LIFE OF i ABRAHAM LINCOLN | i W. tt. HOWELLS LINCOLN ROOM UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY MEMORIAL the Class of 1901 founded by HARLAN HOYT HORNER and HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://www.archive.org/details/lifeofabrahamlinOOhowe LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN H OF LINCOL BY W. D. HOWELLS This campaign biography corrected by the hand of Abraham Lincoln in the summer of 1860 is reproduced here with careful attention to the appearance of the original volume. SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS 1938 473. / £H 83 je EDITOR'S PREFACE I WROTE the life of Lincoln which elected him," remarked William Dean Howells to Mark Twain in 1876. Howells had just contracted for a cam- paign biography of Rutherford B. Hayes and was humorously recalling the past to his friend. In 1860 Howells, then a young man of twenty- three, was working as an editorial writer on the Ohio State Journal at Columbus. Except for a book of poems, The Lives and Speeches of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin was the first of the one hundred and three books that Howells wrote during the years from 1860 to 1920. Though he attended neither high school nor university, Howells received degrees from six universities, including Oxford, and rejected offers of professorship in literature from Yale, Harvard and Johns Hopkins universities. Howells, for many years, was editor of the Atlantic Monthly and was a contributing editor of Harpers. He was the founder of the school of American realists, presenting with truth and mi- nuteness, the every day aspects of the life and char- acter of the American people. He was the leader of American letters during the quarter century which ended in 1920. In recognition of his writing the campaign biography Lincoln appointed him consul at Venice. VI EDITOR S PREFACE When the book appeared in the summer of 1860, Lincoln, at the request of Samuel C. Parks of Lincoln, Illinois, read the book and made correc- tions with pencilled notations on the margins. 1 The first ninety-four pages were devoted to the biog- raphy of Lincoln and this part of the book is re- printed here in facsimile. The remainder contained some of Mr. Lincoln's speeches and a biographical sketch of Hannibal Hamlin. Prior to 1860 Lincoln had prepared two auto- biographical sketches. The facts, as he gave them, were accurate but limited in scope. The Howells biography, as corrected by Lincoln, is, in effect, a fourth autobiography, and it gives an approved version of several incidents in Lincoln's life before his nomination for the Presidency. Samuel C. Parks, born in Vermont, moved with his parents to Madison, Indiana, in 1821. Here he attended his father's academy and later, Indiana University, where his father was then a professor of languages. In the spring of 1840, Samuel moved to Springfield, Illinois, and read law in the office of Stuart and Edwards. That fall his father moved to Springfield and opened a private academy, and later became the first superintendent of schools. Young Parks became a friend of Lincoln and after his own removal to the town of Lincoln, Illi- nois, he was associated with Lincoln in the trial of many cases in the Logan County Circuit Court. Parks, like Lincoln, became a Republican and 1 "A Unique Biography of Lincoln," by Benjamin P. Thomas, Abraham Lincoln Association Bulletin No. 35. EDITOR S PREFACE Vll worked assiduously for the Republican cause. On several occasions, he introduced Lincoln when the latter made speeches in Logan County. He worked for Lincoln's nomination at Chicago; and in 1863, Lincoln appointed him an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Idaho Territory. One of the last official acts performed by President Lincoln, on April 14, 1865, was the acceptance of the resig- nation of Judge Parks. Parks 's copy of Howells is now owned by his son, Samuel C. Parks, Jr., of Cody, Wyoming, and he has kindly permitted the Abraham Lincoln Association to reprint it. When the publishing house of Follett, Foster and Co. employed Howells to write a life of Lincoln, they expected him to go to Springfield to secure material. "This part of the project was distasteful to me, ' ' wrote Howells long afterwards. ' ' I would not go, and I missed the greatest chance of my life, of its kind, though I am not sure that I was wholly wrong, for I might not have been equal to the chance ; I might not have seemed, to the man I would not go to see, the person to report him to the world in a campaign life. What we did was to commission a young law student I knew, to go to Springfield and get the material for me. When he brought it back, I felt the charm of the material, the wild charm and poetry of its reality was not unknown to me ; I was at home with it, for I had known the belated backwoods of a certain region in Ohio ; I had almost lived the pioneer ; and I wrote the little book with none of the reluctance I felt from studying its sources." Vlll EDITOR S PREFACE The young" law student Ho wells had sent to Springfield to collect material for the book was James Quay Howard. Born in Ohio in 1840, Howard was not yet of age, though a graduate of Marietta College. He spent some days in Spring- field ; and Lincoln gave him a copy of the biographi- cal material which he had prepared at the request of John Locke Scripps, of the Chicago Press and Tribune. Howard interviewed some of Lincoln's friends in Springfield, George Close, Lincoln's rail- splitting partner in Macon County and his old New Salem friends. He also made some inspection of the files of the Sangamo Journal and the Journal of the General Assembly of Illinois, before returning to Columbus on June 7, 1860. The extent of his investigations are more clearly revealed in his own campaign biography which Follett, Foster and Co. issued a month after the Howells book. Both authors leaned heavily on the Debates of Lincoln and Douglas, which was issued by the same pub- lisher and was in its fourth printing before Lin- coln's nomination. The pre-convention sale of the Debates overtaxed the production facilities of the publishers. When Lincoln was nominated, they doubled their capacity, and announced a campaign life of Lincoln (Howells) to be bound in cloth ; and also a cheap paper covered edition. At the end of May, the publishers dropped the idea of the edition in paper covers; but before June was half over, their competitors were flooding the market with cheap paper-backed campaign " Lives/ y They then announced a forthcoming EDITOR S PREFACE IX campaign life in paper covers, " entirely distinct" from the Howells book. This was The Life of Abraham Lincoln by Howard. Days passed, and it did not appear. The publishers were bogged down with the Debates and the Howells book. To ap- pease disgruntled agents, a stop gap measure was adopted. An abbreviated edition of Howells was brought out in paper covers on June 25th. It was a crude affair of 170 pages. Few copies were sold, and today it is a major Lincolniana rarity ; but, no doubt it served its purpose, for Howard's book did not appear until July 26th, long after any demand for a new campaign life had ceased to exist. Though the complete Howells book was not yet published, the publishers were busy stimulating interest and seeking agents for its sale. They announced that Lincoln had authorized the Howells book. This announcement aroused the Ohio Repub- lican leaders ; and one of them, Samuel Galloway, queried Lincoln about the authorization. Lincoln replied on June 19th in a letter marked ' ' Especially Confidential," that "Messrs. Follett, Foster & Go's. Life of me is not by my authority; and I have scarcely been so much astounded by anything as their public announcement that it is authorized by me. ... I certainly knew they contemplated pub- lishing a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard . . . that I authorized nothing, would be responsible for nothing ... I x editor's preface would authorize no biography without time and op- portunity to carefully examine and consider every word of it ... I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would em- barrass the party. . . . " 2 The following editorial in the Illinois State Journal, June 15th, was doubtless inspired by Lincoln: "We observe that various publishing houses in different parts of the country are advertis- ing the 'Life of Mr. Lincoln as nearly ready,' 'in press,' etc., and prefacing their announcements with the statement that theirs is the 'authorized' or the 'only authorized,' 'or the only authentic and authorized ' edition. Now there has been great com- petition for the publication of Mr. Lincoln's bi- ography, and various parties have been here procuring the materials for such a work, but it is unnecessary, we presume, for us to say that none of them are 'authorized' by Mr. Lincoln. He is ig- norant of their contents, and is not responsible for anything they may contain." The Howells biography was issued on July 5th, I860. 3 On the 16th of July, the Illinois State Journal, carried the following paragraph : "We are indebted to the publishers, Messrs. Follett, Foster and Co., of Columbus, Ohio, for an advanced copy 2 Lincoln to Samuel Galloway, Springfield, 111., June 19, 1860. The original letter is in the Illinois State Historical Library. 3 Ernest J. Wessen, "Campaign Lives of Abraham Lincoln," Papers in Illinois History and Transactions for the year of 1937. EDITOR S PREFACE XI of The Lives of Lincoln and Hamlin, by Howells and Hayes. It is a neatly printed book of 406 pages, bound in muslin, and altogether got up in good style. The narrative, so far as we have ex- amined, is written in an entertaining manner, and is perhaps as authentic as any biographies of Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Hamlin, which have yet been published. We observe, however, one most egregious and almost unpardonable blunder on page 74. It consists in quoting as the platform of a Republican State Convention purporting to have been held in Springfield in 1854, the very identical bogus resolu- tions which Mr. Douglas attempted to palm off on his public at the first joint discussions at Ottawa, and which he was compelled to take back. ' ' This same error had appeared on page 33 of the Wide Awake Edition, a campaign biography by an anony- mous author, which had recently been issued by Thayer and Eldridge of Boston. Mr. Lincoln was as much disturbed, no doubt, as the newspaper. He had refuted this claim of Douglas at Ottawa, Freeport and Galesburg. At the latter place, he had gone into detail to forestall Douglas's effort to fix upon him this charge of ex- treme abolitionism. He carefully pointed out that the resolutions were those of a meeting in Kane County, Illinois, and not of the Republican State Convention held in October, 1854, in Springfield. Lincoln went on to assure the crowd that he had not been associated with either meeting in any way. It is probable that Lincoln carefully read and cor- rected this volume with the object of having the Xll EDITOR S PREFACE most glaring errors corrected in later editions. The book was printed from plates and an examination of later editions shows that, with the exception of the footnote on page 33, this was the only error cor- rected. An errata slip was inserted, facing page 74, in the volumes printed but remaining in the publisher's hands. This eight line correction read as follows: "The resolutions said to have been passed at a convention at Springfield, and found on page 74, were not passed. They were a political trick, invented by the Democrats, to defeat Yates, candidate for Congress. See Douglas and Lincoln Debates, pages 90, 97, 98, 182, 189, 195, 196, 199, 200. This