BP\2l 
 
 Packard, R. 0, 
 Lincoln and Franklin 
 Roosevel t„ 
 
LINCOLN ROOM 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 MEMORIAL 
 
 the Class of 1901 
 
 founded by 
 
 HARLAN HOYT HORNER 
 
 and 
 
 HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 
 
u 
 
 AND 
 
 ii 
 
 msmii 
 
 By R. D. Packard 
 
LINCOLN 
 
 and 
 
 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT 
 
 by 
 R. D. Packard 
 
 r 7 insist that if there is anything which 
 it is the duty of the whole people never 
 to intrust to any hands but their own, 
 that thing is the preservation and perpetu- 
 ity of their own liberties and institutions." 
 — Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Copyright 1938 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/lincolnfranklinrOOpack 
 
LINCOLN AND FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT 
 
 A little over one hundred years ago a noted New England 
 scholar, William E. Channing, wrote an essay called "The Greatness 
 of Napoleon." Dr. Channing mentioned three types of greatness: 
 lowest in his estimate he placed the greatness of action, and to this 
 5 category he assigned the militaristic Bonaparte; next he listed "intel- 
 lectual greatness", a rank which could be given to such a statesman as 
 Woodrow Wilson. Dr. Channing rated the remaining type far above 
 the others. 
 
 "The first rank" he said, "is unquestionably moral greatness, or 
 magnanimity; that sublime energy by which the soul binds itself in- 
 dissolubly for life and for death, to truth and duty; scorns all mean- 
 ness and defies all peril; withstands all the powers of the universe 
 which would sever it from the cause of freedom; reposes an unfalter- 
 ing trust in God in the darkest hour; and is ever ready to be offered up 
 on the altar of its country and mankind." "Moral greatness," he 
 added, "has much simplicity, is unostentatious." 
 
 The parade of the centuries has turned up but a handful of men 
 who have met these exacting requirements. In its one hundred and 
 fifty years the United States has produced only one. About the time 
 Dr. Channing was writing his essay, Abraham Lincoln, then a young 
 storekeeper in an isolated Illinois village, was making his painful way 
 toward such a destiny; for Lincoln gained enduring fame during the 
 fearful crises of his presidency because he possessed, in addition to 
 marked native ability and an abundance of common sense, the rare 
 attributes of "moral greatness." 
 
 Since the Civil War there has persisted the popular custom of 
 comparing current political idols with Lincoln. Few public men of 
 consequence have escaped. Some have suffered greatly in the com- 
 parison and all have lacked his exceptional gifts. The works and 
 memory of each have receded with the passing years but the lonely 
 figure of Lincoln has steadily increased in stature and in its domina- 
 tion of the American historical scene. 
 
 Today a new idol, Franklin Roosevelt, is being proclaimed by 
 some of his followers as "our greatest president," implying that we 
 have witnessed, in the present occupant of the White House, the 
 eclipse of all others. Nor do the President's partisans hesitate to in- 
 
terpret his popularity with the masses as an indication that he has 
 those qualities which distinguish Lincoln from other statesman. 
 
 Such statements could be successfully challenged even though no 
 Lincolnian pretensions had been injected. They are an affront to all 
 who have even a superficial knowledge of Lincoln's kingly endow- 
 ments of mind and heart. To these it may seem strange that a com- 
 parison of the two men is thought fitting or necessary. 
 
 Yet it may be well, in these troubled times, to call up for review 
 the remarkable capacity for leadership which Lincoln displayed in his 
 critical hour and to consider those characteristics which endear his 
 memory much beyond that of any other American. 
 
 If President Roosevelt ever deserves the claims being made for 
 him it will only be when he has shown Lincoln's ability to deal im- 
 partially and correctly with complicated situations and when he has 
 manifested the understanding, tolerance, and magnanimity which raised 
 the Civil War leader from a mere president and a politician to his 
 enviable place among the world's immortals. 
 
