1 
 
 in V?
 
 L 1 B RARY 
 
 OF THL 
 
 U N IVLRSITY 
 
 or ILLINOIS
 

 
 A LETTER 
 
 MEMBERS 
 
 THE HONOURABLE ' 
 
 Cije ?|ottse of Commons, 
 
 Ci^THOLIC QUESTION 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED JPOR A. MAXWELL, LAW BOOKSELLER^ 
 BELL-YARD, LINCOLN's-INN. 
 
 1823. 
 
 Price One Shilling.
 
 W. Pople, Printer, 67, Chancery Lane. 

 
 A LETTER, ^c. 
 
 To the Members of the Honourable the 
 House of Commons of the United King- 
 dom of Great Britain and Ireland ; and 
 more particularly to those who have es- 
 poused, and advocated, and voted for, the 
 Questio7i of — what is most unjustly, and 
 improperly called — Roman Catholic 
 Emancipation — in the last two Sessions 
 of Parliament, 
 
 February, 1823.. 
 
 To you, Gentlemen, who are members of 
 the Legislature of this great country — to 
 whom has been confided by your consti- 
 tuents, the guardianship of the happy 
 Constitution under which we live —I address 
 myself, before it is too late for you, to correct 
 a dangerous and fatal error; the consumma- 
 tion of which, has, for a time at least, been 
 interrupted, by the wisdom and loyalty of
 
 4 
 
 the Upper House. I mean, the admission 
 of Roman Catholics, to a participation in 
 the government of this Protestant country, 
 ^An error — which can only have arisen, 
 from a mistaken construction, of the " Glo- 
 " rious Principles of 1688,*' and of the 
 " Constitution of these Realms, as by Law 
 " established." 
 
 It has been upon the faith of your main- 
 taining those Principles, -and of your sup- 
 port of that Constitution— thatmany of you, 
 have been elected to your seats in Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 That the admission of Roman Catholics 
 to seats in the Legislature of these Realms, 
 is a violation of those principles — and an 
 infraction of that Constitution — is beyond a 
 question. The fact is palpable— and it would 
 well become every candidate for the repre- 
 sentation, to make himself acquainted with 
 the history and principles of the British 
 Constitution — as well as with the tenets, 
 religious and political, of the Romish 
 Church — before he takes upon himself, the 
 weighty responsibility of Legislation : no
 
 trifling responsibility indeed — as it affects 
 this fundamental point. 
 
 You are not to imagine, gentlemen, be- 
 cause this question, — vital as it is to the 
 interests of our country, — has been carried 
 by a majority of votes in your Honorable 
 House — that the voice of the People, is with 
 that majority — that your constituents are 
 indifferent to the religion of their country, or 
 to the Protestant Ascendancy — or that they 
 are not decidedly hostile, to the introduc- 
 tion of any Papal political Influence, with- 
 in these realms. 
 
 Nor are you to imagine, gentlemen, be- 
 cause you do not hear the cry of " No 
 Popery" without doors, as in 1780— that 
 the feehng which excited it, is lost — or that 
 the meditated subversion of the Constitution 
 of our ancestors, may not be productive of 
 a renewal of that cry — with all its attend- 
 ant destructive, and afflicting consequences. 
 
 I will not stop here, gentlemen, to 
 analyze the votes on either side of your 
 Honourable House, on those fatal days, 
 when the very foundation of that ha])py
 
 Constitution (the Trotestant ascendancy) 
 was endangered— and your constituents, by 
 your 0W71 legislative enactment^ (so far as 
 that authority could effect it) were deprived 
 of their birthright ; — But I will take leave 
 to remind you, gentlemen, that as the law 
 now stands, the Constitution, which by 
 your oaths you are bound to support, is in 
 every branch of it exclusively Protestant : 
 and so long as those laws are permitted to 
 exist — I submit it with deference, whether it 
 may not heforcihly—dindi even irresistibly ar- 
 gued — that you have as good a right to vote 
 for the introduction of a Roman Catholic 
 King 2ipon the Throne —as you have to vote 
 for the introduction of Roman Catholic 
 Members, into either House of Parliament. 
 
 I would venture to remind you, gentle- 
 men, with every sentiment of deference 
 and respect — that the example of the never- 
 to-be-forgotten George the Third, is before 
 you ! — and, that the eye of God is upo»i 
 you ! ! — 
 
 I will repeat to you, gentlemen, the 
 words of his late most gracious Majesty, 
 upon the subject of this vital question, —
 
 words, that are deeply engraven on the 
 heart of every good Englishman : 
 
 " I have resolution — to descend from my 
 " throne ! 
 
