Sftsfie 
 
 MASS 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. A. E. MAXWELL, OF FLOKIDA, 
 
 IN FAVOR OF 
 
 GRANTS OF PUBLIC LANDS FOR RAILROADS. 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JAN. 24, 1854. 
 
 He 
 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 
 
 1854. 
 
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 Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2016 with funding from 
 
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 https://archive.Org/detaiis/speechinfavorofg00maxw 
 
LANDS FOR RAILROADS. 
 
 The House being in the Committee of the Whole 1 
 on the state of the Union, the motion to refer the j 
 President’s annual message being under considera- i 
 tion — 
 
 Mr. MAXWELL said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman: As I happen to be one of those 
 who entertain a great respect for the Chief Execu- 
 tive of this Union, and also for the eminent gen- 
 tleman from Illinois, [Senator Douglas,] to whom 
 allusion has so frequently been made by the gen- 
 tleman who has just addressed you, [Mr. Oliver, 
 of Missouri,] it may be expected that 1 have 
 risen with the purpose of replying to his remarks. 
 But, sir, permit me to say that I think I can best 
 manifest that respect by passing over those re- 
 marks, so full of wrath and fury, in perfect silence. 
 Yet the disjointed mode of presenting questions 
 which prevails here, is to me a very unsatisfactory 
 one. It would be much better — both for a proper 
 understanding of the questions and measures pre- 
 sented for our consideration, and for the dispatch 
 of business — if we could have that consecutive 
 debate which comes fresh and ripe for the issue. 
 But as we cannot hope for that, I must conform 
 to the practice, and avail myself of the latitude 
 given in the selection of subjects on which the 
 committee may be addressed, to offer some re- 
 marks on a topic of much interest to the State I 
 have the honor to represent, as well as to the 
 country at large. 
 
 If others prefer the discussion of general ques- 
 tionsof less immediate practical importance, 1 leave 
 them to engage in it. Not because I do not share 
 with them a deep concern in those questions, nor 
 because I do not feel a strong prompting to ex- 
 press my opinions in regard to them, but because 
 I prefer to economize the time allotted me on this 
 floor so as to devote it chiefly to questions directly ■ 
 affecting the condition of my constituents, and 
 tending to promote their welfare. To fulfill their 
 wishes, next to constitutional O'bligations, will be 
 my first duty. I shall therefore ask the indul- 
 gence of the committee while I present some of 
 ihe more important considerations which, in my 
 judgment, should govern Congress in its action 
 upon the public lands — more especially in its ac- 
 tion upon bills a.sking grants of land to aid in the 
 construction of railroads. 
 
 To undertake the discussion of all the land 
 questions which have been brought into this 
 House would require more time than I can claim. ! 
 Indeed, the wide field into which that discussion 
 would lead, and the importance of many of those 
 questions independently considered, would render 
 it impossible tfiRt, in an hour’s time, more than a 
 hasty word could be bestowed on each, if the ef- ; 
 
 fort were made to consider them all. The home- 
 stead bill, and the bill for the graduation of the 
 price of the public lands, already reported to this 
 House; the bill of the distinguished gentleman from 
 New York, [Mr. Bennett,] proposing a distribu- 
 tion of the lands among the States, and the various 
 bills asking grants of lands for different purposes, 
 all teem with points of general interest, deserv- 
 ing mature deliberation; and although I may not 
 be permitted to engage in the discussion of them, 
 I shall, at least, have the privilege of expressing 
 my opinions upon them by my votes. 
 
 I have already said, I design now to direct the 
 attention of the committee to only one branch of 
 these questions — that which relates to disposing of 
 the public lands to States for railroad purposes. 
 And let me say here, that I may not be deemed 
 discourteous to the Committee on Public Lands, 
 who have this subject in charge, that lam not 
 moved to speak at this time by any desire to 
 forestall their action, or by any want of confidence 
 in their action. I take the first occasion that offers, 
 that I may not, in the uncertain chances of getting 
 the floor at some future time, miss the oppor- 
 tunity of urging the justice and propriety of cer- 
 [ tain measures in which the people of Florida feel 
 a deep and absorbing interest. 
 