 Lincoln's Greater Trial 
 
 Thoughtful students are not impressed by those who would 
 have us believe that the difficulties which have beset President 
 Roosevelt have been greater than those with which any other presi- 
 dent has had to contend. 
 
 No reasonable person doubts the importance of the emergencies 
 of the past few years; neither is there a general disposition to 
 under-estimate economic problems. But whatever the perplexities 
 of the present administration, by far the most trying time for any 
 Chief Executive was the tragic period of 1861-65. 
 
 Before Lincoln reached Washington the country was actually 
 divided and apparently hopelessly so. Secession was a reality. His 
 inauguration was assured only by placing artillery pieces at strategic 
 points about the city. During his entire presidency the Capitol was in- 
 fested with spies in service against the government. The first plot 
 to kill him, one of many, was conceived even before his entry into 
 the city. Even his warmest friends were suspicious of his ability and 
 failure seemed but a matter of time. Lincoln began his presidency 
 under these distressing circumstances. 
 
 There is now a complaint that President Roosevelt has enemies 
 who add to his problems. Lincoln had many more, and, in his case, 
 these included some of his advisers who were building their own 
 political hopes upon his expected downfall. His relations with the 
 
members of his cabinet and with the army leaders reveal enough 
 potential woe to have vanquished any but a president with an uncom- 
 mon capacity for leadership. 
 
 Four years of fiery trial awaited this plain Illinois lawyer. Not 
 once during his entire first term did he have a popular following 
 sufficient to support his policies. The elections of 1862 went dis- 
 astrously against his administration. His re-election two years later 
 was made possible only by important successes of the Union forces in 
 the last few weeks before election. Lincoln himself had given up all 
 hope of a second endorsement. The pivotal state of New York gave 
 him a majority of less than one per cent of its total vote. His mar- 
 gin in Pennsylvania, where he had delivered his Gettysburg oration 
 the year before, was less than four per cent of the votes cast. 
 
 Military, financial, and political problems of vital importance en- 
 gaged Lincoln's constant attention; he alone was wise enough to 
 make the answers required by our strained relations with other coun- 
 tries. A slight error in judgment on the part of this untried leader 
 could easily have rendered useless the costly struggle made for the 
 maintenance of the Union. His was the most difficult task which 
 ever confronted the head of any nation. 
 
 Let us also consider the personal indignities and the hostility 
 which greeted President Lincoln. He was furiously hated and cari- 
 catured with such insolence, both at home and abroad, that if we did 
 not have the appalling evidence it would be hard to believe that any 
 president could have been the subject of such intentional meanness. 
 It is not an exaggeration to say that more animosity was directed 
 against the gentle Lincoln than against all other presidents com- 
 bined, not excepting Mr. Roosevelt. 
 
 If we would understand the terrific pressure of Lincoln's years in 
 the White House, we can do so in no better way than by examining 
 two of his photographs. The first may be any of those made in 
 Springfield following his nomination. The second is his last picture, 
 taken less than a week before his death. These show the heavy toll 
 he paid in those intervening years. They tell the story of a man who 
 gave all of himself to his country and remind us that the only presi- 
 dential vacations Lincoln had during those sultry Washington sum- 
 mers was an occasional night spent at a place known as the Soldier's 
 Home. This "summer White House" was but four miles away. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt's problems have been many and intricate. It 
 would be folly to place a low estimate on his presidential responsi- 
 bilities. These have been well above the average of those assumed 
 
by his predecessors. But they do not compare with the trials of 
 Lincoln who was forced to solve his problems in the face of stagger- 
 ing obstacles. 
 
 Compare the reception and treatment that President Lincoln 
 received with the warm welcome and country-wide support gener- 
 ously accorded President Roosevelt during his first term. If the 
 people are now less willing to follow blindly wherever he leads and 
 are less docile to his demands, the fault is with him and not with them. 
 His support is still strong enough to rank as the best ever given any 
 president. 
 