 " I have resolution—to retire to a cot- 
 " tage ! 
 
 " I have resolution — to lay my head 
 " upon the block ! 
 
 " But — I have not resolution — to forego 
 " my coronation oath, in presence of my 
 " God ! ! r 
 
 And having done so, I would intreat 
 you, gentlemen — collectively and indivi- 
 dually — to call to mind your own corres- 
 ponding oaths, under which you have 
 been vested with that sacred trust, which 
 you are now about to exercise — namely, 
 the Guardianship of the British Constitution. 
 
 I am no advocate, gentlemen, for Mem- 
 bers of Parliament, (representatives of the 
 people) having recourse, upon every oc- 
 casion, to their constituents, for instruc 
 tions how to act. And will admit, that 
 having elected you, to be our representa- 
 tives in parliament, we have placed our
 
 8 
 
 dearest interests at your disposal — (a'irws^, 
 too sacred to he trifled with) — but when 
 questions, vital to those interests, come to 
 be agitated within your walls, — questions, 
 like the present — whether the existence of 
 the British Constitution shall be permitted 
 to continue : — the strength and superiority 
 of which, over every other government in 
 the world, is acknowledged by every coun- 
 try ; — and which every page of our his- 
 tory, since the reformation, illustrates and 
 confirms — with the exception of the reign 
 of Queen Mary^^di Popish Queen, — from 
 her atrocious, and fanatick cruelties towards 
 her Protestant subjects, branded with the 
 title of the " Bloody Queen Mary" — and 
 her name execrated to the latest page of our 
 annals ! ! — and indeed, which very excep- 
 tion itself, even, still farther serves — to 
 illustrate and confirm. 
 
 When questions such as these, I say, 
 gentlemen, are brought before you — inde- 
 pendently of that mutual respect and cour- 
 tesy, which ought ever to subsist between 
 the representatives and the represented, — it 
 surely becomes your bounden duty, dili-
 
 9 
 
 gently and deliberately, to inform your- 
 selves, of the sentiments and opinions of 
 your constituents upon them, — before you 
 make the irrevocable sacrifice, — and plunge 
 them and your country into scenes of diffi- 
 culty and dissention — from which, it will 
 probably never be in your power to extri- 
 cate them. 
 
 And, besides, gentlemen ! for what pur- 
 pose is all this new system of British legis- 
 lation to be adopted ? — is not the existing 
 constitution of Britain (the inheritance of 
 
 our ancestors,) good enough for us ? ! ! 
 
 Is it to improve the laws of Protestant 
 Britain, that Papal Supremacy is to be in- 
 troduced within these realms ? Is the ad- 
 mission of men paying allegiance to a 
 foreigti Sovereign, necessary to teach us 
 how to legislate, in this highly favoured 
 country? — a Sovereign , too,the avowed and 
 systematic enemy of all Protestants of every 
 sect and denomination, and bound, as his 
 subjects are — by the strongest ties of religion, 
 to be intolerant — (the influence of which 
 intolerance is interwoven with, and must 
 ever be inseparable from the temporal af- 
 
 B
 
 10 
 
 fairs of the state,) to persecute and subvert, 
 or proselytize — every other rehgionthan his 
 own. And here, gentlemen, I would crave 
 your permission, as one of your consti- 
 tuents, to ask, what I humbly conceive 
 every constituent has a right to ask — Is not 
 such an admission on your part, a virtual 
 abrogation of your oath of supremacy* ? — 
 from which, not being yourselves Roman 
 Catholics, no power on earth but an act 
 of parliament can absolve you. 
 
 Is it possible, I sa}^ gentlemen, that a 
 British House of Commons can be delibe- 
 rately guilty of so undisguised, so direct, 
 and wilful a rehgious and pohtical sui- 
 cide, or so flagrant an ingratitude, for the 
 distinguished marks — which this chosen 
 country is every day receiving of God's 
 peculiar favour? ! ! 
 
 Is it to conciliate the Roman Catholics 
 of Ireland, that the subversion of the laws 
 
 * Extract from the Oath of* Supremacy : — 
 ''' And I do declare, that no foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, 
 " State, or Potenlate hath, or ought to have any Power,. 
 *' Jurisdiction, Pre-eminence, or Authorittj, Ecclesiastical 
 " or Spiritual, within this Realm."
 
