975.3 District of Columbia Civil War D63s Centennial Commission Cop. 2 The Symbol and The Sword Washington, D.C.*l860-l865 ba) LINCOLN ROOM UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY presented by Wayne C. Temple ' The Symbol and The Sword Washington, D. C. - 1860-1865 'mmmk "FREEDOM" STATUE— atop the dome of the United States Capitol, placed there during the Civil War. Her right hand rests upon the hilt of a sheathed sword — her left hand holds a wreath and a shield. The Symbol and The Sword n, D. C. * 1860-1865 A Publication of THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIVIL WAR CENTENNIAL COMMISSION © — District of Columbia, a municipal corporation — 1962 This conclusion is reached: When the chips were down, an over- whelming majority of the citizens were loyal to the Union. The noise at the start had come from a vociferous minority, mostly from Southerners in patronage jobs. The people of Washington contributed mightily to the War effort. They kept steady. They sacrificed. They were never really beseiged as were the people of Vicksburg and Petersburg, nor were they ever in very great want. But the point is that their spirit did not flag — even in the gloomy early part of the War. The War probably was the start of their spiritual growth, as it certainly was the beginning of the physical growth of the City. Paul J. Sedgwick, Chairman. The Capital Is In The Front Lines WASHINGTON IS UNIQUE among all the capitals of the west- ern world. Europe's foremost capitals are vast growths which have their own independent character and exist quite apart from the fact that they are the centers of government. Washington, however, was created for this sole purpose and has been developed, with modifications, according to a definite plan. The Site is Chosen: After consideration of other possible loca- tions the Congress, in 1 790, authorized President George Washington to select a site not exceeding 10 miles square somewhere in the Potomac region. At that time the area seemed to be a good choice between the North and the South; Maryland and Virginia agreed to cede to the Nation their jurisdiction over the area chosen. After inspecting several locations George Washington selected the District of Columbia which was primarily within Maryland territory, but also included a small section of Virginia, including the town of Alexandria. He then entrusted the making of the plan for the city to Major Pierre Charles L'Enfant, a French architect and military engineer, who had served in the Continental Army. He was assisted by Andrew Elliott who previously had received instructions to survey the bounds of the District. In 1793 the cornerstone of the north wing of the Capitol was laid by Washington. In 1 800 Philadelphia ceased Panoramic View of Washington when the "magnificent dis- tances" of later years were in the creation. "iir View from Smithsonian. Old Agriculture Building, the un- finished Washington Monument and Potomac Park section of the city. to be the seat of the Federal Government which moved to its newly established headquarters on the Potomac. Then came two wars to prove that the choice was unfortunate. First it was too near the sea and inadequately defended. In the latter part of the War of 1812, on August 24, 1814, was fought the Battle of Bladensburg, just outside the District line. It resulted in the cap- ture of the city and the burning that night and the next morning of the Capitol, the President's House and all other public buildings except the combined Post Office and Patent Office. Fortunately very little private property was destroyed and the British withdrew that evening. Reconstruction began shortly after the end of the war. The Capital Must Be Saved: When the storm clouds of the Civil War began to gather, Washington found itself right in the front lines. In fact it was surrounded by southern states. In 1846 Congress had agreed to return to Virginia all of the District of Columbia south of the Potomac, so the city was entirely within the State of Maryland which was predominantly sympathetic to the southern cause. Worse still, the population of Washington itself favored secession. Unfortunately also the general in command of the army of the United States was too aged and infirm to act vigorously, although he could see clearly the dangers ahead. In the War of 1812 Winfield Scott had served his country intelligently and bravely, one of the very few generals to emerge from that conflict with an excellent reputation. In the Mexican War he had led the brilliant campaign into the heart of that country, which resulted in the capture of its capital. Now, nearly 75 years old, excessively overweight, unable to move except with great difficulty, yet withal a lover of the delicacies of the table, terrapin in wine and smoke-cured hams from his native Virginia — he was still the trusted hero and military leader of the Northern people. The South began describing him as a traitor to his State. Although General Scott could not actively take the field, he saw with a clear eye the immediate and overriding necessity of first saving the Capital, also of keeping the forts in the South in Union hands. But he had almost no troops; the tiny Regular Army amounted to only 16,000 men scattered throughout the country, most of them stationed on the Indian frontier, from which they could not be with- drawn with safety. Furthermore he doubted the loyalty of the citizen soldiery in the city itself, and with good reason because the Union sympathizers were outnumbered. One Senator suggested that Wash- ington remain the capital — but of the Southern Confederacy. Gradu- ally the militia of the capital was reorganized. Trouble had been feared on February 13, 1861, the day of the electoral count, but that day passed quietly and Abraham Lincoln was declared President-elect. On April 12 the Confederates fired on Fort Sumter; at noon on Sunday, two days later, the Stars and Stripes were hauled down and the fort was evacuated. The next day President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers; Slave states immediately took up the question of secession with the result that four more, including Virginia, joined the Confederacy. Northern troops were rushed to Washington. The- first to arrive were a few companies from Pennsylvania. En route the 6th Massa- chusetts Infantry was attacked by a mob in Baltimore. To prevent other troops from passing through the city, the mayor of Baltimore ordered the railroad bridges destroyed. The telegraph wires were cut, Thousands of troops poured into Washington through the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Station at New Jersey Ave. and C Street, N.W. Through its doors tramped some of the Union's first volunteers. the Capital completely isolated. Then the 7th New York and the 8th Massachusetts reached Washington. They had been forced to go by water to Annapolis, then rebuild the railroad as they came. The Capital was temporarily saved. Baltimore was occupied in force and Maryland coerced to remain in the Union. Other troops poured into the city; the safety of Washington was the first consideration of the Federal Government. To prepare for defense against direct attack, on May 24, the day after the people of Virginia ratified the ordinance of secession, Union troops crossed the Potomac and seized Alexandria and Arlington Heights. They began the construction of earthworks to protect the southern approaches to the city and as defenses of the bridgeheads over the river and in the vicinity of Alexandria. Washington was still in a very vulnerable position, but this was not evident to the people of the country. They saw the Capital only as a sword pointed at Virginia. The people of the seceding states had organized a provisional government at Montgomery, Alabama, then when Virginia seceded, moved their capital to Richmond. Thus the South voluntarily placed itself in the same position as was forced upon the North — that of having its Capital too close to its enemy. The straight line distance is less than 100 miles. Virginia automatically became a battleground. The cry "On to Richmond" thundered daily in the press. The Union disaster at the First Battle of Manassas (Bull Run) in July 1861 awakened the people to the fact that this would be a long war and their Capital might be captured. The Defenses of Washington: This was the first war in which railroads played a major part. Washington was at the point of the railroad rather than at the center of a rail complex as are Paris, Berlin, Rome and the other great capitals of Europe. In World Wars I and II the capitals of France and Germany were in excellent strategic positions, over 500 miles apart, with many strong fortifications be- tween. Their road and railroad systems were designed for quick mobilization of their armies and rapid movements to the frontiers. There, in case of defeat, the armies could trade distance for time, falling back until they could make a stand. Russia is particularly blessed with great distances as Napoleon and Hitler both discovered. Rome in the days of the Empire always strove to keep her frontiers well away from the capital city. So now, recognizing the danger of their advanced position, several additional forts were built on the south side of the Potomac. In August, work was pushed on the sector between Rock Creek Park 8 Across Aqueduct Bridge, abutting Georgetown, trooped thousands of Union soldiers into Virginia. Present-day Key Bridge stands a few yards east of the old bridge site. Eyes at the Upper Battery at Chain Bridge never ceased roaming the nearby Virginia hills. Heavy guns at a moment's notice could blast the bridge approaches. and the Potomac. In 1862 a commission of military officers rendered a report in which recommendations were made for the completion of the system of fortifications. The defenses never suffered a real attack, but their completeness and strength undoubtedly forestalled any thought of serious assault by the enemy. By war's end they consisted of 68 separate forts and battery positions, having a perimeter of 13 miles. There were emplacements for 1,120 guns, on which over 900 cannon and mortars were actually mounted. In addition there were 93 unarmed batteries for field guns with over 400 additional emplacements and 20 miles of connecting rifle trenches. More than 32 miles of military roads were constructed to connect the systems properly. The individual work was a bastion type fort planned for an average garrison of about 500 men and 16 guns. As the terrain was split by numerous tributary streams running into the Potomac, the system was divided into sectors, each capable of an independent defense. The entire circuit was 34 miles. As thus completed, the Nation's Capital was the first example of a modern system of defenses. Washington's Contribution: During the Civil War 16,534 men were mobilized in the District of Columbia for service in the Union forces. Of this number 3,269 were colored. While 1,353 served as sailors and marines, most of them were in the army and were organized into 41 infantry and cavalry units: 3 regiments, 4 separate battalions and 34 separate companies. Washington also claims four of the general officers of the army: Robert C. Buch- anan; Samuel S. Carroll; George W. Getty; and Richard H. Jackson. The classic Capitol in unfinished form, the Navy Yard, Long Bridge, the stub of the Washington Monument, the River and Canal and how this part of the City looked in 1860. kit* : * &i f AS Gentlemen May Cr; Peace • •**•••••**•*••••• WITHIN THE WASHINGTON OF 1860, the founders' dream still far outstripped the plodding motions of material progress. Actual sightseers were as few as the sights themselves. And these, so far as reflecting the majesty of government went, were six: The classic Capitol in unfinished form; the massive Treasury; the unfinished General Post Office and the Patent Office; the red-turreted Smithsonian Institution, and the Executive Mansion. Otherwise, the intended 555-foot Washington Monument poked a 150-foot square stub from a churned-up hillock a quarter-of-a-mile south of the Executive Mansion where tormented President Buchanan counted the days ere he could be gone. The intent sightseer might also count the small red-brick State Department, and the War and Navy De- partment buildings huddled within shouting distance of the Execu- tive Mansion. The dream of a Capital of surpassing loveliness and grandeur was indeed unrealized after sixty years. Upon the outlines of the stately plan arranged by the Frenchman had been tossed as though in hurry or spite a tawdry architectural hodge-podge, shrouded in summer dust and smeared with winter mud. But there was a clear geographi- cal definition. The Capital was bounded by the Potomac and Ana- costia Rivers, westerly to Rock Creek, and thence northward to Boundary Street, the present Florida Avenue. The population might as easily be defined. At the top, the social graces were meticulously cultivated by a comparatively tiny social set. In the center was a steady core of hard-working church-going people without whom the community would have collapsed. And at the churning bottom was a teeming swarm of local and imported scamps wallowing in the disreputable establishments of Swampoodle