 tors of, 258; vessel of, 242 
 Rufisque, Africa, 8 9 n.; Dutch at, 75; French at, 
 96n., 100, 282m; trade of, 127, 235m 
 Rum 291; effect on mortality, 409; from Bar- 
 bados, 393; see also Commodities 
 Rumbold (Rombald), William, death of, 16911. • 
 executors of, 171 
 
 Rupert, Prince, 8m, 83, 86, 136m, 169, i 7 on, 
 
 l8l ' ’ 
 
 Russell, Governor Francis, letter from, 266m 
 
 Rustat, Tobias, of Royal Adventurers, i6on 
 171 ’’ 
 
 Ruth, cargo of, 245; illicit trade of, 246m 
 Rutter, William, trader, ion. 
 
 Ruyter, Michael de, on African coast, 90 
 r 55 n., 235m, 43 8n. 
 
 Ruyven, L. V., witness, 150 
 Ryckertsen, Jan, 146-149 
 
 Ryder, -, pirate, 95m 
 
 Ryswyk, Treaty of, 96, 102, 104, +37, 446,,. 
 
 Sabo, African state, 403n. 
 
 489 
 
 Saco, Jose Antonio, Historic, de la Esclavitud 
 
 de la Raza Africana en el Nuevo Mundo, 
 i n» 
 
 Sadler, William, contract of, 17 
 Samsbury, Ethel B . Calendar of Court Min- 
 C, ... s °f East India Company, 7711. 
 
 bt. Albans Henry, earl of, of Royal Adventur- 
 ers, 169m 
 
 St Catalina, in Spanish trade, 152 
 o/. Catherine, 28m. 
 
 St ' C Jn ri f, 0pher ’ 27 , 7 ’ BilIop at > 2 ?8n.; Downing 
 ,25n ; : ^'‘lenient of, 7 +; slaves for, S 9 , 
 
 West Indies' 97 ’ 2 «"- ; aU ° 
 
 St ' of“ m 2 86 Ck R!Ver ’ AfriCa ’ Port uguese trade 
 , S J: l tienn f, attacked by English, 99 n. 
 
 mem of’ jf Emden Compan >'’ io 41 settle- 
 I St ‘ Francis, cargo of, 99 
 St. Francisco, assiento trade, 327 
 
 SL G . c , or O e ’ I 5 °» 45in.; at Ardra, 304; for 
 Africa, 360; from Angola, 223m; seized 
 
 | Y ren ch, 448; see also Thomas and Fran¬ 
 cis 
 
 St. George del Mina, Elmina 
 ; St. Helena, 94 
 Saintiaugoo, see Santiago 
 -St. Jago de Cuba, see Santiago 
 St. Jan, Journal, 141-145; mortality on, 143-144- 
 voyage of, 145-150 ^ 
 
 St. John, Sir William, African ventures of, 78m 
 St. John, seized by Dutch, 165m; see also St. 
 Jan 
 
 Saint-John Baptist, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 ot. John de Lowe, see Vera Cruz 
 St. Joris, 150 
 
 St. Kitts, see St. Christopher 
 
 St. Louis, African island, taken by English, 102; 
 
 o T . nC v ° n> 96n \’ 28in., 282n., 380m 
 
 ot. Lucia, West Indies, settlement of, 74 
 
 Saint Mery Moreau de, Loix et Constitutions 
 des Colonies Franqaises de VAmerique 
 sous le Vent, 96m 
 
 de Loando, see Loando 
 Saint Temay, see Sao Thome 
 St. Thomas, African island, see Sao Thome 
 St. Thomas, Danish West Indies, 74, 104, 120, 
 236m, 250; voyage to, 6n. 
 
 St Thomas,, cargo of, 325, 327, 328, 329m 
 Salcedo, Luis de, Council of Castile, 357 
 Sale of slaves, Barbados, 204-205, 245, 330, 372; 
 r rench West Indies, 301-303; from Ar¬ 
 thur, 233; from Swallow, 257; Jamaica, 
 
 2 39 > 2 55 » 37 °; method, n8n., 120, 156m, 391- 
 Nevis, 206 
 
 Sallee (Sally), Africa, limits of African monop¬ 
 oly, 160, 180, 194, 195, 223, 224, 331, 377 
 Salmon, Francisco, Spanish accountant, 165m 
 Salomon, of Hawkins, nn., 45, 47, 50, 62 
 Salt, trade in, 386; see also Commodities 
 Samboses, African natives, 48, 490. 
 
 Sambrooke, Jeremy, of African Companv 
 Sambula, African island, 48m ’ 355 
 
 Samuel, Capt. Booth, 274 
 
49 ° 
 
 Index 
 
 Sanaga, see Senegal . „ 
 
 Sanchez, Padre, “Book of Marriage, 123 
 Sandoval, Father, letter to, 123-124 t, | 
 Sandwich, Edward Montagu, earl of, of Royal 
 Adventurers, i6^n., 171 
 Sanguin River, Africa, 394 n * 
 
 San Juan, Porto Rico, 1 in. 
 
