THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM REVISED SPEECH OF HON. E. G. SPAULDING, OF NEW YORK* DELIVERED AT BUFFALO AND WASHINGTON, AT MEETINGS HELD TO RATIFY THE NOMINATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND HANNIBAL HAMLIN, FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT. - 0 - Republican Platform adopted by the Chi- I countenanced a threat of disunion, so often cago Convention, May 17, 1860. j made by Democratic members of Congress - ! withoi t rebuke and with applause from their Resolved, Tkaff^ve,the delegated representa- political associates; and we denounce those tives of the Republican Electors of the United threats of disunion, in case of a popular over¬ states, in Convention assembled, in the dis- throw of their ascendency, as denying the vital charge of the duty we owe to our constituents principles of a free Government, and as an and our coun ry, unite in the following declara- avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the tions : imperative duty of an indignant people strongly First. That the history of the naiion during to rebuke and forever silenoe. the last four years has fully established the pro- j Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of priety and necessity of the organization and the rig hts of the States, and especially the right perpetuation of the Republican party, and that of each State to order and control its own do- the causes which called it into existence are mestic institutions, according to its own judg- permanent in their nature, and now, more than ment exclusively, is essential to that balance ever before, demand its peaceful and constitu- of pow er on which the perfection and endu- tional triumph. ranee of our political faith depends; and we Second, ihat the maintenance of the princi- denoui ce the lawless invasion by armed force pies promulgated iu the Declaration ot Inde- of any State or Territory, no matter under what pendence, and embodied in the Federal Consti- pretex;, as among the gravest of crimes, tution, is essential to the preservation of our Fij h. That the present Democratic Ad- republican institutions ; that the Federal Con- ministration has far exceeded our v/orst appre- stitution, the rights of the States, and the Union hensious in its measureless subserviency to the of the States, must and shall be preserved ; and exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially that we reasseit “these truths to be self-evi- evident iu its desperate exertions to force the dent, that all men are created equal; that they infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the are endowed by their Creator with certain un- protesting people of Kansas—in construing the alienable rights; that among these are life,lib- personal relation between master and servant erty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to to involve an unqualified property in persons— secure these rights, Governments are instituted in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on among men, deriving their just powers from land and sea, through the intervention of Con- the consent of the governed.” 1 gress and the Federal courts, of the extreme Third. That to the Union of the States this pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its nation owes its unprecedented increase in popu- general and unvarying abuse of the power ia- lation ; its surprising development of material trusted to it by a confiding people, resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm its happiness at borne and its honor abroad; the ree.dess extravagance which pervades every aud we bold in abhorrence all schemes for dis- department of the Federal Government; that union, come from whatever source they may; a return to rigid economy and accountability is and we congratulate the country that no Re- indispensable to arrest the system of plunder publican member of Congress has uttered or 1 of the public Treasury by favored partisans j 2 while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is im¬ peratively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Con¬ stitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at vari¬ ance with the explicit provisions of that instru¬ ment itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, sind with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of Free¬ dom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national terri¬ tory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, when¬ ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at¬ tempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to sla¬ very in any Territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judi¬ cial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age ; atid we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and tinal suppression of that execrable traffic. Tenth. That in the recent vetoes by their Federal Governors of the acts of the Legisla¬ tures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting sla¬ very in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principles of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denunciation of the deception and fraud in¬ volved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the Con¬ stitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Repre¬ sentatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by du¬ ties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these duties as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the work¬ ing men liberal wages, to agriculture remuner¬ ating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial pros¬ perity and independence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers a3 paupers or supplicants for public bounty; and j we demand the passage by Congress of the com¬ plete and satisfactory homestead measure which j has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party is cp- | posed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any -State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lauds shall be abridged or im¬ paired ; and in favor of giving a full and effi¬ cient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fifteenth. That the appropriations by Con¬ gress for river and harbor improvements of a national character, required for the accommo¬ dation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by an obligation of the Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the in¬ terests of the whole country ; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and that, as pre¬ liminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles an^views, we invite the co-operation of" -all citizens, however differ¬ ing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support. Remarks of Mr. Spaulding 1 . It is very gratifying, fellow-citizens, to wit¬ ness the moral force of so large an assemblage of intelligent meu in the capital of the natiou. I am gratified to see that free speech is tolera¬ ted here to-night. It augurs well of the prog¬ ress of the Republican cause. I congratulate you and the country that order reigns here to¬ night, and that we may here, in the city of Washington—the common ground of all the States—advocate the principles of republican liberty. It was my good fortune to attend the Repub¬ lican Convention at Chicago, on the 16th inst. The Convention was composed of able and up¬ right men—indeed, I may say it was composed of some of the purest and best men in the country. It was one of the most talented Con¬ ventions ever held in this country. Full dele¬ gations assembled from all the Northern States, and from a number of the Southern States. The Convention was composed of four hundred and sixty-six members, met together to per¬ form a patriotic and responsible duty. The State of New York sent there a unani¬ mous delegation of seventy good and true men to speak for her in that great assemblage of Republican freemen. Their first choice for President was that patriotic and experienced statesman, William H. Reward, known to the world as the friend of liberty and the rights of man. They urged his selection with firmness s and dignity, as a nomination fit to be made. I co-operated with this delegation to secure the nomination of Gov. Seward, who is my personal and political friend. He wa3 my first choice. He was the choice of his native State. His friends were warm and zealous in his behalf. He was their chosen leader, who had stood firm at all times—the foremost advocate of the Republican platform. The shafts of his ene¬ mies had been heaped upon his devoted head for more than twelve years ; but during all this time he stood at his post, unyielding, battling for the right, and uncompromising as the great principles of liberty upon which the Republi¬ can party is based are enduring and eternal. While thus advocating the claims of Gov. Seward to a nomination, we did not detract at all from the merits of Republican candidates presented from other States. We v/ent to the Convention to advocate affirmatively the merits of the favorite sou of New York, not to under¬ value the services of other true men in the Re¬ publican party. The merits as well as avail¬ ability of the several candidates were freely dis¬ cussed, and after a full and free interchange of views and feelings, the balloting commenced. On the third ballot, Abraham Lincoln, of Illi¬ nois, a true and able Republican, received a majority of all the votes cast, and was chosen the standard-bearer of the Republican party in this most important crisis in the history of the Government. The moment that a majority of the Conven¬ tion declared in favor of Mr. Lincoln, the uni¬ ted delegation from New York, through their chairman, Mr. Evarts, moved to make the nom¬ ination unanimous. The action of the Conven¬ tion was harmonious throughout, and the nom¬ ination was received with great applause by the assembled multitude. All due respect was paid to New York as to the choice of Vice President; and when she indicated a willingness to go for Hannibal Hamlin, an eminent citizen of Maine, he was selected, with great unanimity, as the choice of the Convention for Vice President I admire William H. Seward for his genius and high social qualities, for his exalted states¬ manship, and his fitness to discharge the du¬ ties of any position he may be called upon to fill. The people of New York love and honor William H. Seward. His friends everywhere admire his steadiness of purpose, and devotion to principle in this great struggle to preserve the inalienable