 I do not wonder, Mr. Chairman, that the public 
 lands have given occasion to much strife and 
 controversy. A property so immense, and of a 
 character to excite, intensely, the cupidity of that 
 large class who devote themselves to worldly gain, 
 would naturally become surrounded with difficul- 
 ties, and give rise to troubles of no ordinary im- 
 port. As a pecuniary interest, eagerly watched 
 and coveted by States as well as by individuals, it 
 could not but gather around it elements of discord 
 and contention. Butmore than this, and aboveand 
 beyond all mercenary considerations — above and 
 beyond the reach of those passions which contract 
 the conduct of men into selfishness, and of States 
 into narrow and unworthy aims — there rose an 
 interest which looked to the character and to the 
 ' welfare of the v/hole country. A free people, just 
 j launched into inde[>endent political being, anxious 
 ' to cultivate and strengthen the spirit to which they 
 I were indebted for that being, and anxious also to 
 I promote the growth and power of their country, had 
 j a higher duty to perform than merely seeking to fill 
 I the public purse. A waste v/ilderness was inviting 
 I settlement, and the arts of civilization. Vast re- 
 ! gions were spread out before our statesmen, to be 
 ' divided into future commonwealths. The value 
 ! of the lands, as mere property, was but little com- 
 i pared wirh their value as the destined seats of 
 ! great political communities. A wisdom which re- 
 
4 
 
 quired all the knov,?ledge of social philosophy, and 
 of political economy, was necessary to meet the 
 responsibilities imposed by the trust which rested 
 upon the Government. That the conflict betv/een 
 grasping avarice and that wisdom which sought 
 to combine social and political advancement with 
 the interests of the National Treasury, and with 
 the interests of the States in their united capacity, 
 should have been an arduous one, was but a natural 
 result. If time permitted, it would be interesting 
 to follow the liistory of legislation in respect to the 
 public lands, with a view to trace the course of 
 rival interests, and to ascertain the springs of our 
 present policy. But as time does not permit, I 
 shall, for a few moments, seek to direct the atten- 
 tion of the committee merely to the results of that 
 policy. 
 
 Considering these results as connected v/ith the 
 purposes which wise statesmen, in the manage- 
 ment of these lands must have had in view, I must 
 refer to the report of the Secretary of the Interior, 
 affirmed in all its conclusions by the report and 
 tabular statements of the Commissioner of the 
 General Land Office. I have only to point to those 
 reports to exhibit to you results not merely grati- 
 fying to our pride, but showing that there has 
 been a w'lsdom connected w'ith the management 
 of these lands which has justified and vindicated 
 the policy ado[)ted by the Government. The 
 large amount of money yielded to the Government 
 from these lands, over and above the expendi- 
 tures in connection with them, over and above 
 that which v/as necessary for their purchase, and 
 necessary to meet incidental expenses in their 
 management — that vast amount, considering the 
 question in the light of a pecuniary interest, fur- 
 nishes the strongest testimony in favor of the 
 policy which was adopted, and has been so long in 
 operation. Sixty millions net profit to the Govern- 
 ment, and lands yet tunsold sufficient to yield, 
 with this sum, an aggregate of ^.397,518,246, will 
 present a showing which cannot be regarded as 
 condemning past legislation on this subject. 
 
 But we are not to contract our views in ref- 
 erence to this policy by simply confining them to 
 the pecuniary results. Look at the effect of that 
 policy on the growth and greatness of our country. 
 
 If its originators designed to strengthen our in- 
 stitutions, to develop the wonderful resources em- 
 bosomed in our soil, to give facility to the increase 
 of population, and to throw out those lands in 
 such way as to advance the social and political 
 interests of a new Republic, they accomplished 
 these ends. Look into the wilderness, to which I | 
 have already referred, as inviting the people of 
 this country and of all countries to its settlement 
 and improvement. It presents to us those grati- 
 fying pictures which excite the patriotic pride of 
 every American. Industry, wealth, power, and 
 all the attendants of a high civilization, are there j 
 
 f (resented to our admiration. And, sir, when I i 
 lave heard gentlemen eloquently descanting upon 
 the progress, the power, and the glory of our 
 beloved America, I could not but connect with 
 their glowing eulogies a tribute to the wisdom and 
 atriotism of those by whose legislatioti she has 
 een brought to a position and a dignity so envi- 
 able and commanding; and I could not forget that 
 among the questions on which their action was 
 required, and in which were involved much of 
 weal or woe to their country, were those pertain- 
 
 ing to the public lands. That they were equal to 
 the great task before them, that they performed it 
 in a way to contribute to the growth and pros- 
 perity of the Union, and that they have etdivened 
 the land, even to the remotest confines, with the 
 spirit necessary to maintain our institutions, i.s 
 abundantly shown by the results to which I have 
 briefly pointed. 
 
