Cornel! TUmv>erstt\> tftbaca, Hew l?orfc CORNELL STUDIES IN' CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ri/iTnn by BENJA. • . I u E WHEELER, CHARLES EDWIN BENNETT, GEORGE PRENTICE BRISTOL, AND ALFRED L.’ERCC N No. Ill THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS Bv ALICE WALTON Ph.D. PUBLISHED FOR the UNIVERSE! !?v GINN & COMl.\N v 1S94 9 CL -S t. v.Li.,..- f OF IT 3. 1| University of Illinois. # Books are not to be taken from the Library Room. ^ CLASSICS* • Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. CLASSICS Cornell THmv>er8lt\> lltbaca, IWew ]]>ork CORNELL STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY EDITED BY BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, CHARLES EDWIN BENNETT, GEORGE PRENTICE BRISTOL, AND ALFRED EMERSON No. Ill THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS By ALICE WALTON Ph.D. PUBLISHED FOR THE UNIVERSITY BY GINN & COMPANY 1894 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/cultofasklepiosOOwalt THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS BY ALICE WALTON, Ph.D. Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, No. Ill f Copyright, 1894 By CORNELL UNIVERSITY ALL RIGHTS RESERVED f (fflbe fltbentmm p*ress GINN & COMPANY, BOSTON, U.S.A. §79 C8I y>5 PREFACE. In writing upon a subject so familiar to the student of Greek life as the-Cult of Asklepios, it is difficult to avoid following in the lines of work already done. Most of the material upon which the following pages are based has been worked over and over. The results of the excavations in the Athenian Asklepieion are well-known, and the Epidaurian steles are no longer recent discoveries. If the results of investigation are practically those of previous research, the excuse Tor re- j working old material may be found in the method of their arrangement. Upon single features of the ritual of Asklepios ^much has been written in German,’in French, and in English ; but no one has as yet attempted a general descriptive treat¬ ment of the cult as a whole. The facts are stated by Thraemer in the article “Asklepios” in Roscher’s Lexicon of Greek and Roman Mythology in suggestive rather than narrative form, while Girard’s work is complete only for the cult in Athens. It has been my aim to give in narrative form the results obtained by a careful comparison of material from the different localities, and also to show by means of indexes what material is used. The treatment is of necessity brief, as the work is not a series of monographs. The arrangement is topical, and so far as possible chronological. At the end of the narrative are two indexes, one of allusions to Asklepios and his cult Greek and Latin literature and inscriptions, and the second VI PREFACE. is a classification of the localities in which the cult is known V or supposed to have existed. The indexes overlap in many instances, and it cannot be claimed that they contain all the material which might have been used. The aim has been to make them exhaustive so far as concerns the inscriptions and important authors. The monumentary evidence has been used freely in the body of the work, but there is no attempt at a systematic collection of this material, as it was felt that it is a task for the student of art rather than of literature. There l is added an index of topics and names which refers both to the discussion and the main indexes. In the spelling of proper nouns, the Greek form is used, except in the cases of such as are thoroughly and familiarly anglicized. I take this opportunity of expressing my hearty thanks to Dr. Benjamin Ide Wheeler of Cornell University for his kindly interest and advice during the preparation of the work, and to Professor Theodor Schreiber of Leipzig, who has critically read the manuscript and offered many valuable suggestions. Leipzig, June, 1893. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Page Asklepios as Known to Homer i CHAPTER II. Asklepios as an Earth Spirit. 8 CHAPTER III. The Sanctuaries of Asklepios.. 36 CHAPTER IV. Attendants of the Temple 47 CHAPTER V. Medical Procedure in the Asklepieia .. 57 CHAPTER VI. Public Ceremonial 68 CHAPTER VII. Ritual of the Individual 76 Vlll CONTENTS. INDEX. Page I. Epithets .. 83 II. Literature and Inscriptions. 85 III. Localities of Cults. 95 Bibliography . 123 \ Index of Names and Topics. 127 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. CHAPTER I. ASKLEPIOS AS KNOWN TO HOMER. In Homer, Apollo and not Asklepios is the god of health, though only so far as to send or abate pestilences. The divine physician is Paian, the attendant of the gods, who heals Hades 1 and Ares . 2 In the Odyssey every physician is said to be of the race of Paian , 3 which Aristarchus explains by saying that the physician’s art is from Apollo, but his descent from Paian. Hesiod makes a distinction between the two . 4 Paian is occasionally mentioned later than Homer, but the name is used as an epithet of Apollo or of other deities who are con¬ nected with healing, as Asklepios and Athena, and then by an extension of meaning from “healer” to “savior,” it was ap¬ plied to Dionysos 5 and Thanatos 6 and occasionally even to men . 7 The forms of the word are variants of IT amp, which Hesychius explains as a hymn sung to Apollo to avert a pesti¬ lence. Hence the use of the word as a form of address to Apollo and Asklepios . 8 E 401. II airjojv irapa rb vabeiv ras api'as, o eanv oouvas . Sch. E 401. 2 E 900. 3 5 232. 4 oiaffrbpei 6 Ilanjajp’A7r6\\a>pos cos kcll 'Hotooos paprvpei • ei p . r ) ' AiroWoiv ot/ 3 os inrtK da . v6 . T010 ( rauxrei , T ) aurbs Ilatuip, os tt avra re (ftappaKa oibev . Sch. 5 232 , lies. ed. Marckscheffel, Frag. CCXX. 6 Orph. Hymn. 52, 11. c Eurip. Ilipp. 1373; Aeschyl. Frag. 105. 7 Plut. Lys. 18. 8 Aristid. ed. Dindorf, 514, 17. Examples of the use of iraidv as an epithet are frequent; ’AirbWuv II., Selinuntian inscription, Collitz, 3047; Oropos, Paus. I. 2 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. Asklepios is mentioned in the Iliad three times, but nowhere in the Odyssey. He appears only as the father of Machaon and Podaleirios, and twice is called the “blameless physician.” “ The two sons of Asklepios led them, goodly physicians, Machaon and Podaleirios.” * 1 “ Call Machaon hither, the son of Asklepios, the blameless physician.” 2 “ Machaon went beside, the son of Asklepios, the blameless physician.” 3 In the Catalogue, the Asklepiadm led the forces from Trikka, Ithome and Oichalia, the first two of which lay in western Thessaly. This points to that region as the seat of the Askle¬ pios cult, if indeed such a cult was in existence in the Homeric age. For Homer did not recognize the worship of Asklepios, but regarded him as one who like Achilles and Jason had learned his art from Chiron . 4 The connection with Chiron again localizes the cult, for the centaur legends come from Thessaly. A family of Chironidae, famous for a secret knowl- 34,3; Egypt, Rev. Arch. 1889, p. 71. II. ' AcncXTymbs, CIG. 511; CIA. III. 1; Add. et Corr. 171 a and b. 'Adrjpd IT., Paus. I. 34, 3. Theocritus applies the term to Apollo, V. 79 ; VI. 27 ; Ep. I. 3. The form HaL-rpov is used for the father of Asklepios: TjXde kclI is XllXyTov o rou Wanpovos vibs. Ep. VII. 1. Welcker (Gotterl. I. p. 695) tried to prove the existence of Paian as a god in post-Homeric times, on the ground that Cicero mentioned his statue in a temple of Aesculapius in Agrigentum. Quid , signum Paea?iis ex aede Aescidapii praeclare factum, sacrum ac religiosum, non sustulisti ? Cic. Verr. IV. 57. This, however, is no proof, for Paian is a frequent epithet of Apollo as a healing god, and particularly when brought into connection with Asklepios, as here. A coin of Agrigentum, on which a serpent is represented crawling over the face of Apollo, gives more striking evidence for the close relation of the two divinities, Apollo and Asklepios. Head, Hist. Num. 108. The Latin adjective Paeojiius has a stereotyped meaning of “ medicinal,” and does not carry a ritualistic meaning. 1 tu)v abd' r/ydadtiv ’ AarX-pirLov 8 vo vaide irjTTjp ayadiv, UoSaXelpLos 7 j 8 i Maxda>j\ B 731. 2 Ma^aom Sevpo KaXecraov G)T ’ AcKX-rjiuou vibv dp.vp.ovos iTjTTjpos. A 193. 3 Trap 8 i Maxdcov ( 3 aiv , ’ActkXt)ttlov vibs apbpovos irjrijpos , A 517. 4 A 219. ASKLEPIOS AS KNOWN TO HOMER. 3 edge of herbs and the art of healing, lived at a later time in eastern Thessaly . 1 The art of the Asklepiadae differs not at all in kind from that of the pupils of Chiron. There is no hint of the intervention of a healing god, but purely natural methods are in use. The dream-oracle, which is the universal character¬ istic of the Asklepios cult, is entirely wanting. Machaon and Podaleirios are merely surgeons. In the warlike age which Homer presents, the knowledge of cleansing, binding and heal¬ ing wounds was of the utmost importance. All the warriors were skilled in surgery, but the Asklepiadae were the most famous. Clearer evidence that Asklepios was at this time located in Thessaly was established by O. Muller . 2 This line of argument depends upon the actual cult, usually a safer basis of reasoning than tradition, which is, generally speaking, the product of ritual. According to Muller the tribe of Phlegyans, which had come from the north into Thessaly and Boeotia, introduced Asklepios, for wherever traces of this tribe are found, there is likely to be a shrine of Asklepios. Probably the name Paionia, anciently given to a section of Macedonia, after¬ wards known as Emathia, belongs under this head. The Latin usage of shortening the o of the adjective Pciconius , in verse, affords an analogy for the quantity of the antepenult, which is most likely due to the same cause. In the cult in Thes¬ saly, however, there is no mention of Machaon and Podaleirios. The traditions which call Asklepios their father, come from the Peloponnesus and the islands of 1 Karl Otfried Muller, Orchomenos u. d. Minyer, Breslau, 1844, p. 244. The name Chiron has been thought to refer to a life in a poor and mountainous country, 81a rb ev x € ^P 0(TL Kai opeivor^pOLS rbirois bidyeiv. Et. M. 810, 33. Liddell and Scott connect the word with x eL P 0V P'ib’>, the meaning of which changes from its use in classical Greek as an artificer to mean a physician in the Roman period. But no form of the compound x eL P~ f 4 ) 'i~ appears in Homer, nor in fact before Thucydides. Fick, Die gr. Personennamen, p. 88, derives the word from x^Pi giving it the meaning of workman. Is it not correct to consider that the frequent allusions in literature to Chiron in connection with healing may have led to the change in signification of the word x €l P 0V P'Y^ ? 2 Orchomenos, p. 194 ff. 4 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. the Aegean. Here the two are connected with Asklepios in worship, and often stand alone in the same relation to healing. Manifestly their connection with Asklepios was not original. The passages of the Iliad which call them his sons, are of later origin than the body of the poems, 1 and of these only one assigns them to a Thessalian home. We cannot be wrong in denying them a place in northern Greece. True, rumors of Asklepios may have come from Thessaly to the Ionian coast, but only as hero, not as divinity. The main story belonged in some region where Machaon and Podaleirios were honored, while the divine nature of Asklepios was not known in the north until succeeding centuries brought his worship into connection with the southern deities of similar character. Wilamowitz has located the region from which came the stories of the Asklepiadae as Kos. It may be of interest briefly to review his arguments. The place which claims Machaon as founder of the state, and from very early times honored the Asklepiadae, was this small island. There are few traditions which connect Asklepios with it. The mother of Machaon, son of Asklepios, was a daughter of Merops, a king of Kos. 2 3 * * * * But a corrupt fragment of the T \lov TropOijaLs quoted by the Scholiast on A 51 5 appears to make Poseidon the father of the two heroes, 8 and a para¬ phrase in the commentary of Eustathios shows he had reason to believe in a genealogy other than the orthodox . Welcker rejects the reading of the first line, and considers it wholly 1 Wilamowitz, Isyllos von Epidauros, p. 45 ff. 2 Maxawy 8 b ovtos vibs ’ AaKXriiriou /ecu ’ ApaLvbqs rj KopuivlSo 1 >, Kara 8b tlvos 'WirLbvqs rrjs Mbpoiros, kclto i 8b 'HaioSov Edvd-qs. Sch. A 195. 3 TOVTO ioiKe KCLl A pKTLVOS €V ’IA LOV TTOp6r)(TeL vop-lfeiv iv OLS (pqalv • ’Autos 7 dp atpiv eSauce iraT7)p [ewbaxa-ws ireaeiv] dpLrporbpois, erepov 8' erbpov kv8lov edrjKe * rip pbv Kovcporbpas x e ip a< > Tropev e/c re fieXepiva crapKbs eXeZV Tpirj£aL re /cat ^X/eea irdvr aKbaaadai, rip 8’ dp’ aKpt.