error, in the hurry of going to press, crept in. On page 75, it will be seen, Mr. Lincoln is shown to have had no connection with the resolu- tions. " In one edition, the five lines on page 74, to which Mr. Lincoln objected, were corrected and the page references to the Debates placed in a foot- note on page 75. Lincoln read and corrected Parks 's copy with characteristic care, many of his corrections are mi- nute. These corrections, made in pencil, can be noted on pages 18, 19, 23, 26, 27, 38, 40, 41, 47, 48, 57, 73, 74 and 93. He made two slight corrections in his speeches, crossing out the word "with" and insert- ing " in " on page 181, and inserting the word ' ' us ' ' for "it "on page 201. A few minor mistakes escaped Lincoln's atten- tion. The statement on page 23 that the Lincolns settled "about ten miles northwest of Decatur," should have been "southwest of Decatur." In the EDITOR S PREFACE Xlll footnote on page 24, "James Hawks" should read "James Hanks." Lincoln's modesty did not com- pel him to comment on two lavish statements on page 31. Here he is set forth as "one of the best informed, as he is certainly the ablest, man in Illi- nois, ' ' and "it is said he has now by heart every line of his favorite poet [Burns]." The assertion on page 32 that Lincoln was the only person in the New Salem community "equal to the task of making out the mail returns," for the Post Office Department, is obviously untrue, and perhaps that is the reason why Lincoln made no comment on it. Lincoln did not remain at the head of the Clary Grove Boys throughout the Black Hawk War, as stated on page 35. He announced his candidacy for the Illinois Legislature on March 9, 1832, almost five months before election day, August 6th, al- though Howolls says, on page 40 that he announced it only ten days before the election. Lincoln did not receive the largest vote of any candidate in the 1834 election as Howells indicated on page 41. John Dawson received 1390 votes to 1376 for Lincoln. This error was repeated on page 44. In a footnote on page 42, Howells gives the middle initial of William G. Greene as "T" after having it correct in a footnote on page 39. Lincoln corrected the middle initial in John T. Stuart's name on page 48, but failed to correct it on the preceding page. The partnership of Stuart and Lincoln (page 49) did not terminate on Stuart's election to Congress in August, 1838, but continued to the spring of 1841. XIV Howells suggested on page 78 that the Lincoln- Douglas debates had been so significant in their re- sults that United States Senators in Illinois would thereafter be elected by the people instead of the legislature. Illinois history subsequent to 1860 does not bear out Howells 's prophecy. One statement that Lincoln did not correct is in- consistent with the third person autobiography that Lincoln wrote for John L. Scripps in 1860. Howells said that when Lincoln first began surveying, he used a grapevine instead of a chain ; whereas Lincoln stated in the autobiography: "The surveyor of Sangamon County offered to depute to Abraham that portion of his work which was within his part of the County. He accepted, procured a compass and chain, studied Flint and Gibson a little, and went at it. ' ' These oversights are so few and of such a minor character that we can conclude that most of the statements that Lincoln did not contradict are true. Thus the book becomes a valuable historical source and enables us to speak with more assurance on several hitherto uncertain points in the pre- presiclential period of Lincoln's life. Howells de- clared, for example, that "when practicing law, be- fore his election to Congress, a copy of Burns was his inseparable companion on the Circuit. . . . He is also a diligent student of Shakespeare. . . . The bent of his mind, however, is mathematical and metaphysical, and he is . . . therefore pleased with the absolute and logical method of Poe's tales and sketches, in which the problem of mystery is given, and wrought out into everyday facts by the processes EDITOR S PREFACE XV of cunning analysis. It is said that he suffers no year to pass without a perusal of this author. ' ' We can conclude that he was an enthusiastic reader of these three authors. His liking of Poe's detective stories is especially noteworthy. Howells states that Lincoln received fifteen dollars a month for clerking in Offut's store and that the first publication for which he subscribed was the Louisville Journal. Howells described Lincoln's parents as "poor, even for that rude time and country ; and, as a child, Thomas made acquaintance only with hardship and privation. He was a wandering, homeless boy, working when he could find work, and enduring when he could not. He grew up without education ; his sole accomplishment in chirography being his own clumsy signature. . . . From both his parents young Lincoln inherited an iron constitution and a decent poverty. From his father came the knack of story telling, which has made him so delightful among acquaintances, and so irresistible in his stump and forensic drolleries. ' ' Several stories previously based only on tradi- tional evidence, are substantiated by this book. One is the story that Lincoln, while living in Macon County, discomfited two visiting political candi- dates, W. L. D. Ewing and a man named Posey, with an impromptu reply to their speeches ; another is the story of Lincoln walking eight miles, while at New Salem, to borrow a copy of Kirkham's Gram- mar and of his getting a ' ' fair, practical knowledge ' ' of it in three weeks. These appear without contra- diction. Howells also tells of Lincoln's receiving XVI EDITOR S PREFACE the news of his nomination for President in the office of the Illinois State Journal, and of his de- parting with the remark, ''There is a little woman down the street who would like to know something about this." There are several versions of Lincoln's famous wrestling match with Jack Armstrong at New Salem. Probably the one most widely accepted is to the effect that after the two men had been strug- gling for some time Armstrong, beginning to get the worst of it, resorted to a foul, that so enraged Lincoln that he lifted Armstrong in the air, shook him as he would a dog, and threw him to the ground ; that Armstrong 's friends rushed at Lincoln ; but that Armstrong, admitting that Lincoln had fairly beaten him, commanded them to stand back. How- ells made no mention of a foul, but stated that when Armstrong began to get the worst of it, the Clary Grove Boys rushed in to help him ; that Lincoln refused to continue against such odds, but offered to wrestle, race or fight any of them individually, and that finally Lincoln and Armstrong agreed to call the match a draw. Lincoln, in reading Howells, let this stand unchanged. If Armstrong did commit a foul, Lincoln preferred not to claim it, and if he defeated Armstrong he also made no mention of that fact. In telling of Lincoln's experiences in the Black Hawk War, Howells related the story of the old Indian who wandered into camp and was seized by volunteer soldiers, who threatened to kill him. This Indian had a letter from General Cass certifying EDITOR S PREFACE XV11 that he was friendly to the whites, but that meant nothing- to the hard-headed pioneer soldiers, who would have earried out their threat if Lincoln had not intervened. Lincoln demanded that they let the man go ; and when they accused him of cow- ardice, offered to convince any of them to the con- trary. This story was based on tradition, and Albert J. Beveridge, among others, regarded it as improbable, but Lincoln read it without contradict- ing it. By accepting Howells 's statement that while liv- ing at New Salem ' ' he bought an old copy of Black- stone, one day, at an auction in Springfield," Lincoln inferentially refuted the story of his having providentially discovered a copy of Blackstone at the bottom of a barrel of junk that he bought from a passing traveler to help him on his way. Lincoln borrowed the Howells book from the Li- brary of Congress on May 4, 1864, returning it on May 31, and took it out again on March 22, 1865. The book was at the White House at the time of Lincoln's assassination, as it was not returned until May 3, 1865. Twenty years after writing the campaign bi- ography, Howells penned this tribute to Lincoln : "No admirer who speaks in his praise must pause to conceal a stain upon his good name. No true man falters in his affection at the re- membrance of any mean action or littleness in the life of Lincoln. The purity of his reputa- tion ennobles every incident of his career and gives significance to all events of his past." Abraham Lincoln Association. L&*^ ey/C ^*^ ^2Xi ^RARY ". i?vF.Rsmr of mmM 52 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. His characteristics as an advocate, are an earnestness and sincerity of manner, and a directness, conciseness, and strength of style; he appeals, at other times, to the weapons of good-humored ridicule as ably as to the heavier arms of forensic combat. He is strongest in civil cases, but in a criminal cause that enlists his sympathy he is also great. It is then that the advocate's convictions, presented to the jury in terse and forcible, yet eloquent language, sometimes outweigh the charge of the judge. Juries listen to him, and concur in his arguments ; for his known truth has preceded his argu- ments, and he triumphs. There may be law and evi- dence against him, but the belief that Lincoln is right, nothing can shake in the minds of those who know the man. He prepares his cases with infinite care, when he has nothing but technical work before him. The smallest detail of the affair does not escape him. All the parts are perfectly fitted together, and the peculiar powers of his keen, analytic mind are brought into full play. He has not the quickness which characterizes Douglas, and which is so useful to the man who adventures in law or politics. But he is sufficiently alert, and recovers himself in time to achieve success. Lincoln does not grow rich at the law, and has not grown rich to this day, though possessing a decent com- petence, and owing no man anything. Poor men, who have the misfortune to do with courts, come to Lincoln, who has never been known to exact an exorbitant fee, LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53 and whose demands are always proportioned to their poverty. There is record of a case which he gained for a young mechanic, after carrying it through three courts, and of his refusal to receive more than a comparative trifle in return. Meantime, in the year 1842, Lincoln married a wo- man worthy to be the companion of his progress toward honor and distinction. Miss Mary Todd, who became his wife, is the daughter of Robert Todd, of Lexington, Kentucky, a man well known in that State, and- for- merly the clerk of the lower House of Congress. At the time of her marriage, Miss Todd was the belle of Spring- field society — accomplished and intellectual, and possess- ing all the social graces native in the women of Ken- tuck} 7 .