V THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 82 . \ Ut "Y apaem? ILVNfV^lsiTY tsftY si UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN The person charging this material is responsible for its renewal or return to the library on or before the due date. The minimum fee for a lost item is $ 125 . 00 , $ 300.00 for bound journals. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. Please note: self-stick notes may result in torn pages and lift some inks. Renew via the Telephone Center at 217-333-8400 846-262-1510 (toll-free) orcirclib@uiuc.edu. Renew online by choosing the My Account option at: http://www.library.uiuc.edu/catalog/ MAfl 2 2 2Q1Q VCC 2SWS Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/fivehundredyears53spur Cfjattctr Sochtg. Second Series, 53. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION ( 1357 - 1900 ) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE ill THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PART IV APPENDIX A „ / LONDON : PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, LONDON, E.C. 4 , AND IN NEW YORK, AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd., 68-74 CARTER LANE, LUDGATE HILL, LONDON, E.C. 4 . 1922 for the Issue of 1914. CIj t Cljnuctr Societg. The Founder and Director was De. F. J. Fuenivall. Hon. Sec. is W. A. Dalzikl, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. To do honour to Chatjcee, and to let the lovers and students of him see how far the best unprinted Manuscripts of his works differd from the printed texts, this Society was founded in 1868. There were then, and are still, many questions of metre, pro- nunciation, orthography, and etymology yet to be settled, for which more prints of Manuscripts were and are wanted ; and it is hardly too much to say that every line of Chaucer contains points that need reconsideration. The founder (Dr. Furnivall) began with The Canterbury Tales , and has given of them (in parallel columns in Royal 4to) six of the best theretofore unprinted Manuscripts known. Inasmuch as the parallel arrangement necessitated the alteration of the places of certain tales in some of the MSS, a print of each MS has been issued separately, following the order of its original. The first six MSS printed have been : the Ellesmere (by leave of tbe Earl of Ellesmere) ; the Hengwrt (by leave of W. W. E. Wynne, Esq.) ; the Camb. Univ. Libr., MS Gg. 4. 27 ; the Corpus, Oxford ; the Petworth (by leave of Lord Leconfield) ; and the Lansdowne 851 (Brit. Mus.). The Harleian 7334 has followd, and the Cambridge Dd., completed by Egerton 2726 (the HaistwellMS.). Specimens of all accessible MSS of the Tales are now nearly completed, edited by the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D., and Prof. John Koch, Ph.D. Of Chaucer’s Minor Poems , — the MSS of which are generally later than the best MSS of the Canterbury Tales, — all the available MSS have been printed, so as to secure all the existing evidence for the true text. Of Troilus , Parallel-Texts from the 6 best MSS have been issued (the Campsall MS also separately), and a 7th MS text of it with the englisht Boccaccio Comparison. Autotypes of most of the best Chaucer MSS have been publisht. The Society’s publications are issued in two Series, of which the First contains the different texts of Chaucer’s works; and the Second, such originals of and essays on these as can be procured, with other illustrative treatises, and Supplementary Tales. The yearly subscription, which constitutes Membership, is 2 guineas, beginning with January 1, 1868. All the Society's Publications can still be had — except First Series, Nos. 48, 54, 56. The Society’s Hon. Secs, for America are, Prof. Kittredge, of Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., for the North and East, and Prof. Bright, of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, for the South and West. Members’ names and subscriptions should be sent to the home Hon. Sec., W. A. Dalziel, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. FIRST SERIES. The Society’s issue for 1868 , in the First Series, is, I. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale, of the Canterbury Tales, in 6 parallel Texts (from the 6 MSS named below), together with Tables, showing the Groups of the Tales, and their varying order in 38 MSS of the Tales, and in 5 old printed editions, and also Specimens from several MSS of the “Moveable Prologues” of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman’s Prologue, and Franklin’s Prologue, — when moved from their right places, and of the Substitutes for them. (The Six-Text, Part I.) II — VII. II. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale from the Ellesmere MS, Part I ; III. Hengwrt MS, 154, Pt I ; IV. Cambridge MS Gg. 4. 27, Pt I ; V. Corpus MS, Oxford, Pt I ; VI. Petworth MS, Pt I; VII. Lansdowne MS, 851, Pt I. (Separate issues of the Texts forming Part I of the Six-Text edition.) The issue for 1869, in the First Series, is, VIII— XIII. VIII. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales: Ellesmere MS, Part II ; IX. Hengwrt MS, Pt II ; X. Cambridge MS, Pt II ; XI. Corpus MS, Pt II ; XII. Petworth MS, Pt II; XIII. Lansdowne MS, Pt II, with an Appendi” of “Gamelyn” from six MSS. (Separate issues of the Texts forming the Six-Text, Part II, No. XIV.) The issue for 1870, in the First Series, is, XIV. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious Tale of Gamelyn, in 6 parallel Texts. (Six-Text, Part II.) The issue for 1871, in the First Series, is, XV. The Man of Law’s, Shipman’s, and Prioress’s Tales, with Chaucer’s own Tale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS above named, and 9 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the oi’iginals in the Ellesmere MS. (&ix-Text, Part III.) XVI. The Man of Law’s Tale, from the Ellesmere MS. Part III. XVII. ,, „ „ „ „ Cambridge MS. Part III. XVIII. „ / ,, „ „ „ „ Corpus MS. Part III. XIX. The Shipman's, Prioress’s, and Man of Law’s Tales, from the Petworth MS. Part III. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PART IV APPENDIX A LONDON : PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, and by KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd., 68-74 CARTER LANE, LUDGATE HILL, LONDON, E.C. 4. 1922 for the Issue of 1914. .Sctmtb Series, 53 Printed in Great Britain by Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. ERRATA to FOREWORD TO PART I Line 6, for Part II read Parts II and III. ,, 8, „ Part III read the remaining Parts. APPENDIX A. Containing : (1) Introductory Note, and (in one Chronological Series) : (2) Additional English and Latin References, with (3) Notes on the Debt of some Writers to Chaucer. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 3 For many of the additional entries of the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries we are indebted to Professor Hyder E. Rollins, ° of New York, who very kindly placed at our disposal a collection which he had made while working on the Elizabethan ballad- writers and on the influence of Henryson. In a prefatory note Professor Rollins says “ By far the majority of these allusions is to Troilus and to Criseyde , and the number could be almost indefinitely increased. ' In her Chaucer devant la Critique en Angleterre et en France (1911) . . . Miss Spurgeon shows clearly enough that the Troilus - up to 170Q (and later, for that matter) ‘est de beaucoup le - plus populaire, le plus gen4ralement connu et le plus frequem- !/» ment cite de tous les po^mes de Chaucer.’ Butin the Chaucer ' Allusions her treatment of Troilus and Criseyde is not wholly ^satisfactory. Wherever possible, she has rigidly excluded every yjline that savors, or seems to savor, of Henryson’s Testament ' of Cresseid , although from 1535 to 1650 this poem was, by almost all readers and editors, thought to be Chaucer’s own work, and vit so completely changed the course of Chaucer’s narrative that after about 1560 Henryson’s Cresseid, not Chaucer’s Criseyde, ^was the heroine always thought of, whether or not her leprosy H was explicitly mentioned. Only a few allusions to Henryson’s Cresseid have crept in here, but by excluding them one cannot Ifope justly to show the influence of Chaucer’s own poem. r 1 There are, to be sure, a number of tests by which one can il -separate allusions to Chaucer’s story from allusions to Henryson’s — if one is determined to adopt so modern and unjustifiable an y Attitude. When, for example, George Gascoigne wrote : I found naught else but trickes of Cressides kinde, Which playnly proude that thou weart of hir bloud. I found that absent Troylus was forgot, When Dyomede had got both brooch and belt, Both gloue and hand, yea harte and all, God wot, When absent Troylus did in sorowes swelt, — PS CHAUCER CRITICISM. — IV. 82 S 748 2 ) Appendix A. [a.d. 1391 — he was certainly thinking of the Testament , from which he bor- rowed the ‘belt’ and its riming-mate ‘swelt.’ But these lines are closely followed by three others which imitate verses in Chaucer’s Troilus (see No. 27). Again, in a passage quoted by Miss Spurgeon (p. 110), Gascoigne refers to Cressid’s unchastity with mention of both Chaucer and ‘Lollius,’ only to continue (in lines not quoted in the Chaucer Allusions ) with a brief summary of Henryson’s story. Gascoigne evidently thought that his information came from Chaucer; and the two allusions which Miss Spurgeon gives from the Posies utterly fail to indicate the enormous fascination the Troilus-Cressida story, as told in every edition of Chaucer’s works known to Gascoigne, had upon him. Miss Spurgeon remarks, to be sure, that ‘ there are several refer- ences to Cresside in Gascoigne’s poems ; these are possibly to Chaucer’s poem, but no special reference is made to him.’ When, however, Gascoigne wrote even such an insignificant line as As Pandars niece (if she wer here) would quickly giue hir place, 1 he was definitely referring to Chaucer. For Chaucer invented the niece-fiction, and Pandar is not once mentioned in the Testa- ment. So, too, when poets tell us that Troilus knew in love no law until he saw Cressid praying at the church (Nos. 16, 18, 22) or that Troilus ‘ by help of his friend Pandarus ’ gained Cressid’s love (No. 36), they are indisputably referring to Chaucer, however unimportant the allusion may be. Peculiarly enough, too, the Chaucer Allusions contains only one quotation from George Turbervile — a bare reference in his Book of Falconry (1575) to ‘a Canterbury tale’; whereas the Troilus- Cressida story influenced Turbervile even more than Gascoigne. He alluded to it constantly, though, like Gascoigne, he usually had the Cresseid of the Scotch poet in mind (see Nos. 19, 26, 40). Some distinction, of course, must be made between allusions to genuine and to uncanonical works, but in drawing a sharp dis- tinction between Troilus and Criseyde and the Testament of Cresseid , an allusion book might almost defeat its own purpose.” It is, however, only partly true that we have drawn a distinc- tion between Chaucer’s genuine and uncanonical works. It seemed to us that where a writer expressed an opinion about one of the latter, he was, if he attributed it to Chaucer, and not other- wise, expressing an opinion about Chaucer. And false and unfounded opinions about him may be as significant as true and well-founded ones. Thus it is surely of the greatest interest to 1 Complete Poems of Gascoigne , ed. Hazlitt, I. 55. 1420 ] Appendix A. ^ 3 note the rise and decay of the legend based on the acceptance as genuine of the Court of Love and Testament of Love ; and all such allusions are carefully collected here. Allusions to the story of Troilus which do not clearly point to Chaucer’s story are really on the border-line ; they may be taken in the main as involving a tacit attribution of Henryson’s poem to him, and so far Professor Rollins’s criticism is just. Considerations of time and space, however, prevent us from making a special search for additions which would be numerous and of very minor importance. But with this reservation we have gratefully incorporated nearly all Professor Rollins’s entries ; they are distinguished by their numbers in his series, to facilitate the references in his note quoted above. 1391, June 17. Writ commanding Chaucer to deliver to John Gedney the office of Clerk of the Works. Exch. Q.R. Accounts, Works 6 4r 2 - (Kirk 236.) 15 ‘ 1412-20. Lydgate, John. The hystorye, sege and dystruccyon of Troy e MS. Cott. Aug. 4, fol. 48 h. [See pt. i, pp. 23, 24 above. These are additional references.] MasUine 01 ' -^ 0 take on me it were but hi^e foly quoted in i n an y W y Se £ 0 a dde more per-to above.] For wel I wot anoon as I haue do pat I in soth no panke disserue may Because pat he [Chaucer] in writyng was so gay And but I write I mote pe troupe leue Of troye boke and my mater breue And ouer-passe and nat go by and by [col. 2] As Guydo dop in ordre ceryously And pus I most don offenciourc, poru^e necligence or presumpcknm So am I sette euene amyddes tweyne Gret cause haue I & mater to compleyne. [7 following lines are quoted in pt. i, p. 24 above, ending] To god I pray pat he his soule haue After whos help of nede I most crave And seke his boke [ Troilus ] pat is left be hynde Som goodly worde per in for to fynde To sette amonge pe crokid lynys rude Whiche I do write as by similitude 4 [a.d. 1420 - Appendix A. pe ruby stant so royal of renoun With Inne a ryng of copur or latoun So stant }>e makyng of hym doutles Among oure bokis of englische perles pei arn ethe to knowe J>ei ben so excellent per is no makyng to his equipolent We do but halt who so takep hede pat medle of makyng with outen any drede Whan we wolde his stile counterfet We may al day oure colour grynde & bete Tempre our a 30 ur and vermyloun But al I holde but presumpcioun [c. 1420 P] Unknown. Inscription on MS. Cotton Galba E., ix, fol. 1 b. [Quoted in J. Hall’s Poems of Laurence Minot, 1914, p. vii.] [Rollins 1.] Chaucer, Exemplar emendate scriptum. 1430. Lydgate, John. Fall of Princes. He wrot also / ful many a day agone, Dante in ynglyssh / hym-sylff so doth expresse, The pitous story of Ceix and Alcyone . . . [See pt. i, p. 38. We believe that Professor Kittredge has pointed out, though not in print, that Lydgate here does not say that Chaucer wrote “Dante in English,” but is merely calling Chaucer “our English Dante,” and repeating Chaucer’s own statement in Prol. L.G. W. that he had written Ceyx and Alcyone. In any case the Hous of Fame is far more French than Italian.] [c. 1444. Lydgate, John.] Poem on the truce of 1444. Comoun Astrologeer . . . [See pt. i, p. 46. Professor Tatlock points out that this phrase for the Cock is from Troilus , iii, 1415.] [c. 1445 ? De la Pole, William, Duke of Suffolk?] How the louer ys sett to serve the floure , stanzas 3 and 4. MS. Fairfax 16, Bodleian Library, fol. 326. [Printed by Dr. H. N. MacCracken in Publica- tions of the Modern Language Association of America, vol. xxvi, No. 1, March 1911, p. 169.] So wolde god, that my symple connyng Ware sufficiaunt this goodly flour to prayse, For as to me ys non so ryche a thyng That able were this flour to countirpayse, O noble Chaucer, passyd ben thy dayse, Off poetrye ynamyd worthyest, And of makyng in alle othir days the best. 1450] Appendix A . 5 Now thou art gon, thyn helpe I may not haue ; Wherfor to god I pray, ryght specially, Syth thou art ded, and beryde in thy graue, That on thy soule hym lyst to haue mercy. And to the monke of bury now speke I, — For thy connyng, ys syche, and eke thy grace, After Chaucer to occupye his place. [For the question of authorship see the article by Dr. H. N. MacCracken referred to above, An English Friend of Charles of Orleans , in Publications of the Modern Lan- guage Association'of America, vol. xxvi, pp. 142 et seq. Dr. MacCracken thinks Suffolk was the translator of Charles d’Orleans’s poems (MS. Harleian 682). With regard to the Chaucer reference in these English poems in the Roxburghe edn., see above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 167, 1827, Taylor.] [c. 1445.] Unknown. Headline to 1 Lack of Stedfastness .’ [In MS. Bodley Hatton 73 there is an older title to Lack of Stedfastness discovered by Dr. H. N. MacCracken by applying acid. The revived title reads :] Geffrey Chauncier sende these Balades to kyng Richard. [See Modern Language Notes, Nov. 1908, p. 214.] [a. 1450.] Unknown. The Tale of Beryn. The Prologue , or the mery adventure of the Pardonere and Tapstere at the Inn at Canter- bury. Duke of Northumberland’s MS., fol. 188, verso. (Chaucer Society, ed. F. J. Furnivall and W. G. Stone, 1887, p. 22, 11. 680-4. The transcript is taken from this edition, not from the MS.) Now, qwod j?e hoost of South work [MS. South word], & to pe feleshipp bent. Who sawe evir so feir, or [evir] so glad a day ? And how sote this seson is, entring in to may, *[When Chauceres daysyes sprynge. Herke eek the fowles syngyng,] The thrustelis & the thrusshis, in fis glad mornyng. [The Tale of Beryn is a supplement to the Canterbury Tales, and in the prologue Chaucer’s characters (the Pardoner, Sompnour, Reve, the Clerk, of ‘Oxinforth,’ the Kny^t, the Miller, etc., and the ‘ Hoost of South work J ) are depicted at Canterbury, and we see their adventures there. On the way back they decide not to draw lots as to who shall tell a tale, and the Merchant offers to tell the tale of Beryn. The * This line is not in Urry, and was apparently supplied by Dr. Furnivall. 6 Appendix A. [A.D. 1450 - Prologue is thus an indirect appreciation of Chaucer’s work, in its sincerest form, imitation. It opens thus :] When aH this ffressh[e] feleship were com to Cauntirbury, As ye have herd to-fore, with talys glad & merry, (Som of sotiH centence, of 1 vertu & of 1 love, And som of* othir myrthis, for hem pat hold no store Of wisdom, ne of H holynes, ne of 1 chiualry, Nethir of* vertuouse matere, but [holich] to foly Leyd wit & lustis ah, to such [e nyce] lapis As Hurlewaynes meyne in every hegg that capes Thurgh unstabiH mynde, . . .) They toke hir In, & loggit hem at mydmorowe, I trowe Atte “ Cheker of" the hope ” pat many a man doith knowe. [c. 1450.] Burgh, Benedict. Translation of Cato’s Disticha Moralia , stanza 41. [MS. Harl. 4733, fol. 9 6.] The lymytour pat vysiteth the wyfys Ys wyse y-nough of hym a man may lere To 3 eue gnidelis [needles] pynnys and knyuys This craff is good thys doth the sely frere 3euith thyngys smale for thyngys pat bene dere 3 if thu resceyue 3 eue ay sum what agayne And that wull noryssh frendys dere sertayne. [According to Caxton’s prologue to his own translation of Cato, 1483, Burgh made his for William, Viscount Bourchier ; the latter was probably not born much before 1435, and was married in 1466. It is likely that this translation was made for him during his youth. The reference is to Prol., 11. 233-4.] 1450[-51]. Cumberworth, Sir Thomas. Will , made 15 Feb. 1450-51. [In Bishop Marmaduke Lumley’s Register at Lincoln ; printed in Lincoln Diocese Documents , 1450-1544, ed. Andrew Clark, E. E. T. Soc., 1914, p. 49.] And I will my nese Annes . . . haue . . . my boke of the talys of cantyrbury. [c. 1450.] Shirley, John. Headline to Stanza in Lord Ellesmere’s Lydgate MS., fol. 3, foot. To yowe Chaucer. [This comes at the foot of the page, and the verso is blank. Possibly the stanza intended to follow it was the * commend- acions of Chaucer ’ from Lydgate’s Life of Our Lady. See above, 1409-11.] 1470] Appendix A. 7 [c. 1450.] Unknown. Headline to 1 Truth.' [In MS. Bodley Hatton 73, there is an older headline to Truth, discovered by Dr. H. N. MacCracken. It reads :] ‘Chauncier [his?] balade up on his deth bed.’ [This is interesting, as the statement is thus placed on an earlier and firmer basis than John Shirley’s word in MS. Tr. Coll. R. 3. 20 ; for Hatton is not derived from Shirley. See Modern Language Notes , Nov. 1908, p. 214.] [c. 1450.] Unknown. A Song between Palamon , Ersyte, and Emlyn. [Five stanzas, “copied from a MS. of the time of Henry VI. pre- served in the library of Trinity College, Dublin,” and printed in Wright and Halliwell’s Reliquiae Antiquae, vol. ii, p. 11.] [Rollins 2.] [st. 4] O thou, Emlyne, thi fayrenes Brought Palamon and Ersyte in gret distresse ; In a garden whan thou didist syng So fresshely in a May mornyng. [c. 1470?] Unknown. Selections and alterations in the manuscript of Chaucer’s Monkes Tale in Trinity College, Cambridge MS.,R. 3, 19. [On folio 1 70 & a prohemium begins, Worshipfull and dyscrete that here present be I wyll yow tell a tale, two or thre, which continues in the terms of the monk’s opening speech, Oxford Chaucer, B. 3158-3180. The first line as here given, and the alteration in the second line are the work of the person who made the extracts ; the rest are all Chaucer’s. There follows the Monkes Tale , B. 3181-3196 (De Lucifero). Then, because Chaucer has not done justice to Adam in his one poor stanza, the scribe substitutes Lydgate’s long account of Adam in the Fall of Princes, and certain envoys from the same source, in Bk. I, chaps. 1, 3, 4, 8 (in part). This takes up to folio 179 a, where the scribe goes back to Monkes Tale and completes it (with the exception of 11. 3565-3588, and 1. 364 which are omitted) from Sampson to Cresus, B. 3205-3956. Having completed the Monkes Tale , and added his Explicit , the scribe goes on with the extracts and envoys from the Fall of Princes, in the following order : Books I, chapters 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 14, 18, 23; II, 2, 4, 6, 12, 13, 15, 21, 22, 25, 27, 30; III, 5, 9, 10, 14, 17, 20. This is notable as an indication of the taste which 8 Appendix A. [a.d. 1474 - could select this tale of all others for reading, and then substitute Lydgate for Chaucer. See note by Dr. H. N. MacCracken in Modern Language Notes, March 1908, p. 93, from which this is summarised.] [1474.] Caxton, William. The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye. (Ed. H. 0. Sommer, vol. ii, pp. 601, 604.) [Rollins 3.] [p. 60 i] Calcas that by the comandement of Appolyn had lefte the troians / had a passing fayr doughter and wyse named breseyda / Chaucer in his booke that he made of Troylus named her creseyda. [p. 604] Ther was neuer seen so moche sorowe made betwene two louers at their departyng / who that lyste to here of alle theyr loue / late bym rede the booke of troyllus that chawcer made j wherin he shall fynde the storye hooll / whiche were to longe to wryte here. 1476-7. Spirleng, Geoffrey and Thomas. Colophon to MS. Hunterian 197. Canterbury Tales . (Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the . . . Hunterian Museum, 1908, p. 140.) [f. io 2 m] Orate pro salute animarum Galfridi Spirleng Ciuis Norwici Court holder Clerici maioratus et Comitatis dicte Comitatis ac Thome Spirleng filij sui qui scribendo hunc librum com- plenerunt mense Januarij anno domini Millesimo cccc mo lxxvj 0 que [quo?] tempore dictus Galfridus quasi quinqua- ginta et dictus Thomas quasi Sedecimo etatis extiterunt annorum. [c. 1490.] Colet, John. Study of Chaucer. See supra, pt. i, p. 73, Erasmus, 1519. [In pt. i, p. 73, this is entered under 1519, the date of Erasmus’ letter ; but it s’ould have been entered as c. 1490 ; for Erasmus distinctly refers to the period of Colet’s life prior to his journey to Italy in 1493.] [c. 1500.] Unknown. A ryght pleasaunt and merye Historic of the Mylner of Abyngdon , with his wife , and his fagi'e daughter : and of two poor scholers of Cambridge . . . Imprinted at London by Rycharde Ihones. [The unique copy of this edition is in the Bodleian ; that of Wynkyn de Worde’s, also undated, was at Brit well. The poem is probably much older than any printed edition. The plot is that of the Reves Tale, but it may be inde- pendently derived from a French fabliau. See the reprint in Thomas Wright’s Anecdota Literaria, 1844.] 9 1507] Appendix A. 1501. Gavin. The Palis of Honoure. (Poetical 1874, vol. i, p. 22.) [1st ed. in B.M., Copland si S- C4b - ] [Rollins 5. Douglas, ed. J . Small, Works, [1553], Thair wes Arsyte, and Palemon alswa Accumpanyit with fare Emylya, The quene Dido with hir fals luf Enee, Trew Troylus, vnfaythfull Cressida. [Mr. Rollins says: “The context makes it almost certain that Douglas had in mind the Legend of Good Women (cf. Miss Spurgeon’s quotation, p. 71, from Douglas) as well as the Troilus and the Knight's , Tale. There are other allusions in Douglas similar to this.” See also above, pt. i, p. 65.] [n.h. 1606.] Unknown. Verses, written on the flyleaf of a copy of Durandus, Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, Lyons, 1506, panted in Notes and Queries , ser. i, vol. vii, pp. 568-9, 11 June 1853, by W. H. G. [Stanza 4th and last begins :] O ye imps of Chynner [i. e. Chaucer], ye Lydgatys pene, With the spright of bookkas ye goodly inspirryd, Ye Ynglyshe poet [etc.]. [c. 1507.] Skelton, John. Phyllyp Sparowe. (Works, ed. A. Dyce, 1855, I, 84-85), 11. 672 ff. [Earliest ed. in B.M., Kele [1545?], sig. B 8 b -C l b .] \See also above, pt. i, p. 68.] [Rollins 6.] And though I can expounde Of Hector of Troye, . . . And of the loue so hote That made Troylus to dote Ypon fayre Cressyde, And what they wrote and sayd, And of theyr wanton wylles Pandaer [sic] bare the bylies From one to the other ; His maisters loue to further, Sometyme a presyous thyng, An ouche, or els a ryng ; From her to hym agayn Somtyme a prety chayn, 10 [A.D. 1510- Appendix A. Or a bracelet of her here; Prayd Troylus for to were That token for her sake ; How hartely he dyd it take, And moche therof dyd make And all that was in vayne, For she dyd bnt fayne ; The story telleth playne . . . Disparaged is her fame ; And blemysshed is her name, In maner half with shame ; Troylus also hath lost On her moch loue and cost, And now must kys the post ; Pandara [sic], that went betwene, Hath won nothing, I wene, But lyght for somer grene ; Yet for a speciall laud He is named Troylus baud, Of that name he is sure, Whyles the world shall dure. [c. 1510.] Skelton, John. Skelton Lauriate Defend[er\ Agenst M. Garnesche Challenger , et Cetera. (Works, ed. Dyce, 1843, 2 vols., vol. i, p. 117.) [Rollins 7.] . . . your semely snowte doth passe, Plowkyd as a hawkys beke, lyke Syr Topyas. , [Sir Thopas, 11. 17-18.] [Skelton possibly had these verses also in mind when he later wrote of Garnesche (Works, vol. i, p. 130) : For thow hast a long snowte, A semely nose and a stowte.] 1516. Cornish, William. The Story of Troylous and Pandor [sic]. [Unpublished. See C. W. Wallace, Evolution of the English Drama up to Shakespeare, Berlin, 1912, pp. 48, 50-2, 54.] [Rollins 8.] [This comedy was played by fifteen actors on Twelfth Night, 1515/16. Cornish took the r61e of Calchas. “The 11 1528] Appendix A. children acted the rdles of Troilus, Cressid, Diomed, Pandor Imc], Ulysses, and others not named. . . . The play was a free adaptation of the love-theme of Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde . . . . Even Chaucer’s ‘ Criseyda in widowes habite blak ’ remained in the account of the furnishings as ‘ Kryssyd imparylled lyke a wedow of onour, in blake sarsenet and other abelements for seche mater.’” Other borrowings from Chaucer are also discussed by Professor Wallace.] f c . 1520.1 Unknown. Here is the boke of mayd Fmlyn that had .v. 1 Husbandes and all kockoldes, John Skot, n.d. (Ed. E. F. Rim- bault, Percy Society, 1842, vol. vi, pp. 13-29.) [Rollins 9.] [p . is] mayde Emlynne, That had husbandes fyue, And all did neuer thryue. f p. i6] She coude byte and wliyne. [Cf. “ For' as an hors I coude byte and whyne.” Wife of Bath’s Prologue, i, 386.] [Rimbault, p. viii, remarks that this poem “ bears some slight resemblance ” to the Wife of Bath’s Prologue. The resemblance is far from slight. Chaucer’s poem no doubt suggested this Mayd Emlyn. The whole tone of the two poems is the same, although the author has greatly debased Emlyn.] 1523. Skelton, John. Skelton , Laureate , Ac. Howe the Douty Duke of Albany. Lyke a Cowarde Knyght, Ran Avxtye Shamfully , with an Hundred Thousande Tratlande Scottes and Faint Parted Frenchmen , beside the Water of Twede, Ac. (Works, ed. A. Dyce, 1855, ii, 330.) „ ’ ’ [Rollins 10.] But hyde the, sir Topias, Nowe into the castell of Bas, And lurke there, like an as. 1528. Tyndale, William. The Obedience of a Christen Man, To the Reader, f. xx, recto. (Ed. by R. Lovett [1888], Christian Classics Series, no. v, p. 67.) They [the ecclesiastical authorities] permitte & sofre you to reade Robyn hode & bevise of hampton, hercules, hector and troylus with a tousand histories & fables of love & wantones & of rybaudry . . . 12 Appendix A. [ a . d . 1531- 1531 - 2 . Gaunte, William. Will of 12 March 1531-2 (proved 16 April 1532), [in] Lincolnshire Wills , 1500-1600, ed. A. R. Maddison, 1888, p. 8. [In this will William Gaunte, of Biddle thorpe, Lincoln- shire gives his son John] Certain inglysh bokes : Legenda aurea, Crownacles, Canterbury tales, and lyttylton teners. [This was perhaps a copy of one of Caxton’s editions.] [n.a. 1534 .] Unknown. The Payne and Sorowe of Euyll Maryage Wynkyn de Worke (Percy Society reprint, 1840). [Rollins 12.] [Wynkyn de Worde died in 1534.] [st. 14] ... Salamon sayth there be thynges thre, Shrewde wyves, rayne, and smokes blake Make husbandes ofte theyr house to forsake. [Possibly a reference to Wife of Bath's Prologue, ii, 278 81, but the passage in Proverbs was very often quoted.] [st. 16 ] They them rejoyce to se and to be sene, And for to seke sondrye pylgrymages, At greate gaderynges to walke on the grene, And on scaffoldes to sytte on hygh stages, If they be fay re to she we theyr vy sages. [Possibly a reference to Wife of Bath's Prologue , ii, 555- 559.] 1538 , Smyth, Walter. Will. (P. C. C. Wills, 8 Cromwell, 1538.) To John More, Chauscer of Talles. [Walter Smyth, the author of the Twelve Merry Jests of the Widow Edith , was a member of the household of Sir Thomas More.] [a, 1542.] Wyatt, Sir Thomas. Influence of Chaucer. [The influence on Wyatt of Chaucer’s verse as read in Pynson and Thynne is very marked. See, for a detailed examination of this, A Study of Sir Thomas Wyatt's Poems , by A. K. Foxwell, London, 1911, chaps, vi and vii. There are also resemblances in phrase and in word forms, see ibid., pp. 53-6 ; and one poem of Wyatt’s, ‘ If thou wilt mighty be, flee from the rage ’ (Tottel’s Miscellany, Arber’s reprint, 1895, p. 224) is probably founded on Chaucer’s prose trans- lation of Boethius, though it may be translated from the Latin original ; see ibid., p. 57. For Wyatt, see above, pt. i, p. 83.] 13 1545] Appendix A. 1542. Leland, John. Naeniae in mortem Thomx Viati equitis incom- parabilis, Aij recto. Ioannis Lelandi Antiquarii carmen ad Henrieum Houar- dum Regnorum comitem iuuenem turn nobiliss. turn doctis- simum. Accipe Regnorum comes illustrissime carmen, Quo mea Musa tuum laudauit moestaViatum Non expectato sublatum funere terris. Nominis ille tui dum vixit magnus amator. Tu modo non viuum coluisti candidus ilium, Yerum etiam vita defunctum carmine tali Collaudasti, quale suum Chaucerus auitae Dulce decus linguae vel iuste agnosceret esse. [c. 1545.] Leland, John. [Life of Chaucer in] Commentarii de Scriptor- ibus Britannicis, ed. A. Hall, Oxford, 1709, pp. 419-26. Cap. DV. De Gallofrido Chaucer o. [p. 419 ] Gallofridus Chaucerus , nobili loco natus, & summae spei juvenis, Isiacas scholas tarn diligenter, quam qui maxim e, celebravit : id quod ut faceret, academiae vicinitas quodam- modo invitavit. Nam quibusdam argumentis adducor ut Lp. 420 ] credam, Isiacam vel Berochensem provinciam illius natale solum fuisse. Hinc acutus dialecticus, hinc dulcis rhetor, hinc lepidus poeta, hinc gravis philosophus, hinc ingeniosus mathematicus (qua parte & a Joanne Somaeo, & Nicolao f Carmelita Linensi , viris in mathesi eruditis, quos in libro de Sphcera nominat, instructus fuit) hinc denique sanctus theologus evasit. Maxima equidem sum locutus ; at quisquis ejus libros curiosa manu evolverit, me bonae fidei praeconem facile judicabit. Ingenue tamen fatebor sic eum Isiaci studuisse, ut & alibi etiam longo studiorum usu multa ad scientiae cumulum adjecerit. Constat utique ilium circa postremos Richardi secundi, cui non incognitus erat, annos in Gallia floruisse, magnamque ex assidua in literis exercitatione gloriam sibi comparasse : turn praeterea eadem opera omnes veneres, lepores, delicias, sales, ac pos- tremo gratias linguae Gallicce tarn alte coimbibisse, quam cuiquam vix credibile. Laus ista Gallofridum in Angliam reversum sequebatur, tanquam comes ejus virtutis individua. Ejusmodi igitur laetus successibus forum Londinense Chaucer had made the loves of Troilus and Cressida famous, which very probably might have been Shakespeare’s inducement to try their fate on the stage. [See above, pt. i, p. 431, Capell.] [There are also some passing references to Chaucer in Steevens’s notes. For an additional note in Steevens’s revised 2nd edn., see below, App. A, 1778.] 1775. Atticus. Stanzas on Poetry , [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, July 1775, vol. xlv, p. 340. ° | Thus when our Chaucer first awoke the string, o' All rude and harsh the lays — though bold the flight . . . 1775. Unknown. Review of Tyrwhitt’s edition of the Canterbury Tales , [in] The London Magazine, vol. xliv, pp. 652, 653 ; in The { Critical Review, vol. xl, pp. 205-7 ; and in The Monthly Review, vol. liii, pp. 26-7. { [Brief conventional tributes.] j 1775. Walpole, Horace. Letter to the Rev. W. Mason , April 14, 1775, [in] Letters of Horace Walpole, ed. Mrs. Paget Toynbee, vol. ix, pp. 180-1. I have waded through Mr. Tyrrwhit’s most tedious notes to the “Canterbury Tales,” for a true Antiquary can still be zealous to settle the genuine shape of a lump of mineral from which Dryden extracted all the gold, and converted [it] into beautiful medals. 95 1778 ] Appendix A. 1775-81 White, Gilbert. Letters to the Rev. John White, Jan. 5 and March 9, 1775 ; and to Miss Molly White, Dec. 19, 1781, [printed in] The Life and Letters of Gilbert White, 1901, 2 vols., vol. l, pp. 274, 281, vol. ii, p. 78. [Chaucer’s mention of gossamer; the colours of young leaves observed by Chaucer in the Flour and the Lefe .] 1778 Duncombe, John. An Elegy written in Canterbury Cathedral , ’p.8. [Reference to Chaucer and the pilgrims, and to the Chequer inn, as that where they lodged.] 1778. Rymsdyk, Jan van. Museum Britannicum , pp. 71-2, tab. xxviii. [An unofficial account of objects of interest in the British Museum.] 9. A Rough Egyptian Pebble ... on which is a striking Likeness of the Head of Chaucer, father of the English Poets, and is entirely by the Pencil of Nature, without any assistance of Art. And now we will give a slight De- scription of another kind of Diamond, meaning Chaucer. [Quotations from Leland and Dryden.] One may see his very Temper on this Egyptian Pebble, which is a Compo- sition of the Gay, the Modest, and the Grave. [The Pebble is shewn in engraving No. 9 on pi. xxviii, facing p. 69. It is still exhibited in the Mineral Gallery of the Natural History Museum, and is mentioned in the “Blue Guide” to London, 1918, p. 246.] ! 1778. Steevens, George. Note [in] The Plays of William Shakespeare ... To which are added Notes by Samuel Johnson and George Steevens. The Second Edition, revised and augmented, vol. v, p. 523. [Note on Henry IT., Part 2, Act iii, scene 2, to Skogan’s head.] Who Scogan was, may be understood from the following passage in The Fortunate Isles , a masque of Ben Jonson, 1626. [Quoted.] Among the works of Chaucer is a poem called ‘ Scogan, unto the Lordes and Gentilmen of the Kinges House.’ — Steevens. [See also below, App. A, 1783, Ritson, and 1793, Malone. For Steevens’s other notes, see his ed. 1, above, App. A., 1773.] 96 Appendix A. [ a . d . 1778 - 1778. Unknown. Encyclopaedia Britannica ; see above, pt. i, p. 452. [The 6th edn. appeared in 1823; the Chancer and Lydgate articles in it are exact reprints of those in the 5th.] [n. a. 1779.] Mortimer, John Hamilton. A series of nine drawings for the Canterbury Tales. [ Hamilton died in 1779; these drawings were engraved in 1787 for some projected 4° edition of the Tales. See N. and Q. 1880, 6th ser., vol. ii, pp. 325-6, 355; Hammond, Chaucer , p. 324.] 1779. Unknown. [Poem] To Mr. Warton on the third volume of his History of English Poetry being unpublished, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Sept. 1779, vol. xl, p. 464. [Brief reference.] 1780. Antiquarius. Letter , [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Nov. 1780, vol. 1, p. 515. : [Brief reference ; Chaucer on fairies.] [c. 1780.] Catling, John, verger at Westminster Abbey. Conversations with Joseph Nollekens, [reported by J. T. Smith, in Nollekens and ^ his Times , 2 vols., 1828, vol. i, p. 179]. Catling : Hid you ever notice the remaining colours of the curious little figure that was painted on the tomb of ; Chaucer ? Nollekens : No, that’s not at all in my way. [J. T. Smith accompanied his father and Nollekens on this occasion as an assistant in their work as monumental sculptors, and Was probably about fifteen ; he was born in 1766.] 1780. R., J. Letter , [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Sept. 1780, vol. 1, p. 420. [$ee also below, 1781.] [On the genitive case in Saxon ; forms in Chaucer such as Knitisf\ 1781. B., W. Remarks on Dr. Johnson's Lives of the Poets, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Nov., vol. li, p. 507. [Johnson and Hryden on Chaucer.] 1781. H. Two Letters , [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Jan. and April 1781, vol. li, pp. 12, 13, 175. [In continuation of J. R., see above, 1780, and also below, 1781, ‘Scrutator.’] 97 1785] Appendix A. 1781. Harris, James. Philological Inquiries, Part iii, chapter xi, pp„ 467-72, 480. [Chaucer’s learning.] 1781. [Pinkerton, John.] On the progress of the English Language , Sonnet 1, Rimes, p. 131. Chaucer to the wanton court her bore, Where jest and wiles she learned and amorous play. [‘ Her ’ is the English Muse.] 1781. Scrutator. Letter, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, June 1781, vol. li. p. 266. [In continuation of ‘ J. R.’ and £ H.’ above, 1780, 1781.] 1782. Unknown. On the Rev. Thomas Wartons Escape , after falling into the river between Winchester and St. Cross, [in] The Gentle- man’s Magazine, Jan. 1782, vol. Iii, p. 39. [stanza v] ... The busy throng Of spirits waft him safe along Where Chaucer’s reverend shade yclad in bayes His chaplet vails, meet guerdon of his layes. 1783. [Bit son, Joseph.] Remarks . . . on . . . the last Edition of Shakespeare , pp. 31, 99-100. [p. 3i] [‘ Kid-fox.’] [p. 99] [Scogan.] 1783. S., D. ; W., T. H. ; and W., J. Letters , etc., [in] The Gentle- man’s Magazine, April, May and Aug., vol. liii, pp. 281-3, 406-7, 639. 1784. Eugenio; W., R. ; and Unknown. Letters , [in] The Gentle- man’s Magazine, April and May, vol. liv, pp. 257, 270, 323-4. 1785. Henry, Robert. The History of Great Britain . . . Written on a New Plan, vol. v. [a.d. 1399-1485], p. 549. [For vol. iv, see above, pt. i, pp. 459-63.] The works of Chaucer and Gower, who flourished in the fourteenth century, are as intelligible to a modem reader, as those of King James, Lydgate, or Occleve. 1785. W., T. ; E., N. ; E., S. ; Unknown; and D., J. Letters, etc., [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Feb., March, June, Aug. and Dec., vol. lv, pp. 110, 181, 414, 629, 950. CHAUCER CRITICISM. — IV. H 98 Appendix A . [a.d. 1786- 1786. W., T. H. ; Unknown ; R., B. ; and W., C. Letters , etc. [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Jan., April, June and July, vol. IvL pp. 39, 321, 472, 554. 1787. Search, P. ; A., J. ; W., T. H. ; and Unknown. Letters , etc., [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Feb., Aug., Nov., and Suppl., vol. lvii, pp. 126, 689, 945-6, 1169. 1788, Belzebub. Letters on Education , [in] The Gentleman’s Maga- zine, May, vol. lviii, p. 391. [Brief reference.] 1789. Diplom, and others. Letter on the spelling of the name ‘Shakespeare,’ [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, June, vol. lix, p. 494. [Brief reference.] 1789. Seward, Anna. On the Comparative Merits of Pope and Dry den, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Sept,, vol. lix, p. 820. [Brief reference.] 1789. White, Gilbert. The Natural History and Antiquities of Sel- borne , p. 381. [Chaucer and Langland satirize the clergy.] The laugh- able tales of the former are familiar to almost every reader. 1790. Hamilton, William. The Death of Arcite. [Design, engraved in stipple by Bartolozzi.] 1790. Malone, Edmond. Notes , [in] The Plays and Poems of William Shakespeare , 10 vols., vol. ii, pp. 441, 461-2, 527, 529 [ Midsum - mer’s Nights Dream \ ; v, pp. 355-6 [Henry IV., pt. ii, Scogan] ; ; viii, pp. 143-4 [ Troilus and Cressida ]. [There are probably other Chaucerian quotations and references in Malone’s notes | to the Plays.] 1791. D’Israeli, Isaac. Curiosities of Literature, 1 vol, p. 503. The Living Language. Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate, and an infinite number of excellent writers, have fallen martyrs to their patriotism by writing in their mother tongue. Spenser is not always intelligible without a glossary. [Reprinted in the 4th edn., 179S, vol. i, p. 586, but not reprinted in later editions, D’lsraeli added to and enlarged this book for many years ; vol. ii was added in AH 1793] Appendix A. 99 1793, vol. iii in 1817, vols. iv and v in 1823, and vol. vi in 1834. By 1841 twelve editions had appeared, each revised and altered. For further Chaucer references in the completed work, see below, 1793, 1798, and above, pt. i, 1807, 1823, 1834.] 1791. [Huddesford, George.] Salmagundi; a miscellaneous combin- ation of Original Poetry, p. 143. Monody on the death of Dick, an academical cat. Cat-Gossips full of Canterbury Tales. 1791. Unknown. Imitation of Chaucer, [in] The Bee [edited] by James Anderson, LL.D., Edinburgh, vol. iv, Aug. 11, 1791, p. 182. Right wele of learnet clerkis is it saide, That wemenheid for mannis use is made. 1792. Cary, Henry Francis. Letter to Miss Seward , [dated] 7 May 1792, [printed in] Memoir of the Rev. H. F. Cary, 1847, 2 vols., vol. i, p. 42. Our greatest English poets, Chaucer, Spenser, and Milton, have been professed admirers of the Italians. [For Miss Seward's letter in reply to this, see above, pt. i, p. 494.] [1792.] Macklin, . Proposals for Macklin’s English Poets . . . particularly . . . Chaucer . . . Skelton, etc. [Inserted in Haslewood and Bliss’s interleaved copy of Winstanley’s Lives of the English Poets (B.M. C. 45. d. 13), q.v. above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 187, [c. 1833] Haslewood.] 1792. Tyson, ; and G., D. R. H. Letters on a portrait of Chaucer, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, July, Aug., vol. lxii, pp. 614, 714. 1792. Mercier, Richard Edward ; Sigla ; and Unknown. Articles, etc., [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, April, Sept, and Nov., vol. lxii, pp. 326, 805, 1022. [Poke of Fame, ed. Caxton; Chaucer’s house; review of Lipscombe’s Pardoner s Talef[ 1793, D’Israeli, Isaac. Curiosities of Literature, 2 vols., 1793, vol. ii, pp. 217, 286, 469. (14th edn., 3 vols., 1849, vol. i, p. 274, pp. 499, 508.) Romances. [p. 217 ] Chaucer is a notorious imitator and lover of them [the Italian Romances] ; his Knight’s Tale is little more than a paraphrase of Boccaccio’s Teseide. 100 Appendix A. [a.d. 1794- Poet Laureat. [p. 286 ] Gower and Chaucer were laureates. [p. 469] N atural Productions resembling artificial compositions , There is preserved in the British Museum a black stone, 1 on which nature has sketched a resemblance of the portrait I of Chaucer. [See above, App. A., 1778, Bymsdyk.] 1794. ^[Mathias, Thomas James.] The Pursuits of Literature, pp. 1 [‘ Gibbe our cat.’] [For other references in the Pursuits of Literature, see above, 1794, pt. i, p. 495, 1 and below, 1797 and 1800.] 1794. P., B. Local Expression , [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Feb., I vol. lxiv, p. 110. ’I [‘ Nesh.’] 1794. Tooke, John Horne. [When in the Tower Tooke had a Chaucer, j which he used for notes and minutes. The copy afterwards | belonged to Samuel Rogers. See Crabb Robinson’s ‘Diary, 1840, I ed. 1869, vol. iii, p. 187.] . 1794. Unknown. Gualtherus and Griselda, [modernised version of part of the Clerkes Tale, in] Angelica’s Ladies’ Library, pp. 73-104. ] 1795. Z., K. ; Unknown ; and Sciolus. Articles, etc., [in] The Gentle- man s Magazine, April, June, Sept., vol. lxv, pp. 282, 495, 728. [Brief reference ; Review of Lipscomb’s Canterbury Tales ; 1 the marriage service in Chaucer.] 1795. Southey, Robert. Dunnington-Castle, a sonnet, [in] Poems : by 1 Robert Lovell and Robert Southey, Bath, p. 61. Thou ruin’d relique of the ancient pile, Rear d by that hoary bard, whose tuneful lyre First breath’d the voice of music on our isle ; Where, warn’d in life’s calm evening to retire, Old Chaucer slowly sunk at last to night, Still shall his forceful line, his varied strain, A firmer, nobler monument remain, When the high grass waves o’er thy lovely site ; And yet the cankering tooth of envious age 1798] Appendix A. 101 Has sapp’d the fabric of his lofty rhyme ; Though genius still shall ponder o’er the page, And piercing through the shadowy mist of time, The festive Bard of Edward’s court recall, As fancy paints the pomp that once adorn’d thy wall. [1796 ?] Southey, Robert. Essay on the Poetry of Spain and Portugal , [in] Letters written ... in Spain and Portugal, Bristol, 1797, pp. 121, 122. Chaucer frequently spared himself the trouble of invention, and adopted the allegories of the Provengal school, and the licentious humour or the dignified romance of Boccaccio. 1796. Unknown. Review of Poems by Minot, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Jan., vol. lxvi, p. 49. [Tyrwhitt’s discovery of Minot.] 1797. J., J. H. Letter on Donnington Castle, [with a plate, in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, March, vol. lxvii, p. 185. 1797. [Mathias, Thomas James.] The Pursuits of Literature, pt. iv, p. 48 n. What old Chaucer says of poetry, Tis every dele A rock of ice and not of steel. [See also above, 1794, pt. i, p. 495, and App. A, 1794, and below, 1800.] 1798. D ’Israeli, Isaac. Curiosities of Literature , 4th edn., 2 vols., 1798 ; vol. i, p. 479 ; vol. ii, p. 40. (14th edn., 3 vols., 1849, vol. i, pp. 248, 363.) Anecdotes of Fashion. [vol. i, p. 479] [Chaucer on prelates’ dress quoted.] A Literary Wife. [vol. ii, p. 40J [This section is headed as follows :] Marriage is such a rabble rout That those that are out, would fain get in ; And those that are in, would fain get out. Chaucer. 1798. Jaques. What was ! [in] Satires, etc., pp. 9, 10. Chaucer . . . Has left good models for the present day . . 102 Appendix A. [a.d. 1798 - 1798. Unknown; and Wiccamicus. Review and Letter , [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Oct., vol. Ixviii, pp. 862-4, 38-9 [Saxon words in Chaucer ; modernizations, etc.] 1799. Gilpin, John ; An Architect, and Unknown. Articles , etc., 1 [in] The Gentlemans Magazine, March, Aug., Dec., vol. lxix, pp. 180, 670, 1040. r [Brief reference ; Chaucer’s tomb ; Donnington.] 1800. Brydges, Sir Samuel Egerton. Preface to Phillips’ Theatrum 1 Poetarum, pp. xlvii-viii, lvi, lix. [Chaucer’s innate superiority to his contemporaries.] 1800. Fox, Charles James. Letter to Charles Grey , [dated] Friday [no month] 1800, [in] Memorials of C. J. Fox, 1854, vol. iii, pp. 310-11. ^ In defence of my opinion about the nightingales, I find Chaucer, who of all poets seems to have been fondest of the singing of birds, calls it a merry note. 1800. [Mathias, Thomas James.] The Pursuits of Literature. [This note is dated Nov. 1800 in the collected edn. of 1812 (p. 359); it ] is here quoted from the 11th edn., 1801, pp. 441-2. [Quotation from the Hous of Fame.] [For other extracts from The Piirsuits of Literature , see above, pt. i, 1794, p. 495, I and App. A, 1794 and 1797.] 1800. Unknown. Letter, [in] The Gentleman’s Magazine, April, vol. I lxx, p. 336. 1 [Quotation from Antient Scottish Poems ; Gower preferred ( to Chaucer in their own time.] 1 1800. Wordsworth, William. Lyrical Ballads , with other Poems, ' preface, p. xii n. (Prose Works, ed. W. Knight, 2 vols., 1896, vol. i, *• p. 49 n.) It is worth while here to observe, that the affecting parts of Chaucer are almost always expressed in language pure and universally intelligible to this day. — W. W., 1800. [This preface did not appear in the first edition of 1798.] 1803. Leyden, John. Scenes of Infancy, pt. ii. pp. 45-6; notes, pp. 165, 176. [Chaucer and the daisy.] 103 1811 ] Appendix A. 1807. Beloe, William. Anecdotes of Literature , vol. ii, pp. 367-8. [For vol. vi, see below, 1812.] [The Knightes Tale and Troilus based on Boccaccio’s Teseide and Filostrato ; Chaucer the inventor of the rhyme- royal stanza.] 1809. Dibdin, Thomas Frognall. The Bibliomania, p. 52 n . [Pynson’s Chaucer sold at Dr. Askew’s sale.] [There are many new allusions in the greatly enlarged edition of 1811, q.v. below.] 1810. Scott, Sir Walter. The Lady of the Lake, p. 196 n. [Quotation from “The Coke’s Tale of Gamlyn, ascribed to Chaucer.”] 1811. Dibdin, Thomas Frognall. Bibliomania , Motto to pt. 1, pp. 153 n., 157 n., 244 n., 256 n., 319, 507 n., 515 n., 569 n., 594 n. [The note on p. 515 is the only allusion in the small first edn. of 1809 (q.v. above, App. A.); the other allusions appear here for the first time and are reprinted in the 3rd edn. of 1842, with the addition of two in the account of Baron Bolland’s books in the First Supplement. Most are unimportant; that on p. 319 is a laudation of William Thynne for his love for and work on Chaucer.] [1811.] Landor, Walter Savage. Commentary on Memoirs of Mr. Fox , lately written [by J. B. Trotter], 1812 [actually in 1811], ed. S. Wheeler, 1907, pp. 211-12, 215. [The unique copy of the original edn. of 1812 belongs to Lord Crewe. See above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 56, 1811, Trotter ; also above, App. A., 1800, Fox.] [p. 211 ] “ He entertained a sincere veneration for Chaucer.” He entertained a sincere veneration for so many, that we have reason to suppose he had little discrimination. . . . Chaucer [p. 212 ] is indeed an admirable poet ; until the time of Shakespeare none equalled him ; and perhaps none after, till ours. The truth of his delineations, his humour, his simplicity, his tenderness, how different from the distorted images and gorgeous languor of Spenser ! The language, too, of Chaucer was the language of his day, the language of those English- men who conquered France; that of Spenser is a strange uncouth compound of words. . . . [p. 215 ] In Chaucer ... we recognize the strong homely strokes, f 104 Appendix A. [a.d. 1812- the broad and negligent facility, of a great master. Within his time and Shakespeare’s, there was nothing comparable, nor, I think, between Shakespeare and Burns, a poet who much resembles him in a knowledge of nature and manners. 1812. P. Tabard Inn , [with plate, in] The Gentleman’s Magazine,, Sept. 1812, vol. lxxxii, p. 217. [The inn, the inscription over the gateway, etc.] Till lately there was some ancient tapestry in the house representing a procession to Canterbury. A well-painted sign by Mr. Blake [? a copy of the Canterbury Pilgrims] represents Chaucer and his merry company setting out . . . 1813. Scott, Sir Walter. The Bridal of Trier main. Motto on title page. An elf-quene wol I love I wis [and five following lines.] Rime of Sir Thopas. 1815. Scott, Sir Walter. The Antiquary , chap. xvi. Ah ! you have looked on the face of the grisly god of arms, then? — you are acquainted with the frowns of Mars armipotent ? 1819. Keats, John. The Eve of Saint Mark. [Composed early in 1819, and published posthumously.] (Works, ed. E. de Selincourt, 2nd ed., 1907, pp. 243.) [The following lines, supposed to introduce the mediaeval legend of St. Mark, are clearly imitated from Chaucer :] Als writith he of swevenis Men han beforne they wake in bliss . . . And how a litling child mote be A saint er its nativitie . . . He writith ; and thinges many mo Of swiche thinges I may not show Bot I must tellen veritie Somdel of Sainte Cicilie, And chieflie what he auctorethe Of Sainte Markis life and dethe . . . 1 i 105 1830 ] Appendix A. 1821. Southey, Robert. The Vision of Judgment, p. 33. Thee too, Father Chaucer ! I saw, and delighted to see thee, At whose well undefiled I drank in my youth and was strengthen’d ; With whose mind immortal so oft I have communed, par- taking All its manifold moods, and willingly moved at its pleasure. 1823. Hunt, James Henry Leigh. The First Canto of the Squire's Tale. [This is stated above (pt. ii, sect, i, p. 144) to have been reprinted in 1855. But that reprint is of Hunt’s second version, first published in Chaucer Modernised, 1841.] 1823. Markham, Mrs. [ps., i.e. Elizabeth Penrose.] A History of England , for the Use of Young Persons, conversation on chap, xix, pp. 174-5 (edn. 1853). [Chaucer the father of English poetry ; this is enlarged upon, and a few lines (“the busy lark, the messenger of day,” etc.) quoted and obsolete words explained.] [Professor Skeat (A Student’s Pastime, 1896, pp. xiii-xiv) stated that Mrs. Mark- ham's History of England was one of his lesson-books as a child [c. 1845], and that this passage first turned his attention to old English.] [1825. Keble, John.] Review [of] The Star in the East, by Josiah Conder, 1824, [in] The Quarterly Review, June 1825, vol. xxxii, pp. 224—5. [Reprinted, as Sacred Poetry, in Occasional Papers and Reviews by John Keble, 1877, pp. 97—8.] [p. 97 ] In all ages of our literary history it seems to hhve been considered almost as an essential part of a poet’s duty to give up some pages to Scriptural story, or to the praise of his Maker, how remote soever from anything like religion the general strain of his writings might be. Witness the “ Lamentation of Mary Magdalene ” in the works of Chaucer, [p. 98] and the beautiful legend of “ Hew of Lincoln,” which he has inserted in the “ Canterbury Tales ”... 1826. Cooper, James Fenimore. The Last of the Mohicans, p. 30. The most confirmed gait that he could establish was a Canterbury gallop with the hind legs. 1830. Cunningham, Allan. The Lives of the Most Eminent British Painters, Sculptcrrs and Architects, 6 vols., vol. ii, pp. 161-2, 165, 172. 106 Appendix A. [a.d. 1834-58 [p. 162 ] The picture [Blake’s Canterbury Pilgrims] is a failure. Blake was too great a visionary for dealing with such literal wantons as the Wife of Bath and her jolly companions. ... He gives grossness of body for grossness of mind. [a. 1834.] Stothard, Thomas. Paintings , etc., illustrating Chaucer. [Stothard not only painted the celebrated picture of the Canterbury Pilgrims, q. v. above, pt. ii, sect, i, 1808, and Carey, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 35, etc.; at his sale in 1834 three pictures from Chaucer were sold, and at Samuel Rogers’s sale in 1856 “ The Canterbury Pilgrims ” and engravings and drawings of it, and also another picture, probably one of those sold in 1834, appear. See Rogers’s Catalogue, pp. 64, 9/ -8, 103, 115, 181 and 195 ; and Mrs. Bray’s Life of Thomas Stothard, 1851, pp. 241, 243. He also painted a picture of the Cock and the Fox. See above, 1836, pt. ii, sect, i. 1843. [Chambers, Robert ?] Chaucer, [in the] Cyclopcedia of English Literature . . . edited by Robert Chambers, Edinburgh, 1844 ■ [preface dated 1843], 2 vols., vol. i, pp. 12-23. [An account of Chaucer, followed by select passages. ; Chaucer the founder of literary English; a man of the i world; his life (including the exile, etc.); his works, a brief account of some of the minor works, including some suppo- sititious pieces, e. g. The Testament of Love and The Court \ of Love ; a longer account of the scheme of The Canterbury Tales. An extract is given from the Prologue, in original spelling ; this is followed by other extracts, mainly from the Canterbury Tales , in Cowden Clarke’s and other modernized ■ forms. Illustrated with woodcuts of Chaucer, of his tomb, and of the Tabard Inn.] 1848. Gaskell, Elizabeth Cleghorn, Mrs. Mary Barton 2 vols., vol. i pp. 70, 80, 96, 127, 157, 211. [Foot-notes pointing out the survival of Chaucerian words in Lancashire.] [c. 1857—8.] Hunt, James Henry Leigh. An Essay on the Sonnet , [in] The Booh of the Sonnet, 1867. [This is entered above, pt. ii, sect, ii, p. 22, as [ c . 1855], In the Examiner, 18 May, 1867, it is stated that Hunt finished his part of this work “ a year or two before his death,” which happened in 1859. The date should therefore read as here given.] 1596] Appendix A. 107 * ADDENDUM. [1596.] Shakespeare, William. The Merchant of Venice, v, i, 3-6. In such a night Troilus methinks mounted the Troyan walls, And sighed his soul toward the Grecian tents Where Cressid lay that night. [For other evidences of Shakespeare’s debt to Troilus , see above, App. A 1589- 1603, and 1603?] Cijaucci Society Second Series, 54. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PART Y APPENDICES B and C FRENCH AND GERMAN ALLUSIONS LONDON : PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, LONDON, E.C. 4 , AND IN NEW YORK, AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd., 68-74 CARTER LANE, LUDGATE HILL, LONDON, E.C. 4 . 1922 for the Issue of 1915. Qttj t Cljaucci' Socutg. The Founder and Director was Du. F. J. Furnivall. Hon. Sec. is W. A. Dalzikl, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. To do honour to Chaucer, and to let the lovers and students of him see how far the lliS T' kS di ? erd fr0,n tbe P rinted texts ’ this Society ni; r d d « l868 ‘ , lher ® were then > and are sfclll > luan y questions of metre, pro- nunciation orthography, and etymology yet to be settled, for which more prints of Manuscripts were and are wanted : and if lfi llQV/llxr fnrv rmmli 4-/-\ -f-'U 4- ~ 1 • . Manuscripts were and are wanted; and it is ha7dl7 too niuch to sTy t^aT every line reconsideration. The founder (Dr. Furnivall) of Chaucer contains points that need iW ™ 8 mmuou. me rounder (jjr. furnivall) TWa n i r ? ? he C « ilte l' bu >'y. Tales and has given of them (in parallel columns in Royal 4 to) six of the best theretofore unprinted Manuscripts known. Inasmuch as the parallel arrangement necessitated the alteration of the places of certain tales in some of the MSSb a print of each MS has been issued separately, following the order of its original. Ine nrst six MSS printed have been : the Ellesmere (by leave of the Eari of Ellesmere) ; the Hengwrt (by leave of W. W. E. Wynne, Esq.) ; the Camb. S’’ 2/ i tbe Corpus > 0xf ord; the Petworth (by leave of Lord Leconfield) ; and the Lansdowne Sol (Brit. Mum.). The Harleian 7334 has followd % ?\\ C r$ e ! ed by E - erton 2726 ( the Haistwell MS.) . Specimens of all accessible MSS of the dales are now nearly completed, edited by the late Prof Zupitza, Ph.D., and Prof. John Koch, Ph.D. ivr«Q C i lt ? 1 uce I s j lvior d'oems — the MSS of which are generally later than the best MSS of the Canterbury I ales, -all the available MSS have been printed, so as to secure all the existing evidence for the true text. ^ °^ ns ' 1 exts from the 6 best MSS have been issued (the Camnsall MS also separately), and a 7th MS text of it with the englisht Boccaccio Comparison. Autotypes of most of the best Chaucer MSS have been publisht. ihe Society’s publications are issued in two Series, of which the First contains the different texts of Chaucer s works; and the Second, such originals of and essays on these as can be procured, with other illustrative treatises, and Supplementary Tales. Ihe yearly subscription, which constitutes Membership, is 2 guineas, beginning slrL J Nos r 48 ’54 56 ^ **“ S ° dety ' S 1>nhlicati can still behad-ex cept First The Society’s lion. Secs, for America are, Prof. Kittredge, of Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., for the North and East, and Prof. Bright, of Johns Hopldns Cmversity, Baltimore, for the South and West. Members’ names and subscriptions Sea ’ A ' D8lZie1 ’ ESq " 67 ViCt ° ria L “ d ' FIDS T SFIIIFS. The Society’s issue for 1868, in the First Series, is, L d ’ he Prologue and Knight’s Tale, of the Canterbury Tales, in 6 parallel iexts (from the 6 MSS named below), together with Tables, showing the Groups of the Tales, and their varying order in 3S MSS of the Tales, and in o old printed editions, and also Specimens from several KISS of the Moveable Prologues’’ of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman’s Prologue, and Franklin’s Prologue,— when moved from their right places, and of the Substitutes for them. (The Six- Text, Part I.) II— VII. II. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale from the Ellesmere MS, Part I • III Hengwrt MS 154, Ft I ; IV. Cambridge MS Gg. 4. 27, Ft 1 ; V. Corpus * IS i °* f ° rd - 71 1 > VI - Petworth MS, Pt I; VII. Lansdowne MS. 851, Ft I. (Separate issues of the Texts forming Part I of the Six-Text edition.) The issue for 1869, in the First Series, is, VIII— XIII. VIII. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales: Ellesmere MS, Part “ ;J X - 1 Jengwrt MS, Pt II ; X. Cambridge MS, Pt II ; XI. Corpus MS, Pt II ; XII. Petworth MS, Pt II; XIII. Lansdowne MS, Pt II, with an Appendix of_“ Gamelyn ” from six MSS. (Separate issues of the Texts forming the Six-Text, Part II, No. XIV.) The issue for 1870, in the First Series, is, XIV. Ihe Miller s, Reeves, and Cook’s Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious I ale of Gamelyn, in 6 parallel Texts. (Six-Text, Part II.) The issue for 1871, in the First Series, is, ,p b . e ^ an °f Law’s, Shipman’s, and Prioress’s Tales, with Chaucer’s own lale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS above named, and 9 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the Ellesmere MS. ^ (Six- Text, Part III.) XVI. The Man of Law’s Tale, from the Ellesmere MS. Part III. *» >> » >> » » „ Cambridge MS. Part III. X vni. ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, Corpus MS. Part III. XIX, I lie Shipman’s, Prioress's, and Man of Law’s Tales, from the Petworth MS. Part III, FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PART V APPENDICES B and C FRENCH AND GERMAN ALLUSIONS LONDON ; PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd., 68-74 CARTER LANE, LUDGATE HILL, LONDON, E.C. 4. 1922 for the Issue of 1915. Printed in Great Britain by Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. APPENDIX B. THE REPUTATION OP CHAUCER IN FRANCE. A detailed account of the history of Chaucer’s fame in France will be found in my French book on Chaucer criticism. 1 Here a brief sketch only will be given of the main points of interest in it, to be followed by the text of the French allusions and criticisms. It is curious that the earliest tribute of praise to Chaucer as a poet should have been written by a Frenchman. For Eustache Deschamps’ charming greeting to the ‘ grant translateur, noble Geffroy Chaucier,’ is, if we accept 1386 as its probable date, the earliest known allusion to Chaucer written by either poet or critic. 2 Deschamps himself little thought when he wrote his ballad to his brother poet across the Channel, that, with the exception of Froissart’s reference in his Chronicles, nearly three centuries would pass before any reference to Chaucer of any kind would again be found in a French book. Deschamps’ ballad is well known, and, although there are many linguistic difficulties in it, the main drift of it is clear. Deschamps has heard of Chaucer’s Roman de la Rose and possibly of other poems, but his fame as a translator overshadows all else. Chaucer, he says, has started an orchard in England in which he has planted many fair plants and flowers for those who are ignorant of the French tongue. Deschamps thirsts for a draught from Chaucer’s fountain. He therefore sends some of his own small plants by Clifford to the English poet, begging him to look kindly on the work of a beginner, ‘ les oeuvres d’escolier,’ and asking Chaucer to quench his thirst by sending him some of his works in return. Making all duo allowance for rhetoric, still the praise in the first stanza of the ballad is very high ; Chaucer is a Socrates in philosophy, a Seneca in morals and an Ovid in poetry, brief in speech and wise in eloquence. 1 Chaucer devant la Critique en Angleterre d cn France depuis son. temps jusqu’d nos jours, par Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Hachette, 1911, ch. vii. 2 Thomas Usk’s Testament of Love is dated c. 1387, and Gower’s first version of the Confessio Amantis, 1390. CHAUCER CRITICISM. — V* 1 B 2 Appendix B. The next allusion we find to Chaucer in France is Froissart’s ! well-known mention of him in the Chronicles (written 1386-88), when he records that in the spring of 1377 ‘ Jeffrois Cauchies’ was sent by the English king with others to ‘ Monstruel-sus-mer ’ to treat for peace. An interesting proof that Chaucer was at an early date read by a Frenchman is to be found in the list of Chaucer’s pilgrims j written by Jean d’Orleans on his manuscript copy of the Canter- bury Tales, showing that during his captivity in England (from ! 1412 to 1445) he had read and probably appreciated the English I poet. And after this, until the year 1674, we find no reference to Chaucer in France, no sign of knowledge on the part of any | French writer that such a poet existed. 1 This is not so odd as at first sight it appears, when we realise that English was practically I an unknown tongue in France, and that even the very few French- men who penetrated to the barbarous island during the 16th and 17th centuries seem to have had neither the desire nor the capacity to learn the language. 2 So that whereas in England, from the days of Gower and Chaucer, the French language and literature were well known, and Marot, Du Bellay, Rabelais, Montaigne and Du Bartas were ' familiar to our poets and scholars ; in France, on the other hand, from the time that Deschamps wrote his ballad to the ■ beginning of the 18th century, for savants and poets as well as for the whole French nation, English literature simply did not exist. In the very last year of the 17 th centuiy, however, we have a curious bit of evidence as to the interest that was being taken in Chaucer by at least one famous French writer. Dryden, in his Preface to the Fables (written 1699), tells us that he hears on , good authority that Mademoiselle de Scudery is translating Chaucer into modern French. 3 Although ‘ Sapho ’ was at this time ninety-two, we know from 1 Thevet’s account of Chaucer, published in 1584, was not known to^us when these pages were printed. 2 For proof of this see Relations de la France avee VAngleterre, par E. J. B. Father} 7 , in the Revue Contemporaine, 1855, vols. xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii ; Jean- Jacques Rovsscau et les origines du Cosmopolitisme litteraire , par Joseph Texte, Paris, 1895 ; Shakespeare cn France , par J. J. Jusscrand, Paris, 1898, and Chaucer devant la Critique , par C. F. E. Spurgeon, cli. vii. 3 See above, pt. i, p. 282. 3 The Reputation of Chancer in France. the pen of an English writer that in 1698 she was mentally as vigorous as ever, 1 so there is'no reason to doubt the accuracy of the information, and it is interesting to picture the writer of Lejdrand Cyrus busying herself in her old age by turning Chaucer into French. We have, however, searched Mademoiselle de Scudery’s letters in vain for any allusion to this occupation, and if she suc- ceeded in completing any of the translation, it is not now to be found. The earliest mention of Chaucer we can find in a French book after Froissart’s reference to him is in the first edition of Louis Moreri’s Grand Dictionnaire Ilistorique , which appeared in 1674. This contains a short notice of the poet stating that ‘ il fut surnomme l’Homere Anglais a cause de ses beaux vers.’ Chaucer’s name occurs in a list of English poets in a work by Guy Mi£ge, called L'Ftat present d’Angleterre sous la reine Anne , published in 1702. Miege’s book was a kind of periodical publi- cation, of which there were a good many editions both in English and French, and this list of poets in the 1702 French edition is almost an exact translation of the list in the three English editions of 1691, 1693 and 1707. In the next French edition of Miege’s book, however (in 1708), a curious change occurs, and Gower, Lydgate and Chaucer are all left out of the list, possibly because it was thought they were so obscure and ancient that they could have no interest for French readers. It is in the Journals and Gazettes written by the Protestant refugees in England, and published sometimes in London and sometimes in Holland, that we find for the first time a real know- ledge of English literature and a detailed account of it in the French tongue ; and it is in one of these many cosmopolitan reviews, the Journal Literaire , a la Haye, that we find the next two references to Chaucer. One of these (1715) is an announcement of the forthcoming edition of Chaucer’s Works by Urry, and the other (1717) comes at the end of a really detailed and able essay on English literature, the most important which had as yet been written in French, entitled Dissertation sur la Poesie Angloise. The writer regrets that space has not permitted him to speak of Chaucer, ‘ le Pere de la Poesie Angloise,’ but adds that he hopes to write about him at length when the new edition of his works 1 See A Journey to Paris in the Year 1698, by Dr. Martin Lister, London, 1699, pp. 93-4. 4 Appendix B. appears. This was a promise which remained unfulfilled, for there is no further reference to him in the Journal, when, after many ! delays, Urry’s edition finally appeared in 1721. It is, however, a great advance to mention him at all, and to do so, moreover, in such respectful terms. During the years 1720-50 a great change took place as regards the knowledge and appreciation of English authors in France. In the early years of the 18th century the French j reading public were both ignorant and contemptuous of English ; literature, whereas by 1750 the taste for English books in France had so grown as almost to reach the point of mania. This extra- ordinary change was mainly due to the work of the Abbe Prevost and Voltaire, who both lived for some time in England and made it one of their chief aims in writing to introduce into France a knowledge and a love of England and of English thought. Prevost, in his Journal Le Pour et Contre , translates and reviews a good deal of contemporary English literature, but the ; older poets are scarcely mentioned by him, and there is but one passing reference to Chaucer in 1740. Voltaire shows no know- ledge of any poet before Shakespeare ; he mentions Spenser twice, ; but in terms which show he has not read him, and he never speaks ' of Chaucer at all. Still, owing chiefly to these two writers, the taste for English literature in France steadily increased, and it was augmented by the extraordinary and immediate vogue of Richard- , son and the large number of translations from the English which now began to appear. To meet the public taste many journals devoted a great part of their space to translations and reviews of English works, 1 and English novels, poems and plays were collected, translated :j and abridged in great quantities. Two typical compilations , of this kind are V Idee de la po'esie angloise, by the Abbe Yart, 1749 and 1753-6, and Choix de differ em morceaux de Po'esie , traduits de V Anglois, by J. A. Trochereau, 1749; and in both of these we find references to Chaucer. The full title of the Abbe Yart’s book is significant and fairly ambitious (see below, 1749) ; he published it in two volumes in 1749, and apparently it met with success, for he re-issued it in 1753-56, much enlarged, in eight volumes. 1 See the list of these given by M. Jusserand on pp. 275-6 of his Shakespeare in France (English edn.), and see also Texte, Jean- Jacques Rousseau, pp. 265-8. The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 5 It is in the seventh volume of the second edition that we find the most interesting Chaucer references. This contains transla- tions of various English ‘ Contes,’ preceded by a Discours sur les Contes, and followed by a life of Chaucer, and a translation of Dryden’s version of Palamon and Arcite. In the preliminary ‘Discours’ Yart points out that Chaucer was inspired alike by the Provengal poets and by their imitators, the Italians, and thaf}, according to Dryden, Chaucer surpassed both originals and imitators : ‘ il a efface Ovide meme, et il ne le cede pas a Homere ni a Yirgile ; nous verrons ce qu’il faut penser de ce prejuge national.’ He goes on to say that he will give an example of a very noble type of * Conte ’ which Dryden has imitated from Chaucer. Then follows Chaucer’s life, at some length, which is the most considerable account of the poet that had as yet appeared in French. The remarks on the Canterbury Tales are interesting and unusual, those towards the end specially have a refreshing ring of genuine feeling called forth apparently by Yart having vainly attempted to translate some of the poems. ‘Ce qu’il ya de plus original dans Chaucer,’ he says, ‘ ce sont les divers caracteres des auteurs des Contes . . . il peignit d’apres nature leurs caracteres, leurs habillements, leurs vertus et leurs vices, mais ses portraits sont si bizarres et si etranges, ses person- nages si desagreables et si indecens, ses satyres si cruelles et si impies, que malgre l’art que j’ai tache de mettle dans ma traduction, je n’ai pu me flatter de les rendre supportables. Ses autres contes sont encores plus licencieux que ceux de nos Poetes les plus obsc^nes ; je les laisserai par la meme raison dans l’obscurite de leur vieux langage.’ This outburst is modified a little further on when Yart admits that it is said that the poetry of Chaucer is as easy -and natural as the prose of Boccaccio. Finally, Yart quotes and applies to Chaucer, Voltaire’s stanza on Homer, without giving any indication of the change he is making ; so that it runs thus : — ‘ Plein de beautes et de d^fauts Le vieux Chaucer a mon estime Il est, comme tous ses heros Babillard, outr6, mais sublime.’ Yart adds to this, by way of qualification : ‘ Il est sublime quelque- fois, mais il ne l’est pas aussi souvent qu’Homere.’ 6 Appendix B. In the little volume called Choix de differens morceaux de Po'esie , iraduits de VAnglois , which was published by Trochereau in 1749, this writer says in a note to his translation of Pope’s Temple of Fame that Chaucer is so often spoken of in English books that he thinks it may be of interest to give some account of his life, which he accordingly does, ending with some quotations from Dryden’s appreciation, the first time, we believe, that this had appeared ! in French. In 1755 we have an interesting record of tho first attempt we j know of on the part of a Frenchman to write a history of English j literature. This work was projected by Claude-Pierre Patu, a young enthusiast about all things English, who, however, did not live to carry it out, for he died of consumption in 1757. He j sketches his plan in a series of letters to his friend David Garrick, whom he begs to send him a copy of Chaucer, and also to give him some information as to the state of the English language in j Chaucer’s time (see below, 1755). The best-known of the many French magazines dealing witli j English literature about this time was perhaps the Journal Stranger , which was issued from 1754 to 1762, and was edited in turn by five well-known men, Grimm, Prevost, Freron, Arnaud ! and Suard. The object of the journal is stated clearly in tho first number (April 1754, pp. iv-ix), and it may be taken as representative of the aim of all these cosmopolitan papers. This aim was, in fact, to establish a correspondence between the nations of Europe in matters of thought, to draw together various types of genius, to put writers of all countries in touch with one another, and to teach each nation no longer to despise others and to claim for itself the exclusive gift of thought, which claim alone, says the ' writer, shows how baseless it is. In this paper, during the time it was under Prevost’s editorship i (which lasted only from January to August 1755), there appeared, in the volume for May 1755, a long account of Chaucer, very probably written by Prevost himself. This account (which is headed ‘Vie des Poetes Anglais, par M. Colley Cibber’) is a very free and abridged translation of portions of Theophilus Cibber’s ‘Life’ of Chaucer, which appeared in 1753, with some remarks added by the French writer. He compares his style to Villon and to Marot, and he ends with a paragraph of strong praise which is not in Cibber, but which is inspired evidently by The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 7 Dryden’s favourable opinion. His praise for Nicolas Brigham’s ‘ public spirit ’ is noteworthy, because Brigham’s action is taken absolutely for granted by all English writers and receives no comment from them. 7 . In October, 1775, a fortnightly review, the Journal Anglais , was started, which had for sole subject England and English matters, and a feature of each number is that it contains a biography of some English poet or man of letters. The first of these was, quite rightly, devoted to Chaucer; it is a long and detailed life, founded on Cibber and the Biographia Bntannica of 1748, interspersed with occasional little embroideries by the French writer. The summing up of Chaucer’s character and powers at the end of the article is of special interest; it is evident that Dryden’s appreciation of the poet has been read, so also it would appear has been one of Lydgate’s remarks on the kindness of the great man towards his brother poets. After this date, biographical dictionaries and cyclopaedias begin to take the place of these ‘Journals’ as disseminators of general knowledge, and the greater number of the references to Chaucer, which we find from the beginning of the 19th century onwards, are in works of this nature. Moreri’s Grand Dictionnaire Ilistorique , to which we have already referred, is the earliest in date of these to mention Chaucer (1674). In the numerous editions of this work in the early 18th century there is little change in the notice of the poet, but the edition of 1740 has an interesting variation. After the statement that Chaucer s English works were printed in London in 1561, we find this instructive addition : ‘ On a de lui en Latin, Landes bonarum Mulierum; Vita Cleopatra ; Vita Lucreticz Bomanm ; Flos Urbani tatis ; Sepultura Misericordix ; De Astrolabii ratione. Evidently the reviser of 1740, being struck by the expression ‘ Ses ouvrages anglais’ which occurs in the earlier editions, thought it a pity some account should not be given of works in other languages, and so proceeded to search for and successfully to find Chaucer’s Latin works. But why two of the lives of the Legend of Good Women , the Flower of Courtesy , the Complaynte to Pity and the Astrolabe should have been selected for this distinction, it is impossible to say. Had he looked in Leland, or Bale, or Bits, he would have found the titles of all Chaucers works in Latin, and not these only ; besides, these titles, as given here, have a slightly 8 Appendix B. different form from those in any of these three lists. It is in this edition of the Dictionary that we are told in the article on Shakespeare that he died in 1576, so the information it contains on matters appertaining to English literature is not very accurate. After 1750, many lives of Chaucer appear in the various Biographical Dictionaries. Louis /Chaudon contributes one to the Nouveau Dictionnaire Ilistorique in 1770, reprinted by the Abbe Feller in the Dictionnaire Ilistorique in 1781 and 1789-94, in which Chaucer is called ‘le Marot des Anglais ’ and where we are told that Chaucer did much by means of his poems to procure the crown for his brother-in-law the Duke of Lancaster, and that subsequently he shared that monarch’s good and bad fortune. Some remarks are added on Chaucer’s style which show no greater knowledge of the poet than of English history. This article is reprinted in all subsequent editions of the Dictionary, and is to be found as late as in the Biographie Universelle of 1860. In 1813, J. B. Suard contributed a long account of Chaucer to the Biographie Universelle. Suard (1734—1817) was a writer of considerable ability who made the study of England and of English literature his special province. He knew the language well, and translated, or edited the translations, of many works from the English, and he was looked upon as an authority in all English questions. Suard’s article on Chaucer is the first written by a Frenchman which conveys the feeling that he had read any of the poems in the original. He evidently knows the opening, at any rate, of Troilus and Criseyde , a poem which had not been j modernised by any writer ; he also shows some knowledge of Sir ; Thopas. So that Suard’s article may be said to mark a new ; departure in the appreciation of the poet in France, and to in- ]\ augurate the time when he was to be read by Frenchmen in his j own original English, and to be judged by them— no longer on J hearsay — but on his own merits. Before going on to give some account of the successors of Suard, that is, of the French writers who, in the 19th century, have really known something of Chaucer, and consequently have liked him, certain facts may be indicated which show how little the general public, including many writers of books, knew or cared about him. To go back a little, we may begin with Contant d’Orville, the dramatist and novelist (born in 1730), who The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 9 after a visit to London in 1770, of which he gives an amusing account, published Les Nuits Anglaises. The full title (see below, 1770) sufficiently indicates the medley of topics to be found in this curious compilation. It contains anecdotes of all kinds about English people in every age, extracts from English newspapers and English literature, and ‘ Digressions ’ of all sorts, on religion, on the Stock Exchange, on Beau Nash and on the English poets. Under this latter heading D'Orville gives a brief account of 33 different poets, beginning with Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespeare and Cowley ; and on Chaucer he furnishes us with the following useful piece of information : — ‘Chaucher. Chaucer est regarde comme le pere de la Poesie anglaise : il vivait vers le milieu du quinzieme siecle. On a de lui des contes plaisans et naifs, ecrits sans art et d’un style grossier, ou l’on rencontre des pensees fortes.’ For the date when Chaucer flourished, D'Orville had possibly consulted Collier’s Historical Dictionary of 1701, where 1440 is given as the year of Chaucer’s death. The literary criticism is taken direct from Lady Mary Wortley Montagu’s lines in the Progress of Poetry , which were translated by Yart in 1749 (see below). In 1784, Rivarol, one of the most brilliant French writers at the end of the 18th century, neatly characterises Chaucer’s work, as well as the whole of English literature up to Milton, in the following words : — ‘ Pendant un espace de quatre cents ans, je ne trouve en Angleterre que Chaucer et Spencer. Le premier merita, vers le milieu du quinzieme siecle, d’etre appele l’Homere Anglais ; notre Ronsard le merita de meme ; et Chaucer, aussi obscur que lui, fut encore moins connu. De Chaucer jusqu’a Shakespeare et Milton, rien ne transpire dans cette Isle celebre, et sa litterature ne vaut pas un coup d’oeil.’ It will be noticed that Rivarol, like D’Orville, pictured Chaucer as living in the middle of the 15th century, and a pass- ing reference made to the poet by Madame de Stael, in 1800, looks as if she too were extremely hazy as to his dates (see below, 1800). The next writer who deals with Chaucer in French jumps him back more than a century from the date indicated by Rivarol and D’Orville, for he fixes 1328 as the time when he flourished and wrote (see below, 1803, Schwab). Three years later, Hennet 10 Appendix B. (1758-1828) published a Poetique Anglaise (3 tomes, Paris, 1806), in which he sums up Chaucer’s work by saying that he composed twelve volumes of verses, mostly tales in the style of Boccaccio, and that his language is hardly understood by the English of the present day. There are not many more signs among those who write on the subject of almost complete lack of knowledge of the poet’s works and life. By degrees fuller and more accurate information about him became accessible in France, largely owing to the careful work of Gomont (1847) and Sandras (1859). We may turn now to the more grateful task of tracing the gradual growth in France of knowledge and appreciation of Chaucer’s work. Curiously enough, in 1813, the year in which Suard’s article appeared, we have proof that Chaucer in the original text was being read by yet another Frenchman. This is the close and careful translation of the Clerk's Tale done by Dubuc in the first of two little volumes called Les deux Griselidis , Histoires Traduites de V anglais, Vune de Chaucer , et V autre de Mile. Edgeworth. The translation is done, not from Ogle’s modernisation from which Miss I Edgeworth quotes, but from Chaucer’s own text, and, with the exception of the fragment of the Pardoner’s Prologue (in the \ Journal Etranger , 1755), this is, we believe, the first translation of any part of Chaucer into French, and it is, on the whole, very well j done. Dubuc explains in his preface that although Miss Edgeworth has quoted from Ogle’s version, which is elegant but diffuse, he himself prefers Ogle’s original. Here we have some one speaking who has really read the original, and, having read it, appreciates its simplicity and charm. Chateaubriand’s study of Chaucer, in his Essai sur la littera- , I ture anglaise (1836) in a chapter on ‘Chaucer, Bower [sz'c] and Barbour,’ is disappointing, and reveals no sign of knowledge of | any but the two spurious poems, the Court of Love and the Plowmans Tale. This insufficient treatment by Chateaubriand, however, called forth some interesting remarks in the following year (1837) from Villemain, who was professor of eloquence and modern history, and later of English literature, at the Sorbonne. These remarks prove that the poet had at that time at least one sincere admirer in France, who had read some of his \york. Chaucer s next admirer in France, E. J. de Ldcluze, writes a The Reputation of Chaucer in France. II very interesting article on the poet in the Revue franraise for April 1838. He says he has on his walls an engraving of Stothard’s picture of the Canterbury pilgrims, and that he finds himself obliged so often to explain the meaning of this ‘ strange assembly ’ to his friends that he has decided once and for all to translate the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales into French. There follows what we believe to be the earliest translation into French of the complete Prologue. It is done into prose, and it is very careful and simple. Several pages are then devoted to an account of Chaucer and of his work; each Canterbury Tale being described separately. The little prologue to Sir Thopas, part of the prologue of the Clerk’s Tale and a few lines from the prologue of the Wife of Bath are also translated. At the end the writer urges that it would bo rendering a real service to letters if some one would make a complete translation of the Canterbury Tales into French. Unfortunately (putting aside the Chevalier de Chatelain’s translation in 1855) seventy years were to elapse before M. de Lecluze’s desire was accomplished, and a scholarly translation of Chaucer’s great work was given to the French public. Nine years after this article was written, Gomont published his study of Chaucer, 1 in which, for the first time, a French writer devotes a whole book to the poet. It is a book which it is somewhat difficult to characterise. It is careful work, but at times the writer so entirely lacks compre- hension of and sympathy with his subject that one wonders why he ever undertook it. Troilus and Criseyde , for instance, is dis- missed as follows : ‘ Tro'ile et Cresside , poeme en cinq chants, d’un style generalement- obscur. Le mauvais gout et la bizarrerie y dominent.’ Or again, in speaking of the various tales told by the pilgrims, he says that in the eyes of an unprejudiced judge the greater number of the tales will certainly appear either badly chosen or badly told. This last example shows piore than anything else, perhaps, how the very spirit and essence of Chaucer’s art has been missed, more especially if we compare it with the very different treatment of the same point by M. Legouis in his introduction to the translation of the Canterbury Tales published in 1908. All the same, Gomont’s book marks a distinct advance in 1 Geoffrey Chaucer , pobte, anglaisc du XIV e siecle. Analyses et fragments , par H. Gomont : Paris, 1847. 12 Appendix B. Chaucer criticism in France. We get in it for the first time a detailed and comprehensive view of the poet's work, with long quotations from his poems in French, and we have as well a prose translation of the whole of the Knight's Tale. Between the years 1857-60, the Chevalier de Chatelain brought out the whole of the Canterbury Tales in French verse. The attention of this eccentric and unliterary writer cannot, we fear, much have- furthered Chaucer’s reputation in France, for his careless, facile, jog-trot verses would not give any one who did not know the original, the least idea of Chaucer’s work or of the delicacy of his art. Gausseron summed up the result ac- curately, if scathingly, when he said (in 1887) that ‘l’essai de traduction des Contes de Canterbury par le Chevalier de Chatelain ne permet pas de dire que nous en possedions une version fran^aise.’ In 1859 there appeared Sandras’s careful Etude sur Chaucer considere comme imitateur des Trouveres. This is a fine piece of work, in which, for the first time, Chaucer’s French sources are examined and his debt to French poets made out. To the present- day reader some of the ‘ etude ’ seems superficial, some of the assumptions appear hasty and unfounded, and there is a good deal which a competent scholar could now add or re-write; but fifty years ago it was pioneer work and extremely good. Sandras examines the poems in considerable detail, and indicates ! the great influence exercised on Chaucer by the two parts of the Roman de la Rose , and he proves that it was in the school of Guillaume de Lorris that the English poet’s taste was formed, just as it was in the school of Jean de Mcung ‘que s’est fa 5 onne son esprit.’ . The next stud T of Chaucer is that by Taine. As early as 1856 j Tame published an article on Chaucer in the Revue de V Instruction | pubhque, but his really important study of him is that in his^ 1 Ilistoire de la literature anglaise, the first volume of which appeared in 1863. This book is epoch-making as regards the knowledge of English letters in France, and for the first time the whole of English literature is brilliantly reviewed by a French pen. Taine places Chaucer to some extent in his setting, and he indicates in what ways he was more particularly a child of the middle ages. Here we find for the first time Troilus and Criseyde fully appreciated by a French writer, and Taine points out that it 13 The Reputation of Chaucer in France. is in this poem that Chaucer’s affinity with the French spirit is specially seen. After Taine’s book the references to English literature and to Chaucer gradually increase, and literary histories become more general. So we find notices by Ampere (1867), by Emile Chasles (1877), by J. J. Jusserand (1878), by Leon Boucher (1882), by Augustin Filon and Emile Montegut (1883), to name only a few. A more detailed study than any of these is in the Etude sur la langue anglaise au XIV e siecle by Adrien Baret in 1883, where Chaucer’s life, language, versification and genius are dealt with at some length. In 1889 another attempt was made to translate the Canterbury Tales , this time into French prose, but it did not succeed (see below, 1889, Simond). M. Jusserand wrote on Chaucer lor the first time at any length in an article in the Revue des Deux Mondes in 1893, which was incorporated in his Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais of the following year. Here we have a long account of Chaucer’s life and work, with detailed criticism of the Hous of Fame, of Troilus, and of the Canterbury Tales. Chaucer’s descriptive power, his humour, his sympathy with all classes, his good sense and his impartial judgment are all dealt with and charmingly portrayed. In the year 1908 we come to the most important tribute to Chaucer which has so far appeared in France. This is the complete translation of the Canterbury Tales into French prose, which has been carried out by a company of the picked English scholars of France. The rendering is very careful and close, practically corresponding line for line with Skeat’s edition. Three of the Tales (Reve, Shipmanne, and Prioress) and the Wife of Bath’s Prologue have been put into blank verse by MM. Derocquigny and Koszul. Their poems retain to some extent the lightness and grace of the original, because of the movement or rhythm of the verse. But all the others are in prose, and although it is impossible for a foreigner to pronounce judgment on the effect this has on French ears, it would seem as if much of the grace and music of Chaucer were thereby lost. One cannot help wishing that it had been possible to render the Prologue, at any rate, into French verse, and this wish is intensified when we read some of M. Legouis’ translations in his recent book on Chaucer, or even the 14 Appendix B following charming fragment of Sir Thopas which he gives in a footnote to his prose translation in this collection Oyez seigneurs, pretez l’oreille, • Si vous diroi-je grand’ merveille, Histoire de renom, D’un Chevalier bel et courtois Dans la bataille et les tournois j Sire Topaze a nom. Sur terre etrange il vint au monde, En Flandre, outre la mer profonde ; Popering est le lieu ; Son pere estoit homme d’honneur Et de tout le pays seigneur Par la grace de Dieu. Si grandit-il en preux varlet ; Sa face est blanche comme lait, Sa bouche est de coral ; Son teint semble ecarlate en graine, Et, tenez la chose certaine, Son nez n’a pas d’egal. Here we have, all at once, the lilt and movement of Chaucer’s verse and. at the same time his humour, his finesse, and his o-race This French version of the Canterbury Tales was received with much interest and appreciation on both sides of the Channel as may be seen by two articles by M. Emile Gebhart (Gaulois, April 23, 1907, and Dibats, May 11, 1908), and by English reviews such as that in the Academy, Jan. 25, 1908, or in°the Times Literary Supplement of August 14 of the same year. In the interesting and suggestive introduction which M. Legouis contributes to this volume, he proves how completely a modern Frenchman can understand Chaucer. He draws attention to the supreme achievement of Chaucer in the development of story-telling as an art, which is the shifting of the centre of interest from the machinery or plot to the characters of the actors f,° f* Wi * Chaucer an awakening of sympathy even for the deluded and cheated characters, which formed no part of the old fabliaux or comic tales. We find ourselves no longer in the presence of simple comedy, but of something at once more human and more complex, drama which trembles between laughter and pity. Thus we see in Chaucer’s work the first indications of a new observation of life and of new forms of art yet to be born. The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 15 M. Legouis has developed and enlarged his study of ChauceL in the little volume on the poet which he contributed m 1910 to the series of ‘ Les Grands Ecrivains Etrangers.’ He there gives a complete account of Chaucer’s life and work, and the book is enriched by many delightful translations of the poems into French verse. With these two recent incontestable proofs of Chaucer scholar- ship and appreciation in France this brief survey comes to a close. As the centuries pass on and scholarship widens, change m language or difference in language presents less and less of a barrier. So it is that to-day we see Chaucer reaching, not a smaller but a larger audience, becoming more loved and better known, not only in his own land, but also in France, to whose literature he owed so much, and to whose spirit he was in many ways so closely akin. FRENCH ALLUSIONS. •]. Desehamps, Eustache. Ballad addressed to Geoffrey Chavcer ^ Veschamps, when sending him his own works. 'Unique MS. Bit.liothhque national, No. 840, fonds fran 9 ais, fol. lxii, liii verso. Uisuvres completes d’Eustache Descliamps , publiees par le i de Saint Hilaire, Soci6t6 des Anciens Textes vol. 11 , 1880, pp. 138-40. marquis Frangais, Autre Balade 1 O Socrates plains de philosophic Seneqwe en meurs et anglux en pratique Ouides grans en ta poeterie Bries en parler saiges en rethorique Aigles treshaulz qui par ta theoriqae 5 Enlumines le regne deneas Lisle aux geaws ceuls de bruth 2 et qui as Seme les fleurs et plante le rosier Aux ignorans de la langue pandras 3 Grant translateur noble geffroy chaucier 10 if w h !rf XaC i5 text ° f * he ™ anuscri pt is here printed. This may be useful, as it has often been reprinted with different corrections. Thus slight changes maC 6 111 ^ te ^’ even ln the editi on of the Anciens Textes Francais, without due comment. For example : ‘ line 25 line 20, 30 line 32 Manuscript. Qui men gaule Grant Printed Text. Qui en Gaule Grand seroye seroie. * D , c “', ham P s “''ta'” 5 namo by which he designates England from the tern wi^hTheyefrlin e >< b r- Ia f!l 0f Desc . 1,a ™l ,s ’ Sur les divers noms de V Angle- terre^ith the lefram C est de ce mot 1 mterpretacion,” CEuvres vi pi) 87-8 • latent tff-fn* f Mer - K A- SUr l “ destrudim d' Angleterre qui doit brief advenir, refrain Ou temps jadis estoit ci Angleterre, ” CEuvres ii, pp. 33-4 J com5“lsrfrom^V»i raS "p th u Fre,lch Iangu u a « e - Thc idea of this expression comes also from Wace. Pandras was a mythical king of Greece who had been legend*— at^ the ZZKT*" ^ ^ te 0 ena at the head of a certain number of Trojan exiles who had been kent Fandras. When Brutus, with the Trojan victors, landed Fn . /j® f 01 !.™ 5 ®* 1 tlle realm of Britain. The language of the inhabitants of Britain (that of Chaucer) is first of all called Trojan, then “ British ” i e the ST t°he B : UtUS - In J f ailgUage 0f i BrUtUS bei ^ E "^h, the language of Pandras, the enemy of Brutus, must have been French, the language of the hereditary enemies of England. See an article in the Academy, Nov .14, 1891, p. 432, by Dr. Paget Toynbee, on this ballade. 16 [a.d. 1386] French Allusions. 