 San Millan, Francisco Lorenzo de, 336, lette 
 
 from, 337 - 33B, 340 
 Santa Fe, Venezuela, 52 
 Santa Marta, slave trade to, 197 
 Santarem, M. F. de Barros, Visconde de, ex- 
 
 plorations of, 3 
 
 Santa Rosa, Spanish frigate 368 
 
 Santiago, Cape Verde Islands, 76x1., 199, 393 ^., 
 
 4oSn. 
 
 Santiago, Cuba, 151 , • ./-o 
 
 Santiago de la Victoria, Spanish warship, 368 
 Santo Domingo (Hispaniola), Hawkins s trade 
 in 52, 56, 6on.; negroes requested, 15m, 
 slaves for, 14, 16, 17, 45 , 46, 47 , IOI > io 3 > 
 
 11 5 , 43 J , 
 
 Santo Domingo, voyage of, 115 
 Santo Domingo River, 122 
 
 Sao Thome, African island, 8in., 460; discovery 
 of 3, 4; French at, 431; provisions from, 
 246, 300, 397, 408; sugar plantations of, 6, 
 i22n.; trade at, 221, 300; voyage to, ion., 
 
 439m 
 
 Sapies, African natives, 48, 49m 
 
 Sarah, seized by Dutch, 165m 
 
 Sarah Bonaventura, accounts of, 217-221; cargo 
 
 of, 355 ; voyage of, 352 
 Sarbah, J. M., “The Gold Coast when Edward 
 
 IV. was King,” 6 n. 
 
 Sartillon, Arnold, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 Sataspes, -, voyage of, 2 
 
 Savi, African village, 293 
 Sayes (Says), trade in, 202, 217-221, 245, 260, 
 262, 275, 282, 287, 290, 291, 3 ° 6 , 372, 379 , 
 405; see also Commodities 
 Scelle, Georges, “Slave Trade in the ^Spanish 
 Colonies of America: the Assiento, io 5 n -» 
 Traite Negriere aux Indes de Castille: Con- 
 trats et Traites d’Assiento, I4n. 
 Schenckingh, Bernard, Barbados merchant, 222, 
 
 225 
 
 Schoff, W., The Periplus of Hanno, 2n. 
 Schoonenbergh, Franz, Dutch envoy extraordi¬ 
 nary, 335n., 364-367, 369, 373, 374 
 
 Schiick, Richard, Brandenburg-Preussens Kolo- 
 
 nial-P olitik under dem Grossen Kurfur- 
 sten, 103m 
 
 Scipio, seized by French, 415 
 
 Scot, Lieut.-Col. -, 243m 
 
 Scott, John, “Description of Barbados, i25n. 
 Scott, Philip, of Barbados, 37 2 , 
 
 Scott, W. R., The Constitution and Finance of 
 Joint-Stock Companies. to 1720, jn. 
 
 Scottish company, for African trade, 4 I 7 n * 
 Scrope (Scroope), Edmond, of Barbados, 372, 
 
 392 
 
 Seaflower, seized by French, 415 
 
 Seaman, Capt. -, 205, 260 
 
 Seamen, impressment of, 414, 4 I 7 n *» mortality 
 of, 141-143, 456; wages of, 310, 383 
 
 Searle, -, African factor, 397 
 
 Seasons, for slave trade, 235, 251, 292, 294, 
 298-299, 399, 459-46o 
 S eawell, Richard, bill drawn by, 331 
 Sedley (Sidley), Sir Charles, of Royal Adven¬ 
 turers, 169m, 171 
 
 Sekundi, Africa, 193 j English settlement, 381 > 
 fort at, 397n.; James at, 204, 206; trade 
 
 at, 200, 395n. . 
 
 Selwyn, Francis, factor of African Company, 
 
 9on., 193 . , 
 
 Senegal, expeditions to, 11; seizure of, 416, 
 trade of, 236m, 282m, 286 
 Senegal River, discovery of, 3, 3 in *> 35 , 3 
 English in, 80; exploration of, 385-3871 
 French in, 13, 96, 28m., 283, 445 n -» 446n. 
 Separate traders, competition of, 436m; pro¬ 
 tection of, 427, 437; see also Interlopers 
 
 Sept, cargo of, 391 . 
 