 Conservatism In Social Progress 
 
 Leading all other claims made to give substance to President 
 Roosevelt's bid for greatness is his humanitarianism. There is a 
 conception, widely accepted, that he has wrought wonderfully and 
 well for the under-privileged. His popularity rests almost entirely 
 upon this foundation. 
 
 The advantage of Lincoln over Roosevelt, from a humanitarian 
 standpoint, it not to be found in their personal feelings with respect 
 to the ill-favored. We may credit both with a sincere desire for a 
 more equitable social adjustment. Neither do their backgrounds, 
 though wholly unlike, explain the difference. We must ascertain 
 the practical value of their humanitarianism. To do so is to divulge 
 one of the many points on which their records differ sharply. 
 
 Roosevelt was elected only because of the failure of his op- 
 ponent to halt the ravages of a depression. His first presidential 
 efforts were directed against this common enemy, but, finding eco- 
 nomic questions much too profound for quick and easy mastery, the 
 President, who has shown none of Lincoln's magnificent patience, 
 soon preferred the more spectacular business of reform. 
 
 Whatever we may think of the Roosevelt objectives, it should 
 be quite clear that only the net advantages gained by society through 
 his leadership will be the measure of his worth as a humanitarian. 
 However desirable in themselves, his objectives are wholly dependent 
 for their practical application upon a satisfactory solution of the 
 problem of recovery and they will be meaningless if not based upon it. 
 Recovery, for which the President does not now seem to have a pas- 
 sion, has indeed become a minor phase of his diagnosis and program. 
 
 The President's answer to the needs of his day is the multiplica- 
 tion of low-income project workers and similar makeshifts. His own 
 statesmanship, in spite of his criticism of his predecessor, has not yet 
 proved itself capable of providing any better means of solving the 
 
economic problems presented to his administration. In the absence 
 of proposals more necessary in the present situation he continues to 
 emphasize measures of lesser value to the people. About the only pur- 
 pose served by some of these measures is to keep his prestige as a 
 humanitarian bright and shining. 
 
 Because there is so little security now, is it not unusual that a 
 security of the distant future should be thought of first importance to 
 anyone or of any importance whatever to the many millions who 
 cannot hope to qualify for its provisions? 
 
 The "more abundant life," of which we have heard much, re- 
 mains a mirage of the President's wishful thinking, and the glittering 
 promises he has made to the unfortunate remain unfulfilled. Regard- 
 less of the intentions behind such promises, they strongly suggest the 
 demagogue and have added nothing to his record. 
 
 General Hugh S. Johnson, who is in sympathy with the Presi- 
 dent's aims, recently made the following comment regarding the 
 social progress actually made by the Roosevelt policies: 
 
 "Not all the relief lending and spending — not all the 
 social security and revised policies looking toward a more hu- 
 manitarian government — can make up for the far greater actual 
 deprivation and hardship of the present, coupled with its con- 
 stant threat of new and unknown dangers. 
 
 "The truth is that this great forward five-year movement 
 toward 'recovery and reform' has been long on reform of prin- 
 ciples but woefully lacking on recovery in practice. 
 
 "That raises the vital question of the whole problem. 'Can't 
 we have reform without sacrificing recovery?' If the answer to 
 that is 'no', reform is worthless and sterile because millions 
 would be better off with recovery." 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt's penchant for getting "the cart before the horse" 
 recalls a quaint remark of Lincoln's, one which discloses not only 
 his sense of humor but also his awareness of the real situation his 
 presidency faced. Discussing a minor political appointment at a 
 critical time he said, "I feel like a man who is renting out rooms in 
 the front of a house while the rear of the house is on fire." 
 
 The greatest value which can be given to the President's humani- 
 tarianism is the prominence he has given to social problems. His 
 good intentions have not solved the underlying causes involved in 
 these problems but, because of the wide publicity given them, they 
 will probably continue to receive whatever attention their true im- 
 portance deserves. 
 
In dealing with his problems, Lincoln had the discriminating 
 intelligence to put "first things first." 
 