17 Tu es damowrs mondains dieux en albie Et de la rose en laterre angelique Q ui dangela saxcmne et 1 puis llourie Angleterre delle ce nom sapplique Le derrenier en lethimologique En bon angles le livre translatas Et un vergier ou du plant demandas De ceuls qwi font 2 pour eulx auctorisier A ja long temps q ue tu edifias Grant translator noble geffroy chaucier A toy pour ce de la fontaine helye Requier avoir un buuraige autentique Dont la doys est du tout en ta baillie Pour refrener delle ma soif ethique Q ui men 3 gaule seray paralitique Jusqttes a ce q ue tu mabuueras Eustaces sui qui de mon plant aras Mais pran en gre les euures descolier Q ue par Clifford de moy auoir pourras Grant translates noble gieffroy chaucier Lenuoy Poete hault loenge destmye 4 En ton jardin'ne seroie quortie Considers 5 6 ce que jay dit premier Ton noble plant ta douce melodie Mais pour scauoir de rescripre te prie 35 Grant translateur noble geffroy chaucier. 25 30 1 est? 2 Ceuls qui font, i.e. the poets, “the makers.” Cf. Chaucer in the Compleynt of Venus, where he speaks of Oton de Graunson as “flour of hem that make in Fraunce.” 3 en? 4 Destmye. It appears to us that this is, without doubt, the reading of the manuscript, although, at first sight, “ destruye ” might seem to he correct. But on close inspection it will be seen that the down-stroke of the m is without the small hook that the scribe attaches throughout to the r. “destinye” is possible, but no dot is visible over the i. It seems impossible to discover the sense of the passage. Toynbee and Ker suggest “deservve” (Academy, Nov. 14, 1891), Nicholas, Wright and Sandras suggest “destinye” ; “destruye” is printed in the edn. of the Anciens Textes Franfjais, and Tarbe (Oeuvres inidites de Deschamps, 1849, tome i, pp. 123-4) is the sole editor who has previously printed the word as it is found in the manuscript. 6 Should it be read considiri ? CHAUCER CRITICISM— V. C 18 Appendix B. [a.d. 1386 - [1386-88.] Froissart, Jehan. Chroniques de France, d'Engleterre dliscoce, de Bretaigne, d’Espaigne, d’Ytalie, de Flandres , el (lAlemaigne. ((Euvres de Froissart , ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove Bruxelles, 1869, tome viii, p. 383.) Environ le quaremiel [1377] se fist uns secres trettids entre ces Frangois et ces Engl&s, et deurent li Engles leurs tretti^s porter en Engleterre, et li Frangois en France, cascuns devers son signeur le roy, et devoient retourner, ou aultre commis que li roy renvoieroient, a Monstruel-sus-mer, et sus cel estat furent les triewes ralongies jusques au premier jour de may. . . Si furent envoyet a Monstruel-sus-mer, du cost6 des F rangois, li sires de Couci, li sires de le Riviere, messires Nicolas Brake et Nicolas le Mercier, et du cost6 des EngUs, messires Guichars d’Angle, messires Richars Sturi et Jeffrois Cauchies. [ante 1445.] D’Orleans, Jean, Comte d’Angonleme. A list of the nil- gi inis in the Canterbury Tales , written in Jean d’Orleans’ hand, on a manuscript of the Canterbury Tales which was amon^ the books m his library. MSS. Angl. No. 39, Bibl. Nationale, fol. A. Prologus— Knicht— Millener— Reve— Men of Lau— Clerc of Oxonford— Wif of Bathe— Frere— Somneur— Marchant— Scuier — F ranquelin — Fisicien — Pardoner — Chip man — Prioresse — Chaucer — Monk — Nones priste— Y e Nonne — Chanoines man — Y e manciple. [Jean d Orleans (brother of Charles d’Orleans) was given as a hostage to Thomas of Lancaster, Duke of Clarence, by the Dukes of Orleans, of Berry, of Bretagne and Bourbon, in 1412, at the age of 13. He was imprisoned first in London, then at the Castle of Maxey, and he was only released at the age of 46, in May, 1445 , after 33 years of captivity. He was passionately fond of books, and he had a library of some 160 manuscripts, 11 of which are copied in his own hand. From the Inventory made of his books in 1467 (he died on the 30th April, 1467), it is clear that he was a great reader and a scholar, that he had learnt English and that he read Chaucer in the original. For in this Inventory we find a manuscript of the Canterbury Tales thus described: ‘ Ung romant, en Anglois, rim6,,en papier, commandant, ou premi.r fueillet, “ want taht aprilh” et finissant, ou penultime, “Aliberons apetite Lie] This manuscript is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale with the table of contents in the handwriting of Jean d’Orleans. See Jean d’Orleans d’apr&s sa bibliotheque, par G. Dupont-Ferrier, Biblio- theque de la Faculte des Lettres, Paris, 1897, tome iii, p. 64 ; La Captivity de Jean d’Orlcans, par G. Dupont-Ferrier, Revue Hislorique, tome lxii, 1S96 ; Catalogue des manusents anglais de la Bibliotheque Nationale, par Gaston Raynaud, Paris 1884, Tp. 14-15.] ’ 1674. Moreri, Louis. [Article l Geofroy' in the] Grand dictionnaire histonque . . . premiere edition. [This work was revised and reprinted in 1681 {q.v.), and many times afterwards.] [No article under Chaucer. But under Geofroy or Gode- froy de Viterbe there is a second paragraph which begins :] 1(381] French Allusions. 19 II y a aussi eu Geoffroy, . . . Religieux de l’ordre de Saint Benoit. ... [5 lines.] . . . Geoffroy, autre B£n6dictin. [5 lines.] Geoffroy Chaucer de Woodstock en Angleterre, sur- nomm6 l’Homere Anglois a cause de ses beaux vers, se fit des Estimateurs de tous les honnetes gens, et donna au public divers Traites, dont Gesner fait le d^nombrement, in Bibl. Camden, Britan ., p. 55. . . Geoffroy, dit de Fontibus. [4 lines.] . . . Geoffroy de Ville Hardouin. [4 lines.] [These five men are described in this one paragraph, whereas a little earlier 16 lines are given to Geofroy de Monmouth .] 1681 Moreri, Louis. [Article ‘ Chancer y in] Grand didionnaire his- torique . . . [2nd ed., enlarged by Moreri, and ed. after Ins death in 1682, by G. Parayre], p. 872. Chaucer (^Geofroy) natif de Woodstock en Angleterre, vivoit dans le xiv Siecle. II fut surnomme PHomere Anglois, a cause de ses beaux Vers, k il se fit des estimateurs de tous les honnetes gens de son terns. II donna au public divers Ouvrages de sa fa^on, dont on pourra voir le d^nombrement dans Leland, Pitseus, Gesner, &c. Le premier parle ainsi de luy dans ses Epigrammes : Praedicat Algerum merito Florentia Dantem , Italia & numeros tota , Petracha, tuos, Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poetam , Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas. Chaucer, outre la Poesie, s^avoit les Mathematiques & les belles Lettres. Ses Ouvrages Anglois ont ete imprimez a Londres l’an 1561. II mourut en 1400. & en 1555, on retablit son tombeau qui est a Westminster & Pon y mit cette Epitafe : Qui fuic Anglorum rates ter maxirnus dim , Galfredus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo , Annum si quaeras Domini, si tempora mortis, Ecce notae subsunt, quae tibi cuncta notent, xxv. Octob. 1400. Gesner, in Bibl. Leland, Balseus k Pitseus, de Script. Angl. Camden, etc. 20 Appendix B. [a.d. 1702 - 1702. [Midge, Guy], Etat present d'Angleterre sous la Seine Anne Iradmt de 1 Anglois, a Amsterdam, 1702, tome ii, partie ii, chap.'ij [Title of the chapter.] Des Habitans d’Angleterre, de leur Temperament, Genie, Langage, avec une liste des plus habiles Personnages de ce Pais qui ont excelld dans la Guerre, & dans les Lettres. . . . Pour la Poesie, Gower. & Lydgate Moine de St. Edmund Bury, le fameux Godefroy Chaucer Beau-Frere de Jean de Gand Due de Lancastre ; le Chevalier Philippe Sydney, & le fameux Spencer. Daniel, & Drayton, le premier le Lucain, & lautre l’Ovide des Anglois. Beaumont & Fletcher, celuy-cy le Terence, & celuy-la le Plaute de la Nation! Enfin Ben Janson [sfc.] & le fameux Cowley. 1705. [Des Maizeaux P. J.] [Preface, with a life of Saint Evre- mond, prefixed to] (Euvres meslees de M’ de Saint Evremond , .Lonares, 1<05, tome i, sign, c iii verso. II [Saint-Evremond] fut enterre dans l’Abbaye de West- minster, aupres des Savans Casaubon, Camden, Barrow, & des Poetes Chaucer, Spencer, Cowley, Gervais de. Fssavi Historiques sur les Bardes, les i et les trouv ' eres • • . 3 tomes, Caen, 1834, tome i, pp. 11, 54, 18/ -8, tome iii, pp. 267, 270, 271. [p. 2C7] [ Jean Gower . ] Le poete Chaucer l’appelait le moraliste Gower. [PP. 27 °- ^ [Froissart lived for a long time in England] ... k la meme 6poque brillaient dans ce meme royaume les poetes l Gower et Chaucer, et il est impossible de ne pas croire que Froissart connut leurs poesies ; il est meme tr£s-probable I qu’il fut li6 avec ces auteurs, et alors comment n’aurait il pas pris d’eux le gout des Ballades, Yirelais, Rondeaux, etc. ? 1835. Unknown. Poetes Laureats de la grande Bretagne [article translated from the New Literary Magazine, in the] Revue Britan - nique, Paris, August 1835, pp. 227, 228. Goyer [sic] et Chaucer sont d£sign6s comme laureats; mais il reste douteux qu’ils appartinssent sous ce titreplutot a la maison du souverain qu’a celle de quelque noble. French Allusions. 49 1836] ------ ioo« Chateaubriand, Francois Rene de. Essai sur la Literature ’ anqlaise par M. de Chateaubriand, Paris, 1836, pp. 109-111. (CEuvres completes de . . . Chateaubriand, Paris 1838, tome xxxm, pp. 102-7.) Chaucer, Bower [sic], Barbour. En meme temps que les tribunaux retournerent par ordon- nance au dialecte du sol, Chaucer fut appele a rehabiliter la harpe des bardes ; mais Bower, son devancier de quelques annees, et son rival, composait encore dans les deux langues. . . . [Chateaubriand next quotes a ballade by ‘ Bower ’ : ‘ Amour est chose merveilleuse,’ which proves, according to him, that Gower’s French was better than his English. He continues :] La langue anglaise de Chaucer est loin d’avoir ce poli du vieux francais, lequel a deja quelque chose d achev6 dans ce petit genre de literature. Cependant l’idiome du po&te Anglo-Saxon, [c-a-d Chaucer] amas hdterogene de patois divers, est devenu la souche de l’anglais moderne. Courtisan Lancastrien, Wiclefiste, infidele a ses convictions, traitre a son parti, tantot banni, tantot voyageuL tantot en faveur, tantot en disgrace, Chaucer avait renconte Petrarque a Padoue: au lieu de remonter aux sources saxonnes, il emprunta le gout de ses chants aux troubadours prove^aux et a l’amant de Laure, et le caract&re de ses contes a Bocace. Dans la Cour d Amour . . . [here follows an account of the Court of Love\. Le Plough-man (toujours le canevas du vieux Pierre Plowman) a de la verve : le clerg6, les leadies [sic] et les lords sont l’objet de l’attaque du poete : ‘ Suche as can not y say ther crede 5 [etc. ; 8 lines quoted, followed by a translation]. Le poete 6crivait a son chateau de Dunnington, sous le chene de Chaucer , ses Contes de Cantorbery, dans la forme du Decameron. A son d6but la literature anglaise du moyen-age fut d6figuree par la litterature romane j a sa naissance, la litterature anglaise moderne se masqua en literature italienne. 1836. Unknown. Biographie de William Godwin [article in the] Revue Britannique, April 1836, pp. 377-8. [Notice of his Life of Chaucer.] CHAUCER CRITICISM. V. E 50 Appevtdvc B. [ a . d . 1837 _ 1837. Villemain, Abel Francis. [Review of Chateaubriand’s Essai sur la htberature anglaise , an article in the] Journal des Savant l I April, 1837, pp. 219-220. n T . . . L ’Essai sur la litterature anglaise est moins juste que piquant, lorsqu’il nous dit : ‘ II n’a tenu a rien que les trois royaumes de la Crande-Bretagne ne parlassent f rangais : Shakespeare aurait ecrit dans la langue de Rabelais.’ Cela tenait a tout, au contraire ; et si la langue anglaise s’est etablie, ce n’est pas parce que le parlement de 1483 a r^dige ses bills en anglais ; mais il les a rediges ainsi pour etre entendu. Quoi qu’il en soit, bien avant cette epoque, l’idiome anglais avait porte d’heureux fruits. Nous regrettons que 1 illustre auteur [Chateaubriand] n’ait accorde que peu de lignes au vieux poete Chaucer, et n’ait pas meme parle de sa traduction du Roman de la Rose. Poete lettr6 et poete populaire, imitant les Latins, les Italiens, les Fran^ais, et. ayant au plus haut degr6 1 Rumour anglaise, le tour d’esprit s^rieux et moqueur, Chaucer m6ritait une place plus 4tendue dans cette brillante esquisse de lettres anglaises. II n’atteste pas moins que Gower la longue rivalit^ des deux langues anglaise et fran^aise, puisqu’il a fait quelques pieces de vers ou il les entremele par un refrain alternatif. Mais ses Contes de Canterbury sont, pour le style comme pour les details, la plus complete peinture de la vie et de la soci6te anglaise du temps. . . . Sans comparer, comme a fait Dryden, Chaucer a Ovide, sans analyser sa vie et ses ouvrages en deux volumes in-4°, comme a fait Godwin, la critique litt6raire aurait beaucoup a dire sur ce vieux troubadour anglais, qui parfois a cont4 \ comme Bocace, s’est moque de la chevalerie avant Cervantes ; j et qui, fort po^tique d’expression dans ses vers un peu rudes et negliges, a donne en meme temps a sa langue, les premiers modeles d’une prose reguliere et savante. Nous regrettons que V Essai soit si laconique sur Chaucer, et se borne presque a le traiter de courtisan lancastrien, wiclejiste, infidele a ses convictions , traitre a son parti , tantot banni , tantot voyageur. Chaucer n’etait ni plus courtisan, ni plus voyageur, ni plus infidele a ses convictions que notre bon Froissard, qui recevait de si beaux presents des rois d’Angleterre : et la part meme qu’il prit aux premiers essais du schisme en Angleterre donne un grand interet historique a ses ouvrages. French Allusions. 1838] 51 1837. Michelet, J. Histoire de France , tome iii, livre vi, ch. ler, p. 351, note. [Short account of the fashions introduced into France and England during the feasts and festivals which followed the ravages of the great plague in the fourteenth century.] Les femmes chargeaient leur tete d’une mitre enorme d’oii flottaient des rubans, comme les flammes d’un mat . . . elles portaient deux dagues a la ceinture. 1 1 [Note] Chaucer 198. Gaguin, apud Spond, 488. Lingard, ann. 1350. . . . 1838. Lecluze, Etienne-Jean de. Chaucer. Le Pelerinage de Canter- bury, 1328-1400, [article in the] Revue frangaise, tome vi, April 1838, pp. 33-62. J’aime les gravures. Au nombre de celles qui ornent ma [p. 33 ] modeste demeure, il en est une dont la composition originale pique vivement la curiosite de ceux qui y ont une fois porte leurs regards. C’est le Felerinage de Canterbury , ouvrage du peintre anglais Stothard, grave fort habilement par J. Heath. Dans un cadre tr£s large et peu eleve, se dA veloppe une longue cavalcade ou. l’on distingue des person- nages de conditions, d’etats et de sexes differens . . . [descrip- tion of the pilgrims]. Quoique l'5diteur de la gravure ait pris soin d’y faire inscrire, a la marge inferieure, la quality et un num£ro qui se rapportent a chaque personnage, cette indication est loin de faire connaitre, surtout aux Fran^ais, la cause et le but de cette strange reunion. Souvent je me suis trouv6 dans la n^cessite d’en faire, tant a mes amis qu a des curieux, une explication qui, bien qu’assez etendue, etait loin cependant de les satisfaire. J’omettais toujours quelque circonstance importante ; j’intervertissais l’ordre du r6cit en n’observant [p . 34 ] pas celui dans lequel sont ranges les figures, et, lorsque j’en venais a nommer Chaucer, le poete dont l’ouvrage a donn6 lieu a la composition de Stothard, on redoublait de questions k son sujet. . . . Je pris done le parti, pour satisfaire plus completement la curiosity des autres et me soulager, il faut bien le dire, de la r6p6tition assez frequente des memes paroles, de traduire le Prologue des Contes de Canterbury , du poete anglais Chaucer . . . prologue qui fait le sujet de la gravure. . . . Mais cette explication, mise a la portee de mes curieux, ne fut pas encore suffisante pour plusieurs d’entre eux. Ceux de ces derniers surtout qui aiment ou cultivent les 52 Appendix B. [a.d. 1838- lettres n’avaient pas plutot lu la traduction du Prologue . . . devant la gravure, qu’ils recommen^aient leurs ques- tions sur le poete Chaucer, sur ses ouvrages et sur son siecle, tant qu’enfin je cedai a leurs demandes en ajoutant a la traduction qu’ils avaient entre les mains quelques reflexions sur le caractere du talent de Chaucer, sur son temps, sans omettre de faire sentir la distinction des qualites propres a cet ing^nieux 6crivain anglais du quatorzieme siecle avec celles qu’il a empruntees aux auteurs frangais et surtout aux Italiens de son temps. ... [A translation in French prose follows of the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. ] [p- 49] II est difficile de trouver un cadre plus ingenieux en lui- meme et plus favorable pour preparer le lecteur a la narration d’une suite de contes ou de nouvelles que ce charmant prologue de Chaucer. Toutefois, ce qui demontre la super- iorite de l’imagination et du talent de cet 6crivain, c’est que la plupart des contes qu il prete a ses personnages sont disposes avec autant d’art et Merits avec autant de verve et d’esprit que le prologue. Aussi les Contes de Canterbury forment-ils le principal titre de la gloire de Chaucer, et marquent-ils une 6poque tres int^ressante dans l’histoire de la literature et de la poesie anglaises, dont Geoffroy Chaucer : est regards com me le pere. Ce poete, car il m4rite r4ellement ce nom par la double faculte qu il avait de bien composer et de bien exprimer ses id^es, Geoffroy Chaucer ... est n6 en 1328. ... [A two- page description is then given of England in the fourteenth century, and reference is made to Chaucer’s satire against the Church, and to his sympathy for the doctrines of Wyclif.] [p. 52] On sait peu de choses positives sur la vie de . . . Chaucer. [The usual statement of his life follows, first as student, then j courtier, lawyer, traveller and ambassador. A short account of his prose works, Boece , the apocryphal Testament of Love \ and the Astrolabe , is then given, with a list of his poems ending with the Canterbury Tales.] Tp. 54] Ce recueil de contes, dont on a lu l’ing6nieux prologue, passe pour etre le dernier ouvrage du pere de la poesie anglaise. . . . On ne peut douter que le Decameron de Boccace ne lui ait fourni l’idee et la donnee premiere de son recueil ; mais il fatit avouer aussi qu’il est difficile, en suivant la route d’un autre, de s’y montrer avec plus d’originalite et de nouveaut6 que Geoffroy Chaucer. Je ne craindrai meme pas d’avouer que, sous le rapport de l’invention, le po&te anglais est 1841] French Allusions. 53 souvent sup^rieur au prosateur italien ; et j’en prends pour preuve le prologue des Contes de Canterbury , compart a l’avant-propos du Decameron. II me semble que ce seraib un service a rendre aux per- sonnes qui aiment les lettres, comme a celles qui cherchent a s’instruire dans la connaissance des mceurs et de 1 esprit du quatorzieme siecle . . . que de donner une traduction en frangais des Contes de Canterbury. En faisant un premier essai moi-meme sur le prologue, j’ai eu l’idee d’engager quelques jeunes et studieux litterateurs a se livrer a ce grand travail. Malgre les imperfections qui fourmillent sans rp. 55 ] doute dans ma traduction, je crois cependant que la verve petulante avec laquelle le po5te Chaucer a trace les portraits de ses conteurs, edate avec vivacite, et que cette spirituelle preface fera naitre un vif desir de connaitre le reste de l’ouvrage. [The author then proceeds to give a short account of each tale, 6 pp.]. • [p. ei] Je ne sais si le lecteur me saura gre des details minutieux que je viens de donner sur l’ensemble et sur les parties des ouvrages de G. Chaucer. Mais ses po&mes sont de nature a ne pouvoir etre analyses qu’isoldnent, car la variete des sujets et du style est un trait caracteristique dans les pro- ductions de cet ecrivain, et je n’ai pas cru pouvoir faire mieux connaitre le genie vari6 de cet homme qu’en repro- duisant successivement toutes les faces sous lesquelles il se presente. Geoffroy Chaucer est sans doute une des gloires littdaires de FAngleterre ; mais, en sa qualite de savant, d’ecrivain, de po&te de la renaissance, il appartient a la grande famille europeenne, et doit etre plac6 au nombre des hommes qui ont le plus activement contribu6 a rallumer le flambeau des sciences, des lettres et de l’erudition. Le nom de Chaucer le c&de, il est vrai, a ceux de Dante et de Petrarque, mais on peut l’inscrire sur la meme ligne que celui de Boccace. 1841. Thommerel, J. P. Eecherches sur la fusion du franco-normand et de Vanglo-saxon y Paris, 1841, pp. 53, 87, 88. [p. 53] [Chaucer derides those who spoke French after the fashion of ‘ Stratford le Bow.’ A quotation from the Prologue is given.]. ....... [p. 88] On peut done resumer tout ce qui a 6t6 ecrit sur Chaucer en disant : 1° ce n ! est pas lui qui a introduit le premier le 54 Appendix B. [A.D. 1841 fran^ais dans l’anglais, comme l’a pretendu Johnson ; 2° il a ete un grand meleur d’anglais avec le francais (Werstegan [sic] 67) ; 3° s’il ne fut pas la source du pur anglais, comme le dit Spenser, c’est-a-dire de l’anglais sans melange etranger , il a merite ce nom par la purete de ses pensees et de son style! 1841. Ampere, J. J. Histoire de la literature frangaise au moyen doe comparde aux litteratures e'trangeres, Paris, 1841, pp. liv-]v. J ip. liv] Les sujets de plusieurs fabliaux et de plusieurs apologues se retrouvent chez les Arabes, les Persans, jusque dans [p. lv] Plnde, jusqu’a la Chine. Puis ils ont 4te reproduits tour a tour par diverses nations de PEurope ; ils ont fourni des themes piquants aux nouvellistes italiens, et a Chaucer. 1842. Chasles, Y.-E.-Philar6te. Litterature anglaise, [article in thel lievue des JJeux Mondes, April 1842, pp. 99, 100. J tp. ioo] Jusqu’au dernier souffle de sa vie commerciale et politique PAngleterre conseryera ce caractere, [of observer of man- ners]. Sa superiority d’observatrice n’est pas un merite : c’est pour elle une necessity . . . il faut qu’elle observe, qu elle compare, qu’elle juge, qu’elle soit homme d’affaires et analyste, pour exister. On voit ce caractere se prononcer d une maniere profonde des les premiers pas que fait la Grande-Bretagne dans la carriere litteraire : admirez de quels traits positifs et precis sont marques tous les personnages que le vieux Chaucer met en mouvement dans ses Canterbury Tales. L’homme de lettres, l’6tudiant d ’Oxford, parle peu et d’une voix douce [etc., several pilgrims are cited by way of example]. . . . Tous ces petits traits caracteristiques vous donnent une image nette et complete de chaque personnage, et vous croyez vous promener dans une galerie peinte p & ar Holbein. 1843 Saint-Laurent Charles [p s ., i.c, L. G. L. G. de Lavergnel [ Art icle Chaueer m the] Dictionnaire encyclopedique usuel, 2« Edition, 1843. [The 1st ed., 1841, is not in B.M.J (Chaucer, Geoffiroy) poete anglais, n6 a Londres en 1328. Il fut eleve des universites de Cambridge et d’Oxford. En 1370, il etait porte-bouclier d’Edouard iii. Sous le regne de Richard n, il fut oblige de s’expatrier pour avoir embrasse la doctrine de Wiclef. Il mourut en 1400, a Londres, et fut enterre a Westminster. On l’a surnomme le Fere de la poesie anglaise. Parmi ses poesies on remarque les Contes de Canterbury. French Allusions. 55 1847. Gomont, H. Geoffrey Chaucer poete anglais du XIV siecle. Analyses et fragments , Paris, 1847. \ Introduction Ip 10 , Chaucer . . . est devenu l’un des sojete d'orgued de ses compatriotes. II a <5te mis par eux au rang de leurs grands pontes • il a etc imite et commente. Les chefs memes de mole classique anglaise, Pope et Dryden, se sont empresses de lui prodiguer leurs hommages. L’un Fa proclaim^ le crdateur du pur anglais; l’autre, non content de lui attribuer le incite impossible a son epoque d’une prosodie achevee, a 6t6 jusqu’a vouloir en faire l’egal d’Homere et de Yirgile. L’exag4ration d’un tel Moge n’a pas besom detre d^mon- tr6e. Mais on ne saurait nier les droits de Chaucer a une place eminente dans le pantheon britannique. Possedant [P . in une connaissance directe et approfondie des auteurs latins, une science de l’antiquite bien rare au moyen age, et sans doute alors unique en Angleterre, il marche l’egal de Boccace et de Petrarque, ses contemporains. Parfois meme il sut les depasser, grace a Wnergie du saxon, que son gout pour les langues classiques ne l’empecha pas d apprccier. . . . Nous voudrions ajouter quelques details sur la vie de notre po&te : malheureusement il nous faudra etre a ce sujet d une grande sobri6t6 ; car les renseignements tout a fait certains sont assez rares, bien que les histoires de Chaucer ne man- quent pas. [ P . 12 ] En France, Feller et l’abbe Suard [sic, should be l’abbe Feller et Suard], ont public des biographies de cet auteur. La notice du premier est evidemment aussi inexacte que tronquee; pour en faire apprccier l’esprit, nous dirons seulement qu’elle appelle Chaucer le Clement Marot anglais. L’ceuvre du second atteste du soin et des recherches ; mais elle se compose encore de faits trop legerement admis pour avoir un caractere authentique. Des travaux plus serieux ont n^cessairement ete faits en Angleterre ; et, parmi les auteurs qui se sont occupes de Chaucer, trois surtout a notre connaissance, ont ecrit avec science et reflexion ; ce sont, Speght, Godwin, et John Urry. . . . [Here follows a short life of the poet, written with care. The Testament of Love is given as the foundation for the story of Chaucer’s flight. Next comes a collection of 56 Appendix B. [ a . d . 1347 -Umoignages d’auteurs contemporains en faveur de Geoffrey Chaucer, [pp. 27-31], quotations from Lydgate (Prologue of the Siege of Thebes ), and from Gower (Epilogue Conf Amantis), translated into French, and the ballade of Leschamps. Then follows a description of] (1) Po&mes all^goriques et songes. I ... Le Palais de la Benoynimee. Dans cette oeuvre, dont Pope a donn4 une imitation, le g^me de 1’auteur revet un caractere qui ne lui est pas habi- tuei. Ici, Chaucer laisse de cot4 ses sujets de predilection, cest-a-dire les tableaux gracieux, les sentiments melanco- liques ou tendres, les scenes naivement comiques, pour prendre un essor plus 41eve. II recherche avant tout les des deux clercs ], avec beaucoup d’autres, et c’est de la que vient son Meunier de Trumpington. . . . Comme tout le monde avait lu le meme conte dans Boccace ... les eloges des critiques anglais 6taient inepuisables en l’honneur de Chaucer, qui, dans son imitation, avait su ajouter, disait-on, d’heureuses circonstances au recit de Boccace. Nous savons aujourd’hui que tout ce m6rite d’inventeur qu’on lui attribuait consiste a avoir fort bien copi6 notre fabliau. 1857] French Allusions. 65 [ P . C 47 ] Chiche face (vilaine mine), esp&ce d’animal fantastique ou de loup-garou, toujours pret, dit-on, 5, devorer les femmes> lorsqu’elles ont le tort de ne pas contredire leurs maris . . • Chicheface dont la maigreur prouve que les femmes ont eu soin de ne pas lui donner l’occasion de se mieux nourrir. Chaucer parle de celle-ci dans la copie qu’il a faite de la Griselidis latine de Petrarque. [ P 503 ] . . . En Angleterre, ou le poete Chaucer fait succeder sans piti6 a toute la splendeur de la vieille chevalerie le ridicule personnage de Sire Thopas, on trouve aussi, dans le Tournoi de Trottenham [sic\ les nobles ceremonies du champ clos jouees insolemment par des bouffons. 1857. GefFroy, A. [Account of Chaucer in the] Dictionnaire General de Biographie et d’Histoire , . . . par Ch. Dezobry et Th. Bachelet . . . Paris, 1857, premiere partie, p. 556. [A short life of Chaucer, inexact, because founded on the Testament of Love. It concludes thus] : Enrichi par les bont^s de la cour . . . il v^cut heureux. Jusqu’alors les poetes anglais avaient 4t£ des savants reclus ; Chaucer fut un homme du monde. Encourage par Jean Gower, son ami, le premier guide de ses etudes, il assigna un rang litteraire a la langue anglaise qu’Edouard hi venait de proclamer langue nationale, a Pexclusion du normand. Quoiqu’il abonde en allusions classiques, il imite les auteurs franQais et etrangers. Ses poesies legeres ressemblent a celles de Froissart. . . . Le long poeme de Tro'ile et Cressida offre des souvenirs de Petrarque, de Boece et d’Ovide. Son Temple de la Renommee , froidement imite par Pope, est de source provengale. Mais ses Contes de Canterbury , souvent imites de Boccace, sont surtout c^lebres : on y trouve Phistoire de Griselidis, des satires contre les moines, une parodie des romans chevaleresques etc. Chaucer a un grand talent de satire et d’observation, une imagination vive et riante ; son style a vieilli, mais se lit encore. . . . [It is interesting to note that this account of Chaucer is reprinted almost verbatim in the 12th and last edn. of this work, Paris, 1903. In a Preface to the 10th edn. in 1888, M. Darsy wrote : ‘ Toutes les parties du Dictionnaire ont ete soumises a une revision severe. Tous les articles sans en* lj excepter un seul, ont ete contrdles, modifies ou remplaces CHAUCER CRITICISM. V. F 06 Appendix B. [a.d. 1857 lorsqu’ils n’etaient plus en rapport avec l’etat actuel de la science.’ Yet we are here told that Chaucer was horn in 1328, [ studied at Oxford, ‘embrassa les erreurs de Wiclef et fut j emprisonne,’ and the Testament de V Amour is especially cited as being one of his prose works.] 1857-61. Chatelain, Jean Baptiste de, Chevalier. Contes de Cantor- ; bery, traduits en vers fran?ais . . . par le Chevalier de Chatelain. 3 tomes, London. [t.i, [Introduction.] Geoffrey Chaucer, le p&re de la Poesie P ' 1X Anglaise, naquit vers l’an 1328, de quelle extraction? Sa Posterity n’en sait mot ; mais le Genie et l’Esprit £tant la plus pure essence de la Divinite, Chaucer fut noble, le hazard l’eut-il fait naitre de parents n’ayant un nom inscrit dans les fastes de la Noblesse ... [A short life of the poet follows.] Les classiques, l’Astronomie, I’Astrologie, les Sciences du droit canon et du droit civil, le Commerce, l’lndustrie, rien ne parait lui [Chaucer] avoir 6t6 complement etranger, et les Contes de Cantorbery en font foi. [p. xii] Sur notre traduction des Contes de Cantorbery nous avons peu de choses a dire, en laissant l’appreciation aux critiques . litteraires, honnetes, et heureusement il y en a encore un assez grand nombre en Angleterre. . . . [ P . xiii] Regardant Chaucer comme le Boccace de 1’ Angleterre, le mettant sous plus dun rapport, au moins au niveau de Shakespeare, qu’il a precede, le consid6rant, nous le r6p6tons < comme le Pere de la Poesie Anglaise, nous avons cru devoir Clever a sa memoire un monument Europeen, en traduisant j les Contes de Cantorbery en vers frangais ; la langue de [p. xiv] Chaucer, d’un acces assez difficile pour ceux qui sont desireux d’en apprecier les beautes et d’en savourer les charmes, n’etant plus lue, meme en Angleterre, que par le tr&s petit nombre. Nous croyons done livrer a l’admiration du continent non pas notre traduction, comme un certain literary lawyer (un de nos intimes ennemis qui se cache sous ce pseudonyme dans le Morning Star), sera tente de nous en accuser, mais l’ceuvre de Chaucer, qu’on ne se meprenne pas ! Ce n’est pas French Allusions. 67 1857] l’habit que nous croyons digne d’admiration, c est le moine en chair et en os. . . . Et bien qu’a notre avis il n’y ait pas plus de vilains mots dans Chaucer que dans Boccace, qui a 6t6 lu par tout le monde, encore y en a-t-il beaucoup trop pour les traduire sans vergogne, et les jeter a la face du public dans ce dix- neuvieme siecle devenu d’autant plus prude que l’immoralite y fleurit plus vivace. C’est en cela que notre tache a 6te fort difficile a remplir. Nous avons du laisser autant que possible tout son esprit a Chaucer, en adoucissant toutefois quelques-unes de ses expressions, nous contentant de laisser subsister sa pens6e, en modifiant ou en raturant le mot trop . . . comment dirons-nous cela ? . . . trop peu vetu. . . . [p. xv] Quant a la partie materielle de notre oeuvre, nous avons traduit les Contes de Cantorbery sou vent vers pour vers, toujours strophes pour strophes, dans les contes qui sont Merits ainsi par leur auteur ; d’autres fois nous avons laisse courir notre plume sans nous inquirer d’augmenter un conte de vingt, trente ou quarante vers, alors que nous pensions que la narration pouvait gagner du naturel. . . . [p. xvi] Nous avons cru devoir comprendre dans la collection des Contes de Cantorbery, le Conte de Gamelvn raconte par le Cuisinier, bien qu’il y ait incertitude s’il est ou non de Chaucer. . . . Nous avons cru devoir rendre en vers le conte de M4lib6e raconte en prose par Chaucer, et traduit par lui d’un manu- scrit frangais qui fait aujourd’hui partie du Menagier de Paris , publie par la societe des Bibliophiles Frangais ; nous avons traduit egalement en vers le Conte du Cure , ce long Traite . . . nous paraissant moins lourd en vers. [t. ii, [ Introduction .] Messieurs les Puri tains ont erffi cependant P ’ Vn haro sur nous et sur notre traduction des Contes de Canter- bury et pourquoi 1 ? . . . Ils seraient, nous le croyons, tr&s embarrasses de le dire : car nous avons 4normement adouci Texpression de Chaucer dans les passages scabreux de quelques-uns de ses contes. Nous serions vraiment tent6 de croire que la langue frangaise etant de nos jours plus facile a lire et a comprendre que le langage a l’ecorce rude de Chaucer, ces pudiques terivains (Anglais) viennent de lire le Pere de la Po'esie Anglaise pour la premiere fois dans notre traduction. 68 Appendix B. [a.d. 1857- [p. ix] C’est done a l’adresse de ces critiques Puri tains que nous croyons devoir citer notre r^ponse k un journal de province qui nous fit connaitre qu’il ne serait pas rendu compte dans ses colonnes de notre traduction de Chaucer, parce que nous avions traduit Fceuvre du grand poete in extenso ; et que suivant le conseil que nous a donne depuis le Guardian , nous eussions du omettre la moi tie des contes de cet infame Monsieur Chaucer. . . . \Lettrei\ Au pape Pie IX. [t. iii, Tr&s cher Frere en Christ. P ’ vn A cette anomalie agonisante que vous faites appeler en plein xix e siecle, par une modestie peu digne des Apotres, Yotre Saintete, il a plu : — Apres les massacres de Perouse, et par suite apres la perte des Romagnes, D’excommunier mon pauvre Moi, avec 30 millions de Frangais, mes compatriotes, et aussi pas mal de millions d’ltaliens : II me plait k moi, sans permission, et malgre Fexcommuni- cation dont Yous, hauteur du dogme impie de l’lmmacuiee , Conception, m’avez frapp6, de Yous dedier ma traduction du Plowman , Fun des plus beaux poemes du grand Chaucer. Dans cette ceuvre admirable Chaucer a maudi vos pr6d6- cesseurs, Yous et Yotre M6gnie, avec une force et une logique radieuses de v6rite. Or Chaucer n’6tant lu que par les Anglais, un peuple de [p. viii] parpaillots, qui ne se prosterne pas devant les idoles cr66es par Yotre Saintete, j’ai cru devoir le mettre a la portae de mes compatriotes les 30 millions d’excommunids par votre dextre sainte, en le traduisant en frangais, a cette fin que Yous meme puissiez le lire, dans vos loisirs, lorsque vous aurez 4t6 chass6 de Rome, ce qui, D.Y., ne peut tarder d’arriver. Sans modestie, comme sans presomption, je crois que la malediction formulee par Chaucer sur les Eternelles Iniquites de la Cour de Rome produira plus d’effet que le brandon de discorde que vous avez eu la pretention de jeter ce dernier carnaval urbi et orbi , comme vous dites la-bas. Le Cjjevalier de Cuatelain. 1859] French Allusions . 69 [ P . xiii] [. Introduction .] Pour tout homme qui veut se donner la peine de refl^chir, il demeure Evident que le Plowman n’a ete laisse de cote dans les premieres Editions des Contes de Cantor- bery que parce que Chaucer y denon^ait trop vertement les abus scandaleux de la Cour de Rome ; le Catholicisme a l’aide duquel on peut r6duire a l’esclavage une nation, 6tant alors en Angleterre et malheureusement pour elle, la religion dominante. [p. xvi] Nos lecteurs trouveront, a la suite de THistoire de B6ryn, l’A. B. C. longtemps attribu6 a Chaucer, et qui est l’ceuvre de Guillaume Guileville. Nous avons 6t6 heureux d’ap- prendre que l’auteur du Plowman n’a 4te que le traducteur de l’A. B. C. . . . nous eussions regrett6 de trouver Chaucer parmi ceux qui font de Marie une vierge immacul^e. La vraisemblance doit etre gard6e meme dans un conte de f6es, meme dans les mythologies de 1’ Antiquity et des temps modernes. 1859. Sandras, E. G. Etude sur Chaucer consider e comme imitateur des Trouveres, Paris, 1859. [Table of contents.] [Introduction, pp. 1-7. l re Partie. Biographie et PohMES allegoriques, chap, i, Biographie, pp. 11-29; chap, ii, Roman de la Rose, pp. 31-40; chap, iii, Etude des poemes de source italienne etfran^aise, i.e., Troilus etCresseide , Arcite et Palamon , la Cour d Amour, le Parlement des Oiseaux , pp. 41-74 ; chap, iv, Etude des poemes de source exclusive- ment franQaise, i. e., le reve de Chaucer , Livre de la Duchesse , la Fleur et la Feuille , et petits poemes, pp. 75-110; chap, v, De limitation de Y antiquity dans Chaucfer, Annelida et Arcite , la Ugende des dix-neuf Heroines, le palais de la renommee, pp. 111-132. 2 nde Partie. P1:lerinage de Canterbury, pp. 133-257. [p. i] [ Introduction .] J e me propose de faire connaitre les oeuvres de Chaucer et les sources ou il a puis6, sans vouloir toutefois lui contester sa part d’originalit£ et son g£nie. Ce qui m’a d6termin6 k entreprendre ce travail, c’est que la plupart des 6crivains qui lui ont fourni des mat6riaux ou des modules appartiennent k notre pays. . . . 70 [P. 3] [p.4] Appendix B. [a.d. 1859 Ces poesies [all, except the Canterbury Tales ] ne sont ni des oeuvres originales ni de fiddles copies : v^ritables mosaiques, elles se composent de passages emprunt^s a divers auteurs ou a divers Merits du meme auteur. Aucune page, prise s6par6- ment, n’appartient peut-etre a Chaucer ; 1 ensemble est a lui. II choisit, il traduit, il combine. Id4es, sentiments, de- scriptions, portraits, situations, tout est de provenance 4trangere, presque toujours de provenance frangaise. A ce titre, chacun de ces poemes est digne de notre attention. tp. 35] [P- 37] [pp. 41- 50] [pp. 50- 56] Chaucer . . . des sa jeunesse, avait fait du Roman de la Rose son livre de predilection. Il en traduisit une partie, et il prit des inspirations continuelles. C est au point que ce poete, qui sentait les beautes de la nature, qui savait les peindre, se contente souvent dans ses descriptions d’etre le copiste de G. de Lorris ; que cet 6rudit . . . reproduit l’histoire romaine telle que J. de Meung la lui transmet, alter^e par l’imagination des conteurs ; que cet homme de g4nie, qui m^rite d’etre place entre Aristophane et Moliere, arrive a la vieillesse, toujours sous le joug de limitation, et n’ayant gu&re compost que des poemes allegoriques. Quand il renonce a cette poesie de cour si fausse, si mani^ree, et qu il 6crit le Pelerinage de Canterbury , drame vivant et popu- late, on retrouve dans son oeuvre les traits saillants qui ’ caract6risent la seconde partie du Roman de la Rose, de longues tirades contre les femmes et le ridicule jet6 a pleines mains sur les ordres religieux. Sans doute il remonte aux sources premieres ou ont puis6 ses maitres, sans doute il 6tudie les ouvrages de leurs disciples, ses contemporains ; mais e’est a l’ecole de G. de Lorris que son gout s’est form6 j ou, si l’on veut, alt6r6 ; e’est a l’ecole de Jean du Meung que s’est fagonn£ son esprit. [Sandras shows that Troylus , although translated from the Filostrato of Boccaccio, owes something to Benoit de Sainte-Maure, and that this love-tale was first related by him, and subsequently re-told by Boccaccio, Chaucer and Shakespeare.] [The Knightes Tale , translated from the Teseide of Boccac- cio. There is no proof that Boccaccio took his subject from the Greek.] Telle qu’elle se presente, avec les couleurs que Boccace parait lui avoir en partie conserves, je la rattacherais au cycle gr6co-romain ; je lui ferais une place French Allusions. 71 L859] entre le Roman de Thebes et celui de Troie. Au lieu de nous laisser aller aux conjectures, il est plus sage de former des veeux pour la decouverte d’un texte qui nous dise que cette charmante fiction est nee de notre sol. p. 66.] . . . L’imagination, dans Chaucer, est toujours 1 echo de 1’ Erudition. Ce n’est pas dans le spectacle de la nature, dans le drame de la vie humaine telle qu’elle s’agite autour de lui et en lui, qu’il puise directement ses inspirations ; il aime les livres, les vieux livres, d’ou sort science nouvelle comme d'un vieux chamjp bU nouveau. C’est avec les souvenirs de ses lectures qu’il compose. Ici, dans un sujet de pure fantaisie, [the Parlement of Foules ], il a mis a contribution Ciceron, Stace, Dante, Guillaume de Lorris, Boccace, Alain de lisle, G. de Machault, et peut-etre quelque Yolucraire qui a 6chappe a mes recherches. . . . pp. 7i- [Sandras prints the first lines of the rondeau which is sung ^ by the birds [. Pari . of Foules\ , ‘ Qui bien aime a tart oublie, and which he finds at the beginning of one of the two poems by Machaut called Le Lay de plour .] [ p . 74] . . . Meme en imitant les Italiens, Chaucer s’est rapproch6 autant que possible de nos trouv^res. [ PP . si- [Chaucer’s debt to G. de Machaut in the Dream of Chaucer 891 (Dit du Lyon ) and to Marie de France (Lai d’ Fliduc),] [pp. 89- [His debt to the Roman de la Rose , to Machaut, and to 9oJ Froissart in the Boke of the Duchesse .] [p. in] Chaucer, par certains cotes, touche a la renaissance \ il domine les prejuges de son 4poque ; par d autres, il reste un homme du moyen-age. Il n’a pas, comme son contemporain Petrarque, le vif sentiment, la parfaite intelligence de ce que fut l’antiquite. Il semble ne connaitre les auteurs anciens qu’a travers la naive metamorphose que leur font subir nos trouveres. , . . [pp.127- Conclusion de la l e partie. [p!^i30] En resume, voici ce que Chaucer doit a l’ltalie : il a imit6 le Filostrato et la Theseide , poemes qui sont, l’un certainement, 1’ autre vraisemblablement d’origine fran^aise. Tr^s-circon- spect a regard de Petrarque, il ne lui a pris qu’un sonnet, et s’est peut-etre souvenu du Trionfo della Farna. Les 72 Appendix B. [a.d. 1859 emprunts qui nous sont strangers sont ceux qui proviennent de la Divine Comedie; encore Chaucer, en cette occasion, s est-il servi du rhythme et du style de nos trouveres, de I meme que, dans Troilus et Cresseide , il a prefere notre vers eiegiaque a l’hendecasyllabe italien, le stance de J. de Brienne et de Thibaut, a l’octave, et la naivete de nos rimeurs, a l’^legance presque classique de son modele. Tyrwhitt avait soupqonne, d’apres le m^moire du comte de CayluS, qu’un Ditie de Machault n’avait pas ete inconnu. . . . Tp. i3i] [a Chaucer]. Une lecture attentive . . . des poesies ... de notre compatriote, m’a prouv6 qu’avec le Homan de la Rose, elles ont servi de modele a Geoffrey, pour plusieurs de ses compositions allegoriques. . . . [Chaucer imitates Machault], et sans doute parce qu’il voit en lui un autre G. de Dorris ) mais il relive cette fade poesie par sa verve caustique et d’heureux emprunts faits a nos auteurs de l’age precedent, entre autres a Marie de France . . . Froissart et Chaucer offrent des passages d’une ressemblance frappante, . . . il est . . . difficile de se prononcer sur la priorite. . . . [ P . 132] Des po'etes frangais que Chaucer a mis a contribution, il n’a nomme que celui auquel il doit le moins, et qui avait le moins k lui preter, Gransson, gentilhomme qu’il connut a la cour de Richard n. . . . . # t t _ t [p. 135] 2 e Partie. Pelerinage de Canterbury. L’idee d’encadrer plusieurs histoires dans une narration, nous est venue d’Orient; elle a ete popularisee en Europe longtemps avant Chaucer par Pierre d’ Alphonse, juif converti, auteur de la Disciplina clericalis , et par les nombreuses versions du Roman des Sept Sages. Ce sont des ouvrages qui paraissent avoir servi de module au Pelerinage de Canterbury plutot que le D£cam6ron, inconnu peut-etre a Geoffrey. Mais le poete anglais est superieur a ses devanciers, y compris Boccace, par la fable, qui a un denouement, et par la diversity des personnages qui entraine celle des histoires. [p. 138] C est sur ce sujet [the Canterbury Pilgrimage], que le vieux Geoffrey a compose dans une langue claire, riche, har- monieuse, une ample comedie qui le place entre Aristophane et Moliere. Peintre, moraliste, poete, il embrasse dans son [p. 139] oeuvre toute la societe contemporaine. . . . Cette vaste com- position offre a la critique deux objets d’examen nettement 1859] French Allusions. 73 S( Ws; dun c6t6, l’introduction et les prologues qui prt- cfedent les contes ; de l’autre, les contes. Une distinction plus vraie encore consiste a ftudier les caracteres, puis es situations. On voit alors clairement ce qui appartient au g£nie de Chaucer, dans le tissu de cliaque histoire, le poete anglais n’est qu’imitateur : exposition, incidents, denoue- ment, il emprunte tout k nos ferivains. Dans la peinture des personnages, il est inventeur . . , il a surtout pour [p. 140 ) modele la rteliW qui l’entoure. [pp. 142- [Description of the pilgrims.] . . U M im- On serait amene k cette conviction qu’en ce siecle, ou % relfaieux et laics jouaient dans les eglises des farces grossitres, Chaucer crtait la vraie comedie, qu’il en fa<;onnait la langue, qu’il enseignait l’art de dessiner des caracteres. . . . On souscrirait peut-etre a cette assertion d’un critique anglais, que Geoffrey, dans la comedie, n’est pas inferieur a Shake- speare. . . • Toutefois, en reconnaissant tout ce qu’il y a d’originalite et d’inspiration directe dans cette partie de l’ceuvre de Chaucer, il est juste de ne pas oublier que souvent nos trouv&res ont trace les premiers lineaments des portraits qu’il achCve si bien. [ P p. 197- [The sources of the Tales.] [ P f iqV] Le rCsultat de ces investigations laboneuses [de plusieurs 6crivains] a CtC de constater que le poete anglais ne doit rien au DCcameron, et qu’il a puisC, comme Boccace, a des sources fran 9 aises. [This point is dealt with in detail. (1) Legends , The Prioresses Tale, seconde Ronnes T. (Jacques de Yoragine), Man of Lawes T. ; (2) Breton lays , Clerkes T. W of Bathes T., Franklin’s T. ; (3) fabliaux , Phisiciens T. (of Jean de Meung), Maniciples T. (influence of Machault and Jean de Meung) Somnores T., (fabliau of Jacques de Baisieux), Milleres T, Marchantes T. (Latin fabliau), Nonne Preestes T. (Roman du Renard).] [ P . 253 ] Conclusion de la 2 e partie. . . . Quelle est la part d in- vention qui revient a Chaucer, 1° dans la fable : 2° dans les caractcres : 3° dans les contes 'l Je regarde comme sans fondement l’opinion de Tyr- whitt . . . que c’est du DecamCron qu’est venue 1’idee [p 254 ] du Pelerinage de Canterbury. La Disciplina clericalis et le Roman des Sept Sages avaient dCja donnC l’exemple de rassembler dans un cadre commun plusieurs histoires. Dans de nombreux passages de nos fabliaux se trouvait dCcnte la 74 Appendix B. [a.d, 18C2 coutume, qui regnait alors chez nous, d’egayer par des recits la table d’un liote. . . 2 On reconnait que c’esfc dans la peinture des caracteres [p. 255] que Chaucer a deploye le plus d’originalitt, et a montre qu’il savait allier l’observation la plus exacte, la reflexion la plus profonde, a une imagination vraiment puissante. . . ] Toutefois, meme dans eette partie de son muvre, son inspire- tion n’est pas entierement d^gagee de reminiscences puisees I chez nos trouveres. 3° Chaucer n’est l’inventeur d’aucun des contes inseres dans son poeme . . . j’ai constate que, dans les legendes, le poete suit ordinairement le texte; que, dans les lais bre- tons, il mele l’erudition et la satire k lament chevaler- esque; qu’enfin, dans les fabliaux, tout en se conformant au canevas pnmitif, il devient createur, k la maniere de la Fontaine. . . . tp. 257] Deux noms de poetes fran ? ais me semblent caractdriser le g<5nie du pere de la poesie anglaise. Dans ses poemes allegonques et chevaleresques, Chaucer adopte le genre mis en vogue par G. de Lorris-, dans le I'Merinage de Canter- bury, ? element qui domine, c’est la satire, et les traits en , i sont dln 8« s contre les memes objets qu’avait attaques la verve erudite et impitoyable de Jean de Meung. [For critical review s of Sandras’s book, see Adolf Ebert’s, of 1861 translated in cZZeZ^Z Chf T r S ° dety ’ 1869 ’ F - J ’ ^rnivali, THai to Chaucers Minor Poems, 1871, pp. 45-63, and Athenceum, Aug. 3, 1872, p. 147.] 1862 Londre^llfif ? a ? ti a e ?- e - Beaute ' s de la anglaise, mtpp’ 4® 2 ;ii;ti: , 43 ntrodactlon ’ pp - xi > xiv - xv ’ - 1 - * [Brief allusions to Chaucer ] 18 <32 Le Clerc, Victor Histoire Utteraire de la France, ouvrane c^mence par des rdigieux bene'didins de la congregation de it Maur et continue par des membres de VInstitut (Academie des Jnscn^o^s ^ Belles-lettres ), tome xxiv, 1862, pp. 136 400-401 SOO-oOl, 502, 503, 504, 505-10, 520. [See alsi aboveT 1856.] ’ [P. 136] ... l’Angleterre a son Wiclef, ap6tre de la separation deux si&cles avant l’independance anglicane, et dont les enseignements se repandent sans obstacle, propag^s par le poete Chaucer, qui les recommande a la multitude. 18 ^ 2 ] French Allusions. 75 IPP 'oi]°“ [Chaucer’s prioress, and the French which she speaks.] [rp. 500 - TChaucer satirises chivalry in Sir Thopas .] 501 ] L ...... [p 505] De ces traductions sans nom, ou qui portent des noras peu connus, il est temps d’arriver a quelques noms ceBbres. Chaucer avait beaucoup ‘ translate ’ ; c’est ce que proclame [p . 506] un de ses amis, le poete frangais Eustache Desehamps : Grant translateur, noble Geffroi Chaucier. Ne a Londres vers l’an 1330 , mort en 1400 , il avait vu la France, l’ltalie, et, comme ses meilleurs disciples, Gower et Lydgate, il avait mis a profit les po'etes des deux pays : on ne croit pas qu’il eut etudie ceux de la Provence. [A list follows of his translations and imitations, pp. 506 - 7 .] [p. 507] On sait que plusieurs nouvelles des autres p&lerins, comme celle de Griselidis . . . viennent reellement de Boccace ; mais on n’ avait pas fait une observation qui est de quelque importance dans notre sujet, c’est que diverses circonstances des nouvelles de Chaucer, qui ont passe jusqu’ici pour d’heu- reux changements de son invention, sont tout simplement traduites de nos fabliaux. On le louait aussi d avoir le premier . . . Iaiss 6 voir, dans son etrange figure de sir Thopas, le cote grotesque ou heroi-comique de la chevalerie : nous pouvons affirmer aujourd’hui que dans ce genre qui a fait la gloire du Pulci et de l’Arioste, il avait ete devance, ainsi que l’auteur du Tournoi ridicule de Tottenham, par le Dit d’aventures, par les faceties trop libres d’Audigier, parle Siege du chateau de Neuville, par le petit poeme sur Charle- magne a Constantinople, et meme par de grandes composi- tions telles que le Moniage Guillaume, Bainouart, Baudouin de Seburg. Ces nombreuses imitations de notre vieille poesie frangaise n’avaient pas ete suffisamment remarquees dans Chaucer, parce qu’on s’etait preoccupe de ses rapports avec ITtalie ; mais nous croyons que plus on comparera ses oeuvres avec celles de nos trouveres, plus on reconnaitra combien il leur ressemble. C’est une ressemblance fort naturelle de la part de celui qui disait : ‘ Des esprits superieurs se sont plu a “ dieter ” en frantjais, et ils ont accompli de belles choses . . . (Test, of Love , prolog.). 70 Appendix B. [a.d. 1862 - Chaucer a tous les defaults des trouveres ; il est inegal comme eux ; il s’abandonne a tous les hasards d’une imagina- tion capricieuse • il ignore les conditions difficiles de l’ordre et de la proportion, l’art de preparer et de lier entre elles les diverses parties d’un recit; le style meme, qui ne manque ni ! de force ni d’adresse, abonde, comme chez ses maitres, en I [p. 508] negligences et en triviality. L’avantage de Chaucer est d’avoir ete toujours lu et compris d’un grand nombre de ses | compatnotes, tandis que nos vieux poetes ont eu a subir, I en Fiance, un tel oubli, qu’on y a fait honneur de leurs '] inventions a des imitateurs etrangers. 1862. Tame, Hippolyte. Chaucer et son temps, [four articles in thel Journal des Debats, December 16, 17, 18, & 24, 1862. J I. En quoi Chaucer est du moyen age : poemes d’ima. 222 ] [Portrait of the Prioress.] Voici done la reflexion qui commence a poindre, et aussi le grand art. Chaucer ne s’amuse plus, il 6tudie. . . . Chaque conte est appropne au conteur. . . . Tous ces recits sont lies, et beaucoup mieux que chez Boccace, par de petits incidents vrais, qui naissent du caractere des personnages, et tels qu’on en rencontre en voyage. ... [p. 225 ] On est sur le bord de la pensee independante et de la d^couverte feconde. Chaucer y est. ^ A cent cinquante ans de distance, il touche aux poetes d’Elisabeth par sa galerie de peintures, et aux reformateurs du seizieme si&cle par son portrait du boil curA 1864. Sainte-Beuve, C.-A. [Review of Taine’s Histoire de la Litterature anglaise, reprinted in] Nouveaux Lundis , tome vm, Paris, 1867, pp. 90, 92, 132. [p. 90 ] Chaucer, le premier en date des poetes et conteurs anglais, est un disciple des trouveres et auteurs de fabliaux ; il y joint pourtant, dans le tour et la fa^on, quelque chose de bien a lui ; il a deja de ce qu’on appellera V humour et une grande vivacite naturelle de description : on l’a heuresement com- pare a une riante et pr^coce matinee de printemps. 1865. Circout, Adolphe de. [Review of The Origin and History of the English Language , etc., by G. P. Marsh, q. v. above, JPt. ii, sect, l, 1862, in the] Revue Britannique , August, 1865, pp. 474, 476. [p. 475 ] Chaucer occupe, dans la litterature anglaise, le meme rang que Dante dans celle de l’ltalie. De mbme que son incom- 80 Appendix B. [a.D. 1860 - parable precurseur, il n’a rien invents, dans le sens absolu de ce terme . . . ses contemporains hors d’Angleterre ne le saluaient que du titre de ‘ grand translates, ’ c’est pourtant sur les compositions originales de Chaucer, bien plus que sur sa version m6trique du Roman de la Rose, que repose l’^difice solide de sa reputation. Les Re'cits du pelerinage a Cantor- bery peuvent supporter la comparaison avec le Decamerone, et Chaucer, en tant que poete, l’emporte certainement sur Boccace. . , . 1866. Unknown. [Review of Tame s Histoire de la litterature anqlaise translated from the Edinburgh Review of April, 1865, in the! Revue Bntannique , January 1866, pp. 56-57, 59. [p.56] La langue anglaise 4tait forage; un grand poete parut pour en montrer la richesse. Chaucer est un gentilhomme accompli qui sait le monde. . . . Cai et Uger de tempera- ment comme un Frangais, il est pourtant de son pays. A des conceptions dramatiques, a un rude esprit de satire, il joint un gout passionne pour la nature et une veine de medi- tation serieuse qui caracterisent le genie anglais. 1867. Larousse, Pierre [Article ‘ Chaucer ’ in the] Grand dictionnaire ■umversel du xi x e siecle, tome iii, p. 1093, col. 1 and 2. Chaucer ( Geoffroy ), poete anglais, a Londres en 1328, mort en 1400. Il 6tait, suivant les uns, fils d’un marchand, suivant d autres, issu d’une famille noble. Quoi qu’il en soit, il fit de bonnes etudes a Cambridge et a Oxford [etc., the Court of Love]. . . . Independamment de grandes quality poetiques, Chaucer annonga de bonne heure un esprit juste et profond, capable de s’appliquer aux sciences positives. Apres etre sorti des universites, Chaucer voyagea quelque temps en France et dans les Pays-Bas, puis il entra a la cour dans les pages d’Edouard in. Cette cour 4tait alors la plus biillante et la plus polie de PEurope. . . . Chaucer s’attacha bientot au due de Lancastre . . . il epousa meme une des femmes de la duchesse, [et le roi] lui confia d’importantes missions diplomatiques et lui donna ensuite la place lucrative de controleur des douanes. A cette heureuse epoque de sa vie, Chaucer composa ses poemes si gais et qui semblent si bien appropries a Phumeur de son temps. L’esprit galant et guerrier qu’on y rencontre etait alors en vogue : aussi leur publication lui acquit-elle une grande renommee. Ses ouvrages furent g4n£ralement applaudis, excepts par les 1 < .1 o| French Allusions. 81 moines, dont il attaquait les mceurs dissolues, comme tous les ecrivains du xiv® siecle ; . . . Les moines ameuterent la populace de Londres contre Chaucer, en meme temps que contre le due de Lancastre, qui s’etait declare contre eux. L’hdtel meme du due fut saccage. Chaucer suivit les chances diverses de la fortune de son patron ; il subit l’exil, la prison • il fut enferme pendant trois ann^es a la Tour de Londres. On lui a fait le reproche d’avoir abandonn^ ses anciens amis et de s’etre rallie a la eour ; on Ta accuse meme d’avoir fait, pour quitter sa prison, de coupables revelations ; mais, comme ces pretendues revelations de Chaucer n’amen&rent pour personne de r^sultats facheux, cette accusation tombe d’elle- meme. Chaucer, qui dans sa jeunesse avait traduit les Conso- lations de Boece, n’en montrait pas plus de Constance et de resignation ; la prison le consumait : il voulut en sortir et se rapprocha d’une eour qui ne demandait pas mieux que de le recevoir. Richard n regnait alors. Ce prince rendit au poete ses pensions, et l’admit aupres de sa personne ; mais Chaucer se retira bientot a Woodstock, pour y vivre dans la solitude, occup6 seulement de ses travaux litteraires. Il y revit tous ses ouvrages, qu’il corrigea avec soin, se levant avec le soleil et jouissant de tous les charmes du delicieux s^jour qu’il avait choisi. Henri iv, successeur de Richard, voulut ramener Chaucer a la eour ; le poete se rendit a Londres ; mais la mort l’y attendait. Il mourut le 25 octobre 1400. Il fut enseveli dans l’abbaye de Westminster, ce pantheon des illustrations de l’Angleterre, ou les grands Ecrivains dorment a cote des rois et des grands capitaines. On peut y voir encore le monument dedi6 a Chaucer. Plusieurs critiques out reproche a Chaucer de s’etre servi d’une foule de mots fran^ais, et d’avoir vicie le pur et antique saxon : ‘ Ils n’ont pas pris garde,’ dit M. H. Lucas, ‘que depuis la conquete on parlait frangais a la eour d’Angleterre, et que les Ecrivains qui ont devanc6 Chaucer ont 4crit en frangais lorsqu’ils n’ont pas ecrit en latin. Il faut lui savoir gre d’avoir ressuscit6 plutot la langue d’ Alfred et d’Egbert.’ . . . Son chef-d’oeuvre est la collection de contes en vers intitules Contes de Canterbury , dans la forme du Decameron, et qui nous font connaitre les moeurs des diverses classes de la society anglaise du xiv e si6cle. On trouve dans ces CHAUCER CRITICISM. — V. q 82 Appendix B. [ a . d . 1867- contes des portraits peints avec finesse et v6rit4, des traits I satiriques contre le clergd qui rappellent le Partisan de Wiclef, beaucoup d ’imagination, et une naivete malicieuse i a laquelle le langage du temps prete un cbarme particulier pour les Anglais. On a encore de Chaucer : Tro'ile et Cressida, le Temple de la Renommee i une traduction libre du Roman de la Rose , et divers autres poemes remplis de reves, d’all^gories et de dissertations morales ou th^ologiques j dans le gout du temps ; et ou l’on peut relever des I imitations de Boccace, de P^trarque, de Froissart et des troubadours, mais qui 6tincellent de beaut^s originales et ! vraies. Ses oeuvres ont 4t6 souvent r6imprim6es. L’une des meilleures editions est celle de Harris Nicholas (Londres, j 1845), avec une vie de Chaucer. 1867. Ampere, J. J. Melanges d’histoire litteraire , Paris, 1867, pp. 94, 352, 450, 454. [p. 450 ] Les Renaissances. La literature anglaise, au moyen age, ne nous offrira point un de ces sommets £lev6s que nous ont months l’ltalie ou l’Espagne, mais une gracieuse colline, semblable a celles qui forment la riante parure de l’Angleterre ; et autour de cette colline nous apercevons serpenter a 1 ’horizon le cortege mel6 des personnages si divers, et tous si vivement dessin^s par Chaucer, des pelerins de Cantorb^ry. Ils vont vers la vieille cath6drale et, chemin faisant, racontent des fabliaux un peu a la maniere de Boccace : cela est gracieux, aimable, mais n’a rien de la grandeur . . ni de cette montagne au sommet de laquelle 6tait Dante, ni meme de ce rocher de la vieille Castille dont la cime portait le chateau fort du Cid. 1 1870. Circourt, Adolphe de. [Article on] Canterbury , [in the] Revue \ Bi-itannique , June 1870, p. 393. . . . Canterbury, pendant le quinzieme si&cle, vit a plusieurs reprises cent mille p&lerins inonder son 4troite enceinte. Geoffroy Chaucer et son continuateur anonyme nous ont transmis le tableau curieusement bizarre de leurs occupations, de leurs joyeuses cavalcades, de leurs disposi- tions d’esprit. 1870. Pichot, AnAd6e. [Notice of the poems of W. Morris in the] Revue Britanniqiie , June 1870, p. 561. 1876] French Allusions. 88 Son module est le vieux Chaucer dans le Pelerinage de Cantortery . . . chaque mois [of the Earthly Paradise\ fournit le texte d’un prologue qui rappelle heureusement tantot un avant-propos de Chaucer, tantot les gracieuses digressions de PArioste. 1873 . Larousse, Pierre. Grand Didionnaire universel du xix e siecle, tome x, 1873, p. 821, article ‘Lydgate (John).’ [Chaucer twice named.] 1875 - Dantes, Alfred. [Article 1 Chaucer 7 in the] Didionnaire bio- graphique et bibliographique alphabe'tique et metlnodique des hommes les plus remarquables dans les lettres, les sciences et les arts chez tons les peuples, a toutes les epoques , p. 177. Chaucer (Geof.) 1328, Lond. — 1400, Dunington. Poete angl., envoy e en mission en Italie, puis en France, obtint les faveurs d’Edouard hi et de Henri iv, mais fut persecute p. Richard n ; est considere comme le pere de la poesie angl., son style a de la vivacite et de l’eclat. Contes de Canterbury, La Cour d’amour, Le Temple de la Renommee, Le Testament de V amour, Troilus et Cressida, Le Roman de la Rose. CEuv. ed. angl. p. Thomas, Lond., 1721, fo. fig.; p. Tyrwhitt , Oxford, 1798, 2. gr. 4°; p. id. Lond., 1845, gr. 8°; 1830, 5, p. 8°, et 1855, 8, 12°; ed. fr. en vers. p. Chatelain , ib. 1857, 2, gr. 8°, et 3, 12°. [References to Godwin, Nicolas, Gomont, and four reviews.] 1875 . Dantes, Alfred. Tableau chronologique . . des principaux evenements de Vhistoire du monde, depuis la creation jusqu’a nos jours [Supplement to the Didionnaire biographique ], p. 18. 1400. Deposition de Wenceslas. Aven. de Robert. Mort de Chaucer, poete anglais. 1876 . Chasles, Y.-E. Philarhte. Voyages dun critique a travers la vie et les limes. D Angleterre litteraire, Paris, 1876, pp. 4, 6-7. [p- 4 1 Les premieres oeuvres de talent que Ton rencontre dans la litterature anglaise avant le seizieme et pendant le seizRme si&cle, les bons contes de Chaucer, la vision du laboureur Pierce, la prose concise et piquante de Bacon, portent ce cachet original de la langue et du genie anglais. [p. 6] D’epoque en epoque, chacune des nuances du mouvement intellectuel en Angleterre s’est caracterisee d’une mani&re nouvelle. Le style de Chaucer n’est pas plus celui de Shakespeare que celui de Walter Scott. 84 Appendix B. [ a . d . 1876- 1876. Vapereau, G. [Notices on Chaucer. Goiver, Lydgate and Chatter- ton ] Dictionnaire universel des Literatures , pp. 440-2, 918-9, 1287. Chaucer (Geoffrey), c&l&bre poete anglais, n6 en 1328, mort en 1400. Son nom sous la forme frangaise, chaussier, semble indiquer une origine normande et, par consequent, une certaine noblesse ; lui-meme se donna pour Londenois . . . Chaucer etait d’un caractere aimable, port6 a la meditation, et jouissait avec delices des beautes de la nature . . . On distingue dans les oeuvres de Chaucer deux influences principales, celle de la po4sie frangaise pr6dominante dans les premieres, et celle de la poesie italienne prenant le dessus dans les dernieres et les plus belles, l’inspiration du poete restant d’ailleurs originale et bien anglaise. On y retrouve aussi celle des nouvelles idees de la reforme en matiere religieuse. r . . Parmi les ouvrages qui relevent de l’influence frangaise, on compte : le Roman de la Rose , la Cour d’ Amour, VAssemblee des oiseaux, le Coucou et le Rossignol, la Fleur et la Feuille, le Songe de Chaucer , le Livre de la duchesse, la Maison de la Renommee ; on rattache a l’influence italienne : la Legende , des bonnes femmes , Tro'ilus et Creseide, et les Contes de Canterbury (Canterbury’s Tales) [sic] la derniere de ses grandes productions et son chef-d’oeuvre. . . . Le Roman de la Rose , qui ouvre la premiere [serie], est traduit du frangais. La portion de Guillaume de Lorris (5000 vers) est entierement traduite; celle de Jean de Meung est rapidement resum4e. La meme ou le traducteur est le plus fidele, il ajoute des touches vigoureuses et poetiques au texte. ... \ [A description of the other poems is given] . . , C’est dans ses contes de Canterbury, que Chaucer a montre tout son talent descriptif, et plus encore ce genie createur, ce don supreme de produire des personnages vrais, vivants. . . . Quant aux contes et recits que font ces personnages, Chaucer ne parait pas avoir pris la peine d’en inventei aucun; il les emprunte aux fabliaux frangais, au recueil cel&bre des Gesta Romanorum, a Boccace ; ils sont, les uns pathetiques, les autres satiriques ; tous les tons conviennent a Chaucer, qui sans doute n’est pas exempt de quelque grossierete, mais qui va de preference a tout ce qui est honnete, noble, elev6. . . . French Allusions. 85 1878] Chaucer a ecrit en prose une traduction de la Consolation de Bo'ece , une imitation du meme livre sous le titre de Testament d’ Amour. Chatterton. ... La lecture de Chaucer et de Percy com- pleta son instruction d’antiquaire. . . . Ces oeuvres [the Rowley poems] n’avaient d’antique que l’orthographe sur- charge de consonnes et une partie du vocabulaire empruntee a Chaucer et a d’autres poetes des xiv e et xv e siecles. 1877. Chasles, Emile. Extraits des classiques anglais accompagnes d’une histoire de la litterature anglaise et de notices biographiques . . . Paris, 1877, pp. 2, 3, 4-7, 8, 10. [p. 4 ] Apres la Vision de Ploughman, il faut citer les contes tout diflferents de Chaucer, qui sont trop celebres pour ne pas meriter une mention speciale. [Then comes pp. 4-5, a description of the pilgrims, translated from the Prologue .] [p. 5 ] Ainsi debute l’ouvrage cel&bre intitule Canterbury Tales que Chaucer ecrivit dans sa vieillesse. ... La collection de ces contes forme un livre tres-piquant, tres-varie et qui aujourd’hui meme peut se lire avec un vif plaisir, tant l’ecrivain est observateur spirituel et peintre admirable. . . . [p. 0 ] [A short life of Chaucer.] [p. io] L’inspiration de Piers Ploughman se retrouvera dans Bunyan et dans Milton, le trait pittoresque et familier de Chaucer dans Goldsmith. . . . 1878. Jusserand, J. J. Le Theatre en Angleterre depuis la conquete jusqu’aux predecesseurs immediats de Shakespeare, Paris, 1878, pp. 25, 28, 66, 72, 84 n., 105, 108—10, 144, 145, 153, 155-56 n., 160, 207 n., 216, 220. tp. 144 ] [The humour of the Middle Ages.] Ainsi, au Moyen Age, Pentendait Chaucer. Esprit ingenieux et charmant, vraiment naif, de la meme naivete malicieuse et rieuse que notre bon La Fontaine, i] croit que les lionn§tes gens peuvent, sans grand mal, rire aux discours licencieux d’un meunier ivre j Madame de Sevigne etait de son avis. . . [p. 145 ] Chaucer avait reuni dans un cadre unique une collection complete de portraits . . . et les figures souriantes, ou grondeuses, ou lAjouies, montraient surtout comment les ames etaient faites. II nous restait a voir quelques-uns de ces personnages sortir de leur cadre, prendre la parole et vivre un instant, sur les planches, la vie que leurs originaux menaient dans la rue. Ce fut John Hey wood . . . qui les fit monter sur la scene. 86 Appendix B. [a.d. 1879- 1879. Sarradin, A. Eustache Des Champs , sa vie et ses oeuvres , Paris, 1879, note, pp. 315-317. Un fait assez curieux a noter, ce sont les relations de | l’Angleterre et de la France au xiv e siecle. La situation respective des deux pays amena frequemment a la cour de Charles Y ou de son fils des negociateurs anglais. Ce fut ainsi que le poete Chaucer vint en France au commencement ! de l’annee 1377, charge dune mission diplomatique. Des Champs dut le voir a cette 4poque . . . [Deschamps’ ballad j to Chaucer is quoted]. . . . G. Chaucer n’a ecrit qu’en j anglais ; mais son ami et son emule Jean Gower a ecrit en frangais. ... II est curieux de retrouver de l’autre cote de la Manche, toute la poetique en usage alors chez nous. . . . [Relations between the work of Machaut, Froissart and Chaucer]. 1880. Hallberg, Eugene. Histoire des litteratures etrangeres, Littera- tures anglaise et slave depuis leurs origines jusquen 1850, p. 8. [See below, 1881, Jusseraud.] 1880. Jusserand, J. J. [Review of Chaucer, by A. W. Ward (English Men of Letters series), 1879, in the] Revue Critique d’ Histoire et de Litterature, November 1880, pp. 347-50. Si le lecteur ne demande pas une exactitude absolue dans les faits et une grande precision dans les raisonnements, le : i livre de M. Ward lui plaira . . . pp. 45-6 [of Ward]. Les qualites de Tame et du coeur de Chaucer sont divisees en j deux categories : les vices et les vertus ; les premiers lui viennent de France, les autres d’Angleterre, parce que le II genie des deux peuples est tout different. Sur ce point, j aucune objection; seulement pourquoi voir la marque d’un j esprit frangais dans l’indifference supreme d’un auteur a la licence qui peut regner dans ses ecrits ? C’est faire de Shakespeare et de plusieurs autres des Frangais malgre eux. f p. 56 [of Ward] M. W. considere le Romaunt of the Rose \ comme ceuvre authentique de Chaucer et en deduit beaucoup de conclusions sur le genie et l’esprit de Pauteur. On trouvera sa demonstration peu decisive. . . . 1881. Guillon, F61ix. Etude Historique et biographique sur Guillaume de Lorris, 0rl6ans et Paris, p. 100. Geoffrey Chaucer, * le poete, l’ami et l’allie du roi Henri vi [sic], d’Angleterre,’ dans The Romant of the Ross [sic], traduisit entierement la partie du poeme qui revient k G. de Lory. 1882] 1881. French Allusions. 8 1 Tusserand J J. [Notice of Litteratures anglaise et slave ... by Eugtoe Hallberg, Paris, 1880] CnUgne d’Ru tone et de Litterature, February 1881, pp. 102, 103. Mieux vaut passer sous silence la declaration que l’auteur [M. Hallberg] a revu ‘ tous les fails, tous les noms et les dates principles de son livre,’ d’aprts H encyclop&he de la litterature anglaise’ d’Allibone . . . Chaucer [paraitol] est ne en 1328 (p. 8); il est l’auteur du Testament d amour (p. 8) . . . 1881. Paris, Gaston. Histoire Littiraire de la France . . . tomo xxviii, 1881, p. 181. [Article on William de Wadington and his Manuel des PJches 1 Ces traits [neglect of French grammar, metre and orthography by the Anglo-French authors] se retrouvent d’ailleurs, ainsi que nous l’avons dit, chez plus dun es representants de cette etrange litterature, composee en francais par des Anglais, fruit de l’enseignement autant que de l’imitation, moitie morte et moitie vivante, qui, nee sous l’influence de la litterature franchise it la suite de la conquete, ne ceda que lentement le terrain A. la reaction de la litterature nationale, et ne disparut qu’au moment oil deja, sous la plume de Chaucer, celle-ci bnllait dun vif eclat. 1882 Boucher, Leon. Tableau de la Litterature anglaise, pp. 20 -.6, * 29, 33, 77, 97, 139, 149. [p . 20 ] L’oeuvre de Geoffrey Chaucer (1340-1400) presente en raccourci l’image de la soci6t6 du xiv e siecle. C’est une veritable tapisserie de haute lice ou se dressent dans les attitudes les plus varies et sous les couleurs les plus dclatantes toutes les figures du monde chevaleresque, eccRsiastique et bourgeois qui s’agite sur le seuil des temps modernes, avec son ideal, ses gouts, ses passions, son ignorance et ses app6tits. . . . [p. 23 ] (Contes de Canterbury.) R£cits de guerre et d amour, legendes pieuses et roman tiques, contes gracieux et spirituels, [p. 24 ] toute la po6sie du moyen age qui va fimr, s’y trouve repr6- sentee dans ce qu’elle a de plus naif, de plus touchant et de plus satirique, depuis la pathetique aventure de Grisdlidis, type admirable d’affection et de patience conjugates, jusqu a la parodie meme de l’ideal chevaleresque, ridiculisd dans la chanson de Sir Thopas. . 88 Appendix B. [a.d. 1883 ! Admirable observateur de l’etre humain et merveilleux conteur, joignant au don du rire celui des larmes, et la finesse I a la naivete, Chaucer n’est pas seulement un poete dramatique | avant le drame et comique avant la comedie, c’est encore et surtout le createur de la langue poetique, le premier qui ait su mettre de l’art et un grand art dans son oeuvre. 1883. Baret, Adrien. Etude sur la langue anglaise au xiv e siecle. I These de Doctorat, Fac. des lettres de Bordeaux, Paris, 1883 chapitres iv — x. Chapitre vi. Vie de Chaucer, et description de son influ* j ence pr^pond^rante sur la formation de l’idiome anglais. [M. Baret says that Chaucer was born in 1328, and he seems to regard the Testament of Love as authentic.] [p. no] [Chaucer] etait Anglais par le coeur, mais Frangais par I l’esprit. II nous appartenait, a son insu sans doute, par la j finesse satirique de son esprit, la multiplicity de ses aptitudes ! et la forme classique de ses conceptions. Ch. vii. ‘ The King s English.’ Etude de la langue de j Chaucer, et ses emprunts au frangais. [p. ns] Constatons d’abord par quelques exemples que le melange : des mots frangais n’y est pas fait au hasard, et qu’il depend ( toujours des exigences du sujet choisi par le poete. Dans le^ style familier, dans la peinture des moeurs populaires, meme lorsque le recit est une imitation des fabliaux frangais, Chaucer se garde bien de sortir du vocabulaire anglo-saxon. [M. Baret compares the Milleres Tale , 11. 312-26 with the Clerk's Prologue , 11. 15-25, or the Rous of Fame, ii, 11. 345-51.] Ch. viii. ‘ La Versification de Chaucer.’ Maniere de ' scander ses vers ; — ils sont bases sur l’accent tonique. Regies ! de l’accentuation chauc6rienne. [This chapter is based on ? Skeat and Child.] Ch. ix. La Prononciation de la langue de Chaucer [based on Ellis]. Ch. x. Le G4nie de Chaucer. II a le temperament dramatique. Son style. Etude des Canterbury Tales. La comedie chez Chaucer. tp. 188 ] Chaucer . . . homme d’etude et d’observation, toujours froid, mais toujours attentif, se plait a etudier les mceurs de la soeiete qui l’environne, et il parvient a les peindre avec un rare bonheur. Comme Homere, et La Fontaine, il sait 1883] French Allusions. d’un seul mot animer une physionomie, eclairer tout un tableau. ... , ft>. 189] . . . L’imagination n’occupe pas le premier rang dans sa podsie ; l’enthousiasme y est rare ; il observe bien plus qu 1 n’admire, tp i 96 ] " Chaucer posside deja toutes les qualites distinetives du genie anglais, mais le cote dramatique de son talent est surtout remarquable. ... Quel que soit son sujet ... les personnages quil met en scene agissent beaucoup plus qu ils ne pailent. . . * 1883 Filon Augustin. Mistoire de la Literature anglmse deputsses oriaZs jnfqu’a nos jours. Chapitre iv., I’Age de Chaucer Vie do Cliaucer pp 52 - 54 .— (Euvres diverses de Chaucer, pp. 54-55.— - Les^contes'de'cauterbuiy, pp. 55-59. Chapitre v, De Chaucer a Spenser. Les lieritiers de Chaucer, p. bl. [P , 3 ] On parle encore francos en Angleterre; mais quel francais? Celui de Stratford Atte Bowe, que Chaucer met sur les levres de sa Prieure, et qui est restt proverbial. Enfin en 1404, deux envoyes anglais en France, dont lun est Sir Thomas Swynford, le neveu de la femme de Chaucer, declarent ‘ ne pas plus savoir le francais que 1 hebreu. IP 62 ] ' Vie de Chaucer. . . Voici Chaucer, synthese vivante des deux races, greffee sur une puissante originality po6tique. II est a la fois Anglais et Normand, et, en outre, il est lui-meme. ... On s’accorde generalement a croire que Geoffrey Chaucer naquit en 1328 [reprinted in the edn. of 1896]. . . . jp 53 ] ' Ees lettres et les pottes de l’epoque le consideraient comme leur chef et leur maitre. Sa renonimee avait passe le detroit, comme le prouve cette dedicace d’un poete fra^ais [E. Deschamps], qui lui offrit ses vers : < Grant translateur, noble Geoffroy Chaucer. Chaucer mourut en 1400, dans une petite maison qui dependait de Westminster, et, tout naturellement, on l’en- terra dans l’abbaye. Cette sepulture fit precedent, et crea une tradition. Chaucer est le plus ancien habitant du Poet’s corner. . . . [ P . 54 ] CEuvres diverses de Chaucer. On ne peut determiner la Appendix B. [ a . d . 1883 - date d’aucune des compositions de Chaucer; neanmoins, s’il f . permis d’etablir des conjectures sur un fait qui manque lui-meme de certitude, on ferait deux parts de la vie litte raire et de l’ceuvre de Chaucer. On rangerait dans la premiere calorie les poemes qui portent la trace de 1 influence romane et gothique, dans la seconde ceux qui offrent d4ja le reflet de la Renaissance italienne. . I , T f^ he C ™ rl °f Love ’ Mower and Leaf, and Cuckoo and Nightingale are mentioned among his works.] [p. 55] Pope n’a pas dedaigne d’imiter The House of Fame, et n’a pas reussi k l’egaler. Chaucer entendait le mot fame dans le i double sens du latin fama, car il nous montre a la fois le i temple de la Gloire et la demeure de la Renomm<5e. Dans la Legende des Bonnes Femmes, nous d&ouvrons une m<5thode different, un art nouveau. Plus de reve, plus de vision, plu 3 d allegorie, mais une serie de tableaux ou de r^cits, des types plus ou moins historiques, en tout cas dramatiques et humains autant que ceux de Shakespeare. . . . En traduisant, k son tour, ce sujet grec [Troilus and Cressida], dejft retouch^ par 1 art florentm, Chaucer lui enteve les derniers traits de sa physionomie originelle. II deguise un heros d’Homere en 1 amoureux transi ; il transforme en une coquette du Decameron la contemporaine d’Andromaque et de Nausicaa. 1P.5S] Les Contes de Canterbury. . . . Puis, les recits se JuccMent ; comme dans le Decameron de Boccace, auquel cette forme de poeme est empruntfe. Mais combien est evidente la superio- rity de Chaucer! Combien l’art est, chez lui, plus sensible : et plus delicat ! Les jeunes gens et les jeunes femmes du i Decameron vivent dans le meme milieu, ont memes idees, i meme age, a peu de chose pres meme caractere. Ici, chaque 1 conte est approprie au conteur, et l’on vient de voir combien 1 les conteurs different. . . . Tous ces recits sont lies, et beau- j coup mieux que chez Boccace, par de petits incidents vrais, qui naissent du caractere des personnages et tels qu’on en [p. 59] rencontre en voyage. . . . L'ensemble du tableau est si bien calculy, l’aspect est si vivant et si gai, que le lecteur ‘ se prend d’envie de monter a cheval par une belle matinee riante, le long des prairies vertes, pour galoper avec les pelerins jusqu’a la cliasse du bon saint de Canterbury.’ [Taine.] 1883. Brunetiere, P [Review of Pilon’s Histoire de la litteratuve anglaxse ] Revue des Deux Mondes , August 1883, pp. 699, 704. [Brief references to Chaucer and his Canterbury Tales.] L886] French Allusions. 91 1883. Beljame, Alexandre. Le public et les hommes de lettrcs m Angle- terre au xvm e siecle , Paris, 1883, p. 316. [Sir William Temple does not mention Chaucer among the modern poets in his Essay upon Ancient and .Modern Learning , and Swift attributes to Shakespeare one of Chaucer’s characters, the Wife of Bath.] 1883. Dreyss, Charles Louis. Chronologic universetle, 5* 4dn, Paris, 1883, tome i, a i’an 1400 [1st edn., 1846]. 1400 Mort du premier grand poete anglais, Chaucer: ses productions ressemblent un peu a celles de Boccace. Sectaire de Wiclef, apres avoir etd persecute sous Bichard ii, il etait rentrd en faveur a l’avenement des Lancastre, ses protecteurs. 1883. Montegut, Emile. Caraderes ; [in] Essais sur la litterature anglaise, Pans, 1883, pp. 1U3, , 105. [ P . 104 ] II existe bien une p6riode anglo-normande ; mais, pendant toute cette periode, le genie saxon se cache ou se tait. . . . Cette periode se reduit, a proprement parler, a un seul nom, Chaucer. Celui-la est bien un Francais si l’on veut, et on reconnait en lui un contemporain de Froissard. . . . [ p . 105] Ainsi, pendant toute la pdriode anglo-normande, il ne saurait etre question de la combinaison du g6nie normand et du g6nie saxon, puisque ce dernier reste muet, et que le seul 6crivain qu’on puisse citer, Chaucer, n’est qu’un Francais qui s’exprime en langue anglaise. 100 . t eQTO r,H T T La Vie Nomade et les routes d’Angleterre au 200, 203, 204, 213, 218, 221. Appendice, pp. 265, 277-8, 281, -82, 285’ 286, 290, 291. 1884 Rietstap, J. B. Armorial General Precede Pun Dictionnaire des Termes du Blo.son . . . tom. i, 2« edn. . . . Gouda, p. 411, col. 1. Chaucer, Parti d’arg. et de gu. ; a la bande de l’un en l’autre, C. : une tortue pass, au nat. [Armes du poete anglais, Geoffrey Chaucer.] 1886. Drumont, Edouard. La France Juive, Paris, 1886, tome ii, pp. 381-91. [p. 38 i] En constatant la persistance de ces sentiments de haine chez les Juifs, il est impossible de ne point parler un peu 92 Appendix B. [a.d. 1887 longuement de ce sacrifice sanglant, cette accusation mille fois prouvde [qu’ils tuerent les petits enfants] . . . [p 383] II nest pas un ^crivain du Moyen Age qui ne parle de ces faits comme d’une chose ordinaire. . ^ . [p.384] Mais e’est Chaucer peut-etre qui est le plus interessant a consulter sur ce point. Le po6te du xv e siecle [sic], qui repose a Westminster et sur la tombe duquel on a grav4 quelques jolis vers de la Fleur et de la Feuille , fut le pelntre j exact des mceurs de son temps. Les Contes de Canterbury S sont une sorte de Decameron auquel sert de pr6texte efc j tp. 385] de cadre le pelerinage . . . R6unis par hasard, des pelerins I de toutes les conditions . . . conviennent pour charmer | l’ennui du chemin de conter tour k tour une histoire. Rien n’est plus touchant que le Recit de la Prieure. II est > vraiment d’un charme si profond dans son mysticisme ! feminin, que nous le traduisons presque en entier, en nous efforgant de respecter, autant que possible, la naivete de I 1 ’original. [There follows a translation of the Prioresses Tale , pp. 385-90.] 1887. Gausseron, B.-H. [Article ‘Chaucer' in] La Grande Encyclo- \ pedie inventaire raisonne des sciences , des lettres et des arts , tome x p. 930. ’ Chaucer (Geoffrey), poete anglais, ne probablement vers ' 1340, etnonen 1328, suivant la date ordinairement adoptee ; moit le 25 oct. 1400. Les travaux de la critique moderne et tout particulierement de ceux de sir Harris Nicolas, du Dr. Furnivall et des erudits qui composent la ‘ Chaucer Society’ fondee en 1868, ont jet6 quelque clarte sur les { points obscurs de la vie de Chaucer. Son pere, negociant \ \ en vins ( vintner ) a Londres, faicait partie de la suite ] emmenee par la famille royale lors du voyage en Flandre et a Cologne, en 1338. Cette circonstance aide a com- I prendre que Geoffrey Chaucer nous apparaisse, la premiere ' fois qu’il est fait mention de son nom dans un document (1357), en qualite de page attache a la maison de Lionel, due de Clarence, second fils d’Edward in. En 1359, il est dans les rangs de l’arm^e anglaise qui envahit la France, et dont Froissart a raconte l’expedition. II y fut fait prisonnier, et recouvra sa liberte moyennant rangon, quelque temps avant le traite de Bretigny. Nous le retrouvons en 1367 avec le titre de valet ( valettus ) du roi, qui lui accorde une pension et l’emploie a des missions diverses hors French Allusions. d’Angleterre on 1369 et en 1370. II etait marie dte cette ipoque a la fille de sir Payne Roet, du Hainault, et sa femme, Philippa, avait une charge de dame de la chambre auprts de la reine. Apres une mission diplomatique en Italie (1372-1373), il fut nomme controleur des coutumes et subsides pour les laines et les peaux dans le port, de Londres et, en meme temps que cette charge lucrative, remplit celle, plus honorifique, d’ecuyer du roi. Sa earri.'jre de diplomate ne fut pas interrompue pour cela, et il eut encore a soutenir les infants de la cour d’Angleterre en Flandre, en Prance et en Italie. La mort d’Edouard in et l’avenementde Richard n (1377) n’6branRrent point d’abord la fortune de Chaucer. Il fut meme envoye a la Chambre des communes par le comte de Kent. Mais bient6t sa charge de contrdleur lui fut retiree, sa femme mourut, et il se dJbattit des lors dans des embarras financiers dont il ne fut delivre que vers la fin de sa vie, par la faveur du roi Henri iv (1399), fils de son meilleur protecteur, le due de Lancastre, lequel etait devenu son beau-frtre en epousant Catherine, veuve de sir Hugh Swynford et sceur de Philippa, sa femme. Nommd en 1389 secretaire des travaux du roi au palais de Westminster, k la Tour de Londres et aux autres chateaux de la eouronne, il perdit cette place en 1391 et dut accepter, avec un certain Richard Brittle, les fonc- tions de garde-forestier que Roger Mortimer, comte de March, leur offrait k North Petherton Park, dans le comt6 de Somerset. Il n’etait pourtant pas complement oublie k la cour, car on le trouve en 1398, remplissant pour le compte du roi des missions secretes dans differentes parties du royaume. Il mourut le 25 oct. 1400, et fut inhume dans la chapelle de l’abbaye de Westminster, ou il inaugura ce qu’on a appele le ‘ Coin des pottes.’ C’est, en effet, comme potte que Geoffrey Chaucer s’est assure un renom immortel. Il est, avec Gower, et bien au-dessus de lui, le veritable piu-e de la poesie anglaise. Le premier, il a su plier la langue vulgaire, sortie du fond saxon et tres fortement milangee d’elements francais-norniaruls, aux necessity et aux fantaisies d’une pensee raffinee ; il lui a donne la soup- lesse et la sonorite du rythme; tout en lui conservant son caracttre populaire de familiarite et d’energie, il en a faitle merveilleux instrument litteraire dont tant de genies divers se sont servis jusqu’a nos jours pour creer des chefs-d’ceuvre. Appendix B. [a.d. 1887 - La manure litteraire de Chaucer peut se diviser en trois penodes assez distinctes. Dans la premiere, il se montre disciple direct de nos trouvk-es. S’il n’est pas 1’auteur de la version anglaise du Roman de la Rose, que beaucoup lui attnbuent, c’est du moins a cette periode que se rapportent ? U la P™re de Nostre Dame et la Complainte h a itie. Puis 1 influence italienne, que ses sejours repetes en Italie devaient le disposer a subir facilement, se fait de plus en plus sentir dans des oeuvres comme the Parlement of Foules , the Complaint of Mars , Anelida and Arcite sa traduction en prose et en vers du De Consolatione de BoSce Trdilus and Criseyde, the House of Fame, the Legend of (rood Women, the Complaint of Venus, etc. Enfin il se montre lui-meme inventeur, createuret grand poete, lorsque dans un cadre dont le Decameron a sans doute fourni Tidee premiere, il nous presente le pittoresque, saisissant et amusant defile de tons les types caracteristiques de la societe anglaise de son temps, reunis ala tavernedu Tabard, pr£s de London- Bndge, en route pour un pelerinage au tombeau de Thomas Becket, et profitant de leur rencontre pour se raconter les inoubliables histoires, qui, sous le titre de Canterbury Tales font a jamais partie du tr^sor litteraire du genre humain La premiere edition en fut publiee par Caxton vers 1478 la meilleure est celle de Furnivall (1868). Un litterateur de plus d excentncite que de talent, le chevalier de Chate- lain, a donne, dans ce si£cle, un essai de traduction des Contes de Cantorbery, qui ne permet pas de dire que nous en possedions une version fran^aise. 1887, etc. Unknown. 1146, col. 2 ; tome p. 1082, col. 1. La grande Encyclopedic . . . tome xiv, p xvin, p. 284, col. 2; tome xxx, pp. 89, col. 2 ; [t. H] [Article] Dry den (J ohn) . . . Dryden entreprit alors la traduction en vers des oeuvres de Yirgile (1697) qu’il fit suivre de ses Fables, morceaux imites de Ylliade, des Metamorphoses d’Ovide, et des Contes de Boccace et de Chaucer. [t. 18] [Article] Furnivall (Frederick James). Il se consacra b, sa sortie de l universite de Cambridge k l’etude de la litterature anglaise du moyen age, dont il £dita nombre nazIT* V ' S ' X t6XteS d ® S Carderbur V Tales de Chaucer (1868-75, 7 parties) . . . Il fut, en outre, l’un des fondateurs 1 I l i \ 1889] French Allusions. 95 des society suivantes. . . . The Chaucer Society (1868). The Shettery [= Shelley] (1886). , [t. 30] [Article] Skeat (Walter William). . . . Parmi ses tres nombreux ouvrages nous citerons . . . une excellente edition des oeuvres de Chaucer (1897, 7 vols.). ... [Article] Tennyson (Alfred). ... On lui fit a Westminster des obs&ques somptueuses et on lui eleva un monument a cote de celui de Chaucer. 1ftR9 J Ch Review of Skeat’s Principles of English Etymology , ' Karting’s Grundriss der Geschichte der englischen Litteratur, etc., in th ef Revue Critique d’Histoire et de Literature , December 1889, pp. 425, 426. [The language of Chaucer and his importance for the student.] [A small booklet of 64 pages, containing only the Pro- logue, the Man of Lawes Tale, and the Clerkes Tale in French prose. There is a short biographical sketch, quoting Taine.] [p- 2 1 II n’existe en prose frangaise aucune traduction complete des Contes de Canterbury ni des oeuvres de Chaucer. 1 [Foot- i Nous avons annonc6 dans la Bibliographic de la France ^ la prochaine publication de notre traduction complete des Contes de Canterbury. La regrettable lacune se trouvera ainsi reparee. T. S. [This number was the only one which appeared, and the complete translation was never published. We add a specimen of the translation of the Prologue ;] Quand avril a, de ses douces averses, p6netr6 jusqu’au fond la s^cheresse de mars et baignb toute la glebe de cette liqueur par la vertu de laquelle est engondr4e la fleur : quand Zephyr aussi a, de sa douce haleine, souffle dans les bosquets et les bruy&res sur les tendres pousses ; quand le soleil rajeuni a, dans le Belier, depass6 la moiti6 de sa course ; quand les petits oiseaux font entendre leur m^lodie et dorment toute la nuit les yeux ouverts, tant la nature aiguillonne leur vaillance, alors les gens brulent de partir en p&lerinages. . . . 96 Appendix B. [a.d. 1890 - lp. 37] 1890 ' au m °y™ <%«> 2« a., [p. 1H] II est certain que Boccace et Chaucer, par exemple, ont parfois imit,5 des tableaux fran 5 ais : mais il n’est nullement e a i que ce soit toujours le cas ; ces contes circulaient oralement dans toute l’Enrope (sans parler de leur admission ans les sermons et les livres pieux), et ils ont fort bien pu etre recueillis independamment par les poetes ou les nouvellistes des diiferents pays. G4me de Chaucer. Par les Canterbury Tales, Chaucer entre dans la phalange des rares ■Wains qui ont ,5te des ereateurs On sent ici 1’homme maitre de sa pens<§e, 1 artiste maitre de son instrument et de sa main. On y sent aussi 1’observateur qui a vu de prts la yie, le pofete qui, pathetiques ou comiques, sait choisir dans les traits mnombrables de la physionomie humaine et peut leur onner, en les reproduisant, un caractfcre plastique et une forme distincte. • • - Au don merveilleux entre tous de crfer des etres pottiques qui produisent illusion de la rfelitt Chaucer unit ie talent de pemdre par des mots, ayec l'aspect exterieur de 1 nomme, la nature elle-meme. in^hol r ^ n< ^’ 5 LAngleterre au temps des invasions [article m the] Revue des Deux Maudes, June 1892, pp. 571, 573-5. [1892.] Dietz H. Les Litteratures Etrang'eres. Anqleterre. Allemaane pp. 29-30 [a short life of Chaucer], pp. 30-41 [his work] 9 * “■ ”■ ip. 104] Chaucer, avec son g4nie et ses myites de toute sorte, sa gait<§ et sa bonne grdce, sa faculte d’observation et cette ouverture d’esprit qui lui permet de sympathiser avec les specimens les plus divers de l’humanite, a trac6 une im- mortelle et incomparable peinture de l’Angleterre au moyen age. Sur certains points cependant le tableau est in- complet, et il faut emprunter a Langland des traits pour 1 achever. ... [p. 38] jgg4] French Allusions. J* rp 176] On a beaucoup reproche a ce dernier [Chaucer] d avoir donne, par son g6nie, droit de cit6 dans la langue anglaise a quantite de mots frangais. Le reproche est injuste ; Chaucer 6crivit la langue de son temps, telle quelle existait, sans la modifier, la franciser ou la fausser ; et Langland, au besoin, en fournirait la preuve. . . . [P . 185 ] Langland est un vrai Anglais, comme Chaucer ; il Test peut-etre meme davantage. Un trait important manque k Chaucer : il nest pas insulaire ; son esprit a des ramifications [p. 186 ] frangaises et italiennes ; au fond assur6ment il est anglais et tr&s anglais ; par certains points cependant il est un peu cosmopolite. 1893 Jusserand, J. J. [Article on Chaucer . from the] Re me des Deux Mondes of April 15, pp. 815-54 ; Etudes Anglmses. La vie et les cernres de Geoffrey Chaucer. [39 pages, re-cast in the Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais, 1894, pp. 269-349. J 1893. Bedier, Joseph. Les Fabliaux, l re 6dn., Paris, 1893, pp. 278, 419. [A few words only on the Beeves Tale and the fabliau d’Auberee.] 1894. Darmesteter, Mary (Madame). Froissart [in the series] Les Grands Fcrivains frangais : p. 19. Geoffrey Chaucer, page a la suite d’Edouard hi, com- mengait a tirer une langue belle et puissante du dialecte informe des pauvres. . . . Soyez surs que toute cette renaissance 6chappa au jeune Froissart. 11 n’6tait pas homme de lettres : il prononce a peine le nom de Geoffrey Chaucer, son cadet de quelques mois, qui 6tait comme lui a Ija cour, et qu’il a du rencontrer plus d’une fois chez sir Richard Stury, et encore ne parle-t-il de lui que comme diplomate. 1894 Jusserand, J. J. Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais. Paris, ' 1894, tom. 1, pp. 124, 165-6, 220, 226, 232, 240, 245, 246 [chap- ter ii Chaucer], pp. 269-349, pp. 351, 354, 355, 360, 362, 363, 367 371, 373, 374, 379, 380, 382, 383, 384, 385, 390, 393, 399, 400, 401 403, 404, 411, 412, 413, 414, 423, 424, 435, 464, 478, 487, 488, 496’, 513, 514, 515, 516, 517, 518, 519, 521, 522, 523, 524, 525, 528, 529, 530, 542. [pp. 269-349, a lengthy sketch of Chaucer’s life and works, more especially of the House of Fame, Troilus and the Canterbury Tales.] [p. 319 ] [Prologue to the Tales.] "V oici a present, dans un livre anglais, °une foule d’etres vivants, pris sur le fait, aux CHAUCER CRITICISM. — V. H 98 Appendix B. [a.d. 1894 mouvements souples, aux types varies comme dans la vie, [p. 320] reprdsent6s au naturel, dans leurs sentiments et dans leur costume, si bien qu’on croit les voir et que, lorsqu’on les quitte, ce n est pas pour les oublier ; les connaissances faites ‘au Tabart pres de la Cloche’ ne sont pas de celles qui s’effacent du souvenir ; elles durent toute la vie. Rien de ce qui peut servir a accrocher, a ancrer dans notre memoire, la vision de ces personnages n’est omis. TJn demi-vers, qui devoile le trait saillant de leur caract£re, devient inoubliable ; leur posture, leurs gestes, leur costume, leurs verrues, le son de leur voix, leurs defauts de pro- nonciation : ‘somwhat he lipsede for wantonnesse,’ leurs tics, la figure rouge de l’hote et jaune du bailli, leurs Elegances, leurs fleches a plumes de paon, leurs cornemuses, rien n’est omis; leurs chevaux et la maniere dont ils les montent sont decrits ; Chancer regarde meme dans les sacs de ses personnages et dit ce qu’il y trouve. La nouvelle Angleterre a done son Froissart, qui va conter des apertises d’armes et des histoires d’amour aux couleurs 4clatantes, et nous promener de 9a de la, par les villes et par les chemins, pretant l’oreille a tout r6cit, observant, notant, « racontant ? Ce jeune pays a Froissart et mieux que Frois- sart. Les peintures sont aussi vives et aussi claires, mais deux grandes differences distinguent les unes des autres : « hhumour et la sympathie. D6ja, chez Chaucer, l’humour existe; ses malices pen&trent plus profondement que les malices frangaises : il ne va pas jusqu’aux blessures, mais il fait plus que piquer l’epiderme ; et, ce .faisant, il rit d’un rire silencieux : ‘ Un homme jadis etait fort riche, e’est pourquoi tout le monde vantait sa sagesse.’ . . . [p. 32i] De plus, Chaucer sympathise ; il a un cceur vibrant que les larmes 6meuvent et que toutes les souffrances touchent, celles des pauvres et celles des princes. Le role du peuple* si maique dans la litterature et la politique anglaises, s affirme ici, des la premiere heure . . . Chaucer, des le quatorzi&me siecle, est curieux de voir ce que e’est que Thornme dans un ‘cuisinier de Londres ’ et que la femme dans une ‘bourgeoise de Bath.’ Combien de miserables perissent dans Froissart ! Que de sang, quelles hecatombes ! et combien peu de larmes ! . . . [ P 322] Ils [the lesser people] figurent dans le recit de Chaucer parce que Chaucer les aime ; il aime son laboureur . il French Allusions. 99 1894] souffre a l’id&s des sentiers boueux que son pauvre curd suit l’hiver pour aller, par la pluie, visiter une chaumiire loin- taine ; la sympathie est large chez le poete ; ll aime, comme il deteste, de tout cceur. . . . [ P . 340] Ce bon sens, qui a fait donner aux contes de Cantorbery un agencement si conforme a la raison et a la nature, est une des quality les plus eminentes de Chaucer. Elle parait dans les details comme dans l’ensemble et lui inspire, au milieu de ses recits les plus fantaisistes, des remarques rassurantes qui nous montrent que la terre et la vie rdelle ne sont pas lom et que nous ne courons pas le risque de tomber des nues. II rappelle, avec a-propos, qu’il y a une certaine noblesse, la plus haute de toutes, qu’on ne saurait leguer par testament ; que les dchantillons corrompus dune classe sociale ne doivent pas faire condamner toute la classe : ‘ Of every ordre some schrew is, pardee ’ ; que, dans l’education des enfants, il faut se garder de les traiter trop tot en hommes ) si on les mene avant lage aux fetes, ils deviennent effrontds, ‘to soone [p . 34i] rype and bold . . . which is ful perilous ’ (Tale of the Doctor of Phisik, vers. 68). Il s’exprime fort librement sur les grands capitaines qu’on eut qualifies de ‘brigands’ s’lls avaient fait moins de mal. Cette demure idee est indiqude en quelques vers d’un humour si vraiment anglais qu ils font songer a Swift et a Fielding ; et l’on peut d’autant mieux en effet songer a Fielding qu’il a consacre tout son roman de Jonathan Wild-le-Grand a developper exactement la memo thdse. 1 Enfin, a ce meme bon sens de Chaucer, on doit une chose plus remarquable encore : c’est que, avec sa connaissance du latin et du fran^ais, vivant dans un milieu oil ces deux langues avaient une grande faveur, il dcrivit uniquement en anglais : sa prose, comme ses vers, son traits sur 1’ Astrolabe, comme ses contes, sont en anglais. Il appartient k la nation 1 But, for the tiraunt is of greter might By force of meyne for to sle doun right, And brenne hous and home, and make al playn, Lo, therfor is he cleped a capitayn ; And, for an outlawe hath no smal'meynC And may not doon so grete an harm as he, Ne bringe a contre to so gret mischief, Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef. Maunciple’s Tale, vers. 123, t. iii, p. 256. Cf. le roman de Fielding, The Life of Mr. Jonathan Wild the Great, 1743. 100 Appendix B. [a.d. 1894- anglaise et c’est pourquoi il £crit dans cette langue; c’est assez pour lui d’une telle raison. . . . [p. 342] La meme sagesse fait encore que Chaucer ne se perd pas en vains efforts pour tenter d’impossibles r^formes et pour marcher a contre courant. On le lui a reproch6 de notre temps ; et certains, par amour des Anglo- Saxons, se sont indign6s de la quantity de mots frangais que Chaucer emploie : que n’est-il remonte aux origines du langage? Mais Chaucer n’6tait pas de ceux qui, comme dit Milton, ferment les grilles de leur pare pour empecher les corneilles de s en aller. II s’est servi du langage national, tel qu’il existait de son temps. [p. 345] Le meme bon sens optiiniste et tranquille qui lui a fait adopter la langue de son pays et la versification usuelle, qui l’a empech6 de reagir avec exc6s contre les id^es regues, l’a empeche aussi de se faire, par patriotisme, piete ou orgueil, des illusions sur sa pa trie, sa religion ou son temps. II en fut cependant autant que personne, les aima et les honora mieux que pas un. L’impartialit6 de jugement de cet ancien prisonnier des Frangais est extraordinaire, sup6rieure meme a celle de Froissart. . . . Chaucer, d un bout a l’autre de sa carri&re, demeure le meme, et le fait est d’autant plus remarquable que sa tournure d esprit, son inspiration et son id^al litt6raire deviennent de plus en plus anglais, a mesure qu’il prend des annees. II reste impartial, ou plutot, en dehors de la grande querelle, a laquelle cependant il avait pris part dans la r<$alit6 ; ses oeuvres ne contiennent pas un vers qui soit dirig6 contre la France, ni meme un seul 41oge de son pays oh celui-ci soit loue en tant que rival heureux du notre. 