and Negro Hill, ready for anything and generally well occupied, with small opposition from a police force of about a hundred and fifty. There can be no Capital with character without a reigning social set, and Washington's had the first essential — exclusiveness. It touched imported glasses in toasts inside the thick-walled Georgian and Federal houses of Georgetown, where the trees recalled its founding in 1751. Outer ramparts extended along H Street, and 11 *4 M i* ^ "* HI ***** * This seeming tumbled heap of dwellings and business places is Georgetown, crowned by its college. Five ships by the docks have brought in provisions, and will depart well loaded— perhaps with men in Union blue. into Alexandria. Gatherings were brightened by the pure social magic of names, Corcoran, Blair, Riggs, and then the names of South Carolinians, Kentuckians, Virginians, all the pedigreed statesmen from the South, and the status-sure Philadelphians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders. Add to these the Embassy set, beribboned and bejeweled, such diplomats as Johann Georg Chevalier von Hulsemann, of Austria; Richard Bickerton Pemell, Lord Lyons, of Great Britain;. Henri Mercier, of France; and Friedrich Carl Joseph Baron von Gerolt, of Prussia. The women were voluble on two favored topics, society and poli- tics, and they loved the South because it somehow seemed more social. They dreamed with Tennyson (and stole his thoughts); they favored Byron (because he, too, favored love); and they plunged at real life with the intensity frequently put into the make-believe of charades. They visited with a vengeance, and left calling cards, outdoing each other in ornateness. They planned parties with cun- ning competition, offering delicacies from Gautier, and opened the social season on New Year's Day in a revolving glitter synchronized with the plans of Miss Harriet Lane, the charming and traveled niece of the bachelor President. Always they watched the set of her hair, and her clothes. 'To dress like Harriet" did something for one, besides indirectly complimenting Miss Lane who, actually, had lived in London society and knew the social advantage of proper distance. She knew when ice was indicated; but withal she was warily senti- mental because she had allowed someone to dedicate the trilling "Listen to the Mocking Bird" in her honor. But something was happening to them all. The year before, the Capital shook with the news that a craggy old man called John Brown had exploded political dynamite fifty miles away at Harpers Ferry. Tempers flared not only in the hotels and homes and taverns, but in the social circles which were influential as sounding boards in the Capital. It was more than disturbing to a people already in rupturing strain. Such happenings would threaten social relationships, many hostesses knew. In the better circles the talk of politics was banned, or at least discouraged. 12 These were the proud inheritors of social position, a tiny group among the city's approximately 75,080 residents. Near but distant beneath the war shadow were 1,500 government employees, whose ranks unbelievably would swell to 7,000 by 1865. Contrasting with the fine Georgetown and H Street homes, the abodes of the poor clerks were generally boarding house rooms. There in winter they crouched beside individual fireplaces, drawing upon scores of com- mercial woodyards, which disfigured the shaggy city. Elsewhere, there were 3,185 slaves, 11,131 free colored, and one Indian. And besides these, Washington endured throngs of political op- portunists, medicine men, itinerant preachers, minstrels, and assorted scamps. There were 500 loose women, whose brazen ranks swelled to 5,000 (exclusive of competition in Alexandria) when the soldiers arrived in numbers. Time seemingly hangs motionless upon a capital in the making, and a mere sixty years did little for Washington. Though its classic promise was easily seen, the Capitol itself was marred by ugly upright cranes where the great new dome was to stand, glorifying the rampart- like base of tall Corinthian columns. A scattered gray eye-sore of stones littered the East Front grounds. Hammers and saws raised their noise at the unfinished Patent Office and General Post Office beside 7th and F Streets. The wide Avenue honoring Pennsylvania, Warmly suggesting a portion of Georgetown today, this sweep of F Street, looking east, photographed from atop the Treasury Building, displays an architectural loveliness which disappeared through a century of modernizations. Here Pennsylvania Avenue, the Nation's best known thor- oughfare is seen in its Majestic sweep. the main line to Georgetown (a separate municipality), with one arching turn at the Treasury, was a quagmire in rain, and dusty in summer. Hogs, geese, chickens, flies and children tormented the thoroughfare along its length. Parts of the Avenue boasted cobbled carriageways along the curbs. But no street was entirely paved, though some were ungenerously graveled. Wells and springs provided water. Some buildings afforded gas lights. Industry consisted of the Navy Yard, the Arsenal, on the present site of Fort Leslie J. McNair, and the Georgetown flour establishments. Presiding over this scene from City Hall, on Judiciary Square south of E Street between 4th and 5th, was a Mayor and Common Council, busying themselves around the seven wards. The Seventh, called "the Island", was separated from the city proper by a canal resulting from earlier hopes for Washington as a major seaport. This wriggly thing had degenerated into a sewer beyond which lay the Mall, occupied solely by the Smithsonian Institution. There, as a cultural focus, Washingtonians looked upon Indian paint- 14 ings, wildlife and mineral exhibits, and listened frequently to scien- tific lectures in a city already renowned for words. The north side of the Avenue, the "proper side", was distinguished by four popular hotels — Willard's, National, Kirkwood, and Brown's. Their public rooms and halls drowsed like all of Washington in sum- mer. But when Congress sat in winter, commotion reigned, amidst an overflowing of meaningful and idle words, and vaporous political promises. Politics, embedded in the relationship of North and South, growled on the surface. Men and women in public places defiantly declared their positions. Uninhibited in an era of convinced opinion, they talked of peace, some of peace at whatever price; and other men talked of war, with no thought of the price. In Georgetown, students at the great college grew restless, too; and before the war ended 216 of them had fought for the Union, and 925 had fought for the South. But, somehow, few of the Washingtonians ever entirely broke the mystique of the symbol of the city. Long ahead, in February, 1865, when a Federal and Confederate delegation met at Hampton Roads Red turreted Smithson- ian Institution hovers as the Capital's scientific and cultural center upon an expanse dominated by the completed Capitol. Drowsing by- standers seem far from war. Willard's and the war were inseparable. Here Lincoln stayed before his first inaugural. Against its walls splashed the retreat from Bull Run. In the dawn quiet of a room Julia Ward Howe gave the Union its Battle Hymn of the Republic. hopeful of ending the war, a Virginian who had lived in Washington turned to a Northerner, asking: "How is the Capitol? Is it finished?" Clutching at the last straws — hope and optimism which die hard even in desperation — many Washingtonians made gestures at normal living. They boasted of somehow-afforded dinners at Willard's, won- dered what could be done about the smelly marsh near the White House, and criticized the acting of Joe Jefferson in Rip Van Winkle, or the histrionics of Edwin Booth and Charlotte Cushman. They feared the outbreak of fires in a tinderbox city, and declared no con- fidence in the rowdy volunteer firemen who often fought fires and each other, simultaneously. They wondered why Congress did so little for the city — since it was the Capital and the Nation's showplace. And now it all was compounded by something else; swarms of dangerous men, obviously recruited elsewhere, swaggered about the streets, and even intruded upon the hotel lobbies and the respectable areas north of the Avenue. Some men in Congress carried pistols, it was rumored. The newspapers echoed their shouts for Union or State sovereignty. The tensions became frightful, subsided momen- tarily, then heightened again, giving the sense of intermissions within the strokes of doom bells. Some relief came in hours of rock bass fishing at Little Falls, or in picnics at outlying groves. Sooner or later — and sooner, no doubt — Washington must close ranks and be itself, the symbol of the Union, indeed. And something more than that, a symbol and a sword, if one were needed. Mean- while, General Scott looked about on horseback, and from his coupe. One sight was toweringly apparent, the white-columned mansion called Arlington on a hill across the river. Scott idolized its owner, Colonel Robert E. Lee. He had shown his capability in Mexico. And he possessed something else, the old man knew, a discernible quality that might develop into a symbol itself. What would he do if war came? Beside the sun-splashed columns of Robert E. Lee's classic Arlington mansion stand soldiers, armed symbols of a war thundering deeply through the South. Upon the already quarrelling Capital burst the Presidential cam- paign. Two of the candidates, Breckinridge, favored by southern sympathizers, and Douglas, the Northern Democrat, had Washington residences and were privileged to see, if they dared venture forth, the screaming torchlight paradings of the National Volunteers, fero- ciously pro-Southern, and the Wide-Awakes, of Republican faith. The Southern elements could not forbear a riot when Lincoln was elected. In the hotels' teeming bars, in the grog shops and in the Georgetown houses everyone knew the fat was in the fire. And never before nor since was tension and acrimony worse in the Congress. Shortly before Christmas, while Gautier took fidgeting orders and people danced with minds elsewhere, South Carolina thundered out of the Union. The approving shouts of Washington disunionists reached the ears of the bewildered President, and sent him hurrying from a wedding party. A firm administration would have flung itself upon what amounted to treason at the seat of government. But strangely it watched with nervous toleration, scores of its own employees stand in brazen alliance with disunion. They were mostly Southerners enjoying patronage jobs provided by powerful Southern politicians vociferous in what was called "a Southern town". Rumors, spawnings of crisis, made the city tremble. The Capital would be seized, it was said, by Marylanders and Virginians, aided by the plug-uglies already causing trouble. The very Capitol, whose cornerstone George Washington had laid while wearing a Masonic apron hand-embroidered by Mme. Lafayette, would be blown up. Night after night its deep labyrinths were searched for explosives. And worse news arrived: Mississippi had left the Union, then Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas. In January came word that Charleston had fired upon the unarmed ship, Star of the West, sent to provision Fort Sumter. Washington looked about. Employees of the Office of the Provost Marshal and Head of Enrollment for the District of Columbia, April, 1865. Neighbors had suddenly left. Senators and Representatives had gone south with bag, baggage, cats, dogs and entourages. When might Washington be attacked? As a sop to defense, a company of Marines was sent to Fort Washington, a dilapidated rampart across the river from Mt. Vernon. Soon another rumor spewed from the overworked factory. There would be a big uprising on March 4, Lincoln's inauguration day — with a February overture when the electoral votes were counted. Rumor held that men were drilling for the revolt. Comic opera detectives were summoned; citizen soldiers of Washington and Georgetown drew arms. But who knew how much sedition rotted the ranks of the protectors? Under General Scott's direction, Colonel Charles P. Stone began reorganizing the militia, disarming and ousting the disloyal personnel. Early in February, in a final effort to resolve their differences, delegates to a Peace Conference, headed by ex- President Tyler, met in Washington. Uncertain of citizen soldiers, General Scott brought in eight com- panies of regulars. Their camps whitened Capitol Hill, and spread to E Street and Judiciary Square. Their weathered faces grew familiar on all streets. Their horses raised clouds of dust. They gave to the city a dash and comfort and sense of things to come. Because of them the electoral votes were counted, amidst only a riot of words. 