 Lincoln opposed slavery all his life. From his early days in the 
 Illinois Legislature, when he signed a resolution protesting, "that 
 the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy," 
 his convictions were well known. Significant, however, was another 
 statement in the same resolution; namely, "that the promulgation of 
 abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils." 
 
 When Lincoln later refused to accept the methods of the Aboli- 
 tionists, their wrath was visited upon him. But not even the Fugitive 
 Slave Law, which was very offensive to him, could swerve him from 
 his position that justice for the negro should be sought only through 
 legal channels. 
 
 The Abolitionists contended that Lincoln's election to the presi- 
 dency as an anti-slavery man gave him a mandate to abolish slavery. 
 He did not concur in their opinion. He believed that his obligation 
 was to preserve the Union. He looked upon the Constitution as per- 
 haps the last great experiment in Democracy and, much as he deplored 
 slavery, he believed that the survivial of our form of government was 
 of vastly greater importance than the freedom of the negro. 
 
 It became Lincoln's passion to save the Union and he determined 
 to do so without regard to slavery. He knew that this reform, or 
 any other, would be ineffective unless the Union prevailed. 
 
 He finally issued the Emancipation Proclamation as a military 
 measure intended to strengthen the Union arms. As such it was 
 authorized by the Constitution. Laying aside every personal inclina- 
 tion in his handling of the slavery question, Lincoln timed his famous 
 document so that its primary purpose was accomplished. Later, with 
 Union success virtually assured, he devoted his energies to the en- 
 actment of a constitutional amendment, extending and perpetuating 
 the emancipation which the proclamation had initiated. 
 
 Lincoln's clear thinking bequeathed to us an undivided nation, 
 and gave him the joy of being an instrument in bringing about a 
 reform he had hoped for all his life. Such a distinction came to him 
 only because he was able to comprehend the relative significance of 
 his problems. 
 
 There is a superb lesson for today in the fact that the crown- 
 ing reform in American history was accomplished by a conservative, 
 a believer in constitutional methods, a leader who refused to be 
 distracted from the main job. A further fact of considerable per- 
 
tinence is that although Lincoln was by no means the loudest cham- 
 pion the slaves had, he became their deliverer because he was the 
 most intelligent one. 
 
 An evangelist, President Roosevelt is frankly contemptuous of 
 conservatives and has labeled them according to his fancy. Wendell 
 Phillips, an evangelist of the anti-slavery movement, felt the same way 
 about the conservatives of his day. Because Lincoln disagreed with 
 him as to methods, Phillips, who did not have the slightest notion 
 as to how slavery could be legally abolished, called him "the slave 
 hound from Illinois," thereby clouding his own title to a more com- 
 manding place in the history of his time. 
 
 Lincoln was a conservative. It is well today to recall one of his 
 statements: "I have never been, am not now, and probably never shall 
 be in a mood of harassing the people, either north or south." 
 Though he sought the same objectives as the Abolitionists, he did not 
 share either their futile dreaming or their intolerance and he was 
 above their name-calling. His career is one of history's most power- 
 ful examples of the value of a practical humanitarian in dealing with 
 an important social problem. 
 
 The late John Drinkwater, in his excellent essay, "The World's 
 Lincoln," has thus expressed the strong position conservatives have 
 occupied in the affairs of the world: 
 
 "A lesson that history teaches us with unwearying patience, 
 and one which is yet unheeded by many active members of society 
 is that the truly great man is not the extremist. *** The rebels have 
 their honor in the world and rightly. Their cause is often en- 
 lightened, and they serve it often with a loyalty that is reckless 
 of self-interest, a loyalty it may be noted, which may be no less 
 staunch when the cause happens to be a reactionary one. *** But 
 given the admittedly rare virtue of personal fearlessness, this 
 kind of fanaticism, whatever its purpose, is a far less majestic 
 thing in character than the tenacity with which the really heroic 
 men of the world have pursued a moderate course, refusing to 
 be intimidated by furies on either side of them. And of the 
 great moderates in history none is greater then Lincoln." 
 