(3ba irdvr eivl crTrjdeacriv eOqKev d(TKOird re yvb)vai Kai dva\dba IrjaaadaL 8s pa Kai AtavTos irpCbros p.ade xMop-tvoio 8p.p.ara r darpairTOVTa /3apvvop.€vov re voi]p.a. ASKLEPIOS AS KNOWN TO HOMER. 5 wrong to connect the Asklepiadae with any but Asklepios. 1 But whichever reading is the correct one, the fact that Eustathios had reason to consider that the Asklepiadae were of a different origin from the one usually accepted is interest¬ ing, suggesting as it does that the sons and not the father were original in Kos, and that the legends of their parentage were of comparatively late growth. To explain the presence of a hero, the Greek gave him a god as a father either Poseidon, whom the seafarers of Kos might naturally choose, or Asklepios, empha¬ sizing the most famous characteristic of the traditional founders of the state. We have further stories of Machaon’s connection with Kos, while Podaleirios is in every case subordinate. The two allusions to the latter in the Iliad are interpolations, and the prominence of Machaon, both as warrior and physician, goes to show that he is original and that the brother is a later invention, although a commentator tries to account for the prominence of Machaon on the ground of the greater need of his skill in treatment of wounds. 2 Pausanias speaks of the death of Machaon at the hands of Eurypylos, giving as his authority the puKpa TXid 'Hpa/cX^s p.lyvvrai 'KclXklottt) ry EvpvirvXov , Kal iroiel 0 eaaaXov. (’Hpa/cX^s) KCLTaavpels 5 b eis Rwy r yv HepoTrida eKwXidy eTriftymi rys vycrov inro EvpvirvXov rod notraSwros /focriXetWros avrys. ( 3 i.aadp.ei'os 5 b Kal cos Xycrrys iircfias aveiXe rbv EvptirvXov Kal robs naidas at/rou, puyels 5 b ry dvyarpl avrov XaXKiowy 0 eaaaXov iyybvvyaev. Sch. E 255. 2 Diodor. V. 61. 3 Eustath. ad B 729. 4 S. Wide, Lakonische Kulte, p. 195, note 5. ASKLEPIOS AS KNOWN TO HOMER. 7 in Kos in Homeric times, even if the early colonists from Thessaly brought tales of this hero, of which traces are found in the later traditions of the island. The evidence goes to show an early connection between Thessaly and Kos, but not the establishment of the Asklepios cult by the Thessalians. 1 1 Paton and Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos, p. 347. CHAPTER II. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. The ritual and myths of Asklepios include many contra¬ dictory features, and a superficial consideration of the cult in its developed form shows a confusion out of which it seems difficult to select the original elements. In one locality Asklepios is worshipped with rpaire^a and kXlvtj, and in another he is the god of light, AlyXarjp and ’ AyXaojrr]^ . Here he is the personification of healing in a water-cure establishment, there he is the patron god of a city. He has characteristics of almost all the gods, and to place him in any one of the categories of the deities of the Greek world, would be to ignore features which belong elsewhere. It is necessary to distinguish between the essential and unessential elements in order to determine what is really Asklepiean. For example, in the case of the attributes, tablet and rolls are symbols of the human science of healing and are manifestly later than the conception of Asklepios as a deity who heals by miracle. The same is true of the globe and sceptre, attributes which have no place with a deity until he becomes a wide-ruling god. The serpent on the other hand is invariably present, in all times and places and is evidently an essential attribute. In the ritual, all those features are unessential which relate to the god as a divinity of a whole people, as such usages grew up after the union of local cults. Such, for example, are the yearly festivals with attendant games and processions, and the intricate machinery of the priesthood. But the consultation of the oracle by dreams is an essential feature and from it the original nature of the god may be known. The superstitions in regard to dreams are too ancient and well-known to need any extended discussion. The popular ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 9 beliefs in the oracular nature of dreams is the result of the conception of the twofold man — the body which is seen, and the spirit which is unseen. Death and sleep separate these two. After death the spirit does not return, but after sleep the spirit remembers what has occurred in its absence. Among the Indo-European peoples the spirit after death was believed to go into the earth, where the bodies were laid to rest, and the spirit lived in a dreamy sort of existence. This is the familiar Homeric conception of death. “ Even as so he spake the end of death overshadowed him. And his soul, fleeting from his limbs, went down to the house of Hades, wailing its own doom, leaving manhood and youth.” 1 There is very little in Homer to show that there was a connection between the departed and the survivors. In the threat of Sarpedon to become “a shame and a horror for all time” if his body is dishonored by the Greeks, 2 and the appearance of Patroklos to Achilles, 3 as well as the funeral rites of Patroklos, 4 are traces of this belief. The cult of the dead was well known in succeeding centuries, and these references may record usages which existed contemporaneously with Homer, with which, however, he was not familiar. The belief that the spirits of the dead manifested themselves to the living in dreams was closely connected with the belief in their underworld existence. And that the dreams were the spirits themselves, is proved on the one side by the fact that the earth, that is, the abode of the dead, was the mother of dreams, 5 and on the other, that dream oracles were referred only to those spirits which lived in the earth, and the Chthonian gods, which is after all the same thing. The only divinities consulted in dreams were 1 *I2s &pa puv tiirovra. t£\os 6a.va.Toio KdXui/'e • 'f'vxv S’ tn pedtwv TrrapUvq ”A.I'Soade ^e^r/Kei , ov 7 rorpuov yoowaa, \nrova adporijra Kal t]^t]v. II 855-57. 2 II 498. Cf. P 556, X 358 and X 72 ff. 3 'P 65 ff. Compare the account of Gawain’s ghost at the opening of Tennyson’s Passing of Arthur. 4 *. 5 Eurip. Iph. Tau. 1262 ; I lee. 71. IO THE CULT OF ASICLEPIOS. Dionysos and Pluto, and these only in certain localities. In Amphikleia in Phokis, the priest of Dionysos cured through dreams, 1 and near Nysa was a cave of Pluto in which cures were similarly performed. 2 Parallel to the dream oracles of these gods were similar oracles which tradition referred not to a local manifestation of the general spirit, but to a spirit which lived under the earth in a single place, and with whom no communication was held in other localities. The best known of these cave-gods is Amphiaraos, whose oracle in Oropos in Boeotia was frequented by notable persons in classical times. This seer foreknew his own death in the siege of Thebes, but was compelled to take part, and was swallowed into a chasm in the earth which was opened by the thunderbolt of Zeus. As the place of his disappearance was Thebes, while the oracle was at Oropos, the scene of the story was transferred to suit the cult. The traditions of the other oracles are similar, those of Trophonios, Kaineus in Thessaly, Althaimenes in Rhodes, and Amphilochos in Akarnania "or Kilikia. 3 The earth oracles were those which were most commonly consulted about the future, and many of the most celebrated oracles of the classical period were originally of this character. There can be no doubt that this was the case at Delphi. The consultation was by dreams at night. Pytho, the serpent, which always stands in close relation to the earth-cult, defended the shrine against Apollo, who triumphed and yet absorbed into his ritual a prominent feature of the earth-oracle, so that the Delphic priestess received her inspiration from the vapors which rose from a cleft in the rock. 4 Thraemer suggests that as the earth is 1 Paus. X. 33, 11. 2 Strab. XIV. 1, 44. 3 E. Rohde, Psyche, p. 108 ff. Other dream-oracles of less importance are known. Stengel in Muller’s HB. V. 3, p. 56. 4 /xavretov xQ° vlov i etc- Eurip. Iph. Tau. 1249-80. 0a 5 - ttpCjtov p.kv cixV 'jrpeo’fievio deCov tt)v it poiT 0 p.avT lv Yatav, Aeschyl. Eumen. I. Cf. Aelian. Var. Hist. III. 1. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. I i worshipped only as the dwelling of spirits, the traces of the cult of Dionysos in Delphi go to prove that it was a dream oracle of this god which was replaced by Apollo. 1 In Aigai was a cave in which an earth oracle existed until late, 2 and the earth was worshipped at Dodona with Zeus. 3 Such, too, was Asklepios, an earth spirit manifesting himself in dreams. Hypnos and Oneiros are connected with him as a god of sleep. 4 Hence the art-type of Asklepios as a benevolent and venerable man, and his attributes, which are those of the Chthonian gods. Amphiaraos and Trophonios were honored in his temples, and Iaso is indifferently the daughter of Amphiaraos or Asklepios. The various forms of earth and death cults were not at home among the Ionian tribes, so that Homer either ignored the little which came to his ears from the interior of Greece and Thrace, or treated the reappearance of the dead as special miracles. Thus Asklepios as deity finds no mention in the Epic, and his cult was confined to one region or tribe until features were developed which made him more famous than the other divinities of like origin. It is in con¬ nection with Asklepios as a Chthonian spirit that the presence of the serpent is to be explained, both actually in the temples, and as an attribute. The peculiarities of the serpent tribe are such as to arouse the interest and lively curiosity of even a casual observer of nature, and many are the strange beliefs resulting from the early observations of serpents and their habits. Of all earth’s creatures, the serpent in many ways is the least like a human being, and so is most inexplicable and mysterious. The dwell- 1 Roscher, Lex. d. Myth. art. Dionysos, p. 1033. 2 Paus. VII. 25, 13; Pliny, N. II. 28, 147. 3 Zeus ?jv, Zeus ian, Zeus eaaerai, fieyaXe Zeu. Pa Kapirovs aviei, 816 xXyfere /xar^pa Taiau. Paus. X. 12, 10. 4 So Ilypnos in Epidauros, Bau. Aus Epid. p. 8; in Athens, CIA. II. 470; while a statue of Somnus was dedicated to Asklepios in Reji, CIL. XII. 354. Statues of Oneiros were dedicated in Lebena, Kaibel, 439; while there were statues of both Hypnos and Oneiros in the Asklepieion at Sikyon, Paus. II. 10,2; and both are mentioned in Athens, CIA. III. 1, Add. ct Corr. 132 a. THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. I 2 ing in the ground, the quick motion, the sudden appearance, the staring, lidless eyes, the power of enduring hunger, its longevity, the casting of its skin, and above all, its method of killing and the peculiar attraction of its eyes, all these found expression in superstition. The worship of serpents takes different forms in different countries. In Scandinavia, where it is an importation from the east, we know of the cult as late as the sixteenth century. “ There are house serpents which are accounted in the northern part of Sweden as house¬ hold gods ; they are fed with sheep’s and cow’s milk, and to hurt them is a deadly sin.” 1 The Zulus never destroy a certain species of serpent believed to contain the spirit of kinsmen, 2 and in many African tribes, human sacrifice, serpent cult and ancestor-worship are found together. The worship of serpents was repressed in India by Buddhism, but the lower classes still regard them as sacred. If one is killed, a piece of money is put into its mouth and its body burned to avert evil. Some Brahmans keep the skin of a Nag in one of their sacred books. Independent of any connection with the Greek healing god, in other parts of the world the serpent stands as a power against sickness. In Upper Egypt at Sheikh Haredi, a serpent dwells in a cave and a virgin may go in and bring him out twined about her neck to be carried to the bedside of the sick, where he accomplishes wonderful cures. 3 We may recall the Hebraic account. “ Moses made a serpent of brass and put it on a pole; and it came to pass, that if a serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the serpent of brass, he lived.” 4 The serpent was later destroyed by Hezekiah. He “brake in pieces the brazen serpent that Moses had made; for unto those days the children of Israel 1 Olaus Magnus, XXI. 47. 2 A. Lang, Myth, Ritual and Religion, I. p. 57. 3 Norden, Travels in the East, II. p. 40; Wilkinson, Handbook of Egypt, p. 301. 