 But whether we look upon the pictures of Amer- 
 ican greatness, so well and so frequently drawn, 
 even during the brief period of our session, or to 
 the men who furnished the materials for them, it 
 is difficult to restrain the gushing emotion v/ith 
 which they fill the bosom. I shall not weaken the 
 effect of those pictures by undertaking to add a 
 single feature to them. I only point to the fact, 
 that where there was but recently an overshadow- 
 ing wilderness, under the management and policy 
 of the Government of the United States, there is 
 now a large, flourishing, growing, great people. 
 The empire which spreads itself out in the West, 
 the North v/est, in the South and Southwest, is, to 
 my mind, and I think it ought to be to the mind 
 of every one who will give the proper considera- 
 tion, a satisfactory vindication of the policy which 
 this Government has adopted in reference to the 
 public lands. That there have been errors to be 
 corrected, and evils to be remedied, will not be 
 denied; but, looking to grand results, these must 
 fade away, and become subordinate to the merits 
 of the main proposition. 
 
 In considering, Mr. Chairman, the policy of do- 
 nating alternate sections of the public land for rail- 
 road purposes, a question first arises as to the power 
 of Congress to make such donations. There are 
 some who deny or doubt this power; but between 
 the principal parties of the country in this Hall and 
 elsewhere, 1 believe there is no material difference 
 of opinion as to its existence — those who construe 
 the Constitution so as to give Congress a wide dis- 
 cretion in authorizing and in aiding internal im- 
 provements, of course admitting it; and those 
 who hold Congress to a more rigid construction 
 of the Constitution, conceding it as derived from 
 the right of the Government in its proprietary 
 character. I take my position with the latter, and 
 will offer a single reason to sustain it. It would be 
 unnecessary to elaborate a question which has been 
 so much and so well discussed heretofore. By a 
 clause of the third section of the fourth article of 
 the Constitution, Congress is empowered to dis- 
 pose of the public lands. It is thus: 
 
 “The f’ojigress shall have power to dispose of am? mak« 
 all needful rules and reppilations respectin" the territory or 
 other property helonginjtto the United States ; and notliing 
 in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice 
 any claims ofthe United Slates or of any particular State.’- 
 
 That, I say, empowers Congress to dispose of the 
 territory, (meaning the public lands, undoubtedly,) 
 as of tlie other property of the United States, it 
 is true that there is in this clause no restriction or 
 limitation upon the power. It is general and abso- 
 lute; but not for this reason to be exercised to any 
 end or ends that Congress, in its arbitrary discre- 
 tion, may prefer. It can make no dispo.‘^ition of 
 them except such as will serve the common inter- 
 est — satisfy the comtnon claims, and fulfill the Com- 
 mon purposes of all the States united in one Con- 
 federacy. The very nature and objects of the 
 Government holding these lands, w'hich Govern- 
 ment was brought into being by the Constitution, 
 
from which alone Congress derives any power, 
 innpose the restrictions and limitations 1 have in- 
 dicated. Congress is but a member of Govern- 
 ment, and that Government but the connmon agent 
 of the States, held and limited in its action to the 
 general purposes of its institutions. And hence it 
 can do nothing by any or all of its members — 
 unless specially authorized — which has not refer- 
 ence to those general purposes as marked and de- 
 fined by that Constitution. 
 
 This conclusion, sir, as connected with the sub- 
 ject in hand, leads to the inquiry whether Con- 
 gress in the performance of the general duties 
 devolved upon it has the power to engage in a 
 general system of internal improvements. That 
 question 1 do not propose to discuss. It would 
 lead me beyond the range of my subject. It is 
 sufficient, perhaps, for the present, to say, that 
 those with whom I act politically hold that no 
 such power is given. And, proceeding on the 
 assumption that they are right, it follows that if 
 Congress has power to grant lands in aid of rail- 
 roads, it must be found where we pltice it. It 
 must be found in the character of the Government 
 as proprietor, sole manager, and sole disposer of 
 the [)ublic domain. That such is its character, as 
 affected by that domain, is proved by that clause 
 of the Constitution which I have just read. 
 
 But it must not be forgotten — and here 1 reit- 
 erate the idea — that in the exercise of that propri- 
 etorship it must render its action subordinate to 
 the general purposes for which tlie Government 
 was instituted, as defined and limited by the Con- 
 stitution which created and fashioned it. And 
 this is true, sir, whether we speak of lands ob- 
 tained by cession from the Stales, or by acquisi- 
 tion from foreign countries — the position as to the 
 former being confirmed and strengthened by the 
 fact that the deeds of cession gave direction to 
 these lands which indicate purposes precisely 
 those had in view in the formation of the Federal 
 Government. 
 