* If, at this point of his career, Lincoln looked back over his past life with proud satisfaction, his feeling was one in which every reader, who has traced his history, must sympathize. It was hardly more than a half-score of years since he had entered Illinois, driving an ox-wagon, laden with the "plunder" of a backwoods emigrant. He was ut- terly unknown, and without friends who could advance him in any way. He was uneducated, and almost un- lettered. In ten years he had reversed all the relations of his * Three living sons are the children of this marriage ; the first of whom was born in 1843, the second in 1850, and the third in 1853. Another son, who was born in 184.6, is now dead. 54 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. life. No man had now more friends among all classes of people. No man among Lis neighbors had a wider intelligence, or more eager and comprehensive mind. No man of his age stood better in his profession, or in politics. No one was in a fairer road to happiness and success. And all this had been accomplished through his own exertion, and the favor which his many noble traits awakened in those around him. He might well exult in view of all that had been, and all that was. But, however this may have been, Lincoln did not pause to exult. He exulted in full career; for already the great battle of 1844 was approaching, and he was to take a prominent part in the contest. Many of the peo- ple of Illinois have distinct recollection of the brilliant debates which he conducted with Calhoun and Thomas, and these are loth to concede that they have ever been surpassed. The debaters met in all the principal cities and towns of that State, and afterward carried the war into Indiana. It may bo supposed that the fortunes of the war varied, but there are popular stories related of these encounters that give rather amusing results of one of Lincoln's fre- quent successes. The contest turned upon the annexation of Texas, to which measure Lincoln was opposed, in proportion as he loved and honored Henry Clay. It has been said that no man ever had such friends as Clay possessed. It may be said that he never possessed a friend more LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55 ardent, attached, and faithful than Abraham Lincoln. Throughout that disastrous campaign of 1844, Lincoln was a zealous and indefatigable soldier in the Whig cause. His name was on the electoral ticket of Illinois, and he shared the defeat of his gallant leader — a defeat which precipitated the Mexican war, with its attendant evils, and the long train of dissensions, discords, and pro-slavery aggressions which have followed. In the lull which comes after a Presidential battle, Lincoln, while mingling in State politics, devoted him- self more particularly to professional affairs, though he continued an enemy to the Mexican war, and his election to Congress in 1846, took place in full view of this en- mity. It is worthy of note, in this connection, that he was the only Whig elected in Illinois at that time. CHAPTER VI. The period over which Lincoln's Congressional career extends, is one of the most interesting of our history. Mr. Polk's favorite scheme of a war of glory and aggrandizement, had been in full course of unsatisfactory experiment. Our little army in Mexico had conquered a peace as rapidly as possible. The battles of Palo Alto, Beseca de la Palma, Monterey, Buena Vista, Cerro Gordo, and the rest, had been fought to the triumph and honor of the American arms. Everywhere, the people had re- garded these successes with patriotic pride. They had felt a yet deeper interest in them because the volunteer system had taken the war out of the hands of mercena- ries, and made it, in some sort, the crusade of Anglo- Saxon civilization and vigor against the semi-barbarism and effeteness of the Mexican and Spanish races. Yet, notwithstanding the popular character thus given to the army, the war itself had not increased in popu- larity. People, in their sober second thought, rejected the specious creed, " Our country, right or wrong," and many looked forward earnestly and anxiously to a con- clusion of hostilities. The elections of Congressmen had taken place ; and in (56) LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 57 the Thirtieth Congress, which assembled on the 6th of December, 1847, the people, by a majority of seven Whigs in the House, pronounced against the war, though hardly more than a year had elapsed since their Representatives, by a vote of one hundred and twenty- two to fourteen, had declared war to exist through the act of Mexico. In those days, great men shaped the destinies of the nation. In the Senate sat Clay, Calhoun, Benton, Web- ster, Corwin. In the House were Palfrey, Winthrop, Wilmot, Giddings, Adams. The new member from Illinois, who had distinguished himself in 1844 as the friend of Clay and the enemy of Texan annexation, took his seat among these great men as a representative of the purest Whig principles ; he was opposed to the war, as Corwin was; he was anti- slavery, as Clay was ; he favored internal improvements, as all the great Whigs did. And as Abraham Lincoln never sat astride of any fence, unless in his rail-splitting days ; as water was never carried on both of his square shoulders; as his prayers to Heaven have never been made with reference to a compromise with other powers; so, throughout his Congressional career, you find him the bold advocate of the principles which he believed to be right. He never dodged a vote. He never minced matters with his oppo- nents. He had not been fifteen days in the House when he made known what manner of man he was. On the 22d of December he offered a series of reso- ^ 58 LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. lutions,* making the most damaging inquiries of the President, as to the verity of certain statements in his messages of May and December. Mr. Polk had repre- sented that the Mexicans were the first aggressors in the *Tho following are the resolutions, which It is judged best to print here in full: " Whereas, the President of the United States, in his Message of May 11, 1846, has declared that ' the Mexican government refused to receivo him, [the envoy of the United States,] or listen to his propositions, but, after a long-con- tinued series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory, and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our own soil.'' " And again, in his Message of December 8, 184G, that 'we had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostilities ; but even then we forbore to take redress into our own hands, until Mexico basely became the aggressor, by invading our soil in hostile array, and shedding the blood of our citizens.' "And yet again, in his Message of December 7, 1847, 'The Mexican govern- ment refused even to hear the terms of adjustment which he (our minister of peace) was authorized to propose, and finally, under wholly unjustifiable pre- texts, involved the two countries in war, by invading the territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the blood of our citizens on our own soil. 1 "And whereas this House is desirous to obtain a full knowledge of all the facts which go to establish whether the particular spot on which the blood of our citizens was so shed, was, or was not, at that time, our own soil. Therefore, "Resolved, by the House of Representatives, That the President of the United States be respectfully requested to inform this House — " 1st. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed, as in his memorial declared, was, or was not within the territory of Spain, at least, after the treaty of 1819, until the Mexican revolution. " 2d. Whether that spot is, or is not v/ithin the territory which was wrested from Spain by the revolutionary government of Mexico. "3d. Whether that spot is, or is not within a settlement of people, which set- tlement has existed ever since long before the Texas Re-volution, and until its inhabitants fled before the approach of the United States army. " 4th. Whether that settlement is, or is not isolated from any and all other settlements of the Gulf and the Bio Grande on the south and west, and of wide uninhabited regions on the north and east. "5th. Whether the people of that settlement, or a majority of them, have ever submitted themselves to the government or laws of Texas, or of the United States, of consent or of compulsion, either of accepting office or voting at elec- tions, or paying taxes, or serving on juries, or having process served on thorn or in any other way. «« 6th. Whether the people of that settlement did or did not flee at the ap- LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 59 existing hostilities, by an invasion of American soil, and an effusion of American blood, after rejecting the friend- ly overtures made by this country. Mr. Lincoln's resolutions demanded to know whether the spot on which American blood had been shed, was not Mexican, or at least, disputed territory; whether the Mexicans who shed this blood had not been driven from their homes by the approach of our arms; whether the Americans killed were not armed soldiers sent into Mexican territory, by order of the President of the United States. Parliamentary strategy defeated the proposed inquiry, the resolutions going over under the rules. On the 12th of January, Mr. Lincoln made a speech* on the reference of different parts of the President's message. In this speech he justified a previous vote of sentiment, declaring that the war had been "unnecessa- rily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President of the United States." That vote had been pressed upon the opposition of the House, by the President's proaching of the United States army, leaving unprotected their homes and their growing crops before the blood was shed, as in the message stated; and whother the first blood so shed was, or was not shed within the inclosure of one of tho people who had thus fled from it. "7th. Whether our citizens wbose blood was shed, as in his message declared, were, or were not, at that time, armed officers and soldiers sent into that settle- ment by the military order of the President, through tho Secretary of War. " 8th. Whether the military force of the United States was, or was not so sent into that settlement after General Taylor had more than once intimated to the War Department that, in his opinion, no such movement was necessary to the defense or protection of Texas." — Congressional Globe, vol. xviii, 1st session, 30tt Congress, page G4. * Globe Appendix, vol, xix, page 93. 60 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. friends, in order to force an expression of opinion which should seem unjust to that functionary. Discussing this point, Mr. Lincoln coolly argued to conclusions the most injurious to the administration ; showing that even though the President had attempted to construe a vote of supplies for the army into a vote applauding his official course, the opposition had remained silent, until Mr. Polk's friends forced this matter upon them. Mr. Lincoln then took up the arguments of the President's message, one by one, and exposed their fallacy ; and fol- lowing the line of inquiry marked out by his resolutions of December, proved that the first American blood shed by Mexicans, was in retaliation for injuries received from us, and that hostilities had commenced on Mexican soil. The speech was characterized by all the excellences of Lincoln's later style — ^boldness, trenchant logic, and dry humor. He next appears in the debates,* as briefly advocating a measure to give bounty lands to the surviving volun- teer soldiers of the war of 1812, and arguing the pro- priety of permitting all soldiers holding land warrants, to locate their lands in different parcels, instead of re- quiring the location to be made in one body. As Lincoln is a man who never talks unless he has something particular to say, (rare and inestimable vir- tue !) a period of some three months elapsed before he made another speech in Congress. On the 20th of June, Globe, vol. xviii, page 550. LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 61 1848, the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation bill being under consideration, he addressed to the House and the country, a clear and solid argument in favor of the improvement of rivers and harbors.