 11 
 
 of our ancestors, and a new principle of 
 legislation, is preparing? ! ! — You will widen 
 the breach, and lacerate the sores, rather 
 than repair and heal them ; and, I verily 
 believe, that the more moderate and think- 
 ing part of the Roman Catholic body them- 
 selves, of every rank and condition, in that 
 country — more especially those possessing 
 property, are contented with the constitu- 
 tion in its present form, — and grateful to the 
 best of Kings for the concessions that have 
 already been granted to them during his 
 long and eventful reign. 
 
 But, gentlemen — if these are not suffi- 
 cient, and more is wanting, — let the leading 
 advocates state in an open and intelligible 
 manner, what it is ;— and let it be discussed 
 in the face of the country, without 7nystery 
 ^^^ cil|4j concealment. Let us have something 
 DEFINITE to work upou, that we may know 
 what we are about ! Let us bring this non- 
 </escnp^ Emancipation, (the very term 
 of which is a libel upon the country) into 
 a tangible shape, — and not beat the air in 
 search of new projects, for perplexity and 
 trouble. And I beseech you, gentlemen,
 
 12 
 
 before you proceed further on a question 
 of so great political magnitude, that you 
 will inform yourselves — fully and minutely — 
 on the nature of the subject, and its future 
 consequences, — concerning which you are 
 now about to determine for your constitu- 
 ents, — for your country, — for yourselves,— 
 and above all— ^or your posterity. And, in 
 order to this, gentlemen, I would most 
 respectfully request of every member, who 
 professes himself an advocate for what is 
 so unfairly and so illiberally called. Eman- 
 cipation of the Ionian Catholics, to put 
 to himself this plain question : — 
 
 What is the extent of the Claims of the 
 Roman Catholics, which I am called upon 
 to concede? (a question, to which I be- 
 lieve, no Protestant can, — and, I am very 
 sure, no Roman Catholic will, give an 
 answer.) And to what extent am I pre- 
 pared to go ? 
 
 And here, gentlemen, I address myself 
 more particularly to those members, who 
 have the honour to be of his Majesty's 
 most honourable Privy Council ; and to
 
 13 
 
 those, who, having been led to their seats^ 
 under the popular Banner of " the Glo- 
 rious Principles of 1688,'' decorated 
 as they have been, with Orange coloured 
 ribbands, emblematic of those principles, 
 have given a pledge, (a tacit one to be 
 sure) of their parliamentary support of 
 them, — as sacred in the eyes of those con- 
 stituents, who opened to them the way, 
 and as bindiiig in their view of the subject, 
 as any bond, signed, sealed, and delivered, in 
 the presence of them all, could make it. 
 And I would ask you, gentlemen — 
 
 Are you prepared to constitute the act 
 you are now about to perform — an act, 
 not only o^ political, but eventually, of reli- 
 gious union, Avith Roman Catholics ? — 
 
 Are you prepared to alter the Protestant 
 constitutio7i of the United Kingdom, of 
 which you are the delegated guardians, into 
 a blended constitution of Protestants and 
 Papists, in matters ecclesiastical, as well as 
 in the temporal affairs of the State ? 
 
 I have much reason to believe, that the
 
 14 
 
 want of a proper explanation upon that 
 essential point, has already been contem- 
 plated, as affording grounds for future, and 
 not very distant demands of such a nature : 
 for you will observe, gentlemen, — that the 
 advocates for Emancipation — have been 
 very guarded, upon the subject o^ religion, 
 throughout the whole of these dangerous 
 discussions ; and whence it may be fairly 
 inferred, (and the jealous eye of the friends 
 of the establishment, without any claim to 
 an over-abundant share of penetration, is 
 not blind to the omission.) — that there is 
 something remaining behind, with which 
 the Protestants are not to be made ac- 
 quainted, until the power of the Roman 
 Catholic party shall have been sufficiently 
 strengthened and established, to enable 
 them to enforce it. Indeed, it may be al- 
 most said, that the subject of religion has 
 been kept entirely out of view ; which marks 
 a want of candour in the advocates for the 
 measure towards their constituents ; and 
 perhaps an equal want of candour in their 
 clients towards themselves — but let them 
 look to that. 
 
 Are you prepared, gentlemen, to erect a
 
 Roman Catholic Chapel in either House of 
 Parliament ? or — 
 
 Are you prepared to abandon altogether 
 the devout ceremony, under which your 
 pious ancestors have taught you ; and you 
 yourselves have been accustomed,atthe com- 
 mencement of your daily parliamentary du- 
 ties, to implore the Divine blessing upon 
 your labours? Because, you must be aware, 
 that Roman Catholics cannot join in prayer 
 with Protestants, whom they anathema- 
 tize as Heretics. 
 