rights of man ; and they will continue to love and cherish him ; but while cherishing William H. Seward, they will not lose sight of the cause in which we are en¬ gaged. Abraham Lincoln is an able, upright, and faithful representative of the principles em¬ bodied in the Republican platform. He has become the chosen standard-bearer of our , party. He is worthy of our support and confi- ! dence. I shall give him a cordial and efficient» support. The people of the district I repre¬ sent—old Erie county—supporting him as they do with great, unanimity, will give him not ess than 4,000 majority. The State of New York is already enlisted in the contest. William H. Seward, ever self-sacrificing for the good of the cause, has written a noble letter endorsing the nominations of Lincoln and Hamlin. This great State will give them her thirty-five electoral votes by a majority of not less than 40,000, The American party is coming in nobly to the support of the Republican plat¬ form and the ticket nominated at Chicago. In my district, where Mr. Fillmore resides, we have now a united party. All the opponents of modern Democracy now join hands to wrest the Government from the hands of the present corrupt, profligate, and imbecile Administra¬ tion. Compromises, compacts, and pledges, have been broken by the Democratic party, led on by the slave power. The public money has been squandered. Corruption has crept into nearly every department of the public service. Disunion raises its hydra head in the capital of the nation. The American party, that has been the last to yield its assent to the necessity of uuitedly resisting the aggressions of the Slave Democracy, is, I am happy to say, giv¬ ing up its organization, to unite with the friends of Republican liberty, to effect a change in the administration of the Government. A change is essential to the stability of the Constitution and the Union. We must unitedly resist the Democratic party, and redeem the country from the thral¬ dom into which it has been placed by the ac¬ tion of corrupt leaders. Why should we thus unite ? I answer, because the perilous condi¬ tion in which the country is placed demands it. Who is responsible for the agitation of the slavery question ? Who obstruct the public business by agitation? Who threaten dis¬ union ? Who are sectional in their speeches and action ? and who seek to extend the area of slavery and slave representation in Congress ? I propose briefly to answer these questions. There is a wide field for collecting material to use in this discussion, extending back for more than twenty-five years, yet I do not propose to go back of the compromise measures which were passed in 1850. The passage of the fugi¬ tive slave law ; the Texas boundary bill; the donation to Texas of $10,000,000 to purchase a peace with her, when we owed her nothing; the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia; and the admission of California as a free State—known as the “ compromise measures” of 1850—were regarded as a “final adjustment and permanent settlement” of the slavery agitation in Congress. These meas¬ ures were passed by the joint co-operation and votes of both Whigs and Democrats. In 1851, Democrats and Whigs entered into the follow- 4 ing written agreement to preserve inviolate the compromise of 1850: 44 The undersigned, members of the Thirty- first Congress of the United States, believing that a renewal of sectional controversy upon the subject of slavery would be both danger¬ ous to the Union and destructive of its objects, and seeing no mode by which such controver¬ sy can be avoided, except by a strict adher¬ ence to the settlement thereof effected by the compromise acts passed at the last session of Congress, do hereby declare their intention to maintain the said settlement inviolate, and to resist all attempts to repeal or alter the acts aforesaid, unless by the general consent of the friends of the measure, and to remedy such evils, if any, as time and experience may de¬ velop. “ And for the purpose of making this resolu¬ tion effective, they further declare, that they will not support for office of President or Vice President, or of Senator or of Repre¬ sentative in Congress, or as member of a State Legislature, any man, of whatever par¬ ty, who is not known to be opposed to the dis¬ turbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal, in any form, of agitation upon the subject, of slavery (l Henry Clay. Howell Cobb. C. S. Morehead. William Duer. Robert L. Rose. H. S. Foote. W. C.. Dawson. James Brooks. Thomas J. Rusk. A. H. Stephens. Jeremiah Clemens. Robert Toombs. James Cooper. M. P. Gentry. Thomas G. Pratt. Henry W. Hilliard. William M. Gwin. F. E. McLean. Samuel Eliot. A. G. Watkins. David Outlaw. H. A. .Bullard. C. H. Williams. T. S. Haymond. J. Phillips Phoeuix. A. H. Sheppard. A. M. Schermerhorn. David Breck. John R. Thurman. James L. Johnson. D. A. Bokee. J. B. Thompson. George R. Andrews. J. M. Anderson. W. P. Mangum. John B. Kerr. Jeremiah Morton. J. P. Caldwell. R. 1. Bowie. Edmund Deberry. E. C. Cabell. Humphrey Marshall. Allen F. Owen.” Alexander Evans. In 1852, the Whig and Democratic National Conventions, which put in nomination General Scott and General Pierce for President, both approved of these measures, and