* As a Western man, and as a man whom his own boating experiences had furnished with actual knowledge of the perils of snags and sawyers, he had always been in favor of a measure which commended itself at once to the heart and the pocket of the West. As the representative of a State with many hundred miles of Mississippi river, and vast river interests, he argued to show that an enlight- ened system of internal improvements, must be of na- tional as well as local benefit.f The prevailing Demo- cratic eirors on this subject, as Mr. Lincoln succinctly stated them, were as follows : " That internal improvements ought not to be made by the General Government: " 1. Because they would overwhelm the Treasury. 11 2. Because, while their burdens would be general, their benefits would be local and partial, involving an obnoxious inequality ; and, " 3. Because they would be unconstitutional. "4. Because the States may do enough by the levy and collection of tonnage duties; or, if not, " 5. That the Constitution may be amended. Globe Appendix, vol. xix, page 709. f This speech will be found printed at length in the appendix to the present biography. 62 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 'The sura," said Lincoln, "of these positions is, Do nothing at all, lest you do something wrong." He then proceeded to assail each of the positions, demolishing them one after another. That admirable simplicity of diction which dashes straight at the heart of a subject, and that singular good sense which teaches a man to stop when he is done, are no less the charac- teristics of this effort than of all the other speeches of Mr. Lincoln. Of a different manner, but illustrating a phase of his mind equally marked, is the speech he made in the House on the 27th of July,* when he discussed the political questions of the day with reference to the Pres- idential contest between General Taylor and Mr. Cass. It abounds in broad ridicule and broad drollery — the most effective and the most good-natured. Severe and sarcastic enough, when treating a false principle, it seems never to have been one of Lincoln's traits to indulge in bitter personalities. His only enemies, there- fore, are those who hate his principles. On the 21st of December, 1848, Mr. Gott, of New York, offered a resolution in the House, instructing the Committee on the District of Columbia to report a bill for the abolition of the slave-trade in that District. There were men in Congress then who had not forgot- ten the traditions of the Republican fathers, and who were indignant that slaves should be bought and sold * Globe Appendix, vol. six, page 1041. LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63 in the shadow of the capital — that the slave-trader should make the political metropolis of the Republic a depot on the line of his abominable traffic. As soon as the resolution of Mr. Gott was read, a mo- tion was made to lay it on the table, which was lost by a vote of eighty-one to eighty-five. A hot struggle en- sued ; but the resolution was adopted. An immediate attempt to reconsider proved ineffectual. The action upon reconsideration was postponed from day to day, until the 10th of January following, when Mr. Lincoln proposed that the committee should be instructed to re- port a bill forbidding the sale, beyond the District of Columbia, of any slave born within its limits, or the removal of slaves from the District, except such servants as were in attendance upon their masters temporarily residing at Washington; establishing an apprenticeship of twenty-one years for all slaves born within the District subsequent to the year 1850; providing for their emanci- pation at the expiration of the apprenticeship; authoriz- ing the United States to buy and emancipate all slaves within the District, whose owners should desire to set them free in that manner ; finally submitting the bill to a vote of the citizens of the District for approval. It is well known that the efforts to abolish the slave- trade in the District of Columbia have resulted in noth- ing.* The wise, humane, and temperate measure of Mr. Lincoln shared the fate of all the rest. *Mr. Lincoln's proposition had received the approval of Mayor Seaton, of Washington, who informed him that it would meet the approbatioa of the 64 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Another great measure of the Congress in which Mr. Lincoln figured, was the Wilmot Proviso — now a favor- ite Kepublican measure — and so pervading, with its dis- tinctive principle (opposition to slavery extension) the whole Republican soul, that, whether in or out of plat- forms, it remains the life and strength of the party. To this measure Mr. Lincoln was fully committed. Indeed, it is a peculiarity of this man, that he has always acted decidedly one way or the other. He thought the Mex- ican war wrong. He opposed it with his whole heart and strength. He thought the Wilmot Proviso right, and he says he " had the pleasure of voting for it, in one way or another, about forty times." Mr. Lincoln was one of those who advocated the nomination of General Taylor, in the National Whig Convention of 1848. Returning to Illinois after the adjournment of Congress, he took the stump for his favorite candidate, and was active throughout that fa- mous canvass. In 1849, he retired from Congress, firmly declining re-nomination, and resumed the practice of 1 his profession. The position which he maintained in the House of Representatives was eminently respectable. His name appears oftener in the ayes and noes, than in the de- bates; he spoke therefore with the more force and effect when he felt called upon to express his opinion. leading citizens. Afterward, Southern Congressmen visited the Mayor and persuaded him to withdraw the moral support given to the measure. When this had been done, the chief hope of success was destroyed, and the bill, of •which Mr. Lincoln gave notice, was nover introduced. LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 65 The impression that his Congressional speeches give you, is the same left by all others that he has made. You feel that he has not argued to gain a point, but to show the truth ; that it is not Lincoln he wishes to sus- tain, but Lincoln's principles. CHAPTER VII. Peace to the old Whig party, which is dead ! When a man has ceased to live, we are cheaply magnanimous in the exaltation of his virtues, and we repair whatever wrong we did him when alive by remorselessly abusing every one who hints that he may have been an imper- ceptible trifle lower than the angels. It is with such post-mortem greatness of soul that the leaders of the Democracy have cherished the memory of the Whig party, and gone about the stump, clad in moral sackcloth and craped hats. If you will believe these stricken mourners, virtue went out with that lamented organization ; and there is but one true man unhanged in America, and he is a stoutish giant, somewhat under the middle size. In speaking, therefore, of the Whig party, you have first to avoid offense to the gentlemen who reviled its great men in their lifetime, and who have a fondness for throwing the honored dust of the past into the eyes of the present. Then, respect is due to the feelings of those Republicans who abandoned the Whig party only after the last consolations of religion had been admin- istered, and who still remember it with sincere regret. The prejudices of another class of our friends must (66) LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 be treated with decent regard. Very many old Demo- crats in the Republican ranks are earnestly persuaded that in former times they were right in their opposition to the Whigs. Yet one more variety of opinion must be consulted — the opinion that the Whig party had survived its useful- ness, and that all which was good in it has now entered upon a higher and purer state of existence in the He- publican organization. Doubtless it would be better not to mention the Whig party at all. Unfortunately for the ends of strict pru- dence, the story of Abraham Lincoln's life involves allusion to it, since he was once a Whig, and became a Republican, and not a Democrat. But as every Repub- lican is a code of by-laws unto himself — subject only to the Chicago platform — perhaps we may venture to rever- ently speak of the shade which still, it is said, revisits the glimpses of Boston ; and to recount the events which preceded its becoming a shade. So early as 1848 the dismemberment of the Whig party commenced. It had been distinguished by many of the characteristics of the Republican party, among which is the reserved right of each member of the or- ganization to think and act for himself, on his own responsibility, as already intimated. Whenever its lead- ers deflected from the straight line of principle, their followers called them to account; and a persistence in the advocacy of measures repugnant to the individual sense of right, caused disaffection. 68 LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Many sincere and earnest men, who supported Henry Clay with ardor, ceased to be Whigs when General Tay- lor was nominated, because they conceived that his nom- ination was a departure from the Clay Whig principles of opposition to the Mexican war and the acquisition of slave territory. This is not the place to pronounce upon the wisdom or justice of their course. Others, as sincere and earnest as they, supported General Taylor, and continued to act with the Whig party throughout the Fillmore adminis- tration. The assimilation of the two great parties on the slav- ery question in 1852, widened the distance between the Whigs and the Free Soilers, and the former were, in the opinion of the latter, demoralized before the election in which they suffered so total an overthrow, though they continued steadfast in their devotion to the Whig name until 1854, when the first organization of the Republi- cans took place, under the name of the Anti-Nebraska party. The Whig Free Soilers were eager and glad to frater- nize with their old friends ; and all greeted with enthu- siasm the vast accessions which the new party received from the men who had given spiritual vitality to the Democracy. Those members of both the old parties, who were particularly sensible to the attractions of office, those whom no pro-slavery aggression could render supe- rior to the luxury of a feeble or selfish acquiescence, LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 69 also coalesce-d, and now constitute, with a few sincere political reminiscences, the Democracy of the North. Up to the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise, Abraham Lincoln remained a Whig, both from conviction and affection. In 1848, he had made speeches in favor of the election of General Taylor, in Maryland, in Massachusetts, and in Illinois. In his own Congressional district, where his word has always been platform enough, the success of his canvass was declared by a majority of fifteen hun- dred for Taylor. After his retirement from Congress, he devoted him- self, with greater earnestness than ever before, to the duties of his profession, and extended his business and repute. He did not reappear in the political arena until 1852, when his name was placed on the Scott electoral ticket. In the canvass of that year, so disastrous to the Whig party throughout the country, Lincoln appeared several times before the people of his State as the advocate of Scott's claims for the Presidency. But the prospect was everywhere so disheartening, and in Illinois the cause was so utterly desperate, that the energies of the Whigs were paralyzed, and Lincoln did less in this Presidential struggle than any in which he had ever engaged. During that lethargy which preceded the dissolution of his party, he had almost relinquished political aspir- ations. Successful in his profession, happy in his home, secure in the affection of his neighbors, with books, com- 70 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. petence, and leisure — ambition could not tempt him. It required the more thrilling voice of danger to freedom, to call the veteran of so many good fights into the field. The call was made. It would be useless to recount here the history of the Missouri Compromise, and the circumstances attending the violation of that compact, though that history is properly a part of the biography of every public man in the country. Throughout the fierce contest which pre- ceded the repeal of the Compromise, and the storm of indignation which followed that repeal, the whole story was brought vividly before the people, and can not now have faded from their recollection. Those to whom it is yet strange, will find it briefly and faithfully related in the speech of Abraham Lincoln, made in reply to Douglas, at Peoria, in October, 1854.