./- i-.v, ,*; ill $ » Hint til ii m ..•".«' lii rtHB :i:ut R sum I $ til! I Ill Jill illiili [frills stBRi Itin B" ■ffl II ■ If Illl' • ' IikHki' ' *■'*'.>'■■'■■ -'■■ 3 "tr mm i> THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY K74e cop. Cj> Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://www.archive.org/details/earlyeighteenthcOOknit Portrait of Queen Anne. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration A British Government Redemptioner Project to Manufacture Naval Stores By Walter Allen Knittle, Ph.D Department of History College of the City of New York With a Foreword by Dixon Ryan Fox ID DDD DDD OQO 1L DDD DDD 01 Dorrance & Company Philadelphia Copyright 1937 Dorrance & Company, Inc. Manufactured in the United States of America Cayuga Press — Ithaca, New York Kl4e CO To Mother Q«!*^< INTRODUCTION Some forty years ago a country clergyman serving parishes in Schoharie and Saugerties developed an interest in their German backgrounds. There in upstate New York he found German names, German customs and remnants of German speech. The Reverend Sanford H. Cobb had a deep con- cern for backgrounds — witness his Rise of Religious Liberty in America — and he set about to write The Story of the Palatines, which he published in 1897. He made no great pretense to scholarship, as such would be esteemed today, and confined his reading, apparently, to accounts in the English language and, among these, to very little source material. As anyone might infer, his work was sketchy and superficial, however well intentioned, and yet, surprising as it may seem, it has remained from that day to this our only extended general narrative on the Palatine migration from the Rhine Valley through England to America. In Mr. Cobb's day our colonial history, so far as it pro- ceeded from the universities, concerned itself largely with the slow manufacture of states. The techniques of the historical seminar had not been applied to population and except for some attention to the Dutch, there was comparatively little apprehension of the various stocks outside the English mak- ing up about a third of the nation which declared its inde- pendence in 1776. Had the Germans come earlier, had their records all been written in a language which most American historians readily understood, had they settled in New En- gland near those centers where for a long time most history was written or, particularly, had they founded a whole and separate colony, the story would have been different. Forty years ago, it is true, there were several accounts of one phase or another of the Palatine migration, but they were by VI INTRODUCTION Germans and in German, as though the Palatines and their descendants were merely Germans abroad, exiles from the Fatherland. But a century before that it should have been realized that they were as much Americans as those whose ancestors had come from Devonshire or Norfolk. Even their names were becoming naturalized : Werner had become Warner, Benker had become Banker, Schneider Snyder, Leyer Lawyer, etc., to say nothing of straight translations. Today only in Pennsylvania is there any considerable group of the German colonial stock which remains primarily German in speech and culture; most of the old German blood has been intermingled and most of the old culture has been thoroughly merged in what we call American culture. Where could one find more typical American careers than those suggested by the names of Wanamaker and Rockefeller? Instead of this being a reason for neglecting the peculiarly German elements in our colonial life, it is a reason for study- ing them with increasing thoroughness. If the culture which they represented has lost its clear identity, if it is hidden in the general mass, its contribution has been more essential. If the Germans have become somewhat English in social habit, then the English have become somewhat German. All this is a factor in making the American temper what it is. Dr. Knittle's book is significant not only as the first thorough study of the first large German immigration. It may possibly be contended that it is the first thorough study of colonial immigration of any kind. This is not to say that the general subject has been neglected; it has had almost constant attention. But much of it has had to be developed by ingenious inference, for in scarcely any case except that of the Palatines has there been at hand a full record of the motives, the process and the experience of the migration. The phrase "at hand" must not be understood, however, as meaning that the record had been accumulated and arranged. The accounts in the invaluable Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State INTRODUCTION Vll of New York, of course, have been accessible everywhere, and more recently Todd and Goebels edition of Christoph von Graf 'envied ' s Account of the Founding of New Bern and the British Calendar of State Papers Colonial; Pennsylvania Germans have dug out Rhineland background; and there have been frag- ments published here and there in historical magazines. These which had satisfied others were merely introductory exercises for Dr. Knittle's driving zeal. As will appear in his notes, he went over the German materials again, combed the manu- scripts in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and the private collections in the great houses of England, made his way through a maze of eighteenth-century periodicals and pamphlets, and visited Ireland to discover the remaining influence of Palatine settlement. No such thorough and inten- sive study had previously been made. As this book is published American political sentiment is divided on the question of planned economy. Can the govern- ment determine what kind of production is desirable? If so, can it wisely organize and direct that production? Should the government produce its own materials? Is government enter- prise likely to face betrayal by the private interests of cooper- ating contractors? Can the government fuse its ancient func- tion of relief with such planned production? The Resettlement Administration, which is now attempting this fusion, may or may not be a success, may or may not be temporary. With all the variable factors involved, historical analogies are treach- erous and there is no desire to force them. But our situation makes especially interesting a study of planned production and charitable resettlement seen in long perspective. Any writer is tempted to magnify the influence of his sub- ject and in no field has this been more prevalent than in that of the history of social groups. With a scholar's honesty Dr. Knittle has conquered this temptation; however much he may have increased our knowledge of the Palatine immigrants, he has steadfastly avoided extravagant claims for their Vlll INTRODUCTION influence. He has even challenged and reduced claims pre- viously thought to be established. For example, it has usually been stated that the Palatines' disgust for the treatment they had received in New York was an important factor in divert- ing subsequent German settlement from that province into Pennsylvania. By cool analysis the present author reveals how untenable is this thesis. He has been ready to throw out the dramatic and the picturesque when clouded with doubt or founded on error. He cites the "interesting legend" set forth by his predecessors which had it that the five Mohawk Indians taken by Peter Schuyler to London were so grieved at the plight of the Palatines, then encamped on Blackheath, that they gave the Schoharie Valley to the Queen on consider- ation that she would bestow it upon the emigrants; then he points out that the Palatines sailed from London before the Indians sailed from Boston, that four of the five Indians were not sachems and had no authority to grant Mohawk lands and that these lands were subsequently ceded at Albany to the province with no reference to the Palatines. Though eschew- ing partisanship he is quick to repel unwarranted aspersions on the group, and disposes of Archdeacon Cunningham's contention that the Palatines' success in Ireland was explained by the unnecessary favor of their subsidy by showing that the subsidy was necessary to establish them but that their in- dividual prosperity came chiefly from their frugality and competence. Three examples out of innumerable such cases may assure the reader that he is in the hands of an alert and thoughtful scholar. The appendices listing about i2_,ooo names of Palatines who embarked from the homeland might strike some as of slight historical worth. But these lists, carefully compiled for the first time in the Public Record Office and elsewhere, are an event for genealogists. The baffling difficulty at the head of every family history in this country is to establish the exact date when the American progenitors reached these shores. INTRODUCTION IX Here is filled for the first time the gap in German immigration lists between that of the Pastorius settlement in 1683 and those covering the years 1717-1818 published recently by Strass- burger and Hinke for the Pennsylvania-German Society. History is never written finally. New materials are ex- humed; new interpretations spring from new experience and new curiosities. But Dr. Knittle's Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration is not likely to be superseded for many long years. It covers a stirring group adventure, a well-defined and significant experiment in political economy and a con- tribution to the making of a nation; it covers this complex enterprise with thoroughness and sympathy and presents its record with insight, force and clarity. Dixon Ryan Fox PREFACE This monograph is written from the view-point of the British government. This attitude is not only proper be- cause the so-called "American" colonies were then British in name as well as in fact, but also because the Palatine emigra- tion was carried out under the auspices of the British govern- ment. Indeed, the British government itself engaged in the manufacture of naval stores, putting the Palatines to work at its own expense, consonant with the mercantilist aims of the times. The subject therefore may be described as remarkable because in dealing with the Palatines the British government exhibited in practice the mercantilist theories on immigration, naval stores and colonies. This study would have been impossible without the aid and encouragement of many scholars. Acknowledgment in this brief space can be made only to a few of the many. Impor- tant suggestions and advice were given generously by President Dixon Ryan Fox of Union College, Professor Charles M. Andrews of Yale University, Professor Robert G. Albion of Princeton University, Mr. Victor H. Paltsits of the New York Public Library, Mr. Albert Cook Myers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and Mr. Henry S. Borneman, Secre- tary of the Pennsylvania-German Society. I am particularly indebted to Professor William Thomas Morgan of Indiana University, who gave me my first graduate training and who introduced me to my present subject. He has been my most active and interested contributor. To Professor W. T. Root of Iowa University I must express my thanks for an amicable division of this subject with which one of his graduate students was engaged. To Professor Edward P. Cheyney I am grateful for sponsoring this study before the faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Pennsyl- Xll PREFACE vania. Professor Henry R. Mueller of Muhlenberg College, whom I am so fortunate to count among my teachers, has given the manuscript the benefit of careful reading. Dr. Dixon Ryan Fox has not only extended to me the advantage of his editorial wisdom, but he has also written the introduction to this book. To him I am deeply grateful. I must also express my appreciation of the great patience and many courtesies extended to me by the librarians of these institutions: the University of Pennsylvania Library; the Columbia University Library; Library of the College of the City of New York; the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; the Holland Society of New York; the Huntington Library of San Marino, California; the Widener Library of Harvard University; the Yale University Library; the Library of Con- gress; the Pennsylvania State Library; the Moravian Library at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania; the Morgan Library, New York City; the New York State Library; the English Public Record Office and the British Museum. I wish that I could acknowl- edge the many others who contributed, but the list would seem endless. To them I express my sincere appreciation. I am also grateful for a grant-in-aid from the Oberlaender Trust Fund of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (Dr. Wilbur K. Thomas, Director), which permitted me to conclude satis- factorily my research in Ireland and England. This organi- zation of American citizens also contributed toward the publication of this volume. The errors, which I hope are few, are necessarily of my own making. The interpretation must be attributed to me only. W. A. K. TABLE OF CONTENTS Key to Footnote Citations xxi Chapters. I. The Causes of the Early "Palatine" Emigrations . i A. The emigrations studied i B. Area in Germany affected by the emigrations . i C. Causes 2. 1. Devastation of war 3 2_. Severe winter of 1708 4 3 . Oppressive taxation 5 4. Religion and land hunger 6 5. Liberal advertising of British colonies . . 12. 6. Favorable attitude of British government . 2.2. a. The aid given to foreign Protestants . 2.3 b. The naturalization act of 1709 ... 17 II. The Small Palatine Emigration of 1708 ... 31 A. Members of the band 32. B. The trip down the Rhine River 33 C. Generous treatment in England 35 D. The settlement at Newburgh, New York . . 41 E. Financial difficulties of the colony .... 41 1. Kocherthal's connection with the 1709 emigration 43 III. The 1709 Palatine Emigration 47 A. The emigration toward England .... 47 1 . The preparations in Germany .... 47 2.. The journey down the Rhine River ... 47 3. Subsistence and transportation to England supplied by the British government . . 50 4. The attempts to halt the unexpectedly large migration 58 XIV CONTENTS B. The Palatines in England i. The size of the immigration z. The care of the Palatines in London Condition of the Palatines Relations of Palatines with English populace The difficulties of the government in re- lieving itself of the expense of the Pala- tines in London a. Attempts to keep lists fail b. Rio de la Plata proposal. . c. Employment in Welsh mines . d. Newfoundland fisheries proposal e. The proposal to settle in western En gland (Marquis of Kent) . West Indies proposal .... Attempts to settle in England Proposal to settle in Scilly Islands Proposed settlement in Jamaica Enlistments The return of the Papists to Holland C. Reasons for the absence of proposals from William Penn IV. The Palatine Settlements in Ireland and North Carolina A. Ireland The invitation to send Palatines to Ireland The Commissioners for Settling the poor distressed Palatines in Ireland .... The government subsidies become objects of speculation The desertion of the settlements The attempts to make the settlement suc- cessful a. Mr. Crockett's mission b. Subsidies for twenty-one years f g h ) i. 2.. 3- 4- 5- 65 66 67 69 72. 74 74 75 75 75 75 75 76 77 78 78 80 82. 82. 82. 81 83 84 86 86 87 CONTENTS XV 5' 6. 7- 6. The assimilation of the Palatines B. North Carolina i. Lords Proprietors' proposal . ■l. Michel and his Swiss emigrants . 3. Graffenried's opportunity 4. Voyage and settlement under adverse con ditions Political difficulties in North Carolina The Indian Massacre The financial difficulties cause the failure of the settlement 8. The settlers without titles to their lands go to the frontier V. The British Naval Stores Problem and the Origin of the New York Settlement Scheme A. Naval Stores — an English necessity B. History of the Stockholm (Swedish) Tar Companies 1. Early companies 2.. The 1689 Company pushes its advantage 3 . The English desire for the carrying trade 4. The unfavorable balance of trade with Sweden 5 . The Northern War makes conditions worse C. The early interest in colonial production of naval stores D. The attempts to secure colonial naval stores up to 1708 1. The request for importation bids 2_. The Navy Board Commissioners investigate New England possibilities 3. Governor Bellomont's interest in the prob- lem 4. The Bounty Act of 1704 . . 9 1 98 98 99 100 102. 104 107 108 no in in in in ill 111. IJ 3 114 IJ 5 116 117 118 izo XVI CONTENTS 5. The fear of woolen manufactures in the northern colonies 12.1 6. Bridger appointed Surveyor of Woods . 12.2. E. The Origin of the New York settlement scheme 12.3 1. Naval stores mentioned incidentally for Palatines of 1708 113 "l. The Scotch settlement proposal of 1705 . 12.4 3 . The Society scheme drawn up by Halifax 12.5 4. The proposal to settle Palatines in New York 12-7 F. The decision and plans for a government settlement in New York 118 G. The reasons for selecting New York . . . 132. VI. A Government Redemptioner System . . . . 135 A. Preparation for settlement in New York . . 135 1. The optimistic expectations 136 z. Lands and conditions of grants suggested 137 3. The covenant requested by Hunter and agreed upon 140 4. War supplies and a minister 142. 5. Transportation 143 B. The voyage 144 1. Time of sailing 144 z. Poor conditions on voyage 146 C. The reception in New York 148 D. The legend of the Indian gift of Schoharie . . 150 E. The search for a suitable site for making naval stores 153 F. The settlements on Livingston Manor . 158 VII. The Government Tar Industry in Operation . . 160 A. The conditions of life in the Hudson River settlements 160 B. The management 162. 1. The organization 161 a. For supervision of the project . . . 162. CONTENTS XV11 VIII b. For maintenance of order 164 2.. The supplies 165 a. Sources of supplies 165 b. System of distribution 166 c. Complaints about bad food .... 167 d. Charges of cupidity 168 3. The finances 169 a. The first year's costs 169 b. The request for further grants — DuPre's return to London 169 c. The non-committal attitude of the Tory Treasury 170 C. The manufacturing of tar 170 1. Bridger's defection 170 2.. The 171 1 expedition against Canada . . 172. 3. Sackett, Bridger's successor, in charge . . 173 4. The Palatine Commission to forward the work 174 5. Signs of progress in the tar-making . . 175 6. Tar manufacturing methods 175 7. Poor results from Palatine efforts . . . 177 D. The reasons for the failure 177 1. Poor instruction and unwilling labor . . 177 2.. Financial difficulties force the end of gov- ernment subsistence 181 3. The effect of the "Ministerial Revolution" of 1710 upon the venture 181 4. The parliamentary investigation of the Palatine immigration in 171 1 .... 182. 5. Hunter's attempt to collect the debts incurred 184 The Palatine Settlements on the Frontier of the Old West 188 A. The dispersal 188 XV111 CONTENTS i. The Palatines receive permission to leave the government project 188 2_. The suffering of the Germans in the winter ofiyix 189 3. The Palatine preparations to go to Schoharie 190 4. The method of acquiring land titles . . 192. B. The Schoharie frontier settlements . . . . 193 1. Journey to Schoharie 193 2.. The seven villages of the Palatines . . . 193 3. Starting life all over in the Schoharie Valley 195 4. Social conditions 198 C. Relations with the provincial government . 199 1. Reasons for Hunter's opposition . . . 199 2.. The Bayard incident zoo 3. The grant of the Palatine lands to the Seven Partners 2.01 4. Pressure on the Germans to accept the terms 2.02. 5 . The Vrooman incidents and the attempt to arrest Weiser zox 6. The Palatine mission to London . . xo4 7. Hunter's return to England and his opposi- tion 2.04 D. The Palatines extend the frontier in the Mohawk Valley and the "Great Valley" of Pennsylvania 2.04 1. Governor Burnet's orders and the first grants in the Mohawk Valley .... 2,04 2.. The movement to the Tulpehocken section, around Womelsdorf, Pennsylvania . . 10^ 3. More Palatine grants and purchases in the Mohawk Valley 2.07 4. The continuation of Palatine immigration to Pennsylvania 2.10 5. Reasons for the choice of Pennsylvania rather than New York 2.10 CONTENTS XIX XI E. 6. The New York naturalization act of 171 5 112. 7. The importance of pamphlet advertising in the Rhineland xi6 The Palatines as frontiersmen 2.18 1. 2.. 3- 2.1 The hopes of the Board of Trade The relations of the Palatines with the French and Indians A suggested modification of Frederick Jackson Turner's thesis of the frontier influence IX. Conclusion .... X. Bibliography .... A. Bibliographical guides B. Primary Sources 1. Manuscript 2.. Published . a. Official . b. Unofficial C. Secondary sources 1 . General works 2.. Special works . 3 . Periodical and learned society contributions Appendices — introduction to A. The Kocherthal Party — the 1708 Emigration The First Board of Trade List of Palatines in London (May 6, 1709) The Embarkation Lists from Holland . The Roman Catholic Palatines Returned to Holland Z74 E. The New York Subsistence List .... F. The Simmendinger Register G. The Pennsylvania Palatine Lists .... H. The Petition List of Palatines in North Carolina The Irish Palatine List B. C. D. 2.19 2.2.0 2.X9 2.2.9 2.2.9 1x9 2.3 1 2.3 1 2.3 2. 2-34 ^34 2 35 z 39 2.42. M3 2.44 2.48 2.82. 2.91 300 I. 301 3 ox LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS TITLE PAGE Portrait of Queen Anne frontispiece Map of Rhineland, Germany 2. A Declaration of the Protestant Consistory in the Palatinate ... 10 Title Page of Simmendinger's Warhaffte und glaubwurdige Ver%eichnuss (c 1717) *3 Title Page of Kocherthal's Aussfuhrlkh und umstdndlicher Bericht (1709) 16 Title Page of Bohme's Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan (171 1) . 17 Portrait of William Penn 2.1 Portrait of Prince George of Denmark, royal consort of Queen Anne . 15 Denization Papers granted to Kocherthal's Party of Palatines . . 3 6—3 7 Portrait of Governor Francis Lovelace 40 Letter of Recommendation of Gerhart Schaeffer 4§ _ 49 Circular Advertising Carolina 61 Contemporary Woodcut, showing Palatines encamped on Blackheath outside London 69 Map of Southwestern Ireland 89 Two Views of the Commons at Court Matrix, Ireland 96 Map of North Carolina 106 Portrait of Charles Spencer, Earl of Sunderland 1x9 Portrait of Governor Robert Hunter 145 Portrait of Robert Livingston 155 Reproduction of Pitch Pine, pinus rigida 179 View of Schoharie, New York 191 Map of Central New York 194 Palatine Shoes 199 Map of Eastern Pennsylvania 2.06 The Conrad Weiser Homestead, Womelsdorf (Tulpehocken), Penn- sylvania zo8 KEY TO FOOTNOTE CITATIONS B. M. — British Museum, London. B. T. Jour. — the printed records of the Board of Trade Journal, published by the British Government. Jour. B. T. — the transcripts of the Board of Trade Journal made for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and to be found in its library. C. C. — Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and West Indies. Doc . Hist. — Documentary History of New York. Hist. Mss. Com. — Historical Manuscripts Commission Reports, published by the British Government. H. L. — Huntington Library, San Marino, California. H. S. P. — History Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. L. C. — Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. Liv. Mss. — The manuscripts of Robert Livingston, first Lord of Livingston Manor, now in the possession of the estate of Johnston Livingston Red- mont, New York City. N. C. Col. Rec. — Colonial Records of North Carolina. N. Y. Col. Docs. — Documents Relative to the Colonial History of New York. N. Y. Col. Mss. — Manuscripts in the New York State Archives, Albany, New York. N. Y. H. S. — New York Historical Society Library, New York City. N. Y. S. L. — New York State Library, Albany, New York. P. R. O — Public Record Office, London. S. P. G. Mss. — Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, London. Transcripts are to be found in the Library of Congress and in the New York Historical Society Library (Hawk's Transcripts). Citations are given invariably by page rather than by document number, which method is followed occasionally in similar monographs. CHAPTER I. THE CAUSES OF THE EARLY "PALATINE" EMIGRATIONS Shiploads of German peoples, variously estimated from two thousand to thirty-two thousand, 1 arrived in London be- tween May and November of 1709. A year earlier a small band of fifty had preceded them. As most of the latter and the greater part of the former group came from the Rhenish or Lower Palatinate, the name "Palatine" was applied indis- criminately to the rest of the immigrants, although they came from the neighboring territories as well. 2 A contemporary pamphlet lists the home principalities as follows: the Palatinate, the districts of Darmstadt and Hanau, Franconia (including the area around the cities of Nuremburg, Baireuth and Wiirzburg), the Archbishopric of Mayence, and the Archbishopric of Treves. The districts of Spires, Worms, Hesse-Darmstadt, Zweibriicken, Nassau, Alsace and Baden are also mentioned. 3 To this list Wurtemberg must be added, 1 John Stow, Survey of the Cities of London and Westminister (17x0), II, 43 estimated the immigration of 1709 at two or three thousand; William Mait- land, History of London (1756), I, 507 has twelve thousand as their number; a contemporary account in Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan . . . oder Ausfiihr- liche Beschreibung von der unglucklichen Reise derer jiingsthin aus Teutschland nach dem Engelldndischen in America gele gen Carolina und Pensylvanien. . . . (Franck- furt und Leipzig, 171 1), 113, hereafter cited as Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, gives the total number who went to England as 31,468. 2 "A Brief History of the Poor Palatine Refugees Lately Arrived in England" (July 18, 1709), in Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York (Albany, 1901), III, 1781, hereafter cited as Eccles. Rec. Copies of the 1709 edition are in the British Museum and the National Library of Dublin. A 1710 edition may be examined in the Trinity College Library, Dublin. The name "Palatine" will be used below consistently in referring to all the German immigrants of this period, since it appears most convenient, if not strictly accurate. 3 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 99. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION GERMANY Scale In Miles r I I ' . — '" r , .^ HESSE / %. < W CASSEL? ^%, / / UPPER?, ' ^spires,! - A\,.'i ( WURXEMBERG/ Reutlmgeni ansbach/palatinatd" - : — .tv, , — f \ — -V ,--> \ r* I SWITZERLAN Map of Rhineland, Germany, showing the sources of the Palatine Emigration. The borders of the Rhenish Palatinate are slightly shaded. Drawn by A. Cefola. since a number of Palatines are known to have emigrated thence, notably John Conrad Weiser. The area, from which the emigration poured, extended along both sides of the Rhine River and its tributaries, the Main and Neckar Rivers. It extended roughly from the junction of the Moselle and the Rhine south to Basle, Switzerland; and from Zweibriicken, alongside Lorraine, as far west along the Main as Baireuth, bordering the Upper (or Bavarian) Palatinate. 4 Many causes were given for the unprecedented size of the emigration. That most frequently mentioned was devastation 4 See Map of Germany. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 3 by war. The end of the Thirty Years' War left the people of the Palatinate prostrate. True enough a remarkable recovery from this visitation was achieved, due to the fertility of the soil and the co-operation of the ruler, but prosperity was short-lived; in the latter part of the seventeenth century the Palatinate was repeatedly the stamping ground of Louis XIV's armies. Marshal Turenne thoroughly devastated the province in 1674. Moreover, protracted disputes among the neighbor- ing princes, remaining from the religious wars of the early part of the century, gave rise to continuous warfare, in one instance between the Archbishop of Mayence assisted by the Duke of Lorraine, and the Elector Palatine. 5 In 1688-9 P artl 7 to vent his malice against Protestants, the Grand Monarch had the Palatinate laid waste again. The military necessities following William Ill's "conquest" of England probably made this step necessary. At any rate over two hundred years later the Heidelberg ruins left by this invasion were described as "the most interesting ruins in Europe." 6 During the War of the Spanish Succession, Marshal Villars crossed the Rhine unexpectedly in May, 1707, terrorized southwestern Germany, plundering and requisitioning freely on the Palatinate, Wurtemberg, Baden and the Swabian Circle. 7 In September of the same year, the French retired across the Rhine, having, in the words of an angry colonel in the English army, "over-run the lazy and sleepy Empire and not only maintained a great army in it all the year, but by contributions, sent money into France to help the King's other affairs. " 8 Not only was this invasion unnecessary from 5 Theatrum Europaeum, XI, 344, 497; L. Hauser, Geschichte der Rheinischen Pfalz. (Heidelberg, 1856), II, 62.9; N. M. Pletcher, Some Chapters from the History of the Rhine Country (N. Y., 1907), 94. 6 J. G. Wilson, in American Historical Assoc. Reports (1891), i.Sy. 7 Townshend Mss. (Hist. Mss. Com. nth report, Appendix), IV, 65, mentions "the plunder and the money they took by force from the good families of Strasbourg." 8 C. T. Atkinson, "The War of the Spanish Succession, Campaigns and Negotiations," in Camb. Mod. Hist., V, 418. 4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION a military point of view but it was also a political blunder, for it united Germany against Louis. 9 But for the people living in the war zone, these invasions wiped out the fruits of many new and promising revivals, and discouraged further struggle for better living conditions. 10 To the curse of devastation was added an unkind prank of nature, when at the end of 1708 a winter, cruel beyond the precedent of a century, set in to blight the region. As early as the beginning of October the cold was intense, and by No- vember 1 st, it was said, firewood would not burn in the open air! In January of 1709 wine and spirits froze into solid blocks of ice; birds on the wing fell dead; and, it is said, saliva con- gealed in its fall from the mouth to the ground. 11 Most of Western Europe was frozen tight. The Seine and all the other rivers were ice-bound and on the 8th of January, the Rhone, one of the most rapid rivers of Europe, was covered with ice. But what had never been seen before, the sea froze sufficiently all along the coasts to bear carts, even heavily laden. 12 Nar- cissus Luttrell, a famous English diarist of that day, wrote of the great violence of the frost in England and in foreign parts, where several men were frozen to death in many countries. 13 The Arctic weather lasted well into the fourth month. Perhaps 9 A. Hassal], "The Foreign Policy of Louis XIV," in Camb. Mod. Hist., V.57. 10 Abel Boyer, The History of the Reign of Queen Anne digested into Annals ijop (London, 1710), 166; hereafter cited as Boyer, Annals. Professor Julius Goebel, Sr., has performed a valuable service by publishing a collection of letters by a few emigrants of 1709. These letters clearly show that the bad economic conditions were largely responsible for their authors' emigration. " Briefe Deutscher Auswanderer aus dem Jahre 1709," in J ahrbuch der Deutsche Amerikanischen Historischen Gesellschajt von Illinois (Chicago, Illinois, I9i2.)> 1x4-189. 11 R. N. Bain, "Charles XII and the Great Northern War," in Camb. Mod. Hist., V, 600. 12 Memoires . . . du . . . due de Saint-Simon (Paris, 1857), IV, 180; Journal du Marquis de Dangeau (Paris, 1857), XII, 303 et sea. 13 Narcissus Luttrell, Brief Relation of State Affairs (Oxford, 1857), VI, 393' 399 un der dates of January 8th and January 15, 1709. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 5 the period of heaviest frost was from the 6th to the 15 th of January. Then snow fell until February 6th. 14 The fruit trees were killed and the vines were destroyed. The calamity of this unusually bitter weather fell heavily on the husbandmen and vine-dressers, who in consequence made up more than half of the emigrants of 1709. 15 Other influences almost as malign, though of a more chronic nature, were disturbing the inhabitants of the Rhine Valley. The splendor of Versailles had dazzled many petty rulers of Germany, who sought to emulate the gorgeous court life surrounding Louis XIV. The expenses of their lavish and arrogant living had to be met by heavy taxes on their subjects, often so exhausting as to leave the peasants themselves with- out bread. Naturally bitter feelings were aroused against the ruling class, who called themselves fathers of the people without exhibiting any traces of fatherly care for their wel- fare. The need for money to carry on war too made the taxes mount higher day by day. A letter from the Palatinate in 1681 mentioned that 'Thousands would gladly leave the Father- land if they had the means to do so,' because of the French devastation and "besides this, we are now suffering the plague of high taxes." 16 Conditions did not improve during the next twenty-five years apparently, for an unbiased report from the Palatines waiting in Holland for transportation to England stated they came flying "to shake of the burdens they ly under by the hardshipps of their Princes governments and the contributions they must pay to the Enemy." 17 Therefore, 14 Onno Klopp, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart (Wien, 1887), 115. 15 Journal of House of Commons, XVI, 597; hereafter cited as C. J.; Eccles. Rec, III, 1747, 18x4; Public Record Office Mss., Colonial Office, 388/76, 56 ii, 64, 68-70, hereafter cited as P. R. O., C. O.; Friederich Kapp, Die Deutschen in Staate New York (New York, 1884), I, 19; Franz Loher, Geschichte und Zustdnde der Deutschen in Amerika (Cincinnati, 1847), 41; Der Deutsche Pionier (Cincinnati, 1882.), XIV, 195. 16 Letter of Henrich Frey, D. H. Bertolet, The Bertolet Family (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1914), 173. 17 Public Record Office, State Papers, 84/132., 148, hereafter cited as P. R. O., S. P. 6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION oppressive feudal exactions by the petty rulers may be re- garded as one of the underlying reasons for the emigration. 18 Another cause suggested, and in general accepted in eight- eenth century England, was religious persecution. Certainly religious conditions were of large importance in the early eighteenth century. To ingratiate themselves with benevo- lently inclined people, emigrants found it convenient to plead religious persecution. Friends of the immigration in England justified their help on religious grounds, while others fiercely attacked the authenticity of the rumored persecutions. The disagreement on this point has been perpetuated by descend- ants of that German stock, who are reluctant to forego a lustrous prestige equal to that of the Pilgrim Fathers. What was the religious condition of the Germanies in 1709? Cuius regio, eius religio, established at the Peace of Augs- burg (1555) and modified by the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), was still functioning. It recognized three churches: Catholic, Lutheran and Calvinist, and provided that the religion of the ruler should be the religion of the people. Under such con- ditions religious persecution might well exist. The belief that religious persecution was a cause is strengthened at first sight by the fact that the Elector of the Palatinate in 1709 was John William, Duke of Newburg, a Catholic. 19 There are no formal charges of persecution, however, about 1709. 20 Of course, this 18 Library of Congress MSS., Archdale MSS. 1694-1706, 57, hereafter cited as L. C, Archdale MSS.; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 2.1; "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, ij8j and 1794; W. H. Bruford, Germany in the 18th Century (Cambridge, Eng., 1935), 39, 12.1. 19 The State of the Palatines for Fifty Years Past to This Present Time (London, 1 7°3)-> 3- A I 7 I ° edition of this pamphlet is published in Eccles. Rec, III, 1810. The copy of the 1709 edition is in the Widener Library of Harvard University. 20 Reports of persecution by the Elector Palatine in 1709 refer to the Bavarian Palatinate and also to Silesia. Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 464, 483. These accounts are not to be attributed to John William, Elector Palatine, of the Rhenish or Lower Palatinate, a different man. Also see Monthly Mercury (July, 1709), XX, z 4 8. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 7 might be due to the inexpediency of criticizing the Elector Palatine, an English ally in the War of the Spanish Succession then being waged. But by the same token, the Elector should have found it poor policy to affront his Protestant ally (England), by mistreatment of his own Protestant subjects. 21 John William had reigned since 1690. While there are reports of persecution in 1 699,22 were religious intolerance at that time the sole cause of the emigration, it should have driven away these German emigrants before 1709. The disagreement on this point in the past, warrants a close examination of the religious composition of those immigrant groups in London. Of the first forty-one Germans of the 1708 immigration, fifteen were Lutherans and twenty- six Calvinists (or Reformed). 23 The fourteen others who joined the group in London were also Protestants. In their petition to the Queen this group, all Protestant, made no mention of religious persecution. They spoke though, of the French ravages in 1707 in the Rhine and Neckar Valleys. 24 For the 1709 immigration, four lists compiled in London exist of those who arrived from May 3rd to June 16th. Unfortunately no lists seem to have been made in London after that date, but for the 6500 Palatines then present these lists are informative and 21 The relations between England and the Palatinate were excellent at this time. The Elector Palatine secured the support of the English at the Vienna Court (British Museum Mss., Ad. Mss. 15866, 90, hereafter cited as B. M.) and was supplying his troops for English and Dutch use. The English used eleven battalions of Palatine troops in Catalonia in 1709. P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 12.1; S. P. 34/n, 154. In fact, on the occasion of the New Year in 1709 the rulers of England and the Palatinate exchanged greetings in their own handwriting, an unusually friendly proceeding. B. M., Add. Mss. 15866, 156. 22 Eccles. Rec, III, 1453 et seq. 23 Journal of the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations 1704-1708, 484; hereafter cited as B. T. Jour. The first Board of Trade report erred in referring to them as "These 41 poor Lutherans," Calendar of State Papers, Colonial America and West Indies 1706-8, 713; hereafter cited as C. C. In all cases the page, not the number of the document, is cited. 24 Ibid., 710. 8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION reliable. They were made by two German clergymen at the English court, John Tribbeko, chaplain to the late royal consort, Prince George of Denmark, and George Andrew Ruperti, minister of St. Mary's German Lutheran Church in Savoy. The 1770 families were distributed as follows: Luth- erans, 550; Reformed, 693; Catholics, 512.; Baptists, 12.; Mennonites, 3 . Almost one-third of the Palatines in London on June 16, 1709, were of the Catholic faith. 25 Religious persecution by the Catholic Elector might drive out Protestants, but certainly not Catholics. It might still be held that the Protestants had fled from Catholic rulers and the Catholics from Protestant princes. Yet, on August 2., 1709, an English gentleman, Roger Kenyon, wrote to his sister-in- law that he had visited the Palatines on Blackheath, a com- mons seven miles southeast of London. He added that they "came over not on account of religious persecution, for most of them were under Protestant princes .... ' 26 The real re- ligious difficulties in Germany were those created by the clash of the various sects. Anton Wilhelm Bohme, pastor of the German Court Chapel of St. James and an influential friend of the Palatines at court, so advised a correspondent in Germany on May 2.6, 1710. Bohme mentions the desire of many people to seek a non-sectarian Christianity in Pennsylvania. The question which Bohme answered was whether it was deemed advisable that people, who on account of their conscience could no longer subscribe to any sect and therefore were tolerated almost nowhere, should carry out their desire to emigrate although they had no real certainty of God's will. In a fatherly fashion, Bohme advised them to examine their own conscience for the inner or motivating cause of such an im- portant journey. Significantly, he wrote that many a man, after he had acquired flourishing acres in America, forgot the 25 P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 5611, 64, 68-70. The first list, that of May 6th, is given in Appendix B, but not all the vital statistics in the list are included for reasons mentioned there. 26 Kenyon MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 14th Report, Appendix), IV, 443. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 9 religious motivation of his pilgrimage. Such people degener- ated so far that they were more concerned with the cultivation of their lands than of their souls. Bohme added that they stood as so many monuments, warning others not to allow greed to move them. 27 Although Bohme strongly doubted the religious urge for the new world, he also mentioned disagreement with, and persecutions by, the authorities incited by religious zealots and orthodox Churchmen. These, he held, should be suffered for the sake of truth and the glorious blessing promised by the Lord. The persecutions must not have been severe, for Bohme confessed that he could not see how a Christian could, on account of the oppression suffered up to then, leave his fatherland. 28 The German divine dwelt at great length upon the dangerous temptations of religious squabbles. The theory, that religious persecution was a most impor- tant cause for these emigrations, has been impaired by Bohme's letter. In his argument, he declared that only a very few of these people, when they came to England, had provided them- selves with a prayer-book or similar religious work. Fewer still had a New Testament or Bible, and they would have re- mained without any were it not for the Queen's generosity. 29 This fact lends support to other evidence. The Catholic Elector Palatine John William had issued on November 2.1, 1705, a declaration promising liberty of conscience. 30 In 1707 a disinterested person testified to the sincere execution of the declaration. 31 On the 2.7th of June, 1709, the Council of the 27 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 15-30. 28 Ibid., 2.4. 29 Ibid., -LL. One of the few Bibles brought from Germany at that time was that brought by Gerhart Schaeffer. This Lutheran Bible, published in Franckfurt am Mayn in 1701, is still in the possession of descendants of the Palatine Schaeffer, the Kingsley family of "The Rocks," Schoharie, N. Y. 30 Eccles. Rec, III, 1600. 31 John Toland, Declaration lately published by the Elector Palatine in favor of his Protestant Subjects (London, 1714), 4. IO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ATravjlationfrom the High-Dutch, of a Declaration mafa (by Dire&ion from the Elector Palatine) by the Prote/iant Qnfiftory hi the Palatinate. " \T7"Hereas it has been fignify'd to the Re- " W form'd Confiftory in the Palatinate jhzt " feveral of the Families, who are gone down the " Rhine, to proceed to Penjilvaniaj to fettle" them- " felves 'there, commonly pretend they are ob- tourDta,e 3coiaer/bur* Die ©tiaDc'©,Ofte$/aMW<& im febenfid) 6cfint>enDen Q)etfon«n. Sfono 1709. tmtec t>e$ $SttQt ttmn* Derbarer Sprung autf ®eutf4Man& 3« AMERICAM SJeue ggeft GegeBen/ unD aUDa an fcerfityetenen £>ttm tyv ©ftfcf kin S3roD$ fudxn. 3Uen £ie(jfca&ern / infonter^it a6et Derofelben gamtlien unD natyn grcunOeo jut fteuDtfleo 9?a<$ri$t ge(leli«r, 55 on Ultic§ SimmenDinget/ ©iebenjd&rtgen 9?orD*2fatericanerit/f tt 5(5 QJtoeinfc ^cu»T) orcf / on jefto abet rricDec in fafc(bR fltftucft/ &cq 3oi?.©.3u|ma. Title Page of Simmendinger's Warhaffte und glaubwurdige Verzjich- ntiss. Courtesy of New York Public Library. 1 4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION for his own wife and children. He says nothing of religious persecution. Simmendinger apparently emigrated then with the intention of enjoying a better competence because of aid expected from the British Queen. 39 He further states that in the year 1709, in response to the genuinely golden promises written by the Englishmen, many other families from the Palatinate also set forth to England in order to go from there to Pennsylvania. 40 In regard to the "golden promises," it is worth noticing that a British parliamentary committee investigating the causes of the immigration reported: "And upon the examina- tion of several of them [the Palatines] what were the motives which induced them to leave their native country, it appears to the committee that there were books and papers dispersed in the Palatinate with the Queen's picture before the book and the Title Pages in Letters of Gold (which from thence was called the Golden Book), to encourage them to come to England in order to be sent to Carolina or other of her Majesty's Plantations to be settled there. The book is chiefly a recom- mendation of that country." 41 This work thus referred to might have been written by Kocherthal, as his book first appeared in 1706. 42 The Reverend 39 Ibid., 1-3. Simmendinger states this frankly. Frank R. Diffenderffer, 'The German Exodus to England in 1709," in Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc. (1897), VII, 2.91, finds as one of the chief reasons for the emigration "the hope of better- ing themselves." 40 "Dann als Anno 1709, auff die lauter guldene versprechendeEngellandr ische Schreiben/viele Familien aus der Pfalz . . . hinab nach Engelland/um von dar nach Pensylvaniam iiber zugehen." Ibid., 2.. Also, Friederich Kapp, Geschichte der Deutscben Einwanderung in Amerika (Leipzig, 1868), 86. 41 C.J., (April 14, 1711), XVI, 597. 42 V. H. Todd and J. Goebel, Christoph von Graff enried' s Account of the Founding of Neiv Bern (N. C. Hist. Com. Pub., Raleigh, N. C, 1910), 14, conclude that the Golden Book is the same as Kocherthal's. This may have been true, but Simmendinger speaks of Pennsylvania. See also Christopher Sauer, Pennsylvania Bericht(i-j^^), quoted in Der deutsche Pionier, XIV, 2.95-6. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 5 Joshua Kochertbal, 43 described as a German evangelical min- ister, had not been to America at the time he published his book, but he had been in England to make inquiries about the colonies. 44 Did Kocherthal come to some agreement with important members of the ministry? Was he their agent or was he simply in the service of the proprietors of Carolina? No definite promises are made in his book but several pas- sages, coupled with the Queen's picture and the gilded title- page, might give the impression to the poor people into whose hands the book would come, that they might expect help from her, both in crossing the channel and after their arrival in England, in going to the colonies. One passage read, 'Whereupon finally the proposal was made that the Queen be presented with a supplication to whether she herself would not grant the ships . . . But these proposals are too extensive to describe here, and yet it is hoped that through them the effort will not be in vain, although in this matter no one can promise anything certain . . . ," 45 That its effect was great can be judged by its circulation. This handbook for Germans was so much in demand in the year 1709, that at least three more editions were printed. 46 In fact, the book continued to 43 This name has been spelled erroneously with a second K, " Kockerthal, ' ' by writers following documentary misspellings, apparently based on its pronunciation. The name appears on his tombstone in the Evangelical Lutheran Church, West Camp, N. Y. and uniformly in the British documents as "Kocherthal." 44 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 13. Kocherthal may have been in communica- tion with W. Killigrew, a gentleman much interested in Carolina, who in 1706 confidentially suggested to the British government that it buy out the Carolina proprietors through him at a low price, adding "I am in treaty with some thousand of Protestant People from foreign parts, who are de- sirous of to go thither when this affair is settled which naturally will increase the rent of the county and the customs by considerable for England." P. R. O., C. O. 5/306, 3 i; C. C. 1706-1708, 183. 45 Ibid., 15; Kocherthal, Aussfiihrlich und umstandlicher Bericbt von . . . Carolina (4th ed., Franckfurt, 1709), x8, hereafter cited as Kocherthal, Bericht. 46 DiffenderrTer, op. cit., 317; A copy of the 4th impression is in the Library of Congress. 1 6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION §&cxi$t atoftftft/ 3nNtn €it#U4nt>tfd>rt! Sfowrfca gelegm. Sin lag (jcflrten Ceo ^it &nt) Ofetyi ®n« tanN^nrte toon (Taroltna wr* mtbxt. ^raneffart am ttUyn / 3u fitttcn wo <&tot§ #etntu& O^rltofl / Ai M M DCC ^ Title Page of Kocherthal's Aussfiihrlich und umstandlicher Bericbt (4th edition). Courtesy of the Library of Congress. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION !7 "^■■■■n S>ag fcerfanp / mt crtottgfc Canaan Din BuSfti jjrfufc Seff&crthmd (ZmUfatoifttn to inuttca gdrgenot WW 1. 0nem &f«nmerfun3^c&ro&fn etfc&tr bitfe I iv. jtfougj. gnglifcifii MtM0mita4$tacf&ta| rtm $tent. v* itur^en Relation, jma Da&f9 erlrtlf nm €teiUd wttiftt t*mf#t / Stat fnm ^iifcim <$$>* vj. ?:&& ?fm r an&mt Rci«ioo &H»f!, HI. S>er ^Jerg^ntKi! ££ri$/ mh mtbttttm W £fi 3»tam tnhttfw t<- ten j &tmcfma bbi ^1*8 / M pec xj. Title Page of Bohme's Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan (171 1), answering Kocherthal's Bericht. Courtesy of Historical Society of Pennsylvania. have such an effect, even after Kocherthal had gone to New York in 1708, that Reverend Anton Wilhelm Bohme, a friend of the Palatines at court and previously referred to, felt called upon to contribute several letters for a pamphlet under the title, Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan ("The desired, not acquired Canaan"), directed specifically against Kocherthal's roseate description of Carolina. 47 An interesting collection of manuscripts now preserved in the Library of Congress throws light on the problem pre- 47 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 14. A copy is in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania Library in Philadelphia. M. H. Hoen, who wrote the foreword, should be credited with editorship at least. 1 8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION sented by Kocherthal's veiled promises. This collection, known as the Archdale Papers, contains correspondence of John Archdale, one of the proprietors of Carolina. As early as 1705, Archdale was arranging for a settlement in Carolina by what was called the High German Company of Thuringia. Polycarpus Michael Pricherbach, the German correspondent, writing from Langensalza in Thuringia, mentioned reading Richard Blome's English America, a description of the English possessions in the western hemisphere. This had been trans- lated into German and published in Leipzig in 1697. Four deputies were sent over to London with the intention of visiting some english province in America. They met and talked with a Mr. Telner, who it seems represented the pro- prietors of Carolina. They then returned to Germany. 48 The plans probably miscarried as nothing was heard of the venture later. However, two proposals, made by the High German Company of Thuringia, suggested to the proprietors of Caro- lina the kind of advertising to use with the greatest appeal in the Germanies. On September 2., 1705, the German Company asked the Carolina proprietors to announce "that all such as shall address themselves to them, After the first Transport (Seing it is needless at the first shiping over) and are not able to pay any monie for their passage, should be transported free by your Lordps without any payment as far as Carolina. ' This was to be repaid finally by years of service for the com- pany in Carolina. The second proposal was an inducement to be carried out only after the first transport had safely arrived in Carolina, "for what I am now going to say could not possibly be ven- tured sooner. There should be published by us and in our names, a short plain description of the good scituation and Conveniences of the Country, with the advantageous Condi- tions granted to us by the proprietors, there should also cir- 48 L. C, Archdale MSS. 1694-1706, 12.1.. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 9 cumstancially be sett forth the great eveready prorTetts that might be Expected from there, and subjoyned thereunto Expecially this clause, that a Poor Man hath only need to provide himself to come to London and then to pay nothing for his transport thence to Carolina because upon his address to the Lords Proprietors they would maintain and transport him to Carolina whereby nothing which might recomend and make this country should be past by or omitted. Such printed and published description to be authorized by a short preffase by the Lords Proprietors, would then by good friends, left behind be everywhere made known and there being now to God no doubt but that in these hard times in Germany . . .," 49 colonization would be quickened. In 1706 Kocherthal was not so particular as to require that he be settled in America first. He obliged the proprietors with his Aussjuhrlkh und umstdndlicher Bericht von der beriihmten Landschafft Carolina. . . . The Queen was substituted for the Lords Proprietors as the kindly benefactor and veiled promises were made. The fulfillment of the Thuringian suggestion is apparent. What is not so evident, is Kocherthal' s remunera- tion. Kocherthal never even visited Carolina, much less settled there. On his arrival in England in 1708, he appealed to the Queen for aid in accordance with his pamphlet's hints. It would seem that the author was sincere in writing of the Queen's help, which was anticipated, as quoted above. Kocherthal was well received by the English government but was sent to New York. This will be related below. Similar advertising concerning Pennsylvania was also pro- ducing air castles for disheartened Germans. William Penn, who later founded Pennsylvania, made several visits to the Rhine country, one in 1677. 50 Penn discussed religious matters wit hmany Lutherans and Calvinists of the Rhine Valley. The 49 Ibid., 60 et. seq. 50 Samuel M. Janney, The Life of William Penn (Philadelphia, 1851), 117 et. seq., recounts Penn's journey in that year and especially his friendship with Princess Elizabeth of the Palatinate. LO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION royal charter for Pennsylvania was granted in 1681. Shortly thereafter appeared in London a brief description of the new province : Some account of the Province of Pennsylvania in America. 51 Penn offered to sell one hundred acres of land for two English pounds and a low rental. He combined humanitarianism with business, for he advertised popular government, universal suffrage, and equal right's to all regardless of race or religious belief. Murder and treason were the only capital crimes; and reformation, not retaliation, was the object of punishment for their offenses. This book appeared in translation in Amster- dam the same year and its distribution in the upper Rhine country probably affected favorably the movement of Ger- mans to Pennsylvania. 52 Pennsylvania was the best advertised province and it was mainly due to the liberal use of printer's ink. No professional promoter or land speculator of the present day could have devised any scheme, which would have proved a greater success than the means taken by William Penn and his coun- sellor, Benjamin Furley, to advertise his province. 53 Various books were published for German consumption for over twenty years previous to the emigration of 1709. 