4 Num. XXI. 9. ASKLEPIOS. AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 13 did burn incense to it .” 1 The Naga tribes of Cashmere, all of whose ancient temples are in honor of serpent-gods, have remarkable power in medicine, possessing nostrums, the knowledge of which has been handed down to them from antiquity. The serpent was venerated because of its relation with the soul according to primitive thought. The relation was three¬ fold : first, the serpent was a fetish, the dwelling of the soul; second, it was the soul; and last, it was the symbol of the soul. This easily affords a clue to the connection of serpent and ancestor worship, for as a tribal ancestor dwells in the ground, so he comes out in the form of the animal which is preeminently the child of the ground . 2 So the Eddas conceive of the dead in the shape of serpents living among the roots of the trees, and Teutonic folk to this day offer food to the harmless house-snakes to gain their influence against fire and misfortune. The serpent is especially a protecting spirit and guardian of treasure. A serpent in which Erichthonios dwelt was sacred to Athena and protected the citadel, oitcovpos b(f)is, and a monthly sacrifice of honey cakes was offered it. Before the battle of Salamis this offering was rejected, which was a sign to the Athenians that the goddess and the hero had abandoned the Acropolis . 3 The Romans had a similar belief. Aeneas sees in the serpent which appears at the grave of Anchises geniumve loci famulumve parentis. So the attendant Lares are thought of in serpent form. As a manifestation of the dead, the serpent is the symbol of a hero, and of earth spirits in general, and hence is found with the Chthonian gods . 4 With Asklepios the serpent is usually only a ritualistic symbol and not in itself venerated. The god himself, however, was sometimes conceived under this form. A coin from Pergamon struck under Caracalla, bears on the 1 2 Kings, XVIII. 4. 2 < 50 is, r rjs Trats. licit. I. 78. 3 Hdt. VIII. 41. 4 Mitth. cl. Arch. Inst. II. 302, 307 ff., 315, 319 ff., 322, 375, 418, 444, 454, 459 a, 461 ff.; III. 100; V. 188 a, 387 ; IV. 156; VIII. 368. 14 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. reverse a figure of the Emperor in military dress with his right hand raised to salute a serpent entwined around a tree, its head towards the Emperor. That the serpent who is here receiving homage is Asklepios, is rendered certain both by the presence of Telesphoros, and by comparison with another of Caracalla’s Pergamene coins, on which Telesphoros is represented upon a pedestal placed as here between the Emperor and Asklepios, who is depicted in the ordinary way . 1 In the form of a serpent Asklepios became the father of Aratos . 2 No doubt many of the patients believed that they saw the god in the sacred serpents which were kept in the temples. As the spirits of tribal ancestors were believed to dwell in serpents, a number of legends arose about the foundation of states by them. Mantinea, for example, was so founded. “ But Antinoe, daughter of Kepheus, the son of Alous, inspired by an oracle, led the men to this place, taking the serpent as a guide.” 3 In this manner the worship of Asklepios was trans¬ ferred from one place to another. A serpent was carried, and it was believed that in this form the god himself travelled. So a serpent was carried by mules from Epidauros to Sikyon . 4 Another, which citizens of Epidauros Limera were carrying from Epidauros, escaped from the boat to the shore. Where 1 W. Wroth, Asklepios and the Coins of Pergamon, p. 47. 2 Paus. II. 10, 3; IV. 14, 7. 3 Paus. VIII. 8, 4. Other heroes appear in serpent shape : Kychreus in the battle of Salamis, Paus. I. 36, 1 ; Sosipolis overcame the Arkadians in serpent form for the Eleans, PauS. VI. 20, 5; so Erichthonios, Paus. I. 24, 7. Heroes are often represented as half-human and half-serpent, to symbolize their character as avroxdove s. Such is especially the form of Erechtheus, for the Athenians were particularly proud of their direct descent from Gaia. The story of the Spartan king Kleomenes is an illustration of the popular belief in the connection of the dead and serpents. After his body was crucified, a serpent was found coiled about it, keeping off birds from it. The Alexandrians supposed this to be a token that Kleomenes had become a hero, until some wise man explained the phenomenon by saying that as the bodies of oxen produce bees, and horses wasps, so a human body produces serpents. The author himself accepts this as fact, and ascribes the popular idea to it. Plut. Kl. 39. Aelian gives another instance of a serpent guarding the dead. ’Xiroair. 82. 4 Paus. II. 10, 3. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 15 it landed, altars were built to Asklepios. 1 The introduction of the cult into Italy is similar. In„the year 291 b.c. a pestilence fell upon the city of Rome, and, consulting the Sibylline books, it was decided to bring Asklepios, but noth¬ ing was done that year except to decree a day of prayer to him. 2 Then the Delphic oracle declared that the god must be carried to Rome. In the shape of an enormous serpent he was brought to the island in the Tiber, where his cult was established. 3 As an attribute, the serpent is especially frequent on coins. Sometimes it is coiled about the staff, and often on the ground. In a coin from Trikka the god is seated, feeding a serpent with an object which may be a small bird. Hygieia holding a patera out of which the serpent seems about to eat is a familiar figure. Mr. Wroth interprets this as a representation of serpent-divina¬ tion, tmv Spa/covrcov rj p,avrucr), in which she takes “an omen as to the future health of her suppliants from the manner in which the serpent receives the nourishment offered him.” 4 The serpent was believed from very remote times to be able to foretell the future. Melampos, the ancestor of Amphiaraos, owed his gift of prophecy to young serpents which he cared for after killing their parents. Once, while he slept, they licked his ears, from which time he understood the voices of birds, and could prophesy. 5 There is a similar legend in regard to Kassandra and Helenos. It is then possible that the serpent was used in the way hinted above, but it was not at all unusual that a god should be represented feeding a sacred animal, and there is no literary evidence for the 1 Paus. III. 23, 7. 2 Livy, X. 47, 7; XXIX. ir, r. 3 Ovid, Met. XV. 622 ff. 4 W. Wroth, Hygieia, Jour. Hell. Stud. 1884, p. 92 ff. There is sometimes a pine-cone on the patera, or Hygieia holds a cone in her hand. The cone is fre¬ quently found in connection with the god on account of its healing properties. A statue at Sikyon represented the youthful Asklepios holding a pine-cone in the hand; and a relief from Athens has the serpent staff, with two large fruits on one side, and two cones on the other. 5 Apollod. I. 9, 11. i6 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. practice of serpent-divination in this cult. Serpents were kept, however, in many and perhaps all of the sanctuaries. In Alexandria they were carefully tended in the temple. 1 In Epidauros the serpents were called Trapeicu , or “ puffy- cheeked.” Aelian describes them as reddish-brown, fiery in color, sharp-sighted, with a broad mouth. The bite is not dangerous ; the snakes are tame and sacred to Asklepios. 2 Pausanias says they were thirty cubits long. 3 In Titane serpents were kept at the entrance of the sanctuary so that it was necessary before entering to feed them to divert their attention. 4 Similarly, cakes were thrown to the serpents before going into the cave of Trophonios. 5 In Kos the suppliants left cakes for the serpents after the omens were declared. 6 The use of serpents in healing is elsewhere discussed. At the time when the belief existed that sickness was an evil demon, or the work of one, there was also the companion idea that a good spirit could avail against the bad. Hence it came about that the aid of earth spirits was sought particularly in cases of illness. A secondary reason was that most of the known remedies came from the ground. It thus happened that the peculiar province of departed heroes was to heal the sick, and when a hero had no special cult or importance, it was most natural that he received honor in a sanctuary of some heal¬ ing divinity of greater importance. Hence we find the temple of Asklepios filled with statues of heroes, or some hero is worshipped with him. In many cases the Asklepios cult replaced an older hero cult and made room for the hero in the new shrine. 7 The hero cult assumed greater proportions in this respect than that of the greater Chthonian gods, 8 and 1 Aelian, H. A. XVI. 39. 2 Aelian, H. A. VIII. 12. Cf. Demosth. 313, 25. 3 Paus. II. 28, 1. 4 Paus. II. 11, 8. 5 Arist. Clouds, 507. 6 Herond. IV. 91. 7 Milchhofer, Reliefs von Votivtragern in Jahrb. d. kais. deut. Arch. Inst. II. 23 ff. 8 Roscher, Lex. d. Myth. art. Heros. p. 2481 ff. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. l 7 in some way the oracle of Asklepios was more renowned than any of the others, and subordinated all functions to its impor¬ tance as healing oracle. Traces of the general oracle, however, are found in late times. In Athens and Sikyon Asklepios was not consulted exclusively in cases of disease. Aristides gives evidence on this side, while from Epidauros come the stories of the lost child and the broken jar. Beyond the rite of sleeping in the temple, there is little in the general procedure which refers to the Chthonian nature of Asklepios. Certain sacrifices were such as the lower-world gods received. The preliminary cake sacrifice which was offered in Athens, Titane and Kos has a Chthonian meaning, and the entire consumption of the flesh offerings has a similar significance. 1 The sacrifice of the cock is often mentioned, and has special significance, as it is a characteristic offering to underground spirits. So far, I have spoken of the Chthonian nature of Asklepios without attempting to determine its limitations. It has been shown he was an earth spirit, and as such he was the soul of an ancestor whose descendants did him honor. Such, in a special form, was the hero cult of which there is mention from the latter half of the seventh century. I can see no reason why the Chthonian gods should not have had the same origin, the difference between hero and Chthonian god depend¬ ing on the antiquity of the cults. On this basis Asklepios may be one or the other as one thinks of the age of the cult. One mark binds him with the gods rather than heroes. Askle¬ pios was connected with a tribe rather than a locality. Muller identified Asklepios with Trophonios, who was a god of the Phlegyans in the same sense. In Lebadeia Trophonios appears with the attributes of Asklepios, 2 and Cicero gives them a common ancestry. 3 1 See Chap. VII. p. 80, and Stengel in Muller’s IIB. V. 3, pp. 69, 73. 2 Paus. TX. 39, 3. 3 Cic. de Nat. Deor. III. 22. i8 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. In the growth of the myths about Asklepios there were two things to account for: first, the tribal name; and second, the god. That the name of the god did not correspond to that of the tribe shows that he was somewhat higher than the eponymous tribal gods, as Herakles, Epidauros or Thessalos. Phlegyas was the name given to the founder of the race, just as Lapithas stood at the head of the Lapithae. Asklepios stands in the same relation to both tribes, and the two may have been identical, especially if we acknowledge the deriva¬ tion of the one name from cj)\eyvav, and of the other from AairL^eiv — the boasters. The least complicated of the Askle¬ pios legends connects him with Trikka, a village in the western part of Thessaly, on the slope of a hill by the river Lethaios, a tributary of the Peneios. In the Catalogue of Ships, the sons of Asklepios come from Trikka and rocky Ithome, a town which lies south-east of Trikka. 1 The commentary of Eustathius is as follows : they say that the Asklepiadae are of the race of Lapithas, for Lapithas was the son of Stilbe and Apollo, and his grandson (Asklepios) was the son of Apollo and the nymph Koronis. Strabo says in Trikka there was a very ancient and famous sanctuary of Asklepios, 2 and mentions it as the birthplace of Asklepios. “ There is another river of this name (Lethaios) in Gortyn and by Trikka, where Asklepios is said to have been born.” 3 Little else is known of the cult in this part of Thessaly. The god bore the name T pL/c/caios in Gerenia, 4 and the shrine is men¬ tioned in the Epidaurian paean. The coins from Trikka on which the god is represented, date from the fourth century. Now had the Phlegyans and Lapithae fashioned their own mythology, Phlegyas or Lapithas would have been the son 1 B 729 ff. Cf. A 201-2. 