18 Mr. Lincoln Arrives ************* ••*•••• MANY WASHINGTONIANS would long regret not taking a second look at the tall stranger who passed them on the streets in the cold of late February, 1861. But they had seen him, the tall gangly man with long arms and legs, and a face too wind-bitten for Washington weather. He was an oddity of a man even in a place crowded with nondescript people, but scarcely worth a second look. Then the papers said the President-elect had come. He had arrived unannounced at 6 a.m. on the 23rd with two companions as an escort, followed late in the afternoon by his wife and three sons and a fluttering company of in-laws, reporters and politicians. He was ensconced in Parlor No. 6 on the second floor of Willard's Hotel where the Messrs. Willard, in person, were performing managerial handsprings for his comfort. Equally obliging was Thurlow Weed, Republican political manager of New York, who had favored Seward for President. And on hand, ever smiling, was Senator Seward, radiant over Mr. Lincoln's safe arrival after a ridiculously secret entrance into the Capital's environs. Scores of others hounded the hotel on the scent of favors. Hundreds of well-meaning people thronged the rainswept 14th Street entrance. From his windows, Mr. Lincoln could see the White House lawns, the graceful turn of the Avenue beside the Treasury pile. Soon he roused himself and paid ritual respects to President Buchanan. He called on General Scott, and withstood with amiable Western ease the old soldier's courtly bows. Powerful Francis P. Blair, and his aspiring son Montgomery, paid their respects. On Sunday, Mr. Lin- coln strode in black clothes between the six white columns of St. John's Church, where every President since Madison had worshipped, and bowed his head in prayer. Next day he went to the Capitol, and the Supreme Court, and later turned to the trying conferences with sincere and insincere well-wishers, office-seekers, would-be policy makers. And, of course, he was greeted by Mayor James Berret and the Common Council, and the delegates to the Peace Conference which was ending its efforts, with resolutions satisfying no one. Mrs. Lincoln already had plunged into the restricted social pool with human enjoyment and with complete self-assurance. 19 The War-time President shortly before his assassination, April 10, 1865. 20 General Scott found no fascination in all the folderol. He must brood upon the coming inauguration, and its perils. Indeed, his own life had been threatened, because he was a Virginian on the wrong side. He considered his working tools: the faithful Marines at the Navy Yard, and 653 disciplined regulars. Meanwhile, he could hear from the open spaces of the city's magnificent distances the drilling of the militia which, by this time, was loyal in sentiment and could be trusted and used on Inauguration Day. The day came, sunny, but with spiteful winds. All night before, workmen had clawed at the ruts of the Avenue where Mr. Lincoln and President Buchanan would pass along to the Capitol from the hotel. A reporter for The New York Herald began writing: "The capital city is today the scene of a life and excitement unequaled in the history of the inaugurations that have taken place within, its precincts since the formation of the government. The fears expressed of disorder, the anticipations aroused by a thousand flying rumors, the peculiar circumstances attending and resulting from the election, the condition of the country and the surrounding train of circumstances, all conspired to invest the occasion with no ordinary interest." Then, taking a breath, he said the day (March 4) "was ushered in by a most exciting session of the Senate, that body, sitting for 12 hours, from 7 o'clock yesterday evening to 7 o'clock this morning." On hand were governors or ex-governors of over 25 States, in- numerable delegations, politicians uncountable, school children, pa- triotic groups from the North, and men with the dress of the outer frontiers. Baltimore contributed additional rowdies, but most of them with their local compatriots took to the dives where they remained. When noon came soldiers walled the Avenue. Restless cavalry kicked dust along the 14th Street side of the hotel. A band stiffened, raised its instruments and blared "Hail Columbia" as the old Chief and his tall successor emerged on each other's arm. The buildings were sparsely decorated, but the sidewalks were densely crowded in spots. On the roofs riflemen crouched, eyeing the crowds and the facing windows. The two men entered a barouche, and cavalry formed around. Behind came local Republicans in a thick marching bloc. More than a score of lovely girls rode along. The Marine Band did its best, but the cheering was jerky, between the gusts of wind and the rhythmic feet of the horses. Inside the Senate Wing Vice-President Hamlin was sworn in, while Marines guarded the door where the new President would enter. Across the East Front the crowd shuffled its feet. At every window of the Capitol soldiers fingered rifles. Then the crowd stiffened. The 21 official party had appeared upon a platform, beneath which other soldiers crouched. Senator Edward D. Baker, of Oregon, who would die in battle later at a place he'd never heard of, Ball's Bluff in Virginia, intro- duced his old friend, Mr. Lincoln. The crowd watched the tall man lay aside a black, gold-headed cane, and begin. On and on he talked, raising cheers at each mention of the Union. And then the final lines: In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of Civil War. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "pre- serve, protect and defend" it. I am loathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. The crowd cheered, and The Herald reporter noticed that Chief Justice Taney, native Marylander and author of the Dred Scott opinion, "seemed very much agitated, and his hands shook very perceptibly with emotion." The President drove to the White House. Down at Willard's the bar and corridors hummed with contention over what the new Presi- dent had meant. Lincoln's Cabinet: (Seated L to R) Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War; The President; Giddeon Welles, Secretary of Navy; William H. Seward, Secretary of State; Edward Bates, Attorney General. (Standing L to R) Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of Treasury; Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of Interior; Montgomery Blair, Postmaster General. Cry Havoc NOT EVEN the scurrying newsmen of The Star could keep abreast of it all. But they knew that Mr. Lincoln was unmercifully beset by patronage seekers who invaded the White House itself, and sometimes grabbed at him physically. Affluent patrons of Harvey's devoured oysters insatiably between elegant sips of spirits. Joseph Jefferson was at his drowsy best in Rip Van Winkle. Miss Kate Chase, the elder and preeminently social daughter of the Secretary of the Treasury, dominated society from her father's mansion at 6th and F Streets. And there were rumors skipping in on winds of un- certain origin that a Texas Ranger named Ben McCulloch would raid Washington with 500 men and carry off the President and Cabinet. Meanwhile, ordinary citizens tried to live normal lives. But their streets crawled with menacing men, and bookstores ominously dis- played drill manuals and other martial literature. The thump of drilling militia sounded from parks. This was no time to take notice of the little things so eternally important. Obscure people were merely a part of the mass face. There was, for instance, Miss Clara Barton, who came in daily from her home at Glen Echo to a minor desk at the Patent Office. And there was "the wild rose," Mrs. Rose O'Neal Greenhow, who already was spying for the Confederacy from her socialite home at 16th and H Streets. And prowling the streets was a rambunctious actor named John Wilkes Booth, slightly amusing but unimportant. More important was the Canal, down by the river. If raiders hit there, the coal supply from the west would vanish, and the gas works in Swampoodle must close. March blew itself out on a greening world, and forsythia tinted Georgetown with yellow. Soon, The Star exploded the alarming news. General Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard had, on April 12, fired on the flag at Fort Sumter. People plunged around the newspaper building on the Avenue at 11th Street, hopefully doubting the news, but grimly believing it. Now Washingtonians must stand and be counted. At Georgetown College, Father John Early, the President, studied the faces of a group which handed him a document. "Our presence here any longer would be attended but with little good to us," it said . . . "while all we have most dear on earth, our country (the South), our parents and our 23 brethren call loudly upon our presence at our respective homes." In Washingon an eloquent preacher put his cat in a basement with three weeks' supply of water, believing that in this first "bomb shelter" of record in Washington the cat would survive until Jefferson Davis captured the Capital. Optimistically he fled to Richmond, along with hundreds of disunionist government employees. Simultaneously, scores of loyal employees fled from suburban Mary- land homes into Washington. There was something solid now to talk about: Lincoln had called for 75,000 volunteers. And would Virginia secede? Telegraph sounders rattled messages of support from sixteen loyal States. But when would help come? Colonel Lee rode down from his big house, and trotted back home: the harrowing decision ending in the refusal of an offer to command the Union forces. In his wake flew rumors of attack. Under alarm, cavalry galloped through the streets, the Capitol was buttressed with stones and boards, sealing the doors and protecting the statuary and paintings. The Treasury was fortified. Cannon were parked at the bridges. Loyal boarders at Willard's and the other hotels were formed into two battalions, or guards, headed by Cassius M. Clay and James H. Lane, two picturesque, rugged men from Kentucky and Kansas, who armed their vigilantes with muskets, pistols and bowie knives, to protect the White House and the downtown streets. Government clerks received rifles. Such uproar played havoc in the city's sixty-three schools, quaintly called Grammar, Intermediate, Secondary, and Primary. At every commotion, children rushed out increasing the general confusion. These rented schools, mostly one-roomed, with 4,000 pupils aged six to eighteen, were presided over by male teachers paid $1,375 a year as compared to $675 for female teachers of equal competence. Children and their parents idling in the streets around 7 p.m. of April 18th saw the first results of the President's call. A shuffling train disgorged a company of regulars from Minnesota, and 460 Pennsylvania volunteers. The latter's "mascot," Nick Biddle, aged Negro, had been hit on the head by a stone hurled from a Baltimore secessionist mob, and he wore into Washington a bloody bandage — the red badge of the first man wounded in the war. The 6th and 8th Massachusetts, and the precision New York 7th Regiment came and were housed in the Capitol. There they cooked, ate, slept, sang, swore, and hungered for a clash across the river. Soon, Rhode Islanders came. And then others by the thousands who pitched tents in every open space until Washington looked white and blue and thinly reddened by the trim- 24 mings of the Zouave uniforms. Washington was especially enchanted by the Garibaldi Guards, a regiment of foreigners recruited in New York, picturesquely attired in Italian bersaglieri, cock-feather hats. Mr. Lincoln had had a dream just before Sumter, a dream which would return before Bull Run, Antietam, Gettysburg, Vicksburg, Wilmington, and the ill-fated visit to Ford's Theatre. He said: "/ seemed to be in a singular and indescribable vessel, but always the same, and to be moving with great rapidity toward a dark and indefinite shore." He brushed it away. On May 24th, with Virginia gone out of the Union, he sent his young friend Colonel Elmer E. Ellsworth with his New York Fire Zouaves to seize Alexandria. Ellsworth died in a shotgun blast after snatching a Confederate flag from the Marshall House. His body was brought to Washington, saddening the city and grieving Lincoln even more. "My boy, my boy," he cried. But Alexandria was in Northern hands, and Union troops changed the green of Lee's Arlington slopes into a wall of blue. THE L ATES T NEWS. TEL RSB A PHIO. Notice.— The Star is the only afternoon paper published in Washington city that receives the dipnntches of the Associated Press. THE WA^ COMMENCED, CONFLICT AT CHARLESTON. IMMENSE EXCITEMENT. Bombardment of Fort Sumter. The Fire Returned by Maj. Anderson. < ©rrcepondence between Gen Beauregard and Major Anderson. TWO GUNS AT FORT SUMTER SILENCED. BREACH IN THE FORT REPORTED. Arrival of U. S. Ships of War off the Bar THE EVENING STAR. ' ^d — — ■ — — luon ail WASHINGTON CITY: **u*ui\ FRIDAY Jl'L* :t, 1SC3. JaU.iiJ The Fourth— In order that all the em- "" ir l I id oyee* of thl. office may have an opportunit) dM Wl V participate* in the celebration of our ~""" 1 ' ■j JtaUoual da\, uopaper willbe is.ued Iromtlus in - "f Jfnce to-morrow. Should Important new. be wa * *' oi the diwelo CI weived. an extra will be ifiued EXTRA. THE GREAT BATTLE NEAR GET- TYSBURG. DESPIR\TE ATTEMPTS OK Till! ENEMY TO RETRIEVE THE FOR.