 Foregoing further remarks as to the different 
 sources from which the power is derived, let me 
 note the fact that the power itself is admitted by 
 all parties. I am aware that there are gentlemen, 
 eTen on this floor, I believe, standing as individ- 
 ual exceptions, who entertain doubts on the ques- 
 tion. If I can be so fortunate as to gain their at- 
 tention, I shall undertake to satisfy them, that even 
 the strictest constructionist and the most rigid 
 guardian of the public lands must be constrained 
 'to acknowledge the power, if it can be shown 
 that such gratits have the effect to advance the 
 legitimate ends for which the lands are held. 
 They will admit that Congress has the power to 
 “dispose of” the public lands. That is proved 
 by the clause of the Constitution to which I 
 have referred. They will admit that Congress is 
 bound, in disposing of them, so to do it as that the 
 Government and our common country shall re- 
 alize tlie largest profit and thegreatest benefitfrom 
 them. No one will deny either of these (iroposi- 
 tion.s. They are in vulnerable; and, taking them 
 as the ground- vi^ork, I hold, if it can be proved 
 that such a disposition of them causes an increased 
 yield of the proceeds of the lands, or does not 
 cause a diminution of those proceeds, it is at the 
 same time proved beyond the most rigid question 
 that the power exists, and proved also that the 
 policy is a safe, sound, judicious, and wise one. 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 ! 
 
 I ■ 
 
 That proof it will 'be the purpose of su'^h further 
 remarks as I may have the honor to subnet, to 
 adduce. ^ 
 
 A few years ago, the policy of which I am 
 speaking was entirely an open que.stion. Saga- 
 cious statesmen, rea.soning upon general princi- 
 ples, thought they foresaw that such a disposition 
 of the public lands, as that contemplated in the 
 bills of which I am speaking, would bring about 
 happy results to the country. They thought that 
 those parts of the country where the lands were 
 locked up, and from which the industry and en- 
 terprise of our citizens were excluded, should be 
 brought into more immediate connection with the 
 markets of the world, and with the general inter- 
 ests of agriculture and commerce. They thought 
 they might rely upon the truism, that in propor- 
 tion as you bring lands into proximity to market, 
 you increase their value, and likewise increase the 
 demand for them; and that such a disposition as 
 they proposed would not only benefit the particu- 
 lar location, but would also benefit the Govern- 
 ment and the whole country. 
 
 Now, sir, I have only to refer to the results — 
 tested but for a very short time, it is true — to results 
 which have already startled or confounded those 
 who oppose this policy, to justify it upon the 
 grounds where we place it. If I refer again to 
 the report of the Commissioner of the General 
 Land Office, I find facts which, in the amplest 
 manner, justify this policy. The Secretary of the 
 Interior and the Commissioner, no longer dealing 
 in mere speculation, both refer to these facts, show- 
 ing the operation of such grants as we ask, and 
 proving the positionsassumed in reference to them. 
 They show that what was but a theory and a hope 
 of yesterday, is now demonstrated truth; that 
 what was but dreamed of, is now a thing realized. 
 
 The manner of reasoning on this subject adopted 
 by these functionaries ought to satisfy every mind; 
 and I am sure that the father of the inductive phi- 
 losopliy. Lord Bacon himself, if he were here to 
 test the conclusions to v/hich the strong array of 
 facts they present have led them, he could not 
 escape the conviction of their correctness. 
 
 The Commissioner takes different sections of 
 country where grants have been made in aid of 
 railroads — he inquires whether there has been any 
 change in the demand for the public lands, and 
 any increase of sales since tlie grants were made, 
 and he finds the remarkable result, tliat although 
 his inquiry relates to points far removed from each 
 other, divided and separated, and therefore to be 
 aflfec ed by separate and different causes, yet in 
 every instance the fact comes out that the demand 
 and sale.s have greatly increased, and havethereby 
 verified the predictions v.'hir.h were put forth in 
 reference to the effects of this policy. He takes 
 one case, that of the State of Illinois, where a very 
 large grant of lands was made, and shows that 
 lands which were lying waste and uncultivated, 
 notwithstanding their great fertility and inherent 
 value, because they were so little accessible that 
 an enterpri.sing people like those of America did 
 not choose to Imry themselves thereon — lie shows 
 that more of those lands lying along the railroads 
 which have been established iindn' the operation 
 of these acts, were disposed of in one year than 
 were sold altogether in the fiscal year preceding. 
 