54 Among them, Pastorious' Umstdndige geographische Beschreibung (de- tailed geographical description) of 1700 and Daniel Falckner's Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania (curious news from Penn- 51 Julius F. Sachse, The German Pietists of Provincial Pennsylvania 1694-1708 (Philadelphia, 1895), 440; E. E. Proper, Colonial Immigration Laws (Col. U. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, 1900, XII, no. 2.), 46. 52 Albert B. Faust, The German Element in the United States (New ed., N.Y., 192.7), I, 31 et. seq.; H. L. Osgood, English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 192.4), II, 491; Sachse, op. cit., 443 et. seq. 63 J. F. Sachse, Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania (of 1702), (Phila., private ed., 1905), 8. Sachse calls it "The book that stimulated the Great German Emigration to Pennsylvania in the early years of the eighteenth century." Also see Sachse's account of literature used to induce German emigration, Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc, VII, 175-198. 54 See Sachse's list of some fifty reprints of title-pages, Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc, VII, 101-156; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 95. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ZI Portrait of William Penn. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. 2.2. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION sylvania) of 1702. were combined into a single work in 1704 by the Frankfort Company, for whom Falckner became attorney along with Benjamin Furley. 55 One writer tells us that English agents were sent through- out the Palatinate to induce immigration, much in the same way as did our western railroad companies of a later date. These companies, having received large bounties in land from the government, sent agents throughout Europe to influence emigration so that their land grants might be settled and revenue-producing. 56 These early land agents, "Neulander," 57 or whatever they may be called, must have used to full advan- tage the reputation Penn and his colony had acquired in the Rhineland. 58 Simmendinger, quoted above, gave his expected destination as Pennsylvania. Luttrell reported foreign news on April 2.8th and May 12., 1709, of Palatines coming to England bound for Pennsylvania. 59 Penn's advertising was productive of good results at last. Before the kind of help extended to the emigrants and the means employed by the British government can be understood, it is necessary that the position of England as the protector of the Protestant cause in Europe be understood. William of Orange with his wife Mary had taken the English throne from his father-in-law, James II, in 1688 to secure intervention by England and support for the Protestant cause on the continent against the encroachments of Catholic France. 60 As Louis XIV aged, he grew more intolerant. Counsels of moderation even by the influential Madame de Maintenon were unavailing. In 1685 the Edict of Nantes, granting religious toleration to 55 Sachse, Falckner s Nachricht, x^-iS. 56 John M. Brown, Brief Sketch of the First Settlement of the County of Schoharie by the Germans (Schoharie, 18x3), 5. 57 Faust, op. cit., I, 61. 58 Kapp calls them "Speculators," and says they associated themselves with the Quakers. Die Deutschen, I, to. 59 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 434, 440. 60 G. N. Clark, The Later Stuarts 1660-1J14 (Oxford, 1934), 143. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.3 French Protestants, was revoked and persecution followed. 61 Many Huguenots, as the French Protestants were called, fled to England, Germany and the New World. 62 When William declared war on France in 1689, he published a "Proclamation for the encouraging French Protestants to transport themselves into this Kingdom, ' ' promising that they would not only have his royal protection but that he would also "so aid and assist them in their several trades and ways of livelihood, as that their being in this realm might be comfortable and easy to them." 63 Queen Anne on her accession in 1701 continued, under the guidance of the Marlboroughs and their relatives, those policies on which was predicated her right to the throne. 64 The Second Hundred Years' War entered its second phase, the War of the Spanish Succession. In diplomatic discussions the English sought to secure religious and civil rights for the Protestants on the continent. They even considered proposing in the negotiations for peace at Geertruidenberg in 1708 that the change in a ruler's religion should not "influence the worship or revenues of his subject (wch is the most reasonable thing in the most), most of the evill effects proceeding from such a change of religion will be avoyded." 65 In other ways help was extended to foreign Protestants, such as those of Bergen and Courland, for example. At their petition collec- tions were taken up in England under government auspices for 61 A.J. Grant, "The Government of Louis XIV," in Camb. Mod. Hist., V, 14; Viscount St. Cyres, "The Gallican Church," ibid., V, 89. 62 J. S. Burn, History of the French, Walloon, Dutch and other Foreign Refugees Settled in England from the Reign of Henry VIII to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (London, 1746), 18. The number of names of French origin among the Palatine emigrants (See Shipping Lists in Appendix) suggest that many were French refugees fleeing a second time. 63 Paul de Rapin-Thoyras, History of England i66i-ij2j, trans, and con- tinued by H. Tindal (London, 1744), XVI, 347. 64 Clark, op. cit., in. 65 B. M., Add. MSS. 18055, 415; P. R. O., S. P. 84/133, 38. 2.4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION funds for building of churches. 06 When on June 12., 1709, a French Protestant petitioned Queen Anne in behalf of "a million persecuted protestants," she assured her petitioner, "she had already given her ministers abroad instructions concerning the same and will doe for them what else lies in her power." 67 There are other indications of a similar nature, which show that the Protestants looked to the English Queen to take care of their interests. 68 At this time Queen Anne was especially susceptible to Protestant appeals. Queen Anne's consort, Prince George of Denmark, died on October 2.8, 1708, "to the unspeakable grief of the Queen." 69 Prince George was of German Stock, 70 a Lutheran, and had brought many of his countrymen and co- religionists to London. The Royal Chapel in St. James Palace (Lutheran) established in 1700, owed its existence to him. 71 The funeral sermon which the Reverend John Tribbeko preached in the Royal Chapel on November 2.1st emphasized the Prince's interest in the Protestant cause. 72 It probably softened the Queen's grief to act as the gracious benefactress of the oppressed co-religionists of her departed husband. 73 At any rate she took a great deal of interest in relieving the Palatines in 1709. A more important question is how far the English Ministry was aware of the advertising activities and how far it coun- 66 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 15 (1708-1709). 67 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 451. 68 Townshend MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com. nth Report, Appendix), IV, 52.. 69 B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 135; Add. MSS. 6309, t 7 ; Egmont MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com. yth Report, Appendix), II, 131; Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England (Boston, 1859), XII, 189. 70 L. Katscher, "German Life in London," in Nineteenth Century (May, 1887), XXI, 718. 71 Ibid., 738. 72 John Tribbeko, A Funeral Sermon on the Death of H. R. H. Prince George of Denmark (London, 1709), 17. 73 C. B. Todd, "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines," in National Magazine (February, 1893), XVII, 191. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ^5 Prince George of Denmark, royal consort of Queen Anne. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. 2.6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION tenanced them. The English policies were predicated on the postulates of mercantilism accepted by seventeenth century Europe. 74 These mercantilist doctrines attached a high value to a dense population, as an element of national strength. It was even argued that colonies would weaken the parent country by lessening the population. 75 In this view of migra- tion, England would benefit by, and the Rhine countries would lose, and perhaps oppose, the movement of peoples. It was said to be "a Fundamental Maxim in Sound Politicks, that the Greatness, Wealth, and Strength of a Country, con- sist in the Number of its Inhabitants." 76 The preamble of an English law of 1709 observed that "the increase of people is a means of advancing the wealth and strength of a nation." 77 The States General of Holland echoed "that the Grandeur and Prosperity of a Country does in general consist in a Multitude of Inhabitants." 78 The Monthly Mercury, a contemporary English publication, discussing Holland's new law, remarked that "The States [were] sensible of the Truth of the Maxim that the number of Inhabitants is the Strength of a nation. . . ," 79 In pursuance of such aims, the English Parliament was bombarded with propaganda favorable to the naturalization of foreign Protestants. Under the heading "Some weighty considerations for Parliament," Archdale, the Carolina pro- prietor referred to before, wrote that 2., 000 white people in Carolina were worth 100,000 at home. He argued that this 74 Clark, op. cit., 43; E. F. Heckscher, Mercantilism (London, 1935), II, 159. 75 Proper, op. cit., 74. 76 [Francis Hare], The Reception of the Palatines Vindicated in a Fifth Letter to a Tory Member (London, 171 1), 4, 37 et. seq. Hare was chaplain to the Duke of Marlborough. 77 7 Anne, c. 5, Statutes of the Realm, IX, 63. 78 The State of the Palatines, 6; Eccles. Rec, II, 1775 and 1830. 79 Monthly Mercury (London, July, 1709), XX, 175; Josiah Child, A New Discourse on Trade, (1693 ec O> J 54i Edgar S. Furniss, The Labourer in a System of Nationalism (Boston, 1910), 33. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IS] was due to their use of English goods and the products they exchanged so favorably for England. 80 He went on, "the body of Europe is under a general fermentation . . . which will more and more persecute an uneasy body of Protestants . . . [who] opprest with taxes, drained of their wealth and lyeing in the jealous sight of popery, are growne so uneasy, as to be willing to transplant themselves under the English Govern- ment.' A petition from a Pennsylvania German asked for a naturalization act for German Protestants, who although inclined to emigrate were under great difficulties from lack of it. 81 William Penn was the author of a general naturalization bill for the colonies. In urging its approval to a member of the House of Lords, he pointed out "the interest of England to improve and thicken her colonys with people not her own." 82 But early in January, 1709, Penn wrote to James Logan in Pennsylvania, "Tho' we have here a bill for Naturalization in the House, and I think I never writ so correctly, as I did to some members of Parliament, as well and discoursed them on that subject, ... it moves but slowly. . . . " 83 Finally, giving way to the pressure, Parliament moved to encourage immigration and on February 5 th, leave was given in the House of Commons to bring in a bill for naturalizing foreign Protestants. On the x8th the bill passed its first test vote on a motion to continue the old provision of the law, which lost 101 to 198. The bill was passed on March 7th by a vote of 103 to 77, but over the protests and opposition of the City of London, whose authorities wanted a clause inserted protecting their own rights to the duties paid by aliens. 84 On the 15th the bill was agreed to by the Lords 65 to 10. Royal 80 L. C, Archdale MSS., 1694-1706, 151. 81 Ibid., 70; On naturalization, see A. H. Carpenter, "Naturalization in England and the American Colonies," in Amer. Hist. Review, IX, x88~303. 82 Huntington Library, H. M. MSS. xix85; hereafter cited as H. L. 83 Venn-Logan Corres. (Memoirs of Historical Society of Pa., X), II, 313. 84 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 404, 408, 415, 417. 2.8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION assent made it a law on March 2.3rd. 85 This was the first gen- eral naturalization law in England. It provided that the natu- ralized had to take the oath of allegiance, and partake of the sacrament according to the Anglican ritual before witnesses, who signed a certificate to that effect. In addition, all the children of naturalized parents were to be considered natural- born subjects. 86 The greatest benefit secured by the act was the right to purchase and hold land, which might be transmitted to one's children. Those naturalized were also permitted to take part in trade and commerce, usually forbidden to foreigners. 87 Palatine or German immigrants were not particularly mentioned it appears. But Macpherson states, "This law was said to have been made with a particular view to the Protes- tant Palatines brought this year into England." 88 Certain it is that by the time the act was passed, the first wave of the emigration was already well on its way down the Rhine. 89 Still the news of the bill's consideration by the English Parlia- ment may have reached prospective immigrants. That this act was a preparation for their coming, or even an added attrac- tion for the immigration itself is highly probable. It would seem then, that the parties who urged and were successful in securing the passage of the naturalization law, were inti- mately connected with colonial projects in America. Men, such as Archdale and Penn, stimulated through agents and 85 C. J., XVI, 93, 108, 113, 113, 131, et. seq.; Eccles. Rec, III, 172.4, 1831; Paul Chamberlen, History of the . . . Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1738), 311. 86 7 Anne, c. 5, Statutes of the Realm, IX, 63. 87 L. C, Archdale MSS. 1694-1706, 70. 88 David Macpherson, Annals of Commerce (London, 1805), III, 6. 89 The first contingent of the Palatines arrived in London about May 3rd (£. T. Jour. 77 08-1 7 14, 2.6). They were over six weeks, a few weeks at least, at Rotterdam awaiting transportation and the time needed to cross the Channel, in addition to the time spent on the way to Rotterdam, would certainly amount to two months. The Kocherthal party in 1708 needed two months to travel from Frankfurt to London. Eccles. Rec, III, 172.9. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.9 advertising a movement of people, who assured themselves that the British government had engaged to provide for them. On the other hand the British authorities do not seem to have prepared for such a large immigration. In fact, the records of the Board of Trade and Privy Council may be searched in vain for evidence that the Palatine immigration was planned or at least expected and prepared for, other than by the general naturalization act just referred to. But this much is clear, the English government under Anne was em- barking upon a mercantilist policy of colonial development, in which its population both at home and in the colonies was to be enlarged by stimulating and even subsidizing immi- gration from foreign shores. Precedents existed for governmental controlled immigra- tion for English dominions. In 1679, Charles II sent two ship- loads of French Huguenots to South Carolina, in order to introduce the cultivation of grapes, olives and the silk-worm. 90 In 1694, Baron de Luttichaw petitioned for permission to im- port 2.00 Protestant families, some 1,000 persons, from the Germanies to his land in Ireland. 91 In 1697, King William offered a grant of 500 pounds to some Jamaica merchants to transplant men to Jamaica. 92 In 1706, Governor Dudley of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, proposed that a colony of Scots be settled in Nova Scotia. 93 In the same year, Colonel Parke, governor of the Leeward Islands asked for '10,000 Scotch with otemeal enough to keep them for 3 or 4 months" to lead against [French] Martinique. He proposed to settle them there, if successful. 94 But reception of the Huguenots in England in Elizabeth's reign seemed to be the most applicable precedent, and it was strongly cited for that 90 Proper, op. cit., 81. 91 Cal. Treas. Papers ijjj-1696, 346. 92 C. C. 1696-1697, 389. 93 C. C. 1706-1708, 31, 134, 439. "Ibid., 356, 358. 30 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION purpose. 95 With the ambitious design of James II to unite all the colonies under one government, the resources of Parlia- ment and the Crown were used to foster immigration. In the reign of Queen Anne this idea took practical shape. Considerable sums of money were expended to assist Protes- tant refugees in making their way to England and the English colonies. For example, early in 1706 Secretary of State Hedges informed Governor Granville of Barbados concerning one Francisco Pavia and his family from Cadiz, whom "H. M. has not only bestowed her royal bounty upon ... to transport them thither, but also recommended them to you, that you will give them all fitting countenance and assistance." 96 In the same year the Board of Trade at the behest of Secretary of State Hedges considered a proposal by Francois Louis Michel and George Ritter to settle some "4 or 500 Swiss Protestants . . . on some uninhabited lands in Pennsylvania or on the frontier of Virginia.' The last stipulation called for trans- portation with their effects from Rotterdam at Her Majesty's expense. The Board of Trade approved the proposal, and made practical suggestions for carrying it out. Indeed, the Board did not even find fault with the suggestion that the govern- ment should pay the cost of transportation, which it esti- mated would be eight pounds per head. 97 This proposal was carried out under private auspices with a handsome subsidy. These efforts were due largely to political and commercial motives, and partly to the genuine interest which England took in championing the Protestant cause in Europe. 98 Still such a program of colonial development 99 had to be 95 [Hare], op. cit., 4; "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1776. 96 C. C. 1706-1708, 14. 97 Ibid., 6z, 79. 98 Proper, op. cit., 74. 99 An evidence of this program was the negotiation with Penn for the purchase of his government. By the summer of 1711, the terms of the sur- render had been agreed upon, ix,ooo pounds, payable in four years, with certain stipulations. Janney, op. cit., 514. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 3 I pursued with caution to avoid diplomatic intervention. Not all governments were ready to rid themselves of an undesirable religious sect by arranging deportation to British America as the Swiss canton of Bern did in 1710. 100 Indeed, as a rule, princes were not disposed to permit their subjects to be en- ticed from their obligations to them. 101 For this reason open invitations apparently were not issued. It can be concluded that the large German emigration of the second decade of the eighteenth century was due in a general way to these causes : (1) war devastation, (2.) heavy taxation, (3) an extraordinary severe winter, (4) religious quarrels, but not persecutions, (5) land hunger on the part of the elderly and desire for adventure on the part of the young, (6) liberal advertising by colonial proprietors, and finally (7) the benevolent and active co- operation of the British government. 102 The background and causes of the Palatine emigration have been described, but the manner in which the British government participated in the actual movement has still to be pointed out. In particular, how did the emigration gather momentum? This will be dis- cussed in Chapter III. Chapter II will describe the small 1708 immigration, which blazed the trail. 100 Indeed the Swiss authorities went so far as to ask the good offices of the British to prevent Dutch interference with the compulsory transporta- tion of the Anabaptists through Holland. Letter from British Envoy Abra- ham Stanyan to Lord Townshend, April 5, 1710. Magg Bros. Cat., No. 511. 101 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 13. It appears probable that the emigrations under discussion caused the Elector Palatine to treat his subjects better, as the Duchess of Orleans wrote to her half-sister Louisa, Raugravine in the Palati- nate, so that "When those who have gone to Pennsylvania hear about it they will quickly return." Letters to Madam (London, 192.4), II, 15. 102 Professor E. B. Greene is correct in his general conclusion as to the causes of this emigration. Provincial America 1690-1740 (New York, 1905), 2.30. CHAPTER II. THE SMALL PALATINE EMIGRATION OF 1708 Since the founding of Germantown in Pennsylvania under the leadership of Francis Daniel Pastorius in 1683, no large groups of Germans had sought homes in the New World. Intermittently, individuals with their families may have made the voyage, but of larger movements there were none. Twenty- five years passed before another band of emigrants made their way down the Rhine on their way to America. The emigration of 1708 was the prelude to the later heavy German emigrations of the eighteenth century. The leader of the band of emigrants of 1708 was the Reverend Joshua Kocherthal, referred to before as the author of a promising description of Carolina. Kocherthal had visited London two years earlier and canvassed the possibilities at that time. What arrangements were made and with whom is not known but that assurances of aid were given appears certain judged by the experiences of the little band. The group was originally composed of forty-one people; ten men, ten women, and twenty-one children, 1 ranging in age from six months to fifteen years. The heads of the families were Lorenz Schwisser, Henry Rennau, Andreas Volck, Michael Weigand, Jacob Weber, Jacob Pletel, Johannes Fischer, Melchior Gulch, and Joshua Kocherthal. One of the ten men was single, a young man of twenty-three, Isaac Tiirck by name. They came from the neighborhood of Landau in the Rhenish Palatinate and represented themselves as refugees of the war there. 2 1 P. R. O., C. O. 32.3/6, 56. Also, History Society of Pennsylvania Library Transcripts, B. T., Plantations General, VII, 54, hereafter cited as H. S. P. A fifteen year old girl was considered a woman evidently. B. T. Jour. 1704-1708, 482; C. C. 1706-1708, 722.. 2 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 53; Doc. Hist., Ill, 543. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 33 On February 16, 1708, Kocherthal and his party applied to the English consular representative at Frankfort on the Rhine for passes to England. 3 Mr. Davenant, the representa- tive, refused to give them passes, money or recommendations, for fear of displeasing the Elector Palatine. Instead of aiding them immediately, he requested instructions from London. Mr. Boyle, one of the principal Secretaries of State, replied that though the desire of those poor people to settle in the plantations was very acceptable and would be for the public good, the Queen could by no means consent to Mr. Davenant's giving encouragement in any public way, either by money or passes to the Elector Palatine's subjects to leave their country without his consent. 4 If the emigrants received any aid in Frankfort, it was secretly given. Reverend Kocherthal and his party continued on their journey, however. On the way down the Rhine they received many gifts of food, money and even clothing from those charitably disposed. Their progress from town to town must have attracted considerable attention and acted as valuable publicity for the English colonies. Kocherthal's confidence that the English government might provide the passage from Holland to England was well-founded it seems. In a letter, which was written from London, July 31, 1708, and appeared as a third appendix to the 1709 edition of his Bevicht, Kocher- thal stated, "the city council in Rotterdam gave us twenty- five florins [£4.3.4] and had us brought to Hellevotschliuss 5 at their own cost in a ship belonging to the city. At the Hague we obtained from the English envoy that a free pass was given us to England and so we were brought from Hellevotschliuss in Holland clear to Harwich in England without a penny's cost." 6 3 H. S. P., B. T. Plantations General, VIII, 53. *C./., XVI, 597. 5 Hellevotschliuss is about fifteen miles from Rotterdam on a large island close to the coast. 6 Kocherthal, Bericht (1709), 2.8. 34 TH E EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Immediately on his arrival in London, Kocherthal peti- tioned the Queen. This petition recited the cause of the emigration as the French ravages upon the Rhine and Neckar Rivers in 1707. In the judgment of the immigrants, so severe was the destruction that they could not possibly attain suffi- cient means of livelihood during the hard times, which still continued. Although Kocherthal requested a dwelling place in the English West Indies 7 and aid in establishing the colony, he did not mention royal promises. 8 This fact may mean little, however, since he was a man of singular tact, and charity was not to be secured by demands, at least not in the eighteenth century. At any rate, the petition was sent to the Board of Trade for advice as to the most proper place to settle the Palatines, as to transportation and as to the subsistence necessary to provide for them meanwhile. 9 The Secretary of State apparently already had decided to settle the Palatines at government expense. Whoever had promised Kocherthal aid, as related in his Bericht already referred to, was moving the authorities as expected. Since matters of importance were decided often by the ministers in informal meetings without record (a practice which was to develop into the cabinet system), it is not surprising that it is difficult to determine how or by whom this early decision to help the Palatines was secured. Meanwhile the Board of Trade was considering the matter. On the und of April, the Board had Kocherthal before it, to report in more detail the condition of his band. At this time he described their occupations as follows: "One is a joyner, another a smith, the others all versed in gardening, husbandry, planting, and tillage, and the women were versed in and 7 The term "West Indies" appears to have been loosely used in the early eighteenth century to include the British colonies in the New World. »H. L., H. M. MSS., 1403. 9 C. C. 1706-1708, 710; P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 14, io. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 35 understood the same business." 10 The Board recommended immediate aid for subsistence. 11 At the next session on the Palatines, the Board of Trade was advised by a Mr. Lodwick, who had resided in New York for about fifteen years, that New York was a poor place to send them. He said that all land in the province had already been granted, except land which lay forty or fifty miles from the Hudson River. The three Lutheran ministers, who resided in London, accom- panied Kocherthal before the Board. They told the Board that they had read the testimonials giving a good character to the said minister and others, and they had no reason to doubt their truth. The religious beliefs of the forty-one persons were given as fifteen Lutherans and twenty-six Calvinists. 12 On May 10th, two warrants were issued for the distribution of money to the Palatines; one for one hundred pounds, 13 the other for forty shillings a day from April 15th past until their transportation to New York. 14 On the same day the Queen approved an Order in Council, which was considered the following year as the royal sanction for the government venture into the manufacture of naval stores. The Order recited the condition of the refugees and the Board of Trade's suggestion of settlement in Jamaica or "Antego" (Antigua), where large tracts of land were un- granted and a great need of white people existed. The fear that the hot climate would adversely affect the Palatines led to the proposal that they "should be settled upon the Hudson River, in the province of New York, where they might be 10 B. T. Jour. 1J04-1J08, 481. Among the six other families of Palatines who arrived in London shortly thereafter and joined the group were a stocking maker and a weaver; C. C. 1J06-1708, 783; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 53. See complete list in Appendix A. 11 C. C. 1706-1708, yhi. 12 B. T. Jour. 1704-1708, 483. 13 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 6; C. C. 1706-1708, 744, 745. 14 P. R. O., C. O. 5, 67; In accordance with this order another 100 pounds was issued on June 10th, P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 69; C. C. 1708-1709, 35, St. 36 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION $&& eluj llmert O \ > f d etacw fa cjfeet '•%'*■ Jg *//£ mMAV%t fte/efej £em* ttffe.t'dfm - fiif nMtn, cAfc%* &%*#*£ >j&r*4jn nJ HPV 'J/oeem [ c*n< [First Half] Denization Papers granted to Kocherthal's Party of Palatines in London in May, 1708. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 37 -•f&rCrtAitj /fori i£t& # . if #>e^ <5**3 fe«|K^^4/AW/(:i M*n ttj uMm#to£4 in, w Mt*i*i7*s£a^cJffivn- 7i, ■ I *r #*4&e.dJL CfaAa-nu rpfc**** t fe£M WC €#*-><^ / V *#*: ? ; ■■ ^ iu-g*^ ■%*??}* ** *f> x ***■* -**' U\ ! - H >*'-x» v^ /: * S-'"-^ % " * s~f*'***f* ^ p& 5 ^>v**> *!*+ » . ' JF ,j? S" IpiJUw <0 't'Ufyi t'f / ****** (JU?™^ jf-^yfeyrfK** ^MBHK. * T** * a "'*» * * ' 1 t J8 & [Second Half] Letter of Recommendation of Gerhart Schaeffer, a Palatine emigrant, May i6, 1709. Courtesy of the Kingsley Family, Schoharie, New York. 50 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION slow journey. 4 Ever present too must have been the fear that the authorities would halt them temporarily for some trifling matter, as often occurred, or turn them back definitely, as frequently threatened. While the pioneer groups were preparing for emigration along the Rhine and its tributaries the Neckar and Main Rivers and beginning to gather in numbers, unidentified in- dividuals approached the British authorities in their behalf late in December, 1708. The first British official reference to the 1709 Palatine immigration came from James Dayrolle, British Resident at the Hague. It was an undated and unsigned document in French entitled, "Memorial relating to the Poor Protestants from the Palatinate." When Dayrolle enclosed it in a dispatch of December 2.4, 1708, he said, "It was brought to me from the German post office. How it came thither and from whence I know not.' The memorial read: 'There ar- rived in this place a number of Protestant families, traveling to England in order to go to the English colonies in America. There are now in the neighborhood of Rotterdam almost eight or nine hundred of them, having difficulty with the packet boat and convoys." After describing these emigrants as com- posed of poor families of vigorous people, fleeing persecution and oppression in the Palatinate, the memorial concluded with an appeal to Dayrolle: "My Lord, you are humbly sup- plicated to procure passage and transportation to England out of the benevolence and charity of the Queen." 5 The unknown author of the memorial seems to have anticipated the arrival in Rotterdam of the Palatines by over three months, for it was not until April 19th that Dayrolle reported about nine hun- dred Palatines at Rotterdam. 6 Meanwhile nothing appears to have been done in London with the exception of the first general naturalization act as related in Chapter I. 4 Kocherthal, Berkht, 77. 5 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 7. 6 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 188. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 5 I Although Davenant, the English representative at Frank- fort in the Palatinate had been ordered in 1708 not to give any public encouragement, money, or passes to emigrants (as was related in Chapter II), Dayrolle at the Hague in the Nether- lands was under no such restrictions. Beginning on March 2.9, 1709, and at intervals thereafter, he reported to London the granting of passes to sixty or a hundred families at a time. 7 On the same date Dayrolle informed London of the general naturalization act under consideration by the Dutch and that undercover moves were being made to have the French recog- nize such naturalization of French refugees. But the result was reported of course to be uncertain. 8 Dayrolle apparently feared that the Dutch might induce the emigrants to remain in the Netherlands to the loss of Great Britain and her colonies. How groundless this fear turned out to be will soon be apparent. But Dayrolle was a zealous official, determined to secure these "strong and laborious people" for his own country. By April 19th, the number of Palatines at Rotterdam was about nine hundred persons and more were expected. Dayrolle sug- gested that the transports bringing troops from England to the Low Countries, to fight against the French in the War of the Spanish Succession, might return to England with the Palatines. He further related to Secretary of State Boyle, "I have acquainted the Duke of Marlborough with it, and his Grace is likewise informed of that poor people's circum- stances, wanting some assistance to get over, and he has prom- ised to move Her Majesty in their behalf." 9 Marlborough was the dominant personality in Queen Anne's government, not only as the military genius of his age and the leader of the alliance against France, but also be- ' P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 157, 184, 188. 8 It should be remembered that the English in the first decade of the 18th century grudgingly admired the economic progress of the Dutch and such references were well calculated to inspire English action of a similar nature. The English naturalization law was adopted on March 13rd. (See Chapter I). 9 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 188. 52. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION cause of his family connections. His brother George had dominated the Admiralty until 1708; his son-in-law, Sunder- land was the leading Secretary of State; his friend, Godolphin, was the head of the Treasury; and his wife was believed to be supreme over the Queen. 10 Marlborough as minister pleni- potentiary was present at the Hague with Lord Townshend to negotiate peace terms at Geertruidenberg. Dayrolle wisely consulted the Duke, for the mention of his interest was enough to move Boyle to present the matter to Queen Anne. 11 With the Queen's approval, orders were issued to the transport ships as Dayrolle had suggested, that is, to return laden with Palatines. 12 Late in April four transports carried 852. Palatines to London, their subsistence on the voyage being supplied by private charity secured in the Low Countries. 13 In fact, many contributions had to be made to keep the refugees alive. Among others the United Baptists at Amsterdam solicited funds for the Palatines of their faith, many of whom had started from Switzerland. 14 In the same month, the burgo- masters of Rotterdam appropriated 750 gilders (c. 75 pounds) for distribution among the destitute emigrants. 15 When some 10 W. T. Morgan, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710 in England," in Pol. Sci. Quarterly (June, 192.1), XXXVI, 195. 11 Since the calendar of the Marlborough family papers indicated material dealing with the Palatines (Marlborough MSS., Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix, 47), permission was sought of the family for access to the papers. The request was refused, the only instance of unwillingness to co-operate experienced in the course of this research. Fortunately, the public archives contain enough correspondence to make sufficiently clear Marlborough's official connection with the immigration. The family papers might have indicated a financial interest in the Carolina venture as a motive for Marl- borough's co-operation, but this is to be doubted judged from the casual way in which he came to be concerned in transporting the Palatines to England. 12 B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 166; P. R.O.,S. P. 104/74, 83; S. P. 44/108, 59. 13 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, z6^. This group is evidently the band of 851 Palatines as noted in the first London Relief Lists of May 6, 1709, compiled by Messrs. Ruperti and Tribbeko; P. R. O., C. O. 38S/76, 56 ii. 11 H. S. P., J. F. Sachse, Dutch Transcripts, April 8, 1709. 15 Resolutions and Dispositions of Burgomasters of Rotterdam, III, 12.1. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 53 of the Palatines visited Dayrolle on May 6th, he informed them of the order to use the army transports to carry them to England. He was told then that the Elector Palatine had pub- lished an edict forbidding emigrants to leave. Two boats laden with Palatines were seized on the Rhine River and the emigrants were imprisoned. Nevertheless, Palatines arrived daily in Rotterdam after escaping by land. 16 But when the convoy arrived on May ioth it was learned that only one ship had been ordered to receive Palatines. As a thousand were now awaiting transportation, there was keen disappointment. Dayrolle went to Marlborough, 'Who will order it possible, that care may be taken to have them all shipp'd." 17 Since 900 more Palatines arrived in Rotterdam within one week, Dayrolle had Mr. Cardonnel, Marlbor- ough's secretary, write on May ioth to Secretary Boyle "upon that subject." 18 Cardonnel at Marlborough's order suggested that Dayrolle manage the transportation of the Palatines, making the necessary agreement for their trans- portation and subsistence in their passage to England. 19 Anticipating the authorization of this plan from London, Dayrolle with the approval of Cardonnel appointed two Dutch merchants, Hendrik van Toren and John Suderman, to supervise the loading and sailing of the emigrants. 20 These men advised Cardonnel from Rotterdam on the nth of May that the convoy would sail for England before the orders from London could possibly arrive. They therefore asked him 16 P. R. O., S. P. 84/132., 118. 17 P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 111. " P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 119; C. J., XVI, 597. 19 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 111. 20 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 149. Jan van Gent, another Dutch merchant, replaced Suderman early in June as one of the two Commissioners supervising the embarkation at Rotterdam. Both van Toren and van Gent were men of fine reputation and seem to have been motivated by Christian charity, being members of the Anabaptist Church. They received no remuneration but on the contrary censure from London before they finished their work. P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 167; S. P. 84/131, 515. 54 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION to seek Marlborough's 21 authorization for transporting and subsisting the Palatines at the government's expense to pre- vent the loss of opportunity for shipping at the next sailing. Their letter concluded with the statement that, "The charity Her Majesty [Queen Anne] shows toward the poor and the inclination which my Lord Marlborough made appear to help those Germans, gives us hopes that his Grace will be pleased to give a favorable answer to our representation." 22 The reply came promptly on the same day, "His Grace is willing you should proceed to the Embarkation of the poor Palatines as soon as you are sure the Convoy is ready to sail and supply them with provisions during their passage upon the best terms not exceeding 4 d. a day.' The merchants were also ordered to check carefully the masters of the vessels employed in the service and transmit the names of every person put on board with their age. 23 In pursuance of this order 1x83 persons were shipped on May izth. 24 On the next day Mr. Cardonnel wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury concerning Marlborough's authorization for the embarkation, "the convoy being ready to saile, his Grace has thought fit, not to loose any time, to give orders for shipping them off so that you may soon expect to hear of them on your side where you will know best what is to be done with them. ' Mr. Tilson, the secretary, was further instructed to communi- cate the matter to the Treasurer so that money would be made available to Dayrolle at the Hague for payment of the mer- 21 It has appeared to be necessary to describe in some detail the connection of Marlborough to the emigration, since earlier writers, considering the report of the Parliamentary Investigating Committee in 171 1, have been quite at a loss to do so. 22 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 2.65. 23 Lists of Embarkation were kept but without the notation as to age which was requested. These lists, published for the first time, are in the Appendix C. to this book, where their nature and value are discussed. P. R. O., T. 1/119, 6; S. P. 84/131, 139. 24 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 55 chants' claims for transporting the people. 25 On May 17th, Cardonnel wrote to Mr. Tilson again on the subject of the Palatines, this time at more length. He began, "you will have seen by my last letter the direction my lord Duke has thought good to give in relation to the poor Palatines. In consequence of them, there are about 1300 embarkt and I believe sail'd by this time." 26 From London on that same date Secretary of State Boyle sent the following letter to Mr. Dayrolle authorizing the transportation of the Palatines at government expense. ' 'Upon what you mentioned in yours of the 2.1 Inst. N. S. 27 concerning the great number of German Protestants, now lying at Rotter- dam, which want to be transported hither; and upon a repre- sentation from Mr. Cardonnel, by order of the Duke of Marl- borough of the best method for taking care of them, Her Majesty has commanded me, to signify her pleasure to you, that you should take the Transportation of the Said Poor German Protestants into your care, and make an agreement on the best terms you can for providing the necessary Trans- ports there, and subsisting those people in their passage to England. My Lord Treasurer has likewise her Majesty's directions to order Mr. Brydges, the Paymaster, to write Mr. Sweet at Amsterdam, To supply you with such sums of money as the service may require." 28 At the Hague, Dayrolle acknowledged the receipt of the order on May 14th, mention- ing that at that time about xooo more Palatines were at 25 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 2.67. 26 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 158. 27 It should be noted that the Julian calendar was in use in England until 1751, while the Gregorian calendar was generally followed on the continent. There was at this time eleven days difference between the calendars, thus Dayrolle's letter of May list New Style was written on the English date, May 10th Old Style. This letter was later used (in 171 1) by a Parliamentary committee investigating the Palatine immigration, as the basis for charges against Marlborough and his son-in-law Sunderland. 28 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 85; S. P. 44/107, xx 9 ; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 170. 56 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Rotterdam, awaiting the sailing of the convoy some five days later. 29 Marlborough's interest in the emigrants and his influence in England were most helpful in securing the English govern- ment's aid. It should be clear furthermore that for the sub- sistence at the government's expense of the second party of Palatines sent on May izth Marlborough was personally responsible, since he issued the order anticipating the approval of London which did not arrive until May 2.4th. But the Brit- ish government with the Queen's approval had authorized the use of the returning army transports as early as April 2.3rd. It is apparent too, that in May the London authorities re- garded the transportation of the Palatines as an extended project, for Secretary Boyle instructed Dayrolle concerning "such further [Palatine] accounts as you shall send me from time to time for that service." 30 The Palatines continued to arrive in Rotterdam in increas- ing numbers. Early in June, the arrivals numbered about a thousand a week. 31 This rate was maintained until late in July, when strenuous efforts to stop the emigration were be- ginning to take effect. On June 14th, Dayrolle informed London that "upon the continuation of H. M. Bounty or any other encouragement, you may have half Germany if you please, for they are all flying away not only from the Pala- tinate, but from all other countrys in the neighborhood of the Rhine. . . . The expenses may be great but are necessary, if you are in want of these people for the Plantations, as my Lord Townshend seems to be of opinion you are, otherwise they must perish where they come to lye at Briel." 32 Most of the Palatines were quite poor. They were encamped outside Rotterdam in a most miserable condition. A number of shacks 29 P. R. O., S. P. 84/132., 139. 3() P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 88; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 171. 31 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 159. 32 P. R O., S. P. 84/13I, 168. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 57 covered with reeds were all the shelter they had from the weather. 33 Marlborough and Lord Townshend, his fellow ambassador, each contributed 50 pounds to help care for them. 34 All dispatches to England describing the Germans emphasized their need. The great number of children among them was also pointed out. 35 In the meantime the shipping of the Palatines was being pushed with all despatch possible. Provisions were given to the Palatines while on board ship, and for six or eight days for the crossing. 36 The bargain for subsistence and transporta- tion was made by Mr. Cardonnel with the two Commissioners van Toren and van Gent at 4 stivers a day for each subsisted and 40 stivers for each transported, roughly 4 d. and 3 s. 4 d. respectively. 37 As early as May 17th the Dutch Admiralty had been requested to aid in the embarkation. Even the packet boat carrying dispatches between England and the continent was to carry Palatines who presented themselves, bearing a note or pass from Dayrolle. 38 A month later, Dayrolle pro- posed that men-of-war be dispatched to convoy ships, as they could be secured at Rotterdam for transport purposes. 39 By June 8th, the Commissioners van Toren and van Gent in Rotterdam had shipped over 6,000 Palatines at the expense of the British government. 40 As the emigrants continued to arrive in great numbers, Dayrolle began to have qualms con- cerning the expense. On June 1st, he wrote that, 'They tell me the whole Palatinate is ready to follow them poor and rich, so that you will please to let me know what is her Majesty's pleasure in case the numbers augment in that 33 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 184. 34 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 480. 35 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 186; S. P. 84/131, 149. 36 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 141; T 1/119, 71. 37 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 159. 38 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 158, 160. 39 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 173. 40 P. R. O., T 1/119, 10, 16, 71. 58 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION manner." 41 On June 7th, after pointing out the number of Palatines reported on the way to Rotterdam, he finished, "you may judge how far the expense may go.' On the 10th, he asked for further instructions. 42 Meanwhile in London on June 7th and June 10th, Secretary of State Boyle sent dis- patches to Dayrolle, ordering him "to continue the same methods in taking care of the poor Palatines, as you have hitherto done, till further orders." 43 But on June 14th, Dayrolle again emphasized the great expense and asked Boyle for particular directions, "How far to go with money for subsisting them on their passage." A few days later, Dayrolle promised to follow directions, "till new orders" were re- ceived, but he wanted instructions about the extraordinary expenses. 44 At last, on June 2.4th, Boyle sent orders to Dayrolle to send over only those Palatines at Rotterdam upon receipt of his letter. The immigrants were coming "over so fast" that it was impossible to care for them and dispose of them, and "the success of the whole matter may happen thereby to be dis- appointed.' A further restriction was then added, "And as there are many papists mix'd among them you are for the future to allow none to come over but such as are Protes- tants." 45 Dayrolle had reported the presence of a great many Roman Catholics on June 1st, but Marlborough had told him, "there was no great inconveniency, to let them go with the rest." 46 The difficulty in discriminating was great, and the Catholic Palatines were a problem left for the London authorities to handle. On the 2.5th of June, Dayrolle wrote that he could not understand the instructions issued by the Treasurer to his 41 P. R. O., S. P. 87/131, 148. 42 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 159, 161. 43 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 88, 89; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 174, 175. 44 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 167, 173. 45 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 90; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 176. 46 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 149. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 59 representative at the Hague to "pay only such as are actually on board ready to come over, and no more than what will be necessary to bring them hither." 47 On the 2.9th, he moved to stop several thousand Palatines on their way down the Rhine River. He sent some back to give warning to the rest. He also ordered that an advertisement be inserted in the Gazette of Cologne, notifying the people that no more would be received. In his report to London on July 1st, Dayrolle asserted he would not concern himself any further in the affairs of the Palatines, unless he received further orders to do so. He was impelled to point out though that "if once the warr be fin- ished, very few of this people will abandon their country and you may loose the opportunity of having them." He also en- closed several proposals for settlement which he had re- ceived. 48 Nevertheless, on July 5th, when Dayrolle reported the sailing of 1,776 Palatines the day before, he mentioned the presence of 500 more at Rotterdam, "who must shift for themselves, as well as they can, if you don't send me new orders." 49 He was informed that his advertisement had caused the several thousand on the Rhine to turn back. But the following week, this information was found to be false. About 1,2.00 Palatines then at Rotterdam sent deputies to Dayrolle, begging his intercession with the British govern- ment in their behalf. Failing to persuade them to return home, he agreed to write but gave them no encouragement. 50 While these events were taking place in the Netherlands, Boyle wrote from London, complimenting him on his actions in preventing further immigration. Upon this information, as it appeared, that no more Palatines would be arriving in Rotterdam destined for London, orders were given to ship the 500, 51 referred to in Dayrolle's letter of July 5th. But Dayrolle then found that the Palatines awaiting transporta- 47 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 300. 48 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 305, 309. 49 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 310. 60 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 315. 51 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 90, 91; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 178, 180. Go THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION tion numbered 2_,ooo. 52 At a loss for action, he questioned Boyle on July 15th, "I can not avoid sending all or none at all. My Lord Townshend is of the opinion, Her Majesty will not be displeased, if I provide transports for the whole number not being possible for these people to retire to their own country." 53 Boyle replied immediately on the 19th, "if the 2.000 you mention in this letter are not embarked, when mine comes to your hands, you must have nothing to do with any of them." 54 But his order was too late, for on July 18th, 1,433 Palatines sailed for London. 55 Dayrolle wrote this fact the next day, the very day that Boyle in London was forbidding the embarkation. These immigrants were certainly fortunate that the days of electrical communication had not yet ap- peared. Dayrolle expected trouble, for he excused himself, saying that he had acted by the advice of Lord Townshend. 56 Still there were Palatines arriving in Rotterdam. Dayrolle advised Boyle late in July that the good people of that city thought of sending them over at private expense without pass- es and perhaps without convoys, which he could not prevent. 57 On August izth, he reported that about 1,000 had sailed under those conditions, Z50 of them having had sufficient funds to pay their own way . 58 On the 2.3rd, Secretary Boyle instructed Lord Townshend to request the Dutch to prevent any further embarkation. 59 On the 2.6th, Boyle ordered Dayrolle to inform them, that any more Palatines sent to England would be returned. 60 He replied reassuringly that since the summer was over, few of them would come. 61 52 P. R. O. 53 P. R. O. 54 P. R. O. 55 P. R. O. 56 P. R. O. 57 P. R. O. 58 P. R. O. 59 P. R. O. 60 P. R. O. 61 P. R. O. S. P. 84/131, 333. S. P. 84/131, 337. S. P. 104/74, 91. T. T/119, 79, 81. S. P. 84/131, 343. S. P. 84/131, 349. S. P. 84/131, 3S3. S. P. 104/74, 95; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866,185. S. P. 104/74, 94; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 187. S. P. 84/131, 41. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 6 1 The warnings to the Dutch authorities seem to have had little effect however for the immigration was not stopped. Though the Dutch had passed a general naturalization act on July 18, 1709, N.S., 62 they apparently wanted to rid themselves of these poor emigrants, who had become a serious charge against their charitable resources. During August the authori- ties of Rotterdam sent notices up the Rhine, attempting to halt the emigration. For eight days, Messrs. vanToren and van Gent were despatched in two yachts paid for by the town authorities. 63 On August 2.4th, the town authorities of Brielle, the seaport for embarkation, asked financial support from Rotterdam for the Palatines, "their poor-purse being ex- hausted.' They even threatened to send the emigrants back to Rotterdam. 64 From Rotterdam two days later the burgo- masters replied, reciting their own difficulties and their efforts to extricate themselves. They offered to join Brielle in seeking help from the States General, the national assembly of Holland. 65 When Dayrolle formally requested the States General to order their College of Admiralty not to allow any more Palatines to be transported to England, they replied that they could not prevent those already in the Netherlands from cross- ing to England, but that they would order their ministers at Cologne and Frankfort to warn the people not to come for that purpose. 66 This was done accordingly, and their ministers acknowledged those orders on September 13th and 15th 62 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 338; The State of the Palatines, 7. There was much dissatisfaction with this naturalization law, since it gave the Jews and Roman Catholics the same benefit offered to Protestants, who felt they should be shown preference. P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 360. 63 Resolutions and Dispositions of Burgomasters of Rotterdam, III, 116, 117. 64 Letters to Burgomasters of Rotterdam 1707-1713, XXIII (August 16, 1709). 65 Letter Book of Burgomasters of Rotterdam, X (August 16, 1709). 66 Record of Resolutions of the States General of the United Netherlands, 1709, II, 348; P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 480. 62. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION *- 43. -V Craven$*ham y azft x^July, 1709, *f 44 Proportions von die Hewn PrcprutorestyM.Caralim zst Ernst** ^ ;, ragtru/tg d r Palatinaten ihf* Tr**$*rtath» nub die Pr&vimie \ von Carolina. ERftlkh fallen fie haben Ein Hundert Accvn Land jedes Haupt fur Manner, Weiber und Kinder fur Zehcn Jah- »en umblonft ; uad aachgehents , odc»JtoJkijaftip& MmtU. Pfenning Sterlings fur jedeaa Acer jedes Jahr, glcich wie die andern binwohners von felbige Provintie bezahlen. Zweitens: daswoferne fkfkh wollen in State niederietzeti wan fie ubercommen, oder nachgehents? (q follen fie Land haben, umb darauffzu bauweo, ftr Drei Menfchen*ieben oier fur Meun and Neuntzig'Jahrtn, welches am Ehrften gebuhren mach, far Ei« PfefFer - Cora Rent, mit ihre Liberties zu Circular Advertising Carolina, distributed to the Palatines aboard the trans- ports in Rotterdam in August, 1709. Courtesy of the British Public Record Office. respectively. The Dutch authorities were most concerned with the possibility of their being saddled with the care of the stranded emigrants. In the meantime, Dayrolle was confronted with a provok- ing incident. He had failed early in September to stop the sailing of several transports laden with Palatines, but he learned that someone in England was encouraging the move- ment despite his advertisement against the emigration. Then late in August an unknown gentleman, who had come ac- companied by a servant from Harwick (England) on the packet boat, went aboard the transports laden with Palatines. After distributing some charity funds, he passed out thousands of circulars, which he desired them to send to their friends in Germany. 67 These circulars, about 3" by 6" in size, were entitled, "Propositions of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina to encourage the Transporting of Palatines to the Province of Carolina.' The propositions, dated July 15th, offered (1) a hundred acres of land for each man, woman and child, free 67 P. R.O.,S. P. 84/131,415. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 63 from quit-rent for ten years, and thereafter to pay one penny per acre annually (2.) if they would settle in towns now or later, to lease them land for building and improvement for the term of three lives or ninety-nine years, which should expire first at a pepper-corn rent, with the privilege to renew in case the lives died. 68 Dayrolle could not discover who the gentle- man was, but he offered the suggestion, ' Tis probable those tickets came from the Proprietors of Carolina or from some disaffected people." 69 Boyle immediately called a meeting of the Lords of the Committee of Council and he wrote, "It is possible orders may be given for sending them back again." 70 On September 9th, he acquainted Dayrolle with the results of the Council meeting. Although the landing of more Palatines could not be prevented, they would not be cared for at public expense, until those already in England could be provided for. 71 Dayrolle went further than that, for he informed the Palatines embarking at Rotterdam, they would be sent back from England. 72 Indeed, 2., 2.5 7 Roman Catholic Palatines were sent back to Rotterdam with a present of 5 gilders each late in September. 73 Nevertheless, there were 1,500 more emigrants at Rotter- dam desirous of reaching England. 74 They even considered sending deputies to England to petition the Queen for her assistance. On September 2.8th, the Palatines at Rotterdam sent a heartrending petition to Secretary Boyle, in which they related how they had been enticed to leave their homes by what they just learned to be false promises in Queen Anne's name. As they had spent most of what they had to subsist on 68 P. R. O., S. P. 84/13X5 411. These proposals had been made to the Board of Trade in London on August nth to encourage the Palatines there to settle in Carolina. C. C. iyo8-iyop, 445. 69 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 413. 70 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 95; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 189. 71 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 96; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 190. 72 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 444. « P. R. O., T. 1/119, 93, 98, 136-153; S. P. 84/131, 467, 480. 74 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131,467. 64 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION their journey, they with their wives and children would perish of hunger unless admitted to England. In their deplorable condition they ate their "bread in tears.' They begged him to relieve them "from a continual agony." 75 Nevertheless,' on October nth, Secretary Sunderland refused their petition, although the Queen was touched by their misery. He pointed out "the great clamour that such numbers doe raise in the time of scarcitie, and the great load and expense it is on the government.' The British government also felt certain that should it vary from its resolution to admit no more, there would be no end to the immigration. 76 But on the same day, Dayrolle at the Hague wrote to Sunderland that 1,100 Pala- tines had sailed several days earlier, "notwithstanding all my endeavors to prevent it." 77 The following week, Sunderland informed Dayrolle of their arrival in the Thames River and ordered an investigation, for inquiry pointed to Mr. Henrick van Toren under Dayrolle 's authority, "forcing the Palatines to sail for England, even though some of them had hired their passage in boats, to return home . " 78 Dayrolle after an investigation found that the officials of Rotterdam, desiring to rid their city of the Pala- tines who would not return home, had Messrs. van Toren and van Gent ship them "with what moneys I know not.' Dayrolle could not prevent it, but he thought that van Toren and van Gent were motivated only by the most charitable considerations. 79 Dayrolle was not so innocent though, for in a letter of November 5th to Messrs. van Toren and van Gent, he wrote, "My sending the quantity [of Palatines] you im- barqued lately has been disapproved, tho my intentions were good.' He wished them success, if one of them went to England to make representations as they intended, but "for 75 P. R. O., S. P. 84A32., 449. 76 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 97; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 192.. 77 P. R. 0.,S. P. 84/131,495,517. 78 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 97, 98, 99; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 193, 194, 195. 79 P. R. O., S. P. 84/132., 515. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 65 my own part, I dare not write anything more on that subject nor meddle in it." 80 Late in October, when explaining the sailing of the last party "against" his orders, Dayrolle remarked that there would be no more except a few left behind, but ' 'I am informed that a great many intend to come next summer, if not timely prevented by some notification in Germany made in Her Majesties name, not being possible to dissuade them by any other authority." 81 Following his suggestion, a Royal Proc- lamation was drawn up, printed in German and distributed widely in the Rhine Valley. It declared that no more people would be received in England, much less supported. All those Germans, who arrived since the first of October were to be sent back to Germany at the first opportunity. All who intended to emigrate were warned that such attempts would assuredly fail, unless they had means of their own to support themselves. 82 Summarizing the numbers of the Palatine immigration of 1709 to England, the records show that $52. sailed late in April and arrived early in May about May 19th June 6th June 1 6th July nth July 24th August 13th October 18th 13,146 are mentioned in the official correspondence. 83 It is 80 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 519. 81 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 536. 82 Das verlangte nkht erlangte Canaan, 10, 91; Diffenderffer, op. cit., 15. 83 This table is compiled from the following sources: P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 56 ii; T. 1/119, 6-10, 17, 65, 71, 81; S. P. 87/4, 165; S. P. 84/131, 139, 310, 383, 495, 517. For information concerning the first six lists of emigrants, see the Appendices B and C. There were no lists kept of the last two groups noted as sailing in August and October, since they were supplied with funds obtained from private charitable sources in Holland. i,z8 3 May i2_th z,9z6 May 31st J >794 June 10th ^,776 July 4th M33 July 17th c. 1,000 August 6th c. 1,082. October nth 66 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION quite probable however that the number reached 13,500, since quite a few of the Palatines were sent by the packet boat or by regular shipping at their own expense or by charity funds after the official transportation ceased on July 18th. Small groups going in this way may have sailed without mention in the official correspondence. Of the probable number of 13,500, who were able to reach England, 2., 2.5 7 Roman Catholics were sent back late in Sep- tember, as related before. On January 2.0th, 1710, Boyle notified Dayrolle that about 900 Palatines who desired to return home were to be sent shortly and that they should have his best efforts to speed them on their way. 84 So on March 3rd, 1710, he received Dayrolle's report of their safe arrival. 85 Late in March of the next year (171 1) 618 Palatines, all Roman Catholics, were returned to the Netherlands. They were given five gilders each as a parting present to speed them on their way home. 86 This seems to have been done by the British government for all the Palatines returned to the continent, and it was a gesture much admired in the Netherlands. 87 More than 3,000 Roman Catholics were sent back in all, if Simmendinger's estimate is correct. 88 With more than 3,500 returned, there were left about 10,000 of the 13,500 estimate, still to be accounted for. What did the British authorities do with them? In London, the citizens were amazed. In three months more than 11,000 alien people had arrived in their midst. London was not so large a city that many thousands could be poured into it conveniently without notice. The government was hard put to provide shelter and food for them. The squares, the taverns, all the refuges of London were crowded 84 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 100; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 197. 85 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 101; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 199. 86 P. R. O., T. 1/13X5 165, 170. This debarkation list of Palatine families is included in Appendix D. 87 P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 480. 88 Simmendinger, op. cit., 3. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Gj with Palatines. In addition, 1,600 tents were issued by the Board of Ordnance 89 and encampments were formed on Black- heath on the south side of the Thames, at Greenwich, on the Thames, just north of Blackheath, and at Camberwell, 90 a suburb of London, about two miles from St. Paul's. Others found quarters near the Tower, in St. Catherine's, Tower Ditch, Wapping, Nightingale Lane, East Smithfield and their neighborhoods. Barns and cheap houses were rented for them at Kensington, Walworth, Stockwell and Bristol Cansey. 91 The large rope-houses at Deptford were utilized for shelter for many of the Palatines, while others were disposed of by the care of charitable persons in Aldgate and Lambeth. 9 ' 2 About 1,400 were lodged in the large warehouse of Sir Charles Cox, who had offered it gratis. 93 The crowded condition of these places of shelter made them unhealthy. The Board of Trade was informed of this and strove to remedy the difficulty; certainly the Board and the English Whigs 94 in particular de- serve a great deal of credit for their sympathetic treatment and generosity, in the early stages of the immigration. At any rate, surgeons were sent among the Palatines and efforts were made to lessen their discomfort by securing additional quarters. 95 The Germans evidently expected that immediately on arrival in England, they would be dispatched in a body across the sea; but no one stood ready to carry out such a program. 89 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 93; B. M., Strafford Papers, Add. MSS. xizox, 105; "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1786. 90 Marlborough MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 47; State of the Palatines, 7; Boyer, op. cit. (1709), 167; B. T. Jour. 1J08-1714, 37. 91 "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1786; also 1741. 92 Stow, op. cit., I, 43; Cal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 153. 93 Diffenderffer, op. cit., 2.97. Since he allowed them to remain until they were sent to Ireland and elsewhere, thus losing revenue in the seasonal period of the use of the warehouse, he was given as compensation 100 guineas by the government on February 9, 1710. 94 [Hare], Canary Birds Naturalized in Utopia (London, 1709). 95 See Minutes of Palatine Commissioners' Meeting in Eccles. Rec, III, 1740 et seq.; C. C. ijo8-ijoq, 2.96. 68 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION The Palatines were almost entirely dependent upon the gov- ernment to keep them from starvation. The first 851 were allowed a total of 2.0 pounds per day, 96 which amounted to less than six pence each for men, women and children. But the expense was a great burden on the government, particularly in war-time. Godolphin wrote to Marlborough, June 2.4, 1709, "I hope you will not think it necessary to send an express with news, our exchequer being so low at present; as to the extraordinary number of poor Palatines who come over every day, they are a very great burthen upon the Queen." 97 In fact, on June 14th, the subsistence of the Palatines was costing the government 80 pounds a day. 98 Shortly after June 1st, the Ministry hit upon the expedient of raising money by public subscription. Letters were sent to the leading financial organizations, requesting voluntary contributions, for example to the Bank of England and the East India Company. 99 On June 7, 1709, the Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex sent a petition to the Queen asking for authority to take up a collection in their county for their Palatines. The Queen not only granted the desired authority, but also extended it to the public generally throughout the kingdom. 100 A proclamation was issued June 2.8, 1709, for the collection of alms and a board of commissioners was appointed to handle the funds and "to perform every matter and thing . . . neces- sary and convenient for the better Employment and Settlement of the said poor Palatines.' The commissioners named were nearly a hundred in number and included the great dignitaries of the kingdom. 101 The collection was carried out largely 96 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 36. 97 Private Corres. Duchess Marlborough (London, 1S38), II, 338. 98 C. C. 1708-1709, 343. 99 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 91. 100 Boyer, Annals (1709), 167; Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 453, 454, 474. 101 Ibid., Appendix III, 35 et seq. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 69 19N9QN: Printed for J. fe&r, at the tlaArfy.ti *«» Contemporary Woodcut, showing the Palatines encamped on Black- heath outside London. Courtesy of the Widener Library, Harvard University. through the organization of the Established Church. The various bishops wrote letters to the clergy of their dioceses during the first week of July, and advanced all kinds of argu- ments for, and refuted some against, the policy of relieving these "poor German Protestants." 102 The letter of the Bishop of Oxford is particularly noteworthy in that he attached a postscript, "I think it would much forward this service if you could prevail with some of the chiefest of your parish- ioners to accompany you when you go to collect the charity of the rest." 103 On one impulse or another the Whigs vied with one another to contribute to the fund, the Duke of Newcastle alone donating 500 pounds, 104 and the large sum of 19,838 pounds, 11 shillings was collected. 105 The Palatine camps were a source of wonder to the London 102 Ibid., Appendix III, 42.. Bishop William Nicolson wrote from Carlisle to Bishop Wake of Lincoln, "The Palatine briefs are not yet arrived in the North. And when they do come thev'l find charity very cold in these parts. I should be thankful for one of your printed letters, since I am wholly in the dark, as to the sum and substance of the affair. Some comfort it is to find, by your information that the numbers of Papists amongst those people are not so great as was said." Christ Church, Oxford, Wake MS., August 2.9, 1709. 103 Ibid., Appendix III, 53. The method suggested is still in vogue today among clergy as the best known method to produce results. 104 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 13th Report, Appendix), II, 107. 105 Eccles. Rec, III, 1753. 7<3 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION populace. 106 Every Sunday crowds would gather and the Pala- tines became the focus of curiosity-seekers. They capitalized this by making toys of small value and selling them to the multitudes who came to see them. One account of the Pala- tines states, 'They are contented with very ordinary food, their bread being brown and their meat of the coarsest and cheapest sort, which, with a few herbs, they eat with much cheerfulness and thankfulness. On the whole, they appear to be an innocent, laborious, peaceable, healthy and ingenuous people, and may be rather reckoned a blessing than a burden to any nation where they shall be settled." 107 An interesting incident, which is at the same time illustrative of the hardi- hood of these people, is the one related by a contemporary diarist, Luttrell, September 13, 1709, "A wager of 100 pounds was laid last week, that a German, of 64 years' old, should walk in Hide Park 300 miles in 6 dayes, which he did within the time, and a mile over." 108 The conditions among the Palatines were certainly very bad. Bread was never known to have been so dear 109 and the government allowance was insufficient to sustain them prop- erly. They were obliged to beg on the streets of London and this begging was done principally by the married women. 110 Philanthropists of the day distributed both money and sup- plies among the needy Palatines. One shopkeeper, a Quaker, cut up several wagon-loads of cloth during eight consecutive 106 R. Palmer wrote to Ralph Verney in the country, "The case of the Palatines is all our domestic talk." August 17, 1709, Verney MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., jth Report, Appendix), 507. 107 The State of the Palatines, 2.7; Eccles. Kec, III, 1831. 108 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 488. 109 Gilbert Burnet, History of His Own Times (ind ed., Oxford, 1833), VI, 38 says that bread sold at double the ordinary price; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 15. A Royal Proclamation was issued on October 14th, put- ting in execution the old laws against forestalling and regrating of corn, Robert Steele, ed., Catalogue of Tudor and Stuart Proclamations 1 485-17 14 (Oxford, 1 910), 530. 110 C.J., XVI, 596. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 71 days. Another gave shoes, while a third distributed shirts. 111 But the novelty of the presence of the Palatines soon wore off for the London populace and an uglier attitude, due to the tight economic conditions, set in. 112 The poorer classes of the English people said the Palatines came to eat the bread of Englishmen, and reduce the scale of wages. The latter, it was alleged, had already fallen from 18 pence to 15 pence per day, where the Palatines were encamped. 113 Even the native beggars felt that the Queen's bounty should belong to them. 114 The shopkeepers were also opposed to the newcomers for fear that their trade might be harmed by the competition of unen- franchised foreigners. 115 The Palatine encampments were occasionally attacked by London mobs. Upon one occasion about 2., 000 infuriated Englishmen, armed with axes, scythes, and smith hammers, were said to have made an attack upon the Palatine camp and struck down all who did not flee. 116 When settlements of Palatines were attempted, riots occured in some localities. Juries were prejudiced. Nothing "that was said upon oath by the witnesses [was] sufficient to gain any verdict at Sundrich but in Justification of the Rioters." 117 Many times were the Palatines threatened and mobbed, much to the Queen's chagrin. 118 This feeling against the Palatines was exhibited even among the "better" people of England. It seems to have been rooted in a fear of contamination by prevalent contagious 111 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 108; The Piety and Bounty of Great Britain, with the Charitable Benevolences of her Loving Subjects toward the Support and Settlement of the Distressed Protestant Palatines (London, 1709). 112 Ibid., 8. 113 Burnet, op. cit., V, 439; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, in. 114 A Song in Praise of Begging or the Beggars Rival' d (1710); Burnet, op. cit., VI, 38. 115 [Hare], Reception, 30. 116 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 108. 117 P. R. O., S. P. 34/11, October 13, 1709. 118 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, passim. 72. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION diseases. On July 15, 1710, Lady Pye wrote to Mrs. Abigail Harley of someone's fine daughter having died of smallpox. She added, ' 'The notion with some people is that the Palatines brought in this very ill kind [of smallpox]." 119 On August 2.3, 1709, Mr. John Floyer wrote to Lady Dartmouth at Black- heath, "I wish you the recovery of your health, and a better neighbor than the Palatines, who I fear have infected your pure air. Our country has loads of them and call them gypsies not knowing the language and seeing their poor clothes." 120 One writer says that the English hatred of the Palatines shows only their great dislike for aliens, which was proverbial. 121 On the other hand, the Palatines were not a people of little spirit. They soon came to resent this attitude of the English and met it in kind. Hearne's Collections (August 2.6, 1709) con- tains an account of 40 Palatines in the neighborhood when three or four Englishmen, drinking a pot or two of ale, ' 'made some Reflections upon the Receiving of these People into the Kingdom; which, being heard by one of the Palatines, he gave a hint to his Companions, and they all immediately came into the Room and beat the persons in a very rude and inhuman manner." 122 Meanwhile the Palatines had little employment, and the pressing problem was what to do with them. The efforts to settle the Palatines began with the first official letter after their arrival. In this letter, the Earl of Sunderland, writing to the Board of Trade, on May 3, 1709, indicated the govern- ment's desire according to the prevailing mercantilist views to encourage immigration. The Queen had been informed of the arrival of some hundreds of German Protestants and expected more from the Palatinate with the intention of settling in the 119 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., ijth Report, Appendix), IV, 549. 120 Dartmouth MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com. ijth Report, Appendix), III, 147. 121 C. B. A. Kent, Early History of the Tories (London, 1908), 434. 122 C. E. Doble, ed., Remarks and Collections of Thomas Hearne (Oxford Hist. Soc, 1885-1906), II, 139. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 73 English plantations in America. "Her Majesty was convinced however, that it would be much more advantageous to Her Kingdom, if these people could be settled comfortably here instead of sending them to the West Indies.' Such a result would be a great encouragement to others to follow their example. The addition to the number of her subjects would in all probability produce a proportionable increase of their trade and manufactures. The Board of Trade was ordered to take the matter under consideration and report as soon as possible the proper method and the part of England most feasible for it. 123 Two days later, Sunderland had ordered the Board of Trade to inquire into their numbers and condition, and to report what was needed for their support, until they were either settled in England or sent to the plantations. 124 Pursu- ant to this request the Board of Trade asked two German min- isters resident in London to carry on the inquiry. These men were John Tribbeko, chaplain of his late R. H. Prince George of Denmark, and George Andrew Ruperti, minister of the German Lutheran Church in the Savoy. 125 They reported to the Board on May 9th, that the Palatines were in dire straits. A number of them were ill for want of necessary sustenance. Many were almost naked. They were "pakt up in such great numbers, we have found very often 2.0 to 30 men and women together with their children in one room." 126 Tribbeko and Ruperti drew up from time to time the four Palatine lists, which are a valuable source of information today. 127 But 123 Sunderland added that since most of the immigrants were "husband- men and labouring people," it should be easier to dispose of them to the advantage of the public. P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 66; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 2.6; Eccles. Rec, III, 1733; C C. 1708-1709, 190. 124 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 67; C. C. 1708-1709, 195; Eccles. Rec, III, 1734. 125 Eccles. Rec, III, 1736. 126 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 7 z; C. C. 1708-1709, 2.96. 127 P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 56 ii, 64, 68-70. For a discussion of these lists see Appendix B. 74 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION the crowds of people were soon beyond their best efforts, and they had to ask for help. 128 Most of the Palatines were farmers and vine-dressers, that is, over half of the first four groups to arrive in London as noted by Messrs. Tribbeko and Ruperti. The rest were dis- tributed in some 35 other trades, the next highest number of occupations being about 90 carpenters and about 75 textile workers. The lists included about 12. schoolmasters and three surgeons. 129 Some of the Palatine vine-dressers, "encourag'd by their friends abroad in Pensilvania," brought vine plants with them for a new start in the plantations. 13 ° The last group to leave Rotterdam for England was described as ' 'for the most part tradesmen." 131 The continued arrival of many Palatines and their inability to support themselves began to worry the Ministry deeply. On the 15 th of May, Sunderland commanded the Board of Trade to "make what dispatch you can to report. . . . " 132 By August 6th, the Lord Treasurer had written to the Board "to make a proposal for the speedy disposing of them, in such manner as may soonest lessen the expense the Government is now at for their subsistence." 133 At the same time, he com- mented on the "slow steps that are made towards [the] settling of them." One of the schemes projected was to settle 10,000 Palatines on the Rio de la Plata, in South America. A regiment would have been necessary to protect them, however, and the calcu- lated expense of over 2.00,000 pounds was prohibitive. Another project called for a settlement in the Canary Islands. The proposer did not mention that the Spaniards were to be driven out, but as they were an obstacle, this project was not given consideration. 134 128 C. C. iyo8-iyo(), 370. 129 P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 56 ii, 64, 68, 69. 130 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 158. 131 P. R. O., C. O. 84/131, 480. 132 Ibid., 300; Eccles. Rec, III, 1738. 133 Ibid., 444. "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1789. 134 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 75 The Board of Trade received a proposal from the Society of London for Mines Royal to employ the strongest of the Palatines in the silver and copper mines of Penlyn and Merion- ethshire, Wales. 135 The merchants of Bedford and Barnstable, concerned in the Newfoundland fishery, offered to employ 500 Palatines in their industry. 136 A project for settling some of them in Herefordshire and Gloucestershire, proposed by the Marquis of Kent, Lord Chamberlain, was also considered by the Board of Trade. The last project, it was found, would entail a cost of 150,000 pounds, if all were settled at the pro- posed rate; hence it was abandoned. 137 A proposal was also made for repeopling with Palatines the islands of Nevis and St. Christopher in the West Indies, which had recently been attacked by the French. 138 Colonel Daniel Parke, Governor of the Leeward Islands, who made the suggestion, was sorely provoked with Sunderland because it was not accepted. 139 An attempt was then made to settle the Palatines through- out England by offering three pounds per head to the parishes which would be willing to receive them, the government to pay the expense of sending them to the respective places. 140 The bounty was taken in some instances and the immigrants, finding themselves uncared for, returned to London again. Some of their experiences are interesting. One Palatine, who had been a hunter, was, to his great disgust, required to take care of swine. Sixteen families were sent to the town of Sun- derland, near Newcastle in Yorkshire. They expected grants of land, but were made day laborers. Another group was given a half pound of bread a day per person, a pound of salt a week, 135 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 41, 41, 47; C. C. 1708-1709, 307, 312., 370. 136 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 496. 137 H. S. P., Jour. B. T., XXI, 138; B. T. Jour. 1708-1704, 44, 47; C. C. 1708-1709, 343, 360. 138 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 42.0, 4x1, 454. 139 C. C. 1710-1711, 96. 140 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 60; Verney MSS. (Hist. MSS. Cow., 7th Report, Appendix), 507. jG THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION but no meat or vegetables. 141 Many of the Palatines, too poor to return or for other reasons, probably stayed. The plan to locate the Palatines in England was earnestly attempted. Sunderland wrote a letter, among many others, to the Mayor of Canterbury, asking him to receive and permanently locate some of them. This letter, referred to the town magistrates, was answered by the observation that they could not comply with the request, as their own poor were a heavy burden. 142 Liverpool received 130 but they drifted away as soon as the government support had been exhausted. 143 The Justices of Peace of East Riding, Yorkshire, agreed to accept Palatines, but the authorities of Nottinghamshire regretted that they could do nothing to assist them. 144 Some Palatines were also settled in Chester. 145 Captain Thomas Ekines of the English Navy came forward with a proposal that 600 of the Palatines, about 150 families, should be settled in the Scilly Islands, 146 a small group off the southwest coast of England. Sunderland thought well of the project, and on September 2.1st and October 2., 1709, two trans- ports were sent down the Thames with 450 Palatines on board, well provisioned and supplied. 147 The inhabitants of the Island of Scilly, learning of the venture, protested that they could not earn a living themselves on that meager haven, and so these people were never sent to their destination, but after remaining on shipboard three entire months, were again set on shore on December 30th of the same year. They eventually 141 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 111. 142 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 87; S. P. 34/13, June 17, 1709; B. T. Jour. i 7 oS- 1714, 3 X 4- 143 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 155; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, no. 144 P. R. O., S. P. D. 34/11, 47, 60. 145 Corporation of City of Chester MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 395. 146 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 13th Report, Appendix), II, 107. 147 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 151, 161, 168, 188. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 77 found their way back to Blackheath. The cost of this miser- able failure was some 1,500 pounds. 148 A merchant was reported to have made a contract to send 500 families to Barbados. 149 It does not seem to have been carried out, but 500 Palatines were settled in the Bahama Islands in 1717. 150 It is not clear however that they were part of the 1709 immigration. In 172.2., Charles Carrington, of New Providence, describing Nassau to the Board of Trade, wrote, "about 14 miles west of Nassau is Palatyne town, in- habited by Palatines, an indolent, laizy tribe and good for little." 151 On the other hand, when Governor Phemey wrote to Lord Cartaret in 172.3, he said, 'The remaining Palatines are now by my assistance in a very flourishing condition. . . . They are a very industrious people and I could wish for a great many more of them." 152 Several proposals were made to the Board of Trade to settle some Palatines in Jamaica. These were very seriously considered, 153 but the ambitious plans drawn up proved to be too costly, and the climate was adjudged too warm for the emigrants. It does not appear that any settlement of importance was made, 154 although a few Palatines may have been sent there. Luttrell noted, August 3, 1710, that, "Letters from Jamacia tell us that the Palatines designed for that place are safely arrived there, and disposed of to the advantage of that island." 155 A contemporary ac- count reads that those of 16 families sent to Sunderland, who 1H c.;., xvi, 598. 149 The State of the Palatines, 8. 150 C. C. 1717-1718, 19. 151 P. R. O., C. O. 2.3 /z, 75; C. C. 1722-172^ 60. 152 P. R. O., C. O. 2.3/13, 147. 153 P. R. O., C. O. 137/8, 451; C. O. 5/908, 76; C. C. i 7 o8~i 7 q 9 , 657-872. ■passim; C. C. 1710-1711, 53, 58. 154 C. C. 1710-1711, 144; C. C. 1716-1717, 337. 155 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 613; also see 4xx, 454, 455. Luttrell may be con- fusing Jamaica with New York as even the continental colonies were often loosely referred to as the West Indies. 78 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION had tried to run away in the night, were sent finally to Jamaica as slaves. 156 Disappointed and disillusioned, 150 of the able-bodied young men enlisted in the British army and were sent to serve in Lord Galloway's regiment then on duty in Portugal, 157 and some 18 or more apparently enlisted in Lord Hay's regiment, according to Luttrell. 158 We are told that 32.2. entered the military service and that 141 children were "purchased by the English," which means most probably that they were ap- prenticed perhaps for a price. 159 At least 56 of the young people became domestic servants. 160 The large number of Catholics in the Palatine immigration has been mentioned before, but it will be remembered that the Queen was saving only 'poor German Protestants.' The Catholic Palatines in London, and in Rotterdam, awaiting transportation, were given their choice of becoming 'poor Protestants" to be saved by the Queen, or of returning to their homes along the Rhine. 161 Many of the Germans were devout people, as the contemporary accounts indicate, yet some found it convenient to change their religion. 162 Those who refused were ordered to return to Germany. 163 About September 6, 1714, several thousand Catholic Palatines, preparing to go 156 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, no. 157 Eccles. Rec, III, 183 1. 158 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 494. 159 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, nx. 160 Ibid. 161 Simmendinger Qop. cit., 3) stated "Catholischer Religion/ehe sie auf der Konigen Anmuthen ihren Glauben changiren woken/ wieder nach Hauss umgekehret. Dieser Catholischen Ruck=Reise aber/offnete uns in Roterdam iiber 5. wochen lang still gelegenen Reisenden/den Passnach Engelland . . .;" Boyer, Annals (1709), 168. 162 ' ' Several of the poor Palatines who came lately over, and were papists, have renounced that religion, and more of them 'tis expected will doe the like." (August 6, 1709), Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 473. 163 "The Papish Palatines who came hither are ordered to goe home, having passports for the same." (September 15, 1709), Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 489. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 79 home again, petitioned the Queen. They said they had been encouraged to leave their homes, having a promise for the free exercise of religion, which was now denied them. Accord- ingly, they requested the Queen out of her goodness and justice to pay their expenses home. 164 Their request was granted. Records show that more than 2.,ooo were returned, and the costs were paid by the government. 165 A sad commentary must be made upon an incident which occurred on August 17, 1709. Secretary of State Boyle wrote to the Secretary of War, Sir Robert Walpole, that the resolutions of the commissioners for returning the Palatines to Germany had been laid before the Queen. She ordered that "you do take care, that some commission officer do go among the Palatines and try whether any of the Papists will enter into Her Majesty's service in Portugal." 166 Although the Papists were not welcome to stay in England, they were quite acceptable in Her Majesty's armed forces. In the midst of all the flurry and confusion attendant on the distribution and settlement of the Palatines, Secretary Sunderland learned to his disgust that the Board of Trade could not meet, since a majority of its members were out of town. So, on October 5, 1709, orders were issued commanding their immediate return to consider "matters of moment which require despatch.' Two weeks later, on the 19th, a standing order was sent to the Board of Trade, requiring them to have a quorum of members in con- stant attendance. 167 To say the least, this is an interesting example of the inefficiency of British colonial officialdom in the eighteenth century. 164 Doble, op. cit., II, 446. 165 "Mr. Doben and Sir Thomas Janssen, concerning Palatines shipped off to Holland, some 1.000 and upwards, desire Mr. Dayrolle who is to prepare a list and may have orders to take care of supervising, and allowing 5 guilders a head, and deducting for such as do not appear." P. R. O., S. P. 11/36 (Sep- tember 16, 1709). 166 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, x6 7 . 167 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 156, 157. 80 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION In the crowded quarters and with meager sustenance, the Palatines had fallen prey to fevers and plagues. Death wrought havoc in their ranks in spite of their hardiness . It is not known how many died in their encampment at Blackheath and else- where in London, but the number must have been nearly a thousand. 168 With all reasonable calculations and deductions made, it seems probable that the descendants of several thou- sands of the Palatines are among the English population today. Now when the fruits of Penn's advertising campaign were finally ripening, where was Penn's proposal to take the Pala- tines off the hands of the government? Unfortunately, Penn was in no financial position to send the Palatines to his colony in 1709. He had suffered a nine months' imprisonment in 1708 for a 10,500 pound debt dishonestly claimed by former friends. 169 Penn was finally released from his debt to the Fords, but his expenses were heavy and his province was under mortgage to friends, who had aided him. Indeed for some years he had been negotiating with the British Ministry for the sale of his proprietorship. 170 This undoubtedly accounted for the small part taken by Penn in disposing of the Palatines in London in 1709. From the difficulties described in this chapter it should be evident that the British government did not plan for this large Palatine immigration in 1709. It prayed for immigration as a general blessing, but this avalanche of people was like a flood instead of rain. The government's strenuous efforts to stop the movement and the generous attitude it maintained stood in sharp contrast to the conduct of the proprietors of English 168 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 113; Goebel, "Briefe" in op. cit., 187. 169 Janney, op. cit., 508. The Board of Trade's efforts to settle in 1708 the Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary dispute were delayed by Penn "being under restraint." C. C. iyo6-iyo8, 711. 170 Ibid., 509, 52.2., 5x5. The colony was mortgaged for 6,600 pounds in 1708. Penn asked xo,ooo pounds of the British government for the surrender of his rights. P. R. O., C. O. 5/1x65, 108; C. C. 1720-1721. 108. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 8 1 colonies, who were largely responsible for the emigration. The proposals to settle the Palatines discussed so far were for the most part discarded in favor of more promising ventures. Proposals to send Palatines to Ireland, Carolina and New York were in the latter category, and the large bands of emigrants transported there justify special attention to their adventures. CHAPTER IV. THE IRELAND AND NORTH CAROLINA SETTLEMENTS Hard pressed by the problem of disposing of so many immigrants, the Ministry turned in all directions for suggestions. On July 7, 1709, the Council of Ireland, with Joseph Addison among them, proposed to the Queen that a number of Palatines be sent to Ireland to strengthen the Protestant cause there, 1 and late in August, 794 families were sent there. They were taken in wagons to Chester, where they embarked for Ireland. 2 The first groups landed between the 4th and the 7th of September, others came during October. In January, 1710, the total number of Palatines in Ireland was 3,073, of whom 1,898 were adults, and 1,175 were under fourteen years of age. 3 The transportation charges amounted to 3,498 pounds, 16 shillings and 6 pence. 4 A committee of ten Irish gentlemen, supporters of the Protestant cause, were organized as the Commissioners for Settling the Poor Distressed Palatines in Ireland. 5 On their arrival, the Palatines were temporarily lodged in Dublin and received for subsistence 18 pence a week for each person above fourteen years of age and 12. pence for each under that age. 6 1 Marlborough MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 47; B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 15. 2 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 474; The State of the Palatines, 7; P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 164, 2.65. 3 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 18, 2. 7 - Add. MSS. 17677 DDD, 141; Add. MSS. iiioz, 130; P. R. O., T. 1/119, 91; S. P. 44/107, Z97. 4 C. J., XVI, 596. The Commons Journal report is misleading in that it gives 3,800 as the total number of Palatines in Ireland. Greene, op. cit., 131, went to the other extreme in his statement that "a few Palatines were sent to Ireland but the great majority were sent to America." 5 B. M., Strafford Papers, Add. MSS. 2.2.2.01, 130. 6 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 18; P. R. O., T 1/119, 100, 104, 113. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 83 To finance the arrangements, the Crown appropriated 15,000 pounds of its revenues in Ireland to be paid in three years at 5,000 pounds a year. Early in 1710, an additional 9,000 pounds were set aside under similar arrangements. 7 Charitable collec- tions secured 409 pounds, 18 shillings and 6J4 pence more for the fund. 8 The appropriation of such sums of money by the government aroused the speculative interest of the Irish land- lords. Their Irish tenants did not possess a capital of 2.4 pounds per family of four, 9 neither did the Irish tenants have the financial backing of the Crown. As a result, the Palatines were distributed in lots varying in size from one family to 56 fami- lies. The 43 gentlemen, who became their landlords by a draw, were to settle the Palatines on their lands. The Commissioners wrote to them shortly thereafter to learn how they proposed to settle the families assigned to them and at what rates. As to the financial arrangements, the landlords were expected to give "a cheaper Bargain" than they gave others. The Commissioners suggested that the land- lords might agree to receive the customary proportion of corn towards the plowing and seed, which they were to furnish. For the other necessaries such as horse, cart and cows, the landlords were expected to be satisfied with one-third of the subsistence allowance, until the allowances could be secured in larger advances. 10 The Irish landlords were urged to con- sider the satisfaction in doing a generous Christian act, the security for themselves in settling so many Protestant families on their estates, and the contribution they would be making towards strengthening the Protestant interest and safety of 7 C. J. XVI, 596; Thomas Somerville, History of Great Britain during the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1798), 5x7. 8 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 18; Stair MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 2nd Report, Appendix), 131. 9 Palatine Pamphlet, no title, printed in Dublin by Andrew Crooke, 1710, 3, Harvard Library, gift of J. P. Morgan, hereafter cited as Crooke' s Pamphlet. This pamphlet is a general letter written by the Commissioners for Settling the Palatines to prospective landlords. 10 Ibid., 2.. 84 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION the country. 11 In concluding their letter to the Irish gentle- men, the Commissioners promised that should any Palatines refuse the contracts offered, they would be stricken off the list of those receiving Her Majesty's bounty. A declaration in "High Dutch" was to be distributed to this effect among the Palatines. 12 Arrangements were made and 533 families, composed of 2_, 098 men, women and children, were dispersed over the countryside. The Commissioners for Settling the Palatines assured the Lords Justices of Ireland early in 1710 that all care had been exercised in their settlement. Many of the landlords were said to have been at great charge to themselves in pro- viding habitations, firing and other conveniences for the Pala- tines. The lands set apart for the Palatines were assigned to them at easy rates, often a third less in rent than similar lands were let to other tenants. 13 Notwithstanding the kind entertainment the Palatines met with, to the professed surprise of the Commissioners many of the Palatines left their settlements, returned to Dublin, and took ship for England. In fact, 2.32. families had returned from Ireland to England by November 2.5, 1710, and in the next two months, 52. more families sailed for England in spite of attempts to stop them. 14 On February 15, 1711, only 188 of the 533 families distributed over the countryside were still on the lands allotted them. Over 300 of the families were in Dublin, where a great many of the men had been employed in the building of a government arsenal nearby. When the arsenal was completed, they lived on the royal allowance without apparently troubling to find employment. 15 11 Nicholas Tindal, Continuation of Mr. Rapin's History of England (5 th ed., London, 1763), XVII, i.i^\ Somerville, op. cit., 52.7. 12 Crooke's Pamphlet, 4. 13 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 11, 17. 11 A proposal was made to send those Palatines back to Holland, who returned from Ireland. P. R. O., S. P. 34/13, 14. 15 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 13, 18. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 85 Of those Palatines who left their settlements, many stole away without giving their landlords any notice. The Com- missioners reported, according to the best information they could get, the Palatines thought that the lands in Ireland were to be rent free. Many of them could not be persuaded to the contrary. The more turbulent Germans stirred up the others with stories of better treatment accorded to those Palatines still in England. A worthless fellow-countryman, who had lived in Ireland several years before, victimized the Palatines by pretending to act as an agent for them in London. Many of the Palatines, it appeared, intended to live on Her Majesty's allowance in Ireland till peace was made and then go back to Germany. 16 The Commissioners for Settling the Palatines in Ireland were not unprejudiced in their account of the Palatine in- gratitude. Over half of them had become landlords of the Palatines. They were interested parties in informing the Lords Justices that the Palatines had been well treated and gener- ously provided for. Three of the returning Palatines examined in London said that they left because of the hard usage they received from Commissary Hinch, Mr. Sweet (one of the landlords], and others. They charged that they had not re- ceived their subsistence. They claimed that after application to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, they received subsistence, but for one week only. They had even paid their own passage to England, although Mr. Hinch had offered them ten shil- lings each to leave Ireland. They corresponded with each other and met at Dublin for the return voyage. 17 It seems probable that a number of the Irish landlords were not above taking advantage of their Palatine tenants, who spoke another tongue and were in a somewhat hostile country. The native Irish tenants, Catholic in faith, were not inclined to welcome Protestants, who might secure their lands on more favorable terms and they seized every oppor- ™Ibid. y 19. 17 C./., XVI, 596. 86 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION tunity to abuse the Palatines. As no other arrangement seems to have been made, it appears probable that the Palatine allowances were turned over to the Irish gentlemen to dis- tribute to their tenants, and under such arrangements the Palatine tenants might receive very little of the allowance granted them. After all, it would be too much to expect a people such as these, with eyes on the New World and its golden promises, to be satisfied with even favorable terms among the meager opportunities of Ireland. It was none too prosperous for most Irishmen themselves. However that may be, the return of increasing numbers of the Palatines to England soon caused apprehension there in 1710. On the 10th of May, the Commissioners for the Palatines in England sent a representative, one Mr. Crockett, to Ireland to persuade the Palatines to remain while they drew their comfortable maintenance, but notwithstanding Mr. Crockett's good intentions and excellent abilities, he had little success. 18 The attempts to hold them in Ireland failed, because as Chief Justice Broderick said, neither the officials nor the landlords had power to stop the Palatines, who were a free people. 19 On one occasion, having boarded a ship to persuade a number of the Palatines not to return to England, Mr. Crockett was threatened and narrowly escaped being thrown into the sea. The Irish Commissioners even offered to transport to Hamburg those Palatines who desired to leave. They had no accep- tances. The Germans seized their first opportunity to steal away to England, still with the hope of settling in the English colonies in America. Consequently, the Irish Commissioners, having discussed the situation with Mr. Crockett, drew up a memorial on July 2.5th. This representation addressed to Thomas, Earl of Wharton, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, reviewed the futile attempts at settlement of the Palatines to that date, and recom- 18 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, ix; C. J. XVI, 596. »> C. J. XVI, 596. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 87 mended that the Crown allow 40 shillings a year to each Palatine family for twenty-one years. This was to be offered as an encouragement for them to stay in Ireland. The money remaining from the original appropriations would be neces- sary to provide cattle, household stuff, tools and subsistence until the Palatines should provide for themselves. 20 There the matter rested. On October 14, 1710, the Irish Commissioners requested the Lords Justices of that country to obtain Her Majesty's answer, since no reply to their proposal had been received. This inaction was due to the Ministerial Revolution, then taking place in England. Harley and his associates through intrigue were engaged in ousting the Whigs from office, and government affairs had to await the outcome of their machinations. Many officials were removed from office after the change of Ministry. The Earl of Wharton was re- placed by the Duke of Ormond as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 21 "Perfectly a stranger to the whole transaction,' Ormond requested from the Irish authorities a full report and opinion on the matter. 22 On December nth, the new Secretary of State, Dartmouth, issued an order to stop the continued return of Palatines from Ireland to England. The Commissioners for Settling the Palatines in Ireland drew up on February 15, 171 1, at the request of the Lords Justices, a detailed report of the Palatine affairs. On that day, 1,051 Palatines remained in Ireland. Of the original appropriation of 2.4,000 pounds for their support and settlement, 10,319 pounds was left but this sum, the Commissioners reckoned, would be exhausted by July 2., 1712.. They then repeated their proposal for the annual allowance of 40 shillings for twenty-one years, "which is intended towards the payment of the Rents they shall set under. . . . " 23 20 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 15. 21 Morgan, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710," in loc. cit., XXXVI, 109. 22 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 16. 23 Ibid.* 2.0. 88 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION The Irish Commissioners further requested that the Palatines be obliged to declare whether they would accept the arrangement or not. Those who would accept were im- mediately to enter into covenants as other tenants did with their landlords. Those who refused were to be sent to their own country or elsewhere at the first opportunity. Finally, the Commissioners had reports from the gentlemen who had retained several of the Palatines on their lands, that they would be obliged to return the Palatines to Dublin by March 15th, unless the 40 shillings per annum allowance were made. On the 2.8th of March, 1711, the English government approved the grant to each family of 40 shillings annually for seven years. It was estimated that 2.63 Palatine families of 978 per- sons still remained in Ireland then, but by the time the Irish Commissioners heard of the grant (August 11, 1712.) > n i ne more families had departed. With this additional support, the 2.54 families were all settled in the country. Near the close of September, 171 2., Sir Thomas Southwell sent 130 Palatine families down to his estate in the County of Limerick, 24 where ten other families had remained. Southwell rented them land at almost half of what it could bring, and supplied them with cash and other necessaries. It was stated in June, 171 4, when Southwell petitioned the king for 2.00 pounds due him, that had he not advanced the money, "the last ninety Families wou'd have left the Kingdom." 25 South- well expressed himself as reluctant to seize the possessions of the Palatines, but he would be compelled to do so unless the Crown reimbursed him. However, on September 1, 171 6, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland successfully supported Southwell's claims to the British Treasury for a Palatine debt, which had grown to 557 pounds. 26 24 They settled principally at Court Matrix, Killiheen, Ballingarrane and Pallaskenry, and then spread out to the locations given in Appendix I. 25 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 14. 26 Ibid., 15. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 8 9 Map of Southwestern Ireland, showing the Palatine Settlements in Limer- ick County. The borders of Limerick County are slightly shaded. Drawn by A. Cefola. The Palatines were reported as having employed them- selves very industriously in raising flax and hemp. At that time the Commissioners recommended that a minister be secured to read to them the liturgy of the Anglican Church, to which the Palatines readily conformed. The Commissioners further suggested that an agent who understood the German language be appointed to see that the Palatines were not mis- used by their landlords or by their Irish neighbors. 