2 eVrt S’ i) fitv Tpl/act], Sirov to lepov tov ’ Aa K\r)ir iov to dp^atoraro^ Kal iirupaptcrTaTOP. Strab. IX. 5, 17. 3 trepos 5 £ctti Aijdaios 6 ip VopTVpr) Kal 6 irepl TplKKijp , icuctv\t) t)5£ Iv opams eixTT^cpavds re K\£eia aiw O' l/JLep6eap77 TavvireirXos, as 'TaSas Koiktovcnv eirl xOovl cpv\’ avOpu ttcjv. Hes. Frag. CLXXXI. 3 *H ot '77 AiSvp.ovs lepotis vaiovcra koXuvovs AwtIoj kv TeSlip ToXvfioTpvos avr ’ A plvpolo vtyaTo Boi/3id5os Xlp.vr]s x68a irapOtvos a8p.7]s. lies. Frag. CXLI. in Strab. IX. 5, 22 and XIV. 1, 40. 4 Leake, Northern Greece, IV. p. 420. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 2 I kydes said that Koronis lived in Lakereia at (irpos) the sources of the Amyros, 1 a statement which shows his knowledge of geography to be at fault, for the Amyros flows westward and empties into Boibeis opposite the Dotian plain, as Hesiod correctly said. The second bit of Hesiod relating to Koronis is the crow fable. “To Apollo indeed came the crow, and told her unseen act to Phoibos of the unshorn hair, when Ischys, son of Elatos, married Koronis, daughter of the god-born Phlegyas.” 2 The tradition of the death of Asklepios is also found in Hesiod : “ The mighty father both of gods and men Was filled with wrath, and from Olympus top With flaming thunderbolt cast down and slew Latona’s well-loved son — such was his ire .” 3 All that remains then of the version of Hesiod is the home of the maiden, and her marriage with Ischys, son of Elatos, the knowledge of which is carried by the crow to Apollo, and the death of Asklepios. The death of Koronis and Ischys was in Hesiod’s account, for Pherekydes in quoting the story gives the additional feature that Artemis killed 1 On ?/ Kopojvls tv A aicepelq. Xeyvao 8 Loyvf}roio Ovyarpa. tw v p.tv dp' dyyeXos 7]\0e ndpai; iepys airo Scutos I lvdio is yyaOtyv , kclL p ’iol(3ip aKepXeyvao bioyvyroio Ovyarpa. lies. Frag. CXLII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14 and 48. 3 Traryp avSpCbv re Oe&v re Xwcrar , cnr OvXvp.irov 8 t (HaXojv \f/oX 6 evn Kepavvip tKrave Ar)roi 8 yv, apldpi[ov ? • * •] • • • €us eTTLcpap^s ’ A^kX^ttleiop. Marin. Procl. 29. 4 CIA. II. 1, 162, 470; III. 1, Add. et Corr. 132 a. 5 Paus. II. 26, 7. 6 Paus. IV. 3. 2. 7 Paus. III. 12, 8. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 31 Hesiod in support of it. 1 His citation may be from the Cata¬ logue of the Leukippidae which must have come from some other hand than that of Hesiod ; for the story contradicts the Eoie, as here Arsinoe is mother not only of Asklepios, but a daughter, Eriopis, and there was manifestly no second child in the Thessalian version. The general likeness shows a dependence upon the Eoie. Here is the rivalry of Apollo and Ischys, 2 and the death of the Cyclops. Aristides Milesius tried to reconcile the Thessalian and Messenian versions by considering Koronis another name of Arsinoe. 3 Arsinoe, 4 as well as Koronis, 5 is called the mother of Machaon. Pausanias, in his description of Epidauros, collects the various traditions of Asklepios, emphasizing particularly the one current in Epidauros, a city sacred to him. “They say that Phlegyas came to the Peloponnesos on the pretext of seeing the country, but really to spy out the population, and see if the number of fighting men was large. For Phlegyas was the greatest warrior of that day. But when he came to the Peloponnesos his daughter followed him, who, though her father knew it not, was with child by Apollo. And when she bare her child on Epidaurian soil, she exposed it on the mountain called in our day Tittheion, but which was then called Myrgion. And as he was exposed there, one of the she-goats feeding on the mountain gave him milk, and the watch dog of the flock guarded him. And Aresthanas, for that was the name of the goat-herd, when he found the number of goats not tallying and that the dog was also absent from the flock, went in search everywhere, and when he saw the child, desired to take him away, but when he drew near, seeing lightning shining from the child, and thinking there was something divine in all this, as indeed there was, he turned away. And it was forthwith noised abroad about the 1 In Sch. Find. Fyth. III. 14. 3 Arist. Mil. in Sch. Find. Fyth. III. 14. 5 Hygin. Fab. 97. 2 Horn. Hymn, ad Ap. 208 ff. 4 Sch. A 195. 32 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. lad both by land and sea that he could heal sickness, and raise the dead.” This account differs materially from the Thes¬ salian story. Here Phlegyas and his daughter are strangers, though Epidauros claims to be the birthplace of the god. There is no Ischys legend and nothing of the fate of Koronis. On the other hand, the exposure of the child, the attendant Aresthanas, the goat and dog, are not found in Thessaly. This part of the story is duplicated in Thelpusa, where there was a cult of Asklepios n rat?. Here a dove, rpvydyv, brought food to the child, a story easily connected with a monument of Trygon which stood in the Hieron. 1 Evidently the child- legend existed in the Peloponnesos before the northern tradi¬ tions were adopted, and the goat and dog served to account for certain features in the ritual which were not a part of the northern cult. The goat was sacred, so the myth was fashioned to account for it. The dog was sacred in Epidauros as is known from the steles, and from the great statue of Asklepios in Epidauros which is preserved only in tradition and on coins. In this, the dog lies under the chair of the god. The dog is found on a Thessalian coin of the second century b.c., on which Asklepios is seated with a dog at his feet. 2 Dogs were kept in Athens to guard the sacred treas¬ ures, 3 and one is represented with Machaon, Podeleirios and Asklepios on a relief from this city. 4 In the Cretan inscrip¬ tion, the zacore has charge of the kvvlcl roa , which Baunack interprets as /cvvca £oa, either figures of dogs which are appro¬ priately left in the temple as offerings, or dogs themselves, 5 which were kept in the Cretan Asklepieion, as in Athens, Epidauros, and in Kypros. 6 It seems that the sacredness of the dog was a local feature of the Epidaurian cult which spread to the others. The date of the Thessalian coin shows 1 Paus. VIII. 25, 11. 2 Head, Hist. Num. p. 256. 3 Aelian. II. A. VII. 13; Plut. De Sol. Animal. XIII. 11. Cf. CIA. II. 3, 1651. 4 Le Bas, Voy. Arch. pi. 53, 2 ; Reinach in Rev. Arch. 1884, P* I2 9 ff- 5 Philol. 1890, p. 596. 6 Revue Critique, 1884, n. 37, p. 202; Aelian. H. A. VII. 13. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 33 that the dog had no more original connection with the cult in this region than Hygieia and Telesphoros, occasional traces of whom are found in Thessaly. To account for the dog in Epidauros, the baby-god was given a watch-dog. We come nearer to the rest of the Peloponnesian legend in the paean of Isyllos of Epidauros : “ Sing praises to Paian Apollo, ye people, dwellers in holy Epidauros, for thus the oracle was declared to the ears of our fathers, O Phoibos Apollo. They say that Zeus the father gave the muse Erato to Malos in sacred wedlock. And Phlegyas, a native of Epidauros, and living there, married the daughter whom Erato bore whose name was Kleophema. Then to Phlegyas was born a daughter, Aigle by name, who for her beauty was called Koronis. And Phoibos of the golden bow, the yellow-haired son of Leto, seeing her in the home of Malos, ended her maiden days in lovely marriage. Thee I praise. But in the fragrant enclosure Aigle bore a child to him, and the son of Zeus, and Lachesis, the noble mother, with the Fates, eased the pains of labor. Apollo called him Asklepios from his mother Aigle, the reliever of disease, giver of health, a great boon to mortals. Hail Paian, Paian Asklepios, increase thy native city, Epidauros, and send to our minds and bodies shining health. Hail, Paian, Paian.” 1 In disentangling the Thessalian and Epidaurian elements one can scarcely fail to be convinced by the reasoning of Wilamowitz. Koronis has nothing to do with Epidauros, but Aigle is Epidaurian, and a mother, Kleophema, is put in to fill up the circle. Originally, Aigle must have been the daughter of Malos who had dedicated an altar to Apollo Maleatas. The myths about the unfaithfulness of Koronis and the life and death of her son have here no place, and Aigle bears her child with the favor of the gods. Malos and Aigle were the only necessary factors in the Epidaurian tradition, the one to account for Maleatas, a “ beiname ” of Apollo, and the other for Asklepios. Erato was the necessary mother to account for Aigle and give her a lofty ancestry, as in Arkadia she is the wife of Arkas and mother of Elatos. Wide explains the relation of Aigle to Asklepios from the 1 Iiaunack, Stud. I. i, 84, 37 ff. 34 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. connection of the latter with Helios in Lakonia and Messenia. Arsinoe, the daughter of Helios under the name Leukippos, 1 is the mother or wife of Asklepios. In Gytheion, Asklepios and Hygieia are joined in cult with Helios, 2 and also in Epidauros. 3 Now Aigle figures as a Naiad and wife of Helios, and the name AiyXarjp by which Asklepios was called in Lakonia not only corresponds in form to the name Aigle, but in content to the epithets of Helios as (fxieOcov, rjXe/cT(op and 7 ra(TL(j)aij<;. Asklepios coming from the north assumed the epithet of Helios, whose cult was already in Lakonia, and Aigle became his mother as in the cult pasan of Epidauros. In this connection the many signs that Asklepios was a “light” god and not an earth god, would be accounted for. Lampetie, who belongs in the same category as Aigle, was in one legend the wife of Asklepios, 4 Aglai'a was the mother of Machaon by Asklepios, 5 and Aigle is the daughter in Athens. 6 Here belong the epithets ayXaos, 1 * ayXaoTip.os^ the name ciyXaoTnjs 9 and the “ beinamen alyXtjrT 7? and cicryeXa- ra? which Apollo bears on Anaphe, which are to be referred to the same origin. Whether the last two were borrowed from Helios directly as Wide supposes, or indirectly accord¬ ing to Wilamowitz, is difficult to say. Undoubtedly, the Asklepios cult assumed a “light” character as it traveled southward. The complex character of the cult in Southern Greece is to be referred to the existence of healing gods or heroes before the introduction of the Thessalian cult. Some of these heal- ing divinities became the sons or grandsons of Asklepios, 1 Maas, G. G. A. 1S90, p. 346. 2 CIG. 1392. 3 Bau. 1 and 99. 4 Hermipp. in Sch. Arist. Plut. 701. 5 Quint. Smyrn. p. h. 6, 492. 6 Hermipp. in Sch. Arist. Plut. 701; Aristid. 79, 5; Suidas, art. ’Tbriovr}; CIA. III. t. Add. et Corr. 171 b\ Pliny, N. H. 35, 137; Rev. Arch. 1S89, p. 70. 7 Mionnet, Description des Medailles antiques Grecques et Romaines, VI. 572, 70. 8 Orph. Hymn. 67, 6. 9 Hesych. ASKLEPIOS AS AN EARTH SPIRIT. 35 and in some cases Asklepios assumed as second name the name of a supplanted hero. A Phoenician god was identified with Asklepios, and under his name connected with eastern divinities on the island of Delos. 1 The genealogy was borrowed and given to this new Asklepios, who bore some resemblance to the Greek god. 2 The existence of the Asklepiastai in Athens may show that the oriental god was known there too, for such societies were generally formed in honor of a foreign deity. 1 BCH. VI. 498; VII. 366. 2 Damasc. Btos’lcr. in Phot. Bibl. II. 352; Philo Bybl. Fr. X. CHAPTER III. THE SANCTUARIES OF ASKLEPIOS. The peculiar features of the Asklepieia had their origin in the fact that the temples served a double purpose. So far as they were places of worship, they differed little from the temples of other gods, for from the time when temples were erected to Asklepios he had lost to a large extent the characteristics of Chthonian gods, and only hints of the primitive status remained. His sanctuaries became health resorts, and as such were famous. Hence the most popular Asklepieion was that which was so contrived as to combine the advantages of a healthful location with the impressive administration of ritual. The location of an Asklepieion was chosen where fresh air abounded, and the eye was charmed by the variety of the scenery. No other god chose so wholesome and pure a spot as did Asklepios at Pergamon. 1 In Carthage the Asklepieion stood on the Acropolis. 2 The most famous resorts were at a little distance from a town, as in Epidauros, Kos, Pergamon and Rome. The Athenian Asklepieion was crowded on the southern slope of the Acropolis, but there was a second one at Peiraeus. 