 He then takes another case — and I hope the 
 committee will bear with me for a moment in 
 
callin^attention to what is already before them — j 
 wherf a grant of lands was made upon the same 
 principle for a canal in Michigan, and shov/s that 
 a si'^ilar result followed there — an increased de- 
 mand for the public lands, and an increased flow 
 q ( their proceeds into the Treasury, He goes i 
 farther, and cites us to the case of Missouri, and ! 
 shows that there the same effect has been pro- ! 
 (luced; and in that instance, as in another to I 
 which I will refer presently, is particular to show 
 the difference between the sales before and after j 
 the grants. [ 
 
 7’he attention of the committee is invited to i 
 some of his statistics. Wliile at St. Louis, in j 
 1850, there were sold 4,958 acres; in 1851, 18,000 | 
 acres; and in 1852, 1,000 acres; in 1853, after the 
 operation of this grant to Missouri had com- i 
 menced, there were sold 41,000 acres; and I might I 
 refer to other land offlces in that State where there * 
 is the same proportion in the sales; in some in- 
 stances a little less, and i?i some a little larger. The 
 same genera! result will be shown. In Mississippi | 
 the figures he gives point still to the same result; 
 but it is needless to repeat them, or to continue ! 
 this detail. |; 
 
 Now, sir, these are facts — facts which cannot ' 
 be disputed, and which speak their own story. 1 
 States in the South, in the West, and in the North- , 
 west, operated upon by different causes, having j 
 different interests, controlled by different laws, ‘ 
 raising different products, and connected with dif- i| 
 ferent markets, yet find the lands within their !i 
 borders suddenly in great demand, and bringing |j 
 higher prices than in years past. The Federal!! 
 Government receives more from them, and the | 
 whole country feels the good influence of the | 
 change. A result so uniform must be attributed I j 
 to the same cause — an effect so remarkable must | 
 be traced to a source which forms a new and im- ! 
 portant element in the history of the subject to | 
 which it relates. I 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I do not know tliat it is neces- j 
 sary to continue these remarks for the purpose of 
 substantiating the position I have taken. Unless 
 these facts can be controverted, the policy has been 
 fully vindicated, notwithstanding the short time 
 which has ela[)sed since the system has, to any 
 extent, been adopted. The facts which have been 
 presented for our consideration attest its sound- 1 
 ness. And these facts prove — what? They' 
 prove that where lands were unsaleable and utterly ! 
 worthless for any purposes of public utility, they 
 have become saleable; and not only saleable, but 
 in great demand. That they have yielded, with 
 the increased price which has been imposed upon ! 
 them, a greater amount of revenue into the public 
 Treasury than they were yielding before, or were 
 likely to yield. I submit whether this is not suffi- 
 cient to give sanction to these grants. Upon this 
 proof, though but loosely presented, w'e base our 
 applications f>r the continuance and enlargement ; 
 of this policy. j! 
 
 I have heard here and there, in this House, 
 objections n>ade to these grants because of the fact ^ 
 that they seem to be favors to particular States. 
 Some gentlemen seem to have the impression that 
 when Congress makes a gratit of this sort, it is 
 giving a favor to one Stale which is the taking 
 away of something that belongs to other Spates. 
 The remarks 1 have submitted to the committee, 
 if they have proved tiothing else, have proved at i 
 
 least that this is not the effect. When you 
 strengthen one section of the Confederacy, you at 
 the same time strengthen the wffiole Confederacy. 
 In proportion as you give facilities to the States 
 to develop their resources and encourage the in- 
 dustry of their citizens — these things being done, 
 of course, with a strict regard for the duties of this 
 body under the Constitution of the United States — 
 in that same proportion will you advance the 
 common interests of the country. 
 
 It becomes me now, sir — for I will confess that 
 my main purpose in these remarks has been to 
 justify the policy with reference to grants which 
 I have asked for the State I have the honor to rep- 
 resent — to explain what application I propose to 
 make of this policy to that State. 
 
 The lines of railroad for which I ask grants 
 are these: One from some point upon the Atlan- 
 tic coast, or some point upon one of the tributa- 
 ries to the Atlantic, extending across the penin- 
 sula to such point south of the Suwannee river 
 as may be designated under the authority of the 
 State. 
 
 Another extends from a point on the Georgia 
 line as far east as practicable in Middle Florida, 
 through Middle and West Florida to Pensacola, 
 with a direct connection between this and the for- 
 mer at such points as will make an entire line 
 through the State, constituting a great central rail- 
 road. 
 