 President Roosevelt, contrary to all human experience, professes 
 the discovery that all "furies" are now on one side. The facts of 
 history incline to the belief that those of his objectives which are 
 found worthy will, in the fullness of time, be brought to a practical 
 fruition through the patient efforts of a "moderate." 
 
 Orators and Politicians 
 
 The ability of Lincoln to solve the problems of his time set him 
 apart from his contemporaries, many of whom were great men in 
 
their own right. His first big margin of excellence was his superior 
 intellect. Other of his qualities are recalled when we hear the super- 
 latives now used to describe the abilities of Mr. Roosevelt, who is 
 said, among other things, to be the "greatest orator" and the "smartest 
 politician" of all the presidents. 
 
 judged as an orator, the President's masters are numerous. Many 
 presidents — even Harding — surpassed him, not to mention such re- 
 nowned orators as Henry, Webster, Clay, Conkling, Ingersoll, and 
 Bryan. A yet wider gulf separates his pleasant addresses from Lin- 
 coln's matchless eloquence. 
 
 The President's "golden voice" which has "charmed" millions 
 of radio listeners has the faculty of making even the weakest pro- 
 nouncements with impressive suavity. His speeches, which have been 
 quite numerous and of some length, have been composed by those 
 well acquainted with his most engaging manner. Clever phrasing 
 is fitted to his personality. Redundant with implications of his own 
 righteousness and of the unrighteousness of any who do not see eye 
 to eye with him, his talks are carefully planned to promote his per- 
 sonal popularity with the largest number of voters. As documents, 
 they cannot stand the test of close examination. 
 
 Such speeches may be good political strategy but they are of 
 permanent interest only as examples of unusually effective histrionic 
 ability in a high place. Great orators do not impress with smoothly- 
 spoken banalities. They command our attention with their unanswer- 
 able logic. 
 
 The burning passion of a gifted speaker for a great cause is 
 necessary to produce the highest oratorical artistry. Such an occasion 
 was November 19, 1863, when Lincoln uttered his few words at 
 Gettysburg. Nor was this the only time Lincoln rose to sublime 
 heights in impassioned speech. A half dozen times he proved him- 
 self worthy of a place with Demosthenes and Pitt. But like all 
 great orators he was not stirred to speech by every passing event. 
 Were he president today we may be certain that he would not take 
 advantage of the radio to repeatedly harangue the people on his 
 accomplishments. 
 
 It will generally be conceded that Mr. Roosevelt has a flair for 
 politics. While his successful campaigns for the presidency cannot 
 be credited to his political acumen, or that of Mr. Farley, but rather 
 to a hopeful and expectant electorate, the President undoubtedly pos- 
 sesses a shrewd understanding of political technique. 
 
 From his twenty-third year Lincoln was schooled in caucus and 
 
convention. He supplemented this practical experience with a con- 
 stant quest of political information, obtained mainly by the laborious 
 method of writing letters by hand to influential leaders throughout 
 the country. Although his political sagacity has been overshadowed 
 by other phases of his career, few have equalled his ability as a player 
 in the great American game of politics. He was so well adapted to 
 politics that volumes dealing with this particular ability now help to 
 swell the ever-growing Lincoln literature. 
 
 A great deal of evidence could be marshalled to prove that Lin- 
 coln's political skill exceeded that of Mr. Roosevelt or any other 
 president. But any comparison of Lincoln and Roosevelt as politicians 
 must consider the fact that Lincoln's presidency was not marked by 
 the high adventures of the Chief Executive into partisan politics, 
 something we have come to expect in the case of President Roosevelt, 
 whose success in forcing his party leaders to do his bidding has 
 received so much publicity. 
 
 There is no intention to infer that Lincoln was not fully con- 
 scious of the political situation throughout his presidency or that 
 he ever lost his interest in politics, but in his great desire to save the 
 Union he rose above every political consideration. His country's 
 unhappy plight removed the last vestige of his personal ambition, and 
 many months of daily agonizing for his stricken people made him 
 heedless of partisan demands. The master politician became the 
 most revered statesman of the modern world. 
 