3 Little is known of this seaside resort, and as proofs of its existence we have only two indirect allusions 1 Aristid. 409, 9. 2 Appian. VIII. 130 ; Strab. XVII. 3, 14. 3 Sch. Arist. Plut. 621. The location of the Asklepieion at Peiraeus is like that at Lebena, which is a harbor town of Crete, about ten miles south of Gortyna. Sybel, Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. X. p. 97, attempts to prove that the outer Asklepieion was not at Peiraeus, but at Phalerum, basing his belief on Pliny, N. H. II. 225: quae in Aesculapii fonte Athenis mersa sunt , in Phalerico reddunhir. Phalerus was the son of Alkon, a myth to establish a connection between the older harbor and the spring of the Asklepieion. Plutarch theorizes about the choice of the location of the Asklepieia. “ Why is the sanctuary of Asklepios outside of THE SANCTUARIES OF ASKLEPIOS. 37 to it, and a single dedicatory inscription to Apollo Maleatas, Hermes, and the healing nymphs, which may have come from an Asklepieion or not, though evidently from a shrine of a healing divinity. 1 The site of the city shrine at present is anything but health-giving, presenting itself to the full glare of the sun. But in the earlier days a grove overhung the temple, while the steep hill behind kept off the chilling winds of the cold season. The temple of Asklepios, as that of a Chthonian deity, should have stood on a level space, but the rule is only observed in Epidauros. Usually the enclosure had but one entrance, TrpoirvXov, on the west side, which was closed with doors, Ovpcopara. In Athens there were two entrances, corresponding to two temples within the same precinct. 2 The exact site of the two is not proved. 3 It seems that an old temple was never destroyed, but fell into neglect upon the erection of a second. 4 This was also the case in the precinct of Dionysos in Athens, the two temples of the Kabeiri in Samothrace, and of Athena on the Acropolis. Certain features existed in every Asklepieion which per¬ petuated in modified form the characteristics of the original place of worship. As a reminiscence of the shaded mountain cave, the repevos, which was bounded by a wall, 7 rpoftXiipa, included a grove, and so gained another name, aX). 7 CIA. II. 2, 835, 1 . 62. rd8e barlv apyvpd irapa rip iepei • • •. 8 CIA. II. 2, 835, 836 and 839. The inventories differ in arrangement. In the first the position of each object in the temple is given, while in the second the offerings and their donors are grouped according to the date of the sacrifice. 48 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. sioners who, with the priest of Asklepios and two other officers, were to choose out of the offerings a certain number to be placed in the temple. The number of offerings increased so rapidly that such a removal was occasionally necessary. At the expiration of his office the priest came forward in the Boule and reported upon the sacrifices which according to law he had offered in behalf of the state. * 1 If the report was satisfactory, a decree of thanks was voted. The decree was set in the Asklepieion and a crown of gold or olive given the priest. 2 Other more substantial perquisites belonged to the office. A seat in the theatre of Dionysos still bears his name. 3 In many places he was allowed to live within the precincts and have use of whatever land about the temple was not already occupied by the city. 4 In Mantineia there was a college of priests, who lived together sharing the meals of the day. The income for their support seems to have come from the bounty of the suppliants, for an offering of grapes was given, not to the god, but directly to them. For this service the donor received an image in the temple, and on her birthday the priests made a special sacrifice in her behalf. 5 If the services of the priest were not required constantly, he could reside where he pleased, and come only occasionally to the temple, as in the case of the priest of Amphiaraos. 6 He might wear a crown at the festivals and enjoy the public banquets. 7 Part of the sacrifices were given to him. 8 The priest offers sacrifices in his own behalf and dedicates tablets to Asklepios and other gods of the same sanctuary. For example, line 77 of the first is, • • • irpti]s r£ roixv 6

avrcp ot r[e] vbpLoi Kal ra \prj(piap.aTa 7 rpoaT&TTovaiv SiKaiojs Kal Kara to(u)s v6p.ov s • * *. 2 CIA. II. 1, Add. Nov. 567 b. ‘fciAfus Xaxuv iepeus tov ' Agk. • • • CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 489 A 6 elXr)x 6 pie[vos iepeus ’AaKA-qinou Kal Tyieias ort] rbi> iirl T ip.dpxov dpxoi'Tos ^[viaurbu. 4 CIA. III. 1, 693. 6 Bau. 6 a and b; 61, 17. 52 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. religious ceremonial, retained its religious significance when used for political purposes ; and even to draw the conclusion that the religious belief was really the chief reason why it was so extensively used.” 1 I should myself be willing to believe that the use of the lot in political affairs was a survival of a time when the gods were believed to exercise control over affairs of the state, and that the casting came to be a meaningless observance, but in view of the original tribal element in Greek cults, it seems hardly possible that such was the primitive method of priest selec¬ tion. It is only at Athens that the system was in vogue. Mr. Headlam himself instances examples enough to show that in the fifth century nearly all religious feeling was lost in the ceremony. So when we find the priests of Asklepios chosen annually by lot, we must recognize that the cult has come under the jurisdiction of the state, and that the usage of state officials has been introduced and has supplanted an earlier system. There is an exception to the general rule of choice by lot, which is found in an inscription of the time of Demosthenes. 2 * Demon, a relative of Demosthenes, 8 was by oracle commanded to give his house and orchard to Asklepios, and to become priest. In Kos, the priests were yearly appointed from one of the tribes Kara Oeiav KeXevatv, an ambiguous expression which may imply the use either of lot or direct oracle. 4 It is more prob¬ able that the former prevailed. The limitation of the choice to a single family suggests that the science of medicine was at this time confined to a fraternity. During the later years of the cult, a second priest held office for life. 5 6 There were also priests for life in Kos, G Stratonikeia in Karia, 7 and Thera. 8 1 Election by Lot at Athens. James Wycliffe Headlam. Cambridge, 189T. Introd. pp. 5-6. 2 CIA. II. 3, 1654. 3 Pint. Demosth. XXVII. 4 Paton and Hicks, Inscr. of Cos. No. 103. 5 CIA. III. 1, 132; Add. et Corr. 68 a and b ; 229 a. 6 BCH. V. p. 474. 7 PC IT XII. p. 88. 8 Ross. Inscr. Ined. II. 221. ATTENDANTS OF THE TEMPLE. 53 From the Epiclaurian inscriptions there is little to throw light on the selection of priests. The term of office was one year, if we may judge from the dating of a few inscriptions by the name of the priest. 1 Foucart suggests that the 'hcava in use in Epidauros were intended for the priests of the different temples within the enclosure, and as they were annually chosen, their names were not given, while the va/copos and the 7rvp(f)6po<; are mentioned by name, as they held office for life. The attendant who is most frequently mentioned in con¬ nection with the Asklepieia is the vecorcopos, or fd/copo?, the form used at Athens and in an inscription from Bresos. 2 The care of the property of the god devolved upon him, subject, always, to the supervision of the priest. 3 In Oropos the priest compelled him, according to law, to care for the sanctuary and those who come into it. He inscribed the names of the suppliants and their homes upon a post in the temple, and took charge of the deposit of offerings. 4 The neocore was in fact the representative of the priest. He helped to arrange the images, and otherwise make prepara¬ tion for the sacrifices. 5 From Crete we have directions for the surrender of duties on the expiration of office. Here the neocore was responsible for the utensils and treasury of the temple. 6 Sometimes he had charge of the keys, which were usually entrusted to special officials. 7 The neocore might take the place of the priest also in the administration of ritual. In Kos he declared the omens and offered prayer to the god for the suppliants. 8 In Pergamon there were two 1 Bau. 6 a and b\ 6o; 6i. Coll. 3025. 2 Coll. 255. 3 The word veuxbpos has usually been interpreted as temple-sweeper. Et. Mag. 6 rbv vabv xoapQv xai aapwv. Suidas, however, contradicts this. Newxbpos 5b oux 6 crapCiv Tbv vcuv, a\\’ 6 iTripbe\ovp.evos avrov. 4 Hermes, XXI. p. 92. 5 CIA. III. I, Add. et Corr. 68 c. • • * faxopevojv r a £(p8ia tirecrxevaaa xai 7-771/ Tpdire^av. 6 Philol. 1890, p. 5S7, 1 . 6. 8 Ilerond. IV. 11 . 40; 45; 90. 7 Aristid. 447, 29. 54 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. neocores who interpreted dreams and took active part in the services. 1 In Epidauros was but one neocore for the whole precinct, though it included several temples. The office was, as has been shown, for life. In Athens the ^atcopos was of great importance, for his name was used with that of the priest and archon to date many inscriptions relating to the cult, which shows that he, too, held office but for a year. 2 3 He was appointed as the priest was, and like his superior officer, dedicated tablets after his work was done. 8 In one case he laid at his own expense, and dedicated to Asklepios and Hygieia, the flooring in the vestibule and about the altar. 4 Diaphantos left a long and elaborate prayer for help, and a thank-offering for recovery from illness. 6 Sometimes the fd/copo? was a physician, and a decree was voted in his honor. 6 There was an assistant zacore at Athens, chosen and holding office in the same way as the zacore. 7 There is also a third name, 7rpo7roXo9, which is given to the attendant nearest the priest in importance. The chief source of information about him is the scene in Plutos, where he extinguishes the lights and tells the suppliants to sleep. The Scholiast writes that he is the z'ew/co'po?, but again that he is the lepevs 8 * The second statement holds good in Epidauros, for Diogenes, who is a priest of Apollo, is a propole of Zeus. 9 The importance of the key-keeper has already been men¬ tioned. In Athens his name appears to determine the date of decrees. 10 There is no allusion to the office in Epidauros, nor at Pergamon, where the neocore has charge of the keys.. 1 Aristid. 473, 5; 474, 12; 494, n. 2 CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 132 0 ; 181 c, f and h. See Index. 3 CIA. III. 1, 102. See Index. 4 CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 68 and/ 5 CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 171 a. 6 CIA. III. 1, 780; Add. et Corr. 780 a, b and c. 7 CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 894 a. 8 Sch. Arist. Plut. 670. 9 Bau. 1, 10. 10 CIA. III. 1, Add. et. Corr. 102 a ; 780 a. 4 ATTENDANTS OF THE TEMPLE. 55 It is likely that the office of the was extended in Athens in the same way as that of the vecotcopos, and that its duties were ritualistic rather than actual, and existed sepa¬ rately only in Athens, where the ritual was most elaborate. It was the custom for the priest to appoint his son as key- keeper, which confirms this conclusion, 1 for his daughters were chosen by him to assist in the ceremony connected with the processions. 2 The duty of lighting the altar-fire was important enough to necessitate the appointment of an officer called Trvpcfropos. The office is frequently mentioned in Epidauros, though in the inscriptions the participle, irupfyopijaas, is used rather than the noun. The dedications by one who styles himself a fire- bearer furnish no clue to the duties of the office. 3 The parents of Menander dedicated their son to be a irvp(f)6po<; in the service of Asklepios and Apollo. 4 In some instances the duty of lighting the altar-fire was per¬ formed by young boys, who filled the office of incense-bearer. In one instance we know this was the case, 6 iraU 6 ron 6eon 7 Tvp(popwv, 5 * but the tense is not the usual one, and so the “boy” may be but a substitute for the regular attendant. Yet the present tense of the participle is regularly used in other cults, as in Laconian rov alv (f)epa)v. G The jrvpcfxjpos held office for life. There is but a single mention of the fire-bearer in Athens. 7 The pdyipos took part in the service in Epidauros, and consecrated a stone to Asklepios. 