 There is another line for which I have asked a 
 grant — from Montgomery, in Alabama, to Pensa- 
 cola, in Florida. Now I can state to thiscommittee, 
 from my own personal knowledge, that the public 
 lands along the lines indicated, are of that charac- 
 ter which can never be valuable to the Government, 
 unless they are made so by improvements of the 
 kind contemplated in the bills 1 have submitted to 
 the House. Those lands, although not entirely 
 barren, are valuable chiefly for their timber, and 
 for their turpentine; and those who understand 
 the business growing out of these can very readily 
 see that where they impart value and interest to a 
 particular locality, that value and interest cannot 
 be developed unless there is a facility for getting 
 to market. Such heavy and unmanageable pi od- 
 ucts must be transported by some otlier than the 
 ordinary means of land carriage. Other products, 
 more easy of transportation, and which will re- 
 munerate the citizen for his labor and capital, 
 are not subject to the same necessity. With a 
 view to these, all the rich and medium lands in 
 Florida, along the lines I have mentioned , have been 
 already taken up. The lands yet undisposed of 
 have been in market for periods varying from five 
 to thirty years; on an average, I suppose, of about 
 eighteen years. 
 
 There is in Florida a much larger portion of the 
 public lands remaining unsold than in any other 
 Slate. And why have they remained there idle, 
 uncultivated, yielding nothing to the Treasury, 
 and giving no benefit to the State or to the country 
 generally? Chiefly for the want of those facil- 
 ities which would give remunerating value to 
 them. It is true there have been other causes 
 operating in Florida — partly from the neglect 
 of this Government — which have retarded sales 
 and the progress of that Stale. I refer particu- 
 larly to the great neglect of the Government in 
 permitting the Seminole Indians to remain so long 
 in that State — a neglect which has hindered im- 
 
migration, crippled the energies of our people, 
 and prevented that increase of population which ! 
 her natural resources would invite. This has been 
 one of the causes operating against the growth 
 and advancement of that State; but among the 
 principle causes why these lands have been so 
 long in market, and have not been sold, there 
 stands out the fact that in their present position, 
 considering their quality and their remoteness from 
 transporting facilities, they are in the nature of 
 things unsaleable Unless they can be made sale- 
 able by improvements of the character of which I j 
 speak, they will ever remain so. The assertion j 
 may be made, and I do not believe that the test of | 
 time will contradict it, that these lands can never 
 be sold, unless there are railroads established 
 through the State that will give them a value 
 which they do not inherently possess. 
 
 All the rich and fertile lands of the State having 
 been sold, and being now held by private individ- 
 uals or companies, we cannot expect to realize 
 any large advantage from that class by securing 
 the grants we ask of this Congress. We must 
 take our chances with the poorer lands, in the hope 
 that by a new life through our exertions imparted 
 to them, they may assume a value to benefit the 
 Government as well as ourselves. The good lands 
 in Florida are scattered in such a way that it is im- 
 possible to concentrate population as we would 
 desire to do. There cannot be the close embody- 
 ing of the masses which is necessary to give that 
 strength to the State, as the frontier State of the 
 Union, which it is important to have her nossess. 
 But yet we can contribute something towards it by 
 doing what this Congress is asked to do — by grant- 
 ing to the State lands which will take nothing from 
 the Federal Treasury, which will do no injury to 
 any of her confederates in the Union, and which 
 will not take one farthing from the pocket of any 
 man, or from the treasury of any State. 
 
 We ask that lands may be given us, with 
 a view not to our own benefit merely — because 
 if we did not believe that they would at the 
 same time benefit the country and the Federal I 
 Government, I could not, on the principles upon t 
 which I base my advocacy of such measures, pro- 
 pose them, anxiously as my people desire it — but 
 with a view to the general benefit. Believing that 
 such will be the effect — believing that the same 
 results will be developed in connection with the 
 Florida lands v/hich have been developed in Mis- 
 souri, in Illinois, in Mississippi, and in other 
 States mentioned by the Commissioner of the I 
 General Land Office, I confidently ask that this | 
 Congress, looking not merely to Florida as a I 
 single State, separated from the others, and having j 
 separate and distinct interests, but looking to the [ 
 common good of the country, and legislating for ' 
 all our constituents, shall pass favorably on the ! 
 bills whichl have introduced. I 
 