* * Printed in full in this volume. Douglas and Lincoln had previously met at Springfield, where the latter played David to the abbreviated Goliah of the for- mer. The following spirited sketch of the scene is by the editor of the Chicago Press and Tribune, who was present : " The affair came off on the fourth day of October, 1854. The State Fair had been in progress two days, and the capital was full of all manner of men. The Nebraska bill had been passed on the previous twenty-second of May. Mr. Douglas had returned to Illinois to meet an outraged constituency. He had made a fragmentary speech in Chicago, the people filling up each hiatus in a peculiar and good-humored way. He called the people a mob — they called him a rowdy. The 'mob' had the best of it, both then and at the election which succeeded. The notoriety of all these events had stirred up the politics of the State from bottom to top. Hundreds of politicians had met at Springfield, ex- pecting a tournament of an unusual character — Douglas, Breese, Koerner, Lin- coln, Trumbull, Matteson, Yates, Codding, John Calhoun, (of the order of the candle-box,) John M. Palmer, the whole house of the McConnells, Singleton, (known to fame in the Mormon war,) Thomas L. Harris, and a host of others. Several speeches were made before, and several after, the passage between Lin- coln and Douglas, but that was justly held to be the event of the season. "We do not remember whether a challenge to debate passed between the LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 71 The people were glad to hear the voice of their favorite once more, and Lincoln's canvass of Illinois was most triumphant. The legislative elections were held, and those who denounced the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, were found to be in the majority. friends of the speakers or not, but there was a perfectly amicable understanding between Lincoln and Douglas, that the former should speak two or three hours, and the latter reply in just as little or as much time as he chose. Mr. Lincoln took the stand at two o'clock— a large crowd in attendance, and Mr. Douglas seated on a small platform in front of the desk. The first half hour of Mr. Lincoln's speech was taken up with compliments to his distinguished friend Judge Douglas, and dry allusions to the political events of the past few years. His distinguished friend, Judge Douglas, had taken his seat, as solemn as the Cock-Lane ghost, evidently with the design of not moving a muscle till it came his turn to speak. The laughter provoked by Lincoln's exordium, however, soon began to make him uneasy ; and when Mr. L. arrived at bis (Douglas's) speech, pronouncing the Missouri Compromise « a sacred thing, which no ruthless hand would ever be reckless enough to disturb,' he opened his lips far enough to remark, 'A first-rate speech !' This was the beginning of an amusing colloquy. " 'Yes,' continued Mr. Lincoln, 'so affectionate was my friend's regard for this Compromise line, that when Texas was admitted into the Union, and it was found that a strip extended north of 36° 3(y, he actually introduced a bill extend- ing the line and prohibiting slavery in the northern edge of the new State.' " 'And you voted against the bill,' said Douglas. " 'Precisely so,' replied Lincoln ; ' I was in favor of running the line a great deal deal further south.' "'About this time,' the speaker continued, • my distinguished friend intro- duced me to a particular friend of his, one David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania.' [Laughter.] " 'I thought,' said Douglas, 'you would find him congenial company.' " • So I did,' replied Lincoln. 'I had the pleasure of voting for his proviso, iu one way and another, about forty times. It was a Democratic measure then, I believe. At any rate, Geueral Cass scolded honest John Davis, of Massachu- setts, soundly, for talking away the last hours of the session, so that he (Cass) could n't crowd it through. A propos of General Cass : if I am not greatly mis- taken, he lias a prior claim to my distinguished friend, to the authorship of Popular Sovereignty. The old general has an infirmity for writing letters. Shortly after the scolding he gave John Davis, he wrote his Nicholson letter' — '• Douglas (solemnly) — ' God Almighty placed man on the earth, and told him to choose between good and evil. That was the origin of the Nebraska bill !' "Lincoln — 'Well, the priority of invention being settled, let us award all credit to Judge Douglas for being the first to discover it.' " It would be impossible, in these limits, to give an idea of the Btrength of 72 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The election of a United States Senator took place the following winter, and General Shields was superseded. This gentleman, who, listening to the seductive persua- sions of his voiceful colleague, was said to have voted for the repeal of the Compromise against his own convictions, was a candidate for re-election. On the part of the op- position majority there were two candidates, Lincoln and Trumbull. The great body of the opposition voted steadily for the former on several ballots ; but some Democrats who had been elected on the anti-Nebraska issue, continued to cast their votes for Trumbull. Lincoln feared that this dissension might result in the election of a less positive man than Trumbull, and with Mr. Lincoln's argument. We deemed it by far the ablest effort of the campaign, from whatever source. The occasion was a great one, and the speaker was every way equal to it. The effect produced on the listeners was magnetic. No one who was present will ever forget the power and vehemence of the following passage : " My distinguished friend says it is an insult to the emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to suppose they are not able to govern themselves. We must not slur over an argument of this kind because it happens to tickle the ear. It must be met and answered. I admit that the emigrant to Kansas and Nebraska is com- petent to govern himself, but,' the speaker rising to his fullhight, 'I deny his right to govern any other person without that person's consent.' The applause which followed this triumphant refutation of a cunning falsehood, was but an earnest of the victory at the polls which followed just one month from that day. "When Mr. Lincoln had concluded, Mr. Douglas strode hastily to the stand. As usual, he employed ten minutes in telling how grossly he had been abused. Recollecting himself, he added, 'though in a perfectly courteous manner' — abused in a perfectly courteous manner! He then devoted half an hour to show- ing that it was indispensably necessary to California emigrants, Santa Fe traders and others, to have organic acts provided for the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska — that being precisely the point which nobody disputed. Having established this premise to his satisfaction, Mr. Douglas launched forth into an argument wholly apart from the positions taken by Mr. Lincoln. He had about half finished at six o'clock, when an adjournment to tea was effected. The speaker insisted strenuously upon his right to resume in the evening, but we believe the second part of that speech has not been delivered to this day. LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 73 his usual unselfishness, appealed to his friends to vote for Trumbull^ adjuring them by their friendship to him to make this concession of individual preference. His appeal was not in vain, and Trumbull was elected Senator. This, however, was not the first sacrifice which he made to conciliation and union. The anti-Nebraska party of the same year offered him the nomination for Governor; &X but in the existing state of organizations, he declined a****-**, for the sake of the cause which all had espoused. It occurs in politics that a force which suddenly rallies about a principle, may be disheartened by the choice of a leader whom recent animosities have rendered obnox- ious. Lincoln, as a Whig, had been o^ie of the most decided and powerful opponents of Democracy in Illi- nois. The period since his opposition to many Demo- cratic members of the anti-Nebraska party had ceased was very brief, and old feelings of antagonism had not died away. He perceived that the advancement of him- self might impede the advancement of his principles. Doubtless, he could be elected Governor of Illinois, but the victory which bore him into office might be less brilliant and useful than that which could be achieved under another. He therefore withdrew his name, and threw his influence in favor of Governor Bissell, who had been a Democrat, and who was triumphantly elected. It must be remembered that the Republican party had) ur as yet, no definite existence in Illinois. The anti-Ne- /^*-~ 74 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. braska party was the temporary name of the Whigs, Democrats, and Free Soilers, who opposed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. It is true that a Mass State Convention, with a view to forming a permanent organi- zation, had been held at Springfield, in October ; but many anti-Nebraska men, who still adhered to old names, had not taken part in it. The following resolutions were adopted at this Convention : "1. Resolved, That we believe this truth to be self-evident, that when parties become subversive of the ends for which they are established, or incapable of restoring the Government to the true principles of the Constitution, it is the right and duty of the peo- ple to dissolve the political bands by which they may have been connected therewith, and to organize new parties upon such prin- ciples and with such views as the circumstances and exigencies of the nation may demand. " 2. Resolved, That the times imperatively demand the reorgan- ization of parties, and, repudiating all previous party attach- ments, names, and predilections, we unite ourselves together in defense of the liberty and Constitution of the country, and will hereafter co-operate as the Republican party, pledged to the ac- complishment of the following purposes: To bring the adminis- tration of the Government back to the control of first principles; to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the position of free territories ; that, as the Constitution of the United Stales vests in the States, and not in Congress, the power to legislate for the extradition of fugitives from labor, to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive Slave law; to restrict slavery to those states in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more