- 1 I M > lit 1 lib iia\ . DASH OF REBEL i AV.1LRY INTO t.i.i n Kiii'iiR. A FIRIOl'S STONE-KENI E HR1IT. I HF. RKIJtl.S DRIVEN FROM IT WITH HKA\ Y LOSS. t ATTIRE OF AN KM IKK REBKI. aryof Wir "" A. m., lew— of War . ThU iM Petersburg .lonmond also toff. If poasi* GLORY!!! HAIL COLUMBIA!!! HA LLELUJA H!!! RICHMOND OURS!!! m LEE'S RETREAT CUT OFF ! OFFICIAL WAR BILLET IN. Mnjo* General On, tteto fck LATER. Aid From The Sea DURING THE WINTER preceding the outbreak of war, while the Army was taking steps to protect the capital from internal revolt by reorganizing the militia and bringing a few regulars into the city, the Navy was doing its share to defend and prepare the area against potential attack. In addition to providing Marines to garrison Fort Washington on the Maryland side of the Potomac, other Marines were sent to hold Fort McHenry in Baltimore until U.S. Army troops could relieve them. By the end of January, 1861, Commander John A. Dahlgren had gathered all cannon and ammuni- tion at the Navy Yard, as a precaution in the event of a possible assault on either Washington or the Yard itself. One of President Lincoln's first actions, after the fall of Fort Sumter, was to declare a Naval blockade of the Southern ports. At first this was not effective since the U.S. Navy was so small. Even- tually mobile forces afloat would deny the Confederacy the use of its vast coastline, thereby cutting off the flow of supplies from Europe, necessary for the prosecution of the war. But this was all in the future. In mid-April, 1861, when the capital found itself isolated after the 6th Massachusetts Infantry had arrived, and the railroad bridges in Baltimore had been destroyed, preventing reinforcements from reaching Washington by land, control of the sea helped save the situation. The 7th New York and the 8th Massachusetts Infantry were embarked on steamers Boston and Maryland at Perryville, near the head of Chesapeake Bay. After ensuring the safety of historic U.S.S. Constitution — a symbol of the Union — by towing her out into the bay, the troops were landed at Annapolis. In the days immediately following, the soldiers repaired the old railroad from Annapolis, reopened Washington's ruptured communications with the North, and exercised a stabilizing influence on the explosive political situation in Maryland. Thus, in the first days of conflict, the true meaning of the part the Navy would play throughout the war was demonstrated clearly. The ability to move freely wherever water reached would prove to be a decisive factor in saving the Union, as it already played a major part in the saving of Washington. 26 From this building just west of the White House the Navy Department directed the blockade, and all actions of the far-flung fleet on rivers and oceans. The Navy promptly began to build its strength in the Washington area. With the Confederates' capture of the Norfolk Navy Yard on April 20, U.S.S. Pawnee returned to Washington to bolster the forces there. Her arrival on the 23rd brought an important measure of relief at a critical time. On April 21, four steamers were obtained near Washington and fitted out at the Navy Yard for the defense of the Capital. Gideon Welles, the Secretary of the Navy, approved the organization of a "flying flotilla" for service in the Washington and Chesapeake Bay area. Commander James H. Ward arrived at the Navy Yard in U.S.S. Thomas Freeborn with two small craft in tow — the Potomac Flotilla was formed. Late in May the Flotilla engaged Confederate batteries at Aquia Creek, less than thirty-five miles south of the Capital, and again on June 27, an action in which Commander Ward lost his life. Though constantly patrolling the waters near Washington and har- assing Confederate positions which threatened to deny the Union the use of the Potomac, the Flotilla's activity went almost unnoticed. As Admiral David Dixon Porter later wrote: ". . . the ordinary events that were taking place on the Potomac . . . formed the small links in the chain, which in the end, shackled the arms of the great re- bellion." The Flotilla restricted, to a great extent, communication between the opposite shores, thus closing the river, for all practical purposes, to the Confederacy. Throughout the war the Flotilla 27 rendered essential service and kept the river open for commercial as well as military purposes, not only by preventing its use by the Confederates, but also by removing torpedoes (mines) that were planted by the Southerners. The activities of the Potomac Flotilla were not the only contribu- tions made by the Navy in the Washington area. From the Navy Yard came much of the guns and equipment which, by war's end, helped make the U.S. fleet the most powerful force afloat in the world. The genius of Captain (later Rear Admiral) Dahlgren guided these efforts through the first half of the war, and influenced the concepts of naval ordnance to the present day. He accurately ap- praised the Washington Navy Yard as ^ place "of great importance. ... as a position in tjie general defenses of the city," and it was under his direction that the expedition, which obtained the surrender of Alexandria in May, 1861, embarked. Balloon ascension on the Potomas River during the Civil War. Lincoln Finds An Air Force PROFESSOR THADDEUS SOBIESKI CONSTANTINE LOWE, professional magician, amateur scientist and daredevil balloonist, came to Washington with an idea: a man can see more from the air than from the ground. As a loyal son of New Hampshire, he was thinking specifically of the Union Army, just then probing across the Potomac and wondering what the rebels were doing behind the horizon. Lowe's down-to-earth air theory was welcomed by Secretaries Chase and Cameron, by President Lincoln and Professor Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smithsonian. To General Scott it was folderol to grunt away. But Presidential approval was enough. With skilled salesmanship, Lowe convinced Lincoln that telegraph messages could be flashed from the air, and that balloons with portable gas generators could move with the armies, beating the best efforts of scouts and spies. Ample reels of wire were already handy. Telegraph lines con- nected the Navy Yard and War Department, the Arsenal, Potomac bridges and outlying encampments. Rumors that a demonstration To the War Department Building came President Lincoln almost daily seeking fragments of news from the fronts. Clicking telegraph keys and scurrying clerks lent a sense of urgency to this headquarters of the U. S. Army war effort. » * *~* ^ £ 1, | h*% ': J i> I * i miff £ ^ ^ - ?TS!^«*^S^wt*«at4-«u^^ would be made on the Mall June 18 electrified a population now grown indifferent to military sights. And Lowe, twenty-nine , was a sight himself — a handsome six-footer with raven black hair, an auburn mustache, and exuding the appeal of a man who had been places, of all places high in the air. The great day came. The balloon, Enterprise, sucked in 20,000 cubic feet of gas from the main at 3rd and Massachusetts, tugged at four ground cables, and was gingerly walked to the Mall. Lowe scrambled in, followed by crack telegrapher Herbert Robinson, on loan from the Telegraph Company. Lowe's stage-trained voice boomed commands, the lines slid out, and up climbed the bag and basket into the thin sunlight before the vastest audience the Professor had ever known. The wire connected to the White House sang a message to the excited President: Balloon Enterprise Washington, D. C. June 18, 1861 To the President of the United States: Sir: This point of observation commands an area 50 square miles in diameter. The city with its girdle of encampments presents a superb scene. I have pleasure in sending you this first dispatch ever telegraphed from an aerial station and in acknowledging indebtedness for your encouragement for the opportunity of demonstrating the availability of the aero- nautics in the service of the country. T.S.C. Lowe He would become the most shot-at individual of the war. Those who watched him ascend at Washington saw America's air force born in the deep blue bed of the sky. 30 "On To Richmond" A TALL, PORTLY, SERIOUS-MINDED OFFICER in the regu- lar army named Irvin McDowell, who had recently been pro- moted from major to brigadier general, was appointed to com- mand the forces on the south bank of the Potomac. He established his headquarters in Arlington, supervised the construction of earthworks to defend Washington from direct attack, then set about the business of training his troops for combat, and ran headlong into trouble. The 75,000 volunteers had been called into service for only three months. Here it was the end of May, one month had passed already. The people of the North saw how easily Alexandria and Arlington had been occupied and began to clamor for further action. They wanted to prove what these soldiers could do before they were all sent back home; hardly any of them had yet seen a Confederate in uniform. What was the sense in having these thousands of men scattered from Virginia to Missouri if they were not used? Richmond was less than 100 miles away. The main Confederate camp was being established near Manassas only about twenty miles from Washington. Advance, defeat this force and end the war! With a good, regular army of reasonable size the mission of subduing the South could have been accomplished easily in a matter of a few months. But these militia regiments could barely do company drill. They were completely unable to perform comparatively simple movements together as a regiment, much less act as integral parts of a brigade or division. Time would be required to train them; three months was entirely insufficient; but the people and the newspapers would not wait. So this slightly organized mob, in uniforms of various colors and descriptions, blue and gray together, some in copies of the French Zouaves, others in Highland kilts, was sent southward to meet the Confederates. With them, to watch the battle went Wash- ington society, ladies in hoop skirts, Congressmen, lunch baskets and all, to see a free show. The Army that would preserve the Union moved out slowly along the principal roads leading through Falls Church and Fairfax to Centerville and a little stream beyond called Bull Run. The time of their departure and the routes being taken were items of military information past from spies to the Confederate Commander. 31 First Manassas - Bull Run Qn JULY 16, 1861, the Union Army of 35,000 men began its ^^^ march. For two and a half days these men wandered vaguely down the road, stopping, starting, going off into the fields to pick berries. Eventually they reached Centreville then waited for two more days while McDowell reconnoitered the enemy position, at- tempted to organize his troops and brought up supplies. The slow- ness of the march and the days lost upon arrival gave the Con- federates time to assemble their forces. When battle was joined on July 21 the Southern strength was not much less than that of the Union, and other Confederate reinforcements arrived during the course of the battle. No one could have predicted the outcome of such an engagement between two untrained armies. Either side could have won, but the prompt action of a Confederate colonel, Nathan G. Evans, nick- named "Shanks," the firmness in battle of a brigade commanded by "Stonewall" Jackson, and the opportune arrival of another Con- federate brigade from Winchester, resulted in a Southern victory. The tired Union army quit and walked off the battlefield, their retreat covered by the regulars and some units which had not been engaged. Then came the rout. The Confederates pursued for a short distance and fired a few rounds of artillery at the road, upsetting a wagon, and temporarily blocking the way. This was what caused the panic. Fearful of the unknown, visualizing the approach of a horde of pursuing Confederates, with the road blocked, the visiting Washington society panicked. Frantic carriage drivers whipped their horses along, each trying to pass the others. There was a frenzied traffic jam, with army wagons, guns, caissons, ambulances all joining in the desperate melee. A chaotic mob scene ensued which lasted for miles, all the way back to Washington. The city received the news at first with incredulity but, as night fell and the mob poured across the bridges into the Capital, doubt was dispelled. All night long, in a pouring rain, groups of soldiers, beaten, foot-sore, muddy and wet, walked through the streets back toward their camps. Occasionally a regiment marched in order, the men still bearing their arms and looking like soldiers, but most of them were dispirited, tired, defeated. Their bright militia uniforms 32 The Long Bridge, now 14th Street Bridge, was the Union's military life line. Its flooring was removable in case of an attack. were smoke-stained, muddy and sopping wet. Guns, coats, hats and haversacks had been lost or thrown away. Soldiers staggered through the streets like sleepwalkers, dropped on the curbstones, stretched full-length asleep in the gutters. The avowed secessionists in the city made the most of the situation. They proclaimed loudly that the Confederates would seize Washing- ton in twenty-four hours. Feeling helpless, the loyal citizens awaited capture; but no invasion came. The Confederate army, which was also composed of volunteers, was almost as disorganized and tired after its victory as the defeated forces. It was simply impossible for them to make an assault upon Washington. Furthermore