 Serge, makers of, 379; see also Commodities; 
 
 Woollen goods 
 Serry, see Zaire 
 
 Sestos (Sestro) River, English at, 42m; pro¬ 
 visions from, 430; trade of, 9, IO , *9 2 
 Several Declarations of the Company of Royal 
 Adventurers trading into Africa, 156m 
 Severn, Capt. John, of the Elias, 84 
 Seville, and Plawkins, 46m; Coymans in, 26; 
 order to, 337 
 
 Sewger, John, of Barbados, 264 
 Seymour, Edward, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 Seys, Capt. Evan, of Swallow, 250, 256-258, 360 
 Shackles, for slave trade, 203 
 Shafte, William, of the George, 194 
 Shaftesbury, see Ashley 
 
 Shalcrosse, -, Gambia voyage of, 128 
 
 Shama, English at, 44; trade at, 6, 395 ^- 
 Shane, Sir James, of Royal Adventurers, 171 
 Sharpe, Col. William, speaker, Barbados assem¬ 
 bly, 225, 226n., 241 
 
 Shaw, Sir John, of African Company, 169m, 
 171, 172m, 180, 183 
 Sherbro Island, Africa, 48m 
 Sherbro River, Africa, 82, 89m; English at, 
 192, 236m, 381; factor of, 393 
 Shering, Samuel, of London, 380 
 Shewed, Capt. -, illicit trade of, 239m 
 
 Shield, seized by French, 416 
 Short, John, of African Company, 353 , 355 , 
 360m 
 
 Shrewsbury, Duke of, 4 I 7 n * 
 
 Shrewsbury, Eng., petition from, 417-418 
 Shurley (Shirley), Capt. Thomas, 393 , 394 , 
 395m; death of, 397 n *, 4 °° n - ... 
 
 Sierra Leone, 89m; discovery of, 3, 4; English 
 settlement, 381; Hawkins at, 46, 50, 51; na¬ 
 tives of, 5 ° j trade of, 45 n, » 2 73 , 437 
 Sierra Leone River, 11, 192, 25111. 
 
 Sierra Osorio, Lope de, of Council of the Indies, 
 357; opinion of, 359 , 
 
 Sigiienza, Bishop of, assiento, 347 , 358h. 
 
 Silice, Sebastian, assiento of, 344 
 Silks, trade in, 240; see also Commodities 
 Silva, Diego Guzman de, see Guzman de Silva 
 Silver, trade in, 187, 428; see also Commodities 
 i Simpson, Francis, executors of, 172 
 
Index 
 
 491 
 
 Sino River, 394 
 Sintra, Goncallo de, 3m. 
 
 Skinner, Matthew, in Gambia River, 419 
 Skutt (Scut), Benjamin, of African Company 
 94 , 180, 183, 308m, 331 
 Skutt, Thomas, 192m 
 Skutts, George, *bill drawn by, 331 
 Slaney, Humphrey, merchant, 79, 80 
 Slave Coast, Africa, 292, 439 
 Slavery, legality of, 346-351 
 
 Sletias, trade in, 21 7 - 22I , 245, 275; see also 
 Commodities 
 
 Sloane Manuscripts, 236n., 274m 
 Smallpox, among negroes, 323m, 409; see also 
 Diseases 
 
 Smart, Samuel, of Barbados, 264 
 Smith, Capt. -, separate trader, 445 
 
 Spanish archives, and slave trade, 335m 
 Sparke, John, 47m, 57 
 
 Speedwell, 89, 165, 222m 
 
 Spencer Robert, earl of Sunderland, see Sun¬ 
 derland 
 
 Sphaera Mundl, 140 
 
 Spicer, Nicolas, patent of, im. 
 
 Spike, Elizabeth, 308, 309 
 Spike, Johan, 309 
 
 Spinola, Benedict, African ventures of, 50 
 Spurre, -, pirate, 280 
 
 mith, Sir George, of Royal Adventurers, i69n 
 171, 172m y ’ 
 
 Smith, Gilbert, patent of, nn. 
 
 Smith, John, seaman, 309 
 
 Smith, Capt. Robert, of the Mary, 262-263 
 
 Smith, Capt. William, 245, 250 
 
 Smuggling, of slaves, 106, 109, 136m, 138, i 5 3n 
 
 1 f' 24,-251, 260, 355, 3 l' n .; 53 see 
 
 also Illicit trade; Interlopers 
 
 Snaswell,-, of Jamaica, 243m 
 
 Snell, George, 172 
 
 Soane (Sone), Francis, merchant of Barbados 
 129, 131-133 
 Soans, see Somes 
 Sockwell, John, 261 
 
 Sogno (Songo, Sonho, Sony), African state, 319- 
 324; Barbot at, 452; ruler of, 452-454* 
 
 c ,• t . rade ° f > 451 - 452 , 455 
 Solicitor General, opinion of, 116 
 
 S°™, e . s ’ U ’ ° f the Je ff re y> 393 
 Sophia, 88n. 
 
 Sorilbo, Pedro, Spanish captain, 151 
 Sosa (Sossa), Cristobal Mendez de, assiento 
 of > 105, 344 
 
 Soto de Cassa, Abbot of, African missionary, 4 
 Sousa, Lopez de, embassy to England, 13 
 South, Robert, merchant, 80 
 South America, see Spanish America 
 South Barbary, 178, 180, 187, 189, 192 
 South Carolina, 45cm. 
 