1894 . Mezieres, A. Predecesseurs et Contemporains de Shakespeare , Pans, 1894, pp. 11, 12. r ’ tp. ii] Rien . . . n’est plus conforme au g£nie des Anglo-Saxons que le melange du plaisant et du serieux. Ils ont mis de tp. 12 ] tout temps de la gaiet6 dans les sujets les plus graves. C’est le trait commun de plus anciens et des plus recents de leurs 6crivains. Depuis Chaucer jusqu’a Byron et jusqu’a Thackeray, que de grandes et nobles oeuvres varices par le badinage et meme par la bouffonnerie ! Les Contes de Cantorhery sont aussi amusants que touchants. La plupart French Allusions. 101 des personnages y ont im c6tt serieux et un cot6 comique. La chaste soeur Eglantine, avec toutes ses vertus solides, carle, mange et marche en personne un peu ridicule. La marchande de Bath enterre joyeuseinent ses cinq mans dans le cours d’une dissertation tris grave sur le manage. L’indeflnissable humour qui donne tant de prix a quelques-uns des ouvrages les plus celebres de la Grande- Bretagne n’est gufere autre chose qu’une manure plaisante et imprivue de presenter des idtes serieuses. II y entre de l’imacination, du bon sens, de l’observation ; mais a plus haute dose que tout le reste, il y entre de la gaiety. 1894. Lavisse Ernest, et Kambaud, Alfred du iv" stecle a nos jours. Formation des grands etats, 1270 1492, tom. iii, chap, vii, l’Angleterre, de 1272 a 148o, pp. 383 4. [p. 383 ] r English literature.} . . . C’est au moment meme oil la Chambre des communes se constitue definitivement que naquit Chaucer, le pere de la literature anglaise (1340). . Les autres [ecrivains], ceux dont les oeuvres comptent vraiment, qui ont illustre la seconde moitid du xiv e siecle sont des moralistes, moralistes gaiement satiriques comme Chaucer, l’dcrivain genial, le peintre charm ant des moeurs de son temps, ou pompeux et declamatoires comme John Gower. ... A A [ r . 364 ] Les origines de Wycliffe sont fort obscures. II parait etre n6 vers 1320 (vingt ans avant Chaucer). 1895. Demogeot, Jacques Claude. Histoire des litteratures etrangeres. * Litteratures septentrional es, Angleterre, Allemagne, 2 e edn., Pans, 1895, pp. 3-13, 24. [The first edn. appeared in 1880, and is identical.] Chaucer, que les Anglais considerent comme le p£re de leur poesie, n’est encore qu’un des echos de la po6sie universelle du moyen age : c est le frere puine de nos trouveres j c’est un poete fran^ais et italien qui 6ciit en anglais. . . . [p 6 ] Deux choses toutefois distinguaient dAja les premiers poemes de Chaucer : d’abord un sentiment vif et personnel du monde r6el ... Ses descriptions de la nature sont aussi fraiches que leur modele. ... [ P . 7 ] Un autre trait distinctif qui pei^ait deja dans les composi- [p. 8] tions de la jeunesse de Chaucer, c’est un enjouement mali- cieux, une douce satire ; qui assaisonne d’un sel agr^able les 102 Appendix B. [a.d. 1895 longues descriptions et les solennelles allegories. Dans son Iroilus, par exemple, poeme antique par le sujet, grave et touchant par les incidents et les passions des personnages on entrevoit sans cesse, comme chez Pulci, comme chez 1 Arioste, comme dans nos fabliaux, le sourire du narrateur qui s amuse et pretend bien amuser les autres. [Les Contes de Cantorbery est] l’ouvrage qui seul assure 4 txeollroy Chaucer une renommee durable . . . c’est la seule- ment qu’il se revele dans toute la force de son talent afifranchi du gout factice de ses protecteurs et de ses con' temporains . . . il ose litre tout 4 fait lui-meme, donner libre carri4re 4 son humour , peindre ce qu’il a vu, dire ce qu’il a pensd, et composer ainsi l’un des plus charmants tableaux de genre qui aient jamais dte faits. 1895 ' ,?F ore1 ’ L ® on \ [ Short stud y on the work of Chaucer ini James lhomson , sa vie et ses oeuvres , 2 me partie, pp. 214-19. J [The author briefly recalls what importance the love of nature has had in the history of English literature 1 tP. 213 ] Pour savoir quel role a joue le monde des choses dans ’la litt6rature anglaise, nous consulterons done seulement les plus grands parmi les maitres. . . [ P . 214 ] Geoffrey Chaucer.— Le sentiment de la nature se montre ires vif et tr£s precis, chez le plus vieux des grands pontes de l’Angleterre, chez ce Chaucer dont Fceuvre cl6t une longue per lode litteraire et ouvre l’&re moderne de la poesie. . . f [p. 215] Le meme don do sympathie vibrante et de precision dans observation, qui lui permet de comprendre les hommes au milieu desquels il vit et de les faire passer dans ses po^mes j si vivement crayonnes, si vrais et si vivants, le meme don Chaucer l’applique a Tobservation de la nature. Ce qu’il a surtout au coeur. . . . c’est l’amour des choses ' de la campagne. Il en retrace avec complaisance les aspects, meme les plus simples et les plus ordinaires. Son oeuvre est remplie des 6tres, des formes, des sons et des parfums de la nature rustique. Les pelerins des ‘Recits de Cantorbery ’ cheminent vraiment sur une route anglaise, au milieu des champs et des plaines, a travers les villages et les bourns de la vieille Angleterre. Tout le po6me est baigne de grand air et de lumi&re, et partout la nature fait un chaud et solide fond de tableau a la cavalcade bigarr^e. C’est un des 1895] French Allusions. 103 caracttres par lesquels le potoe se s6pare le plus profonde- ment de son module italien. Tandis que les egoistes causeurs du ‘Decameron’ sont, par le potte aussi bien que par leu r propre decision, isoles du reste du monde, tandis qu lls ne vivent qu’une existence toute mentale, les personnages de Chaucer doivent en partie leur relief et leur verity drama- [P . 216 ] tique au contact toujours senti de la nature ambiante. . . • Qu’on se rappelle, entre mille traits analogues, cette breve notation d’une aurore : . , ‘ L’alouette affairee, messag&re du jour,— salue de sa chanson le gris matin,— et l’ardent Phebus s’eleve si radieux-que tout l’orient rit a sa vue-et de ses rayons il seclie, dans les bosquets toutes les gouttes argents des [ P 217 ] II y a manifestement la, dans la minutiede l’observa- tion* et dans la justesse de touche de la peinture, quelque chose que le moyen age n’avait pas connu, pas meme dans les vers gracieux, trop pares et trop spirituels, du rondeau celebre de Charles d’Orleans. C’est cette precision aigue de la vision qui sauve^ de la monotonie les descriptions si frequentes d’oiseaux, d’arbres et de fleurs. Dans une foret, Chaucer donne a chaque arbre sa physionomie propre. . . . H voit tous les details des obiets, et en meme temps il sympathise avec toutes les manifestations de la vie des choses. Y oyez ce que lui sugg^re une averse de prin temps : t P . 218 ] ‘ Quand les douces ondees de la pluie tombent mollement,— que le sol bien souvent — exhale de bienfaisantes vapeurs, et que chaque plaine se pare richement— d’une fraiche verdure; que les petites fleurs— £closent 9 a et la dans les champs et les prairies,— si bonnes et si bienfaisantes sontces ondees, — qu’elles renouvellent ce qui 6 tait vieux et mort pendant l’hiver ; et, de toutes les semences,— sortent les plantes ; si bien que chacun — se sent, a la venue de la saison nouvelle, tout joyeux et 16ger.’ Et cependant ces descriptions directes ne sont pas tout ce que r6v61e chez Chaucer le sentiment de l’amour de la nature. ... , Tantot c’est une comparison prolong^ comme cede de Cressid avouant son amour : < Tel le jeune rossignol timide qui s’arrete d’abord quand il commen^ait a chanter’ [etc. Troilus , bk. iii, 177-181] 104 Appendix B. [a.d. 1896 | Plus souvent encore, c’est une indication rapide telle quo celle qui complete la description du costume d’un jeune ecuyer: ‘tout brodd, comme une prairie pleine de fraiches neurs blanches et rouges.’ [p. 219] Ainsi, la nature, directement sentie, et rappelee aveo un mtarissable plaisir, figure partout dans l’oeuvre du p5re de la poesie anglaise. . . . C’est la nature aimable et riante telle qu’elle nous charme dans la jeune saison et dans les matinees ra leuses. . . . On pourrait appliquer au poete le vers par lequel il resume le portrait du jeune seigneur : ‘ il avait toute la fraicheur du mois de mai.’ 1896 V™«« t S Joee pb- Ilistcnre de la langue d de la littemture Jrangaise . . publiee sous la direction de L. Petit de JulleviJle tome n, [Les Fabliaux], pp. 68, 77. e , 1896 P L m lois ’ Ernest ' Ibid -’ tome [Le Koman de la Eose ]> 1896. Petit de Julleville, L. Ibid., tome ii, [Froissart], p. 347. 1896, Brunot, Ferdinand. Ibid., tome ii [la Langue franjaise], p. 526 Le poete Gower, aprte avoir commencd par dcrire en fran^ais, se sert du latin, puis enfin de l’anglais, et l’immortel ! Chaucer, sans avotr des hesitations, l’adopte et le consacre a la iois par son genie. 1890. Legouis, Lmile. Quomodo Edmundus Spenserus ad Chaucerum se fingens m eclogis ‘The Shepheardes Calender 5 versum heroicum renovarit ac refecent [Thesis], Paris, 1896. neroicum 195, 6 2 7 23 68 26 7 2 !’ 87> 97 ’ 102> 104 ’ 105 ’ 10 * [p. 4P] En outre, la personnalitd propre de Chaucer commence a S paraitre dans ces oeuvres [‘ Lyf of Saint Cecile ’1373: ‘ Com- ) plain te of Mars’ 1380, prose translation of the ‘De Consola- tione’ of Boethius, ‘Parliament of Foules,’ ‘Troilus,’ 1382 ‘Hous of Fame’ 1383-4, ‘The Legend of Good Women,’]' sa bienveillance, son humour , sa sympathie indulgente pour [p.50] tout ce qui est humain, ses dons d’observation, Part du dialogue familier, la vivacite de repartie, le soin de la forme : qualites que nous avions discernees a l’etat embryonnaire dans la race celtique et qui ont passe maintenant, grace a la fusion intervenue, dans la race anglaise. Ces dons brillent surtout dans ‘Troilus et Cressida’ French Allusions. 105 1896] admirable po&me, roman et drame k la fois, plein de tendresse et en meme temps d’ironie douce, ou quelque reste des melancolies saxonnes s’allie a la gaiet6 frangaise, ou Boccace ( Filostrato ) est imite et surpass^. ... • P . 53 ] [Dans les contes de Canterbury] c’est toute l’Angleterre qui nous est montr6e, jeune, printani&re, 6panouie. Les g6nies des deux races d’autrefois se sont fondus ; le g6nie celtique et latin domine toutefois dans Chaucer. Nous le trouvons optimiste et indulgent, n’inclinant nullement vers le fatal isme et le d^sespoir. II voit les vices d’un regard clair et ne se fait pas d’illusion ; il tache de les guerir ; s’il ne peut, il s’en console, et s’il ne peut s’en consoler, il s’en venge du moins par une epigramme. Ses epigrammes, il est vrai, font plus que piquer, elles p6netrent : ce ne sont pas de simples amusements; a son esprit petillant, a lafrancaise, se mele une forte dose humour anglais. Il s’lnt^resse aux humbles et les aime ; si ce sont des coquins, le pittoresque de leurs moeurs impures l’amuse ; s’ils p. 54 ] sont vertueux, ils lui inspirent une admiration attendrie (portrait du bon cure). Les ‘ gens de rien ’ occupent dej& dans son oeuvre la place qu’ils devaient tenir dans tout la litterature anglaise et dans l’histoire politique du pays. Il voit d’une vue claire, il sent d’un coeur sensible. Il traduit sa vision et son impression par le mot qui fait voir ou le mot qui touche, avec une justesse inconnue jusque-la dans son pays. Il a un sens de la forme et de la mesure rare avant la Renaissance ; il blame les longueurs sans tou jours les eviter ; mais c’est deja beaucoup de savoir que les longueurs sont un defaut, et le merite n’etait pas banal de son temps. Il versifie avec soin ; la place des mots ne lui est pas indifferente, leurs sonorites le preoccupent. Il a sur tous ces points des idees arretees, il n’^crit pas au hasard ; il veut, il choisit ; bref, et pour la premiere fois dans l’histoire des lettres anglaises, nous nous trouvons en presence d’un artiste. Avec cela, des moyens simples : nulle pretention ; il veut et choisit, et cependant garde un air de facilite : son vocabu- laire est le vocabulaire de tout le monde, sa prosodie de meme; ce sont cette prosodie et ce vocabulaire, ces vers rimes ou les accents marquent la cadence, cette langue ou surabondent les mots fran^ais, dont nous avons expose plus 106 Appendix B. [a.d. 1897- haut la formation. II les prit tels qu’il les trouva, et il lea consacra par l’usage qu’il en fit. . . . 1897. Jusserand, J. J. Jacques L er d’Fcosse, fut-il poete? Etude sur Vauthenticite du ‘ Gainer dn Hoi,’ pp. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 note, 20-22. 1898., Soult, Amelie (M lle ). Chaucer . Copie de la conference anglaise par laquelle Mlle. A. Soult ... devait inaugurer , a la Sorbonne , le l er decembre 1897, les conferences en langue anglaise de la Societe de propagation des langues etrangeres en France. [A short biography of Chaucer, followed by a study of the Canterbury Tales ; in English.] 1898. Unknown. [Article 4 Chaucer ’ in] Le Nouveau Larousse illustre , tome ii, p. 735 [short biographical notice]. 1900. Legouis, Emile. Quel fut le premier compose partfhaucer des deux Prologues de la Leyende des Femmes Fxemplaires ? [extract from the Revue de V enseignement des langues vivantes , Paris, April 1900]. Le Havre, 1900. r [M. Legouis maintains that the A text was composed first.] 1900. Lecoq, J. [Notice of Legouis, Quel fut le premier compose par Chaucer des deux prologues de la Legende des Femmes Fxemplaires , ' in the] Revue Critique d’Histoire et de Litterature , 10 Dec 1900 p. 467. ? 1900. Lecoq, J. [Notice of Skeat’s Chaucer Canon , in the] Revue ; Critique d’Histoire et de Litterature , 10 Dec. 1900, pp. 466-7. 1903. Raynaud, Gaston. Lntroduction [to the] (Euvres completes de Eustache Deschamps, Soci6t6 des Anciens Textes Francais, tome xi 1903, Sujets des pieces, p. 213. Chaucer. Toute une ballade adress^e a Chaucer fait allu- j sion a une traduction anglaise du Roman de la Rose aujour- d’hui perdue, dont il etait l’auteur. Son po&me The Flower and the Leaf (Aldine edition, 1902, t. ix, p. 87), peut aussi etre rapproch^ des pieces consacrees par Deschamps a YOrdre de la Fleur et a YOrdre de la Feuille. 1906. Harvey-Jellie, W. Les Sources du Theatre Anglais a Vepoque de la Restauration [Thesis], p. 32. Waller remit en lumiere les vers suivis, dont Chaucer s’etait si remarquablement servi. 1907] French Allusions. 107 1907. Gebhart, Emile. Merry Old England [article from the] Gaulois, Tuesday, April 23, 1907. [A review of the translation of the first series of the Canterbury Tales appearing in the Bevue Ger- manique, September, 1906. See below, under 1908.] La joyeuse vieille Angle terre ! Je ne demand ais pas mieux que de souscrire a ce signalement, qui s’impose a nous par l’autoritA seculaire d’un proverbe ou d’une sentence historique. Mais j’avais beau me frotter les yeux, je ne distinguais pas tres clairement, dans la vieille litterature anglaise, ce trait caract^ristique de gaiete nationale. Shakespeare n’est point d’humeur essentiellement joyeuse [M. Gebhart cites Macbeth, Hamlet and ‘ le gros Ealstaff,’ qui ‘n’est qu’un boufifon de taverne.’ Sterne, Swift and Addison, and Hogarth and the other caricaturists of the eighteenth century, are not really happy (joyeux). In the history of the country itself, as in its literature and arts of design, reigns a terribly tragic note.] Et voila que toujours The Merry Old England s’obstine a se derober a nos yeux. Elle existe pourtant, bien originale et bien vivante, et c’est pr6cis6ment aux ann6es memes de YAguto et dans les horreurs de la guerre de Cent Ans, qu’elle se r^vele de la manure la plus inattendue et la plus aimable. Le premier grand poeme de la literature anglaise, les Contes de Canter- bury de Geoffrey Chaucer, nous m^nageaient cette surprise. Les plus distingues de nos maitres anglicisants viennent d’en entreprendre la traduction, sous la direction de M. Emile Legouis. . . . [A short biography of Chaucer and an account of his debt to Boccaccio’s Decamerone follow.] L’imagination de Chaucer fut joliment cicatrice. Voyez, en son Prologue , la variete individuelle, et le mouvement des personnages qui Avoluent comme sur une scene de theatre bien reglee, la face franchement tournee vers le spectateur, avec leur allure propre, leur costume, leur geste professionnel, l’inoubliable trait particular de leur visage. Yoici vingt-neuf pelerins qui s’en vont a Canterbury, afin d’y venerer les reliques du grand 6veque martyr. Le hasard les a r6unis en une hotellerie du vieux Londres, a l’enseigne 108 Appendix B. [a.d. 1907- du Tabard: ils representent, en dehors de l’aristocratie j feodale, la soci^te anglaise de l’epoque. . . . L hote, un joyeux drille, ravi d une clientele si choisie, se joint au pMerinage et propose a ses comperes de conter, le long du chemin, des histoires d’aventures ‘du temps jadis.’ . . . L’offre du ruse aubergiste est acclamee par enthousi-l asme. On tire a la courte paille. Au chevalier de parler le premier. C est un lettre, ce chevalier. II a lu la Theseide de Boccace, et raconte amplement les chevaleries du due Th6s6e. Et chacun a son tour, paye son ecot. C’est un; defile de contes de toutes les couleurs, surtout de couleurs assez crues, de fabliaux friands, de bons tours d’6coliers, dont quelques-uns seront repris et tendrement ciseles a neuf > par La Fontaine. Madame la Prieure, les clercs et les moines auront maintes fois l’occasion de baisser les yeux, tout en cheminant vers la tombe de saint Thomas Becket. : Gaietes de saveur toute gaulofse, d’importation 6trangere : je n’y reconnais pas encore un signe d’originalite. La | grande invention de Chaucer, c’est le portrait meme de ses p^lerins. La galerie qu il nous fait parcourir est chose merveilleuse. Chaque figure du Prologue est l’effigie d’un temperament moral ; la demarche, le costume, la coiffure, ! le tour et le ton de la parole jusqu’aux menues confidences, du po&te sur le train intime ou les innocentes manies du : personnage, tout concourt a la perfection du tableau. Mais notez ceci, qui est essentiel; Chaucer ne vise point a la caricature ; il a le sens necessairement mesure et discret du comique, et le grotesque n’est point pour le seduire. Ses i couleurs ont la fraicheur du matin verdoyant de mai qui | eclaire la marche du pelerinage, jamais elles ne sont violentes. j II se trouvait jouir du plus charmant etat d’ame : la con- i templation du monde l’amusait; il jugeait divertissants les visages et les actes quotidiens de ses semblables et n’en res- ' sentait ni colere, ni amertume, ni tristesse. Il les caressaifc d’une ironie legere, et se gardait de les meurtrir dune moquerie mechante. Soyez certains que cet homme ne s’ennuyait pas souvent et que, dans le cercle seigneurial ou l’on goutait la grace de son esprit, la melancolie fut une visiteuse assez rare. Je detache l’image de la ‘simple et discrete* Pripure, M me Eglantine, dont le plus grand serment etait : ‘ Par saint 1 Eloi ! ’ [A description of the Prioress follows.] 1908] French Allusions. 109 La miniature est exquise. Cette alRgresse de l’imagination, assaisonnee de malice et de bonhomie, fut-elle le don propre de Geoffroy Chaucer, ou bien repond-elle a l’enjouement de la societe feodale anglaise, vers la fin du quatorzieme si&clel Nous saisirons enfin The Merry Old England , au moins dans les rangs cultives de l’aristocratie. Sinon, le vieux conteur representerait a lui seul la ‘ joyeuse vieille Angleterre.’ Or, comme une hirondelle ne fait pas le printemps, je me trouverais lance de nouveau sur une mer d’incertitude. 1907. Berger, P. William Blake , Mysiicisme et Poesie , pp. 87, 88. 1908. Gebhart, Lmile. Deux Contes de Geoffroy Chaucer [article from the] Journal des Debats , 11 March, 1908. [Review of the second series of the Tales appearing in the Bevue Germanique. See under 1908 below.] . . . Je ne veux aujourd’hui que presenter au lecteur l’ou- vrage si peu connu, chez nous, du Boccace anglais, invention charmante, qui a toutes les graces, les maladresses, les timidit^s et le joli p^dantisme des creations de l’adolescence. Quand Chaucer a la bonne fortune de rencontrer quelque tragi que tradition morale venue de Tite-Live, par exemple la mort de Virginie, il s’y com plait avec cette joie que les poetes du moyen age ont savour^e chaque fois qu’ils tou- chaient aux souvenirs de la Grece ou de Rome. Nos aieux, ravis de paraitre si savants, s’abandonnaient alors a de dfflicieux bavardages : l’histoire romaine chez la portiere. Mais voici un conte, qui promettait beaucoup, mais qui finira raal, ou plutot qui ne finira pas du tout : le conte de sire Topaze ! Chaucer semblait s’abandonner a un souffle d’in- vention chevaleresque : ce petit jouvenceau de sire Topaze, n6 en Flandre, ‘par dela la mer/ fils de seigneur, brave, mignon, la face blanche comme pain de luxe, les Rvres rouges comme rose, les cheveux et la barbe d’un blond de safran, s’en allait chevauchant par les collines et les valRes, sous la futaie des forets profondes, la lance en arret, gaiement, folle- ment, le galop de son cheval chassait les chevreuils, les IRvres et les sangliers hors de leurs retraites ; mais Topaze ne se souciait point des betes fauves : il attendait le chant des oiseaux. Cet Man printanier a travers la vie, cette intelligence 110 Appendix B. [a.d. 1908 familiere des voix de la nature, du chant des oiseaux, faisaient vaguement penser au saint Julien l’Hospitalier de Flaubert : cet amour pour une creature de reve, toute voilee de brouillard et de rayons de lune, nous acheminait vers la feerie, vers les prestiges du roman chevaleresque, qui deja enchantait l’imagination heroique de l’Espagne. M. Legouis voit en effet, en ce conte, une imitation, mais une imitation ironique de cette litterature qui, au temps de Chaucer, d6gen6rait deja en ballades ou poemes populaires semi lyriques. Fans le vieux fabliau, ou les trois personnages essentiels sont le mari, la femme et l’amant (tres souvent un moine de la race de Frere Jean des Entommeures), Chaucer se sent fort a son aise j dans 1 aimable conte du J\daviniev, ou le moine, dom Jean, est le cousin meme du mari, il imagine des incidents et des discours franchement comiques. Ceci est la bonne veine de la literature bourgeoise du moyen age europeen. Apres tout, l’invention de Chaucer n’y porte que sur le detail des episodes. Mais le don original du conteur est une plaisante allegresse du r4cit j il s’amuse infiniment aux histoires contees par ses p&lerins. Si le conte est une predication morale, il le renforce de toute lerudition possible, dun veritable debordement d exemples 4difiants. Fans le ! conte du moine defilent les plus tragiques m^saventures, d’Adam a Pierre le Cruel : Neron y occupe une place fort ample, et Ugolin s’y montre en toute l’horreur de sa duresse. Ce dernier tableau est d’une r^elle beaute, et fort curieux a 4tudier de pres : certains traits d’un pathetique profond, a peine indiqu6 par Fante, ont et6 saisis par l’instinct poetique , de Chaucer : Le geolier ferma la porte de la tour. Il l’entendit bien, mais ne dit mot. C’est le terrible Senzafar motto de la Cantica. Mais, tout aussitot, etourdi comme un ecolier, notre Anglais inflige au texte italien un strange contresens : do non piangeva : si dentro impietrai. * Je ne pleurais pas : tant j’avais de pierre en dedans.’ ‘ Helas ! helas ! ’ gemit TUgolin de Chaucer, ‘pourquoi j suis-je ne?’ ‘ A ces mots, les larmes tomberent de ses yeux 1908] French Allusions. Ill Le plus interessant morceau de cette seconde s6rie, au point de vue de l’oeuvre artistique, me semble etre le Conte du pretre de Nonnains , du Coq chanteclair et de la Poule Pertelote , un fabliau installe dans le monde de la volaille, un dementi inflige a la tradition triomphante de maitre Renard, Renard l’invincible et l’infaillible, et, melee a ce drame de basse-cour, une th6orie de la divination et des songes d’apres les meilleurs auteurs de l’antiquite. Un pur bijou et, si le chapelain de ces petites nonnes avait, en son br£viaire, beau- coup de contes, aussi agreables, on ne devait point s’ennuyer au couvent. 1908. Hcepffner, Ernest. Introduction [to the] QHuvi'es de Guillaume de Machaut , Soc. des Anc. Textes Frangais, tome i, p. vii. Les oeuvres de Guillaume dtaient connues meme au dela du domaine de la langue fran$aise. Chaucer, le grand po&te anglais, s’est inspire du Dit de la Fontaine arnoureuse pour son Boke of the Duchesse et a fait des emprunts encores a d’autres poemes de Machaut. 1908. Les Contes de Canterbury de Geoffroy Chaucer. Traduction fran- gaise, a/cec une introduction et des notes. . . . Paris, Felix Alcan, 1908. [This appeared as No. 4 bis of the Revue Germanique for Sept. 1006, 1907 and 190^, and was re-issued in 1 vol. in 1908.] [p.v] La traduction a £t£ ainsi repartie entre les professeurs agreg^s d’anglais dont les noms suivent : Prologue General. — M. Cazamian, professeur adjoint h P University de Bordeaux. Conte du Chevalier. I re partie. M. Leon Morel, charge de cours a la Sorbonne. II e partie. — M. C.-M. Gamier, pro- fesseur au lycee Henri iv. III e et IV e parties. — M. Bourgogne, professeur au lyc4e Condorcet. Prologue et Conte du Meunier. — M. Delcourt, professeur au lycee de Montpellier. Prologue et Conte de VIntendamt. \ M ' ^erocquigny, Fata- 7 , ~ . 7 ~ . . . V seur a 1 Umversite de Prologue et Conte du tuisimer. Introduction , Prologue et Conte de V Homme de Loi. — M. W. Thomas, professeur a l’Universit6 de Lyon. Prologue et Conte du Marinier. iM. Koszul, professeur au Prologue et Conte de la Prieure.j lycee de Lyon. 112 [A.D. 1908 Appendix B. Prologue et Conte de Chaucer sur sire Thopaze. I M. Pegouis, profes- \ Prologue du Mellibee. ) seur a ^ a Sorbonne. Conte de Chaucer sur Mellibee.— M. Bastide, professeur au j lycee Charlemagne. Prologue et Conte du Moine.—M. Charles Petit, professeur i au lycee d’Amiens. Prologue , Conte et Epilogue duPretrede Nonnains.— M. C. I Cestre, maitre de conferences a l’Universite de Lyon. Conte et Epilogue du Medecin. f M * Clerm ont, profes- j Prologue et Conte du Pardonneur.) seura u lyc6e Janson- [ de-Sailly. Prologue de la F emme de Bath. — -M. Lerocquigny, profes- ‘ seur a l’Universite de Lille. [I*. Vi] Conte de la Femme de Bath. |M. E. Wahl, professeur au Prologue et Conte du Frere.j lycee Janson-de-Sailly. Prologue et Conte du Semoneur. — M. Bauchet, professeur au lycee d’Evreux. Prologue et Conte du Clerc. — M. R. Huchon, maitre de conferences a FUniversite de Nancy. Prologue, Conte et Epilogue du Marchand. — M. Lavault, professeur au lycee Janson-de-Sailly. Conte et Epilogue de l Ecuyer. — M. Bahans, professeur au lycee de Pau. Prologue et Conte du Franklin. — M. P. Berger, professeur au lycee de Bordeaux. Prologue et Conte de la Seconde JPonne. — M. Yallod, pro- fesseur au lyc6e de Nancy. Prologue et Conte du Valet du Chanoine.—M. Castelain, professeur adjoint a l’Universite de Poitiers. Prologue et Conte du Manciple. VM. Bastide, professeur au ] Prologue et Conte du Cure. J lyc^e Charlemagne. * [p. vii] Avertissement. Les traducteurs ont adopts les regies suivantes : 1° Emploi du texte des Contes de Canterbury , publie par Mr. W. W. Skeat dans son Student's Chaucer . . . le meilleur texte existant, presque dcfmitif. Ce texte a bte suivi fidele- ment, mais non servilement, et les traducteurs ont cru devoir s’en separer, en de tres rares occasions, surtout en ce qui concerne la ponctuation adoptee par la critique. . . . 1908 ] French Allusions. 113 2° Notes r^duites au strict n6cessaire. . . . 3° Traduction lineaire, vers pour vers, d’ou un style sans doute moins coulant, mais en revanche plus fidele et peut- etre plus savoureux. . . . [p. viii] L’accueil fait a la premiere moiti6 de ce livre permet de croire qu’il vient a son heure et comble une lacune enfin devenue sensible. Le premier Groupe des Contes, paru en fascicule dans un nuinero supplementaire de la Revue Germanique , a ete honore par l’Academie frangaise d’une partie du prix Langlois. ... II est d’ailleurs difficile de ne pas voir un indice signale du progres des etudes de langues vivantes chez nous, dans le nombre, la competence et le zele des collaborateurs qui se sont unis spontanement en vue de mener a bien une oeuvre longue, delicate, exigeant la connaissance de la vieille langue anglaise, et toute desint6ress6e. La Societe pour V Etude des Langues et Litteratures modernes. [pp. ix.-xxxii.] Introduction, par M. Emile Legouis. [See below.] 1908. Legouis, Emile. Geoffroy Chaucer , xxxii. Introduction [to the] Contes de Canterbury de traduction frangaise . . . Paris, 1908, pp. ix- [ P . ix] L’oeuvre dont la traduction est donnee dans ce volume a d£ja £t6 a plus d’une reprise celebree chez nous par la critique. En des pages nombreuses et brillantes, tour a tour Taine et M. Jusserand, pour ne parler que d eux, ont proclame que les Contes de Canterbury etaient non seulement le premier chef-d’oeuvre en langue anglaise, mais encore l’un des poemes capitaux de l’Europe avant la Renaissance, qu’ils pourraient bien meme en etre de tous le plus vivant, le plus varie et le plus r^jouissant. Nul des lecteurs de leurs belles etudes qui n’ait senti l’attrait du vieux livre dans leurs citations et a travers leurs analyses. Or c’est un indice curieux (et inquie- tant aussi) de notre tournure d’esprit que le manque persistant d’une version accessible de ces Contes si bien loues. ! [ P . x] Les Contes de Canterbury sont done restes pour la France un de ces chefs-d’oeuvre qu’on salue de tres loin et qu’on CHAUCER CRITICISM. V. I 114 Appendix B. [a.d. 1908 ignore. C est ainsi qu’il manque au lecteur desinteresse un des livres de jadis qui peuvent le plus pour son amusement ; a l’historien un tableau unique de la vie populaire du xiv e si^cle ; au litterateur un des plus remarquables prolongements & 1 etranger de notre po^sie nationale, et avec cela une oeuvre qui, fond4e sur le pass6, fait mieux qu’aucune pr^voir le progr^s de la literature europ^enne. II est un autre regret auquel le manque de cette traduction peut justement donner lieu. Faute de lire les. Contes de Canterbury les Fra^ais se sont refuse la seule entree de plain- pied qui leur fut possible dans la literature anglaise . Ce pas est a peine franchi que la communion devient parfaite : rr- xi] pens^es, sentiments, histoires, plaisanteries, tours d’esprit et de style, on y retrouve ce qu’on a laisse derri^re. On y est chez soi, avec l’agrement d’etre en meme temps hors de chez soi; on y apprend selon des modes familiers des choses curieuses sur un pays different. . . . Nul ecrivain anglais ne nous communique au meme degre que Chaucer le sens de cette entente cordiale primitive. Ce n’est certes pas que nous songions a le revendiquer comme notre ; il nous est preferable que ses vers et ses contes aient essaim6 de chez nous pour former au dehors une ruche nouvelle, riche et prolifique. Ainsi pouvons-nous dans la suite, apres avoir sejourn6 quelque temps aupres de lui, passer mieux prepares aux autres grands poetes anglais, vrais indigenes ceux-la et parfois tres strangers k notre esprit, mais qui ont tous 4te a quelque degre ses sieves, et tous ont salue en lui le maitre et le pere. [r. xviii] La galerie des portraits qui mene aux contes est la seule partie de Tedifice qui ait 6tk achevee definitivement, ou presque definitivement. Les vingt-neuf compagnons de route de Chaucer y figurent fix6s en des traits et des couleurs que les annees n’ont fait, semble-t-il, qu’aviver. Us sont la une trentaine appartenant aux professions les plus dissemblables. [p. xix] Nul doute que Chaucer, en quete de conteurs distincts, ne se soit d’abord avise de cette differenciation la plus facile et la plus nette qui consiste dans le contraste des professions. Cela fait — etfaisait surtout alors — unebigarrure de couleurs et de costumes dont l’ceil est saisi d’embl^e, une suite d’habi- tudes et de tendances que l’esprit entend a demi-mot. II 1908] French Allusions. 115 suffisaifc de noter les traits generiques, les caract&res moyens de chaque metier, pour obtenir deja des portraits fortement accuses et qui ne risquaienc pas d’etre confondus. Plus d’une fois le poete s’en tient a un simple releve des indices pro- fessionnels. . . . Neanmoins il va souvent au dela \ ces signes de metier qu’il n’omet jamais, et qui donnent a tous les pelerins une g£n6ralite par quoi ils sont vraiment repre- sentatifs, il lui arrive de les resserrer et de les diriger en inclinant soit a l’id^alisation, soit a la satire. Aussi vrai que son Chevalier est le parangon des preux, que son Cure de village est le niodele des bons pasteurs, que son Clerc d’Oxford est le ^type de l’amour desinteress6 de l’etude, inversement son’ Moine, son Frere, son Semoneur, son Par- donneur, rassemplent les traits les moins estimables de leurs congeneres. PaVfois aussi une generalisation d’une autre espece vient cyoiser et enrichir celle du simple metier . l’Ecuyer est ei i meme temps la Jeunesse: le Laboureur est encore la Charite parfaite chez les humbles ; la Drapiere de Bath est du meme coup l’essence de la satire contre la femme. [p.*xx] Enfin il ne s’en tient pas la ; il vivifie et rajeunit les de- scriptions convenues ou les generalisations anterieures en ajoutant des Retails que lui fournit l’observation directe. Il superpose les traits individuels aux generiques ; il donne, meme quand il peint le type, l’impression de peindre une personne unique, rencontree par hasard. . . . Cette com- binaison des divers elements est chez lui d’un dosage variable, extremement adroit sans qu’il y paraisse. Un peu plus de gen6ralite, et ce serait le symbole fig6, l’abstraction froide ; un peu plus de traits purement individuels, et ce serait la confusion ou l’esprit s’egare faute de points de repere. La vraisemblance est d’autant mieux obtenue que nulle trace d’effort ou de composition ne se r^vele : Ses nonchalances sont ses plus grands artifices. Les details semblent se succdder au petit bonheur : les traits de costume ou d’equipement alternent avec les notations de caract&re ou de moralite. Cela parait a peine tri6 et ordonne. Ajoutez que la naivety des procedes rappelle sans cesse celle des peintres primitifs, par je ne sais quel air de gaucherie, par la raideur inexperte de certains contours, par une insistance sur des minuties qui fait d’abord sourire, par Appendix B. [a.d. 1908 la recherche des couleurs vives et en meme temps par l’unique emploi des teintes plates a l’exclusion des tons degrades. La presentation des pelerins est faite avec une simplicity mono- tone dont le plus rude artiste ne se contenterait pas aujour- d hui. Un a un, en des cadres ranges a egale distance Fun de 1 autre, places sur le meme plan, et tous a la meme hauteur, ils nous regardent tous de face. . . . [p. xxii] Chaucer a done pu rivaliser avec le peintre. . . . Mais le poete a des ressources refusees au peintre ; il dispose des sons comme des couleurs. Chaucer use de cet avantage avec un egal bonheur. II nous fait entendre les grelots qui, a la bride du beau cheval brun monte par le Moine, tintent au vent siffleur ‘ aussi clair et aussi fort que la cloche d’une chapelle.’ Mieux encore, ces portraits acheves, Chaucer s’est a vise de les faire descendre de leur cadre. II ne passe pas du [P.xxiii] portrait au conte sans intermediate. . . . Les prologues et les epilogues particuliers ramenent sans cesse l’attention des contes aux pelerins qui les disent ou les ecoutent, et soulignent le dessein du po£te : faire de chacun de ces recits Fexpression naturelle et vraisemblable de tel ou tel individu. A pelerins divers de costume et de caractere il preta des contes d iffy rents de fond et de forme. Son poeme est une sorte d’ Arche de Noe ou des specimens de tous les genres litteraires alors existants ont trouv6 place, chacun y gardant la singularity de sa physionomie. La prose, les distiques, les stances, se succedent et se croisent. [ P . xxiv] ^ Il fallait encore— et ce n’etait pas le moins difficile de la tache— attribuer a chaque pelerin celui de ces contes qui convenait a sa caste et a sa nature. Cela encore Chaucer l’a fait admirablement ou il a eu le temps de le faire, et la reussite est telle dans les parties achevees de son poeme qu °n peut, qu’on doit admettre qu’il y eut triomphe d’un bout a 1 autre s il avait men4 l’oeuvre a sa conclusion. tp. xxv] Certes le conte n’est plus toujours, dans Fabstrait, si bon, si rapide, si lestement et habilement tourne qu’il pourrait l’etre, ni si souvent relevy de spirituels mots d’auteur. 1908] French Allusions. 117 Ainsi, pris a part, le conte de la Bourgeoise de Bath est in- ferieur en aisance, en dext^rite et en brillant a Ce qui plait aux Dames de Yoltaire. Mais le conte tel qu’il est dans Chaucer ne sort pas de la bouche du poete ; il 6mane d’une commere qui y met sa philosophic de la vie et s’en fait un argument ; il lui sert a proclamer son idee des rapports entre mari et femme. Yu de cette manure, il prend une richesse et un comique qui font paraitre minces et sans portee les vers agiles du poete frangais. D’ailleurs ce conte n’est ici que parcelle — la moins importante et savoureuse — de cette immense confession que nous fait la Bourgeoise. Du role principal il a passe a celui d’accessoire. [p. xxviii] Enfin, dernier pas, Chaucer va jusqu’a nous offrir des histoires dont il nous permet de nous moquer, si meme il ne nous invite pas a les juger en soi fastidieuses ou ridicules. Le Moine essaie de compenser sa mine trop fleurie de joyeux veneur, sa carrure de grand * engendreur,’ en psalmodiant la plus lugubre des complaintes sur la fin tragique des illustres de ce monde ; il est assez cuirasse d’embonpoint et d’indiffe- rence, lui, pour soutenir avec calme le choc de ces infortunes anciennes ; mais le bon cceur du Chevalier souffre et proteste ; l’Aubergiste bailie et declare que ‘ ce conte ennuie toute la compagnie.’ Le chapelet funebre ne sera pas egrene jusqu’au bout, et le Moine rentrera dans le silence, apres avoir par la force soporifique de sa parole retabli l’opinion de sa gravite dans resprit des pelerins. Chaucer non plus ne pourra pas mener au terme le conte qu’il s’est attribue. L’Aubergiste sense le rabrouera pour ce qu’il chante une ballade de cheva- lerie qui rime beaucoup mais ne rime a rien. Somme de dire une histoire ou il y ait moins d’assonances et plus de doctrine, [p. xxix] il se vengera de son critique sournoisement en lui obeissant a la lettre. Il renoncera aux vers et repetera en prose la redoutable et interminable allegorie ou Dame Prudence prouve a son epoux, par tous les Peres de l’Eglise et tous les docteurs du stoicisme, qu’il doit prendre en douceur les maux peu communs dont il est afflige. Dans ces trois cas, il serait malavise, le lectern* qui chercherait son plaisir dans l’exeellence des contes, au lieu de l’extraire, comme le poete, de leur absurdite ou de leur ennui. 118 Appendix B. [a.d. 1908- Ainsi se transforment les contes, simplement par la justesse de 1 attribution, alors que, pour le reste, ils conservent visible leur marque d’origine. Mais il faut se garder de croire qu a 1 int^rieur meme des contes nul progres ne se r6v&le. La meme faculty vivifiante qui donna corps et ame aux pelerins court et circule dans beaucoup des recits qu’ils font. Ici sans doute l’apport de Chaucer est tres in6gal selon les cas. ... II faut convenir que Chaucer est tr&s faiblement original dans la partie s^rieuse, proprement po^tique, des Contes de Canterbury. L’histoire de ce genre qu’il ait le plus remani4e est surement la Theseide de Boccace. . . . Mais ailleurs Chaucer est ou traducteur litteral, comme pour le conte de Mellib^e, ou adaptateur tres voisin du modele comme pour le sermon du cure, pour la vie de sainte Cecile [etc.]. . / . [p. xxx] lout autre est le cas pour les histoires comiques et r^alistes analogues a nos fabliaux. Ici renrichissement est tel qu’on pourrait parler de creation. Et cela reste en partie vrai, meme si nous comparons Chaucer avec l’auteur du Decameron , qui sut infuser a un genre originairement si sec tant de chaleur et de rougeur de sang. Mais tandis que Boccace, gardant la concision du genre, ne depasse guere le tableau de moeurs, Chaucer, moins dense et moins passionn6, s’avance progressive- ment vers l’etude des caracteres ; il reproduit a l’int^rieur de plus d’un de ces contes cet effort pour saisir l’individu qui fait la gloire de son Prologue. Boccace mene au roman picaresque ; Chaucer montre deja la voie a Moliere et a Fielding. C’est a ce point que chez lui l’intrigue, l’anecdote initiale, qui fut le tout du fabliau et qui reste le principal dans Boccace, passe a l’arriere-plan, s’efface, n’est plus guere qu’un pretexte. Des le Conte du Meunier on s’en apergoit k l’importance que prennent les portraits : celui de l’etudiant, celui du clerc Nicolas, celui d Alison. Mais le plus caracteris- tique a cet egard est le Conte du Semoneur. Tout ce qui importe, ce sur quoi Chaucer s’etend, c’est la mise en scene [p.xxxi]du Frere mendiant, ses fagons a la fois patelines et familieres, ses extraordinaires efforts d’eloquence pour arriver a escroquer l’argent de son malade. Quand on atteint la grosse farce primitive, le meilleur du conte est acheve, et plus des deux tiers en est dit. Ce qui fut l’unique raison d’etre du fabliau de Jacques de Basiu n’est plus ici que la simple conclusion 1009] French Allusions. 119 d’une verborum & sententiarum flexus, quales apud Ovidium ubique ferme offendas. Quid quod Chaucerum eodem loco Anglis habendum putat, quo Graeci Homerum, & Virgilium Pomani habebant? . . . [and another page of this epitome of the Preface dealing with Chaucer]. 1704 Unknown. [A review of The London Spy, id est Explorator Lonuinensis, Londini, 1703, in] Acta Eruditorum, Leipzig, June 1704, p. 284. [Describing Dry den’s funeral.] Postquam itaque in templum Abbatise Westmonasteriensis ventum esset, cantatum est epicediura, & postrema a 1725] German References. 131 quoclam ejus templi Sacerdote persoluta sunt, demumque funus, magna cum honoris significatione, medio loco inter Chaucerum & Coulseum, insignes Anglorum Poetas, Epicum alterum, alterum Lyricum, tumulatum est ; quo in loco ut splendidum monumentum, tantoque viro dignum erigatur, Nobiliores quidam Angli procurabunt. 1709. Unknown. [A review of A New View of London , 1708, in] Acta Eruditornm, Leipzig, March, 1709, p. 112. [Account of Westminster Abbey, and the poets buried there.] Proximi sunt Cowlejo Poetse alii, Galfridus Chaucer, A. 1400, Edmundus Spencerus, A. 1596 [etc.]. 1715. Mencke, Johann Burchard. Gompendioses Gelehrten-Lexicon, Leipzig, 1715, p. 466. Chaucer (Codfried, oder Galfried) ein in der Mathematic, studiis elegantioribus und Poesie wohl erfahrener Ritter, von Woodstock in Engeland, wurde wegen seiner schonen Yerse der Englische Homerus genannt, schrieb im Engl, laudes bonarum mulierum, vitam Cleopatrae, vitam Lucretiae Romanae, und andere Schrifften, welche zu London zusam- men gedruckt sind, und st. 1400. [The notice is similar in the subsequent editions of 1726 and 1733. In 1750-3 this work was republished as Jocher’s Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, and the Chaucer notice in it has slight additions (vol. i, p. 1855, col. i). In the list of his works, after c vitam Lucretiae romanae 5 is added : — ‘ amorum Troili de Chriseidae libros 2, welche letztern Franc. Kingston [sfc] in lateinische Yerse gebracht, nebst andern Schriften,’ etc. The alternative date 1402 is added for Chaucer’s death. The later edition of this Lexicon, 1 787— 1822, is merely supplementary of names up to then omitted.] 1722. Unknown. [A review of Joseph Trapp’s Praelediones Poeticae in schola naturalis Philosophiae Oxonii habitae : in] Ada Erudi- torum , Leipzig, March, 1722, p. 130. Immaturum enim Drydeni Angli judicium censet quo ille Chauceri poema, pulcrum sane, Iliada ^Eneidaque aequare imo superare contendit. 1725 Unknown. [A review of The Survey of Cornwall , etc., by Richard Carew, 1723, in] Ada Eruditorum , Leipzig, March, 1725, p. 121-2. [p. i 2 i] Utque probet, veteres Grsecos & Romanos pares in Appendix C. [a.d. 1727 — Anglia habuisse, Platoni Thomam Smith, Ionibus Thomam Morum, Ciceroni Aschamum , Yarroni Chaucerum . . . omnes prsestantissimos illius tevi scriptores Anglos, opponit. 1727 ’ ^ n . known ; l A review of J. Dart's Westmonasterium , or the History and Antiquities of the Abbey-Church of St. Peter's, West- minster: in] Acta Eruditorum , Leipzig, June, 1727, p. 243. Galfridus Chaucer, pater Poetarum Angl. cujus vitam prolixiorem Poster nuperse ejus Operum editioni pnemisit, natus Londini A. 1328, denatus est Oct. 25 A. 1400. 1780. Unknown. Allgemeines Ilistorisches Lexicon , 3te Aufl. i Teil Leipzig, 1730, p. 958. CHAUCER, (Godfried oder Galfredus) ein Hitter, gebiirtig von Woodstock in Engelland, wurde wegen seiner schonen verse der Englische Homerus zugenannt. Hiernachst war er auch in der mathematic und in den studiis elegantioribus wohl eifahren. Er starb an. 1400. Seine Engellandiscke schrifften sind an. 1561 zu London zusammen gedruckt worden ; er hat aber geschrieben, laudes bonarum mulierum ; • : vitam Cleopatrse ; vitam Lucretise Bomanse; urbanitatis florem ; misericordise sepulturam ; de astrolabii ratione, &c. i Leland , Balaeus . 425] Wenn nun auch liier England und Deutschland grosse Gemeinschaft haben, wie weiter waren wir, wenn wir diese Volksmeynungen und Sagen auch so gebraucht hatten, wie die Britten und unsre Poesie so ganz darauf gebaut ware, als dort Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespear auf Glauben des Yolks baueten, daher schufen und daher nahmen. Wo sind 134 Appendix G. [ad. 1780- unsre Chaucer, Spenser und Shakespeare ? Wie weit stehen unsre M eistersanger unter jenen ! »• 426] Ich sage nur so viel : Hatten wir wenigstens die Stiieke gesammlet, aus denen sieh Bemerkungen oder Nuzbarkeiten die Art ergaben-aber wo sind sie? Die Englander-mit welcher Begierde haben sie ihre alte Gesange und Melodien gesammlet, gedruekt und wiedergedruckt, genuzt, gelesen I Kamsay, Percy und ihres Gleichen sind mit BeyfaU aufre- nommen, ihre neuern Dichter Shenstone, Mason, Mailer hie 1 aben sich wemgstens schon und miissig, in die Manier hmeingearbeitet: Dryden, Pope, Addison, Swift sie nach ihrer Art gebrauchet: die altern Dichter, Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespear, Milton haben in Gesangen der Art gelebet andre edle Manner, Philipp Sidney, Selden, und wie viel muste ich nennen, haben gesammlet, gelobt, bewundert • aus Samenkornern der Art ist der Britten beste lyriseke dramatische, mythische, epische Dichtkunst erwachsen • und wir-wn- uberfiillte, satte, klassische Deutsche- wir? -Man lasse in Deutschland nur Lieder drucken wie sie Ramsay, Percy a . zum Theil haben drucken lassen, und hore, was unsre geschmackvolle klassisclie Kunstrichter sagen ! 1780 'G™ngen d ’ CI ' riSt ° Ph Oberon ’ ein Gedicht “ vierzehn [The Whole of the 7th song of Oberon is taken from Chaucers Marehantes Tale. Wieland himself names Chaucer -not ^°P e 7 as hl « _ source, see 1796 below, but although W eland undoubtedly knew Chaucer’s original version (pro- bab!y m Tyrwhitt s edn. of 1775-8), he unquestionably also follows Popes modernisation in the main For the questum of Wieland’s debt to Chaucer and Pope respectively see T)as Quellenverhaltmss von Wieland' s Oberon, von Dr Max Koch, Marburg, 1880, pp. 52-5.] 1793. [Eschenburg, J. J. ?] Gottfried Chancer, [ini Charahtere der n} VMfr -k alU r< Nationen ; nebst kritischen und histori- schen Abhandluncj uber Geqenstande der schonen Kiinste und -Wis emer Gesdlscha f t von Gelehrten, Leipzig, 1793, vol. bv [ Tar S essa 7 (27 PP.) is, so far as I know, •/r K be r el shteenth-century account of Chaucer written by any foreign writer. It is written with evident reneTv dge °f Cha, ' cer s ' Tork a * first hand, and is no mere repetition of what others have said. The poems, and 1793] German References. 135 Chaucer’s sources, are discussed in detail, with accuracy and insight.] [p. ns] Mit dem klassischen Alterthum war Chaucer nicht unbe- kannt; das beweisen seine haufigen Anspielungen auf Stellen der Alten. Aber ihre Dichtkunst war wenigstens nicht das Yorbild seiner Nachahmung. Dazu war seine Welt- kenntniss und seine Belesenheit zu mannigfaltig. Aus den franzosischen und italienischen Dichtern entlehnte er das meiste. Aus ihnen schopfte er nicht nur den Stoif, sondern die ganze Behandlungsart seiner beyden und vornehmsten Gedichte, The Knight's Tale , und The Romaunt of the Rose. [p. 119 ] Unter Chaucer’s Hand erhielt diese Dicbtung ( The Knight's Tale) viele neue Schonheiten. Einige vorziigliche Gemalde und Beschreibungen, z. B. die von den Tempeln des Mars, der Yenus, und der Diana, und manche darein verwebte Allegorien, haben durch die freye und edle Manier des brittischen Dichters nicht wenig gewonnen. Nicht genug indess, dass er manch Neues und Eignes hinzuthat ; er liess auch viel Mattes und Weitschweifiges hinweg, welches die Lesung des italienischen Originals so oft ermiidend macht. Auch entledigte er sich der Einformigkeit und des Zwanges der Stanzen, und wahlte das freyere Metrum des zehnsylbigen Iamben, von dessen gliicklicher Bearbeitung er in diesem Gedichte das erste Muster gab. Bekanntlich hat Dryden diess Gedicht in seiner Erzahlung, Palamon und Arcite, modernisirt ; aber Chaucer’s kraftvoller und dabey sehr fliessender Yers hat nicht wenig Antheil an dem Yerdienste, welches sich der Yortrag des neuern Dichters nun um so leichter erwerben konnte. . . . [Romaunt of the Rose, sources and characteristics.] [p. 122] Eine andre vorziiglich merkwiirdige Arbeit Chaucer’s ist sein erzahlendes Gedicht, Troilus und Kressida . . . [His sources, ‘ Lollius * and Guido de Colonna.] Aber auch liier ist das Eigenthiimliche des englischen Dichters unverkenn- bar ; und er zeigte hier vornainlich seine Starke in lebhafter Erregung des Mitgefiihls. . . . \The IIous of Fame. Pope’s rendering is inferior.] [p. 123 ] Am beriihmtesten indess von alien Werken unsers 136 Appendix C. [a.d. 1793 Dichters sind seine Canterbury-Tales. Die Veranlassung zu diesen Erzahlungen ist ganz sinnreich ausgesonnen. [De- scription of the setting, and the improvement on Boccaccio’s Decameron, in that Chaucer’s personages are drawn from many different parts of the country, and from different classes and trades.] [r. 124 ] Freylich aber sind diese Erzahlungen, von Seiten ihres innern Gehalts, ziemlich ungleich, und nicht alle von gleichem poetischen Verdienst. Yon ihrer Erfindung gehort dem englischen Dichter wohl nur wenig eigen. Die schonste darunter, nachst der schon angefuhrten Knight’s- Tale, ist ohne Zweifel, The Squirr’ s-Tale [sfc]. [Description of this and of the Clerices Tale.] ... [p.126] In der komischen Gattung sind The Tale of the Nonnes \ Priest und January and May , durch Dryden’s und Pope’s Modernisirungen, die bekanntesten geworden ; obgleich The Miller’s Tale mehr achte komische Laune hat ... In den meisten iibrigen Erzahlungen Chaucer’s ist mehr komische, als ernsthafte Wendung; und die Naive tat des Tons ist darin nicht weniger anziehend, als die Wahrheit und Leb- haftigkeit der ganzen Darstellung. Mehr aber noch, als in den Erzahlungen selbst, stromt die ergiebige launigte Ader unsers Dichters in den Prologen, womit er jede Mahrchen einleitet. tp. 127 ] Hier fand er zu treffenden Sittengemalden uberall Gele- genheit ; und diese sind wirklich meisterhaft entworfen, und mit treffender Satyre untermischt. Man bewundert den eindringenden Scharfsinn in diesen charakteristischen Schil- derungen eben so sehr, als ilire gluckliche Auswahl und Mannigfaltigkeit. Dabey sind sie durcliaus original und einheimisch, nicht flach, sondern ausserst individuell, und mit immer reger Lebhaftigkeit ausgefuhrt. Dnter andern sticht der Charakter * des Wirths von der Herberge der erzahlenden Pilger sehr * vorthielhaft hervor. Seine Zwisclienreden und Bemerk- ungen, womit er die Erzahlungen zuweilen unterbricht, sind Uberaus treffend ; und er ist beinahe eben das, was der Clior auf der griechischen Biihne war. . . . [Chaucer’s language and verse is then discussed.] 137 1796] German References. 1796 Herder, Johann Gottfried von. Brief e zu Beforderung dev Hu- manitat, achte Sammlung, Brief 98. (Herder's Sa'nmtliche Werke, lierausgegeben von Bernhard Suphan, Berlin, 1877-1913, Band xviii, pp. 100, 102, 107 [Passing references to ‘ Chaucer’s Reime’]. [ P . ioo] Der Unterschied, den das Fragment zwiscben Poesie aus Reflexion und . . der reinen Fabel-poesie macht, ist mir aus der Geschichte der Zeiten, auf die das Fragment weiset, o-anz erklarlich worden. So lange namlich der Richter nichts seyn wollte, als Minstrel, ein Sanger, der uns die Begebenheit pelbst phantastisch vors Ange bringt und solche mit seiner Harfe fast unmerklich begleitet, so lange ladet der gleichsam blinde Sanger uns zum unmittelbaren An- schauen derselben ein. Nicht auf sich will er die Blicke ziehen . . . er selbst ist in der Vision der Welt ^genwartig, die er uns ins Gemiith ruft. Dies war der Ton aller Romanzen- und Fabelsanger dei mittleren Zeit, und (urn bei der Englischen Geschichte zu bleiben, aus der das Fragment Beispiele holet) es war noch der Ton Gottfried Chaucers, Edmund Spensers und ihres Gleichen. Der erste in seinen Canterbury- Tales erzahlt vollig noch als ein Troubadour; er hat eine Reihe ergotz- ender Mahrchen zu seinem Zweck der Zeitkiirzung und Lehre, charakteristisch fur alle Stande und Personen, die er erzahlend einfiihrt, geordnet ; Er selbst erscheint nicht eher, als bis an ihn zu erzahlen die Reihe kommt, da er denn seinem Charakter nach, als ein Dritter auft.ritt. 1796. Wieland, Christoph Martin. An den Leser , [prefixed to] Oberon. Sdmmtliche Werke, Leipzig, 1794-1802, 42vols., vol. xxii, pp. ii, iii. [ P . ii] Aber der Oberon, der in diesem alten Ritterromane die Rolle des Deus ex machina spielt, und der Oberon, der dem gegenwartigen Gedichte seinen Nahmen gegeben, sind zwey sehr verschiedene Wesen. Jener ist eine seltsame Art von Spuk, ein Mittelding von Mensch und Kobold, der Sohn Julius Casars und einer Fee, ... der meinige ist mit dem Oberon, welcher in Chaucer’s Merchant' s-Tale und Shake- speare’s Midsummer- Night' s- Dream als ein Feen- oder Elfenkonig (King of Fayries) erscheint, eine und eben dieselbe Person ; und die Art, wie die Geschichte seines Zwistes mit seiner Gemahlin Titania in die Geschichte [p.iii] Hiions und Rezia’s eingewebt worden, scheint mir (mit Appendix C. [ A . D . 1801 - Erlaubniss der Kunstrichter) die eigenthiimlichste Schon- h eit des Plans und der Komposizion dieses Gedichtes zu seyn. [C ' 18 UtrL,?k3:,/rt ann ?°i tfr, ' e ?-. Ghau ™ ™ •** leere Bdrse L ; t trai)slat io n o f Chaucer s Complemt to his Empty Purse ] . (Seumes Sammtliche Werke, Leipzig, 1826, Band vi, pp. 98, 99.) J ^ [The following is the first stanza.] Geliebte, der keine Geliebte mehr gleicht, Ach Liebe, wie bist Du so leer; Wie bist Du so winzig und jammerlich leicht; Das macht mir das Leben so schwer. Und lieber schon war 5 ich zur Bahre gebleicht ; Erbarme Dich meiner, und sei wieder schwer, Sonst leb ich nicht mehr. 1813 Breyer, Carl Wilhelm Friedrich. Leben Geoffrey Chauceds des Voters der enghschen DrcUkunst. Nach dem Englischen Heim William Godwins frey bearbeitet, Jena, 1812. [This is an admirably done paraphrase of Godwin’s Life of Chaucer (1803), retaining all the essentials relating to Chaucer and Ins work, and omitting the superfluous, as Breyer indicates m his preface. Some twenty-one irrelevant chapters are entirely omitted, and others are vastly reduced so that Breyer s version is a little volume of 146 pages (+ 39 pages of quotation from the Romaunt of the Rose ) whereas Godwin s forms two large volumes of 489 4- 64? pages.] ^ J Vorbencht. Es ist allerdings ein sehr angenehmes Ge- schenk, welches Hr. William Godwin mit seiner ohnliingst erschienenen Schrift : Life of Geoffrey Chaucer, nicht nur | semen Landsleuten, den Englandern, sondern den Freunden 1 der Pcesie und Historie iiberhaupt, gemacht hat. Nur der Form, in welcher der beruhmte Verfasser dies Geschenk darbrachte, mussen wir unsern Beyfall versagen. [It is not only a life of Chaucer, but an historical account of the fourteenth century in England, there are too many long digressions in it.] ... J Was wir dem deutschen Publikum hier liefern, ist daher ini strengen Sinne des Worts eine freye Bearbeitung des englischen Originals. Indem wir alles U el)ei .fla ssige we „. schnitten, machten wir, so viel es uns moglich war, den 1822] 139 German References. Yater der englischen Dichtkunst zum Mittelpunkt unsrer ganzen Erzahlung. 1822. Tieck, Johann Ludwig. Des Lebens Ueberfluss, Ludwig Tieck’s gesammelte Novellen, vermehrt und verbessert, 1838-42, neue Folge, Breslau, Band 1, 1842, pp. 23, 24, 39, 104, 105, 106. [In this story, a rare copy of Chaucer, printed by Caxton, becomes the means of tracing the eccentric scholar, who was forced to sell it in his poverty. The following are some of the passages where the Chaucer is referred to.] [p. 23] Er nahm das Tagebuch wieder vor und schlug ein Blatt zuriick. Er las laut : Heut verkaufte ich dem geizigen Buchhandler mein seltenes Exemplar des Chaucer, jene alte kostbare Ausgabe von Caxton. Mein Freund, der liebe, edle Andreas Yandelmeer, hatte sie mir zu meinem Geburts- tage, den wir in der Jugend auf der Universitat feierten, geschenkt. Er hatte sie eigens aus London verschrieben, sehr theuer bezahlt und sie dann nach seinem eigensin- nigen Geschmack herrlich und reich mit vielen gothischen [p. 24] Yerzierungen einbinden lassen. Der alte Geizhals, so wenig er wir auch gegeben hat, hat sie gewiss sogleich nach London geschickt, um mehr als das Zehnfaclie wieder zu erhalten. Hatte ich nur wenigstens das Blatt herausge- schnitten, auf welchem ich die Geschichte dieser Schenkung erzahle und zugleich diese unsre Wohnung verzeichnefc hatte. Das geht nun mit nach London oder in die Bibliothek eines reichen Mannes. Ich bin dariiber verdriesslich . Und dass ich dies liebe Exemplar so weggeben und unter dem Preise verkauft habe, sollte micli fast auf den Gedanken bringen, dass ich wirklich veramt sei oder Noth litte ; denn ohne Zweifel war doch dieses Buch das theuerste Eigenthum, was ich jemals besessen habe, und welches Angedenken von ihm, von meinem einzigen Freunde ! O Andreas Yandel- meer ! Lebst du noch % Wo weilest du ? Gedenkst du noch mein ? [He tells his wife that his friend Andreas went to the East, and he heard that he had died there of cholera. He continues to read pages in his diary — an account of the stress of poverty which led him to part with his Chaucer.] [p. 39] So werde ich also nun doch meinem Chaucer, von Caxton 140 Appendix G. [a. D. 1827- gedruckt, verstossen und das schimpfliche Gebot des knau- sernden Buchhandlers annehmen miissen. Das wort “ ver- stossen ” hat mich immer besonders geriihrt, wenn geringere Frauen es brauchten, indem'sie in der Noth gute oder geliebte kleider versetzen oder verkaufen mussten. Es klingt fast wie von Kindern. — Verstossen ! — Wie Lear Cordelien, so ich meinem Chaucer. — [They grow poorer, and are brought to great straits, until one day a stranger drives up to the door in a magnificent' carnage and pair. It is the scholar’s friend Andreas, who has tracked him through the Chaucer.] [p. 105] Aber nun lass uns auch verniinftig sprechen, sagte Andreas. Dein Kapital, welches Du mir damals bei meiner Abreise anvertrautest, hat in Indien so gewuchert , dass Du Dich jetzt einen reichen Mann nennen kannst ... In der Freude, Dich bald wiederzusehen, stieg ich in London ans Land, weil ich dort einige Geldgeschafte zu berichtigen hatte. Ich verfiige mich wieder zu meinem BtLcherantiquar, um fiir ' Deine Liebhaberei an Alterthiimern ein artiges Gesclienk auszusuchen. Sieh da, sage ich zu mir selber, da hat ja Jemand den 'Chaucer in demselben eigensinnigen Geschmack : [p.i06] binden lassen, wie ich die Art damals fur Dich ersann. Ich nehme das Buch in die Hand und erschrecke, dennes ist das t Deinige. 1827. Kannegiesser, Carl Ludwig. Gottfried Chaucers CanterburyscM Mrzahlungen , (Auswahl) iibersetzt von Knnnegiesser, 2 vols. i Zwickau. (Taschenbibliothek auswartiger Klassiker.) [Vol. i, Prologue and Knightes Tale ; vol. ii, Frankeleyns ! prologue and Tale , Pardoneres prologue and Tale, Doctors \ [ 1 . e. Phisiciens ] prologue and Tale, Cokes Tale, i. e. Gamelyn , J i not the real Cokes Tale. In verse.] 1837 ‘ Jproneman, Sarus A. J. de Ruever. Diatribe in Johannis Widifji, \ lieformaUonis prodromi, Vitam , Ingenium , Scripta. Traiecti ad Rhenum, 1837, p. 231-2 n. J Chaucerus poemate pulcro depinxit presbyterum quendam ruralem, quern cum adumbrabat, ob oculos eum habuisse Wicliffum, multi putant. [He then quotes a portion of Chaucer’s description of the parson from the Prologue, 1 11. 477-84, 491-5, 524-8— 1845] German References. ‘A good man there was of religion,’ etc.] 141 1844. Fiedler, E. Canterbury sche Ezdhlungen , vol. i [no more pub- lished], Dessau, 1844. [With an introduction and notes. The Tales of the Knight, Miller, Reeve, Cook and Man of Law are translated into German verse.] 1845. Meyer, J. [Article Chaucer in] Das grosse Conversations- Lexicon fur die gebildeten Stande. Hildburghausen, 1840-55, vol. vii, pt. ii, 1845, pp. 47-49. col 4 2 ] Chaucer, Geoff roy, der Yater der englischen Dichtkunst genannt. Wie eifrig bes. engl. Biographen liber C.’s Lebens- umstande auch nachgeforscht haben, so ist doch his jetzt noch Yieles dunkel geblieben. Das J. 1328 wird gewohnl. a Is das seiner Geburt bezeichnet [etc., a full life, based on Leland, Godwin, the Testament of Love, etc.]. iP; 48 > C.’s Werke sind in verschiedenen Handschriften aufbe- col. 2] wahrt, was ihre fortwahrende PopularitaJ; bezeugt, und nach- her haufig gedruckt worden. Eines der ersten Produkte von Caxtons Presse ist eine Ausgabe der Canterbury-Erzahl- ungen. . . . Als Beweis von C.’s Popularitat in Schottland mag gelten, dass eine der friihesten Arbeiten der schottischen Presse seine “Klage des schwarzen Ritters” war, die 1508 von Chapman und My liar . . . gedruckt wurde. [Thynne’s 1532 edn. noted and Tyrwhitt’s edn. of the C. Tales much praised, “ ein Muster der Akkuratesse und kritischen Behandlung.”] C.’s Yerdienste als Dichter sind nicht gewohnlicher Art, dp, 4 ?, aber indem wir sie zu wiirdigen suchen, miissen wir das Zeitalter betrachten, in welchem er lebte und dichtete. C. musste die Sprache erst schaffen, in der er schrieb; auch in England herrschte die TJnsitte, dass man am liebsten in fremden Zungen sprach und dariiber die eigene Mutter- sprache vernachlassigte . . . [an account of earlier English 14th century poetry, Piers Plowman, Gower.] C. mag schon als Dichter bekannt gewesen seyn, als Langland seine Yi- sionen schrieb, sein grosstes Werk fallt aber zwanzig Jahre spater. Sein Hauptverdienst in Bezug auf die Yersifikation besteht darin, dass er sie natiirlicher, regelmlissiger und 142 Appendix C. [a.d. 1846- gedrangter machte, indem er die Alliteration abschaffte und den unregelmassigen Alexandriner in eine Kunst- gerechtere Form brachte. Sein Yersmass, die zehn-und- achtsylbige Zeile, ist fast von alien engliscben Dichtern, von Epencer bis Byron, beibehalten worden. In C/s Scbriften fiihlt man nicht nur seinen eigenen persohnlichen Charakter und Geist, sondern auch den Emfluss seines Yerkebrs mit der Welt. [His followers imitated his style and manner, but were quite unable to catch his spirit and character. It is noteworthy that C. translated many French and Italian works into English but always in such a way that they had far more the character of original works than of translations.] Lebhafte Phantasie, Eleganz und Schonheit der Beschreibungen bezeichnen alle seine Werke; aber all die Anmuth und Schonheit seiner allegor. Schriften bleibt weit hinter seinem Talent zuriick, das Leben der Menschen zu schildern, wie er es in den unsterbliclien Canterbury-Erzahlungen that. In diesem Werke . . . bringt er einen bunten Haufen allerhand « “ sundhaften Yolkes ” zusammen . . . [description of the C. Tales.] coi. 4 2 j ^ lchts hbertrifft die Kunst, mit welcher die Lebensart u. die Eigenthumlichkeiten der Pilger in der Haupteinleitun* \ geschildert sind. Jede einzelne Erzahlung ist ein wahrer ! Schatz von Humor und ein Zeugniss genauester Kenntniss der menschlichen Natur ; dieses Werk C/s bleibt stets eine der schonsten Zierden der engl Literatur. 1846, Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Littera- o3;r v ra Ffl! g fm n V T T Lu 1 d u ig ^errig und Heinrich Viehoff. Quaiterly. Elberfeld und Iserlohn, Braunschweig. In progress. [A good many Chaucer articles have appeared in this from time to time, see, for instance, General-Register zum Archiv, Bd. 1-50, lierausgegeben von Ludwig^ Herrig, Braun- schweig, 1874, p. 25, and General-Register, Bd. 51-100 von Hermann Springer, 1900, p. 67. Two early articles are here named, see 1847, 1849, and those by Koeppel on Chaucer Sources in vols. 84, 86, 87, 90, 101, and a paper by Koch on 1 he Parlement of Foules in vols. Ill, 112, may also be noted.] J 1847 Fiedler, E. Zur Beurtheilung des Chaucer , [on Chaucer’s debt to Latin writers,] in Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen, vol. 11 , pp. 151-1G9 and 390-402 German References. 143 1856] 1847. Gesenius, F. W. Be Lingua Chauceri. Diss. Bonn, pp. 87. [For a summary of this, see Early English Pronunciation, by A. J. Ellis, 1867-71, vol. iii, pp. 664-671.] 1849. Gesenius, F. W. Probe eines Chaucerschen Manuscriptes der Nationalbibliothek in Paris [in] Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen, vol. v, pp. 1-15. 1853. Behnsch, Ottoman Geschichte der Englischen Sprache und Litteratur von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Einfiihrung der Buch- druckerkunst, Breslau 1853, pp. 180-97. [A good short account of Chaucer and his work; his knowledge of versification is upheld and vindicated, in con- tradistinction to the view of English writers, e.g. R. Chambers in the Cyclopaedia of English Literature , 1844, who is quoted as stating that Chaucer, whenever it suits him, “ makes accented syllables, short, and short syllables emphatic.” Behnsch points out the different accentuation of the French words used by Chaucer (nature, corages, etc.), as well as the sounding of the final “ e,” and shows how much this affects the proper scansion of his verse.] 1856. Hertzberg, Wilhelm. Die Erzdhlung des Weibes von Bath , aus Gottfried Chaucer’s ‘ Canterbury-Erzahlungen.’ Translated into German heroic verse, [in] Deutsches Museum, hrsg. von Robert Prutz, No. 6, Feb. 7, 1856, pp. 193-202. Geoffrey Chaucer’s Leben und S«hriftstellerischer Char aider [in] Deutsches Museum, No. 8, Feb. 21, 1856, pp. 271-89. [A very good account of Chaucer’s life and work.] tp. 288 ] Chaucer’s Charakteristiken losen eins der schwerigsten Probleme der Kunst : sie sind individuell und typisch zu- gleich; das heisst, sie machen auf uns einestheils den Eindruck [p. 289] einer concreten lebendigen Personlichkeit und stellen dock andererseits eine ganze classe von Personen dar, und da sie die Darstellung der aiissern Erscheinung an Eigenthiimlich- keiten des menschlichen Geistes kniipfen, die zu alien Zeiten, wenn auch unter andern Formen wesentlich dieselben bleiben, so werden wir dadurch unwillkiirlich und wie durch magischen Zwang in diejenigen Zeiten und Sitten zuriickversetzt, deren Schilderung die nachste Aufgabe des Dichters ist. . . . Ich habe schon bemerkt, dass die komischen Erzahl- ungen vortrefflich, zum Theil meisterhaft angelegt sind ; Chaucer’s Hauptstarke liegt aber doch in den komischen 144 Appendix C. [a.d. 1856- Charakter-Zeichnungen. Es steht ihm jeder Grad der Satire zugebote. Den Hochmuth, die Unverschiimtheit, vor allem aber die Heuchelei geisselt er mit den seharfsten Hieben. Das kleine Gebrechen, das Steckenpferd, die Thorheit— er straft sie allerdings auch schon, indem er sie schildert, aber er straft sie lachend— oder vielmehr lachelnd. Es ist nichts Superkluges, keine Selbstiiberhebung in dieser Ironie, es liegt darin das gutmiithige Einverstandniss, dass Jedermann hiemeden, dass auch er, der Dichter, sein Packchen Thor- heit trage, dass mit Alle des Ruhms mangeln, den wir haben sollen, nicht bios weil wir allzumal Siinder, sondern auch — -mehr oder weniger— allzumal Narren sind. Und hier- mit glaube ich, auf den feinsten und merkwiirdigsten Zug in Chaucer s dichterischem Charakter hinge wiesen zu haben —auf einem Zug, der von alien Dichtern der Welt zuerst bei ihm zur klaren Entfaltung gekoiiimen, der seitdem der eigenste und vielleicht der liebenswiirdigste Zug des englischen Yolks-charakters ge worden ist: Chaucer i^t der erste Humorist. [The above excellent criticism is embodied in the ‘ Emleitung ’ to Hertzberg’s translation of the Canterbury dales which was published ten years later. See below, 1866.] 1856. P,, K. [A review of] Englische Dichter , eine Auswahl englischer Dichter m deutschen Ubersetzungen von 0 L H r Tinl Deutsches Museum, No. 43, Oct. 23, 1856, p. 6*23. * * * ’ L J [A passing allusion to Chaucer’s times, and to the life of him in an earlier number (No. 8) of the Deutsches Museum q.v. above, 1856.] 1859, ff. Jahrbuch fur romanische und englische Sprache und Litteratur Berlin, 1859. [In progress.] [Many Chaucer articles ) a few early ones are here men- tioned, see below, 1859, 1867, 1875.] 1859. Ebert, Adolf. Die Englischen Mysterien [in] Jahrbuch fur ro- mamsche und englische -Sprache und Litteratur, Berlin, Jan. 1859, pp. 150, 155, 166. t P . 150] [The national originality of the characters in the mystery plays is remarkable, as in Chaucer’s Milleres Tale.] [p. 155] [The individual character drawing in the mysteries reminds one of the creations of the great master Chaucer.] 145 1866 ] German References. 1859. Rapp, Curl Moritz. Vercjleichende Grammatik , Stuttgart und Ttibingen, vol. iii, pp. 166-179. [For a summary of tliis see Early English Pronunciation, by A. J. Ellis, 1867-71, vol. iii, pp. 672-77.] 1860. Pauli, Reinhold. Bilder aus Alt-England, Gotha, 1860, chap, vii, Zwei Dichter , Gower und Chaucer. [An English translation of this book was published in 1S61.] [pp. 184-188. Chaucer’s Life.] [pp. 193-196. His early poems.] [pp. 196-208. The Canterbury Tales, a detailed account.] [p. 208. Conclusion.] Auf dem Gebiete, das er sich so kostlich abgesteckt und mit lebendigen Gestalten auszufiillen gewusst, in einer Sprache, die fortdauert und niemals ganz veralten kann, kommen ihm darum auch nur sehr wenige nahe ; in edit poetischem Realismus hat ihn selbst Shakspere nicht iibertroffen. Dabei versteht er mitten in der Mannig- [p. 209 ] faltigkeit seiner Darstellung, wie es der Dichter soli, Mass und Einheit inne zu halten. Das stimmt sehr gut zu seinem Benehmen gegeniiber den grossen politischen und religiosen Eragen seiner Zeit, die ihn niemals in die Enge getrieben wie Gower oder in das entgegengesetze Extrem fortgerissen, iiber die er vielmelir, so weit wir davon urtheilen konnen, im eigenen Herzen sich vollig klar gewesen und sie daher objectiv, wie seine ganze Natur angelegt war, zu behandeln trachtete. Edel und reich ausgestattet wie er selber ist also auch die Leistung, die ihn unsterblich macht. Zwar darf er sich den wenigen Auserwahlten, die den lierrlichsten Lorber tragen, nicht ebenbiirtig an die Seite stellen, aber den Ehrennamen : Yater der englischen Poesie tragt Riemand wiirdiger. f 1866. Hertzberg, Wilhelm. Chaucer s Canterbury-Gcschichten iiber- setzt in den Versmassen der Urschrift und durch Einleitung und Anmerkungen erlautert von Wilhelm Hertzberg, Bibliothek aus- landischer Klassiker, 41, Hildburgliausen, 1866. [A good and close translation of the whole of the Canterbury Tales, with the exception of Melibceus and the Parson’s Tale.] Yorwort, pp. 5-10. [Dated Bremen, 1865. The writer’s object and method in doing this translation is stated, with some account of earlier work on Chaucer in England and in Germany.] CHAUCEll CRITICISM. V. L 146 Appendix C. [a.d. 1867 - Einleitung. Geoffrey Chaucer’s Zeitalter, Leben und schriftstellerischer Charakter, pp. 13—64. [A good account of Chaucer’s times and life, he is shown definitely not to be the author of the Testament of Love\ therefore that poem can not be accepted as a biographical source (pp. 36, 37). There follows a good deal of interest- J ing and original literary criticism and appreciation, some of which had already been printed in the Deutsches Museum Feb. 21, 1856, and is here quoted under that date.] [Here are two specimens of the translation. Prologue, 11. 447-57.] [p. 79] Eiri gutes Weib war da ; sie war nicht weit Von Bath ; doch etwas taub, das that mir leid. Als Tuchfabrik w T ar so beriihmt ihr Haus, Sie stach am Markte Gent und Cypern aus. Kein Weib im Kirchspiel, die sich untersing, Dass sie vor ihr zum Messehoren ging. o o Und that es Eine, wurde sie so schlimm, Hass die der Andacht ganz vergass vor Grimm. Hochst prachtig sass ihr auf dem Kopf der Bund, Ich schwore traun, er wog beinah zehn Pfund, [p. so] Zum mindesten wie sie ihn Sonntags tru". J o O Has Eeimgediciit vom Herrn Thopas. [p. 463] Herrschaften, leiht mir euer Ohr, Ein wahres Lied trag’ ich euch vor Von Kurzweil und von Spass ; Es that vor allem Bitterchor Sich in Turnei und Schlacht hervor Her edle Herr Thopas. W Er war geboren antfernem Strand, Jenseit des Meers in flam’sehen Land, Zu Popering am Gestade. Sein Vater war von gutem Stand, Er war der Herr in diesem Land, So wollt’ es Gottes Gnade. 1867. Hertzberg, Wilhelm. Nachlese zu Chaucer [in] Jahrbuch fiir romanische und englische Litteratur, Leipzig, 1867, Bd. viii, Heft 2, pp. 129-169. [Various points about Chaucer’s life are discussed. 147 1370] Gennadi References. Hertzberg disagrees with Mr. Bond’s theory that in the dream in the Book of the Duchesse John of Gaunt s mairiage to Blanche of Lancaster is commemorated. He criticises and praises Sandras’s 4 Etude/ which has just appeared, and Kissner’s Dissertation on Chaucer’s relation to Italian litera- ture (1867). He adds some remarks arising out of his own translation of Chaucer sent him by two German scholars, Herr Dr. Duroy of Hamburg, and Herr Pastor Carow.] 1867. Kissner, Alfons. Chaucer in seinen Beziehungen zur italienischen Literatur , Diss., Marburg, 1867. 1867. Lemcke, Ludwig. Kritische Anzeigen : Zur Literatur iiber Chaucer , [in] Jahrbuch fiir romanische und englishe Litteratur, Leipzig, 1867, Baud viii, Heft 1, pp. 94-110. [A long and careful review of recent Chaucer work; i.e. Chaucer’s Poetical Works , Bell and Daldy, 1867, 6 vols. ; Hertzberg’s translation of the Canterbury Tales, 1866, and Kissner’s book on Chaucer’s relation to Italian literature, 1867.] 1867. Matzner, Eduard. Altenenglische Sprachproben . . . unter mit- wirkung von Ivai‘1 Goldbeck, Berlin. 18b7, vol. i, part 1, pp. 336-347. [For part 2 see below, 1869.] [pp. 336-338. Notes on Chaucer’s life and work, pp. 338-343. The Wyf of Bathes Tale. 400 lines, pp. 344-346. The Romaunt of the Rose. 11. 2721-2966. p.347. Rondel. * Your two eyn will sle me sodenly.’] 1867. ten Brink, Bernhard. Zum Romaunt of the Rose , [in] Jahrbuch fiir romanische und englische Litteratur, Leipzig, 1867, Bd. viii, Ileft 3, pp. 306-14. 1869. Matzner, Eduard. Altenenglische Sprachproben .... Berlin, 1869, vol. i, part 2, pp. 273-415. [pp. 373-5. Notes on The Tale of Melibeus and on Chaucer. pp. 375-415. The Tale of Melibeus.] 1869. Petzold, E. Ueber Alliteration in den Werken Chaucers , mit Ausschluss der Canterbury Tales, Diss., Marburg. L870. ten Brink, Bernhard. Chaucer. Studien zur Geschichte seiner Entwicklung und zur Chronologie seiner Schriften, Munster, 1870. [This and Professor Child’s Essay ( Observations on the Language of Chaucer , 1863) are perhaps the most remark- able and epoch-making single pieces of work on Chaucer Appendix f C. [a.d. 1871 - published in the 19th century. Here the development of Chaucers genius under external influences was first fully discussed, and his work was for the first time divided into periods. See a sketch on ten Brink’s life and work by Kolbincr with a full bibliography of his writings, in Englische Studien xvn, 186-7.] ’ 1871. ten Brink, Bernhard. Prolog zu den einer Kritischen Ausgabe, Marburg. Universitatschrift diem natalem . , . elmi I.] Canterbury Tales : Versuch [Beigabe der Marburger imperatoris ac regis Guili- 1871. Zupitza, Julius. Chaucer. The Book of the Tales of Canterbury. Prolog (A 1-8 o 8) Mit Vananten zum Gebrauch bei Vorlesunqen herausgegeben , Marburg, 1871. Second edition, Berlin 1882 reprinted 1896. * 5 18 72. Lange, P. Chaucers Einfiuss auf die Oriqinaldichtunq des Schotten Gawam Douglas , Biss., Leipzig. 1872. Mamroth, F. Geoffrey Chaucer , seine Zeit und seine Abhanqiq - keit von Boccaccio. Berlin. 1872. - J [Of little value.] 187 3. Lechler , Gotthard. Johann von Wiclif und die Vorgeschichtc dtr '■ Deformation, vol. i, pp. 408, 409, 453, 454 ; vol. ii, p. 4 note 2. 1875. Lindner, F. Die Alliteration bei Chaucer [in] Jahrbuch fur ! romanische und englische Litteratur, Neue Folge, Bd. ii 3 Leipzig, : i o i o, pp. oil — OO 0. [This paper, revised, altered and translated into English is in the Chaucer Society Essays, 1876, part hi ] 1877, if. Englische Studien , Heilbronn, 1877-1900; Leipzig- 1900 to present. Quarterly. [In progress.] [This periodical contains a large number of valuable Chaucer papers. In the Index (General-Begister zu Band i-25, Leipzig, 1902), three and a quarter pages are taken up with references to articles and notes on Chaucer. A.mong the more important are the following ; Kolbing, E. Zu Chaucer’s Ccecilien-legende, i, 215. Zu Chaucer. The Knightes Tale, ii, 528. Zu Chaucer’s Sir Thopas, xi, 495. Byron und Chaucer, xxi, 331. Zwei Bemerkungen zu Chaucer’s C. Tales xxiv, 341. Zu chronologic Chaucer’s schriften, xvii, 189. . ! i i 1879] 149 German References. Koch J Ein Beitrag zur kritik Chaucers, i, 249, and see vii, 238, 162, etc. Brandi, A. Ueber einige historische^anspielungen in den Chaucer-dichtungen, xii, 161. Kambeau, A. Chaucer’s ‘House of Fame’ in seinem ver- baltniss zu Dante’s ‘ Divina Commedia, iii, 209. ten Brink, B. Zur chronologie von Chaucer’s Schriften, xvii, 1. Zwei stellen in prolog der Canterbury Tales, xxiv, 464. Bischoff, 0. Ueber zweisilbige senkung und epische casur bei Chaucer, xxiv, 353, xxv, 339. See, for a fuller list, Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, 1908, p. 546.] 1878, ff. Anglia, Zeitschrift fur englishe Philologie, Halle, 1878. Quarterly. [In progress.] [A very large number of Chaucer articles, many of great value, by Schoepke, Bech, Lange, Uhlemann, Graef, Koeppel, Liicke, Fliigel, Ballmann, Koch, and others, have appeared in Anglia. °The more important are named by E. P. Ham- mond in Chaucer, a bibliographical manual, 1908, p. 543 ; and they are practically all referred to as they appear in the Jahresbericht (see below, 1879). With Anglia (1886) was published an ‘ U ebersicht ^ ol books on English language and literature, for 1885-6, giving full reference to Chaucer articles, and (in 1889) for 1888.° This Uebersicht has appeared yearly since 1894, which latter issue covered 1891. See also 1890, Anglia Beiblatt.] 1878. Schoepke, 0. DryderCs Uebertragungen Chaucers im Verhdlt- niss zu ihren Originalen, Diss., Halle. [See also Schoepke in Anglia, ii, pp. 314-53, Dry den s Bearbeitungen Chaucerscher Gedichte.] 1879 Wiilker, R. Altenglisches Lesebuch, Halle, 2 vols., 1874- * 1879. [Vol. ii, 1879, contains the Squieres Tale, text from Morris ; an extract from Troilus and from the Persones J ale and passages from Boethius .] 150 Appendix C. [a.d. 1879 - 1879. Wurzner, A. Ueher Chaucer's Lyrische Gedichte. Steyr. 1880. Koch, J AusgewaUte kleinere Dichtungen Chaucer’s in Ver* rnaasse des Originals in das Deutsche\berirZen und Zi Erorterungenversehen. Leipzig. y ’ 1 [Coiitaimng Pity, Words to Adam, Parlement of Foules GmtlleSSe ’ Sted f™tnesse, Fortune, Bukton, Scogan, 1880. Schrader, K A Das altenglische BelaUvpronomen mit be sonderer BerucksicMigung der Sprache Chance* KM. 1881-1888. Schipper, Jacob. Englische Metrik in Hstorischer und dargestellt , 3 vols., Bonn vol i Altenglische Metrik , 1881, ch. viii Der e-ereirntp frinffott* 5 jambische Vers vor und bei Chaucer nn g 434 4ftR / ^ taktl ^ e ’ Chancer references all through this vilu^'e] 83 [and brlS7„™ ferenCeS f q n 6VieW f ° f the above > and for a “ excellent S ,rr? i ~ hlpper aanal y sis Of Chaucer’s verse, see Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, 1908, pp. 476-478.] ““'■ft® Dtaj “wie. UnUrSUdm ^ n Chaucer’s Bole of the 1883-6. During, Adolf Strassburg, 1883-86. von. Geoffrey Chaucer’s Werke , 3 vols. _JY K ’ ff , ous °f f anl - e ’ Le 9 end °f G ood Women, Parle- ment of Foules Vols. n and m, the Canterbury Tales. In verse, with full critical remarks and appreciations, and some notes. No more was published.] 1883 ' fktmfftvhn. 6 H ° US 0fFame: Mnleit ™9 und Text-verhult- 1884 ‘hnrn Brink ’ BerQhard - CT,Ws %•«<** und Verskunst, Strass- 1 QOS re 7-« WS *° f r, 1S 7°, tk ’ See Chauc «r, by E. P. Hammond, in lom t 78 Pi? ~ ri . nk S book was transla te !i ,stav - . Grundriss der Geschichte der Enqlischen and LMemtur ’ Munster '- W -> 1887 > chap. viii, pp. 154-70. ? 1905. . [This work, containing a valuable Chaucer bibliography giving references to most of the important GermaS work 151 1890 ] German References. on Chaucer, was re-issued in 1893 somewhat enlarged, and again in 1905, considerably enlarged and brought up to date. In this last issue of 1905, the Chaucer bibliography is in chap. 12, pp. 176-95.] 1888. Graef, Ado’f. Das perfektum bei Chaucer , Diss., Kiel, 1887, pp. 96, published Frankenliausen, 1888, pp. 102. 1888. Heussler, [Hans ?] Die Stellung von Subjekt und Pradekat in der Erzdhlung des Melibeus und in der des Pfarrers in Chaucer s Canterbury Tales , Diss., Wesel. 1888. Kunz, Siegfried. Das Verhdltnis der Handschriften von Chaucer’s “ Legend of Good Women f Diss., Breslau. 1888. Willert, H. G. Chaucer. The Hous of Fame : Text, Varianten, Anmerkungen. Berlin. 1889. Freudenberger, M. Ueber dasFehlen des Auftakts in Chaucer’s heroischem Verse, Leipzig. 1889. Meyer, Carl F. H. John Goiver’s Beziehungen zu Chaucer und Konig Richard II., Diss., Bonn. 1889. ten Brink, Bernhard. Geschichte der englischen Litter atur, vol. ii, part 1, Berlin, 1889. [The first volume of this history was published in 1887 ; vol. ii, part 1, which contains the study of Chaucer, in 1889 ; and part 2 of vol. ii, was in the press when ten Brink died suddenly in January, 1892 ; it was then corrected and edited by Brandi, Strassburg, 1893. The Chaucer portion is vol. ii, part 1, book 4, section v-xv (end of book 4), pp. 33-214 of the 1893 edition. It is extremely valuable, as ten Brink combined close and scholarly textual knowledge with real literary appreciation. This volume was translated into English by W. Clarke Robinson in 1893, Bohn’s edn., vol. ii.] 1890. Haeckel, W. Das Sprichwort bei Chaucer , Leipzig. 1890, ff. Beiblatt zur Anglia. [Full title] Mitteilungen aus dem ge- sarnmten gebiete der englischen spraclie und litteratur. Monat- schriftfiir den englischen unterricht . . . lierausgegeben vonEwald Fliigel, Halle. [In progress.] [This contains reviews of books, and has many Chaucer articles and notes, as well as valuable lists of articles in reviews, etc.] 152 Appendix G. [a.d. i‘ 891 - 1891. Ballerstedt, E. Ueber Chaucer's Naturschilderunqen, Diss., Got- tingen. 1891. Lange, H. Die Versicherungen bei Chaucer , Diss., Halle. 1892. Crow, C. L. Zur Geschichte des kurzen Reimpaars irn Mittel- englischen . . . Chaucer’s House of Fame, Diss., Gottingen. 1892. Hagedorn, H. Ueber die Sprache einiger nordlicher Chaucer- schiiler , Diss., Gottingen. 1893. Graef, Adolf. Das futurum und die entwicklung von schal und uil zn futurischen tempusbildern bei Chaucer , Flensberg. (In Jahresberieht der Flensburger Handelschule.) 1893. Kaluza, Max. Chaucer and der Rosenroman. Eine litterar - ; geschichtliche Studie, Berlin. 1893. Klaeber, F. Das Bild bei Chaucer , Diss., Berlin. 1893. Paul, Hermann. Grundriss der Germanischen Pliilologie. Strass- burg, 3 vols. 1891-93, vol. ii, 1893, part i (2nd ed., 1897). [Contains articles on : — (i) Mittelenglishe Litteratur by A. Brandi, Chaucer, pp. 672-682 (not of much value). (ii) Englische Metrik by J. Schipper (continual reference to Chaucer).] 1896. Morsbach, Lorenz. Mittelenglische Grammatik. Part i. Halle (Sammlung kurzer grammatiken germanischer dialekte, No. vii). 1897. BischofF, O. Ueber ziveisilbige Senkung und epische Casur bei ; Chaucer , Diss., Konigsberg. [See some account of this in Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, | p. 499.] 1897. Schade, Arthur. Ueber das verhaltniss von Pope's u January und May ” und “ The Wife of Bath , her Prologue ” zu den 1 entsprechenden abschnitten von Chaucer's Canterbury Tales Diss Darmstadt. 1898. Hampel, E. Die Silbenmassung in Chaucer's funftaktigem Verse, teil i, Diss., Halle. 1899. Fischer, R. Zu der kunstformen des mit'telalterlichen Epos, Vienna. [Hartmann s Iwein, the A lebelungenlied, Boccaccio’s Fdo- strato and Chaucer’s Troilus.] Cijaum: Society. Second Series, 55. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INTRODUCTION LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE, WARWICK SQUARE, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TROBNER & CO., Ltd., 39 NEW OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1. €lj t Cljauccr Societti. The Founder and Director was Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Hon. Sec. is W. A. Dalzikl, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. To do honour to Chaucer, and to let the lovers and students of him see how far the best unprinted Manuscripts of his works differd from the printed texts, this Society was founded in 1868. There were then, and are still, many questions of metre, pro- nunciation, orthography, and etymology yet to be settled, for which more prints of Manuscripts were and are wanted ; and it is hardly too much to say that every line of Chaucer contains points ths.t need reconsideration. The founder (Dr. Furnivall) began with The Canterbury Tales , and has given of them (in parallel columns in Royal 4to) six of the best theretofore unprinted Manuscripts known. Inasmuch as the parallel arrangement necessitated the alteration of the places of certain tales in some of the MSS, a print of each MS has been issued separately, following the order of its original. The first six MSS printed have been : the Ellesmere (by leave of the Earl of Ellesmere) ; the Heilgwrt (by leave of W. W. E. Wynne, Esq.) ; the Camb. Univ. Libr., MS Gg. 4. 27 ; the Corpus, Oxford ; the Petworth (by leave of Lord Leconfield) ; and the Lansdowne 851 (Brit. Mus.). The Harleian 7334 has followd, and the Cambridge Dd., completed by Egerton 2726 (the Haistwell MS). Specimens of all accessible MSS of the Tales are now nearly completed, edited by the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D., and Prof. John Koch, Ph.D. Of Chaucer’s Minor Foems , — the MSS of which are generally later than the best MSS of the Canterbury Tales, — all the available MSS have been printed, so as to secure all the existing evidence for the true text. Of Troilus , Parallel-Texts from the 6 best MSS have been issued (the Campsall MS also separately), and a 7th MS text of it with the englisht Boccaccio Comparison. Autotypes of most of the best Chaucer MSS have been publisht. The Society’s publications are issued in two Series, of which the First contains the different texts of Chaucer’s works; and the Second, such originals of and essays on these as can be procured, with other illustrative treatises, and Supplementary Tales. The yearly subscription, which constitutes Membership, is 2 guineas, beginning with January 1, 1868. Most of the Society’s Publications can still be had from the home Hon. Sec. The Society’s Hon. Secs, for America are, Prof. Kittredge, of Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., for the North and East, and Prof. Bright, of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, for the South and West. Members’ names and subscriptions should be sent to the home Hon. Sec., W. A. Dalziel, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. FIRST SERIFS . The Society’s issue for 1868, in the First Series, is, I. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale, of the Canterbury Tales, in 6 parallel Texts (from the 6 MSS named below), together with Tables, showing the Groups of the Tales, and their varying order in 38 MSS of the Tales, and in 5 old printed editions, and also Specimens from several MSS of the “Moveable Prologues” of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman’s Prologue, and Franklin’s Prologue, — when moved from their right places, and of the Substitutes for them. (The Six-Text, Part I.) II — VII. II. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale from the Ellesmere MS, Part I ; III. Hengwrt MS, 154, Pt I ; IV. Cambridge MS Gg. 4. 27, Pt 1 ; V. Corpus MS, Oxford, Pt I ; VI. Petworth MS, Pt I; VII. Lansdowne MS, 8ol, Pt I. (Separate issues of the Texts forming Part I of the Six-Text edition.) The issue for 1869, in the First Series, is, VIII— XIII. VIII. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales: Ellesmere MS, Part II ; IX. Hengwrt MS, Pt II ; X. Cambridge MS, Pt II ; XI. Corpus MS, Pt II ; XII. Petworth MS, Pt II ; XIII. Lansdowne MS, Pt II, with an Appendix of “Gamelyn” from six MSS. (Separate issues of the Texts forming the Six-Text, Part II, No. XIV.) The issue for 1870, in the First Series, is, XIV. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious Tale of Gamelyn, in 6 parallel Texts. (Six-Text, Part II.) The issue for 1871, in the First Series, is, XV. The Man of Law’s, Shipman’s, and Prioress’s Tales, with Chaucer s own Tale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS above named, and 9 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the Ellesmere MS. (Six-Text, Part III.) XVI. The Man of Law’s Tale, from the Ellesmere MS. Part III. XVII. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Cambridge MS Part III. XVIII. „ ,, ,, ,, ,, „ „ Corpus MS. Part III. XIX, The Shipman’s, Prioress’s and Man of Law’s Tales, from the Petworth MS. Part III. XX. The Man of Law’s Tale, from the Lansdowne MS. Part III. (each with woodcuts of fourteen drawings of Tellers of lales m tne Ellesmere MS.) FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INTRODUCTION LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMEN CORNER, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TROBNER & CO., Ltd., 39 NEW OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1. JSftonb £fritg, No. 55. Printed in Great Britain by Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. C5‘ i'/cS FOREWORD. The collection of this body of Chaucer references and allusions was begun nearly twenty-three years ago. For various reasons it has taken a long time to get the whole completed and printed (a six-years’ interval, for example, during and after the war), and in any case it is clearly not, as Sir Thomas Browne would say, a work which a man, or a woman either, can do ‘ standing upon one legge.’ The idea of collecting a body of opinion on Chaucer was Dr. Furnivall’s, and as early as 1888 he appealed in the Academy for a volunteer to undertake it. It was not, however, until 1901, when he met me, then an unwary as well as an eager student, that he succeeded in persuading anyone to undertake a task which was far heavier than either he or I then suspected. It has now been done very much more fully than Dr. Furni- vall at first suggested, and up to 1800 the references, as far as I have found them, are given fairly completely; from 1800 to 1867 the most important or interesting ones are selected, while from 1868, the date of the foundation of the Chaucer Society, to 1900, only the chief editions of the poet and a few notable or typical criticisms are included. This gradual thinning out was found necessary for reasons of sheer bulk of material. An Appendix (A) contains additional English and Latin references, and two Appendices (B and C) give French and German ones. Further, a few copies of a Supplement, containing some 900 additional allusions between 1868 and 1900, have been printed and placed in the chief public libraries. The greatest care has been taken to guard against in- accuracies or misprints, as a compilation of this kind onl) justifies its existence in so far as it can approach to accuracy But no large collection of detail is ever free from errors, and I vi Foreword . can hardly hope that this is an exception. I shall be most grateful, therefore, if readers who discover mistakes will kindly tell me of them, and if those who know of important allusions to Chaucer not here included, will be so good as to send me the references. No one can be more conscious than I am of how much better this work could be done, or indeed of how much better even I myself could do it were I to begin all over again. But faulty and incomplete as it is, I hope that in various ways it may be of use to students, and that it may perhaps serve as a humble but solid brick in the future building of a history of English poetics and poetical taste. It only remains for me to thank all those who, throughout these years, have so generously helped me in sending me references, in searching for references and in copying and collat- ing. To name them all individually would be too lengthy, but I must specially refer to Professor Churton Collins, who, during one fruitful evening, first started me on various lines of investigation, to Dr. Paget Toynbee, who has sent me many references, to Professor Hyder E. Rollins, who most generously handed over to me a valuable collection of Troilus allusions, and to M. J. J. Jusserand, who gave me several suggestions in connection with French criticism. Among others who have helped in various ways, I desire to record, with much gratitude, the names of Miss Evelyn Fox, Major J. J. Munro, Mrs. H. C. Tait, and, above all, Mr. Arundel! Esdaile of the British Museum, who is responsible for the Index, and without whose expert and invaluable help in recent years these volumes would, I fear, still be unfinished. There is, however, one name and personality above all others to whom I owe, not only the suggestion of the work, but also for nine years constant stimulus, help and inspiration. All Chaucer students know Dr. Furnivall— I speak of him in the present, for his spirit still lives in the work which is being done— and they all owe him a debt. But no one of them owes him more than I do for encouragement, inspiration and generous and unsparing aid of every kind. .1 cannot kelp wisking tkat in tke Elysian Fields, or wkerever Foreword. Vll lie may be, be could just bave a look at tbe finished work which he initiated and so greatly desired to see accomplished ; for, if he at all resembles what he was on earth, I know that these volumes, even with their many imperfections, would give him pleasure. Caroline F. E. Spurgeon. New York , December. 1923 . INTRODUCTION. This record of the changing attitude of Englishmen during five centuries towards one of their greatest poets furnishes food for thought of many kinds ; literary, artistic and philosophical. The aim of this Introduction is first to sum up, briefly and in a concise form, the actual results which the following documents furnish, and secondly to suggest, very tentatively, a few of the problems which these collected facts raise, and upon which they may help to throw some light. Viewing the matter first of all from what is here our chief concern, namely, as a contribution towards the history of literary criticism, it will be discussed under the following headings : — § 1. An outline of the fluctuations of the literary reputation of Chaucer during the last five hundred years. § 2. An examination of the criticisms and allusions them- selves, roughly grouped and sorted. § 3. The various classes of qualities ascribed to Chaucer. § 4. The evolution of Chaucer biography. § 5. A note on some Chaucer lovers and workers of whom we get glimpses throughout the centuries. A few notes will then be made on more abstract or philo- sophical questions, and we shall consider our material to some extent as a contribution towards the history of poetics in England, more especially in connection with the following points : — § 6. The change or curve of literary taste and fashion. § 7 . The birth and growth of criticism itself as an art. § 8. The gradual evolution of new senses in the race. § 9. The evolution of scholarship and accuracy in literary matters. IX X § 1. The Six Stages in Chaucer Criticism. § 1. An Outline History of Chaucer Criticism. Broadly speaking, from 1400 to the present day, Chaucer’s reputation may be said to pass through six fairly well marked stages : — (1) Enthusiastic and reverential praise by his contem- poraries and immediate successors, which lasts to the end of the fifteenth century. (2) The universal acknowledgment of his genius by the Scottish poets of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, this admiration noticeably taking the form of imitation; whereas in England at this period Chaucer is hdmired rather more as a social reformer and as an exposer of vice and folly, than as a literary artist. (3) The critical attitude, which begins towards the end of the sixteenth century with the Elizabethans. Chaucer still holds his place as prince of English poets; Sidney praises him, Spenser looks to him as master. Now, however, begins to creep in that general belief which clung so persistently to the minds of all writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ; that Chaucer was obsolete, that his language was very difficult to understand, his style rough and unpolished, and his versifi- cation imperfect. (4) During the seventeenth century this belief gains so much ground that Chaucer’s language is said to be an unknown tongue ; the knowledge of his versification entirely disappears ; for eighty-five years (1602-87) no edition of his works is pub- lished, and his reputation altogether touches its lowest point. (5) Dryden’s Fables in 1700 inaugurate what may be called the period of ‘ modernizations. ’ This is a time of ever-increasing interest in and admiration for Chaucer, combined with the fixed belief that in order to make him intelligible or possible to modern readers his writings must be ‘refined’; that is, diluted and translated into current English. This phase may be said to have continued up to 1841, when the last ambitious modernization was published, but it was co-existent with and largely overlapped the sixth and present period of — § 1. Period I. Contemporary Praise — Gower. xi (6) Scholarly study and appreciation, dating from the publication of Tyrwhitt’s edition of the Canterbury Tales in 1775. Tyrwhitt made possible to the general reader the rational study of Chaucer’s own works by editing a careful and scholarly text of his Tales, and for the first time he definitely and clearly stated and proved the true theory of the poet’s versification, thus disposing of one of the most serious obstacles to the proper recognition of Chaucer’s greatness as a literary craftsman. This work was carried on and practically completed by the labours of the members of the Chaucer Society, founded in 1868, which prepared the way for the final scholarly complete edition of the poet’s works brought out by Professor Skeat in 1894. Period I.