there were several Union regiments, which the people of the Capital did not see because they stayed to hold the Virginia shore and were com- pletely unaffected by the retreat. Then, as the troops on the south bank of the Potomac, supplied by the Long Bridge and the Chain Bridge, prepared for the defense of the city, Congress acted to improve their transportation and com- munication facilities. A bill was passed to strengthen the Long Bridge, which could not continue to support a steady stream of heavy guns and wagons. The railroad from Baltimore, which reached to the foot of Capitol Hill, was to be extended across the Potomac by way of Maryland Avenue. Eventually a new railroad bridge was built parallel to the Long Bridge. Then a supplementary route was made by shutting off the water from the Aqueduct of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, and the trough was converted into a road. 33 The Battle Of Ball's Bluff THE DAY AFTER the First Battle of Bull Run President Lincoln called General George B. McClellan to Washington, using the words, "Circumstances make your presence here necessary." Thus McClellan, who had been successful in the operations in West Virginia, came to Washington with the idea that he was a savior. This very mis- chievous thought was to prove extremely harmful in a man who was naturally disposed toward vanity and arrogance. However, because of McClellan's victories, Lincoln's choice was extremely popular with the people and with the army. Troops poured into Washington and McClellan immediately undertook the task of organizing and training the new forces. He proved to be very good at this, and soon the men under his command began to learn how to be soldiers; also most of them were now volunteers, enlisted for three years. McClellan liked to ride through the streets of the city to visit the various camps, and those across the river in Virginia. Everyone came to know his short, stocky figure and paid far more attention to him than they did to the unattractive sight presented by Mr. Lincoln. Someone dubbed their flamboyant, new general "The Young Napoleon" and he loved it, just as he loved the grand reviews which he staged week after week — whole divisions at a time — on the commons east of the Capitol. Hundreds of people came to see the parades; ladies marveled, little boys and girls thrilled to the spectacles, the marching men, the bayonets, the guns. McClellan was the man of the hour and the adulation went to his head. Soon he began to intrigue against his superior, General Scott, and even ignore the wishes of the President on many occasions. However, McClellan was organizing the army into brigades and divisions, training it systematically and inculcating discipline so that the uniformed vagabonds were disappearing from the city's streets. The only trouble was that, as the months passed, McClellan did not seem to want to use that army to fight. The Confederates were permitted to established positions within sight of the Capitol; there were skirmishes as close as Bailey's Cross Roads, only five miles south of the city. The enemy erected batteries on the lower Potomac, threatening to close navigation on the river, and McClellan did nothing. Some people began to wonder about their new general. 34 Then, on October 21, 1861, exactly three months after the First Battle of Bull Run, just thirty miles up the Potomac from Washington, there occurred a horrible fiasco known as the Battle of Ball's Bluff. In both these battles Nathan G. Evans played a prominent part. As a Confederate colonel at Manassas he had been the first to discern and move rapidly against the Union turning movement. Afterwards pro- moted to brigadier general, he commanded the Confederate forces at Ball's Bluff and won another victory for the South. He was a trained soldier, a West Point graduate. The Union commander at Ball's Bluff was Colonel Edward D. Baker. He was a very patriotic man, a U.S. Senator, who had refused higher promotion in order to retain his Senate seat. He was a great friend of President Lincoln, was greatly admired in the North — but was a "political" appointee, not trained to hold a position of high command in the army. The results, when his brigade crossed to the south bank of the Potomac, might well have been predicted. Of the nearly 2,000 Union troops engaged in the battle, over 900 were killed, wounded or missing. The Confederates, with about 1,700 men, suffered only about 150 casualties. The Union forces were forced back over the river's bank. Overloaded boats, filled with wounded, swamped and sank. Men falling or leaping off the bank, mad with fear, had landed on others, frequently killing both. Many, forgetting their heavy equipment, had tried to swim and sank, or grabbing others had dragged them under, too. The river was filled with bodies floating downstream. At first, military censorship had tried to conceal the disaster, but the evidence of bodies in blue uniforms swirling down the Great Falls, drifting down the Potomac past the city, washed ashore, or lodged against the piers of the bridges could not be denied. The newspapers Pontoon Bridge to Analostin Island (Roosevelt Island today) on a Sunday afternoon, June 18, 1865. soon had the story and a storm broke upon Capitol Hill. The many friends of Senator Baker, who had been killed in the battle, im- mediately instituted a Congressional investigation. The object was to find a "scapegoat" and thus exonerate and make a hero of Baker. After much uproar and excitement in the city, they found one, General Charles P. Stone, Baker's division commander, who was in no way responsible for the disaster. He was imprisoned, reinstated without explanation, then resigned in 1864; he died embittered and in disgrace in the eyes of the public. General McClellan, who was partially responsible for the disaster, escaped censure because he was at that time too popular with the people. Throughout the war a number of persons were imprisoned for their political sympathies. The man responsible for most of these arrests was Colonel La Fayette C. Baker, Secretary Stanton's chief of detectives. Early in the war he had been sent as a spy to Richmond where he performed excellent service, but in his new position he soon became feared and hated, because he used his authority in an extremely highhanded and arbitrary manner. Typical of such political arrests, although effected prior to Baker's rise to power, was that of Mayor James Berret, who was suddenly sent away to prison in New York in August, 1861. He was succeeded in office by Richard Wallach, brother of the proprietor of The Star. In Washington the Old Capitol Prison on 1st Street, and its annex Carroll Prison, were the largest and best known. The Old Capitol had been occupied by Congress after the British burned Washington, while the larger Capitol was being rebuilt. It had been turned into a military prison, primarily used for Confederate prisoners of war. However it also housed political prisoners and spies; the most famous spies imprisoned there were Mrs. Rose Greenhow and Miss Belle Boyd. The chief jailer was Colonel William P. Wood whose sinister reputation was comparable only to that of Colonel La Fayette Baker. 36 Mrs. Howe's Autumn Vision THE WAITS FIRST YEAR was dying. The cloud which at first loomed no larger than a man's hand had reached a thunderhead in April, and torn by lightning had strewn the ground with dead in Virginia and Florida, in West Virginia, and Missouri. Under autumn skies the Nation's Capital crouched in a posture of defense within a ring of unfinished forts. Across the river stretched vast expanses of tents; and in fields near the tents rose the sounds of drilling men, shouldering and unshouldering rifles with long bayonets shining in the sun. At night their camps were framed with fires. One day in November word spread among the men that a grand review would be held near Bailey's Cross Roads. The word reached Washington, and scores of people received permission to witness the spectacle. Among them was Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, a Massa- chusetts woman of forty-two, slight of build and with dark and mystic eyes that some noticed and didn't forget. She had come to Washington with fashionable friends to see a city at war, to feel the symbol of a Capital anguished under an ideal close to her heart. The spires of Trinity Methodist Church reach upward with the rising dome of the Capitol for dom- inance of skyline. The ground is caked with icing of snow. The war is far from over in this winter of discontent. 37 She and her friends took a carriage and drove into Virginia. What her friends saw is unrecorded. What Mrs. Howe felt remains known to millions. She saw soldiers, and felt their meaning. She saw autumn leaves trampled by winds as in wrath across insurgent Virginia. She realized the meaning of war in a word — freedom. And she sensed an intervention clothed in glory. Heading back to Washington, she heard soldiers sing a song called John Brown's Body, with words originating in abolitionist Boston and a tune composed much earlier in volatile South Carolina. It was a shame, Mrs. Howe was told, that such a tune lacked appropriate words. At dawn the next morning in her room at Willard's Hotel she heard again the sound of troops marching in the street below. As she lay in bed and words of the "Battle Hymn of the Republic" started forming in her mind, Mrs. Howe went to the desk and picked up a piece of stationery with her husband's letterhead of the Sanitary Commission, and wrote the verses of the Hymn. Having finished, she returned to bed. Some hours later she awoke and found what she had written and it seemed like a dream. %JU^J^ At^7 A>vz^ o~<^^ tk^~ oUm^ H ftC^- ~^a , c^r^/C^ * Julia Ward Howe 1st verse of Battle Hymn in Mrs. Howe's own hand. '. f Departure For The Peninsula AT THE END OF OCTOBER, 1861, General Winfield Scott, - tired and embittered, tendered his resignation; McClellan was placed in command of all the armies of the United States. A couple of days later at four o'clock on a dismal November morning, amid a pouring rain, McClellan escorted General Winfield Scott to the depot. A great soldier, with fifty-three years of splendid and devoted service to his country, quietly and without ceremony, left his Nation's Capital that day. Over two years would pass before another great American soldier of real military stature would arrive in Washington, with as little show and ceremony. Winter came, the year 1861 dragged to a close, but the very first day of the new year, 1862, found the Confederate Major General "Stonewall" Jackson on the march. He seized and temporarily oc- cupied a part of West Virginia. A Union brigadier general, Ulysses S. Grant, began the major campaign in the West in February by capturing Forts Henry and Donelson in northern Tennessee. This expedition demonstrated the invaluable part that gunboats would play on Western waters. Winter weather meant nothing to these men, but to McClellan it was an excellent excuse to avoid taking any positive action. He was engaged in training his troops and involved in a series of computations which constantly gave the Confederates greater strength than they actually possessed, and underrated the strength of his own army. In actual fact the Union forces far outnumbered the Confederates in Virginia. General McClellan never did develop a workable over-all strategy for the prosecution of the war. First he talked about moving on the enemy at Centreville. Next he proposed a move by water to the Rappahannock and thence on Richmond. This idea was warmly debated for three months, the President fearing for the safety of Washington if the army moved away from the capital. Then on Sunday morning, March 9, 1862, the Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, rushed over to the White House. There he found the President and the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton. They had known that the Confederates had been raising a ship, 39 called the Merrimack, in Norfolk harbor, and fitting her with an iron ram, covering the whole deck and topside with iron plates. Now there was a telegram saying that on the day before, March 8, the ironclad (renamed the Virginia) had sallied forth and destroyed the ships Congress and Cumberland: the Minnesota was aground. Wooden ships had proved helpless against the monster. But there was a ray of hope. The new experimental ironclad Monitor had just been completed and was now present at Hampton Roads. No one knew what could be expected of it. That was a long, anxious Sunday and Mr. Stanton was the most frightened of all. He kept pacing back and forth in his office, looking out the window for signs of the Merrimack steaming up the Potomac. He sent frantic telegrams to governors and to the mayors of port cities, urging them to obstruct their harbors. Gloomily he predicted the complete destruction of the U.S. Navy, the loss of Fort Monroe, then the reduction of Washington and shelling of New York and even Boston. That night the news of the momentous battle between the Monitor and the Merrimack reached Washington, changing everyone's outlook. The battle had been a draw; neither ship had been able to inflict serious damage on the other, but the Merrimack had retired to Norfolk. Steam-powered, ironclad men-of-war had met in combat for the first time. That battle started every nation of the world building completely different types of naval vessels. The day of the wooden warship was practically finished. On that same Sunday, March 9, 1862, the Confederates moved southward, evacuating Manassas, and thereby ruined McClellan's plan of moving by water to the Rappahannock, and from there to Richmond. McClellan now proposed to move to Fort Monroe, to which Lincoln reluctantly agreed, but relieved him of supreme com- mand of all the armies, so that he could devote his full attention to the Army of the Potomac. So, finally, in mid-March, Washington saw the army, which it had come to regard as its own, depart for the Peninsula in hundreds of steamers, schooners and barges. This did not mean that the city was left unguarded — President Lincoln saw to that. In fact there was a long, involved and sometimes acrimonious series of dis- cussions and arguments on the subject, further involved by "Stone- wall" Jackson's lightning campaign in the Shenandoah Valley, which threw a scare into the good people of the capital. 