 Southwell, Sir Robert, letter to, 215m 
 Spain, and assiento, 106, 107, 109, 124-125, 327 
 341-342, 346-351; and England, 46, 56, 66 , 
 114, 198;, and Portugal, 5, 105; in Africa, 
 6n.; m West Indies, 73, 74; market for 
 slaves, i8n., 100; trade of, 6, n 5 ; see also 
 Assiento; next titles 
 
 Spaniards, illicit trade of, 109, 356; slave trade 
 of, 197-198, 306; trade with Barbados, 115, 
 16m., 391; trade with Dutch, 136-140, 151 ; 
 trade with Jamaica, 115, 167, 307,’ 325’, 
 
 329, 370 
 
 Spanish America, Mohammedan slaves ex¬ 
 cluded, 358; slave prices in, 92; slaves for, 
 
 J 4 , 15, 46, 65, 84, 104-108, 115, 136, 137, 
 i6in., 27m., 335m, 342-346, 352, 385, 453m; 
 trade of, 52-59, 68-70, 86, 93, 104-121, 152, 
 162-164, 198, 280, 325, 341, 349, 392 
 
 Spurway, Henry, Cape Coast factor, 259m 
 
 W 5 7, J h °T. as ’ Cape Coast factor , 2590, 
 Stafford, Benedict, seized by French, 382 
 
 Stafford, John, merchant, 121 
 
 Standley, John, 261 
 
 Stanfast, Col. John, of Barbados, 225 
 
 Stanhope, Sir John, nn. 
 
 Stanier (Stanyer), Samuel, of African Com- 
 pany, 355 360m, 392, 393 
 
 Stanyan, Abraham, 447 
 
 Stapleton, Walter, Cape Coast factor, a 74 n. 
 
 Stapleton Sir William, governor of Leeward 
 Islands, 205, 242, 257, 261, 277-279 
 Star, interloper, 81, 84m 
 Starky, James, of Nevis, 260m 
 
 Stat l ^ a P ers > Domestic, 66n.; Foreign, Eliza¬ 
 beth, 46m 
 
 States General, Netherlands, 242, 357m, 362, 363, 
 374-376 3 
 
 Statutes at Large, 212m 
 Statutes of the Realm, 153m 
 Stede, Edwyn, Barbados factor, 94m, 177, 204, 
 205; letters from, 225-226, 239m, 240-241, 
 245-250, 264, 273, 274, 304-305, 306-307, 
 
 330-331; letter to, 355; suit against, 222- 
 22^ 
 
 Stevens, William, of African Company, too 
 
 Stewa rt C-a^r-. -, report from, 90 
 
 Stibbs, Bartholomew, on Gambia River, yon. 
 Stoaks, Admiral, at Commenda, 381 
 Stocky L. F., Proceedings and Debates of the 
 British Parliaments respecting North Amer¬ 
 ica, 8in. 
 
 Stockbridge, Richard, i2n. 
 
 Stock-vis-dorp, African village, 297 
 
 Stokes, Capt. -, at Cormantine, 90 
 
 Stone, Thora, “Journey of Cornelius Hodges in 
 Senegambia, 1689-1690,” 386m 
 Stronghill, Henry, Whydah factor, 361 
 Stuyve, Hans Marcussen, 146-149 
 Stuyvesant, Peter, letter to, 140, 167 
 Suarez de Deza, Pedro, 15m 
 Success, cargo of, 89 
 Succunde, see Sekundi 
 
 Suckley, --, advocate, 209, 211, 212 
 
 Suffolk, petition of clothiers of, 384; woollen 
 industry of, 41 8n. 
 
 Sngar, and slave labor, 73 , 74 , , 7j 4s g. from 
 
 w.?°a’ I25n ” I3 ° n - 132 i from French 
 West Indies, tot, 303 ; from Jamaica, 22 6n. ; 
 
 from Nevis, 2 o 5 , 242 ; from Sao Thome 
 122n ' J from West Indies, 24 on„ 379 , 4 ™' 
 
Index 
 
 49 2 
 
 muscovado, 157; P rice > 6zn -> 9 8 > * 6 5 p-> 206, 
 30811., 4ion.; season for, 459; trade in, 206, 
 
 276, 283, 301-303, 4 I 3 n * . ., r . 
 
 Sugar Islands, slaves for, 88; see also West 
 
 Indies 
 
 Sullivan, Phillip, of Nevis, 257 
 Sun, see Golden Sun 
 
 Sunderland, Robert Spencer, 2d earl of, n6n., 
 352 
 
 Sunis, Angola, 193 , , 
 
 Sun of Africa, mortality of, 300; trade of, 302- 
 
 3°3 , 
 
 Supercargo, duties of, 297 
 
 Supply, frigate, 130-132, *36n. 1 
 
 Surgeons, duties of, 441-442; payments to, 255 
 Surinam, Dutch in, 172, 173; slaves for, 216m; 
 
 slaves from, 102 
 Susan, 89m 
 
 Susanna, case of, 209-215 . . 
 