27 Since a number of the Germans received the sacrament within the time set, looking toward naturalization (under the law which had been repealed in 171 1), without taking through igno- rance the oath of allegiance required, the Commissioners recommended their case be presented to Parliament for remedy. 27 Ibid., 2.7. 90 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION The Palatines were favored by fortune with the accession of the Hanoverian George I to the British throne in 1714. Since his accession was a continuation of the precious Protes- tant succession to the throne, the government naturally was even more disposed to support the Protestant cause, especially in Catholic Ireland. Indeed, the "poor German Protestants" were likely to receive special favors from a king who was so German that he could not speak English. On June 15, 171 5, an order was issued to continue the 40-shilling grant to each Palatine family for the remainder of the seven-year term, ex- piring March 2.8, 1719. In addition, on August 12., 1718, the general annual allowance of 62.4 pounds was ordered to be continued for 14 more years on the expiration of the former grant. 28 Incidentally, this settlement of Palatines in Ireland was made against a background of distrust of the Irish Catholic population. Fear, that Ireland would be the base for an attempt on the part of the Stuart pretender James III to win back the throne of England, swayed the authorities. In Limerick, where the Palatines remaining in Ireland were eventually established, there had been a serious scare in 1702.. The Roman Catholics were rumored to be forming an army. As a result in the next year an act was passed by the Parliament of Ireland, expelling all Roman Catholic residents of Galway and Limer- ick, unless they gave sufficient assurance of allegiance to the Queen and her successors. 29 Similar rumors continued to haunt the authorities in the next ten years. Consequently, the introduction of Protestant settlers in Limerick County was particularly fortunate from the view-point of those in power. All those able to bear arms were enrolled in the Free Yeo- manry of the country and were known as 'The German Fusiliers" or 'True Blues.' Each man was supplied with a musket called a "Queen Anne" with which to protect him- 28 Ibid., xcj. 29 P. Fitzgerald and J. J. McGregor, The History of Limerick (Dublin, 1817), n > 455- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 91 self and his family. 30 At the same time an educational and religious program for conversion of the Irish Roman Catholics was seriously considered. 31 As late as 1758, the Palatines still had their separate settlements in Ireland. On the afternoon of February 2.3rd of that year, John Wesley "rode over to Court Mattress [Court Matrix], a colony of Germans, whose parents came out of the Palatinate fifty years ago. Twenty families settled here, twenty more at Killiheen, a mile off; fifty at Balligarane, about two miles eastward; and twenty at Pallas [Pallaskenry], four miles further." 32 In 1745 Wesley found the Palatines without pastors and completely demoralized but he soon remedied that condition. The Germans became staunch Methodists, which many of them still remain. In 1760, five or six families, including Philip Embury and his cousin Barbara Heck, came to New York. It was here in 1766 that Barbara helped found the Methodist Church of this country by in- sisting that cousin Philip preach against worldliness. 33 Arthur Young, in his Tour of Ireland, nearly 70 years after the settlement, found three villages of about 70 Palatine families. "For sometime after they settled they fed upon sour crout, but by degrees left it off, and took to potatoes. . . . Their industry goes so far, that jocular reports of its excess are spread: in a very pinching season, one of them yoked his wife against a horse, and went in that manner to work and finished a journey at plough. The industry of the women is a perfect contrast to the Irish ladies in the cabins, who cannot be per- suaded on any consideration, even to make hay, it not being the custom of the country. . . ," 34 30 William Crook, The Palatines in Ireland (London, 1866), 2.51. 31 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 2.1. 32 John Wesley, Works (1st Amer. ed., New York, 1831), IV, 3. 33 W. W. Sweet, Methodism in American History (New York, 1913), 54. 34 He was nevertheless of the opinion that the Palatines had done far less than the Irish peasant would have done if they had received half the en- couragement. Arthur Young, Tour in Ireland (Dublin, 1780), 76. <^1_ THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION As late as 1830, another traveler wrote that "The elders of the family preserve, in a great degree, the language, customs, and religion of their old country, but the younger mingle and marry with their Irish neighbors . . . they are at present, as regards both their customs and traditions, only a relic of the past; and yet one so strongly marked and so peculiar, that it will take a long time before all trace of the Fatherland is obliterated." 35 Johann Kohl in his Travels in Ireland in 184.x did not visit the settlements personally, but was informed in the neighborhood, that they could still be distinguished from the rest by the names of "Palatines." 36 But when William Beidelman, once Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, visited Ireland in the closing years of the nineteenth century, he found no trace of any German dialect in the Palatine neighborhoods in Limerick. The language had died out, only German names remained. Some of these had so changed as to make their origin scarcely recognizable. Mr. Beidelman found that the descendants of the Palatines had so intermarried with the Irish population, that their descendants were more Irish than German. 37 A visit to the area of Palatine settlements in Limerick County in 1934 confirmed much of this. Some Palatine de- scendants have forgotten their origin. One prominent descen- dant in replying to a question about German customs, countered with the query, 'Were the Palatines Germans?" It is esti- mated by various individuals of these so-called Palatines that about 700 of them are still living in Limerick County. 38 These 35 Robert Montgomery Martin, Ireland Before and After the Union ivith Great Britain (xnd. ed., London, 1848), 191. 36 Johann Georg Kohl, Travels in Ireland (London, 1844), 76. 37 William Beidelman, The Story of the Pennsylvania Germans (Easton, Pennsylvania, 1898), 73. 38 See the list of families in Appendix I. For much of this information I am particularly indebted to Mr. Julius Sheppard, a prominent Palatine of Ballingarrane with a particularly keen mind. I also must express my appreci- ation of the fine courtesy and help extended to me by the Methodist minister Reverend A. Reilly, of Adare, Limerick County, Irish Free State. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 93 estimates made independent of one another are remarkable for their general agreement. But it should be noted that many of the Palatines remaining are descendants of mixed unions, that is, with Irish and English in the last generation or two. The adult generation today is largely the ninth in Ireland. Still some are pure Palatine stock and their heavy cast Ger- man countenances can be distinguished from the population generally. Careful inquiry has established the complete loss of the German tongue as far back as the seventh generation in the country, that is, about i860. One Palatine nearly eighty years of age claims that his grandparents knew German, but this was rare. The same individual asserts that his grand- father died at the age of no. In fact, another Palatine's aunt, still alive (1935), counted 102. years of existence. Today there is no bad feeling or prejudice between the Irish and the Palatines, other than the general lack of sym- pathy between Catholic and Protestant. But the Palatines consider themselves Irish and the conclusion is evident that they have been assimilated thoroughly. However, this seems to have been accomplished only in the last three generations. Before that mixed marriages with the Irish were rare and Ger- man was probably still their language. In fact, one Palatine's parents were double first cousins, and this was considered rather common. Were there any truth in the prejudice against close marriages, these Palatine descendants should show degeneracy, but the healthy ruddy stock left with marked signs of longevity goes far to show otherwise, when the stock is good to begin with. On the other hand, there are at least two families showing marked feeble-mindedness. In more recent times, the prosperous Palatines are held in high regard in the county and many a native Irishman will ask his Pala- tine neighbor for his opinion of the price to be asked for his cattle at the county fair. It may be recalled that Arthur Young estimated the num- ber of the Palatines at 700 in 1776. It would seem that the 94 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Palatine population has not increased, but this is not true. As the native Irish generally have contributed to the population of the world, old and new, so have the 'Irish Palatines.' Many of the Palatines recall members of their families who emigrated 50 years ago or even more recently to Australia, Canada, United States (Boston, Chicago, New York, and even as far west as Oregon), and various parts of Ireland. This is particularly true of the Switzers, who may be found in various parts of Ireland, in Queens County and Dublin as well as in Limerick County. Here is a typical case. Alexander Jordon, Sr., a French Huguenot, married Mary Smith of Palatine descent. Of the eleven children which blessed that union, one is in New York, U. S. A., one in Reading, England, one in Brighton, England, three in Belfast, Ireland, one in West Africa, two in Limerick and two are dead. But the natural increase in population has been adversely affected, it is apparent, within the last two generations. Most of the Palatines can recall large families of a dozen or more children, one in fact of two dozen, 17 of whom lived to adult- hood. But small families are the rule today. One Palatine, of the ninth generation had two children himself; he was one of four children but his grandparents on his father's side had 13. Of course, inquiries were out of order, but the inference was obvious from certain remarks that the small families were a matter of choice, rather than due to any decline in the fertility of the stock. It should be remembered in this connection that it has been in these last few generations that mixed marriages with the Irish and other stock have become common rather than exceptional. These small families are probably not to be attributed to close in-breeding. Of German customs there are none. Sourcrout is unheard of and other Pennsylvania German customs have no foothold in Limerick County. That great quencher of German thirst, beer, is not popular and even the cider for which the district was noted some years ago has lost its popularity. I did notice THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 95 an old home-made cider press now resting after more than a century of use. John Wesley and his successors have done a thorough job. The Palatines are today a monument to the good influence of a strict but honest discipline. It must also be noted that some of the Palatines have become Catholic, and this is attributed by the Protestant clergy to the influence of the mixed marriages. I sought in vain for the remnant of a German custom. This failure to find one and the assimilation are to be explained largely by the fact that no further immi- gration of Germans took place. Here under adverse conditions, national antipathy in the beginning, religious hostility, and economic bitterness, assimilation was delayed for about a century and a half. But then it came fast and with surprising completeness. However, it is well to keep in mind that the Irish themselves have been fairly Anglicized too, at least, to adopting the English language. What is left, surprising as it may be, is a remnant of the manorial system set up by these Palatines. Early travelers have not commented upon this institution, and hence one is unprepared for a common with grazing rights and arable land rotating annually m use among the shareholders. These are not found among the Irish and are a survival of the first settlement of great interest. In both Court Matrix and Killi- heen, a town-land near it, is to be found a meadow for a field held in common. About thirteen families still hold rights in Court Matrix and about twelve in Killiheen. The number of cattle one can graze on the common depends upon the amount of land held in the arable land, and originally each share was eight acres and carried with it one or two "collop." A "collop" was grazing for one cow or two yearlings. Today over these commons there are ninety to a hundred cattle grazing. The arable land is rotated every year, the holders re- ceiving different lands until the whole parcel has passed com- pletely through their hands when they begin to repeat the order all over again. 96 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION •: ■ . . -, , ■ '■ " . Two Views of the Commons at Court Matrix, Ireland, showing the balks (in the right foreground) still used to separate the plots of land. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 97 One custom was still recalled. That was the custom of the Palatines of having their own Burgomaster, who judged their disputes. In later years he was known as "the King of the Palatines.' The last really to hold that title was James Teskey and that was over 60 years ago. Several have been re- ferred to since then by that title but apparently only in a facetious manner. Here again is proof that assimilation oc- curred about the middle of the nineteenth century, for only then would the Palatine descendants be ready to allow the natives to settle their affairs, that is, when they felt them- selves to be natives too. The Palatine woman is still the typical hard-working German frau, although she would not recognize the word. As one of my companions remarked somewhat derisively, "They would not think of having a maid, and do all the work them- selves.' Hard-working, whether in the household or in the field, they are helpmates to the core. They still pickle and preserve large quantities of fruits and vegetables, and in this they are the marvel of their neighbors. Their prosperity too is well recognized in the country. Frugality has concealed much of their wealth, but that which is evident is sufficient to excite the friendly envy of the Irish neighbors. One of them exclaimed, "I can't understand these Palatines. I work as hard as they do, but I can't keep up with them" financially. In the early days the Palatines planted their potatoes in plowed drills and plowed them out. They were thus able to use only one-third the dung used by the Irish, who planted their potatoes in four-row ridges with spades. The Palatine farmers appear to be the first to build silos in Ireland. These practices would seem to indicate that there was a sound personal basis for their prosperity aside from the government aid, though Arthur Young thought that these improvements were solely due to the fact that the Palatines were given long leases. 39 39 Young, op. cit., I, 178. 98 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Professor Cunningham was too severe when he quoted with apparent approval a parliamentary speech of 1748, "The poor Palatines . . . were found to have neither industry nor ingenuity." 40 When Professor Cunningham held that the Palatines were successful almost as much because of the terms on which "the land was leased as to any special character- istics among the settlers," 41 he was stating one view of the case. Not only were the government subsidies of great help, but they were also quite necessary under the uniformly un- friendly conditions. That important factor may be recognized without derogatory conclusions to the people of any nation- ality. What is now evident, is that the Palatine descendants have continued their prosperity and have won through even under adverse conditions so apparent in the Ireland of today. What is even more convincing, is the general approbrium and approval of the Palatine people held throughout Limerick County by other elements of the population. Turning to another large settlement of Palatines, we find that a party of Palatines was sent to North Carolina. The efforts of the Carolina Proprietors to populate their colony, culminating in the advertising pamphlet by Kocherthal, have been described, and it has been noticed that Kocherthal's account of Carolina was an important cause of the 1709 emi- gration. The Lords Proprietors of Carolina were, it seems, among the first to make proposals to the Board of Trade. As early as July 16, 1709, the Proprietors made "proposals to a committee of Council to take all the Palatines here from 15 years to 45 years old, and send them to their plantation; but her Majestie to be at the charge of transporting them, which will be above 10 pounds a head." 42 On July 2.8th, they ordered that the advertisement printed in the Gazette concerning the 40 William Cobbett, Parliamentary History of England (London, 1813), XIV, 139 hereafter cited as Parlia. Hist. 41 William Cunningham, Alien Immigrants in England (London, 1897), 150-153. 42 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 465. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 99 Palatine immigration, "be printed in High Dutch, for the use of the poor Palatines and the rest of the Germans." 43 On August nth, they proposed to give ioo acres of land for each man, woman and child, free from any quit-rent for ten years. After ten years, the quit-rent was to be one penny an acre annually. They offered to lease land to the Palatines for the term of three lives or ninety-nine years. 44 These were the same terms as offered in the small circular which was distributed among the Palatines while still in Rotterdam. These proposals had not been accepted when another group of promoters from Switzerland joined the Proprietors of Carolina in the project. A religious schism had split the town of Bern, and the party of Mennonites, or Anabaptists as they were known in England, were forced to emigrate. 45 They negotiated through a former citizen of Bern, Franz Louis Michel, with the proprietors of Pennsylvania and Carolina. Indeed, some arrangements for land in Pennsylvania had already been made. William Penn, a year later, on April 4, 1710, wrote to Lord Townshend at the Hague asking him to aid in the free passage through Holland of a company of 50 or 60 Switzers under one "Mitchell," who had contracted with him for lands. 46 Michel was also interested in developing silver mines in the colonies. He enlisted in the latter enterprise Christopher von Graffenned, of an aristocratic family of Bern, a man of pleasing personality, but burdened with debt. The mining project appealed to him as a means of building up his fortune and in 1708, he secretly left Switzerland, having engaged a small party of miners to follow him on his call. 47 According- 43 "List and abstracts of documents relating to South Carolina [also North Carolina] now existing in State Paper Office, London," in S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll. (Charleston, South Carolina, 1857), I, 179. 44 C. C. ijo8-ijo(), 445. 45 The Mennonites were the followers of Menno Simons, an earlv Dutch Anabaptist. 46 Townshend MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., nth Report, Appendix), 63. 47 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 12.3. IOO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ly, in 1709 Graffenried was in London awaiting the develop- ment of his mining plans. The delays were annoying. His partner, Louis Michel, was occupied with negotiations for the Swiss settlements. On April 2.8th, Graffenried came to an agreement with the Proprietors of Carolina, for the purchase of 10,000 acres of land 48 on or between the Neuse and Cape Fear Rivers or their branches in North Carolina. The purchase price was 10 pounds for each thousand acres. It was further agreed that 100,000 acres were to be reserved to the company for 12. years, if they desired to purchase additional land. The terms were to be at the above mentioned rate, provided the land was taken up within seven years. After that period, the company would have to pay according to the custom prevail- ing there. One member of the company was to be made a Landgrave, and was to purchase 5,000 acres at the customary quit-rent. 49 By July 14, 1709, Graffenried had joined with Michel in his settlement project, for on that date he and Michel explained to the Board of Trade their proposal to settle Swiss Protestants in Virginia. 50 The men and women of the 1709 Palatine immigration began to arrive, as already described, in large numbers early in May, and the British government was hard pressed to provide for them. At this juncture, English friends of Graffen- ried, some of high rank, advised him not to lose so favorable an opportunity to attain desirable settlers on his lands. He was assured that if he would take a considerable number of the Palatines to America, the Queen would not only grant him the money for their passage, but in addition would make a good contribution for them. The good contribution as a matter of fact amounted to almost 4,000 pounds. 51 Consequently, Graffenried hastened to conclude his ar- 48 C. C. 1708-17 09, 43Z, 443, 461. 49 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 707. 50 C. C. 1708-1709, 4x5. 51 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 1x4. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IOI rangements with the Proprietors of Carolina. He paid 50 pounds for 5,000 acres on August 4, 1709, and was made a landgrave. 52 On the 3rd of September, GrafFenried, Michel and the Proprietors entered into another arrangement. Under this agreement, 10,000 acres were granted to GrafFenried and his heirs, for the settlement of Palatines. 53 Michel, who was to purchase 35,000 acres, actually contented himself with one fourteenth of that area. 54 From these arrangements, it is ap- parent that the direction of the company's affairs had passed into the hands of GrafFenried. Late in September, 40 or 50 families of Palatines petitioned that they might be transported with the Swiss now going to North Carolina, 55 and on October 10th, the Commissioners for the Settling of the Palatines permitted GrafFenried and Michel to pick out 600 Palatines, about 92. families, to go to Carolina with them. They chose young, healthy and indus- trious people of various trades. On the 2.1st, 50 more persons were accepted. 56 Each emigrant received to shillings worth of clothes from the government, which also paid their passage, amounting to 5 pounds, 10 shillings each. 57 Preparations for the settlement in Carolina were now under way. The Lords Proprietors sent to Carolina two letters of instructions with regard to the Palatines. These were sent on September 2.2., 1709, the first letter being addressed to Christo- pher Gale, Receiver General of North Carolina. It directed him to supply "GrafFenried with such necessaries and pro- visions of ours for the poor Palatines at such rates as you received them, taking and forwarding his receipt for the same.' The Proprietors intended in this way to extend two years' credit to the new settlement. The second letter went to 52 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 717. 53 C. C. 1708-1709, 719. 54 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 718. 55 Acts Privy Council Col., II, 614. 56 Marlborough MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 47a. 57 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 986; Trinity College Hist. Pub., IV, 65. 102. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION the "Governor or President and Council and Assembly, of North Carolina." It may be taken as a statement of British colonization aims. The Proprietors stated, 'We being ex- treamly desireous that the good of our Province should by all means be promoted, and being sencible that nothing can more effectually contribute thereto than by encreasing the number of the inhabitants and planters, who by their labour and industry may occupy the soil and improve the produce thereof, we have therefore given all reasonable encouragement to some families of poor Palatines to come and settle amongst you, . . . we do earnestly recommend them to your care." 58 Graffenried, according to his own account, took great pains in preparing for the settlement in Carolina. A supply of all kinds of necessary tools was collected. Good food was provided for the voyage. Twelve Palatines were appointed foremen among the people and the whole group was placed under the supervision of three colonial officials bound for Carolina, the Chief Justice, the Surveyor General, and the Receiver General. When all arrangements had been made, Graffenried had the Commissioners for the Settling of the Palatines inspect the arrangements on the ships. Finally in January, 1710, the Palatines sailed for America, 59 Graffenried remaining in England to await the arrival of Michel with his Swiss Anabaptists. Because of rough winds and storms, the ships were driven off their course, and arrived in Virginia, thirteen weeks later. The Palatines were in poor condition. They were over- crowded, which contributed to the sickness and death of many on the voyage. They were unaccustomed to the salt food. When they finally landed, many could not restrain themselves; several died from drinking too much fresh water and overload- ing themselves with raw fruits. Others died of fever. The band had lost more than half its members before it was settled. 60 58 C. C. iyo8-ijo(}, 471. 69 Trinity College Hist. Pub., IV, 66. 60 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., izCi{tfi FACSIMILE OFA MAP OF THE lmCABTTEJ^ PARTS OF N. CAROLINA orf/tarcd by Ion Lavrson SutrrvorOtneral of Af-C- * 1V09 j* ~fo ZO 3° *" f Map of North Carolina, simplified and retouched to show the Palatine Settlement at New Bern in 1710. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 107 inserted here more than in summary: ist, My colonists owed me fidelity, obedience and respect, and I owed them protec- tion, zd. I was to furnish each family for the first year a cow and two swine and some utensils, reimbursement to be made after 3 years. 3d. I was to give to each family 300 acres of land and they were to give me for quit-rent two pence per acre, and I on the other hand was to be responsible for the 6 pence per 100 acres acknowledgment toward the Lords Proprie- tors." 70 This contract was feudal in character. All that was needed was to make its provisions hereditary upon the de- scendants of the settlers as the title of Landgrave was to be hereditary for Graffenried. That the latter actually exercised authority was evident, for he incurred the enmity of a Palatine blacksmith by sentencing him to a day's log-sawing for using foul language. Some of the Palatines rebelled and left the settlement. Before they could be brought to terms, the Tuscarora Indians made a serious attack on the white settle- ment. Despite Graffenried's fair treatment of the Indians, New Bern was subject to Indian attacks in the war which suddenly broke out in 171 1. Houses were burned, household furniture destroyed, cattle were shot down and about seventy Palatines were murdered and captured. 71 Graffenried himself narrowly escaped a horrible death, when he and Lawson, the Surveyor- General, were captured. They were liberated temporarily, but Lawson insisted on quarreling with one of the Indian chiefs. As a result, they were both condemned to die. Graffenried saved himself by claiming an exemption as "King of the Palatines." 72 His claim was allowed, but Lawson was tor- tured to death. Before his release in October, Graffenried was forced to arrange a treaty of neutrality for the Palatines in case of war between the Tuscororas and the English. 73 It came too late however, for all the splendid promise of the settle- 70 Ibid. t 69. 71 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 9x7 et seq.; Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 82.. 72 Ibid., I, 991. 73 Ibid. y I, 935. 108 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION merit was brought to naught by that first attack of the sav- ages. The leaders of the settlement considered moving to Virginia or Maryland. GrafTenried set out by water to get aid from the governor of Virginia. A sloop was loaded there with provisions and military supplies with the help of a prominent colonist, Colonel Pollock, but the sloop never reached New Bern, for due to carelessness it caught fire, resulting in the total loss of the supplies. A larger sloop or brigantine was sent after much delay. The end of the Indian troubles brought the Germans little relief. GrafTenried exercised one of the rights of a lord over his dependent tenants and permitted the settlers to leave the settlement for two years to work for the English planters. His partner Michel duped him concerning the silver mines he had supposedly found in Pennsylvania. Heavily in debt, Graffen- ried's creditors, including Pollock, became impatient. His slaves were taken and held for their master's debts and almost penniless, his settlement in need, the mining project an illusion, his partner faithless, GrafFenried retired to Virginia on September 2.0, 1712.. There he remained until spring among his friends, trying to get help. On Easter, April 16, 1713, he began his return to England by way of New York. He reached London about September 13th. 74 In London, GrafFenried could obtain no help. Neither the British government nor the Lords Proprietors were inclined to risk any money. A disappointed GrafTenried could explain it later only by the deaths of the Queen and the Duke of Beaufort, one of the Carolina Proprietors, which had occurred on August 1 st and July 2.5th respectively in 1714, while he was in Bern. 75 The party of miners, however, for whom GrafTenried had arranged in 1709, were awaiting him in London. Under J. Justin Albrecht some 40 miners had set out from Germany with naive faith in the good fortune awaiting them in America after securing passage there from London. 74 Ibid., II, 58. 75 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 94, Z57. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IO9 Graffenried had written to them from Carolina, relating the all-too-evident uncertainties, among which was the fact that no mines had yet been discovered. But he was himself so wrapped in hope that he was ill-fitted to write counsels of prudence; he had advised the chief miner and a few others to come for a reconnaissance, if they felt disposed. Accordingly, Albrecht had gathered his company together and had managed to reach London. 76 Hard pressed himself, Graffenried did the best he could for the miners, who refused to turn back. Finally, he found two merchants trading to Virginia, who agreed to advance the transportation and subsistence of these Germans above what they possessed, provided Governor Spotswood of Virginia would accept them and pay the ship captain the amount due him. As the governor had recommended Graffenried to a Colonel Blankistore with regard to mines in that colony, this recommendation was used to forward the arrangement. In April, 1714, the miners arrived in Virginia, where they were well received by Spotswood and founded the settlement of Germanna on the Rapidan River, a branch of the Rappahan- nock. For the governor they built and operated iron works about 10 miles northeast of the present town of Fredericks- burg. 77 Graffenried remained in England only 4 or 5 weeks and then began his journey home, reaching his family in Bern, November n, 171 3 . The members of the Bern Company refused to carry out the agreement. Graffenried was too poor to sue for breach of contract. He tried but failed to interest others in the project, and finally he had to abandon his colony. 78 Before he departed from Carolina, Graffenried had assigned the Palatines' land to Colonel Pollock as security for the loans previously extended to him, though the land was probably 76 Ibid., 157. 77 Faust, op. cit., I, 178; William J. Hinke, "The First German Reformed Colony in Virginia," in Jour. Presbyterian Hist. Soc. (Philadelphia, 1903), II. 78 Ibid., I, 94. IIO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION worth only 1.00 pounds, while the debt amounted to 700 pounds. On February 10, 171 5, Pollock wrote in to Graffenried at Bern, asking him to pay 700 pounds at London and keep the title to the land he had taken up. 79 Pollock wrote a severely critical fashion but to no avail. 80 In Graffenried's own account of the failure the accusations are so universal as to raise the presumption that he too was remiss. At least, he did not deal fairly with the Palatines, who never secured titles to the land they had taken up with him. The Palatines at New Bern had in the meanwhile managed to survive. On November 6, 1714, they petitioned the Council, stating that they were unprovided with the lands, stock and other necessaries promised them and that they were reduced to great want and poverty by the Indian war. They asked that they might be granted permission to take up 400 acres of land for each family at the rate of 10 pounds per 1,000 acres, and be allowed two years to pay for it. 81 Nothing seems to have been done. On March 2.9, 1743, tne Palatines at New Bern requested titles for the land, but Cullen Pollock, the son of Thomas, produced his father's patent and the Palatines' petition was dismissed. 82 In 1747, another petition was drawn up by the Palatines. This was sent to the Privy Council Committee for Plantation Affairs and at length, on March 16, 1748, the government issued orders to Governor Johnston to give the settlers the equivalent of the lands of which they had been dispossessed in 1743, ^ ree of quit-rent for 10 years. The colonial assembly was to provide for the expenses of surveying and granting the titles. 83 This was done, and the Palatines were moved to the frontier. Meanwhile other Germans had begun to move into North Carolina from Pennsylvania following the natural highway of the Great Appalachian valley. By 1750, German immigrants had settled in the counties, Craven, Jones, Onslow and Duplin. 79 N. C. Col. Rec, II, 166. 80 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 97. 81 N. C. Col. Rec, II, 46. 82 Ibid., IV, 632. 83 Ibid., IV, 868, 873, 954, 967. CHAPTER V. THE BRITISH NAVAL STORES PROBLEM AND THE ORIGINS OF THE NEW YORK SETTLEMENT SCHEME About seven years before the 1709 Palatine immigration to Jl\ England, the British authorities began to have serious and continuous trouble with a foreign monopoly. This foreign monopoly, established by the Crown of Sweden, controlled the supply of naval stores, that is to say, tar and pitch. Naval stores as a general term includes masts, and ship timber of all kinds as well as tar, pitch, rosin and hemp, and even iron in some of its manufacture. Here the term will be used partic- ularly in referring to tar, pitch and other resinous products of the pine tree. England was well on her way to the undisputed empire of the sea, which she held after the War of the Spanish Succes- sion, 1 and she was in serious need of a reliable supply of naval stores. As there appeared to be no other source of supply for them in sufficient quantities, the Swedes determined to make the most of their advantage and charged exorbitant prices; this was especially true in the first two periods of the Second Hundred Years' War. During both the War of the League of Augsburg (1 689-1 697) and the War of the Spanish Succession (1702.-1713) Swedish tar not only rose to profiteering prices but was obtainable only under other disadvantageous con- ditions. A brief history of the Swedish Tar Company, or Stockholm Tar Company as it was also known, is necessary to the proper understanding of the British naval stores problem. The first company was organized in 1654. Fourteen years of complaints against its irregular proceedings by both Eng- land and Holland followed. In 1668 bad management finally 1 A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History 1660-1783 (8th ed., Boston, 1894), n.4. 112. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION forced the first company's failure and the trade was open until 1671. The second company lasted only eight years. It was dis- solved in 1680 by the Crown, for its inefficient service to Sweden during the war with the Elector of Brandenburg. Sweden at this time was allied with France in the second war of conquest against Holland. The trade was once again free until 1689 when another group of merchants with influence at court secured the monopoly. 2 Having intimated in its petition that foreigners were enjoying the advantages of the trade in naval stores, the Stockholm Company hit directly at the freight carriers par excellence, the Dutch. It sold its commodities indifferently to all nations except to Holland. To that country, the company reserved for itself the right to export, and it sold there at such high prices that the Dutch began to encourage the manufac- ture of naval stores in Muscovy and Norway. The result was a large quantity of Swedish tar, constantly on hand, which had to be offered at reasonable prices. The greatest objection of the contemporary English econo- mists of the seventeenth century to the traffic in naval stores was that most of this trade had been carried in the ship- bottoms of other countries. Sir Josiah Child, in his famous mercantilist work, The New Discourse on Trade,* devoted several pages to a discussion of this phase of the Baltic trade. Two hundred Baltic ships were coming to England and yet not one English ship had been built for the Baltic trade between 165 1 and 1668. From 1697 to 1700 only half the Baltic trade was carried in English bottoms, and in the case of Norway, "from Michaelmas [September 2.9], 1691 to Mich'as 1696, there were entered on the Customs House at London 1,070 foreign ships from those parts and but 39 English." 4 "P.R.O..C.O. 5/3, 37 ii. 3 Sir Josiah Child, New Discourse on Trade (1693 ed.), 83, 93, 94, 143, 157. The first edition appeared in 1691. 4 R. G. Albion, Forests and Sea Power (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1916), 158. This is a scholarly treatment of the timber problem in supplying naval stores for H. M. Royal Navy. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II3 The interest of the English in securing this trade then, was in the freight as well as in the security of the naval stores supply. Dr. Albion quotes an Englishman as saying, "Freight is the most important raw material which we possess." 5 One writer expressed it, "Losing that trade was putting a number of ships out of employment, and, consequently, paying our neighbors for work, while our people were unemployed." 6 In addition to these considerations, about 1680, a duty of over fifty per cent, had been laid on English woolens by Charles XII and by 1700 English merchants had been virtually forced out of the Swedish dominions by a series of harsh discrimi- nations . Professor Cunningham puts ' ' the cart before the horse when he states, "Eventually the Government adopted the policy of looking to our plantations in North America for the supplies of timber and naval stores, which were needed to supplement British deficiencies, so that less care was taken to foster the Baltic trade, while a decrease in the demand for English cloth contributed to their decline." 7 In reality, as Professor Albion shows, the Baltic trade, having been closed to the English merchants, brought the unfavorable state of affairs to a head and resulted in decisive action to remedy the situation. 8 As a result of the Swedish tariff, England exported to Sweden much less than she imported from there, the balance of trade being unfavorable to her to the extent of more than 2.00,000 pounds annually. 9 From 1697 to 1700, the average adverse balance for England in the trade with Norway and Denmark was 36,672. pounds; with the East Country, 154,539 pounds; and with Russia, 53,368 pounds. 10 This situation, in 6 Ibid., 158. 6 Quoted by E. L. Lord, Industrial Experiments in the British Colonies of North America (Baltimore, 1898), 56. 7 William Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry and Commerce (Cambridge, England, i5)i2.)> H> 2 -3^- 8 Albion, op. cit., 159. 9 Osgood, op. cit., I, 495. 10 Macpherson, op. cit., II, 719. 114 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION an age controlled by principles of mercantilism, was con- sidered highly undesirable. 11 The Northern War (1700-17x1) between Sweden and Russia moreover changed the situation for the worse. The frequent Muscovite invasions of Finland, where the best and largest quantity of naval stores had been made, caused that province to fall very short in its deliveries. The limited supply was reflected in the Swedish rise in prices. The Tar Company's directors also seized the occasion not to sell tar or pitch for England unless it was loaded in ships belonging to them and at the freight rates demanded. In the years 1701 and 1702., the English merchants engaged in that trade were unable to secure the quantity needed by the Royal Navy. It was learned, however, to the anger of the British authorities, that France had received a quantity. 12 No de- ficiency was more embarrassing to England than this need of naval stores which a rival power could and did withhold from her at will. Early in 1703, the directors of the Swedish Tar Company announced that in the future they would not sell any more naval stores at Stockholm, no matter who wanted them or where they were to go. All tar and pitch was to be sent on the company's account and was to be purchased from its factors abroad. The commissioners of the British Navy sent many complaining letters on the subject to the proper authorities, 13 but protests and diplomatic representations failed to remove the determination of the Swedish merchants to sell in London only. 14 Finding a satisfactory agreement was impossible, the British envoy at Stockholm, Dr. Robinson, in 1703, suggested the development of the resources of the colonies in these com- 11 Cunningham, op. cit., II, 580-1, says that mercantilism aimed pri- marily at increasing relative national power through a process of maintain- ing population and the development of English resources, colonial and domestic, to make England self-sufficient. »P. R. O..C. O. 5 / 3 ,3 7 ii. » P. R. O., C. O. 388/11,76. "P. R. 0.,C. O. 5/3, 37 ii- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II5 modities, even though it might cost a third more to bring them across the ocean. This was in harmony with the prin- ciples of mercantilism and had great weight in determining the ministerial policy. 15 The British government was not entirely ignorant of the resources of America in these respects. The letters of Edward Randolph, Surveyor General of Customs in America, sub- sequent to 1 691, referred to the resources of the colonies in general in pitch, tar, rosin and hemp, as well as in timber for ships. In 1698, he had observed in New York "abundance of tar brought down Hudson river to be sold at New York." 16 Beginning about 1687, the growing interest in the possibility of securing England's badly needed naval stores from her American colonies had been apparent in the effort of a number of merchants to secure charters of incorporation for their production. Efforts were also made by individuals or associa- tions of merchants who wished to undertake their importa- tion under contract with the government. Sir Matthew Dudley made a proposal of this kind in 1688 and again in 1702.. 17 Although the organization of a joint stock company was dis- couraged by governmental requirements, 18 the government itself was not indifferent to the importance of imperial de- velopment along these lines. 19 The Treasury Board and others began to seek comparisons between the cost of the continental supply and the probable 15 Osgood, op. cit., I, 495; Lord, op. cit., 57 et seq. See also the compre- hensive Report of Board of Trade to the Queen (Feb. 14, 1710), C. C. ijio- 1711, 45 et seq. Justin Williams, State Teachers College, River Falls, Wiscon- sin, has pointed out the influence of the crisis in 1701-1703 in determining the bounty policy in his manuscript "English Mercantilism and Carolina Naval Stores, 1705-1776," which it has been the author's privilege to read. 16 C. C. 1699, 106. 17 C. C. 1693-1696, 197; Osgood, op. cit., I, 497. 18 A statute of 1697 (8 and 9 William III, C. 10 and 32.) restricted the number of stockholders in any company to 100 in order to limit speculation in shares. The government itself in making contracts usually required that security should be offered for the performance of the agreement. 19 C. C. 1606-1697, 53; Lord, op. cit., 19. Il6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION cost of colonial naval stores. This was particularly true as soon as the first colonial war was under way. 20 Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New York, reported in August, 1693, that tar was produced there for 12. pounds per last, that is, per 12. barrels. The Navy Board considered that too high, since they usually contracted for it at the rate of 11 pounds, 12. shillings and 6 pence. They admitted, however, that due to the "loss of three of the Years Tarr Ships and the scarcity of it in Towne," they had to pay fully 13 pounds per last. A report in the Navy Office for January 30, 1694, showed that in 1693, pitch was 50%, tar 100%, and hemp about 30% higher than before the war (1689). References were also made during these years to the probable production of naval stores in the colonies in general, and particularly to the great resources of Carolina in this respect. 21 On January n, 1694, the Privy Council ordered that notice be given upon the Exchange that all proposals for the importa- tion of naval stores from the colonies would be considered with a view to give "all fitting encouragement to the under- takers." 22 Lists of specifications with blank columns for the insertion of bids were sent out. 23 The result of this activity was the acceptance by the King's Council, March 19, 1694, of a proposal made by Sir Henry Ashhurst and Sir Stephen Evance, who agreed to import a ship-load of naval stores, including timber from New England, provided the govern- ment would pay on sight their bills for cost, interest and other charges. They agreed to permit the King to make whatever allowance for their profit he thought their pains and hazard might deserve. 24 A Navy Board invoice of June 10, 1696, records the fulfillment of the contract. 25 20 P. R. O., C. O. 324/5, 317, 331, 340; C. C. 1695-1696, 2.2.6, 143. 21 C. C. 1 695-1 696, 509, 511; Osgood, op. cit., I, 496; Lord, op. cit., 5. 22 P. R. O., C. O. 3x4/5, 319; C. C. 1695-1696, 241. "P. R.O.,C. 0.314/5,339. 2 III, passim. 84 A similar proposal for the establishment of a royal town to be called Augusta and to be settled by the some 500 families for the manufacture of naval stores was made by Thomas Coran in 1713 and approved by the Board of Trade. C. C. 1712-1714, 22.2.; Miss E. L. Lord discusses the proposal, op. cit., 51 et sea. 85 C. C. 1697-1698, xi, 381, not 387 as noted on page xi; N. Y. Col. Docs., Ill, 817; W. T. Morgan, "The Five Nations and Queen Anne," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review (1916), XIII, 173 et seq.; A. H. Buffinton, "Albany Policy and Westward Extension," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review (1911), VIII, 348. 86 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-5, CLXXVI; N. Y. H. S., Hawks Trans., I, 2.2.8; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 174. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION I33 contribute much more to the security of his colony . . . [and] would be much more easily effected than the capture of Boston. . . ," 87 The New York frontier had not been materially strengthened by 1709. 88 The projected settlement to manufacture naval stores under government operation was a logical culmination of two press- ing difficulties or problems. The naval stores problem as out- lined immediately above could be solved by manufacturing in the colonies, if cheap labor could be provided. In 1709 the government was urgently looking for means to employ the Palatines who were encamped round about London at heavy expense to the government. The settlement appeared to be an answer to both problems. The scheme itself grew out of a plan, which was originally made for a settlement of Scots, and then revised for a stock company. The Ministry preferred to have the government attempt to regain some of this expenditure in behalf of the Palatines, especially since even under private operations subsidies were demanded. An added incentive was the need for the development in the northern colonies of a staple desirable to England to pay for more English manu- factures, for at the turn of the century New York exported to England only 2.7,567 pounds worth of goods to 356,0x4 pounds worth for Barbados. 89 Indeed, a most illuminating recent study emphasizes this reason as the decisive consideration in moti- vating the naval stores policy. 90 Also the New York frontier 87 P. F. X. de Charlevoix, History of New France (London, 1901, J. G. Shea, trans.), V, 70; See also Morgan, "Five Nations," in loc. cit., 169, et seq. 88 Peter Wraxall, Abridgment of Indian Affairs (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1915, C. H. Mcllwain, ed.), 61 et seq.; C. C. 1J08-1J09, 316. 89 H. S. P., B. T. Plant. General, IX, 39. Also see N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 616. 90 C. P. Nettels, The Money Supply of the American Colonies before ijzo (Madison, Wisconsin, 1934), 155, 156. Chapter V is particularly effective in its treatment of colonial naval stores as a colonial return for English manu- factures. Professor Nettels corrects Beer's interpretation of English policy as mainly concerned with the colonies as a source of raw materials, empha- sized instead the prime consideration of markets for English goods. English mercantilism wanted the colonies, as Professor Nettels puts it, to buy English goods, paying with products the English needed, and using English shipping. 134 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION had to be strengthened, and too, the colonial authorities were not averse to the Royal colony becoming more profitable. These factors led to the diversion of the Palatines who had emigrated with the intention of settling in Pennsylvania or Carolina. On January n, 1710, the Board of Trade received Sunder- land's letter inclosing the Queen's approval of the proposal to settle the Palatines in New York. 91 On the 2.6th additional in- structions, relating to the Palatine settlement, were sent to Colonel Hunter. 92 Preparations were rapidly pushed forward, though much more slowly than Governor Hunter anticipated, for as will presently appear he did not sail as early in 1710 as he had expected. 91 B. T. Jour. 17 08-17 14, in. 92 C. C. 1710-1711, 13; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 160; P. R. O., C. O. 5/1x31, 3. CHAPTER VI. A GOVERNMENT REDEMPTIONER SYSTEM The preparations for the largest single emigration to America in the colonial period 1 were pushed forward with all possible speed. As related in the preceding chapter, Colonel Hunter personally gave the Board of Trade an account of the New York naval stores proposal on November 30th. At the same time he suggested the various requisites for the settle- ment. Four persons sufficiently instructed in the methods of making naval stores were to be sent along to teach the trade and supervise the work. Commissaries, clerks of stores, and other officers with sufficient funds would be needed. A number of cauldrons and other tar-making necessaries would have to be supplied in England. As the housing situation in New York appeared to be very uncertain and some time would elapse before the Palatines could build huts for themselves, it was suggested that at least 600 tents be sent. Since the prople were "to be planted on the Frontiers it will be absolutely necessary they be armed with 600 Firelocks & Bayonetts at least, from Her Majesty's Stores here, and a proportionable quantity of powder and shott . . . . " 2 A quantity of hemp seed was also to be taken along to provide immediate work in its sowing. The next day, December 1st, Hunter again appeared before the Board with several problems on the proposed settlement. On what lands were the Palatines to be planted? In what manner were the lands to be granted to them, and in what proportions and under what reservations? Would it not be advisable that the Palatines "be servants to the Crown for a 1 Karl Frederick Geiser, Redemptioners and Indentured Servants in the Colony and Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (New Haven, 1901), 1.^. 2 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 113. 136 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION certain Term, or at least 'till they have repaid the Expences the Crown is at in setting them to work, and subsisting them. . ?" 3 The governor estimated that twelve iron kettles, twelve ladles and tunnels to each kettle, would be sufficient for the tar-making. As for instructors in the trade, he remarked, 'There being no great Mystery in these manufactures, I believe Mr. Bridger with such as he can bring along with him, if ordered will be sufficient to instruct them. ' " The plan in simple form provided that the government was to transport and settle the Palatines in New York at its own expense. The Palatines were to make naval stores for the government in return for the money spent in their behalf. In their report of December 5th on Hunter's proposal, the Board of Trade appeared very optimistic. They observed, "that one man may make by his own labour six tunns 4 of these [naval] Stores in a Year; and we have been informed that a number of men assisting each other may in proportion make double that quantity; so that supposing 600 men be imployed in this work, they make produce 7000 Tuns of these goods a year, and if in time a greater quantity should be made there, than shall be consumed in your Majesty's Dominions, We hope the overplus may turn to a very beneficial Trade with Spain & Portugal." 5 They expected the government premium of four pounds per ton of tar imported from the colonies would cover the freight charge. The Commissioners sent over by the Navy Board in 1696 had reported that tar could be secured in New England at five pounds a ton. The Board therefore held that the tar to be manufactured by the Palatines might be sold as cheaply as that from the northern countries. Nevertheless, they concluded, "should the American Tarr be something Dearer, Yet it is the Interest of this Kingdom to have the same paid for in Woollen and other Manufactures from hence; 3 Ibid., 114; C. C. 1J08-1709, 540. 4 A tun contained eight barrels. 5 Doc. Hist., Ill, 640. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 37 whereas that from the Northern Crowns is bought with ready money.' The Board of Trade proposed that Mr. Bridger, Surveyor-General of Her Majesty's woods in America and at that time in New England for a period of four years, be ordered to repair to New York with three or four persons skilled in manufacturing naval stores. Annual salaries of 2.00 pounds in New York money were to be allowed to each. The officials, such as commissaries and clerks as outlined by Hunter, were also approved. To these the Board added a few others. Super- visors were to live among the Palatines, "to over-see and keep them at Work." 6 To handle the London end of the venture, an agent or factor was to be appointed by the government. His duties were to remit "such summs of money as your Majesty shall from time to time judge proper to be remitted to New York" for subsistence and to receive and sell all naval stores con- signed to him on account of the Palatines. The factor was then to dispose of the naval stores to the Commissioners of the Navy at the market price, or to other merchants if necessary. If purchased for the Navy the bills were to be made out in the usual manner. The factor was to be under the government's immediate orders, receiving the usual factorage fees for his services. After all expenses had been deducted, the profits were to be taken by the government as payment of the money expended in settling the Palatines in New York. 7 In their report the Board of Trade also tried to answer two of the questions propounded by Hunter. The question as to whether it would not be advisable to make the Palatines servants to the Crown for a certain Term' ' was not mentioned . As to the manner and terms of settlement, the Board thought that the Palatines might be planted in a body or in different settlements wherever the governor found it most proper. The 6 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 119. See Doc. Hist., Ill, 561 for a more detailed plan of Governor Hunter of a later date. 7 Ibid., 11.0; Doc. Hist., Ill, 642.. I38 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION governor was to grant without fee or reward forty acres per person to each family, after they had "repaid by the produce of their labour" the expenses of their settlement. The usual quit-rents were to commence and be payable seven years after the said grants. 