 There have been grants made to different States [ 
 of this Union ; and were the trouble taken to make 
 the comparison, it would be found that they ex- 
 ceed, in proportion to territory, the grants pro- 
 posed in my bills. Florida, notwithstanding her 
 apparent feebleness, is, in extent of territory, 
 larger than any of the new States, except Missouri, 
 (of course excluding Texas and California, be- I 
 cause the lands in those States have not been I 
 brought into connection with any of these ques- 1 
 tions) — I say that Florida is the largest land State i 
 
 in the Union, excepting Missouri. Now, I find that 
 ! in Illinois, where such v/onderful results havebeen 
 developed by grants heretofore made by Congress, 
 there are some three millions of acres of land less 
 than there are in Florida; and I find that besid^ 
 grants to that State for improvements similar to 
 those made to the State of Florida, there have been 
 granted some two million five hundred thousand 
 acres for railroads. I'he grant for which I ask ex- 
 tends along a line altogether of about five hundred 
 and fifty miles, and would require about two mil- 
 j lions of acres, according to the estimate with which 
 I I have been furnished by the Commissioner of the 
 I General Land Office. Florida, then, a State larger 
 I than Illinois, largerthan Arkansas, and very nearly 
 as large as the State of Missouri, and having a 
 much larger quantity of worthless lands than either, 
 asks grants of about the same number of acres 
 which has been given to each of those States. 
 And if time permitted special reference to grants 
 to other land States, it would be seen that she seeks 
 no undue proportion. She asks none. She is 
 willing to accept the same measure which has been 
 meted to others. 
 
 The geographical position of Florida it is hardly 
 worth my v.'hile to dwell upon at this lime. It is 
 known that she lies right across the track of the 
 great trade through the Gulf of Mexico, a trade 
 which is destined to grow and increase to an in- 
 calculable importance. In this connection, Florida 
 occupies a position of vast national consequence. 
 Even under the dominion of old Spain this was 
 foreseen, and a transit across the peninsula was 
 spoken of as an object of the highest moment. 
 Since our acquisition of that peninsula, the sub- 
 ject has been, from time to time, brought to the 
 notice of the country in a way to show that the 
 immeasurable benefits of such a transit are in some 
 degree appreciated. My State designs to furnish 
 this transit, and in doing so, she will feel that she 
 is performing a national work desired by all parts 
 of the Union. 
 
 Lying on the southern frontier, Florida is not 
 of the little consequence which her present sparse 
 population might indicate. All exposed as is 
 her condition, she stands there as a barrier and 
 a breakwater in time of danger, of which other 
 portions of the Union can avail themselves to 
 insure their own safety. She holds that national 
 position whose importance is not exceeded by 
 that of any other State in the Union. She has a 
 line of sea-coast equal to one third of the whole 
 sea-coast of the Union, this side of the Pacific. A 
 greater portion of this fronts upon a region of the 
 world which exposes her to whatever perils the 
 future may bear to these States; and it is the 
 duty of Government so to guard and protect it, 
 and so to strengthen it, within the legitimate pro- 
 vince of its functions, as to give the people of that 
 State ability to perform the duty — which it will 
 ever be their pride to perform — that they owe not 
 only to themselves, but to the country of which 
 they form a part. 
 
 Standing there sir, as a frontier State, she feela 
 the importance of her position to the Union in 
 connection with any future difficulties which may 
 arise in that quarter ; and every State in this Con- 
 federacy must see and feel that facilities for the 
 passage of troops and for the transportation of 
 all the munitions and materials of war within her 
 limits, are of the utmost necessity. If there is 
 
// 
 
 8 
 
 any /’art of this hemisphere to which we may! 
 dirr^t our attention, as being the probable seat of 
 diiicullies to this Government, we must point to 
 t}jat part beyond Florida. There is in the islands 
 find in the continent south of her but the begin- 
 ning of life, political and social. The United 
 States have not yet sufficiently felt the force of the 
 moral and political questions which lie there to be 
 considered — they have not yet felt that complexity 
 with the interests involved in iheir relations to 
 those countries, which at some future day is | 
 destined to entangle them more than any other I 
 foreign interests with whicli we are to be con- 1 
 nected. Sir, the growth of this Unioh of ours 
 points in that direction; and whether it grows 
 or not, if the moral influence which is sent out 
 from the heart of this nation; if that influence 
 which has already gone into the old countries of 
 the world is to liave its due effect nearer home; if 
 it is to form and fashion, and control political and 
 social ideas in that part of the world, then those 
 portions of the country exposed to immediate con- 
 nection therewith attain an importance and mag-^ 
 nitude not exceeded by the importance and mag-"' 
 nitude of any other portion of the Union. 
 