40 The War Drags On To Second Bull Run p ARLY APRIL BROUGHT NEWS of the fiercely contested -*— ' Battle of Shiloh in lower Tennessee, a Union victory but an appalling shock to the people of both North and South. The casualty lists were so large that, by comparison, the casualties at First Bull Run faded into insignificance. The people on both sides awoke to the unpleasant fact that this was going to be a long and bloody war. Meanwhile, the Navy had been tightening its blockade; several points had been seized in every Southern state on the Atlantic coast. Then, in late April, Admiral David G. Farragut's brilliant capture of New Orleans came as glad tidings. But still McClellan seemed to be doing practically nothing to capture Richmond. Finally on May 31 occurred the Battle of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines, but the Confederates had done the attacking. Then in late June and early July the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, commanded by General Robert E. Lee, defeated McClellan in the Seven Days Battles. Shortly afterwards on Friday and Saturday, August 29 and 30, the Second Battle of Bull Run was fought, on the same old battlefield. All day on Saturday crowds waited anxiously for news. In response to a call from the War Department for surgeons and assistants to care for the wounded, a throng gathered at the railroad depot to try to reach the battlefield. No one knew yet who had won, but the reports had generally been favorable. Then early Sunday morning came the shocking news that the Union forces had been thoroughly defeated. A hush fell upon the city. There was a tense silence in the air as people tried to evaluate the many rumors that spread thick and fast. Only a few citizens even attempted to follow their normal routine. It is recorded, for example, that on that Sunday only a handful of teachers and scholars appeared at the Dumbarton Avenue Methodist Church in Georgetown, and that a hush of sorrow and anxiety lay on the few who came. At 9:30 a.m. the session was dismissed. The teachers went home and, on horseback or in carriages, left for the battlefield to help attend the wounded. Then, after the Battle of Chantilly, fought on Septem- ber 1 , twenty miles west of Washington, the Union army withdrew into its defenses, to find itself right back where it had started in March. 41 Wounded boys with the battle stare still in their eyes endure their wounds in Carver Army Hospital, on Washington's Meridian Hill. With the return of the army came the largest group of casualties that the city had ever seen. While some people left Washington in a panic, hundreds of doctors and nurses poured into Washington in response to an appeal from the government to the people of the North. The hospitals were packed; barracks, City Hall, schools, private homes, churches, every conceivable building, even the Capitol, were converted into emergency hospitals. Many people were sure that the city was going to be invaded; McClellan sent his wife's silver away. But the President acted perfectly calm, not at all like a man about to flee in terror. He directed that the government clerks be organized into emergency companies, armed and supplied; then he calmly continued with his regular duties. Although this was a trying, discouraging period of the war, Major General Henry W. Halleck, who had been in command of all the Union armies for about a month, knew the strength of the defenses of Washington and did not expect an invasion. Lincoln again placed McClellan in command of the troops around Washington. 42 Nursing Comes Into Its Own FROM THE VERY FIRST, the citizens of Washington had shown themselves sympathetic to the suffering soldiers in their city. Relief associations had sprung up to work for the men, and to raise money for supplies to comfort them. Often, hospital patients would awaken to discover lady nurses helping tend them, a previously unheard-of practice in this country. As early as June, 1861, Miss Dorothea L. Dix, of Massachusetts, had been appointed Superintendent of Women Nurses. She was nearly sixty years old and had established a national reputation as a humanitarian. Many women flocked to join her but, in spite of the reputation established by Florence Nightingale in the Crimean War, hers was still an uphill fight. Most surgeons did not approve of the idea of having female nurses in men's hospitals. As the hospitals multiplied in number, especially when the great tide of wounded came from the battlefields of the Seven Days and Second Bull Run, so did the number of visitors who came to tend the soldiers. But the shortcomings of old hotels, churches and school- houses were glaringly apparent to everyone. Moreover their adminis- tration left much to be desired. The food was poor and the patients were not supplied with proper clothing. Disease ran rampant yet, to the wounded soldiers brought in from the battlefields, these places seemed wonderful by comparison. Throughout the entire war, women nurses helped in the hospitals. Miss Louisa May Alcott, who later wrote Little Women, was one of these. Miss Dix stayed at her post until the very end. Another determined lady who was of enormous assistance was Miss Clara Barton, also of Massachusetts, a clerk in the Patent Office at the beginning of the war. She also began her service in the very early days in Washington but, as she heard the heartbreaking stories of the neglect of the wounded before they arrived in the city, her prime interest swung to help on the battlefields themselves. This timid, prim woman of forty overrode the red tape of the army and the conventions of society, and actually went to the battlefields. Under the worst possible conditions, in pouring rains within reach of the enemy's guns, she distributed supplies and nourishment to the men, bringing aid and comfort to them before they had to suffer the 43 Clara Barton long, jolting rides in rough, field ambulances and railroad cars back to the hospitals. Later she was appointed Superintendent of Nurses of the Army of the James, and at the close of the war organized at Washington a bureau of records to aid in the search for missing men. In connection with this work she identified and marked the graves of more than 12,000 soldiers at the prison at Andersonville, Georgia. Then, after years of effort, she established the American Red Cross and became its first president. 44 The Sanitary and Christian Commissions MEDICAL TROOPS had not as yet appeared in our service, other than surgeon's helpers and individuals variously desig- nated as surgeon's assistants. Surgery had made great strides; but at that time there was little known of proper antiseptics and sterilization. The loss of life from gangrenous infection of gunshot wounds was appalling. Amputation was generally resorted to when- ever practicable. Because of lack of knowledge of antiseptics the infection often spread to the new wound and many lives were lost in this way. However, the medical service accomplished great feats in the control and stamping out of pestilential diseases and great strides were made in the work of sanitation. The U. S. Sanitary Commission, formed by Dr. Henry Bellows of New York City and a number of other prominent citizens, was of tremendous assistance in this work. It began as an advisory board to aid in the inspection of sanitation in the various camps and hospitals, but its activities soon expanded enormously. They included distribution of relief supplies, equipping and staffing hospital ships and cars, the provision of food and shelter, and The establishment of rest houses or lodges in Washington and in Alexandria. The Com- mission aided in the work of vaccination against smallpox, provided Central Office of the Military Commission of Washington lint and bandages, blankets and commissary stores, eventually extend- ing their work of relief and aid to almost every battlefield of the war. Another organization known as the Christian Commission worked with the army and navy chaplains in ministering to the needs of the wounded and dying. It was an outgrowth of the Y.M.C.A. and had been formed in the fall of 1861 at the suggestion of Mr. Vincent Colyer of New York City. At first its activities were primarily limited to the distribution of Bibles and hymnbooks to the soldiers, but it soon expanded in many other directions, working closely with the Sanitary Commission in distributing food, clothing and hospital stores. These two commissions, together with the im- proved Medical Service, saved the lives of thousands who otherwise would have died. Although the mortality among the wounded rose to great per- centages the loss by disease in the Civil War was still a vast improve- ment over that in previous wars. In the Crimean War, more than four-fifths of the losses were from disease. In our war with Mexico, of each 1,000 enrolled, 1 10 died of disease; in the Civil War, the rate was 65 out of 1,000. The Army and Navy Medical Services had indeed improved! *-3 ■<«M\ This Commission became the YMCA 46 Wandering Warfare Skirts The City • • AFTER THE BATTLE OF SECOND BULL RUN, General Lee l never had any intention of trying to capture Washington by siege or by assault. He wasted no time but embarked on his first invasion of the North. His main purpose was political. The peace party in the North was claiming that the war was a failure and at the moment it certainly appeared to be. In the West also the Confederates were on the march northward into Kentucky. The late summer of 1862 is the only period in the war when the Confederates were advancing victoriously in both the East and the West. A successful invasion would help in obtaining foreign recognition of the Confederacy, which was a constant worry to President Lincoln and his people, for it would probably mean loss of the war. The British government was openly sympathetic to the South, and France would undoubtedly follow its lead. Thus- far, official policy was that the war was being fought for the sole purpose of restoring the Union. Yet Lincoln well knew that, if he could bring the suppression of slavery into the picture as one of the issues, the English people would never agree to recognition of the South. He had on his desk a draft of the Emancipation Procla- mation, but he could not use it — he needed a victory, otherwise it would look like a cry of despair. On September 17, 1862, fifty-five miles northwest of Washington, was fought the Battle of Antietam. It was the bloodiest single day's battle of the war, but it stopped Lee's invasion. Five days later, Lincoln issued his preliminary announcement of the Emancipation Proclamation to become effective on the first of January, 1863. It decreed the end of slavery only in those states that were in rebellion; it left slavery untouched in the loyal slave states. Yet it was a powerful document that practically prohibited any foreign nation from intervening. The concurrent Confederate invasion of Kentucky also ended in failure, so the pendulum had swung back in favor of the North. Yet McClellan did practically nothing to follow up Antietam, so Lincoln replaced him with General Ambrose E. Burnside. During the years of conflict, the city of Washington became virtually base headquarters for the armies in the East. The capital was the 47 T< V-* •* :-f. £ai». •'4^'i ^JWA jjjmi tfjJ jl r A*"*-, v^>- *' .vdEt i * laJ&i Mi mWLi i i - 1 5 % k 1 r«i »iT" -.fM s -«j£SS5Sr! «. ^> While Georgetown College boys conjugate Latin verbs in class rooms on the hill, Union soldiers revive battle memories in huddled group on Mason's Island, now Roosevelt, by the Potomac. nerve center from which flowed increasing demands upon the in- dustry of the North. Throughout the war the Army and Navy supply agencies performed admirably; in fact one of the major reasons why the North won the war was its ability to swing into production, and the tremendous work of the technical and admin- istrative services of the armed forces in supervising and coordinating the flow of supplies. Washington itself became a great production and supply center. The Navy Yard, the U. S. Arsenal