— The early praise of the poet, and the estimation in which he was held, are more generally known than the tributes of later years, because portions of the eulogies by Gower, Lydgate, Hoccleve, Caxton, and others, are reprinted many times in various lives of Chaucer and editions of his works. When we remember that Chaucer could only be read and praise of him be recorded in manuscript by a very limited public, the appreciation which he received from his contemporaries and which has come down to us, is remarkable. If we take into account the printing facilities and the growth of the reading public in Shakespeare’s time, and add to that the fact that the dramatist’s work could be seen and judged by the unliterary public, there is no comparison between the contemporary appreciation shown of the two poets. That given to Chaucer is undoubtedly greater, and the unquestioned recognition of his position as a great poet is as hearty as it is universal. The earliest literary reference, and it is only a possible one, occurs in one of Gower’s French poems, the Mirour de Vomme (1376-9), but there is considerable doubt as to whether Gower is here referring to Chaucer’s Troilus or not (see below, p. 4). The next reference is, curiously enough, also to Troilus , x but here 1 For the early popularity of this poem, see pp. lxxvi-lxxvii below. xii § 1. Period I. Contemporary Praise. Usk, Lydgate, Hoccleve. there is no doubt that Chaucer’s work is meant. It occurs in the Testament of Love by Thomas Usk (c. 1387, see below, p. 8) and refers to a special passage in the poem ( Troilus , IV, 953- 1085). The discourse between the author and the fair lady who is Love (in imitation of that between Boethius and Philo- sophy) has been on divine foreknowledge and human freewill, and Love refers to Chaucer in the warmest terms as her own true servant who in wit and clear writing surpasses all other poets. Next, in point of time, comes the well-known message sent to Chaucer by Venus, in Gower’s Confessio Amantis, which bears upon the margin of the manuscript the date 1390. Venus, m taking leave of Gower, sends a greeting to Chaucer, who! she says, is her ‘ disciple ’ and ‘ poete,’ and to whom she is ‘above alle othre’ ‘most holde,’ and she bids him finish his work by making his ‘ testament of love ’ (see below, p. 10). The next certain reference is by Lydgate, and it ’is from him and another contemporary and survivor, Hoccleve, that Chaucer receives the most constant and whole-hearted admira- tion in these earlier years. The praise and estimate of Chaucer left by these two comparatively obscure writers has a value for us which no other can have; for they alone— of all his critics save Gower— knew the poet personally; and we can gather from them not only the admiration he excited as an artist, but the personal devotion he inspired as a man. In the poems of Lydgate, during some forty years (c. 1400-1439), we find repeated, allusion to and unstinted praise of his ‘ master Chaucer ; praise, which in spite of certain set phrases repeated more than once, we feel comes straight from the heart of the writer. Mingled with the praise are to be found little personal or characteristic descriptions, which are to many people the most precious things in Lydgate’s voluminous writings ; such, for instance, as that in the Troy Book (1412-1420), where he thus records his master’s kindness, tolerance, and encourage- ment to younger writers, an amiable trait which from the literary point of view the hapless reader of Lydgate may often find occasion to deplore : — § 1. Period 1. Contemporary Praise. Lydgate and Hoccleve. xiii For he pat was gronde of wel seying In al hys lyf hyndred no makyng My maister Chaucer fat founde ful many spot Hym liste not pinche nor gruche at euery blot Nor meue hym silf to perturbe his reste I haue herde telle but seide alweie f e best Suffring goodly of his gentilnes Ful many fing embracid with rudnes. It is in the translation of the Fall of Princes , written probably thirty years after Chaucer’s death, that there are most references to him, including the well-known passage giving a list of his writings (pp. 37-42 below). However, in the case of Lydgate — most garrulous of poets — the supreme proof of his admiration for Chaucer, greater than praise or than imitation itself, is the fact that he refrains from telling several stories or only tells them in the shortest possible way, because they have already been treated by the older poet. Thus, in translating Deguile- ville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man [1426], Lydgate gives Chaucer’s version of the A.B.C. ; and again in the Fall of Princes he says : — Myn Auctour here no lengere lyst soiourne, Off this Emperours the Fallys for to wryte, But in haste he doth his style tourne To Zenobia hire story for tendyte; But, for chaunceer so wel did hym quyte In this tragedyes hir pitous fal tentrete, I wyl passe ovir itehersyng but the grete. Lydgate excels in frequency of reference to Chaucer, and Hoccleve perhaps in fervency. In his Regement of Princes , Hoccleve goes so far as to say that England can never again bring forth Chaucer’s equal : 4 Death myght have stayed her hand,’ he cries, She myghte han taried hir vengeance awhile, Til that sum man had egal to the be. Nay, lat be pat l sche knew wel pat f?is yle May neuer man forth brynge lyk to the. xiv §1. Period I. Caxton and the Bool of Curtesy e. He calls him The firste fyndere of our faire langage, and again : — 0, maister deere, and fadir reuerent ! Mi maister Chaucer, flour of eloquence, Mirour of fructuous entendement. And he goes on to liken him to Aristotle in philosophy, and to Virgil in poetry (below, pp. 21, 22). So great and whole-hearted was the admiration and devotion given to Chaucer by these two men, his friends and followers, that we cannot doubt they would have been the first to acknow- ledge it fitting that the principal value of their writings to us — five centuries later — lies in their references to their ‘ maister Chaucer.’ On the whole, amongst all Chaucer’s contemporaries and successors during the fifteenth century, the most discriminating appreciations are those given him by Caxton, and by the unknown author of the Bool of Curtesy e. The remarks of both writers sound curiously modern as to the qualities they specially single out for approval. Chaucer’s vivid powers of : description, his felicitous use of words, his freedom from long- windedness in which he differed so markedly from his con- temporaries— all are noted by Caxton He comprehended hys maters in short, quyck and hye sentences, eschewyng prolyxyte, castyng away the chaf of superfluyte, and shewyng the pyked grayn of sentence': uttered by crafty and sugred eloquence. . . . [Prohemye to Canterbury Tales, 2nd edn. c. 1483, below, p. 62.] He wrytteth no voyde wordes, but alle hys mater is ful of hye and quycke sentence. [Epilogue to the Bool of Fame , below, p. 61.] And in the Bool of Curtesy e (a. 1477), Chaucer’s works are recommended above all others : — Eedith his werkis / full of plesaunce Clere in sentence / in langage excellent Briefly to wryte / suche was his suffysance Whateuer to saye / he toke in his entente XV § 1. Period II. The Scottish Chaucerians. His langage was so fayr and pertynente It seemeth vnto mannys heeryngc Not only the worde / but verely the thynge. The imaginative power of the poet is here specially noted in a way which is not equalled until Sir Brian Tuke, fifty-five years later, wrote his introduction to Thynne’s edition (1532). One early piece of indirect praise must not pass unnoticed, more especially as it cannot find a place under the ‘ allusions ’ ; and this is the charming poem of the Flower and the Leaf, so long attributed to Chaucer, now generally thought to have been written by a woman, probably about 1475. The authoress was evidently well acquainted with and an admirer of Chaucer’s writings, more particularly the Prologue to and the Legend of Good Women. ( See Skeat’s Chaucer, vol. vii, pp. lxii-lxviii.) Period II. — Next we come to the enthusiastic and reverent devotion expressed for Chaucer by the Scottish poets of the latter end of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Henry - son, Gawain Douglas, Dunbar and Lyndsay, all speak of him in terms of fervent admiration. Henry son, in 1475, wrote a continuation of Troilus and Cressida, called the Testament of Cresseid — for a long time included amongst Chaucer’s works in the beginning of which he says he made up the fire, took a drink to comfort his spirits and cut short the winter night, and then leaving all other amusement, he took down a book written by ‘ worthie Chaucer glorious, of fair Cresseid and worthie Troylus.’ Gawain Douglas speaks of Chaucer in the Palace of Honour (1501) as ‘ a per se, sans peir in his vulgare, 5 and later as Hevinlie trumpat, horleige and reguleir, In eloquence balmy, condit, and diall, Mylky fountane, cleir strand, and rose riall, Of fresch endite, throw Albion iland braid. When, later on, in this same Prologue (to the First Buik of Eneados, 1513), Douglas finds fault with Chaucer for not follow- ing Virgil accurately in his account of Dido (p. 72 below), he does so with great timidity, and a clear consciousness of his own inferiority : xvi § 1 . Period II. Dunbar and Lyndsay. My master Chaucer greitlie Yirgile offendit All thocht I be to bald hyme to repreif. Dunbar, in his Lament, or the Makaris, speaks of ‘ The noble Chaucer, of makaris flouir ’ ; and in the Golden Targe he sur- passes all Chaucer’s other Scottish followers in his enthusiasm : — 0 reverend Chaucere, rose of rethoris all, As in oure tong ane flour imperiall That raise in Britane ewir, quho redis rycht, Thou beris of makaris the tryumph riall; Thy fresch anamalit termes celicall This mater coud illumynit haue full brycht : Was thou noucht of oure Inglisch all the lycht, Surmounting ewiry tong terrestriall Alls fer as Mayes morow dois mydnycht? Lyndsay, in the Testament of the Papyngo, also refers to Chaucer in the usual way. But a more remarkable testimony to the admiration felt, is the wholesale imitation of Chaucer by these Scottish writers. The ideas of their poems, the forms they assumed, whole passages, single lines, turns of phrase and words are borrowed from Chaucer, and suggested by him. James I, if he was the author of the King's Quair, was in 1423 the first Scottish imitator, and of all this group, this is perhaps the poem the most completely saturated with the master’s spirit. The Scottish view, then, was one of unstinted admiration, complete comprehension of Chaucer’s writings, and hearty acknowledgment of his superiority as artist to every other English or Scottish poet. In England, in the meantime, printing had been introduced, and we see by the books issued that Chaucer’s popularity had not waned, for there was a continual demand for his works. Two editions of his Canterbury Tales were published by Caxton ; and before the end of the fifteenth century two more followed from the presses of Wynkyn de Worde and Pynson. In 1532 William Thynne, the first real editor of Chaucer, brought out his edition of the poet’s works, which must indeed have been a labour of love. Francis Thynne tells us that his ; §1. Period II. William Thy nne, Chaucer's first Editor. xvii father had a commission from Henry VIII ‘ to serche all the liberaries of Englande for Chaucers workes, so that oute of all the Abbies of this Realme ... he was fully furnished with multitude of Bookes.’ This c multitude ’ of copies, probably about twenty-five, Thynne collated to the best of his ability. The dedication to Henry VIII, though signed by Thynne, was written by Sir Brian Tuke, and the following quotation may presumably be taken therefore as expressing the appre- ciation of both men : — I . . . haue taken great delectacyon ... to rede and here the bokes of that noble & famous clerke Geffray Chaucer, in whose workes is so manyfest . . . suche frutefulnesse in wordes, wel accordynge to the mater and purpose, so swete and plesaunt sentences, suche perfectyon in metre, the composycion so adapted, suche fresshnesse of inuencion, compendyousnesse in narration, such sensible and open style that it is moche to be marueyled, howe in his tyme suche an excellent poete in our tonge, shulde . . . spryng and aryse. The literary influence of Chaucer in England in the sixteenth century can be clearly traced even before the publication of Pynson’s edition of the ‘ Works ’ in 1526. John Heywood owes a good deal to Chaucer in his Mery filaye betwene the pardoner and the frere (written probably before 1521), and he incorporates in it two long speeches out of the mouth of Chaucer’s Pardoner. Later, in The Foure P’s, and in a ballad written in 1554, he shows further Chaucerian influence (see pp. 80-81 below). The effect of Pynson’s Chaucer on the first English poet of the Renaissance was immediate, for Sir Thomas Wyatt’s debt to it between 1528 and 1532 is undoubted, and later his study of Thynne’s edition is equally clear (see below, App. A, a. 1542). The general criticism of Chaucer in England in the early sixteenth century is, from a literary point of view, not quite so satisfactory as in Scotland. There are two things in especial which detract from the value of the remarks we find about him : CHAUCER CRITICISM. b xviii § 1 . Period II. Chaucer classed with Gower and Lydgate. (1) That in the greater number of cases where he is praised, Chaucer is not, as he was by Hoccleve or Caxton, placed alone, I but he is associated with Grower and Lydgate * — sometimes with no apparent difference in the commendation bestowed— whilst one writer at least actually places Lydgate above him. This is Stephen Hawes, who, in his Pastime of Pleasure (below, p. 67), begins thus with the usual praise of Gower, Chaucer, and Lydgate : — As morall Gower, whose sentencious dewe Adowne reflareth with fayre golden beames, And after Chaucers, all abroade doth shewe' Our vyces to dense, his depared streames Kindlynge our hartes, wyth the fiery leames Of morall vertue, as is probable In all his bokes so swete and profitable. Hawes goes on to speak in warm terms of the Book of Fame, the Legend of Good Women, the Canterbury Tales and Troilus, and the reader is gratified with the discrimination shown, until he discovers that the writer is but leading up to a peroration on Lydgate, who receives a much larger share of praise, ending : 0 mayster Lydgate, the most dulcet sprynge Of famous rethoryke, wyth balade ryall, The chefe original of my lernyng. This enthusiasm somewhat detracts from the value of his remarks on Chaucer. Hawes, it is true, is in a minority of one in placing Lydgate above Chaucer, 1 2 but the type of allusion which brackets the three early writers together on equal terms is very common, j 1 This habit began quite early, and he was first bracketed with Gower, c Lydgate being later added to the list to make it complete, so that by the end of the 15th century it was a well-established formula. Such references are, for example, those by John Walton, 1410 (p. 20 below), James I, 1423 (p. 34), Bokenham, 1443-7 (p. 46), George Ashby, c. 1470 (p. 54), Thomas Feylde, 1509 (p. 70), John Rastell, 1520 (p. 73), Skelton, 1523 (p. 74), etc. 2 Until 1707, when an unknown writer in an essay on the old English poets and poetry, in the Muses Mercury, vol. i, No. 6, pp. 130-1, definitely states that Lydgate s English and his ‘ numbers ’ are more polished than his master s (see p. 295 below). This view reappears occasionally later, as in the article on Lydgate in the Encyclopcedia Britannica, 1780 (q. v. below), and in Sharon Turner’s History of England, 1815 (q. v. below). § 1. Period II. Chaucer annexed by the Reformers. xix and shows a certain formalism and convention in the acknow- ledgment of the genius of the three ‘ primier poetes of this nacion,’ as Ashby calls them ; and shows also, though not so markedly as in the case of Hawes, a lack of critical faculty. These shortcomings have to be borne in mind when we are estimating the early sixteenth century praise of Chaucer in England. We may compare, for instance, the difference in critical judgment shown by Douglas and Dunbar in their respective references to the three poets on pp. 65 and 66 below, and the supremacy unhesitatingly awarded by them to Chaucer, and the allusion by Hawes following next on p. 66, which, unlike his later one, is quite representative of the ordinary English attitude. (2) The other point which lessens the value of Chaucer criticism at this time is also indicated in the verse quoted above, from Hawes’s Pastime of Pleasure, and that is that Chaucer is valued primarily as a reformer, as a moralist and satirist who exposes and rebukes vices and follies. This view is continually emphasised all through the sixteenth century, and for this characteristic Chaucer receives praise consistently from a curious assortment of critics. He was annexed by the Reformers, not without reason, as a kind of forerunner and a sharer of their opinions with regard to Rome, as evidenced by his keen satirical exposure of the religious orders of his time. There is support for this view in the Canterbury Tales alone, and more especially in the Prologue , but when in addition Chaucer was credited with the authorship of Jack Upland, the Pilgrim's Tale, and the Plowman's Tale (all of them diatribes against the Church of Rome) one is not surprised to find him cited as a great religious reformer. Foxe, writing in 1570, in his enlarged second edition of his ‘ Book of Martyrs,’ expresses the views held on this point by a certain section of the serious thinkers of the sixteenth century, when he points out that the bishops, in condemning all English books that might lead the people to any light of knowledge, had yet allowed Chaucer to be read, takin his work but for jests or toys,’ and not seeing or understanding that he ‘ albeit . . . XX § 1. Period II. Chaucer as theologian and reformer. in mirth and covertly ’ was upholding the ends of true religion and was indeed a right Wicklifian. In this manner God— for the sake of his people— was pleased to blind the eyes of the adversary, that through the reading of the poet’s books good might redound to the Church, which, says Foxe, has certainly been the case, for, I am partly informed of certain which knew the parties, which to them reported that by reading of Chaucer’s works they were brought to the true knowledge of religion.’ When we remember the popularity of Foxe’s book, and the number of editions it went through, we realize he must have done a good deal to strengthen this conception of the poet. [See the whole passage, p. 106 below.) This quaint view of Chaucer, as a theologian, reformer and moralist, is one which would, of all those here collected, perhaps have most surprised and amused the poet himself, yet it is held by certain writers with great persistence from the time that Leland (his first biographer, ante 1550) tells us that Chaucer ‘ left the University a devout theologian,’ to the sketch of him prepared by Henry Wharton (c. 1687) as an addition to Cave’s Ecclesiastical Writers, in which we are told that the poet was scarcely excelled h Y an y theologian of his time in his zeal for a purer religion. 1 In addition to this conception of him as a reforming divine, he is much admired for the energy with which he scourges vice of all kinds, and he is referred to continually as an unquestioned authority in such matters. Thus Ascham, in speaking of gaming, Whose horriblenes is so large that it passed the eloquence of our Englishe Homer to compasse it : yet because I euer thought hys sayinges to have as much authoritye as eyther Sophocles or Euripedes in Greke, therefore gladly do I remembre these verses of hys [and he quotes from the Pardoner’s Tale, see p. 85 below]. So also Thomas Lodge, in his Reply to Stephen Gosson (1579) says, Chaucer in pleasant vain can rebuke sin vncontrold, & though he be lauish in the letter, his sence is serious ’ ; and Webbe notes that Chaucer, 1 See also below, 1834, R. A. Willmott, Lives of Sacred Poets. § 1. Period II. Chaucer condemned for 4 flat scurrilitiel xxi by bis delightsome vayne, so gulled the eares of men with his deuises, that . . . without controllment might hee gyrde at the vices and abuses of all states . . . which he did so learnedly and pleasantly, that none therefore would call him into question. For such was his bold spyrit, that what enormities he saw in any, he would not spare to pay them home, eyther in playne words, or els in some prety and pleasant covert, that the simplest might espy him (p. 129, below). Episodes or sayings in his poems are repeatedly quoted by divines and moralists, or even later by seventeenth-century Puritans, to point their remarks and support them in the denunciation of special sins, 1 so that one easily sees how it came to be generally believed, both by those who looked only to his moral teaching, and also by those who admired him as poet, but wished to justify their admiration by grounding it on morality, that — to quote Francis Beaumont — his 4 drift was to touch all sorts of men, and to discover all vices of that Age.’ There were, however, a certain number of writers who held just the contrary opinion, and considered the poet’s works to be anything but edifying literature. 4 Canterbury Tale ’ seems very early to have been used as a term of contempt, meaning either a story with no truth in it, or a vain and scurrilous tale. We get three such references, curiously enough, in the same year, 1549, by Becke, Latimer and Cranmer; Wharton, in 1575, refers to the 4 stale tales of Chaucer,’ and Proctor (1578), and Fulke (1579), make similar allusions, while Thomas Drant (1567), and Sir John Harington (1591), openly condemn Chaucer, the latter for 4 flat scurrilitie.’ This is a view which, as we shall see later, gradually gained ground, although in the laxer days of the Restoration and earlier eighteenth century the poet was not condemned for it, and finally it completely ousted the aspect of Chaucer as a great moral reformer. 1 See below Calfhill, 1565, p. 99, Hanmer, 1576, p. 112, Northbrook, 1577, p. 115, Bp. Babington, 1583, Scot, 1584, p. 124, Stowe, 1598, p. 159, and a letter from a Parliament Officer, 1645-6, p. 224. xxii § 1. Period III. Francis Beaumont and Francis Thynne. Period III. — At the end of the sixteenth century the references to Chaucer become very numerous, and as a whole they are very appreciative. Among the most interesting are those by Sir Philip Sidney (1581 ?), by Gabriel Harvey (MS. notes c. 1585 and 1598), by Webbe and Puttenham in their discourses on poetry, by the unknown writers of Greene's Vision (1592) and of the Returne from Parnassus (1597), and by Francis Beaumont and Francis Thynne in their respective letters called forth by Speght ’s edition of Chaucer in 1598. Francis Beaumont the judge (died 1598) was the father of the dramatist, and he prided himself on being one of those who first urged Speght to edit Chaucer. His letter (p. 145 below) is of particular interest, for in addition to his defence of the two faults of which Chaucer is most commonly accused — obsolete language and coarseness — he reminds Speght that when they were at Cambridge together (at Peterhouse, between 1560 and 1570) there were a group of older scholars there who were well read in Chaucer, and who commended him to the younger men, and it was they who first brought Speght as well as Beaumont himself to be ‘ in love 5 with the poet. Francis Thynne, the son of William Thynne, the first editor of Chaucer (see 1598, below), was another Chaucer enthusiast. He had rather a chequered career, but ended finally by holding a post in the Herald’s Office; he was a born antiquary, and, judging from his ‘ Animadversions,’ a somewhat querulous and pedantic but kindly old man, much concerned with small points of detail, intensely proud of his family, of his father’s good name and literary work, and of his own office as Lancaster Herald. He evidently shared his father’s love for Chaucer manu- scripts, some five and twenty of which he inherited : some of them, he says, were stolen out of his house at Poplar, and some he gave to the parson. In any case he had made preparations for a new edition of the poet, when, in 1598, his acquaintance, Thomas Speght, brought out his new edition of Chaucer’s works, and in his preface insinuated that no editor before then had collated manuscripts for his text. This, combined with the fact that he, the hereditary editor of Chaucer, had not been con- i $ i ■ a :■ §1. Period III. Francis Thynne' s ‘ Animadversions' xxiii suited, enraged Thynne, and he at once produced the ‘ Animad- versions,’ in which he snubs Speght for his injustice to William Thynne, his lack of courtesy to himself, Francis Thynne, and his general ignorance, of which he gives detailed specimens. The most interesting part of Thynne’s treatise is the account he gives of his father’s cancelled edition (pp. 151, 152 below). But the critical value of Thynne’s comments is also consider- able ; only in four instances out of fifty is he wrong, and some- times (as on the date of the Nonne Preestes Tale, ‘ Animadver- sions,’ pp. 59-62) his notes are admirable, and always show great accuracy and scrupulous care in consulting authorities. Altogether it would seem as if Francis Thynne, of all the Chaucer scholars up to Tyrwhitt, had been the best equipped to bring out a really correct and critical edition of the poet’s text, and we can only regret that he did not carry out his intention to re-edit Chaucer (see below, p. 155), and more especially to try to distinguish between his genuine and spurious works; for, with the help of those twenty-five manuscript copies, especially the one inscribed ‘ examinatur Chaucer,’ some invalu- able evidence might have been supplied. Among criticisms and appreciations of a more literary kind there is one writer at the end of the sixteenth century whose praise is more emphatic than any other, who of all his readers during these five hundred years has been most influenced by Chaucer’s language and literary methods, and who, in his turn, has exerted so much influence over others, that he has justly been called the ‘ poet’s poet.’ Spenser’s admiration for Chaucer began early, and continued to increase up to the time when he made his dying request to be laid near the master he loved and honoured. In the first great poem of the Elizabethan age, Chaucer is mentioned repeatedly, both in the introductory letter, the notes by ‘ E. K.,’ and in the poem itself — where Spenser calls him ‘ Tityrus ’ : — The God of shepheards, Tityrus is dead, Who taught me homely, as I can, to make. He, whilst he lived, was the soueraigne head Of shepheards all that bene with loue y-take : xxiv § 1 . Period III. Spenser’s Appreciation. (0 ! why should death on hym such outrage showe ?) And all hys passing skil with him is fledde, The fame whereof doth dayly greater growe. This last line is interesting, and is probably quite true, j Chaucer had as yet no rival in England. We know by Beau- mont’s letter that at Cambridge twenty or twenty-five years j earlier he was much read and discussed, and in the intellectual ! activity of the time, doubtless there was keen interest in the j greatest and first English Poet. The strong Chaucerian influence shown in the Shepheardes Calender and Mother Huhherd’s Tale is well known, but the close resemblance of Spenser’s Daphna'ida to the Book of the Duchess, I has not, until recently, been worked out, showing that Spenser, I not only early, but also comparatively late in his career, is I indebted to Chaucer for general subject-matter, form, incidents, words and phrases. 1 Spenser has said some very graceful and beautiful things about ! Dan Chaucer, well of Englishe vndefyled On Fames eternall bead roll worthie to be fyled, but his famous apology to his master when he was about to add an ending to the Squires Tale, in the fourth book of the ! Faerie Queene, is perhaps the finest tribute ever paid by one great poet to another. Then pardon, 0 most sacred happie spirit, That I thy labours lost may thus reuiue, And steale from thee the meede of thy due merit, That none durst euer whilest thou wast aliue, 4 And being dead in vaine yet many striue : Ne dare I like, but through infusion sweete Of thine owne spirit, which doth in me surviue, I follow here the footing of thy feete, That with thy meaning so I may the rather meete. With Spenser as one of his strongest advocates and adherents, Chaucer now enters upon his period of storm and { 1 I> ee aote below, p. 119, and especially T. W. Nadal’s article on Daphnai'da and the Book of the Duchess,’ in Publications of Modern Language Association of America, Dec. 1908. § 1. Period III. Chaucer's Versification is not understood, xxv stress; of misunderstanding, misinterpretation, buffetings of every description, and finally of obloquy and neglect. We can see from all the references by critics and others at this time that it was already a matter of common opinion that Chaucer’s style was rough and unpolished, his language obsolete, and his metre halting. 1 As far as we can judge, his versification was not wholly understood by any one, the secret of it was lost when inflections were lost, no one seems to have been aware of the pronunciation of the final ! e’; with the result that there was a general agreement that the poet’s verse was ‘ harsh ’ and ‘ irregular.’ Spenser, his follower and admirer, — himself most musical of poets — when he thinks he is writing in Chaucer’s manner produces this sort of verse : — But this I wot withall, that we shall ronne Into great daunger, like to bee undone, Thus wildly to wander in the world’s eye Withouten pasport or good warrantye. His breeches were made after the new cut, A1 Portugese, loose like an emptie gut ; And his hose broken high above the heeling, And his shooes beaten out with traveling, thus showing plainly in his imitations of Chaucer’s versification in Mother Hubberd's Tale and Colin Clouts come home again that he considers his aim best achieved when he writes irregular lines without the proper number of syllables, distinguished by a lack of harmony and rhythm such as we find nowhere else in Spenser’s work. This attitude both as to language and verse must have begun very early; for, little more than one hundred years after Chaucer’s death, Skelton, in Philip Sparrow, feels it necessary to repudiate the idea that Chaucer is difficult to understand. His language, he says, was — 1 When we remember that Chaucer was known only through the blackletter texts which mangled his verse, this complete misconception of it is not extraordinary. See Wyatt’s system of versification built on his reading of Chaucer in Pynson’s 1526 edition (below, App. A., a. 1542). xxvi § 1. Period III. V arious attitudes towards Chaucer’s Verse. At those days moch commended, And now men wold haue amended His english, where-at they barke, And marre all they warke : Chaucer, that famous Clarke, His tearmes were not darcke, But pleasaunt, easy, and playne; No worde he wrote in vayne. The various attitudes assumed by critics in discussing Chaucer’s limitations are curious and interesting. There were those, who, like Spenser, felt something in themselves respond to Chaucer s touch, who knew he was a true poet and a great I one, and looked upon his antique diction, and occasional rugged- ness of versification— a fact which had to be conceded— as in themselves worthy of imitation, having proceeded from so great a master. So we find Spenser not only deliberately composes rough and halting lines in the older poet’s honour, but also goes so far m copying Chaucer’s words (or rather what he thought were his words) in the Shepheardes Calender, that Ben Jonson was well justified in saying that in ‘ affecting the ancients, Spenser writ no language.’ This is the slavish imitation so strongly condemned by Ascham in The Scholemaster, when he says : Some that make Chaucer in Englishe and Petrarch in Italian, \ then* Gods in verses, and yet be not able to make true difference, what is a fault, and what a iust prayse, { m those two worthie wittes, will moch mislike this my j. wntyng. But such men be even like followers of Chaucer ' & Petrarke as one here in England did follow Syr Tho. \ More : who, being most vnlike vnto him in wit and learn- \ ? 1 euer ^eles in wearing his gowne awrye vpon the one shoulder, as Syr Tho. More was wont to doe, would needes be counted like vnto hym. Next there was the apologetic party— and this was largely in the majority — who, whilst honouring and revering Chaucer, yet deliberately avowed these great faults in him, the while excusing him on the score of his antiquity, and the barbaric age in which he lived. Such were Sidney and Webbe. § 1. Period III. Sidney, Webbe and Gascoigne. xxvii Sidney, in his Apologie for Poetrie, says : — Chaucer, vndoubtedly did excellently in hys Troylus and Cresseid, of whom truly I know not, whether to meruaile more, either that he in that mystie time could see so clearely, or that wee in this cleare age walke so stumblingly after him. Yet had he great wants, fitte to be forgiuen in so reuerent antiquitie. Webbe, in his Discourse of English Poetrie, says : — Though the manner of hys stile may seem blunt and course to many fine English eares at these dayes, yet in trueth if it be equally pondered, and with good judgment aduised, and confirmed with the time wherein he wrote, a man shall perceiue thereby even a true picture or perfect shape of a right Poet. Again, there were those of the new classical school, the denouncers of ‘ rude and beggarly riming,’ who actually praised Chaucer for the supposed irregularity of his metre, which they regarded as an approach to the classical method of quantitative verse. Gascoigne is one of these who gets curiously near the truth of Chaucerian versification without actually reaching it. For he maintains that some natural quality of the words, their sound, as he puts it, makes the short line right. They are not equal-syllabled and yet they scan. Thus, writing in 1575, he says Our father Chaucer hath vsed the same libertie in feete and measures that the Latinists do vse : and who so euer do peruse and well consider his workes, he shall finde that although his lines are not alwayes of one selfe same number of Syllables, yet beyng redde by one that hath vnder- standing, the longest verse and that which hath most Syllables in it, will fall (to the eare) correspondent vnto that whiche hath fewest sillables in it : and like wise that whiche hath in it fewest syllables, shalbe founde yet to consist of woordes that haue suche naturall sounde, as may seeme equall in length to a verse which hath many moe sillables of lighter accentes. Lastly there were those — but they were woefully few — who would not allow these faults in Chaucer at all, and attributed xxviii § 1. Period IV. Chaucer considered antiquated. them, when they did occur, either to lack of intelligence in the reader or to the negligence of the scribe. Foremost amongst these was Thomas Speght, who stoutly upholds syllabic versification, and in his prefatory address to his second edition of Chaucer, writes : And for his verses, although, in diuers places they may seeme to vs to stand of vnequall measures : yet a skilfull .Header, that can scan them in their nature, shall find it otherwise. And if a verse here and there fal out a sillable shorter or longer than another, I rather aret it to the negligence and rape of Adam Scriuener, that I may speake the Author ’ than t0 ^ Vnconnin S or flight in Period IV.— The edition of Chaucer’s works in which the l foregoing preface is to be found, was published in 1602, and there was no other edition brought out until 1687— an interval of eighty-five years. This speaks for itself. Even the more hardy spirits who admired Chaucer foresaw j this neglect, and were reconciled to it. They genuinely believed that he had had his day, and that he was too antiquated to | endure. Daniel, in his Musojphilus, as early as 1599, expresses M this sentiment, and consoles himself by reflecting how long 1 Chaucer’s fame had already lasted For what hy races hath there come to fall, With low disgrace, quite vanished and past, oince Chaucer liu’d who yet liues and yet shall, Though (which I grieue to say) but in his last. Yet what a time hath he wrested from time, And won vpon the mighty waste of daies, ' Vnto th’ immortall honor of our clime, Vnto the sacred Relicks of whose rime We yet are bound in zeale to offer praise ? Even Chaucer’s most ardent admirers at this time are forced to acknowledge that his language is obsolete, although they maintain that once that difficulty is surmounted, the reader is well rewarded. § 1. Period IV. Chaucer little read or understood, xxix So Henry Peacham, the schoolmaster at Wymondham, says to his Compleat Gentleman in 1622 : — Of English poets of our owne Nation, esteeme Sir Geoffrey Chaucer the father; although the stile for the antiquitie, may distast you, yet as vnder a bitter and rough rinde, there lyeth a delicate kernell of conceit and sweet inuention. ... In briefe, account him among the best of your English bookes in your librarie. In spite of all the talk about Chaucer’s barbarous style, there was one writer, at least, who, even in the seventeenth century, maintained that he ought to be read easily, and that if not, the fault lay with his readers. This is Sir Aston Cockayne, who in 1658 writes : — Our good old Chaucer some despise : and why ? Because say they he writeth barbarously. Blame him not (Ignorants) but your selves, that do Not at these years your native language know. Notwithstanding the sound advice given by these two last- named writers, Chaucer was obviously little read and less under- stood, although his name continued to have great power. We nd a curious illustration of this in John Earle’s remark in his Microcosmographie (1628), a collection of ‘ Characters ’ such as was dear to seventeenth-century writers, in which he defines the character of a Vulgar Spirited Man , as one ‘ that cries Chaucer for his Money aboue all our English Poets, because the voice ha’s gone so, and he ha’s read none ’ ; thus indicating that Chaucer was still called the greatest of English poets by those only who preferred to follow convention and tradition, rather than to use their own judgment. By the end of the century Chaucer was frankly looked upon as antiquated and barbaric by the highest authorities in these matters. Waller, in his poem Of English Verse (first published 1668), says : — Poets that lasting Marble seek, Must carve in Latine or in Greek , We write in Sand, our Language grows And like the Tide, our work o’re flows. xxx § 1 . Period IV. Addison's crushing estimate in 1694. Chaucer, his Sense can only boast, The glory of his numbers lost, Years have defac’d his matchless strain, And yet he did not sing in vain. Crushing though this estimate may appear, it is complimen tary compared with Addison’s judgment, delivered sonnj twenty-six years later, to which, however, too much weighlj must not be given, as the critic was only twenty-one when he I wrote it, and was obviously, as Pope remarked later (1728-30, see p. 370 below), ignorant of Chaucer. Still, taking it in con- junction with similar remarks by Waller, Howard (1689), Cobb (a. 1700), Wesley (1700), Bysshe (1702), Hughes (1707), and others, we may assume it to be the ordinary conventional view taken by most writers, though expressed with unusual force by Addison. These are his lines, in his Account of the Greatest English Poets (1694) : — Long had our dull Fore-Fathers slept Supine, Nor felt the Raptures of the Tuneful Nine; Till Chaucer first, a merry Bard, arose ; And many a Story told in Rhime and Prose. But Age has Rusted what the Poet writ, Worn out his Language and obscur’d his Wit : In vain he jests in his unpolish’d strain And tries to make his Readers laugh in vain. 1 Other writers acknowledge Chaucer’s position in former times, but it is taken as understood that he is now quite superseded \ so Edward Phillips (Milton’s nephew) in 1675 says : — True it is that the style of Poetry till Henry the 8th’s time, \ and partly also within his Reign, may very well appear uncouth, strange and unpleasant to those that are affected : only with what is familiar and accustom’d to them, not but there were even before those times some that had their Poetical excellencies if well examin’d, and chiefly among the 1 This is perhaps only equalled by the following judgment pronounced 6y Byron at the still more immature age of nineteen : — Chaucer, notwithstanding the praises bestowed upon him, I think obscene and contemptible ; he owes his celebrity merely to his antiquity, which he does not deserve so well as Pierce Plowman or Thomas of Ercildoune.’ [Nov. 30, 1807.] Moore’s Life of Byron, 1875, p. 80. § 1. Period IV. Chaucer wins respect for his antiquity, xxxi rest, Chaucer, who through all the neglect of former ag’d Poets still keeps a name, being by some few admir’d for his real worth, to others not unpleasing for his facetious way, which joyn’d with his old English intertains them with a kind of Drollery. Later in the same work he speaks of him as ‘ the Prince and Coryphceus, generally so. reputed, till this Age, of our English Poets, and as much as we triumph over his old fashion’d phrase and obsolete words, one of the first refiners of the English language.’ There are numerous other references of this description to Chaucer. Sir Thomas Pope Blount in his De Re Poetica (1694) says : — ‘ This is agreed upon by all hands, that he [Chaucer] was counted the chief of the English Poets, not only of his time, but continued to be so esteem’d till this Age,’ and so on. It is generally agreed, except by Waller, Cowley and Addison, that with all his shortcomings, Chaucer refined our English, and deserves respect and mention because of his antiquity. So Rymer in the Short View of Tragedy tells us : — They who attempted verse in English, down till Chaucers time, made an heavy pudder, and are always miserably put to’t for a word to clink Chaucer found an Herculean labour on his Hands ; And did perform to Admiration. He seizes all Provencal, French or Latin that came in his way, gives them a new garb and livery, and mingles them amongst our English : turns out English, gowty, or super- annuated, to place in their room the foreigners, fit for service, train’d and accustomed to Poetical Discipline. This, as Professor Ker points out, 1 is ‘ the passage of literary history summed up in Rymer’ s Table of Contents in the following remarkable terms : Chaucer refin'd our English, Which in per- fection hy Waller.’ 2 In addition to the recognition of his work as ‘ refiner,’ Chaucer, although no longer looked upon as the greatest, is 1 Dryden’s prose works, ed. W. P. Ker, vol. ii, Notes, p. 307. 2 For a more detailed account of the attitude towards Chaucer as the refiner ’ and remodeller of the English language, see pp. lxxiii, lxxiv below. XXX11 § 1 . Period I V . Drayton, Denham, Strafford and Milton. the first or earliest English poet ; priority in point of time is I still granted him, and is by some considered his greatest title to | fame. So Drayton, in his Epistle to Henry Reynolds (1627) alludes to him as : — That noble Chaucer, in those former times, The first inrich’d our English with his rimes, And was the first of ours, that euer brake, Into the Muses treasure, and first spake In weighty numbers, And Sir John Denham begins his poem on the death of Cowley thus : — Old Chaucer, like the Morning Star, To us discovers day from far, His light those Mists and Clouds dissolv’d, Which our dark Nation long involv’d ; But he, descending to the shades, Darkness again the Age invades. There are, however, a few bright spots in this somewhat gloomy outlook. It is of interest to note that £ the great person ’ Strafford clearly knew the Canterbury Tales well and quoted them ■ readily, as may be seen in his two letters of 1635 and 1637 (App. A. pp. 69, 70). Doubtless his liking for Chaucer was j known to his friends, and so we find Lord Conway, when writing to Strafford, also referring to the poet (ibid., p. 70). There is no doubt that Milton was well acquainted with f Chaucer’s writings, although he cannot be said to have left j any record in praise of them, except the well-known invocation « to Melancholy in II Penseroso, to . . . call up him that left half told The story of Cambuscan bold, and he couples him in this connection with Musseus and Orpheus. At the beginning of the poem, when he banishes the ‘ fancies fond ’ ‘ as thick and numberless As the gay motes that people the Sun Beam 5 § 1. Period IV. Kynaston’ s Latin Translation of Troilus. xxxiii there is a clear reminiscence of the twelfth line of the Wife of Bath’s Tale, and he refers to that Tale no less than three times in his Common-place Book, where he also quotes with special approval from the Physiciens Tale the condemnation of feasts and dances for the young (see below, a 1674). About the same time that Milton was writing II Penseroso, another great admirer of Chaucer was preparing a somewhat curious composition in his honour. This was Sir Francis Kynaston, who, in 1635, brought out the first two books of Troilus and Cressida, translated into Latin rimed verse. It is a quaint little volume, with the English on one side and the translation on the opposite page. In the preface, which is also in Latin, Kynaston tells us how he daily saw Chaucer coming to be more despised and less known, while clothed in the ancient English tongue ; and so he determined to rescue him from this oblivion, and to secure his fame for all ages by turning him into Latin. Fifteen prefatory poems by various writers, ten of which are also in Latin, nearly all agree in saying that Chaucer’s fame is almost dead, because few people can under- stand what he wrote; but that will now be changed, and he will live for ever, and be known throughout the world in the Latin of Kynaston. This desire to translate Chaucer into Latin was one of the curious outcomes of the belief which was so general in the seventeenth century, and lasted on in many minds during the eighteenth century, that the English language being in a con- tinual state of change had no stability, and that the writings of one age would be quite unintelligible to succeeding genera- tions. (See Pope in his Essay on Criticism, pp. 310-11, below.) This was the belief which led Bacon to have his English works translated into Latin in order to secure their permanence, ‘ for,’ as he writes in 1623, 4 these modern languages will at one time or other play bankrupt with books.’ We have seen Waller, in his lines on English verse (1668), expressing the same opinion (see also Edward Phillips, 1675), and one writer at any rate went so far as to wish that all our poets, including Shake- speare, had written in Latin instead of in their mother tongue. CHAUCER CRITICISM. C xxxiv § 1. Period IV. Sir John Minnes ‘ doats ’ on Chaucer. This was Dr. William King (1663-1712), best known perhaps as the author of A Journey to London in the Year 1698, who remarks in his Adversaria : — It is pity, that the finest of our English poets, especially the divine Shakespeare, had not communicated their beauties to the world so as to be understood in Latin, whereby Foreigners have sustained so great a loss to this day ; when [s^c] all of them were inexcusable but the most inimitable Shakespeare. I am so far from being envious, and desirous to keep those treasures to ourselves, that I could wish all our most excellent Poets translated into Latin that are not so already. ‘ This hint of the Doctor’s,’ continues his editor, John Nichols (-writing in 1776), ‘ was not lost. Among other things, we have seen since not only a Latin translation of Prior’s Solo- mon but even of Milton’s Paradise Lost excellently performed in verse by Mr. Dobson, Fellow of New College, Oxford,’ and he goes on to detail other essays of the same nature. (See Adversaria , in Original Works of . . . Dr. William King, 1776, vol. i, p. 241, also p. xxix.) To return to other admirers of Chaucer in the seventeenth century. One of these is mentioned by Pepys in his Diary, when on the 14th of June, 1663, he notes an assembly at Sir William Penn’s. ‘ Among the rest,’ he writes, ‘ Sir John Minnes brought many fine expressions of Chaucer, which he doats on mightily, and without doubt he is a fine poet.’ Sir John Minnes was a retired vice-admiral and a controller of the navy, who in business matters was a continual thorn in the side of his subordinate, the Clerk of the Acts, who refers to him more than once as a ‘ doating fool,’ and says he 4 would do the king more hurt by his dotage and folly than all the rest can do by their knavery ’ {Diary, March 2, 1667-8). Although apparently quite inefficient and tactless in his office, Minnes had an undoubted reputation as a lover of the fine arts and a wit, for we find Sir William Coventry swearing to Pepys that Minnes was so bad at his work, that he (Coventry) would henceforth be against a wit being employed in business. Minnes published 1 i 6 'i \ § 1. Period IV. Samuel Pejpys buys Chaucer's Works, xxxv several books ( e . g. Wit and Drollery, 1656) ; Pepys quotes many of his stories with evident gusto ( e . g. Oct. 30, 1662), he alludes to his judgment in pictures (Sept. 28, 1663), and he records another pleasant evening (Sept. 18, 1665), when having had news of the defeat of the Dutch, they made merry together, and Minnes and John Evelyn vied with one another in bouts of wit, Evelyn on this occasion surpassing Minnes in the latter’s 4 own manner of genius.’ Thus Minnes may be assumed to have had certain qualifica- tions for judging of Chaucer, and he is an interesting example of the genuine admiration of and enthusiasm for the poet to be found in unexpected places, even when his fame was at its lowest. Pepys himself had a fondness for Chaucer. In an entry of Dec. 10, 1663, he tells us he went to his booksellers, and names a number of books which he looked through before making his final choice. A Chaucer was among the number, and he was evidently sorely tempted ; but he did not buy it on that occa- sion, although he must have done so later, for in July of the following year (1664) we find him going to the binder’s about 4 the doing of my Chaucer, though they were not full neat enough for me, but pretty well it is ; and thence to the clasp- maker’s to have it clasped and bossed.’ The next day he takes the copy home, well pleased with it, and a month later he quotes Chaucer : so in addition to having the poet’s works bound and 4 clasped and bossed,’ he must also have read them. It was thirty-four years later, when Dryden one day was dining with him, that Pepys recommended to him the character of Chaucer’s 4 Good Parson,’ which led Dryden to put it into 4 his English.’ (See Dryden’s letter to Pepys, July 14, 1699, p. 270 below.) Richard Brathwait, a north-country squire of literary tastes, who published in 1665 a comment upon two of Chaucer’s Tales, is forced to take a very curious position in order to defend his favourite. He contends that the substance of what Chaucer says is so good that the manner of saying it matters com- paratively little. In a quaint little Appendix at the end of xxxvi § 1. Period IV. Praise by Richard Brathwait. his volume, a carping critic is represented as coming forward and saying that he could allow well of Chaucer, if his Language were | Better. Whereto the Author of these Commentaries return’d him this Answer : “ Sir, it appears, you prefer Speech before the Head piece ; Language before Invention ; whereas Weight of Judgment has ever given Invention Priority before Language. And not to leave you dis- j satisfied, As the Time wherein these Tales were writ, ren- j dered him incapable of the one; so his Pregnancy of Fancy approv’d him incomparable for the other.” Which Answer still’d this Censor, and justified the Author. Brathwait is interesting as a survival — far into the seven- j teenth century — of the Elizabethan attitude towards Chaucer. As a matter of fact he had written his Comment in 1617, and, for some unknown reason, waited forty-eight years to publish j it, by which time he was an old man of nearly eighty. In the ! Appendix, however, written at the time of publication, Brath- j wait shows that in spite of the change in public opinion as to \ Chaucer’s merits, he clings faithfully to the tradition of his j youth. He knew the poet’s works well and loved them I genuinely; could his life be renewed he tells us ‘ his Youthful \ genius could not bestow his Endeavour on any Author with j more Pleasure nor Complacency to Fancy, than the Illustrations j of Chaucer.’ For him Chaucer is still ‘ the Ancient, Renowned \ and Ever Living Poet ’ ; his teaching is sound and moral and his imagination and wit incomparable, although owing to the * dark age in which he lived his style is often rude and rough. { This view in the early years of the seventeenth century was ; common enough; but when Brathwait in 1665 published his 'j little volume, containing a few whole-hearted words of praise of him who, so he never doubted, was the greatest of English j Poets, the old man’s opinions and literary tastes were quite ' behind the times, thoroughly old-fashioned and obsolete. They j differed widely from those held by Waller and Cowley ( see Dryden, Preface to Fables , 1700, below), and later by Addison; j but they dated back to the days when Edmund Spenser counted i § l. Period V. Dry den compares Chaucer to Ovid, xxxvn it his greatest honour to call ‘ Dan Chaucer ’ master, and his highest aspiration to follow in the 4 footing ’ of his feet. With Brathwait’s little book we may end our account of the very few bright places of Chaucer criticism during the time of gloom and neglect encountered by the old poet in the seven- teenth century, and Brathwait himself seems to help to bridge over this dreary interval, by reaching out a hand on the one side to Spenser, and on the other to Dryden, forming thus a link between one of the greatest of English poets and one of the greatest of English critics, who were each distinguished by their appreciation of Geoffrey Chaucer. Period V— In 1700 appeared Dryden’s volume of Fables , which contained the modernized version of several Chaucerian poems, prefixed by Dryden’s celebrated dissertation, which is the first detailed and careful criticism of Chaucer, as well as one of the most interesting literary discussions ever written. He compares Chaucer to Ovid, and actually prefers the English poet, for which, he says, the vulgar judges ‘ will think me little less than mad.’ He notes Chaucer’s power of vivid description,— 1 1 see,’ he says, 1 all the Pilgrims m the Canter- bury Tales, their Humours, their Features, and the very Dress as distinctly as if I had supp’d with them at the Tabard in Southwark ; ’—his good sense : ‘ He is a perpetual Fountain of good Sense ; ’—his feeling of proportion : ‘ He . . . speaks properly on all Subjects : As he knew what to say, so he knows also when to leave off ; a continence which is practised by few Writers, and scarcely by any of the Ancients, excepting Virgil and Horace ; ’—his truth to Nature : ‘ Chaucer follow’d Nature everywhere, but was never so bold to go beyond her ; his power of characterization : ‘ He must have been a Man of a most wonderful comprehensive Nature, because, as it has been truly observ’d of him, he has taken into the Compass of his Canterbury Tales, the various Manners and Humours of the whole English Nation, in his age. Not a single Character has escap’d him. All his Pilgrims are severally distinguish’d from t xxxvm § 1. Period V. Dry den's appreciation and its influence. j each other; and not only in their Inclinations, but in their very Phisiognomies and. Persons.’ Such a discerning criticism as this, coming from such a writer as Dryden, carried with it great weight, and all through the eighteenth century we can trace its influence. Those who knew something of Chaucer, and liked what they knew, had the authority of the great Mr. Dryden to support them in a judgment they might otherwise have hesitated to express. ! Thus one can feel Elizabeth Elstob 1 (1715) is emboldened by i her knowledge of Dryden; and Dart, and later Cibber, are | strengthened in their apology for Chaucer’s language by the j argument that even Dryden did not in some places attempt to alter it (pp. 361, 406 below) ; while George Sewell (1720), ! who writes the most sensible and enlightened criticism of j Chaucer between Dryden and Warton, is obviously well pleased that he has the greatest modern poet and critic on his side, i Some of those who would be naturally inclined to depreciate | Chaucer, are a little restrained and often not a little puzzled by Dryden s attitude in the affair. In a curious dialogue in a j coffee-house in hell between Dryden and Chaucer, written by j Thomas Brown (a. 1704) Chaucer is represented as thanking his successor for the honour he has done him in furbishing up some of his old musty Tales,’ but he remonstrates strongly with him for his exaggeration in likening him to Ovid. To this Mr. Dryden, anticipating the methods of Dr. Johnson, thus makes reply : ‘ Why, sir, I maintain it, and who then dares be so saucy as to oppose me ? ’ One feels in truth that the adverse, 1 often contemptuous criticism of the earlier eighteenth century | is very greatly weakened by the firm stand taken by Dryden. ■ With regard to Chaucer’s verse, Dryden is not so happy, j ‘ ft is ,’ be says, I confess, ‘ not Harmonious to us; . They who liv’d with him, and some time after him, thought it Musical. . . . There is the rude Sweetness of a Scotch Tune in it, which is natural and pleasing, though not perfect.’ Then ; ‘ ^ wiI T 1 n , ot be taken amiss,’ she says apologetically, ‘ bv those who value the Judgment of Sir Philip Sydney and Mr. Dryden if I begin with Father Chaucer ( see p. 338 below). § 1. Period V. Dryden explains the general attitude, xxxix follows Dryden’s famous denunciation of Speght’s theory, that the fault might possibly lie with the readers ’Tis true, I cannot go so far as he who puMi&h’d ^the last Edition of him; for he would make us beheve the Fault is in our Ears, and that there were really Ten Syllables in a Verse where we could find but Nine : but this Opinion is not worth confuting; ’tis so gross and obvious an Errour that common Sense . . . must convince the Reader, that Equality of Numbers m every Verse wkch we call Heroic k, was either not known, or not always practis’d, in Chaucer’s Age. In addition to giving his own estimate, Dryden also shows in this preface the general attitude of the age towards Chaucer There were two objections, he says, raised to this wor< o modernization, and raised by two parties or classes of people who took entirely opposed views of Chaucer. The first class objected that th'e subject was unworthy of his pains, because says Dryden, ‘ they look on Chaucer as.a dry old-fashioned wit — not worth reviving.’ Doubtless Waller, had e sti sen alive, would have endorsed this view. Addison certainly did. Dryden himself cites Cowley : I have often heard the late Earl of Leicester say, that Mr. Cowley himself was of that opinion; who, having read him over at my Lord’s Request, declared he had no Taste of him. I dare not advance my Opinion against the Judgment of so great an Author : But I think it fair, however, to leave the Decision to the Public . • Cawley was too modest to set up for a Dictatour ; an being shock’d perhaps with his old Style, never examm into the depth of his good Sense. The other party considered Chaucer should not be modern- ized ‘ out of a quite contrary Notion,’ says Dryden. They suppose there is a certain Veneration due to his old Language ; and that it is little else than Profanation and Sacrilege to alter it.’ Foremost amongst these, Dryden mentions the Earl of Leicester (who had persuaded Cowley to read Chaucer) who valued Chaucer as much as Mr. Cowley despis d him. e a indeed dissuaded Dryden from his intention to modernize the xl § 1. Period V. The first 1 Modernizations: poet ; and Dryden had refrained from doing so until after -Lord Leicester s death. Between these two extreme views Dryden himself takes up an intermediate one, of admiration and veneration for Chaucer combined with a conviction, that in order to perpetuate his memory, he must be translated. ‘ Chaucer, I confess, is a rough Diamond, and must first be polish’d e’er he shines.’ his work of ‘ polishing ’ continued for nearly one hundred and fatty years ; all sorts and conditions of writers, from the greatest poets down to the most obscure scribblers— from Dryden, Pope and Wordsworth, to Ogle, Betterton and Lips- comb-tried their hands in turn at it; and when we see the consensus of opinion in England, headed by Dryden himself as to the complete obsoleteness of Chaucer’s language, we are not surprised that so many attempts were made to ‘ improve ’ and modernize it. There is no question but that the men of the eighteenth century were as firmly 'convinced as their forefathers that the n inua change in the English language was destined to render unintelligible, within a comparatively short period, all writers who chose that medium. 1 Their suggested remedy, however, was not to write in Latin as urged by Bacon or Waller’ but the introduction of a mysterious process, reminiscent of the photographic ‘dark room,’ which they called ‘fixing the language.’ Swift’s well-known letter to Lord Oxford in 1712 best expresses the views generally held at this time on the subject; he there says that every man can hope to be read with pleasure for a few years only. After that he will need an interpreter; and he urges on the Earl in his function as Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain to lose no time in establishing an academy to fix a standard of speech. 2 This argument is based on the assumption that the further r-l See /, instance the Paragraph in the quotation from Cibber’s Lives of the Poets, 1753, p. 407 below. 2 A Proposal for correcting, improving and ascertaining the English tongue . . . London, 1712, pp. 38, 40-3. s § 1. Period V. Ignorance of Earlier English, xli removed we are from a period in time, the less intelligible will become its words and grammar. In one sense this is true, particularly of uncultivated speech. But the formation of a great literature, and the spread of a general knowledge of read- ing, at once checks this tendency. The great authors are increasingly read and studied, until their words and turns of phrase become familiar, so that language, and more especially the cultured written language, instead of moving on in a straight line, away from its source, tends to revolve about its literature. 1 One’s natural inclination would be to think that Shake- speare, Spenser and Chaucer would have been more intelligible to the men of Queen Anne’s time than they are to us, two hundred years later. But this was not the case. What collector of an English anthology would to-day think of exclud- ing Shakespeare’s poems on the ground that his language was obsolete? Yet in 1702, we find Bysshe, in his Preface to The Art of English Poetry , saying that the reason 4 the Good Shake- speare ’ is not so frequently quoted in his book as he otherwise deserves to be, is because, like Chaucer and Spenser, the garb in which he is clothed is so out of fashion that readers of that age have no ear for him (see pp. 290-91 below). This is probably one of the works indignantly referred to by Charles Gildon in 1718 (Advertisement to Shakesperiana in The Complete Art of Poetry, p. 303) when he writes : ‘ Finding the inimitable Shakespear rejected by some Modern Collectors for his Obsolete Language, and having lately run over this great Poet, I could not but present the Reader with a Specimen of his Descriptions and Moral Reflections, to shew the Injustice of such an Obloquy.’ 2 * What poet of to-day would append a glossary to his verses to explain the following 4 obsolete words ’ : — 4 to appal,’ 4 to carol,’ 4 certes,’ 4 deftly,’ 4 fays,’ 4 glee,’ 4 lea,’ 4 lithe,’ 4 loathly,’ 1 See Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, iii, p. 145-50. 2 Shakespeare’s language being looked upon as obsolete, or at any rate difficult, naturally was a bar to his being read, and probably at no period was he so little known as in the first quarter of the 18th century. Thus we find the Duke of Buckingham, who refers to Falstaff in his poem called ‘ An Essay on Poetry ’ in 1721, adding the following doubtless necessary footnote : 4 An admirable Character in a Play of Shakespeare’s.’ xlii § 1. Period V. Chaucer's language considered unintelligible. 1 sooth ’ and ‘ thrall ’ ? Yet these words are all carefully expounded by Thomson in the glossary to his Castle of Indolence published in 1748; and Gay, in his notes ’to The Shepherd's Week, in 1714, explains such words as 4 doff,’ 4 don,’ 4 token,’ 4 scant,’ 4 deft,’ 4 glen ’ and 4 dumps.’ At this time (when imitations of Spenser were so much in vogue) one finds continually glossaries appended to poems j explaining what to all readers to-day are perfectly familiar terms. Thus, in notes to 4 The Salisbury Ballad ’ (see below, p. 329), published in 1714, we find 4 lore,’ 4 bouncing,’ 4 twang,’ bard, and 4 lyre ’ all carefully annotated and interpreted, and in a contemporary hand in a copy of this same book (in the British Museum), extra notes are made on some of the words not explained by the editor, among which is 4 blithe, an old word for cheerfull.’ These details are cited to prove what really was the case, that the ignorance of our earlier literature was at this time so great, that words and phrases which are to us to-day perfectly familiar and in ordinary use, were then practically unknown. No wonder, then, that the English of Chaucer was looked upon as to all intents and purposes a dead language, for the : comprehension of which a special and an arduous course of study was necessary. Thus in an essay on the old English poets, i written in 1707, we are told that in order to understand j Chaucer, his readers will need a knowledge of French and also 1 of Dutch, because 4 there is so much of the Saxon or German Tongue in his language ’ (below, p. 295). On almost every page which deals in any way with English ] poetry at this time are to be found remarks of the nature of the \ following lines addressed by Elijah Fenton to Mr. Southerne, in which he says : — Chaucer had all that Beauty cou’d inspire, And Surry's Numbers glow’d with warm Desire : Both now are priz’d by few, unknown to most, Because the Thoughts are in the Language lost ; Ev’n Spencer's Pearls in muddy Waters lye, Rarely discover’d by the Diver’s Eye : Rich was their Imag’ry, till Time defac’d The curious Works, but Waller came at last. . . . § 1. Period V. Chaucer's name synonymous with decay, xliii Then follows the usual glowing panegyric which the name of Waller invariably aroused. This extract is of interest, as show- ing that not only Chaucer, and, as we have already seen, Shakespeare, but Surrey and Spenser are looked upon as obsolete in the year 1711. Thus we find Chaucer’s language, and by degrees his very name becoming synonymous with decay. In some verses written on the great actress, Mrs. Oldfield (died 1730), the writer moralizes on the transitoriness of human fame and says : In vain secure of deathless praise, There poets’ ashes come, Since obsolete grows Chaucer’s phrase, And moulders with his tomb. Pope, in his Essay on Criticism, is but carrying this gloomy belief to its melancholy but logical conclusion, when he asserts that the writers of his day would in their turn be as unintelli- gible to succeeding generations as Chaucer was to his. Short is the date, alas ! of modern rhymes, And ’tis but just to let them live betimes. No longer now that golden age appears, When patriarch wits survived a thousand years. Now length of fame (our second life) is lost, And bare threescore is all ev’n that can boast ; Our sons their fathers’ failing language see, And such as Chaucer is shall Dry den be. It is small wonder then, in view of this state of affairs, that those who cared for Chaucer should have done their utmost to translate him into intelligible language whilst yet there was time, and whilst they themselves had still some glimmering of his meaning. Dryden and Pope set the fashion, 1 each in his turn clothing the poet anew, and it was in the dress provided by them that Chaucer was principally known to readers of the eighteenth century. There is no need to say anything here about these modern- izations ; they are well known, and they have their own merits. 1 There was one earlier attempt at a modernization, but it was never published; this was Sidnam’s version of the first three books of Troilus and Cressida, c. 1630. (See p. 203 below.) xliv § 1. Period V. Appreciation of the Modernizations. They were hailed with delight, were universally praised, and for many years were held unquestioningly to be far superior to Chaucer’s own poems ; most of their admirers appear to think that the more they belittled the originals the greater was the honour which redounded to the modernizers. This is the kind of verse one meets with continually on the subject : — Revolving Time had injur’d Chaucer's Name, And dimm’d the brilliant Lustre of his Fame; Deform’d his Language, and his Wit depress’d, His serious Sense oft sinking to a Jest; Almost a Stranger ev’n to British Eyes, We scarcely knew him in the rude Disguise : But cloath’d by Thee, the banish’d Bard appears In all his Glory, and new Honours wears. Thus Ennius was by Virgil chang’d of old; He found him Rubbish, and he left him Gold. ( Verses occasioned by reading Mr. Dry den's Fables , by Jabez Hughes, c. 1707.) These sentiments are expressed over and over again all through the eighteenth century. In the Gentleman's Magazine for January 1740 there is a little poem by ‘ Astrophil,’ In Praise of Chaucer , which, though giving to Chaucer every recog- nition, yet ends in the usual way : — So true with life his characters agree, What e’er is read we almost think we see. Such Chaucer was, bright mirror of his age Tho’ length of years has quite obscur’d his page ; His stile grown obsolete, his numbers rude, Scarce read, and but with labour understood. Yet by fam’d modern bards new minted o’er, His standard wit has oft enrich’d their store ; Whose Canterbury Tales could task impart For Pope’s and Dry den's choice refining art; And in their graceful polish let us view What wealth enrich’d the mind where first they grew. Later still, in 1781, we find Walpole in a letter to Mason refusing the offer to procure a first edition of Chaucer for a guinea, saying, ‘ I am too, though a Goth, so modern a Goth § 1. Period V. Chaucer in the Original is scarcely read, xlv that I hate the black letter, and I love Chaucer better in Dryden and Baskerville than in his own language and dress.’ The tendency of the modernizations was to divert people from reading the originals. Chaucer’s name became better known, but his actual works less and less known : only a kind of tradition about them was kept up., The attitude of the great dictator of letters himself was not favourable to Chaucer, although he at one time contemplated bringing out a new edition of the poet; he rarely mentions him, and when he does, the utterance is not sympathetic, so that we cannot help suspecting him of the fault he imputes to Dryden, who, he says, ‘ in confidence of his abilities, ventured to write of what he had not examined, and ascribes to Chaucer the first refinement of our numbers.’ But Johnson goes on to show that Gower’s numbers are quite as smooth, and his rimes as easy as those of Chaucer. The works of Chaucer, he says, which Dryden has modernized, require little criticism. The tale of The Cock seems hardly I worth revival ; and the story of Palamon and Arcite, con- taining an action unsuitable to the times in which it is placed, can hardly be suffered to pass without censure of the hyperbolical commendation which Dryden has given it in the general Preface. For Johnson, in short — and he well represents the dominant eighteenth-century critical attitude — English poetry began with Waller, and earlier writers (with a very qualified exception of Shakespeare) were not worthy serious attention; Chaucer was a Goth, and the greatest praise to which he was entitled was that he might perhaps, with great justice, be styled ‘ the first of our versifiers who wrote poetically.’ Those who wrote the modernizations at any rate were forced to read the originals, and from them occasionally we get a sensible criticism. We have heard Dryden; and Pope is reported by Spence to have said — I read Chaucer still with as much pleasure as almost any of our poets. He is a master of manners, of description, and the first tale-teller in the true and enlivened natural way. x lvi § 1. Period V. The Modernizers appreciate Chaucer. And again he writes — Good sense shows itself in every line of the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. . . . Addison’s character of Chaucer is diametrically opposed to the truth, he blames him for want of humour. In 1739, George Ogle, in his Letter to a Friend (p. 384 below), prefixed to his modernization of the Clerk of Oxford’s tale, which he calls Gualtherus and Griselda, shows, that he too, having read Chaucer, can appreciate his merit. He quotes Dryden’s criticism with approval, and adds, 4 As to the Point of Character- izing, at which Chaucer was most singularly happy : You can name no Author even of Antiquity, whether in the Comic or in the Satiric Way, equal, at least superior, to Him.’ Then he throws together ’ a few touches taken from his Descriptions of the Pilgrims. 4 The Knight, an old soldier, who, though he was worthy (meaning a man of excessive Bravery) yet was wise . . . and the Serjeant at Law ; Who seemed much busier than he was .’ So he goes through twenty more of them, show- ' ing thorough sympathy and understanding. Yet it was this same Mr. Ogle, a sincere admirer of Chaucer’s, who, when he brought out the whole of the Canterbury Tales 4 modernized by several hands,’ thus rendered the Prologue fit for modern ears : — When April, soft’ning sheds refreshing Show’rs And frees, from droughty March the springing Flow’rs, April, That bathes the teeming womb of Earth And gives to Vegetation, kindly Birth ! When Zephyr breathes the Gale that favours Love, And Cherishes the Growth of ev’ry Grove ; \ Zephyr ! That ministers with genial Breeze, Bloom to the Shrubs and Verdure to the Trees. When youthful Phoebus half his course compleats Divides the Ram, and glows with temp’rate Heats ; Phoebus ! Our equal Good, the live-long year Or should he take or should he quit the Sphere ; When Philomel injoys the Coming Spring, And feeling her approach, delights to sing. Sweet Philomel ! Of all the Birds that fly, The Sole, to pass the Night with sleepless Eye. § 1. Period V. Chaucerian Imitations. xlvii One is tempted to linger over these modernizations ‘ by several hands.’ They are very fascinating, though not in the way their authors intended ; for they seem more curious to us than even the 4 barbaric ’ relics of Chaucer himself, and their language is far stranger than his. There is a beautiful and high-sounding poem by Henry Brooke, Constantia, or The Man of Law's Tale , the opening of which is especially worthy of note. In the original, Chaucer writes thirty-five lines descriptive of the ills of poverty, but Henry Brooke transmutes these into one hundred and sixty- eight lines on the same topic. We must, however, leave Chaucer in the hands of his merci- less interpreters, of whom there were many more (notably Lipscomb, 1792-5, and the last great attempt to modernize him in 1841, to which reference will be made later), and consider very briefly another form of appreciation which was rather popular in the eighteenth century. This consisted of imitation of Chaucer, that is poems or verses written in what was supposed to be his manner. This ‘ imitation ’ of the older poets — Chaucer, Spenser and Milton — was one of the many ways in which eighteenth-century writers gave expression to their growing interest in the earlier literature of their country, and the number of Spenserian imitations published; good, bad, and worse than indifferent, from the Castle of Indolence to Mickle’s Sir Martyn, is almost incredible until one collects a list of them. 1 The imitations of Chaucer were comparatively few in quantity, but they make up for this by being fearful and wonder- ful in quality. The earliest instance of this kind of imitation is in William Bullein’s Dialogue . . against the fever Pestilence, 1564. Chaucer is here introduced in person, and commends * his deare Brigham ’ for the monument he has erected to him, at the same time he laments the rifling of tombs and spoiling of epitaphs which is so common, and he concludes these remarks in a stanza of what is apparently intended to be Chaucerian verse 1 See the list from 1700 to 1775 in The Beginnings of the English Romantic Movement , by William Lyon Phelps, 1893, Appendix I. xlviii § 1 . Period V. Interest in Chaucer hy Prior, Gay and others. (see below, p. 99). In the seventeenth century we find several! imitations. There are some verses in Chaucer’s style among the dedicatory poems to Kynaston’s Troilus in 1635, and a similar poem by the same author, Francis James, in 1638. j These, combined with the jargon Cartwright puts into the mouth | of the antiquary, Moth, in his play of The Ordinary ( c . 1634, see below, p. 206), are interesting as showing the strange conception of Chaucer’s language which was current among seventeenth- century scholars. Two satiric pieces in Chaucer’s style, one of them probably by Sir John Minnes, were published in the Musarum Deliciae in 1655, and in the next year an imitation of the tale of Sir Thopas appeared in a collection called Choyce Drollery. In the eighteenth century the recipe for this class of com- position was, as Professor Lounsbury points out, 1 quite simple, and consisted of three main ingredients; the story must be obscene, the language ungrammatical, and the verse rugged. The first was not always insisted on — though it made it more complete — but the last two were absolutely indis- pensable. There is no doubt that Dryden’s modernizations and his praise of Chaucer gave a great impetus to this kind of poetic exercise, of which Prior’s two imitations are typical examples, ,j published in 1712 ; about which time there seems to have been a curious outburst of interest in Chaucer. In 1711, Pope brought out his Temple of Fame, largely based on the elder • poet’s work; in 1712, in addition to Prior’s imitations, Better- j ton and Cobb both published their modernizations, and a tract { called the Parliament of Birds appeared ; in 1713 Gay produced ■ his comedy called The Wife of Bath, with Chaucer as the principal character; while all this time at Oxford, as we can tell from Hearne’s diaries, there was among scholars much interest in and talk about Chaucer, for Urry was working hard at his edition of the poet, and collecting all the manuscripts and printed copies on which he could lay hands. The greater number of the ‘ imitations ’ are to be found in 1 Studies in Chaucer , vol. iii, p. 121. § 1. Period V. Revival of genuine Chaucer appreciation-. xlix the first half of the eighteenth century ; 1 we may note Gay’s Answer to the Sompner’s Prologue , Fenton’s Tale devised in the plesaunt manere of gentil Maister Jeojfrey Chaucer , both pub- lished in Lintott’s Miscellany in 1717, and William Thompson’s In Chaucer's Boure ( c . 1745). The Rev. Thomas Warton, at one time Professor of Poetry at Oxford, but best known as the father of two eminent sons, published in 1747 a less crude caricature of Chaucer’s style than any of the above, in his paraphrase of some verses in Leviticus in the manner of the Parlement of Foules ; and in the same year Mason, the friend of Gray, shows best perhaps all the peculiarities of bad grammar, unknown words, and halting verse which to the eighteenth century represented Chaucer’s * homely rhyme.’ Here are some of the lines he puts into Chaucer’s mouth when mourning the death of Pope, in the Musceus (for the whole extract see p. 393 below) : — For syn the daies whereas my lyre ben strongen, And deftly many a mery laie I songen. Old Time, which alle things don maliciously, Gnawen with rusty tooth continually, Gnattrid my lines, that they all cancrid ben, Till at the last thou smoothen ’hem hast again ; Sithence full semely gliden my rymes rude. Comment here seems needless, unless it be to remark that, if Chaucer’s lines resembled these, they certainly required smoothing. Now we may turn to the more grateful task of tracing the gradual revival in the eighteenth century of genuine appreciation of Chaucer, based on knowledge of his work. This change naturally was brought about by scholars, not by poets and men of letters, for the study and understanding of Chaucer in the original was in the eighteenth century confined to scholars, and to extremely few of these. We can see the interest he aroused in Hearne, and we may regret that Dean Atterbury did not 1 Whether the imitations which were called out by the Chatterton- Rowley discussion at the end of the century were supposed to be in Chaucer’s or in Rowley’s language is not quite clear. See, for instance, pp. 465, 466 below, 1782, John Baynes and E. B. Greene. CHAUCER CRITICISM. d 1 § 1. Period V. Two Women Scholars appreciate Chaucer. fix on him instead of on Urry to edit the poet’s works. Morell, in 1737, as a result of really reading and studying Chaucer, came to the conclusion that he had ‘ been wretchedly abused, I miswrote and mismetred by all his editors,’ and he shows that | he had a glimmering, partly suggested to him by Urry, that to j sound the final ‘ e ’ might make a great difference to the alleged j roughness of his verse. Morell also incidentally gives us a clue j to the reason why the rational study of Chaucer was so long j delayed : which was that it was not thought quite a dignified or weighty subject worthy of the whole attention of scholars. It was suitable enough for an amusement or hobby, but not for a serious occupation. ‘ This then has been my amusement for some time, he says at the end of the preface to his unfinished edition of the Canterbury Tales, ‘ and I hope with no great detriment to the more severe and decent studies required by my place and j character. I believe many a leisure hour might have been spent worse.’ There are two writers, both scholars, and curiously enough, both women, who must be noted in the early eighteenth century as showing some real knowledge, and consequently genuine ; appreciation of Chaucer. Elizabeth Elstob, the earlier of these, j was a born scholar and linguist, whose love for learning helped j her to overcome incredible difficulties in the days when it was j considered almost indecent for a woman to occupy her mind i with such studies as Anglo-Saxon; in 1715 she published the j first attempt at an Old English grammar, written in English, 1 I with the following significant title : — The Rudiments of Grammar for the English- Saxon Tongue, first ■ given in English : with an Apology for the study of Northern | Antiquities. Being very useful toward the understanding our ■ ancient English Poets, and other Writers. In her preface she takes occasion to point out more fully j that a knowledge of the Saxon Tongue, by which she means Old j 1 The first Old English grammar was in Latin by George Hickes, Oxford, 1689, republished and enlarged later under the title Thesaurus Grarrimaticocnticus , 1705. Elizabeth Elstob was Hickes’s niece. § 1. Period V. Thomas Wartoris enlightened view. li and Middle English, is necessary or at least useful to the right understanding of the older English Poets, such as Chaucer. Elizabeth Cooper was the second of these writers, and was one of the very earliest people to try to revive a knowledge of the older English poets, of whose work she in 1737 published Specimens, — ‘ from the Saxons to the Reign of King Charles II,’ so runs the title page. As a matter of fact the complete project of the ‘ Muses Library ’ was from lack of support not carried out, but the first volume, the only one published, has a number of well-chosen poetical extracts ranging from Piers Plowman to Daniel. Her preface is very interesting, showing on the subject of the older literature a combination of accurate and first-hand knowledge with critical independence and judgment not to be met elsewhere at that time. ‘ Very Few,’ she says, c of these great Men [Chaucer, Barclay, Skelton, Surrey, Sackville, Spenser, Lord Brook, Donne, Corbet, Carew, etc.] are generally known to the present Age : And tho’ Chaucer and Spencer are ever nam’d with much Respect, not many are intimately acquainted with their Beauties ’ (below, p. 379) ; and then, after praising Chaucer in terms which show that she, at any rate, has read him, she selects as a specimen of his work the unhackneyed and yet highly characteristic Prologue to the Pardoner's Tale. The first writer, however, who really attacked the question with authority combined with knowledge and insight, was Thomas Warton. As early as 1754 he held a brief for Chaucer, and in his Observations on the Faerie Queene , wrote a most acute and discriminating account of him, in which he pointed out that it was the modernizations which had stood in the way of Chaucer himself being read, and had brought about a general ignorance of the original ( see p. 409 below). ‘ Chaucer,’ he says, ‘ seems to be regarded rather as an old poet, than as a good one, and that he wrote English verses four hundred years ago seems more frequently to be urged in his commendation, than that he wrote four hundred years ago with taste and judgment. 1 . . . When I 1 Compare Sewell’s remarks in 1720 : ‘ they who speak of him rather pay a blind Veneration to his Antiquity than his intrinsic Worth.’ lii § I. Period V. Gray's Notes on Chaucer's Metre. sate down to read Chaucer with the curiosity of knowing how the first English poet wrote, I left him with the satisfaction of having found what later and more refin’d ages could hardly ! equal in true humour, pathos, or sublimity.’ Warton’s enlightened view of Chaucer is displayed very j much more fully in his History of English Poetry in 1774, but by that time the tide of opinion was beginning to turn. Gray, j in his notes on metre (c. 1760), repudiates the idea that Chaucer ! had no ear, and definitely asserts, what had been suggested first by Speght, and later by Urry and Morell, that if the poet’s verse appeared irregular, the fault lay not with the writer but the reader. He instances the sounding of initial and final syllables, especially the genitive singular, and nominative plural of nouns, and he is the first, we believe, clearly to point out how much the change in the accentuation of words must affect our reading of the older poets : ‘ we undoubtedly destroy,’ he says, ‘ a great part of the music of their versification by laying the accent of words where nobody then laid it.’ Gray’s notes were not published till 1814, otherwise we might think that Tyrwhitt owed something to them. Bishop Hurd, in his Letters on Chivalry and Romance (1762), again shows that Chaucer himself is being read, when he calls ’ attention to what is evidently to him a surprising fact, that in : so early an age when chivalry still flourished, Chaucer in Sir Thopas actually detected the absurdity of the old romances, j and was making fun of them. In the same year (1762) Warton issued a second edition of his Observations , in which he slightly \ alters his remarks on Chaucer. In 1754 he had emphasized the \ fact that it was Chaucer who ‘ first gave the English nation in its own language an idea of Humour,' he now points out that the j poet ‘ abounds not only in strokes of humour, which is commonly supposed to be his sole talent, but of pathos and sublimity.’ This remark, perhaps more than anything else, shows that a new era is dawning for Chaucer. That which is most surprising in looking back over the great mass of Chaucer criticism, up to this date, is that even his most ardent admirers do not seem to have had a complete conception 1. Period V. Chaucer regarded chiefly as a Comic Poet, liii of what Chaucer really was, nor wherein lay his great strength as a poet. The characteristics which most attract us to him to-day, in addition to his delightful humour, are his simplicity, his tender- ness, his wisdom, toleration and broad-mindedness, his close knowledge of human nature, and his almost constant felicity of expression. Yet, with curiously few exceptions, from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century , not one of these qualities seems to be remarked in Chaucer. All his early admirers understood and praised his verse, but, as we have seen, in later years that found no supporter. Spenser, Dryden and Pope, as well as Caxton, the author of the Book of Curtesye, and William Thynne, note Chaucer s true poetical strength, his imagination and power of expression. Otherwise, he is looked upon for the most part as a comic poet chiefly remarkable for the scurrility of his verses. This is a view which, as we have seen, began to creep in at the end of the sixteenth century ; it was for this that men like Drant or Harrington openly condemned him, while others, less stern, merely laughed at his ‘ merie tales,’ and looked on his outspokenness as suffi- cient reason that they should outvie him in this respect ; so we find the unknown author of Greene’s Vision making Chaucer cite his own practice in order to reassure Greene, who is reproaching himself for the wanton writings of his youth ( see pp. 137-38 below). This attitude of tolerant amusement rapidly gained ground in the seventeenth and earlier eighteenth centuries, 1 and if his coarseness is not insisted on, he is at best a good, jolly story teller ; as Warton says, ‘ strokes of humour are ‘ commonly supposd to be his sole talent.’ Old Chaucer shall, for his facetious style, Be read, and prais’d by warlike Britains, while The Sea enriches, and defends their Isle, writes John Evelyn in 1685. Chaucer was a merry wit, but a rough one, for even his humour, the only quality granted him, was not recognized to be the most light and delicate ever 1 See, for instance, Rowlands 1602, Smith 1656, Philips 1675, Evelyn 1685, Addison 1694, Cobb a. 1700, Gay 1712, Draper 1713 and Harte 1727. liv § 1. Period VI. Tyrwhitt' s edition of the ‘ Canterbury Tales! possessed by an Englishman, but rather quaint and coarse, fit only for a barbarous age. This point is emphasized here, for it must be remembered that it was the general and common attitude existing side by side with the new and intellectual interest which we have seen scholars were beginning to take ! in his work. Moreover it is one which, with a certain class of writers— men who did not read Chaucer, but yet thought it correct to refer to him — increases all through the first three j quarters of the eighteenth century. It is well summed up in the following lines in an Elegy called Woodstock Park , published | anonymously in 1761 : — Old Chaucer, who in rough unequal verse, Sung quaint allusion and facetious tale ; And ever as his jests he would rehearse, Loud peals of laughter echoed through the vale. What though succeeding poets, as they [their ?] sire, Eevere his memory and approve his wit ; Though Spenser’s elegance and Dryden’s fire His name to ages far remote transmit ; His tuneless numbers hardly now survive As ruins of a dark and Gothic age ; And all his blithesome tales their praise derive From Pope’s immortal song and Prior’s page. This poem, which was published the year before the second edition of Warton’s Observations , illustrates better perhaps than could anything else the startling change in Chaucer criticism which was inaugurated immediately afterwards by the work of scholars like Warton and Tyrwhitt. Period VI. — It is with the publication of Tyrwhitt’s edition ' of the Canterbury Tales in 1775, that we enter upon the sixth and present period of Chaucer criticism; it is entirely owing to the work of this great, but little known, scholar that the sane and rational study of the poet’s work was, for the first time since the early sixteenth century, made possible for Englishmen. Not only did Tyrwhitt edit the first good text of the Canterbury Tales , but in his prefatory essay he definitely and clearly dis- posed for ever of the persistently erroneous view which was held §1 . Period VI. Gradual disappearance of misconceptions, lv of Chaucer’s versification (see pp. 442-45 below). His text of the ‘ Tales ’ was almost immediately pirated by Bell for his edition of the English poets (1782) ; it was also used by Anderson in his English poets (1795), and other reprints of it in the nineteenth century were numerous, so it thus became easily accessible to every would-be reader. With Tyr whitt’s monumental work as a starting-point and basis, we can trace in this period very clearly the history, first of the gradual disappearance of certain persistent and long- cherished beliefs about Chaucer founded upon ignorance either of his language, or his work, or of both ; and the substitution for these of sane, sound and scholarly appreciation, not only of the wisdom, the humour and the imagination of the poet, but also of his supreme technical and artistic skill. 1 * The distinctly eighteenth-century ideas which gradually dispersed like mist before the sunlight, may for convenience be summarized as follows : — As regards manner : — (1) That Chaucer’s language was barbarous and difficult. (2) That he had no ear for metre, and wrote rough and irregular lines. (3) That these shortcomings were not wholly his fault, but a necessary result of the rude age in which he wrote, when poetry was in its infancy. (4) That therefore the only possible way to read him was in a 4 modernization.’ As regards matter : — (5) That he was principally a £ facetious ’ or roughly comic poet, chiefly delighting in coarse tales, and lacking seriousness and dignity. These beliefs were not by any means swept away at one breath, as they might have been by a careful reading of Tyr- whitt’s text and preface. Convictions so firmly rooted in men’s minds cannot be disposed of in a moment. For example, we 1 For an early example of the effect of Tyrwhitt’s work on the ordinary reviewer or hack writer, see below, p. 488, Philip Neve, 1789. lvi § 1. Period VI. Belief in Chaucer’s ‘ hobbling cadences ' find the idea that Chaucer’s verse is rough and that he is difficult j to read and understand is one that lasts on with curious per- sistence. In the article on Lydgate in the second edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica (1778-83) it is stated that Lyd- gate s versification is much more harmonious than Chaucer’s. | This assertion is repeated in subsequent editions of the Encyclopaedia up to 1842, and we hear echoes of this view from time to time in the nineteenth century, as in Sharon Turner’s I History of England (1815), or in Burrowes’s Modern Encuclo- I pcedia (1837). Anna Seward, who in 1792 writes of Chaucer’s ‘ obsolete, j coarse and inharmonious diction,’ maintains this attitude in her | letters to Scott and others later on. She comments, in 1806, on j the insane partiality of Godwin for the poetic powers of Chaucer, whose compositions, she says, ‘have so little good which is not translation, and so much that is tedious, unnatural, conceited and obscure.’ Richard Wharton, in 1804, speaks of his ‘ hobbling cadences and obsolete phrases ’ ; in 1807 ‘ Peter ! Pindar ’ (Dr. John Wolcot) writes just as did Hughes and Cobb a century earlier. Though obsolete, alas ! thy line, And doomed in cold neglect to shine, and Byron, in Hints from Horace (1811), takes the usual !j eighteenth century view when he says that our forefathers, who did not trouble about the classics, ' Were satisfied with Chaucer and old Ben; The jokes and numbers suited to their taste Were quaint and careless, anything but chaste. Lord Thurlow, who, unlike Byron, much admired Chaucer, yet speaks of his ‘ homely rhyme ’ (1813) ; ‘ quaint and rough,’ a ] writer in the Gentleman’s Magazine (May 1818) calls it ; ‘ anti- | quated ’ and ‘ outworn ’ says Horace Smith in 1825, and in ! the following year, Hazlitt, in reporting the conversation which j took place at one of Lamb’s Wednesdays on ‘Persons one would | wish to have seen, says that all the company were in favour of j Chaucer, except William Ayrton, the musician, ‘ who said something about the ruggedness of the metre.’ § 1. Period VI. Opinions of Nott and D' Israeli. lvii Consequently, tlie idea tends to be developed about this time which is baldly stated by Beringfcon in 1814 (below, Part II, p. 61), that the chief merit and interest of Chaucer is not as a poet but as a historian of manners, and that his works are not merely 4 effusions of a poetical imagination ’ but 4 they are pregnant with instruction of a higher order. They are an essential portion of the authentic history of his country ’ (see end of article in The Retrospective Review , 1824 below, Part II, p. 155). Nott’s views, in 1815, on Chaucer’s versification are worth noting, for they are not careless remarks made on insufficient knowledge, but are the result of close study of the text. He examines Tyrwhitt’s ‘ system respecting Chaucer’s versifi- cation,’ and objects to it. He does not believe in the sounding of the final ‘ e ’ feminine ; he maintains that Chaucer’s lines are not intended for iambic decasyllabics, although uninten- tionally such lines occur, but that his principle of versification is rhythmical and not metrical, and that he ‘ designed his lines to be read with a caesura and rhythmical cadence.’ Southey, in 1807, had partly anticipated this view, and later, in 1833, having been reinforced by the views of Farmer and Nott, he is more emphatic on the point and says he believes Chaucer to have written his verses on the same principle on which Coleridge wrote his Christahel. Isaac D ’Israeli, as late as 1841, completely routs Tyrwhitt’s theory of Chaucer’s versification and asserts, that the poet makes his words long or short, dissyllabic or trisyllabic at his pleasure. ‘ It is evident,’ he continues, ‘ that Chaucer trusted his cadences to his ear, and his verse is therefore usually rhyth- mical and accidentally metrical.’ He also doubts if anything but the Canterbury Tales (made accessible by Tyrwhitt) will ever be read, for the difficulties are too great. Readers will be appalled by having to face 4 a massive tome dark with the Gothic type, whose obsolete words and difficult phrases, and for us, uncadenced metre, are to be conned by a glossary as obsolete as the text, to be perpetually referred to, to the interruption of all poetry and all patience.’ It was in this same year (1841), just one hundred years after lviii §1. Period VI. The 4 Modernizations' of 1841. Ogle’s venture, that the last important attempt was made to modernize Chaucer. This was a small volume called 4 The Poems of Geoffrey Chaucer Modernized,’ which is chiefly j remarkable for the worthlessness of its contents and the j eminence of its contributors, many of whom, one is tempted to I think, ought to have known better. It was edited by Richard Hengist Horne, who says he thinks i the project was set on foot by Wordsworth, who promised to j contribute, assisted by Leigh Hunt, Miss Barrett, Robert Bell, | Monckton Milnes, Leonhard Schmitz and Horne himself. For the second volume (which, happily, never appeared), it was intended to ask for the help of Tennyson, Talfourd, Browning, Bulwer, Mr. and Mrs. Cowden Clarke, and Mary Howitt ; and we are told that every one who was invited to take part in the project agreed cordially, with the sole exception of Landor, who at once saw the folly of the attempt, and expressed his views on it with great decision. His first reply to Mr. Horne’s application was that he believed 4 as many people read Chaucer (meaning in the original) as were fit to read him.’ Home mis- understood this remark, and so Landor wrote again to explain his views more fully, expressing himself very characteristically as follows : — ‘ Indeed, I do admire him, or rather love him,’ ; adding, 4 Pardon me if I say I would rather see Chaucer quite ! alone, in the dew of his sunny morning, than with twenty j clever gentlefolks about him, arranging his shoe-strings and ; buttoning his doublet. I like even his language. I will have no hand in breaking his dun but rich painted glass to put in (if clearer) much thinner panes.’ ‘ And thus,’ commented Horne, { — when he published part of this correspondence in 1877— 4 with the true but narrow devotion of the best men on the black- letter side, and their resistance to all attempts to melt the obsolete language and form it into modern moulds ... the Homer of English poetry continues unread except by very few.’ The introduction to the 4 Modernizations ’ is interesting, j We see that in 1841 the state of Chaucer’s language was looked j upon as being as hopelessly unintelligible as in the days of ! Pope; and that the reader must, among other qualifications, i § 1. Period VI. Distaste for Chaucer persists in 19th century, lix be ‘ learned in the black letter ’ (whatever that may be) in order to hope to understand him. We also learn that in 1841 everything had been done for Chaucer’s works in the collation of texts and the writing of notes and glossaries that could be wished for; which causes us to wonder what the Chaucer Society has since found to do. Horne’s criticisms of earlier translations, as well as some of his own renderings of Chaucer’s text, are quite worth study, and indeed the whole book is a curiosity of literature. 1 * * Its chief interest from our point of view consists in the proof it gives of the growth during the past eighty years, not only of general knowledge of Chaucer and familiarity with his language, but of English scholarship generally. This is made clear at once when we reflect how impossible it would be for a group of writers of intelligence and even genius to-day, of the same standing as these contributors, to attempt a similar production. We find also the distaste for Chaucer experienced by Cowley, lasting far on into the nineteenth century, especially in some of the Reviews. A reviewer of Godwin’s 4 Life,’ in 1804, asserts that the idea that Chaucer in the 4 uncouth and antiquated style of the original ’ could ever give the pleasure he does in the 4 finely-turned versification ’ of Dryden and Pope, is one 4 which could be entertained for a moment only by the blindest enthusiasm.’ A writer in the Gentleman’ s Magazine for October 1818, while giving Chaucer some appreciation, yet at the same time denounces the poet in all the old familiar terms, speaks of his 4 rough phraseology,’ the 4 harshness and lameness of his numbers,’ his ribaldry and coarseness, and concludes by saying 1 See Lounsbury’s Studies in Chaucer, vol. iii, pp. 213-29, where an amusing account of this book is given, and some of the most flagrant mistakes and blunders in it are noted. Such are, for instance, the ascription to Wordsworth of a quotation from Drayton which is printed on the title page; or the entire misunderstanding of many of Chaucer’s words; or such grotesque renderings as that of Chaucer’s description of the poor Clerk of Oxford : ‘ Full threadbare was his overest courtepy,’ which in Horne’s version becomes ‘ His uppermost short coat was a bare thread.’ lx § 1. Period VI. Contrast in 19th-century views on Chaucer. that not ‘ all the hyperbolical praises of the illustrious Dryden [can] prove that he was gifted with one spark of the sublime ! spirit of the Grecian Bard.’ The view of Chaucer as a coarse and comic poet unfit for study by serious people also persists, and a delightful example of it is the case of the Rev. Henry Richman, who, in his youth, had written a sequel to the Canterbury Tales , of which his friends could never obtain a sight ; for, says one of them, £ he always declined permitting . . . [them] to peruse it, upon this | principle, that the levity of such compositions was inconsistent j with the decorum of the clerical character ’ ( see below, c. 1810). The severely moral view of Chaucer’s sins is also taken by an anonymous writer, who, in 1841, published an abridgment of Dryden’s version of the character of the good parson, as well as the Parson’s Prologue and Tale. In alluding to the £ ribaldry j and pollution ’ to be found in other parts of Chaucer’s writings | and to his [spurious ?] Retractation at the end of the Canterbury I Tales , the editor of this pamphlet concludes, £ an author should never forget, that ... his works, if calculated to corrupt, may j still be doing their mischief, and . . . his crimes may’ thus j be extended . . . through centuries.’ This forms a curious '! contrast to the estimate of Chaucer’s outlook and influence as expressed later, for instance, by Ruskin and Alfred Austin. | For what Ruskin says in Fors Clavigera, see p. lxiv below; and ! the then poet laureate, when speaking on the occasion of j Chaucer s quincentenary, said that £ poets like Chaucer were i themselves ministers of God,’ and that £ he was an exponent j of the purest and the most permanent elements of Christianity.,’ The latest expression of the older view we meet with is in 1878, when in a History of English Humour , by A. G. K. L’Estrange, the surprising statement is made that although no j doubt at the time he wrote he was thought witty, that £ scarcely I any part of Chaucer s writings would raise a laugh at the present day, though they might a blush.’ But it is not only among unknown reviewers and odd writers I that we find a distaste for Chaucer in the first half of the nineteenth century. Byron’s condemnation is well known : §1. Period VI. Early 19th-century distaste for Chaucer, lxi ‘ Chaucer, notwithstanding the praises heaped upon him, I think obscene and contemptible’ (1807), and John Galt, the novelist, writes in 1812: ‘I have never been able to bring myself to entertain any feeling approximating to respect for Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate, and the other tribe of rhymers before Henry VIII,’ for which remark we are glad to see he was severely chastised in the Quarterly of September of the same year. The poet Moore found Chaucer unreadable (1819), so did Lord Lansdowne, and Sir Kenelm Digby, in 1844, calls him ‘ impious and obscene.’ Cardinal Wiseman, who showed some appreciation of him as a poet, nevertheless regrets (1855) that in his work, as well as in that of Spenser’s, ‘ every rich description of natural beauty is connected with wantonness, voluptuousness, and debauchery.’ It was this ‘ foul and false accusation ’ (Leigh Hunt’s Correspondence , 1862, vol. ii., p. 264) which roused Leigh Hunt to write in defence of these two poets one of his last articles published in Fraser’s Magazine four months after his death (December 1859). A remnant of the survival of the predominating eighteenth century idea that Chaucer was a ‘ comic ’ poet, and thus un- dignified, may have affected Matthew Arnold’s criticism of him in 1880. 1 * He classes Chaucer, quite rightly, below Homer, Dante and Shakespeare, but he does so not because he did not equal them in genius, but because he lacked seriousness. The uncritical attitude towards Chaucer, and real ignorance about him, his life and work, is to be found in unexpected places long after ample materials were published which would have made, one would have thought, such mis-statements impossible. Emerson, who read Chaucer with delight in early youth (c. 1820), and continually refers to him with appreciation, yet reveals the vague knowledge of facts and dates which is reminiscent of sixteenth century writers. In his essay on Shakespeare (1848) he says, 4 Chaucer is a huge borrower : [He] . . . drew con- 1 Introduction to The English Poets, edited by T. H. Ward, London, 1880, reprinted in Essays in Criticism, 2nd series. lxii § 1. Period VI. 19th-century appreciation. Scott and Blake.l tmually, through Lydgate and Caxton, from Guido di Colonna.’! Professor Minto, in his article (1876) on the poet in the ninth edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, says that Chaucer’s father was in the expedition of 1359 instead of that of 1338;! he declares the Court of Love to be genuine, dating it about 100 years before it was written, and invents a statement that James I in the Kingis Quhair attributes it to Chaucer. And in the Cornhill for March 1877, we find no less a critic | than Leslie Stephen attributing to Chaucer a large number of j spurious poems, and saying in a note on the Court of Love The Chaucer critics reject this poem, but as we are not writing a critical paper, we cannot afford to forgo so much good i material.’ The main trend, however, of nineteenth-century opinion | and knowledge has been very markedly in the contrary direction to these cases we have cited, which are really survivals. We I find (with the exception of Byron) all the greatest men of letters j of the early nineteenth century reading Chaucer and delighting in him. j Scott is very appreciative ; he points out that Chaucer is sometimes much better than his modernizer Dryden ; he has a ; charming reference to him in Woodstock ; his mind is clearly stored with reminiscences of him, he quotes him in several of his novels, and (in 1817) he urges the intending reader not to be j put off by apparent difficulties of obsolete spelling and the like. Blake has left us a wonderful and luminous criticism of the j Canterbury Tales (1809), in some ways anticipating Carlyle in ' thought. He points out that Chaucer has, in his pilgrims, ! pictured for all time the eternal classes of men, eternal principles, ; changing in outward details, but in essentials remaining the j same, the Hero, the Knave, the Apostle, and so on, for ‘ every age is a Canterbury Pilgrimage, we all pass on, each sustaining j one or other of these characters ; nor can a child be born, who is not one of these characters of Chaucer.’ He was one of the few authors Wordsworth read constantly, and one of the still fewer to whom he felt and admitted himself j inferior ; that fine critic, Dorothy, read him with £ exquisite j § 1. Period VI. Appreciation by Coleridge , Lamb and Landor. lxiii delight ’ ; Southey repeatedly praises him, and speaks enthusi- astically of 4 his versatility of talents,’ 4 in which only Ariosto has approached, and only Shakespeare equalled him ’ ; Thomas Campbell, in 1819, appreciates the 4 pathetic beauty ’ of Troilus, ‘ a story of vast length and almost desolate simplicity,’ and the vivid characterization of the Canterbury Tales, and Coleridge, as early as 1804, planned an Essay on his genius and writings, while thirty years later he says, 4 I take increasing delight in Chaucer. His manly cheerfulness is especially delicious to me in my old age. How exquisitely tender he is, and yet how perfectly free from the least touch of sickly melancholy or morbid drooping.’ Lamb’s references (13 in all, from 1797 to 1827) are slight, but sufficient to show his knowledge and love. He compares Coleridge’s poem of 4 The Raven ’ to Chaucer, and he points out the radiance of the 4 almost Chaucer-like painting ’ in Keats’s Eve of St. Agnes. He clearly revels and delights in his 4 foolish stories,’ the 4 darling things . . . old Chaucer sings,’ he treasures his 4 black letter ’ Speght, he marvels at the 4 comprehensiveness of genius ’ in the Pilgrims’ portraits, and compares the thought underlying the poet’s comedy with Hogarth’s handling of his themes. x He suggests to Haydon for a picture the subject of Chaucer beating a Franciscan friar in Fleet Street, and we are not sur- prised that it was Lamb, sooner than any one else apparently, who appreciated to the full Blake’s brilliant description of the Pilgrims, 4 the finest criticism he had ever read of Chaucer’s poem,’ 4 mystical and full of vision.’ How entirely we can sympathise with his trouble over the review of Godwin’s ill- proportioned and pompous ‘Life’ (1803); little wonder that although he sat down to it 4 for three or four days successively ’ he could not produce anything which would satisfy both Godwin and himself. Landor, as we have seen, thoroughly appreciated Chaucer, and in an unpublished prose fragment, written probably about 1861, he says : 4 There is no poet excepting Homer whom I have studied so attentively as Chaucer. They are the ablest of their respective countries.’ In other writings he places lxiv § 1. Period VI. RusJcin places Chaucer Ugh as a theologian. him next Shakespeare and Milton, and prefers him to Spenser. Shelley speaks of him with understanding and reverence, and Hazlitt, who writes on him the first appreciative literary criticism of any length since Dryden, ranks him with Spenser as one of the four greatest English poets. Miss Mitford, as early as 1815, writes : 4 Two or three of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, and some select passages from his other productions, are worth all the age of Queen Anne . . . ever produced ’ ; De Quincey says he is £ a poet worth five hundred of Homer,’ and Mrs. Browning (despite the modernizations) has written of him some of the most charmingly discriminating praise ever penned : Peacock, Edward Fitzgerald and George Meredith have all recorded their admiration ; we are told that Tennyson enjoyed reading Chaucer aloud more than any poet except Shakespeare and Milton ; while the enthusiasm of the Pre- Raphaelite group for Chaucer was so great, that in addition to painting scenes from his life and poems, they saw a physical likeness to him in the people they admired. This resemblance , they said was noticeable in Rossetti, Morris and R. W. Dixon. Ruskin was reading and quoting Chaucer with appreciation for forty years (1849-1889); and he refers one hundred and ■ eight times to the poet or his works ( Index to the Complete Works, ed. Cook and Wedderburn). A few of these references * are printed here, and a larger selection (between 1869 and 1889) in the Supplement to Five Hundred Y ears of Chaucer Criticism ( see Foreword, also footnote p. lxix below). His remarks, as one would expect, are acute and unusual, as when in The Harbours of England (1856), he notes Chaucer’s aversion to the sea and everything connected with it. ] Ruskin is among those who place Chaucer very high as a -1 theologian and teacher; in Fors Clavigera (letter 61, January 1 1876) he says he is ‘ one of the men who have taught the purest theological truth,’ and he chooses him together with Moses, David, Hesiod, Virgil, Dante and St. John as one of the seven authors of ‘ standard theological writings ’ whose lives and works are to be specially edited for the St. George’s schools; a scheme which was, however, not carried out. § 1. Period VI. Leigh Hunt's love for Chaucer. lxv He is also one of the few people who express surprise or vexation at the pre-eminent position given to the Canterbury Tales (letter to Dr. Furnivall, December 15, 1873, unpublished), and he deliberately excludes them from his planned edition for St. George’s library, while he includes, 4 be they authentic or not, the Dream and the fragment of the translation of the Romance of the Rose.' ( Fors , ut sup.) He was particularly attracted to the Dream (the Isle of Ladies), and, as he had told Dr. Furnivall (letter of Dec. 15, 1873), about the year 1869, he had prepared an edition of it for press 4 (not at all as a fine example of Chaucer, but as one about which I had much to say) — with long notes, and hunting down of words — and no doubt at all expressed of the genuineness.’ 4 Had this come out,’ he adds, 4 1 should never have got over it in literary dis-reputation.’ However, in spite of the demonstration that it was not Chaucer’s, he remained constant in his predilection for the Dream as well as for the authentic minor poems, and he definitely set himself to work mainly on them and on the ethics and temper of them. Perhaps, however, the most constant and enthusiastic lover of Chaucer in the early nineteenth century was Leigh Hunt. He came to him comparatively late (‘ Chaucer, who has since been one of my best friends, I was not acquainted with at school, nor till long afterwards,’ Autobiography, 1860, p. 79), but for nearly half a century (1812-59) Hunt shows increasing knowledge of and admiration for Chaucer. So numerous are his references to him both in prose and verse that a large bundle of them has been put aside, and only a small selection (43) are here printed, as otherwise they would have thrown out of proportion the mass of nineteenth-century criticism. Hunt genuinely loves Chaucer, he reads him constantly and carefully, and, in spite of Lockhart’s scathing snub in Blackwood ( see below, 1817, Z.) his praise is discriminating as well as enthusiastic. He is as daring and independent in his judgment of Chaucer’s poetic powers as he is of those of Keats. As early as 1816, he classes him with Dryden, Spenser, Milton, Ariosto and Shake- CHAUCER CRITICISM. e lxvi § 1. Period VI. Leigh Hunt's discriminating praise. speare as one of the great masters of modern versification, and some years later (1820) he maintains that Chaucer’s verse is 4 touched with a finer sense of music even than Dryden’s.’ He constantly recurs to this theme in his critical writings I and points out that Chaucer is scarcely known at all, that he is j considered 4 a rude sort of poet,’ that his versification has never had justice done it, and that the 4 sweet and delicate gravity of its music ’ is as 4 unlike the crabbed and unintentional stuff j it is supposed to be as possible.’ He considers Chaucer has 4 the strongest imagination of real life, beyond any writers but Homer, Dante and Shakespeare, and in comic painting inferior to none.’ Hunt’s appreciation of Chaucer’s 4 comic genius ’ is given in full in Wit and Humour (1846) and the three characteristic qualities of it which he selects reveal his close understanding of it. And through all these years, Hunt proves his admiration in the most practical way, by making every effort to get Chaucer better known, to bring his work to the notice of the ordinary j reader and to induce him to go to the original for himself. He writes about him and quotes him constantly, he gives copious extracts from his poems in modern spelling in a series of numbers • of the London Journal (1835), and he modernizes several of the Tales. His views on the function of modernizations are t thoroughly sound (see specially the Preface to Death and the j Ruffians, 1855). Modernizations, he says, should be little more i than a change of spelling, 4 for every alteration of Chaucer is j an injury,’ and their only excuse is that they ‘ may act as incitements towards acquaintance with the great original.’ Hunt’s love of Chaucer deserves emphasis, for it is especially I interesting historically because of his influence on Keats. Hunt and Keats first met probably in the early summer of }| 1816; they immediately became friends and read and talked | together, leaving, as Hunt records, 4 no imaginative pleasure ’ ! untouched or unenjoyed. It is practically certain that they talked about Chaucer, and that Keats was led to read far more than the non-Chaucerian Floure and Lefe which so took his fancy and from which he chose the motto for Sleep and § 1. Period VI. Hunt , Keats and the Pre-Raphaelites, lxvii Poetry , written probably during his first intimacy with Hunt in the autumn of 1816. It was in the following February that he wrote the sonnet in Cowden Clarke’s Chaucer, and a few months later he began Endymion with the prayer that he ‘ might stammer where old Chaucer used to sing.’ By the end of the next year (1818) he is the proud possessor of a ‘black letter Chaucer’ of his own; all through 1819 it is obvious from his letters that he is reading it, and the result of his study is to be seen in the Eve of St. Mark at which he was working at intervals during that year. Its narrative method and metre are clearly suggested by Chaucer, as well as the pseudo old English which is surely an echo of him rather than of Chatterton as has generally been assumed. That this is so is even more clearly seen in the additional sixteen lines in the Woodhouse transcript (found in 1913) beginning Gif ye wol stonden hardie wight — Amiddes of the blacke night — Righte in the churche porch, pardie Ye wol behold a companie, in which Keats deliberately tries to reproduce the style and vocabulary of Chaucer. Thus we have a series of links which form one of the most interesting bits of literary history in the nineteenth century. Leigh Hunt’s immense admiration for Chaucer undoubtedly stimulated, if it did not start, Keats’s serious study of him ; this study profoundly affected the wonderful fragment of the Eve of St. Mark, which, with La Belle Dame, were the poems which kindled the enthusiasm of the Pre-Raphaelite group and gave to William Morris his immediate impulse in romantic story telling. As Sir Sidney Colvin points out (Life of Keats p. 438), the opening of the Eve of St. Mark, reminiscent of the movement of Chaucer’s verse and anticipating the very cadences of Morris, forms a direct bridge or stepping stone between the two great poets. It was in 1855 that Morris with Burne-Jones at Oxford was for the first time reading and rejoicing in the older narrative poet whom later he definitely took as his master. For not since the days of Elizabeth had lxviii § 1 . Period VI. The changed attitude of the Reviews . Chaucer so directly inspired a great English singer as he did him who prayed : — Would that I Had but some portion of that mastery That from the rose-hung lanes of woody Kent Through these five hundred years such songs have sent To us, who, meshed within this smoky net Of unrejoicing labour, love them yet. And thou, 0 Master ! Yea, my Master still Whatever feet have scaled Parnassus’ hill Since like thy measures, clear and sweet and strong, Thames’ stream scarce fettered drave the dace along Unto the bastioned bridge, his only chain — 0 Master, pardon me if yet in vain Thou art my Master, and I fail to bring Before men’s eyes the image of the thing My heart is filled with : thou whose dreamy eyes Beheld the flush to Cressid’s cheek arise, As Troilus rode up the praising street, As clearly as they saw thy townsmen meet Those whom in vineyards of Poictou withstood The glistening horror of the steel-topped wood. The changed attitude of the important Reviews towards i Chaucer in the early nineteenth century is worthy of notice ; he is constantly put next to Shakespeare, and sometimes compared to i Goethe ; the Quarterly is almost uniformly favourable to him, and * often enthusiastic. Thus in the volume of May 1809, Chaucer is > placed next below Shakespeare and Milton; in July 1814 he is called ‘ a star of the first magnitude,’ and it is urged that it is a disgrace that the Canterbury Tales should be the only portion of his works edited with ability; while in the Edinburgh for | July 1830 he is said to be in manner and expression the most | Homeric of our poets. All this appreciation, however, though very enthusiastic, was largely uncritical, and based on an incomplete knowledge of Chaucer s real work, and it was not until the appearance in 1862 (in the United States) of Professor Child’s masterly and exhaustive essay on the use of the final ‘ e ’ in the Harleian manuscript 7334, followed in 1868 by the foundation of the § 1. Period VI. Foundation of the Chaucer Society, lxix Chaucer Society by Dr. Furnivall, that the scholarly and critical work was inaugurated, which is one of the literary glories of the nineteenth century. Professor Child furnished the money which enabled the Chaucer Society to start work, and so it is to him that Dr. Furnivall dedicates its first great publication, the Six-Text print of the Canterbury Tales 1 (see 1868-77, below). The work of Chaucer scholars in England and America during the last fifty years has been so great that to write any detailed account of it would demand more space than can here be given. Some record of it will be found in the following pages, and a still fuller record in the Supplement. 1 2 * These speak for themselves. Certain landmarks in the work can, however, be indicated. The Chaucer Society, which was established 4 to do honour to Chaucer, and to let lovers and students of him see how far the best unprinted manuscripts of his works differed from the printed texts,’ has achieved results of four kinds : — (1) The printing of all the best Chaucer manuscripts. (2) The establishment of the chronology of Chaucer’s works, including the arrangement of the Canterbury Tales. (3) The final settlement of the Chaucer Canon. (4) The discovery of many hitherto unknown facts about Chaucer’s life and family. 1 That is the six best and oldest MSS. of the Canterbury Tales , printed in parallel columns so as to make the different readings at once apparent. 2 Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion: A Supple- ment, containing additional entries, 1868-1900 ; London, privately printed, 1920. As the work of collecting these Chaucer allusions proceeded, it became clear that it would be impossible, for reasons of mere bulk of matter, to deal so comprehensively with the last generation as with those up to 1800, or even up to 1867. A break therefore is made at the latter date, and after the foundation of the Chaucer Society only the chief editions of the poet are included and a few important or typical criticisms. As, however, a considerable number of allusions for this period, about 900 in all, had already been collected and were in type, a few copies of this matter were printed off and have been placed in the principal libraries. A complete list of the publications of the Chaucer Society down to 1907 is given in Chaucer, a bibliographical manual, by E. P. Hammond, 1908, pp. 523-41. Ixx § 1. Period VI. 19th-century editions of Chaucer’s Works. (1) The first attempt to print a single manuscript was made by Thomas Wright, who in 1848—51 edited for the Percy Society the Canterbury Tales from the Harleian 7334, with additions and collations from the Lansdowne MS. Later the printing of all the best Chaucer MSS. was carried through by the indefatigable energy of Dr. Furnivall ; this made possible j the edition of the poems published at Boston in 1880 by | Mr. Gilman, and finally resulted in the first complete, accurate, and critical edition of Chaucer’s works, which was edited by Professor Skeat in 1894-7. All through the nineteenth century, from Southey onwards (see below, 1812), we find repeated desire expressed for a com- plete critical text of Chaucer’s works, culminating with the statement in the long and well-informed article in the Edinburqh Review for July 1870, that it is a national reproach to be still without one. Skeat ’s great six- volume edition, based on the careful collation of the seven best manuscripts, was therefore received with enthusiasm, and widely reviewed. After its publication and of that of the smaller reprint of the text (Student’s Edition) in 1895, there is a noticeable increase in the general knowledge , and study of Chaucer. This tendency was quickened by the appearance, in 1896, of William Morris’s Kelmscott Chaucer, \ illustrated by Burne-Jones, 1 which aroused considerable interest ; and comment. The impetus given to the reading of Chaucer by the work of the Chaucer Society is clearly seen in the increase of editions 5 of his works published between 1851 and 1910. For various ( reasons it is difficult to be certain of getting these numbers | absolutely complete, but the table below is approximately l correct and shows the result of this impetus pictorially. Between 1801 and 1850 there appeared seven editions of Chaucer’s complete works (in the original text). Between 1851 and 1900 nine new editions came out, as well as one German translation. Only three editions of the Canterbury Tales were 1 Or by drawings suggested by Burne-Jones. See The Nation, 1903, 1, pp. 313-14. § 1. Period VI. Impetus given to the reading of Chaucer, lxxi TABLE OF EDITIONS OF CHAUCER’S WORKS FROM 1801 TO 1910. NUMBEB , OP EDITIONS PUBLISHED. (1801-1850) (1851 1900) (1901-1910) Complete Works (original text) 7 9 (+1 German) 2 Complete Works (modernised) 1 — Canterbury Tales (original text) 3 ^(-(- 1 re-issue) 9 (+2 re-issues : 2 (+ 1 French and 1 French and 1 German) 1 German) Canterbury Tales (modernised, 12 13 paraphrased, or ‘retold’) 4 (+1 unpub- lished) Selected or single poems (ori- 67 32 ginal text) .... 9 (-f 1 French and (-f 1 French and (+1 re-issue 1 German) 1 German) and 1 Dutch) Selected or single poems (mod- ernised, paraphrased, or ‘ re- told ’) 3 1 6 published in the first half of the nineteenth century , as compared with nine editions in the second half. Nine editions of selected or single poems (in the original text) came out between 1801 and 1850, whereas there were sixty-seven of these between 1851 and 1900. And this increase of figures still continues, for between 1901 and 1910 there appeared two new editions of Chaucer’s complete works, two editions of the Canterbury T ales as well as one French and one German translation, and thirty- two editions of selected or single poems. 1 (2) The first serious attempt to fix the chronological order of Chaucer’s works was largely due to a man who had never even seen a Chaucer manuscript, or heard of the Chaucer Society, Professor ten Brink, who, in 1870, astounded English scholars by the publication of his Chaucer Studien, in which he for the first time threw a real light on the distinction between genuine and spurious in the poet’s works, and also on their true order of succession. Although some of these questions are in 1 The Clarendon Press, Oxford, report that Chaucer’s poetical works have a larger sale than those of either Pope or Dryden, so that he is now the most ‘ popular ’ author of the three. lxxn § 1 . Period VI. Work accomplished by the Chaucer Society. dispute still, the chronology is for the most part now fairly well established. Mr. Bradshaw, at Cambridge, had been working at the same problem independently for some years previously, but had not printed any account of his results. To him, however, is due the solution of the puzzle as to the right order and structure of the ‘ Tales.’ ( 3 ) To the final settlement of the genuine poems many scholars have contributed, notably ten Brink, Bradshaw , j Furmvall, Koch, and Skeat, and these results have been summed I up in such books as Koch’s Chronology of Chaucer Writings, Chaucer Society, 1890 ; Pollard’s Chaucer in ‘Literature Primers,’ 2nd edition, 1903 ; Skeat ’s Complete Works of Chaucer, 1894 , introductions to vols. i and vi ; Skeat’s Chaucer Canon, 1900 ; and Tatlock’s Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, Chaucer Society, 1907 . ( 4 ) Of the life records of Chaucer, some few were printed by Godwin in 1803 , and still more by Sir Harris Nicolas in 1843 , but to Dr. Furnivall almost alone are due the discoveries along 1 this line, not only on account of his own extensive researches, but because of the way he stimulated others, notably Mr. - Selby, Mr. Bond and Mr. Kirk, to undertake the work; so that in 1900 it was possible to publish the completed volume of j the Life Records of Chaucer, a fitting commemoration of the poet’s quincentenary. So the work goes on, and our poet has come to his own at last ; and the heart of Francis Thynne would rejoice to see how Chawcer s Woorkes, by much conference and many judg- ! mentes have at length obtained ‘ their true perfectione and | glory ’ ; for after long years of neglect and misinterpretations, j we of to-day are fortunate enough to have the old poet’s verses \ as he wrote them, and to be able to read them for ourselves, even without a knowledge of 4 the black letter ’ ; and we can picture Chaucer himself smiling on us benignly as he says, Be glad, thou reder, and thy sorwe of-caste, A1 open am I ; passe in and hy the faste ! § 2. Classification of Chaucer references. lxxiii § 2. Examination and classification of the various types of Chaucer references. The allusions to Chaucer, from his death up to 1800, fall for the most part fairly easily into certain definite types, which it may be useful very briefly to summarize. (1) A dedicatory notice to Chaucer of some one of the following kinds : — (a) The acknowledgment of indebtedness to Chaucer as first and greatest of English poets. This is the earliest and most common for the first 150 years after his death. It is specially found among Chaucer’s con- temporaries and immediate successors, and among poets of the ‘ Chaucerian school ’ both in England and Scotland. Lydgate is the stock example of this sort of reference ; he writes at great length on the subject, bewailing his own inferiority and the irreparable loss he has sustained in the death of the master. With Lydgate we must class Hoccleve (1412), and the references by Scogan (c. 1407), Walton (1410), James I. (1423), Bokeman (1443-7), Shirley (c. 1450), Ashby (c. 1470), Dunbar (1503), Hawes (1503-4), and many others. Late examples are Gascoigne (1576), Spenser (1579 and 1590-6), and Drayton (1627), which latter acknowledges Chaucer as the earliest but no longer as the greatest of English poets. (b) A reference to Chaucer in company with Gower and Lydgate . These, with two or three exceptions, are formal from the first and soon crystallize into a kind of stock phrase. Such are Bokenam (1443-7), Unknown (c. 1450), Ashby (c. 1470), Un- known (c. 1500), Douglas (1501), Hawes (1503-4), Feylde (1509), Rastell (1520), Skelton (1523), Lindsay (1530), Forrest (c. 1545), Harvey (1577), Lawson (1581), Meres (1598), Bodenham (1600), and Freeman, who in 1614 is the last we have found mentioning these three poets and these alone. (c) A reference to Chaucer in company with other poets. These are so very common that it is unnecessary to enumer- ate them. The earliest here is that by Bradshaw (1513). who lxxiv § 2. Various Types of Chaucer references. classes Chaucer with Lydgate, Barkley and Skelton; while in some verses in 1561 he is classed with Homer, Virgil and Ovid. Churchyard (1568) puts him with ‘ Peers Plowman, Surrey and Lord Vaus,’ and with Sir Thomas More, Surrey, Sidney, and later Spenser, Drayton, Shakespeare and Jonson he is often bracketed, while, in the eighteenth century Milton, Cowley and Dry den are added. (d) An apostrophe by a poet or writer expressing the desire to have the genius or ‘ muse ’ of Chaucer , or to call up his spirit ; or an assertion that Chaucer's soul is revived in the later writer. This is not to be found among the very early references, for the respect and veneration of the poet’s first admirers were so great that none of them would have dared even to suggest or hope that a portion of his power might descend to them. Lydgate compares himself deprecatingly with his master, but never dreams of aspiring to his 4 muse,’ so great is the distance between them ; compare also the humility of the last stanza of George Ashby’s Active policy of a Prince (c. 1470) below. It is in the Elizabethan age, when Chaucer was still much admired, but not so deeply venerated, that we first find this class of allusion, and it is practically non-existent after 1650. Such are Stani- hurst (1582), Churchyard (1587), Spenser (1590-6), Harvey (1592), Davies (1594), Haxby (1636), E. G. (1646), while Milton’s well-known reference in II Penseroso (1632), is of this nature. (2) A quotation from Chaucer’s works (or what were taken to be his works), or a reference to one of his characters, or to incidents in his poems : — (a) As a matter of literary interest. (b) To enforce some moral point , taking Chaucer either as standing for morality or against it. (c) As an authority or precedent for sundry things. In the first subdivision (a) Lydgate leads the way, for he quotes from Chaucer and refers to his stories continually. 1 There are a fair number in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 1 .There a possibility that the earliest reference of this class is that to Troilus in the (test hystoriale (a. 1400), but this is doubtful. § 2. Chaucer quoted as a matter of literary interest. lxxv but this class of reference is far more numerous in the first half of the seventeenth century. Indeed, in the following references there are close on twice as many of this nature between 1600-50 as there are during the whole of the eighteenth century. Men like Camden, Selden, Burton, Ben Jonson, Strafford, Milton and Joseph Hall, quote Chaucer (some of them repeatedly) in a way which shows they know him well, whereas in the eighteenth century not only is there no general writer (that is excepting language and Chaucer specialists such as Morrell or Tyrwhitt, or literary historians like Thomas Warton and Robert Henry), who cites him with this familiar knowledge, but even when referred to, he is misquoted by those who ought to know better. Thus Addison quotes with approval as being Chaucer’s the sixteenth- century poem The Remedy of Love (printed by Thynne), and Horace Walpole in his first reference (1742) adds a note which looks as if he did not know Chaucer’s Wife of Bath, 1 while in a letter in 1789 he quotes two well-known lines in the Pro- logue, as being Spenser’s. In a note below is given a list of references up to 1800 where Chaucer is quoted as a matter of literary interest. 2 1 Ten Brink (History of Eng. Lit., vol. ii, p. 126) possibly on the ground of this allusion and the New Wife of Bath 1785, &c., suggests that the name of ‘ Wife of Bath ’ had been a sort of proverb before Chaucer immortalised it. 2 Gest hustoriale (a. 1400)? Lydgate (1400-30), Ed. 2nd Duke of York (1406-13), Scogan (c. 1407), Hoccleve (1421), Unknown (1440 ?) Norton (c. 1477), John de Irlandia (1490), Hawes (1506), Skelton (1507), Feylde (1509), Margaret Roper (1535), Layton (1535), Unknown (^36), Wyatt (a. 1542), Lyndsay (1548), Unknown (1549), Baldwin (1561), Calihi 1 (1565), Drant (1567), B. G. (1569), Gascoigne (1575), Kirke C 579) Howell (1581), Feme (1586), Spenser (1590-6), Greene (1592), Nash (1592, 1599), Peele (a. 1596), Breton (1597), Hall (1598), Spenser (1599), Stowe, Thynne (1600), Unknown (c. 1600), Rowlands (1602), Scoloker (1604), Camden (1605, 1616), Walkington (1607), Thynne (a. 1608), Wybarne (1609) Beaumont (1610), ’ Atto8ihj.ovvt6(Pi\os (1611), Selden, William r. ( . ) Peacham (1615), Fletcher (c. 1615), Burton (1621-52), B. Jonson (1625, 1629, 1632, a. 1637, 1641), Drayton (1627), Nash (1633), Cartwright (c. 1634), Fletcher (1634), Strafford (1635, 1637), Marmion (1641), Milton (1641, a. 1674), Hall, Kynaston (1642), Cavendish (1645), A Parliament Officer (1645-6), Selden (1646), Plume (1649), Cleveland (a. 1658), Jones (1659), a Wood (1661-6), Gayton (1663), Whitelock (a. 1675), Coles (1676), Aubrey (1683-4), Unknown (1696), Wanley (1701), Addison (1711), Pope (1711, 1712, 1725), Johnson (1712), Gay (1715), Oldys (1725), Unknown (1732), Walpole (1742, 1789), Carter (1753), Chatterton {a. 1770), Strutt (1775-6), Rogers (1782), Unknown (1785), Ritson (1796). I lxxvi § 2. 4 Troilus ’ the favourite poem up to 1750 . (a) Poems and characters which are most popular and mos \ frequently quoted. An investigation of this point shows that up to 1700 Troilus and Cressida is by far the most popular, the most generally known and the most often quoted of Chaucer’s poems. If at| any time during the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries it hadi been proposed to translate Chaucer’s representative work into I French, as has recently been done, Troilus, and not the Canter- bury Tales, would assuredly have been chosen. It is the first poem to be mentioned by a contemporary writer ; and if the allusions by Gower (1376-9) and in the Gest hystoriale (a. 1400) are to Chaucer’s poem, we have three very early references to it by name. Unquestionably up to 1700 it is on the whole looked upon as Chaucer’s representative and greatest poem ; 1 Henryson (1475) wrote a sequel to it, Berthelet (1532) refers to it as Chaucer’s 4 moste speciall warke,’ it is obviously the poem Sidney knew best, and he singles it out as Chaucer’s master- piece, it gave its name to the form of verse in which it is written, so that as we now speak of the £ Spenserian stanza,’ the Eliza- ; bethan critics wrote of 4 Troilus verse,’ 2 and in the Returnefrom Parnassus (1597) where Chaucer and Skakespeare are parodied ' and imitated, it is the Troilus and Venus and Adonis which are chosen for the purpose, as being probably the best-known work ; of each writer. In Chapman’s ( ? ) Sir Gyles Goosecappe (1606) ' we find direct imitation of the first three books of the poem, a little later (c. 1630) it is being modernized by an admirer, the first of Chaucer s poems to be subjected to this process, and in 1634 another enthusiast turns it into Latin verse, presumably 5 because he considered it the poem of Chaucer’s best worth ' preserving. Up to 1 7 00 the number of references to Troilus are more than J double those made to the Canterbury Tales (as a whole), and they are over three times as many as those to the General Prologue. This marked preference for the love poem may be 1 See Feylde (1509), Hawes (1516), Lyndsay (1548), Gascoigne (1575). 2 See James VI (1584), below. 6 v ' § 2. After 1750, the ‘ Canterbury Tales ' come first, lxxvii compared with the numerous references to Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis up to 1650. When we remember that the plays had the advantage of being known to the non-reading public, it is significant to find that with the exception of Hamlet and Henry IV there are, up to 1650, more allusions to the Venus and Adonis than to any other single work of Shakespeare’s. * 1 The preference for Troilus in the earlier centuries is not to be wondered at, the wonder rather is that during the last hundred and fifty years it has dropped so much out of the knowledge of the general reader. For it is the first great tragic novel, 2 rich in variety of character, and throbbing with humanity and passion, it stands out from among all the other poems of its author in dignity and beauty, and it brings out the strength of Chaucer’s imagination more than even the dramatic monologues of the Wife of Bath and the Pardoner. This priority of reference as regards Troilus continues up to 1750, although during the latter fifty years the allusions are more perfunctory and show little direct knowledge (which is the case as regards all Chaucer’s work), but there is at the same time an increase in the references to the General Prologue and the separate Tales, owing chiefly to Dryden, who gave a great ‘ lift ’ to the Canterbury Tales by devoting, as he did, practically all his criticism and eulogy to them, and only mentioning Troilus in passing as an amplified translation. After 1750, however, a marked change is shown, and from that time on the Canterbury Tales easily come first, while Troilus sinks to the fifth place. This must be largely owing to the fact that Troilus was not modernized, and that Chaucer himself in the original was not read. Still there is no question that from 1750 onwards, aided naturally much by Tyrwhitt’s edition, the *• 1 As computed by Mr. Munro (editor of the Shakespere Allusion- Book , 1909), Hamlet (the most popular of the plays) is alluded to 58 times, the much-loved Falstaff 32 times, and the play of Henry IV 38 times; as compared with 44 references to the Venus and Adonis. During the same years we find 2 references to As You Like It, 6 to Henry V, 5 to Lear, and 4 to Antony and Cleopatra and Twelfth Night respectively. See ibid. vol. ii, pp. 540-1. 2 See W. P. Ker in the Quarterly Review , April 1895, below. lxxvili § 2. Change in the 'popularity of ‘ Nun’s Priest’s Tale.’ | Canterbury Tales became the most popular and the recognized representative work of Chaucer, completely putting all the! others in the shade. As regards the separate Tales, only one shows any marked change m favour, and this is the Nun’s Priest’s. Up to 1 700, and ! more especially in the seventeenth century, it was very popular, being quoted nearly as often as the General Prologue the Knight’s Tale and the Wife of Bath’s Prologue, while between | 1700 and 1800 we find only four references to it, and two of j these belittle it. Dr. Johnson (1779) remarks that it was not ! worth revival by Dryden, while an annotator of Dryden’s j Fables (c. 1785 ?) scratches it all out, saying that it is so foolish, | if not worse, that it adds little to Chaucer’s reputation that he I was the author of it (below, p. 481). In the estimation of the proportionate number of references given in the tables below, there are included only references or quotations which are made as a matter of literary interest, or to illustrate a point, or where a poem is specially picked out for praise or blame. Hence the following are not counted : j Prologues, epilogues or headlines to Chaucer’s works, such as those by Shirley and Caxton, lists of Chaucer’s works, as given by Leland, Bale or Hearne, or a detailed account of the whole J of Chaucer’s work, such as Francis Thynne’s Animadversions ! j (1598) or Dryden s preface; and, in the eighteenth century, j general literary criticism or histories of literature, such as that ! by Hearne, the Wartons, Tyrwhitt, etc., where every poem is mentioned many times, or notes to Shakespeare’s plays, as this latter would give an undue proportion to Troilus and Cressida and the Knight’s Tale. The numerous references to ;; spurious poems are naturally omitted, as also are quotations which are so incorrect as to make it doubtful from what poem they are taken. § 2. Table of the relative popularity of Chaucer's Poems, lxxix TABLE OF THE RELATIVE POPULARITY OF CHAUCER’S POEMS AT DIFFERENT TIMES. , . . Approximate W No. of refs. Order up to 1700. Approximate No. of refs. Troilus .... 115 Cant. Tales (as a whole) 53 General Prol. C. T. 33 Nonne Preestes T. . 26 Knight’s T. . 23 W. of Bath’s Prol. . 20 H. of Fame . . . 18 Clerke’s T. . 17 Sir Thopas . 16 Marchant’s T. \ 15 W. of Bath’s T.J * Squieres T. . 1 Rom. of Rose j- 13 Legend . . J Pardoneres T. . 12 Astrolabe 8 (ii) Order up to 1750. Troilus . . . . 124 Cant. Tales . 59 Genl. Prol. C. T. . 42 Knight’s T. 29 Nonne Preestes T. . 26 W. of Bath’s Prol. . 25 House of Fame 24 Clerke’s T. . 18 Marchant’s T.l Rom. of Rose j- . 17 Sir Thopas . J Squieres T. . 13 Pardoneres T. . 12 Astrolabe 8 (hi) Order from 1750 to 1800. Cant. Tales ... 19 General Prol. C. T. 11 Knight’s T. 10 Squieres T. . 8 W. of Bath’s Prol A Troilus h 5 House of Fame J Sir Thopas . 1 ^ Nonne Preestes T.J Pardoneres T. \ ^ Rom. of RoseJ (iv) Order from 1700 to 1800 Cant. Tales ... 24 General Prol. C. T. 17 Knight’s T. . 16 Troilus .... 13 H. of Fame ... 11 W. of Bath’s Prol. . 10 Squieres T. . 8 Rom. of Rose . . 6 Sir Thopas . . \ ^ Nonne Preestes T. J Pardoneres T. . 2 (v) Order from the beginning up to 1800. Troilus . . . . 129 Cant. Tales ... 78 Genl. Prol. C. T. . 50 Knight’s T. . 39 W. of Bath’s Prol. 1 o 0 Nonne Preestes T. / House of Fame . 29 Sir Thopas \ . . 94 Squieres T.J Clerkes T. . 20 Rom. of Rose . . 19 Marchantes T. . . 18 Pardoneres T. . . 14 Astrolabe ... 9 (b) Chaucer quoted to enforce some moral point, in which he is ranged either on the side of morality or against it. This type of reference becomes, as we have seen (see above, pp. xix-xxi), very common about the middle to the end of the lxxx § 2. Chaucer quoted as an authority or precedent. sixteenth century. Thus Sir John Elyot points out what i discord there is between Troilus and the New Testament (1533)| while Ascham (1544), John Northbrooke (1577) and Bisho]i Babington (1583) quote the Pardoner es Tale in condemnation or gaming and card-playing. Becke, Cranmer and Latimer refeij to ‘ Canterbury tales ’ as light and trifling reading upon which people waste much time, while, on the other hand, Foxe main- tains that Chaucer’s works have been the means of bringing many to the true knowledge of religion. Some writers, like! Sir John Harrington, condemn Chaucer for ‘ flat scurrilitie, i whilst others not only emphasise the value of his satire against! Rome (see Foxe, Scot and Harsnet), but even maintain, as does! Prynne (1633), who surely cannot have read the poet very exhaustively, that his subjects are all 4 serious, sacred and divine.’ Later, at the end of the seventeenth century, Milton and) Aubrey both quote Chaucer with approval as to methods of education. (c) As an authority or precedent for sundry things. For instance John Bossewell, in his 1 Vorlces of Armorie y \ (1572), quotes Chaucer as authority for a definition of generosity, 1 for an allusion to gentle birth, for the name of the inventor of the game of chess, and the preciousness of the daisy; in the! Returne from Parnassus (1597) he is quoted for his ‘ vayn’ ! i.e. style; Hakluyt (1598) quotes him as authority for the I voyages and exploits of our nobles and Knights in the fourteenth century ; Milton (1641) cites him as a precedent for mis-spelling j foreign names ; Hawkins (1776) and Burney (1782) for evidence 1 as to the musical instruments and love of music in his time, and many later writers (e. g. Robert Henry 1781, Strutt 1799) for light thrown on contemporary customs, dress and habits. (3) Biographies, or short references to the Poet’s life. These are examined under § 4. (4) Notices of Chaucer in connection with language and style. These must be noted under a separate heading, although § 2. Notices of Chaucer in connection with language, lxxxi they do not, as a rule, stand alone ; that is (with the exception of (e)) they more generally occur in the course of a life or account of the poet. They are mainly of the following kinds : — (a) Those which state that he refined and improved the language. (b) Those which assert he corrupted it. (c) Those which say he is difficult to understand and obsolete, and that his versification is rough and irregular. (d) Those which refute this, or try to excuse it. (e) Remarks, prefaces or verses in connection with translations and modernizations of Chaucer. (a) As Tyrwhitt points out in his introductory essay (1775, below) the language of Chaucer has undergone two entirely opposite judgments : (a) and (b) above. His earlier admirers, Lydgate (‘ the ffyrste in any age that amended our language,’) Hoccleve (‘ the firste fyndere of our faire language,’) Caxton, Skelton, the Scotch poets, Sir Brian Tuke, and others at intervals up to Spenser (1590-6), who has immortalized him as * well of Englishe undefyled,’ all agree that he first showed of what English was capable, and in the matter of style set up a high standard for his followers and imitators. An interesting early example of this view is in the jilted lovers’ reply to the scorn or 4 flyting ’ letter of his mistress (MS. Bodl. Bawl. poet. 36, c. 1470), where he says satirically : — To me ye haue sent a letter of derision Werfore I thanke you as I fynde cause, The ynglysch of Chaucere was nat in youre mynd, Ne tullyus termys wyth so gret elloquence, But ye as vncurtes and crabbed of leynde Boiled hem on a hepe it semyth by the sentens. A little later, however, to this view is added the assertion or implication, that Chaucer definitely and deliberately set himself the task of refining and polishing our language. Indeed some writers would make out that to accomplish this was his dearest wish, and that he expressed himself in verse merely as a means :o this end, to which he devoted himself with untiring patience. CHAUCER CRITICISM,, f lxxxii § 2. Critics who state that Chaucer 4 refined ’ the language, j Leland, in his mythical account of the poet, as retold by Bale (published 1619), first fully emphasizes this point of view. Following in the footsteps of his master Gower, who took 4 wonderful pains to polish the English tongue,’ Leland tells us that Chaucer had one distinct aim in his studies, which was to render the English speech as polished as possible in all respects,’ and he thought 4 that no stone should be left unturned by himself in order to reach the farthest goal of success.’ To this end he chose to express himself in poetry, because of the scope it gives for ornaments of speech and grace of style, and he also translated from French and Latin into English. 4 Nor did he cease from his labours until he had carried our language to that height of purity, of eloquence, of conciseness and beauty, that it can justly be reckoned among the thoroughly polished languages of the world.’ This is the point of view, more or less exaggerated, which is repeated constantly by later writers, from many of whom it would be assumed that the , 4 refining ’ of the English tongue was the one thing for which Chaucer lived and worked. Speght (1598), for instance, savs 4 Chaucer had alwaies an earnest desire to enrich and beautifie i our English tongue, which in those days was verie rude and barren’; and the tenor of Rymer’s remarks (1692) is to the 1 effect that Chaucer found himself faced with the herculean task j of remodelling the language, which he immediately and with ! great energy set himself to do, the process of which described j in detail resembles nothing so much as the recipe for making j a pudding. 1 1 As late as 1879 we find Dr. Weisse (in Origin, progress and destiny J of the English Language and Literature, New York, 1879), definitely J stating that Chaucer, ‘ after rendering himself master of the situation ; as to Anglo-Saxon, French and Latin, resolved to bring some order out of this confusion,’ so he immediately and as it were by a stroke of the pen, ‘ dropped the thirty-four senseless inflections of the Anglo-Saxon definite article,’ replacing them by ‘ the,’ and introducing ‘ a ’ as an indefinite article, he swept away all inflections of adjectives, largely reduced the changes in the personal and possessive pronouns, reduced twenty-three inflections of the demonstrative pronoun to two, dropped all inflections in nouns, substituting the particles ‘ of,’ ‘ from,’ etc., to denote the various cases, and adopted the French rule of forming the plural of nouns by adding an ‘s’ to the singular. This was a fair achievement for one man single-handed to accomplish. § 2. Those who assert that Chaucer corrupted the language, lxxxiii (b) Next we come to the opposite statement, that Chaucer corrupted the language. The writer who appeared definitely to start this view (although it was indicated earlier, see e. g. Chapman 1598) was Richard Yerstegan (or Rowlands), the antiquary and old English scholar. In his Restitution of Decayed Intelligence (1605) he says that he does not agree with those who call Chaucer the first illuminator of the English tongue, because ‘ he was a great mingler of English with French, unto which language by lyke, for that he was descended of French or rather Wallon race, he caryed a great affection.’ Yerstegan was looked upon as a great authority in anti- quarian matters, and all through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries his remark is quoted with respect, and its truth accepted as unquestioned, although there is a difference of opinion as to whether introducing French terms was a corruption of English or not. So, for instance, Tooke (1647), Fuller (1662), and Rymer (1692) defend Chaucer against this accusation, while Dr. Johnson (1755) points out that Gower uses the French words of which Chaucer is charged as being the importer. But more often it is assumed as true that the French words were a corruption, and it is repeated with approval, as by Phillips (1658), Lewis (1737), Oldvs (1738) and Percy (1765); or, as in the case of Skinner, it is expanded and emphasized. In the Latin preface to his Etymological Dictionary (1671) Skinner writes : — 4 Chaucer having by the worst sort of example brought in whole cart-loads of words into our speech from . . . France, despoiled it, already too much adulterated by the victory of the Normans, of almost all its native grace and elegance.’ This kind of assertion in an authoritative work of reference naturally increased the general belief in Chaucer’s wickedness in this respect. In addition to Chaucer having imported French words wholesale into the language, it was for nearly a century generally assumed that he had also borrowed largely from the Proven 9 al; although this is generally held to be to his credit rather than the reverse. Rymer seems to have started lxxxiv § 2. Assertion that Chaucer borrowed from the Provencal. this belief in 1692, and Dryden quoted Bymer’s remark with approval, which gave it general currency. In the sketches of ! a history of English poetry drawn up by both Pope 1 and | Gray 2 it is laid down that Chaucer imitated the Provencal | writers, and Warburton and Warton both endorse this, the latter stating that ‘ Chaucer formed a style by naturalizing I words from the Provencial.’ 3 Tyrwhitt (1775) finally put | an end to this theory by asserting that he could find no phrase I or word in Chaucer which appeared to have been taken from south of the Loire, and he even doubted whether Chaucer had any acquaintance with the poets of Provence. (c) and (d) have been dealt with fully in the earlier part of this introduction. Of (c) — the assertion that Chaucer is obsolete and his versification rough — the most noteworthy early references are Ashton (1546), Wilson (1553), Puttenham (1584), Co veil (1595), Marston (1598), Daniel (1599 and 1646), Jonson (a. 1637), Waller (1668), Phillips (1675), Dryden (1679 j and 1700), Howard (1689), Addison (1694), and Blount (1694). | Later on, right up to the third quarter of the eighteenth < century, this class of reference becomes increasingly common. ! Of (d) the refutation of or excuse made for this assertion — J we may note Skelton (a. 1508), Webbe (1586), Sidney (1595), j Gascoigne (1575), Beaumont (1597), Speght (1602), Peacham (1622), Cockayne (1658), and Brathwait (1665). (e) Verses and prose writing in connection with translations j and modernizations are fairly well marked and easy to find, J beginning with the preface and verses before Kynaston’s Latin | translation (1634); after the publication of Dryden’s Fables \ there are a great number (see the years 1700, 1706, 1707); I and again after Pope’s and the many other modernizations all 1 through the eighteenth century. (5) References to a ‘ Canterbury Tale,’ meaning a fictitious and utterly improbable tale, or a scurrilous story. 1 Ruffhead’s Life of Pope, 1769, pp. 424-5; see also p. 377 below. 2 Letter to Warton, April 15, 1770, see p. 436 below. 3 History of English Poetry, by Thomas Warton, 1774, vol. i, p. 344. lxxxv § 2. References to a 4 Canterbury Tale' The earliest references we have found of this description are those in the year 1547, when Latimer, Cranmer and Becke all allude to 4 Canterbury Tales ’ in the sense either of profane histories or 4 fables or trifles.’ We do not meet it again (though doubtless it was an ordinary expression, and there are many examples of it) until 1575, when Turberville uses it, and at the same time explains exactly what he means by it, viz. ; 4 a verie olde woman’s fable,’ and in the same year Wharton speaks of 4 olde babies, or stale tales of Chaucer.’ The expression then becomes fairly common, and we find it under Proctor (1578), Fulke (1579), Lyly (1580), who alter- nates it with 4 an iEsop’s Fable,’ Stanihurst (1582), Dekker (1605), who in 1625 uses a 4 Kentish Tale ’ in the same sense, Chapman (?) (1606), Wither (1621), Unknown (1630), and in A Fraction in the Assembly (1648) the same meaning is implied, though the actual expression is not used. The Elizabethan meaning evidently took root in America, for Dean Stanley, writing in 1855 (see below), says that Americans have been accustomed from their earliest years to hear a marvellous story followed by the exclamation, 44 What a Canterbury ! ” It was still in use in England in the eighteenth century, mean- ing a long-winded tale, for Steele (1709) twice uses it in this connection; also unknown writers in 1737, 1753 and 1795, the last in the sense of a 4 cock and bull ’ story. (6) References relating to Westminster and Chaucer’s Tomb. These are to be found in three connections; of which (a) and (b) are very common. (a) In speaking of poets or others buried near Chaucer , as for instance, Spenser, Drayton, Cowley, Dryden, Robert Hall (see below Vallans, 1615). (b) In any general account of the tombs at Westminster. (c) In connection with the curious custom of using Chaucer's tomb as a meeting place for the payment of money. See below 1566, 1585 and 1596, Order by the Court of lxxxvi § 2. Chaucerian Titles of Books or Plays. Requests to pay money at Chaucer’s tomb, and c. 1833, Hasle- wood. (7) Titles of pamphlets or books or plays taken from or connected with Chaucer, such as : — 1566. Palamon and Arcite (a play, now lost), by Richard j Edwards. 1590. The Cobler of Canterburie. 1597. The Northern Mothers Blessing. The way of Thrift, written nine years before the death of G. Chaucer. By S. J. 1603. The Pleasant Comodie of Patient Grissil, by Thomas Dekker. 1617. Chaucer’s incensed Ghost (a poem), by Richard Brathwait. 1623. Chaucer new painted, by William Painter. 1630. The Tincker of Turvey [running title is 4 Canter- burie Tales ’]. 1641. A Canterbury Tale, Translated out of Chaucer’s old English Into our now vsuall Language. ... by Alexander Brome. 1672. Chaucer’s Ghoast, Or a Piece of Antiquity. 1700 and 1778. The New Wife of Beath (a poem). 1701. Chaucer’s Whims. 1709. The Court of Love. A Tale from Chaucer [a poem], by Arthur Maynwaring. 1/11. The Temple of Fame: A Vision, by Alexander Pope. 1712. Parliament of Birds. 1713. The Wife of Bath, a comedy, by John Gay. 1716. Brown Bread and Honour, A Tale moderniz’d from an Ancient Manuscript of Chaucer. 1717. The Court of Love. A Vision from Chaucer (a poem), by Alexander S. Catcott. 1717. A Tale Devised in the plesaunt manere of gentil Maister Jeoffrey Chaucer, by Elijah Fenton. 1727. A Tale of Chaucer. Lately found in an old Manu- script, by Alexander Pope. § 2. Chaucer's Works mentioned in Wills and Catalogues, lxxxvii 1747. Hereafter in English Metre ensueth a Paraphrase on the Holie Book entitled Leviticus, Chap, xi, vers. 13, etc. Fashioned after the Maniere of Maister Geoffery Chaucer in his Assemblie of Foules (a poem), by Thomas Warton. a. 1758. A Fragment of Chaucer, by J. H., Esq. 1797 _ 8 . Canterbury Tales, by Harriet and Sophia Lee. 1802. Canterbury Tales, by Nathan Drake. (8) Notes to hooks. Such for instance, as to works of Spenser, Shakespeare, ■ Dryden, or the Scottish poets; or illustrative passages in dictionaries, grammars, etc. (9) A vision of poets, in which Chaucer appears. There are a fair number of these, both in prose and verse, such as Douglas (1501), Skelton (1523), Bullein (1564), Greene s Vision (1592), Foulface (1593), Dekker (1607), Webster (1624), Holland (1656), Unknown (1656), Unknown (c. 1669), Phillips (1673), Unknown (1700), Brown (a. 1704), Croxall (1715) Unknown (1730 and 1738), Clarke (c. 1740), Mason (1747), Warton (1749), Lloyd (1751), Craven (1778), Hayley (1782). (10) Prefatory matter in verse and prose, prologues to plays, epigrams and epitaphs. (11) References to Chaucer’s Works in Wills, and in catalogues of libraries or sales. These are interesting, and throw incidentally some light on how much Chaucer was read and valued at certain times. The earliest bequest of any of his works to be found m a will is in that of John Brinchele, 1420, who leaves to John Broune the book in English called Boecius de Consolacione Philosophic, and to William Holgrave one of his executors, 6 s. 8 d., his best bow, and his book called the Tales of Canterbury. In 1450 Sir Thomas Cumberworth leaves to his niece Anne his ‘ boke of the talys of Cantyrbury ’ and in 1471 Dame Eliza- Ixxxviii § 2. Textual Comments and MS. additions. beth Brune bequeaths to one fortunate legatee her copy of! the Canterbury Tales, together with a gilt cup, a sparver (balda- 1 chin) of silk, a diall of gold, two horses in her stable, and one I double harp. In 1509 the Countess of Richmond details among her legacies ‘ a booke of velom of Canterbury Tales in Englische,’ j and m 1568 Henry Payne leaves, in one bequest, his Chaucer ] written in vellum and illumyned in gold ’ together with his I best gelding. The earliest library catalogue among the following refer- ences, in which a work of Chaucer’s appears, is John Paston’s (c. 1482), in which a ‘ Boke of Troylus ’ is entered as having been lent to a friend and apparently not returned. Among other early private library catalogues in which ! Chaucer’s works are mentioned is that of William Cavendish 1540; of Sir William More, 1556; of Henry Fairfax, a. 1665* i and of Prince Rupert, 1677. (12) Textual Comments on Chaucer. These often take the form of copying out portions of his ! works and annotating them. Among the most interesting of these are Walter Stevin’s emendations to Chaucer’s Astrolabe • (c. 1555), Gabriel Harvey’s notes on Chaucer’s learning and j nature descriptions (c. 1585), Bryan Twyne’s extracts (1608- i 44), Samuel Butler’s use of Chaucer’s characters to illustrate :! his points (c. 1667), Elias Ashmole’s marginal notes in his Chaucer MS. (a. 1692); while Brathwait’s Comments in 1665 j are a printed example of the same kind of exercise. .* 1 (13) MS. additions to Chaucer’s text in the MS. copies. These are generally merely headings or end lines to the poems, they are nearly all early, and a great number will be found from about 1420-1500, practically all by unknown scribes, except in the case of John Shirley, who contributes a good many (principally placed c. 1445-50), of which the most important are his metrical prologue to Boethius and his prose introduction to the Knight’s Tale (a. 1456). § 2. References of peculiar interest. lxxxix (14) References in connection with certain places and certain people. These are to be found in histories, guide books, etc., in connection with places like Woodstock or Oxfordshire, and people such as Wicklif and John of Gaunt. (15) Bibliographical references. These are comparatively rare until we come to the nine- teenth century, but among earlier ones may be noted part of Thynne’s Animadversions 1598, some of Stow’s notes 1600, the letters of Hearne and Bagford 1708-9, the diaries of Hearne 1709-15, and the Typographical Antiquities by Ames and Herbert 1749 and 1785. (16) References that stand alone, because of some peculiar interest. These often come under one or other of the above headings, but they deserve to be picked out because of some special light they throw on Chaucer’s reputation. Such, for instance, is the statute of 1542-3 for the abolishing of forbidden books, Chaucer’s being among those excepted; or Wilson’s remark in his Arte of Rhetorique (1553), that ‘ the fine Courtier will talke nothing but Chaucer.’ John Earle’s interesting remark in 1628, the letter of the Parliament Officer in 1645-6, Brath- wait’s ‘ Comments ’ (1665), Addison’s criticism (1694), the references by Pepys (1663-4), Gay’s comedy (1713), Mr. Brome’s letter (1733), and others, are referred to in the earlier part of this introduction. The references by Miss Carter (1774), Miss Seward (1792), Miss Mitford (1815), and Byron (1807), also deserve special notice. (17) References that are really literary criticism. By this is meant references that are not merely textual annotations or general repetition of common opinion (such as Sir T. Pope Blount 1694, Giles Jacob 1720, John Dart 1721, John Entick 1736, William Thompson 1745, Biographica Britannica 1747, or Theophilus Cibber 1753), but original criticism, showing first-hand knowledge, and contributing something fresh to the body of critical work on Chaucer. Of these we will merely give a list (up to 1800), as this question as already been dealt with. XC § 2. References of real critical worth. 1400-30 John Lydgate. 1412 Thomas Hoccleve. 1475 Bobert Henryson. a. 1477 Book of Curtesye , Early appreciation by stanza 49. English and Scottish ( c. 1483 William Caxton. writers. 1501 and 1513 | Gavin Douglas. 1503 William Dunbar. 1507 John Skelton. 1532 Sir Brian Tuke. 1544, 1552,\-p . , 1563-8 } R0ger Ascham ' 1553 Thomas Wilson. Elizabethan criticism, 1555 Robert Braham. which, with the excep- tion of Spenser, Beau- 1575 1579, 1 1590-6 J George Gascoigne. mont and Speght, con-( sists chiefly of investi- Edmund Spenser. gation of metre and 1581 Sir Philip Sidney. language. 1584-8 George Puttenham. 1586 William Webbe. 1597 Francis Beaumont. 1602 Thomas Speght. 17th-century criticism. , / 1622 1 Henry Peacham. With the very great J \ \ exception of Dryden, \ who writes the first 1665 Richard Brathwait. literary criticism in the modern sense of the 3 term, there is otherwise little of original worthy 1675 Edward Phillips. for Brathwait, whose ‘ Comment ’ was written in 1617 (see p. xxxvi above), is really a sur- 1692 Thomas Rymer. vival from the Eliza- bethans. 1700 John Dryden. 8 2. Chaucer is not included in Poetical ‘ Selections , xci Eighteenth-century criti-^ cism. 1720 George Sewell. 1728-30 Alexander Pope. 1737 Thomas Morell. 1737 Elizabeth Cooper. 1739 George Ogle. 1751 John Upton. 1754, 1762, | Thomas Warton. 1774 1755 Samuel Johnson (very little). 1760-1 Thomas Gray. 1762 Richard Hurd. 1775 Thomas Tyrwhitt. The above seventeen types will be found roughly to account for all the references up to 1800. Allusions in letters are not separately classed, because they are of so many various kinds, bibliographical (as Hearne and Bagford), a quotation as a matter of literary interest (as Margaret Roper (1535) or Horace Walpole (1789)), or critical. Records of Chaucer in his life- time also are not separately specified, as they all fall between 1357-99, and therefore are very easily found. There is one class of reference that one would have expected to be fairly common, and that is the inclusion of passages from Chaucer in books of poetical selections or extracts. Such, however, is not the case, for upon examination of these up to 1800, there seems, with one exception, to have been a curious shyness about including Chaucer in any of them. The single exception is, however, rather interesting. Tottell s Songes and Sonnettes, published in 1557, is the first poetical miscellany in English, 1 and among the poems by ‘Uncertain Authours’ is included Chaucer’s ‘ Truth ’ (‘ Flee fro the prees ’). The editor of Tottell heads it ‘ To leade a vertuous and honest life,’ and prints it with some curious variations from the usual text. Though this title ought, strictly speaking, to be given to Thynne s edition of ‘ Chaucer 1 in 1532, q. v. below, p. 78. xcii § 2. Apologies for the non-inclusion of Chaucer. In the later collections, such as the Paradise of Dainty Devices (1578), the Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions (1578), or England's Helicon (1600), there was no question of including any but practically contemporary poets. But John Boden- ! ham, the editor of Belvedere (1600), seems to have had a desire !; to include extracts from Chaucer and the older poets, which j was not carried out. Belvedere is a collection of single ten- lj syllable lines or couplets from a number of poets arranged under various subject headings, such as Life, Death, Hope. Learning, etc., a method very popular later on, especially in the eighteenth century. The reasons for the non-inclusion of Chaucer, Gower and Lydgate were apparently two; first, because of the irregularity of their verse, ‘ it was not knowne how their forme would agree with these of ten syllables only,’ and secondly, because ‘ the Gentleman who was the cause of this collection ’ absolutely refused to include them. Notwith- standing this, Bodenham had hopes that in the next edition (which never appeared) they might be added. Naturally, in the seventeenth century, there would be no question of including Chaucer in a poetical miscellany, and ! therefore no excuse was needed for the omission, but in 1702 we find Edward Bysshe apologizing for the non-inclusion of ; Chaucer and Spenser in his Art of English Poetry, which is a collection of a similar nature to Bodenham’s, though not limited to single or ten-syllable lines. The reason he gives for the omission is that ‘ the garb in which they are cloath’d i ... is now become so out of fashion, that the readers of our ] age have no ear for them.’ In another book of the same sort which he published twelve years later ( The British Parnassus ; or, a compleat Common- ] place- Book of English Poetry, 1714), which consists of fresh extracts gathered from 83 instead of from 43 different poets, as in the earlier collection, although there are long quotations from Dry den’s modernizations of Chaucer, and some from Pope’s, and Spenser is added to the list of poets, there are no quotations from Chaucer in the original. Charles Gildon, who in 1718 published the Complete Art of \ § 3. Qualities attributed to Chaucer. xciii Poetry, shows a great advance on Bysshe in the matter of appreciation of the older poets, for he makes a point of quoting much from both Spenser and Shakespeare (see his Preface), but all his extracts from Chaucer are from Dryden’s versions. Elizabeth Cooper (1737) is the first editor after Tottell who includes an extract from Chaucer in the original in a Poetical Miscellany, but her good example is not followed. Although there was evidently at one time an intention to include Chaucer among Dr. Johnson’s poets (see letter from Edward Dilly to Boswell, 1777, below), this was not carried out. In 1781 a book of extracts was published, stating m the title that they were selected from ‘ Chaucer to Churchill, but this must have been merely for the sake of alliteration, for there are no Chaucer extracts in the book; and in 1787, when Henry Headley published Select Beauties of Ancient English Poetry, he deliberately omitted Chaucer, as well as Shakespeare, Jonson and Milton, because, as he says, though they are 4 familiar to us in conversation,’ they are nevertheless ‘ not universally either read or understood. § 3. Qualities attributed to Chaucer. In examining the qualities ascribed to Chaucer as a poet, one is struck by a rather curious fact which applies more especially to the first three hundred and fifty years of criticism, and this is that certain epithets have a distinct and well- marked vogue ; during a definite time they are used repeatedly , and evidently represent the leading characteristic of the poet in the minds of his critics; they then completely fall out of fashion, to be replaced by some other leading and quite different quality. Thus, for instance, to note in their chronological order the most salient of these : — • (1) Chaucer is golden tonged, eloquent, ‘ ornate ,’ for about the first 150 years after his death (1400-1550). This view was started by Lydgate, who again and again dwells on the rhetorical powers of his master 4 the noble rethor Poete of breteine ’ who xciv § 3. Chaucer is eloquent , moral and learned. ‘ made firste to distille and reyne the golde dewe droppis of speeche and eloquence into our tounge.’ This quality is emphasized by Walton (1410), Hoccleve (1412), ‘flour of ! eloquence,’ James I (1423), ‘Shirley’ (c. 1450), the author of ! the Book of Curtesye (a. 1477), Caxton (a. 1479 and c. 1483), ! John de Irlandia (1490), Dunbar (1503), Hawes (1503-4),’ Feylde (1509), Douglas (1513), Skelton (1523), Unknown (1525 j and 1561), B. G. (1569). By the middle of the sixteenth j century Chaucer s verse and language were becoming difficult I to understand, so that he was no longer thought of as ‘ golden tongued ; and this class of praise drops with such complete- ness, that it is something of the nature of a shock to find as late as 1602 and 1609 the expression ‘ golden pen ’ (1602, Nixon, below, and 1609, Heale). The first one is accounted I for when one finds that the Christian Navy is merely a reprint (with title and a few words altered) of a poem published in 1569, which is itself, with these two last exceptions, the very latest reference we have found to the ‘ golden eloquence ’of j Chaucer. When his most ardent admirer can no longer assert that 1 he has a flowing and melodious style, the quality which comes i in to replace this is that — (2) He is a moral poet. This is a view held by a certain class of critic almost exclusively in the sixteenth century, although there are isolated examples earlier and later. Lyd- i gate, who ascribes most qualities to Chaucer except imagination J and humour, of neither of which he was very well qualified to • judge, notes that ‘ in vertu he set al his entent ydelnesse and j vices for to flee ’ ; but the first definite allusion to Chaucer’s | use of satire with a clear moral purpose is that made by Hawes j in 1506; and he is followed by Foxe (1570), Lodge (1579), Webbe (1586), and Prynne (1633). This quality is also implied in many other references where sayings and stories of Chaucer’s are quoted which condemn some particular sin. Such are Ascham (1544), Northbrooke (1577), Babington (1583), Scot (1584), and Harsnet (1603). Side by side with this view, and often coupled with it, xcv § 3. The learning of Chaucer is emphasized. there goes another attribute which is very general, and peculiarly Elizabethan. This is that (3) He is a learned poet , prevalent from about 1530 to 1660. Sir Brian Tuke first draws attention to it in his preface to Thynne’s edition of the poet in 1532, but it is not till the third quarter of the century that it becomes the favourite attribute. O. B. in 1569 speaks of ‘learned Chaucer’; Foxe, in 1570, couples Chaucer with Linacre and Pace in commendation of his ‘studie and lernyng ’ ; Holinshed, in 1577, lays special stress on his exquisite learning ‘ in all sciences ’ ; Spenser (1579) prays that on him ‘ some little drops ’ might flow ‘ of that spring was in his learned hedde,’ and Puttenham (1584-88) singles out Chaucer to be commended above Gower, Lydgate and Harding 4 for the much learning appeareth to be in him above any of the rest.’ This view is strongly emphasized by Gabriel Harvey in his curious and hitherto unpublished MS. notes (c. 1585), where he says that Chaucer and Lydgate were 4 much better learned than oure moderne poets,’ and sums up his remarks on them in the following characteristic sentence : 4 Other commend Ohawcer and Lidgate for their witt, pleasant veine, varietie of poetical discourse, and all humanitie. I specially note their Astronomie, philosophic , and other parts of profound or cunning art. Wherein few of their time were more exactly learned. It is not sufficient for poets to be superficial humanists : but they must be exquisite artists, and curious uniuersal schollers.’ Churchyard (1587) speaks of Chaucer’s. 4 learned tales,’ the author of the Cobler of Caunterburie (1590) praises his 4 conceited learning,’ the first epithet used by Hakluyt (1598) is 4 learned, and Francis Thynne (1598) refers to the love his father had for Chaucer’s 4 lernynge,’ Harsnet (1603) and Stowe (1603) allude to him as a learned writer rather than as a poet, and it is significant that Speght calls his edition of 1598, the 4 Workes of our Antient and lerned English Poet.’ That Speght does this of set purpose, is evident from his preface of 1602, where he says that it would be a good piece of work for some industrious scholar to look up and note all Chaucer’s classical authorities, XCV1 § 3. Chaucer is a jovial facetious poet. ‘ which would,’ he adds, ‘ so grace this auncient Poet, that whereas divers have thought him vnlearned, and his writings meere trifles, it should appeare, that besides the knowledge of sundne tongues, he was a man of great reading, and deep judgement.’ Selden also (1612) specially notes Chaucer’s learning and wit, asking how many of the poet’s readers suspect his know- I ledge ‘ transcending the common Rode ’ in his use, for instance, j of ‘ Dulcarnon ’ in Troilus and Cressida. Freeman (1614) again dwells on the same point, coupling I Chaucer in this respect with Lydgate and Gower, who, he | affirms, ‘ equal’d all the Sages of these, their owne, of former i Ages.’ Webster (1624) classes Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate, More I and Sidney together as ‘ five famous scholars and poets of ! this our kingdom,’ and ‘five learn’d poets’; and ‘learned’ is the adjective selected for Chaucer by Basse in his well- known epitaph on Shakespeare (c. 1622). Other similar refer- j ences are Unknown (1622), E. G. (1646), Leigh (1656), Howard I (1689), Hatton (1708). But on the whole (in the following extracts, with the sole j exception of Robert Henry 1781), to the men of the later seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, Chaucer was no longer a learned poet, and on the very rare occasions when that adjective is used it is more in the sense of repeating a commonplace which was at one time, but is no longer, generally j believed; see, for instance, Grainger’s account in the Bio- | graphical History of England , 1769, below. The quality to which ‘ learned ’ gave place, and which may fairly be called the dominant characteristic from about 1670 to 1760, is that— 1 (4) He is a jovial, facetious, merry poet. These qualities of ‘merry’ or ‘jovial’ are applied to Chaucer with two rather different meanings — (а) really pleasant, lively, amusing; (б) one who delights in a broad jest, and tells coarse stories. The first meaning (with the exception of the discriminating criticism in the Boke of Curtesy e 1477) is found mostly from about 1570 to 1600, as in Robinson (1574) and Spenser (1579), § 3. Change of meaning in the term £ Witty' xcvn who both speak of Chaucer’s ‘ merry tales ’ ; Puttenham (1584) speaks of his ‘ pleasant wit,’ Webbe (1586) of his £ delightsome vayne,’ in which he wrote £ learnedly and pleasantly, un- folding £ pleasant and delightsome matters of mirth ’ ; in the Cobler of Caunterburie his wit and pleasantness are dwelt on, and Beaumont (1597) says Chaucer is £ the verie life itself of all mirth and pleasant writing.’ We occasionally find the term £ witty ’ applied to Chaucer, and his £ wit ’ is often alluded to. It is, however, difficult to know exactly what was meant by £ wit ’ and £ witty, par- ticularly at the end of the sixteenth and in the early seven- teenth centuries. We know that £ wit,’ which originally meant simply the intellect or understanding, first acquired its secondary and more restricted meaning somewhere about this time, and that a little later the adjective £ witty ’ passed from the signification of £ skilful ’ or £ wise ’ to that of ingenious and quick in a certain imaginative quality of seizing resemblances between two apparently different things. Early in the seventeenth century £ wit ’ appears often 1 as an equivalent for the Italian £ ingegno,’ and indeed is used by Jonson as synonymous with £ ingenuity.’ 2 Hobbes tells us in the Leviathan (1651) that wit had become a synonym for £ fancy,’ and in his Answer to Davenant's Discourse upon Gondibert (1650), he defines the function of £ fancy ’ to be the furnishing of the ornaments of poetry, whereas £ judgment ’ supplies the £ strength and struc- ture.’ His distinction between the two was adopted by later seventeenth and eighteenth century critics, and wit came to mean a quickness of mind in seeing unexpected resemblances. 3 Dryden and Addison both say that to the resemblance of ideas 1 But not always; thus in Glapthorne’s Wit in a Constable, 1639, ‘ witty ’ appears to be used in the sense of ‘ knowing/ ‘ clever,’ the reverse of stupid. 2 Every Man out of His Humour, hi, iii. For the whole question of the change of meaning in ‘ wit 1 at this time, see Critical Essays of the nth Century, Oxford, 1908; Introduction by Prof. Spingarn, pp. xxvii- xxxi. 3 Locke, Human Understanding, 1690, book ii, chap, xi, § 2. Temple, Miscellanea, 2nd part, p. 318; and Addison, Spectator, No. 62. CHAUCER CRITICISM. xcviii § 3. Chaucer considered an incorrigible Jester. should be added the sensation of surprise and delight, and sc we can see how the particular meaning now attached to the adjective ‘ witty ’ gradually crept in. 1 So that when Stevins (c. 1555) and Bullein (1564) speak of 4 wittie Chaucer ’ we have to remember that they mean ‘ pos-j sessed of wisdom or understanding,’ 2 in which sense it falls inj under ‘ learned,’ the characteristic epithet of the time, and! when Puttenham (1584) and Thynne (1600) speak of his I ‘pleasant’ and ‘flowing wit,’ they mean intellect or under- standing. But when William Barker, in his prefatory verses to Kynaston (1635), alludes to ‘ up start verse- wrights ’ first stealing Chaucer’s ‘ wit ’ and then pronouncing him dull, something of the new meaning of ‘ ingenium ’ is included, 3 and Gayton (1654) in saying Chaucer writes ‘ wittily ’ certainly means with ingenuity, while Addison (in 1694) probably interprets the word much as he did in the Spectator (No. 62). Sewell (1718), in describing Chaucer’s satire, says it is severe,' but it is ‘ the Severity of a Court Poet ; much wit and more good manners.’ Here we have completely reached the modern j meaning, and it is the only time in the following references (up to 1800) that we can be certain it is applied to Chaucer; for Walpole, in writing to George Montagu in 1768, though he j probably had Chaucer’s wit in his mind, is not speaking directly of him. Adjectives such as ‘merry’ or ‘jovial,’ in their second 1 There was, however, a good deal of variation in the meaning attached j to ‘ wit ’ by different 17th and 18th century writers. Thus, in addition | to the meanings given it by Jonson and Hobbes, Dryden uses it at one time as a synonym for ‘ imagination ’ (Letter to Sir Robt. Howard, ■; prefaced to Annus Mirabilus, 1666), and at another he defines it as a propriety of words and thoughts adapted to the subject’ ( Essays , j ed. Ker, vol. i, p. 190) ; whereas Dennis uses it almost to mean ‘ reason ’ i (■ Miscellanies in Verse and Prose, 1693, preface). 2 Cf. Spenser’s use of £ wittily ’ in the F. Q., ii, c. 9 — ‘ All artes, all science, all Philosophy, And all that in the world was ay thought wittily 1 and Marlowe in Tamb., Pt. I, Act ii, sc. 4 : ‘ Are you the witty King of Persia ? ’ Also Shakespeare in Richard III, iv, ii, 42. 3 Note Walkington in The Optick Glasse of Humours, below, 1607, ! translates ‘ wit ’ by ‘ ingenium.’ XC1X § 3. Even Spenser is considered ‘ ludicrous .’ meaning of delighting in a broad jest or coarse story, begin to be used about 1575, and for the following hundred years we find this signification occasionally. Towards the end of the seventeenth century it becomes more common, and for the first sixty years of the eighteenth century something of this nature is the characteristic epithet. ‘ Joking, jocound, sprightly, ‘gleeful,’ ‘blithe,’ ‘merry,’ ‘gay,’ ‘ frolic,’ ‘facetious,’ are among the adjectives used quite constantly in speaking of Chaucer or his work at this time ; and one annotator (towards the end of the eighteenth century) goes so far as to compare Chaucer, as regards this tendency to jocoseness, with Charles II ‘ who could hardly sustain his gravity long enough to make a speech from the throne ’ (see c. 1785, below). The fact is that in spite of the growing admiration for the antique and ‘ Gothic ’ in the eighteenth century, there was at the same time a tendency to think what was old very ludicrous. That this was so is clearly shown in the attitude towards the other great poet whose language was generally considered obsolete. We can see that Chaucer’s love of a jest and his sense of fun might give reason to superficial readers to think there was little else than the comic in him, but when we find that the ‘ ludicrous element ’ in Spenser is what most strikes many of his admirers at this time, we realize that the older turns of phrase and so-called ‘ simplicity of diction ’ were to the eighteenth-century reader really funny in themselves. Shenstone, whose School- Mistress (1742) is, next to the Castle of Indolence , one of the best of the many Spenserian imitations, writes to Mr. Graves, in June 1742, that he could not at first read Spenser, but that later ‘ Pope’s Alley made me consider him ludicrously ; and in that light, I think, one may read him with pleasure. I am now . . . from trifling and laughing at him, really in love with him.’ 1 Thomson, in the Advertisement to the Castle of Indolence (1748) says that as the poem is written in the manner of Spenser, ‘ the obsolete words and a simplicity of diction in some of the lines, which borders on the ludicrous,’ 1 Shenstone’s Works, 1769, vol. iii, p. 66. c § 3. The critics find in Chaucer the qualities they seek are necessary in order to make the imitation more perfect. And William Mickle, another imitator, writes, in his preface* to Sir Martyn (1778), that 4 some reasons perhaps may be! expected for having adopted the manner of Spenser,’ and he! will only say that the £ fulness and wantonness of description, the quaint simplicity, and above all, the ludicrous, of which the antique phraseology and manner of Spenser are so happily ! and peculiarly susceptible ’ are what attracted him to it. | In the light of these remarks, it is not surprising that! Chaucer was thought of chiefly as a very good joke, and that Joseph Warton, in his essay on Pope (1782) found it necessary to draw attention to the common though mistaken notion I that Chaucer’s excellence and ‘ vein of poetry ’ lay chiefly in j his manner of treating light and ridiculous subjects; Warton' attributes the mistake to the accidental fact that Dryden and i Pope had modernized principally the gay and ludicrous poems; | and he assures those who look into Chaucer that they will ! soon be convinced of this prevailing prejudice, and will find his j comic vein ... to be only like one of mercury, imperceptibly J mingled with a mine of gold.’ This attitude towards the poet did in fact gradually change at the end of the century, and after the publication of; Tyrwhitt s work, which brought about a gradually increasing I knowledge of Chaucer, we can find no special quality ascribed ' to the poet at any particular period. Such general adjectives as ‘ venerable,’ ‘ ancient,’ or ‘ cele- J brated,’ have not been noted. These are particularly common 3 in the eighteenth century when he was least known, as they ] were safe and non-committal terms. It will be noticed that the characteristic qualities attributed ] to Chaucer from 1400 to 1800, are those in which the critics | or men of letters of the time were themselves more specially interested. In the fifteenth and earlier sixteenth centuries, when the I language was still crude and unsettled, and good writing ! was very scarce, the desire for ease of expression was strong and the appreciation of it great. Later, the closely allied § 4. The Evolution of Chaucer Biography. Reformation and Renaissance brought with them an overmaster- ing interest in ethics, morality, and learning, and so ‘ moral and ‘ learned ’ go side by side throughout the Elizabethan age. Then, when the overladen exuberance of the Renaissance literature had brought about a reaction in favour of 4 clear- ness ’ and ‘ wit,’ as Chaucer was certainly not ‘ clear ’ to the readers of the seventeenth century, they searched for his ‘wit’; and to men who delighted in the Restoration drama, this seems mostly to be found in his broadest stories. So it is, that here as elsewhere, what men seek for, that generally do they find. § 4 . The Evolution of Chaucer Biography. List of the Chief Lives or Biographical Accounts of Chaucer up to 1900. DATE. [c. 1545] 4548 i 1557-9 / 1598 1602 author. title of work. John Leland [in] Commentarii de Scriptonbus Britannicis, [first printed by] A. Hall, Oxford, 1709, pp. 419-26 [in Latin]. John Bale [in] Illustrium Maioris Britannise Scriptorum . . . Summarium [1st edn.] fol. 198 and b [in Latin]. [in] Scriptorum Illustrium maioris Brytannise . . . Summarium Basilse . . . [2nd edn.] vol. i, pp. 525-7 [in Latin]. Thomas Speght [prefixed to] The Workes of our (aided by John Antient and lerned English Stow) Poet Geffrey Chaucer, newly printed. Londini, Impensis Geo. Bishop, anno 1598. Thomas Speght [in 2nd edn. of] The Workes of (aided by Fran- . . . Geffrey Chaucer, cis Thynne) cii DATE. [a. 1616] 1655 ' 1662 1660 1675 [c. 1687] 1687 1694 1700 1701 1709 § 4. List of the chief ‘ Lives y of Chaucer, AUTHOR. John Pits Thomas Fuller 55 >5 William Winstan- ley Edward Phillips [Henry Wharton] William Winstan- ley Sir Thomas Pope Blount John Dryden Jeremy Collier Thomas Hearne TITLE OF WORK. [in] Relationes Historicse de Bebus Anglicis, Parisiis, 1619, I pp. 572-5 [in Latin]. [in] The Church-History of Britain, book iv, pp. 151-2. [in] The History of the Worthies j of England, pp. 337-8. [in] England’s Worthies . . . j 1600 , pp. 91 - 8 . [in] Theatrum Poetarum, or a j Compleat Collection of the | Poets . . . pp. 50-1. [printed in Appendix to vol. ii | of] Scriptorum Ecclesiasti- I corum Historia Literaria, by William Cave, 1740-3, Notse j MSS. & Accessiones Anonymi, j &c., pp. 13-15 ; [in Latin]. [in] The Lives of the most Famous J English Poets, pp. 23-32 I [altered and enlarged from the i earlier ‘ Life ’ in 1660]. [in] De Re Poetica . . . [Part 2.] Characters and Censures, pp. 41-4. [slight account in] Preface to j F ables Ancient and Modern ... ■- [in] The Great Historical, Geo- J graphical, Genealogical and h P oetical Dictionary . ., vol. i, sign Bbb 2. A Letter to Mr. Bagford, con- taining some Remarks upon Geffry Chaucer . . [in] Robert of Gloucester’s Chronicle, Transcrib’d . . by Thomas Hearne, 1724, vol. ii, App. iv, pp. 596-606. § 4. List of the chief ‘ Lives ’ of Chaucer. DATE. 1720 1721 author. Giles Jacob John Dart (cor- rected by Wil- liam Thomas) TITLE OF WORK. [in] An Historical Account of the Lives and Writings of our most Considerable English Poets [being the 2nd vol. of the Poetical Register, 1719], pp. 26-30. [prefixed to] The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer. ... By John Urry, . . London, Printed for Bernard Lintot . . 1748 1748 1753 1774 1775 1803 sign a 1 — f 2. Unknown [in] Biographia Britannica : or, the Lives of the most eminent Persons who have flourished in Great Britain and Ireland . . 6 vols., 1747-63; vol. ii, 1748, pp. 1293-1308. Thomas Tanner [in] Bibliotheca Britanmco- Hibernica, pp. 166-70 ; [in Latin]. Theophilus Cibber [in] The Lives of the Poets of [or Robert Great Britain and Ireland . . Shiels 1 ] vol. i, pp. 1-17. Thomas Warton [a very slight account in] The History of English Poetry, vol. i, pp. 341-2. Thomas Tyrwhitt [a short abstract of historical passages in life, prefixed to] The Canterbury Tales of Chaucer, vol. i, pp. xxiv- xxxvi. William Godwin The Life of Geoffrey Chaucer . . 2 vols. 1 See Life of Johnson, by James Boswell, April 10, 1776, ed. )ec k Hill, 1887, vol. iii, pp. 29-30 ; also Six Essays on Johnson by Walter laleigh, Oxford, 1910, p. 120, note. civ DATE. 1810 1844 1876 1880 1880 1887 1887 1892 1893 1894 1900 § 4. List of the chief £ Lives ’ of Chaucer. AUTHOR. Henry J. Todd Sir Nicholas Har- ris Nicolas W. Minto A. W. Ward Arthur Gilman John W. Hales Henry Morley TITLE or WORK. Illustrations of the Lives and Writings of Gower and Chaucer, collected from authentic documents. The Life of Chaucer [prefixed to] Chaucer’s poetical works, Aldine edn. of British poets, vol. 47. [Article 4 Chaucer ’ in] Encyclo- I psedia Britannica [ninth j edition]. Chaucer [in the English Men of j Letters Series]. [prefixed to] The Poetical Works j of Geffrey Chaucer . . ed. by I Arthur Gilman . . Boston, j 1880, vol. i, pp. xix-lvi. [Article in] The Dictionary of National Biography. [in] English Writers, vol. v, pp. 83-347. Thomas R. Louns- The Life of Chaucer [in] Studies j W in Chaucer, vol. i, chap. i. Alfred W. Pollard Chaucer [in Literature Primers]. Walter W. Skeat [in] The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. . . by j the Rev. Walter W. Skeat . . I [edited by] W. D. Selby F. J. Furnivall E. A. Bond R. E. G. Kirk Oxford, 1894, vol. i, pp. ix-lxi. J ' Life Records of Chaucer ... I comprising all known records relating to Geoffrey Chaucer. (Chaucer Society.) The first life of the poet, the first attempt made to record any facts ^bout him, is the sketch written in Latin by Leland cv § 4. The first ‘ Life ’ of Chaucer. the antiquary. Leland, as we know, was armed with a com- mission from Henry VIII to search all likely places throughout the land— castles, monasteries, colleges, etc— for records of the past ; and after spending six years in this search, and another six in endeavouring to put his materials in order, his mind gave way early in 1547, and he died in 1552. Some of his information, doubtless, was correct and of great value, but if his other biographies resemble that of Chaucer they must be more remarkable for fertility of imagination than for accuracy of fact. ,, These biographies were never printed till 1709, but Leland s manuscript collections were freely used by later writers, and in the case of Chaucer, all the information was incorporated by Bale in his life in 1557-9, and again by Pits in the life pub- lished in 1619; and it formed the starting-point of the follow- ing legends about Chaucer, some of which have survived until quite recent years. (i) That Chaucer was born of a noble family. (ii) That he studied at Oxford. (iii) That he was taught there by John Some and the friar Nicolas. (iv) That he left the University (i) * * 4 an acute logican, a delight- ful orator, an elegant poet, a profound philosopher, an able mathematician . . . [and] a devout theo- logian.’ (v) That he admired and imitated Gower, looking up to him as master. (vi) That he had a sister married to William Pole, Duke of Suffolk, who ‘ passed her life in great splendour at Ewelme.’ (vii) That he had a house at Woodstock, adjoining the palace of the King. (viii) That he lived in France during the last years of Richard II. (ix) That he was highly esteemed by (and personally known to) Henry IV and Henry V. CV1 § 4. Chaucer Legends started by Leland and Bale. Leland also gives a list of Chaucer’s works, 1 which,’ he says, ‘at the present day are read everywhere.’ In this all his principal writings are included, as well as the ten following I spurious works: Piers Plowman’s Tale, The Testament of\ Cresseid, The Flower of Courtesy (which he notes is rejected I by many as spurious), The Assembly of Ladies, The Complaint of the Black Knight, A Praise of Women, The Testament of ! Love, Lamentation of Mary Magdalen, The Remedy of Love and The Letter of Cupid. John Bale (1495-1563), the violent reformer, writer of morality plays, and later Bishop of Ossory, who for many years was a friend of Leland, and, like him, was desirous of saving old chronicles and ‘ noble antiquities,’ was about the same time collecting material for his Lives of Illustrious British Writers, the first edition of which appeared in 1548. His account of Chaucer is very short and vague; he evidently knew little about him, and that little was largely incorrect. Thus he states that he was a knight (‘ eques auratus ’), and that it is said that he lived until the year 1450, under Henry VI. For the rest, he was chiefly remarkable for his good manners 1 and for the graceful eloquence of his English, and was con- sidered to have been the renovator of the English tongue, 'j Before the appearance of the second edition of his work in 1557-9, however, Bale had come across Leland’s MSS., and incorporated in his enlarged account of the poet most of : Leland’s mistakes, reproducing them largely word for word, ; and adding a few more on his own account. Thus, although j he does not in this edition give 1450 as the date of Chaucer’s j death, he says he was living in 1402, because of the last verse 1 of the (spurious) Letter of Cupid. The next biography is that prefixed by Speght to his edition of the poet s works in 1598. This is the first life written in English, and it is much the most careful and the fullest bio- graphy that had so far appeared. It represented a good deal of search among public records, and some real facts were contributed to what was known of the poet’s life; such as Chaucer’s titles of ‘ armiger,’ ‘ scutifer ’ and ‘ valettus,’ the § 4. The Fictions added hy Speght. cvii grant to him of the custody of the lands and body of Edmund Staplegate of Kent, his controllership of the port of London, his employment abroad, and the gifts and pensions received by him from Richard II and Henry IV. These researches were, as we know from himself, the work of the antiquary Stow who handed over his materials to Speght (see Survey oj London , 1598, below). In addition, however, to Stow s contri- butions, Speght relies much on Leland and Bale, and quotes from them, adding also the following fictions of his own . (i) Chaucer was born in London, because of his words in the (spurious) Testament of Love. (ii) He went to Cambridge, as well as to Oxford, because of his remarks in the (spurious) Court of Love. (iii) He suggests that Chaucer got into political trouble m Richard II’s reign, and ‘ kept himselfe much out of the way in Holland, Zeland and France, w ere e wrote most of his bookes ’ (also founded on the Testament of Love). . (iv) He suggests Chaucer’s journey to Italy m 1368, w en lie may have met Petrarch. Speght also printed a family pedigree of the poet, made out by Glover, the Somerset Herald, in which, for the first time Chaucer is represented as marrying a daughter of Sir Payne Roet (sister of John of Gaunt’s third wife) and having Thomas Chaucer as his son. Some further records about ‘ Chaucers^ possibly forbears of the poet, were contributed by Francis Thynne in his criticism of Speght’s edition : a John an an ‘ Elias ’ Chaucer, as well as a Ralph le Chaucer living m King John’s time, had been found. ‘ But,’ says Thynne, in closing this section of his remarks, ‘ what shall wee stande nppon e Antiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle Abbaye affirmeth hym to come in with the Conqueror (Animadversions, 1598, pub. Chaucer Soc., 18(5, p. 1 an 1 This, which at first was thought to be incoiMct, is trae, and the reference is to be found in Harl. MS. 53 and Lambeth MS. b. cviii § 4. The ‘ Life ’ hy John Pits. note 2). This additional information, which was very popular with succeeding biographers, was embodied by Speght in his second edition of 1602. 8 In 1619 was published the Relationes Historical de Rebus Anglicis, by John Pits, whose life of Chaucer (in Latin) is like that of Bale, founded upon Leland, with some amplifications and additional inaccuracies. He expanded Leland and Bale’s remarks about the poet’s noble birth to the assertion that both he and his father were Knights; ‘ patrem habuit Equestris ordims virum, & ipse tandem auratus factus est Eques.’ The belief in Chaucer’s knighthood, probably started by Bale s statement m 1548, was evidently quite general through- out the latter half of the sixteenth century, for we find him constantly called ‘Sir’ (cf. Unknown, c. 1560, Legh 1562 Whetstone 1576 and 1578, A poore knight his Pallace of private pleasures 1579, in which Chaucer is referred to as ‘ The cheefest of all Englishmen, and yet hee was a knight,’ Greene 1590 The Cobler of Caunterburie 1590, Greene’s Vision 1592). Pits also positively states that Chaucer was born at Woodstock here again merely crystallizing what was by this time a ' recognized tradition; see Camden in his Britannia (1586 below). ’ Leland s life, as reproduced and embellished by Bale and Pits in Latin, and Speght’s life in English, to which Stow and Francis Thynne contributed, were the only authorities on the facts connected with Chaucer all through the seventeenth century. Dryden, in the few remarks he makes on Chaucer’s ( life m his Preface to the Fables (1700), simply repeats the \ mistakes of these earlier biographers. Other lives of him i which appeared during this time (see list, p. cii above) were I also repetitions of the facts and inaccuracies recorded by these writers, with occasionally some added fictions. Thus Edward Phillips asserts that Chaucer e flourished ’ during the reigns of Henry IV, Henry V and part of Henry VI (i. e . 1399- c. 1440), and that, as well as being knight, he was Poet Laureate. This is naturally all repeated by subsequent biographers (e.g. Sir Thomas Pope Blount, 1694), and it was doubtless on § 4. The Eighteenth-Century Biographers. cix [ the strength of Phillips’s information that Jeremy Collier positively asserted in his Dictionary (1701) that 1440 was the date of the poet’s death. Early in the eighteenth century, the antiquary Thomas Hearne was making notes and collecting information about Chaucer’s life, as may be seen from his diary of 1709, and the results — which are not great — are summed up in his letter to Bagford of the same year, where he points out that Leland is probably mistaken in saying Chaucer was of noble birth, whereas in all likelihood, his father, though wealthy, was only a merchant (which was suggested by Speght), and he adds that he is sure much information relating to the poet would be found by a careful inspection of the records, which task he has not himself time to undertake. Failing these, how- ever, many of Hearne’s other conjectures are based on the Testament of Love and the Plowman's Tale. The spurious poems, especially these two and the Court of Love , have been an unfailing quarry up to quite recent years for deductions about the poet’s life, and they were made full use of by the writers (John Dart, corrected by William Thomas) of the account of Chaucer prefixed to Urry’s edition of 1721. This was the most elaborate life of the poet which had yet appeared, and was not merely a re-statement of Leland and Speght, but it contained many fresh assertions mostly founded on the above poems; such, for instance, as that Chaucer composed the Court of Love when he was a student at Cambridge, aged eighteen; and a very definite account was given of his collision with the court party in his later years, his forced exile in Zealand, and his imprisonment in the Tower, all founded on remarks in the Testament of Love. Dart, however, on the other hand, suggested that John Chaucer was the poet’s father, first mentioned the Scrope and Grosvenor dispute, and Chaucer’s testimony there (see 1386, below), doubted Chaucer ever having been poet laureate, and rejected his authorship of the Plowman's Tale and Jack Upland. The life in the Biographia Britannica, 1748, is very detailed and careful, in that it is based on all the old authorities, Leland, cx § 4. Tyrwhitt’ s biographical notes. Bale, Pits, Speght, Hearne and Urry, but there is no original! work in it, and the same mistakes are repeated. Tyrwhitt, in his introductory matter to the Canterbury I Tales (1775), wisely refrained from writing any life of Chaucer | at all, for he says after searching for materials, he found he could add few facts to those already published, and ‘ he was I not disposed, either to repeat the comments and inventions, ! by which former biographers have endeavoured to supply the deficiency of facts, or to substitute any of his own for the I same laudable purpose.’ He contented himself, therefore, with pointing out the untrustworthiness of Leland’s informa- tion, as well as the lack of proof for other commonly accepted facts (such as Chaucer’s connection with Donnington Castle) and with printing a short abstract of the historical passages in | the life of the poet, consisting of the few records published by I Speght and Rymer. He also notes one or two points which may possibly be inferred from the Testament of Love (that he was a Londoner) and the Court of Love (that he was at Cam- bridge). He is careful, however, to deduce nothing further from the poems, 1 and gives a warning against ‘supposing I allusions which Chaucer never intended, or arguing from pieces I which he never wrote, as if they were his.’ This warning was, unhappily, not taken to heart by the ■ poet’s next biographer, William Godwin, Shelley’s father-in-law, who, m 1803, brought out Chaucer’s life in two large volumes.’ i His method was the exact antithesis of the procedure of the scholarly and cautious Tyrwhitt, and, except for the fact f that he found and printed some fresh official records about 1 Chaucer, his Life, though entertaining, is absolutely worthless. ,j Godwin snubs Tyrwhitt for casting so much doubt on i Leland, and for not having made any exertions to discover facts as to the history of the poet, and compares his own inde- atigable search of the records. The fresh information thus acquired did not, however, enable him to write a life any more refe'Jd^oCl^na^ote." 1 ^ ° f Chaucer ’ s life are § 4. The system on which Godwin wrote Biography. cxi correct than those which had preceded his; on the contrary it forced him to evolve theories whereby the newly discovered and rather troublesome dates might be made to fit in with preconceived facts, largely derived from the Testament of Love. For instance, it was in the beginning of 1384 that the political disturbances in London took place which were sup- posed to have caused Chaucer’s flight abroad. But Godwin found by the records that in November 1384 Chaucer was still at his post as Controller -of the Customs, for he then applied for leave of absence for one month. This was very awkward, and all Godwin could do was to transport him abroad in November (nine months after the riots which were the supposed cause of his flight) and to extend his month’s holiday into an exile of two years. The exile is described in great detail; Chaucer, we are told, doubtless took his wife with him, that is if she were still living, for ‘ although prudence would have dictated their separation, yet Chaucer was too deeply pervaded with the human and domestic affections to be able to consent to such a measure.’ The whole book is written in this style, and as regards Chaucer, it is a tissue of baseless conjecture from beginning to end. In addition to this, it contains a mass of entirely irrelevant information, for Godwin held that ‘ the full and complete life of a poet, would include an extensive survey of the manners, the opinions, the arts and the literature of the age in which the poet lived.’ Acting on this principle, the chapters are built up something as follows : — It is not improbable that Chaucer was brought up in the Homan Catholic faith, so thirteen pages are devoted to the Church in England in the fourteenth century ; he possibly studied in the Inner Temple, therefore twelve pages are given to an account of civil and canon and feudal law of the English constitution, the early writers on English law, modes of pleading and so on. 1 1 The following paragraph, with which this section on law closes, sufficiently indicates the style of the whole book : — ‘ It may be amusing to the fancy of a reader of Chaucer’s works, to represent to himself the j exn § 4. Memoir by Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas. No wonder Mrs. Godwin confidentially asked Charles Lamb whether he did not think there was rather too much fancy in the work. 1 J In 1844 Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas published his memoir, prefixed to the Aldine edition of Chaucer’s works, which really ; is the first life of Chaucer produced on modern methods of research and accuracy. Nicolas uses Godwin’s documents, but < prints many more records which finally demonstrated that the story in the T estament of Love could not be regarded as auto- biographic. They showed that during the time Chaucer was supposed to be in exile, he was living in London and personally receiving ! his pension half-yearly, that he was holding his offices in the j Customs from 1382 to 1386, and that in August 1386, instead of being imprisoned in the Tower, he was a member of parlia- ment as Knight of the shire for the County of Kent. Although in soundness and accuracy this work is a great advance, yet Nicolas makes a few mistakes, such as the ‘ eleven months ’ of Chaucer’s stay in Italy, his disbelief in Chaucer’s I knowledge of Italian, and his acceptation as genuine of The j Cuckoo and the Nightingale, The Flower and the Leaf and the | Testament of Love. For in spite of the evidence of the newly discovered records, which proved it could not be autobio- 5 graphical, the faith of critics in Chaucer’s authorship of the young poet, accoutred in the robes of a lawyer, examining a witness, xing upon him the keenness of his eye, addressing himself with anxiety and expectation to a jury, or exercising the subtlety of his wit and judgment in the development of one of those quirks by which a client was to be rescued from the rigour of strict and unfavouring justice. Perhaps Chaucer, in the course of his legal life, saved a thief from the ga lows, and gave him a new chance of becoming a decent and useful mem her of society : perhaps by his penetration he discerned and demon- strated that innocence, which to a less able pleader would never have been evident, and which a less able pleader would never have succeeded m restoring triu mphant to its place in the community and its fair fame.’ Godwins Life of Chaucer, vol. i, chap, xviii, pp. 369-70.) 1 See Lamb’s letter to Godwin, Nov. 10, 1803, below. The book was,, on the whole, condemned by the reviewers. See below, Gentle- man s Magazine, Dec. 1803; Scott, in the Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1804, is very severe, and Blackwood's reviewer in 1821 dismisses it as being contemptible in criticism.’ § 4. Discoveries in the Decords. 0X111 Testament of Love remained unshaken until William Hertzberg, who translated the Canterbury Tales into German in 1866 pointed out the proofs against its being by Chaucer at a while in 1867, John Payne Collier in England independent y came to the same conclusion. But this did not prevent later writers of Chaucer’s life detailing his flight, exile and imprison- ment as actual occurrences, 1 2 sometimes shifting the date ol these to between the years 1386-88 so as not to clash quite so much with the records. After the foundation of the Chaucer Society, however, in 1868, Dr. Furnivall and others set to work at the records, whence a number of interesting facts have been extracted, enabling us now at any rate to say very definitely what is not true in earlier Chaucer biographies. Mr. Bond’s discovery in 1873, of a page of the household accounts of Lionel, third son of Edward III, from which it is certain that between 1356-59 Chaucer was attached to the household of that prince, and most probably (judging from the value of the articles recorded as given him) in the position of a page, makes the hitherto generally stated date of 1328 for the poet’s birth an impossible one; and 1340, for which there is supporting evidence, is now the generally accepte ° ne * In 1894 Professor Skeat published his life of the poet, prefixed to his edition of Chaucer’s collected works, which embodies all discoveries made up to then, more especially Dr. Furnivall’ s important finds in the public record office, published in the Athenaeum during the years 1873, 1874 ; and in 1900 the complete Life Records of Chaucer appeared, con- taining some fresh information, and comprising all known records relating to the poet. 1 Geoffrey Chaucer's Canterbury -Geschichten, uebersetzt von Wilhelm Hertzberg, Hildburghausen, 1866. Einleitung, pp. 34-37. 2 See for instance, Origin ... of the English Language and Litera- ture, by John Weisse, N. York, 1879, pp. 269-70. CHAUCER CRITICISM. k cxiv § 5. Glimpses at some Chaucer lovers and workers. § 5. A NOTE ON SOME CHAUCER LOVERS AND WORKERS THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES. In the following pages we get many peeps at students of Chaucer ; men who during these five hundred years have loved him and have been content to spend much time in the generally unremunerative labour of studying and editing his works, and in collecting information about him. Sometimes we actually see them at work — Caxton in his Westminster | printing office, Brian Tuke ‘ tarying for the tyde at Green- j wich,’ Urry in his college rooms at Oxford, or Tyrwhitt in the British Museum, — sometimes only the result of their labours ; is visible. ■ Foremost among this gallant band comes — (1) John Shirley (1366 ?— 1456), translator and transcriber, who possibly knew Chaucer personally, and most certainly loved and admired him, for he busied himself in writing out j copies of the poems, 1 to which he added various pieces of information, 2 and sometimes of exhortation to the reader (see c. 1450, a. 1456, below). W e know little about Shirley, beyond the lines recorded as being on his monument in the Church of S. Bartholomew the i Less, 3 among which are the following : — £ Ilis Pen reporteth His Lives Occupation,’ to which Stowe adds that he was £ a great Traveller in divers \ Countries, and amongst other his Labours painfully collected j 1 Tne MSS. we owe to Shirley are the Sion College MS. (contains of j Chaucer only an inserted copy of the ABC), Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 20, ' Addit. 16165, Ashmole 59, Harl. 78 (4 leaves only). The Harl. 7333 i and 2251 are not in Shirley’s hand. For full details on Shirley’s MSS. see E. P. Hammond in Chaucer, a biblioqraphical manual, N. York, I 1908, pp. 515-17. 2 It is on Shirley’s authority that the following works are ascribed to Chaucer : — the ABC, the Complaint to Pity, Complaint of Mars, j Anelida, Lines to Adam, Fortune, Truth, Gentilnesse, Lak of Stedfast- nesse. Complaint of Venus, and Complaint to his Empty Purse. 3 Stowe’s Survey of London, ed. Strype, 1720, bk. iii, pp. 232-3. § 5. Caxtoris care in printing the ‘ Canterbury Tales, cxv the Works of Geffrey Chaucer , John Lidgate, and other learned Writers, which works he wrote in sundry volumes to remain for Posterity.’ Next we encounter — (2) William Caxton (1422 ?— 1491), whose love and admira- tion are expressed with so much warmth and charm in his Pro hemye to the Canterbury Tales ; where we catch a glimpse of him with care and pride printing the Tales from his own MS. copy (1st ed. 1477-8), which had been brought to him, and which he supposed to be very true and correct. But soon after one of the purchasers of a copy of this first edition pays him a visit, and points out that the printed version differs consider- ably from the book as Geoffrey Chaucer had written it. To this Caxton mildly answers that he had set up the type according to his own MS. copy, which he had followed faithfully. His visitor replies that his father possesses a copy of the Canterbury Tales which he much loves, and which is true to Chaucer’s original, and that if Caxton would print it again, he would get him this actual book for a copy, although he knew that his father would be loth to part with it. To this suggestion Caxton gladly agrees, and sets to work at once to print the whole book over again (2nd ed. 1484?), humbly apologizing the while to the shade of Chaucer for the mistake he in his ignorance had made of printing his book other than he wrote it. Caxton was not content with printing Chaucer, but he further tried to perpetuate his memory by erecting a pillar near his tomb to support a tablet on which was written Surigo s Latin epitaph (see a. 1479, below), at the end of which there were four lines, possibly by Caxton himself. 1 The next worker is — (3) William Thynne (d. 1546), Chief Clerk of the Kitchen to Henry VIII, and the holder of many other offices, who combined the faithful and apparently successful discharge of 1 See Caxton’s Epilogue to Boethius , a. 1479, below, also Blade s Life and Typography of Caxton , 1861, vol. ii, p. 67. cxvi § 5. William Thynne’s Chaucer Work. many duties in the King’s household with an enthusiastic devotion to Chaucer and study of his works. In 1532 he published his edition of the poet, and sixty-six years later, his son Francis Thynne, in the course of his rather querulous letter of criticism to Speght on his edition of 1598 (see 1598, below), affords us a delightful glimpse of his father at work . on Chaucer. The elder Thynne was commissioned by Henry ! VIII, with whom he was a great favourite, to search all the I libraries and monasteries of England for Chaucer’s works; which he did with such success that he was ‘ fully furnished with multitude of Bookes, amongst which was one copy which was marked “ Examinatur Chaucer.” ’ All these copies he carefully collated, so that although four of Chaucer’s pieces i had been issued together by Pynson in 1526, yet Thynne’s may fairly claim to be the first attempt at a collected edition of the 4 Works,’ and Thynne himself is the first real editor of Chaucer, for he produced a better text of the Canterbury Tales than had been given before, as well as printing for the first time Chaucer s part of the Romaunt of the Rose , his Legende of Good Women , Boece, Book of the Duchess, Pity , Astrolabe, and ! Lack of Stedfastness. His son further tells us that he included (or perhaps in- tended to include ?) the (spurious) Pilgrim’s Tale, which gave such offence to Wolsey and the Bishops, that they brought pressure on the King to insist that Chaucer must be newly printed, and the Pilgrim s Tale omitted. This was done, but in the second edition of 1542 Thynne managed to get the ; (spurious) Plowmans Tale (an equally strong invective against j the clergy) inserted; although it was sanctioned with great d difficulty. 1 William Thynne must have been a good hater of Romanism j and the priests, and Wolsey, his ‘ old enymye,’ owed him a | This story of Francis Thynne’s about the cancelled edition has been d.credUed, as the Pilgrim's Tale is not to be found in any edition ot Ihynne s Chaucer, nor has any one-columned edition of Thynne’s come down to us. See on the whole question, Thynne’s Animadversions, ed. h. J. Furmvall, Chaucer Soc., 1875, pp. xli, xlii, and 75, 76. cxvn § 5. John Stowe’s Chaucer Work. grudge for many reasons, so Francis Thynne tells us, but mostly because Thynne had protected Skelton, and helped him to publish Colin Clout, most of which was written at Thynne’s house at Erith in Kent. ttttt Thynne dedicates his edition in his name to Henry Vlli, but it is practically certain that this preface was written by Sir Brian Tuke, then Postmaster, and so a colleague of Thynne s in the Boyal Household. Leland refers to a preface by Tuke, and in a copy of Thynne’s Chaucer (1532) in Clare College, Cambridge, Sir Brian Tuke has written in his own hand : < This preface I sir Bryan Tuke knight wrot at the request of Mr. Clarke of the Kechyn then being tarying for the tyde at Grenewich.’ 1 (4) John Stowe (1525 ?-l 605), chronicler and antiquarian by choice, and tailor by profession, is entitled to a place among Chaucer students and editors, although the service he rendered the poet is a doubtful one. His own account of his claim to the position is that Chaucer’s works were ‘ corrected and twice increased through mine owne painefull labours, in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, to wit in the yeare 1561, and again beauti - fied with noates, by me collected out of diuers Recordes and Monumentes, which I deliuered to my loving friende Thomas Speight ’ for his edition of 1597. The modern view of Stowe’s work does not quite agree with this. He is principally famed for having assigned more spurious poems to Chaucer than any one else has ever successfully done, and it has been indeed— as Tyrwhitt prophesied in 1775 ‘ a work of time to sift accurately the heap of rubbish which was added ’ by him to the edition of 1561. Not only did he for the first time in 1561 publish a number of poems as Chaucer’s which are not his (see list 1532, below), but by reprinting all that was in Thynne’s edition of 1532 (which was really a miscellany, see note to 1532, Thynne, below), and altering the title to ‘ The workes of Geffrey Chaucer, newlie printed, with i See Mr. Bradshaw in Thynne’s Animadversions, Chaucer Soc., p. xxvi. CXV111 § 5. J ohn Stowe and Thomas Speght. diuers addicions, whiche were neuer in print before/ he prac- tically claimed for Chaucer the whole of Thynne’s volume. On the other hand, we owe to him the first print of Chaucer’s | words to Adam, and three other short pieces, and there is no ! doubt that he furnished a good deal of matter to Speght for i use in his life of the poet. He seems to have been a cheery, ! lively man, a hard worker, and a great favourite with men of I letters. He was a member of the old Society of Antiquaries, founded about 1559, and among his colleagues and friends were Walter Cope, Joseph Holland, Francis Tate, and Francis Thynne. He was always desperately poor, and consequently carried on his researches with great difficulty; for his was not then, any more than it is now, the kind of work which brings in money. In 1598 he writes of his Summarie of Englyshe Chronicles , ‘ It hath cost me many a weary mile’s travel, many a hard- earned penny and pound, and many a cold winter night’s study.’ He could not afford to ride in order to make his enquiries, but was forced to go on foot. We realize how sharp was the pressure of poverty, when as an old man, probably upwards of seventy-seven, after years of hard work at the • chronicles of London and other records of value, we find that in acknowledgment of his services a grateful government granted him a license to beg and collect voluntary contributions ! in the streets. Of (5) Thomas Speght (fl. 1600), the next editor of Chaucer, we know very little, except that he was possibly a Yorkshire- : man, and certainly a graduate of Cambridge, a schoolmaster, \ and a lover of Chaucer. It was at college that he first came to j know and love Chaucer (see above, p. xxii, and Beaumont’s i letter to Speght, 1597, below). Speght had evidently long studied Chaucer’s works and annotated them (see his preface, 1598, below), and in 1598, when his first edition of the poet appeared, he added a good deal of extra matter, and wrote the fullest and most correct life of the poet which had yet appeared (see p. cvi above). Francis Thynne was preparing notes for a full commentary §5. Kynastori and John Urry. cxix on Chaucer’s works when Speght anticipated him, and so Thynne contented himself with writing his long letter, minutely criticizing Speght’s production, and correcting many of his mistakes. All these remarks Speght took in good part, and embodied them, with grateful acknowledgment, in his next edition of 1602. He also had much help from Stowe, who put his notes at Speght’s disposal. We must pass over Sir Francis Kynaston (1587-1642), the seventeenth-century litterateur, poet and scholar, who was called more Geoffreyan than Chaucer himself ; 1 the founder of the Musieum Minervee, that curious academy of learning, designed to give a lengthy course of instruction to intending travellers; whose fervent admiration of Chaucer took the unusual form of translating his Troilus into Latin verse, and copiously annotating it, both in English and Latin. (6) John Urry (1666-1715) is the next editor of Chaucer, and also the worst. As a man he seems to have been a sturdy, honest scholar with a sense of humour, and a certain charm of style (see his sketch of a preface, 1714 below), of staunch loyalist principles, unlike his uncle Sir John Urry the soldier, who seemed unable to make up his mind on which side to fight. Our Urry bore arms against Monmouth in the Rebellion, and refused to take the oath of supremacy to William III, though this cost him his studentship at Christ Church. Dr. Atterbury, the Dean of Christ Church, persuaded him, much against his inclination, to prepare a new edition of Chaucer, his sole qualifi- cation apparently being that he came of a Scottish family, so that his familiarity with the northern tongue enabled him to read Chaucer more easily than an Englishman. 2 He carried through the task with a will, and collected together from many sources a good number of MSS. and printed copies of Chaucer for the purpose. We catch glimpses of him in Hearne’s diary from the year 1711 to February 17H> working in the Bodleian, examining the Junius MSS., collecting Chaucer editions and 2 See Timothy Thomas’s Preface to Urry’s Chaucer, 1721, below. 1 See Strode’ s verses, 1635, below. cxx § 5. TJ rry's Edition of Chaucer , 1721. MSS., over which the two friends often pored together in the evenings. In an interesting letter to Lord Harley (1712, see below), Urry describes his method of work, and expresses the belief, after close study of the Canterbury Tales, that 4 Chaucer made them exact metre, but the transcribers have much injured them. He adds that he hopes, by collating many MSS. and printed editions, to be able to 4 restore him to his feet again.’ In March 17f§-, however, Urry died very suddenly of a fever, leaving his Chaucer unfinished. He appears to have completely prepared the text after a curious fashion of his own, which was to lengthen or shorten Chaucer’s words, or to add an extra word, whenever he thought the verse would be improved by it, with- out giving to the reader any indication whatever of his altera- tions (see below 1721 Thomas). It seems that he originally had the intention of enclosing these additions within hooks [ ] (the reverse process from that of 4 slashing Bentley ’), but this 4 just, useful and necessary ’ design, as Timothy Thomas calls it, was for some unknown reason not carried out. Consequently the edition, as regards text, is quite the worst ever issued. It was taken in hand, after Urry’s death, by the authorities of Christ Church and Urry’s executor, William Brome, and Bernard Lintot the bookseller, and, after many vicissitudes, it was published in two enormous folios in 1721 ; the preface and glossary being added by Timothy Thomas, and the life of Chaucer by John Dart. The edition was divided between the College, Brome and Lintot, in equal shares, the proceeds for the College being devoted to the building of Peckwater Quadrangle. It does not, however, appear to have been in great demand, for twelve years later we find poor Mr. Brome complaining that he cannot sell his copies, 4 which lie upon hand, so that I am like to be a great sufferer ’ (p. 375 below). Lintot, being in the way of business, was better able to sell his, and the College authorities had adopted a simple and effective method of disposing of theirs, which was to oblige all scholars upon entrance to buy a copy. The picture of the young fox-hunting squires of Christ Church being forced willy- nilly to carry off their Chaucer folios is a delightful one; and § 5. Some account of Thomas Tyrwhitt. cxxi it may perhaps account for the number of copies of Urry Chaucer to be found in the old country houses of England. (7) Thomas Tyrwhitt (1730-86) is the next, and up to this date by far the greatest Chaucer scholar and editor. Con- sidering the importance of Tyrwhitt’s work there is curiously little known about him. He was a man of good family and ample means, educated at Eton and Oxford where he was elected to a fellowship at Merton College in 1755; he was ap- pointed Deputy Secretary at War in 1756, and he was Clerk of the House of Commons from 1762 to 1768, in which latter year he resigned the position, preferring to that post of honoui a private station devoted to learned ease. Later e 1 good work for a year or two as a trustee of the British Museum. He was a well-known classical scholar, editor and annotator, a Shakespeare critic, and the only eighteenth-century writer who on sound linguistic grounds was able to expose the Chatter- ton forgeries; he was indeed reputed to have a knowledge of nearly every European tongue. He seems to have been quiet and reserved, not strong in health, a born student; from his earliest years he loved books, ‘ for,’ as one writes who knew him, ‘ he never was a boy.’ He was quietly benevolent and generous to those less well off than himself, 1 and is reported to have given away as much as £2,000 in one year. He worked for sheer love of the work, indifferent to fame or recognition. The letter he writes on the occasion of the pirating of his Chaucer text by Bell (June 12, 1783) is indicative of his character. It is dignified and restrained, and not without a dry sense of humour. A friend had told him that m Bell’s edition of the English poets (1782-3) his text of the Canterbury Tales and his notes had just been annexed and printed. Tyrwhitt replies that it is true, but he finds he can do nothing, for as his book has not been entered at Stationers’ Hall he has no legal righ over it. ‘ But even if I had,’ he continues, ‘ would you advise ne to go to law for a property unattended by any profit . 1 See the letter from the Bishop of St. Davids in Nichol’s Literary Anecdotes, vol. ix, pp. 756-7. cxxii § 5. Tyrwhitt at work in the British Museum. A certain philosopher, when his gouty shoes were stolen, only wished that they might fit the thief as well as they fitted him- self ; and for my own part I shall be contented, if my book shall prove just as lucrative to Mr. Bell as it has been to me.’ Tyrwhitt got nothing for his work in money, and, until long i after his death, very little in fame or recognition. What led him to undertake the editing of the Canterbury Tales we do not ! know, but he was admirably fitted for the task ; he possessed I what was at that time a probably unique knowledge of the literature of the Middle Ages and of the English language of j the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and he had the finest literary taste combined with sound independent judgment and critical insight. Probably it was the desire to do this special piece of work which made him anxious to give up the Clerkship of the House of Commons, so that he might have all his time for j literary research. In 1771 and the following year we get a glimpse of him col- lating Chaucer texts at the British Museum. The Rev. Thomas Morell, the friend of Hogarth and Handel, a cheerful, musical and an improvident scholar, had himself designed an edition of the Canterbury Tales , and had, in 1737, actually published a modernization of the Prologue and Knight's Tale. Morell, like Tyrwhitt, found that editing Chaucer was not remunerative, but, on the contrary, rather expensive, and so he was obliged to put the remainder of his Chaucer work on one side. One day, however, in the summer of 1771, he writes to Mr. West, that he had happened to see in the Museum a 4 gentleman collating Chaucer.’ This reminded him of his work which had lain by him unfinished for forty years, £ which,’ he adds rather pathetically, 4 being unwilling to lose, I intend to continue ere long, some way to reassume the work, and hope to get the start of him, as there is one volume already printed.’ The 4 gentle- man ’ was undoubtedly Tyrwhitt, for Richard Gough, in writing to Mr. Tyson in the following January (1772), says that 4 Mr. Tyrwhitt (late Clerk of the House of Commons) applies himself totis viribus to Chaucer in the Museum, where is a copy of Urry’s edition, with infinite collations by Bishop Tanner. Mr. i b § 5. Great Chaucer Scholars at Home and Abroad, cxxiii , Tyrwhitt conceals his design from his most intimate friends ; but much is suspected and expected from his leisure and aPP Mo a r t en did not ‘ get the start ’ of the worker in the Museum, and the first four volumes of Tyrwhitt’s fine edition appeared a little more than three years later. There is no need to describe it here, it is generally acknowledged to be not only one of the best editions of a great English classic, but also the first to be done in the scholarly and conscientious way which is now thought necessary. . . , In the light of the immense advance m the knowledge ot our own language during the last fifty years, it is easy now to point out where .Tyrwhitt makes mistakes; but when we remember that in the eighteenth century practically nothing was known about Middle English, and that Tyrwhitt had to discover it all for himself, his book stands out as a monument of learning and critical acumen, and to it all subsequent editors of Chaucer owe an incalculable debt. It would be impossible here to mention all the Chaucer scholars of the nineteenth century, for the study of our first great poet has been taken up with enthusiasm, not only in England, but also in Germany and America, where such excellent work has been done by Lounsbury, Kittridge, Koch, Lowes, Tatlock, and many others. In France, also, of late years, interest has awakened in Chaucer, and a great impetus was given to the French study and appreciation of our first and most Gallic poet, by the admirable translation of the Canterbury Tales in 1908, to which all the best-known English scholars in France contributed, under the editorship of M. Emile Legouis. So much has been done, and so many and able have been the workers, that a book itself might be written on them and their labours. F. J. Child, ten Brink and Skeat are names that will be remem- bered as long as Chaucer is read ; but there is one figure which stands out above the rest, one name and personality which older Chaucer students of to-day will not easily forget. Dr. F. J. Furnivall, in 1868, from a sheer love of our early literature, founded the Chaucer Society, and, since then, not only carried cxxiv § 6. The change in literary taste and fashion. through herculean tasks himself, but stimulated, helped, advisedj and encouraged two whole generations of workers in this field. Somehow, one cannot help thinking that, of all the great| and distinguished men who have so freely given of their timei and labour to our old poet, no one of them would have been: more congenial to Chaucer himself, with no one would he have! talked more readily or laughed more heartily than with this latter-day ‘ Clerk of Cauntebrigge ’ ‘ that unto rowing hadde j longe y-go,’ 1 this happy octogenarian who almost to the end was young and vigorous, who loved the river and the green fields, and youth and good fellowship, and who . . . not for place or pay, But all for the fame of the English wrought in the English way. 2 § 6. The change and fluctuation of literary TASTE AND FASHION. In the foregoing notes we have pointed out how the mass . of critical material here printed illustrates and throws light on the change of attitude towards Chaucer himself throughout ' these five hundred years, the change to be discerned in an ever- ' shifting multitude of separate minds turned towards one fixed ; j central point. It is, however, impossible to survey a great ] body of critical opinion such as is to be found in the following ; pages, without certain problems connected with the philosophy of taste, and the doctrine of evolution generally, rising to one’s mind. It is not proposed seriously to investigate the prob- j lems, or to attempt any solution of them here, but it may ' be of interest perhaps just to indicate a few of them, such as ! those discussed in this and the three following sections. As we watch this vast company of writers passing 'before j Chaucer, and leaving on record their opinion of him, it is curious to reflect that the criticism Chaucer has received throughout j 1 See Skeat’s poem, ‘ In Honorem F. J. F. J (a.d. 1900), in An English Miscellany, Oxford, 1901, a quotation from which fitly closes our main series of allusions. 2 Gfeorge] S[aintsbury] to F, J, F., p. 1, ibid , cxxv § 6. Change of taste in a nation. these five centuries in reality forms a measurement of judgment not of him— but of his critics. Just as we trace the develop- ment of the mind of an individual by studying his opinions and works at different periods of his life, so it would seem that in looking at this ever-shifting procession of critics we can trace the development of the mind and spirit of the nation to which they belong We know that as individuals our taste changes and fluctuates from youth to age; the favourite authors of our youth are not, as a rule, the favourites of middle age, or if they are, we like them for other qualities, they make another appeal to us. Similarly, we can here watch the taste of a nation changing and fluctuating ; Chaucer is now liked for one quality, now for another, while at times different ideals and interests so predominate that he makes no appeal to it at all. Chaucer undoubtedly suffered from change in language quite as much as from change in taste, but even making due allowance for this there is no question that had the average men of letters and critics of the later seventeenth and earlier eighteenth cen- turies been able to read and scan his work with perfect ease, they would yet not have seen in him what is seen by the average literary reader of to-day. Cowley would probably still have had ‘ no taste of him,’ and Addison would have thought his • wit ’ out of date. They had different ideals before them , with which Chaucer did not fit in. It is for precisely this reason that we no longer have ‘ a taste of ’ Waller, who, to the later seventeenth century, was the most important figure in Englis letters We are so accustomed to this change of taste that we accept as a natural condition of evolution, as a necessary sign of growth, in nations as in individuals, this continual fluctuation, of which not the least curious quality is that, although we are intellectually conscious of its existence, we are as incapable of realizing it as we are of realizing that our physical bodies are composed of whirling and ever-changing atoms. We all of us, individually and collectively, at any given time, trained and guided as we are by the best thought of our age, are inclined to feel that the way we regard an author, a cxxvi § 6. Critical opinion on Shakespeare and Chaucer. classic, for instance, like Chaucer, is the truest and only possible way he can be regarded. We of to-day are sure that we appreci- ate to the full all his special qualities, and that his position in the history of our literature has been once and for all established, j It may be so, but the experience of the past does not confirm it. ' Cowley, Addison, Dr. Johnson, and a host of minor critics, i all probably felt exactly as we do ; they never doubted that their taste was true, their attitude the only sane one, and that Chaucer’s position, in spite of Dryden’s curious fancy for him, was quite certainly and definitely settled. To-day, with the record of the opinion of five centuries before us, we can see that the verdict of the most competent critic cannot be wholly trusted until Time has set his seal on it, and that much allowance must always be made, as Hazlitt would have said, ‘ for the wind,’ that is, for the prevailing bias of the age, the standards, ideals and fashions, change in which constitutes change in taste. Some further light may be thrown on the evolution of critical taste and method when we are able to compare over an appreciable space of time the critical attitude of a nation towards ' more than one great poet of its own race. This is only to-day beginning to be possible. If, for instance, we compare the ! movement of critical opinion and research on Shakespeare with that on Chaucer, it is clear that there is a certain similarity, which would appear to indicate the existence of a definite rhythm in the evolution of taste and critical method, as there \ is a rhythm in all life. The investigation in the future will be ] complicated by the fact that there will be two rhythms to i follow, (1) that of the development of the nation itself and of its l critical powers, and (2) that of the evolution of its attitude ' towards any one given poet. Owing, however, to the literary barrenness of the fifteenth century in England, the development of the first was not at the outset sufficiently rapid to make any great difference in the treatment of Chaucer and Shakespeare. Thus, in the case of each of these poets there is a period of early praise and personal appreciation, love for the man, with an unquestioned recognition of his position as a great artist. § 6. Shakespeare & Chaucer. Similarity m critical attitude, cxxvn This is followed by a more critical attitude, which, m Shake- speare’s case, for various fairly obvious reasons, comes about much sooner after his death than it does with Chaucer. Then follows, for both poets, a time of effort to make their rough and unpolished works more acceptable to modern taste; Shake- sperian revision and ‘improvement’ began as early as 166^ (when Davenant produced his blend of Measure for Measure and Much Ado), though it did not continue so late into the nineteenth century as is the case with Chaucer. At the same time it is in the eighteenth century that the gradual revival of real first-hand knowledge and appreciation of both poets began, critical and scholarly investigation was started, stupendous work on Shakespeare’s text was done y the great succession of eighteenth-century editors, and Tyrwhitt brought out his monumental edition of the Canterbury Tales. In the later period of ‘ romantic ’ criticism for both poets, which began at the end of the eighteenth century and went on all through the nineteenth century, we find in the case of Chaucer that this romantic, psychological and often ethica appreciation is followed and accompanied from the eighteen sixties onwards with very close textual work and specialised investigation of his language and versification. This closer and specialised investigation of Shakespeare has yet to come; it is, possibly, just beginning. It is in fact probable that investi- gators to-day, three hundred years after Shakespeare s deatn, may be about to do for his text something analogous to what Tyrwhitt, three hundred and seventy-five years after Chaucer s death, did for him when he disposed of the persistently erroneous view of his versification and proved that he was a far greater artist and a far more finished literary craftsman than had up to that time been suspected. It is not suggested that Shakespeare’s supreme technical skill has in modern times ever been in doubt, but he has been believed to be very careless, and the text of his plays to be very corrupt, and it has been taken for granted that the quarto editions were very carelessly printed and not to be trusted. Mr. Pollard, Mr. Dover Wilson and other workers are to-day cxxviii § 6 . Shakespeare and Chaucer. Parallels in qualities. taking us back, not only to close investigation of Elizabethan book-production and of the Quartos in particular, but also in part to the reconstruction of Shakespeare’s manuscript, and as a result they show us that passages which to modern eyes appear corrupt and ungrammatical in punctuation are in reality most delicately and sensitively pointed as an indication of how they are to be said, and that lines written by some one apparently devoid of the most elementary sense of rhythm, can, in the light of the study of contemporary manuscripts, be easily accounted for and reconstructed. In addition to this dawning likeness in what might be called critical approach, there are other parallels in the works and qualities of both poets most appreciated at certain times. Such, for instance, is the early preference for the love poems, Chaucer’s Troilus , and in Shakespeare’s case the Venus and Adonis and Romeo and Juliet ( see The Shakespere Allusion book, vol. i, p. xxiii, vol. ii, p. 540). It is clear that the works of a poet most prized by contemporaries or immediate successors are by no means those which later generations will put first. A striking illustration of this is the lack of contemporary appreciation of Antony and Cleopatra, which to-day most lovers of Shakespeare would place among the very greatest and most poetical of his plays. There is a noticeable absence of the borrowing of phrases from it by other authors, and up to 1700 only fifteen references to it have been found compared with ninety-five to Hamlet, eighty to Falstaff and sixty-one each to Romeo and Juliet and Venus and Adonis. Indeed, as Mr. Munro suggests ( Shakespere Allusions, vol. i, p. xxiv), the cause of the neglect of Antony may be the secret of the Elizabethan attitude towards Shakespeare the dramatist, and may show us better than anything else the qualities they most prized and those they ignored. In the same way, as we have seen (p. lxxvii above), it is not until after 1750 that the Canterbury Tales takes the first place among Chaucer’s works. It is clear then that taste does change, but if we ask what it is that causes it to change, there is no satisfactory answer to be given. § 6. Possible increase in capacity to appreciate Chaucer . cxxix There are certain influences, foreign literatures, canons of criticism, indicated in every history of the subject, which we can plainly see do much to bring about this change. But all these ‘ causes ’ only push the question one step further back. These influences, taken singly or together, do not explain why taste is in a state of continual flux and changes with each generation. This flux is as mysterious as life itself , it is in truth the fundamental characteristic of life, and it is because taste is a living thing, because it is the capacity for discernment of what is good, that it must inevitably change. Granting this, then, we see that in Chaucer s case the change in critical attitude accounts for much. We no longer have a definite body of poetic rules and ideals to which all poets, how- ever alien in kind, must conform or be condemned ; and that class of criticism is extinct, which is so admirably exemplified in Miss Jenkyns’s remark on the author of the Pickwick Papers, ‘ Doubtless, a young man, who might do very well if he would take Dr. Johnson for a model.’ Our demands are different and our tests are different. To- day we prize Chaucer above all because he is a great artist, we delight in his simplicity, his freshness, his humanity, his humour, but it is possible that these may not be the only or even the principal reasons why he is liked three hundred years hence. If, as would seem to be the case, the common conscious- ness of a people becomes enriched with time and experience, enabling them to see ever more and more in the work of a great poet, the lovers of Chaucer three centuries hence will be capable of seeing more in him and will be able to come actually nearer to him than can those who love him to-day. Three directions may be indicated in which this enrichment of consciousness is here seen. They are all exactly parallel with what takes place in the growth and development of the individual personality. The first is the development of self- consciousness, of the art of criticism itself; the second is the development of a new sense, and the third is intellectual development, as seen in accuracy and trained scholarship. CHAUCER CRITICISM. cxxx § 7. Gradual change in the conception of criticism. § 7. The birth and growth of criticism as an art. We know that in nations, as in individuals, the critical faculty develops late, for criticism is a self-conscious art, and cannot exist in the intellectual childhood of a race. England, as compared with France and Italy, was backward in this art, for the northern races mature less quickly, and it is only neces- j sary to cast a glance over the tributes to Chaucer during the > first 150 years after his death, to realize why England was late I in producing criticism. Chaucer is praised mainly for two j reasons, because he settled or established the language, and because he was our first, and by far our greatest poet. We | lacked, until later than either France or Italy, a single form of standard speech, and, with one exception, we also lacked j good writers. Thus no criticism was for us possible tmtil j the pre-eminence of Chaucer’s work had helped to establish I the dialect of London as the standard English speech, and ! until we possessed a certain body of literary work, both in prose and verse, which could be analyzed, commented on and j compared. We have here under our hand, and can easily trace as we J turn over the pages, the gradual change in the conception of criticism. It begins with bare classification of the external and obvious, and the analysis of form, or, it is concerned only with the ethics of the matter : next it searches for the establishment of an outside fixed standard, by the degree of conformity to j which it judges a work, and it delights in the manufacture of , receipts for poetry. With Dryden comes the dawn of the j conception of organic life and growth in matters literary — £ for J we have our Lineal Descents and Clans, as well as other Families ’ — in the eighteenth century the reaction to the judg- ment by fixed standard, and finally the gradual realization that aesthetic is not fixed, but relative, varying from age to age, and from country to country, and that criticism, even as poetry, is a creative art, whose true function lies in interpretation, in painting to the intellect what already c lies painted to the heart § 7. The slow growth of critical power. cxxxi and imagination.’ 1 From this point of view the remarks on Chaucer by Ascham (1544), Gascoigne (1575), Nash (1592), Waller (1668), Dryden (1700), Johnson (1755), Warton (1774), Blake (1809), and Hazlitt (1817-18) would in themselves, if rightly read, form a short illustrated History of English Criticism. Besides the new idea of the function of criticism and the change in the standard in critical judgment, we find here what is really a rather startling illustration of the curiously slow growth of any sort of critical power in the modern sense of the word. If we examine the comments on Chaucer which have any pretension to be called literary or aesthetic criticism (see list, p. xc above), we see that up to the middle of the sixteenth century they consist purely of praise of a very simple and vague kind, the vagueness and general nature of the remarks being their most striking feature. Elizabethan criticism is either a very elementary analysis of Chaucer’s metre and language, or a tribute of admiration, or a defence of the poet against certain shortcomings with which he is charged. The sixteenth- century criticisms are good illustrations of how completely literature was treated as an external phenomenon; the work was tested 4 in vacuo,’ 2 * the critic was concerned with its unity, regularity, harmony and so on, but never with its relation to the mind that created it, or to the age in which it was written. Of the change in this respect which gradually took place in the seventeenth century, we cannot here judge, for of seventeenth- century Chaucerian criticism there is practically none, until in the last year of the century, quite suddenly, and as it were without any preparation, we find the first aesthetic criticism of his work, which is in many respects the finest, sanest and most illuminating essay ever written concerning Chaucer’s merits and position as a poet. 1 Carlyle, ‘ State of German Literature,’ 1827, Miscellaneous Essays, 1899, vol. i, p. 61. 2 See Professor Spingarn in Introduction to Critical Essays of the Ylth Century, 1908, vol. i, pp. xxvii-viii. cxxxii § 7. Introduction of comparative and historical criticism. Nothing more astonishingly brings out Dryden’s greatness i as a critic, his freedom, breadth, acuteness, courage, and extraordinary independence of view, than does his treatment of Chaucer. Not only is he the first writer to give us real criticism in the modern sense of the word, but in an age which despised Chaucer, and frankly looked upon him as barbarous and obsolete, 1 Dryden calmly compares him with Ovid, and maintains that the English poet is the more classical of the two. I In this surprising and ever refreshing piece of criticism, Dryden ! makes use, for the first time as applied to Chaucer, of the com- j parative and historical methods, both of which were new in j English criticism. Before this time the mention of a date or of the fact that Chaucer is our first poet is the only evidence that a j rudimentary historical sense ^ existed. There is no attempt I really to compare one writer with another, unless the simile ‘ our English Homer ’ is to be described as such. Dryden also shows the way to the study of poetry by definite illustration, quotation and comparison. This method was practically J unknown in England until Bymer wrote his preface to Rapin in 1674, before which date, as has been pointed out, 2 * scarcely • a line of English verse had been quoted for the purpose of critical analysis or discussion.’ Unfortunately, Rymer in discussing ; the heroic poets of England, passes Chaucer over, because in his time the English language was ‘ not capable of any Heroick character.’ After Dryden, criticism as an art stood still for more than a hundred years, or, indeed, it may more accurately be said to have ] gone back. This is well illustrated by the Chaucer criticism of the eighteenth century. George Sewell, in 1720, shows acute- ness in his remarks, putting his finger on the weak points in 1 contemporary Chaucer criticism, and he gives two concrete 1 The general and most lenient attitude towards Chaucer at this time is well represented by Edward Phillips (1675), who says that Chaucer ‘ through all the neglect of former ag’d Poets still keeps a name, being j by some few admir’d for his real worth, to others not unpleasing for his facetious way, which joyn’d with his old English intertains them with a kind of Drollery.’ 2 Introduction to Critical Essays of the 17 th Century, ed. Spingam, vol. i, p. Ixv. j §7. Eighteenth-century criticism. cxxxm illustrations of the statement he makes as to Dryden’s debt to Chaucer. George Ogle (1739) also uses concrete illustrations, and attempts some comparison of qualities with the classical poets. Apart from these, which only stand out because other criticisms are so inadequate, there is nothing of real critical worth about Chaucer until we come to the revival in the third quarter of the century, which shows itself so strongly m the love for the literature of the past. Thomas Warton, first in his observations on Spenser (1754 and 1762), and later and more fully in his History of English Poetry (1774-78); Gray, in his notes on Chaucerian metre (1760-1), and Tyrwhitt, in his edition of the Canterbury Tales (1775), mark a new departure in interpretative, philological and metrical criticism. Warton is followed by Scott, Blake, Coleridge, Hazlitt, and the early nineteenth-century reviewers, but it was to be nearly ninety years before any worthy successor of Tyrwhitt again applied himself to the text of Chaucer. It is a fact worth noting, that the earliest literary critic, and the earliest philologist in England (in the modern sense of the terms), were alike in their love for Chaucer, and each of them has left as a monument to him, a work which was not even approached in merit for a century after its appearance. In addition to the evolution in taste, in critical standard, and critical faculty, we would seem also to have evolved new senses. An obvious instance of this is the feeling for nature, the development of which is so recent a feature of our literature. Why should this sense, more especially the appreciation of wild scenery, have lain practically dormant until the third quarter of the eighteenth century ? Why should mountains and moors until then have been found 4 sad,’ 4 frightful and horrid ? 1 ‘ Who can like the Highlands? 5 replied Dr. Johnson to an incautious inquiry from a Southerner as to how he had liked the 1 See a letter from Mason to Walpole, 1773, Walpole s Letters, ed. Cunningham, vol. v, p. 501, note, or Life of John Buncle, by Thomas Amory, 1756, vol. i, p. 291; ii, p. 97, or Hutchinson’s Excursion to the Lakes , 1773, pp. 11, 17. § 8. The evolution of new senses. cxxxiv § 8. The Evolution of new senses. North. An Englishman, describing in 1740 the beautiful road which runs along the south-eastern shore of Loch Ness, calls the rugged mountains ‘ those hideous productions of nature ’ ; 1 the poet Gray, when crossing Perthshire early in September (1765), when the heather must have been a blaze of purple, describes it as a weird and dismal heath, fit for an assembly of witches ’ ; 2 and a little later (1775) we find the citizens of Edinburgh being urged to plant trees near the town so as to purify the air 4 and dispel those putrid and noxious vapours which are frequently wafted from the Highlands.’ 3 Twenty-three years later Words- worth and Coleridge were writing the Lyrical Ballads. A similar problem as regards the evolution of a sense meets us in respect of the subtle and well-nigh indefinable quality, which we now call humour. This faculty, which surely must be distinctively human, for the animals have it not, and the gods perchance transcend it, 4 this consciousness of human life in relation to its eternal environment, this quick recognition of incongruity and contrast seen in the light of a larger wisdom ; this power of inverting the relative values of things both small and great, because of an instinct that from some point outside they would be seen to be neither small nor great, but only deeply significant — this is a quality which, in its literary expression, is peculiarly English. Wit we cede to France, and philosophy to Germany, but in humour we stand supreme. It is an interesting, although an obviously natural fact that seriousness and humour constantly go together; it is the most serious nations in Europe — England and Spain — who have on the whole been the most humorous. For humour implies belief, deep feeling, tenderness; and the dissonances of life 1 Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland, London, 1754, vol. ii, p. 339. 2 Gray’s Works, ed. Gosse, vol. iii, p. 214. 3 Topham’s Letters from Edinburgh, 1776, pp. 231, 233. A sense of humour is dependent on a condition of partial knowledge. Complete knowledge or complete ignorance are fatal to it. A Mrs. Gamp is not humorous to a Betsy Prig, for both are on the same level. Neither could be humorous to a Power, who knows everything and can be surprised at nothing and to whom no one thing is more incongruous than another.’— W. H. Mallock. cxxxv § 8. The earlier meaning of ‘ Humour .’ stand out more apparent to eyes which have been used to look on man’s mortality.’ 1 . That the quality of humour existed in full measure in fourteenth-century England we know by reading Chaucers Prologue, but we are forced to ask whether it was less common than now, only to be found here and there among men of genius If it was as general and as well recognised as it is to-day by what name was it called? The faculty, it would seem is of late growth, in the race as in the individual, savages and children possess it very slightly and in a very elementary form. Possibly it is only yet in the germ. One thing is certain that in Chaucer’s time, and for long after, it was not called < humour,’ for it is evident that no glimmering of the modern meaning of that word was known until the very end of the seventeenth century. It is perhaps the most important of a number of words-such as ‘ wit,’ ‘ fancy,’ ‘ taste ’-which have so extended their meaning as to be new creations. These all came into being in their literary sense, as qualities of the mind, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and brought about practically a new terminology in criticism. ‘ Humour,’ which is literally ‘ moisture,’ was first used in mediaeval physiology as a term for one of the chief fluids of the body (blood, phlegm, choler and melancholy), 2 and so by extension in the later sixteenth century in England it came to mean the special singularity of disposition or character which distinguishes a man from his fellows. Shakespeare employs it in this sense, while Ben Jonson’s use of it is characteristic. 3 1 See The Evolution of Humour, by S. J. Butcher, in Harper’s Magazine, May 1890, vol. 80, p. 906: also The Humorous m Literature , by J. a. Shorthous’e, in Literary Remains, 1905, vol. ii, pp. 248-280. 2 So used by Chaucer, for example, in the Nonne Preestes Tale, 11. 4113-4128. 3 Thus, in the Induction to Every Man out of his Humour . after explaining the medical notion of a humour, continues— ‘ It may by metaphor apply itself Unto the general disposition : As when some one peculiar quality Doth so possess a man, that it doth draw All his effects, his spirits, and his powers, In their conductions, all to run one way^ This may be truly said to be a Humour.’ Jonson, cxxxvi § 8. Humour a specially English Quality. Dryden, when expounding humour in his Essay of Dramatic l Poesy (1668), does not seem conscious of any but the Jonsonian meaning, but there is no doubt that Shaftesbury, in his Essay on The Freedom of Wit and Humour (1709), gave it another inter- ji pretation, and looked upon it as an alternative to Wit. The f fresh extension of meaning, from humours meaning singular 'i traits of character, to humour a special and subtle quality of mind, seems to have taken place somewhere between these two I dates. Sir William Temple, in his Essay of Poetry (1692), certainly , has something of the modern signification in his mind when he ) speaks of ‘ a vein, natural, perhaps to our country, and which with us is called humour— a word peculiar to our language too, and hard to be expressed in another; nor is it, that I know of, found in any foreign writers, unless it be Moliere. i Shakespeare was the first that opened this vein upon our stage.’ ^ Congreve, in his letter to Dennis (1695), 1 and the Swiss, Beat de Muralt, who visited England at the end of the seventeenth century, both speak of it as a universally ' recognized quality possessed by the English. ‘ They have what they call Humour, and pretend ’tis all their own it seems they mean by it a certain Fruitfulness of Imagina- tion, which for the most part tends to overthrow the Ideas of things, turning Virtue into Ridicule, and making Vice agreeable.’ 2 Whether Temple were responsible for the belief or no, it is j certain that not only English but also French writers of the \ eighteenth century generally spoke of £ humour ’ as something \ specially English, bo^h as regards the quality and the word f t i i^ e V*L f ^^r Congreve to - Dennis ’ Concerning Humour in Comedy, duly iu, 1695 [in] Letters upon several occasions, published by Mr. Dennis, London, 1696, pp. 80-96. Congreve gives the Jonsonian meaning to umour, with a slight indication of the wider extension in the use of the adjective humorously. ’ 2 Letters describing the character and customs of the English and French, by Beat de Muralt (Eng. Trans., 1726), p. 28. § 8. The English claim to ‘ humour ’ disputed. cxxxvn denoting it. 1 2 This claim was disputed by some writers ; thus Swift, while agreeing with Temple that the word was peculiar to English, points out that the quality is to be found m other nations, and cites Cervantes in proof of this.* Voltaire goes a step further and maintains that neither the quality nor the word was the exclusive possession of English literature. 3 Addison, as early as 1711, points out very clearly 4 the difference between True and False Humour, and shows that a great deal was called ‘ humorous ’ which did not deserve the name. Indeed there was much uncertainty in the use of the term throughout the eighteenth century, and even later. There is no question that although by some (e.g. Addison and Swift) the greatness of humour was recognized, yet in many minds the meaning of the word was degraded, and it was connected to some extent with ‘ buffoonery ’ or ‘ facetiousness,’ and even with holding up something or some one as an object of ridicule. This was 1 See Idee de la Po'esie Anglaise, by Abb6 Yart, Paris, 1740, i, PP- 195 and 214 • also Pensees et fragments inedits de Montesquieu, Bordeaux, 1901 ii’pp 8, 14-16; also Nouvelles Litteraires, dec., France f VAngleter™, Lettre xxii, 1752, pp. 2 3; and as late as i 1800 Madame de StaeFs De la Litterature, chap, xiv, De la Plaisantene ^n^tee For the whole subject of the development of humour see an article by Benedetto Croce in the Journal of Comparative LUerature, N. York Jf"; also Etudes dihistoire litteraire, par F. Baldensperger Pans > 19( ”’ PP: 176-227; Moliere et Shakespeare, par ?au * Stepfer, Paris 1887 ch. and vii; and Critical Essays of the 11th Century, ed. J. E. Spmgam, Oxford, 1908, Introduction, pp. ix-lxiii. 2 The Intelligencer, 1698, No. 3. . , 3 Letter to the Abbe d’Olivet, Aug. 20, 1761, CEuvres de Volteire^d Moland, Paris, 1883, xli, 405. ‘ Ils [les Anglais] ont un terme pou signifier cette plaisanterie, ce vrai comique, cette gaiete, cette urbani^ ces saillies qui echappent a un homme sans qu il s en doute . ^ ils rendent cette idee par le mot humeur, humour, qu ils prononcent yurmr et ils croient qu’ils ont seuls cette humeur; que es autres na \ 10 “ 3 f de terme pour exprimer ce caractere d esprit. Cependan . di j e mot de notre langue, employe en ce sens dans plusieurs ■ Tooted Corneille ’ A passage illustrating Corneille s use of humeur is quoted by Sn in Recreations Philologiques, i, p. 213-6, {Suite dn Menteur (1643), III, i), but the meaning there seems to be original, ecc ® ntr1 ^ ‘something of a character,’ rather than our modern sense o £ the term. See Corneille’s Lexique ; ‘humeur,’ and note. Voltaire s defimtio ‘ esprit ’ (wit) in his Dictionnaire philosophique is worth noting, as it ; seems to include certain qualities which we consider essentially characteristic ot * humour.’ 4 The Spectator , No. 35, April 10, 1711. cxxxviii § 8. Evolution of the meaning of 4 Humour .’ obviously the meaning which Goldsmith had in his mind when he deliberately placed humour below wit; 1 while as late as 1805, Sydney Smith evidently takes it to mean little more than agreeable raillery and facetious remark.’ 2 It is not until nearly fifty years later (1851) that we find Thackeray giving a definition of the term that satisfies the modern mind. 3 4 There can be no question, then, that although the quality itself is to be found as far back as Chaucer, the people as a whole possessed it only in an elementary and gross form, and were far less susceptible to it than they are to-day. 4 Nothing,’ says Goethe, 4 is more significant of men’s character than what they find laughable.’ George Eliot, in quoting this remark, observes that it would perhaps have been more accurate to say culture instead of character.’ 4 It is most certain that, as men evolve, as they grow in refinement, in quickness and delicacy of perception, in sensitiveness and in sympathy, their conception of what is humorous must grow proportionately. It is only necessary to stray a little in the by-paths, more especially of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century literature, to realize that in no one quality of mind is the growth of the race more marked and apparent than in this conception. We may briefly illustrate this point by the history of Chaucer criticism. In Chaucer we have a poet whose distinguishing quality of mind is a subtle, shifting, delicate and all-pervading humour, to which full justice has not perhaps even yet been done 5 ; yet through all these years of critical remark there is until the eighteenth century no reference to the quality as we know it, Wit raises human nature above its level ; humour acts a contrary part and equally depresses it. To expect exalted humour is a contra- diction in terms . when a thing is humorously described . . we compare the absurdity of the character represented with our own, and triumph m our own conscious superiority.’ An Enquiry into the Present State o t Polite Learning in Europe, 1759, pp. 155, 156. 2 Elementary Sketches of Moral Philosophy, by Sydney Smith, 1854 Lecture xi, p. 144. ' J C I ^ °P en * n & paragraphs of The English Humourists of the 1 8th 4 German Wit, Heinrich Heine, Westminster Review, 1856. See the excellent remarks on this by Prof. Saintsbury in the Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. ii, 1908, chap. vii. CXXX1X § 8. Chaucer's humour is unrecognized. which he so amply possessed. There is a certain recognition among some earlier writers of his 4 pleasant vayne and wit, and his 4 delightsome mirth ’ (see p. xcvii above), by which is probably meant his relish of a good story, his sly sense of fun, and the general atmosphere of good-humour which pervades his work, but there is no hint of appreciation of that deeper and more delicate quality alone deserving the name of ‘ humour,’ which is insight, sympathy and tender seriousness, all brought into play upon the ever-present sense of the incon- gruous, and of the inconsistent in character and life. Of all this, as far as we can judge, they are unconscious. The first mention we find of the word 4 humour ’ as applied to Chaucer is in some verses by John Gay in 1712, where he speaks of Prior entertaining the admiring reader with 4 Chaucer s Humour ’ ; but we cannot be certain of the exact meaning here attached to the word, although if we may judge from the coarse and vulgar comedy which Gay in some sense founded on the Canterbury pilgrims, what he was most aware of in Chaucer was facetiousness, jokes and general jollity. In 1715 John Hughes clearly employs the word in the older Jonsonian sense of the predominating characteristic, but it would seem as if Pope, in 1728, when censuring Addison, was using the word with some approach to its modern meaning. So, surely, was Elizabeth Cooper (1737), when she says that Chaucer 4 blended the acutest Raillery, with the most insinuating Humour.’ It is Thomas Warton who, in 1754, first uses the term in what we can be quite sure is something near the modern sense ; moreover he lays considerable emphasis on the fact that Chaucer was the first English writer to possess it. After Warton, the idea began very gradually to creep in that a sense of humour was one of the qualities of the poet. Bishop Percy (1765), in his remarks on Sir Thopas, and Charles Burney (1782), who speaks of Chaucer’s 4 wit and humour,’ are cases in point. 1 It is not, however, until well on in the nineteenth century, not indeed until Leigh Hunt wrote on it in 1846, that Chaucer s humour seems to have met with any adequate recognition. 1 It is worth noting that although Gray seems to use the word in its modem sense in speaking of Lydgate, he does not apply it at all to Chaucer (see 1766-1, Gray). cxl § 9. Change in standard of accuracy and scholarship. § 9. The evolution of scholarship and accuracy in LITEEAEY MATTEES. The development along this line is here more conspicuous than perhaps anything else. It is so obvious that it is only necessary to give one or two illustrations in point. Consider, for instance, the history of Chaucer biography. The fertility of invention, the touching and unquestioning faith in the printed I' word, the unhesitating belief of later biographers in all the utterances of their predecessors, and the extraordinary blindness b to contradiction and inaccuracy in statements of fact, these are ■ characteristics which undergo little change up to the eighteenth century. Thus we know that Leland was as an antiquary • quite justly much revered both by his contemporaries and succeeding generations, and the main body of his work was i for full three hundred years accepted as authoritative. Much of his historical and topographical work was certainly most j valuable, and proves him to have been painstaking and j laborious, and he appears to have set before himself the I very highest ideals as to research and accuracy; 1 indeed his name became almost synonymous with a passionate love of truth. 2 Yet his life of Chaucer, which we have already examined, shows gross ignorance, carelessness and inaccuracy ; statements aie authoritatively made without any hesitation, which we i know now could not have had any foundation in fact. We can understand that owing to scarcity of books and j libraries, and difficulties of access to public records, it was not t m ^? e .-belaud s New Year’s Gift,’ in The Itinerary of John Leland, ed. -L. Toulmin Smith, 1907, vol. i, pp. xxxviii— xli. 2 i Ba ]e, refers to this in his 1 Kynge Johan 1 (ed. J. P. Collier, Camden Society 1838, 11. 2163-4), written probably when Leland was insane, when Virgil eS Verity Say ’ °PP osin g a supposed lie of the Romanist, Polydore Yes ! therefore, Leylonde, out of thy slumbre awake, And wytnesse a trewthe for thyne owne contrayes sake/ § 9. The inaccuracy of Leland and others . cxli easily within the power even of scholars to verify their facts, and it does not surprise us to find that so careful a critic as Dryden takes on trust all the assertions of earlier biographers, or accepts unquestioningly Chaucer’s authorship of the Plow- man’s Tale and even confuses it with the Vision of Piers Plow- man, until lately thought to be by Langland. What remains a puzzle is the apparent lack of perception of obvious errors and inconsistencies within these narratives themselves. For instance Leland represents Chaucer as highly esteemed by Henry IV and his son (Henry V), and yet, although the generally accepted date for Chaucer’s death was 1400, Tyrwhitt is, so far as we know, the first writer to point out that Leland evidently con- sidered Chaucer as living at least 20 years later than he really did. Far from noticing this blunder, succeeding historians only made it more definite, and we find Giles Jacob in 1720, m his Lives of the English Poets, stating that Chaucer was Poet Laureate in the reigns of Henry IV and Henry V, and that he died in 1400. The fact that the reigns of these two kings extend from 1399-1422 seems to escape the notice, not only of the writer of these 1 Lives,’ but also of his readers. Another point well illustrated here is the slender equipment thought necessary by the best authorities for the editing of a great classic. We know that as late as the eighteenth century men of letters, though as a rule possessed of wide general knowledge and interests, entirely lacked the training and specialization in any one branch of study which to-day seems so essential. They attempted, and carried through single-handed, tasks, such as Gibbon’s History and Johnson’s Dictionary, which to-day would afford life-long employment to a small army of specialists. Plenty of courage and a Scottish extraction, although good qualifications in their way, would not to a modern Dean of Christ Church seem sufficient grounds upon which to persuade a man to undertake a critical edition of Chaucer. Yet Dr. Atterbury appears to have urged this task on John Urry mainly for these two reasons. As we know, Dr. Johnson him- self seriously contemplated editing Chaucer with full critical cxlii § 9. Lack of critical scholarship in the 18th century. apparatus of notes and linguistic remarks, and although better equipped than Urry, his qualifications for the task were not striking. The fact is that critical scholarship and minute and searching investigation were at this time practically un- known, and therefore were not regarded as necessary. Gold- smith, in addition to his imaginative work, produced with equal ease and confidence histories of England, of Rome of Greece, and of the Earth and Animated Nature ; and Johnson when writing his ‘ Lives,’ could not be troubled to make many researches or to do much reading for the purpose, 1 preferring to trust to his sound common-sense and wide general knowledge. I his lack of thoroughness and scholarly accuracy may be forgiven m Johnson or Goldsmith, and the more easily when we realize the general lowness of standard in this respect which is so marked in the work of the smaller writers and commentators m connection with Chaucer criticism until the middle of the nineteenth century. A study of these brings home to us what strides ordinary scholarship has made during the last hundred years, and how changed are our ideals and requirements in this connection. The modernizations of Chaucer in 1841 have already been cited as a good illustration of this (see p. lix above); we will add only one more. In 1795 the Rev. William 'i Lipscomb, a scholar of Corpus Christi, who had carried off a Chancellor s prize at Oxford, was private tutor and chaplain to the Duke of Cleveland, and a constant contributor to the Gentleman’s Magazine , published a complete modernization of the Canterbury Tales ; in the preface he states that the Life of i Chaucer he reprints is ‘ taken from the valuable edition of his ' original works published by Mr. Tyrwhitt.’ Not only is the ‘Life’ which Lipscomb prints taken wholesale from the Biographia Bntanmca for 1747, but remarks in it are diametrically opposed m important particulars (as regards language, etc.) 1 For instance, in writing of Congreve, Johnson says ‘ Of his nlavi passed °butwL? 1StmCtly ? ■ f ° r SinCG 1 ins P ected them miny years have passed, but what remains in my memory is ’ ^ - tollows. A nineteenth -century writer ~ Johnson, would have re-read the plays. is even ***v»iij j vu/ac ua v and a critical account of the same eminence as cxliii § 9. Dante and Chaucer through the centuries. to what Tyrwhitt says in his essay. 1 But this is not all. Lipscomb, who apparently much admired Chaucer, had under- taken to reprint all existing modernizations of the Tales, and to supply omissions by his own renderings. One would there- fore not unnaturally assume that before publication he would make himself familiar with the literature of the subject. He does not, however, thus trammel himself. He reprints the versions of Ogle, Betterton, Dryden, Pope, Brooke, Markland, Grosvenor and Boyse, which appear in Ogle’s edition of 1741, but he supplies his own version of the Nun’s Priest’s Tale, for, as he tells us in a naive Postscript, 2 he did not know, until the book was finished, of the existence of a version by Dryden. Comment is superfluous, except to add that Lipscomb got some excellent reviews. Our material has been considered from various points of view, and these notes must now end. Each reader will, how- ever, find other aspects from which it may be regarded, and other problems upon which it may possibly throw a ray of light. The collection itself must in one sense remain unique. Of no other great English poet will it be possible, for a century and a half to come, to collect a continuous record of the critical opinion of his countrymen during five hundred years. Indeed there is only one other European poet,— greater even than Chaucer— the fluctuations of whose fame can be followed during these special centuries, which bridge over the time of transition from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, and from the Renaissance to the modern world. Dante and Chaucer,— seer and humanist— could the body of opinion on these two poets throughout the centuries be 1 Tyrwhitt wrote no ‘ life ’ of Chaucer, only an ‘ abstract of historical passages.’ 2 ‘ I have barely time here, the Tales being already almost all printed off, to apologize to the Reader for having inserted my own translation of the Nun’s Priest’s Tale, instead of that of Dryden : but the fact was, I did not know that Dryden’s version existed ; . . . having never till very lately, strange as it may seem, seen the volume of Dryden’s Fables, in which it may be found.’ Postscript, vol. i, p. xi. cxliv § 9. The Prophecy of Spenser is fulfilled. studied together, it would light up a good deal of literary history. In many ways, as is natural, there is resemblance between their fortunes, although the Englishman never en- countered anything like the discredit and even abuse which in the eighteenth century fell to Dante’s lot. 1 Now, however, each poet rests secure in his appointed niche in the great ‘ Hous of Fame,’ and the history of their reputation seems but a fulfilment of the half bitter, half triumphant words of Spenser : For deeds doe die, how ever noblie donne, And thoughts of men do as themselves decay ; But wise wordes, taught in numbers for to runne, Becorded by the Muses, live for ay ; Ne may with storming showers be washt away, Ne bitter-breathing windes with harmfull blast, Nor age, nor envie, shall them ever wast. S 1 e remarks on Dante by Lord Chesterfield, who writes to his son that the poet is not worth the pains necessary to understand him- Goldsmith, who regards him ns lif+G « 1 — 1 • „ _i ^ Goldsmith, who regards him as little better than a barbarian, who owed most of his reputation to the obscurity of the times in which he lived * - Horace Walpole, who characterizes him as ‘extravagant, absurd dis- gusting in short, a Methodist parson in Bedlam ’ ; Thomas Warton’ who is shocked by his ‘ disgusting fooleries ’ ; and above all Voltaire ’ who scarce can find words to express his contempt. For all these, and the whole question of Dante criticism in England, see Dante in Enqlish Literature from Chaucer to Cary, by Dr. Paget Toynbee, 1909. Cljauccr Jwtictg. Second Series, 56. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON docteur de l’universite DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INDEX LONDON : PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE, WARWICK SQUARE, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, and by KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TROBNER & CO., Ltd., 39 NEW OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF CHAUCER CRITICISM AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) BY CAROLINE F. E. SPURGEON DOCTEUR DE l’uNIVERSITE DE PARIS HON. LITT.D. MICHIGAN PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INDEX LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE, WARWICK SQUARE, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, and by KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TROBNER & CO., Ltd., 39 NEW OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1. Swonir S $zxm, No. 56. Printed in Great Britain bv Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, BUNQAT, SUFFOLK. INDEX The references are to the parts as originally issued by the Chaucer Society. The following table shews their relation to the volumes of the Cambridge re-issue : — Chaucer Society. Cambridge. Part I Vol. I. Part II Part III .../ - Vol. II. Part IV Part V ...) .../ - Vol. III. Part VI (Introduction) . . . Vol. I. In the index, in contradistinction from the text, modern spellings of book titles have been adopted where possible. Abbess, the Prioress ; so called in error. See Prioress. A.B.C. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works . — (g.) 1.] A Beckett, G. A., The Canterbury Pilgrims (opera), 1884, iii. 135. Adam, B., Lennce Redeviva (1676?), claims C. as a native of Lynn, i. 252. Adam Scrivener. See- Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (g.) 2.] Adams, J., The Pronunciation of the English Language , 1799, i. 501. Addison, J., An Account of the Greatest English Poets, 1694, his condemna- tion of C. in, introd. xxx, i. 266. — • — Spectator, No. 73, 1711, i. 314. Adolphus, J. L., Memoranda, 1827, ii. 164-5. Aikin, -J., General Biography (Chaucer), 1801, ii. 1; (Gower), 1803, ii. 6. Letters to a Young Jjady, 1804, ii. 14. Akenside, M., For a Statue of Chaucer at Woodstock, in Dodsley {a. 1758), i. 413. Alcseus, ps., letter in Gentleman’s Magazine, Aug. 1740, i. 386-7. Alchemy. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 15. Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale.] Alcilia. See C., J. Aldgate, the dwelling above, leased to C., 1374, i. 3 ; to Richard Forster, 1386, i. 8; the lease discovered by H. T Riley, 1859, iii. 51. Allen, T., The History and Anti- quities of London, 1828, ii. 168. Allgemeines Historisches Lexicon, 1709, 1730, v. 132. Alliteration, the mark of Northern poets in C.’s time (Sir W. Scott, 1804, 1814), ii. 19, 65. Allusions, classified, introd. Ixxiii sqq. ; collected by Sir T. P. Blount, 1690, i. 262 ; F. J. Furnivall calls for an editor of, 1888, iii. 138. Alves, R., Sketches of a History of Literature, 1794, i. 495. Amadis de Gaul, review of Southey and Rose’s, 1803, ii. 13. Amatory Poetry, selected from Chaucer, Lidgate, etc., 1737, i. 378. Ames, J., MS. notes and letter, 19 Aug. 1741, i. 389. Typographical Antiquities, 1749, i. 398-9 ; ed. by Herbert, 1785-90, i. 477-8, 483, 491 ; by Dibdin, 1810- 19, ii. 49, 58, 81, 114. Ampere, J. J., Histoire de la litterature frangaise an moyen age, 1841, v. 54. Melanges d’histoire litteraire, 1867, v. 82. Ancient Songs, ed. by Ritson, 1790, i. 491. Ancient State of the Jews in England (in Ijondon Magazine), 1820, ii. 128-9. Anderson, R., his Poets of Great Britain, preface to, 1795, i. 496, ed. of C., with Life, in, 1793, i. 494. Andrews, J. P., letter on Donnington, 1759, i. 475-6. Anelida and Arcite. See Chaucer, G. j [vm. Works . — (g.) 3.] CHAUCER CRITICISM B 2 Index. Angelo, H., Reminiscences, 1828, ii. 168. Anglia, 1878, etc., v. 149 ; Beiblatt zur, 1890, etc., v. 151. Anglorum Speculum, by G. S., 1684, i. 257. Anne, of Bohemia, patroness of C. (H. Lawrance, 1840), ii. 227. Anstis, J., History of the Officers of Arms (MS.) [a. 1745], i. 391. Anthologies and series of poets, C. in- cluded in, see Chaucer, G. [viii. (k.)] Antiquarius, letter in Gent’s Mag., 1780, iv. 96. ’ A.Tvo^T]fxovvT6 — A. Clogie’s life of [1675-6], iv. 76. Bedier, J., Les Fabliaux , 1893, v. 97 ; in Petit de Julie ville, 1896, v. 104. Behnsch, 0., Geschichte der englischen Sprache und Litteratur, 1853, v. 143. Beith, the Wife of. See Wife of Bath. Beljame, A., Le public et les hommes de lettres en Angleterre an XVIII e Siecle, 1881-83, v. 91, 125. Bell, J., C’s Works in Bell’s Poets, 1782, i. 464-5 ; Tyrwhitt’s text pirated in, i. 474—5 ; praised by Leigh Hunt for including C. and Spenser, ii. 169. Bell, R., his ed. of C.’s Works, 1854-6, reviewed, iii. 35-6, 51-2, 59-60 ; revised, 1878, iii. 123. Bell, W., of Ulcomb, ATS. notes (by W. B.?), c. 1785, i. 480-1. Belle Dame sans Merci, la, see Ross, R. Beloe, W., Anecdotes of Literature, 1807-12, ii. 57; iv. 103. B6mont, C., chapters on Engl. lit. in Lavisse and Rambaud’s Hist, gen., 1894, v. 125. Bentheim, orBenthem, II. L .,Engeland- ischer Kirchund Schulen-Staat, 1694, v. 130; 1732, v. 132-3. Bentley, S., Excerpta Historica, 1831, ii. 180-1. Berger, P., transl. Franklin’s T. into French, 1908, v. 112. William Blake, 1907, v. 109. Berington, J., A Literary History of the Middle Ages, 1814, ii. 61. Berkenhout, J., Biographia Literaria, 1777, i. 447. Bernard, J. P., and others, A General Dictionary, 1734-41, 1736-7, i. 378. Berners, Juliana, Hawking and Hunt- ing, ed. by J. Haslewood, 1810, ii. 49. Berthelet, T., Address to the Reader, in Gower’s Confessio Amantis, 1532, i. 77-8. Beryn, the Tale of. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (1.) Spurious. 3.] Betham, P., pref. to his transl. of Purlilia’s Precepts of War, 1544, i. 86. Betterton, T., Prol. and Reeve’s T. modernized by [a. 1710], i. 312. Tales modernized by, in Ogle, 1741, i. 389-90. the modernization of Prol. published as his said to be really Pope’s, by J. Warton, 1797, i. 500. Bibliography of Chaucer. See Chaucer, G. [vn. Bibliography.'] Bibliotheca. See King, W. Bibliotheca Anglo-Poelica. See Griffiths, A. F. Bibliotheque Britannique, 1796-7, v. 37-8. Billam, J., letter to W. Herbert, 4 Aug. 1786, i. 483. Biographia Britannica, 1748, 1757, 1760, 1784, i. 395-6, iv. 92, i. 476. Biographical Sketches of Eminent English Poets, 1851, iii. 8. Biography of C. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biography.] Birch, T., The Heads of Illustrious Persons, 1743, iv. 88. ed. Spenser's Faerie Queen, 1751, i. 402 ; letter concerning this ed., by J. Upton, 1751, i. 403-5. Birds in C., C. J. Fox on, 1800, iv. 102 ; W. J. Courthope on, 1870, iii. 107-8. Birth of King Arthur, the, ed. by Southey, 1817, ii. 92. Bischoff, O., TJeber zweisilbige Senkung und epische Cdsur bei Chaucer, 1897, v. 152; articles in Englische Studien, v. 149. Black, W. H., ed. Paraphrase of the Seven Penitential Psalms, 1842, ii. 244. Blades, W., The Life and Typography of William Caxton, 1861-3, iii. 55. Blake, W., A Descriptive Catalogue of Pictures painted by, 1809, ii. 42-6; ‘the finest criticism of C.’ (Lamb, reported by Crabb Robinson, 1810), ii. 49. work on, by P. Berger, 1907, v. 109; by Swinburne, 1868 (‘1866’ in text), iii. 85. For his ‘Canterbury Pilgrims’ see Chaucer, G. [v. Illustrations. 1.] Blanchard, E. L. L., Harlequin and Friar Bacon, a Pantomime (bringing in C. as a character), 1863, iii. 67. Blankenburg, F. von, Litterarische Zusdlze zu J. G. Sulzers Allgemeine Theorie der Schonen Kunste, 1796, v. 153 (in Cambridge issue only). Index. 5 Bliss, P., notes, etc .,c. 1833, ii. 187-9. Blount, T., Glossographia, 1656, i. 231. Blount, Sir T. P., Censura Gelebriorum Authorum, collection of reff. to C., 1690, i. 262. De Re Poetica, 1694, i. 267. Boccaccio, G., for general comparisons of, with. C., see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.)]; for the framework of Decam. and C. T., see ib. [viii. (f.) 12]; for Teseide and Knight’s T., and for Filostr. and Troilus, see ib. [viii. (f.) 20, (g.) 28]; see also Italian Literature. Bodenham, J., Belvedere, 1600, i. 161. Bodleian Library, catalogue of the, by T. James, 1605, i. 175; 1620, i. 193; by T. Hyde, 1674, i. 249 ; MSS. in (Wanley, 1705), i. 292-3; 1839, ii. 225; for the Douce and Malone collections, see Bandinel, B. Bodmer, J. J., Sammlung Schriften, 1741-4(1743), v. 133. Boethius, C.’s transl. of. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (g.) 6.] Bokenam, O., he Lives of Saints, [1443-7?], i. 46. Boker, G. H., letter to R. H. Stoddard, 7 Jan., 1850, ii. 282. Bolton, E., Hypercritica [1618?], does not allow Chaucer for practic English, i. 192. Bond, Sir E. A., New Facts in the Life of Geoffrey Chaucer, 1866, iii. 82. Book of the Duchess. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (g.) 7.] Booth, D., An Analytical Dictionary of the English Language, 1822-35, and Introduction, 1806, ii. 136. Borrow, G., Wild Wales, 1862, iii. 60-1. Bossewell, J., Works of Armory, 1572, i. 108-9. Boswell, J., The Life of Samuel Johnson, 1791, rejects the Life of C., 1756, from Johnson’s Works, i. 492. Book of the Poets, the [a. 1841], ii. 241 ; reviewed by E. B. Barrett, ii. 242-3. Boucher, J., Glossary of Archaic and Provincial Words, 1804, 1832, ii. 15, 184. Proposals for printing Linguae Anglicance veteris Thesaurus [ 1 803 ?], ii. 6. Boucher, L., Histoire de la litter ature anglaise, 1 890, v. 96. Tableau de la Litterature anglaise, 1882, v. 87-8, Bouillet, Marie N., art. Chaucer, in Diet. univ. d’hist. et de geog., 1842, v. 124. Atlas univ. d’hist. et de geog., 1865, v. 125. Bourgogne, — , transl. part of Knight’ s T. into French, 1908, v. 111. Bowyr, A., Writing-book [1653?], i. 228-9. Boyd, H., Woodstock, 1777, in Poems, 1793, i. 447-8. Boys, T., Chaucer Difficulties (notes in N. andQ.), 1857-8, iii. 40-1, 45-7. Boyse, S., Account of the Life of, in Annual Register, 1764, i. 425. . — r — Cook’s and Squire’s Tales modernized by, 1741, i. 389-90. his modernization of Squire’s T. concluded by Ogle and Sterling, 1785, i. 479. Braddon, Mary E., Asphodel, 1881, iii. 132. Bradshaw, H., Librarian of Camb. Univ., The Skeleton of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, 1867-71, iii. 87. his projected Attempt to ascertain the state of Chaucer’s Works, 1865, iii. 75. his projected edd. of Works, 1864-79, iii. 71-2. prints Prol. A to the Legend of Good Women, 1864, iii. 72. Bradshaw, H., Poet, The Holy Life and History of Saint Werburge, 1513, i. 71. Bradwardine, T., Archbishop, De Causa Dei, ed. 1618, i. 192-3. Brae, A. E., astronomical notes in N. and Q., 1851, iii. 4-6. ed. The Treatise of the Astrolabe, 1870, iii. 107. Braham, R., epistle, prefixed to Lydgate’s Troy Book, 1555, i. 93-4. Brand, J., Observations on Popular Antiquities, 1813, ii. 60. Brandi, A., Ueber einige historische Anspielungen in den Chaucer - dichtungen, v. 149. Brathwait, R., Chaucer’s Incensed Ghost, 1617, i. 192. A Comment upon the Miller’s Tale [and the ] Wife of Bath, 1665, i. 242. The English Gentleman, 1630, i. 202. Nature’s Embassies ( Omphale ), 1621, iv. 108 (in Cambridge issue only). Whimzies, 1631, i. 204, Index. a lost poem in praise of tobacco, attributed to Chaucer, answered by, 1617, iv. 65. ■ a lover of C., introd. xxxv-vii. Braune, G. M., The Persone of a Toun, 1859, iii. 49. Bray, Anne E., Life of Thomas Stothard, reviewed, 1852, iii. 11. Bray, W. See Manning, 0. Brayley, E. W., Beauties of England and Wales, 1810, ii. 48. (with J. Britton), The History and Antiquities of the Abbey, West- minster, 1818-23, ii. 94-5, 141. History of the Palace of West- minster, 1836, ii. 202. Brazil, the dye, C.’s mention of, not understood, 1810, ii. 50-51. Breton, N., The Arbor of Amorous Desires, 1597, i. 144. Pasquil’s Fools-cap, 1600, i. 162. Brewer, E. C., Poetical Chronology of Inventions, 1846, ii. 267. Breyer, C. W. E., Leben Geoffrey Chaucers, 1812, v. 138-9. Bridges, J., letter to T. Hearne, c. 5 June, 1716, i. 343. Bridgwater House Library, catalogue of, by J. P. Collier, 1837, ii. 210-11. Brigham, 1ST. See Chaucer, G. [i. (e.) 7. Tomb.] Bright, James W., review of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, 1888, ed. W. W. Skeat, 1889, iii. 139. Bright, John, Speech on Abolition of Capital Punishment, 1850, ii. 283. Brinchele, J., will of, bequeathing Boethius and C. T., 1420, i. 25. Brink, B. ten, articles in Englische Studien, v. 149. Chaucer’ sSpracheund Verslcunst, 1884, v. 150. Chaucer- Studien, 1870, v. 147-8; the first attempt to fix the chrono- logy of C.’s works, introd. lxxi. Geschichte der englischen Lit- teratur, 1889, transl. into English, 1893, v. 151. ed. Prol. C.T., v. 1871, 148. • Zum Romaunt of the Rose, 1867, v. 147. British Biography, 1766, i. 429-30. British Warrior, The, 1706, i. 293-4. Brito, ps. See Goldsmith, O. Britton, J. See Brayley, E. W. Broke, A. See Brooke. Brome, A., A Canterbury Tale, 1641, i. 219. Brome, W. (Urry’s executor and part publisher of Works, 1721), letter to T. Rawlins, June 23, 1733, offering copies of Urry, i. 375; to T. Hearne, 17jf , 1716, transmitting Sloane’s and Bagford’s MSS., i. 341-2, 344. Bromley, H., A Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits, 1793, i. 494. Brooke, A., Romeus and Juliet, 1562, influence of Troilus upon, iv. 29-33. Brooke, H., Constantia (modernization of Man of Law’s Tale), 1741, i. 389-90; reprinted with original, 1778, i. 449. Brooke, Stopford A., The Descriptive Poetry of Chaucer, 1871, iii. 111-12. Brown Bread and Honour, 1716, the title derived from Wife of Bath’s Prol,, i. 345. Brown Dozen of Drunkards, a. 1648, iv. 71. Brown, Ford Madox, Chaucer at the Court of Edward III . (picture), 1845-51, ii. 259. Brown, T., Letters from the Dead to the Living [a. 1704], i.