8 An [epofcrjpv £ is men- 1 CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b and c. 2 CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b; II. 3, 1204; III. 1, Add. et Corr. 920 a. 3 Bau. 5; 6 a and b ; 55; 69; 72. CIG. 1178. 4 Bau. 49. I am led to this conclusion by the employment of the genitive case of the name of the god with Trvpocpopriaas in other inscriptions instead of the more logical dative, an example of syntactical “ contamination ” borrowed from the phrase -rrvpofpbpos ’ A(tk\t)ttiov. The dative in this place is probably governed by some verb easily supplied, as avaridtvcu, which is used for the consecration of a slave to Serapis and Isis in Orchomenos. BCII. IV. p. 91, 1 . ro. 5 Ila u- 59 - 43 - c Cauer, 33, 51. 7 CIA. III. I, 693. \ ’ AaKX-qTuip. 6 Heortology, p. 391 ff. Hiller, in Hermes VII. p. 393 ff. 7 CIG. 3641 b. PUBLIC CEREMONIAL. 73 Epidauros and Kos the chief interest centered in the games which were held in the groves. They consisted of athletic contests and trials of skill in music and poetry. 1 The direc¬ tion of the games was in charge of one of the citizens, and the towns in Argos voted special honors to such an one. Decrees of this character come from Epidauros and Hermione. 2 It may have been customary for the victor to make some special dedication to Asklepios as a thank-offering. 3 While the Asklepieia were insignificant in Athens, there was one public ceremony peculiar to the Athenian cult, which is of considerable importance, as it is an expression of the mystical features which the cult assumed in Athens alone. In the Epi- dauria Asklepios comes in contact with the mysterious divinities of the lower world, and for one day in the year takes his place by them. The legend of the establishment of the Epidauria during the celebration of the Eleusinia is, that Asklepios him¬ self came from Epidauros on the second day to take part in the mysteries, and that he was initiated upon that day, being too late to join the throng of initiates who assembled on the day before. 4 The Eleusinian mysteries began with assembly and purification on the sixteenth of the month Boedromion. The next day occurred the sacrifices in the city, and on the evening of that day the Epidauria began 5 6 with a ceremony which last ed 1 The slight information we have of these games comes from Plato in the opening sentences of the Ion, the mention by Hippocrates of the procession to the cypress grove, and inscriptions on coins which testify merely to the existence of the games. We know of the victories of one Nikokles of Athens who played the cithara and gained many prizes, CIA. II. 3, 1367, and racing was another form of contest. CIO. 1515 a, 5 and l>, 4. • • • ’Ari 'A.cr iip . 7 BCH. II. pi. VII. 8 Otto Jahn. Die Cista Mystika. Hermes III. p. 317 ff. 9 Kohler. Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. TV. p. 335. 10 Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. II. pi. XVIII. Girard, pi. II. 11 Bau. 60, 14. Bau. Aus Epidauros, p. 2. Coll. 3396. PUBLIC CEREMONIAL. 75 hero. Two inscriptions mention the Heroia, 1 but there is no other known evidence of such a festival. Kohler has rightly called attention to the connection between this and the pres¬ ence of so many reliefs in the Asklepieion which are plainly funeral-feasts. 2 Girard, on the other hand, rejects any theory which would connect death with a sanctuary which must not be polluted either by birth or death, and leaves a choice of other explanations. His objections do not seem valid, for the ceremony in honor of the Hero Asklepios in a shrine where there was no grave would be so removed from thought of his death as not to disturb the holiness of the shrine. 1 CIA. II. i, Add. et Corr. 453 b and c. 2 Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. II. pp. 245 and 254. CHAPTER VII. RITUAL OF THE INDIVIDUAL. The fame and popularity of the Asklepios cult were due to its practical side. The same faith which even to this day im¬ pels hundreds to seek health at obscure wells said to have miraculous power, was more potent at the time when medical science was in its infancy and diseases were believed to be the work of a malignant demon. And this side of the cult con¬ tinued long after the god Asklepios ceased to be. It is an accepted fact that many rites of the Christian church are adopted from the religious ceremonies of the people who in adopting the new system changed their faith in name only. There prevails in Greece to this day the practice of sleeping at the feet of the images of the saints. 1 A careful study of the beliefs of the folk in Catholic countries would reveal a mass of customs directly derived from the ritual of the Greek healing gods. Beside the pictures of the Mother of God hang models of legs, arms, or other parts of the body, just as in temples of old. An array of crutches stands against the wall, and bits of cardboard with words of thanksgiving printed upon them lie about. The contented expression in the face of the sick child which has been taken into the arms of the Holbein Madonna embodies the faith that a touch of the divine hand, ircuwvLos is sufficient to restore to health. And who shall say whether these customs are “heathen” or “Christian”? They are neither ; they are intensely human, an utterance of the helplessness of persons in affliction crying out for the aid of a power not themselves that works for righteousness. 1 Bernh. Schmidt. Das Volksleben der Neugriechen u. das hellenische Alter- thum. Leipzig, 1871. RITUAL OF THE INDIVIDUAL. 77 He who wished to consult Asklepios came at evening, and before engaging in any ceremony saw that his body was clean. “ It is necessary, therefore, that, being purified in our own manner, we should make oblations, offering to the gods those sacrifices which are pleasing to them and not such as are at¬ tended with great expense. Now, however, if a man’s body is not pure and invested with a splendid garment, he does not think it is qualified for the sanctity of sacrifice.” In Epi- dauros, therefore, there was the following inscription on the doors of the temple : “ Into an odorous temple, he who goes Should pure and holy be ; but to be wise In what to sanctity pertains, is to be pure.” 1 The suppliant first bathed in cold water, — a rite which was at once hygienic and symbolic. This purification was some¬ times preceded by a prayer to the god. 2 The use of salt water for this purpose was frequent, as is noticed by historians and poets, especially the tragedians. The women of Tanagra who were initiated into the rites of Dionysos went into the sea, 3 and the statue of Artemis, made unclean by the touch of Orestes, was purified by salt water. 4 The victims for the sacri¬ fice to the Eleusinian goddesses were washed in the sea. As soon as the god Plutos entered the Asklepieion he was bathed in the 6a\aaaa. b The Scholiast reminds us that it was the custom for the ancients to bathe in the sea before sacrificing, quoting from Homer. 6 Girard, however, explains the use of this word not as meaning that the god was taken to the harbor at Athens, but that a salt bath was given in the Asklepieion. The spring there was, and still is, of a brackish taste, and the OdXaaaa may be intended to convey this idea. Herodotus speaks of the salt spring struck by Poseidon on the north of 1 Porphyry, de Abstin. Anim. II. 17. Cf. Coll. 3472. 2 Aristid. 479, 2. 3 Paus. IX. 20, 4. 4 Eurip. Iph. Tau. 1034. 6 Arist. Plut. 656. 6 A 314. B 2C1. 78 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. the Erechtheion as a OaXacraa, 1 and modern Greek calls all salt water by this name, whether connected with the sea or not. 2 Each suppliant brought what he needed for the night, a mattress, 3 and cakes for the sacrifice which took place before sleeping. 4 The cakes were thin, flat, and round, made of wheat or barley, and pierced with holes. 5 They were sweetened 6 and dipped in wine, oil, or honey. 7 The cakes and incense were burned on the altar. 8 This was the usual sacrifice of the very poor. Food may also have been brought for the suppliant’s own use, for Aristophanes tells of the old woman who had porridge by her during the night. 9 White gowns were the rule in the Asklepieia both for priests and suppliants. 10 It is an old superstition that to sleep in white induced dreams. 11 Suppliants too ill to come to the temple sent prayers for recovery, which were inscribed and set in the sanctuary. An example is found at Epidauros, where the patient had been encouraged previously by a vision of the god. 12 Or some one may dream for the sick person, either a friend or the priest himself. 13 1 Hdt. VIII. 55. 2 Girard, p. 70 ff. 3 Arist. Plut. 663. 4 Sch. Arist. Plut. 660. Trpodbpara • ra 7 rpb rrjs dvcrias ycpbpepa dvpidpara. Bau. 59, 42. ois 8 i irpoedvaaro Kal iirbiqae ra popi^bpepa. Bau. 59, 93. KadiKerevaas top debp ipeKadevSe. Cf. Bau. 80, 101. A single passage in Aristides shows that the suppliant knelt during some part of the service. Kal eSei rb yopv rb 8 e£ibp KXipapra 'iKereveip re Kal KaXeip A baiov rbp debp. 5 Suid. irXaKobpTia irXaria Kal Xeirra Kal irepupepr). Hesych. TrXaKobpria airb dprov. 6 Sch. Arist. Plut. 660. yXvKvcrpara. 7 Sch. Arist. Pax, 1040. 8 Arist. Plut. 660. e7rei 8b (3(op

pu>p. Cf. Aristid. 517, 14 ; 64, 2. Philost. Vit. Soph. p. 266. Bau. 60, 19. 9 Arist. Plut. 683. 10 Aristid. 473, 8. ep rip dear pep rip iepbp TrXyjdos dpdpLbiriop eipaL XevxeipopovpTCjp Kal GVPeXrjXvdbT wp Kara top debp. Aristid. 494, 6. Kal efaapipos. Cf. Le Bas II. 326 a, 1 . 16, and Paean of Isyllos. 11 0 278. T 198. 12 Bau. Aus Epid. p. 13. 13 Bau. 80, 1. Herodotus writes that Mus after consulting various oracles for Mardonius, KareKolpyjae is ’A pefnapeoj. VIII. 134. Again in Strab. XVII. 1, 17. iyKOLpdadai avrovs virkp eavrCop r/ iripovs. In the temple of Pluto near Nysa the priests directed cures by their own visions. Strab. XIV. 1, 44. Xiyovai yap 8 rj Kal RITUAL OF THE INDIVIDUAL. 79 When an individual or a family sacrificed animals, the small domestic animals were used, such as swine, rams, goats, and cocks. * 1 The information about the sacrifice of goats is very definite. In general, they are not to be offered. 2 In Epidauros their sacrifice was expressly forbidden, while in Kyrene, whose cult was derived from Epidauros, there was no such restriction. 3 At Tithorea every sort of animal could be sacrificed to As- klepios but goats. 4 At Athens goats were offered. 5 A mean¬ ingless explanation of the sacrifice of goats is offered by Servius in a comment on Virgil’s Georgies, II. 380. “ Item capi'a im- molatur Aesculapio , qui est dens salutis , cum capra nunquam sine fcbre sit." In the Peloponnesian myth the goat appears as the nurse of the child Asklepios, and as such is found on coins and in Aigeira with an image of the child. 6 If the myth is given as the reason for the sacredness of the animal, the cause and effect have changed places. First the goat was sacred to Asklepios, and then rose the aetiological myth. From the closing scene of the Phaedo we are familiar with the sacrifice of a “cock to Asklepios.” 7 Brunn believes that one is represented in an Asklepios relief in the Glyptothek in Miinchen, 8 and it is found on coins of fifth century before Christ. From Selinus in Sicily we find the cock before the altar of Asklepios. 9 The cock is not peculiar as a sacrifice to vs vocruSeis Kal irpo(rtx OVTas reus t&v delov tovtwv depa.ireLa.LS (pOLrav exeiae Kal 8 Lai- raffdaL ev Trj KU)p.rj it\t)glov rod fiivTpov irapa tols ip.irelpoLS tCjv leplwv, oi lyKOLp-LovraL re inrkp airrCjv Kal bLaTarrovcnv ck tu>v dveipuv tcls depairelas. Aristides had dreams which coincided with those of the neocore. 473, 6. 1 Le Bas, Voy. Arch. pi. 104. Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. IV. p. 126, 2. AZ. 1877, p. 147, 15. ECU. II. p. 70. See the General Index under the heading Animal Sacrifice. A coin from Aigai in Kilikia bears Asklepios, Telesphoros and a kid, evidently an offering. Mionn. S VII. 157, 34. A similar coin from Pergamon has a small animal which Mr. Wroth identifies as a rat gnawing, and so not an offering. This is an attribute of Apollo ’Zp.ivdevs , and its presence on the Askle¬ pios coin points to an association of the two cults at Pergamon. W. Wroth, Asklepios and the Coins of Pergamon. 2 Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. hypot. 3, 220. 3 Paus. II. 26, 9. 4 Paus. X. 32, 12. 6 AZ. 1862, 282*. 8 Brunn, Catalog, n. 85 a. & BCD. II. pi. VII. 7 Plato, Phaedo, 118 A. Artemid. Oneir. V. 9. 9 Head, Hist. Num. p. 147. 