agreed to them as a final settlement of the Slavery question, both in Congress and out of it. The Dem¬ ocratic party in their National Convention at Baltimore, in 1852, pledged themselves to the nation, as follows, to wit: u That Congress has no power under the Con* 1 Btitution to interfere with or control the domes- 1 tic institutions of the several States, and that 1 such States are the sole and proper judges of 1 everything appertaining to their own affairs, 1 not prohibited by the Constitution j that all 1 efforts made to induce Congress to interfere ‘ with questions of slavery, or to take incipient 1 steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead 4 to the most alarming and dangerous conse- 4 quences 5 and that all such efforts have an in- 4 evitable tendency to diminish the happiness of 4 the people, and endanger the stability and per- 4 manency of the Union, and ought not to be 4 countenanced by any £nend of our political 4 institutions. 44 ! hat the foregoing proposition covers, a,id 4 was intended to embrace, the whole subject of 4 the slavery agitation in Congress; and, there* 4 fQre, the Democratic party of the Union, stand- 4 ing upon the national platform, will abide by 4 and adhere to the faithful execution of the 4 acts known as the compromise measures set- 4 tied by the last Congress, the act for the re- 4 claiming of fugitives from service included, 4 which act, being designed to carry out au ex- 4 press provision of the Constitution, cannot 4 with fidelity thereto be repealed or so changed 4 as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 44 Resolved , That we will resist all attempts 4 at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the ‘.slavery agitation, under whatever shape and 4 color the attempt may be made.” And the Whig party in the same year, at the same place, resolved and pledged themselves as follows, to wit: ^ 44 That the series of measures commonly 4 known as the compromise, including the fu- 4 gitive slave law, are acquiesced in by the 4 Whig party of the United States, as a settle* 4 meut, in principle and substance, a final set- 4 tlement of the dangerous and exciting ques- 4 tions which they embrace; and so far as the 4 fugitive slave law is concerned, we will main* 4 tain the same, and insist on its strict enforce- 4 ment, until time and experience shall dernon- 4 strate the necessity of farther legislation to 4 guard against evasion or abuse,not impairing 4 its present efficiency; and we deprecate all 4 further agitation of slavery questions as dan- 4 gerous to our peace, and will discountenance 4 all efforts at the renewal or continuance of 4 such agitation, in Congress or out of it, what- 4 ever, wherever, or however the attempt may 4 be made; and we will maintain this system as 4 essential to the nationality of the Whig party 4 and the integrity of the Union.” On the assembling of the Thirty-second Con¬ gress, in December, 1851, Lynn Boyd, a South¬ ern slaveholder and Democrat, was promptly elected Speaker, without any agitation of slave¬ ry, or any filibustering for delay on the part of the Whigs, who were then in a minority. Soon after the organization of the House, the following resolutions were offered by Mr. Jack- son of Georgia, and subsequently passed by the joint votes of Whigs and Democrats, viz : 44 1. Resolved , That we recognise the binding 4 efficacy of the compromises of the Constitu- 4 tion, and believe it to be the intention of the 1 pebplo generally; as we ‘declare it tb be Ours 5 ‘ individually, to abide such compromises, and ‘ to sustain the laws necessary to carry them ‘ out; the provision for the delivery of fugitive ‘ slaves, and the act of the last Congress for ‘ that purpose, included ; and that we deprecate ‘ all further agitation of the question growing 1 out of that provision ofthe questions embraced ‘ in the acts ofthe last Congress known as the ‘ compromise, and of questions generally con- 1 nected with the institution of slavery, as un- 1 necessary, useless, and dangerous. u II, Resolved , That the series of acts passed ‘ during the first session of Thirty-first Con ‘ gress, known as the compromise, are regarded ‘ as a FINAL ADJUSTMENT AND A PERMANENT 1 settlement of the questions therein em- ‘ braced, and should be maintained and exe- 1 cuted as such.” The final vote was taken on these resolutions April 5, 1852, and among the names recorded in their favor, ( Congressional Globe , pages 982, 983,) I find Thomas S. Bocock, Democratic candidate for Speaker, John'S. Caskie, Henrj A. Edmundson, Charles J. Faulkner, John Letcher, and Thomas H. Bayly, of Virginia; John S. Phelps, of Missouri; Thomas B. Flor¬ ence, of Pennsylvania ; Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina; Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia ; Williamson R. W. Cobb, George S. Houston, and William R. Smith, of Alabama ; John C. Breckinridge and R. H. Stanton, of Kentucky; Willis Allen and William A. Rich ardson, of Illinois; Harry Hibbard, of New Hampshire ; Colin M. ingersoll, of Connecti¬ cut; George W. Jones and Frederick P. Stan¬ ton, of Tennessee; John G. Davis, Q. L. Dun¬ ham, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana ; and Moses McDonald, of Maine. Here was a solemn promise on the part of