8 The Board advised that the Palatines be "Encouraged to settle and work in partnership, that is 5 or more families to unite and Work in Common." In reply to the question as to the lands on which to settle the Palatines, the Board of Trade suggested the large tracts of land recently returned to the Crown, being the extravagant grants vacated by an Order in Council on June 2.6, 1708. 9 These lands in the Mohawk and Hudson Valleys of New York had been granted ten years earlier by Governor Fletcher, just before he had been replaced, to a number of colonial gentlemen, including Nicholas Bayard, Godfrey Dellius, Captain Evans and Caleb Heathcote, 10 whose brother was governor of the Bank of England. When late in the seventeenth century Lord Bellomont be- came governor of New York, he favored another faction of the landowning class. 11 On March 2., 1699, the New York assembly passed an "Act for vacating, breaking and annulling several Extravagant Grants of land made by Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, late Governor of the Province." Upon being referred to the colonial authorities in England, no immediate action was taken on the act, this being the usual slow manner of procedure. 12 When Viscount Cornbury became governor in 1702. the assembly suffered either a change of heart or political complexion, for on November 2.7th they passed an act, repeal- ing the above act together with several others. This likewise received no attention in England until July 2.9, 1707, when a Committee of the Privy Council recommended the approval 8 Doc. Hist., Ill, 639. 9 Eccles. Rec, III, i8ix; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117. 10 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117; Eccles. Rec, III, 1685. 11 C. C. 1698, 914. 12 Ibid., 483. " THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 39 of the first act and the disallowance of the later one. 13 The reasons why the Committee considered it "absolutely neces- sary the said grants be vacated" are indicative of the more active colonial policy and the awakened interest in the colonies as a source of naval stores. "A strong argument urged for vacating these grants is, that great Quantities of Masts and other timber fit for Naval Stores, grow upon the lands thus granted away, which cannot be Regained to the Benefit of the Crown, till the Grants are vacated.' That neither satisfactory rents nor other obligations to cultivate and improve the lands had been secured were other objections. Other reasons offered in justification of the annulment were the appeasement of the just claims of the Indians and the encouragement of further settlement. Consequently, a new policy was proposed of granting not more than 2_,ooo acres to any one person, and at an annual quit-rent of two shillings and six pence for every hundred acres. At least three acres for every fifty acres taken up had to be settled or cultivated within three years under penalty of forfeiture of the grant. 14 The vacating of the "Extravagant Grants" became a new threat to the land-owning class in colonial New York. Most of them had received their grants under similar conditions and circumstances. It was objected in the argument before the Board of Trade, that such pro- ceedings "would render the Properties of all lands uncertain and precarious.' Indeed such procedure might conceivably have bolstered up the governor's attempts to maintain the prerogative of the Crown. It was argued in 1707, "That if the power of Revoking grants be left to a Governor, Council and Assembly, the Governor may have the choice of so many of the Council, and have such an influence in having his own 13 Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1J20, 553. The annulment of the extrava- gant grants was approved in the same Order in Council which authorized the settlement of Kocherthal's Palatines in the colony of New York at public expense. 14 C. C. ijo6-ijo8, 513. 140 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Creatures returned to be of the Assembly, that he may at any time Act arbitrarily & unjustly in such Revocations.' Of course, the real obstacle to such a development was the im- possibility of securing an assembly in New York opposing its own class interests, that of the landed aristocracy. The larger landowners were acutely aware of the danger and their efforts to protect their holdings can be observed in Livingston's case and in the passage of the Naturalization Act of 171 5, as will appear later in our story. These "Extravagant Grants" had been the only land available in New York upon which to settle the new Palatine immigrants of 1708; for in that year, in its report on the settlement of Kocherthal's party, described in Chapter II, the Board of Trade urged the confirmation of the Vacating Act for that purpose. 15 That the Board should suggest these lands again for Hunter's scheme was to be expected. The lands in the Mohawk Valley and those in Schoharie were known to have an obstacle for transportation in the waterfalls at Cohoes. This defect was not considered any hindrance to settling the Palatines there, should there be no other more convenient site in the province. The selection of the site was distinctly left in the hands of the governor, Colonel Hunter. 16 The Board of Trade, having made no recommendation as to making the Palatines covenanted servants, was to hear further from Colonel Hunter on the subject. On December 19th, Secretary Sunderland wrote to the Board that Hunter had proposed a contract to hold the Palatines "from falling off from the employment designed for them, or being decoy'd into Proprietary Governments." 17 At the same time the Board received a draft of such a covenant from Hunter. This was referred to the Attorney-General, James Montague, for his 15 Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1720, II, 551. 16 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 118. See pictures of Cohoes Falls, Doc. Hist., Ill, 638. 17 H. S. P., Jour. B. T., XXI, 315; P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 186. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 141 opinion, 18 and on the 2.1st he returned it with a few corrections and additions. 19 This covenant was executed at Plymouth a few days before the Palatines sailed from England. 20 The covenant stated that in consideration of the large sums advanced by the government "toward the transporting, main- taining and settling" of the Palatines for their employment m the production of naval stores, the Palatines for themselves, their "heirs executors and administrators" contracted to settle on lands assigned to them by the government and con- tinue resident upon those lands. On no account or manner of pretense were the Palatines to quit or desert without leave of the governor. They agreed to employ their utmost power and that of their respective families in the "production and manu- facturing of all manner of naval stores. ' ' It was further agreed "that as soon as we shall have made good and repaid to her Majesty, her heirs and successors, out of the produce of our labors in the manufactures we are employed in, the full sum or sums of money in which we already are or shall become indebted to her Majesty," the governor shall grant "40 acres to each person free from all taxes, quit-rents or other manner of services for seven years." No time limit to the length of service was specified, but it is apparent that these Palatines were indentured servants of the British government and that they were to be employed m manufacturing naval stores until the profits had not only paid their expenses, but also repaid the Queen for their trans- portation and settlement. The Palatines seriously impaired their liberty of action, for they entered into contract to obey 18 C. C. ijo8~ijo9, 561; B. T. Jour. 1J08-1J14, 107. 19 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 144; B. M., Harleian MSS. 702.1, 2.79; in Eccles. Rec, III, 1814, the parentheses are the Attorney-General's additions. The deletions he made have been omitted. Line seventeen on page 181 5 should have parentheses before "without leave" and after "so doing and;" N. Y. Col. Docs., Y, 111 was taken from an Entry Book. It gives the additions of the Attorney-General in italics but carries the words deleted without any in- dication, as though they were parts of the document. 20 B. M., Harleian MSS. 70x1, 184. 142- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION the governor and work for the government until it was repaid. This is a unique example of a governmental redemptioner migration. On the nth of December, Hunter pressed Secretary Sunderland to secure for the use of the Palatines the 600 tents and 600 firelocks with bayonets and ammunition necessary "upon account of their being to be planted on the Frontiers, where they will be much exposed if unarmed.' The next day Sunderland wrote to the Duke of Marlborough, the Master- General of Ordnance, requesting him at the Queen's command to secure an estimate of the cost from the Board of Ordnance. Perhaps the fact that he was the Duke's son-in-law permitted his personal desires being stated for he wrote in addition to the Queen's commands, "These poor people being now upon their Departure it is necessary no time should be lost, where- fore I desire your Grace will direct this Ace 1 to be sent as soon as may be." 21 On the 17th, the Board of Ordnance wrote to the Duke that at Sunderland's request, they had made an estimate of the supplies. The cost was 1,479 pounds and 11. shillings sterling. They stated at the same time that they had not yet received the 913 pounds due for the loss and damage of the tents for the Palatines encamped on Blackheath and Cam- berwell. 22 In fact, 9,348 pounds worth of supplies had been laid out by the Ordnance department without parliamentary provision for the same. The equipment was ordered for the Palatines. 23 The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, a voluntary missionary organization, had troubled itself with finding a suitable minister for the Palatines. 24 The Bishop of London had concluded a letter of December 9th to Mr. Chamberlaine, the Secretary of the Society, "Dutch Minister I have none for the Palatines, neither know I where 21 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 177, 2.2.1-. 22 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 185. 23 Cat. Treas. Papers 1J08-1J14, 148. 24 Eccles. Rec, III, 1718, 1811. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 43 to find any." 25 Several of the Palatines petitioned the Society to retain one John Frederick Haeger in this capacity. 26 Upon Reverend Haeger's agreeing to Anglican ordination by the Bishop of London, he was appointed by the Society at an annual salary of fifty pounds, with the usual fifteen pounds in addition, allowed him for books. 27 The Society for the Propa- gation of the Gospel was interested in the spread of the Anglican faith, and in this respect, it was an important factor in the attempts to assimilate the Germans. On December 2.1st, Hunter made arrangements with the Lord Treasurer for the remittance to New York of 8,000 pounds sterling for the Palatine settlement. 28 John Raynor, Attorney-General to New York, requested that the arrears of his salary be paid out of the quit-rent fund, since he would suffer a great loss in fees due to the grants of land to be made to the Palatines without fees. 29 Meanwhile, Mr. Henry Bendysh, who acted as secretary to the Commissioners for Collecting for and Settling of the Palatines, 30 had made the necessary arrangements for trans- portation, as related in Chapter V. On December 17th, he informed Godolphin, the Lord High Treasurer, that he had executed charter-parties with commanders and owners of ships to carry about 3,300 Palatines to New York at five pounds, ten shillings per head. 31 This was a low rate, indeed, since Luttrell had noted that transportation to Carolina was above ten pounds, 32 and Bohme had specified seven pounds as the price of passage to Pennsylvania or Carolina. 33 The charges 25 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts MS., 82., hereafter cited as S. P. G. MSS. 26 Eccles. Rec, III, 1813. 27 Ibid., 1 8 17. 2S Cal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 150. 29 C. C. 1710-1711, 37. 30 For his services Bendysh later received 1,000 pounds. Cal. Treas. Papers 1714-1719, 114. 31 Ibid., 17 08-17 14, x 49- 32 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 465. 33 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 11. 144 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION for transportation were to amount to between 18,000 and 19,000 pounds sterling besides demurrage, a compensation for delay above the time agreed upon. 34 The captains and their owners agreed to have their ships ready to take the Palatines and their goods on board between the 15th and 19th of De- cember. They agreed to be at the buoy of the Nore about fifty miles from London on or before the 2_nd of January, wind and weather permitting. Mr. Bendysh on his part agreed to have a convoy at that time and place to proceed "without Stopping at any Port or Place in England.' The demurrage due, upon failure to observe these conditions, was at the rate of eleven shillings and six pence per ton per month for the ships, and six pence per day for each Palatine. 35 The ten ships were in the Thames at the specified time. The Palatines were taken on board, but when seven of the ten ships reached the Nore on the 2_nd of January, the convoy refused sailing orders. 36 For the delay, which ensued the ship- owners and commanders received demurrage and the total cost of the transportation to New York reached the sum of 2.5,854 pounds, 15 shillings and 8 pence sterling. This sum was paid by the end of October, 1710. 37 On January 2.6, 1710, Sunder- land sent Hunter "Additional Instructions," which em- powered him to carry out the project to manufacture naval stores in accordance with the Board of Trade representation to the Queen of the previous December 5th. 38 Accounts have varied as to the time Hunter sailed for New York. Conrad Weiser wrote in his Journal, "About Christmas Day we embarked. . . ," 39 Luttrell noted in his diary on December 19, 1709, "Colonel Hunter designs, next 34 Cal. Treas. Papers 1J08-1J14, 149. 35 P. R. O., C. O., Admiralty Class 1/4183. 36 Ibid. 37 Cal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 148, zo6. 38 P. R. O., C. O. 5/12.31, 3; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 160. 39 Weiser Diary, in Americana (New York, September, 191 3), VIII, 797; also in Olde Ulster (Kingston, New York, 1906), II, 2.0^. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 45 [4xA*AMsr (nH)^T ) Portrait of Governor Robert Hunter, the authenticity of which has been questioned. No other portrait of him is extant. Courtesy of the New York Public Library. 146 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION week to embark for his government at New York, and most of the Palatines remaining here goe with him to people that colony." 40 Cobb argued in his account that the departure took place toward the end of January, 1710. 41 DifFenderffer, writing for the Pennsylvania German Society, said they sailed in March. 42 The London Gazette noted, April 7, 1710, that ten ships were ready to sail with Palatines from Portsmouth for New York under convoy. 43 In a report to Robert Harley, then Secretary of State, June 18, 171 1, James DuPre, commissary at New York for Hunter and who sailed originally with Hunter, stated that all the Palatines embarked in December, 1709, but did not start until April 10, 1710. 44 The demands for demurrage made by the owners of the vessels also show that the fleet did not finally leave Plymouth, further west along the southern coast of England, until April 10th. 45 The Palatine transports had moved along the coast of England, touching Portsmouth and Plymouth during the early months of 1710 and finally sailed on April 10th. The Palatine accounts of a long voyage may be reconciled to this revision of the date. They were on board ship for six long months and the sufferings of the Palatines were terrible, for misery seems long in dura- tion. Indeed, one of the Palatine ships had to return to port and sailed again later. 46 Probably because of the low transportation rate, the people were closely packed in the ships. Many of them suffered from the foul odor and vermin; some below deck could neither get fresh air nor see the light of day. Under such conditions the 40 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 5x9. 41 Sanford Hoadley Cobb, The Story of the Palatines (New York, 1897), 12.5; Osgood, op. cit., I, 513 also accepted this time. 42 DifFenderffer, op. cit., 319. 43 London Gazette, No. 4676. 44 B. ML, Harleian MSS. 702.1, 180. 45 P. R. O., Admiralty Class 1/4183. A. L. Cross, Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies (New York, i90x), 91 has a typographical error, 1713 should read 1710. 46 The Berkley Castle, N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 166. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 47 younger children died in great numbers. The last letters before sailing, written at Portsmouth during April, reported eighty deaths in one ship and one hundred sick in another. 47 Good healthy food was not provided and its lack no doubt added to the general unhealthy conditions. Soon the fleet was ravaged by ship-fever. Modern science has traced this malady, now known as typhus and recognized as more deadly than ty- phoid, 48 to such carriers as infected fleas and body lice. Crowded in those foul holds with little or no provision for the most elementary sanitation, the immigrants were decimated by this dread disease. From their misery indeed, the disease took on a rather sad distinction, since it became known to the doctors of that day as the "Palatine fever." 49 A petition made later in New York by one Thomas Benson, a surgeon, for reimbursement for medicine stated that on his ship 330 persons had been sick at one time. 50 How welcome must the call of land in sight have sounded to these early immigrants! The first ship to arrive was the Lyon, which touched New York on June 13, 1710, Governor Hunter's ship and several others following the next day. 51 One, the Herbert, was wrecked on the east end of Long Island on July 7th, 52 and the last did not arrive until August znd. 53 A letter from Hunter to Lord Godolphin, the Lord Treasurer, and dated October 2.4, 171 o, stated that of the 2., 814 Palatines who had started, 446 had 47 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 9; Emil Heuser, Pennsylvanien im ij Jahrhundert (Neustadt, 1910), 66. 48 Watson Davis, 'Typhus in the New World," in Current History, XXXIV, 94; "Diary of a Voyage from Rotterdam to Philadelphia in 17x8," in Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc, XIX, 17. 49 A. Matthews, "The Word 'Palatine' in America," in Nation (Cam- bridge, Massachusetts, 1904), LXXVIII, 1x5. 50 Doc. Hist., Ill, 558, December 2.6, 1710. This document is now missing from the Albany Archives. Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS. Eng. 1664-1776 (Albany, 1866), II, 375. 51 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 551; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 178. 52 Doc. Hist., Ill, 559; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 166. 53 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, x8o; Doc. Hist., Ill, 559. 148 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION died before the end of July. Thirty little newcomers joined on the way over, 54 restoring a portion of the loss. The arrival of nearly 2., 500 immigrants, rumored to be laden with disease, was no small matter to the New York city of the second decade of the eighteenth century. A census was taken June 5, 1712., and showed 4,846 free inhabitants and 970 slaves in the city. 55 No wonder the New York City Council protested the reception of any Palatines within the city, saying it would endanger the health of the inhabitants and deter the country people from coming in as usual. 56 The Pala- tines were therefore landed and encamped on Nutten Island, now known as Governor's Island, which apparently preceded Ellis Island as an immigrant station or "gateway to America.' Three doctors were to report upon the condition of their health. On June 16, 1710, a scheme for governing these Pala- tines was hastily formulated. The Council also issued a pro- clamation to prevent extortionate prices of bread and pro- visions on account of their presence. 57 In their tents on Governor's Island, the Palatines were in a miserable condition. Typhus was still ravaging them. 58 These weakened people, lamenting the loss of their relatives, were forced to settle down and care for the sick and dying. Two doctors, John Christopher Kurtz and John Philips Riiger, were in constant attendance. 59 Hunter reported to London on July 2.4th that about 470 Palatines had died on the 54 B. M., Add. MSS. 17677 DDD, 6x4. In 1710, however, the Palatines themselves estimated that about 4,000 were sent over and 1,700 died on board, or at their landing. See their petition to the Board of Trade, N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 553. The statement is an estimate made ten years later and hence is exaggerated. 55 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 180. 66 Minutes of the Common Council of City of New York (New York, 1905), II, 408; Doc. Hist., Ill, 55i. 57 Doc. Hist., Ill, 552., 554 et seq. 58 C. C. 1710-1711, 119; L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-6, XLIV. 59 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 191; Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS. Eng. 1664-1776, II, 373- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 49 voyage and during the first month in New York. 60 The emigrants were slow in recovering their health after their wretched passage from England. Peter Willemse Romers, a coffin-maker, was the chief benefactor, for in 171 1 he peti- tioned for 59 pounds, 6 shillings sterling in payment for 150 coffins used for the burial of Palatines during the summer of 1710. 61 Many children were left orphans. The problem of caring for them was solved by apprenticing them. According to the records seventy-four were apprenticed by Hunter from 1710- 1714, 62 among them being John Peter Zenger, who later be- came famous in American history for his fight for freedom of the Press. Unfortunately, Hunter did not stop with orphans; he also apprenticed children whose parents were still living, and in this way separated families. John Conrad Weiser lost a son, George Frederick, in this manner and there were other cases, causing many a heartache. The petition of the Palatines of 17x0 lists this as one of their chief grievances. 63 Meanwhile, Hunter was attempting to locate a suitable tract for the settlement of the Palatines. Four tracts in New York, part of the vacated "Extravagant Grants," had been considered as possibilities while the Palatines were still in England. One was on the Mohawk River above Little Falls, fifty miles long by four miles wide (around Herkimer and German Flats); another, between twenty-four and thirty miles in length on the Schoharie River; a third, on the east side of the Hudson River, twelve miles long by seventy miles wide. A fourth was also considered, on the west side twenty miles by forty miles long. When the Board of Trade recommended to the Council the settlement of Kocherthal's party in New York in 1708, it pointed out that these lands would be at the 60 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 167; Doc. Hist., Ill, 559. 61 Doc. Hist., Ill, 568. 62 Ibid., 553, 566. 63 Eccles. Rec, III, 1168; Doc. Hist., Ill, 415. I50 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION • disposal of the government for that purpose, if it approved the New York law invalidating those "extravagant grants" made by Colonel Fletcher as suggested by the Board on July 2.9, 1707. 64 Accordingly, on June 2.6, 1708, the Council ap- proved the New York act annulling those grants, 65 and con- sequently these lands were available for settlement by the Palatines. No grant was specifically made in the contract signed by the Germans. On the contrary, the matter was left to the discretion of the governor. Concerning one of the tracts, the Schoharie grant, which Governor Fletcher had given to Colonel Bayard, an interest- ing legend arose. A number of the Palatines later became dis- satisfied with their situation. Some of them realized that they were to be exploited, and probably in the discussion among themselves in justification of their opposition, the story of the Indian grant of Schoharie took shape. Years after the New York troubles, Conrad Weiser wrote in his Journal, "For the Indian deputies who were in England at the time the German people were lying in tents on the Black moor [Black- heath] had made a present to Queen Anne of this Schochary that she might settle these people upon it." 66 The elements of truth in the legend are easily recognized. The Schoharie lands had been one of the four tracts mentioned by the Board of Trade as possible sites for the naval stores experiment with German labor. Five Indians had been taken to England in 1710 by Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany, as a publicity scheme to interest the government in another attempt to take Canada after the failure of 1709. The references to both these facts apparently became confused in the heated Palatine discussions, and finally, they fused into several sentimental and touching accounts of the pity aroused in the savage breast by the 64 Doc. Hist., Ill, 541; Eccles. Rec, III, 1703. 65 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 48, 141. 66 Weiser Diary, in loc. cit., 797. The Palatine petitic \ to the Board of Trade on August 2.0, 1710 quoted the Indians as saying that they had given the land to Queen Anne for the Palatines. Eccles. Rec, III, 1169. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 151 wretched condition of the Palatines on Blackheath, as related in later histories. 67 Unfortunately for the legend, the New York Palatines boarded their transports between December 2.5 th and 19th, 1709. From then on until April 10, 1710, the ships were moving along the southern coast of England or awaiting convoy there. 68 The five "Indian Sachems" sailed from Boston early in February, 1710, and did not arrive in London until April, where they had an audience with the Queen on the 17th. 69 The Queen and all England had been imposed upon, for "Hendrick the great prince that was so honored in Eng- land cannot command ten men, the other three were not sachems." 70 Although the Five Nations thanked Governor Hunter for the fine treatment accorded the "natives of the Mohogs' nation," 71 the latter were disgraced and never again were they admitted to Indian Councils. 72 Cobb, the most extensive writer on the Palatines, has attempted to prove this legend by Governor Hunter's state- ment to the Board that he had sent men to "survey the land on the Mohaques River, particularly the Skohare, to which the Indians have no pretence." 73 The next four words, "being Colonel Bayard's Grant," 74 not considered by Mr. Cobb, 67 Cobb., op. cit., 107; Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 2.4; Loher, op. cit., 43; M. R. Diefendorf, The Historic Mohawk (New York, 1910), 59; W. W. Ellsworth, 'The Palatines in the Mohawk Valley," in N. Y. Hist. Assoc. Proc. (1915), XIV, z 95 . 68 P. R. O., Admiralty Class 1/4x83. 69 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 157; Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 571; C. C. 1710-ijn, 40, 78; Morgan, "The Five Nations and Queen Anne," in hoc. cit., XIII, 179 et seq. 70 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-5, CLXXVI; N. Y. H. S., Hawks Trans, of S. P. G. MSS., I, zi8; Doc. Hist., Ill, 899. 71 C. C. ijio-ijii, 495. Hunter called them in 1713 "men of no considera- tion or rather the most obscure amongst them." C. C. 1712-1714, 158. 72 "Colden Letters," in N. Y. Hist. Soc Coll. (1868), zoo. 73 Cobb., op. cit., 131. 74 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 167. I52- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION indicate why Hunter felt that the Indians had no claim to Schoharie, but they were not convenient to the historian's thesis. Bayard's grant was part of the so-called "extravagant grants" of Governor Fletcher, which were annulled by the New York assembly with the approval of the English govern- ment as mentioned before. Governor Hunter himself was mistaken however, in his opinion about the Indians, for they at first refused to allow the men to survey the land. 75 This is not surprising, for the Board of Trade had mentioned in its recommendation of Schoharie on December 5, 1709, that the land was "claimed by the Mohaques, but that claim may be satisfied on very easy terms." 76 Hunter investigated their claims and found at Albany instructions to the authorities to restore their right and title to the lands in question. Hunter therefore acknowl- edged their claim. 77 In a conference with Hunter at Albany on August 2.2., 1710, the Indian Hendrick, apparently the only genuine sachem on the trip to England, said, 'We are told that the great queen of Great Brittain had sent a considerable number of People with your Ex. ncn r m<« Reproduction of Pitch Pine, pinus rigida (% natural size) from F. A. Michaux, North American Sjlva, 1819 ed., II, 2.87. l8o THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION " view' d several great tracts of pitch pine proper for making tar and pitch," 105 and he had selected the Livingston Manor site. Was Bridger trustworthy in choosing the tract on Living- ston Manor? Did he deliberately establish the government industry in country barren of the pitch pine and ensure its failure? The botanist Andrew F. Michaux, who in 1807 traveled this country and observed the forest trees, noted the presence of pitch pine in abundant quantities in sandy soils and mountain ridges along the Atlantic coast, and in such cases it was compact, heavy and surcharged with resin, 106 necessary for the production of tar and pitch. 107 In a letter to the author in March, 192.7, the State Botanist H. D. House wrote that, "the pitch pine Qpinus rigida) undoubtedly formed at that time a major portion of the forest upon the sandy and gravelly areas, and in general upon the areas of poor, sterile, or rocky soil throughout the Hudson Valley and north to Lake George. It is still one of the commonest and most conspicuous trees on this type of soil throughout the region, withstanding better than white pine ground fires, etc." 108 As the Palatines claimed the lands were almost barren, 109 and there are certainly hills on Livingston Manor several miles from the river, we may safely conclude that there was at least sufficient pitch pine present some miles back of the Hudson to provide the project with a good beginning, 110 and further, that Bridger was honest in his choice of a location, for the disagreement with Hunter had not yet occurred. 105 Ibid., 153, 2.61. 106 F. A. Michaux, The North American Sylva (Philadelphia, 1817), I, 151. 107 The pitch pine Qpinus rigida) has been successfully used for the pro- duction of tar, pitch and turpentine. Romeyn B. Hough, The American Woods (Lowville, New York, 1891), Pt. II, 42.. 108 H. D. House, New York State Botanist, letter of March 2.5, 1917. 109 Doc. Hist., Ill, 708, map on 690; Eccles. Rec, III, 1169. 11(1 The Earl of Clarendon, formerly Lord Cornbury and governor of New York, denied that pine forests were to be found on Livingston Manor, but his animous against Livingston and Hunter incidentally are reflected in the entire letter of March 8, 1711. N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 196. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION l8l While the tar manufacture still promised so much, on March i, 1712-, Hunter distraught with a problem growing more difficult every day, wrote to the Board of Trade, "Your Lordships may guess at my uneasiness having heard nothing from your Lordshipps since last summer neither have I advice of the Paym't of any of my Bills on account of the Palatines, but I go on with work as if I had, having as your Lordships well know her Majesty's Commands to that Effect. I wait with great impatience for your Lordships commands. . . ." 1U But Hunter's bills of exchange continued to return to him with legal protests. One protest related that the clerk at the Treasury had answered, "He knew not of any orders touching the payment" of the said bill. Another clerk had replied that the bills "must be kept till the Lord Treasurer should give Direction about them, which would be suddainly. . . .' A third gentleman at the Treasury answered that the Lord Treasurer was not in and had not left any orders, touching the payment of the bill, "but believes the same will be paid." 112 This state of affairs was due to the Ministerial Revolution of 1 7 10, referred to on an earlier page, in which the Tories superseded the Whigs through bedchamber politics and in- fluence. Upon the Tories' accession to office in 1710, the condemnation of all Whig projects was politically necessary to maintain the Tories in power. The Palatine immigration, so distasteful to the native English poor, 113 became a valuable political weapon and any national advantages accruing therefrom were sacrificed to the political exigencies of the moment. 114 The Tories pretended that the whole affair of the Palatines was a design against the Established Church, 111 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 102., 107. 112 Ibid., z 9 , 57, 148a. 113 Parlia. Hist., VI, 999; Gibson, op. cit., 83. 114 Somerville, op. cit., 367 thought that "a more shocking example of political rancour can hardly be imagined;" Abel Boyer, Political State of Great Britain (London, 171 1), ^ltl mentions "the great noise the business of the Palatines made [in 171 1] both in the Parliament House and without doors." 1 82. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION to increase the numbers and strength of the Dissenters. 115 Queen Anne strongly favored the High Church party, as did the Tories generally. Hence, this charge that the Palatines strengthened the Low Church or Protestant party, probably gained the Queen's sympathy for the opposition and lost for the Whig Ministry the Queen's approval of their policy in regard to the Palatines. 116 At any rate, Dr. John Arbuthnot, Anne's Tory physician, represents her as becoming aware later of this Palatine immigration having been foisted upon the Established Church, as a sort of opiate to keep it acquiescent to the Whig Ministry's tolerant religious policy. 117 Old sec- tarian rancors of the seventeenth century were not yet for- gotten; the Glorious Revolution had left them deep in party politics. Hence, despite considerations which we might ex- pect to see more largely emphasized, such as the possible inexpediency of supporting such an immigration in a time of war depression, the issue was fought out in some degree on religious grounds. Francis Hare, Whig pamphleteer, defended the reception of the Palatines almost entirely along these lines, citing the reception of the French and the Flemish im- migrants in Elizabeth's reign as a precedent. 118 The official documents as well as the Whig propaganda in favor of the Palatines, invariably referred to them as "Poor German Protestants," although it has been shown that nearly a third were of the Catholic faith. A parliamentary investigation was conducted in 171 1, with the design "to load the late administration with all that was possible." 119 The investigation did reveal that up to 115 W. T. Morgan, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710 in England," in loc. cit., XXXVI, 188, 2.10; Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 16, calls it a plot; Burnet, op. cit., VI, 39. 116 Gibson, op. cit., 73. 117 Dr. John Arbuthnot's "Law is a Bottomless Pitt," Pt. Ill, in G. A. Aitken, Later Stuart Tracts QAn English Garner, E. Arber, ed., London, 1877- 80), 349-3S 2 - 118 [Hare], The Reception, passim. 1,9 Burnet, op. cit., VI, 39. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 83 April 14, 171 1, over 100,000 pounds had been expended upon the Palatines in various ways. 120 The House of Commons passed two resolutions: first, "That the inviting and bringing over into this kingdom of the Palatines, of all religions, at the public expence, was an extravagant and unreasonable charge to the kingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of the public money, tending to the increase and oppression of the poor to this kingdom and of dangerous consequence to the constitution in church and state; second, That whoever advised the bringing over the poor Palatines into this king- dom, was an enemy to the Queen and kingdom." It was pro- posed to lay the blame on Sunderland because of his letters to the Board of Trade, ordering it to consider plans for settle- ments, but this was put off from time to time, and delayed by adjournments until the matter was quietly dropped. 121 An insinuation was also directed against Marlborough because of the letter from his secretary Cardonnel of May 2.1, 1709, described in chapter III. As the 1709 emigration had been under way for several months before that date, the attempt to saddle Marlborough with the role of instigator was hardly to be taken seriously. As the report indicated, the result of the letter was that the Lord Treasurer ordered "Mr. Sweet at Amsterdam to supply him with such sums of money as that Service shall require." 122 The responsibility of Marl- borough for the shipping of the Palatines at government expense has already been disclosed. Of course, Mr. Dayrolle and Lord Townshend also shared in the responsibility. But since the arrangement had been authorized by the government with the Queen's approval, there was little the Tories could do about it, except make political capital during the election of 171 1. The change in administration as a result of that 120 C. J. XVI, 598. The act of naturalization of 1709 was repealed (Feb- ruary, 1712.) as a result of this investigation, ibid., 471; XVII, 75; Parlia. Hist., VI, 1088. 121 Parlia. Hist., VI, iooi; Burnet, op. cit., VI, 39. 122 C. J., XVI, 597. This correspondence has been described in Chapter III. 184 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION election was to have an adverse effect on the naval stores project in New York. On the very day that Hunter landed in New York, June 14, 1710, Sunderland, the Whig Secretary of State responsible for the New York venture, had been dis- missed in favor of Harley. 123 As late as October 31, 1712., the other new Secretary of State, Lord Dartmouth, wrote to Hunter with assurances of the remittances being speedily answered, and though it brought him "New Life," 124 it left him in a state of suspense. Several incidents are significant as pointing to the conclu- sion that the failure to support the venture was purely politi- cal. Hunter was still pleading without success for financial support when he received his commission as Brigadier, for which he thanked Lord Bolingbroke, one of the leading Tory Secretaries of State, in a letter dated October 31, 1711. 125 Apparently the Tory Ministry did not disapprove of Hunter and perhaps regretted the political necessity that left him in such financial straits. It must be remembered too, that although a Whig and friendly to Marlborough, Hunter had a strong friend in the Tory, Dr. Arbuthnot, the personal physician of Queen Anne. 126 In great uncertainty and yet with hope, the governor continued to provide subsistence for the Palatines until September 12., 171Z. A few helpless widows and orphans were taken care of until the 2.3rd. The total expenditure was 31,144 pounds, 17 shillings and 2. pence sterling. Of this sum, the greater part of which was secured on Hunter's credit, he received 11,375 pounds: 10,000 pounds, the parliamentary 123 William Frederick Wyon, History of Great Britain during the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1876), II, 109. 124 n y. Col. Docs., V, 353. Dartmouth had been a member of the Board of Trade and was present when it approved the venture on December 5, 1709, B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 99. 125 C. C. 1712-1714, 85. 126 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 453; "The Colden Letters," in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc. (1868), 196. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 85 appropriation made in 1709 for the encouragement of the production of colonial naval stores, intended for the payment of the bounty on tar and pitch; and 1,375 pounds, secured by the sale in 171 5 of various supplies left from the unsuccessful venture. Therefore, from the Palatine accounts there was due to the governor about 2.0,769 pounds sterling. 127 By 1715 Hunter's finances were in very bad shape. His credit was exhausted because of the debt he had made himself responsible for in connection with the Palatine subsistence, and he had not received his salary as governor, which was then five years in arrears. The New York assembly was dis- puting the right of the Crown to appoint a salary for the governor out of the revenues of the province. 128 When Hunter reported the situation to the Board of Trade, it recommended to the Ministry that Parliament pass an act establishing an independent support for the governor of New York. Although the Ministry approved the bill for presentation to Parliament, Hunter's friends decided to drop the matter, fearing that, if the New York governorship became more attractive by reason of Parliamentary support, the political plum might go to someone with more influence than Hunter. 129 Having suffered the desperate situation for four years and failing aid from England, Hunter came to terms with the assembly in 171 5. It had been pressing him for the uncondi- tional approval (contrary to his instructions) of a general naturalization bill, which would legalize certain deficiencies in the colonial land-titles (see the terms of the act given in Chapter VIII), even offering him a present of several thousand pounds for his assent. Hunter finally agreed to the passage of the bill in return for a five years' appropriation for the gov- 127 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67. These figures vary slightly from the figures presented by the New York agent to the Board of Trade in 1717. C. C. 1717- 1718, 117. Also, C. C. 1714-171;, 340; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 461. 128 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 481; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, xi8. 129 B. T. Jour. 1708-17 14, zzS; C. C. 1714-171;, 306. 1 86 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ernment's expenses. 130 Most of the debts outstanding against the provincial government, including the governor's arrears in salary, were also paid at the same time. This relieved the pressure upon the governor and it soon appeared that his friends in England had not deserted him either, for they secured the permission of the Ministry to present a bill to Parliament for reimbursing Hunter for his expenditures in behalf of the Palatines. 131 It was unsuccessful however, as Parliament adjourned before it could be properly pressed for enactment. 132 The appropriate time for approaching Parlia- ment was never found apparently, for in 172.2. Hunter peti- tioned for the grant of islands in the Delaware River as pay- ment for the money due to him. 133 Two years later he had his report of the Palatine accounts audited and certified by government officials and on November 15, 172.7 he presented a petition, with the auditor's report attached, to the King. 134 Evidently the petition was unsuccessful, for later Hunter's son and heir, Thomas Orby Hunter, presenting a memorial requesting the Manor of Crowland in Lincolnshire, said that no part of the claim had been satisfied. 135 In 1 71 6 the Board of Trade, under the Whig Ministry of George I, was favorable to a continuation of the naval stores industry. But although Hunter was of as firm opinion as ever that "this country contains pine woods enough to answer the uses of all the navigation of England," and that the industry was beneficial, he refused to take it up again. "After the disappointments I have met with I cannot advise the renewing the project until we have persons skilled & prac- tised in the method of preparing the trees in the country 30 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 416. 31 Ibid., 481. 32 C. C. ijij-iji8, 191. 33 Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1720, 775. 34 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67. 35 P. R. O., Gifts and Deposits 8/73 (no date). THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 87 from whence we have that commodity, for I doubt all others are but pretenders." 136 The colonial naval stores industry was developed never- theless, especially in the Carolinas, under the encouragement of the government bounty of four pounds per ton. By 171 5 the total barrels of tar and pitch imported into England from the plantations nearly equalled the importations from Europe. 137 In 171 8 the plantations sent England 82., 084 barrels, which were seven times the amount secured from the conti- nent. Accordingly, colonial naval stores were produced suc- cessfully under the bounty system without the need for a government industry similar to Louis XIV s workshops. The settlement failed because of the lack of continued financial support by the English government, because of an unwilling labor supply under frontier conditions, and perhaps, because of poor management and incapable instruction in the methods of manufacturing naval stores. 136 36 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 479; Professor Osgood (op. cit., II, 515) was mis- taken in stating that by 1714 all thought of continuing the production of naval stores was abandoned. 137 Appendix B, Lord, op. cit., 141. CHAPTER VIII. THE PALATINE SETTLEMENTS ON THE FRONTIER OF THE OLD WEST Governor Hunter could not believe that the project would be allowed to fail for lack of financial support from England, but his discouragement increased with the passing months. The Palatines, who had never received the full subsistence for which they were charged, petitioned the governor for more supplies. 1 Eight days later the blow fell. Although the pine trees had received their last preparation, staves prepared for barrels, the magazine almost finished, and a road nearly completed between it and the pine forest, the enterprise was halted. 2 On September 6, 1712., Hunter gave orders to Cast to inform the Palatines that they would have to subsist themselves until further orders, his credit being exhausted. They were to hire themselves out if they could. They might go anywhere in New York or New Jersey, both under the jurisdiction of Hunter, but they had to secure a ticket of leave and register their destination. If they attempted to leave without these formalities, Cast was ordered to raise the hue and cry for them and imprison them until further orders. 3 The purpose of these conditions was to keep the Palatines in readiness upon the first public notice to return to work, as specified in the covenant. 4 This notice reached the Palatines about the middle of the month. The last day of the government subsistence for most of the Palatines was Sep- tember ixth. 5 The Palatines were taken by surprise and ex- 1 Eccles. Rec, III, 1169. The order "to retrench in the article of beer" was issued late in July. Liv. MS., letter of July 30, 1711. 2 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347. 3 Doc. Hist., Ill, 683. *N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347. 6 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 89 perienced some anxiety as to their ability to survive the winter. 6 Many of the Palatines scattered about the neighborhood of the settlements, seeking employment to provide themselves and their families with food during the coming winter. Some remained in the settlements where they had been placed by Hunter. During that winter without government aid their suffering was particularly pitiful. Their minister Reverend Haeger wrote to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel on July 6, 1713, that "they boil grass and the children eat the leaves of the trees. I have seen old men and women cry that it should almost have moved a stone. [Several] have for a whole week together had nothing but welsh turnips which they did only scrape and eat without any salt or fat and bread." 7 Haeger had given what little he had so that he was in no better condition. Worse yet there was no hope of any alteration in their condition. Within the next five years many Palatines moved elsewhere. Several went to Pennsylvania, others to New Jersey, settling at Hackensack, still others pushed a few miles south to Rhinebeck, New York, and some returned to New York City, while quite a few established themselves on Livingston Manor itself. The last group had to accept Robert Livingston's terms and they were soon heavily in his debt. 8 The more restless among them, who resented their condi- tion of serfdom, immediately bethought themselves of the legendary Schoharie when they were thrown on their own resources. On October 31, 1712., Hunter wrote to the Board 6 Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 44. 7 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-8, 189. 8 C. C. IJ20-IJ2I, 180; Simmendinger, op. cit., Appendix (see lists in Ap- pendix F); Liv. MS., "Debt List of Palatines living in the Manor of Liv- ingston," December 18, 172.6. The Palatines who lived in the original settle- ment also fell into Livingston's debt but for more modest accounts. Liv. MSS., "Debt List of the Palatines living in the four villages in the Manor of Livingston," December 16, 1718, also January 1, 172.1. 190 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ^ 3 a 3 8 V a § a a v3 ac x o 00 3 s 4-1 o o 60 c o X! o z OS < s o X u GO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 191 of Trade relating that "some hundreds of them took a resolu- tion of possessing the land of Scoharee & are accordingly march'd thither have[ing] been buisy in cutting a road from Schenectady to that place. . . ." 9 The governor was far from pleased at this removal without negotiation but was in a poor position to interfere, "it being impossible for me to prevent this;" in other words, Hunter thought of preventing it but of course saw no logical way of do so, since he could no longer subsist them. It also appears that Hunter bore a real animus against the troublesome Palatines, especially those who had settled in Schoharie between September izth and October 31, 1712., some forty or fifty families. In March, 171 3, he remarked in a letter to Livingston, "Since nothing can restrain the madness of that people [the Palatines], I'm afraid I must apply an extraordinary severity." 10 On May 11, 1713, he wrote to the Board of Trade that he had used "all means imaginable to keep the Palatines together . . . but many are gone of their own heads to settle at Scoharee and the frontier." 11 Two months later he wrote concerning the deprivation of "those who run to Scohare." 12 The governor had been bothered so much by the Palatines, attracted by the storied claims of the Schoharie Valley, that he had become irritable on the subject. The Palatines who intended to settle in Schoharie Valley first sent a number of deputies to make arrangements with the Indians there. The Indians were easily persuaded to sell the land to the deputies. 13 The fact is that they parted with their claims to the same lands on three separate occasions, once when Nicholas Bayard had purchased it about 1695, again by gift to Governor Hunter for the government as was related 9 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347. 10 Liv. MS., letter of March 30, 1713. 11 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 364. 12 Ibid., 1,66. 13 Weiser Diary, 15, in loc. cit., VIII, 798; Olde Ulster, II, xca. 1^2- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION earlier in this paper, and now to the deputies for the Palatines. The land-title difficulties which the Germans encountered were partly due to such uncertain memory of the savages, who were not averse to selling their claims as often as they could get an offer. The procedure by which title to land was secured was well established by this time. One had to apply to the Governor in Council for a license to purchase from the Indians a tract of a certain number of acres in a particular locality. Fees of 2.0 shillings to the Governor, 6 shillings to the Clerk of the Council, in addition to i shilling, 6 pence for reading the petition in Council and 6 pence for filing it (all in colonial currency) were necessary. Then the purchaser made his deal with the Indians for a deed in English, practically always with the aid of "fire-water." After securing the Indian deed, the prospective patentee applied to the Governor and Council for a survey of the grant, and received a warrant of survey for a fee of 6 shillings. In the period of the early eighteenth century, these surveys were quite carelessly made and the land taken in was invariably many times larger than specified. A patent was then granted by the Governor and Council for the following fees in colonial currency: Clerk of Council, 3 shillings for drawing up a warrant or order for the patent; Attorney-General, 10 shillings for drafting the patent; Secre- tary of the Province, 30 shillings more or less for engrossing, sealing and recording; and the Governor, various amounts depending upon the size of the grant. 14 From this description of the method of securing title, it should be apparent that the Palatines engaging for land in Schoharie were buying trouble for themselves by their ignorance of procedure. It should be clear moreover how necessary the Governor's good will was for success in securing title. Upon the return of the deputies from Schoharie about 150 families moved the same autumn (171 2.) to Albany and Sche- 14 Ruth L. Higgins, Expansion in New York with Especial Reference to the 18th Century (Columbus, Ohio, 193 1), 30; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 511. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 93 nectady. 15 Here in Schenectady, Conrad Weiser told us his father stayed during the winter with Johannes Meynderton. He also related that bread was extraordinarily high but that the inhabitants were very liberal to the Germans. If Weiser' s Journal has been read aright, it was in Schenectady that the Indian Quaynant visited his father and as a result Conrad was sent to live with the Indians about the end of November. It also appears that fifty families could not wait for spring but cutting a rough road from Schenectady to Schoharie in two weeks, they settled there for the winter throwing up rough shelters. With the help of the Indians they weathered the cold winter but with great suffering. How different the ex- perience of these hardy pioneers contrasted with that of our complaining Matanuska Valley settlers sent to Alaska last year (1935). At this time Governor Hunter sent orders, forbidding their settlement in Schoharie. Nevertheless, in March, 1713, the remainder of the 150 families joined their friends at Schoharie, traveling with roughly-made sledges through snow three feet deep. 16 The emigrants settled in seven villages, named as we are told for the deputies who made the arrange- ments with the Indians. The most northern village, Knis- kerndorf, of which there are no remains today, was opposite the village of Central Bridge, nearly opposite the point where Cobleskill Creek empties into Schoharie River. Two miles south was Gerlachsdorf, of which there is no vestige left. Two miles further south was Fuchsendorf, later called Fox Town, where the Old Fort Museum of Schoharie now stands. Schmidsdorf, later called Smith's Town, is marked today by the little railroad station at Schoharie. Brunnendorf, later 15 Weiser Diary, 15, 17, 2.1, in loc. cit., VIII, 797. Weiser gives 1713 as the date of the migration but it is apparent from Governor Hunter's letters already cited that this movement took place in 1711. It is also plain from the diary, for Weiser gave 1713 as the year when the government sub- sistence was stopped, also an error. 