8 o THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. to Asklepios, but is offered to Hermes, Ares, Helios, Kore, and to heroes particularly. It may be that Asklepios is thought of in the last category when the cock is offered. A cock was undoubtedly considered peculiarly sacred to the god, although the attempts by the ancients to explain it only result in a confusion of statements which only show that in some way it was used in the cult, either as means of cure or in the performance of ritual. 1 Yet the best reason for the sacrifice may be the simplest — the ease with which fowls are procured on account of their size and price. In the fourth Mime of Herondas, two women consult the oracle of Asklepios and offer a cock, apologizing for the insignificance of the gift. Illustrations of individual sacrifice are best found in the Athenian reliefs, which show the cult statues of the god with Hygieia standing by, and somewhat smaller figures of a train of suppliants, bringing gifts, both the animal for sacrifice, and fruits. The table by the god receives the offerings. 2 In Titane the animals were not cut up, and all were burned on the ground except birds, which were burned on the altar. 3 The offering was also to be entirely consumed within the enclosure in Epidauros and Titane. 4 In general, a part of the sacrifice went to the priest, and a part the worshiper used himself or divided among the disciples. 5 In the scene from Herondas the drumsticks of the fowl were left for the priest. A citizen of Athens set up a stone near the city marking the place sacred to Asklepios and Hygieia, and prescribed the manner of sacrifice for the farmers in the neighborhood. Part of the offer¬ ing was to go to the founder, elo-a/uievos, and part to the priest, 0€7)/co\mv, and none to be carried away. 6 The paean was sung at other times than during a public ceremony. Its use after a recovery was common. 7 In the later period of the cult, when the Asklepieia became resorts in which the patients remained 1 Aelian. airoair. 98. Suid. art. ’A XeKTpvova. 2 BCII. II. pi. VII. For the fruit offering, see the same volume, p. 73. 3 Paus. II. 11, 7. 4 Paus. II. 27, 1. 5 Aristid. 472, 17. 6 Ditt. 378. tCjv 5 k KpeCov p.rj (pkpeadou. 7 Sch. Arist. Plut. 636. RITUAL OF THE INDIVIDUAL. 8 I until cured, sacrifices were made at intervals during the cure according to the will of the god revealed in dreams. Such was the evidence of Apellas 1 and Aristides. 2 The thank-offerings, carpa, acjarpa , 3 were of more importance than the propitiatory sacrifices. The offerings take the form of a sacrifice, airoOveiv ra carpa , 4 * or a payment, a'rrohthovai ra carpal The priests re¬ served the privilege of revoking a cure, if the pay were not forthcoming. 6 When not convenient to offer immediately, the payment could be made at some later time, 7 generally within a year. 8 Pausanias tells us that twenty thousand staters of gold were paid for cure of a blind man. 9 Silver was paid in one case. 10 Money was paid for attendance as well as cure, and Apellas had to pay an attic obol to the bath-attendant, although he bathed without assistance. 11 The pay was not always in money. A broken cup, which was mended, was itself dedi¬ cated ; 12 an image was set up. 13 An incredulous dame left a silver pig as a “memorial of her stupidity.” 14 A small boy offered his ten jackstones. 15 It is readily seen that the votive offerings were of a most varied character. The temple inven¬ tories are lists of all sorts of appropriate or inappropriate ob¬ jects. The most common were models of the parts of the body. Reliefs representing the god with his attendants and worshipers have been found in great numbers in Athens. Altars were frequently built and dedicated. Alexander left his breastplate and spear in one Asklepieion, 16 and the old cult statue of Hygieia in Titane, if, indeed, it were Hygieia, was completely covered with locks of hair and rich clothing, offer- - ings of the country women. 17 One suppliant composed a paean ; 1 Bau. Co. 2 Aristid. 474, 29. avrds 'qv 6 crcjfav Kal -rjn^pav ecf) rj/jL^pg. diopoop-evo^. 3 tarpa • /ucdoi Oepcnrelas. Hesych. ffCxrTpa • x a P LiXav0pamdTaTos Aelian. H. A. IX. 33; 8, 12. Aristid. 411, 19. vXa£ Aristid. 64, 22. \dpfjLa Rev. Arch. 1889, p. 71, 2. n^a X‘ ftpOTOlGLV. Augustus, often in Latin inscriptions. Custos, Stat. Silv. III. 4, 100. c. homi- num. Deus (Spain). CIL. II. 21; 3726; diis magnis et bonis. CIL. III. 1, 1560. Dominus CIL. VIII. 1, 1267. INDEX TO LITERATURE AND INSCRIPTIONS. Parentage. Father. Apollo. Apollod. III. io, 3, 5 Ap. Rhod. Arg. IV. 616. Aristid. 65, 2 ; 72, 12. Aristid. Mil. Frag. XXII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Asklep. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Cornut. (ed. Lang) p. 70, 33. Crinagoras, XVI. in Anth. Gr. (ed. Jacobs). Cyrill. c. Jul. VI. 200. Diodor. IV. 71; V. 74. Eratos. Karaor. VI. Eudocia Aug. XI. Eurip. Aik. 3. Euseb. Praep. Ev. III. 13, 16. Eustath. ad B 732. Galen (ed. Kuhn) XIV. 674. Herond. IV. 3. Hes. Frag. CL; XCIX. and CXLI. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14; CXLII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 48. Horn. Hymn. XVI. Ister, Frag. XXXVI. in Hygin. Astr. II. 40. Julian. Orat. IV. 144 B; 153 B. Liban. (ed. Morellus) Decl. XL. 844 D; Exemp. Prog. Vol. I. 52 A. Luc. Zeiis T p. 26; 7rus Set, 16; ’A\e£. Tj \f/evd. 10; ibid. 14. Olympiodor. Vit. Plat. (ed. Westermann), p. 4. Cf. p. 9. Orph. Hymn, 67, 6. Paus. II. 26, 4 and 7 ; VII. 23, 8. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 59. Philost. Vit. Apoll. III. 44, p. 62. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Plato, Rep. III. 408 B. Porphyry in Euseb. Praep. Ev. II. 2, 34; III. 14, 6. Theocrit. Ep. VII. 1. CIA. III. 1, 171; Add. et Corr. 171 a, b. CIG. 3538. IGS. et I. 967. Bau. 84, 18, 46; Rev. Arch. 1889, p. 71, 1 . 8. Kaibel, 797. Arnob. VI. 21. Cic. de Nat. Deor. III. 22, 57; III. 34, 83. Hygin. Fab. 14; 49; 161; 173; 202; 224; 251; 274; Astr. II. 40. Io. Laur. Lyd. de Mens. IV. 90. Lactant. de Fals. Rel. I. 10; de Or. Err. 4. Macrob. Sat. I. 20, 4. Minuc. Fel. 22, 5. Ovid, Fasti. I. 290; Met. II. 595 ff.; XV. 639. Stat. Silv. I. 4. 61; III. 4, 6; III. 4, 69 ff. Tertul. Ad Nat. II. 14. A ristetes. Ampel. IX. 8. A rsippos. Cic. de Nat. Deor. III. 22, 57. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Hephaistos. Ampel. IX. 8. Stobaeus, iis. Dau. of Phlegyas. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 6. lies. Frag. CXLII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14 and 48. Horn. Hymn. XVI. Paus. II. 26, 3 and 7. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Bau. 84, 37 ff. IGS. et I. 967. Rev. Arch. 1889, p. 71, 1 . 10. Hygin. Fab. 161; 202. Ister in Hygin. Astr. II. 40. In Dotion. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 6. Ap. Rhod. Arg. IV. 616. lies. Frag. CXLI. in Strab. IX. 5, 22; XIV. 1, 40. Horn. Hymn. XVI. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 59. Pind. Pyth. III. 60. In Epidauros. Paus. II. 26, 7. Bau. 84, 37 ff. In Trikka. Eustath. ad B 732. Porphyry in Euseb. Praep. Ev. III. 14, 6. Hygin. Fab. 14. Not Localized. Aristid. 463, 21. Diodor. IV. 71; V. 74. Eudocia Aug. XI. Euseb. Praep. Ev. II. 2, 34. Herond. IV. 3. Luc. ’A\e£. rj xj/evd. 14. Paus. IV. 3, 2. CIA. III. 1, 171; Add. et Corr. 171 b. CIG. 3538. Arnob. I. 36; VII. 44. Cic. loc. cit. Cyrill. c. Jul. VI. 200; Hygin. Fab. 224; 251. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Ovid, Fasti. I. 290; Met. II. 599; XV. 624. Name of Aigle. Bau. 84, 45. Name of Arsinoe. Aristid. Mil. Frag. XXII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Otie of the Titamdes. Euseb. Praep. Ev. I. 10, 25. Uncertain Parentage. Tarquit. in Lactant. de Fals. Rel. I. 10. Soc. Arg. in Tertul. Ad. Nat. 11. 14. Ischys Legend. Ischys from Arkadia. Pind. Pyth. III. 45. Son of Elatos. Hes. Fr. CXLII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. 14 and 48. Horn. Hymn, ad Ap. 210. Ister, Frag. XXXVI. in Hygin. Astr. II. 40. Paus. II. 26, 6. Pind. Pyth. III. 55. Hygin. Fab. 202. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Rival of Apollo. Acusil. Frag. XXV. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 25. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 6. Horn. Hymn, ad Ap. 208-13. Find. Pyth. III. 25. Ovid, Met. II. 599. Slain by Apollo. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 59. Slain by Zens. Hygin. P'ab. 202. Crow Legend. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 7. Hes. Frag. CXLII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14 and 48. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 59. Hygin. Fab. 202. Ovid, Met. II. 596 ff. Crow beco?nes black. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 7. Artemon Perg. Frag. VII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 48. Hygin. Fab. 202. Ovid, Met. II, 632. Birth Legend. Koronis slain. By Apollo. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 7. Hygin. Fab. 202. Ovid, Met. II. 605. Tertul. Ad Nat. II. 14. By Artemis. Artemon Perg. Frag. VII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 48. INDEX TO LITERATURE AND INSCRIPTIONS. 87 Paus. II. 26, 6. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 59. Pind. Pyth. III. 61. Asklepios rescued. By Apollo. Apollod. Ill, 10, 3, 7. Pind. Pyth. III. 75. Hygin. Fab. 202. Ovid, Met. II. 629. By Hermes. Paus. II. 26, 6. Exposed in Epid., found by Ares- thanas , guarded by dog, nursed by goat. Paus. II. 26, 4. Exposed in Thelpusa, found by Au- tolaos, fed by dove. Paus. VIII, 25, II. Exposed, and nursed by dog. Tar- quit. in Lactant. de Fals. Rel. I. 10. Tertul. Ad. Nat. II. 14. Life of Asklepios. Educated by Chiron. Ampel. II. 9. Anonym. Vit. Soph. 8, p. 128. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 7. Cornut. р. 70, 33. Dion. Rhod. Frag. VI. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. I. 109. Eratos. Karaar. XL. Eudocia Aug. XI. Eustath. ad A 202. Horn. A 219. Just. Mart. Apol. 42. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 59. Philost. 'H pipK. p. 308. Pind. Nem. III. 92; Pyth. III. 10 and 80. Plut. Quaes. Conv. VIII. 1, 2. Soc. Arg. in Sch. Pind. Nem. III. 92. Tarquit. in Lactant. de Fals. Rel. I. 10. Xen. Ven. I. 6. Hygin. Astr. II. 38. Ovid, Met. II. 630. In Argonaut. Clem. Alex. .Strom. I. 21, 105. Hygin. Fab. 14. In Calydonian hunt. Hygin. Fab. 173. Bribery. Athenag. irpeaft. Ch. 29. Clem. Alex, protr. II. 30. Cyrill. с. Jul. VI. 200. Euseb. Praep. Ev. III. 13, 19. Lilian. Deck XXXIX. 835 A ; XL. 844 D. Pind. Pyth. III. 96 and Sch. Plato, Rep. III. 408 B. Arnob. IV. 24. Tertul. Apol. XIV.; Ad. Nat. II. 14. Raises the dead. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 9. Cornut. p. 70, 33. Cyrill. c. Jul. VI. 200. Diodor. IV. 71. Eurip. Aik. 123. Ilippol. Omn. Hoer. Ref. IV. 32. Just. Mart. Apol. 76; Dial. 167. Liban. Orat. XIII. 408 B. Paus. II. 26, 5. Pherekyd. Frag. LXXVI. in Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1. rind. Pyth. III. 96. Plato, Rep. III. 408 C. Xen. Ven. I. 6. Ausonius, Edyl. 335, 3. Tertul. Ad Nat. II. 14. I11 Delphi. Pherekyd. Frag. VIII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96 and Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1. Hygin. Fab. 251. Glaukos. Ameles. Chal. Frag. II. in Apollod. III. 10, 3, 10 and Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1. Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96. Hygin. Fab. 49; Astr. II. 14. Hippolytos. Apollod. III. 10, 3, 10. Eratos. in Hygin. Astr. II. 14. Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1. Paus. II. 27, 4. Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96. Staphyl. in Sext. Emp. adv. Math. I.261. Hygin. Fab. 49. Lactant. de Fals. Rel. I. 10. Ilymenaios. Orphica, Frag. 256 (ed. Abel) in Apollod. III. 10, 3, 10, Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1 and Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96. Kapaneusand Lykourgos. Stesichor. ibid. Orion. Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96. Telesarch. Frag. I. in Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1 and Sext. Emp. loc. cit. Tyndareos. Luc. irepl opx. 45- Pany- asis in Apollod. III. 10, 3, 10, Sch. Eurip. Aik. 1, and Sext. Emp. adv. Math. I. 261. Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96. Pliny, N. II. 29, 3. Thebans. Stesichor. in Sext. Emp. loc, cit. Power from Gorgon’s blood. Apol¬ lod. III. 10, 3, 9. Tatian, ad Gr. XII. 88 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. Death by Thunderbolt. Apollod. 