 Swallow, accounts of, 256-258; for Virginia, 250 
 Swallow, Capt. Thomas Hampton, 45, 47 , 5°, 
 62m, 67, 69, 70 
 Swan, Richard, trade of, 126 
 Swan, 120; cargo, 39 on -5 seized by French, 415 
 Swartem A rent, 142 
 Sweden, war with Denmark, 78 
 Swedes, and English, 7711., 83; conquered by the 
 Dutch, 90; on the Gold Coast, 73, 77 , 7 8 > 
 245m 
 
 Swedish African Company, 77 
 
 Sweeting, John, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 
 Syms, John, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Systema Africanum: or a Treatise, discovering 
 the Intrigues of the Guiney Company, 1690, 
 377-384 
 
 Theriaca Andromachi, remedy, 40 
 
 Thomas, Capt. William, of Royal Adventurers, 
 
 172 
 
 Thomas, interloper, 273 
 
 Thomas and Francis, 209-215 
 
 Thomas and William, Guinea voyage of, 172 
 
 Thompson, George, Gambia explorations of 
 
 79 
 
 Thompson (Thomson), Maurice, 74m, 82, 84m, 
 128, 130, 131, 133 , 134 
 .Thomson, John, African venture of, 62n. 
 
 1 Thornborough, Col. -, agent for Barbados, 
 
 215m, 217 
 
 Taccarada, see Takoradi 
 Taggarin, see Sierra Leone 
 
 Taggart (Taggard), James, illicit trade of, 
 238, 239m 
 
 Takoe (Tokey), value of, 286, 2960.; see also 
 Currency 
 
 Takoradi, Africa, 89, 104, 245; Danes at, 77, 7 » 
 Talbot, interloper, 81, 84 
 
 Tallard, Camille, marquis d'Hostun, 44611., 
 447-450 
 Tangier, 192 
 
 Tangomangos, African natives, 5 1 
 Tapsells, trade in, 218-221, 233 > 260, 275? 2 9 L 
 ^96. 455, 458; see also Commodities 
 
 Tarra, Africa, 386, 3 8 7 
 Taunton, merchants of, 11 
 
 Tebitt, -, mate of Hanah, 3 8 5 
 
 Temenn, Africa, James at, 206 
 
 Temple, James, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 
 Temple, Thomas, suit of, 279m 
 
 Tenar, George, see Fenner 
 
 Teneriffe, 46 
 
 Tennant, Capt. Matthew, 325-329 
 Ten-per-cent, ships, 424, 43 on -> 435 > 436n., 445 > 
 
 449 
 
 Terrier-Rouge, on Senegal River, 97, 283 
 Testigos, West India Islands, 51 
 Textiles, for African trade, 237-238, 290-291; 
 see also Commodities; Woollen goods 
 
 ^ A / 
 
 Thornborough, John, of Tyger, 224m 
 
 Thornebury, -, interloper, 261, 262 
 
 Three Brothers, seized by French, 415, 4™ 
 Thurloe (Thurloes), Thomas, African agent, 
 234-236 
 
 Tider (Tiger), African island, 26m, 37n. 
 
 Tierra Firma, Hawkins’s trade at, 57m 
 j Tiger, of London, 43, 47 
 Tiger, seized by French, 416 
 Tintam, John, expedition of, 6 
 Titus, Sylas, of Royal Adventurers, 170m 
 Tobacco, on Middle Passage, 204, 230, 313, 
 316, 317; trade in, 138, 291, 372, 379, 4*2 
 Tobago, and Great Elector, 104; provisions 
 from, 145; St. Jan at, 143 5 settlement of, 
 74; slaves seized at, 334-335 
 Tokey, see Takoe 
 Tolman, Eliathim, seaman, 334 
 Tommes, John, deposition of, 71 . , ,. 
 
 Toppan, R. N., Edward Randolph: including 
 his Letters and Official Papers, 
 
 Torcy, M. de, French Minister of Foreign Af¬ 
 fairs, 447 n., 44 8 , 45*n. 
 
 Tordecillas, Juan de, of Council of Castile, 357 
 Toriano, George, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 Torregruetto, Francisco de, assiento, 327 
 Tortola, and Emden Company, 104; settlement 
 
 of, 74 n - 
 
 Tory, Joseph, see Jory 
 
 Towerson, William, voyages of, 9, 12, 13, 42- 
 44, 202n. 
 
 Tracy, Alexandre Pronville de, on slave trade, 
 
 1 98 # , 
 
 Trade, in slaves, journals, 199-206, 226-234; 
 
 methods of, 290-301, 401, 403, 433 “ 435 > 455 > 
 459 
 
 Transactions and Collections of the Ameiican 
 Antiquarian Society, 194m . 
 
 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 
 
 8in. 
 
 Treasury Papers, Public Record Office, i 77 n *. 
 Treatise concerning the East-India-Trade: being 
 a most Profitable Trade to the Kingdom, 
 and best Secured and Improved by a 
 Company and a Joint Stock, 418m 
 Treaty of 1670, 198m 
 Trevisco, see Rufisque 
 Tribes, African, 48, 49m, 51 
 Trinidad, negroes for, 85 
 Tnnitie, on African coast, 43 
 Trinity , for Africa, 9 
 
 Tristam, Nuno, expedition of, 20, 21, 23, 25, 
 1 3 in * 
 
Index 
 
 493 
 
 Trompeuse, pirate, 329 
 Troxxilla, Pedro Diez, 149-150 
 Trumbull, Sir William, 41711. 
 