16 Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 56; Eccles. Rec, III, 1170. i 9 4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION T J 1 1 m c t a\ ^ He I d GertnanTl-lais A-^% — - -- ^Ag. Facsimile of part of map: The provinces of New York and New Jersey. Drawn by Capt. Holland. En- graved by Thomas Jefferys (1755). Published in London (1768). A number of Palatine settlements have been inserted into the illustra- tion to increase its usefulness. Map of Central New York, showing the Palatine settlements in New York. Courtesy of New York Historical Society. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 195 known as Fountaindorf or Waterstown, was around the site now occupied by St. Paul's Lutheran Church in Schoharie. The last three mentioned were in what is now the incor- porated village of Schoharie and were all three within a radius of one mile. Two and a half miles southwest of Brun- nendorf was Hartmansdorf, of which an iron marker is the only indication now. Two miles further south was Weiserdorf on the edge of the present town of Middleburgh. Oberweiser- dorf, a split off from Weiserdorf some years later, was the most southern settlement about three miles away. 17 In its early days Weiserdorf was supposed to have forty small rude huts, built of logs and earth, with bark for roofing and with skins covering the doorways. The exact numbers moving to Schoharie do not appear in the records, but on October 2.6, 1713 Governor Hunter re- ported to an investigator of British projects in America, Colonel Nicholson, that 1,008 Palatines were in the Hudson River settlements, 500 in Schoharie Valley and about 500 among the various planters. 18 In 1718 a report of the Palatine ministers places 2.2.4 families of 1,02.1 persons along the Hud- son River and scattered areas, while 170 families of 58opersons were in Schoharie. 19 The first year in Schoharie (1713) was one of bitter struggle for the Palatines. Conrad Weiser in his Journal related how one borrowed a horse and another a cow. Some- one else borrowed harness and a plow. Hitching the horse and cow together they broke up so much land that in 1714 they had almost enough corn for their needs. Meanwhile they often went hungry or appeased their appetites with wild 17 See map of New York. Weiser Diary, 17, in loc. cit., VIII, 797. The locations of these villages is based on information secured from Mr. Chaun- cey Rickard, the director of the Old Fort Museum, Schoharie, New York. The German word dorf means village or town. Also see John Heustis French, Gazeteer of the State of New York (8th ed., Syracuse, New York, i860), 601. 18 C. C. 1J12-1J14, 163. 19 Doc. Hist., I, 693. 196 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION potatoes and strawberries which grew in abundance and which the Indians had recommended to them. For flour, Weiser said they had to go 35 or 40 miles, presumably count- ing to and from Schenectady, where on credit a bushel or two might be obtained. This journey, starting early in the morning, took all day, and then after their business was com- pleted in the town, they make the return trip, lasting through- out the night. Women as well as men undertook the trip. Weiser wrote too of the pain and tears of the hungry ones awaiting their return. If they went to Albany, the journey took three or four days. 20 But there were silver linings in the dark clouds of adver- sity. The charity of the good people of Schenectady has been referred to. In addition records tell us of several occasions in 1 71 3 when the Dutch Church of New York sent supplies for the Palatines in Schoharie. In July of that year the commu- nicants of the Dutch Church sent to Albany 80 bushels of corn, fifty pieces of rookspeck (smoked pork), weighing about 500 pounds, 100 pounds of bread and six pounds of money for the purchase of flour. The Palatines were glad to go to Albany to receive these items and carry them home from there. 21 Hunting and fishing completed their scanty larder. Judge John M. Brown, in his History of Schoharie, largely based on tradition and published in 182.3, wrote that Lambert Sternbergh of Gerlachsdorf purchased a skipple (three pecks) of wheat and sowed it in the fall of 1713. The yield of this most carefully cultivated wheat was said to have been 83 skipples. 22 But whatever the truth of the amount, we may be sure that it was most preciously treated and pre- served. Within a few years regular over-day and night trips 20 Weiser Diary, 13, in loc. op., VIII, 798; Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 12.9. 21 J. Munsell, Annals of Albany (Albany, 1856), VII, 136. 22 J. M. Brown, op. cit. (Schoharie, New York, 1813), 10; Jeptha R. Simms, History of Schoharie County (Albany, 1845), S 2 -' hereafter cited as Simms, Schoharie. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 97 were made to Schenectady to have the grain ground into flour at the grist-mill there. The Palatines had not been permitted to bring to Scho- harie the tools supplied them by the government in the Hudson Valley settlements. Indeed, they feared they might be charged with theft. Consequently, they were hard-pressed to fashion substitutes with which to start building their settle- ment. In the old Fort Museum at Schoharie are many relics of pioneer life in the Schoharie Valley and from these we can secure a fair idea of the difficulties of the settlers and the courageous way in which they met them. 23 One settler fash- ioned a shovel from a log end, painstakingly hollowing it out. Another used the branches of a tree for a fork to be used in hay-making. A maul was made from a heavy knot of wood, the protruding branch being used as a handle. A mortar for grinding corn was made by taking a log two feet high, and cutting a hole 12. inches in diameter about 18 inches to 2.0 inches deep into one end. The sides at the top remained about an inch thick. A cornbread mixer was constructed by nailing together two half logs, after the edges joined together had been cut by two spheroid holes of about 8 inches in diameter. The hole of the mixer was about 10 inches deep while the depth of the log itself measured 14 inches. Iron gouges had to be secured to bore holes and the process of furnishing their huts with articles of convenience must have been quite labori- ous. Their furniture must have been very crude for the time of the men was occupied in clearing the land and securing food, while the women had not only their household duties to perform but farm work as well. A split log with four stout sticks set in for legs was their table. Crude stools made in the same manner or rough sections of logs completed the furnish- 23 Much of this information on early life is derived from an examination of the Old Fort Museum relics so courteously and effectively explained by Mr. Chauncey M. Rickard, the director of the Museum. 198 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ings. These first huts apparently lacked fireplaces; cooking was done in stone ovens out of doors, built for the use of several neighboring families. As soon as more permanent dwellings could be built of log and stones, the fireplaces, so necessary in winter, were made by attaching a stone chimney to the outside wall and preparing a small stone floor and stone sides for fire protection. A bar across the fireplace and chains for hanging the pots gave the hausfrau a feeling of domestic security so desirable to these wanderers. Kitchen utensils were next acquired. Rocking chairs were the height of luxury and a prized possession in the settlements. As the years passed these early homes came to have benches with backs, solid tables and well-made chests, artistically deco- rated in bright colors and carrying Biblical verses in German worked into the design. The earliest artificial light used by the Palatines were pitch pine knots. Tallow dips were scarce, necessitating rising at dawn and retiring at dusk. As the cheap clothing of ker- seys, nap-shag and flannels, provided for the Palatines by the British government, wore out, the skins of the deer and beaver were fashioned into breeches, skirts and caps as pro- tection from the elements. Shoes, excepting the moccasin, were made of heavy leather studded with iron clips for hard wear, and fastened with a buckle, or tied with leather thongs near the top. The Palatines had large families as a rule, the children often numbering close to twenty or more, but the mortality was exceptionally high. The maidens married quite young, increasing their fecundity. The Palatine women were generally robust and strong, for within one week of their arrival in Schoharie Valley four children were safely born. 24 Diffi- culties were encountered in entering the sacred bonds of matrimony. Since the preacher was an infrequent visitor, 24 Simms, Schoharie, 51; Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 117. The children were named Catharina Mattheus, Elizabetha Lawer, Wilhemus Bauch, and Johannes Erhardt. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 199 couples sometimes neglected the ceremony itself, but their marital faithfulness was well enough established to be pro- verbial. Conrad Weiser' s Journal tells us that "Here the people lived for a few years, without preacher, without government, generally in peace. Each one did what he thought was right.' Of course, part of this orderly conduct was due to the respect held by the people for their listmasters, placed over them in Palatine Shoes Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. the Hudson River settlements and who retained their author- ity in Schoharie too. 25 Elderly John Conrad Weiser, a magis- trate in old Wurtemberg in Germany, was perhaps the most eminent as well as the most fiery leader. Governor Hunter in opposing their settlement in Scho- harie, 26 probably feared that once there, they would never return to the manufacture of naval stores along the Hudson. He comforted himself somewhat as he told the Board of Trade that the Palatines at least strengthened the border, and that the Palatines "at Schoharee may be imploy'd in working in the vast pinewoods near to Albany, which they must be 25 Weiser Diary, 17, in loc. cit., VIII, 799. 26 Eccles. Rec, III, 2.146, 1170; C. C. 1712-1J14, 82. 2.00 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION obliged to doe they having no pretense to possession of any land but by performing their part of the contract relating to that manufacture." 27 In June, 1714, Hunter was interested in renewing the project. He had Sackett test the trees to see if they would do, observing, "If the trees answer I'll fall to work at my own Cost." 28 In August he informed the Board of Trade, "The trees are now ready for manufacturing, and I want nothing but money to imploy hands to made a very considerable quantity of tarr, having had the trees tryed which for the most part answer expectations." 29 Perhaps Hunter expected to drive the Palatines back into the Hudson Valley settlements. Conditions were improving when in the summer of 1714 a colonial gentleman of prominence, Nicholas Bayard, visited the Palatines at Schoharie. He gave out that to every house- holder who would describe the boundaries of the land held, he would issue a deed in the name of Queen Anne. Tradition has described him as a royal agent. 30 This cannot have been the case, since he had no official connection at the time. In fact, Governor Hunter composed about that time an unpub- lished farce in three acts called "Androboros" in which Bayard is castigated in no uncertain terms. 31 Bayard belonged to the colonial opposition to the governor. His intentions with regard to the Palatines are unfortunately not clear. But, a consideration of his background 32 suggests that Bayard, whose grandfather had once purchased the Indian claim to Schoharie and whose patent had been disallowed by the Colonial and British authorities as an "extravagant grant" 27 C. C. 1712-1714, 8i; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347. 28 Liv. MS., June 15, 1714. 29 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 380. 30 Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 145. 31 Widener Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Hunter MS., "Andro- borus," 14, 2.0 , 2.7; Higgins, op. cit., 53. 32 Mrs. A. P. Atterbury, The Bayard Family (Baltimore, 1918), 16. The elder Nicholas Bayard died in 1707. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ZOI in 1708, was trying to save something of his relative's invest- ment. In 1710 he had petitioned that either the charges and fees be refunded or that the former grant be confirmed. 33 He may even have envisioned an appeal to London for a confir- mation of the patent as Captain Evans, another dispossessed grantee, was doing. 34 Had the Palatines accepted his deeds and claimed the land from him, his case would have been materially strengthened as he could point then to improve- ments and settlement, the lack of which was a strong argu- ment against the original grant. Regardless of his intentions, Bayard was taken for a rep- resentative of Hunter and barely escaped the settlements with his life under the cover of darkness. He was besieged in John George Smith's house by an angry mob and shots were ex- changed. Escaping after nightfall to Schenectady, Bayard sent word that if any would appear before him there, acknowledge him and name their boundaries, they should still receive a free deed and a lasting title. 35 How galling this experience must have been to Bayard and how it consequently must have pleased Hunter, but at the same time warned him of the temper of these German settlers. The Palatine tradition has it that Bayard then sold the Schoharie title to five citizens of Albany. This may refer to his grandfather's Indian title, which had been voided as described in Chapter VI, for the Albany partners, who be- longed to the governor's party in the colony, received their patent from Hunter on November 3, 1714. 36 This grant in- cluded 10,000 acres of Bayard's vacated grant upon which the Palatines were settled. The patentees were Myndert Schuyler, 33 Cal. N. Y. Land Papers (Albany, 1864), 97- 34 C. C. 77 20- iy 21, x8. The Board of Trade recommended to Secretary of State Craggs that Evans be given an equivalent grant elsewhere, and issued orders accordingly. Eccles. Rec, III, 1194. 35 Simms, Schoharie, 61. 36 N. Y. Patent Books, VIII, 74; Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, no; N. Y. Land Papers, VI, x6, 80; N. Y. Council Minutes, XI, 145. 2.02. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Peter van Brugh, Robert Livingston, Jr., John Schuyler and Peter Wileman. When Lewis Morris, Jr., and Andrus Coeman surveyed these lands for the Five Partners, they found that the flats of Fox Creek and a large part of Kniskerndorf had been omitted. These lands they secured for themselves and joined forces with the Albany group. The Five Partners there- fore became the Seven Partners. 37 The Palatines were called upon in 171 5 to purchase, lease or vacate their land. Hunter claimed (in 172.0) that at his instance favorable terms were extended to the Palatines, offering the land free from all rent for ten years, and after that on only a very moderate quit-rent. 38 They refused, and grew violent. When Adam Vrooman, a resident of Schenec- tady, tried to settle on land in Schoharie which he had secured by purchase from the Indians in 171 1 and government patent in 1714, 39 they tore up his fences and pulled down the stone walls of his home. The Palatines evidently thought that the land was theirs. When warnings failed to drive out Vrooman 's son, he was pulled from a wagon and beaten. When Vrooman reported these incidents to Governor Hunter, he also informed him that John Conrad Weiser and several others spoke of going to Boston, intending to sail for England. 40 Upon this information Hunter issued a warrant for the arrest of John Conrad Weiser. 41 Apparently attempting to serve this warrant a sheriff from Albany, named Adams, came into the Schoharie Valley. No sheriff of the name of Adams has been listed in the Civil List of the time, but Judge Brown who related this story in his History of Schoharie, in- formed Mr. Jeptha R. Simms, the historian of our New York 37 Simms, Schoharie, 60. 38 Eccles. Rec, III, 1146. 39 N. Y. Patent Books, VIII, 91; N. Y. Land Papers, VI, 13, 37, 64; N. Y. Council Minutes, XI, 167; Simms, Schoharie, 55. Yrooman's Indian deed is in the Old Fort Museum, Schoharie, N. Y. 40 Doc. Hist., Ill, 687; N. Y. Col. MSS., LX, 3, 10. 41 Ibid., 688; N. Y. Col. MSS., LX. 2.6. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.03 frontier, that he had heard the story from Mr. Adams' own lips. 42 Perhaps Adams was deputized for the occasion. If so, it was most unfortunate for him, for the Seven Partners greatly underrated the bravery of these people. Adams, con- scious of his own honorable intentions, passed up through the valley and made a halt at Weiserdorf. No sooner had he explained his business and attempted the arrest than a mob appeared. The women of that generation, it would seem, possessed Amazonian strength. Under the direction of Mag- dalena Zeh, a self-appointed captain, they took the sheriff into their hands and dealt rather harshly with him. He was knocked down, and inducted into various places where the sow delighted to wallow. After receiving many indignities in the neighborhood of Weiserdorf, Adams was placed upon a rail and ridden through several settlements. Finally, he was deposited on a small bridge across a stream along the old Albany road, a distance from the starting point of between six and seven miles, quite a lengthy journey for such a con- veyance. The captain then seized a stake and laid it over the sheriff's person until two of his ribs were broken. He was rescued a little later and eventually recovered. 43 Matters rested thus for two more years. Then in 171 7 Hunter ordered that John Conrad Weiser, together with three men from each village appear before him. He told them that he expected orders from England to remove them to another region, unless they came to an agreement with the owners of the land. They protested that they had built their homes and had made improvements. Hunter agreed to send twelve men to estimate the value of their improvements and reim- burse them, but he failed to carry out his promise. Mean- while they were not to plow the land. Needing food that 42 Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 150, Brown, op. cit., 13. No sheriff of Albany County was named Adams until 1840. E. A. Werner, N. Y. Civil List for 1M6, 455- 43 Brown, op. cit., 11; Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 146, et seq. ZO4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION winter, they sent deputies requesting permission to plow, and being refused, they disregarded the orders altogether. 44 In 1718 the Palatines sent John Conrad Weiser, William Scheff and Gerhart Walrath 45 to London to ask for justice. They sailed from Philadelphia, but, were robbed of their money by pirates. The ship had to put into Boston for new supplies, and upon reaching London the Palatine deputies were im- prisoned for debt. By that time Hunter himself had returned to London to recoup his fortune. He falsely claimed that the Palatines had taken possession of lands in Schoharie already granted to others. 46 He pointed out that the proprietors had offered them easy terms — no rent for ten years and thereafter only a moderate rent. His suggestion that they be removed to other lands on the frontier was adopted. The Palatines' deputies were not in agreement themselves as to what should be done. 47 This and their lack of financial resources lent feeble opposition to the influence of Hunter. Walrath, homesick, sailed for New York but died before reaching his destination. Toward the close of 172.1 Schef returned but he too died soon — in his case within six weeks of his homecoming. At last in November of 172.3 John Conrad Weiser came back to New York still unreconciled to the government's proposals. 48 Colonel Hunter's successor, Governor William Burnet was ordered to settle the Palatines on some suitable lands. 49 In 1711 Burnet gave a number of the Palatines license to pur- chase land of the Mohawks provided that it was at least 44 Eccles. Rec, III, 2.171; Doc Hist., Ill, 713. 45 C. C. 1720-1721, 102.. The letter of attorney sent by the Palatines in the autumn of 1719 gives us Walrath's name as Gerard, but it appears on the Subsistence List and in Simmendinger's List as Gerhardt. 46 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 551. 47 Ibid., 574; Eccles. Rec, HI, 2.177. 48 Weiser Diary, 39, 43, in loc. cit., VIII, 800. Before his return Weiser had carried the fight unsuccessfully to the highest authorities, the Lord Justices. C. C. 1-722-1-723, 311. 49 N. Y.Col. Docs., V, 582.. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 105 forty miles above Fort Hunter and at least eighty miles from Albany. He explained to the Board of Trade that he had made this condition in order to have the frontier extended. He also stated as evidence of the good will now prevailing that some Palatines had actually taken leases from the Seven Partners. 50 In 172.2. Burnet purchased land in the Mohawk Valley (Bur- netsfield) for the Palatines but they were slow in responding to his offers. About sixty families wanted to settle apart from the others and as they had been "most hearty for the govern- ment," Burnet permitted them to settle between Fort Hunter and Canada. 51 The leader of this group was John Christopher Gerlach. They petitioned for a patent in March, 172.1, then realizing that they had to do their own purchasing from the Indians, they made the necessary arrangements. 52 On October 19, 172.3, the Stone Arabia patent was issued to twenty-seven persons. It contained 12., 700 acres about two or three miles back from the Mohawk River. The annual quit-rent of 2. shillings, 6 pence per hundred acres and customary conditions were made. This settlement developed into Palatine Bridge and the town of Palatine. 53 Tradition has it that in 172.3 fifteen families of the Pala- tines removed to the Tulpehocken district just east of the Swatara Creek in Pennsylvania. They migrated at the invi- tation of Sir William Keith, Governor of Pennsylvania, who invited them on the occasion of his visit to attend an Indian conference in Albany in 172.2.. The Pennsylvania records con- firm the fact that Governor Keith invited them then. In truth the Pennsylvania records suggest further that several Palatines from New York settled in Pennsylvania "about 1717." 54 As Weiser wrote in his Journal, "the people received 50 C. C. 1720-1721, 468; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 634. 51 Eccles. Rec, III, 2.196; C. C. 1722-1723, 168. 52 Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, no, 138, 195, 196. 53 N. Y. Land Papers, VI, 138; Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, 12.0. 54 Pennsylvania Archives, md series, VII, 78, 94; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 677. 2_o6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Map of Eastern Pennsylvania, showing Tulpehocken_(Wormelsdorf) settled by the Palatines. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society. news from the land at Swatara and Tulpehocken in Pennsyl- vania. Many of them came together, cut a way from Schoharie to the Susquehanna and brought their goods there and made canoes and journeyed down to the mouth of the Swatara Creek and drove their cattle overland in the spring of 172.3. Thence they came to the Tulpehocken settlement; later others followed and settled there, at first without permission of the owner of the land or company, or from the Indians from whom the people had not yet bought the land." 55 It seems 55 Weiser Diary, 45, in hoc. cit., VIII, 801. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.O7 that other Palatines preceded the 172.3 emigrants from Scho- harie to Pennsylvania, for a letter written in Albany on Oc- tober 16, 172.0, stated that some of the Palatines had gone "to [the] Philadelphia government, where they think they fare best." 56 But since Weiser wrote in his Journal that the settlement in the spring of 172.3 was the beginning of the Tulpehocken settlement, it does not appear that the earlier group settled there. The Palatine settlements at Womelsdorf in the Tulpe- hocken region made the Indians restless and caused the colo- nial authorities of Pennsylvania great concern. 57 Several other groups are said to have followed the 172.3 emigrants. In 17x5 there were thirty-three families settled there 58 and fifty more families expected. These moved in 172.9 and among them was the family of Conrad Weiser, who served Pennsylvania and the colonies generally as a valuable intermediary with the Indians. 59 The elder John Conrad Weiser did not move to the Pennsylvania frontier with the first families as he had often threatened to do in earlier days. In 172.6 he entered into an agreement with John Van Kampen of Huntington County, New Jersey to procure an Indian deed for land on the west side of the Delaware River. 60 The attempt to secure this land apparently failed, for Weiser later joined his son in Womels- dorf near the Swatara Creek in Pennsylvania. Taking advantage of the offer made by Governor Burnet to settle the rest of the Palatines on the twenty-four mile tract above Little Falls, the family of Johan Jurgh Kast ob- tained in June, 172.4, a patent for 1,100 acres. The patent in- cluded the usual reservations and required 2.7 shillings, 6 56 C. C. IJ20-IJ2I, l8o. 57 Pennsylvania Provincial Papers, III, 51. 58 Col. Rec. of Pa., Ill, 351. See lists of names in Appendix G. 59 Daniel Haberle, Auswanderung und Koloniegriindungen der Pfdlzer in i8ten Jahrhundert (Kaiserlautern, 1909), 94. 60 Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS., II, 497. io8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ^ 3 V3 s « as c c 2-14- 2.Z4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ish exploitation by colonial land speculators were courage- ously, one might even say obstinately, fought by the Palatine settlers. The eighteenth century immigrant was the same fair game for exploitation by selfish interests as today. It should not be surprising then that immigrants often turned resentful and difficult to assimilate. CONCLUSION Influenced by a robust mercantilism, full fifty years before the age of laissez-faire, the British government attempted an experiment in public operation of an industry in compe- tition with private business. This experiment was neither scientifically planned nor deliberately undertaken. The Brit- ish government had obligated itself by implication to support German immigrants. It had transported them and given them relief at public expense, thus establishing a precedent for state aided and controlled migration. The authorities simply sought under the spur of the drain on the treasury some way of recouping the unexpectedly heavy expenditures. How they tried to "kill two birds with one stone" by solving their naval stores problem as well, has been pointed out. From a rational point of view, the venture had everything to recom- mend it. It gave promise of providing England with a highly valued staple commodity from the northern continental colonies, comparable to the tobacco from Virginia and the sugar from the West Indies. The weakest part of the colonial fron- tier was also to be strengthened by the settlement. Of all these promises, only the last was actually realized, and that, indeed, over the opposition of the governor in charge of operations. It remains to point out why this forgotten attempt at public operation of an industry failed, even before the days of prejudice against government operation of industry. The very haste with which the venture was decided upon and prepared were obstacles. Proper instruction by experts, defi- nitely assigned to the work and given responsibility for it, was not insisted upon. Nevertheless, the venture might have muddled through to success, had financial support from En- gland not ceased before it was well under way. The decisive influence of the Ministerial Revolution in England in 171 1 2.Z6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION and the subsequent search for campaign material to win the next election has been emphasized. It would seem that such political considerations must be ruled out, if public operation of any industry is to succeed. The naval stores project, however, was not a sheer failure. The British attempts to build up a naval stores industry in their colonies in America were effective in maintaining low prices for Swedish tar. Without the possibility of colonial competition the Swedish tar would have been obtainable only on most disadvantageous terms. Therefore, the British Navy Board played into the hands of the Swedish Company when it opposed the encouragement of colonial naval stores on the grounds that they were much more expensive than the prod- ucts of the Baltic countries. Considering only the practical side of securing moderately priced naval stores, the colonial project would seem to have been reasonably successful. The failure of the naval stores settlement spelled oppor- tunity to the Palatines and indeed this too must be considered in explaining the lack of success with tar manufacturing. The Palatines were individualists, as most farmers are, and sought fertile lands for themselves and their posterity. The virgin lands of the frontier beckoned to these Old World farmers. They pushed the frontier before them as they moved into the Mohawk and Susquehanna Valleys. They prospered and many of their descendants still own the lands taken up by their ancestors in the eighteenth century. The dreams of these early pioneers have been realized. More importance should be attached to the effect these migrations of 1708 and 1709 had in the Germanies. The re- ports of the good treatment received from the British govern- ment, which really was most benevolent under the stress of a war period, encouraged a steady stream of emigration. Kocherthal's pamphlet with its appendix, describing the aid extended to the immigrants, was one of the most influential of these works, encouraging emigration. To this group must be added Simmendinger's little pamphlet, with its appendix THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.2-7 of many pages of Palatine families happily settled in the "Land of Promise.' Shortly after the latter publication ap- peared, about 1717, a steady stream of German redemp- tioners began to flow into Pennsylvania. It has seemed advisable to point out that our colonial histories have overstressed Peter Kalm's casual explanation in accounting for the absence of German immigration to the colony of New York, while Pennsylvania felt itself so flooded by these people that it considered restricting the immigration to preserve the English character of the settlement. The real problem has been to explain why Germans settled in New- York rather than why they continued to immigrate to Penn- sylvania. Pennsylvania of all the English colonies was the most publicized in Germany in the early eighteenth century. The Palatine immigrations of 1709 and 1710 to New York were diversions from the normal course of German immigra- tion, made by the British government for its own purposes, as this study has shown. No other English province was able to overcome the magnetic attraction of Pennsylvania for the Germans in the eighteenth century. This study further suggests that Frederick Jackson Tur- ner's thesis of the frontier's influence on the European settlers should be understood not only as a creative but also as a selective process, for the frontier attracted only the inde- pendent, freedom-loving types of men. It also appears neces- sary to appreciate that there was much co-operation required in frontier life. Only the trappers and the rabid frontiersmen were as anti-social as Professor Turner described the pioneers. While his theory of the influence of the frontier on the rise of democracy in this country appears to be sound, it should be realized that in the colonial period it was the wealthy merchants and the landed proprietors who laid the basis for the American Revolution by limiting the power of the Crown's representatives, the colonial governors. The frontier had little influence upon those privileged classes. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliographical Guides Allison, William Henry, Inventory of Unpublished Materials for American Religious History in Protestant Church Archives and other Repositories (Wash- ington, 1910). Andrews, Charles M., Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, 2. vols. (Washington, 191Z-1914). Andrews, Charles M. and Davenport, F. G., Guide to Manuscript Materials for the History of the United States to 1783 in the British Museum (Wash- ington, 1908). Da vies, Godfrey, Bibliography of British History; Stuart Period, 16 03-17 14 (Oxford, 19x8). Faust, Albert B., Guide to the Materials for American History in Swiss and Austrian Archives (Washington, 1916). Flagg, C. A. and Jennings, J. T., Bibliography of New York Colonial History (Albany, 1901). Greene, E. B. and Morris, R. B., Guide to the Principal Sources for Early American History Q1600-1800) in the City of New York (New York, 192.9). Learned, Marion Dexter, Guide to the Manuscript Materials Relating to American History in the German State Archives (Washington, 1912.)- Morgan, William Thomas, Bibliography of British History 1700-171; (Bloom- ington, Indiana, 1934-), only Volume I has appeared so far. Primary Sources unpublished British Museum, London. This depository contains many valuable manu- script materials, especially the Strafford Papers in the Additional Manu- scripts Collection. Historical Society of Pennsylvania Library contains colonial correspondence, and transcripts of Dutch Archives made for J. F. Sachse. It also contains a splendid collection of transcripts of the British Colonial Office Records, including the Board of Trade Journal 1675-1781 (93 large folio volumes), Plantations General 1689-1780 (31 large folio volumes), and the Pro- prieties 1 697-1776 (24 large folio volumes). Huntington Library, San Marino, California, possesses many contemporary manuscripts of great value secured from English sources. Letters of William Penn and Robert Hunter are included. Kingsley Manuscripts in the possession of the Kingsley family, The Rocks, Schoharie, New York, are made up principally of an old recommendation and a Family Bible brought from Germany. 2-3° THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, has transcripts and photostats of British documents, especially of the Colonial Office. It also possesses the Archdale Manuscripts valuable for the activities of the Carolina pro- prietors. It has recently acquired transcripts and photostats of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel from London. These are letters from the ministers in the colonies and extremely valuable, as they sometimes contain vital statistics. Livingston Family Manuscripts in the possession of the Johnston Livingston Redmont Estate, New York City. This valuable collection contains many items on Indian Affairs, the first lord of the Manor having been commis- sioner of Indian Affairs in the early eighteenth century. Moravian Archives (Moravian Seminary), Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, con- tains the first records of the early church at Tulpehocken, entitled "Kirchen Buch von die Evangelisch Lutherisch Gemein in Tulpehocken, 1733." This is the manuscript account of the so-called "Tulpehocken Confusion," attested to by Conrad Weiser, and later published. The early records of the Schaffer, Walborn, Rieth, Losh, and Zerbe families are in this script book. New York Historical Society Library contains a manuscript of an Indian Treaty with regard to Schoharie, New York and the Palatines. It also possesses several colonial manuscripts on the subject as well as a tran- script of a Harleian Manuscript in the British Museum. The Hawks Transcripts of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, London, were transferred here from the Church Mission House, New York. Many of the latter are only extracts. New York Public Library preserves manuscript notes of Abraham Yates on early colonial history of New York, and the Chalmers Collection of New York colonial documents. It also contains rare volumes, particularly Simmendinger's Pamphlet. New York State Archives at Albany, New York are rich in colonial manu- scripts on the subject. The few volumes on this period lost in the 191 1 fire contained only two documents on the Palatines, as indicated by the Calendar. It also has valuable manuscript materials for the 171 1 expedition against Canada. Old Stone Fort of Schoharie County Historical Society, Schoharie, New York, contains many items of great value dealing with the early Palatine settlers. The collection is particularly rich in historical relics, showing the life of pioneer days. Pennsylvania State Archives at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania are comparatively poor in materials on this particular migration. Correspondence of the Penn family and Conrad Weiser are the chief items. The archives are sadly in need of a subject index as the present name index is adequate for genealogical purposes only. Public Record Office, London. A large proportion of the official records con- cerning the governmental project are preserved here. Reclassification in THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.3 I progress accounts for variations in the method of citation in some foot- notes. Schwenkfelder Library at Pennsburg, Pennsylvania, has purchased many items formerly in Judge Pennypacker's collection of pamphlets on Pennsylvania German immigration. Widener Library, Harvard University, possesses several rare contemporary pamphlets as well as the only known copy of Robert Hunter's ' ' Androborus ' (August, 1714), a biographical farce indicating his friends and enemies in the province of New York. Other libraries consulted include Yale University Library at New Haven, Connecticut; Lebanon County Historical Society, Lebanon, Pennsylvania; Historical Society of Berks County, Reading, Pennsylvania; the Public Library of Boston, Massachusetts; the Morgan Library, New York City; and the Holland Society Library, New York City. PUBLISHED OFFICIAL Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, 1680-1720 (1910), also volume of Unbound Papers (published in 1912.)- Calendar of Council Minutes of New York 166 8- 1683 (Albany, 1901). Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and the West Indies, 1689-1693 (1911) to 1722-1723 (1934). Calendar of Treasury Papers 1556-1696 (1868) to 1714-1719 (1883). Calendar of New York Colonial Manuscripts indorsed Land Papers 1643-1803 (Albany, 1864). Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, 2. vols. (Albany, 1865-6). Colonial Laws of New York from 1664-1776, 5 vols. (Albany, 1896). Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1662-1790 (Raleigh, North Carolina, 1886-1903). Documentary History of the State of New York, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, Vol. Ill (Albany, 1850). Documents Relative to the Colonial History of New York by John Romeyn Brod- head, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, 11 vols. (Albany, 1851-61). Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, edited by Hugh Hastings, et al., 8 vols. (Albany, 1901-1916). Historical Manuscript Commission Reports, Great Britain. Journal of the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, 1704-1708 (19x0) to 1718-1722 (19x5). Journal of the House of Commons, especially Vol. XVI. Journal of the Legislative Council of the Colony of New York 1 691-1743, Vol. I (Albany, 1861). Journal of the Votes and Proceedings of the General Assembly of New York 1 691-1743, Vol. I (New York, 1764). Messages from the New York Governors to the Legislatures 1683-1906 . . ., edited by C. Z. Lincoln (Albany, 1909). Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York, Vol. II (New York, 1905). Z32- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Minutes of the Provincial Assembly of Pennsylvania, Vol. Ill (Philadelphia, 1851). Parliamentary History of England, by William Cobbett (London, 1 806-1 82.0), the antecedent of the Parliamentary Debates. Pennsylvania Archives 1664-169$, 1st series, 12. vols.; xnd series, iz vols.; 3rd series, 30 vols. (Harrisburg, 1851-99). Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliaments respecting North America 1542- ijzj, edited by L. F. Stock, 3 vols. (Washington, 19x4-1930). Statutes-at-Large, Reign of Queen Anne. Statutes of the Realm, 12^-iji^, Vol. XI (London, 1814). PUBLISHED UNOFFICIAL [Anonymous] History of the Life and Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1740). Burnet, Bishop Gilbert, History of His Own Times, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1833). Boyer, Abel, History of the Reign of Queen Anne, digested into Annals ijog (London, 1710). Boyer, Abel, Political State of Great Britain, Vol. I (London, 171 1). Brown, J. M., Brief Sketch of the First Settlement of the County of Schoharie by the Germans (Schoharie, New York, 1813). Chamberlen, Paul, An Impartial History of the Life and Reign of our late Sover- eign Queen Anne . . . (London, 1738). Child, Sir Josiah, New Discourse of Trade (London, 1693, first edition 1691). Correspondence between William Penn and James Logan, secretary of the province of Pennsylvania and others ijoo-ijfo, 2. vols. (Philadelphia, The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1 870-1 872.). Falckner, Daniel, Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania (translated and pub- lished by J. F. Sachse, printed privately in Philadelphia, 1905). Gibson, Memoirs of Queen Anne (London, 172.9). Goebel, Julius, Sr., editor, "Briefe Deutscher Auswanderer aus dem Jahre 1709," in Jahrbuch der Deutsch—amerikanischen Historischen Gesellschaft von Illinois (Chicago, 1912.)- Goebel, Julius, Sr. , editor, ' ' Neue Dokumente zur Geschichte der Massenaus= wanderung im Jahre 1709" in Jahrbuch der Deutsch—amerikanischen His- torischen Gesellschaft von Illinois (Chicago, 1913)- Hallesche Nachrichten, Nachricht en von den vereinigten deutschen evangelisch- lutherischen Gemeinen in N or d"= America, absonderlich in Pensylvanien; first published in 1 vols. Halle, 1781, edited by W. J. Mann, B. M. Schmu- cher and W. Germann (1st vol. Allentown, Pennsylvania, 1886) (xnd vol. Philadelphia, 1895). Vol. I, translated by C. W. Schaffer, Reading, Pennsylvania, 1882.; Vols. I and II, translated by Jonathan Oswald, Philadelphia, 1880 and 1881. [Hare, Francis], Canary Birds Naturalized in Utopia (London, 1709). [Hare, Francis], The Reception of the Palatines Vindicated in a Fifth Letter to a Tory Member (London, 171 1). Hoen, Moritz W., editor, Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan bey den Lust= Grabern; oder Ausfuhrliche Beschreibung von der Unglucklichen Reise derer THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2_3 3 jiingsthin aus Teutschland nach dem Engelldndischen in America gelegnen Carolina und Pensylvanien wallenden Pilgrim absonderlich dem einseitigen iibelgegrundeten Kochenthalersichen Bericht wohlbeddchtig entgegen gesetzt (Franckfurt, Leipzig, 171 1). Kalm, Peter, Travels into North America, 3 vols. (Warrington, England, 1770), translated by John Reinhold Forster. Kocherthal, Josua, Aussfuhrlich, und umstdnd—licher Bericht von der beriihmten Landschafft Carolina, in dem engelldndischen America gelegen (Franckfurt=am= Mayn, 1709). A copy of the second edition is in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania Library; one of the fourth edition is in the Library of Congress. "Kocherthal Records," early vital statistics of St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran Church of West Camp, New York, kept by Reverend Josua Kocherthal and others. Translated by Christian Krahmer in Olde Ulster, Vols. Ill, IV (Kingston, New York, 1907 and 1908). Also a new transla- tion by Mr. Krahmer in Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. LVII (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, 1917). Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, 16J8-1J14, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1857). Maitland, William, History and Survey of London, 2. vols. (London, 1756). Mittelberger, Gottlieb, Journey to Pennsylvania in ijjo and Return to Germany ijS4- ■ ■ ■ (Philadelphia, 1898). Monthly Mercury, Vol. XX (London, 1709). Penn, William, Information and Direction to such -persons as are inclined to America more especially those related to the Province of Pennsylvania (London, 1684). Private Correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, 2. vols. (London, 1838, 2.nd edition). Proud, Robert, History of Pennsylvania from the Original Settlement under William Penn in 1681 till after 1742 . . ., 2. vols. (Philadelphia, 1797-98). Simmendinger, Ulrich, Warhaffte und glaubwiirdige Ver%eichniiss jeniger Personen; welche sich Anno ijop unter des Herren wunderbarer Fuhrung aus Teutschland in Americam oder Neue Welt begeben . . . (Reuttlingen, ca. 1717). Smith, Samuel, The History of the Colony of Nova-Caesaria, or New Jersey, to the year ij2i. With particulars since, and a short view of its present state . . . (Burlington, New Jersey, 1765, xnd edition, 1877). Smith, William, History of the Late Province of New York, 2. vols. (New York, 1819-3X5 also London, 1857). Somerville, Thomas, The History of Great Britain during the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1798). Stanhope, P. H., History of England comprising the Reign of Queen Anne, ijoi- 1713, 2. vols. (London, 1872., 4th edition). Stow, John, Survey of the Cities of London and Westminister . . ., 2. vols. (London, 1710). The State of the Palatines for Fifty Years Past to This Present Time (London, 1709). 2_34 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION The Piety and Bounty of the Queen of Great Britain, with the charitable benevolences of her living Subjects toward the Support and Settlement of the Distressed Pro- testant Palatines (London, 1709). Tindal, Nicholas, Continuation of Mr. Rap in s History of England; from the Revolution to the Present Times (London, 1756-63). Todd, Vincent H., and Julius Goebel, Sr., Christoph von Graff enried' s Account of the Founding of New Bern, edited with a historical introduction and an English translation (Raleigh, North Carolina, 192.0). Toland, John, Declaration Lately Published by the Elector Palatine in Favor of his Protestant Subjects (London, 1714). Weiser, Conrad, "Diary" in Americana (New York, September, 1913), Vol. VIII; Also in Olde Ulster (Kingston, New York, 1906), Vol. II. And in Der deutsche Pionier (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1870), Vol. II. The manuscript has recently been acquired by the Library of Congress. Wesley, John, Works of, 1st American edition from 5th edition of London (New York, 183 1). Secondary Sources general works Adams, J. T., Provincial Society 1690-1-763 (New York, 1918). Anderson, Adam, Historical and Chronological Origin of Commerce, 2. vols. (London, 1764). Beer, G. L., The Old Colonial System, 2. vols. (New York, 1912.)- Bolton, H. E. and Marshall, T. M., The Colonisation of North America 1492- 1783 (New York, 19x0). Burke, Edmund, An Account of the European Settlements in America, 2. vols. (London, 1770, 5th edition). Cambridge History of the British Empire, edited by J. H. Rose, A. P. Newton and E. A. Benians (New York, 1919). Channing, Edward, History of United States, Vol. II (New York, 1908). Chitwood, O. P., A History of Colonial America (New York, 193 1). Cunningham, William, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, 3 vols. (Cambridge, England, 1910-11, 5th edition). Dickerson, O. M., American Colonial Government 1696-1763 (Cleveland, Ohio, 1911). Douglass, William The British Settlements in North America, 2. vols. (Boston, !749-53)- Doyle, J. A., English Colonies in America, 5 vols. (New York, 1881-1907). Egerton, H. E., A Short History of British Colonial Policy (London, 1897). Flick, A. C, editor, History of the State of New York, under Duke and King, Vol. II (New York, 1933). Garis, R. L., Immigration Restriction (New York, 1918). Greene, E. B., Provincial America 1690-1740 (New York, 1905). Heckscher, E. F., Mercantilism, 2. vols. (London, 1935). Hill, D. J., A History of Diplomacy in the International Development of Europe, 3 vols. (New York, 1905-14). THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.35 Jernegan, M. W., The American Colonies (New York, 192.9). Lipson, E., The Economic History of England, 3 vols. (London, 19x0-1931). Macpherson, David, Annals of Commerce, 4 vols. (London, 1805). Mahan, Admiral A. T., The Influence of Sea Poiver upon History (Boston, 1S94). Morris, H. C, The History of Colonisation, 2. vols. (New York, 1908). Osgood, H. L., American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, Vols. I and II (New York, 192.4). Raynal, Abbe, Philosophical and Political History of the British Settlements and Trade in North America, 2. vols. (Edinburgh, 1776). Stanhope, P. H., History of England 1702-17 13 (London, 1870). Turner, Frederick Jackson, The Frontier in American History (New York, 19x0). Van Noorden, Carl, Europdesche Geschichte im acht^ehnten J ahrhundert (Diissel- dorf, 1870-71). SPECIAL WORKS Albion, R. G., Forests and Sea Power (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1916). Barber, J. W., and Howe, Henry, Historical Collections of the State of New Jersey (Newark, New Jersey, 1857). Beer, G. L., Commercial Policy of England toward the American Colonies (New York, 1893). Beidelman, William, Story of the Pennsylvania Germans (Easton, Pennsylvania, 1898). Benton, N. S., History of Herkimer County including the Upper Mohawk Valley (Albany, 1856). Bernheim, G. D., History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina . . . (Philadelphia, 1871). Bittinger, L. F., The Germans in Colonial Times (Philadelphia and London, 1901). Bond, W. B., The Quit-Kent System in the American Colonies (New Haven, Connecticut, 1919). Brink, B. M., Early History of Saugerties 1660-182; (Kingston, New York, 1902.). Burns, J. F., Controversies between Royal Governors and their Assemblies in the Northern American Colonies (Villanova, Pennsylvania, 192.3). Chambers, T. F., Early Germans of New Jersey (Dover, New Jersey, 1895). Charlevoix, P. F. X., History and General Description of New France, 6 vols. (London, 1901). Cobb, S. H., The Story of the Palatines (New York, 1897). Correll, E. H., Das Schweizerische Tdufermennonitentum (Tubingen, 192.5). Croll, P. C, Annals of Womelsdorf, Pennsylvania and the Tulpehocken Community (192.3); Crook, William, The Palatines in Ireland (London, 1866). Cunningham, William, Alien Immigrants to England (London, 1S97). De Long, I. H., The Lineage of Malcolm Met^ger Parker (Lancaster, Pennsyl- vania, 1916). Diefendorf, M. R., The Historic Mohawk (New York, 1910). 2.36 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Eberlein, H. D., The Manors and Historic Homes of the Hudson Valley (Phila- delphia and London, 192.4). Egle, W. H., editor, Names of Foreigners who took the Oath of Allegiance to the Province and State of Pennsylvania 1727-1775 and 1786-1808 (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1892.). Eickhoff, Anton, In der neuen Heimath; geschichtliche Mittheilungen uber die deutschen Einwanderer in alien Theilen der Union, 2. vols. (New York, 1884). Eshleman, H. F., Historic Background and Annals of the Swiss and German Pioneer Settlers of Southeastern Pennsylvania (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1917). Faust, A. B., German Element in the United States, 2. vols. (New York, 1909), new edition, 2. vols, in one, 1917. Fischer, P. D., Die Anfdnge der deutschen Auswanderung nach Amerika (Berlin, 1870). Fox, Dixon Ryan, Caleb Heathcote, Gentleman Colonist (New York, 1916). Gamble, Thomas, editor, Naval Stores; History, Production, Distribution and Consumption (Savannah, Georgia, 192.1). Geiser, K. R., Redemptioners and Indentured Servants in the Colony and Common- wealth of Pennsylvania (New Haven, Connecticut, 1901). Goebel, Julius, Sr., Das Deutschtum in den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord= Amerika (Munchen, 1904). Gordon, T. F., History of Pennsylvania from its Discovery to 1776 (Philadelphia, 18x9). Giimbel, T., Die Geschichte der Protest. Kirche der Pfalz. (Kaiserslautern, 1885). Guttridge, G. H., The Colonial Policy of William III in America and the West Indies (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1911). Haberle, Daniel, Auswanderung und Koloniegrundungen der P falser im 18. Jahr~ hundert (Kaiserlautern, 1909). Halsey, F. W., Old New York Frontier (New York, 1901). Hasbrouck, Frank, The History of Dutchess County, New York (Poughkeepsie, New York, 1909). Hausser, Ludwig, Geschichte der Rheinischen Pfalz. ■ • •> Vol. II (Heidelberg, 1845). Herrick, C. A., White Servitude in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1916). Heuser, Emil, Pennsylvanien im ij. Jahrhundred und die ausgewanderten Pfdl^er in England (Neustadt, 1910). Higgins, R. L., Expansion in New York in the Eighteenth Century (Columbus, Ohio, 1931)- Hulbert, A. B., Soil; Its Influence on the History of the United States . . . (New Haven, Connecticut and London, 1930). Hunt, Thomas, A Historical Sketch of the Town of Clermont (Hudson, New York, 1918). Janney, S. M., The Life of William Penn (Philadelphia, 1851). Jernegan, M. W., Laboring and Dependent Classes in Colonial America 1607-178} (Chicago, 1932.)- Kapp, Friedrich, Die Deutschen im Staate New York wdhrend des 18. Jahrhunderts THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 137 (New York, 1884); Vol. I of Geschichtsbldtter, Bilder und Mittheilungen aus dem Leben der Deutschen in Amerika, edited by C. von Schurz. Kapp, Friedrich, Geschichte der Deutschen Einwanderung in Amerika (Leipzig, 1868), Vol. I of Geschichte der deutschen Einivanderung in A?nerika. Kohl, Johann G., Travels in Ireland (London, 1844). Kuhns, Oscar, The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania (New York, 1901). Loher, Franz von, Geschichte und Zustdnde der Deutschen in Amerika (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1847). Lohr, Otto, The First Germans in North America and the German Element of New Netherland (New York, 1912.)- Lord, E. L., Industrial Experiments in the British Colonies of North America (Baltimore, 1898). Mann, W. J., Life and Times of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg (Philadelphia, 1887). Martin, R. M., Ireland Before and After the Union with Great Britain (London, 1S48, 3rd edition). Mayer, Frederick [Reinhard, A. W.,] Fifty Years in the Wilderness (Los Angeles, California, 193 1). A work of fiction so realistic and so close to the facts that the casual reader may take it for what it purports to be, a translation of a contemporary diary of Palatine life in Schoharie Valley. Mellick, A. D., The Story of an Old Farm in New Jersey in the Eighteenth Century (Somerville, New Jersey, 1889). Mershon, S. L., The Bower of the Crown in the Valley of the Hudson (Brattleboro, Vermont, 192.5). Michaux, F. A., The North American Sylva, a description of the forest trees of United States, Canada and Nova Scotia . . ., 2. vols. (Paris, 1S19 edition). Montgomery, M. L., History of Berks County in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1886). Morgan, William Thomas, English Political Parties and Leaders in the Reign of Queen Anne, 1702-1710 (New Haven, Connecticut, 1910). Munsell, J., Annals of Albany, 10 vols. (Albany, 1850-1859). Myers, A. C, Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania 1682-1750 (Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, 1901). Nettels, C. P., The Money Supply of the American Colonies before 1720 (Madison, Wisconsin, 1934). Pascoe, C. F., Two Hundred Years of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 1701-1900 . . ., ~l vols. (London, 1901). Pennypacker, S. W., Historical and Biographical Sketches (Philadelphia, 1883). Pletcher, N. M., Some Chapters from the History of the Rhine Country (New York, 1907). Poole, R. L., A History of the Huguenots of the Dispersion at the Recall of the Edict of Nantes (London, 1880). Proper, E. E., Colonial Immigration Laws . . . (New York, 1900). Proud, Robert, History of Pennsylvania, 1681-1742 . . ., 1 vols. (Philadelphia, 1797-8). Reid, W. M., The Mohawk Valley, its Legends and its History (New York, 1907). 