slave states into the Union; to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; to exclude slavery from all the territories over whieh the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction ; and to resist the acquirement of any more territories unless the practice of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited. " 3. Resolved, That in furtherance of these principles we will use such Constitutional and lawful means as shall seem best adapted LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 75 to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office, under the General or State Government, who is not positive- ly and fully committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guarantee that he is reliable, and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties." In the course of the first debate between Douglas and Lincoln, which was held at Ottawa, in August, 1858, Douglas read these resolutions, declaring that Lincoln had participated in the Convention, and assisted in their adoption. Lincoln met this earliest of a series of mis- representations with prompt denial, and proved that he was not a member of the Convention. The actual Republican party of Illinois, dates its form- ation from a period somewhat later; and Lincoln was one of the first members of the present organization. Not so ultra, probably, as the indignant men who framed the resolutions quoted, he was quite as firmly opposed to slavery. In the speech from which he read, in reply to the charge of Douglas, he gives with.Wesleyan point, the reason why indifference to slavery should be ab- horred : " This declared indifference, but, as I must think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery, I can not but hate. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our repub- lican example of its just influence in the world — enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites — causes the real friends of free- dom to doubt our sincerity, and especially because it 76 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. forces so many really good men among ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty — criticising the Declaration of Independence, and insisting that there is no right principle of action but self -inter est." CHAPTER VIII. In the Republican National Convention of 1856, Abra- ham Lincoln received one hundred and two votes for the Vice-Presidential nomination. When the standard- bearers of the party had been selected, he took his rank in the army of freedom, and engaged in the great con- flict which followed. The Republicans showed their appreciation of his strength and ability by placing him at the head of their electoral ticket in Illinois ; and when in 1858 it was determined to give the Senatorial question the form of a popular contest, by the election of a Legislature pledged to the people, for or against Douglas, Abraham Lincoln was chosen without dissent as the champion of his party. Much might here be said with regard to his eminent fitness for the conduct of such a canvass ; but the result of the election, and his published debates with Douglas, are the best commentary upon his qualifications. The Republican State ticket of that year was carried by a decisive majority, and the Legislature was lost only through the unfair manner in which the State was dis- tricted, and which threw that body into the hands of the Democrats in spite of the popular will. It may not be improper to allude particularly to cir- (77) 78 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. curastances connected with the debates between Lincoln and Douglas, which have been so significant in their result, and which have practically made United States Senators in Illinois elective by the people instead of the Legislature. Lincoln's first great speech of that year was made at Springfield, on the 17th of June, before the State Con- vention which named him as the Republican candidate for Senator. In this speech he preached the moral con- flict, which has always existed and always must exist between the principle of freedom and the principle of slavery; noticed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the Dred Scott decision, and the revival of the slave- trade; and with masterly effect exhibited the secret con- cert with which all the enemies of freedom had acted in their assaults upon our liberties. The speaker concluded with these memorable words, which every Republican should keep in mind, for they have gathered significance in the two years elapsed since their utterance : "Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own undoubted friends — those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work — who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a com- mon danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a dis- LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 79 ciplined, proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then, to falter now? — now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail — if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate, or mis- takes delay it, but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to come." The reply made by Douglas to this speech was on the occasion of his reception at Chicago in the July follow- ing. Lincoln was present, and spoke in the same city on the next day. Two more great speeches by Doug- las, and one more speech by Lincoln were made before they entered the lists in debate. In one of those speeches, Douglas found occasion — for he was then addressing Lincoln's old friends at Springfield — to pay his tribute to the worth and great- ness of his opponent: "You all know that I am an amiable, good-natured man, and I take great pleasure in bearing testimony to the fact that Mr. Lincoln is a kind-hearted, amiable, good-natured gentleman, with whom no man has a right to pick a quarrel, even if he wanted one. He is a wor- thy gentleman. I have known him for twenty-five years, and there is no better citizen, and no kinder-hearted man. He is a fine lawyer, possesses high ability, and there is no objection to him, except the monstrous rev- olutionary doctrines with which he is identified." On the 24th of July, Lincoln wrote to Douglas pro- posing the debates which have since become so famous. 80 LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Douglas made answer that " recent events had interposed difficulties in the way of such an arrangement," that the Democratic Central Committee had already made appoint- ments for him. at different places; but in order to accom- modate Mr. Lincoln, he would meet him in seven of the nine Congressional Districts where they had not yet spoken. He expressed surprise, that if it was Lincoln's original intention to propose these debates, he should have waited until after the plan of the campaign had been arranged by the Democratic Central Committee, before he made known his proposition. This letter was also written on the 24th of July. On the 29th Lincoln replied, from Springfield: " Protesting that your insinuations of attempted un- fairness on my part are unjust, and with the hope that you did not very considerately make them, I proceed to reply. To your statement that ' It has been suggested, recently, that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me,' etc.,* I can only say, that such suggestion must * The following is the statement, in Douglas's letter, alluded to by Lincoln : " Besides, there is another consideration which should be kept in mind. It has been suggested, recently, that au arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this arrange- ment with you, it is more than probable that this other candidate, who has a common object with you, would desire to become a party to it, and claim the i ight to speak from the same staud ; so that he and you, ia concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech ia every case." LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 81 have been made by yourself, for certainly none such has been made by or to me, or otherwise, to my knowledge. Surely, you did not deliberately conclude, as you insinu- ate, that I was expecting to draw you into an arrange- ment of terms, to be agreed on by yourself, by which a third candidate and myself, ' in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case/ "As to your surprise that I did not sooner make the proposal to divide time with you, I can only say, I made it as soon as I resolved to make it. I did not know but that such proposal would come from you ; I waited, re- spectfully, to see. It may have been well known to you that you went to Springfield for the purpose of agreeing on the plan of campaign ; but it was not so known to me. When your appointments were announced in the papers, extending only to the 21st of August, I, for the first time, considered it certain that you would make no proposal to me, and then resolved that, if my friends concurred, I would make one to you. As soon there- after as I could see and consult with friends satisfacto- rily, I did make the proposal. It did not occur to me that the proposed arrangement could derange your plans after the latest of your appointments already made. After that, there was, before the election, largely over two months of clear time. " For you to say that we have already spoken at Chi- cago and Springfield, and that on both occasions I had the concluding speech, is hardly a fair statement. The 82 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. truth rather is this : At Chicago, July 9th, you made a carefully-prepared conclusion on my speech of June 16th. Twenty four hours after, I made a hasty conclu- sion on yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and concluded on me again at Bloomington on the 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. In the mean time, you had made another conclusion on me at Springfield, which I did not hear, and of the contents of which I knew nothing when I spoke.; so that your speech made in daylight, and mine at night, of the 17th, at Springfield, were both made in perfect independence of each other. The dates of mak- ing all these speeches will show, I think, that in the matter of time for preparation, the advantage has all been on your side ; and that none of the external cir- cumstances have stood to my advantage." Lincoln having left all the arrangements of time, place, and manner of debate to Douglas, the latter made the following proposition, which, (although it allowed Douglas four openings and closes to Lincoln's three, and so gave considerable advantage to him,) Lincoln prompt- ly accepted : "Bement, Piatt Co., III., July 30, 1858. " Dear Sir : " Your letter, dated yesterday, accepting my proposi- tion for a joint discussion *at one prominent point in each Congressional District, as stated in my previous letter, was received this morning. LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 83 "The times and places designated are ls follows : Ottawa, La Salle county August 21st, 1858. Freeport, Stephenson county " 27th, " Jonesboro, Union county September 15th, " Charleston, Coles county « 18th, " Galesburgh, Knox county October 7th, " Quiucy, Adams county « 13th, " Alton, Madison county " 15th, " "I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, and I will then follow for half an hour. At Freeport, you shall open the discussion and speak one hour; I will follow for an hour and a half, and you can then reply for half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each successive place. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "S. A. Douglas. " Hon. A. Lincoln, Springfield, 111." In the intervals between the debates, which took place as arranged, both speakers addressed audiences sepa- rately, and the work on both sides was carried on with unflagging energy. No one, it seems to me, can read these debates with- out admiration of Lincoln's ability, courage, and truth, while the impression left by Douglas is that of a great mind bending all its energies to a purpose beneath it ; of an acute logician resorting to sophistry when meeting his opponent's arguments, and to adroit misrepresenta- 84 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. tion of language and position; when assailing his opin- ions. The questions discussed were substantially the same that are at issue now. The spirit of pro-slavery aggres- sion takes many forms, but in nature remains unchanged. Lincoln pursued it through all its disguises, and ex- posed it at every turn. The subtlest and most audacious champion of slavery that had ever proved false to free- dom, was not equal to the conflict. As the pretended advocate of the right of every man to govern himself and regulate his own affairs, Douglas was full of words. When a flash of truth showed him the real advocate of one man's right to enslave another, he was dumb. The banner of popular sovereignty smote pleasantly upon the sight. When Lincoln reversed it, and men read the true inscription, they saw that it was the signal of dis- cord, oppression, and violence. There were old stains upon that gay piece of bunting ; stains of blood from the cabin hearths of Kansas, and from the marble floor of the Senate hall; and a marvelous ill-odor of cruelty hung about it, as if it were, in fact, no better than the flag of a slave-ship. Where its shadow fell across the future of a State, civilization and humanity seemed to shrink back, and a race of bondmen and their masters thinly peopled a barren land that would have " laughed in harvests " in the light of freedom. The Douglas dogma never has been so thoroughly refuted, as by Lincoln's speeches in those debates; and Douglas himself never suffered such entire defeat, in the LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 85 eyes of the country. The truth gave the victory to Lincoln ; a trick bestowed the Senatorship upon Doug- las. In May, 1859, when the amendment to the Constitu- tion of Massachusetts, extending the term of naturaliza- tion, aroused the apprehensions of many German Re- publicans, Dr. Theodor Canisius, a German citizen of Illinois, addressed a letter to Lincoln, asking his opinion of the amendment, and inquiring whether he favored a fusion of the Republicans with the other elements of opposition in 1860. Writing from Springfield, Lincoln replies : "Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State, and I have no right to advise her in her policy. Yet, if any one is desirous to draw a conclusion as to what I would do from what she has done, I may speak without impropriety. I say, then, that so far as I understand the Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption, not only in Illinois, but in every other place in which I have the right to oppose it. As I understand the spirit of our institutions, it is designed to promote the elevation of men. I am, therefore, hostile to anything that tends to their debasement. It is well known that I deplore the oppressed condition of the blacks, and it would, therefore, be very inconsistent for me to look with approval upon any measure that infringes upon the inalienable rights of white men, whether or not they are born in another land or speak a different language from our own. 86 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " In respect to a fusion, V am in favor of it whenever it can be effected on Republican principles, but upon no other condition. A fusion upon any other platform would be as insane as unprincipled. It would thereby lose the whole North, while the common enemy would still have the support of the entire South. The ques- tion i:a relation to men is different. There are good and patriotic men and able statesmen in the South whom I would willingly support if they would place them- selves on Republican ground ; but I shall oppose the lowering of the Republican standard even by a hair's- breadth." During the gubernatorial canvass of 1859, in Ohio, Lincoln was invited to address the people of that State, and appeared before them, at Columbus and Cincinnati, in September. The impression made was one of univer- sal favor ; and it was through the interest awakened by these speeches, that the Republican Central Committee and State officers of Ohio, were led to request copies of his debates with Douglas, for publication in book-form. The Ohioans went to hear him with full allowances for the exaggerations of Illinois enthusiasm ; when they had heard him, their own admiration equaled that of the Illinoians. It was, doubtless, with still greater surprise that New England and New York listened to him. His speech at the Cooper Institute, in the commercial and intellectual metropolis, was the most brilliant success in everything that makes such an effort successful. His audience was LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87 vast in numbers, and profoundly attentive. They found him, indeed, lank and angular in form, but of fine oratorial presence; lucid and simple in his style, vigor- ous in argument, speaking with a full, clear voice. He addressed appeals of reason to the sense and conscience of his hearers, and skillfully hit the humor of a critical and unfamiliar people. CHAPTER IX. The Republican National Convention, which assem- bled at Chicago on the 16th of May, was no less marked by a diversity of preferences than a unity of interests. In three days it accomplished its work — the conciliation of men and the assimilation of sections on minor points of difference. In three days Abraham Lincoln was nom- inated, and the armies of the irrepressible conflict were united under the banner of the man who was the first to utter that great truth, which all men felt.* I need hardly recount the incidents of that Conven- tion, of which the great event has proven so satisfac- tory. They are all fresh in the minds of the people, who watched, hour by hour, and day by day, the pro- ceedings of one of the most distinguished bodies which ever assembled in this country. The Convention met in Chicago without factitious advantages. The failure of the Democracy to nominate at Charleston left the Republicans in the dark as to the champion whom they were to combat, and there was nothing to be gained by the choice of a man with refer- ence to a Democratic probability. * See Lincoln's speech at Springfield, June 17, 1858. (88) LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 89 "What lay before the Convention, then, was the task of choosing a positive man embodying decided Repub- lican principles, whose strength and decision of opinions should attract one side of the party, while nothing in his history should repel the other. Up to the time of the third ballot, which resulted in the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, all the indications were favorable to the success of William H. Seward. That great man, whom no fortuity can lessen in the proud regard of the party, had rallied to his cause a host of friends — attached, powerful, vigilant. These came to Chicago, and into the Convention, with a solid strength that swept everything before it. Mr. Lincoln was the only candidate upon whom a considerable number of those who opposed Mr. Seward from policy, were united ; but it was not until after two votes of sentiment that a sufficient force was diverted from other favorites to swell Mr. Lincoln's vote into a majority. The leader of the New York delegation, who had worked so faithfully for Mr. Seward, was the first t6 move the unanimous nomination of Lincoln, which was done amid demonstrations of the wildest enthusiasm, in the wigwam of the Convention and throughout the city of Chicago. At the same instant the lightning flashed the tidings throughout the land, and in a thousand towns and cities the cannon thundered back the jubi- lant responses of the people. The fact of his nomination was at once telegraphed 8 90 LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. to Lincoln, at Springfield. He received it with charac- teristic quiet. Seated in the Illinois State- Journal office, talking over the Convention with a number of friends, he was approached by the telegraphic operator. " Mr. Lin- coln, you are nominated for the Presidency." Lincoln took the proffered dispatch in silence, and read it. At length he folded it carefully, and saying to the exuber- ant bystanders, " There is a little woman down street who would like to know something about this," went home to communicate the news to his wife. The little city of Springfield was in a phrensy of ex- citement; and that night all the streets were ablaze with bonfires, and thronged by the rejoicing Republi- cans. The fact of the nomination of the man whom every one of his fellow-townsmen regarded with pride, was excuse enough for all sorts of vocal and pyrotechnio extravagances. The next day, the excursion train arrived from Chi- cago with a large number of delegates, and the Com- mittee appointed by the Convention to make Lincoln officially acquainted with his nomination. The deputation was received at Mr. Lincoln's house, and when the guests had assembled in the parlor, Mr. Ashmun, the President of the Convention, said : " I have, sir, the honor, in behalf of the gentlemen who are present, a Committee appointed by the Republi- can Convention, recently assembled at Chicago, to dis- charge a most pleasant duty. We have come, sir, under LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 91 a vote of instructions to that Committee, to notify you that you have been selected by the Convention of the [Republicans at Chicago, for President of the United States. They instruct us, sir, to notify you of that selection, and that Committee deem it not only respect- ful to yourself, but appropriate to the important matter which they have in hand, that they should come in per- son, and present to you the authentic evidence of the action of that Convention ; and, sir, without any phrase which shall either be considered personally plauditory to yourself, or which shall have any reference to the prin- ciples involved in the questions which are connected with your nomination, I desire to present to you the letter which has been prepared, and which informs you of the nomination, and with it the platform, resolutions, and sentiments which the Convention adopted. Sir, at your convenience we shall be glad to receive from you such a response as it may be your pleasure to give us." To this address Mr. Lincoln listened with grave atten- tion, and replied : "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: " I tender to you and through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which you now formally announce. Deeply, and even painfully sensible of the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor — a responsibility which 92 LIEE AND SPEECHES OE ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose dis- tinguished names were before the Convention, I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the Convention denominated the platform, and without un- necessary or unreasonable delay, respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. " And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand." After this response, it is proper to immediately add the letter in which Mr. Lincoln has since formally accepted the nomination : " Springfield, Illinois, May 23, 1860. " Hon. George Ashmun, 1 President of the Republican National Convention: " Sir : I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you presided, of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others acting as a Committee of the Convention for that purpose. The declaration of principles and sentiments which ac- companies your letter meets my approval, and it shall be my care not to violate it, or disregard it in any part. " Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention, to the rights of all %^ LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93 the states and territories and people of the nation, to the inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the Convention. "Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, "Abraham Lincoln." People who visit Mr. Lincoln are pleased no less at the simple and quiet style in which he lives, than at the perfect ease and cordiality with which they are received. The host puts off half his angularity at home, or hides it beneath the mantle of hospitality; and the hostess is found "a pattern of lady-like courtesy and polish," who "converses with freedom and grace, and is thor- oughly aufait in all the little amenities of society," and who will "do the honors of the White House with appropriate grace." Intellectually, she is said to be little her husband's inferior. Lincoln's residence is a comfortable two-story frame house, not now new in appearance, and situated in the northeast part of Springfield. The grounds about it ; which are not spacious, are neatly and tastefully kept. Mr. Lincoln's political room is an apartment in the State House, at the door of which you knock uncere- moniously. A sturdy voice calls out, "Come in!" and you find yourself in the presence of a man who rises to the hight of six feet three inches, as you enter. He shakes you with earnest cordiality by the hand — 94 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. receiving you as in the old days he would have received a friend who called upon him at his farm-work ; for those who have always known him, say that, though Lincoln is now more distinguished, he has always been a great man, and his simple and hearty manners have undergone no change. You find him, in physique, thin and wiry, and he has an appearance of standing infirmly upon his feet, which often deceived those who contended with him in the wrestle, in his younger days. The great feature of the man's face is his brilliant and piercing eye, which has never been dimmed by any vice, great or small. His rude and vigorous early life contrib- uted to strengthen the robust constitution which he in- herited, and he is now, at fifty, in the prime of life, with rugged health, though bearing, in the lines of his face, the trace of severe and earnest thought. The biographer's task ends here, and he does not feel that any speculations with regard to the future would be of great worth or pertinence, though conjecture is easy and a prophetic reputation possible. He prefers to leave the future of Lincoln to Providence and to the people, who often make history without the slightest respect to the arrangements of sagacious writers. INDEX Adams, John Quincy, 57 Adams County, 111., 83 Alton, 111., 83 Armstrong, Jack, xvi, 34, 35 A slim mi, George, 90 Atlantic Monthly, v Bad-Ax [Bad Axe], Battle of, 37 Beardstown, 111., 26 Bement, 111., 82 Benton, Thomas Hart, 57 Berks County, Pa., 18 Berry, William F., 42 Beveridge, Albert J., xvii Bissell, William H., 73 Black Hawk, 36, 37 Black Hawk War, xiii, xvi, 35, 36, 38 Blaekstone, William, xvii, 31 Bloomington, 111., 82 Breese, Sidney, 70 Brom Bones, 34 Buena Vista, Battle of, 56 Burns, Robert, xiii, xiv, 31 Butler, William, 48 Calhoun, John, 41, 54, 70 Calhoun, John C, 57 Cass, Lewis, xvi, 39, 71 Cerro Gordo, Battle of, 56 Charleston, 111., 83 Charleston, S. C, 88 Chicago, 111., 70, 79, 81, 88, 90 Chicago Tress and Tribune, 70 Cincinnati, Ohio, 86 Clary Grove Buys, xiii, xvi, 33, 42 Clay, Henry, 54, 57, 68 Clemens, Samuel L., v Close, George, viii, 24 Codding, Ichabod, 70 Cody, Wyo., vii Coles County, 111., 22, 83 Columbus, Ohio, v, viii, 86 Commentaries on the Laws of England, xvii, 31 Corwin, Thomas, 57 Davis, John, 71 Dawson, John, xiii Debates of Lincoln and Doug- las, viii, xii Decatur, 111., xii, 23 Declaration of Independence, 76 Democratic Party, 61, 88 Dorsey, Azel W., 20 Douglas, Stephen Arnold, abil- ity as lawyer, 52 ; Lincoln : xi, xii, arranges debates with, 80-83 ; debates with published, 77; first meeting with, 41 ; Ottawa debate with, 75; tells flat- boat story on, 27 ; sjM-aks at: Bloomington, 82; Peoria, 70 j Springfield, 81 INDEX Dred Scott Decision, 78 Duncan, Joseph, 40 JtLdwards, Benjamin S., vi Eldridge, Thayer &, xi Elizabethtown, Ky., 22 English Grammar in Familiar Lectures, xv, 29-30 Ewing, W. L. D., xv, 28 Fillmore, Millard, 68 Flint, Timothy, xiv Follett, Foster & Co., vii, viii, ix, x Fort Spelling, Minn., 36 Free Soil Party, 68 Freeport Debate, xi, 83 VJalesburg Debate, xi, 83 Galloway, Samuel, ix General Assembly of 111., Journal of, viii Gibson, Robert, xiv Giddings, Joshua R., 57 Gott, Daniel, 62 Green, William G. [William T.], xiii, 39, 42 Hamlin, Hannibal, v, vi, xi Hanks [Hawks], James, xiii, 24 Hanks, John, 26 Hanks, Nancy [Lucy], 19 Hardin County, Ky., 19 Harpers Magazine, v Harris, Thomas L., 70 Harrison, William Henry, 51 Harvard University, v Hawks, see Hanks Hayes, John L., xi Hayes, Rutherford B., v Hazel, Caleb, 20 Howard, John Quay, viii, ix Howells, William Dean, The Lives and Speeches of Abra- ham, Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, v, vii, xi, xvi; trib- ute to Lincoln, xvii Illinois, "deep snow," 26; in- ternal improvement plans, 44 ; removal of Lincolns to, 23 ; treaties with Sacs and Foxes, 36 Illinois and Michigan Canal, 45 Illinois State Journal, x, xvi, 90 see Sangamo Journal, Indians, Black Hawk War, 37; kill Abraham Lincoln, 19; Sac and Fox treaties, 36 ; William Penn trades with, 18 Jackson, Andrew, 32, 40 Johns Hopkins University, v Johnston, John D., 22, 26, 27 Johnston, Sarah [Sally] Bush, 22 ; see also Mrs. Thomas Lincoln Jonesboro, 111., 83 JVane County, 111., xi Keokuk [Indian Chief], 37 Kirkham, Samuel, English Grammar in Familiar Lec- tures, xv, 29-30 Knox County, 111., 83 Koerner, Gustave, 70 La Salle County, 111., 83 Lexington, Ky., 53 Life of Abraham, Lincoln, by John Quay Howard, ix Lincoln, Abraham [grand- father of President], 18, 19 Lincoln, Abraham, appoints Howells consul, v; letter to Samuel Galloway, ix; ances- try, 17 ; Quaker ancestors, 18 ; birth, 19 ; attends school, 20; moves to Indiana, 21; INDEX Lincoln, Abraham — continued flatboat trips to New Orleans, 22, 26; removal to Illinois, 23 ; splits rails in Macon County, 24; appear- ance, 27; first political speech, 28: studies Kirk- ham's Gram mar. xv, 29-30; ambition aroused, 30; buys copy of Blackstone, .'51 ; ap- pointed postmaster of New Salem, 32 ; practices polem- ics, 33 : wrestles Armstrong, 34; captain in Black Hawk War, 35, 38; Armstrong trial, 35n. ; saves Indian's life, 39 ; defeated for legis- lature, 40 ; appointed sur- veyor, 41 ; elected to legisla- ture, 44 ; activities in legislature, 45-47 ; fairness as lawyer, 48 ; moves to Springfield, 49 : reputation of, 50; partnership with Logan, 51 ; ability as lawyer, 52 ; marries Mary Todd, 53 ; debates with Cal- houn and Thomas, 54; elected to Congress, 55 ; "spot resolutions,-' 58 ; speech on Mexico and Texas, 59; bounty land speech, 60 ; internal improvement speech, 61 ; speech on Taylor, 62; opposes slave trade, Bist. of Col., 63; votes for Wilmot Proviso, 64 ; cam- paigns for Tavlor (1848) and Scott (1852), 69; speech at Peoria, 70 ; Ottawa debate, 75, 83; vice- presidential vote, 77 ; reply to Douglas, Chicago, 79; arranges debates with Doug- las, 80-83 ; refutes Douglas' views, 84; letter to Theodor Canisius, 85 ; speaks in Ohio, 86; Cooper Institute Lincoln, Abraham — continued Address, 87 ; nominated for president, 88, 89 ; notified, presidential nomination, 90; reply to nominating com- mittee, 91 : letter to George Ashmun, 92 Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, 93; see also Mary Todd Lincoln, Edward Baker, 53 Lincoln, Isaac, 18 Lincoln, Jacob, 18 Lincoln, John, 18 Lincoln, Robert T., 53 Lincoln, Sarah [sister of Abra- ham], 20 Lincoln, Thomas [great uncle of Abraham], 18 Lincoln, Thomas [father of Abraham], boyhood of, xv; marriage to Nancy [Lucy] Hanks, 19 ; moves to Indi- ana, 21 ; marriage to Sarah Bush Johnston, 22 ; removal to Illinois, 23 ; removal to Coles County, 27 Lincoln, Thomas [brother of Abraham], 20 Lincoln, Thomas ["Tad"], 53 Lincoln, Mrs. Thomas, 23 ; see also Mrs. Sarah Bush Johnston Lincoln, William Wallace, 53 Lincoln, 111., vi Lives and Speeches of Abra- ham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, The, v, vii, xi, xvi Logan, Stephen Trigg, 51 Logan County [111.] Circuit Court, vi "Long Nine," 47 Louisville Journal, xv, 32 McConnell, Murray, 70 Macon County, 111., xii, xv, 23, 26, 27 INDEX Madison, Ind., vi Madison County, 111., 83 Marietta College, viii Mark Twain, v Matteson, Joel, 70 Mayflower [ship], 17 Menard County, 111., 35 Mexican War, 55, 56 Miller, William, 24 Mississippi River, 22, 25 Missouri Compromise, 69, 70, 78 Missouri Kiver, 25 Monterey, Battle of, 56 New Orleans, La., 22, 25, 33 New Salem, 111., 47; Lincoln: appointed postmaster of, 32 ; borrows books at, xv, xvii ; friends interviewed, viii; moves to, 27; wrestles Armstrong, xvi; Offut: opens store in, 28; settles in, 33 Nicholson, O. P., 71 Offut [Offutt], Denton, 30; New Orleans venture, 25, 26, 27, 33; praises Lincoln, 29; store in New Salem, xv, 28, 37 Ohio Eiver, 22 Ohio State Journal, v Osage River, 25 Ottawa Debate, xi, 75 Oxford University, England, v Palfrey, John Gorham, 57 Palmer, John M., 70 Palo Alto, Battle of, 56 Parks, Beaumont, vi Parks, Samuel C, vi, vii Parks, Samuel C, Jr., vii Peoria, 111., 70 Pel crsburg [Petersburgh], 111., 33 Piatt County, 111., 82 Plymouth Colony, 17 Poe, Edgar Allen, xiv, xv, 31 Polk, James K., 56, 58, 60 Posey, Thomas, xv, 28 Powhattan, 17 Pugh, Jonathan H., 40 Quincy, 111., 83 Radford, Reuben, 42 Republican Party, 75, 77, 88 Resaca de la Palma, Battle of, 56 Richland, 111., 38 Riney, Zachariah, 20 Rock River, 37 Rockingham County, Va., 18 St. Louis, Mo., 45 Sangamo Journal, viii Sangamon County, 111., xiv Sangamon River, 23, 26, 27, 33 Santa Fe, N. M., 72n. Schuyler County, 111., 20 Scott, Winfield, 69 Scripps, John L., xiv Seaton, William W., 63n. Seward, William H., 89 Shakespeare, William, xiv Shields, James, 72 Short, James, 41 Singleton, James, 70 Spencer County, Ind., 22 Springfield, 111., 80; Douglas speaks in, 81 ; Howard in, vii; Republican convention in, xi, 74 ; State Fair in, 70 ; State House in, 73; Lincoln : buys copy of Blackstone in, 31; election (1832), 40; first visit to, 26 ; INDEX Springfield, 111., — continued Bouse Divided speech in, 78 j marriage in, 53; notified of nominal ion in, 90 Stephenson County, 111., 83 Stuart, John Todd, xiii, elec- tion to Congress, 51 ; Parks in office of, vi; partnership with Lincoln, 49; recollec- tions of Lincoln, 47, 48 1 aylor, Zachary, 68, 69 Thayer & Eldridge, xi Thomas, Jesse B., 54 Todd, Mary, marries Abraham Lincoln, 53 ; see also Mrs. Abraham Lincoln Todd, Robert Smith, 53 Trumbull, Lyman, 70, 72-73 Union County, 111., 83 Vandalia, 111., 47 Venice, Italy, v Vincennes, Ind., 45 Wabash River, 22 Webster, Daniel, 57 Whig Party, 32, 57, 64, 66 Wilmot, David, 57, 71 Winthrop, Robert C, 57 X ale University, v Yates, Richard, xii, 70 THIS EDITION printed by R. R. Donnelley § Sons Company, Crawfordsville, Indiana, by Photofact, consists of twelve hundred and fifty copies, of which seven hundred and fifty copies are reserved for the members of the Abraham Lincoln Association and five hundred copies are for sale