 It should not be necessary to point out that the purely political 
 activities of Presidnt Roosevelt have become more conspicuous with 
 each decline of the national welfare. Lincoln offered to help another 
 man into the presidency if he would help him save the Union. This 
 was not "smart" politics according to the standard of Mr. Roosevelt 
 — his conception of the high office includes only himself. On such 
 a basis the President is the "smartest" politician. 
 
 Characteristics and Character 
 
 As impressive as the differences in the abilities of Lincoln and 
 Roosevelt are, they do not represent the greatest contrast between 
 them. Dr. Channing's definition provides the key to that contrast. 
 When applied to Lincoln, the accuracy of his words is uncanny, but 
 who will have the presumption to say that his definition of "moral 
 greatness" is in any sense descriptive of President Roosevelt? 
 
 We were recently given an interesting word picture of Mr. Roose- 
 velt. He was explaining his version of economic forces, illustrating 
 
 
his remarks with a graph. There is a strange analogy between this 
 picture and one recorded of President Lincoln. In Lincoln's case the 
 graph was a map of the battlefields upon which the armies of the 
 North and South were struggling, and he was wont to explain his 
 military theories to members of his cabinet and others. A man of 
 peace, he had become an intense student of military strategy. 
 
 There is disagreement as to the progress Lincoln made, in his 
 personal attempt to solve the problems, caused by the ineffectiveness 
 of his army leaders. Whether he was or was not a military genius 
 is unimportant, but it was of tremendous importance that, whatever 
 he knew about a matter so vital to the survival of the government, 
 he sought a man who knew more. When Lincoln found that man 
 he placed him, without interference, at the head of all the armies. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt's knowledge of economics, the primary problem 
 of today, may be likened to that possessed by Lincoln in regard to 
 military affairs. Here the analogy ends, because the President ap- 
 parently does not care to appropriate the ability of any one whose 
 knowledge might be regarded as superior to his own. His record 
 plainly indicates that his desire for the country's advancement does 
 not extend to any action which might be considered a reflection on 
 his own ability or authority. This gives no impression of greatness. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt would not have said, as Lincoln did, "I will hold 
 General McClellan's horse for him if he will give us victories", nor 
 does he appear to be the caliber of man who would have written the 
 following letter to General Grant: 
 
 "My Dear General: I do not remember that you and I 
 ever met personally. I write this now as a grateful acknowl- 
 edgment for the almost inestimable service you have done the 
 country. I wish to say a word further *** When you got 
 below and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf and vicinity, I thought 
 you should go down the river and join General Banks, and 
 when you turned northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it 
 was a mistake. I now wish to make the personal acknowledg- 
 ment that you were right and I was wrong. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 A. Lincoln." 
 
 One of the President's most noticeable weaknesses is his intoler- 
 ance of those who have opinions which do not agree exactly with his 
 own. Lincoln's magnanimous attitude toward others, including his 
 opposition, was one of his imposing characteristics. When he said 
 "I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me", Lincoln 
 
set a mark which no other American statesman has reached, least of 
 all Mr. Roosevelt. 
 
 A significant commentary on Mr. Roosevelt's intolerance fol- 
 lowed the defeat of one of his favored measures. This was his 
 announcement that there would be "no recriminations" in the case 
 of public representatives who had voted against his wishes. The 
 president of the United States felt obliged to let it be known that 
 he would not seek revenge this time in dealing with those who had 
 not agreed with him. Such an announcement was evidently thought 
 necessary because retaliation has come to be regarded as his usual 
 policy. 
 
 Lincoln never had to inform the people that he was going to 
 be tolerant of the rights or opinions of others for the simple reason 
 that his generous nature never knew how to be intolerant. Two more 
 of his statements may be quoted to show his respect for the right 
 of every man to his own opinions. At one time he said "the subject 
 is difficult, and good men do not agree," and at another time, "we 
 should urge it persuasively, not menacingly." 
 