 Are you prepared — so soon as the Roman 
 Catholic members shall have taken their 
 seats in Parhament — for the discussion of a 
 question, whether the religion of Rome, 
 shall be acknowledged as a part of the re- 
 ligion of the State in England, and her 
 church be represented in the British House 
 of Lords f 
 
 Are you prepared — to argue the ques- 
 tion, whether a legislative union with Ire- 
 land is longer necessary, or not — and whe- 
 ther it may not as well be repealed, and 
 
 >sV 
 
 "*->
 
 16 
 
 Ireland be permitted to legislate for her- 
 self? 
 
 Are you prepared— in the latter case, to 
 see an exclusive Horn an Catholic Parliament 
 in Ireland ? 
 
 Are you prepared — to see Roman Ca- 
 tholic ascendancy proclaimed in that coun- 
 try ?— and the Roman Catholic Religion de- 
 clared, to be the religion of the State in 
 Ireland ? 
 
 Are you prepared — to see an act passed 
 by that Roman Catholic Parliament— ^for 
 the resumption of all forfeited property, by 
 the descendants, real, or assumed, of its 
 original possessors? — And lastly, gentle- 
 men — 
 
 Are you prepared — to assist the advo- 
 cates for Roman Catholic Government, in 
 putting arms into the hands of those per- 
 sons, who, if the speech of the Attorney 
 General, on a late trial in Ireland, is not 
 misrepresented in ^le public papers, are
 
 17 
 
 stated by that right honorable gentleman, 
 to " have etitered into an association, for 
 " t/ears back more than two or three, for 
 " the purpose of overthrowing the Govern- 
 " ment of the Country, — a system, too, 
 ^''formed upon a model, taken from another 
 " country. A society, differing from that of 
 " 1797, 1798, and 1803," (years of the 
 most sanguinary and ferocious rebellion 
 in that devoted country) " in as much, that 
 " 7ione but Roman Catholics could be ad- 
 " mitted into it.' And winding up with a 
 clause in the Resolutions of the Society, 
 
 for " EXTIRPATING ALL THE PrOTES- 
 
 " tants of the country." 
 
 Now, gentlemen, — does not such a detail 
 as this— coming from one of the highest 
 legal authorities in the country — himself 
 one of the leading advocates for what is 
 called Romaji Catholic Emancipation, 
 — excite in your breasts, some little — of the 
 feelings of sympathy and consideration, for 
 the interests of your Protestant constituents 
 — and your Protestant fellow subjects! — and 
 an anxious desire for the continuance — 
 
 X . ^^'^
 
 18 
 
 inviolate — of the Protestant Constitution of 
 Old England ! !! 
 
 And I would venture to entreat of you, 2/ 
 you are not prepared for all these things, that 
 you will pause, before you proceed further, 
 in the work of constitutional destruction, — 
 and study, fot yourselves, this vital question, 
 in all its bearings — touching the immediate 
 effects that it will produce, on our ancient 
 system of legislation — as well as the conse- 
 quences, that must result, from so total a 
 change in the polity of the British Empire 
 — a question, certainly, the most important, 
 that ever yet has, or most probably ever 
 will again, come under your consideration 
 and discussion. 
 
 Do not, I entreat you, gentlemen, permit 
 yourselves, from the want of a deliberate 
 contemplation, of the consequences that 
 may, and will arise, from the adoption of 
 the impending measure— to be led away by 
 the votes of other members, whom you 
 may believe to be better informed upon it, 
 than yourselves— by the fascinating powers
 
 19 
 
 of eloquence — or by the shallow argument, 
 howsoever dazzling and brilliant — of men — 
 no matter of what political persuasion they 
 may profess themselves to be — who, — re- 
 gardless of consequences, look not beyond 
 the present hour, and suffer themselves 
 to be governed, by the temporizing spirit 
 of the day. 
 
 Before I conclude, gentlemen, I would, 
 with every sentiment of sincere deference, 
 and unfeigned respect, towards the digni- 
 fied stations which you hold, and a due 
 sense of the great responsibility that at- 
 taches to those high stations — of Repre- 
 sentatives of the People of Great Britain 
 and Ireland — venture to put to you one 
 question more. 
 
 Have you already informed yourselves — 
 fu lly — minu t ely — and dispassion ately — with 
 minds divested of every prejudice^ but that 
 of love for your country,— concerning the 
 religious and political tenets, of that body, 
 whom you are about to embrace, as co-ope- 
 rators with yourselves, in the great work of 
 British Legislation ?
 