 Looking to this phase of the subject as statesmen, 
 and as men who have a pride in strengthening 
 those institutions of which we so justly boast; as 
 men who look to the future as involving the des- 
 tiny not only of ourselves, but of our successors, 
 and of vast numbers of the human race with whom 
 we are more or less intimately associated — look- 
 ing to this, we cannot regard the position of Flor- 
 ida, and the strengthening of Florida, a very light 
 and trivial thing to this Union. These earnestly 
 invite the attention and action of the Congress of 
 the United States; and I am glad to have seen, 
 from the action of the last Congress, that there is 
 beginning to grow an appreciation of the import- 
 ance of that position, and of the duties thereliy 
 devolved upon the Government. I hope to find 
 in this Congress a spirit which will respond to the 
 spirit of the last, in connection with improvements 
 for Florida — not as being for her alone, but as 
 even of more urgency for the entire Union. 1 
 refer more particularly to the improvements at the 
 Tortugas and Key West, and also at the Pensa- 
 cola navy-yard. 
 
 I shall not have time, in the brief space allotted 
 to me, to develop the importance of these views 
 in connection with the future career of America, 
 and the events, destined to become great events, 
 which are embosomed in and about the Gulf of 
 Mexico, and which are rapidly pressing upon the 
 attention, not only of statesmen, but of the peo- 
 ple. I cannot devote further consideration to 
 these, and will therefore simply point to the fact 
 which must strike the mind of every one, that 
 these interests are vastly higher than any mere 
 local interests, and should be regarded from a 
 point no less elevated than the chief capital of 
 our happy country. 
 
 Though there are many points I have barely 
 touched, I am v/arned that my remarks must be 
 hastened to a conclusion. I may have the oppor- 
 tunity to be more specific in regard to the import- 
 ance and connections of the different roads, when I 
 the bills come before the House on their passage. I 
 
 Thus, briefly and imperfectly, I have presented 
 the grounds upon which Florida asks that grants 
 of alternate sections of land may be granred her, 
 to enable her to build certain railroads. Is the 
 request an unreasonable one.? Does she ask that 
 which, under the Constitution, or under the injunc- 
 tions of a wise policy, is improper, and therefore 
 to be prohibited.? Does she ask that which, by 
 benefitting her, will cause injury to her sister 
 States.? Does she ask that which w’ill work injus- 
 tice to the Federal Government, to her co-States, 
 or to that common country to whose fate her own 
 is bound by ties which, we would hope, shall 
 never be severed. My remarks have had but 
 poor success if they have not authorized and con- 
 strained a negative answer to all these questions. 
 Then shall she receive the grants for which she 
 asks .? 
 
 The North and the East should favor them, 
 because of their marine and commercial interests. 
 
 The Noth west should favor them, because having 
 received similar grants, she cannot refuse without 
 an unjust and unkind distinction against a younger 
 sister. 
 
 The Middle Stales should favor them, because 
 while benefiting others with whom they are in- 
 timately allied, there is no loss and injury to 
 themselves. 
 
 The West should favor them, because of the im- 
 mense commerce of the Gulf of Mexico, in which 
 she has a transcendant interest, and which must 
 pass along the shores of Florida. 
 
 The South should favor them, because of the 
 kindred sympathies and kindred interests which 
 unite her with Florida in a common destiny. 
 
 All the States and all sections should favor them, 
 because by strengthening one of their confeder- 
 ates they strengthen themselves, and by opening 
 sources of industry, and thus stimulating the en- 
 terprise of her citizens, they at the same time open 
 a field for the industry and enterprise of their own 
 citizens, and thereby help to promote their w’ealth 
 and prosperity. 
 
 This Congress, the representative of all inter- 
 ests, the guardian of the general welfare, should 
 favor them, because the good of the National 
 Treasury demands it; because its obligation to dis- 
 pose of the public lands to the best advantage de- 
 mands it; because its duty to avoid favoritism and 
 invidious distinctions between States and sec- 
 tions demands it; because its duty to protect and 
 strengthen an exposed frontier by all legitimate 
 means demands it; because its hope of the future, 
 looking to the time when the career of these 
 States, and the proper development of the adja- 
 cent islarids, and the great continent to the south, 
 shall have brought them into closer, more inti- 
 mate, and more important relations involving, in 
 a great degree, perhaps wholly, the mutual desti- 
 ny; because its hope of that future, so full of in- 
 terest and ••onsequence to Florida, so full of the 
 ! high problem connected with human rights, hu- 
 ! man [u-ogress, and human perfection, whit h our 
 free institutions are engaged in solving, and so 
 full of fate to America — because that liope de- 
 mands it. May I not then abide in the trust that 
 grants so just, so reasonable, and so meritorious, 
 will not be delayed or denied by this body.