 Tulse, Henry, of African Company, 355 
 Turkey, commodities of, 291; see also Com¬ 
 modities 
 
 Turner, Sir Edward, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m, 172 
 
 Turner, Nicolas, patent of, nn. 
 
 Turner, Thomas, on Angola, 7 
 T urner, William, of African Company, 355 
 Two Friends, seized by the French, 415 
 Tyger, interloper, 2240. 
 
 Tylleman, Eric, Danish governor of Cape Coast 
 Castle, 77n. 
 
 Umbrellas (Umbrelloes), trade in, 295 
 Unity,' for Barbados, 331; for Nevis, 276; 
 seized by French, 415 
 
 Ursu, Danes at, 77, 78; see also Fort Christians- 
 borg 
 
 Usselinx, Willem, project of, 76m 
 
 Valckenburgh, John (Valckenburch, Johan), 
 Dutch director general, 90m, 141, i 45 , I4 8, 
 I 49, 164-165, 167 
 
 Valentine, Thomas, African venture of, 62m 
 Valez, Marques de los, see Velez 
 Van Becke, Baltazar, see Beck 
 Van Beeck, Nicholas, of Dutch West India 
 Company, 244 
 
 \ an Bell, -•, factor of assiento, 327 
 
 Van Brugh, -, commissary, negroes for, 140 
 
 Van den Broeck, Pierre, at Cape Verde, 7 6n 
 voyage of, 122-123 
 
 Vander Linden, Herman, Expansion Colonial: 
 Neerlande et Danemark, 75m; Portugal et 
 Espagne, 2n. 
 
 Van der Veer, Adriaen Blaes, see Blaes 
 Van Ess, Baltazar, report of, 137 
 Van Gaelen, Jan, 146, 147 
 
 Van Horn, -, pirate, 388m 
 
 Van Huison (Van Heussen, Vanhuisen), Tasper, 
 Dutch director, 141, 155 1 
 
 Van Hulst, Martin Michielsen, 148 
 Van Laer, A. J. F., translation of, 136m; Van 
 Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, 76m 
 Van Ruyven, Laurens, commissary, negroes for, 
 140 
 
 Vasquez, Alvaro, expedition of, 34 
 Vassall, Samuel, merchant, 82, i29n., 134 
 Vaughan, Lord, governor of Jamaica, 114, 115, 
 195, 215m, 223, 244 
 Vaughan, James, merchant, 222, 241 
 Vaz de Franca, Francisco, Portuguese factor 
 128 
 
 Velez, Marques de los, of Council of Castile, 
 357 . 364* 367, 369; report from, 373-377 
 Venice treacle, remedy, 40m 
 Vera Cruz, 69; sale of negroes at, 70, 71; slave 
 prices in, 69, 72; slaves for, 106, 124, 420: 
 vessels for, 121 
 
 Vermuyden, Cornelius, of Royal Adventurers, 
 169m 
 
 Verney, John, of African Company, 25m., 364m 
 
 Verney, Sir R., letter to, 25m. 
 
 Vernon, James, secretary of state, 4450.; let¬ 
 ters from, 446-447, 448-449; letters to, 447- 
 448, 450-451 
 
 Vernon, Thomas, of African Company, 180, 
 
 Veytia, Jose de, assiento, 346, 347; Norte de la 
 sa de la Contratacion de las Indies, 342 
 Vice-Admiralty Court, see Admiralty Court 
 Vicente, Martin, speech of, 25m 
 Victory, 88n. 
 
 Villault de Bellefond, -, on African coast, 
 
 98 \ Relation des Cosies d’Afrique appelees 
 Gurnee, 98m 
 
 Vine, from Calabar, 255; on Gold Coast, 201 
 Viner, Sir Robert, of African Company, 180, 
 183; of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 Viner, Sir Thomas, of Royal Adventurers, ex¬ 
 ecutors of, 172 
 Viner, interloper, 271, 2730. 
 
 Vintage, seized by French, 416 
 Vintang (Vitang, Vintan) River, trade of, I0 2, 
 134 
 
 Virginia, Madagascar slaves for, 94; orders for, 
 I 94 n * > petitions from, 4170.5 slaves for, 
 74m, 250, 446; tobacco from, 4140.; trade 
 to, i8on., 3920.; vessel for, 414 
 V00gel Stray s, 138 
 
 “Voyage from Lisbon to the Island of St 
 Thomas,” 6n. 
 