 20 
 
 If you have not ! and some there may be 
 who have not — will you permit me to intreat 
 of you to do so, before it is too late; — but, 
 to this effect, you must study facts — and 
 not men. 
 
 The best authenticated facts, — and the 
 ?nost indisputable reasonings, are to be 
 found in the writings of the Earl of Cla- 
 rendon, '* 0/j Religion and Policy,'' parti- 
 cularly the 10th chap, in the 2d volume. 
 
 Of Doctor Barrow, his " Theological 
 ** TVorks," vol. 6, on " Popish Supremacy/." 
 
 Of Doctor Hales, his " Letters on the 
 ** Religious and Political Tenets of the 
 " Romish Hierarchy/." 
 
 Of Granville Sharpe, " On the Popish 
 ** Catechism ;" and various other works 
 of that enlightened, liberal, and truly Chris- 
 tian author. 
 
 And to those, who differ in respect to 
 the doctrines, and principles of the estab- 
 lishment — 1 would recommend those — 
 
 Of John Wesley, " Popery calmly con- 
 " sidered," and a Letter dated 12th Janu- 
 ary, 1780, " Oji the Catholic Claims."
 
 21 
 
 And above all, gentlemen, I would re- 
 commend to your peculiar attention, the 
 more recent arguments, of the great Lord 
 Clare, in the memorable speech delivered 
 by his Lordship, in the Lish House of 
 Peers, on the 13th of March, 1793. I 
 could quote to you, gentlemen, from that 
 unexampled speech, abundance of convin- 
 cing and irresistible argument; but to se- 
 lect from a document, so perfect through- 
 out, would be but to mar, and mutilate, 
 without doing justice to, his most able and 
 patriotic reasoning. I would therefore 
 refer you to the speech itself — which is 
 published by Stockdale. 
 
 These writings, gentlemen, will afford 
 you abundant information, both as to facts 
 and reasonings, upon this vital topic ; and 
 if, after having read them with attention, 
 you should entertain conscientious doubts, 
 
 — as to the policy — the expediency — or the 
 safety — of granting political power, to 
 Roman Catholics in this Protestant State, 
 
 — I conjure you, gentlemen — in the name 
 of God and your Country, — to withhold 
 your votes ; and save your posterity
 
 22 
 
 from the painful reflection, that you should 
 have been among those — who have borne a 
 part — in the sacrifice, of the best and dearest 
 interests of their country ; — in the subver- 
 sion of the only solid, political constitution 
 m the world — purchased by your ancestors 
 at an incalculable price, — and by them, 
 bequeathed to you — the envy, and admi- 
 ration of the universe; — which many nations 
 have attempted in vain to imitate, but 
 which, is found to be inimitable; — and 
 which, gentlemen, — if once overthrown by 
 you — all the political wisdom of the present 
 age, combined — or that, for ages and ages 
 to come will never be able to res- 
 tore — to its original perfection — purity — 
 and strength. 
 
 And, let it not be forgotten, gentlemen, 
 (such is the rapid lapse of time) that ere 
 very long — there will be another line of 
 posterity, looking back upon your deeds — 
 and, with feelings of joy, or sorrow, (per- 
 haps, upon the decision of this very question) 
 — estimating by their blessings, or their 
 curses — the value of the political legacy, 
 which their ancestors, shall have bequeath- 
 ed to them.
 
 23 
 
 I will conclude, gentlemen, by nvarking 
 to you the effect, that was once eagerly 
 expected to be produced, from the Pro- 
 gress of Innovation — when another 
 body — were seeking for immunities — which 
 the pri7iciples of the British Constitu- 
 tion, forbad them to receive ; but — which 
 innovating spirit, had gone so far — as (in 
 his own judgment) to justify Dr. Priestley, 
 in asserting — that " Their silent propagation 
 " of the TRUTH, woidd in the end, prove ef- 
 " FiCACious — They were wisely pla- 
 
 *' CING, AS IT were, GRAIN BY GRAIN, a 
 " TRAIN OF GUNPOWDER, tO wMch a 
 
 " match would one day be laid, to blow up 
 
 " THE FABRIC OF ERROR, wMch COuld 
 
 " never be again raised, upon the same 
 *^ foundation" X 
 
 The application, gentlemen, I will leave 
 to yourselves ; — and subscribe myself, with 
 every sentiment of respect — 
 
 A Friend to rational Religions 
 Toleration, and the Consti' 
 tution as by Law establish- 
 ed — in Church and State. 
 
 / ^ i-/ / ^' Pople, Piinter, C7, Chancer v Laiie.
 
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