all the above-named Democrats that they would keep the peace, and not agitate any more the dangerous and exciting subject of slavery. It was declared to be a “ finality,” and a u perma¬ nent settlement” of the whole subject of slavery agitation. This mutual bond of peace was given in the most solemn form between Whigs and Democrats, by a vote of 100 to 65. There was a seeming concurrence of the two great leading parties of the country in what had been done, and an apparent determination, on the part of both, that no subject .should again be introduced into Congress to reopen this pro¬ lific source of discord between the different sec¬ tions of the Union. In common with many others, I did not ap¬ prove of the fugitive slave law, the Texas boundary bill, nor the donation of $10,000,000 to Texas ; but inasmuch as they had become established laws of the land, I tacitly acquiesced in them ; there was a general acquiescence in them on the part of the people, and a disposi tion to look forward with hope that our be¬ loved country would have a peaceable and prosperous course for many years. How suddenly were all these promises broken 1 Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Millard Fillmore, and a few others, agreed to this compromise in good faith, and would have gladly seen it ad¬ hered to, but, most unfortunately, very few of the men engaged in it had sufficient firmness to resist subsequent events. Suddenly, and without the least necessity or provocation, the country was startled with a proposition to reopen the slavery agitation in a more aggravated form than ever before. The Kansas Nebraska bill was introduced by Senator Douglas, Chairman of the Committee on Territories, sustained a 3 a Democratic measure by President Pierce, and adopted by Democratic and Southern Whig votes. The bond of peace agreed to in 1850—’51— ? 52 was broken, and broken, too, by the very men who had pledged themselves not again to agitate the slavery question. Among the members who had voted for the compromise resolutions, declaring that the adjustment should be a “ final settlement,” I find the following names recorded in favor of repealing the Missouri compromise—( Congressional Globe , 1854, page 1254)—viz: Thomas S. Bocock, John S. Cas¬ kie, Henry A. Edmundson, Charles J. Faulk¬ ner, John Letcher, and Thomas H.Bayly, or Vir¬ ginia ; John S. Phelp 3 , of Missouri; Thomas B. Florence, of Pennsylvania; Thomas L. Cling¬ man, of North Carolina ; A. H. Stephens, of Georgia; W. R. W. Cobb, George S. Houston, and William R. Smith, of Alabama; John C. Breckinridge and R. H. Stanton, of Kentucky ; Willis Allen and William A. Richardson, of Illinois ; Harry Hibbard, of New Hampshire ; Colin M. Ingersoll, of Connecticut ; George W. Jones and F. P. Stanton, of Tennessee,; John G. Davis, C. L. Dunham, and Thomas A. Hen¬ dricks, of Indiana ; and Moses McDonald, of Maine. The final vote on the passage of the bill was taken in the House of Representatives May 22 , 1854. This breach of faith broke down the old V r hig party, nearly ruined the Democratic party, and threw the flood-gates of agitation wide open. As Mr. Fillmore justly ob¬ serves, Pandora’s box was opened, and no meas¬ ure was passed so fruitful of evil as has been the passage of this bill. Agitation has been rife ever since, and no human being can foretell the time when fraternal feeling, concord, and har¬ mony, will again be restored to the country. Certainly not till the Republican party takes control of the Government. Mr. Fillmore, in his patriotic letter to the Union Committee in New York, justly ob¬ serves : u All must remember that in 1849 and 1850 1 the country was severely agitated on the dis- 1 turbing question of slavery. That contest 1 grew out of the acquisition of new territory 1 from Mexico, and a contest between the ‘ North and the South as to whether slavery ‘ should be tolerated in any part of that terri- ‘ tory. Mixed up with this was a claim, on 1 the part of the slaveholding States, that the f provision of the Constitution for the ren- < dition of fugitives from service should be i made available, as the law of 1793 on that i subject, which depended chiefly on the States’ ‘ officers for its execution, bad become iuope- i rative, because States’ officers were not obliged i to perform that duty. “ After a severe struggle, which threatened ‘ the integrity of the Union, Congress finally 1 passed lav/s settling these questions; and the ‘ Government and the people for a time seemed i to acquiesce in that compromise as a final ‘ settlement of this exciting question; and it is i exceedingly to be regretted that mistaken i ambition, or the hope of promoting a party ( triumph, should have tempted any one to i raise this question again. But in an evil ‘ hour this Pandora’s box was again opened i by what I conceive to be an unjustifiable * attempt to force slavery into Kansas by a ‘ repeal of the Missouri compromise, and the ‘ floods of evils now swelling and threatening to ‘ overthrow the Constitution, and sweep away i the foundation of the Government itself, and i deluge this land with fraternal blood, may all 1 be traced to this unfortunate act. Whatever i might have been the motive, few acts have i ever been so barren of good, and so fruitful i of evil.