^291-2. Browne, M., ps., Chaucer’s England, 1869, iii. 97. Browne, W., Britannia' s Pastorals, bk. 3 [1626-43], i. 200. • The Shepherd’s Pipe, 1614, i. 187-8. ■ catalogue (by W. B.?) of poems in MS. Add. 34,360 [c. 1640], i. 219. influence of Chaucer on, iv. 62. Browning, Elizabeth B. B. See Barrett, afterwards Browning, E. B. Browning, B., letters to E. B. Barrett, 1846, on T. Powell’s plagi- arisms, ii. 267-8; to A. Domett, 1846, ii. 267. compared with C. by Landor, 1846, ii. 273; this referred to by Browning, ii. 267. Life of Strafford (by R. B. ?), 1836, ii. 202. Bruckner, J., Criticisms on the Diversions of Purley, 1790, i. 490-1. Brunet, G., art. Chaucer, in Hoefer’s Nouv. Biog. gen., 1854, v. 63, 124. Brunetiere, F., reviews A. Filon’s Histoire de la Litterature anglaise, 1883, v. 90. Brunot, F., La Langue frangaise, in Petit de Julleville, 1896, v. 104. Bruyn, Elizabeth, will of, bequeathing C. T., 1471, i. 56. Index. 7 Bryant, J., Observations upon the Poems of Thomas Rowley , 1781, i. 459 ; confuted by Malone, ib. 463. Brydges, Sir S. E., The British Bibliographer, 1810-12, ii. 48, 57. Censura Literaria, 1809, ii. 46. Desuitor ia, 1811, ii. 52. Restituta, 1815-6, ii. 68-9. Preface to Phillips’ Theatrum Poetarum, 1800, iv. 102. Bubb (Dodington), G., verses, in G. Stubbes’s The Laurel and the Olive (wrongly entered in Cli. Soc. issue under G. Stubbes), 1710, i. 313. Budgell, E., modernization of The Sompnour' s Tale (by E. B.?) [1733], iv. 86. Bukton, Envoy to. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works . — (g.) 8.] Bullar, J., Selections from the British Poets, 1822, ii. 137. Bullein, W., Dialogue against the fever Pestilence, 1564, i. 98. Bulwer, E., 1st Lord Lytton, letter to his son, 1860, iii. 53. Burgh, B., translation of Cato’s Disticha Moralia [c. 1450], iv. 6. Burke, E., letter to Malone, 8 April, 1796, i. 498. Burlington, C., The Modern Universal British Traveller, 1779, i. 456. Burne-Jones, Sir E. C., read C. at Oxford, 1855, iii, 25-6; designs for L. G. W. (glass at Peterhouse, Cambridge), 1862-4, iii. 61, 72; for Chaucer’s Dream (water-colour), 1865, iii. 75; ‘The Prioresses Tale ’ (oil-painting), 1858, iii. 41; illus- trations for the Kelmscott ed. of Works, 1896, iii. 150 (in Cambridge issue only), introd. lxx. Burney, C., A General History of Music, 1782, i. 465. Bums, R., for comparisons of with C., see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Compari- sons with other writers .] Burrow, R., discovered the Sanscrit origin of the Astrolabe (J. O. Halli well- Phillips, 1840), ii. 227. Burrowes, A. D., The Modem Encyclopaedia, 1837, ii. 210. Burton, R., quotes C. on love, in The Anatomy of Melancholy, 1621, etc., i. 195-6. Butler, C., Rhetoricce libri duo, 1600, i. 162. Butler, S. (author of Hudibras), Hudibras, addition to [1678?], iv. 77. Remains [c. 1667], i. 243. Butler, S. (author of Erewhon ), The Wife of Bath, 1891, in Notebooks , iii. 140. Byrom, J., Shorthand Journal, for 22 May, 1736, is asked to put the character of the Good Parson into verse, i. 377. Byron, G. G. N., Lord, read Chaucer as a boy (Moore, 1830), ii. 178. Childe Harold, 1809, ii. 46. Hints from Horace, 1811, con- demning C.’s indecency and his verse, ii. 52. letter to John Murrav, 20 Jan., 1819, ii. 110. List of Poets, 1807 (C. obscene and contemptible), ii. 29. The Vision of Judgment, 1821, quoting The Wanton Wife of Bath as C.’s, ii. 131. Bysshe, E., The Art of English Poetry , 1702, i. 290-1. C., J., Alcilia, 1595, i. 142. Verses to Mr. Mason, 1749, iv. 90. C., R., Epistle dedicatory to English ed. of H. Estienne’s A World of Wonders, 1607, iv. 60. Caesar, Sir J., The Ancient State of the Court of Requests, 1596, i. 143. Caius, J., De Antiquitate Cantabri- giensis Academice, 1568, i. 101. Caius, T., Vindicice Antiquitatis Acad- emice Oxoniensis [c. 1570], i. 104. Calais, C. at, 1360, i. 1. Calf hill, J., Answer to the Treatise of the Cross, 1565, i. 99. Callander, J., ed. Two Ancient Scottish Poems, 1782, i. 465. Cambridge, C. a student at, see Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (e.) 2.] learned men in read and com- mend C., c. 1560-70 (F. Beaumont, 1597), i. 146, introd. xxii. Boolc-rarities in, by C. H. Harts- horne, 1829, ii. 172. Camden, W., Annales , vol. 2, 1627, i. 200 . Britannia, 1586, i. 128-9 ; 5th edn., 1600, i. 162, Reges da alii W estmonasterii sepulti, 1600, i. 163. Remains concerning Britain, 1605, quotes N. P. T., i. 175. • note, quoting N. P. T., 1616, i. 191. Campbell, T., Chaucer (in Brewster’s Edinb. Encycl.), 1830, ii. 177-8. Chaucer and Windsor, 1836, ii. 202-3. 8 Index. Specimens of the British Poets , 1819, ii. 110-13; reviewed, ii. 117, 120 . Campion, T., The Third and Fourth book of Ayres [1617?], claims that his vain ditties are more accept- able than C. T., iv. 65. Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale, see Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (f.) 15.] Canterbury, Chequer Inn at, see Chequer Inn. Canterbury gallop, 1826, iv. 105. Canterbury pace, 1648, i. 225. Canterbury Pilgrims, The, described by Blake, 1809, ii. 42-6; by Washing- ton Irving, 1822, ii. 137-8; by J. Saunders, 1845, ii. 263-4; Dryden saw them as distinctly as if he had supped with them at the Tabard, 1700, i. 274; Hogarth’s characters resemble the (Lamb, 1811), ii. 54; permanent types (Clough, 1852), iii. 8 ; their distinct characterisation (H. H. Milman, 1855), iii. 24-5. See also Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. • — (f.) C. T., and esp. Prol .] For pictures of, see Chaucer, G. [v. Illustrations .] See also under the individual Pilgrims. Canterbury story, or Canterbury tale, meaning (1) a fable, 1535, i. 81; [1549?], i. 88; 1565, i. 99; 1575, i. Ill; 1579, i. 116; 1580, i. 119; 1589, i. 130; 1607, iv. 60; 1621, i. 195; 1662, i. 239; 1763, i. 424; 1795, i. 497-8; survives in America as a ‘Canterbury,’ 1855, iii. 27; summary of references for, introd. lxxxiv-v. — - — • (2) a frivolous story, 1549, i. 88, 89; 1578, i. 116; (a comedy), 1605, i. 175. (3 ) a dull and long-winded fiction, 1575, i. Ill; 1631, i. 204; 1709- 10, i. 311; 1724, i. 366; 1737, i. 383; 1753, i. 408. Capell, E. , ed. Shakespeare [1 76 8], i. 43 1 . Carew, R., The Excellency of the English Tongue [1595-6?], i. 142. Carew, T., criticism of, 1821, ii. 135. Carey, H., Epilogue for Mr. Cibber’s Love in a Riddle, in Poems, 3rd ed., 1729, i. 370-71. Carey, W., Critical Description of the Procession of Chaucer’s Pilgrims to Canterbury, painted by Stothard, 1808, ii. 35-7. Reminiscences of Stothard, 1836, ii. 203. Carlisle, F. Howard, 5th Earl of. See Howard. Carlyle, T., Past and Present, 1843 (C. not the first English poet), ii. 247. Carter, Edmund, The History of the County of Cambridge, 1753, quoting Dryden’s Reeve’s T. as C.’s, i. 406. Carter, Elizabeth, letter to Mrs. Montagu, 3 Sept., 1774, confessing that she never read C., i. 438. Cartwright, W., The Ordinary [c. 1634], i. 206. verses in Kynaston’s Troilus , 1635, i. 208. Cary, H. F., The Early French Poets , 1821-4, compares C. with Marot, ii. 131-2. ed. Dante’s Inferno, 1805-6, ii. 23; The Vision (1st complete ed.), 1814, ii, 61. The Life of Dante (in The Vision, translated by H. F. C. ), 1 819, ii. 114. letter to W. Birch, has read C. through, 1818, ii. 95; to Anna Seward, 1792, calling C., Spenser and Milton our greatest poets, iv. 99; controverted by Miss Seward, i. 494; 1806, ii. 27. Case, M. P., Chaucer and his Times , 1854, iii. 15-17. Cassander, T., ps. See Bruckner, J. Castelain, — , transl. Canon’s Yeo- man’s T. into French, 1908, v. 112. Catalogue of Books, sold by B. White, 1768, i. 430-1. Catalogue de la Bibliotheque d’un Amateur. See Renouard, A. A. Catalogues, early, entries of C.’s works in, introd. lxxxvii-viii. Catcott, A. S., The Court of Love modernized by, 1717, i. 345. Catling, J., Conversation with Nolle- kens, 1780, iv. 96. Cato, Dionysius, Disticha Moralia, tr. by B. Burgh [c. 1450], iv. 6. Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess of New- castle, Poems, 1664, has robbed Chaucer and Shakespeare of their fame (W. Cavendish, Duke of N., 1664), iv. 74. Cavendish, W., author of The Life of W olsey, ‘ Chaucer ’ in his library, 1540, i. 82. Cavendish, W., Duke of Newcastle, Phanseys, 1645, i. 223. verses in the Duchess of New- castle’s Poems, 1664, iv. 74, Index. 9 Caxton, W., printed The Booh of Courtesy \a . 1477], i. 57 ; Assembly of Fowls, etc. [1477-8], Anelida and Arcite, etc. [1477-8], C. T. [1477-8], Boethius [a. 1479], with epilogue, i. 58; Troilus [c. 1483], i. 60 ; House of Fame [c. 1483], with epilogue, and C. T. (2nd edn.) [c. 1483?], with proem, i. 61-3. transl. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy, inserting a refer- ence to Troilus, 1474, iv. 8. — * — imperfection of his edns. of C. T. (F. Thynne, 1598), i. 155. lives of, by J. Lewis, 1737, i. 380-81; by C. Knight, 1844, ii. 256; by MV. Blades, 1861-3, iii. 55. Proposals for an Account of the Books printed by (R. Minshull, [1741?]), i. 389. his praise of C., and work for for him, introd. xiv, cxv. Cazamian, L., transl. C. T. Frol, into French, 1908, v. 111. Cestre, C., transl. Nuns' Priest's T. into French, 1908, v. 112. Chalmers, A., Worhs of C., ed. by, 1810, ii. 48-9. his statement that C.’s popu- larity has gone by, controverted by Southey (?), 1814, ii, 66. Chalmers, G., Henryson’s Bobene and Malcyne and Testament of Cresseid, ed. by, 1824, ii. 149. ■ notes to Sir David Lyndsay, 1806, ii. 27. — — Poetic Remains of Scottish Kings, 1824, ii. 149. Chambers, R., The Booh of Days, 1863-4, iii. 67. Encyclopedia of English Litera- ture, 1843, iv. 106. Chances of the Dice [c. 1440], i. 44—5. . attributed to Chaucer by Stowe, 1598, i. 159. Chanoun Yemannes Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Worhs. — (f.) 15.] Chapman, G., Achilles' Shield, 1598, on C.’s importation of new words, i. 156. Sir Giles Goosecap, Knight (by G. C.?), 1606, the plot drawn from Troilus, i. 177-8 ; influence of C. in, iv. 57-60. Chappell, W., The Ancient Minstrelsy of England, 1838, ii. 221. Charahtere der vornehmsien Dichter (by J. J. Eschenburg ?), 1793, v. 134-6, Charon, L. M., see Chaudon, L. M. Charteris, H., preface to his edn. of Sir D. Lindsay’s Works, 1568, i. 101 . Chasles, E., Extraits des classiques anglais, 1877, v. 85. Chasles, V. E. P., Etudes sur la lit- terature et les mceurs de V Angleterre du XIX e Siecle, 1850, v. 60-1. Litterature anglaise (in Revue des Deux Mondes, 1842), v. 54. Voyages d’un critique, 1876, v. 83. Chateaubriand, F. R. de, Essai sur la Litterature anglaise, 1836, v. 10, 49; reviewed by A. F. Villemain, v. 10, 50; in Edinb. Reviev), ii. 220-1. Chatelain, J. B. de, Beautes de la Poesie Anglaise, 1862-72, v. 74. . L’ Hostellerie du Tabard (poem), 1866, iii. 82. transl. C. T., 1857-61, v. 12, 66-9. criticized by B. H. Gausseron, 1887, v. 12, 94. — - — transl. The Flower and the Leaf, 1855, iii. 20; v. 62-3. — . — finds the original of the Squire's Tale (A. H. Clough, 1858), iii. 41. Chatterton, T., Poems by Thomas Rowley [a. 1770], i. 432-5; MS. extracts, notes, and articles, ib. ed. by Tyrwhitt, 1777, i. 432-3; reviewed, 1777, i. 448; Tyrwhitt’s Appendix to, 1778, i. 451. . ed. by J. Milles, 1782, i. 468. Worhs, reviewed by Scott, 1804, ii. 16-17. controversy over, 1781-2, i. 459, 463, 465-9, 472-3; 1811, ii. 54. Life of, by G. Gregory, 1789, i. 487; in Biog. nouv. des contemp., v. 43. for comparisons of with Chaucer, see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Compari- sons with other writers.'] Chaucer, Alice, see Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (d.) 3.] } Chaucer, Geoffrey. Synopsis I. Biography. (а) Evolution. (б) Life Records. (c) General Accounts of C. (d) Family, etc. (e) Phases and Episodes, (f) Portraits, 10 Index . Chaucer, Geoffrey. § I. (a-c. II. Criticism. (a) Evolution. (&) General. (c) Language. (d) Verse. (e) Prose. (/) Qualities found in C. (g) Comparisons of C. with other writers. (h) Influence of C. on other poets. III. Modernizations. IV. Imitations. V. Illustrations. VI. Manuscripts. VII. Bibliography. VIII. Works. (a) Relative popularity of. (&) 19th century edd. of. (c) Chronology of. (d) Canon of. (e) Editions of complete or nearly complete Works. (/) Canterbury Tales. 1-13 : general. 14-36 : separate tales. (g) Other works. (h) Selections. (0 Lost works. (&) Appearance in Antholo- gies. (Z) Spurious works. IX. C. a character in fiction and drama. X. Book-titles taken from C. I. Biography (a) Evolution : introd. ci-xiii. ; T. R. Louns- bury, 1891, iii. 140-4. (b) Life-Records : set out chronologically, i. 1-14, iv. 3; printed by J. Rymer in Feeder a, 1708-9, i. 297, 311; Exchequer issues printed 1837, ii. 21 1 ; discovered by Sir N. H. Nicolas, dispose of the C. -legend, 1845, ii. 262, introd. cxii ; printed in N. and Q., 1865, iii. 79-80; gradual publication of, introd. lxxii; modern discoveries of, collected in 1900, introd. cxiii. (c) General Accounts of C. : 1. English : by J. Leland [c. 1545], iv. 13- 19; Bale, 1548-57, iv. 19-27; R. Holinshed, 1577, i. 114-15; Stowe, 1600, i. 164-5; Pits, 1613, i. 191, iv. 63-5; T. Fuller, 1655, i. 230-1 ; E. Leigh, 1656, i. 233; H. Wharton, 1687, iv. 78-80; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; J. Dart, 1721, i. 358-61; in Eiographia Britannica, 1748, i. 395-6 ; London Magazine, 1753, i. 407 ; A New Biographi- cal Dictionary, 1761, i. 421; British Biography, 1766, i. 429; by J. Berkenhout, 1777, i. 447; in Encyclopcedia Britannica , 2nd and later edd., 1778, etc., i. 452-4; byR. Anderson (?). 1793, i. 494; by W. Godwin, 1803, ii. 6-9 ; A. Rees, 1819, ii. 118-9; in Encyclopcedia Edinensis, 1827, ii. 167-8; Worthies of the United Kingdom, 1828, ii. 171; by T. Campbell, 1830, ii. 177-8; C. Cowden Clarke, 1835, ii. 194; C. G. Cunningham, 1835, ii. 194-5; S. A. Dunham, in Lard- ner, 1836, ii. 204-5; in the Penny Cyclopaedia, 1837, ii. 219; by L. Schmitz, 1841, ii. 234, 238 ; C. Cowden Clarke (in Encycl. Brit.), 1842, ii. 244; R. Cham- bers (in Encycl. of Eng. Lit.), 1843, iv. 106 ; Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1843^4, ii. 262; J. Saunders, 1845, ii. 266; C. D. Deshler (in his Selections), 1847, ii. 274; in North British Rev., 1849, ii. 281-2; English Cycl., 1856, iii. 36-7 ; The Westminster Review , 1866, iii. 85 ; by Sir A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 124-6; A. W. Pollard, 1893, iii. 144-5. 2. French : in Moreri’s Grand dictionnaire historique, 1674, 1681, 1707, 1740, v. 18-20, 23 ; by A. Yart; 1749, v. 24-6; 1753-6, v. 29-30; J. G. de Chauffepie, 1750, v. 27—9; in Journal Stranger, 1755, v. 32^4; by L. M. Chaudon, 1766, v. 34; revised, 1791, v. 37; transl. into English, 1777, i. 449; in Le Journal Anglais, 1775, v. 35-6; by A. J. U. Hennet, 1806, v. 38-9; J. B. Suard in La Bio- graphic Universelle, 1813, v. 40-1 ; E. J. de Lecluze, 1838, v. Index. 11 Chaucer, Geoffrey. § I. (d-e.) 51-3; H. Gomont, 1847, v. 55- 60; A. Geffroy, 1857, 1903, y. G5-6; P. Larousse, 1867, v. 80-2; B. H. Gausseron, 1887, v. 92-4; E. Legouis, 1910, v. 121 - 2 . 3. German : by C. W. F. Breyer (based on Godwin), 1812, v. 138-9; in Meyer’s Grosse Conversations - Lexicon, 1845, v. 141-2; by 0. Behnsch, 1853, v. 143; W. Hertzberg, 1856, 66-7, v, 143- 7; R. Pauli, 1860, v. 145. Family, etc. : 1 . Genealogy: Glover’s pedigree, introd. cvii; Vertue’s, described by Gray, 1760, i. 417-18; J. Skelton, 1823, ii. 147-8; S. Bentley, 1831, ii. 180-1 ; the surname, 1855, iii. 28; Stowe, 1600, i. 164-5; Fuller, 1655, i. 230; of Walloon descent (R. Verstegan, 1605), i. 176. 2. Arms and Seal : Arms : T. Robson, 1830, ii. 179; J. B. Rietstap, 1858, 1884, v. 91, 125. Seal : 1409, i. 19; J. Hunter, 1850, ii. 284. 3. Other holders of the name : records of, contributed by F. Thynne, introd. cvii. Walter le C., 1292-3, iii. 31 ; Richard C., vintner, supposed to be C.’s father by Stowe, 1598, i. 159; by J. P. Malcolm, 1803, ii. 11; * Sir ’ John, his father (T. Allen, 1828), ii. 168; Philipjpa, his wife, Stowe, 1600, i. 164-5; Anna Jameson, 1829, ii. 172; S. Bentley, 1831, ii. 180-1 ; Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1844, ii. 256; her annuity, 1374, i. 3 ; Thomas, his son, 1409, i. 19; Stowe, 1600, i. 164-5; T. Gascoigne, 1434-57, i. 43; P. Le Neve, 1701, i. 289; Vertue, i. 418; Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1826, ii. 163 ; Alice de la Pole, Duchess of Suffolk, his grand- daughter, i. 486, ii. 181, iv. 66; first stated by Leland to be C.’s sister, introd. cv; by Pits, 1613, iv. 64-5; see also Ewelme. (e) Phases and Episodes : 1 . Birth : Leland [c. 1545], iv. 13; Pits, 1613, iv. 63; H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 78; Encycl. Brit., 1778, i. 452; C. Cowden Clarke, 1842, ii. 244; his noble birth, first stated by Leland, introd. cv; his birth in London, first stated by Speght (from Testa- ment of Love), introd. cvii. For his birth at Woodstock, see Woodstock. For the date of c. 1340, see below [i. Biog. (e.) 5. Scrope-Grosvenor Controversy .] 2. Education : at Oxford, Leland [c. 1545], iv. 13; Leland the first to state this, introd. cv; Pits, 1613, iv. 63; W. Coveil, 1595, i. 141-2; G. Powel [1604], i. 174; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; at Cam- bridge, first stated by Speght (from Court of Love), introd., cvii; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; Penny Cycl., 1837, ii. 219; doubted by H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 78 (see also Court of Love) ; in France, Leland [c. 1545], iv. 13; Pits, 1613, iv. 63 ; at Temple, Leland [c. 1545], iv. 14; Pits, 1613, iv. 63-4; H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 78; Hazlitt, 1826, ii. 161; L. Hunt, 1835, ii. 197; while there is fined for beating a Franciscan friar, Speght’ s story- doubted by F. Thynne, 1598, i. 154; alluded to by Fuller, 1655, i. 230; by Chatterton, 1770, i. 434; by De Quincey, 1841, ii. 229; by G. H. Kingsley, 1865, iii. 77—8 ; suggested by Lamb as a subject for Haydon to paint, 1827, ii. 165. 3. His diplomatic and other journeys abroad : Prisoner, ransomed from the French, 1359-60, i. 1 ; at Calais, 1360, i. 1 ; journey to Italy in 1368, and meeting with Petr- 12 Index. Chaucer, Geoffrey. § I. (e.) arch, first suggested by Speght, introd. cvii; R. Lowth, 1759, i. 416; T. Warton, 1775, i. 441 ; D. H., 1803, ii. 9 ; Z., 1803, ii. 14; W. Carey, 1808, ii. 36; Landor, 1829, ii. 172-6; A. F. Villemain, 1830, v. 45-7 ; Milton [1638-9] (without mention of Petrarch), i. 219; goes abroad, 1370, i. 2; to Genoa and Florence, 1372-3, i. 2-3 ; abroad on the King’s service, 1376-8, i. 4-6; to France and Italy, 1380, i. 6; H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 78; his mission to Montreuil, 1377, Froissart, i. 20; Stowe, 1592, i. 136. 4. Appointments, annuities, grants, etc. : his first annuity from the Crown, 1367-89), i. 1-2 ; Esquire in the King’s Household, 1369, i. 2; Comptroller of Custom of Wools and Wines in the Port of London, 1374, i. 3 ; granted an annuity by John of Gaunt, 1374, i. 3 ; granted a daily pitcher of wine, 1374, i. 3; appoints a Deputy Controller of Customs, 1384-5, i. 7; receives Commis- sion of the Peace for Kent, 1386, i. 7 ; returned as Knight of the Shire for Kent, 1386, i. 7-8; for C.’s Knighthood see below, § 5 ; is succeeded as Controller of Customs and Petty Customs, 1386, i. 8; Commissioner in respect of the abduction of Isabella atte Halle, 1387, i. 8 ; Clerk of the Works from 1389, i. 9—13 ; Commis- sioner for survey of Kentish shore of the Thames, 1390, i. 9; Sub-Forester of North Pether- ton, 1390-1, i. 11; granted an annuity of £20 by the king, 1394, i. 12; granted a butt of wine yearly, 1398, i. 13; granted an additional annuity of 40 marks, 1399, i. 13. 5. Other Episodes : in household of the Duchess of Clarence, 1357, i. 1 ; marriage (see above: (d.) 3); his Aldgate lease, 1374, i. 3; this found by H. T. Riley, 1859, iii. 51 ; For- ster’s lease of the same, 1386, i. 8; “raptus” of Cecily Chaum- paigne, 1380, i. 6; a witness in the Scrope-Grosvenor case, 1386, i. 8 ; this discovered by Godwin (Scott, 1804), ii. 17-18; G. Ormerod, 1819, ii. 118; N. H. Nicolas, 1832, ii. 185-6; Un- known, 1836, ii. 209-10 ; as- saulted and robbed at Hatcham, 1390, i. 10-11; action for debt against, 1398, i. 12-13; his Westminster lease, 1399, i. 13- 14; facsimile of, 1752, iv. 91; visits to Spalding Priory with J ohn of Gaunt, i. 322 ; a knight, introd. cviii; Bale, 1548, iv. 19; 1579, i. 119; Greene, 1590, i. 131; G. Powel [1604], i. 174; 1606, i. 177 ; H. Peacham, 1622, i. 197; Pits, 1613, iv. 64; E. Leigh, 1656, i. 233; Aubrey, 1669, i. 245; E. Phillips, 1675, i. 250; H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 78; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1845, ii. 262; a Knight of the Garter, C. Gildon, 1721, iv. 84; poet laureate, the phrase used of C. by Lydgate, i. 17 ; in modern sense by E. Phillips, 1675, i. 250, introd. cviii; in Dryden’s patent, 1670, i. 247; by W. Howell [1679;], i. 254; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; friendship with Gower, etc., see Gower, J.; income, Encycl. Brit., 1778, i. 453; disgrace, imprisonment, flight, stated by all biographers accepting the Testament of Love , including Speght, 1598, introd. cvii; H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 79; Encycl. Brit., 1778, i. 453; C. Cowden Clarke, 1835 (re- peated in 1870), 1842, ii. 194, 244; G. G. Cunningham, 1835, ii. 194-5 (see also Usk, T., Testament of Love) ; a Wycliffite and Reformer, see below : [n. (f.) 6], and Wycliffe, J. ; person- ally known and valued by Richard II, Henry IV and V (Leland [c. 1545]) iv. 18, introd. cv; H. Peacham, 1622, i. 197; most of his career not literary ; his late development (A. W. Pol- lard, 1894), iii. 145; retirement to Donnington, see Donning- Index. 13 Chaucer, Geoffrey. § I. (e-f.) ton Castle: to Woodstock, see Woodstock. 6. Death : Leland [c. 1545] (without date), iv. 18; Bale, 1548 (1450), iv.20; Holinshed, 1577 (1402 or 1400), i. 114; E. Phillips, 1675 (in reign of Henry VI), i. 250, flourished 1402, G. Powel [1604], i. 174; died 1440 [c. 1700], i. 144 ; for his pious death-bed, see below : [viii. Works. — (g.) 29. Truth.'] 7. Tomb and Epitaph : (Surigo’s epitaph) \a. 1479], i. 59-60, quoted by Leland [c. 1545], i. 87; account of by Caxton,1479, i. 59 ; T. Berthelet, 1532, i. 78; Brigham’s inscrip- tion on, 1556, i. 94; Leland [c. 1545], iv. 18-19; J. Foxe, 1570, i. 107; D. Rogers [c. 1570], i. 107; Holinshed, 1577, i. 114; W. Lambarde [c. 1585], i. 126; Stowe, 1598, i. 159 ; W. Camden, 1600, i. 163; W. Warner, 1606, i. 178; Pits, 1613, iv. 65; R. Commaundre (quotes epitaph) [a. 1613], i. 1-86; W. Vallans, 1615, i. 190-1 ; W. Basse [c. 1622 ?], i. 196 ; B. Jonson (quot- ing Basse), 1623, i. 198; J. Weever, 1631, i. 204 ; [c. 1680 ?], i. 255; Keepe, 1681, i. 255-6; 1682, iv. 77 ; (Dryden buried in or near), 1700, i. 286-8 ; E. Hat- ton, 1708, i. 296 ; J. Strype, 1720, i. 352 ; Dart, 1723, i. 363 ; Catling [c. 1780], iv. 96 ; J. Gough, 1786- 96, i. 483; C. Burlington, 1779, i. 456; J. P. Malcolm, 1802, ii. 4; G. W. L. in Gent's Mag., 1808, ii. 38; P. in Gent's Mag., 1822, ii. 138; E. W. Brayley, 1823, ii. 141 ; T. Allen, 1828, ii. 168; N.B., in Gent's Mag., 1849, ii. 279; J. P. Collier, 1850, ii. 283; appeal by Committee for the repair of, 1850, ii. 283; M. N. S., in N. and Q., 1850, ii. 286; 1851, iff. 4-5, 7; in Gent.'s Mag., 1858, iff. 43; H. Poole, 1881, iff. 133; payments made at, 1566, i. 99; 1585, i. 128; 1596, i. 143; 1833, ii. 188; introd. lxxxv-vi; other poets buried near, introd. lxxxv and see Cowley, A.; Drayton, M. ; Dryden, J. ; Hall, R. ; Phillips, J., and Spenser, E. (f) Portraits : 1 . Original or supposed : those exhibited in the National Portrait Exhibition, 1866, iii. 86; Belvoir (I. Eller, 1841), ii. 233; Bodleian, 1792, i. 493; exhibited in London, 1866, iii. 86 ; a copy from Hoccleve’s, ib. ; Chastleton, T. Gray, 1760, i. 417- 8; Clarendon (Hyde’s), 1689, i. 261; Cotton (now burnt), i. 23 ; Donnington, J. P. Andrews, 1759, i. 416 ; removed to Buckle - bury (Unknown, 1783), i. 476; Ellesmere, Walpole’s Anecdotes, ed. Dallaway, 1826, ii. 160-61 ; Gatacre, 1821, ii. 135; Har- bottle, 1836, ii. 209; Harleian (MS. 4826), verses on the mutila- tion of [c. 1540], i. 82-3; Har- leian (another) bought from — Sykes, 1726, i. 368; Hoccleve’s , i. 23; T. Hearne, 1711, i. 315, and 1716, i. 343-4; J. Bridges (as “ in Mr. Murray’s custody ”), 1716, i. 343; Gray, 1760, i. 417-18; Vertue on (Walpole, 1762), i. 423; B. W. Proctor, 1824, ii. 151-2 ; J. Elmes, 1825, ii. 156 ; copied by Pope (Spence, 1728-58), i. 413 ; print from, in Speght, 1598, i. 147 ; another (?), owned by M. Tyson, 1792, i. 494; Lansdowne, H. Ellis, 1812, ii. 58, and 1819, ii. 115; Llan- shaw, given to B. Dyke, 1803, exhibited in London, 1866, iii. 86 ; this a copy from Hoccleve’s, ib. ; Phillips, J. Elmes, 1825, ii. 156; rejected by Hazlitt, 1829-30, ii. 172; Royal MS. (Reg. 17. D.G.), i. 23; Wood- stock, Aubrey, 1669, i. 245; in possession of T. Warton (J. Skelton, 1823), ii. 147 ; another, 1792, iv. 99. 2. Engraved : in Speght’ s ed., after Hoccleve, 1598, i. 147 ; verses by F. Thynne upon, 1602 v i. 170; mentioned, 1792, i. 494; Hou- braken, 1741 (Birch, 1743), iv. 88; Vertue (Walpole, 1763), i. 14 Index. Chaucer, Geoffrey. 424; Gray, 1760, i. 417-18; in a Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits, byH. Bromley, 1793, i. 494 ; see also above : Original : Hoccleve’s. 3. Modern : by Barry, 1783, i. 472 ; by Ford Madox Brown, 1845-51, ii. 259; by Burne Jones, 1874, iii. 61; casts of statue of Chaucer pur- chasable (Dodsley, 1761), iv. 93 ; proposal to erect a statue in Houses of Parliament, 1845, ii. 260 ; the natural portrait in an “ Egyptian pebble ” (J. van Rymsdyk, 1778), iv. 95; (I. D ’Israeli), 1793, iv. 100; verbal, in Greene's Vision [1592], i. 137. II. Criticism (a) Evolution ; introd. cxxiv, etc., cxl-cxliii; traced by J. H. Hippisley, 1837, ii. 213-14; by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 99-107 ; vagueness of early praises, introd. cxxxi ; growth of knowledge in 18th and 19th centuries, introd. xli, xlix- lxxii; various aspects illustra- ted by analysis of allusions : literary, introd. lxxiv-v, moral, ib. lxxix-lxxx; as authority or precedent, ib. lxxx ; C.’s reputation traced by R. H. Horne, 1841, ii. 235-8; fluctu- ated like Dante’s, introd. cxliii- iv ; C. praised or talked of, but neglected, G. Sewell, 1720, i. 351-2; H. Headley, 1787, i. 486; 1836, ii. 208; A. Smith, 1862, iii. 65-6; in France, E. Legouis, 1908, v. 113-114; in the 16th cent. C. chiefly re- garded as a moral poet, introd. xix-xxi, as a learned poet, ib. xcv; in the 16th-18th as a comic and indecent poet, ib. xxi, liii-iv, in the early 19th as an historian of manners, ib. lvii; present day reasons for admiring, ib. cxxix; some workers and editors, ib. cxiv- cxxiv; T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 99-107 ; Fumivall appeals for an editor of the praises of C., 1888, iii. 138. § II- (a-c.) (b) General, selected : W. Webbe, 1586, i. 129 ; Dryden, 1700, i. 272-85; Warton, 1774, i. 439-41 ; J. J. Eschenburg (?), 1793, v. 135-7; Southey, 1814, ii. 66-7; C.B., 1818, ii. 94; S. T. Coleridge, 1818, ii. 95-6; H. Hallam, 1818, ii. 97; Hazlitt, 1818, ii. 98-106 ; Campbell, 1819, ii. 110-3; Hazlitt, 1824, ii. 150; in Retrosp. Rev., 1824, ii. 153-5; H. Neele, 1827, ii. 166 ; Southey, 1831, ii. 183; L. Hunt, 1835, ii. 195-6 ; H. Hallam, 1837, ii. 212 ; H. Hippisley, 1837, ii. 212-17; A. F. Villemain, 1830, v. 45—7 ; 1837, v. 50; D’Israeli, 1841, ii. 231-3; E. B. Barrett- Browning, 1842, [ii. 242-3; Thoreau, 1843, ii. ^250-2; L. Hunt, 1844, ii. 253-5; Christo- pher North, 1845, ii. 262-3; L. Hunt, 1846, ii. 269-71; M. P. Case, 1854, iii. 15-17; H. H. Milman, 1855, iii. 23-5; Unknown, 1859, iii. 51-2; E. G. Sandras, 1859, v. 69-74^ in Nat. Rev., 1862, iii. 66; Taine, 1862-3, v. 76-9; A. Smith, 1863, iii. 70-1; F. D. Maurice, 1865, iii. 78-9; T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 98-107; J. R. Lowell, 1870, iii. 108-11 ; F. J. Fumivall, 1873, iii. 113-4; J. R. Green, 1874, iii. 117-9; Sir A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 124-6; M. Arnold, 1880, iii. 126-30; A. C. Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131-2; T. R. Louns- bury, 1891, iii. 140-4; A. W. Pollard, 1893, iii. 144-5; J. J. Jusserand, 1894, v. 97-100, and 1896, v. 104-6; W. P. Ker, 1895, iii. 148-50; E. Gebhart, 1907-8, v. 107-11; E. Legouis, 1908, v. 113—19; see also above : i. (c.) (c) Language: 1. General : B. Jonson, 1640, iv. 70; E. Coles, 1676, iv. 77; E. Gibson, 1691, iv. 80-81; L. Welsted, 1724, i. 367; T. Morell, 1737, i. 381-2; Gray [1760-1 ?], i. 418- 21; Tyrwhitt, 1775, i. 442-6; Horne-Tooke, 1786, i. 486; J. Index. 15 Chaucer, Geoffrey. Cassander (J. Bruckner), 1790, i. 490-1; G. Ellis, 1801, ii. 1; J. Sherwen, 1811, ii. 55; J. Boucher, 1832, ii. 184; W. Hunter, 1832, ii. 185; E. Guest, 1842, ii. 244; G. L. Craik, 1851, iii. 1 ; F. M. N. (in Gent’s Mag. ), 1852-3, iii. 10; M. P. Case, 1854, iii. 15-17; L. E. Edman, 1861, iii. 56; F. J. Child, 1862, iii. 61-2; P. P. Marsh, 1862, iii. 63-4; A. Baret, 1883, v. 88-9; B. ten Brink, 1884, v. 150; E. Einenkel, 1887, v. 150; L. Morsbach, 1893, v. 152; (of L.G.W.) J. M. Manly, 1890, iii. 139; (of Troilus ) G. L. Kittredge, 1894, iii. 148. 2. Monosyllables : E. Elstob, 1715, i. 338. 3. Dialects : Lancashire, Gaskell, 1848, iv. 106; W. A. Part, 1867, iii. 93; Norfolk, E.G.R., in N. and Q., 1856, iii. 32; Northern, R. Garnett the elder, 1836, ii. 205. For other special points see Notes and Queries, 'passim, in pt. iii. 1853-67 ; also numerous German dissertations, v. ISO- 152. 4. Pronunciation : Gray, [1760-1], i. 418-21; Unknown, 1771, i. 436-7; Tyrwhitt, 1778, i. 444-5; J. Adams, 1799, i. 501; A. J. Ellis, 1869-89, iii. 97-8; also many entered above as [n. (c.) 1, General.] 5. Held obsolete or rude (including those w r ho excuse while admit- ting the charge) : So held from later 16th cent., introd. xxvi, etc. ; ignorance of C. in 18th cent., ib. xli-iii; decline of the belief, ib. li-iii; it survives Tyrwhitt, ib. lv-ix; analysis of notable references which assert, deny, or excuse this, ib. lxxxiv ; Skelton, [1507 ?] (men would amend it), i. 69; Surrey [c. 1542], i. 84 ; P. Ashton, 1546, i. 87 ; T. Wilson (‘ The fine courtier will talk § II. (c.) nothing but Chaucer ’), 1553, i. 91 ; Sir P. Sidney, 1581, i. 122; A. Hall, 1576, i. 112; introd. xxvii; B. Melbancke, who uses his obsolete words, 1583, iv. 107 (in Cambridge issue only); Puttenham [1584-8], i. 126; W. Webbe, 1586, i. 129, introd. xxvii; Spenser, 1590-6, i. 133; 121 words explained by P. Greenwood, 1594, i. 41; W. Coveil, 1595, i. 142; Sir R. Dallington, 1598, i. 156; Mar- ston, 1598, i. 158 ; ‘ old and obscure words explained ’ by Speght, 1598, i. 147, 149; S. Daniel, 1599, i. 160, introd. xxviii; T. Middleton [1613 ?], i. 187; E. Bolton [1618?], i. 192; Ben Jonson [1620-35 ?], i. 193- 4; H. Peacham, 1622, i. 197, introd. xxix; J. Earle, 1628, i. 201 ; J. Sidnam [c. 1630], i. 203 ; Sir F. Kynaston, 1635, i. 207 ; W. Barker, 1635, i. 207; E. Foulis, 1635, i. 211; S. Daniel, 1646, i.224; R. Brathwait, 1665, i. 242; Cowley [n.a. 1667], iv. 75; Waller, 1668, i. 244; Spenser’s revival of, condemned by Sir T. Culpeper, 1671, i. 247- 8; E. Phillips, 1675, i. 250; Dryden, 1679, i. 254, 1697, i. 269, and 1700, i. 282 ; E. Howard, 1689, i. 262; Addison, 1694, i. 266; Sir T. P. Blount, 1694, i. 267; Jabez Hughes [c. 1707], i. 294; John Hughes, 1715, i. 340-1 ; E. Bysshe, 1702, i. 290; T. Brown [a. 1704], i. 291 ; Pope [1709], i. 310-11; J. Dennis [1711], i. 314-15; W. Nicols, 1711, i. 317; J. Oldmixon [1712?], i. 322-3; W. King, 1712, iv. 82 ; Unknown, 1730, i. 373; Unknown, 1731, i. 373; H. Dalrymple (,?), 1761, i. 421; Unknown, 1763, i. 424; Un- known, 1772, i. 437 ; V. Knox, 1779, i. 457-8; Hayley, 1782, i. 466; J. Beattie, 1783, i. 473; Seward, 1792, i. 494; H, 1804, ii. 23; W. Irving, 1807, ii. 30; Southey, 1811, ii. 55; J. H. Hippisley, 1837, ii. 216; J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps (Diet. of Archaic Words), 1847, ii. 274; ‘ B.,’ 1859 (C. ‘resembles an 16 Index. Chaucer, Geoffrey. § II. (c-d.) antique Stilton’), iii. 49; M. Arnold, 1861-2, iii. 54-5. 6. Held not obsolete or rude : by Skelton, 1507, i. 69; F. Beaumont, i. 145-6; Sir A. Cokayne, 1658, i. 236; Pinker, ton, 1785, i. 478-9; L. Hunt, 1823, ii. 144-5; S. T. Coleridge, 1834, ii. 190-1; analysis of notable references to this effect, introd. lxxxiv. 7. C. 'praised for refining English : introd. xxxi, lxxxii ; Lydgate [1400J-1430, i. 14, 15, 19, 24, 37, etc. ; Hoccleve, 1412, i. 21- 2 ; Caxton [a. 1479], i. 58 and [c. 1483 ?], i. 62 ; Dunbar, 1503, i. 66; Skelton [1507?], i. 69 and 1523, i. 74; H. Bradshaw, 1513, i. 71; J. Bastell (?) [1520], i. 73; R. Copland, 1530, i. 77; Sir B. Tuke, 1532, i. 79- 80; Leland [c. 1545], iv. 14; R. Braham, 1555, i. 93; G. Gascoigne, 1576, i. 112; R. Holinshed, 1577, i. 114; E. Kirke, 1579, i. 117; Sidney [1581?], i. 121; W. Webbe, 1586, i. 129; Spenser, 1590-6, i. 133 ; F. Beaumont, 1597, i. 145; Speght, 1598, introd. lxxxii; G. Wharton, 1652, i. 228; T. Fuller, 1655, i. 230 ; E. Phillips, 1675, i. 250; T. Rymer, 1692, i. 265, introd. xxxi; Sir T. P. Blount, 1694, i. 267; Unknown, 1707, i. 295; J. Lewis, 1737, i. 380; Burke, 1796, i. 498; Wordsworth, 1800, iv. 102 ; Southey, 1831, ii. 183; J. H. Hippisley, 1837, ii. 216; Un- known, 1837, ii. 220; M. P. Case, 1854, iii. 15-16; Landor [c. 1861], iii. 57. 8. C. corrupted English, generally, or specifically, by importing French ( or Provencal ) words : notable references asserting and denying this, introd. Ixxxiii ; asserted by Chapman, 1598, i. 156; R. Verstegan, 1605, i. 176, introd. Ixxxiii; A. Gil, 1619, i. 193 ; E. Phillips, 1658, i. 236 ; S. Skinner [a. 1667], i. 243; T. Rymer, 1692, i. 265; Dryden, 1700 (Proven 9 al words), i. 273; ii. 155; Pope [1734-6] (Pro- venial words), i. 377 ; W. Oldys, 1738, i. 384; J. B. Le Blanc, 1745, v. 24 ; Percy, 1765, i. 427 ; Warton, 1778, i. 454; Encycl. Brit., 1778 (Proven 9 al words), i. 454; T. D. Whitaker, 180$ (‘ The great poet wrote the language of no age’), ii. 25; A. Baret, 1883, v. 88-9; J. P. Thommerel, 1841, v. 53-4; J. J. Jusserand, 1893, v. 96-7. 9. The importation minimised or excused : G. Tooke, 1647, i. 225; T. Fuller, 1655, i. 230 ; J. Oldham, 1681, i. 256 ; in Biographia Britannica, 1748, i. 395-6; Warton, 1778, . 454-5; Un- known, 1850, ii. 287; R. C. Trench, 1855, iii. 28; T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 107. 10. The importation denied ( directly or implicitly) : by Betham, 1544, i. 86; Nashe, 1592, i. 136; Johnson, 1755, i. 410-11; Tyrwhitt, 1775, i. 442-3; Warton, 1778, i. 454; J. Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484; Campbell, 1819, ii. Ill; G. L. Craik, 1851, iii. 1; G. P. Marsh, 1862, iii. 63, and (romance words mostly used for rhymes), 1858-9, iii. 44. (d) Verse : 1. thought irregular : the secret of it lost in the 16th and 17th centuries, introd. xxv-xxviii ; belief in its rough- ness prevails in 18th cent., ib. xlvii-xlix, Iv-vii; thought ir- regular by Bodenham, 1600, i. 161-2; Dryden, 1700, i. 276-7; S. Wesley, 1700, i. 289; Un- known, 1707, i. 295 ; J. Hughes, 1715, i. 341; J. Dart, 1721, i. 360; J. J. Bodmer, 1743, v. 133; R. Lloyd, 1751, i. 402; T. Cibber, 1753, i. 406-7; H. Dalrymple ( ?), 1761, i. 421; Unknown, 1777, i. 448; Un- known, 1778, i. 453; Un- known, 1780, i. 459; R. Alves, 1794, i. 495; A. Seward, 1798, i. 500; Byron, 1811, ii. 52; Index. 17 Chaucer, Geoffrey. J. B. Suard, 1813, v. 40-1; Landor, 1861, iii. 57 ; for other references see above : [n. (c.) Language .] 2. thought rhythmical : by Gascoigne, 1575, introd. xxvii, i. 110; R. Farmer, 1767, i. 430; Coleridge, 1803, ii. 11— 12 (but see the next section, 1817); Southey, introd. lvii, 1803, ii. 11-12; 1807 (doubt- fully), ii. 34; 1831, ii. 183; 1836, ii. 206-7; G. F. Nott, 1815-16, ii. 73-7; I. D’lsraeli, 1841, ii. 232 ; R. F. Weymouth, 1862, iii. 66. 3. thought only apparently irre- gular, or, more definitely, metri- cal ; praised in general terms : by J. Metham, 1448-9, i. 47; Henryson, 1475, i. 56; Sir B. Tuke, 1532, introd. xvii, i. 79- 80 ; Puttenham [1584-8], i. 126 ; Speght, 1602, i. 169; Dekker [1607], i. 179; T. Yalden, 1693, i. 266 ; Pinkerton, 1786 (regular only in stanza, not in couplet), i. 485; P. Neve, 1789, i. 489; Unknown, 1707, i. 295; Urry (according to T. Thomas), 1721, i. 357; T. Morell, 1737, i. 381-2; T. Cibber, 1753, i. 406; Gray [1760-1 ?], introd. Iii, i. 418-21; Warton, 1774, i. 440; Tyrwhitt, 1775, introd. liv-vi, i. 442-6 ; R. Henry, 1781, i. 460; W.Tytler, 1783, i. 475; Unknown, 1816, ii. 85; Cole- ridge, 1817, ii. 85-7 ; 1834, ii. 190 (but see the preceding section, 1803); Campbell, 1819, ii. Ill; L. Hunt, 1823, introd. lvii-lviii, ii. 144-5; 1832, ii. 185; 1835, ii. 196; C. G. Cunningham, 1835, ii. 194-5; E. Guest, 1838, ii. 222-4; O. Behnsch, 1853, v. 143; Landor, 1856, iii. 30 (but see section (d.) 1 above, 1861); Bulwer, 1860, iii. 53; G. L. Craik, 1861, iii. 56; J. R. Lowell, 1870, iii. 109; M. Arnold, 1880, iii. 127-8; A. Baret, 1883, v. 88-9; H. C. Coote, 1883, iii. 133-4; introd. xliv. § II. (d-f.) 4. Final e discovered : by T. Morell, 1737, i. 382; Gray [1760-1 ?], i. 419; Tyr- whitt, 1775, i. 443; Coleridge, 1817, ii. 86; E. Guest, 1838, ii. 222; A. H. Clough, 1854, iii. 17. 5. decried : by Unknown, 1855, iii. 28; and see (d.) 1 above. 6. Riding rhyme : Gascoigne, 1575, i. Ill ; Putten- ham [1584-8], i. 126; (Sir Thopas’s) F. Thynne, 1600, i. 166; Gray [1760-1 ?], i. 420; E. Guest, 1838, ii. 223. 7. Couplet: not suitable for sustained high poetry, ace. to M. Arnold, 1863, iii. 67. 8. Stanza: one attributed to him by W. Thompson, 1757, iv. 109 (in Cambridge issue only). 9. Alliteration : F. Lindner, 1873, v. 148. 10. Miscellaneous : J. Schipper, 1881-8, 1893, v. 150, 152; B. ten Brink, 1884, v. 150 ; M. Freudenberger, 1889, v. 151 ; C. L. Crow, 1892, v. 152; O. Bischoff, 1897, v. 152; E. Hampel, 1898, v. 152. (e) Prose : W. Gray, 1835, ii. 195 ; E. Guest, 1838, ii. 223-4; T. Thomas’s and T. Keightley’s theory that it is blank verse, 1721, 1860, 1862, i. 498-9, iii. 54, 65; his Boethius opens with two hexa- meters (J. P. Collier, 1865), iii. 75-6 ; see also below [viii. Works. — (f.) 23, Melibeus.] (f) Particular qualities found in C.: list of critical references, introd. lxxxix-xci. 1. Realism : description of man- ners : Book of Courtesy , 1477, i. 57 ; F. Beaumont, 1597, i. 146; Dry- den, 1700, i. 274-6; J. Dart, CHAUCER CRITICISM c 18 Index. Chaucer, Geoffrey. § II. (f.) 1721, i. 361; Pope, 1728-30, i. 370; T. Morell, 1737, i. 382; J. Bancks (‘ the Hogarth of his age ’), 1738, i. 383; Thom- son, 1744, i. 391; Warton, 1774, i. 440; E. B. Greene, 1782, i. 466; Crabbe, 1812, ii. 57-8; Hazlitt, 1817, ii. 87-9; T. Campbell, 1819, ii. 113; Keats, 1819, ii. 118; J. H. Hippisley, 1837, ii. 216; L. Hunt, 1844, ii. 255; Unknown, 1845, ii. 266-7 ; Unknown, 1849, ii. 281-2; A. Edgar, 1852, iii. 9; A. Smith [n.a. 1863], iii. 71 ; J. R. Lowell, 1870, iii. 109; J. R. Green, 1874, iii. 118-9; A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 125-6; T. R. Lounsbury, 1891, iii. 141. 2. Observation of Character : R. Ascham, 1552, i. 91 ; Dry- den, 1700, i. 278-9; J. Hughes, 1715, i. 340; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; G. Ogle, 1739, i. 385-6; ‘ Astrophil,’ 1740, i. 387; Warton, 1774, i. 440; Blake, 1809 (‘ as Newton numbered the stars, so C. numbered the classes of men’), ii. 42-6; I. D’Israeli, 1841, ii. 231; L. Hunt [n.a. 1849], ii. 279; H. H. Milman, 1855, iii. 24-5; J. W. Hales, 1873, iii. 115. 3. Humour : ‘ wit ’ {in its various senses) : supposed by many to be his only virtue, 16th-18th cent., introd. liii-iv ; held to be chiefly a comic and obscene poet, after Tyrwhitt, ib. lv, lix-lxi; W. Stevins [c. 1555], i. 92-3; R. Robinson [1574], i. 109; ‘ Simon Smel-Knave ’ [1591 ?], i. 134; R. Hakluyt, 1598, i. 157; S. Pick, 1638, i. 219; E. Phillips, 1675 (wit not C.’s real worth), i. 250 ; J. Evelyn, 1685, i. 258; Unknown, 1673, i. 266 ; Addison, 1694 (C. * tries to make his readers laugh in vain’), i. 266; S. Cobb [a. 1700], i. 271; J. Gay, 1712, i. 319; S. Croxall, 1715, i. 337; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; J. Madan, 1721, i. 362; ‘ Astro - phil,’ 1740, i. 387; T. War- ton, 1754 (C. the first humorist in English), i. 409-10, introd. cxxxix. H. Dalrymple(?), 1761, i. 421 ; T. Percy, 1765, i. 427 ; Un- known, 1772, i. 437 ; T. Warton, 1774, i. 440; C. Burney, 1782, i. 465; W. Bell (?) (misplaced jocoseness), [c. 1785], i. 480-1; Gilbert White, 1789, iv. 98; its simplicity, R. H., 1820, ii. 122-3 ; L. Hunt, 1846, ii. 269-71; W. Hertzberg, 1856, v. 144 ; A. G. K. L’Estrange, 1878 (denying it), introd. lx.; Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131 ; his wit, variations in the meaning of the term, introd. xcvii-viii; gradual recognition of C.’s humour, ib. cxxxviii— ix. 4. Indecency : frivolity : his reputation for, introd. xxi; supposed in 16th-18th cents, to be his chief characteristic, ib. xlv; survival of this belief in early 19th cent., ib. lx; ex- emplified in references by Tyn- dale, 1528, iv. 11; E. Becke, 1549, i. 88; Cranmer [1549?], i. 88-9; Latimer, 1549, i. 89; A. Scott, 1562, i. 97; T. Drant, 1567, i. 100; J. Wharton, 1575, i. Ill; T. Procter, 1578, i. 116; W. Fulke, 1579, i. 116; Sir J. Harington, 1591, i. 134; T. Campion, [1617?], iv. 65; T. Jordan, 1657, iv. 72; Dryden, 1680-3, i. 254-5, 1700, i. 279-80; Lady M. Wortley Montagu [1713-14], i. 329; Pope, 1737 (‘Chaucer’s worst ribaldry is learned by rote), i. 383; A. Yart, 1753-6, v. 29; Cowper, 1781, i. 459; Anna Seward, 1806, ii. 28; Byron, 1807, ii. 29, 1811, ii. 52; H. Richman [c. 1810], ii. 49; S. T. Coleridge, 1818, ii. 95; K. H. Digby, 1826, ii. 161; J. P. Collier, 1833, ii. 187; Un- known, 1841, ii. 241; Card. Wiseman, 1855, iii. 29, introd. lxi. ; E. Fitzgerald, 1856, iii. 29. (By the use of the phrase ‘ Chaucer's jest ’) : G. Whet- stone, 1576, i. 113, 1578, i. 116; ‘A.,’ 1592, i. 138; Re- turn from Parnassus [1597], i. Index. 19 Chaucer, Geoffrey. 144-5; N. Breton, 1597, i. 144, 1600, i. 162; 'A.TrohrinovvT6i 1827, ii. 166; L. Hunt, 1844, ii. 255; G. P. Marsh, 1858-9, iii. 44. 16. Prolixity ; Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484; Camp- bell, 1819, ii. 112; Unknown, 1846, ii. 273; A. Smith, 1862, 1 iii. 65; Unknown, 1873, iii. 117. i 17. Brevity : Lydgate, 1430, i. 42; Caxton ■ [c. 1483], i. 61-2, introd. xiv; J. Rastell ( ?) [1520], i. 73; Sir B. Tuke, 1532, i. 80, introd. xvii. 18. Eloquence : the common opinion [c. 1400- 1550], introd.- xciii-iv; Lyd- gate [c. 1403, etc.], i. 17, 19, 24, 27, 35; J. Walton, 1410, i. 20; Hoccleve, 1412, i. 21; James I., 1423, i. 34; Un- known [c. 1440], i. 45; J. Shirley [c. 1450], i. 49; Un- known [1450-60 ?], i. 53 ; Un- ; known [a. 1477], i. 57 ; Caxton [a. 1479], i. 58; Dunbar, 1503, i. 66; Hawes [1503-4], i. 66; ! H. Bradshaw, 1513, i. 71 ; Douglas, 1513, i. 71-2 ; Skelton, 1523, i. 74; Unknown [1525?], ! i. 75; J. Grange, 1577, i. 107 (in Cambridge issue only). 19. Facility : Landor, 1811, iv. 103-4; J. R. Lowell, 1870, iii. 110; T. R. Lounsbury, 1891, iii. 143. 20. Artificiality : Anna Seward, 1806, ii. 28; { Unknown, 1877, iii. 122-3. 21. Heaviness : Unknown, 1861 (‘wanting in a certain lightness of touch, con- ciseness and melody’), iii. 60. 22. Originality : J. R. Lowell, 1871 (‘one of the most purely original of poets’), iii. 111. (g) Comparisons of, with other Writers. Some of these writers are merely equalled with or pre- ferred to Chaucer by enthusi- Index. 21 Chaucer, Geoffrey. astic admirers. The numerous passages from early writers given in the text in which Chaucer is mentioned in com- pany with Gower, Lydgate, Surrey, Spenser, etc., without comment are omitted here ; see introd. lxxiii-iv. 1. Beaumont : J. Earle [1616], i. 192. 2. Boccaccio : D. Rogers [c. 1570], i. 107 ; Dryden, 1700, i. 273-4, 283-4; J. C. Dunlop, 1814, ii. 61-3; Macaulay, 1815, ii. 72; H. Gomont, 1847, v. 59-60; ( Troilus and Philostrato ), W. M. Rossetti, 1873, iii. 116-17; for comparisons of the frame of the Decameron and the Canter- bury Tales , see below : [viii. Works . — (f.) 12.] 3. Browning, B. : Landor, 1846, ii. 273. 4. Burns: N. Drake, 1828, ii. 168; Landor, 1846, ii. 272; M. Arnold, 1880, iii. 130. 5. Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle : W. Cavendish, D. of N., 1664, iv. 74. 6. Chatterton : in Biog. nouvelle des contemp., 1822, v. 43. 7. Cicero : Bale, 1562, iv. 28. 8. Crabbe: J. R. Lowell, 1845, ii. 261. 9. Dante : Unknown, 1842, ii. 246 ; Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131-2. 10. Dryden : Wordsworth, 1805, ii. 26; Unknown, 1855, iii. 28. 11. Dunbar: (excelled C. at all points) Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484; D. Irving, 1804, ii. 15 ; N. Drake, 1828, ii. 168; Scott, 1829, ii. 176; 1830, ii. 179. 12. Ennius: B. Googe, 1565, iv. 34; Hakluyt, 1598, i. 157 ; Dryden, 1697, i. 269 ; S. Wesley, 1700, i. 289; J. Hughes [c. 1707], i.294; T. Ruddiman, 1710, i. 313. 13. Gower (mere collocations of the names omitted) : introd. xviii- xix, lxxiii; Pymlico, 1609, i. 184; S. Turner, 1825, ii. 158. 14. Henry, the Minstrel : D. Irving, 1804, ii. 15. 15. Hogarth: J. Bancks, 1738, i. 383; C. Lamb, 1811, ii. 54. 16. Homer: Leland [c. 1545], iv. 15; Camden, 1586, i. 128; B. Vul- § II. (£.) canius, 1586, iv. 187 (in Cam- bridge issue only); Unknown, 1830, ii. 179-80; De Quincey, 1838-9, ii. 221, 1841, ii. 229- 30; Unknown, 1842, ii. 246; (for archaic diction) M. Arnold, 1861-2, iii. 54-5. 17. T. Howell : J. Keeper, 1568, i. 102 . 18. Keats : Landor, 1846, ii. 272, 1848, ii. 278. 19. La Fontaine : J. J. Jusserand, 1878, v. 85. 20. Lydgate (mere collocations of the names omitted) : introd. xviii- xix, lxxiii ; preferred to C. by Hawes, introd. xviii; equalled with him by J. Lawson, 1581, i. 120. 21. Marot : D. Rogers [c. 1570], i. 107; L. M. Chaudon, 1791, v. 37; H. F. Cary, 1821^1, ii. 131-2. 22. The Meister singer: Herder, 1777, v. 133-4. 23. W. Morris : A. C. Swinburne, 1867, iii. 94. 24. Ossian : H. D. Thoreau, 1843, ii. 250. 25. Ovid: Dryden, 1700, i. 272-6; Dryden ’s comparison ridiculed by T. Brown [a. 1704], i. 291-2. 26. Pope : Hazlitt, 1821, ii. 132-3. 27. Allan Bamsay : A. F. Tytler, 1800, i. 504. 28. Buiz de Hita : G. Ticknor, 1849, ii. 280. 29. Shakespeare: Hazlitt, 1817, ii. 87-9, 1818, ii. 105; Coleridge, 1834, ii. 190; FitzGerald, 1859, iii. 49; J. W. Hales, 1873, iii. 115-16. 30. Skelton: Pymlico, 1609, i. 184. 31. Spenser : F. Thynne, 1600, i. 166; Spenser preferred by C. Fitz^effrey, 1601, i. 167 ; R. R., 1605, i. 176; J. Hughes, 1715, i. 340; W. Thompson, 1745, i. 391-2; Southey, 1811, ii. 55; Landor, 1811, iv. 103, [ n.a . 1841] (‘ C. worth a score or two of Spensei’s ’), ii. 239; Hazlitt, 1818, ii. 98, 1826, ii. 161-2. 32. Varro : R. Carew [1595-6 ?], i. 142. 33. Villon : A. C. Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131-2. 34. Wyatt : Surrey [1542], i. 84. 22 Index. Chaucer, Geoffrey. (h) Influence of, on other 'poets : on Arthur Broke, iv. 2,9-33; on William Browne, iv. 62 ; on Lyly, iv. 41-2; on Shake- speare, i. 396 ; iv. 45-6 ( see also Shakespeare, W.); on Spenser, i. 118-19; on Surrey, iv. 19; on Wyatt, iv. 12; on the author of Sir Gyles Goosecappe (Chap- man ?), iv. 57-60. III. Modernizations (a) General : See also below (b) 10, Dryden. 1. Praised or defended : as saving C. from oblivion, by C. B., 1749, i. 399; H. Dalrym- ple ( ?), 1761, i. 421 ; as superior to originals, by Walpole, 1774, i. 439, 1781, i. 464; as incite- ment to read originals, by Leigh Hunt, 1855, iii. 22-3; called for by J. Dart, 1718, i. 346. 2. Condemned : by W. Harrison, 1706, i. 293; T. Warton, 1754, 1762, 1774, i. 409, 423, 439—40 ; Unknown, 1826, ii. 164; Landor [n.a. 1841], ii. 238-9, introd. lviii; Unknown, 1847, ii. 275. 3. Criticized : by Leigh Hunt, 1817, ii. 89, introd., lxvi ; J. Johnstone, 1828, ii. 169-170; E. B. Brown- ing, 1840, ii. 226-7; R. H. Horne, 1841, ii. 237; J. Saun- ders, 1845-7, ii. 264-6; introd. xliii-vii. (b) Particular : 1. Bell, B., 1841, ii. 234. 2. Betterton, T. [a. 1710], i. 312; see below : Pope. 3. Browning, E. B., 1841, ii. 235. 4. Budgell, E., see Grosvenor. 5. Catcott, A. E., 1717, i. 345. 6. Clarke, C. Cowden, 1833, ii. 187; 1835, ii. 194. 7. Cobb, S., 1725, iv. 84. 8. Cooke, W., 1774, i. 438. 9. Dart, J ., 1718, i. 346. 10. Dryden, J., 1700, i. 272-85; praised by J. Hughes [c. 1707], i. 294; Walpole, 1775, iv. 94; § ii. (h.)-§ hi. (b.) C. Reeve, 1785, i. 479; con- demned by W. Harrison, 1706, i. 293; Southey, 1803, ii. 12; Hazlitt, 1815, 1818, ii. 70, 105-6; Lowell, 1845, ii. 261; A. Smith (Dryden and Pope ‘ committed assault and battery ’ on C. ), 1 862, iii. 65 ; criticized by Johnson, 1779-81, i. 456- 7; Scott, 1808, ii. 39-41; O. Schoepke, 1878, v. 149; spoken of as' if the originals, by J. Aikin, 1804, ii. 14-15. 11. Dunkin, W. [a. 1765], iv. 93. 12. Grosvenor [i.e. E. Budgell ?] [1733], iv. 86. 13. Harte, W., 1727, iv. 84. 14. Haweis, M. E., 1876, iii. 121. 15. Horne, B. H., and others, in Chaucer Modernized, 1841, ii. 234-8 ; Landor declines to con- tribute to, ii. 238-9 ; reviewed, ii. 241 ; Wordsworth on, ii. 228—9, 242, introd. lvii— lix. 16. Hunt, Leigh, Pardoner’s Tale , 1820, ii. 126, 1845, ii. 260, 1855, iii. 22-3 ; Squire’s Tale, first version, 1823, iv. 105; second version, 1841, ii. 235, 1855, ii. 144, iv. 105. 17. Jackson, A., 1750, i. 401. 18. Johnstone, J., 1827, ii. 165. 19. Lipscomb, W., Pardoner’ s Tale, 1791, i. 493; C.T., 1795, i. 496-7. 20. Markland, J., 1728, i. 370; in Ogle, 1741, i. 389-90. 21. Maynwaring, A., 1709, i. 310. 22. Milnes, M., 1844, ii. 256. 23. Ogle, G., Clerk’s Tale, 1739, i. 384-6; with others, C.T., 1741, i. 389-90. 24. Penn, J., 1794, i. 495-6. 25. Pitt-Taylor, F., 1884, iii. 135-6. 26. Pope, A., January and May,' 1709, i. 310; used by Wieland in his Oberon, 1780, v. 134. The Temple of Fame, 1711, i. 318, attacked by J. Ralph, 1728, iv. 84-5; praised by Dr. Johnson, 1779, i. 457; J. War- ton, 1782, i. 471. Wife of Bath’s Prol., 1714, i. 330. Franklin’s Tale, lines on love, paraphrased from, in Eloisa to Abelard, 1717, i. 346, 489. Index. 23 Chaucer, Geoffrey. Knight’s Tale, etc., line on pity paraphrased from, 1711, i. 319. Prol. C.T., Pope wrote the modernization of, published as Betterton’s, i. 500. General : praised by C. B., 1749, i. 399; by Roscoe, 1824, ii. 152; condemned by Theo- bald, 1732, i. 374; by A. Smith, 1862, iii. 65; their relation to their originals discussed by A. Schade, 1897, v. 152. See also above, Dryden. 27. Powell, T., 1841, ii. 228, 234; his plagiarisms, 239-40, 267-8. 28. Saunders, J ., 1845-7, ii. 264-6. 29. Sewell, G., Hoccleve’s Letter of Cupid (as C.’s), 1718, i. 347-8, 1720, i. 350; Song of Troilus , 1720, i. 350-52. 30. Storr, F., and Turner, H., 1878, iii. 123. 31. Thurlow, E., Lord, Knight’s Tale, 1822, ii. 140; The Flower and the Leaf, 1823, ii. 148. 32. Trinitarius, 1800, i. 504. 33. Tytler, H. W., 1828, ii. 171. 34. Wordsworth, W., 1801-2, ii. 2-3, 5; 1841, ii. 234. 35. Z., Z. A. [i.e. R. H. Hornet], 1841, ii. 234, 239-40. 36. Anon., ‘sonnet’ (source uniden- tified), 1737, iv. 87 ; Sompnour’s Tale, 1769, iv. 94; Miller’s Tale, 1791, i. 493; Clerk’s Tale, 1794, iv. 100; Squire’s Tale, 1796, i. 499; L.G.W., Ariadne, 1803, ii. 13; Squire’s Tale, 1804, ii. 21; C.T., etc., 1811, ii. 56; Truth, 1815, ii. 80-81; Clerk’s Tale, 1837, ii. 219; Parson, 1841, ii. 240-1; Clerk’s Tale, 1845, ii. 266. IV. Imitations (a) Imitation in general : introd. xlvii-ix ; condemned by Ascham, 1563-8, i. 97-8; by Ben Jonson [1620-35 ?], i. 193-4. (b) Particular Imitators : 1. Arbuihnot, J. ( ?), 1735, iv. 86-7. 2. Baynes , «/.(?), 1782, i. 465. § III. (b.)-§ IV (b.) 3. Brome, A., 1641, i. 219. 4. Brooke, A., 1562, iv. 29-33. 5. Bullein, W., 1564, i. 99. 6. Chatterton, T. [a. 1770], i. 432-5; the controversy over, 1781-2, i. 459, 463, 465-9, 472-3 ; see also Chatterton, T. 7. Drayton, M., 1593, i. 139. 8. Fagan, C. G., 1883, iii. 134-5. 9. Fenton, E., 1717, i. 345. 10. Fielding, H. ( ?), 1752, iv. 90- 91. 11. Frere, J.H.{t) [c. 1787], ii. 21, iv. 107 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 109 (in Cambridge issue). 12. Gay, J., 1717, i. 345. 13. Gough, R., 1764, i. 425. 14. Greene, E. B., 1782, i. 466. 15. Harris, J. [a. 1758], i. 412. 16. Hunt, Leigh, 1858, iii. 43. 17. James, F., 1635, i. 212-3; 1638, i. 218-9. 18. Keats, J., 1819, iv. 104, introd. lxvi-vii. 19. Ker, W. P., 1891, iii. 140. 20. Mason, W ., 1744 (quoted as 1747), i. 393-4. 21. Mathias, T. J., 1782, i. 466-7. 22. Mennis, Sir J., and Smith, J., 1655, i. 231. 23. N., B. ( ?), 1789, i. 487-8. 24. Pope, A., 1727, i. 369. 25. Prior, M. {Erie Robert’s Mice, etc.), 1712, i. 323-4; condemned by Armstrong, 1753, iv. 91; another [1718 ?], i. 347. 26. Skeat, W. W., 1900, iii. 151-2 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 152 (in Cambridge issue). 27. Smith, J. See above, Mennis, J. 28. Spenser, E., 1579, 1590-96, i. 118, 132-3; praised by S. Cobb [a. 1700], i. 271; con- demned by Ben Jonson [1620- 35 ?], i. 193-4, introd. xxvi. 29. Starkey, A., 1859, iii. 51. 30. Swift, J. (lost), ii. 65, iv. 88. 31. Thompson, W. [c. 1745], i. 392-3. 32. Taylor, J. (the Water Poet), ref. to by Southey, 1831, ii. 184. 33. Thurlow, E., Lord, 1823, ii. 148. 34. Warton, T., sen., 1747, i. 394, iv. 89. 35. Wharton, R., 1804-5, ii. 22. 36. Anon. [1597], i. 144; 1746, iv. 89; 1772, i. 437; 1791, iv. 99; 1796, i. 499. 24 Index. Chaucer, Geoffrey. V. Illustrations 1. Blake , W ., 1 The Canterbury Pilgrims ’ ; described by him- self, 1809, ii. 42-6; admired by Lamb, 1810, ii. 49, 1824, ii. 151 ; condemned by A. Cun- ningham, 1830, iv. 106; by T. F. Dibdin, 1836, ii. 203-4; original oil sketch for, owned by R. C. Jackson, 1864, iii. 74; selections from C.T. Prol. printed to illustrate, 1812, ii. 56; used as the sign of the Tabard Inn, 1812, iv. 104. See also below, 9. Stothard. 2. Burne Jones, Sir E. C., Prioress's Tale , 1858, iii. 41 ; Assembly of Fowls (‘ Cupid’s Forge’), 1861, iii. 55; L.G.W. (designs), 1862, iii. 61, praised by Ruskin, 1867, iii.' 93; (glass at Peterhouse), 1864, iii. 72; Isle of Ladies (‘ Chaucer’s Dream’), 1865, iii. 75; Works (Kelmscott ed.), 1896, iii. 150 (in Cambridge issue only), in- trod. lxx. 3. Corbould, E., Cant. Tales, 1853, iii. 12. 4. Dixon, R. W., Merchant’s Tale ( ?) ( £ A Wedding Scene ’), 1855, iii. 21. 5. Hamilton, W., Knight’s Tale C The Death of Arcite ’), 1790, iv. 98. 6. Hooper, W. H., engraved wood- cuts after the Ellesmere MS. for the Six Text C.T., 1868, iii. 95; after Rurne Jones for the Kelmscott Works, 1896, iii. 150 (in Cambridge issue only), in- trod. lxx. 7. Jelfereys, J ., ‘The Canterbury Pilgrims ’ [c. 1780 ?], i. 458-9. 8. Mortimer, J. H., Cant. Tales, [n.a. 1779], i. 447, iv. 96. 9. Stothard, T., ‘ The Canterbury Pilgrims,’ praised by F. Douce, 1807, ii. 31; by J. Hoppner, 1807, ii. 32; proposals for printing the engraving after, by R. H. Cromek, 1808, ii. 37; condemned by Blake, 1809, ii. 46 ; exhibited in all great towns, the engraving widely sold, ii. 203; at Abbotsford, 1827, ii. 164-5; preferred to §§ V, VI, VII. Blake’s by T. F. Dibdin, 1836, ii- 203-4; suggested to de Lecluze his translation of C.T. Prol., 1838, v. 51-3. See also above, 1. Blake. Other illustra- tions of Chaucer, ii. 203, iv. 106. 10. Waller, J. G., window in West- minster Abbey, 1868, iii. 97 11. Anon., 1824, ii. 149. VI. Manuscripts i. 26-64; iv. 4-8; those used by Thynne, including one in- scribed ‘examinatur Chaucer,’ i. 151 ; Sir H. L’Estrange’s, 1669-96, i. 245; H. Wanley, 1697, iv. 81, 1705, i. 292-3; T. Heame, 1709, 1711, i. 297-300, 306-7, 316-17; J. Urry, 1712, 1721, i. 325-6, 358; Sir H. Sloane, 1715, i. 335; Sloane’s and Bagford’s lent to Hearne for Urry’s ed., i. 341-2; Tyr- whitt, 1775. i. 442; the Har- leian, 1769, 1808, i. 416, 424, ii. 41-2; Todd, 1810, ii. 50; Dib- din, 1817, ii. 87; Furnivall (?), 1865, iii. 76; to be printed by the Chaucer Society, 1867, iii. 89-90, 95-6 ; T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 99, 103-5: and see below, viii., under the separate works. VII. Bibliography Rarity of early bibliographical references, introd. Ixxxix; lists and references by Lydgate, 1430, i. 3-43; Hawes, 1506, i. 67; Leland [c. 1545], iv. 17; Bale, 1548, 1557, iv. 19-20, 22-4; F. Thynne, 1598, i. 155; Stow, 1598, 1600, i. 159-60, 165; Pits, 1613, iv. 65; Bag- ford, 1709, i. 297; Hearne, 1708-15, i. 296-337; Ames, 1749, i. 398-9; Herbert, 1785- 90, i. 477-8, 483, 491 ; Griffiths, 1815, ii. 69; Dibdin, 1809-24, iv. 103, ii. 49, 69, 87, 149-50; Watt [a. 1819], ii. 120; Harts- horne, 1829, ii. 172; Scott [n.a. 1832], ii. 186; Heber sale, 1834-6, ii. 193; Lowndes, 1834, ii. 192; King’s Library cata- logue, 1834, ii. 193; " Douce, 1840, ii. 226; Collier, 1865, iii. 75-6. Index. 25 Chaucer, Geoffrey. VIII. Works Relative popularity of : introd. lxxvi-ix. Table of 19 th cent. edd. of ( com- plete and separate ) : introd. lxxi. Chronology of : ten Brink, 1870, v. 147-8, introd. lxxi-ii ; criticized by Minto, 1874, iii. 119; Furnivall, 1873, iii. 113; Koch, 1890, iii. 139. Canon of : Skeat, 1900, iii. 150-1 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 151 (in Cambridge issue) ; introd., lxxii. See also below ; [vm. (1.) Spurious .] Editions of Complete (or nearly Complete ) Works : Pynson, 1526, i. 75; Thynne (Godfray), 1532, i. 78; this really the first English miscel- lany, iii. 87 ; Thynne (Bonham), 1542, i. 83; Thynne (Bonham, etc.) [c. 1545], i. 86; Stowe, 1561, i. 96 ; this the beginning of a projected collection of old authors, i. 100 ; Speght, 1598, i. 147; F. Thynne’s Animad- versions on, 1598, i. 149-55; Speght’s 2nd ed., 1602, i. 168; 1687, i. 259; this readvertised in 1689, i. 262; Urry’s, in pre- paration, 1714-15, i. 330-37; published, 1721, i. 353-61; Brome’s letter on, 1733, i. 375 [see also Urry]; Entick’s pro- posals for an ed., 1736, i. 377- 8; one projected by Dr. John- son [c. 1750], i. 401; in Bell's Poets, 1782, i. 464-5; the Canterbury Tales in this ed. a piracy from Tyrwhitt, 1783, i. 474; in Anderson’s Poets, 1793, i. 494; a lost ed., 16mo., 1807, ii. 29; in Chalmers’ English Poets , 1810, ii. 48-9; in British Poets , 1822, ii. 136; Moxon, 1843, ii. 246; Aldine ed., 1845, ii. 258; Bell’s annotated ed., 1854-6, iii. 15; ed. projected by Aldis Wright, Henry Bradshaw, and Furni- vall, 1864, iii. 71-2; Aldine § VIII. (a-f.) ed., 1866, iii. 81; ed. by R. Bell, 1878, iii. 123; by Gilman, Boston, 1878-80, iii. 123-4; by Skeat, 1894-7, iii. 146-8; the Kelmscott, 1896, iii. 150 (in Cambridge issue only), interest aroused by, introd. lxx; the Globe, 1898, iii. 150; During’s uncompleted German version, 1883-6, v. 150. (f) Canterbury Tales : 1. Manuscripts : various, i. 26, 32-3, 36, 50-52, 54 ; Harl. 7334 used by Wright, 1847-51, ii. 274; rhyme index to Ellesmere MS., 1875, iii. 95; note in Laud MS., i. 221 ; those used for Chaucer Soc.’s Six- Text ed., iii. 89, 95-6 ; see above : vi. 2. Early records of copies : bequeathed by J. Brinchele, 1420, i. 25-6 ; Eliz. Bruyn, 1471, i. 56; J. Parmenter, 1479, i. 60 ; Margaret, Countess of Richmond, 1509, i. 71. 3. Editions ( English ) : Caxton, 1st ed. [1477-8], i. 58; incorrectness of this ed. pointed out to Caxton, i. 62; 2nd ed. [c. 1483], i. 61 ; Pynson [c. 1492], i. 64-5; Wynkyn de Worde, 1498, i. 65; Pynson, 1526, i. 75; Tyrwhitt, 1775-8, i. 442-6, 451 ; this the first good text, introd. liv ; 2nd ed., 1798, i. 500; Cumberland [1820?], ii. 121; reprint of Tyrwhitt, 1822, ii. 136; 1824, with other poems, illustrated, ii. 149; Dove’s Classics [ n.a . 1841], ii. 229; Wright, 1847- 51, ii. 274, 1853 (repr., 1860), iii. 12 ; illustr. by E. Corbould, 1853 (repr. 1878, 1882), iii. 12; Tyrwhitt, repr. with mem. by Gilfillan, 1860, iii. 52-3; Six- text print (Chaucer Soc.), 1868- 77, iii. 95-6 ; various, discussed by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 104-5. 4. Editions ( French ) : J. B. de Chatelain, 1857-61, v. 12, 66-9; P. van* Cleem- putte, unfinished [1869], v. 95; 26 Index . Chaucer, Geoffrey. E. Legouis, 1906-8, v. 13-14, 111-113; reviewed, v. 107-11, 119-20. 5. Editions ( German ) : C. L. Kannegiesser (select), 1827, v. 140 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 139 (in Cambridge issue) ; E. Fiedler (four tales only), 1844, v. 141; W. Hertzberg, 1866, v. 145-6. 6. Abridgments for children : C. Cowden Clarke, 1833, 1870, ii. 187; M. E. Haweis, 1876, iii. 121 ; F. Storrs and H. Turner, 1878, iii. 123. 7. Modernizations : G. Ogle and others, 1741, i. 389-90; W. Lipscomb, 1795, i. 496-7 ; anon, (unpublished) [■ n.b . 1811], ii. 56; R. H. Horne and others, 1841, ii. 234-8; sig- nificance and effect of, introd. xliii-xlviii. 8. Sequels : Lydgate’s Siege of Thebes, i. 26- 32; H. J. Richman [c. 1810], ii. 49 ; R. Warner upon this, 1830, ii. 180 ; see also below (1.) Spuri- ous Works, 3 and 8. 9. Rhyme-Index : to Ellesmere MS., by H. Cromie, 1875, iii. 95. 10. Summaries : B. Twyne [1608-44], i. 181. 11. The Characters : See under the name of each, and also below, under the separate Tales. 12. Frame and Order of the Tales : links, i. 126, 32-3, 36, spurious, i. 50-52 ; improbabilities noted in by J. Dixon, 1865 ( N . no]j H- . „ Malone, E., catalogue of his collection (in the Bodleian), ii. 202. ed. Dry den’ s Critical and Miscel- laneous Works, 1800, i. 503—4. Remarks on two new Publica- tions [by Milles and Bryant] on Rowley’s Poems (signed ‘Misopicle- rus’), 1781, i. 463. notes in his edition of Shake- speare, 1790, iv. 98. . — . — strictures upon his Cursory Observations on Rowley, by E. B. Greene, 1782, i. 466. — ed. Phillips’s Theatrum Poetarum, 1800, i. 503. Mamroth, F., Geoffrey Chaucer, 1872, v. 148. Man of Law’s Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works . — (f.) 21.] Manciple's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works . — (f.) 22.] Manly, J. M., Observations on the Language of Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women, 1890, iii. 139. Manners of the Athenians (in Quarterly Review), 1820, ii. 129. Manners, Catherine Rebecca, Lady, Review of Poetry, 1799, i. 501. Manning, O., and Bray, W., History and Antiquities of Surrey, 1814, ii. 64-5. Manuscripts. See Chaucer, G. [vi. MSS.] Marchantes Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works . — (f.) 24.] Margaret, daughter of Edward III., C.’s patroness (Strickland), 1840, ii. 228. Markham, Mrs., A History of England, 1823, iv. 105. Markland, J., his modernization from C.T. ( Friar’s Talel) in The Altar of Love, 1728, i. 370; reprinted by Ogle, 1741, i. 389-90. Markland, J. H., Some Remarks on the Early Use of Carriages in England, 1821, ii. 133. Marmion, S., The Antiquary, 1641, i. 220. Marot, C., classed with C. See Chaucer, G. [ii. (g.) Comparisons with other writers.] Marriage ( Bukton ). See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works . — (g.) 8.] Marsh, G. P., Lectures on the English Language, 1858-9, iii. 44. Origin and History of the English Language, 1862, iii. 63-4. Marsh, H., Horce Pelasgicas, 1815, ii. 72. Marshall, Isabel (with L. Porter and W. W. Skeat), Ryme Index to Chaucer's Minor Poems, 1887, iii. 137. Marston, J., The Scourge of Villame, 1598, i. 158. Marten, Sir H., letter to Charles I., 1635, i. 216. Marvell, A., The Last Instructions to a Painter about the Dutch Wars, 1667, iv. 75. Tom May’s Death [1650? or 1660?], iv. 71-2. Mason, G., Poems by Thomas Hoccleve, ed. by, 1796, i. 498. Supplement to Johnson’s Dic- tionary, 1800, i. 504. Mason, W ., An Archaeological Epistle to J. Milles [by W. Mason?], 1782, i. 465. Musasus, 1747 (1744), i. 393-4; iv. 88; typical 18th cent, ignor- ance of C. displayed in, introd. xlix. Massey, W., The Various Translations of the Bible into English (in Gent.’s Mag.), 1758, iv. 92. Match me these two, 1647, iv. 71. Matthias, T. J., An Essay on Rowley, 1783, i. 473. The Pursuits of Literature, 1794, i. 495; 1800, iv. 100-102. Rowley and Chatterton in the Shades, 1782, i. 466-7. 62 Index. Matzner, E., Altenglische Sprachprobe, 1867, 1869, v. 147. Maunciples Tale. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (f.) 22.] Maurice, F. D., The Friendship of Books , 1856, iii. 31. • Milton considered as a School- master, 1857, iii. 39. On Books, 1865, iii. 78-9. On the Representation and Educa- tion of the People, 1866, iii. 83. Maury, L., reviews Canterbury Tales in French, 1909, v. 119-20. Maying or Disport of Chaucer, The, Lydgate’s Complaint of the Black Knight printed as, 1508, i. 70. May n waring, A., The Court of Love, a tale from Chaucer, 1709, i. 310. Life and Posthumous Works of. 1715, i. 341. J Mediceval English Literature, Chaucer (in National Review), 1862, iii. 66. Meen, H., letter to T. Percy, Aug. 6, 1796, i. 498. Meistersdnger, The, inferior to C. (Herder, 1777), v. 133-4. Melbancke, B., uses only obsolete words used by C., 1583, iv. 107 (in Cambridge issue only). Melibeus. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (f.) 23.] Melismata, 1611, i. 185. Memoirs of Literature, 1722, i. 362. Mencke, J. B., Compendidses Gelehrten- Lexicon, 1715, v. 131. Mennis, Sir J., and Smith, J., Musarum Delicice, 1655, i. 231. Merchant's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (f.) 24.] Merciless Beauty. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (g.) 20.] Mercure de France, 1734, v. 22. Meres, F., Palladis Tamia, 1598, i. 159. Meredith, G., On the Idea of Comedy , 1877, iii. 122. Poems , 1851, iii. 3. Metham, J., Amoryus and Cleopes, 1448-9, calls C. his master, i. 47. Meyer, C. F. H., John Gower’s Beziehungen zu Chaucer und Konig Richard II., 1889, v. 151. Meyer, J., Das grosse Conversations - Lexicon, 1845, v. 141-2. Meyer, P., introduction to the Contes Moralises de Nicole Bozon, 1889. v. 125. Mezieres, A., Predecesseurs et Contem- porains de Shakespeare, 1894, v. 100 - 1 . Micawber, Mr., refers to C.T., ii. 283-4. Michelet, J., Histoire de France, 1837, v. 51. Middle class, C. the poet of the English (Swinburne, 1880), iii 131-2. Middleton, T., The Family of Love, 1607, i. 179. y 1 More Dissemblers besides Women [a. 1622], i. 197. iVo ^ Help ) a Woman's [1613?], i. 187 Miege, G., Flat present d' Angleierre, 1702, v. 3, 20. Miller of Abingdon, The, its relation to Reeve's T., iv. 8; attrib. to Borde and said to be from Reeve s T. by Hearne, 1735, i. 376-7 ; pre- ferred to Reeve's T. by W. C. Hazlitt, 1866, iii. 83; this judg- ment denounced by Lowell, ib. Miller s Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works.— (f.) 25.] Milles, J., Bean, ed. Rowley Poems as genuine, 1782, i. 468. his views on the Rowley Poems confuted by Malone, 1781, i. 463; and in An Archaeological Epistle to [by J. Baynes? or W. Mason?]. 1782, i. 465. Milman, H. H., History of Latin Christianity, vol. vi. 1855, iii. 23-5. Milner, J., History of Winchester, reviewed, 1810, ii. 50. Milnes, R. Monckton (Lord Houghton) modernized Truth, 1844, ii. 256. Milton, J., II Penseroso [1632?] (printed 1645), i. 204; m 71; Warton’s notes on, in his ed. of Milton’s Minor Poems, 1785, i. 482; S. Darby’s letter to Warton on this ed., ib. Mansus 34, in Poems, 1645 [1638-9], C.’s visit to Italy, i. 219. Paradise Lost, T. Newton’s notes to, 1749, i. 400. Animadversions upon the Re- monstrant’s Defence, 1641, i. 221. . Of Reformation touching Church Discipline in England, quoting Ploughman’s T. as genuine, 1641, i. 220 . Common Place Book, citing C. against marriage [a. 1674 ?], i. 248-9. The Apotheosis of, 1738-9 (in Gent.’s Mag.), i. 384, iv. 88. said by Dryden to have 4 dug I ancient words’ from C., i. 265; Index. 63 overlooks Chaucer’s comic vein and dwells on the romantic (Warton, 1785), i. 482; his knowledge of C., introd. xxxii. Minnes, Sir J., ‘ doats on C. mightily (Pepys, 1663-4), i. 241; introd. xxxiv-v. Minor Poems. See Chaucer, Or. [viii. Works. — (g.) 21.] Minshull, R., Proposals for an Account of the Books printed by Caxton [1741?], i. 389. Minto, W., Characteristics of English Poets, 1874, iii. 119-20. Chaucer (art. in Encyclopedia Britannica), 1876, iii. 121. Miscellany Poems by Oxford Hands, 1685, i. 258. Misopiclerus. See Malone, E. Mitford, Mary R., letters : to Miss Barrett, 1842, ii. 245; to Sir W. Elford, 1815, ii. 72-3; 1819, ii. 118; 1820, ii. 127. reading of C., 1806, ii. 28. Recollections of a Literary Life, 1852, iii. 9-10. Modernization, of Shakespeare pre- cedes that of C., introd. cxxvii. For modernizations of C.’s works, see Chaucer, G. [in. Modern- izations.'] Monk's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 26.] Montagu, Elizabeth, letter to the Duchess of Portland, July 24, 1745, i. 391. Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, Un- finished Sketches of a Larger Poem, ref. to C.’s dulness and ribaldry, [1713-14], i. 329. Moutegut, ]£., Caracteres generaux de la litterature anglaise, 1883, v. 91. Montelion, Knight of the Oracle { John Phillips), 1659-61, iv. 73. Montgomerie, A., The Flyting betwixt Montgomerie and Polwart, calling Polwart ‘ C.’s cook’ [a. 1584], i. 124. Montgomery, G., La Belle Try amour (poem), 1823, ii. 147. Moore, P., The Wanton Wife of Bath (ballad [by P. Moore ?]). See Wife of Bath. Moore, T., Letters and Journals of Lord Byron, ed. by, 1830, ii. 178. note to Song of the Departing Spirit of Tithe [1828?], ii. 170. finds C. unreadable [Diary, 1819), ii. 118. Moral purpose, C. writes with a. See Chaucer, G. [ii. (f.) Qualities found in C. — 5.] More, Sir W., possessed a copy of C., 1556, i. 94. Morel, L., James Thomson, 1895, v. 102-4. transl. part of Knight’s Tale into French, 1908, v. 111. Morell, T., his ed. of The Canterbury Tales ( Prol . and Knight's Tale), 1737, i. 381-2; praised by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 102. letter [to James West?], 18 July, 1771, intends to continue his ed. of C., i. 436. Moreri, L., notice of C. in Grand Dictionnaire historique, 1674, 1681, 1707, 1740, v. 3, 18-19, 20, 23. Morhof, D. G., Unterricht von der teutschen Sprache und Poesie, 1682, v. 129. Morley, H., English Writers, 1864-7, iii. 72. Morris, R., ed. C.T. Prologue, etc., 1867, iii. 86. Specimens of Early English, 1867, iii. 90-1. Morris, W., The Earthly Paradise, 1868-70, iii. 96-7. Feudal England, 1887, iii. 137-8. The Life and Death of Jason, 1867, iii. 91; reviewed by Swin- burne, iii. 94. his Kelmscott ed. of C.’s Works, 1896, iii. 150 (in Cambridge issue only), introd. lxx. — glass by, after Burne Jones, at Peterhouse, Cambridge, iii. 61. read C. at Oxford, 1855, his personal resemblance to C., iii. 25—6. takes C. for his master, introd. lxvii-viii. for comparisons of with C., see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Comparisons of C. with other writers.] Morsbach, L., Mittelenglische Gram- matik, 1893, v. 152. Mortimer, J. H., drawings illustrating C.T. [1776?], i. 447; iv. 96. Mother of God. See Hoccleve, T. Murford, N., Fragmenta Poetica, 1650, verses by T. Toll in, iv. 72. Murray, Sir C. A., Memorandum, 1830, in Goethe’s Gesprdche, ii. 178. Music in C. (Sir J. Hawkins, 1776), i. 446-7; (C. Burney, 1782), i. 465; (J. Ritson, 1829), ii. 176; (W. Chappell, 1838), ii. 221 ; (M. Cow- den Clarke), 1855-8, iii. 20. 64 Index. N., B. (?), verses imitating Lydgate, in Literary Museum, 1789, i. 487-8. Nays upon Parnassus, 1658, verses on, by S. Austin, i. 235. Nares, R., A Glossary, 1822, ii. 138; reviewed, ii. 141. ^ a i633 , 2 ; 5 Phil °P 0lite8 ’ Q ua Lrnio, Nashe, T., N ashes Lenten Stuff, 1599, i. 161. Pierce Penniless, 1592, i. 136. Strange News of the Inter- cepting of Certain Letters, 1592, i. 135. Greene’s introduction to Mena- phon, 1589, he will oppose Chaucer, -Lydgate and Gower to Petrarch, Tasso and Celiano, i. 130. Nature, rise of the feeling for, introd. cxxxiii ; Chaucer’s love of. See Chaucer, G. [n. (f.) 12.] Neele, H., Lectures on English Poetry, 1827, ii. 166. Neve, P., Cursory Remarks on some of the Ancient English Poets, 1789 i. 488—9. Neville, A., poem in B. Googe’s Egloqs, 1563, i. 98. ^ New and General Biographical Dic- tionary, A, 1761, i-. 421. Newcastle, Margaret, Duchess of; William, Duke of. See Cavendish. Newelme. See Ewelme. Newman, P., on M. Arnold’s contrast between Homer and C., 1861-2, iii. 54-5. Newton, T., notes to Paradise Lost, 1749, i. 400. Niccholes, A., A Discourse of Marriaae, 1615, i. 190. Niccols, R., The Cuckow, 1607, i. 179. Niceron, J. P., Memoires des Hommes Illustres, 1736, v. 22. Nichols, J., Pinkerton suggests that he should edit selections from C., 1783, i. 473. Nicolas, Sir N. H., The French of Stratford atte Bowe, 1841, ii. 239. — — Life of Chaucer, 1843-4, ii. 248; issued with C.’s Works, 1845, ii. 258; his researches for (Palgrave, 1844), ii. 256 ; reviewed, ib. ; the first based on research, introd. cxii— xiii. Privy Purse expenses of Eliza- beth of Yon fc, 1830, ii. 179. The Scrope and Grosvenor Con- troversy, 1832, ii. 185-6; reviewed, 1836, ii. 209-10. Testamenta Vetusta, 1826, ii. 163. — — The Wife of Chaucer (in Gent.’s Mag.), 1844, ii. 256. Nicols, W., De Literis Inventis , 1711 i. 317-18. Nine Ladies Worthy, The. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works . — (1.) Spurious. 4*. Chronicle.'] Nixom A^, The Christian Navy, 1602, Nonnes Prestes Tale. See Chaucer, G [vm. Works.— (f.) 27.] Norfolk, Charles, 10th Duke of. See Howard. North, C. (John Wilson), Specimens of the British Critics, 1845, ii. 262-3. Northbrooke, J., Spiritus est vicarius Christi in terra, 1577, i. 115. North Petherton, C. Sub-Forester of, 1390-1, i. 11. Northren Mother’s Blessing, The. See S., J. Norton, T., The Ordinal of Alchemy [c. 1477], i. 57-8. 3 Notes and Queries, summaries of Chaucer allusions in, year by vear 1849, ii. 279; 1850, ii. 284-6 ; 1851,’ iii. 3-7; 1852, iii. 10-11; 1853,’ iii. 13-14; 1854, iii. 18-19; 1855, iii. 26-7; 1856, iii. 31-2; 1857, iii. 39-41; 1858, iii. 44-8; 1859, iii. 49-50; 1860, iii. 53-4; 1861, iii. 57- . 9; 1862, iii. 64-5; 1863, iii. 69- 70; 1864, iii. 73; 1865, iii. 79-80; 1866, iii. 83-4; 1867, iii. 91-3. Nott, G. F., ed. Works of Surrey and Wyatt; their imitation of and improvement on C., 1815-6, ii. 73- 80; reviewed, ii. 85; his view that C.’s verse is rhythmical, ib., and introd. lvii; confuted by G. L. Craik, 1861, iii. 56. N ouveau Dictionnaire Historique '■ portatif. See Chaudon, L. M. Nuits Anglaises, Les. See Contant < d’ Orville, A. G. Nuns’ Priests’ Tale. See Chaucer, G. I [vm. Works. — (f.) 27.] Nut-brown Maid, The, ‘ supposed by ’ Chaucer (Herbert [a. 1732]), i. 374; (Unknown [1763 ?]),iv. 93; formerly attributed to C. (Douce, 1811), ii. Observations upon the English Lan- guage [1752], i. 405-6. Occleve, T. See Hoccleve. Ogle, G., his modernizations from C.T., 1741, i. 389-90; quoted in advance by ‘Alcaeus,’ 1740, i. Index. 65 386-7; completed by Lipscomb, 1796, i. 496-7; Clerk’s Tale pub- lished separately, 1739, i. 384-6; his admiration and interpretation of C. contrasted, introd. xlvi. O’Hagan, J., Chaucer, 1864, iii. 73. Old English Poets and Poetry, in The Muses Mercury, 1707, i. 295. Oldfield, Anne, Verses on the death of, 1763, i. 424. Oldham, J., Horace, his Art of Poetry, imitated in English, 1681, i. 266. Oldmixon, J., The Life of Arthur Maynwaring, 1715, i. 341. note to The Salisbury Ballad, 1713, i. 329. Reflections on Dr. Swift’s Letter about the English Tongue [1712?], i. 322-3. Oldys, A. (initials A. 0. not identified in text), said to imitate C. in ballads, [c. 1696], i. 268. Oldys, W., The British Librarian, 1738, i. 383-4. MS. Commonplace Book, 1718, iv. 83. MS. notes in Langbaine’s Eng- lish Dramatick Poets, 1725, etc., i. 368; in Winstanley’s Lives of the Poets, iv. 87. ‘ Origen upon the Mawdelayne,’ C.’s ? lost translation of. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (i.) Lost Works.] Orleans, Charles d’, supposed ref. to C. by (G. W. Taylor, 1827), ii. 167. Orleans, Jean d’, Comte d’Angouleme, his list of the Pilgrims in the Canter- bury Tales, 1445, v. 2, 18. Ormerod, G., The History of the County Palatine and City of Chester, 1819, ii. 118. Ormulum, The, its metre usable as a test for the Chaucer Canon (W. W. Skeat, 1900), iii. 151. Ornate style, tried and abandoned by C. (Southey, 1807, 1814, 1836), ii. 35, 67, 207; (D’Israeli, 1841), ii. 231. Ossian, compared with C. by Tho- reau, 1843, ii. 250. O’Sullivan, D., Elegant Extracts from British Poets, Paris, 1830, v. 44-5. Ovid, for comparisons of, with C. See Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Compari- sons with other writers .] Owen, J., ®eo\oy6viJLeva nravTihaiva, sive de natura theologies, 1661, iv. 73-4. CHAUCER CRITICISM Oxford, for C.'s supposed studies at, see Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. — (e.) 2]; learned men in, read and commend C. (F. Beaumont, 1597), i. 146. Oxford, R. Harley, Earl of. See Harley. Oxford Guide, The New, 8th ed., 1785, i. 479-80. Pain and Sorrow of Evil Marriage, The, 1534, iv. 12. Painter, W., Chaucer new painted, licensed, 1623, i. 198; details of licence corrected, iv. 65. Palamon and Arcite. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 20. Knight's Tale.] dialogue poem of [c. 1450], iv. 7 ; printed in Reliquice Antiques, 1843, ii. 247. Palgrave, Sir F., note on Sir N. H. Nicolas's work, in Fifth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, 1844, ii. 256. Palingenius, M., The Zodiack of Life, verses in B. Googe’s transL of, 1561, i. 96. Palmer, S., The General History of Printing, 1732, i. 374. Panegyrick on the Ladies, A, in The Student, 1750, i. 401-2. Pantomime, Chaucer introduced into a, by E. L. L. Blanchard, 1863, iii. 67. Paradise of Dainty Devices, 2nd ed., 1580, containing a ballad of Troilus and Cressida, iv. 43. Pardoner, the, character of, perhaps suggested to It. Watts the exclusion of proctors from his hospital at Rochester (Dickens, 1866), iii. 82; ref. to, as ‘ Friar,’ by Unknown [1645-6], i. 224. Pardoner’s Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 28.] Paris, G., Histoire litteraire de la France, 1881, v. 87. La Litterature frangaise au moyen age, 1888, 90, v. 96, 125. Park, T., Warton’s History of English Poetry, ed. by, 1824, ii. 151. Parker, J. H., Domestic Architecture in England, vol. ii., 1853-9, iii. 15. Parker, M., The Famous History of Arthur King of the Britains, 1660, i. 238. ■ The Poet's Blind Man’s Bough , 1641, i. 221. F 66 Index. Parliament, Act of, 1542-3, against forbidden books. ‘ Canterbury Tales, Chaucer’s books ’ exempted from, i. 84; this accounted for by Sir J. Thynne (reported by F. Thynne, 1598) and J. Foxe, 1570, by contempt for his tales as fables, i. 152, 106; protests of the poets against erection of their statues in Houses of, 1845, ii. 260. Parliament of Birds, The , 1712, i 324. Parliament of Fowls . See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works.— (g.) 23.] Parmenter, J., will, bequeathing copv of C.T., 1479, i. 60. ** Parnassus, 1696, i. 268. Parson, character of the, quoted in Pilgrim's Tale [1536-40?], i. 82. — — Dryden’s enlarged modern- ization of, suggested by Pepys, 1698, and sent to him, 1699, i. 270-71; published in Fables, 1700, i. 278^ 285 ; reprinted at Salisbury [1790 ?]’ i. 491 ; quoted as original by S. J. Pratt, 1808, ii. 38. modernized by W. D unkin [a. 1765], iv. 93; by Trinitarius, 1800, i. 504; by J. Johnstone, 1827, ii. 165. J. Byrom asked to ‘put it into verse,’ 1736, i. 377. — suggested by Wycliffe (?). See Wycliffe, J. ; by Bp. Ken (Un- known, 1711), i. 319; R. Walker compared with, by Wordsworth 1820, ii. 130. Parson's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f J 29.] Part, W. A., letter on Lancashire words in C. (in Gent.’s Mag.), 1867, iii. 93. Partonopex of Blois, W. S. Rose’s transl. of, reviewed, 1809, ii. 48. Paston, J., catalogue of his books, including Troilus [1482?], i. 60. Pater, W. H., conversations with Richard C. Jackson [1864 ?], iii. 74. Tatmore, C. K. D., Sonnet, 1844, ii. 256. Patu, C. P., letters to Garrick, plans a Parnasse Anglois, 1755, v. 6, 31. Paul, H., Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, 1893, v. 152. Pauli, R., Bilder aus Alt-England, 1860, v. 145; Engl, transl. of, 1861, iii. 59. ed. Gower’s Confessio Amantis, 1858, iii. 41. Payne, H., will, bequeathing MS. of Chaucer, 1568, i. 102. Peacham, H., recommends C., in The Compleat Gentleman, 1622 i 197. — — . Prince Henry Revived, 1615, i. Peacock, T. L., Crotchet Castle, 1831, ii. 182. Gryll Grange, 1861, iii. 59. • Sir Proteus, 1814, ii. 65. ~ re-reads C. in old age (letter to Lord Broughton, Feb. 22, 1862) iii. 65. Peele, G., The Honour of the Garter, 1593, i. 140. The Old Wives’ Tale, 1595, i. 142. ~~~ 14? 6 Tale Tr ° y 1596 ? 1 ’ Pegge, S., sen. (ps. P. Gemsege, T. Row, etc.), Anonymiana [c. 1776-8] (ed. 1809), i. 450-1. Essay on Sir names ( Gent.’s Mag.), 1772, i. 437. Of the Crasis ( Gent.’s Maq.), 1777, i. 448. y> his MS. of L.G.W. (Prol. only?) (letter in Gent.’s Mag.), 1758, i. 413-14; answered by R. P i. 415. ’ * other letters in Gent.’s Maa.. 1754, 1757, iv. 91-2. Pegge, S., jun., Anecdotes of the English i Language [a. 1800], pubd. 1803, r i. 502. Pell Records, the, enabled Sir N. H. Nicolas to produce facts of C.’s life (Sir F. Palgrave, 1844), ii. 256. Pembroke, Anne, or Margaret, Countess of (14th cent.). See Hastings. Anne, Countess of (1649). See j Herbert. { Pembroke, T., 8th Earl of. See Herbert. Penn, J., The Squire’s Tale, modern- I ized by, in Poems, 1794, i. 495-6. Penniless Parliament of Threadbare Poets, The, 1608, an adaptation of Fearful effects of two dangerous Comets, by Simon Smelknave, [1591 ?], i. 183. Penrose, Elizabeth. See Markham, Mrs., ps. Penny Cyclopaedia, article on C. in the, 1837, ii. 219. Pepys, S., Diary, 1663-4, refrains from buying a Chaucer, Dec. 1663; Index , 67 having bought one (ed. 1602) has it bound, July, 1664; quotes Troilus on seals, Aug. 1664; i. 241-2. Dryden sends him ‘the Good Parson,’ which Pepys had recom- mended him to modernize; letter thanking Drvden for it, 1699, i. 270-71, ii. 240. possessed a MS. containing poems by C. (J. Smith, 1841), ii. 240. Life of, by J. Smith, 1841, ii. 240. a lover of C., introd. xxxiv-v. Percy, T., Bishop, Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, 1765, i. 426-9; 2nd ed., 1767, i. 430; 3rd ed., 1775, i. 441; reviewed in Gent.’s Mag., 1765, i. 429. poem to, by E. B. Greene, 1782, i. 466. Percy, W., Sonnets to the Fairest Codia, 1594, iv. 47. Perrot, C.,' inscription in a printed copy of Chaucer's Works, chained in his house at Woodstock, 1678, i. 253. Persone, the. See Parson. Persones Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 29.] Peterhouse, Cambridge, glass by Morris after Burne-Jones’s ‘ The Dream of Good Women’ at, 1862- 4, iii. 61, 72. Petit, C., transl. Monk’s Tale into French, 1908, v. 112. Petit de Julleville, L., Histoire de la langue et de la literature frangaise, 1896, v. 104. Petrarch, T. Watson notes the varia- tion between his and C.’s versions (the latter in Troilus) of Petrarch’s sonnet, S’amor non e [1582], i. 123. resemblance between schemes of his Trionfi and of House of Fame, noticed, 1821, ii. 134. • C.’s meeting with. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (e.) 3.] C.’s debt to. See Italian Literature. Petty, J. H., 2nd Marquis of Lans- downe, finds C. unreadable (T. Moore, 1819), ii. 118. Petzold, E., Ueber Alliteration in den Werken Chaucers, 1869, v. 147. Phaer, T., classed with C. and Gower by Peele, 1593, i. 140. Philalethes, Merlin and his Cave (in Fog' s Journal), 1735, iv. 87. Philippa, of Hainault, said to be C.’s patroness, by A. and E. Strickland, 1840-3, ii. 228. Phillips, E., records ‘ old Chaucer’s saw ’ in The Mysteries of Love and Eloquence, 1658, i. 236. The New World of Words, 1658, i. 236; iv. 73. estimation of C. in Theatrum Poetarum, 1675, i. 250-1 ; ed. by Malone, 1800, i. 503; Sir S. E. Brydges’ pref. to, iv. 102. Tractatulus de Carmine Dramat- ico Poetarum Veterum, 1679, i. 254. the first to state that C. was Poet Laureate and died in 1440, introd. cviii-ix. Phillips, J., Maronides, 1673, i. 248. Montelion, 1659-61, iv. 73. inscription on the monument to, in Westminster Abbey, 1708, i. 295-6. read over Chaucer carefully and revived his words (G. Sewell, 1715), i. 341. Phillips, Sir R., shewed Northcote a supposed portrait of C., ii. 172. Philologus, letter in Gent.’ s Mag., in praise of Upton, 1790, i. 405, 491. Picard, Philippa, supposed to be C.’s wife. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (d.) 3.] Pichot, A., reviews W. Morris’s Poems, 1870, v., 82-3. Voyage historique et litter air e en Angleterre et en ficosse, 1825, v. 43-4. Pick, S., Festum Voluntatis, 1638, i. 219. Piers Plowman, ed. by T. D. Whitaker, 1813, ii. 60-1. illustrations of Prol. C.T. from, by F. J. Furnivall, 1857, iii. 37-8. Piety of C. See Chaucer, G. [n. (f.) 7.] Pilgrim's Tale [1536-40?], i. 82; described and its authenticity defended by F. Thynne, 1598, i. 151-3; said to have been in Stow’s library, not discovered by J. Hindmarsh, 1685, i. 259. Pilgrimages, held up to ridicule in C.T. (Strutt, 1799), i. 502. Pilgrims, the Canterbury. See Canter- bury Pilgrims. Pimlyco, 1609, i. 184. 68 Index. Pindar, Peter, ps. (J. Wolcot), Lines addressed to Chaucer, 1807, ii. 32-3. Pinkerton, J., Letters of Literature, 1785, i. 478-9. * On the Progress of the English Language (poem), 1781, iv. 97. * Ancient Scotish Poems, ed. by, 1786, i. 484-5. * letter to J. Nichols, urging him to edit C.’s Select Works, 1783, i. 473. Pisan, Christine de, C. Histories of Troy [ n.b . 1536], iv. 107. * Moral Proverbs of, printed by Pynson with Troilus, 1526, i. 75. Pits, J., Pelationes historical de rebus Anglicis [1613], i. 191; iv. 63-5. — — his contribution to the Chaucer legend, introd. cviii. Pitt-Taylor, F., his modernized select- ion of C.T., 1884, iii. 135-6. Pity. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works.— (g.) 12.] Planch6, J. R., History of British Costume, 1834, ii. 192. Planta, J., Catalogue of the Cottonian Library, 1802, ii. 4. Play ford, H., advertisement for Luctus Britannici, in Postboy, 1700, i. 286. Plesaunt Balade, A [by Henry Field- ing?], 1752, iv. 90-91. Plot, R., The Natural History of Oxfordshire, 1676, i. 252. Ploughman’s Creed, The, C.’s author- ship of, doubted, 1577, iv. 41. Ploughman’s Me, first printed [1532- 5], 1542, and later edd. of, i. 80, 83; printed as C.’s, 1606, i. 177 ; licence for, iv. 56-7. attrib. to C. by common opinion in Leland’s day, iv. 17 ; Unknown, 1577, iv. 41 ; by L. Humphrey, 1582, i. 122; by J. Milton, 1641, i. 220; by J. Barkham (hesitatingly) [a. 1642], i. 221-2; by T. Fuller, 1655, i. 231; by Sir T. Widdrington [c. 1660], iv. 73 ; by T. Hyde, 1674, i. 249; by T. Hearne, 1709, i. 301-2, 309; by T. Moore [1828?], ii. 170; its authenticity defended, and French transl. dedicated to the Pope, by J. B. de Chatelain, 1857- 61, v. 68-9; doubted by Dart, 1723, i. 363-6; rejected by Tyr- whitt, i. 80 ; a source of the Chaucer-legend, introd. cix. Plume, T., Anecdotes of English Writers [1649-64], i. 226. Poesie Chretienne ; Chaucer (in Revue Europeenne) [1832], v. 48. Poesie Humoristique, La, transl. by E. F. See Forgues, E. Poltes Laureats de la Grande Bretagne (in Rev. Britann., 1835), v. 48. Poetical Scale, The [by Goldsmith], 1758, i. 414. P oet-laureateship, C.’s, first stated by E. Phillips, and repeated, introd. cviii. Poetry (anon. art. in Edinb. Rev.), 1825, ii. 159. Pole, W. de la, Duke of Suffolk. See De la Pole, W. Pollard, A. W., ed. C.T., 1894, iii. 145-6. (and others), ed. Works (Globe ed.), 1898, iii. 150. Chaucer (Primer), 1893, iii. 144-5. Polwart, called ‘ Chaucer’s cook,’ and represented as calling himself ‘ Chaucer’s man,’ by A. Mont- gomerie [a. 1584], i. 124. Poole, H., Westminster Abbey, 1881, . iii. 133. Poole, J., The English Parnassus, 1657, i. 234. Poor Knight, A, his Palace of Private Pleasures, 1579, i. 119; iv. 42-3. : Pope, A., An Essay on Criticism [1709] (‘ such as Chaucer is shall Dry den be’), i. 310-11; introd. xliii. ; Be - ! flections upon, by J. Dennis [1711], i. 314-15. The Second Book of the Epistles of Horace imitated by (‘C.’s worst ribaldry learned by rote ’), 1737, i. 382-3. Works of Shakespear, ed. by, 1725, i. 368. letters : to H. Cromwell,' 1709, note to, 1735, i. 377; July 24, 1711, i. 318-19; to Gay, Dec. 24, 1712, i. 323; (with Gay) to J. Caryll, April 1715, i. 340; iv. 83; to Mrs. f J. Cooper (on C.’s descriptions), Sept. 26, 1723, i. 366; to Lord Orrery, April 1744, iv. 88-9. Works, ed. by J. Warton, 1797! i. 500; ed. by W. Roscoe, 1824, ii. 152. sayings, reported by Spence, 1728-30, i. 370; 1734-6, i. 377. Ruff head’s Life of, 1769, i. 432. Johnson’s Life of, 1779-81, i. 456-7. Index. J. Warton’s Essay on,’ 1782, i. 470-1. Tvjo Epistles to [by E. Young, c. 1730], iv. 85. copied the Hoccleve portrait of C. (Spence, 1728-58), i. 413. lacks C.’s feeling (Hazlitt, 1821), ii. 132-3. - — - — E. Quillinan learnt to read C. from, 1 843, ii. 248. ■ See Chaucer, G. [hi. Moderniza- tions ] and [iv. Imitations]. Popularity, relative, of C.’s works and characters. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works, (a.) Relative popu- larity.] Porter, Lela (with J. Marshall and W. W. Skeat), Ryme Index to Chaucer's Minor Poems , 1887, iii. 137. Portraits of Chaucer. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (f.)] Potter, R., A Farewell Hymn to the Country, 1749, i. 400. Pour et Contre, Le. See Pr6vost d’Exiles, A. F. Powel, G., Disputationum theologi- carum de Antichristo libri II., 1605 [1604], i. 174. Powell, — ■, transl. J. de Lille’s Les Jardins, 1789, i. 489. Powell, T., modernizations by, in Poems modernised, 1841, ii. 234; others (byL. Hunt) printed as his own by, 1841-5, ii. 239-40, 1846, ii. 267-8. Powers to be Resisted, 1643, iv. 70. Praise of the Mass [c. 1500], i. 65. Praises of Isis, The, 1755, i. 411. Pratt, S. J., includes ‘ Dry den’s Good Parson ’ in The Cabinet of Poetry, 1808, ii. 38. Provost d’Exiles, A. F., Le Pour et Contre, 1740, v. 4, 23-4. Priest, the. See Parson. Printing, A Short Account of the first Rise and Progress of [1763?], iv. 93. Prior, M., Susannah, and Erie Robert's Mice, 1712, i. 319, 323-4. Erie Robert's Mice, condemned as unlike Chaucer, by Armstrong, 1753, iv. 91. [Poem] In the same [i.e. Chaucer’s supposed] Style [1718?], i. 347. Henry and Emma, transl. into French by M. Thiroux d’Arconville as imitated from Chaucer, v. 123-4. The Turtle and the Sparrow, 1708 (ref. to Pari. Fowls), i. 296-7. • — — letter to Dean Swift, May 5, 1719 (ref. to Adam Scrivener), iv. 83. the soul of Chaucer restored in (T. Tickell, 1712), i. 324. Prioress, the, her character (L. Hunt, 1826), ii. 162; her French (Sir J. Feme, 1586), i. 129; (Sir W. Scott, 1804), ii. 19; (Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1841), ii. 239; (Sir H. Ellis, 1846), ii. 268; called ‘ The Abbess ’ by Unknown, 1826, ii. 164; by De Quincey, 1827, ii. 165; by Leigh Hunt, 1834, ii. 191. Prioress's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 30.] Procter, Thomas, A Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions, 1578, poems in, i. 116, iv. 42. speaks contemptuously of ‘ fables of Canterbury ’ in Of the Knowledge and Conduct of Wars, 1578, i. 116. Proctor, B. W. (‘Barry Cornwall’), describes C.'s portrait, in Effigies Poeticce, 1824, ii. 151-2. Progress of Poetry, in Annual Register, 1772, i. 437. Prologue, the, to C.T. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 14.] Pronunciation of C., A. J. Ellis on, 1869-89, iii. 97-8. ‘ Prophecy, C.’s ’ (‘ when faith faileth. . . .’) printed by Caxton, quoted by M. Hanmer, 1576, i. 113; in MS. B.M. Add. 24, 663 [c. 1590], i. 132. Provencal words, said to be imported by C. See Chaucer, G. [ii. (c.) Lan- guage . — 8. C. corrupted English.] Provencals, The Literary History of the (Unknown, 1824), ii. 155. Proverbs. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (g.) 24.] Proverbs in C., W. Haeckel on, 1890, v. 151. Prynne, W., Histrio-Mastix, 1633, i. 206. Puttenham, G., on C.’s learning and use of ‘ riding rhyme,’ in The Art of English Poesy [1584-8], i. 125-6 ; iv. 43. Pycroft, — , reported Landor as holding C. cheap, 1861, 1863, iii. 57, 68. Pynson, R., printed C.T. [c. 1492], i. 64-5 ; Conusaunce damours [1525 ?], i. 75; Works, 1526, i. 75. 70 Index , Quenstedt, J., Dialogus de patriis illustrium virorum, 1654, v. 128-9. Qu6rard, J. M., La France Litteraire, 1828-9, v. 44. Questions talked of by two old Seniors. See B„ 0. Quillinan, E., learnt from Pope to read C. (letter to H. C. Robinson, 1843), ii. 248. R., C. See Reeve, Clara. R., R., lines in Sylvester’s Bart as, [1605], i. 176. R., S. See Rowlands, S. Radcliffe, R., De Patientia Qrisildis, and De Melibceo Chauceriano, [a. 1559] i. 95. Ralph, J., attacks Pope’s Temple of Fame in Sawney, 1728, iv. 84-5. Rambeau, A., Chaucers 1 House of Fame ’ in seinem Verhdltniss zu Dantes ‘ Divina Commedia,’ v. 149. Ramesey, W., recommends the read- ing of C., in The Gentleman’s Com- panion, 1669, i. 246 ; 1672, iv. 76. Ramsay, A., his poems ed. and com- pared with C. by Tytler, 1800, i. 504. Rands, W. B. See Browne, M., ps. Rapin, R., Reflections on Aristotle’s Treatise of Poesie, T. Rymer’s preface to, 1674, i. 249. Rapp, C. M., Vergleichende Gram- matik, 1859, v. 145. Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune, The, 1582, iv. 43. Rastell, J., praise of C. in his prol. to Terence, Andria [1520?], i. 73. Rathery, E. J. B., Des Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France et V Angleterre, 1855, v. 62. Rawlinson, R., facsimile of Chaucer’s Westminster lease of 1399 engraved for, 1752, iv. 91. Ray, J., A Collection of English Words not generally used, 1674, i. 249. Raynaud, G., introduction to Des- champs, 1903, v. 106. Read (or Reade), T., verses in Kynas- ton’s Troilus, 1635, i. 214-15. Realism of C. See Chaucer, G. [n. (f.) Qualities found in C. — 1.] Reed, I., preface to Dodsley’s Plays, 1780, i. 459. ■ notes and cuttings collected by, [c. 1833], ii. 189. Rees, A*, The Cyclopaedia, 1819, 118-19. Reeve, Clara, praises Dryden for saving C. from oblivion ( The Progress of Romance, 1785), i. 479. Reeve’s Tale. See Chaucer, G. [vim Works. — (f.) 31.] References to C. See Allusions. Remedy of Love, quoted as C.’s by Addison, 1711, i. 314. Remedy for Sedition, 1536, i. 81-2. Renouard, A. A., notes small value on the Continent of early editions of C., etc. ( Catalogue de la Bibliotheque d’un Amateur, 1819), v. 43. Return from Parnassus, pt. i. [1597], imitation of C. in, i. 144-5 : pt. ii. 1602, i. 171. Reves Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 31.] Reynolds, H., Mythomystes [1632?], i. 205. Reynolds, J. H., Peter Bell, 1819, ii. 119. Sonnet to Keats, 1817, ii. 91. Reynolds, S. H., on the influence of Dante on C., in Dante and his English Translators, 1861, iii. 59. Rich man, H. J., his lost sequel to C.T. [c. 1810], concealed by him on account of its levity, ii. 49, 180. Richmond, Margaret, Countess of, her will, bequeathing a copy of C.T., 1509, i. 71. Rider, W., Westminster Abbey (poem in Gent.’ s Mag.), 1755, iv. 92. Riding-rhyme. See Chaucer, G. [n. Verse. — (d.) 6.] Rietstap, J. B., Armorial General, 1858, 84, v. 91, 125. Rigoley de Juvigny, J. A., Les Biblio- theques Francoises de la Croix du Maine et de du Verdier, 1772, v. 34-5. Riley, H. T., discovers and prints the lease to C. of the lodging over Ald- gate, 1859, iii. 51. Ritson, J., Ancient English Metrical * Romances, 1802, ii. 4; reviewed by Southey, ii. 12. Ancient Songs, 1790, i. 491. Ancient Songs and Ballads, 1829, ii. 176. Bibliographia Poetica, 1802, ii. 4. Fairy Tales, 1831, ii. 182. praises Tyrwhitt in Observa- tions on (Warton’s) History of English Poetry, 1782, i. 468. Remarks on the last Edition of Shakespeare, 1783, iv. 97. Index . 71 letters : to J. Frank, 1799, i. 501 ; to R. Harrison, 1793, i. 495; 1796, i. 498; 1797, i. 500. Rivarol, A. de, De VUniversalite de la langue frangaise, 1784, v. 9, 36. Robert, Hermit of Knaresborough, Life of, attributed to C., 1817, ii. 92-3. Robert, of Gloucester, Hearne’s Glos- sary to, 1724, i. 367. Robinson, A. Mary F. See Darme- steter. Robinson, C., A Handf ul of pleasant delights, 1584, poems by various authors in, iv. 44. Robinson, H. Crabb, gave Lamb Blake’s Catalogue, 1810, ii. 49. • — — Diary, March 30, 1811, ii. 54. Robinson, N., records performance of R. Edwards’s Palamon and Arcite, i. 99. Robinson, R., The Reward of Wicked- ness [1574], i. 109. Robinson, T., letter to H. Crabb Robinson, May 6, 1804, ii. 16. Robson, T., The British Herald, 1830, ii. 179. Rochester, J. Wilmot, Earl of. See Wilmot. Roet, Sir Payne and Philippa, his daughter. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (d.) 3.] Rogers, C., transl. Dante’s Inferno, 1782, i. 468. Rogers, D., Latin epigrams on C.’s tomb and poems [c. 1570], i. 107. Rollins, H. E., allusions contributed by, iv. 1-3. Roman de la Rose, influence of, on C. T. (E. G. Sandras, 1859), v. 70. transl. of, attributed to C., see Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (g.) 25.] Romance, Hurd’s Letters on, 1762, i. 421-2; 1765, iv. 93-4; Percy on, 1765, i. 426-9; Scott on, 1804, ii. 19; Scott’s Essay on, 1824, ii. 152- 3; De Quincey on, 1841, ii. 230. Roper, Margaret, letter to Lady Ali-ngton, 1535, quotes Troilus (‘ Dulcarnon ’), i. 81. Ros, R., La belle dame sans merci, printed by Pynson with Troilus, etc., 1526, i. 75; and by Thynne, 1532, i. 78 ; rejected from C.’s works by H. F. Cary, 1821, ii. 132. — Moral Proverbs, printed as C.'s by Pynson, 1526, i. 78. Rosamond, To. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (g.) 26.] Roscoe, T., The Italian Novelists, 1825, ii. 157 ; reviewed in E dirib. Rev., ii. 158. Roscoe, W., Works of Pope, ed. by, 1824, ii. 152; reviewed, ii. 160. Rossetti, D. G., Beauty and the Bird (sonnet) [c. 1854], iii. 19. • his resemblance to the Hoccleve portrait, ii. 259. Rossetti, W. M., Chaucer's Troylus and Cryseyde compared with Boccaccio’s Filostrato, 1873, iii. 116-17. Row, T., ps. See Pegge, S. Rowlands, S., The Night Raven, 1620, i. 194. • ’Tis Merry when Gossips Meet , 1602, i. 172. Rowley, W., and Heywood, T., Fortune by Land and Sea [1607-9], i. 180. Rudd, A. J., letters to J. Ames, July 21 and 29, 1746, i. 393. Ruddiman, T., preface to Douglas’s Virgil's ^Eneis, 1710, i. 312-13. Ruffhead, O., Life of Pope, 1769, i. 432. Ruiz de Hita, J., compared with C. by G. Ticknor, 1849, ii. 280. Rupert, Prince, had a copy of C.’s Works, ed. 1602 (in catalogue, 1677), i. 253. Ruskin, J., The Oestus of Aglaia, 1865, expounding Dame Pacience in Pari. Fowls, iii. 80-1. • The Harbours of England, 1856, noticing Chaucer’s horror of the sea, iii. 33-4. Munera Pulveris, 1862, iii. 65. ■ Modern Painters (vol. ii), 1846, ii. 273; (vol. iii), 1856, noticing C.’s love of woods, iii. 32-3. • On the Present State of Modern Art, 1867, on two cartoons by Burne- Jones from Legend of Good Women, iii. 93. ■ Sesame and Lilies, 1864, iii. 74-5. The Seven Lamps of Architec- ture, 1849, on architecture in Knight’s T., ii. 280. Time and Tide by Weare and Tyne, 1867, on C.’s ‘scorn for mechanic life,’ iii. 94. ■ Tree Twigs, 1861, referring to The Flower and the Leaf as C.’s, iii. 59. goes to T. Dale’s lectures on C., etc. (letter to his father, March 25, 1836), ii. 205; letter to W. H. 72 Index. Harrison [1850?], ii. 286; intended to edit C.'s works; his appreciation of C., introd. Ixiv— v; admired and prepared an ed. (never published) of the Isle of Ladies [c. 1869], ib. Ixv. Rymer, T., gives life -records of C. in Fcedera, 1708, i. 297; 1709, i. 311. preface to Rapin’s Reflections on Aristotle's Treatise of Poesie, 1674, i. 249. A Short View of Tragedy, 1692 (on C.’s supposed reform of English), i. 265. Rymsdyk, J. van, on the likeness of C. in an ‘ Egyptian pebble,’ in Museum Britannicum, 1778, iv. 95. S., G., Anglorum Speculum, 1684, i. 257. S., J., The Northren Mother's Blessing , written 9 years before the death of G. Chaucer, 1597, i. 144. S., J. See Sidnam, J. Sackville, T., and Norton, T., reminis- cence of Knight's T. in Ferrex and Porrex ( Gorboduc ), 1561, iv. 28. Saint David’s, Bishop of, Queen Elizabeth quotes C. to a, according to Sir W. Scott, ii. 176, iv. 107 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 108 (in Cambridge issue). Saint-Laurent, C., ps. See Lavergne, L. G. L. G. de. Sainte-Beuve, C. A., reviews Taine’s Histoire de la Litterature Anglaise, 1864, v. 79. Salisbury Ballad, The, notes on, by J. Oldmixon, 1713, i. 329. Salmagundi [by G. Huddesford], 1791, iv. 99. Sandras, E. G., fitude sur Chaucer considere comme imitateur des Trouveres, 1859, v. 12, 69-74. Sanford, E., Select Poems of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. by, 1819, ii. 119. Sarradin, A., Eustache Deschamps, 1879, v. 86. Saunders, J., Chaucer’s Portrait Gal- lery, 1841, ii. 240; enlarged as Cabinet Pictures of English Life : Chaucer, based on C.T., 1845, ii. 263-4. Chaucer, 1845, ii. 266. Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (ex- tracts and summaries), 1845-7, ii. 264-6; reviewed, ii. 275. • The Tabard (in Knight’s London, 1841), ii. 240. Saunders, J., Westminster Abbey (in Knight’s London), 1843, ii. 248-9. Savile, Sir H., ed. Bradwardine, De Causa Dei, 1618, i. 192-3. ‘ Schaser,’ spelling for Chaucer, used by J. J. Bodmer, 1743, v. 133. Schede, A., Ueber das Verhdltniss von Popes ‘ January and May’ und ‘ The Wife of Bath her Prologue’ zu Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (1897. v. 152. Schipper, J., Englische MetriJc, 1881-8, v. 150; articles on, in Paul’s Grund- riss, 1893, v. 152. Schoepke, O., Dryden's Uebertrdgungen Chaucers, 1878, v. 149. Scholarship, evolution of, introd. cxl- cxliii; long not thought necessary for English studies, ib. cxl-cxliii. Schrader, K. A., Das altenglische Relativpronomen, 1880, v. 150. Schwab, J.-C., Dissertation sur VUni- versalite de la langue francoise, 1803, v. 38. Scogan, H., calls Chaucer his master and quotes Gentilesse in A moral balade [c. 1407], i. 18-19 ; the Balade printed in C.’s Works by W. Thynne, 1532, i. 79; ref. to by Leland fc. 1545], iv. 14. C.’s Envoy to. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (g.) 27.] Scoloker, A., Diaphantus, 1604, i. 175. Scot, Reginald, regards C. as a Pro- testant, and summarizes Canon's Yeoman's T. in The Discovery of Witchcraft, 1584, i. 124-5. Scott, A., New Year Gift to the Queen Mary, 1562, contrasting ‘ Chaucer’s cooks ’ with Christians, i. 97. Scott, Robert, Sermon, 1602, iv. 55. Scott, Sir W. [Quotations and references in his novels, poems, etc. :] The Abbot, 1820, ii. 127; 1831, ii. 183. The Antiquary, 1815, iv. 104; 1816, ii. 84. The Bridal of Triermain, 1813, iv. 104. ■ The Bride of Lammermoor, 1819, ii. 119. Castle Dangerous, 1832, ii. 186. The Fair Maid of Perth, 1828, ii. 170. The Fortunes of Nigel, 1822, ii. 139. Ivanhoe, 1817, ii. 91-2. Kenilworth , 1821, ii. 133. Index. 73 The Lady of the Lake (note on), 1810, W. 103. The Monastery, 1820, ii. 128; 1830, ii. 179. Old Mortality, 1816, ii. 83. — — • Peveril of the Peak, 1822, ii. 139-40. The Pirate, 1821, ii. 133. Bob Boy, 1818, ii. 108. St. Valentine’s Eve. See supra : The Fair Maid of Perth. • Woodstock, 1826, ii. 163-4. [in miscellaneous works :] Chivalry (in Encycl. Brit.), 1818, ii. 107-8. Essay on Border Antiquities, 1814, ii. 65. The History of Scotland, 1830, ii. 179. Journal, 1826, ii. 163. lettef to G. Ellis, 1805, ii. 25. Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft, 1830, ii. 179. — = — Memoir of George Bannatyne, 1829 (compares Dunbar with. C.), ii. 176. On Landscape Gardening (notes C.’s love of woods), 1828, ii. 170-1. Bomance (in Encycl. Brit.), 1824, ii. 152-3. Tales of a Grandfather, 2nd ser., 1829, ii. 176. • Works of Dry den, ed. by (notes on Dryden’s modernizations from C. ), 1808, ii. 39-41; reviewed, ii. 42. Memoirs of Jonathan Swift, D. D., 1814, ii. 65; his ed. of Swift reviewed by Jeffrey, 1816, ii. 83. • Sir Tristrem, ed. by, 1804, ii. 19. reviews Ellis’s Specimens of the Early English Poets, 1804, ii. 16; Godwin’s Life of Chaucer, 1804, ii. 17-19 ; Chatterton, 1804, ii. 16-17; Cromek’s Beliques of Burns, 1809, ii. 47. puts quotation from C. (‘ the greatest clerks. . . ,’ Beeve’s T., 1. 134) into the mouth of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 128, 133, 176, iv. 107 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 108 (in Cambridge issue). Bob Boy and The Heart of Mid- lothian reviewed, 1821, ii. 135. editions of C., etc., possessed by Scott (. Library Catalogue, 1832), ii. 186. had Stothard’s Canterbury Pil- grims at Abbotsford, ii. 164-5. Scottish poets, the, their praises and imitations of C., introd. xv-xvi; Chronicle of, by J. Sibbald, 1803, ii. 5 ; Lives of, by D. Irving, 1804, ii. 15. • did not imitate C., preferred to him by J. Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484-5. history of, by D. Irving, ed. by J. A. Carlyle, 1861, iii. 53. See also : Douglas, G. ; Dunbar, W. ; Henryson, R. ; James I. ; Lyndsay, Sir D. Scrope Grosvenor controversy. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (e.) 5.] Scudery, Madeleine de, reported to be translating Chaucer, by Dryden, 1699, v. 2-3, 123; 1700, i. 282-3. Sea, the, C.’s horror of (Rusl^in, 1856), iii. 33; (Swinburne, 1867), iii. 94. Selden, J., preface to Drayton’s Polyolbion [1612], i. 185. Uxor Ebraica, 1646, i. 225. his Scotch MS. of Chaucer (G. Langbaine, 1653), i. 229. Selections from the British Poets, 1851, iii. 8. Selections from C.’s works. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (h.) Selections .] Senses, evolution of new, in a race, introd. cxxxiii. Seume, J. G., transl. into German Chaucer’s Complaint to his Empty Purse [c. 1801?], v. 138. Seward, Anna, letters, mostly dis- paraging C. : to H. Cary, May 29, 1792, i. 494; to R. Fellowes, May 31, 1806, ii. 28; to G. Hardinge, Oct. 27, 1786, i. 485-6; to Mrs. Jackson, June 3, 1806, ii. 28; to J. Saville, June 15, 1798, i. 500; to H. J. Todd, Oct. 19, 1798, i. 500 ; to Sir W. Scott, July 10, 1802, ii. 4, Jan. 29 and April 17, 1807, ii. 33; to Mr. Weston, Jan. 7, 1789, i. 490. article on the comparative merits of Pope and Dryden, in Gent’s Mag., 1789, iv. 98. Sewell, G., The Life and Character of Mr. John Philips, 1715, i. 341. Memoirs, pref. to Poems of Surrey, 1717, i. 346. modernized Hoccleve’s Letter of Cupid ( The Proclamation of Cupid), as C.’s, 1718, i. 347-8; reprinted in A New Collection of Original Poems, 1720, i. 350. modernized the Song of Troilus, 1720, i. 350-52. 74 Index. Shakespeare, W., influence of C. upon, iv. 45-6; not great (Johnson, 1765), i. 426 ; see also below in : 7 [References in, and remarks on, individual plays:] Antony and Cleopatra , early neglect of, cxxviii. * As You Like It, the plot of, stated by Johnson to be derived from Gamely n, 1765, i. 426. Henry IV., Pt. I [1596—7] (‘ Dame Partlet the Hen ’), i. 144. The Merchant of Venice, 1596, ref. to Troilus in, iv. 107 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 108 (in Cambridge issue). The Merry Wives of Windsor [1599?], ref. to Troilus in, i. 161. Midsummer Night's Dream, pro- bably suggested by Knight’s T. (G. Steevens, 1773), iv. 94. Titus Andronicus [1589-90?], ref. to House of Fame in, i. 131. Troilus and Cressida [1603?, its debt to C.’s Troilus'], iv. 56, re- marked by Pope, 1725, i. 368; by Steevens, 1773, iv. 94; derived from the Recuyles of Troy, not from C., in the opinion of Theobald, 17f$, i. 371, 376; notes on, by Theobald, 1733, i. 375-6; essay on by W. W. Lloyd, 1856, iii. 30-31. The Winter's Tale [1610-11] (‘ Dame Partlet ’), i. 185. — — [Notes, etc., by his editors :] Works , ed. by Pope, 1725, i. 368; by Theobald, 1733, i. 375-6; and 1740, i. 388; by Warburton, 1747, i. 394; by Johnson, 1765, i. 426; by Steevens, 1773, 1778, iv. 94-5; Ritson’s criticism on Steevens, 1 783, iv. 97; by W. W. Lloyd, 1856, iii. 30-31. ■ [Critical works on :] Shakespeare Restored, by L. Theo- bald, 1726, i. 368; Critical Observa- tions on, by J. Upton, 1746, i. 393; 1748, i. 396-8; Critical Notes on, by Z. Grey, 1754, i. 408-9; A Revisal of Shakespeare's Text, by B. Heath, 1765, i. 425; Observa- tions on, by Tyrwhitt, 1766, i. 429; Remarks on the Last [Steevens ’s] Edition of, by J. Ritson, 1783, iv. 97; Illustrations of, by F. Douce, 1807, ii. 31; Characters of Shalce- spear's Plays, by W. Hazlitt, 1817, ii. 87-9. [Miscellaneous :] early allusions to show a preference for his love -poems, introd. cxxviii; evolution of criticism of, parallel to that of C., ib. cxxvi, etc. W. Basse’s Epitaph on [c. 16221. i. 196. J preferred (ironically) to C. in The Return from Parnassus [15971, i. 144-5. for comparisons of with C. See Chaucer, G. [ii. (g.) Comparisons with other writers.] Shaw, H., Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages, 1843, ii. 249. Shaw, S., A Tour to the West of England (Woodstock), 1789, i. 490. Shelley, Mary W., records Shelley’s reading aloud from C., in her Journal, 1821, ii. 134. Shelley, P. B., A Defence of Poetry, 1821, ii. 134. . reads The Flower and the Leaf and Chaucer's Dream to Mary, 1821, ii. 134. J Sheppard, S., epigram on Spenser’s imitation of C., 1651, iv. 72. The Faerie King Fashioning Love and Honour [c. 1650], i. 227. Sherwin, J., On the Authenticity of Rowley’s Poems, 1811, ii. 54. review of Jamieson’s Etymo- logical Dictionary, 1811, ii. 55. Shiels, R., real author of Cibber’s Lives of the Poets, 1753, i. 406-7. Shipman, the, true to the modern sailor (L. Hunt, 1820), ii. 124. Shirley, James, Changes, 1631, iv. 66. Shirley, John, notes, headlines, etc., to MSS. of Chaucer [c. 1445-1450], i. 46-9, iv. 6. verses in praise of Chaucer, in his prol. to Boethius [c. 1450], i. 49. prol. [in prose] of the Knight’s T. [a. 1456], i. 53. painfully collected the works of Chaucer (Stow, 1603), i. 174; introd. cxiv-v. Short Account of Printing, A [1763 ?], iv. 93; quoted by Douce, 1811, ii. 53. Sibbald, J., Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, 1803, ii. 5. Sid n am, J., A Paraphrase upon Troilus and Cressida, bks. 1-3 [c. 1630], i. 203. Sidney, Sir P., praises Troilus, in An Apology for Poetry [1581?], i. 121 — 2 . Sonnet [c. 1586], iv. 44-5. Index. 75 Sidney, R., Earl of Leicester, a lover of C., i. 281, introd. xxxix. ‘ Simon Smel-Knave,’ Fearful Effects of two Dangerous Comets [1591 ?], i. 134. Simond, C., ps., see Cleemputte, P. van. Simpson, J., Catalogus universalis librorum in Bibliotheca Collegii Sionii, 1650, i. 227. Singer, S. W., Life of Chaucer (British Poets), 1822, ii. 140. Sir Gyles Goosecappe, influence of Chaucer on the author of (Chap- man?), 1606, iv. 57-60. Sir Thopas. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works.— (f.) 32.] Skeat, W. W., turned to old English by Mrs. Markham’s praise of C., c. 1845, iv. 105. notes in Notes and Queries , 1866- 7, iii. 84, 92. declines to edit C.’s Works, c. 1870, iii. 71. preface to Bell’s ed. of Works, 1878, iii. 123. (with I. Marshall and L. Porter) By me Index to Chaucer's Minor Poems, 1887, iii. 137. his ed. of C.’s Minor Poems, 1888, reviewed by J. W. Bright, 1889, iii. 139. discovers and prints To Rosa - mounde, 1891, iii. 139. his ed. of C.’s Complete Works, 1894-7, iii. 146-8; reviewed by W. P. Ker, 1895, iii. 148-50. The Chaucer Canon, 1900, iii. 150-1 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 151 (in Cambridge issue) ; reviewed by J. Lecoq, 1900, v. 106. his parody of C., In Honor em F. J. F[urnivall], 1900, iii. 151-2 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 152 (in Cambridge issue). Skelton, John, Philip Sparrow [1507 ?], (maintains that C.’s English is easy), i. 68-9 ; (claims to be familiar with Troilus), iv. 9-10. Against M. Garnesche (quotes Sir Thopas) [c. 1510?], iv. 10. How the Doughty Duke of Albany ran away shamefully (quotes Sir Thopas ), 1523, iv. 11. Garland of Laurel (classes C. with Gower and Lydgate, dreams that C. brings him before the Queen of Fame), 1523, i. 74. ■ said to have attributed The Nut Brown Maid to C., ii. 53. C., Gower and Lydgate, pre- ferred to, in Pymlico, 1609, i. 184. classed with Chaucer. See Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Comparisons with other writers.] Skelton, Joseph, Illustrations of the Principal Antiquities of Oxford- shire, 1823, ii. 147-8. Skinner, S., quotes Verstegan for C.’s introduction of French words, in Etymologicon Linguae Anglicance [a. 1667], i. 243. Sloane, Sir H., letters to T. Hearne, 1715, asking for the return of his MSS. and editions of C., lent to Urry, i. 335. Smith, Alexander, A Life Drama, 1852, iii. 11. Geoffrey Chaucer, 1862, condemns Dryden’s and Pope’s moderniza- tions, iii. 65-6. Sydney Dobell, 1856, contrasts C. with Spenser, iii. 34-5. William Dunbar [ n.a . 1863], character of C., iii. 70-1. Smith, Edmund, A Poem on the Death of Mr. John Philips [1709?], i. 311. Smith, Horatio, Address to the Orange Tree at Versailles, 1825, ii. 158. Smith, James, preface to Penelope and Ulysses, in Wit and Drollery, 1656, i. 233. See Mennis, Sir J. Smith, John, The Life, Journal, and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, 1841, ii. 240. Smith, John T., Antiquities of London, 1790, i. 492. Nollekens and his Times, 1828, ii. 171 ; iv. 96. Smith, Richard (i), verses in Gas- coigne’s Posies, 1575, i. 111. Smith, Richard (ii), C.’s Works, 1602, in his sale catalogue, r 1682, i. 256. Smith, Thomas, Catalogus librorum MSS. bibl. Cottoniance, 1696, i. 268. Smyth, W., his will, bequeathing C.’s Tales to John More, 1538, iv. 12. Some Account of Chaucer, in The Universal Visiter, 1756, i. 412. Somes, J., taught C. mathematics (Le- land, [c. 1545]), iv. 13 (Pits, 1613), iv. 63. Sompnour's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works.— (f.) 33.] Sonnets, why C. did not write (Leigh Hunt [c. 1855]), iii. 22. 76 Index. Sotheby, W., Specimens of a New Version of Homer, reviewed (E dirib. Rev., 1830), ii. 179-80. Soult, Amelie, Ohaucer, 1898, v. 106. Southey, R., Dunnington Castle (son- net), 1795, iv. 100-1. — • Essay on the Poetry of Spain and Portugal, 1796, iv. 101. Specimens of the Later English Poets, 1807, ii. 33-5. ■ Commonplace Book, 3rd ser., 1810, ii. 50; [ n.a . 1843], ii. 249-50. History of Brazil, reviewed, 1810, ii. 50-1. Omniana, 1812, ii. 59. ■ Notes for Inscriptions on English Poets, in Oliver N awman, 1814, ii. 66. ed. The Birth, Life, and Acts of King Arthur, 1817, ii. 92. The Doctor [a. 1819], praises Wordsworth’s modernization, ii. 109-10. Vision of Judgment, 1821, iv. 105. ■ biog. of C. in Select Works of the British Poets, 1831, ii. 183. ■ Essay, in Attempts in Verse, by John Jones, 1831, ii. 184. ■ Sketch of the Progress of English Poetry, 1836, ii. 206-8. preface to his Poetical Works, 1837, says that he “ drank betimes of Chaucer’s well,” ii. 219. ■ letters : to C. Bedford, 1828, if confined to twelve English books would include C., ii, 171; to S. T. Coleridge, Feb. 1804, regrets his mildness in reviewing Godwin, ii. 20; to W. S. Landor, 1811, admits Spenser’s inferiority to C., ii. 55; to John Rickman, Jan. 20, 1804, ii. 20; to C. H. Townsend, Oct. 31, 1817, hopes to ask questions of C. in Heaven, ii. 92; to C. W. W. Wynn, June 9, 1803, ii. 11-12. ■ reviews : of Ellis’s Specimens of the Early English Poets, 1803, con- demns Dryden’s and Pope’s modern- izations, ii. 12; Ritson’s Ancient English Romances, 1803, ii. 12 ; God- win’s Life of Chaucer, 1803, ii. 12; Chalmers’s ed. of Lyndsay’s Poetical Works, 1806, ii. 28; Lord Holland’s Account of Lope de Vega, 1806, praises Kynaston’s Latin Troilus, ii. 28; Chalmers’s English Poets, 1814, confutes Chalmers’s state- ment that C.'s popularity was gone by, ii. 66-7. I holds C.’s verse to be rhyth- mical, ii. 11-12, 206-7, introd. lvii, doubtfully, ii. 34; desiderates a complete and faithful ed. of C., ii. 28, 59, 208; his early love of C., ii. 219, iv. 105. Spach, L., art. Chaucer, in Encycl. des Gens du Monde, 1835, v. 124. Spalding Society, An Introduction to the Minute Books of [1712?], C. visited Spalding Priory with John of Gaunt, i. 322. Spectateur, le, 1737, v. 23. Speed, S., The Legend of Humphrey, Duke of St. Paul’s Cathedral Walk (in Fragmenta, Carceris 1674), i. 250. Speght, T., F. Beaumont’s letter to, urging him to publish his Chaucerian studies, 1597, i. 145-6. his ed. of Works, 1598, i. 147-8 iv. 52-3; 1602, i. 168. F. Thynne’s Animadversions on. 1598, i. 149. praised by H. B., 1598, i. 148. criticized favourably by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 101. ■ his defence of C.’s verse, introd. xxviii ; his life of C., the best till then, facts and fictions added in, ib. cvi— viii; estimate of his work on C., ib. cxviii-xix. Spence, J., Anecdotes collected from Mr. Pope, i. 370, 377, 413. Spenser, E., Colin Clout’s come Home Again, 1591, i. 134. The Faerie Queene, 1590-96, apostrophizes C. as his master, i. 132-3; quotes him, iv. 47; ed. by T. Birch, 1751, i. 402; letter con- cerning this ed., by J. Upton, 1751, i. 403—5 ; ed. by R. Church, 1758-9, i. 413; ed. by J. Upton, 1758, i. 415; Observations on, by T. Warton, 1754, i. 409-10; 2nd ed., 1762, i. 423. The Shepherd’s Calendar, praises C. as Tityrus, 1579, i. 118-9; Tity- rus interpreted as C. by E. Kirke, i. 117-8. ■ A View of the Present State of Ireland, 1599, quotes Sir Thopas and Squire’s T.,i. 161. ■ Works, ed. J. Hughes, 1715, i. 340-41; ed. by H. J. Todd, 1805, ii. 25. ■ preferred to C. by F. Thynne, 1600, i. 166; by C. Fitzgeoffrey, 1601, i. 167 ; by W. Thompson, 1745, i. 391-2. Index . 77 called ‘ our second Chaucer ’ by J. Wybarne, 1609, i. 184. called, by contrast with C., ‘ the father of the intense, allegorical, didactic poets,’ by A. Smith [6. 1856], iii. 34. — — • by contrast with C. always sent Landor to sleep, ii. 218, iii. 68. ■ for comparisons of, with Chaucer, see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Comparisons with other writers .] his revival of Chaucer's diction condemned by Ben Jonson [1620- 35?], i. 193-4; by Sir T. Culpeper, 1671, i. 247-8 ; commended by F. Beaumont, 1597, i. 145-6; by T. Fuller, 1662, i. 239-40; by S. Cobb [a. 1700], i. 271-2 ; see also the editions of Spenser. his stanza supposed by W. Thompson to have been used by C., 1757, i. 412. dissertation on, by E. Legouis, 1896, v. 104. his tomb described, and his epitaphs quoted, by Camden, 1600, i. 163; said to have been buried by C. ‘ per accidens,’ by W. Warner, 1606, i. 178; at his dying request, by M. P. Case, 1854, iii. 16. • • his love of C., introd. xxiii-xxv. Spenser’s Squire’s Tale, a continuation of Squire's T ., so entitled, by J. Lane, 1614, i. 189. Spirleng, G. and T., copied Cant. Tales (Hunterian MS. 197), 1476-7, iv. 8. Sports, mentioned by C., J. Strutt, 1801, ii. 2. Sprat, T., Bishop, History of the Royal Society , 1667, i. 244. Spurious poems. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works . — (1.) Spurious .] Squire, the, FitzGerald on, 1851, iii. 1-3. Squire’s Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 34.] Stael-Holstein, Anne L. G. de, Be la Litterature, 1800, v. 38. Stage Coach, The [1753], i. 408. Stanford, Sir C. V., composed the music for G. A. & Beckett’s opera, The Canterbury Pilgrims, 1884, iii. 135. Stanhope, P. D., 4th Earl of Chester- field, letter to his son, Sept. 27, 1748, i. 394-5. Stanihurst, R., his transl. of Virgil, ^Eneid i-iv, 1582, compares C. to Homer or Virgil, and quotes Troilus, i. 122-3. Stanley, A. P., Historical Memorials of Canterbury, 1855, iii. 27. Starkey, A., The Prioress’s Tale and other Poems, 1859, iii. 51. Statius, Knight’s Tale partly taken from his Thebais. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (f . ) 20. Knight’s Tale.\ Steele, R., The Tatler, 1709-10, i. 311. Steevens, G., letter to T. Percy on Melibeus, Oct. 24, 1796, i. 498-9. notes in his edn. of Shakespeare, 1773, iv. 94; 1778, iv. 95; criticized by Ritson, 1783, iv. 97. Sterling, J., concludes Squire’s Tale (as Cambuscan), 1785, i. 479. his version and life of Musseus, 1728, iv. 109 (in Cambridge issue only). Stevenson, R. L., A Portrait, in Underwood (quoting “the smiler with the knife ”), 1887, iii. 138. Stevins, W., ‘ amended ’ version of Astrolabe [c. 1555], i. 92-3. Stewart, — , Furth over the Mold (poem in Bannatyne MS.), 1568, iv. 36. Stockdale, P, Lectures on the English Poets, reviewed by Unknown, 1808, ii. 42. Stonor, family of, descended from C., ii. 181. Storr, F., jun. (with H. Turner), Canterbury Chimes, 1878, iii. 123. Story telling, the essence of C. and of all mediaeval poetry, iii. 51-2. Stothard, T., his Canterbury Pilgrims. See Chaucer, G. [v. Illustrations.'] various illustrations of C. [a. 1834], iv. 106. Stow, J., The Chronicles ( Annales ) of England, 1580, 1592, 1600, records C.'s journey to France of 1377, i. 119, 136, 164. ■ — - — • The Summary of English Chronicles, 1567, i. 100. A Survey of London, 1598, i. 159-60; 1603, i. 174; ed. Strype, 1720, i. 352. MS. notes [c. 1600], i. 164. his ed. of the Works of C., 1561, i. 96; a beginning of a projected collection of ancient authors, 1567, i. 100; criticized by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 101. contributed facts to Speght’s life of C., introd. cvii ; his work on C., ib. cxvii-xviii. 78 Indeti. Strafford, T., Earl of. See Wentworth. Strickland, Agnes, The Pilgrims of Walsingham, 1835, ii. 197. and Elizabeth, Lives of the Queens of England , 1840-3, ii. 228. Strode, W., verses in Kynaston’s Troilus, 1635, i. 215. Strutt, J., A Complete View of the Dress and Habits of the People of England, 1799, i. 502. Glig-Gamena Angel-peod ( Sports and Pastimes), 1801, ii. 2. The Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of England, 1773, i. 437. ■ pojida An^el-cynnan, 1775-6, i. 446. Strype, J., ed. Stow’s Survey of London and Westminster, 1720, i. 352. Stubbes, G., The Laurel and the Olive, 1710, verses in, by G. Rubb (-Dodington), i. 313. Suard, J. B. A., Chaucer in La Biographic Universelle, 1813, the first French account of C. written from first-hand knowledge, v. 8, 40-1. Suffolk, Alice de la Pole, Duchess of. See Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (d.) 3.] Suffolk, W., Duke of. See De la Pole. Surigo, Stephen, for his epitaph on C. see Chaucer, G. [i. (e.) 7.] Surrey, H. Howard, Earl of. See Howard. Swift, J., letter to John Gay, Nov. 20, 1729, thinks he has heard of the Wife of Bath in Shakespeare, iv. 85. — — Memorandum of the Oaths used in the Canterbury Tales, 1740, iv. 88, Proposal for correcting the English Tongue , 1712, introd. xl-xli; Re- flections on, by J. Oldmixon [1712 ?], l. 322 — 3. his lost imitation of C., iv. 88, ii. 65. C. his favourite (Scott, 1814), ii. 65. Swinburne, A. C., A Midsummer Holiday, 1884, praise of ‘ our father C.,’ iii. 136. Short Notes on English Poets, foreign influences on C., he repre- sents the English middle class, his happiness, 1880, iii. 131-2. William Blake, 1868 (entered as 1866), iii. 85. reviews W. Morris’s Life and Death of Jason, 1867, compares Morris as a teller of tales with C., iii. 94. Swynford, family of, allied to 0. (S. Bentley, 1831), ii. 180-81. Sydenham, G., note to a poem in Coryat's Crudities, 1611, calls a coarse phrase “ a Chaucerism,” iv. 61. Sykes, J., applies to Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, for payment for a picture of C., 1726, i. 368. Sylvester, J., lines interpolated in Du Bartas his Divine Weeks and Works, 1611, iv.,62. Symonds, R., Diary, 1644, mentioning Donnington as having belonged to C., iv. 71. T., G. See Tooke, G. T., J., verses to the author of The Horn Exalted, 1661, iv. 74. T., W. I., The Court Magazine in the Fourteenth Century, 1835, ii. 198- 201 . Tabard Inn, the, ref. to Prol. for, by Stowe, 1598, i. 159. • called the Talbot (T. Plume \c. 1649-64]), i. 226. article on, 1812, iv. 104. ■ described by Manning and Bray, 1814, ii. 64-5 ; by Washington Irving, 1822, ii. 137-8; by J. Saunders, 1841, ii. 240. • poem on by J. B. F. E. de Chatelain, 1866, iii. 82. its destruction, iii. 58, 64, 80. Taine, H., Chaucer et son temps, in Journal des Debats, 1862, v. 76. Histoire de la litterature anglaise, ? 1863, v. 12—13,76—9; reviewed by Sainte-Beuve, v. 79-80, by Un- known, v. 80. Jeffrey Chaucer, in Revue de \ I’Instr. publ., 1856, v. 63. Talbot, Sir G., possessed a printed l copy of C.T., 1517, i. 73. Tale of a Tub revers'd, 1705,'i. 292. Tales and Quick Answers \c. 1540], i. 83. Tanner, T., Bishop, Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica, biography of C., based on Speght, 1748, iv. 90. Collections for the Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica [a. 1748], iv. 89-90. letter to Dr. A. Charlett on Dryden’s funeral, 1700, i. 286. Taste [by J. Armstrong ?], 1753, iv. 91. Taste, literary, fluctuations in, illus- trated by the allusions, introd. cxxiv, etc. Index. 79 Tatham, J., The Character of the Rump, 1660, i. 238. Taylor, G. W., Poems, written in English, by Charles Duke of Orleans, ed. by, 1827, ii. 167. Taylor, J., ‘the Water Poet,’ The Honourable Foundations of divers Cities, 1636, i. 217. The Praise of Hemp-seed, 1620, i. 194. Taylor’s Motto, 1621, has read C. and noted much good, i. 195. his catalogue of birds imitated from C. (Southey, 1831), ii. 184. Temple, the, C.’s connection with, see Chaucer, G [i. Biog. (e.) 2.] ten Brink, B. See Brink, B. ten. Tenison, T., Abp. of Cant., rejects The Court of Love in * a little history of C.,’ contributed to Cave’s Ecclesiastical Writers, quoted by Upton, i. 404-5. Tennyson, A., Lord, A Dream of Fair Women, inspired by L.G.W., 1832, ii. 186. Poems, 1842, reviewed, ii. 246. letter to the Duke of Argyll, 1864, iii. 75. enjoyed reading Chaucer aloud, ib. Terrent, T., elegy on Ben Jonson, in Jonsonus Virbius, 1637, i. 218. Testament of Love, The. See Usk, T. Text of C. See Chaucer, G. [vi. Manuscripts; viii. Works. — (e.) Editions; and under separate Works (f.), (g.)] Thackeray, W. M., A Grumble about the Christmas Books, 1847, ii. 275. Theobald, L., letters to Warburton, 1729-30, with notes on Shake- speare’s Troilus, etc., i. 371. A Miscellany on Taste, 1732, i. 374. notes in his ed. of Shakespeare, 1740, i. 388. preface to Richard II., 1720, i. 352. Shakespeare Restored, 1726, i. 368. ed. Shakespeare, Works, 1733, i. 375-6. Th6vet, A., quotes Bale for C.’s Rom. Rose in Vie de Jean Clopinel dit de Meung (in Roman de la Rose), 1584, (entered under 1735), v. 22, 123. Thierry, A., Histoire de la Conquete de V Angleterre par les Normands, 1825, 3rd ed., 1830, v. 47-8. Thiroux d’Arconville, M. G. C., Melanges de Poesie angloise, 1764, considers the most esteemed of C.’s works to be The Testament of Love, v. 123-4. Thomas, of Ercildoune, the Rhymer, Sir Tristrem, ed. Sir W. Scott, 1804, ii. 19. — - — more responsible than C. for admixture of French words (Pinker- ton, 1786), i. 484. Thomas, Elizabeth, her account of Dryden’s funeral, 1729, i. 371. Thomas, T., Estimate of the Produce of the [Urry’s] ed. of Chaucer [1715?], i. 334. preface and glossary to Works, 1721, i. 356-8. held Melibeus to be in blank verse (Steevens, 1796), i. 498-9. Thomas, W., Professor at Lyons Univ., transl. Man of Law's T., etc., into French, 1908, v. 111. Thomas, William, notes in a copy of Urry’s ed. of Works [a. 1764], i. 424. Thommerel, J. P., Recherches sur la fusion du franco-norman et de I’anglo- saxon, 1841, v. 53-4. Thompson, W., In Chaucer’s Boure (imitation of C.) [c. 1745], i. 392-3. ■ An Hymn to May, in Poems, 1757, i. 412; iv. 109 (in Cambridge issue only). Sickness, 1745, i. 391-2. Thomson, A., criticism on the Howlat [a. 1803], ii. 5-6. Thomson, J., Summer, 1744, confesses his debt to C., i. 391. Thoms, W. J., ed. The History of Reynard the Fox, 1844, with notes on Nuns’ Priest’s T., ii. 257. ■ notes in Notes and Queries, 1850, 58, 59, ii. 284-5, iii. 47, 49. Thopas, Sir. See Chaucer, G. [viii. Works. — (f.) 32.] Thoreau, H. D., Homer, Ossian, Chaucer, 1843, ii. 250-2. Journal, 1842, ii. 245. ■ — — Walden, 1854, iii. 19. Thurlow, E. H., Lord, Arcita and Palamon, modernization of Knight’s T., 1822, ii. 140. The Flower and the Leaf (modernization), 1823, ii. 148. Moonlight, 1814, ii. 67. Sylva (in Poems), 1813, ii. 60. Thynne, F., Animadversions upon the [Speght’s] Annotations of Chaucer’s 80 Index. Works, 1598, i. 149-55; reprinted by H. J. Todd, 1810, ii. 50, ed. by G. H. Kingsley, 1865, iii. 77-8; ed. by F. J. Furnivall, 1875, iii. 78; introd. xxii-xxiii. Another Discourse upon the Philosopher’s Arms, 1576, i. 113. Emblems and Epigrams, 1600, i. 165; iv. 54-5. Of the Antiquity of the Houses of Law [a. 1608], i. 180. poem ‘ upon the picture of Chaucer,’ 1602, i. 170. Thynne, W., ed. Works, 1532, i. 78-9; 2nd ed., 1542, i. 83 ; introd. xvi- xvii; praised by Leland [c. 1545], iv 17 ; account of, by F. Thynne, 1598, i. 150-5; criticized by T. S. Bajmes, 1870, iii. 101; his work on C., introd. cxv-xvii. Tick ell, T., A Poem on the Prospect of Peace, 1712, i. 324. Ticknor, G., History of Spanish Literature, 1849, compares Ruiz de Hita with C., ii. 280. Tieck, J. L., Des Lebens Ueberfluss, 1822, v. 139-40 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 1839, v. 140 (in Cambridge issue). Times and Poetry of Chaucer, The (in Knickerbocker Mag.), 1849, ii. 280-1. Tinker of Turvey, The, 1630, his tales claimed to imitate C.’s, i. 803. Titles of books drawn from or con- nected with C., introd. lxxxvi-vii; see Chaucer, G. [x.] Tityrus, Spenser’s nom de bergerie for C., in Shepherd’s Calendar, 1579, i. 118; in Colin Clout, 1591, i. 134; so explained by E. Kirke, 1579, i. 117; followed by W. Browne, 1614, [1626-43], i. 187-8, 200; by W. Mason, 1744 (entered as 1747), i. 393; tyy R. Potter, 1749, i. 400. Tobacco, a lost poem in praise of, attributed to Chaucer \n.a. 1617], answered by Brathwait, iv. 65. Todd, H. J., Illustrations of Chaucer and Gower, 1810, ii. 50. ed. Johnson’s Dictionary, 1818, ii. 109. ed. Works of Spenser, 1805, ii. 25. Tofte, R., The Fruits of Jealousy, 1615, iv. 108 (in Cambridge issue only). Toll, T., verses to the author, in Murford’s Fragmenta Poetica, 1650, asserting that C. was bred in Lynn, iv. 72 . Tomb, Chaucer’s. See Chaucer, G. [I- (e.) 7.] Tomson, I., The Lover complaineth the loss of his Lady (in A Handful of pleasant delights), 1584, iv. 44. Tooke, G., The Belides, 1647, i. 225. Tooke, J. Horne. See Horne-Tooke, J. Topsell, E., The History of Four- footed Beasts and Serpents, 1658, i. 236. Tragedies, C. wrote (Lydgate, 1430), i. 43. Translation, nearly all C.’s work under the age of forty is (A. W. Pollard, 1894), iii. 145; see also French Literature ; Italian Literature ; Boccaccio ; Dante ; Fabliaux ; Roman de la Rose; etc. Trapp, J., Prodectiones Poeticce, 1722, prefers Dryden to Homer and Virgil, i. 362-3. Trench, R. C., English Past and Present, 1855, iii. 28. Trinitarius, modernization by, of the Good Parson, 1800, i. 504. Trochereau de la BerliSre, J., A. Choix de differens Morceaux de Poesie traduits de I’Anglois, 1749, giving an account of C., v. 6, 26-7. Troilus and Cresseid. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (g.) 28.] Trotter, J. B., Memoirs of C. J. Fox, 1811, ii. 56; Landor’s comment upon, iv. 103. Trouveres, C.’s debt to (E. G. Sandras, 1859), v. 69-74. ■ C. only classed with, from Chauvinism (Unknown, 1867), iii. 94. Troy, the Destruction of [a. 1400], i. 14. Trumpington Mill, the ruins of, still visible in 1753 (E. Carter), i. 406. See also Chaucer, G. [vm. (f.) 31. Reeve’s Tale.] Truth. See Chaucer, G. [vm. (g.) 29.] Tuke, Sir B., dedication to Henry VIII. of Thynne’s ed. of Chaucer, 1532, i. 79, introd. xvii ; preface to same, ib. cxvii; assisted in the ed., according to F. Thynne, 1598, i. 151. Turberville, G., The Book of Falconry, 1575, uses “ Canterbury Tale ” contemptuously, i. 111. Epitaphs, Epigrams, Songs and Sonnets [ c . 1567], confuses C.’s and Henryson’s Cresseid, iv. 35. Index . 81 Epitaphs and Sonnets. 1569, vi. 37. letter in Gascoigne's Hundreth Sundrie Flowers, 1572, iv. 38. Turner, H. (with F. Storr), Canterbury Chimes, 1878 (selected tales for children), iii. 123. Turner, S., History of England during the Middle Ages, 1815, giving an account of C., ii. 80; 1825, dis- parages C., ii. 158. Turner, T. H., Some Account of Domestic Architecture in England, 1851, iii. 7. Turner, W., letter to J. Foxe [1550- 53?], speaking of C. and others as being translated into a bastard Anglo-French, i. 90. Twyne, B., Antiquitatis Academiae Oxoniensis Apologia, 1608, i. 180. extracts from Chaucer [1608— 44?], i. 181. Tyndale, W., The Obedience of a Christen Man, 1528, classes Troilus with frivolous romances, etc., iv. 11 . Tyr whitt, T., noticed as being at work on C., by Morell, 1771, and by Gough, 1772, i. 436-7. his ed. of C.T., 1775-8, i. 442-6, 451 ; reviews and mentions of, i. 451, 455, iv. 94; text of, pirated by Bell, 1781, i. 464-5, 474; his edition financially unprofitable, i. 474; praised by Ritson, 1782, i. 468; by P. Neve, 1789, i. 488; criticised, 1866, iii. 85; by T. S. Bayne) s, 1870, iii. 102-3; his notes to, thought tedious by H. Walpole, 1775, iv. 94; his text condemned by T. Wright, 1844, ii. 258; Lipscomb’s use of, 1795, i. 496-7; his caution in touching C.'s bio- graphy, introd. cx ; his work on C., ib. liv-v, cxxi-iii. his ed. of Chatterton, 1777, i. 432-3; Appendix to, 1778, i. 451; Vindication of the Appendix, 1782, i. 469; praised by Walpole, ib. ; criticized by J. Fell, i. 466; re- viewed, i. 469. Observations upon some Passages of Shakespeare, 1766, i. 429. Tytler, A. F., Lord Woodhouselee, his ed. of Allan Ramsay’s Poems , 1800, i. 504. Tytler, H. W., modernizations of Clerk’s T. and Gamelyn, in Mis- cellanies, 1828, ii. 171. Tytler, W., A Dissertation on the Scottish Musick, in Arnot’s History of Edinburgh, 1779, i. 458. ■ his ed. of Poetical Remains of James I. of Scotland, 1783, praise of C. in, i. 475. U nto my Lady, the Flower of Woman- hood [1450-60 ?], i. 53. Upton, J., Critical Observations on Shakespeare, 1746, i. 393; 1748, i. 396-8. — — A Letter concerning a new [Birch’s] edition of Spenser’s Faerie Queene, 1751, i. 403-5. — — • ed. Spenser’s Faerie Queene, 1758, i. 415; criticized (Unknown, 1759), 416. Urry, J., his ed. of Works, 1714-15, passim, i. 330-37; 1721, i. 353-6; sketch of a preface to it, 1714, i. 330-31; licence for, 1714, iv. 82-3 ; announcement of, in le Journal Literaire, 1715, v. 3, 21; his work described by T. Thomas, 1721, i. 356-8; letter about, by W. Brome, 1733, i. 375; badness of his text pointed out by Heame, 17-||, i. 376; and illustrated by P. Neve, 1789, i. 488-9; criticized by Unknown, 1836, ii. 209; by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 102 ; by the editor, introd. cxix-xxi. letter to Lord Harley on MSS. of C., Nov. 24, 1712, i. 325-6. epitaph on himself, 1714-15, i. 332. death of, 1714-15 (G. Hickes, T. Hearne), i. 332-3. Usk, T., The Testament of Love [c. 1387], i. 8; introd. xii; first printed by Thynne, 1532, i. 79 ; referred to or quoted as C.’s by (among others) J. Foxe, 1570, i. 106; J. Bossewell, 1572, i. 108; T. Hearne, 1709; con- sidered the most admired of C.’s works by Thiroux d’Arconville, 1764, v. 123-4; rejected by W. Hertzberg, 1866, v. 146-7; and by J. P. Collier, 1867, iii. 87, 93; legends based on by Speght, introd. evii ; a source of the C. legend, ib. cix. V., R., Gent. See Veal, R. V., W. See Vallans, W. Vallans, W., The Honourable Prentice , 1615, i. 190-1. CHAUCER CRITICISM G 82 Index. Vallod, — , transl. Second Nun's T. into French, 1908, v. 112. Vapereau, G., arts, on Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate and Chatterton, in Diet, univ. des Litt ., 1876, v. 84-5. Vaughan, R., Revolutions in English History, 1859, iii. 52. Vaughan, Sir W., The Golden-grove , 1600, i. 167. Veal, R., verses in Durfey’s New Court-Songs and Poems, 1672, iv. 76. Vernon, H., verses on Dryden, in Gallus, 1700, i. 288. Verstegan, R., A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence, 1605, re- verences C., but calls him a great mingler of English with French, i. 176. Vertue, G., note on portraits of C., in Anecdotes of Painting, ed. by H. Walpole, 1762, i. 423. his engravings and account of Hoccleve’s portrait (Gray, 1760), i. 417-18. notes on C. by, iv. 85. Remarks, in Philosophical Trans- actions, 1747, i. 394. was a versifier, his searches after and portraits of C. (Walpole, 1778), i. 454. Villemain, A. F., Cours de Litterature Frangaise, 1830, v. 45-7. Essai lifteraire sur Shakespeare (in Melanges ), 1827, v. 44. reviews Chateaubriand’s Essai sur la Litterature anglaise, 1837, v. 10, 50. Villon, F., contrasted with C. by Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131-2. Vinegar, T., ps., Letter to Captain Vinegar, 1739, i. 386. Visions of poets in which C. appears, introd. Ixxxvii. Vorio, ps., Verses in Gent.’s Mag., 1740, i. 388. Vulcanius, B., compares C. to Homer, 1586, iv. 107 (in Cambridge issue only). W., C., Sonnet to Chaucer (in Chaucer Modernized, 1823), ii. 148. W., D., verses to the Author of Sir Francis Drake (Charles Fitz- Geffrey), 1596, iv. 48. W., P., verses on Dryden, in Gallus, 1700, i. 288. W., S. W., verses to the author (K.Q.), in Naps upon Parnassus, 1658, iv. 73. W., W., preface to R. Johnson’s Seven Champions [1686 ?], iv. 78. Wade, the romance of, probably a border composition (Scott, 1804), Wade, T., The Contention of Death and Love, 1837, ii. 221. Wahl, E., transl. Wife of Bath’s T., and Friar’s T. into French, 1908, v. 112. Waine wright, T. G., C. van V ink- booms, his Dogmas for Dilettanti, 1821, ii. 136. — —-^Exhibition of the Royal Academy, Modest offer of Service from Mr. Bonmot (in London Mag.), 1820, ii. Sentimentalities on the Fine Arts, 1820, ii. 129. WaP [Waller ?], Nic., MS. stanza in a copy of C.’s Works, 1602, i. 173. Waldron, F. G., ed. Ben Jonson’s Sad Shepherd, 1783, i. 476. ed. Peacham’s Period of Mourn- ing, 1789, i. 490. — — ed. Kynaston’s Troilus, 1797, i. 499; reviewed, i. 500. Walkington, T., The Optic Glass of Humours, 1607, i. 179. Wall, J. W., Early English Poets, Chaucer (in Knickerbocker Mag.), 1854, iii. 20. ' Waller, E., Poems, ed. 3, 1668, holds 4 the glory of C.’s numbers lost, because not written in Latin or Greek,’ i. 244. Waller, J. G., designed a painted window over C.’s tomb, 1868, iii. 97. Wallis, J., Grammatica Linguae Anglicanoe, 1653, i. 229. Walpole, Horace, Anecdotes of Paint- < ing, 1762, i. 423; ed. by Dallaway, 1826, ii. 160-61. A Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, 1758, i. 415; ed. of, in Works, 1798, i. 501. letter to W. Barrett, with re- mark on Vertue, May 23, 1778, i. 454; to Misses M. and A. Berry, Sept. 4, 1789, quoting Prol. 751-2 as Spenser’s, i. 490 ; to Earl Harcourt, Sept. 7, 1782, i. 469; to Sir H. Mann, July 29, 1742, alluding to the Wife of Bath as from the old ballad, not as from C., i. 390; to W. Mason, April 7, 1774, i. 439* preferring Dryden Index . 83 to C., 1775, iv. 94; Nov. 13, 1781, i. 464; to G. Montagu, Aug. 11, 1748, on his attempt to prove his descent from C., i. 398; April 15, 1768, i. 431; to J. Pinkerton, June 22, 1785, i. 482. List of Vertue's Works, in A Catalogue of Engravers, 1763, i. 424. Walton, J., of Osney, Liber Boeti de Consolatione philosophi, 1410, con- fesses his inferiority to C., i. 20-1. poem in his transl. of Boethius, attr. to C. in a MS., i. 63. Wanley, H., Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum Anglice, 1697, iv. 81. Codices Anglo- Saxonici Biblio- thecce Bodleiance, 1705, i. 292-3. letter to Dr. Charlett, 1701, i. 290. Warburton, W., Bishop, letter to Dr. Balguy, Oct. 7, 1762, wishing Warton to edit C., i. 423-4. — — • ed. Shakespeare, 1747, i. 394. Ward, Sir A. W., Chaucer (in “ English Men of Letters”), 1879, iii. 124-6; reviewed by J. J. Jusserand, 1880, v. 86. Ward, E., London Spy, 1700, with account of Dry den’s funeral, i. 286 ; iv. 82. "Ware, Sir J., The History of Ireland, ed. by, 1633, Spenser buried by C., iv. 66. Spenser’s View of the State of Ireland, ed. by, 1633, i. 206. Warner, R., Literary Recollections, 1830, on Richman’s sequel to C.T., ii. 180. Warner, W., A Continuance of Albions England, 1606, Spenser buried near C. “ per accidens,” i. 178. Warton, John, ed. Poetical Works of Dryden, 1811, ii. 56. Warton, Joseph, Essay on Pope, 1756, i. 412; 4th ed., 1782, i. 470-1 ; reviews of, i. 472. notes to Dryden’s Poetical Works, 1811, ii. 56. ed. Pope’s Works, 1797, i. 500. Warton, T., sen., Paraphrase on Leviticus, 1747, imitating C., i. 394; iv. 89; this imitation a step forward, introd. xlix. Warton, T., jun., An Enquiry into the Authenticity of Rowley , 1782, i. 472; reviews of, ib. Essays on Gothic Architecture , 1800, i. 504. — — The History of English Poetry, 1774, 1778, 1781, i. 439-41, 454-5, 464; criticized by Ritson, 1782, i. 468; condemned by Walpole, 1774, i. 439; other notices of, 1774-81, i. 439, 442, 455, 461, 464. • Observations on the Fairy Queen, 1754, i. 409-10; 2nd ed., 1762, i. 423; praised, an ed. of C. by him wished for, by Warburton, 1762, i. 423-4. Ode on His Majesty's Birthday, 1787, i. 486-7. The Triumph of Isis [1749], i. 400. ed. Milton’s Poems upon Several Occasions, 1785, i. 482; Darby’s Letter to him upon this, ib. poem to (in Gent.’s Mag.), 1779, iv. 96. ■ the first thorough student of C., and the first to notice his pathos and sublimity, introd. li-ii. Watson, T., The 'EKcnofAiradia [1582], with note on C.’s transl. from Petrarch, i. 123. Watt, R., Bibliotheca Britannica, 1819, ii. 120. Watts, R., exclusion of proctors from his Refuge for Poor Travellers at Rochester perhaps based on C.’s Pardoner (Dickens, 1866), iii. 82. Webb(e), C., Satire on the Cockney School, 1817, ii. 93. Sonnet to Italy, 1819, ii. 121. Webbe, W., A Discourse of English Poetry, 1586, defending C. as stylist and satirist, i. 129-30. • treats C. as a moral writer, introd. xx-xxi. Webster, J., Monuments of Honour, 1624, introducing C. into a City pageant, i. 198-9. and Dekker, T., Northward Hoe [1605], i. 175. * (with Dekker), Westward Hoe , 1607, iv. 60. Wedderburn, — , My love was false (poem in Bannatyne MS.), 1568, iv. 37. Weekly Essays (in Grub Street Journal, etc.), 1732, iv. 86. Weever, J., Ancient Funeral Monu- ments, 1631, C.’s tomb, i. 204; his marriage and connections, iv. 66 . Index. Welsted, L., dissertation, prefixed to Epistles , etc., 1724, holds the English language to be then at its perfection, i. 367. Poem to the Memory of J. Philips [1710], i. 313. Wentworth, T., Earl of Strafford, letter to Mr. Secretary Coke, 1635, iv. 69; to Viscount Conway, 1637, iv. 70. C., with Donne, his favourite poet, according to Browning ( ?), 1836, ii. 202; his knowledge of C.T., introd. xxxii. Wesley, S., An Epistle concerning Poetry, 1700, finds C.’s lines rough and unequal, i. 289. Maggots [1685], i. 258. Westminster Abbey. See Chaucer, G. [i. (e.) 7. Tomb.] Weymouth, R. E., Bishop Grosseteste's “ Castle of Love," 1862, commenting on the irregularity of C.’s verse, iii. 66. Wharton, G. [Sir George?], To Mr. Loveday [verses], in La Calpre- nede’s Hymen’s Prceludia, 1652, i. 228. Wharton, H., Historiola de Chaucero nostro [as a theologian], [c. 1687], i. 261; iv. 78-80. Wharton, J., To the Christian Reader, in Jud. Smith’s Mystical Device, 1575, condemning C.’s “stale [i. e. dirty] tales,” i. 111. Wharton, R., Fables, 1804-5, con- taining modernizations from C., etc., ii. 22. Whetstone, G., Epilogus to The Castle of Delight, 1576, iv. 40. ■ — — • The English Myrror, 1586, iv. 45. Promos and Cassandra, 1578, i. 116. Whimsical Legacy, The, 1769 (imita- tion of Sompnour’s T.), iv. 94. Whitaker, T. D., History and Anti- quities of Craven, 1805, ii. 25-6. ed. Visio Willi de Petro Plouh- man, 1813, ii. 60-1. White, Gilbert, letters, 1775-81, iv. 95. The Natural History and Anti- quities of Selborne, 1789, refers to C.’s fame as a satirist, iv. 98. White, James, The Adventures of John of Gaunt, 1790, introducing C. as a character, i. 492. White, John, The Country- Man’s Conductor, 1701, i. 290. White, W. (contemporary divine), testified to C.’s disapproval of idle monks, as recorded by Bale, 1548, iv. 20. Whitehead, W., On Nobility, 1744, iv. 89. Whitelock, B., Speech to the new Ser- jeants at the Chancery Bar, 1648, iv. 71 ; printed in his Memorials, 1675, i. 251. Whitgift, J., Archbishop ( ?), read and commended C. while at Cambridge (F. Beaumont, 1597), i. 146. Whitney, — , obsolete words in his Choice of Emblems, 1586, by H. Green, 1866, iii. 83. Whittier, J. G., Margaret Smith’s Journal, 1849, ii. 282. Wiclif. See Wycliffe. Widdrington, Sir T., Analecta Ebor- acensia, 1660, quoting Ploughman’s T. as C.’s, iv. 73. Wieland, C. M., Oberon, 1780, derived from Merchant’ s T. through Pope, v. 134. Wife of Bath, the, her character at- tributed to Shakespeare by Swift, 1729, iv. 85; described by Blake, 1809, ii. 45-6; this criticized by Cunningham, iv. 105-6 ; S. Butler, 1891, iii. 140; Gay’s comedy of the, 1713, i. 326-8. Wife of Bath’s Prol. and Tale. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. — (f.) 35, 36.] The Wanton Wife of Bath (by Paul Moore?), 1600, iv. 54; altered as The New Wife of Beath, 1700, i. 288; as The Wife of Beith [1785 ?], i. 480. Wilkes, J., Encyclopaedia Londinensis, 1810, ii. 51; 1815, ii. 81. Wilier t, H., The House of Fame, dis. sertation on, 1883, v. 150; ed. of, 1888, v. 151. Williams, Sir C. Hanbury, To Mrs. Bindon at Bath, in Dodsley, 1758, i. 415. Willis, B., satire on, as an antiquary, by Dr. Darrell [a. 1760], i. 417. Willmott, R. A., Lives of the Sacred Poets, 1834, regards C. as a Wycliffite, ii. 194. Wills, early, bequests of copies of C.’s works in, introd. lxxxvii- viii. Wihnot, J., Earl of Rochester, A Pastoral on the Death of, in his Poems, 1696, i. 268. Index. 85 Wilson, J., dramatist. The Cheats , 1662, i. 240. Wilson, J., critic. See North, C. Wilson, T., The Art of Rhetoric, 1553, observes that courtiers talk Chaucer, i. 91. Winchelsea, Anne Finch, Countess of. See Finch. Windsor, Chaucer at, poem by T. Campbell [c. 1836-40], ii. 202-3. Winstanley, W., England’s Worthies, 1660, attributing Edward III.’s epitaph to C., i. 238. The Lives of the English Poets , 1687, i. 261. Winwood, R., letter to Sir T. Edmondes, 1601, quoting Lyd- gate’s Balade of deceitful women as C.’s, i. 167. Wiseman, N. P. S., Cardinal, On the Perception of Natural Beauty, C.’s love of nature associated with wantonness, 1855, iii. 29; reply to, by Leigh Hunt, 1859, iii. 49. Wit, attributed to C. See Chaucer, G. [h. (f.) 3.] . changes in the meaning ot the word, introd. xcvii-viii. Wit and Drollery, 1656, verses in, i. 233-4. Wit and Fancy in a Maze. See Holland, S. Wit of a Woman, The, 1604, iv. 56. Wit Restored, 1658, verses in, i. 234. Wit’s Recreation, 1641, i. 219. With, Elizabeth, Elizabeth Fools Warning, 1659, i. 237. Wither, G., Wither’s Motto, 1621, i. 195. Wolcot, J. See Pindar, Peter, ps. Woman’s Dove, or the Triumphs of Patience (a play, based on the Griselda story), critique of, 1828, ii 171. Wood, A. a, Athenai Oxonienses, 1691-2, i. 264. MS. note on Woodstock, 1659, iv. 73. ■ — — Survey of the Antiquities of Oxford, 1661-6, i. 238. Woods, C.’s love of, noticed by Scott, 1828, ii. 170-1 ; by Ruskin, 1856, iii. 33; more feared by southern than by northern peoples, ib. Woodstock, C. born at : Camden, 1586, i. 128 ; Pits, 1613, iv. 63 ; Unknown, 1622, i. 198; J. Taylor, 1636, i. 217 ; Kennet, 1695, ii. 147: Unknown, 1727, i. 369-70; H. Boyd, 1797, i. 447-8; J. Skelton, 1823, ii. 147-8; lived and wrote at : (besides the refs, above) Leland [c. 1545], iv. 8; Stow, 1600, i. 164; E. Gayton, 1654, i. 229 ; Aubrey, 1669, i. 245 ; W. Harrison, 1706, i. 293; T. Tickell, 1712, i. 324; J. Dart, 1721, i. 358; H. Dalrymple (?), 1761, i. 421 ; remains of his house still ex- isted at in 1659 (A. a Wood) iv. 73 ; in 1772, i. 493; C. retired to: H. Wharton, [c. 1687], iv. 79. Worde, W. de, printed C.T., 1498, i. 65; Troilus, 1517, i. 72; Parlia- ment of Fowls, 1530, i. 76. Wordsworth, C., Ecclesiastical Bio- graphy, 1810, ii. 51. Wordsworth, Dorothy, entries in her Journal, mostly recording readings of C. with W. Wordsworth, 1801, ii. 2-3, 5, 14; 1820, ii. 130. Wordsworth, W. [Books, poems, etc., containing allusions :] — — Lyrical Ballads, preface to, 2nd ed., 1800 (the affecting parts of C. expressed in language still intelligible), iv. 102. Prelude, 1805, ii. 26. The Daisy (2nd poem), note on, 1807, ii. 35; 1815, ii. 81. article in The Friend, 1810, ii. 52. The Country Churchyard [1810 ?], ii. 51. Second Tour in Scotland, 1814, ii. 68. Essay, supplementary to the Preface of the Poems, 1815, ii. 81. Seathwaite Chapel, 1820 (its pastor worthy of C.’s Good Parson), ii. 130. Edward VI. ( Ecclesiastical Son- nets), 1821, praising Prioress’s T., ii. 136. Liberty, 1829, ii. 176-7. Tour to Scotland in 1831, 1835, ii. 202. Poetical Works, 1835 (post- script), ii. 201. • — — note on Hazlitt’s Spirit of the Age, asserting his love of Shake- speare, 1836, ii. 210. — — - Miscellaneous Memoranda [ n.a . 1850], ii. 287-8. [Letters :] to W. Scott, Nov. 7, 1805, on Dryden and C., ii. 26 ; to Lady 86 Index. Beaumont, 1806, quoting The Flower and the Leaf as C.’s, ii. 29; to A. Cunningham, Nov. 23, 1823, ii. 149; to A. Watts, Nov. 16, 1824, ii. 155; to A. Dyce, May, 1830, ii. 180; to J. K. Miller, Dec. 17, 1831, ii. 184; to J. Kenyon, Sept. 13, 1831, ii. 184; Jan. 26, 1832, ii. 187; to T. N. Talfourd, Nov. 28, 1836, ii. 210; to Moxon, Feb. 24, 1840 (has handed over to T. Powell three of his modernizations), ii. 228-9; to H. Reed, 1841, on Chaucer Modern- ized, ii. 242. [Modernizations :] Selections from Chaucer Modern- ised ( Prioress's Tale, Cuckoo and Nightingale, Troilus fragment), 1801, ii. 3; at work on (Dorothy Wordsworth’s Journal, 1801-2), ii. 2, 3, 5; praised by Southey \a. 1819], ii. 110. these, with the Manciple's Tale revised and handed over to T. Powell, ii. 228-9; printed in Chaucer Modernised, 1841, ii. 234-8. first became acquainted with C. through Anderson’s Poets, ii. 68; read C. at Cambridge, ii. 26 ; asserts his love of Shakespeare to be not less than of C., though he praises the latter more loudly as being less known, ii. 210; calls C. one of his models, ii. 287-8; for his readings of C., and work at his modernizations, see Wordsworth, Dorothy. Worfat, William de, ps. See Hutton, W. World, The, as it goes, 1781, extracts from C. promised in the title of but not included in, i. 464. Worthies of the United Kingdom, The, 1828, ii. 171. Wotton, W., letter to the Rev. M. Williams, 1722, i. 363. Wotyx, W. (J. Copywell, ps.), A Familiar Epistle from the Shades, 1730, i. 371-2. Wright, T., note on Alliterative Poem on the Deposition of Richard III., 1838, ii. 224-5. A Selection of Latin Stories, 1843, ii. 252. Anecdota Literaria, 1844, on C.’s debt to the fabliaux, ii. 257-8. Meeting of the British Archaeo- logical Association, 1845, ii. 267. — — On Some Early Latin Stories , imitated by Chaucer and Shake- speare, 1847, ii. 275. his ed. of Canterbury Tales, 1847—51, ii. 274; the first from a single MS., introd. lxx; criticized by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 103-4; reviewed in the Athenaeum, March 15, 1851, iii. 7. Essays on Archaeological Sub- jects, 1861, iii. 60. History of Domestic Manners. 1862, iii. 66. Wright, W. Aldis, his projected ed. of C.’s Works, 1864, iii. 71; declines to edit C.’s Works, c. 1870, iii. 71. (with J. Eastwood) The Bible Word Book, 1866, iii. 82. Wiilker, R., Altenglisches Lesebuch , 1879, v. 149. Wiirzner, A., Ueber Chaucers lyrische Gedichte, 1879, v. 150. Wyatt, Sir T., satires of [a. 1542], contrasts Sir Thopas and The Knight’s Tale, i. 83-4. Surrey’s poem on the death of, W. ‘ reft Chaucer the glory of his wit,’ i. 84; echoed by Leland in Ncenice, 1542, iv. 13; held equal with C. by Bale, 1548, iv. 20. his Works, ed. by G. F. Nott, 1815-16, ii. 73-80. influence of C. upon, iv. 12; introd. xvii. Wybarne, J., The New Age of Old Names, 1609, i. 184. Wycliffe, J., C. called a Wycliffite by Foxe, 1570, i. 106; by E. Leigh, 1656, i. 233; by H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 79; by J. Lewis, 1720, i. 350; by C. Dodd, 1737, i. 380; by Unknown [c. 1785], i. 481; by A. Villemain, 1830, v. 46; C.’s rela- tions with, F. D. Maurice on, 1865, iii. 78-9; suggested as the original of Chaucer’s Priest, by C. W. Le Bas, 1832, ii. 185; by S. Groneman, 1837, v. 140-1 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 139 (in Cambridge issue). • See also Chaucer, G. [n. (f.) 6, 7.] Wyer, R. ( ?), quotes Troilus in his version of Christine de Pisan’s C. Histories of Troy, iv. 107 (in Cambridge issue only). Yalden, T., to Mr. Congreve, 1693, i. 266. Index. 87 Yart, A., Idee de la poesie angloise, 1749, v. 4-5, 24-6; 1753-6, v. 29-30. Young, E., Conjectures on Original Composition, 1759, i. 417, Two Epistles to Mr. Pope [c. 1730], mentioning C.’s retractation, iv. 85. Z. See Lockhart, J. G. Zupitza, J., ed. Prol. C.T., 1871, v. 148. Cjmtccr §oxl etn LONDON : PUBLISHED FOR THE CHAUCER SOCIETY BY HUMPHREY MILFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE, WARWICK SQUARE, LONDON, E.C. 4, AND IN NEW YORK, AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd., 39 NEW OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.C. 1. 8/24 £I)C Cljauccv Soctctg. The Founder and Director teas Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Hon. Sec. is W. A. Dalziel, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. To do honour to Chaucer, and to let the lovers and students of him see how far the best unprinted Manuscripts of his works differd from the printed texts, this Society was founded in 1868. There were then, and are still, many questions of metre, pro- nunciation, orthography, and etymology yet to be settled, for which more prints of Manuscripts were and are wanted ; and it is hardly too much to say that every line of Chaucer contains points that need reconsideration. The founder (Dr. Furnivall) began with The Canterbury Tales , and has given of them (in parallel columns in Royal 4to) six of the best theretofore unprinted Manuscripts known. Inasmuch as the parallel arrangement necessitated the alteration of the places of certain tales in some of the MSS, a print of each MS has been issued separately, following the order of its original. The first six MSS pi’inted have been : the Flllesmere (by leave of the Earl of Ellesmere) ; the Hengwrt (by leave of W. W. E. Wynne, Esq.) ; the Camb. Univ. Libr., MS Gg. 4. 27 ; the Corpus, Oxford ; the Petworth (by leave of Lord Leconfield) ; and the Lansdowne 851 (Brit. Mus.). The Harleian 7334 has followd, and the Cambridge Dd. , completed by Egerton 2726 (the Haistwell MS) . Specimens of all accessible MSS of the Tales are now nearly completed, edited by the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D., and Prof. John Koch, Ph.D. Of Chaucer’s Minor Poems , — the MSS of which are generally later than the best MSS of the Canterbury Tales, — all the available MSS have been printed, so as to secure all the existing evidence for the true text. Of Troilus , Parallel-Texts from the 6 best MSS have been issued (the Campsall MS also separately), and a 7th MS text of it with the englisht Boccaccio Comparison. Autotypes of most of the best Chaucer MSS have been publisht. Ihe Society’s publications are issued in two Series, of which the First contains the different texts of Chaucer’s works; and the Second, such originals of and essays on these as can be procured, with other illustrative treatises, and Supplementary Tales. The yearly subscription, which constitutes Membership, is 2 guineas, beginning with January 1, 1868. Most of the Society’s Publications can still be had from the home Hon. Sec. The Society’s Hon. Secs, for America are, Prof. Kittredge, of Harvard College, Ciimbridge, Mass., for the North and East, and Prof. Bright, of Johns Hopkins , University, Baltimore, for the South and West. Members’ names and subscriptions should be sent to the home Hon. Sec., W. A. Dalziel, Esq., 67 Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. 4. , FIRST SERIES. The Society’s issue for 1808, in the First Series, is, I. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale, of the Canterbury Tales, in 6 parallel % Texts (from the 6 MSS named below), together with Tables, showing the . Groups of the Tales, and their varying order in 38 MSS of the Tales, and in 5 old printed editions, and also Specimens from several MSS of the “Moveable Prologues” of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman’s Prologue, and Franklin’s Prologue, — when moved from their right places, and of the Substitutes for them. (The Six-Text, Part I.) II— VII. II. The Prologue and Knight’s Tale from the Ellesmere MS, Part I ; III. ! Hengwrt MS, 154, Pt I ; IV. Cambridge MS Gg. 4. 27, Pt I ; V. Corpus > MS, Oxford, Pt I ; VI. Petworth MS, Pt I; VII. Lansdowne MS, 851, ] Pt I. (Separate issues of the Te;xts forming Part I of the Six-Text edition.) i The issue for 1869, in the First Series, is, VIII — XIII. VIII. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales: Ellesmere MS, Part 1: II ; IX. Hengwrt MS, Pt II ; X. Cambridge MS, Pt II ; XI. Corpus MS, ! Pt II ; XII. Petworth MS, Pt II ; XIII. Lansdowne MS, Pt II, with an ( Appendix of “Gamelyn” from six MSS. (Separate issues of the Texts forming the Six-Text, Part II, No. XIV.) The issue for 1870, in the First Series, is, XIV. The Miller’s, Reeve’s, and Cook’s Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious Tale of Gamelyn, in 6 parallel Texts. (Six-Text, Part II.) The issue for 1871, in the First Series, is, X V. The Man of Law’s, Shipman’s, and Prioress’s Tales, with Chaucer’s own Tale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS above named, and 9 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the Ellesmere MS. (Six-Text, Part III.) XVI. The Man of Law’s Tale, from the Ellesmere MS. Part III. XVII. ,, ,, ,, ,, „ ,, ,, Cambridge MS. Part III. XVIII. „ „ ,, „ „ „ „ Corpus MS. Part III. XIX. The Shipman’s, Prioress’s and Man of Law’s Tales, from the Petworth MS. Part III. XX. The Man of Law’s Tale, from the Lansdowne MS. Part III. (each with woodcuts of fourteen drawings of Tellers of Tales in the Ellesmere MS.) Chaucer Society's Publications : First Series. XXI. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part I 1. ‘ The Lethe of Blaunche the Duchesse ,’ from Thynne’s ed. of 1532, the Fairfax MS 16, and Tanner MS 346; 2. ‘ the . Compleynt to Fite,’ 3. '‘the Farlament of Foules,’ and 4. ‘ the Compleynt of Mars,’ each from six MSS. XXII. Supplementary Parallel-Texts of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part I, containing 1. ‘The Pari ament of Foules,’ from three MSS. [Reprinted in LIX, First Series.] XXIII. Odd Texts of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part I, containing 1. two Mb fragments of ‘ The Pari ament of Foules ; ’ 2. the two differing versions of ‘The Prologue to the Legende of Good Women,’ arranged so as to show their differences , 3. an Appendix of Poems attributed to Chaucer, I. ‘The Balade of Pitee by Chauciers ; ’ n. ‘The Cronycle made by Chaucer,’ both from MSS written by Shirley, Chaucer’s contemporary. A One-Text Print of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, being the best Text from the Parallel-Text Edition, Part I, containing, I. The Dethe of Blaunche the Duchesse, II. The Compleynt to Pite, III. The Parlament of Foules, IV . The Compleynt of Mars, V. The ABC, wifh its original from De DeGuile- ville’s Pelerinage de la Vie humaine (edited from the best Paris MSS by M. XXIV. Paul Meyer) . The issue for 1872, in the First Series, is, XXV. Chaucer’s Tale of Melihe, the Monk’s, Nun’s-Priest’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s, Wife of Bath’s, Friar’s, and Summoner’s Tales, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS above named, with the remaining 14 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the Ellesmere MS, and with Specimens of the Variations of 30 MSS in the Doctor-Pardoner Link. (Six-Text, Part IV.) XXVI. The Wife’s, Friar’s, and Summoner’s Tales, from the Ellesmere MS, with 9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV.) < . XXVII. The Wife’s, Friar’s, Summoner’s, Monk’s, and Nun s-Pnest s lales, from the Hengwrt MS, with 23 woodcuts of the Tellers of the Tales. (Part III.) XXVIII. The Wife’s, Friar’s, and Summoner’s Tales, from the Cambridge MS, with 9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV.) XXIX. A Treatise on the Astrolabe, addressed to his son Lowys, in 1391 a.d., by Geoffrey Chaucer, edited by the Rev. Prof. Walter W. Skeat, M.A. The issue for 1873, in the First Series, is, XXX. The Six-Text Canterbury Tales, Part V, containing the Clerk’s and Mer- chant’s Tales. The issue for 1874, in the First Series, is, XXXI. The Six-Text, Part VI, containing the Squire’s and Franklin’s Tales. XXXII. The Clerk’s, Merchant’s, Squire’s, Franklin’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s, Ship- man’s, Prioress’s Tales, Sir Thopas, Melibeus, Monk’s, Nun’s-Priest’s, Second Nun’s Tales, Ellesmere MS, Part V. XXXIII. The Clerk’s, Merchant’s, Squire’s, Franklin’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s, Ship- man’s, Prioress’s Tales, Sir Thopas, Melibeus, Monk’s, Nun’s-Priest’s, Second Nun’s Tales, Cambridge MS, Part V. XXXIV. Squire’s, Wife of Bath’s, Friar’s, Summoner’s, Clerk’s, Merchant’s, Franklin’s Tales, Corpus MS, Part IV. XXXV. Squire’s, Merchant’s, Wife of Bath’s, Friar’s, Summoner’s, Clerk’s, Frank- lin’s, Second Nun’s Tales, Petworth MS, Part IV. XXXVI. Squire’s, Wife of Bath’s, Friar’s, Summoner’s, Clerk’s, Merchant’s, Franklin’s Tales, Lansdowne MS, Part IV. The issue for 1875, in the First Series, is, XXXVII. The Six-Text, Part VII, the Second Nun’s, Canon’s-Yeoman’s, and Manciple’s Tales, with the Blank-Parson Link. XXXVIII. Second Nun’s, Canon’s-Yeoman’s, Manciple’s Tales, Ellesmere MS, Part VI. XXXIX. Manciple’s, Man of Law’s, Squire’s, Merchant’s, Franklin’s, Second Nun’s, Clerk’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s, Shipman’s, Prioress’s Tales, Sir Thopas, Melibeus Tales, Hengwrt MS, Part IV. XL. Second Nun’s, Canon’s- Yeoman’s, Manciple’s Tales, Cambridge MS, Part VI. XLI. Second Nun’s, Canon’s-Yeoman’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s, Shipman’s, Prioress’s Tales, Sir Thopas. Melibeus, Monk’s, Nuns-Priest’s, Manciple’s Tales, Corpus MS, Part V. XLII. Second Nun’s, Canon’s-Yeoman’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s Tales, Sir Thopas, Melibeus, Monk’s, Nun’s-Priest’s, Manciple’s Tales, Petworth MS. Part V. XLIII. Second Nun’s. Canon’s-Yeoman’s, Doctor’s, Pardoner’s, Shipman’s, Prioress’s Tales, Sir Thopas, Melibeus, Monk’s, Nun’s-Priest’s, Manciple’s Tales, Lansdowne MS, Part V. XLI V. A detaild Comparison of the Troylus and Cryseyde with Boccaccio’s Filos- trato , with a Translation of all Passages used by Chaucer, and an Abstract of the Parts not used, by W. Michael Rossetti, Esq., and with a print of the Troylus from the Harleian INIS 3943. Part I. XLV. Ryme-Index to the Ellesmere MS of the Canterbury Tales, by Henry Cromie, Esq., M.A. In 8vo for the separate Ellesmere MS. 4 Chaucer Society's Publications : Mrst Series. XLVI. Ryme-Index to the Ellesmere MS, by Henry Cromie, Esq., M.A. In Roval 4to for the Six-Text. J XLVII. Notes and Corrections for the 8vo Ryme-Index, by H. Cromie, Esq., M.A. The issue for 1876, in the First Series, is, XLVIII. Autotype Specimens of the Chief Chaucer MSS, Part I, 16 Autotypes with a Note on the MSS, by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. ' ’ The issue for 1877, in the First Series, is, XLIX. The Six-Text, Part VIII, containing the Parson’s Tale, with a Table of its Contents; and Mr Cromie’s Notes and Corrections for the 4to Ryme-Index. L— LV. L. The Parson’s Tale, Ellesmere MS, Part VII ; LI. Hengwrt MS, Part V; LII. Cambridge MS, Part VII; LIII. Corpus MS, Part VI;LIV Petworth MS, Part VI ; LV. Lansdowne MS, Part VI. The issue for 1878, in the First Series, is, LVI. Autotype Specimens of the Chief Chaucer MSS, Part II : 9 from the Cambridge MS Gg. 4. 27, and 1 from Lord Leconfield’s MS. LVII. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part II 5. The ABC from 6 MSS ; 6. The Mother of God , from 3 MSS ; 7. Anelida and Arcyte, from 5 MSS and Caxton’s print; 8. The Former Aye, from 2 MSS (with the Latin original, and Chaucer’s prose Englishing) ; 9. To his Scrivener from Shirley’s MS and Stowe’s print; 10. The House of Fame , from 2 MSS and Caxton’s and Thynne’s prints. The issue for 1879, in the First Series, is, LVIII. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part III, completing the Parallel-Text , and containing, 11. The Legend of Good, Women from 5 MSS and Thynne’s print; 12. Truth from 6 MSS ; 13. The Compleynt of Venus from 6 MSS; 14. The Envoy to Scogan from 3 MSS; 15. Marriaqe, or The Envoy to Bulcton , from 1 MS and Notary’s and Thynne’s prints ; 16. Gentil- esse from 6 MSS ; 17. Proverbs from 3 MSS ; 18. Stedfastness from 6 MSS- 19. Fortune from 6 MSS ; 20. Chaucer to his empty Purse , from 6 MSS. The issue for 1880, in the First Series, is, LIX. Supplementary Parallel-Texts of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part II la. The Parlament of Foules from 3 MSS ; 2. The A B C from 6 MSS ; 3. Anelida and Arcite from 6 MSS; 4. The Legend of Good Women , in whole or part from 4 MSS ; 5. The Complaint of Mars from 3 MSS ; 6. Truth from 6 MSS ; 7. The Compleynt of Venus ‘from 3 MSS ; 8. Gentilesse from 3 MSS ; 9. Lack of Stedfastness from Thynne’s print and 2 MSS ; 10. Fortune from 2 MSS and Caxton’s print. LX. Odd-Texts of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part II, containing, 3. The ^4 B C, from ! 2 MSS ; 4. The House of Fame, from the Pepys’ MS, &c. ; 5. The Legend of Good W omen from 3 MSS ; 6. The Hethe of Blaunche the Huchesse from 1 MS ; 7. The Complaint to Pity from 2 MSS ; 8. The Parlament of Fow/es fi’om 1 MS ; 9. Truth from 3 MSS ; 10. Envoy to Scogan from 1 MS • 11 Purse from 1 MS. 9 y ’ LXI. A One-Text Print of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, Part II, containing, VI. Mother of God; VII. Anelida; VIII. The Former Age ; IX. Adam Scrivener ; X. The House of Fame ; XI. Legende ; XII. Truth ; XIII. Venus; XIV. Scogan; XV. Marriage; XVI. Gentilesse; XVII. Proverbs; XVIII. Stedfastness; XIX. Fortune; XU. Purse. LXII. Autotype Specimens of the chief Chaucer MSS. Part III : 2 from Henry ' V’s MS of the 1'roilus, when he was Prince of Wales (now Mr. Bacon Frank’s) ; 1 from Shirley’s MS of the ^Cat Sion Coll ( out of print). I The issue for 1881, in the First Series, is, LXIII. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer’s Troilus § Criseyde from the Campsall MS, b. 1415 a.d. (written for Henry V when Prince of Wales), Harleian MS. 2280, and Cambr. Univ. Libr. Gg. 4. 27. Part I. Books 1 and 2. The issue for 1882, in the First Series, is, LXIV. A Parallel-’! ext edition of Chaucer’s Troilus 8$ Criseyde from the Campsall MS, before 1415 a.d. (written for Henry V when Prince of Wales), Harleian MS 2280, and Cambr. Univ. Libr. Gg. 4. 27. Part II. Books 3, 4, 5. The issue for 1883, in the First Series, is, LXV. Part II of Mr. W. M. Rossetti’s Comparison of Chaucer’s Troilus and Cry- seyde with Boccaccio’s Filostrato, completing the work. The issue for 1884, in the First Series, is, LXVI-LXXI. 6 Appendixes to the 6 MSS of the Six-Text, with Wood-cuts of 6 Tellers of Tales and of 6 emblematical Figures from the Cambridge Univ. MS. Gg. 4. 27, &c., and Process Engravings, for the Ellesmere MS Part, of the 23 Ellesmere MS Miniatures. The Hengwrt MS, Part VI, contains The Canon’s-Yeoman’s Tale from the Lichfield MS. I.XXII. The Six-Text, Part IX. with colord Cuts of 6 Tellers of Tales and 6 emble- matical Figures from the Cambridge Univers. MS Gg.4. 27; and Prof. Hiram Corson’s Index of Proper Names and Subjects of The Canterbury 'Tales. 8vo. [Issued in 1911.] Chaucer Society’s Publications: First Series. 5 The issue for 1885, in the First Series, is, LX XIII. The Harleian MS 7334 of The Canterbury Tales , with Woodcuts of 23 Tellers of Tales from the Ellesmere MS, &c. LXXIY. Autotype Specimens of the chief Chaucer MSS. Ft IV. The Ellesmere. The issue for 1886, in the First Series, is, LXXV. Chaucer’s Boece from the Cambridge University MS. li. 3. 21. LXXVl. Chaucer’s Boece from the Additional MS 10.340 in the British Museum, as edited by the liev. Dr. R. Morris for the E. E. Text Soc, in 1868. LXXV1I. More Odd Texts of Chaucer’s Minor Poems, containing, 1. The Com- pleynte to Fite ; 2. The Complaint of the Anelida and Arcite ; 3. Truth ; 4. Lack of Stedfastness ; 5. Fortune'; 6. Furse. Appendix: I. The Balade of Fite. II. Roundels ( Mercilesse Beaute). The issue for 1887, in the First Series, is, LXXVIII. A Ryme-Index to Chaucer's Minor Foems, by Miss Isabel Marshall and Miss Lela Porter, in Royal 4to for the Farallel-Tcxt. The issue for 1888, in the First Series, is, LXXIX. A One-Text. Print of Chaucer’s Troilus, from the Campsall MS bef.1415 a.d. The issue for 1889, in the First Series, is, LXXX. A Ryme-Index to Chaucer's Minor Foems, by Miss Isabel Marshall and Miss Lela Porter, in 8vo for the One-Text pi’int of the Minor Foems. The issue for 1890, in the First Series, is, LXXXI. Farallel-Text Specimens of all accessible unprinted Chaucer MSS: The Fardoner's Prolog and Tale , edited by Prof. Zupitza, Pli.l). Part I, from 7 MSS : Cambridge Dd.4. 24, Christ-Church, Additional 5140, Devonshire, Haistwell (or Egerton 3726), Ingilby, Northumberland : the Dd. Group. LXXXII. The Romaunt of the Rose , from Thynne’s print, 1532, ed. F. J. Furnivall. [Issued in 1911.] The issue for 1891, in the First Series,* is, LXXXIII. A Parallel text of The Romaunt of the Rose (of which the first 1705 lines are most probably Chaucer’s), from the unique MS at Glasgow, and its French original, Le Roman de la Rose, edited by Dr Max Kaluza. Part I. LXXXIV. A Rime-Index to Chaucer’s Troilus , by Prof. Skeat, Litt.D. The issue for 1892, in the First Series, is, LXXXV. Farallel-Text Specimens of all accessible unprinted Chaucer MSS : The Pardoner' s Prolog and Tale, edited by Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. Part II, from 10 MSS. The issue for 1893, in the First Series, is, . LXXXVI. Farallel-Text Specimens of all accessible unprinted Chaucer JIISS : The Fardoner's Prolog and Tale , edited by Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. Part III, from 6 MSS. The issue for 1894, in the First Series, is, LXXXV1I. A Parallel-Text of 3 more MSS of Chaucer’s Troilus , the St. John’s and Corpus, Cambridge, and Hail. 1239, Brit. Mus., put forth by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part I, with a Note by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. The issue for 1895, in the First Series, is, LXXXV1I1. A Parallel-Text of 3 more MSS of Chaucer's Troilus , Part II. The issue for 1896, in the First Series, is, LXXXIX. Specimen Extracts from the nine known unprinted MSS of Chaucer’s Troilus , and from Caxton’s and Thynne’s First Editions, edited by Sir William S. McCormick and Dr. Robert Kilburn Root. Part III. (Publisht in 1914.) The issue for 1897, in the First Series, is, XC. Farallel-Text Specimens of all accessible unprinted MSS : The Pardoner' » Prolog and Tale , Part IV, from 17 MSS, edited by the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D., and Prof. John Koch, Ph.D. The issue for 1898, in the First Series, is, XCI. Farallel-Text Specimens , Part V : The Pardoner' s Prolog and Tale , a Six- Text, from 3 MSS and 3 black-letters, edited by Prof. John Koch, Ph.D. and Dr. F. J. Furnivall. The issue for 1899, in the First Series, is, XCII. Farallel-Text Specimens. Part VI : The Clerk's Tale , a Six-Text Print from 6 MSS not containing The Pardoner' s Tale, put forth by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. The issue for 1900, in the First Series, is, XCIII. Farallel-Text Specimens, Part VII: The Clerk's Tale from the Phillipps MS 8299 and the Longleat MS, put forth by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. XCIV. Farallel-Text Specimens , Part VIII : The Pardoner s Prolog and Tale from the Hodson MS 39, put forth by Dr. F. J. Furnivall with an Introduction by Prof. John Koch, Ph.D The issue for 1901, in the First Series, is, XCV. The Cambridge MS Dd. 4. 24. of the Canterbury Tales, completed by the Egerton MS 2726 (the Haistwell MS), ed. F. J. Furnivall. Part I. The issue for 1902, in the First Series, is, XCVI. The Cambridge MS Dd. 4. 24. of the Canterbury Tales, completed by the Egerton MS 2726 (the Haistwell MS), with woodcuts of the 23 Tellers of 6 Chaucer Society's Publications : First and Second Series. The Canterbury Tales , from the Ellesmere MS— and of 6 Tellers of Canter- bury Tales, and 6 emblematical figures from the Cambridge MS Ge- 4 27 ed. F. J. Furnivall. Part II. XC VII. Parallel-Text Specimens, Part IX : An Introduction to the eight Specimens of Chaucer’s Cleric's Tale, by Prof. Dr. John Ivoch. The issue for 1911, in the First Series [none in 1903-1910], is, XCVIII. The Manuscripts of Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde with 23 collotype facsimiles of all the handwritings. By Dr. Robert Kilburn Root. Tissued in 1915.] The issue for 1912, in the First Series, is, XCIX. The Textual Tradition of Chaucer’s Troilus. By Dr. Robert Kilburn Root. [Issued in 1916.] SECOND SERIES. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1868 is, 1. Early English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shakspere and Chaucer, by Alexander J . Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part I. This work includes an amalgamation of Prof. F. J. Child’s two Papers on the use of the final -e by Chaucer (in T. Wright’s ed. of The Canterb. Tales) and by Gower (in Dr. Pauli’s ed. of the Confessio Amantis). 2. Essays on Chaucer, his JFords and Works, Part I. : 1. Prof. Ebert’s Review of Sandras’s Etude sur Chaucer , ti’anslated by J. W. van Rees Hoets, M.A. ; 2. A 13th-century Latin Treatise on the Chilindre (of the Shipman's Tale), edited by Mr. E. Brock. 3. A Temporary Preface to the Society’s Six-Text edition of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, attempting to show the right Order of the Tales, and the Days and Stages of the Pilgrimage, &c. &c., by F. J. Furnivall, Esq., M.A. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1869 is, 4. Early English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shakspere and Chaucer by Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part II. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1870 is, 5. Early English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shakspere and Chaucer by Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part III. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1871 is, 6. Trial-Forewords to my Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor Poems for the Chaucer Society (with a try to set Chaucer’s Works in their right order of Time), by Fredk. J. Furnivall. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1872 is, 7- Originals and Analogues of some of Chaucer' s Canterbury Tales, Part I. 1. The original of the Man of Law's Tale of Constance, from the French Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, Arundel MS 56, ab. 1340 A. D., -collated with the later copy, ab. 1400, in the National Library at Stockholm ; copied and edited, with a translation, by Mr. Edmund Brock. 2. The Tale of “Merelaus the Emperor,” englisht from the Gesta Romanorumby Thomas Hoccleve, in Harl. MS 7333 ; and 3. Part of Matthew Paris’s Vita Offce Primi, both stories illustrating incidents in the Man of Law's Tale. 4. Two French Fabliaux like the Reeve's Tale. 5. Two Latin Stories like the Friar's Tale. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1873 is, 8. Albertano of Brescia’s Liber Consilii et Consolationis, a.d. 1246 (the Latin source of the French original of Chaucer’s Melibe), edited from the MSS, by Dr. Thor Sundby. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1874 is, 9. Essays on Chaucer, his Words and Works, Part II. : 3. John of Hoveden’s Practica i Chilindri, edited from the MS. with a translation, hy Mr. E. Brock. 4. Chaucer’s use of the final -e, by Joseph Payne, Esq. 5. Mrs. E. Barrett-Browning on Chaucer : being those parts of her review of the Rook of the Poets , 1842, which relate to him ; here reprinted by leave of Mr. Robert Browning. 6. Professor Bernhard ten Brink’s critical edition of Chaucer’s Compleynte to Pite. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1875 is, 10. Originals and Analogues of Chaucer' s Canterbury Tales, Part II. 6. Alphon- sus of Lincoln, a Story like the Prioress' s Tale. 7. How Reynard caught Chanti- cleer, the soui'ce of the Nun' s- Priest' s Tale. 8. Two Italian Stories, and a Latin one, like the Pardoner' s Tale. 9. The Tale of the Priest’s Bladder, a story like the Summoner's Tale, being ‘Li dis de le Vescie a Prestre,’ par Jakes de Basiw. 10. Petrarch’s Latin Tale of Griseldis (with Boccaccio’s Story from which it was re- told), the original of the Clerk's Tale. 11. Five Versions of a Pear-tree Story like that in the Merchant' s Tale. 12. Four Vei’sions of The Life of Saint Cecilia, the original of the Second Nun's Tale. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. 11. Early English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shakspere and Chau- cer, by Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part IV. 12. Life-Records of Chaucer, Part I, The Robberies of Chaucer by Richard Brere- lay and others at Westminster, and at Hatcham, Surrey, on Tuesday, Sept. 6, 1390, with some Account of the Robbers, from the Enrolments in the Public Record 06006* by Walford D. Selby, Esq., of the Public Record Office. Chaucer Society's Publications: Second Series. 7 13. Thynne’s Animadversions (1599) on Speght’s Chaucers Worlces , re-edited from the unique MS, by Fredk. J. Furnivall, with fresh Lives of William and Francis Thynne, and the only known fragment of The Pilgrim's Tale. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1876 is, 14. Life-Records of Chaucer , Part II, The Household Ordinances of King Edward II, June 1322 (as englisht by Francis Tale in March 1601 A.D.), with ex- tracts from those of King Edward IV, to show the probable duties of Chaucer as Valet or Yeoman of the Chamber, and Esquire, to Edward III, of whose Household Book no MS is known ; together with Chaucer’s Oath as Controller of the Customs, and an enlargd Autotype of Hoccleve’s Portrait of Chaucer, ed. by F. J. Furnivall. 15. Originals and Analogues of Chaucer' s Canterbury Tales , Part III. 13. The Story of Constance, for the Man of Law's Tale. 14. The Boy killd by a Jew for singing ‘ Gaude Maria,’ an Analogue of the Prioress's Tale. 15. The Paris Beggar- boy murderd by a Jew for singing ‘Alma redemptoris mater! ’ an Analogue of the Prioress's Tale ; with a Poem by Lydgate. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. 16. Essayson Chaucer, his Words and Works , Part III. 7. Chaucer’s Prioress, her Nun Chaplain and 3 Priests, illustrated from the Paper Survey of St Mary’s Abbey, Winchester, by F. J. Furnivall. 8. Alliteration in Chaucei-, by Dr. Paul Lindner. 9. Chaucer a Wicliffite; a critical Examination of the Parson's Tale , by Herr Hugo Simon. 10. The sources of the Wife of Bath’s Prologue : Chaucer not a borrower from John of Salisbury, by the Rev. W. W. Woollcombe. 17. Supplementary Canterbury Tales : 1. The Tale of Beryn , with a Prologue of the merry Adventure of the Pardoner with a Tapster at Canterbury, re-edited from the Duke of Northumberland’s unique MS, by Fredk. J. Furnivall. Part I, the Text, with Wm. Smith’s Map of Canterbury in 1588, now first engravd from his unique MS., and Ogilby’s Plan of the Road from London to Canterbury in 1675. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1878 (there was none in 1877) is, IS. Essays on Chaucer , his Words and Works, Part IV. 11. On here and there in Chaucer (his Pronunciation of the two «’s), by Dr. R. F. Weymouth ; 12. On a, An Original Version of the Knight's Tale ; (3. the Date (1381) and Personages of the Parlament of Foules ; y. on Anelida and Arcyte, on Lollius, on Chaucer, and Boc- caccio, &c., by Dr. John Koch, with a fragment of a later Palamon and Ersyte from th^Dublin MS D. 4. 18. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1884 (none in 1879, ’80, ’81, ’82, ’83, ’85) is, 19. Essayson Chaucer , his Words and Works, Part V : 13. Chaucer’s Pardoner: his character illustrated by documents of his time, by Dr. J. J. Jusserand. 14. Why the Romaunt of the Rose is not Chaucer’s, by Prof. Skeat, M.A. 15. Chaucer’s Schipman, and his Barge ‘The Maudelayne,’ by P. Q. Karkeek, Esq. 16. Chaucer’s Parson's Tale compared with Frere Lorens’ s Somme de Vices et de Vertus, by Wilhelm Eilers, Ph.D., 1882, englisht 1884. 17. On Chaucer’s Reputed Works, by T. L. Kington- Oliphant, M.A. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1886 is, 20. Originals and Analogs of the Canterbury Tales. Part IV. Eastern Analogs 1, by W. A. Clouston. 21. Life-Records of Chaucer, Part III, a. The Household hook of Isabella, wife of Prince Lionel, third son of Edward III, in which the name of Geoefrey Chaucer first occurs ; edited from the unique MS in the Brit. Mus., by Edward A. Bond, LL.D., Chief Librarian, b. Chaucer as Forester of North Petherton, Somerset, 1390 — 1400, by Walford D. Selby, Esq. With an Appendix by Walter Rye, Esq., on I, Chaucer’s Grandfather ; II, Chaucer’s connection with Lynn and Norfolk. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1887 is, 22. Originals and Analogs of the Canterbury Tales , Part V (completing the volume). Eastern Analogs, II, by W. A. Clouston. 23. J ohn Lane’s Continuation of Chaucer's Squire's Tale, edited by F. J. Furnivall from the 2 MSS in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, a.d. 1616, 1630. Part I. 24. Supplementary Canterbury Tales: 2, The Tale of Beryn, Part II. Forewords by F. J. Furnivall, Notes by F. Vipan, M.A. &c., and Glossary by W. G. Stone; with an Essay on Analogs of the Tale, by W. A. Clouston. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1888 ( wrongly markt No. 27 for 1889) if,, 25. Early English Pronunciation , with especial reference to Shakspere and Chaucer, by Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part V, and last. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1889 is, 26. John Lane's Continuation of Chaucer' s Squire's Tale. Part II, with an Essay on the Magical Elements in the Squire's Tale , and Analogues, by W. A. Clouston/ Of the Second Series, the issue for 1890 is, 27. The Chronology of Chaucer's Writings, by John Koch, Ph.D., Berlin. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1891 is, 28. Observations on the Language of Chaucer's Troilus (a Study of its MSS, their words and forms), by Prof. George Lyman Kittredge, M.A. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1892 is, 29. Essays on Chaucer, his Words and Works, Part VI, by Prof. Cowell, LL.D., Alois Brandi, Ph.D., Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., and W. M. Rossetti. 8 Chaucer Society's Publications: Second Series. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1898 (none in 1893-97) is, 30. Notes on the Hoad from London to Canterbury, ed. H. Littlehales, Esq. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1900 (none' in 1899) is, 31. The Portraits of Geoffrey Chaucer. By M. H. Spielmann. 32. Life-llecords of Chaucer, Part IY, Enrolments and Documents from the Public Record Office, the City of London Town-Clerk’s Office, &c., ed. R. E. G. Kirk, Esq. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1901 is, 33. R. Brathwait's Comments on 2 Tales of Chaucer , 1665, ed. Miss C. Spurgeon. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1902 is, 3L Supplementary Canterbury Tales: 3, A new Ploughman's Tale, being Hoc- cleve’s englisht Legend of the Virgin and her Sleeveless Garment , from the Christ- church and Ashburnham MSS, edited by A. Beatty, M.A., Wisconsin. Part III. 35. The Pardoner' s Prologue and Tale, a critical edition by John Koch, Ph.D. ' Of the Second Series, the issue for 1903 is, 36. Analogues of Chaucer s Canterbury Pilgrimage, the 4-days’ Journey from London to Canterbury and back 'of the Aragonese Ambassadors, 31 July— 3 Aug. 1415 etc., etc., ed. R. E. G. Kirk and F. J. Furnivall. (Publishtin 1906.) 37. The .Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, by John S. P. Tatlock, Ph.D. , Assistant Professor of English in the University of Michigan. (Issued in 1907.) 38. The Evolution of the Canterbury Tales, by Prof. W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. (1907.) Of the Second Series, the issue for 1904 (publisht in 1907) is, 39. Studies in Chaucer's Rous of Fame, by Wilbur Owen Sypherd, Ph.D. Professor of English in Delaware College, U.S.A. 40. The Origin and Development of the Story of Troilus and Criseyde, by Karl Young, Ph.D. 41. The Harleian MS 733U and Revision of the Canterbury Tales by Prof. Tatlock, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issule for 1905 (publisht in 1908) is, 42. The Date of Chaucer' s Troilus and other Chaucer matters , by Prof. George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., Litt.D. 43. The Eight-Text Edition of the Canterbury Tales ; with especial reference to the Harleian MS 733h, by Prof. W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. 44. The Syntax of the Infinitive in Chaucer, by John Samuel Kenyon, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1906 (publisht in 1910-1) is, 45. A Study of the Miracles of Our Lady, told by Chaucer's Prioress, by Prof Carleton Brown, Ph.D. * * ‘ 46. Lydgate's Siege of Thebes, ed. from the MSS by Prof. Axel Erdmann, Ph.D. Part I, the Text (1911). Part II will be publisht by the E.E.T.S. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1907 (publisht in 1913) is, 47. A Detailed Comparison of the Eight Manuscripts of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales , as completely printed by the Chaucer Society, by Professor John Koch, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1908 (publisht in 1914) is, 48. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, 1357-1900 a.d., by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de TUniversite de Paris. Part I. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1909 k 1910 (publisht in 1918) is, 49 & 50. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, 1357-1900 a.d., by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Part II. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1911 is, 51. The Scene of the Franklin's Tale visited, by Professor J. S. P. Tatlock, Ph.D. (publishtin 1914). Of the Second Series, the issue for 1913 is, 52. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, 1357-1900 a.d., by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de TUmversite de Paris. Part III. (Publisht in 1921.) Of the Second Series, the issue for 1914 is, 53. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, Appendix A, Part. IV (publisht in 1922), by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de 1’Universite de Paris. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1915 is, 54. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, Appendices B and C, Part. Y (publisht in 1922), by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1916 is, 55. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion , The Introduction, Part YI (publisht in 1924), by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1917 is, 56. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, The Index, Part VII (publisht in 1924), by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de TUniversite de Paris. 57. A Comparative Study of all the MSS of the Canterbury Tales, by Professor John S. P. Tatlock. For 1918. [ Not yet Ready . ] . [■ Printed in Groat Britain by li. Clay & Sons, Ltd., Bungay, Suffolk. Chaucer Society's Publications ; Second Series. 7 11. Parly English Pronunciation , with especial reference to Shakspere and Chau- cer, by Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.It.S. Part IV. . 12. Life-Records of Chaucer , Part I, The Robberies of Chaucer by Richard Brere- lav and others at Westminster, and at Hatcham, Surrey, on Tuesday, Sept. 6 1390 with some Account of the Robbers, from the Enrolments in the Public Record Offipp’ by Walford D. Selby, Esq., of the Public Record Office. ’ 13. Tnynne’s Animadversions (1599) on Speght’s Chaucers Wor/ces, re-edited from the unique MS, by Fredk. J. Furnivall, with fresh Lives of William and Francis Thynne, and the only known fragment of The Pilgrim’s Tale. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1876 is, 14. Life-Records of Chaucer , Part II, The Household Ordinances of King Edward II, June 1322 (as englisht by Francis Tate in March 1601 a.d.) with ex- tracts from those of King Edward IY, to show the probable duties of Chaucer as Valet or Yeoman of the Chamber, and Esquire, to Edward III, of whose Household Book no MS is known ; together with Chaucer’s Oath as Controller of the Customs and an enlargd Autotype of Hoccleve’s Portrait of Chaucer, ed. by F. J. Furnivall.’ 15. Originals and Analogues of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales , Part III 13 The Story of Constance, for the Man of Law’s Tale. 14. The Boy killd by a Jew for singing ‘ Gaude Maria,’ an Analogue of the Prioress’s Tale. 15. The Paris Beggar- boy murderd by a J ew for singing ‘ Alma redemptoris mater ! ’ an Analogue 6f the Prioress’s Tale; with a Poem by Lydgate. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. 16. Essays on Chancer, his Words and Works , Part III. 7. Chaucer’s Prioress her Nun Chaplain and 3 Priests, illustrated from the Paper Survey of St Mary’s Abbey Winchester, by F. J. Furnivall. 8. Alliteration in Chaucer, by Dr. Paul Lindner! 9. Chaucer a Wicliffite; a critical Examination of the Parson’s Tale, by Herr Hu°-o Simon 10. The sources of the Wife of Bath’s Prologue : Chaucer not a borrower from John of Salisbury, by the Rev. W. W. Woollcombe. 17. Supplementary Canterbury Tales: 1. The Tale of Beryn, with a Prologue of the merry Adventure of the Pardoner with a Tapster at Canterbury, re-edited from the Duke of Northumberland’s unique MS, by Fredk. J. Furnivall. Part I the Text, with Wm. Smith’s Map of Canterbury in 1588, now first engravd from his unique MS., and Ogilby’s Plan of the Road from London to Canterbury in 1675. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1878 (there was none in 1877) is, 18. Essays on Chaucer , his Words and Works , Part IV. 11. On here and there in Chaucer (his Pronunciation of the two e’s ), by Dr. R. F. Weymouth ; 12 On a An Original Version of the Knight’s Tale ; /3. the Date (1381) and Personages of ' the tar lament of Foules ; y. on Anelida and Arcyte, on Lollius, on Chaucer, and Boc- caccio, &c., by Dr. John Koch, with a fragment of a later Palamon and Ersyte from the Dublin MS D. 4. 18. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1884 (none in 1879, ’80, ’81, ’82, ’83, ’85) is 19. Essays on Chaucer , his Words and Works , Part V: 13. Chaucer’s Pardoner: his character illustrated by documents of his time, by Dr. J. J. Jusserand. 14 Why the Romauntof the Rose is not Chaucer’s, by Prof. Skeat, M.A. 15. Chaucer’s Schipman, and his Barge ‘The Maudelayne,’ by P. Q. Karkeek, Esq. 16. Chaucer’s Parson’s /^compared with Frere Lorens’ s Somme de Vices et de Vertus, by Wilhelm Eilers, Ph.D., 1882, englisht 1884. 17. On Chaucer’s Reputed Works, by T. L. Kington- vj lipUclIlt , M.A, Of the Second Series, the issue for 1886 is, 20 Originals and Analogs of the Canterbury Tales. Part IV. Eastern Analogs I, by W. A. Clouston. 6 ’ 21. Life-Records of Chaucer , Part III, a. The Household book of Isabella, wife of Punce Lionel, third son of Edward III, in which the name of Geoffrey Chaucer first occurs ; edited from the unique MS in the Brit. Mus., by Edward A. Bond, rton'i^n ,e u Llbranan b Chaucer as Forester of North Petherton, Somerset, 139 ? _ ^ 1 , 400 - b y Y alford D ’ Selb ^ Es( h Wlth an Appendix by Walter Rye, Esq. on I, Chaucer s Grandfather; II, Chaucer’s connection with Lynn and Norfolk. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1887 is, 22. Originals and Analogs of the Canterbury Tales, Part V (completing the volume). Eastern Analogs, II, by W. A. Clouston. * 6 23. John Lane’s Continuation of Chaucer' s Squire’s Tale, edited byF. J. Furnivall from the 2 MSS in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, a.d. 1616, 1630. Part I 24. Supplementary Canterbury Tales: 2, The Tale of Reryn, Part II. Forewords hy *• J- Furnivall, Notes by F. Vipan, M.A. &c., and Glossary by W. G. Stone- with an Essay on Analogs of the Tale, by W. A. Clouston. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1888 ( wrongly markt No. 27 for 1889) is fo. Early English Pronunciation , with especial reference to Shakspere arid Chaucer, by Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part V, and last. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1889 is, 26. John Lane's Continuation of Chaucer’s Squire’s Tale. Part II, with an Essay on the Magical Elements in the Squire’s Tale, and Analogues, by W. A. Clouston. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1890 is, 27. The Chronology of Chaucer's Writings, by John Koch, Ph.D., Berlin. 8 Chaucer Society's Publications: Second Series. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1891 is, 28. Observations on the Language of Chaucers Troilus fa Study of its MSS, their wolds and forms), by Prof. George Lyman Kittredge, M.A. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1892 is, 29. Essays on Chaucer , his Words and Works , Part VI, by Prof. Cowell, LL.D., Alois Brandi, Ph.D., Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., and W. M. Rossetti. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1898 (none in 1893-97) is, 30. Notes on the Road from London to Canterbury , ed. H. Littlehales, Esq. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1900 (none in 1899) is, 31. The Portraits of Geoffrey Chaucer. By M. H. Spielmann. 32. Life-Records of Chaucer, Part IV, Enrolments and Documents from the Public Record Office, the City of London Town-Clerk’s Office, &c., ed. II. 'Es G. Kirk, Esq. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1901 is, 33. R. Bratliwait' s Comments on 2 Tales of Chaucer , 1665, ed. Miss C. Spurgeon. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1902 is, 34. Supplementary Canterbury Tales : 3, A new Ploughman' s Tale , being IIoc- cleve’s englisht Legend of the Virgin and her Sleeveless Garment, from the Christ- church and Ashburnham MSS, edited by A. Beatty, M.A., Wisconsin. Part III. 35. The Pardoner's Prologue and Tale, a critical edition by John Koch, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1903 is, 36. Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Pilgrimage, the 4-days’ Journey from London to Canterbury and back of the Aragonese Ambassadors, 31 J uly — 3 Aug. 1415, etc., etc., ed. R. E. G. Kirk and F. J. Furnivall. (Publishtin 1906.) 37- The . Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, by John S. P. Tatlock, Ph.D. , Assistant Professor of English in the University of Michigan. (Issued in 1907.) 38. The Evolution of the Canterbury Tales, by Prof. W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. (1907.) Of the Second Series, the issue for 1904 (publislit in 1907) is, 39. Studies in Chaucer' s Nous of Fame, by Wilbur Owen Sypherd, Ph.D., Professor of English in Delaware College, U.S.A. 40. The Origin and Development of the Story of Troilus and Criseyde, by Karl Young, Ph.D. 41. The Harleian NS 733U and Revision of the Canterbury Tales, by Prof. Tatlock, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1905 (publisht in 1908) is, - 42. The Date of Chaucer' s Troilus and other Chaucer matters , by Prof. George 'Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., Litt.D. 43. The Eight-Text Edition of the Canterbury Tales ; with especial reference to the Harleian MS 733k, by Prof. W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. 44. The Syntax of the Lnffnitive in Chaucer , by John Samuel Kenyon, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1906 (pubiislit in 1910-1) is, 45. A Study of the Miracles of Our Lady , told by Chaucer's Prioress , by Prof. Carleton Brown, Ph.D. 46. Lydgate' s Siege of Thebes, ed. from the MSS by Prof. Axel Erdmann, Ph.D. Part I, the Text (1911)'. Part II will be publisht by the E.E.T.S. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1907 (publisht in 1913) is, 47. A Detailed Comparison of the Eight Manuscripts of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, as completely printed by the Chaucer Society, by Professor John Koch, Ph.D. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1908 (publisht in 1914) is, 48. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, 1357-1900 a.d., by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Part I. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1909 & 1910 (publisht in 1918) is, 49 & 50. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion , 1357-1900 a.d., by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Part II. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1911 is, 51. The Scene of the Franklin's Tale visited , by Professor J. S. P. Tatlock, Ph.D. (publisht in 1914). Of the Second Series, the issue for 1913 is, 52. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and, Allusion , 1357-1900 a.d., by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Part III. (Publisht in 1921.) Of the Second Series, the issue for 1914 is, 53. Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion, Appendix A (Publisht in 1922), Part IV, by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universit^ de Paris. Of the Second Series, the issue for 1915 is, 54. Five Hundred, Years of Chaucer Criticism and, Allusion , Appendix B (Publisht in 1922), Part V, by Professor Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Docteur de l’Universite de Paris. Among the Texts and Chaucer Essays, Ac. preparing for the Society are : — Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion. Parts VI and VII. Introduction and Index, completing the work. A Comparative Study of all the MSS of the Canterbury Tales, by the late Professor George Stevenson, B.A. Printed in Great Britain by Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 3 0112 078036339