 Since his second inauguration, the President, confident in his 
 "mandate", has tolerated none who have assumed an independence 
 of judgment. When he recently said of one who had displeased 
 him, "I am impelled to make it clear that on most public questions 
 he and I do not speak the same language," the implication was 
 plain. A politically-minded leader was demanding that a public 
 servant be rejected for the sole reason that he had expressed his 
 own will. Such arrogance is unknown to the American presidency. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt has given us many examples of his intolerance. 
 His "petulance", because of opposition to his will, is being reported 
 with increasing frequency. He would overcome his opposition by 
 destroying it, not a pleasant thing to contemplate in a democracy. 
 A statement Lincoln once made, "I go no further than this because 
 I wish to avovid both the subbstance and the appearance of dictation," 
 stresses the startling disparity in their philosophy concerning the 
 executive function. 
 
 It would be difficult indeed to imagine Lincoln attempting to 
 stand in judgment of any man as the President did in his "interview" 
 with Dr. Arthur E. Morgan. The Roosevelt attitude on that occa- 
 sion differed fundamentally from Lincoln's method of dealing with 
 men and recalls Lincoln's treatment of his subordinates. He was 
 always patient and kindly, evidencing his high regard for the rights 
 
and feelings of others regardless of their position, and showing his 
 deep insight into the strength and frailties of human nature. 
 
 Humility and modesty, virtues characteristic of Lincoln in 
 striking degree, are always possessed by the truly great. President 
 Roosevelt, in referring to the industrial gains following his second 
 inauguration, said "we planned it that way", an immodest statement, 
 and in the light of later developments, a very foolish one. Lincoln's 
 contrasting statement was made after three years of civil conflict, 
 and at a time when he was shaping every policy of the government. 
 Writing to a friend he said, "I claim not to have controlled events 
 but confess plainly that events have controlled me." 
 
 We have heard a great deal about the Roosevelt inclination to 
 have members of his family share in the lucrative emoluments inci- 
 dental to high office. This may be considered unimportant, but it 
 is such trivial matters which reveal the basic character of a man. 
 Lincoln's attitude in this was greatly unlike that of the President. 
 The following letter calls attention to another important difference 
 between them: 
 
 "Lieutenant-General Grant: 
 
 Please read and answer this letter as though I was not 
 President, but only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second 
 year, having graduated at Harvard, wishes to see something of 
 the war before it ends. I do not wish to put him in the ranks,* 
 nor yet to give him a commission, to which those who have 
 already served long are better entitled and better qualified to 
 hold. Could he, without embarrassment to you or detriment to 
 the service, go into your military family with some nominal rank, 
 I, and not the public, furnishing his necessary means? If not, 
 say so without the least hesitation, because I am as anxious and 
 as deeply interested that you shall not be encumbered as you 
 can be yourself. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 A. Lincoln." 
 
 Lincoln's most publicized characteristic has always been his per- 
 sonal integrity. Throughout his amazing career no other trait so im- 
 pressed his associates. It was not the kind of honesty that is con- 
 fined to pecuniary transactions. "Honest Abe" meant just that, in 
 his intentions as well as in his dealings. He shunned deceit and 
 evasion, in word or in deed. 
 
 Of course this quality did not make Lincoln president. He 
 would never have been heard from if he had had no qualifications 
 
 *— A concession to Mrs. Lincoln. 
 
other than that of honesty. But as President he would have failed 
 without it, for this characteristic was an indispensible factor in the 
 success of his leadership. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt has permitted his potential leadership to be 
 handicapped by his questionable and evasive tactics. Probably not 
 even the most optimistic and devoted of his followers would care to 
 have his record placed beside Lincoln's inflexible honesty of purpose 
 and action. He has condoned in some the things he has condemned 
 in others and he has condemned that which he has condoned, his 
 course apparently being directed by political expediency. Some of 
 his statements have been misleading, and it is difficult to under- 
 stand how they could have been made in sincerity. 
 