 Voyages,. Arthur, 226-234; Dorothy, 309-317; 
 English, 42-44; Hannibal, 392-410; Haw¬ 
 kins, 44-57, 66-69; instructions for, 352- 
 3 5 3 > 360-362, 363-364; James, 199-209; 
 
 Jobson, 125; Le Maire, 281-282; Loyall 
 Factors, 354; St. Jan, 141-145; suit concern- 
 ing, .388-390; to Congo, 319, 451; to 
 
 Martinique, 301-304; to New Calabar, 
 43 °- 435 > Van den Broeck, 122-123; Vrede 
 on Slave Coast, 141, 142 
 
 Voyages du Sr. le Maire aux iles Canaries, 
 Cap herd, Senegal et Gambia, ioin. 
 
 I oyages of the Slavers St. John and Arms of 
 Amsterdam, 1659, 1663, 136m 
 Vyner, see Viner 
 
 Waad, Thomas, merchant, 130 
 Wachtendonck, John, 258m 
 
 Wages, of African Company officials, 383; of 
 seamen, 310 
 
 Wake, Sir William, of Royal Adventurers, 17011. 
 Walcknaer, C. A., Histoire General des Voy¬ 
 ages, 97n. 
 
 Wales, commodities from, 238 
 Walke, Jonathan, of Barbados, 372 
 Walker, James, of Nevis, 257 
 Wall, John, Gambia trade of, 128 
 Wallinger, Anthony, bill drawn on, 264 
 Wallis, George, and assiento, 109 
 Wallis, Samuel, Cape Coast factor, 436m 
 Walrond, Henry, president of council of Bar¬ 
 bados, no 
 
 Walter, Richard, owner of Richard and Mar¬ 
 garet, 334, 335 
 
 Walter, Thomas, merchant, 82, 130, 131, 133 
 
494 
 
 Index 
 
 Warburton, Bartholomew E. G., Memoirs of 
 Prince Rupert, 136m 
 Warehouse, for negroes, 401 
 Waring, Ephraim, seaman, 211 
 Warner, Francis, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 Warner, Sir John, of Royal Adventurers, 169m 
 Warner, Capt. Thomas, governor of St. Chris¬ 
 topher, 129m 
 
 Warren, Nicholas, of African Company, iso, 
 
 Warren, Sir William, of Royal Adventurers, 
 172 
 
 Warsaw, see Wassau 
 Warwick, Earl of, see Rich, Sir Robert 
 Wassau, African state, 201 
 Waterman, Stephen, 394 
 
 Wathing,-, Jamaica factor, 274m 
 
 Watson, Sir Francis, lieutenant governor, Ja¬ 
 maica, 37on. 
 
 Weavers, petition of, 4*8 
 Weekes, Thomas, of Nevis, 257 
 Welbeck Abbey, manuscripts, 125m 
 Welch, Hurly, of Nevis, 257 
 Welcome, 243 
 
 Welsh, John, narrative of, ii 
 W estergaard, Waldemar, The Danish West 
 Indies, 78m 
 
 West Indian Merchant, 396m 
 West Indies, and Spanish trade, 107-108, in> 
 119, 342; commodities of, 412; Downing 
 in, 125; Hawkins’s voyages to, 45, 50, 51, 
 60, 62, 66n., 68, 70; illicit importation of 
 negroes, 3685 Madagascar slaves for, 94 * 
 officials of, 42911.; sale of slaves in, 69m, 
 70, 71; scarcity of negroes in, 388, 4 12 > se *-" 
 tlement of, 73, 74 5 slave prices in, 17, 46m, 
 72, 156-157; slaves for, 16, 64, 91, 100, 124- 
 125, 344, 432, 458; trade of, 389; see also 
 French West Indies; Leeward Islands; 
 islands by name 
 Whillett, Samuel, seaman, 334 
 
 White, -, mate of Marigold, 250m 
 
 White, Richard, and assiento, 108 
 White, see Wight 
 
 Whitelocke, Bulstrode, English ambassador to 
 Sweden, 77m 
 
 Whiting, Capt. Richard, of the Diamond, 153, 
 154m 
 
 Whorwood, Brome, of Royal Adventurers, 172 
 Whydah, Africa, currency of, 295; factory at, 
 399; grain, 443m; Hannibal at, 399'4°8 » 
 merchants of, 292; natives of, 398; slaves 
 from, 294-295, 330, 361, 39 1 , 43 1 ; slave 
 trade of, 286, 293, 395 n -» 39^, 397 n -> 4°3 n *> 
 405, 406, 436-440 , 
 
 Wiburne, Capt. -, at Whydah, 399 
 
 Wiburne, Sir John, 399 
 
 Wier, Francis, of the Golden Sun, 244 
 
 Wighall, John, of Nevis, 257 
 
 Wight, -, African agent, 306, 307 
 
 Wilkins, Capt. Amos, 226 
 Wilkins, Hugh, illicit trade of, 251-255 
 Wilkins, Capt. William, illicit trade of, 226, 
 238, 239m, 242, 254 
 
 Wilkinson, William, Systema Africanum, 377 " 
 
 384 
 
 William, African king, 432 
 
 William III., of England, 384, 4200., 421-429, 
 
 445-446, 447 , „ , , 
 
 William and Mary, of England, 370 
 William, seized by French, 416 
 William and Jane, seized by French, 445 - 45 1 
 William and John, 67, 68; seized by French, 
 415, 416 
 
 William and Susan, interloper, 168 
 
 William of Chievres (William of Croy), license 
 
 of, 15 
 
 Williams, Abraham, 333, 335 
 Williams, John, of Nevis, 257 
 Williams, Thomas, 419 
 
 Williamson, J. A., Caribbee Islands under 
 Proprietary Patents, 129m; Sir John Haw¬ 
 kins, 7n. 
 