and the District Armory were converted to industry. A great cavalry depot, which returned thou- sands of horses to service during the war, was established at Gies- boro Point on the Anacostia River, opposite the Arsenal (Fort Mc- Nair). Yet the city was never allowed to forget the horrors of battle. The wounded and dying kept pouring back from the fighting front. For, as the year drew to a close, the Union forces were again severely defeated by Lee at Fredericksburg. But, it began to look as if victory might be won in the West, as the Confederates were defeated at Murfreesboro or Stones River, Tennessee. So began the eventful year of 1863 with the morale of the Union Army of the Potomac severely shaken by the disaster at Fredericks- burg. President Lincoln found it essential to choose yet another general to command this army; he selected Major General Hooker, 48 nicknamed "Fighting Joe". As first priority the new commander devoted his immediate attention to raising the morale of the army, adopting a system of furloughs to stop alarming desertions from the ranks. Gradually he rebuilt the spirit of the troops until they were again ready to take the field. But who would sustain the morale, courage and conviction of that lonely figure in the White House, upon whose shoulders rested the weight of the whole conflict? The Star reported that on March 9, 1863 the Reverend Bishop Simpson delivered an excellent sermon at the Dumbarton Street Methodist Church from the text, "For what- soever is born of God overcometh the world; and this is the victory that overcometh the world, even our faith." The newspaper further reported that, "President Lincoln, accompanied by the Secretary of War, was present, and was much affected by the sermon, being moved to tears". Then late in April the Army of the Potomac marched forth again. The result was the Battle of Chancellorsville, fought on May 1-3, another defeat at the hands of General Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia. For this victory, however, the South paid dearly with the loss of their beloved leader, General "Stonewall" Jackson. In the West, in April, Admiral David D. Porter, in one of the most dramatic events of the entire war, ran his fleet down the Mississippi past the guns of the Vicksburg batteries. General Grant, in May, followed with a lightning campaign which bottled up the defenders of Vicksburg in their fortress city. Thus was the stage set for Lee's second invasion of the North (to relieve, if possible, the pressure on Vicksburg), and for the great battle on Pennsylvania soil. Dumbarton Methodist Church, Georgetown, opened its doors to the wounded of Second Manassas. President Lincoln was profoundly moved by a sermon he heard there. War Was A Way Of Life * • GRADUALLY FOR A WHILE and then with a hammering rush Washington had changed from a vast blue camping ground of soldiers into a vaster white spread of hospitals for the wounded — men with ghastly injuries inflicted at Bull Run, Ball's Bluff, on the Virginia Peninsula, at Second Manassas, and now Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. Suffering grew so terrible that the city's church bells were often considerately silenced. The wounded lay on cots in Stanton Hospital at New Jersey and I Streets, in other structures in Judiciary Square, and in Douglas Hospital on Minnesota Row. East of the Capitol stood Emory and Lincoln Hospitals, while Armory Square Hospital sprawled near the stinking canal as a neighbor of the Smithsonian. Other wounded lay in transformed barracks on 7th and 14th Street Roads. Meridian Hill shouldered the big Columbian Hospital. Even these were in- sufficient. Churches threw out their pews and pulpits and installed cots. Guests were evicted from hotels to make room for the wounded, and the overflow spread into private homes of Georgetown and Alexandria. The Patent Office received hundreds. So did Georgetown College, and the Capitol accommodated 2,000 cots in the Rotunda and halls of House and Senate. By July, 1864 there were 25 hospitals in and around Washington, with a bed capacity of over 21,000, staffed by Protestants, and by Catholic Nursing Sisters who served in many of them. Upon the city and hospitals swarmed grieving relatives of the wounded, and their numbers were swelled by well-meaning local people, anxious to help the sufferers. They became a problem, taxing the already overburdened surgeons and nurses, but their outcries for improvements proved beneficial. Many were horrified to know that soldiers were being buried, under contract with an undertaker, for $4.99 per funeral. Walt Whitman, a man much engrossed with the soul of man and the meaning of stars and flowers and the universe, mused often among the cots. Abraham Lincoln, a man totally engrossed with saving the American Union, often visited the hospitals, and the suffering he saw on the faces etched more deeply his own lines of suffering. 50 Through the agonized labyrinths of Douglas and Stanton Hospital, President Lincoln and Poet Walt Whitman often walked to encourage and comfort the wounded soldiers. The atmosphere of war deepened with each appalling month. In hundreds of homes thousands of nimble fingers made socks and underwear for the soldiers. Beds for the insatiable contact- seekers and other fatteners on the war grew scarcer. Loiterers bedeviled the streets at all hours. But a universal voice arose in a questioning: How long? And somehow above the anguish and the iron growl of guns to the south gleamed the seemingly unextinguish- able rounds of parties and balls — competitive social exercises where it was no longer fashionable nor safe to espouse the South. Incessantly through saloons where soldiers foregathered moved the agents of the South, splicing together every loosely-dropped word. Among these was a silent and mysterious man named Harrison, slender and dark, reputedly a Mississippian and an actor, who would warn Longstreet of the Union movements just ahead of Gettysburg. And just before Gettysburg (though its name was scarcely known) Washington lay in dreadful suspense. The Sabbath of June 21 brought low sounds of cannon from the direction of Winchester and the Bull Run Mountains, as Lee's army marched northward. Soon rebel prisoners slouched in, and soon the papers said that the Confederate army was marching toward Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Rumors flew; gray cavalry had been seen near the city. People 51 rushed in from Silver Spring, fearful for their homes. Civilians took arms, among them the laborers and mechanics at the Capitol. Every man able to walk and tote a rifle came from the hospitals. Summer dust raised clouds from the cavalry furiously moving through down- town streets, and turning up 14th Street in pounding gallop northward. General Hooker was out, the people learned. General Meade had succeeded him. People tried to remember if they'd seen him in their midst. But there had been so many Generals in and out of the White House and the hotels. Anxiety, compounded by conflicting news and fantastic rumor, gripped Washington through July 1, 2, and 3. But hard-dying emo- tions survived, and all night of the 3rd firecrackers and spiraling rockets proclaimed Independence Day. At 10 a.m. of the 4th, The Star broke the news. Meade had won. Lee's bloodied army was returning back toward Virginia. Emotions exploded in a crash of bands, singing and shouting. Crowds rushed upon the White House lawns, conspicuous among them the Mayor and Councilmen. Somebody read the Declaration of Independence, and the Marine Band crashed out The Star Spangled Banner. The next day it was learned that crumbling Vicksburg had col- lapsed, and once more the capital went wild. The names of Grant and Sherman were shouted from doorway and corner. The band of the 34th Massachusetts blared up the Avenue and into the White House grounds, dragging behind it a kite-tail of thousands of citizens who were unsatisfied until they had cheered to hoarseness at Seward's house across the park, and at the Stanton residence in K Street. But out of the exultation crept a sobering thought: a victory — at last — but how long? 52 Brand Wedding, Great Speech, Towering Symbol FOR WASHINGTON WOMEN there was a wearying war to endure — but always there was Kate Chase as an antidote. At twenty-three, she was everything women wanted to be, socially powerful, radiant with ivory skin and glowing auburn hair, tastefully bejeweled, and to crown it all the bride-to-be of young Senator William Sprague, former combat soldier and ex-Governor of Rhode Island. As the final pat of perfection, the groom-to-be had money. When the November wedding day came, Mr. Lincoln rubbed his top hat and made off alone by carriage to the Chase mansion (at 6th and F Streets). He was wretched with anxieties and bothered about a little speech he had promised to make the next week at Gettysburg. When he reached the mansion the street was jammed with people, and carnages were arriving. Out stepped the Honorable Simon Cameron, Generals Halleck, McDowell and Stoneman, many grand ladies, and beribboned diplomats. Soon a silence fell on the great house; the crowds outside whispered that the vows must be in process. And then came a burst of music, and outside from the crowd arose a long sigh of enchantment. No one in Washington knew that Mr. Lincoln was conceiving a masterpiece. And least of all was it known to Mr. Lincoln himself. He had been requested by a prominent New Englander to state emphatically and clearly the meaning of the war. He had, moreover, been asked by the sponsors of the cemetery dedicatory exercises to make his talk brief because a great orator, Edward Everett of Massachusetts, would purple the air with meaningful rhetoric. Mr. Lincoln went to Gettsyburg and spoke the few words which he believed the world would little note nor long remember. When he arrived back in Washington people looked at him the same way, not knowing how tremendously he had grown. Washingtonians knew that a statue would adorn the great Dome of the Capitol, and some who had seen the model thought it repre- sented an Indian because of the feathered headdress. But most recognized it as a goddess. She wore flowing draperies. Her right 53 Expressing Freedom with the eloquence of eternal stillness, the goddess rides the Capitol dome with her face to the rising sun. Scattered marble blocks await their place in the unfinished structure. hand rested on the hilt of a sheathed sword. The left hand held a wreath, and grasped a shield. A brooch at the waist carried the letters "U.S.". The brooch held the draperies in place. The head, in determined pose, was covered by a helmet encircled with stars surmounted by a crest composed of an eagle's head, and a flaring arrangement of feathers. The sculptor Thomas Crawford had created the statue in his Rome studio. She was started to America as a plaster model in 1858 aboard the bark Emily Taylor. Soon the vessel battled for life in a raging storm, sprang a leak, and fled to Bermuda. The seamen threw nearly everything overboard but clung to the goddess. When she reached America it was into the growing tempest of the Civil War. But the people, like the seamen, held fast to her as something strong and symbolic. On December 2, 1863, men raised all 14,985 pounds of her to the crest of the Dome. A flag fluttered up, and a stand of cannon to the east of the Capitol roared. The salute was answered by every big gun in the forts surrounding the city. Thousands of people clapped, and yelled at the sight. That night she stood the tallest thing between all the horizons, like a beautiful dim woman come down from the stars. 