 Admirers of the President will do well to avoid such a com- 
 parison with Lincoln. In this matter of probity, Mr. Roosevelt rates 
 not one whit better than most of the presidents and not as good as 
 some. His promise (already alluded to) that there would be "no 
 recriminations" is but one of many he has not kept. The first Roose- 
 velt, and others, were men who kept promises. Their "word was as 
 good as their bond." 
 
 Spiritual Qualities and Immortality 
 
 Any attempt to compare a living man with one who has passed 
 on will always be subject to the hazard in predicting the place in 
 history to be finally awarded to him whose career is not yet finished. 
 The distinction of some has not been fully recognized during life, 
 and many a promising claimant to greatness has blundered his way 
 to obscurity before death closed the scene. 
 
 The status of Franklin Roosevelt, fifty years hence, is more 
 likely to be a true estimate than today's appraisals. Nevertheless, 
 the abilities and characteristics which will determine the place he 
 will ultimately occupy are being manifested day by day. His career, 
 although unfinished, has already produced much of the evidence 
 which will later decide the legitimacy of his claim to greatness 
 All of this will be critically examined by the historian of tomorrow. 
 Not only what he is able to accomplish in the way of a net gain for 
 society but also his personal actions in bringing about such a gain, if ac- 
 complished, will be recorded in faithful detail. His methods, and his 
 attitude toward those who do not share his beliefs, will prove quite as 
 important as his objectives. 
 
 Simply, and without ostentation, Lincoln arrived at a fascinating 
 goal in administrative genius and magnanimous statesmanship. He 
 
was alwavs conscious of an elemental truth, one which seems to have 
 escaped Mr. Roosevelt; that questionable methods are never a lasting 
 asset to any cause. Not the least of the factors contributing to his 
 unique position was that he "scorned all meanness" and "withstood 
 all the powers of the universe which would sever him from the 
 cause of freedom." 
 
 Obviously President Roosevelt has not approached this high 
 standard. Nor do the facts justify a hope that his name will event- 
 ually be associated with the few who have achieved "moral great- 
 ness." His unusual opportunities to demonstrate those traits which 
 placed the stamp of divinity upon Lincoln he has exchanged for 
 such questionable privileges as unhorsing those who oppose him, 
 and his failure to be convincing as an impartial leader cannot but 
 deny him the universal respect and affection which Lincoln gained. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt's record will have to assume responsibilty for a 
 large part of the bitter animosities developed under his leadership. 
 We may not agree as to his own part in furthering the hate-pro- 
 ducing strife of the social "advance," but he has either lacked Lin- 
 coln's powers of conciliation, or, having such powers, he has refused 
 to use them. 
 
 However, the President's popularity, while somewhat dimin- 
 ished, is still the most powerful factor in the current political situa- 
 tion. It may easily carry him into a third term. Yet neither cir- 
 cumstance will, of itself, assure a high place to his memory. To se- 
 cure this, his statesmanship must prove equal to the actual needs of 
 his time and his personal reactions must leave no impression of petty 
 unbelief in the sincerity of those who hold to other views. 
 
 It should be remembered that the stately Memorial on the Po- 
 tomac was created, not because Lincoln was president or even be- 
 cause he preserved the Union and freed the slaves, but because he 
 reached the very top in personal triumph over the hatred and 
 prejudice of his day. 
 
 His majestic spirit was the wooer of immortality. 
 
 Those of Mr. Roosevelt's followers who advocate his fitness to 
 keep the exalted company of Lincoln have not calculated the impres- 
 sive combination of attributes possessed by America's most illustrous 
 character, nor have they weighed the great array of evidence which 
 testifies to the unselfishness with which those attributes were "of- 
 fered up on the altar of his country and mankind." 
 
M 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 
 973.7L63BP12L C 0D1 
 
 LINCOLN AND FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT CLEVELAND 
 
 3 0112 031789727