2_3 8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Richards, G. W., The German Pioneers in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1905). Riehl, W. H., Die Pfalxer; ein rheinisches volksbild (Stuttgart, 1858). Rivers, W. J., A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the close of the Proprietary Government by the Revolution of 17 19 (Charleston, South Carolina, 1856). Roberts, E. H., New York; the Planting and the Growth of the Empire State, 2. vols. (Boston, 1904). Roscoe, W. E., History of Schoharie County, New York (Syracuse, New York, i88x). Rupp, I. D., History of Northampton, Berks, Monroe, Carbon and Schuylkill Counties (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1845). Rupp, I. D., Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, French and others in Pennsylvania 1727-1776 (Philadelphia, 1898). Also published in Leipzig (193 1) with an index to the names listed. Sachse, J. F., Benjamin Furly, "an English merchant at Rotterdam," who pro- moted the first German emigration to America (Philadelphia, 1895). Sachse, J. F., The German Pietists of Provincial Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1895). Sachse, J. F., The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania 1708-1800, 2. vols. (Phila- delphia, 1 899-1 900). Scharf, J. T., History of Maryland . . ., 3 vols. (Baltimore, 1879). Schuyler, G. W., Colonial New York, 2. vols. (New York, 1885). Scott, W. R., Constitutions and Finances of English, Scottish and Irish Joint- stock Companies to 1720, 3 vols. (Cambridge, England, 1910-1912.). Seidensticker, Oswald, Die Erste Deutsche Einwanderung in Amerika, 168} (Philadelphia, 1883). Simms, J. R., History of Schoharie County . . . (Albany, 1845). Simms, J. R., The Frontiersmen of New Yrrk, 2. vols. (Albany, i88x-i883). Smith, P. H., General History of Dutchess County, New York, 1609-1876 (Pawling, New York, 1877). Smith, William, History of the Province rf New York . . ., 1 vols. (London, 1776). Spencer, C. W., Phases of Royal Government in New York, 1691-1719 (Columbus, Ohio, 1905). Stokes, I. N. Phelps, The Iconography cf Manhattan Island, 2. vols. (New York, 1914-1916). Strassburger, R. B., Pennsylvania German Pioneers, a Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808, edited by W. J. Hinke, 3 vols. (Norristown, Pennsylvania, 1934). Struve, B. G., Ausfiihrlicher Bericht von der pfaltzjschen Kirchen*=historie . . . (Franckfurt, 172.1). Walton, J. S., Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, [1900]). Watson, J. F., Annals of Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania, in the Olden Time, 2. vols. (Philadelphia, 1857). Weiser, C. Z., The Life of Conrad Weiser (Reading, Pennsylvania, 1899). Wenner, G. U., The Lutherans of New York, their Story and their Problems (New York, 1918). THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.39 Williamson, Hugh, History of North Carolina, 2. vols. (Philadelphia, 1811). Yates, J. V. N., History of the State of New York . . . (New York, 1814). Young, Arthur, Tour in Ireland, 2. vols. (Dublin, 1780). PERIODICAL AND LEARNED SOCIETY CONTRIBUTIONS Ames, Herman V., "The Peopling of the English Colonies in America" in University of Pennsylvania Lectures (Philadelphia, 1915). Beyer, R. L., "Relations of New York and Pennsylvania 1710-1719," in New York Historical Society Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. XIV (New York, April, 1930). Brink, B. M., "Naval Stores Project," in Olde Ulster, Vol. Ill (Kingston, New York, 1907). Brink, B. M., "The Palatine Settlements," in New York State Historical Association Proceedings, Vol. XI (Albany, 1911). Carpenter, A. H., "Naturalization in England and the American Colonies," in American Historical Preview, Vol. IX (New York, January, 1904). Chichester, H. M., "Robert Hunter," in Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. LXIII (New York, 1891)*. Clark, M. P., "The Board of Trade at Work," in American Historical Preview, Vol. XVII (1911-11). Cobb, S. H., "The Palatine, or German, Immigration to New York and Pennsylvania," in Wyoming Historical and Genealogical Society Proceedings , Vol. VII (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, 1897). Colden "Letters on Smith's History of New York," in New York Historical Society Collections, Vol. I (New York, 1869). DifFenderffer, F. R., "German Immigration into Pennsylvania through the Port of Philadelphia (1700-1775)." Part II, "The Redemptioners," in Pennsylvania German Society Proceedings, Vol. X (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1900). DifFenderffer, F. R., "The German Exodus to England in 1709," in Penn- sylvania=German Society Proceedings, Vol. VII (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1897). Earl, Robert, "Mohawk Valley and the Palatines," in Herkimer Historical Society Papers (1898). Earl, Samuel, "The Palatines and their Settlement in the Valley of the Mohawk," in Oneida Historical Society Transactions, Vol. I (Utica, New York, 1881). Edgett, Mrs. H. R., "The Palatines," in Fort Orange Monthly (Albany, 1886). Ellsworth, Reverend W. W., "The Palatines in the Mohawk Valley," in New York Historical Association Proceedings, Vol. XIV (191 5). Fernsemer, O. F. W., "Daniel Defoe and the Palatine Emigration of 1709. *A supplementary study of Robert Hunter is the work of Richard Laurence Beyer' "Robert Hunter, Royal Governor of New York; a study in Colonial Administration," a manuscript dissertation for the doctorate at the University of Iowa (192.9). Professor Beyer deals especially with the political background of the colony and the New York frontier. 140 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION A New View of the Origin of Robinson Crusoe," in Journal of English and Germanic Philology, Vol. XIX (Urbana, Illinois, 19x0). Hill, C. F., "The Palatines of 172.3," in Wyoming Historical Society Proceedings, Vol. V (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, 1895). Hinke, W. J., "The First German Reformed Colony in Virginia 1714-1750," in Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. II (Philadelphia, 1903). Holmes, H. A., "The Palatine Emigration to England in 1709," in Albany Institute Transactions, Vol. VII (1871). Honeyman, A. van Doven, "Early Palatine Immigration," in Proceedings of New Jersey Historical Society, New Series, Vol. X (1915). Honeyman, A. van Doven, "The Lutheran Church of Raritan in the Hills," in Somerset County Historical Quarterly, Vol. II (Somerville, New Jersey, 1913). Jacobs, H. E., "The German Emigration to America, 1709-1740," in Penn- sylvania-German Society Proceedings, Vol. VIII (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1898). Katscher, Leopold, "German Life in London," in Nineteenth Century Maga- zine, Vol. XXI (London, May, 1887). Learned, M. D., "Life of Francis Daniel Pastorius the Founder of German- town" in German- American Annals , Vols. IX and X (Philadelphia, 1908-9). Matthews, Albert, "The Word 'Palatine' in America," in The Nation, Vol. LXXIV (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1904). Mays, George, "Palatine and Scotch-Irish Settlers of Lebanon," in Lebanon County Historical Society, Vol. I (i9ox). Mellick, A. D., Jr., "German Emigration to the American Colonies," in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. X (1886). Morgan, William Thomas, "Some Attempts at Imperial Co-operation during the Reign of Queen Anne," in Transcripts of Royal Historical Society, 4th series, Vol. X (London, 192.7). Morgan, William Thomas, "The Five Nations and Queen Anne," in Missis- sippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. XIII (1916). Morgan, William Thomas, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710 in Eng- land," in Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XXXVI, number i (June, 19x1). Pennypacker, S. W., "The Settlement of Germantown," in Pennsylvania^ German Society Proceedings, Vol. IX (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1899). Richards, H. M. M., "German Emigration from New York Province into Pennsylvania," in Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings, Vol. IX (Lan- caster, Pennsylvania, 1899). Richards, H. M. M., "The Weiser Family," in Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings, Vol. XXXII (Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 192.4). R. J. G., "The Palatines in New York and Pennsylvania," in German- American Annals, Vol. X (Philadelphia, 1908). Sachse, J. F., "The Fatherland 1450-1700," in Pennsylvania -German Society Proceedings, Vol. VII (Philadelphia, 1897). Sauer, Christopher, "An Early Description of Pennsylvania," written (in THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 141 17x4), translated by R. W. Kelsey in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XLV (Philadelphia, 192.1). Scheffer, J. G. de Hoop, "Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania," in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II (1878, number z). Seidensticker, Oswald, "William Penn's Travels in Holland and Germany in 1677," in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II (Phila- delphia, 1878). Smith, C. H., "The Mennonite Immigration to Pennsylvania in the 18th Century," in Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings, Vol. XXXV (Norris- town, Pennsylvania, 1919). Spencer, C. W., "The Cornbury Legend," in New York Historical Association Proceedings, Vol. XIII (191 6). Spencer, C. W., "The Land System of Colonial New York," in New York State Historical Association Proceedings, Vol. XVI (1917). Todd, C. B., "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines 1710-1719," in Wilson, J. G., Memorial History of New York, Vol. II (New York, 1891). Todd, C. B., "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines," in The National Magazine, Vol. XVII (February, 1893). Todd, C. B., "The Story of the Palatines," in The Lippincott Magazine, Vol. XXXI (March, 1883). Trinity College Historical Society, "De GrafFenried and the Swiss and Palatine Settlement of New Bern, North Carolina," in Trinity College Historical Society Papers, 4th series (1900). , Wilson, J. G., "Lovelace and the Second Canadian Campaign," in American Historical Association Annual Reports for 1891 (Washington, D. C, 1891). INTRODUCTION TO APPENDICES The Palatine Immigration was so involved financially with the British government that many lists of these immi- grants were drawn up. Most of these lists, heretofore unpub- lished, were turned up in the course of this research. They constitute a most valuable addition to genealogical informa- tion, since the most difficult problem confronting the geneal- ogists is that part of the link which establishes just when the colonial ancestor arrived. Heretofore, the largest list of these emigrants published contained only 6,000 people. The lists given here double that total. For convenience in referring to the lists, they have been arranged in this order under these headings. A. The Kocherthal Party — the 1708 Emigration. B. The First Board of Trade List of Palatines in London (May 6, 1709). C. The Embarkation Lists from Holland. D. The Roman Catholic Palatines Returned to Holland. E. The New York Subsistence List. F. The Simmendinger Register. G. The Pennsylvania Palatine Lists. H. The Petition List of Palatines in North Carolina. I. The Irish Palatine List. Each list has been briefly described under its heading and the source of the information given. All information in the lists has been included, except where otherwise stated as in Appendix B. No attempt has been made to reconcile the spell- ings between any two of the lists as it was felt that each record had best stand upon its own merits. There is a great deal of variation in the spelling of the names among the various lists, which may be accounted for by the eighteenth century habit of spelling a word the way it was pronounced, THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.43 a habit now lost but of some merit, and by the difficulties of list-makers writing names in a language often strange to them. The latter difficulty is not so valid with the Palatine list-makers, who were in most instances German or Dutch, the latter not unrelated to German. Perhaps the worst diffi- culty was the illiteracy of a number of the Palatines, who may be presumed to have been able to pronounce but not spell their names. The use of the feminine ending "in" at the end of the women's family names should not be confusing to the casual reader of the lists; it simply denotes that the female in question was unhampered by any present male attachment, she being either an unmarried girl or a widow A. THE KOCHERTHAL PARTY— THE 1708 IMMIGRATION TO NEW YORK Reverend Kocherthal was the leader of a band of forty- -one persons from the Palatinate, who came to London in 1708 and were sent to New York with Governor Lovelace as described in Chapter II. They first settled at Newburgh on the Hudson River. The data given in the list below was compiled from the following sources: P. R. O., C. O. 5, 67 ii; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 51; Doc. Hist., Ill, 543; C. C. 1706-170$, JUL. "w." indicates wife in the family notations. Family No. of Persons Fiscar (Fischer), John; w. Maria Barbara. 2. Gulch (Hilg or Gilles), Melchior; w. Anne Catherine and ch., Magdalena 12. and Heinrich 10. 4 Kocherdal (Kocherthal), Joshua de; w. Sibylle Charlotte and ch. Benigna Sibylle 10, Christian Joshua 7 and Susanna Sibylle 3. 5 Plettell (Pletel), John Jacob; w. Anne Elisabeth and ch. Margaretha 10, Anna Sara 7 and Catharine 7. 5 Rennau, Henry; w. Johanna and 2. sisters Sussanna Liboscha 15, and Maria Johanna Liboscha 10; ch. Lorenz 2. and Heinrich 2. mo. 6 2_44 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Schwiser (Schwisser), Lorentz; w. Anne Catherine and ch. Johanna 6 mo. 3 Turk (Tiirck), Isaac (a bachelor). 1 Volck, Andrew; w. Anna Catherine, 3 ch. Maria Barbara 5, Heironemus 4 and Anne Gertrude 1. 5 Weber, Jacob; w. Anna Elisabethe, and 1 daughters, Eva Maria 4 and Eva Elisabethe 1. 4 Wigand (Weigand), Michael; w. Anne Catherine and ch. Anna Maria 13, Tobias 7 and Georg 5. Also a cousin 2.2.. 6 To the forty-one persons of Kocherthal's original party were added fourteen Germans who came to London a little later as described in Chapter II. The list of them given below is taken from P. R. O., C. O. 1049/57, 139 and C. C. ijo6- ijo8, 738. Feber, Isaac; w. Catharine, ch. Abraham 2.. 3 Fiere, Daniel; w. Anna Maria, ch. Andreas 7 and Johannes 6. 4 Hiibertsen, Peter (widower); son Jacob 15. 2. Rose, Peter; w. Johanna. 2. Schiineman, Herman (a bachelor). 1 Wemarin, Maria (Peter's widow), and daughter Catha- rina 2.. 2. B. THE BOARD OF TRADE LIST OF FIRST PARTY OF PALATINES IN LONDON, MAY 3, 1709 This list is the first of four lists of Palatines compiled up to June 16, 1709 by Reverend John Tribbeko and Reverend George Andrew Ruperti. The four lists include only the first 6,000 of the Germans to arrive in that year. The lists, which contain information on the age and occupation of the head of the family, numbers and age of the members of the family and religion, may be found in the Public Record Office, C. O. 388/76, 56 ii, 64, and 68-70. They have been published with- out change in the New York Genealogical and Biographical Records (New York, 1909 and 1910), XL, 49-54, 93-100, 160- 167, X4I-2-48; XLI, 10-19. They are also published in L. D. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION M5 Mac Wet hy, The Book of Names especially Relating to the Early Palatines and the First Settlers in the Mohawk Valley (St. Johns- ville, New York, 1933) in an alphabetical order and an abridged form. In the latter version there are errors, which are excusable because of the nature of the material but the bad alphabetising of the names is not to be regarded so lightly. Only the first of the four Board of Trade Lists (that of May 6, 1709) is included here because that group of 82.5 persons is unmentioned in the Embarkation Lists from Holland, which are here given in Appendix C. They were sent, as related in Chapter III, before the arrangement, by which the British government financed their passage to London, was well worked out. This first Board of Trade List given below has been carefully alphabetised, but the information given as to occupation, religion and age has not been included here for a number of reasons: 1) it is accessible elsewhere, 2.) it would crowd an already lengthy Appendix, 3) it would not conform to the Embarkation Lists which it is intended to supplement here. The abbreviation w. denotes the presence of the wife. Adder, Henry — w. i son Albenz, Christoph Albrecht, James — w. Andrew, Benedict — w. i son Anke, Joseph Bahr, John — w. 3 sons Bauer, Christian — w. 2. sons, 3 daus Bauer, Christina Bauer, George Baumann, Michael — w. 1 dau Becker, Gerhard — w. 1 son, 1 dau Bekell, Philip — w. 1 son, 5 daus Beller, Jacob — w. 1 son Berg, Frederick — w. 1 son, 1 dau Bergleuchter, Anton Berstler, Adam — w. z sons, 1 dau Bettinger, Anna Christina Bien, John Blesinger, Daniel — w. z daus Bohm, Johannes Bolker, Charles — w. Bollon, Christoff — w. 1 son, 2. daus Boos, John Henry — w. Bretschi, Lorentz Bruchly, John Henry — w. z sons Buehler, John — w. 3 daus Buff, George — w. 1 dau Cathrina — servant maid Clemens, Gerhard — w. z sons Closterbeker, John — w. 1 son, z daus Daninger, Jacob — w. z sons, z daus Daun, George — w. 1 dau Degen, Felix Denias, Philip deRocheford, Peter — w. z sons, z daus Dieterich, John — w. 1 son Dixion, David — w. 1 son Drechsler, John Peter — w. 1 dau DuBois, Abraham — w. 3 sons, 1 dau Durbecker, John Adam — w. z daus Durk, John Adam — w. 1 son, z daus 246 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Ebert, Hartman — w. Emichen, Ernst — w. 4 sons Ende, John Philip am — w. 1 son, 1 dau Ends, Matthew — w. 1 son Engelsbruecher, Nicol — w. 1 dau Erkel, Bernard — w. Eschelmanns, Anna — 1 son Escherich, John Eyeach, John Valentine Faubell, John — w. 1 dau Fodder, John — w. z sons, 1 dau Frey, Conrad — w. z sons, z daus Friede, Cathrina Fuhrman, Jacob — z daus Galathe, Jacob Galathe, John Jacob — w. 1 son, 1 dau Garrinot, Peter — w. Geisell, George — w. z sons Gerhard, John George — w. 2. sons, 4 daus Gessienger, Henry — w. 1 dau Glaents, John — w. 1 son Gnaedi, Benedict — w. 1 son, 1 dau Goebell, Paul — w. 1 son, 1 dau Gothzeit, William — w. 1 son, 1 dau Graeff, Jacob — his parents live in Penn- sylvania Gring, Jacob — w. 1 dau Gruendner, Matthew Guth, Henry Haas, John — w. z sons, z daus Hagder, John Hagenbeck, Frederick — w. z sons Hahrlaender, Conrad — w. z sons Hakl, John George — w. 1 son, 3 daus Hartman, John George — w. 1 son Hassmer, John Haun, Andrew — w. 5 sons, z daus Hebenstreit, John Jas. — w. Heffen, Bartin Heidman, Peter — w. 3 dau Helffert, Peter — w. Henrich, Lorentz — w. 1 son, 1 dau Herman, Daniel — w. 1 son, 1 dau Herman, Jacob Herman, Niclas Herman, Peter — w. z sons, 1 dau Herman, Valentine — w. 1 son Hermann, Niclas Hesse, John — w. z daus Heyde, Peter — w. 1 son Hirtzbach, Anton — w. 3 sons, 1 dau Hirzeach, Martin — w. z sons, z daus Hobler, Abraham — w. 1 son, 1 dau Hocky, Andrew Hocky, Peter Hoffart, John Adam — w. Hoffstaetter, Philip Hohenstein, Christian — w. 2. sons, 1 dau Hoherluth, George Adam — w. z sons, z daus Hornigh, John George — w. z sons, z daus Hubscher, Andrew — w. 1 son, 4 daus Hubmacher, Niclas — w. 1 son, z daus Huebner, Anton — w. z sons, 1 dau Jacobi, John Thomas — w. z sons, 1 dau Jalathe, John William — w. z sons, 1 dau Kaff, Bazar — w. 3 sons Kaldauer, Valentine — w. z sons, 3 daus Keyser, George Frederick — w. z daus Kinfeller, Frederick — w. 1 son, 1 dau Kirchofen, Francis Ludwig Klaemer, Ludwig — w. 1 son, z daus Klein, John Jacob — w. 1 son Klein, John — w. z sons Klein, Michael, sister-in-law of Klein, Michael — w. z daus Klein, Peter — w. 1 son, 1 dau Klug, George — w. 1 son Klug, George, his sister and son, a boy of 15 years Koenig, John Adam Kolb, Arnold Kolb, Henry — w. 3 daus Kueffer, John — w. z daus Kuhlwein, Philip Kuhner, Jacob — w. 3 sons, 1 dau laForge, John Wm. — w. Lang, Johan — 4 in family Lang, Philip — w. 1 son, 1 dau Lauber, Jacob — w. 3 daus Le Dee, John — z daus Le Fevre, Abram — w. 1 son, 1 dau Leibengut, John Wendell — 1 son Leucht, Lewis — w. 1 son Lichtnegger, Gottlob August Lucas, Francis — w. z sons, 5 daus Lup, Henry — w. 3 sons, 1 dau Machtig, Jacob — w. z sons, z daus Martins, Gertrud — 1 son Mason, Niclas Mendon, Jacob Meningen, John — w. z sons Messer, Sylvester — w. z sons, z daus Mey, David — w. Meyer, Hartman — w. 1 son, z daus Meyer, Henry — w. z daus Meyer, Henry — sister of THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2-47 Moor, Austin Moor, John Moor, John William Mueller, John Jacob — w 6 sons, i dau Mueller, Valentine Muller, Daniel Nagel, John — w. i dau Neidhofer, John Quirinus — w. i son, i dau Notzel, Rudolf — w. 3 daus Obender, Samuel — w. i dau Oberholtzer, Mark — w. 3 sons, 1 daus Pelle, Peter Penning, Daniel Pens, Benedict — 4 in family PfeifFer, John Jacob — w. 1 son, 1 dau Presler, Valentine — w. 3 sons, z daus Rath (Bath), John — \v. 1 son, 1 dau Raths, Jane Rausch, George Rebell, Jacob Reiser, John Peter — w. 5 sons Reuling, Jacob — w. 1 dau Rheine, John am — w. Rider, Niclas — w. Riedel, George — mother-in-law of Riedell, John George — w. 1 son, 1 dau Rohrbach, Christian — w. 1 dau Rose, Anna — 1 son, z daus Rose, Catherine — 1 dau RudolfF, John Schaeffer, John — w. 1 son Schaeffer, John — w. 4 sons, z daus Schaeffer, John Conrad Schaeffer, Joseph — w. 1 sons, 4 daus Schletzer, Jeremy — w. z sons, 3 daus Schlingluff, John — w. 3 sons Schlottenhofer, Christof — w. z sons Schmitzer, John Martin — w. 1 son Schneider, Philip) — w. z sons, 1 dau Schneider, John Michael — w. 1 son, 1 dau Schoen, Maria Cathrina — 3 sons, 1 dau Schrager, Andrew — w. 2. daus Schuetz, John — w. 4 daus Schwaegerin, Apollonia Schwengel, John — w. 1 son, 3 daus Seibert, Conrad — w. 1 son, 1 dau Seibert, Martin — w. 1 son, 1 dau Sheuer, John Adam — w. z sons, 1 dau Shonweiss, John — w. 1 son, z daus Shwab, Peter — w. 1 son, 1 dau Shwartz, Matthias — w. 2. sons, 1 dau Shwartze, John — w. 1 son, 1 dau Smith, Henry — w. 4 sons, 1 dau Smith, Jacob — w. 2. sons, 1 dau Smith, John — w. 4 sons, 6 daus Spuehler, Jacob — w. 1 son Staehler, Peter Stutz, Eberhard — 5 in family Stutz, John Eberhard — w. 2. sons, 1 dau Turch, Caspar Tanner, Cathrina — 1 dau Thevoux, Daniel — w. 1 son, 1 dau Thomas, John George — w. z sons, 1 dau Thor, Conrad am — w. 1 dau Trombauer, Niclas — w. 1 son, z daus Truat, John — w. z sons Trumph, John Michael — 1 son Vogt, Abraham — w. 1 son, 3 daus Vogt, John — w. 1 son Volweider, Jacob — w. Wagner, John — w. z sons, 3 daus Wagner, Mary Elizabeth Walter, John George — w. 3 sons, z daus Warambour, Mary — 4 sons, 1 dau Wayner, Henry — w. z sons, 1 dau Weber, John Engel — w. 5 daus Weber, John Jacob — w. Weinrich, Balzar — w. 3 sons, 1 dau Weitzell, John — w. z sons Wenig, Peter — w. 1 dau Wentzen, Peter Werner, Christoff — w. 1 dau Willich, Peter — w. z daus Winter, Maria Cathrina — 1 dau Wismar, Jacob — w. 1 son, 1 dau Zeber, John — w. z sons, z daus Zeisler, Lorentz — w. z sons, 1 dau Zeitz, John Peter Ziegler, Michael Zimmerman, John Wolff — w. z sons, 4 daus Zinkhan, Conrad — w. 1 son, z daus Zitel, Jacob — w. X4^ THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION C. THE EMBARKATION LISTS FROM HOLLAND These lists comprise the enumeration of five separate sail- ings of Palatines from Holland, as sent by the Rotterdam Commissioners, van Toren and van Gent, to Minister Day- rolle, who forwarded them to England. The lists were found in the Public Record Office, T 1/119, 6-10, 19-2.6, 68-71, 58-65, 79-82.. They comprise notations of about 11,000 persons, by far the largest list of all the lists relating to this immigration, although even the Embarkation Lists are not complete. They lack the enumeration of the first party to sail in 1709, the 82.5 persons given in Appendix B. They do not include those Palatines who paid their own way to London or were sent by private charity in August and October, 1709 as related in Chapter III. So far as possible the enumerations have been retained in exactly the form in which the Dutchmen made them. This was considered most desirable for genealogists, who will use them to greatest advantage. For the ordinary reader, it may be necessary to explain further that "vrouw" means wife; "weduw e ," widow; "moeder," mother; "swister," sister; "s wager," brother-in-law; "swagerin," sister-in-law; and "knegt," servant. Of course, each sailing list has been alpha- betised to facilitate their use. When names are indented, they are the names of children which happen to be mentioned, and they are not included in the additional number of chil- dren ending the line. SECOND PARTY SAILING MAY 23, 1709 Aldemos, Philip Balbar, Kryn & vrouw, 2. ch. Altum, Hans & vrouw, 2. ch. Bampert, Johans & vrouw Aman, Johannes Anna Krita, Gysbert, Frans Amand, Johannes & vrouw Adam, & 2. ch. Arm, David & vrouw Barban, Hans Wolf & vrouw Johan Arm, Izaak, Kristina, Anna & 2. ch. David, & 1 ch. Bastiaen, Andries Atam, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch. Batyn, Nicolaas & vrouw, i ch. Baur, Elias Back, Johs & vrouw Beck, Johannes Anna Margreta, Ane Marya, Beck, Thobias & vrouw, 5 ch. & 1 ch. Bergs, Hans THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 249 Berkman & vrouw Anna Elisabet Betha, Anna Margreta, Anna Barbera, Johannes Berkma [sic], & 1 ch. Berthram, Pr Besser, Johan Peter Better, Johan Peter & vrouw, 1 ch. Bickman, Jacob & vrouw Andries Vredrig, Justina Madeleena, Anna Christina, Abraham, Maria Dorta, & 2. ch. Bilar, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Binder, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Binder, Valentyn & vrouw, 1 ch. Bischop, Lodewyk Blaum, Herman & vrouw Gerrard, Anna Cartel, & 1 ch. Bolla, Jacob Bols, Johan Bols, Jorig & vrouw Jurig Bols & 2. ch. Bornman, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2. ch. Bortran, Pieter Bos, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch. Bos, Philip & vrouw Hans Bos, Mighiel Bos, & 3 ch. Bouwer, Elias Bouwer, Kristiaan & vrouw Elisa Margreta & 1 ch. Brensard, Johan Jurrey & vrouw, 3ch. Bresly, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Brug, Johannes Buck jo, Abraham Buckjo, Izaak Buckjo, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch. Buckjo, Johan Jorge Burdin, Johan Nog een vrouws persoon Bus, Daniel & vrouw Margriet [child] Cartuir, Peter & vrouw Johannes & 2. ch. Cauer, Jacob Mittell & vrouw, 3 ch. Clos, Henrig & vrouw Maria Dore, Maria Clos, & 4 ch. Codevina, Sterna Couis, Magdeleena Couis, Maria Cous, Hans & vrouw Johannes & 2. ch. Crisser, Hans Musil & vrouw Hans Musil, Katrina, & 2. ch. Cuits, Johan Kristoffel Darsel, Philip & vrouw Abram Dars, Maria Susanna, & 3 ch. Daslum, Lampare & vrouw Maria Lysa de Waal, Antony & vrouw, 3 ch. Diderig, & vrouw, 2. ch. [sic] Diderig, Hans & vrouw, 6 ch. Diderig, John Peter & vrouw, 3 ch. Dilbern, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Dinant, Hans Pieter & vrouw Susanna, Hans Philip, & 4 ch. Dinges, Paulus & vrouw, 3 ch. Dirll, Bernhard & vrouw Anna Elisa, Magdaleena, Maria Croda, Hans Fildin, Jorg Henry, & 3 ch. Divin, Anna Dobys, Jorig & vrouw Dopper, Leborges & vrouw Johan Peter, Angeniet, & 2. ch. Dor, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch. Doub-dysul, Peter Duister, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch. Duits, Pieter Ebrosard, Johannes & vrouw Jacob, Sirnner, Hanrich, & 1 ch. Eemig, Johan Nicolaes Eger, Daniel Einbag, Hans Jurig & vrouw, 2. ch. Elenberger, Jurig & vrouw J uri g Ewold, Koenraet & vrouw, 4 ch. Falee, Hans & vrouw, 3 ch. Falthum, Peter & vrouw Henrig, & 1 ch. Feske, Jacob & vrouw Daniel, Jacob Fischbac, Johannes & vrouw Johannes & 2. ch. Fraus, Peter & vrouw, 9 ch. Freeder, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch. Frei, Jo Hendrik & vrouw, 2. ch. Frenger, Michel Fridl, Jacob & vrouw Froes, Hans Jacob & vrouw Froth, Fredig & vrouw, 3 ch. Froug, Jurig & vrouw, 2. ch. Fusror, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch. Gewte [blotted] Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch. Gocu [?], Ulia Godvried, Ester Sosannah Katrina, Rosemonda, Nicolaas, & 1 ch. Gramli, Soloma Greef, Andreg Griet, Hans Jurig & vrouw Maria Bern, Hans Lenart, Johan Jurig, Hans Miggel, Hans Peter, & 3 ch. i5o THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Groos, Philippus & vrouw Geertruy, Anna Madeleena Groots, Philipp s , z, ch. Haber, Barthel & vrouw Susanna & 3 ch. Haen, Marthin & vrouw Haiser, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Haldeman, Ulrig & vrouw Hans Henrig & 3 ch. Halig, Koenraet & vrouw Johan Diderig, Johan Phillippus, & Anna Katrina Hannal, Camurs & vrouw, 2. ch. Hardwick, Mattys & vrouw Harman, Bastiaan Harnas, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch. Hart, Simon & vrouw, 3 ch. Hartman, Hans Jurig & vrouw, 1 ch. Hartogin, Anna Elisabet Hartong, Kasper Hart wig, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch. Heller, Hans Atam & vrouw Johannes Heller, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch. Helm, p r & vrouw Simon, Leenhart, & 5 ch. Helwig, Hendrik & vrouw, 1 ch. Hendrig, Wendel & vrouw, 4 ch. Henkel, Hans Jurig & vrouw Henrig, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch. Hepman, Williger & vrouw Haningel, Maria Geertuit, & 1 ch. Herber, John Jacob Hermickel, Hendrig & vrouw Maria Beck & 2. ch. Heve, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch. Hivang, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch. Hobbersin, Johan Jurig Hoest, Jacob & vrouw Michel, Johannes Hofer, Simon & vrouw Hofman, Gabriel Hofman, Johan Kasper Holzir, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch. Hureuter, Willem & vrouw, 3 ch. Imig, Paulus & vrouw Jaeger, Daniel & vrouw Jacob, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch. Jacob, Hans & vrouw Anna & 1 ch. Jacob, Kristiaan & vrouw, 3 ch. Jong, Elisabeth Pieter Jong, Katrina, Maria Katharina, Hendr. Pieter Jonge, Jacob Joost, Johan & vrouw, z ch. Jorden, Koenraed Jorgen, Hans Jorter, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch. Joseph, Jurig Jourg, Hans & vrouw, z ch. Judik, Maria, 1 ch. Jung, John & vrouw Jurig, Abraham Kaeiman & vrouw, z ch. [sic] Karty, Johan Kast, Baiter & vrouw Marita, Anna Mary, & 2. ch. Katrina [sic] Keizer, Mattheus & vrouw Anna Elisabet Kelger, Peter Keller, Joh s & vrouw, 1 ch. Keller, Nicolaas & vrouw Kernar, Wolf & vrouw, 2. ch. Kernerin, Anna Maria Kernreiter, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Kerry, Falentyn & vrouw, 5 ch. Keulen, Koenraet Keyzer, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Kilberin, Barbera Klein, Jacob Kleus, Johannes & vrouw Harler, Margriet Klinger, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch. Kliuwe, Joh s Kloutt, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch. Koen, Koenraet & vrouw Hans Veldekoen, Hans Deterkoen, Hans Jurgekeon, & 1 ch. Koen, Mattheus & vrouw, 1 ch. Koenraed, Johan Koenraet, Martyn & vrouw Anna Katrina, John Joris, & 2. ch. Kont, Nicolaas & vrouw Kop, Henrig, & vrouw Hans Peter, Ursela, & 2. ch. Korin, Johannes & vrouw, 2. ch. Krems, Johannes & vrouw Anna Kristina & 1 ch. Kreps, Pieter & vrouw Salme, Johannes Rudolf, & z ch. Kriget, Arnold & vrouw, 2. ch. Kris, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Kristaan & vrouw, 4 ch. [sic] Kristoffel, Johan & vrouw Andreas, Hans Sellim, Johan Henrig, & 3 ch. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.5 I Kroevenag, Penetik & vrouw Marv Sebille, Juliaen, Anna Eva, & 3 ch. Krol, Hans Jurig & vrouw, 1 ch. Kroohart, Michel Kuiber, Daniel Kurby, Michel & vrouw, 2, ch. Lang, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch. Lang, Johannes & vrouw Barbera, Peter, Catharina, & 2. ch. Langbrin, Kristoffel Laurens, Peter & vrouw Anna Margreta, Maria Margreta, Anna Rosina, & 1 ch. Leiser, Castiaen & vrouw Johan Jacob, Anna Margraet, Anna Lys, Anna Castiaens, Hans Jurig, & 5 ch. Lenhart, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch. Listaboris, Lucas & vrouw Litig, Hans Jagol Litig, Hans Koenraet Litig, Jacob Litig, Kristoffel Lodwig, Antony Loedolf, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch. Loedolf, Koenrad Loet, Hans Peter & vrouw Balthazer Loet & 2. ch. Lott, Joh s & vrouw, 9 ch. Lourens, Johannes & vrouw Anna Lys, Anna Margriet, Magdelena, & 3 other children Lusa, Maria Lutig, Johan Luts, Hans Adam Luts, Jan Jurig & vrouw, 4 ch. Luttig, Kristiaan Luur, Johan & vrouw Kornelus & x ch. Maartsen, Hans Jurig & vrouw Mary, Magdeleena, Anna Katrina, Hans Jurig, & 2. ch. Maerten, Matthys & vrouw Maria, Katharina, Barbera, & 1 ch. Marines & vrouw [sic] Martyn, Thom s Mathell, Willem & vrouw, 1 ch. Meder, Johan & vrouw Meier, Johannes & vrouw Johan Koenraad, Johannes, Anna Devoda, Maria Lisaba Melck, Mighel & vrouw, 1 ch. Melries, Johannes & vrouw, 2. ch. Messer, Pieter, Jacobus & 1 ch. Michel, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Milbert, John Martin & vrouw Miller, Falentyn & vrouw, 1 ch. Miller, Hans Jacob, i ch. Miller, Johannes Miller, Johannes & vrouw Jacob Miller & 4 ch. Miller, Peter & vrouw vrous swister & 2. ch. Miller, Smich & vrouw Johan Nickel, Willem, Johannes, Katrina, & 1 ch. Miller, Steve & vrouw Philips Minkeler, Kelioen & vrouw Anna Margreta Misselman, Daniel & vrouw S wagers Moeder & 3 ch. Miyn, Joseph & vrouw, 1 ch. Mockel, Ulrig & vrouw, 2. ch. Montria, Paulus, & vrouw, 4 ch. Moon, Klemen & vrouw, 4 ch. Morrer, Jacob & vrouw Anna Appel, Susan, & 2. ch. Morrits, Mattheus Mossel, Jacob & vrouw Hans Develt, Anna Maria, Johannes Mossel, & 1 ch. [The last two are probably sister and brother of Jacob Mossel, since their names are given after those of the children in the family.] Muding, Pieter & vrouw Maria & 1 ch. Muldering, Maria Katharin over Mulnier, Johannes & vrouw, 2. ch. Muver[?], Hans Jurig & vrouw, 1 ch. Naebour, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch. Nicolaes & vrouw [sic] Ode, Johannes & vrouw, 5 ch. Omstad, Veldin Ooster, Arent & vrouw Pallaueborg, Koenraed & vrouw, 1 ch. Pelmug, John & vrouw, 3 ch. Peter, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Peter, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch. Peters, Frans Henrig Petri, Johan Henrig Phat, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch. Phat, Masel & vrouw Philips, Johan & vrouw Kristina, Anna Dors Pogeman, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch. 2_52- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Ponis, Julius & vrouw Johannes & 2. ch. Poort, Pieter Porst, Joris, & vrouw, 2. ch. Pyn, Marten & vrouw Reiner, Hans Jurig & vrouw Johan Peter Reiner, Barbera, Elisabet, & 3 ch. Reitwel, Jacob Reynart, Hans, & vrouw Katrina Reynart, Michel, Margreta, & 3 ch. Reynart, Pieter & vrouw, 4 ch. Riesin, Mathys & vrouw, 3 ch. Ritwell, Fredrig & vrouw, 1 ch. Rohter, Hans Pet & vrouw, 1 ch. Roost, Johan & vrouw Anna Maria Rop, Johannes Roth, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2. ch. Roug, Kasper Rustiw, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch. Ruth & vrouw, 5 ch. [sic] Ruth, Kristiaan, & vrouw, 1 ch. Scheever, Hendrig & vrouw, 2. ch. Scherp, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch. Schipper, Jurig Schneider, Bernhard & vrouw Ariaan, Anna Bara, & 1 ch. Scholtes, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch. Schoolmeester, Suurlotte Schreets, Mighiel Schruner, Isaak & vrouw Siake, Susan Sigmund, Johannes Simbluv, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch. Sleephaan, Johannes Sluyber, Sacharias & vrouw, 3 ch. Smies, Theodorus & vrouw, 1 ch. Smith, John Willem & vrouw Margreta & 3 ch. Smith, Kasper Magdeleena, Maria Barbera, Nicolaus, Peter, & 4 ch. Smith, Sigmud Snel, Mathys Snitzer, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch. Soerl, Michal & vrouw, 2. ch. Soets, Diderig & vrouw Hans Pieter & 1 ch. Sous, Hans Pieter Sous, Johannes & vrouw Hans P r Sous, Maria, Magdaleena, Maria Lucina Spanemer, Jurig & vrouw Maria Rosina, Anna Maria, & 2. ch. Spinier, Kasper, & vrouw Liliana, Dorethea, Zimon, & 1 ch. Sprosser, Anthony & vrouw Spykerman, Sebastiaen Spys, John Peter Staan, Johannes & vrouw Stambag, Jacob & vrouw Steenbergen, Hans Jacob & vrouw Johan Adam, Anna Katrina, & 2. ch. Stevvel, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch. Stoffer, Andries, z ch. Stol, Johannes Stoppelbeen, Pieter & vrouw, 2. ch. Suller, Hans Jorig & vrouw Anna & 1 ch. Swarts, Kristiaan Swik, Mathys & vrouw Anna Margriet, Hans Jurig, & 2. ch. Tebalt, Jurig Terber, Johan Adolf, 4 ch. Toup, Michel & vrouw Ulrig, Kristoffel & vrouw Daniel, Anna Maria, Elisabet, Katharina, & 3 ch. Urzel, Hans Migel & vrouw, 1 ch. van Kunter, Klaas, & vrouw, 5 ch. Vereter, Hans Jurig & vrouw Anna Lotsia & 2. ch. Ving, Andreas, & vrouw, 1 ch. Vinis, Hans Jacob & vrouw Johannes, Elizabet, Nicolaes, & 2. ch. Vink, Hendrik Lodwig Vink, Johan Cristof Vink, Johan Godvyd Voerman, Hans Michel & vrouw Magdleena & 2. ch. Voes, Andries & vrouw Anna Lys & 3 ch. Voes, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Vogel, Spavger Jochem Volhand, Engelhart & vrouw Vrick, Hendrik & vrouw Vriesig, [Wiesig?], Kasper & vrouw 2. ch. Vuer, Jacob Wagenaar, Andries & vrouw, 2. ch. Walrenis, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch. Wanbag, Nicolaes & vrouw Hans Peter & 4 ch. Webel, Hans Jacob & vrouw Orzel & 4 ch. t THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION •53 Weier, Johan Jorig & vrouw, z ch. Weistemar, Velten Johan Philip, Anna Barber, & z ch. Wentel, John Jurig Werner, Mighel & vrouw Anna Geertruyt Wever [blotted], Philip Wihart, Jacob & vrouw John Hendrig & 3 ch. Wilhelm, Johan & vrouw, z ch. Willem, Hans Willi, Johan Hanrus & vrouw Johan Gristia & z ch. Wilsing, Maria Winbold, Burg Windel, Johan Wittel, Geertruy, 3 ch. Wolf, Michel Woltman, Leenhard & vrouw, 3 ch. Wonderlig, Kristiaan Wortman, Johannes & vrouw Anna Margreth, Hendr. Wortman & z ch. Wustum, Peter Wyneberger, Jacob & vrouw Johannes & 3 ch. Wyterman, Ulrig & vrouw Koenraet, Frans Seler Zegeler, Henrig & vrouw Andries, Kasper, & 1 ch. Zsimet, Joost & vrouw, z ch. Anonymous 4 THIRD PARTY— EMBARKED JUNE 5 TO JUNE 10, 1709 Abal, Michel & vrouw, z ch. Abelman, Jacob Abelt, Hans Jacob Aberrs (Aberse), Ulrig Achber, (Nachber?), Falenteyn & vrouw, z ch. Adam, Johan 's soujuger Aeier, Hans Jacob Aelbert, Jacob Aelbert, Johan Albersmit, Wilhelm Alleman, Simon Alsemusch, Philippus & vrouw, 4 ch. Altfatter, Felten & vrouw Althenser, Mattys Altlind, Arnold & vrouw, 6 ch. Andries, Hans Mighel & vrouw, 1 ch. Andries, Peter, & vrouw, 3 ch. Anweillersz, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Aochn, Johan & vrouw, 8 ch. Appel, Johan Hoog & vrouw, 5 ch. Arbonus, Kasper, & vrouw, 1 ch. Assenbier, Frans Willem & vrouw Atzperger, Anna Maria Balniger, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch. Barbara, Maria & child Barkman, Joost & vrouw, z ch. Barrabam, Andries & vrouw Bast, Michel & vrouw, 6 ch. Bauer, Anna Margreet Beckman, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch. Beisch, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Bek, Johannes & vrouw Bekker, Michel Bekker, Mighel & vrouw, z ch. Bekker, Johan Peter Bekker, Simon & vrouw, 8 ch. Bekker, Antony & vrouw, z ch. Belts, Leenart Bender, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Berger, Kornelis Reusner, & vrouw, 3 ch. Bergman, Andreas & vrouw, z ch. Bes, Johan & vrouw Beschop, Berhard Beschop, Henrig, & vrouw, z ch. Beyscher, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch. Bieler, Henrig Biettelman, Hans Michel & vrouw, 3 ch. Birber, Sacharias & vrouw Blasch, Koenraet & vrouw, 5 ch. Bles, Penetek & vrouw, 3 ch. Bloms, Kristiaen & vrouw Blosch, Jacob Boey, Wendel & vrouw, 5 ch. Bol, Gerarde, & vrouw Bom, Frans, & vrouw, 6 ch. Bonderskel, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch. Bonn, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch. Borits, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Borniger, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch. Borsing, Rudolph Bos, Hans Janz Botermer, Joseph & vrouw, z ch. Bouwer, Johan Bouwer, Tomas & vrouw, 9 ch. Braem, Bastiaen & vrouw, 3 ch. Brand, Koenraet Brandlyn, Kasper & vrouw, z ch. Braum, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch. Brekedir, Barent & vrouw, 4 ch. Brekhamer, Throk & vrouw, 4 ch. Brill, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Brom, Johannes Joost & vrouw, 7 ch. 2-54 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Brosch, Frederig, & vrouw, z ch. Brouwer, Diderick Brummer, Johannes & vrouw, z ch. Brunk, Johan Michel Buisch, Johan Rain & vrouw, 1 ch. Buks, Johan Bernhart & vrouw, 5 ch. Burner, Simon Bun, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Bungert, Hans Willem & vrouw, z ch. Bungert, Jacob & vrouw, z ch. Bungert, Mattys & vrouw, z ch. Burger, Fryt, & vrouw, z ch. Biisch, Herman & vrouw, 6 ch. Ceubel, Hans Dienes & vrouw Chiernte (?), Mischael & vrouw, z ch. Chreiter, Kristoffel Chrisfilips, Domink & vrouw, 5 ch. Chrisfilips, Hans Wilhem & vrouw, 4 ch. Chrisfilips, Jeurg & vrouw, 1 ch. Ci [blotted], Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Cirbb, Philippus Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch. Citider, Martin & vrouw, 5 ch. Cloos, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch. Copal, Barnhart (minister) & vrouw, 1 ch. Crieg, Johan Just & vrouw, 4 ch. Danner, Urban & vrouw, 4 ch. Daull, Mattys Daumer, Johan Deis, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch. Deur, Koenraet Deutger, Paulus & vrouw, z ch. Dich, Martin & vrouw, 5 ch. Diderick, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch. Diderick, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Didert, Andries & vrouw, 1 ch. Diel, Johan & vrouw Dieleman, Hans & vrouw Dies, Johan & vrouw Diredurf, Henrig Ditir, Hans Bernhart Dog, Frans Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Dolmet, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch. Domnis, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch. Dorff, Reys, & vrouw, z ch. Dulies, Koenraet & vrouw, 5 ch. Durding, Koenraet Ebregt, Johan & vrouw, z ch. Eding, Bastiaen & vrouw, 1 ch. Eeger, Dirk & moeder Eker, Jacob & vrouw Emmell, Johannes & vrouw, z ch. Emrig, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch. Engel, Adam & vrouw, 3 ch. Engel, Martin & vrouw, 4 ch. Engel, Robbt. & vrouw, 5 ch. Eperhart, Johan Mighel & vrouw, 4 ch. Eralter, Hans Jacob Erbs, Hans Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Evathi, Barbara, z ch. Eweling, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch. Falig, Arholt, & vrouw, z ch. Filips, Paulus & vrouw, 5 ch. Flehr, Johan & vrouw, z ch. Flies, Nicolaes Floer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Flohr, Johan Peter Folleg, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch. Forer, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch. Frank, Johan Marten Frank, Michal Frantz, Johan Koenraet Fredrig, Gerard Fredrig, Johan Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch. Fremmen, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 5 ch. Fres, Tomas & vrouw, 1 ch. Freysen, Johan Rikes & vrouw, 5 ch. Frib, Hans Peter & vrouw, 1 ch. Fuhrman, Mattys & vrouw Fuyken, Orghel & vrouw, z ch. Ganner, Jacob nog twe gebroeders Gants, Johan Nicolaes Geiser, Johan Paltzer Genedig, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Genir, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch. Gerard, Hans Peter & vrouw Gerhart, Valenteyn & vrouw, 5 ch. Get, Peter Gilig, Andreas & vrouw, 1 ch. Gitz, Frederigh, & vrouw, 3 ch. Glaser, Hans Jurg & vrouw, z ch. Gloos, Valenteyn — Anna Maria Gneyzer, David & vrouw, 4 ch. Goestamt, Johan Philip Gorg, Hans & vrouw, 3 ch. Gottel, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch. Graef, Hans Jacob Mark & vrouw, 4 ch. Grousch, Han Miggel & vrouw, z ch. Grejster, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Greyloff, Urby & vrouw, z ch. Grieschman, Johan Heinrig Grosch, Falenteyn & vrouw Grosch, Joggen & vrouw Grosch, Philips Leinhart & vrouw, 5 ch. Grosch, Wilhem & vrouw-, z ch. Groschman, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Gross (?), Bendrick & vrouw Gross, Johan & vrouw Gross, Johan Jorg & vrouw, z ch. Grysman, Henrig THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ^55 Giiint, Anders, i ch. Gulk, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch. Hack, Johan Koenraed & vrouw, 2. ch. Hairtinam Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch. Haister, Martin & vrouw, 6 ch. Halles, Johan Willem & vrouw, 4 ch. Hamer, Johan Peter Hansz, Schrenhart & vrouw, 4 ch. Harna, Jacob & vrouw, z ch. Hart, Johannes Hasch, Anna Elisabeth Hasch, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch. Hasen, (Hafen?), Willem Haubt, Kristoffel Haus, Johan Adam Hebus, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Heck, Sebastiaen & vrouw, 3 ch. Hegt, Kasper & vrouw, 7 ch. Heimsein, Paul & vrouw, 1 ch. Heister, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch. Heistrebach, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch. Helscher, Kristoffel & vrouw Herbener, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch. Herber, Johan Kasper Herman, Philippus & vrouw, 1 ch. Hernan, Frederig & vrouw, 2. ch. Herst, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch. Hertman, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch. Hes, Fredrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Hes, Andries Hetin, Anna Maria Heyg, Alexander Heyll, Balser & vrouw, 5 ch. Heyll, Mattheys Jurg & vrouw Heym, Joh s & vrouw, 5 ch. Heymerley, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch. Heyster, Herman & vrouw, 4 ch. Hiebis, Henrig & vrouw Hiel, Rudolf & vrouw Hielman, Johan Hirt, StorTel & vrouw, 4 ch. Hisirber, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch. Hobst, Tomas & vrouw Hoentz, Nicolaes & vrouw Hoeper, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch. Hofen, Wilhem & vrouw, 1 ch. Hoffenbraut, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Hoffner, Jeuly Mayer Hofman, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch. Hofmenin, Katarina Hoigt, Wirchart & vrouw, 2. ch. Hoi, Migel Holgaerden, Hans Peter Hollander, Johan Melchior(?) Hollerin, Anna Katrina Holwaserz, Antony, 1 ch. Homberg, Kryn Hoppf, Hans Jurg & vrouw Horents, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch. Horling, Johan Koenraet Horts, Walter & vrouw, 3 ch. Hortz, Hans Fletter & vrouw, 2. ch. Hosserlwegh, & vrouw, 4 ch. Huberin, Margreta Hun, Matys Huns, Koenraet & vrouw, 2. ch. Husman, Johannes & vrouw, 5 ch. Isler, Nicolaes & vrouw, 5 ch. Jacob, Hans Jacob, Hans & vrouw, 10 ch. Jacob, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Jacobi, Johan Adam & vrouw, 8 ch. Johan Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch. jsbraut, Hans Wolf Junik, Hans Ari Junik, Johan Jurg, Hans & vrouw Jurg, Johan Jurig, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch. Kaisser, Joh s & vrouw, 6 ch. Kak, Peter, & vrouw, 4 ch. Karb, Johan Philip & vrouw, 5 ch. Kaulil, Frederig, & vrouw, 2. ch. Keichel, Johan Keiger, Johan Keil, Henrig, & vrouw, 2. ch. Keler, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch. Kelil, Johan Keller, Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch. Kerger, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch. Kersner, Philip & vrouw, 3 ch. Keuler, Hans Peter Keyserin, Anna Maria Kien, Hendrig & vrouw, 2. ch. Kirches, Paulus Kisleback, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch. Kister, Fredrig & vrouw, 2. ch. Kister, Palters & vrouw, 3 ch. Klaas, Peter Klaser, Ditter & vrouw, 3 ch. Kletters, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch. Kleyn, Hans Willem & vrouw, 3 ch. Kleyn, Koenraet Kleyn, Lodewyk Kleyn, Ludwig Kleyn, Michael & vrouw, 5 ch. Klevter, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch. Klippingen, Johan Peter Klos, Willem & vrouw, 5 ch. Kloter, Johan Paul & vrouw, 4 ch. ■L j osep h* Fidler, Godfrey* Schadt, Antonis* Fischer, Sebastian* Schaeffer, Johannes Claus* Herner, Michael Ernst ^chaffer, Friedrich Klob, Peter Schitz, Conrad* Kobff, Jacob Schuchert, Johann Henrich Korbell, Jacob Stub, Marden T T , * Walborn, Adam Lantz, Johannes* „, „ ' A , * T 1 41 1 Walborn, Andrew* Lauk, Abraham ,,, ', • , « , T h AH m Wasserschmidt, btephan Lesch, Georg Zerbe, Lorentz* THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION }Ol Anspach, Balthaser Anspach, Leonhart Batdorff, Martin Blum, Ludwig Boyer, Hans Braun, Philip Brossman, Francis Cushwa, Isaiah Deck, Nickolaus Diffebach, Adam Diffebach, Conrad Ernst, Michael Essel, Reinhold Etchberger, Jacob Fischer, Lawrence Fischer, Sebastian Fohrer, Johann Goldman, Conrad Heckedorn, Martin Holston, Leonhard Kapp, Jacob Kayser, Christopher Kinzer, Nicholas Kitzmuller, Jonas Lauks, Abraham Lauer, Christian Lebo, Peter Lederman, Jacob THE LINDEMUTH LIST (II) Lesch, Adam Lesch, George Long, Conrad Minnich, Matthias Reiss, Michael Rieth, Caspar Rieth, George Rieth, John Leonhard Rieth, Michael Rieth, Nicholas Schaeffer, Jacob Schaeffer, Peter Schell, Peter Schmidt, Michael Schuetz, Adam Seigner, Hans George Shump, Christopher Stupp, Adam Unruh, George Walborn, Christina Walborn, Herman Weiser, Christopher Weiser, Conrad Weiser, Michael Weyant, Nicholas Wenrich, Franz Winter, Frederick Zeh, George Zeller, Johann Zerbe, Peter H. THE PETITION LIST OF PALATINES IN NORTH CAROLINA This list is taken from a petition to the North Carolina authorities by the Palatines remaining at New Bern, against their dispossession by Cullen Pollock, son of Col. Pollock to whom GrafTenried had assigned the lands as se- curity for a debt. The petition was dated September 2.8, 1749 and is printed in the N. C. Col. Rec, IV, 956. Although they referred to themselves as Palatines, a number of the petition- ers were in all probability of Swiss origin, for a group of people deported from Berne, Switzerland were included in the original settlers of the town. The small number of families left from the original 650 Palatines is to be attributed to hard- 302_ THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ships of the voyage and first year of settlement, including an Indian massacre in 171 1 and desertions from the colony to which Graffenried referred as early as 171 1. N. C. Col. Rec, l > 944- Baver, Abraham Baver, Christian Busit, Abraham Eibach, Jacob Ender, Peter Eslar, Christian Feneyer, Philip Ganter, Christian Gesibel, Michael Granade, John Grest, Henry Grum, Herman Hubbach, Christian Huber, Jacob Kehler, Simon Kinsey, John (appears twice) Kiser, Michael Lots, Peter Market, Frederick Miller, Jacob Miller, Jno. Lekgan Moor, Adam Moor, Dennis Morris, Henry Omend, Phillip Pillman, Peter Pugar, Joseph Reasonover, Mathias Renege, George Revet, Peter Rimer, John Rimer, Nicholas Risheed, Casper Sheets, Jacob (from another petition of March 2.9, 1743) Shelfer, Michael Simons, Daniel Sneidor, George Tetchey, Daniel Walker, Christian Wallis, Andrew Woolf, John Bernard Shone L. PALATINE FAMILIES IN LIMERICK COUNTY IRELAND, JULY, 1934 These families were listed from the memory of Mr. Julius Sheppard of Ballingarrane, a remarkable keen-witted descendant of Palatine ancestry. Palatines also lived in Bally- organ and Kilfinnane but their names were not mentioned. They are probably included in the "other Palatine Families" listed below, taken from William Crook, The Palatines in Ireland, (London, 1866), 151. Some of these names appear to be French or English in origin. They may be attributed to mixed marriage or perhaps a change of name by Palatine descendants. Adare Barkman, Fred and son, Erick Bobanizer, John 1 rx , r, l t > sons of Moses Bobanizer, James J Fitzell family Hiffle family Legeur, Fred Legeur, James Miller, Samuel and sons Richard and Fred THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 3°3 Miller, Richard and son Berty Piper family (migrated to England in 1916) Ruckle (Ruttle), Daniel and son William Sparling, Joseph Shier, Pembroke Shier, Jethro, Sr. Shier, Jethro, Jr. Shier, Jack Tesky, Mrs. George Askeaton Cross, Mrs. Alice (formerly a Shier) Ruttle, Thomas Ruttle, William Between Askeaton and Foynes Shier, Ernest (bachelor) Shier, Frederick (bachelor) Between Askeaton and Ballingarrane Ruttle, Edward Ruttle, William (bachelor) Ballisteen Shier, Henry Ballingarrane (Ballingrane) Baker, Harry (bachelor) Baker, John Baker, Robert Doupe, Edward (bachelor) Doupe (Daub), John (brother and sister in Toronto, Canada) Gilliard, Henry Latchford, Richard (wife, a Ruttle) Lowee, Mrs. William (brother and sister came to America fifty years ago) Mick, William (bachelor) Ruttle, Michael Heck Ruttle, William Sheppard, Julius (bachelor) Sheppard, Uriah Shier, George Shier, John Shier, Julius Switzer, Nathaniel Teskey, Augustus Court Matrix (Court Matress) Bo wen, John Delmege, Robert (Bertie) Shier, Samuel Shier, William Switzer, Christopher Switzer, Nathaniel (bachelor) Switzer, John (bachelor) Teskey, Albert Teskey, Joseph Killiheen Bovenizer, Albert Green, Edward (wife, a Switzer) Modler, Edward Teskey, Jack Teskey, William Pallaskenry (Pallas) Hervaner, David ) c c • , 1 TT ' T , > sons of Richard Hervaner, Jack J Lynch, Jack (mother, a Switzer) Rennison, Thomas (daughter married Jack Lynch) Switzer, Jack Switzer, Peter Kathskeal Hudson, William (married a Sparling) Sparling, James Shier, Bertie Stark, Samuel Teskey, William Other Palatine Families Barabier Bathomer Benner Bethel or Bother Bowman Cole Roach Corneil Cronsberry Embury Gizzle Glazier Grunze Guier Heck Hoffman Lawrence Ledwich Long Neizer Rhinehead Rodenbucher Rose Stack St. John St. Ledger Strangle Sleeper Shoemaker Smeltzer Shoultace Shane wise Tattler Urshelbough Williams Young INDEX Adams, sheriff from Albany, mistreated by Palatines, zoz, Z03. Addison, Joseph, 8z. Admiralty, Dutch, assistance of, re- quested, 57, 61. Adventure, Palatine desire for, n. Advertising, by Dayrolle, to stop emigra- tion, 59; importance of Pa., in connec- tion with later German immigration, 2.16, 2.17, zi8; of English colonies in America, iz ff., zi6 ft.; use of circulars as, 6z. Albany, Palatines stop over in, 191. Albrecht, J. Justin, 108. Anabaptists, Swiss, 99, 103. "Androboros," manuscript drama by Governor Hunter, footnote on 171, zoo. Anglican Church, aids Palatines, 69; Palatines in Ireland conform to, 89; pretended to be endangered by Palatine immigration, 181 ft. Antigua, settlement of Palatines in, pro- posed, 35. Apprentices, Palatine, 78, 149. Archdale, John, correspondence of , 18, z6. Arbuthnot, Dr. John, physician to Queen Anne, i8z, 184. Army, British, Palatines enlist in, 78. Arnoldi, Dr. John, appointed Physician- General to Palatines, 163. Ashhurst, Sir Henry, 116. Jjagge, Andrew, commissary for Pala- tines, complains of Cast, 166; referred to, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168. Bahama Islands, 77. Balance of trade, of England, with the Baltic countries, 113. Baltic trade, conditions of, nz, 113. Bank of England, 68. Baptists, among Palatines, 8. Baptists, United, of Amsterdam, 5Z. Barbadoes, 77. Barkley, Reverend, 45. Bayard, Colonel Nicholas, the elder, re- ferred to, 138, 150, 151, 154, zoo. Bayard, Nicholas, the younger, advances funds to the Palatines, 44; attacked by Palatines, zoi; offers land-titles to Palatines, zoo. Beaufort, Duke of, one of the Carolina proprietors, 108. Begging, by the Palatines in London, 70. Bellomont, Governor of N. Y., see Coote, Richard. Bendysh, Henry, secretary to the Com- missioners for Collecting and Settling of the Palatines, arranges transporta- tion of Palatines to N. Y., 143, 144. Benson, Thomas, surgeon to the Pala- tines, 147. Bern Land Company, 103; finances of, 104; members of, refuse to carry out agreement, 109; also see, Michel, Francois Louis. Bern, Switzerland, 31, 99, 103. Bishop of London, lacks minister for Palatines, 14Z. Bishop of Oxford, proposes method for securing charity, 69. Blackheath, Palatines on, 67, 7Z, 77, 80; visited, 8, 150. Blankistore, Colonel, 109. Bloome, Richard, pamphlet of, entitled English America, 18. Board of Ordnance, see Ordnance. Board of Trade, approves plan for N. Y. settlement, 130; approves proposals for colony of Swiss Protestants, 30; con- siders development of a staple com- modity for the northern colonies, izz; considers Kocherthal's petition of 1708, 34 ff. ; considers needs of Pala- tines in London, 73; informed of de- cision to send Palatines to N. Y., iz8; lacks quorum, attendance required, 79; ordered to consider plans for settlement of Palatines in England, 7Z, 74; ordered to consult Attorney-General as to Palatine contract, 131; pushes bill for establishment of independent support for N. Y. government, 185; questions Sackett's tar-making methods, 176; recommends colonial naval stores as means of stopping colonial manufac- turing, izi ff. ; reports on Swedish monopoly, izi; represents possibilities for colonial naval stores, 119; represents that Palatines be settled in Antigua, 35; in N. Y., 35, 1Z7; in Jamaica, 35, 306 INDEX 117; in Virginia, 12.7; secures descrip- tion of Moscovy 's tar-making methods, 176; supports Hunter's request for additional funds, 170. Bohme, Rev. Anton Wilhelm, pastor of the German Court Chapel of St. James, 8ff., 17. Bolingbroke, Lord, see St. John, Henry. Bounty, for naval stores, 110; offered for settling of Palatines in England, 75. Boyle, Henry, British Secretary of State, 33, 51, 53; accounts for transportation to be sent to, 56; authorizes Palatine transportation to England, 55; notifies Dayrolle of return of Palatines, 66; orders continuance of transportation, 58; orders stop to transportation, 58 ff. ; petitioned by Palatines, 63. Brielle, authorities of, ask aid, 61; Pala- tines at, 56. Bridge, built in Livingston Manor, 173. Bridger, John, accused of being in Livingston's services, 153; activities of, in New England, 1x3; appointed Surveyor of Woods, 12.2.; charged with ignorance of pitch pine, 178; charges Hunter's interest is victualling, 171; competence of, in choosing Palatine sites, 178 ff. ; proposes to furnish colonial naval stores, ixo, 171; quits Hunter and government project, 170; reasons for defection of, 171 ft.; recom- mends purchase of Livingston's lands, 156; report of, on Schoharie tract, con- firmed, 154; report of, on absence of pitch pine in Schoharie tract, 153; report of, on presence of pitch pine in New York, 1x3; sends good colonial hemp and tar to England, 119; sent to N. E. as Navy Board Commissioner, 117. Broad arrow, policy of, 1x3. Brunnholtz, Rev. Peter, xi8. Brydges, James, Paymaster-General of forces abroad, 55. Burnet, William, Governor of N. Y., settles Palatines in Mohawk Valley, 2.04 ff. Burnetsfield Patent, 2.09. Butler, James, Duke of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 85, 87, 88. Byfield, Thomas, ixo. Calendar, use of Julian, in England, footnote on 55. Calvinists, among Palatines, 7, 8. Canada, proposal to take and settle, 114. Canadian expedition, suggested, 1x5; of 171 1, interferes with naval stores project, 172.; Palatines with, 173. Canajoharie patent, 109; dispute con- cerning, 109; Palatines on, purchase lands, 2.10. Canajoharie, N. Y., town of, Z09. Canary Islands, proposal to send Pala- tines to, 74. Canterbury, authorities of, refuse Pala- tines, 76. Cardonnel, Adam[de], secretary to the Duke of Marlborough, 53, 54, 55; arranges contract for transportation of Palatines, 57. Carolina, advertising favoring, n, 14, 15, 18, 19; use of circulars, 6x; interest of proprietors of, in foreign immigration, 18, 2.6, 7.7, 98; politics in, harms Pala- tine venture, 105; proprietors of, pro- pose Palatines be sent to, 98; proprie- tors of, joined by Michel in settlement proposal, 99, ioi; resources of, in naval stores, 116, 187; also see North Caro- lina. Carrington, Charles, 77. Cary, Colonel Thomas, acting Governor of Carolinas, 105. Casks, for tar, 174, 175. Cast, Jean, assistant commissary for Palatines, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168; complains of poor supplies, 169; ordered to stop Palatine subsistence, 188. Catholics, among Palatines, 8, 95; asked to enlist in British army, 79; given choice of turning Protestant or return- ing to Germany, 78; returned from England, 63, 66, 79; to be refused transportation to England, 58. Catholics, in Ireland, fear of rising by, 90; program to convert, 91. Causes of Palatine emigration, Chapter I, summarized, 31. Chamberlayne, John, secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1x4, 142.. Champante, Mr., N. Y. colonial agent, 1x9; asserts "extravagant grants" were full of timber, for masts and naval stores, 154. Charity, private, distributed to the Palatines along the Rhine River, 33, 47; in Ireland, 83; in London, 68, 69, 70, 71; in Rotterdam, 33, 52., 57, 60, 61. in Schenectady and Albany, 193, 196; INDEX 3°7 Charles II, sends Huguenots to South Carolina, 19. Chester, receives Palatines, 76. Child, Sir Josiah, views of, quoted, 112.. Churchill, George, 51. Churchill, John, Duke of Marlborough, authorizes transportation of Palatines, 54, 55; contributes to Palatine relief, 57; influence of, at British court, 2.3, 51, 51; influence of, promised in behalf of Palatines, 51; informed of strain on British treasury, 68; proposed for con- demnation for Palatine immigration, 183; secures estimates of Palatine ordnance supplies, 141; suggests that Dayrolle manage Palatine transporta- tion, 53; responsibility of, for Palatine immigration, footnote on 51, 56. Clarendon, Earl of, see Hyde, Edward. Clarke, George, Secretary of the Province of N. Y., made treasurer and commis- sary of the naval stores project, 162., 166; made president of N. Y. Council, claims N. Y. needs publicity, 2.17. Cobb, S. H., attributes failure of tar- making to use of wrong pine tree, 178; questionable proof offered by, concern- ing Indian gift of Schoharie, 151, 151. Cohoes Falls, known as obstacle to transportation, 140; referred to, 155. Collection, voluntary, taken for Pala- tines, 68. Collop, 95. Colonial manufacturing of woolens, to be discouraged, iii ff. Commissary arrangements, for Palatines in government naval stores project, 160, 165, 166 ff. Commissioners for Palatines, in Ireland, 8x, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88; in London, 68, 86, iox, 12.7, ix8; in New York, on Livingston Manor, 164, 174; in Rotter- dam, 53, 57, 61, 64. Conclusion of thesis, 2.2.5 ff. Conradus, Octavius, 44. Convoy, for transportation of Palatines, 57, 12.8. Coote, Richard, Earl of Bellomont, Governor of N. Y., 118, 119; criticizes Livingston's land grants, 156, xiz; letters of, arouses interest in colonial naval stores, 119; opposes extravagant grants of land, 138, 156, zn ff.; scheme of, to use soldiers for the manufactur- ing of naval stores, 119, 131. Cornbury, Lord, see Hyde, Edward. Covenant, Palatine, with British govern- ment for the production of naval stores, declared by Palatines to have been falsified, 164; draft of, 140; suggested, 130, 131, 140; terms of, 141 ff. Cox, Sir Charles, 67. Crockett, Mr., investigates return of Palatines from Ireland, 86. Cuius regio, eius religio, 6; modification of, proposed, 13. Cunningham, William, English econo- mist, views of criticized, 98, 113. Dartmouth, Lord, see Legge, William. Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 17. Davenant, Charles, British Resident at Frankfort, refuses passes to emigrants, 33> 5 1 - Dayrolle, James, British Resident at the Hague, aid of, sought by Palatine emigrants, 50, 51, 59; appoints two Dutchmen as commissioners to arrange Palatine transportation, 53; difficulties of, 6z; doubtful of meaning of orders on transportation, 58, 60; fears loss of immigration at close of war, 59; in- forms Palatines they will be sent back * from England, 63; receives authoriza- tion for transportation at government expense, 55; reports Dutch naturaliza- tion act, 51; reports more Palatines expected in following summer, 65; suggested, to manage transportation of Palatines, 53; suggests military trans- ports be used to carry immigrants, 51; suspected of disobeying orders, 64; to send Palatine accounts to Boyle, 56; tries to dissuade Palatine emigrants, 59, 63, 64; tries to stop Palatines com- ing down the Rhine River, 59; worries about expense of transportation, 57, 58; referred to, 183. Dellius, Godfrey, 138. Deportation of Swiss Anabaptists, 99, 103. Difficulties of British government, 64, 68, 74) 82.. Diplomatic intervention, feared, in entic- ing foreign settlers, 31. • Discord among Palatines in New York, 41. Disease among Palatines, y±, 80. Domestic service, Palatines enter, 78. Dongan, Colonel Thomas, Deputy Gov- ernor of N. Y., in. Dublin, Palatines in, 82., 84. Dudley, Joseph, Governor of Massa- chusetts and New Hampshire, 2.9. Dudley, Sir Matthew, English merchant, 115, 110. 308 INDEX DuPre, James, commissary of stores for Palatines, 146, 163; sent to London to secure further financial support, 169. Dutch Church, in N. Y. sends supplies to Schoharie Palatines, 196. .Cast India Company, 68. East Riding, Yorkshire, receives Pala- tines, 76. Ehlig, Rev. John James, leads third Palatine immigration to N. Y., Z17; settles at Canajoharie, 117. Ekines, Captain Thomas, 76. Elector Palatine, see John William. Embury, Philip, 91. England, and the Protestant cause in Europe, zz ff". ; balance of trade of, with Baltic countries, 113; difficulties of, in securing naval stores, 111, 114; free transportation of Palatines to, attempts to halt, 58 ff.; authorized, 53' 54' 55 ' contract for, 57; carried out ' 54' 55' 57, 59' 6o ' suggested, 15, 18, 51; stopped, 63; influence of woolen interests in, izi, izz; interest of, in America as a source of naval stores, 115 ff. ; Ministerial Revolution of 1710 in, 181 ; naval stores policy of, 111; need of, for naval stores, in, 114; officials of, compare cost of colonial with continental naval stores, 116; position of, as naval power, in; religious issues in politics in, as affected by Palatine immigration, 181, i8z. England, Palatines in, (1708 immigration, Kocherthal's party) arrive, 33, 34; authorities, consider site for settlement for, 34 ff". ; decide on N. Y., 35; list of, 3Z, 38, see Appendix A, 143 ff.; Order-in- council given for, to produce naval stores and protect frontier in N. Y., 36, 38, 41; receive government aid, 35; sent to N. Y., 39; also see Lon- don, Palatines in. (1709 immigration); names of, see intro. to Appendix B, 2.44 ff.; num- bers of, 65, 66; proposal to send, to Jamaica, 35, 77, see Jamaica; pro- posal to settle, in N.Y., 12.7, see N.Y., Palatines in; proposal to settle, in Ireland, 8z, see Ireland, Palatines in; receive charity and government re- lief, 68 ff"., 69, 70; sent to Ireland, 8z; sent to N. Y., 146; sent to N. C, 98, 101; settled in various parts of England, 75, 76; also see, London, Palatines in and Palatine settlements, proposed. English America, a pamphlet, 18. Established Church in England, see Anglican Church. Evance, Sir Stephen, 116. Evans, Captain, 138, zoi. Extravagant grants of lands, in New York, 138; considered for Palatine settlement, 149 ff*. ; legislation on, threat to N. Y. landed aristocracy, 139, 140, 2.13; new policy for, adopted, 139; New York act to vacate, passed, 138; repealed, 138; reasons for action on, 139, 140; vacating act on, approved in England and repealing act disallowed, 138, 139, Z13; referred to, 154, 156, zoo. .Talckner, Daniel, pamphlet of, on Pennsylvania, zo, zz. Finland, as a source of naval stores, 114; proposal to import tar-makers from, 178. Five partners, the, receive patent for Schoharie lands, Z43. Fletcher, Colonel Benjamin, Governor of N. Y., 116; extravagant grants of land made by, referred to, 138, 139, 150, 154, 156. Foreign Protestants, money voted in England to help, 30; of Bergen and Courland aided by English, Z3; to be sent to American colonies, Z9, 30. Fort Museum, old, in Schoharie, 197. Free transportation to England and her colonies, suggested by Kocherthal's pamphlet, 15; suggested by Thuringian Company, 18; also see England. French and Indian War, endangers Pala- tines in Mohawk Valley, Z19; village of Palatine, attacked during, zzo. Frontenac, Comte de, 13Z. Frontier, of the "Old West," character of, zzo; Palatine life on, 195 ff".; Pala- tines settle on, 193, 199, Z05, zio, zzz, ZZ3; types of people attracted by, zzi. Frontier, of New England, endangered, 118, 1Z5; Frontier, of New York, protection needed by, 37, 119, 13Z; weakness of, 13Z; Frontier, Palatine settlement of, sug- gested, 38, 41, 135; fire-arms for pro- tection of, 135, 14Z. Fullerton, Thomas, land of, in N. Y., purchased for Palatines, 158. Furley, Benjamin, Penn's counsellor, zo. INDEX 309 Cjale, Christopher, Receiver-General of N. C., 101. Galway, Ireland, 90. Geertruidenberg, peace negotiations at, George I, accession of, encourages Ger- man immigration, 2.16; favorable to Palatines in Ireland, 90. Georgia pine Qpinus palustris), 178. Gerlach, John Christopher, 163, 2.05. German Flats, N. Y., 149, 109. German fusiliers, in Ireland, 90. German immigration, to Pa., encouraged, zo, zz, zi6, Z17, zi8; flows steadily from 1717 on, zio, zi 1 ; also see Palatine immigration. German miners, contracted for by Graf- fenried, await him in London, 108; operate iron works, 109; sent to Vir- ginia, 109; settle Germanna, Va., 109. German Protestants, only, to be sent to England, 58; referring to Palatine im- migrants, 50, 55, 69, 78, 90, 182.. Germanna, Va., 109. Germantown, Pa., 3Z. Gilles, Melchior, see Gulch. Glebe land, for Kocherthal, 39, 41. Globe, the, 39. Godolphin, Sidney, Earl of, Lord Treasurer, demands speedy disposal of Palatines, 74; friend of Marlborough, 52.; ordered to supply funds for trans- portation of Palatines, 55; referred to, ZZ4; receives report of arrival of Pala- tines in N. Y., 147; reports burden of Palatines on Treasury, 68. Government industry in France, con- trasted with English industry, 131. Government industry to produce naval stores, in English colonies, approved by Board of Trade, 130; approved by Queen Anne, 134; Bridger quits, 170 ff.; failure of, 177 ff., 184 ff., 187; optimism concerning, 136; organization for, i6z ff.; origin of plan, 1Z4 ff.; preparations for, 135 ff. ; promising reports on, 175; proposal for, with soldiers as labor, 119, 171; proposal for, by Hunter, with Palatines as labor, 130, 131, 135, 136, 137; recommended by Navy Board commissioners, with poor families of England as labor, 117; Sackett, ap- pointed instructor for, 166, 173; Sackett's methods in, questioned, 175 ff. Governor's Island, N. Y., see Nutten Island. Graffenried, Christoph [von]; abandons Palatine settlement, 109; arrives in America, 104; captured by Indians, 107; credit extended to, 101; fails to per- suade Bern Company to carry out agreement, 109; fails to secure financial help in London, 108; interested in Palatines as settlers, 100; involved in Carolina politics, 104, 105; joins Bern Land Company, 103, 104; joins Michel, 99, 100; makes agreement with Pala- tines, 105, 107; property of, seized for debt, 108; purchases land in Carolina, 100; returns to England, 108; secures aid of Colonel Pollock, 108; selects Palatines for settlement, 101; sends German miners to Virginia, 109. Granville, Sir Bevil, Governor of Bar- bados, 30. Gulch, Melchior, arrives in N. Y., 4Z; re- mains in England, 39; wife of, dies, 39. llackensack, N. J., Palatines in, 189; names of, see Appendix F, Z91. Haeger, Rev. John Frederick, agrees to ordination by Bishop of London, 143; appointed by Society for Propagation of Gospel in Foreign Parts, 143, 161; builds schoolhouse for Palatines (in 171 1), 161; describes suffering of Pala- tines, 189; given salary and money for books, 143; narrow escape of, from drunken Indians, Z19; petition to re- tain, as minister for Palatines, 143; secures license to build a church, 161; serves Livingston Manor Palatines, 161 . Halifax, Earl of, see Montagu, Charles. Hare, Francis, Whig pamphleteer, de- fends reception of Palatines, i8z. Harley, Robert, replaces Sunderland as Secretary of State, 184. Heathcote, Caleb, izz, 138, 17Z. Heck, Barbara, 91. Hedges, Sir Charles, British Secretary of State, 30, izo. Hemp, English interest in colonies as source of, 115, 117; seed of, to be taken to N. Y. by Palatines, 135. Hendrick, Indian chief, 151, 15Z. Herbert, the, 147. Herkimer, N. Y., 149; also see Palatine, town of. Hinch, Mr., Commissary for Palatine Commissioners in Ireland, 85. Holland, see Netherlands. Holstein, two emigrants from, join Kocherthal's party, 38. 310 INDEX House, H. D., New York State Botanist, describes distribution of pitch pine in N. Y., 154, 180. Hudson River, proposal to settle Pala- tines on, 12.7, 149. Huguenots, French, flee France, 13, 14, 19. Hunter, Colonel Robert, Governor of N. Y., acknowledges Indian claim to Schoharie tract, i^z; additional in- structions concerning Palatines and government naval stores project sent to, 134, 144; appointed governor of N. Y., ix8; aided in N. Y. politics by Livingston, 157; arranges for remit- tance of 8,000 pounds for government project, 143; arrives in N. Y., 147; attacked by Clarendon, 169, 170; at- tends Board of Trade meeting, 119, 130, 135; attempts to collect Palatine debt by, 186; attributes naval stores failure to unskilled labor and poor instruc- tion, 186; bears animosity to Palatines in Schoharie Valley, 190; bills of ex- change of, refused by Treasurer, 181; compromises with N. Y. assembly, 185, xi 4; considers renewal of naval stores project, zoo; criticizes extravagant grants of land, nz; decides against Schoharie tract for naval stores proj- ect, 154; disarms rebellious Palatines, 164; establishes court over Palatines, 164; finances of, 169, 184, 185, 114; forbids Palatines to settle in Schoharie Valley, 193, 199; forced to flee Palatines, 164; friendship of, with Livingston, 187; gives confirmatory grant to Livingston, 157, 2.12.; gives contract for Palatine supplies to Livingston, 157; grants Schoharie lands to Five Partners, later Seven, of Albany, 2.01, 2.0Z, ziz; insinuates Nicholson caused Bridger's defection, footnote on 171; issues warrant for arrest of elder Weiser, zoz; loses his instructor of tar-making, Bridger, 170; orders compromise with Palatines, but fails to carry it out, Z03; orders Palatines thrown on own re- sources, 188; orders stop of naval stores manufacture, 188; Palatine debt due to, 185, unsatisfied, 186; passes N. Y. naturalization act, 185, Z14, terms of, 2.15; petitions for grant of islands in Delaware River, 186; presents draft of contract for Palatines, 131, 140 fF. ; presses for supplies, 141; proposal of, relating to the settlement of the Pala- tines, 12.8 ff.; proud of bridge built by Palatines, 173; purchases Fullerotn tract for Palatines, 158; purchases Livingston tract for Palatines, 156; purchases poor meat for Palatine com- missary, 168; receives additional in- structions for government project, 144; receives Dartmouth's assurance of financial support, 184; receives gift of Schoharie tract from Indians, 152.; re- fuses to renew naval stores project, 186; reimburses Lady Lovelace, 41; relations of, with Bridger, 170 ff. ; reports ar- rival in N. Y. to Lord Treasurer, 147; reports favorably on naval stores proj- ect, 169, 173, 175; requests Palatines be placed under contract, 130; returns to London and opposes Palatine depu- ties' appeal, xo4; sailing date of, for N. Y., 144 ff.; salary troubles of, 185, xi4; selects Evans tract and Livingston tract for government project, 155, 156; sets up organization for government project, 162., 163; to select site of Palatine settlement, 140; also see New York, Palatines in. Hunter, Thomas Orby, son of Governor Robert Hunter, 186. Hyde, Edward, Lord Cornbury, third Earl of Clarendon, Governor of N. Y., 138; criticized Hunter and Livingston, 170; helped by Hunter, 169, 170. Hyde, Edward, of North Carolina, 105. Indian sachems, so-called, visit England, 150, 151. Indians, Five Nations of, condition of, I 3 2 - Indians, Mohawk, give Schoharie to Hunter for the Queen, 152., 153; Hunter acknowledges claim of, 152.; refuse to allow survey of Schoharie, 151; sell land to Palatines, 190. Indians, Six Nations of, relations with Palatines, 2.18, 119, 2.Z3. Ingoldesby, Colonel, Lieutenant-Gover- nor of N. Y., 43. Instructions necessary in tar-making, see tar-making. Ireland, petition of Baron de Luttichaw to send German Protestants to, 2.9; Palatines sent to, 82.; Parliament of, expels Catholic residents of Galway and Limerick, 90. Ireland, Palatines in, adopt Methodism, 91; assimilation of, 91 ff., 95, 97; attempts to hold, 86, 87, 88; descend- ants of, in late 18th century, 91, in 19th INDEX 3 11 century, 92., in 1934, 91 fF., close mar- riages of, 93; dissatisfaction of, 85; distributed by lot, 83; economy of, 95, 97, 98; habits of, contrasted with Irish, 9X, 97; hostility to, 85; improvements introduced by, 97; king of, 97; names of, see Appendix I, 302. fF. ; remains of manorial system among, 95; religious condition of, 91; return of, to England, 84, 86; size of families of, 94; settled in Limerick County, 88; settlements of, 91 fF.; speculation in connection with, 83 fF. ; 86; subsidized by British govern- ment, 83, 88, 90, 98; terms ofFered, 83, 84, 88; victimized, 85, 86; visited by Wesley, 91, 95. Isot, Peter, 103. Jackson, Benjamin, 117, 118, 12.5. Jamaica, proposal for a grant to colonize, 19; settlement of Palatines in, pro- posed, 35, 77, 78. James II, loses English throne, 2.1. James III, the pretender to the British throne, 90. John William, Elector Palatine, 6, 7; forbids emigration, 53; friendly rela- tions with England, footnote on 7; religion of, 6. Johnson, Sir William, zio. Johnston, Gabriel, Governor of North Carolina, no. Justices of the peace, of Middlesex, peti- tion of, 68. iValm, Peter, discusses why the Germans immigrate to Pa., 2.11. Kast, Johan Jurgh, Z07. Keith, Sir William, Governor of Pa., invites Schoharie Palatines to settle in Pa., 105. Kenebeck River, 118, 115, 130. Kent, Marquis of, Lord Chamberlain, 75. King of the Palatines, in Ireland, 97. King William's War, effect on N. Y. frontier, it,-l. Kocherthal, Rev. Joshua, appeals to Queen Anne for aid, 34; asks salary as clergyman for Palatines, 38, 39; con- nection of, with Carolina proprietors, 15, 19; connection of, with 1709 emigra- tion, 43, 46; estimates cost of establish- ing a small plantation, 45; in financial straits, 41; leads 1708 Palatine emigra- tion, 32. fF.; pamphlet by, on Carolina, 14, 19; reports on condition and occu- pations of his group, 34; returns to London, 44; sent to N. Y., 39; serves Hudson River Palatine settlements, 161; spelling of name, footnote on 15. Kocherthal's Bericbt . . . von . . . Carolina, x 9> 33> 34; editions of, 15. Kurtz, John Christopher, 148. .Labor, scarcity of, in British colonies, 117, 119; solved by Palatine immigra- tion, 131, 133. Land-holding, in N. Y., brief history of, xit, xi 3; conditions of, reported to Board of Trade, 34; fee system for, 191; given as cause for German immigration to Pa., 2.1 1, xi2.; method of securing titles for, ij-l; new policy toward, adopted, 139, 2.13; also see Extravagant grants. Land hunger, of Palatines, n. Land ownership, by foreigners in En- gland, z8. Landlords, Irish, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88. Lawson, John, Surveyor-General of North Carolina, 103, 107. Le Acada, proposal to take and settle, 1x4. Legend of Indian grant of Schoharie, 150 fF. Legge, William, 1st Baron of Dartmouth, British Secretary of State, 87, 184. Limerick, County of, Ireland, 88, 90. Limerick, town of, Ireland, rebellion feared in, 90. Lists of Palatine immigrants, see Appen- dices, 1.^2. fF. Listmasters of Palatines, in Hudson River settlements, 163, 169, 174. Little Falls, N. Y., toj. Liverpool, receives Palatines, 76. Livingston, Robert, Jr., 168, 2.02.. Livingston, Robert, Sr., aids establish- ment of Palatines, 160; attacked by Clarendon, 170; becomes political ally of Hunter, 157; criticism of, as presi- dent of Palatine court, 165, for attempt- ing to control Palatine supplies, 168, for Palatine supplies, 167, 168, 169; land-holding or, criticized, 156, 157, nx; made president of Palatine court, 164; receives confirmatory grant, 157; receives contract for Palatine supplies, 157; sells part of his tract to Hunter for naval stores project and Palatine settle- ment, 156; service of, to government 3 12. INDEX project for the manufacture of naval stores, 166; suspected of bribing Bridger, 153; takes Palatines as tenants, 189. Livingston tract, attacked by Bellomont, 156, 2.11; confirmatory grant for, made by Hunter, 157; extent of, 156; part of, purchased by Hunter for government project and Palatine settlement, 156. Lodwick, Mr., 35. London, Palatines in, (1708 immigration, Kocherthal's party) arrive and petition Queen Anne for aid, 34; list of, 31, 38, also see Appendix A, 2.43 ff. ; plans for settle- ment of, 34, 35, 38; preparations for settlement of, in N. Y., 38; receive government aid, 35, 38; religion of, 7, 35; sent to N. Y., 39; trades of, 34, footnote on 35. (1709 immigration) arrive, 64, 65, 66; attempts to take Palatines off gov- ernment relief, 72., 73, 74 ff., 12.7 ff. ; begging by, 70; charity given to, 70, 71; collection taken for, 68; crowded condition of, 73; enlist in British army, 78; fear of contagion from, jx; government aid given to, 63, 64, 68, 73, 74; hardiness of, 70; life of, 70 ff.; mortality of, 80; lists of, see Ap- pendix B, X44 ff. ; need of, great, 68, 70, 74; numbers of, 65, 66; quarters of, 67, 73; religion of, 8 ff.; resented by poor, 71; resentment returned by, 71; riots against, 71; also see En- gland, Palatines in, and Palatine settlements, proposed. Lord Treasurer, see Godolphin, Sidney. Louis XIV, revokes Edict of Nantes, 2.1, 13. Lovelace, Lady, hardships of, 41; receives payment of Lovelace debt, 41. Lovelace, Lord Francis, Governor of N. Y., 38; arrives in N. Y., 39; death of, 41; employs two Palatines as servants, 38; referred to, 113, 117; sails for N. Y., 39; settles Palatines led by Kocherthal at Newburgh, 40, 41. Lurting, Robert, made deputy-commis- sary for Palatines, i6z. Lutheran glebe, at Newburgh, estab- lished, 41; turned over to Anglican Church, 116. Lutherans among Palatines, 7, 8. Luttichaw, Baron de, 19. Lyon, the, 147. Manorial system, remains of, among Palatines in Ireland, 95. Manufactures royales, French, character of, 131. Marlborough, Duke of, see Churchill, John. Mennonites, among Palatines 8; settle in Pa., iio. Mennonites, Swiss, 99. Men-of-war, requested as convoy for Palatine transports, 57, 12.8. Mercantilism, in England, attitude to- ward carrying trade, nx, 113, 12.4; attitude toward colonial trade, irj, 1x4, 133; interest in population and emigra- tion, 2.6; interest in foreign Protestants as source of population, 2.6, xj, 19, 30, 71; interest in naval stores, in, 113, 114 ff., iii, 114, 136. Mercantilism, in Holland, attitude of States General, 2.6. Meynderton, Johannes, 193. Michaux, Andrew F., describes distribu- tion of pitch pine, 180. Michel, Francois Louis, dupes Graffen- ried, 108; in Bern Land Company, 103, 104; interested in silver mines in British colonies, 99; joined by Graffenried, 99; promotes emigration of Swiss dis- senters, 99; purchases land in North Carolina, 101; referred to, 12., 30. Minden, N. Y., town, of, 2.09. Mining, iron, in Virginia, 109. Mining rights, of Bern Land Company, IO ?- Ministerial Revolution, in England, 87; causes lapse of financial support for N. Y. naval stores project, 184; causes Palatine immigration to become a political issue, 181 ff. Mohawk Valley, lands in, purchased for Palatines, 2.05; suggested for Palatine settlement, 140, 149. Mohawk Valley, Palatines in, 147 ff.; attacked by French and Indians, 2.2.0; make peace overtures to French and Indians, 2.19; prisoners in Canada, 2.2.0. Montagu, Charles, Earl of Halifax, con- nections of, with Ministry, 12.5; re- ceives plan for settlement of Scots in Canada, 12.4; works out plan for private company to manufacture naval stores in British colonies, 115 ff. Montague, James, Attorney-General, approves Palatine covenant, 140, 141. INDEX 3 J 3 Nassau, Palatine settlement in, 77. Naturalization act, general, in England, connection with Palatine immigration, 2.8; progress through Parliament and passage, 2.7; provisions of, 18; repealed, footnote on 183; suggested, 2.6, 2.7; used by Palatines in Ireland, 89. Naturalization act, general, in Nether- lands, 51, 61. Naturalization act, of 171 5, in New York, connection with land-holding, 2.12. ff. ; contrary to the act of navigation, 114, 2.15; part of bargain between governor and assembly, 185, Z14; terms of, 115. Naturalization acts, history of, in N. Y., 2.12., 2.13. Naval stores, importation of, from Brit- ish colonies, bids asked for, 116; bounty act passed for encouraging, no; bounty for, suggested, no; covers freight differential, 158; Bridger's samples of, pronounced good by Navy officials, 119, no; commissioners sent by Navy Board to investigate possibili- ties of, 117; compared with importa- tion from continent, 187; encouraged, 116, 119 ff.; interest in, in England, in, 113, 114, 115 ff.; merchants engage in, 115, 116, no; merchants refuse to provide security for, 12.0; Navy Board commissioners recommend settlement in New England of poor families to de- velop the, 117; pronounced inferior to continental sources by Navy officials, 118; proposals for, accepted, 116; pro- posal for, from Carolina, no; proposal, Scots to be worked to manufacture for, 1^4; proposal, soldiers to be worked to manufacture for, 119, 171; offers to carry out, 119; rivalry with French for, 118; successful, by encouragement of bounty system, 187; suggested, 114, 115, 12.4, 136. Naval stores, importance of carrying trade in, 112., 113, 114, 12.1; meaning of term, in; protests by English against Swedish terms for, 114; report on, by Board of Trade, 111, 12.2.; Stockholm Co. discriminates in supply of, against Dutch, 112., against English, 114; Swedish monopoly of, in ff. Naval stores, production of, by Palatines, authorization for, 35, 113, footnote on 12.8, 134, 144; bounty on, to cover freight differential, 136; Bridger quits project for, 170 ff. ; commissary arrange- ments for, 165 ff.; cost of, 184; court to enforce work on, 165, 174; dissatisfac- tion of Palatines with, 174, 175; efforts to continue (in 1714), 199, 2.00, (in 1716) 186; failure of political support of, 184; failure of production methods in, 177; financial difficulties of, 169, 170, 181, 185; financial support of, fails, 181 ff., 184, 188; financial support promised, 184; force threatened in, 164, 165, 174; Hunter's plan for, 130, 131, 133, 135 ff., 141; Hunter's subsistence list in, see Appendix E, 2.8z ff.; in- structor assigned for, 136, 137, 153, 170, 173; Navy given option on, 137; no preparations for, by Kocherthal's party, 113; organization for, i6z, 163; optimism of Board of Trade for, 136; origin of plan, 114 ff.; profits of, to be set aside to reimburse government, 137; promising reports on, 169, 175; reasons for failure of government project, 187; reasons for failure of methods in, 177 ff. ; recommended by Board of Trade, 130; Sackett's method for, contrasted with Russian, 176, 177; Sackett's method for, questioned, 175, 176; stopped, 188; suggested, 38, 41, 113, 1x5, 130; also see Government industry to produce; Hunter, Colonel Robert; and New York, Palatines in. Navy Board, criticizes importation of colonial naval stores, 116, 118, n6; frauds of, in supplying naval stores, 118; opinion of, of colonial naval stores, 116, 118; prejudiced against colonial naval stores, 118; report of commis- sioners on colonial naval stores to, 117, 118; sends commissioners to investigate possibilities for naval stores supply from colonies, 117; also see Partridge, William; Jackson, Benjamin; and Bridger, John. Netherlands, authorities of, intervene in Swiss deportation of Anabaptists, 103; naturalization act in, 51, 61; States General, asked to stop transportation of Palatines to England, 61; cooperate in halting emigration, 61. Neuldnder, 2.x, xi6. New Bern, North Carolina, established, 105; Indian massacre at, 107; settlers of, petition for lands, no; settle on frontier, no; also see North Carolina; and Graffenried, Christoph. New Discourse on Trade, the, in. New England, frontier of, encroached upon by French, 118; instructions for 3M INDEX production of naval stores in, 12.3; production of naval stores in, 119, irL, 171; proposal to send soldiers to, to manufacture naval stores, 171; recom- mended as source of naval stores, 117, 118. New Hampshire, inhabitants of, urged to sow hemp, 117. New Jersey, cheap lands in, 2.12.; Pala- tines in, 189, also see Appendix F, 2.91. New York, authorities of, decide to ad- vertise N. Y. in the Germanies, 2.17; census of, 148; compromise in, between governor and assembly, 185, 114; debts of, paid, 186; dispute in, between governor and assembly, 185; distribu- tion of pitch pine in, 154, 178 ff.; exports of, value compared with ex- ports of Barbados, 133; "extravagant grants" of land in, made, 138, referred to, 154, 156, 2.00, vacated by act of colonial government, 138, repealed, 138, vacating act approved in England, 138, 139, repealing act disallowed, 139, threat to N. Y. landed aristocracy, 139, 140, xi3; finances of colonial govern- ment of, 41; frontier of, needs protec- tion, 38, 119, 131; method of securing land-titles in, lyi; naval stores reported on "extravagant grants" in, 139; president of council of, notified of Palatines to be sent to, ix8; resources of, in naval stores, 115, 116, 118, 1x3; settlement of soldiers in, suggested, to manufacture naval stores, 119; also see Land conditions in N. Y. New York, Palatine immigration to, (in 1708), proposed, 35; opposed, 35; carried out, 39 ff. ; vacated "extrava- gant grants" of land suggested for, 140; sail from England, 39. (in 1710), suggested, 1x7; Sunderland decides to send, to N. Y., 118; authorization for, footnote on 118, 134; Hunter submits plan for settle- ment of, 130, 131, 135 ff. ; contract for Palatines drawn up, 130, 131, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141; Queen Anne approves plan, 134; preparations for settlement, 135 ff. ; lands suggested for, 135, 139 ff., 140, 149 ff.; plan of project, 137, 138, 141; time agreed upon for grant of lands to Palatines, 138; vacated "extravagant grants" suggested as site of settlement, 139 ff., 140, 149 ff.; selection of site, left to Hunter, 140; fire-arms secured for, 135, 143; granting of lands gratis to cause loss of fees, 143; ten ships arranged for, to transport Palatines, 144; sailing of, delayed, 144 ff. ; sailing date of, 144 ff.; leave from Plymouth, 146; the voyage of, to N. Y., 146, 147; arrival of, in N. Y., 147; also see New York, Palatines in. New York, Palatines in, (1708 immigration — Kocherthal's party), arrival of, 39; care of, 41, 42.; discord among, 41; in want, 41, 43; names of, 32., 38; also see Appendix A, 2.43 ff.; Pietism of, charged and denied, 41; settle Newburgh, on Quassaick Creek, 40, 41; settlers move from Newburgh, 116; also see Kocherthal, Joshua. (1710 immigration), arrival of, 147; disturbs authorities, 148; children of, apprenticed, 149; commissary ar- rangements for, i6i, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168; cost of government settle- ments of, 184; court established over, 164, dissension in, 165; declare covenant not agreed contract, 164; distribution of, in 1713 and in 1718, 195; encamped on Nutten Island (Governor's Island), 148, condition of, 148, 149; disarmed by Hunter, 164; dissatisfied with tar work, 174, 175; dissension among commissaries of, 166; food supplied to, 160, 165, 169; great need of, 189, 190, 193, 195, 196, 197; grievances of, 149, 174, 188, Z03, xo4, 2.18; hardiness of, 193, 196; in debt to Robert Livingston, Sr., 189; join in 1711 Canadian expedi- tion, 173, 2.19; lack of supplies for, 161; lands purchased for, 156, 158, Z05; listmasters of, 163; ministers serving, 161, 162.; names of, see Appendices E, 2.82. ff. and F, 191 ff.; number of, remain in New York City, 159; ordered to register destina- tion, 188; rebellion of, 163, 164; re- ligious bickering among, 161; selec- tion of site for naval stores industry of, 153 ff. ; selection of site for settle- ment of, 149 ff. ; settle on and near Livingston grant, 158, 189; settle- ments of, along Hudson River, 158, 189; subsistence accounting for, 166, 167; subsistence of, stopped, 188; suffering of, 189, 193; supplies given to, 160, 165, criticized, 167, 168, 169; tar work of, 175, 177, stopped, 188; INDEX 3 X 5 threats necessary to secure labor of, 174; unskilled labor of, 177; vital statistics of, i6z, 198; winter in Albany and Schenectady, 191, 193; also see Hunter, Colonel Robert. New York, dispersal of Palatines in, from Hudson River settlements, to Pa., 189; to Tulpehocken district, 2.05 ff., names of, Appendix G, 300 ff. ; to New Jersey, settle in Hackensack, 130, names of, Appendix F, 191; to various parts of New York, to Livingston's lands, 189; to Mohawk Valley, 2.04, Z05, 2.07 ff. ; see Mohawk Valley; to New York City, 189, names of, Appendix F, 2.91; to Rhinebeck, 189; to Schoharie, 190, 193; see Schoharie Valley, Pala- tines in. Newburgh, Palatines at, 40, 41 ff., 115, -Lie. Newcastle, Duke of, 69. Newfoundland fishery, 75. Nichols, land grant of, criticized, 156. Nicholson, Colonel Francis, 42., 156, footnote on 171. Norris, Sir John, 12.8. North Carolina, Graffenried purchases lands in, 100; terms of, 100, 101; inter- est of Graffenried in Palatines as set- tlers in, 100 ff.; Michel purchases land in, 100; preparations for Palatine settle- ment in, 101, ioz; proposals of Lords Proprietors of, for settlement in, 62., 98, terms offered, 62., 63, 99; subsidy to promoters of Palatine settlements in, 100, 101. North Carolina, Palatines in, arrive, 102.; ask aid of N. C. council, no; condition of, ioz, 104, no; consider moving to Virginia or Maryland, 108; deserted by Graffenried, 109; Graffenried's agree- ment with, 105, 107; Indian massacre of, 107; lose their lands, 109, no; moved to frontier, no; petition Privy Council Committee, no; settle New Bern, 105; settlement of, involved in local politics, 104, 105 ; also see Graffen- ried; Carolina; and Palatine settle- ments, proposed. Northern War, the, 114. Northey, Attorney-General, criticizes N.Y. naturalization act, 114; suggests, as alternative, confirmation of N. Y. land-titles, 2.15. Nova Scotia, proposal for conquest of, 12.4, 1Z5; proposal to settle Scots in, 12.4. Nutten Island (now Governor's Island, N. Y.), 148, footnote on 117. Oath of allegiance, required by general naturalization acts, 2.8, 2.15. Ordnance, Board of, complains of loss of Palatine supplies without reimburse- ment by Parliament, 142.; estimates cost of Palatine supplies, 141; issues tents for Palatines, 67. Order-in-council, authorizing govern- ment aid in settling of Palatines, 35. Origin of plan for government project to manufacture naval stores, 114 ff., 133- Ormond, Duke of, see Butler, James. Packet boat, used to transport Palatines, 57- Palatine, as term, use of, footnote on 1. Palatine Bridge, town of, 2.05. Palatine court, Hudson River settlements, dissension in, 165; established, 164, 174. Palatine emigration, anticipated, 50; at Rotterdam, 50, 51, 53 ff. ; attempts to halt, 53, 58 ff.; causes of, Chapter I, summarized, 31; experiences of, 33, 47; forbidden by the Elector Palatine, 53; large number of children among, 57; names of, see Appendices A, 2.43 ff., B, 144 ff., C, 2.48 ff., D, Z74 ff. ; need of, great, 5Z, 56, 57, 63; preparations of, 47; size of, 1, 7, 32., 38, 65, 66; source of, 1, z. Palatine fever, 147. Palatine immigration, to England, ap- proved by Queen Anne, 5Z; arranged by Dayrolle, 53 ff. ; attempts to halt, 56, 58 ff. ; authorized by Marlborough, 54; authorized by Secretary of State Boyle, 55; condemned by House of Commons, 183; expected, 56, 7Z; expenditures by British government for, 183; forbidden by British authorities, 68; investigated by Parliament, i8z, 183; landing of, not to be prevented, but no aid to be given, 63; names of, Appendices B, Z44 ff . , C, Z48 ff . , D, Z74 ff . ; not planned for, by British authorities, Z9, 80, 100; numbers of, 65, 66; papists in, returned, 63, 66, 78, 79, for list of names, see Appendix D, Z74 ff.; precedents for, Z9; sail at own expense, 6z, 64, 66; also see Dayrolle; England, Palatines in; and Palatine settlements, proposals for. 316 INDEX Palatine settlements, made in, Ireland (Limerick County), 88 ff., 91, 91, also see Ireland, Palatines in; Jamaica, 77, 78, also see Jamaica; New York, at Newburgh, 40, 41, Z15, 2.16; in Mo- hawk Valley, 105, 2.07 ff., see Mohawk Valley; in Schoharie Valley, Z35, see intro. to Appendix F, 2.91 ff., also Schoharie Valley, Palatines in; North Carolina, 105, see North Carolina, Palatines in; Pennsylvania, Z05 ff., see Pennsylvania; West Indies, 77, see West Indies. Palatine settlements, proposals for, in Antigua, 35; Canary Islands, 74; Carolina, 12., 14, 18, 19, 98, 100; En- gland, 73, 75, 76; Ireland, 8z ff.; Jamaica, 35, 77, 12.7; New York, 35, 12.7, iz8; Pennsylvania, iz, 14; Rio de la Plata, 74; Scilly Islands, 76; South America, 74; Wales, 75; West Indies, 34>.75»77- . Palatine (Herkimer), town or, 105, 109; attacked by French and Indians, 2.10. Papists, see Catholics. Parke, Colonel Daniel, Governor of Leeward Islands, proposes settlement of Palatines, 75; proposes settlement of ScOtS, Z9. Parliament, British, bill presented to, for establishment of independent support for N. Y. government, 185; bill presented to, for reimbursement of Palatine debt due to Hunter, 186; investigates Palatine immigration, 14, 182., 183; passes general naturalization act, 2.7; repeals general naturalization act, footnote on 183. Partridge, William, 117, 1Z5. Pastorius, Francis Daniel, 31. Pavia, Francisco, aided, 30. Penn, John, zio. Penn, William, founder of Pennsylvania, author of a general naturalization bill, 2.7; continues advertising of Pennsyl- vania, 11, zo ff. ; contracts with Michel for Swiss settlers, 99; fails to make a proposal for settlement of the Palatines, 80; imprisoned for debt, 80; liberal government and civil rights in Pa. promised by, zo; negotiates for sale of Pa., 80; visits Germany and advertises Pa., 19. Pennsylvania, advertising of, for colon- ists, iz, zo, zi6 ff. ; authorities of, concerned about Palatine immigration, 2.07; considers restriction of German immigration, zio; immigrants desire to go to, 8, 12., 14, zo, 2.2., 2.10 ff., zi6 ff., 2.2.7; German redemptioners arrive in, zio; liberal offer of lands in, zo; negotiations for sale of, 80; Palatines move from N. Y. to, 189, Z05, zo6, Z07; proposal to send Swiss Protestants to, 30; reasons for flow of German immi- gration to, zio ff., zi6 ff., ZZ7. Petrie, Johan Jost, zzo. Phemey, Governor, of Nassau, 77. Pietists, among Palatines in N. Y., charged, 4Z. Pitch, see naval stores. Pitch pine tree Qpinus rigida), absence of, in Schoharie Valley, reported by Bridger, 184; distribution of, in N. Y., 154, 178, 180; presence of, in N. Y., reported by Bridger, 1Z3; protected by parliamentary act, izi; soils favoring growth of, 154, 180; white pine tree mistaken for, charged, 178. Plantation, capital and necessities for establishing a small, 45. Plymouth, Palatine fleet leaves England at, 146. Pollock, Colonel Thomas, aids Graffen- ried, 108; secures lands assigned to Palatines, 109, no; seizes property of Graffenried for debt, 108. Pollock, Cullen, no. Population, mercantilist views on, in England and Holland, z6. Portsmouth, Palatine fleet touches at, 146. Prejudice, English, against aliens, 71, 72.. Premium on naval stores, see Bounty, for naval stores; and Naval stores. Preparations, for Palatine settlements in N. Y., 37, 135 ff.; in North Carolina, 101, ioz. Preparations to leave Germany, 47. Pricherbach, Polycarpus Michael, 18. Prince George, of Denmark, royal consort to Queen Anne, 8; death of, Z4. Pringle, Mr., Sunderland's secretary, iz8. Private companies, for securing naval stores, proposed by merchants, 115, izo; relied on by British government, 131, 13Z; working Palatines, proposed, IZ5 ff.; working Scots, proposed, 1Z4. Privy Council Committee for Plantation Affairs, petitioned, orders Palatine relief, no. Proclamation, British Royal, printed in German and distributed against further immigration, 65; for relief of Palatines, 68. INDEX 3 J 7 Protestant cause, in Europe and England, zz ff. ; in Ireland, 8z, 83, 90; accession of George I favors, 90. >cuaynant, Indian, Conrad Weiser lives with, 193. Queen Anne of England, affected by death of Prince George, her consort, Z4; approves settlement of Palatines in N. Y., 134; asked to send Palatines to Ireland, 82.; authorizes Palatine trans- portation to England at government expense, 55, 183; death of, 108; favors High Church party and Tories, i8z; interested in Palatines, 9, 54, 72., 78; interested in Protestant cause, 13, 2.4, 78; levies a public collection for Pala- tines, 68, 69; petitioned by Kocherthal, 34; requests enlistment of Catholic Palatines, 79; touched by Palatine misery, 64. "Queen Anne" musket, 90. Quit-rents, N. Y. Attorney-General asks salary out of, 143. Randolph, Edward, Surveyor-General of Customs in America, reports on naval stores possibilities, 115. Raynor,John, Attorney-General inN. Y., x 43- Redemptioners, German, arrive in Pa., zio. Redemptioners, government (Palatine immigration to N. Y.), terms of, 141, Relief, given by British government to Palatines, 35, 38, 68, 74, 183. Religion, of Palatine immigrants, 7, 8, 9, 11, 35; Palatine families of mixed, 11. Religious, conditions in 18th century Germanies, 6 ff., 8 ff., 19; declaration of toleration, in Palatinate, 9; issue in English politics, 181, 182.; schism in Switzerland, 99, 103. Rensellaer, land grant of, criticized, 156. Rhine River, z, 33; journey down, 47. Rio de la Plata, 74. Riots against the Palatines in London, 71. Ritter, George, iz, 30, 103, 104. Robinson, John, British Envoy at Stock- holm, 114. Roman Catholics, see Catholics. Romers, Peter Willemse, 149. Rotterdam, authorities of, give aid to emigrants, 34, 5Z; Palatines arrive in, 33> 5°> 5 1 . 53» 55. 5 6 » 5 8 > 59> 6 °> 6 3> Palatines shipped at expense of, 60, 64; tries to stop emigration of Palatines, 61. Royal chapel in St. James Palace, Lutheran, 8, Z4. Ruger, John Philips, 148. Rum, supplied to Palatines in N. Y., 160, 175. Ruperti, Rev. George Andrew, minister of St. Mary's German Lutheran Church in the Savoy, 8; takes charge of Pala- tines for Board of Trade, 73. Sackett, Richard, placed in charge of tar-production, 173, 174, 175, 177; tar- making method of, compared with Muscovy method, 176, 177, unpro- ductive, 177, reasons for failure of, 177 ff. ; referred to, 164, 166, 173. St. John, Henry, 1st Viscount Boling- broke, British Secretary of State, 184. Sauer, Christopher, zi6. Schuneman, Herman, 38, 164. Scilly Islands, preparations to settle Palatines in, 76; proposal to settle Palatines in, 76, project cancelled, 76. Schaeffer, Gerhart, recommendation of, 47; Bible of, footnote on 9. Scheff, William, sent as deputy to En- gland by Schoharie Palatines, Z04. Schenectady, Palatines stop over in, 190, 19Z, 193, 196. Schoharie Valley lands, Bridger reports on, 153; claimed by Indians, 15Z; gift of, by Indians, 15Z, 153; grant of, to Albany Partners, zoi, zoz, ziz; legend of Indian gift of, 150 ff. ; obstacles to, as site for naval stores project, 140, 153; Palatines move to, 190, 193; opposed by Hunter, 190, 193, 199, zoo; Pala- tines send deputies to purchase, 190; parted with, by Indians on three occasions, 190; suggested, for Palatine settlement, 140, 149 ff. Schoharie Valley, Palatines in, chal- lenged to lease or vacate, zoz; charity received by, 193, 196; come to terms, not carried out, Z03; confer with Hunter, Z03; deputies of, sent to En- gland, Z04, disagree among themselves, Z04, sail for home disappointed, Z04; do not intermarry with Indians, Z19; Hunter's hostility to, 190, 193, 199, zoo; move to Mohawk Valley, Z05; move to Pennsylvania, Z05, zo6; names of, see Appendix F, Z91 ff.; need of, 190, 193, 195, 196; pioneer life of, 195 3 i8 INDEX ff. ; push frontier westward, Z05, 119; relations of, with Indians, zi8, 119; report of Weiser and others sent to England by, Z04; resentment of, as cause of German immigration to Pa., 2.10 ff., 2.17, zi8; strengthen frontier, 199; take leases from Albany Partners, 105; the first year of the, 193, 195, 196; villages of, 193, 195, also see intro. to Appendix F, 2.91; violence of, against Bayard, 2.01, against sheriff Adams, 103, against Vrooman, zoz; warrant issued for arrest of Weiser among, 2.01. Schuyler, Peter, Mayor of Albany, 150. Scots, proposal to settle a colony of, X9, I2 -4> J 33- Senecas, supposed to be in French inter- est, 132.. Seven Partners, receive patent for Scho- harie lands, zoi, zoz, ziz. Ship-fever, 147. Simmendinger, Ulrich, iz, 2.0, also see intro. to Appendix F, 191. Smallpox, 7~l. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, employs Rev. Haeger to serve Palatines, 161; interested in assimilation of the Palatines, 143; receives report from Haeger, 161, 189; seeks a minister for the Palatines, 141; also see Chamberlayne, John. Society of London for Mines Royal, 75. Sour crout (sauer kraut), 91, 94. South Carolina, French Huguenots sent to, Z9. Southwell, Sir Thomas, 88. Spencer, Charles, Earl of Sunderland, British Secretary of State, approves re- quest for Palatine contract, 130, 131; approves Scilly Islands settlement pro- posal, 76; blamed for Palatine immigra- tion, 183; dismissed as Secretary of State, 184; informs President of N. Y. Council of intended Palatine immigra- tion, iz8; orders Board of Trade in constant attendance, 79; orders Board of Trade to report on needs of Palatines, 73, 74; orders Board of Trade to submit a Palatine covenant, 140; orders in- vestigation of continued transporta- tion, 64; orders three thousand Pala- tines sent to N. Y., 46, 12.8; probably receives Halifax's plan for Palatine settlement, 115; refers Hunter's pro- posal for naval stores project to Board of Trade, 12.8 ff.; refuses Palatine peti- tion for transportation to England, 64; requests Marlborough to speed Pala- tine ordnance estimates, 141; sends Hunter's additional instructions con- cerning government project, 144; sends Queen's approval of Palatine naval stores project in N. Y., 134; son-in-law of Marlborough, 51, 14Z. Spotswood, Colonel Alexander, Gover- nor of Virginia, 104, 109, 178. States General, of Holland, asked to stop transportation of Palatines, 61; atti- tude of, on population, z6; passes naturalization act, 50, 61; tries to halt Palatine emigration, 61. Sternbergh, Lambert, sows first wheat in Schoharie Valley, 196. Stockholm Tar Company, discriminates against the Dutch, nz, against the English, 114; early history of, in, in, 114; English protest terms offered by, 114. Stone Arabia Patent, Z05. Subsidies, paid by government to Pala- tines in Ireland, 83, 87, 88, 90. Subsistence, granted to Palatines by British government, 35, 54, 55, 57, 136, 166 ff., 184, 185, 188. Subsistence lists of Palatines in N. Y. naval stores project, Appendix E, z8zff. Suderman, John, footnote on 54. Sunderland, Earl of, see Spencer, Charles. Sunderland, Yorkshire, Palatines sent to, 75; run away, 77, 78. Susquehanna River, zo6, 2.10. Swatara Creek, 2.05, zo6. Swedish monopoly, of naval stores, 111; Board of Trade report on, 12.1; conduct of, in ff. Swedish Tar Company, see Stockholm Tar Company. Swedish tariff on English woolens, 113. Sweet, Mr., 55, 183. Swiss Protestants, proposal to settle, in Pa. or Va., 30, 99; sent to Carolina, 101, 103; arrive, 104. 1 ar, see naval stores. Tar-making, Finnish method, used, 117; instruction in, given by Bridger, 113; instructor of, to be provided, 12.3; instructors of, for,N. Y. Palatines, 135, 136; Muscovy method, 176; Sackett's method, used by Palatines, 176, 177, unproductive, 177, supported by Hunter, 177, criticized by Hunter, 186, INDEX 3 T 9 187; supplies necessary for, 135, 136; also see naval stores, production of. Tare of flour barrels, 168. Taxes, oppressive in Germanies, 5, 6. Telner, Mr., 18. Tents, necessary for N. Y. settlement of Palatines, 135, 142.; supplied to Pala- tines around London, 67. Test and Abjuration Oath, required by general naturalization act of N. Y., 115. Thuringia, High German Company of, 18. Tilson, Mr., secretary to Lord Treasurer Godolphin, 54, 55. Tories, in power in England, condemn Palatine immigration, 181, i8z, 183; confer commission as Brigadier on Hunter, 184. Townshend, Charles, znd Viscount, 51; asked aid for passage of Swiss through Holland, 99; contributes to Palatine charity, 57; favors transportation of Palatines to England, 56, 60; responsi- ble for government transportation of Palatines, 183. Trades of Palatine immigrants, 35, 36, 74- Transports, army, to be used to send Palatines to England, suggested, 51; ordered, 52., 53, 56. Transportation of Palatines by British government, from Netherlands, to England, arranged, 51 fF. ; authorized by Secretary of State Boyle, 55; carried out, 55 ff. ; considered in London as an extended enterprise, 56; contracted for, 57; numbers of, 65, 66, for Embarkation Lists, see Appendix C, Z48 fF.; stopped, 58, 59, 60; terms of, 54, 57. Transportation of Palatines, from En- gland, to Ireland, 8z; to N. Y., 39, 12.8, 143 ff"., costs compared, 143, demurrage charges for, 144. Transportation of Palatines, from New York City, to Livingston Manor, 158. Treasury, clerks of, refuse to honor Hunter's bills of exchange, 181. Tribbeko, Rev. John, chaplain to Prince George, 8; funeral sermon of, for Prince George, 14; takes charge of Palatines for Board of Trade, 73. "True Blues," in Ireland, 90. Tulpehocken district, Pa., Palatines move to, Z05, zo6, Z07. Turner, Frederick Jackson, describes character of "old frontier" of N. Y. and Pa., zzo, 2.2.1; emphasizes impor- tance of frontier in producing individu- alism, zzi, zzz; points out democratic influence of frontier, ZZ3; views of, criticized, zzi fF., ZZ7. Turrenne, vicomte de, Marshalof France, 3 . Tynte, Edward, Governor of South Carolina, 104, 105. Typhus, 147, 148. Van Gent, Jan, 53, 57, 61, 64. van Kampen, John, Z07. van Toren, Hendrik, 53, 57, 61, 64. Vaudreuill, Marquis de, zzo. Vine-dressers, among immigrants, 5, 74. Vine-yards, planting of, in New York, suggested by Kocherthal, 44. Vrooman, Adam, zoz. Walpole, Sir Robert, Secretary of War, 79- Walrath, Gerhart, sent as deputy to England by Schoharie Palatines, Z04. War, devastation of, z, 3, 4; given as cause of emigration, z, 34. War of the League of Augsburg, 111; efFect of, on price of naval stores, 116. War of the Spanish Succession, 7, Z3, 51, in. Ward, Margaret, last of the Palatines at Newburgh, zi6. Weiser, Conrad, son of John Conrad Weiser, diary of, referred to 144, 150, 193, 199, Z05, Z07; lives with Indians, 193, zi8, Z19; moves to Tulpehocken district, Pa., Z07. Weiser, George Frederick, 149. Weiser, John Conrad, attends conference with Hunter, Z03; joins son Conrad in Pa., Z07; negotiates for land in N. J., Z07; plans trip to England for appeal, zoz; purchases land in Mohawk Valley, Z09; referred to, z, 149, 193, 199; sent to London for appeal against Palatine eviction from Schoharie Valley, Z04; warrant issued for arrest of, zoz. Wenham, Colonel Thomas, 4Z, 43. Wesley, John, 91. West Canada Creek, Z09. West Indies, proposal to settle Palatines m » 75 > 77; settlement of Palatines made in, 77.- 32.0 INDEX Whigs, in England, favor Palatine im- migration, 67, 69, 181. Wharton, Thomas, Earl of, Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland, 87. White Pine Qpinus strobus), 178, 180. Whitworth, Charles, British Resident in Russia, 176. William III, ascends English throne, 3, Z3; encourages French Protestants to come to England, 13; subsidizes mer- chants to send immigrants, 19. Winter of 1708-1709, 45. Womelsdorf, Pa., 107. Woolen interests, paramount in England, in ff. Wulfen, Godfrey, 164. ^eh, Magdalena, leads sheriff, 2.03. Zenger, John Peter, 149. mob against UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 125 243K74E CQ02 EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY PALATINE EMIGRA 3 0112 025284537 tif i' ■: I If] 11 • ' / "• ■ ■ ■ *■ I - . I ; * ' ilHiiHitim 1 HP MtlflllHl mifltifHfll ilfiiilmluilfil! illHfllfiilillll ■ l '•'■'' '■'■ ■ 11 R! •: : ' MBlnK '■•;■ ' " , • flu * I t III XI ' * ' lllilllf! ItllliHili mill Hi iHlll IliHl I II If IliftlllMlllf 111