111 . io, 4, i. Clem. Alex, protr. II. 30. Cyrill. c. Jul. VI. 200. Diodor. IV. 71. Eurip. Aik. 3 ; 123. Euseb. Praep. Ev. II. 2, 34; III. 13, 19; Vit. Const. III. 56. Hes. Frag. Cl. in Athenag. irpea(5. ch. 29. Plippol. Omn. Hoer. Ref. IV. 32. Plippoc. Ep. 24 (ed. Kuhn, p. 810). Just. Mart. Apol. 56. Luc. 6 eun> 5 iaX. 13, 1; 7r epi rrj s Hep. 4 and 24. Origen, Kara KeXv 6 ’Aa/c.Tatian. ad Gr. 36. On account of cures. Polyanth. in Sext. Emp. adv. Math. I. 262. Phylarch. Frag. XVII. in Sch. Aik. 1, Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96, and Sext. Emp. adv. Math. I. 261. Just. Mart. Apol. 56. Complaint of Hades. Diodor. IV. 7 1 * Burial. Arkadia. Cic. loc. cit. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Epidauros. Clement. Recog. X. 24. Kynosura. Clem. Alex, protr. II. 30. Cic. loc. cit. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Constellation. Eratos. Karaar. (ed. Robert) p. 68. Hygin. Astr. II. 14. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Becomes a God. Athenag. II pecrfi. ch. 29. Ilippol. Omn. Hoer. Ref. IV. 32. Just. Mart. Apol. 56. Luc. Zevs T p. 21. Origen, sard KeXcr. III. 22. Porphyry, Ep. ad Marc. VII. Arnob. II. 74. Hygin. Fab. 224. Q. Fabius Pictor Frag. XVI. Phoenician Legend. Damasc. Bios ’Icr. in Phot. Bibl. Vol. II.352. Philo Bybl. Frag. XX. Three Aesculapii. Ampel. IX. 8. Arnob. IV. 15. Cic. loc. cit. Io. Laur. Lyd. loc. cit. Family Relations. Wife. Agldia. Quint. Smyrn. p. h. 6, 492. A rsinoe. Sch. A 195. Epione. Aristid. 79, 5. Aristid. Mil. Frag. XXII. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Cornut. p. 70, 33. Eudocia Aug. XI. Paus. II. 29, 1. Hippoc. Ep. 12 (ed. Kuhn, p. 778). Sch. A 195. Suid. art. 'Hin.bvr]. Tzetz. prooem. in II. 618. CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 171 b. Rev. Arch. 1889, p. 71. Hippo nee. Tzetz. prooem. in 11 . 617. Hygieia. Orph. Hymn. 67, 7. INDEX TO LITERATURE AND INSCRIPTIONS. 89 Koronis. Sch. A 195. Hygin. Fab. 97. Lampetie. Hermipp. in Sch. Arist. Plut. 701. Xanthe. Sch. A 195. Tzetz. prooem. in II. 617. Sister. Eriopis. Hes. Frag. CXLI. in Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 14. Children Enumerated. Hygieia, Panakeia, Epione and Iaso. Herond. IV. 5. Hygieia , Aigle , Panakeia and Paso. Pliny, N. H. 35, 137. Hygieia , Aigle , Iaso , Akeso, Panakeia. Suid. art. HmSyr]. APachaon, Podaleirios , Paso, Panakeia and Aiglae. Hermipp. in Sch. Arist. Plut. 701. Podaleirios , APachaon, Paso , Panakeia and Hygieia. Eudocia Aug. XI. b. Podaleirios , APachaon , Paso , Panakeia , Aigle and Hygieia , children of Epione. Aristid. 79, 5. APachaon , Podaleirios , Paso , Akeso, Aigle and Panakeia, children of Epio?ie, and Hygieia. CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 171 b. Rev. Arch. 1889, p. 71. Sons. Alexanor. Sch. Arist. Plut. 701. A rates. Paus. II. 10, 2; IV. 14, 8. Paniskos. Sch. Arist. Plut. 701. Telesphoros. CIA. III. 1, 1159. Asklepios as Hero. Artemid. Oneir. II. 13. Euseb. Vit. Const. XIII. 4. Luc. Zeus Tp. 21. Pind. Pyth. III. 12; Sch. ibid. III. 9. Plato, Sym. 186 E. Plut. de Curios. VII. Porphyry, Ep. ad Marc. VII. Tertul. Ad Nat. II. 14. Arnob. III. 39. Augustin, de Civ. Dei IV. 27, 16; VIII. 5, 10; VIII. 26, 28. As God. See above. Apollod. Frag. LXXII. Aristid. frequently. Artemid. Oneir. II. 34. Euseb. Vit. Const. XIII. 4. Galen, (ed. Kuhn), Vol. VI. p. 41. Julian. Ep. 39, 416 B. Paus. frequently. Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 96. Augustin, de Civ. Dei IV. 22, 5; VIII. 26, 28. Lac- tant. de Fals. Rel. I. 10. Terent. Hec. 338. CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 132 /; 171 a. Coll. 1546; 1548. IGS. and I. 689; 1125. As Benefactor. M. Aur. Antonin. VI. 43. Aristid. 64 ff.; 474, 29. Artemid. Oneir. II.37. Julian. Orat. IV. 144 c; Ep. 34, 406 D; Ep. 39, 416 B. Origen, Kara KeXcr. III. 24. Plut. de Serm. Num. Vind. VII. Bau. 76. Relation to Healing. Aelian. H. A. X. 49. Anon. Carm. DLXIX. in Anth. Gr. (ed. Jacobs). M. Aur. Antonin. V. 8. Aristid. frequently. Artemid. Oneir. II. 375 V. 13. Athenae. I. 28 E ; X. 434 D. Callimach. XXII. in Anth. Gr. (ed. Jacobs). Callistr. incppao. 10 , p. 33. Clem. Alex, protr. II. 26 and 30. Cornut. p. 70, 33. Crinago- ras, XVI. in Anth. Gr. (ed. Jacobs). Cyrill. c. Jul. VI. 200. Diodor. IV. 71; V. 74. Dion. Cass. 77, 16. Dion. Chry. de Tyr. 205 R. Epictet. Diss. IV. 8, 29. Galen, (ed. Kiihn), Vol. I. p. 22 ; X. 4 and 6 ; XIV. 90 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. 674 and 676. Hippoc. Ep. 10; 27 (ed. Kuhn, pp. 77 and 818). Horn. Hymn. XVI. Jambl. de Pyth. Vit. 208. Julian. Orat. IV. 153 B; Ep. 40, 419 B. Just. Mart. Apol. 76; Dial. 167. Luc. Ais kclt. 1 ; deCov 8id\. 26, 2 ; deu>v e/ocX. 16; I Kap. 24; 10. Lykophron, 1056. Olympiodor. Vit. Plat. (ed. Westermann), p. 4. Cf. p. 9. Orph. Hymn. 67. Paus. II. 26, 5. Philost. Vit. Apoll. III. 44, p. 62; Ep. 349. Pind. Pyth. III. 12 and 85. Sch. Pind. Pyth. III. 9. Plato, Rep. III. 406 C ; 407 C ; 407 E ; X. 599 C; Sym. 186 E. Plut. Quaest. Conv. IX. 14, 4; de Curios. VII. Stobaeus, (pv 7- Trees. Dion. Cass. 51, 8. Paus. II. 11, 6; III. 23, 7. Hippoc. Ep. 13 (ed. Kiihn, p. 778). Bau. 59, 90, 121; 94. Springs. Aristid. 408 ff.; 486, 2 and 14. Arist. Plut. 656. Paus. 1.21,4; H.27,5. ’A dr/v. V. 527, 10. Outer Buildings. Aristid. 447, 19; 449, 10 ff.; 473, 18; 506,2. Paus. II. 4, 6; 11,6; 27, 6 ff.; X. 32, 12. Porphyry, de Abstin. Anim. II. 17; cf. Coll. 3472. Bau. 60, 10. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 489 b. Coll. 3359 . Altars. fHwfibs. Arist. Plut. 660. Eustath. ad B 561. Paus. III. 23,7. Bau. 43; 68; 84, 28, 31. CIA. II. 3, 1443, 1650, 1651; III. 1, Add. et Corr. 68 f. IGS. et I. 608; 1125. Kaibel, 800. Le Bas, II. 146 a. Philol. 1889, p. 401. rpipiofws. CIG. 5980. itripbdpia. Aristid. 472, 11. ASvtov. Bau. 80, 112; 84, 30. Table. Aristid. 495, 23; 516, 15. Athenae. XV. 693, 2. Sch. Arist. Plut. 678. CIA. II. 1, Add. Nov. 373 III. I, Add. et Corr. 68 c. Couch. Paus. X. 32, 12. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b y c. Lamps. Aristid. 447, 29; 541,11. Arist. Plut. 668 . Treasury. Bau. 87, 12. Inventories. CIA. II. 2, 766; 767; 835; 8 3 6 ; 839; cf. 724; 725; 728; 737- Animals in Cult. Birds. Aelian. Var. Hist. V. 17; airocnr. 98. Clem. Alex, protr. IV. 52. Paus. VIII. 25, 11. Dogs. Aelian. H. A. VII. 13. Paus. II. 27, 2. Plut. de Sol. Anim. XIII. 11. Bau. 59, 126; 80, 35. Philol. 1890, p. 596. CIA. II. 3, 1651. Serpents. Aelian. H. A. VIII. 12; XVI. 39. Arist. Plut. 732 ff. Cor¬ nut. p. 70, 33. Artemid. Oneir. II. 13. Eudocia Aug. XI. Herond. IV. 91. Hippoc. Ep. 17 (Kiihn, p. 788). Paus. II. 11, 8; 28, 1; IX. 39, 3. Bau. 59, 113; 80, 118. Pliny, N. H. 29, 72. Stat. Silv. III. 4, 25. Explanation of Serpent in Cult. Eu¬ seb. Praep. Ev. III. 11, 26. Macrob. Sat. I. 20, 1 ff. Cult transferred by Serpent. Luc. ’A\e|. 13 ff. Paus. II. 10, 3; 92 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. III. 23, 7. Plut. Quaest. Rom. 94. Arnob. VII. 44 ff. Augustin, de Civ. Dei. X. 16, 36. Livy, X. 47; XXIX. 11, 1; Ovid, Met. XV. 660 ff. Pliny, N. H. 29, 72. Hierarchy. Priest. Hereditary. Aristid. 521, 12. Coll. 260. Philol. 1890, p. 578. Cf. p. 583. Chosen. Ross, Inscr. Ined. II. 221. By Lot. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 489 b\ Add. Nov. 352 b\ 567 b. Paton and Hicks, Inscr. of Cos, n. 103 (?). By Oracle. CIA. II. 3, 1654. By Purchase. Coll. 3052. Term of Office. Year. Bau. 6 , a, b ; 60; 61. BCH. 1. p. 161, n. 24; p. 168, n. 83; II. p. 86; VI. p. 498. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453, b, c ; 489, b\ II. 2, 835, 836; II. 3, 1204; 1440; 1446-48; 1456; I459-6i; 1466; 1468; 1472; 1473; 1475; 1476; 1479; i 48 i; 1483; 1 489-9 1 5 1495 ; 149 6 ; i 5 ° 5 ; 15“; IIL u 99; I 3 I ; 144; 228; 229; 693; Add. et Corr. 68 a, b; 132 u,o; 181 k; 228 a,b; 229 a, b. Coll. 3025. Ditt. 439. Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. VIII. 103. Life. BCH. V. 474; XII. 88. CIA. III. 1, 132; Add. et Corr. 68 a, b\ 1320; 229 a; 712 a. Coll. 260. Paton and Hicks, Inscr. of Cos, n. 92. Ross, Inscr. Ined. II. 221. €icri[TT]]TTipia. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b > c - Duties of Priest. ’ Adrjv. VI. p. 134, n. 9. Arist. Plut. 676. Care of Temple. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b, c ; 489 b; Add. Nov. 373 b\ 567 b\ 477 b, c. Coll. 1532 a, b\ 1548 a, b\ 3052. Sacrifices. Herond. IV. 87 ff. Bau. 1; 2 4 ; 37-42; 47; 53; 57; 57 a; 58; 62; 63; 67; 68; 73; 97. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b, c ; Add. Nov. 373 477 £-567 II. 3, 1204; IIL 1, Add. et Corr. 102 a, b. CIG. 1175; 2428. Ditt. 378. Coll. 3327. IGS. et I. 2283. Reports. CIA. II. 1, Add. Nov. 373 b \ Ml b • Public Honors. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b\ Add. Nov. 373 b\ 477 b, c\ 567 b\ III. 1, 263 ; 287. Coll. 3052. Neocore. Herond. IV. 40; 45; 90. Aelian. H. A. VII. 13. Term of Office. CIA. IIL 1, Add. et Corr. 132 o\ 181 c,f,h\ 229 b\ 231 a,b\ 774 a, b; 780 a, b ; 894 a. Number. Aristid. 473, 5; 477, 14. Coll. 255. Duties. Aristid. 447, 29; 474, 12; 494, 14. CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 68 c,e,f. Philol. 1890, p. 587. Sacrifices. CIA. III. 1, 68, 102; Add. et Corr. 68 e,f\ 171 a\ 780 b. Public Honors. CIA. III. 1, 780; Add. et Corr. 780 a, b, c. VTTO^aKOpOS. CIA. IIL 1, Add. et Corr. 894 a. kAciSov^os. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b, c ; II. 3, 1204; IIL 1, Add. et Corr. 102 a; 712 a; 780 a. Fire Lighter. Bau. 5, 1; 6 a, b; 8; 49; 50; 55; 69; 72. CIA. III. 1, 693. Coll. 3327 ; 3359 - INDEX TO LITERATURE AND INSCRIPTIONS. 93 Mayipos. Bau. ioi. lapopyos. Philol. 1890, p. 587. lepoKrjpv$. CIA. III. 1, Add. et Corr. 780 a. * A.(TK\rjTT LOUT TULL. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 617 b. ’Opyeaives. CIA. II. 2, 990. Medical Assistants. Aristid. 447, 26; 477, 15; Arist. Plut. 701; 710. Bau. 59, 114; 80, 12, 40, 113. appr)opo<;. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b. KQ.VY) 56, 60, 70, 89, 93; 60, 13, 20; 87, 8, 35, 38, 82, 101. BCH. III. p. 193. CIA. II. 1, 470, 1. 17, 55; III. 1, 132; Add. et Corr. 132 a-i; 132 l-o; 132 r. CIG. 2429; 5975 . IGS. et I. 967 ; 968; 2283. Animal Sacrifice. Consumed within precinct. Paus. II. 27, 1. Ditt. 378. Cock. Artemid. Oneir. V. 9; Herond. IV. 12. Liban. Decl. XXXIX. 842 A. Luc. Ais Kar. 5. Plato, Phaedo, 118 A. Tertul. Ad. Nat. II. 2. Geese. Aristid. 500, 7. Goat. Paus. II. 26, 9; X. 32, 12. Sex. Emp. Pyrrh. hyp. 3, 221. Servius ad Verg. Georg. II. 380. Pig. Paus. II. 11, 7. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. hyp. 3, 220. Ram. Paus. II. 11, 7. Steles. Aristid. 38, 14. Paus. II. 27, 3 ff.; 36, 1. Strab. VIII. 6, 15; XIV. 2, 20. Pliny, N. H. 29, 4. Fines paid to Asklepios. BC1L X. 358. Coll. 304 b ; 1532 a, b \ 1 547 J 1548 «, 3052. For enslaving. BCII. X. 378 ff.; Coll. 1447; 1532; 1545; 1548. Ditt. 445. 94 THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS. Slaves dedicated. Coll. 811; 1474; 1546. Sueton. de Vit. Caes. V. 25. Physicians sacrifice. CIA. II. 1, Add. Nov. 352 b. Cf. II. 3, 1449. IGS. et I. 689; 967 a , b\ 2283. CIL. II. 21. Honored. CIA. II. 1, Add. Nov. 256 b. Public Ritual. Festivals. Asklepieia. Aristid. 124, 1. Dion. Cass. 47, 2. Pollux, I. 37. Steph. Byz. art. Ka7reTw\ioj\ BCH. IV. p. 378. CIG. 1165; 1429; 1515 a, b; 1715; 3208. Coll. 1232; 4315. IGGS. 18. Agrigentum. Mionn. I. 214, 53. Ankyra. BCH. IX. p. 69. CIG. 3428; 4016; 4017. Mionn. IV. 384, 62. Athens. Aesch. Ctes. p.455. CIA. II. 2, 741; II. 3, 1367. Epidauros. Paus. II. 26, 8. Pind. Nem. III. 145; Sch. ibid. Plato, Ion 530 A. Bau. 10; 32; 84, 10- 26; 94. CIG. 1171; 1186; 3208; 5913. Coll. 3290. Ditt. 398, 4. IGGS. 49. Mionn. II. 238, 63 and 64; S IV. 260. Karpathos. Rev. Arch. 1863, p. 470, 1. 23. Kos. Hippoc. Ep. 13 (ed. Kiihn, p. 778). BCH. V. p. 211, n. 6; p. 213. Ditt. 398, 13; 399. Paton and Hicks, Inscr. of Cos, n. 14, 1 . 7. Lampsakos. CIG. 3641 b. Laodikeia. Head, 566. Nikaia. Head, 443. Pergamon. Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. XVI. p. 132. Rhodiopolis. CIG. 4315 n. Soli. Q. Curtius Rufus. Hist. Alex. HI. 7, 3. Thyateira. BCH. X. 415, 24. Tyre. Head, 676. Epidauria. Paus. II. 26, 8. Philost. Vit. Apoll. IV. 18,,p. 72. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b; III. 1, 916. Heroia. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b, c. Travriyvpis. Hippoc. Ep. 13 (ed. Kiihn, p. 778). Bau. 10. BCH. V. p. 211, n. 6, 17; p. 213. Travvvxk. CIA. II. 1, Add. et Corr. 453 b, c; Add. Nov. 373 b. Vintage Festival. Arnob. VII. 32. Procession. Hippoc. Ep. 13 (Kiihn, p. 778). CIA. III. 1, 921. Bau. 84. Dress. Appian, Lib. 130. Aristid. 473, 8; 494, 6. Bau. 84, 19. Incense. Aristid. 64, 21. Philost. Vit. Soph, p. 266, 1. 25. Singing. Aelian, airocrir. 98. Aristid. 479, 11; cf. Sch. Arist. Plut. 636; 513, 9; 514, 17; 517, 28. Galen, (ed. Kiihn), Vol. VI. p. 41. Marin. Procl. 19. Paus. III. 26, 10. Suid. art. a