 Williamson, Sir Joseph, of Royal Adventurers, 
 172; letter from, 109m; letters to, H3 n *> 
 195m, 215m, 222n., 226n. 
 
 Williamson, Robert, of African Company, 353, 
 355 , 364n. 
 
 Willoughby, Francis Lord, governor of Barba¬ 
 dos, 88, 132m, 156, 161-164, i66n., 168, i 73 n - 
 Willoughby, William Lord, letter from, 9m., 
 168-169, 173m, 176 
 Willree, Jacob Dircksen, 167 
 Wilson, Capt. Matthew, letter from, 436 
 Wilson, Rowland, merchant, 82, 128-131, 133, 
 
 134 
 
 Wilson, Samuel, merchant, 82m 
 Wiltshire, John, bill drawn by, 331 
 Windham, Capt. Thomas, voyages of, 8, 9, n, 
 13 
 
 Windsor, Lord, governor of Jamaica, 88, no 
 Windward Coast, negroes from, 3600. 
 Winneba, Hannibal at, 397m 
 Winter, Sir William, African venturer, 9m, 45, 
 47m, 57m, 63 
 
 Winthrop, John, jr ., letter to, 125 
 Winthrop Papers, Collections of the Massa¬ 
 chusetts Historical Society, 125m 
 Witney, England, petition from, 4 i 3 " 4 I 4 
 Wolstenholm, Sir John, of Royal Adventuieis, 
 170m, 172 
 Wonderful, 303 
 
 Woodfine, Capt. - , accounts of, 264, 272 
 
 YV UUUlllltj y w - # 1 ' ' 
 
 Woodfine, Capt. John, instructions to, 363-364 
 Woodfine, Leonard, interloper, 225 
 Woodfine, Capt. Thomas, illicit trade of, 355, 
 356, 360m; instructions to, 3 5 3 ~353 
 Woods, John, merchant, 80, 82, 128-133 
 Woolfe, Joseph, of Royal African Company, 
 
 3640. 
 
 Woollen goods, monopoly of, 4i8n.; petition con¬ 
 cerning, 384; price of, 306; trade in, 202, 
 217-219, 221, 238, 260, 267, 290-291, 37 1 " 
 
 372 , 379 , 4 II * 4 12 
 Woorley, Thomas, voyage of, 57 
 
 Woots, Capt. -, illicit trade of, 241 
 
 Worcestershire, weavers of, 4*8 
 Worme, John, African ventures of, 62m 
 Worsam, John, of Barbados, 225 
 Wreck, at New Calabar River, 301 
 Wren (Wrenn), Matthew, of Royal Adventur¬ 
 ers, 169m, 172 
 
Index 
 
 495 
 
 Wr ^t, Irene A., “The Coymans Asiento, 1685- 
 1689 , 325 n.; aid of, 3350.; quoted, 107m, 
 __ r 327n., 3 57 n. 
 
 Wroth, Sir Thomas, Barbary trader, 9 n. 
 Wyamba (Wiampa), Africa, and East India 
 Company, 83; factory at, 89, 129m, 193; 
 James at, 200-202; plundered by Africans 
 
 \\r 1 9 °’ P u ^ c ^ ase °I> 82; slaves from, 203-207 
 Wyborne, Capt. Percy, 371 ^ 1 
 
 Wyborne, Pettey, Whydah factor, 361 
 Ximenes, Cardinal, 15 
 
 \ afara, African settlement, 386, 387 
 ams, for negro food, 221, 227, 231, 298, 299, 
 300, 408, 434-435 
 
 j Yar ^ Warwick, accountant, Royal African 
 Company, 416 
 
 Yorke Sir John, Barbary trader, 9 
 
 ! v C Isl ^ nd ’ in Sherbro River, Africa, 418 
 Young, Capt. Anthony, of the Friendship, 235 
 Young, John, merchant, nn., 88n., 172 
 Young, Sir Richard, merchant, 79 80, 180 18. 
 'Young Brindled Cow, 146m ’ 3 
 
 Young St. Paul, 15m. 
 
 Zaire, trade of, 454, 455; see aho CongQ 
 Zarco, see Gongalvez Zarco 
 
 fook^C in F terI ° pers , of > 432; privateers of, 167 
 Zook G. F., Company of Royal Adventurers 
 fading into. Africa, 75m; opinion of, 86, 
 88 , price estimates of, 2 34 n.; “Royal African 
 Company,” I7 8n. 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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