54 General Grant Arrives IN SEPTEMBER, in the West, the Union army had lost the Battle of Chickamauga and retreated hastily to Chattanooga, Tennessee, where it remained inactive, while the Confederates laid siege to the city. Two corps from the Union Army of the Potomac were dispatched from Virginia by rail. General Sherman started from the Mississippi with a large force, and General Grant was placed in command of all the Union forces in the West. Late in November, 1863, he attacked and, winning the Battles of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge, drove the Confederates southward into Georgia. Late in February, 1 864, the Congress passed a bill reviving the rank of lieutenant general. Early in March, Major General U. S. Grant was ordered from the West to Washington. The East knew him only by reputation as the victor at Forts Henry and Donelson, Shiloh, Vicksburg, Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge near Chatta- nooga. Grant knew Washington only from a visit he made after graduating from West Point. He utterly feared the place. His warm friend, General Sherman, would warn him against Washington and intrigues and politicians. "For God's sake, and for your country's sake, come out of Washington," Sherman said. So the self-effacing General fell uneasily into the arms of the admiring populace immediately after lodging at Willard's with his son, Fred, age fourteen, who had lived with him at Vicksburg. At the hotel a band serenaded him. Theaters vainly desiring his prestige patronage strung up laudatory banners. Crowds tailed him as he walked silently from the hotel, the pale blue eyes staring down strange distances of thought. The people noticed the cigar and how likable Grant seemed because he looked like everybody else, a good plain man. The General didn't like parties. But on the night of March 8 he went dutifully to the White House for a reception by the President and Mrs. Lincoln in the Blue Room. The reception was not for him, but he thought he ought to go. Cabinet members pressed against the President while he shook scores of hands, smiling when an old friend came by. 55 Fence idlers, ladies and children on the White House lawn could little know the depths of anquish felt by the President behind the White House windows. Two soldiers shatter the illusion of a peaceful winter day. At 9:30 a commotion arose around the door. Someone had noticed that General Grant had arrived, had melted into the crowd and was moving slowly toward the President for a hand shake. The two men had never met. Lincoln knew Grant's likeness only from pictures he had seen in newspapers. But he knew acutely the portentous shape of his victories. Now a strange light crossed Lincoln's eyes, and he advanced toward the Westerner, calling out: "Why, here is General Grant. Well, this is a great pleasure, I assure you." One onlooker remembered that Lincoln held Grant's hand for several minutes. Seward became effusive in his welcome, and Mrs. Lincoln expressed her pleasure. Then the guests became unmanageable, lunging joyfully at the hero of Vicksburg, pulling at his hands and showering compliments until the Secretary of State plunged into the swarm and drew Grant into the larger East Room to relieve the suffocating attentions. The vast room rocked with the cries of "Grant! Grant! Grant!". Seward induced him to stand upon a sofa to escape the crush. But the better view generated louder cheering, and it was an hour before the General escaped. The authorities tendered him two offices in the Winder Building on 17th Street but he didn't use them. He took of! for the Army of the Potomac, then down about the Wilderness. When he was gone, someone who remembered all the adulation thought to look at the register in Willard's Hotel. In Grant's handwriting lay the simple registration: "U. S. Grant and Son, Galena, 111." 56 Mr. President Goes To War WITH THE ARRIVAL OF GENERAL GRANT a concerted plan of action was evolved, for the first time, for all the Union forces. Simultaneous movements were planned for an advance by General William T. Sherman against Atlanta, an advance up the Shenandoah Valley, a move up the James River toward Richmond and finally, most important of all, an advance by the Army of the Potomac against Lee's army in Virginia. Grant went with Meade against Lee, leaving Halleck in Washington as his chief of staff. In May, 1864, the various movements began. As Sherman ap- proached Atlanta, Grant battered his way south toward Richmond, losing terrific casualties at the Wilderness, at Spotsylvania where General John Sedgwick, the famous leader of the Sixth Corps fell, then on to the North Anna and Cold Harbor. Finally, uniting with the Army of the James, Grant reached the outskirts of Richmond and Petersburg. After an unsuccessful effort ending in defeat, the advance up the Shenandoah Valley reached Lynchburg, west of Richmond. In this emergency, and to relieve the pressure on Richmond, General Lee detached Lieutenant General Jubal A. Early to the Valley. After saving Lynchburg, Early's next move was startling; he marched upon Washington. Completely unaware of approaching danger the city celebrated the 4th of July and, on the next day, the Navy Department hung out its big flag in honor of a victory at sea. The Confederate commerce raider Alabama, which had made a series of successful and daring cruises lasting for nearly two years, destroying and capturing many valuable prizes, had finally been sunk by the Kearsarge on June 11, off the coast of Cherbourg, France. Then Washington was thunderstruck to learn that Early had led his columns down the Valley — across the Potomac, reached the old battlefield at Antietam, in Maryland, by July 6, then on to the Monocacy by July 9, where his veteran troops rolled over but were delayed by a small Union force under General Lew Wallace. Up to this moment Early had thought he might do some damage to Washington which, although rimmed by 68 forts and batteries, 57 had been deprived of much of its manpower to nourish Grant's campaign. But the Battle of the Monocacy gave him pause, for troops from a division of the Union Sixth Corps, which was sup- posed to be near Richmond had been identified on the battlefield. However he pushed on, reached Rockville, ten miles north of Washington, on July 10, then poured on into Silver Spring, just outside of the District of Columbia. The Confederates seized papers in the house of Postmaster General Blair and set fire to it. As Early drew near, frantic defenders made their preparations. Union bugles called up the militia, the home guard and government clerks — anyone who could hold a rifle. That evening, President Lincoln, a tower of calm, summoned his carriage' and went to his summer cottage at the Soldiers' Home, not far from Early's camp- fires. Aides wrung protesting hands. "Early is near," they cried. Mr. Lincoln showed a slight irritation. On July 1 1 , General Early left the Southern lines and trotted up to scout Fort Stevens. Though it bristled with nineteen guns and Bristling and shapely ramparts of Fort Stevens helped guard Washington from northerly assult. Confederate General Jubal Early struck at Stevens in July, 1864, in a feint to relieve pressure on Lee at Petersburg. Here Lincoln exposed himself to enemy fire. I i I two mortars, it seemed feebly manned. Just then a line of bluecoated troops deployed about the fort. As it happened, these were just some of the militia and a few more units from the Washington camps but Early hesitated, wondering if they were Grant's battle-seasoned soldiers. He knew he could not capture the capital, even with its weakened garrison, but he might penetrate a little way and give the world something to think about. The Union's "varsity team" was, in fact, debarking from transports at the Potomac wharves at that moment. Two leather-tough divisions of Sedgwick's old Sixth Corps, their uniforms faded almost to Con- federate gray and smeared with the mud of Virginia trenches, swung through the capital's streets to the shouts of a grateful population. They arrived just as Early was about to attack. The President fol- lowed them to the fort and stood, a six-foot-four target, on the parapet, listening to the crash of rifles, the strangely intimate buzz of bullets — like summer bees back home in Illinois. Men long remembered Lincoln under fire. He stood impassively, in full view of Rebel sharpshooters hiding about where Walter Reed Hospital stands today. He watched a blue brigade spring from cover and drive in the southern position, spilling 280 dead and wounded behind. But snipers had the range. Five feet from the tall- hatted figure an army surgeon crumpled with a bullet in his ankle. Three feet away an officer slumped, dead. Lincoln, seeing at first- hand the war that he had asked so many young men to fight, seemed utterly unconsicous of physical danger. Alarmed, General Horatio G. Wright, Sixth Corps commander, implored the President to get down, finally threatened to remove him under guard. With a quizzical look at General Wright, Lincoln finally complied. He remains the only President of the United States who, while in office, faced the savagery of battle, the hum and slap of bullets. Early slipped away next morning and Lincoln went back to work. Nine months of war remained for him to bear — nine months of life. 59 The Rich And The Poor • • AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR the citizens of Washington /V had expected a quick and easy victory. It had turned out to be long, costly and bloody: but people's daily lives must con- tinue to be lived. Gradually they become accustomed or inured to these events which must somehow be accepted, just as they finally came to recognize that there was little that could be done about the horde of undesirables which descended upon the city and could not be controlled. The citizens of the capital city still managed to exist and with these people the way they lived varied enormously. The problems of daily life that any war brings to a big city arose, but magnified, because Washington was not only the capital city but also the big central depot of the Army of the Potomac. And the Navy Yard had developed into a huge establishment, filled with vessels under repair, manufacturing guns, howitzers, bullets, all the materials of war. Ships were built and launched; hundreds of new workers were required to perform these manifold tasks. During the war D. C. residents were also introduced for the first time into the mysteries of horse-drawn street railways. Originally the line ran only from the Capitol to the State Department, but it was eventually extended to Georgetown, with branch lines to the depot and the Navy Yard. As additional workers poured into the city with their families, Washington grew enormously, as it has in every war. But construc- tion could not keep up with the need for housing. Rents grew higher and higher, but salaries did not rise with the cost of living. This was especially true of government salaries; the government workers were grossly underpaid in comparison with private industry. The average person's daily problems were made worse by the government con- tractors who had become rich from the war. They came to town with plenty of money to spend, as did thousands of tourists. Of all those affected, the ones in the most difficult position were the single women who worked for the government. Several strikes occurred against both private industry and against government agencies helping raise wages slightly, sometimes, for the men but rarely for the women. In those days people just did not believe in giving women a reason- able wage. 60 The horse, always handy, found heavier work in war pulling the forerunner of street cars between the Capitol and Wil- lard's Hotel. At first filled with pleasure seekers, down to the routine business of transportation. This was how one-half of the people fought and struggled to exist, with long hours of work and practically no money to spend for housing or food. There was another side to the picture — the gay, social life, which, after the first shock of war had worn off, began to flourish. Huge, extravagant balls, levees and dinners came with increasing frequency. Social life became a round of brilliant affairs. Dancing was the rage, with beautiful ladies dressed in gorgeous costumes, and men in the elegant style of the day. The theatres in the city became extremely popular and their managers made tremendous sums of money. The well-known actors became the talk of high society. One of the most popular of these was a man named John Wilkes Booth, who was soon to become known, throughout the world, for another reason. In 1865 the Center Market was a hub of trade for Wash- ingtonians. This view is from the Smithsonian Institution, looking north. Lincoln Is Reelected *•••••••••••• ••••••• IN JUNE, 1864, the Republican Convention met and renominated Abraham Lincoln for President, with a war Democrat, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, as his running mate. Today it seems almost incomprehensible that there would have been any question as to whether or not Lincoln would be reelected, but in the gloomy summer days of that year there was grave doubt as to the outcome. As yet the Northern armies had accomplished very little except to incur heavy losses. Richmond was still in enemy hands; losses at Atlanta, where General McPherson had been killed, had been severe; and the Confederates still had the Shenandoah Valley. It began to look to many people in the North as if the South could never be beaten; it was too great a task; perhaps it was time to give up the attempt. In fact this was now what the South was fighting for, to make the war appear too costly for the North. So long as there was any hope at all the Southern armies refused to admit defeat. President Lincoln himself was so dejected that he wrote a despair- ing yet defiant little note, which he never used: This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so cooperate with the President- elect, as to save the Union between election and inaugura- tion; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterwards. Then early in August came the inspiring attack on the Con- federate fleet at Mobile Bay, the most important naval event of the year. After a hard-fought battle Admiral Farragut destroyed the opposing fleet and opened the way for the capture of Mobile. His famous "Damn the torpedoes. Go ahead." became an integral part of our naval tradition. Yet, in spite of this good news, the opposing party nominated General George B. McClellan for President and George H. Pendleton, an anti-war man, as Vice-President, on a platform calling for im- mediate cessation of hostilities and the restoration of peace. Later McClellan repudiated the peace plank but sought to capitalize on Northern defeatism. The campaign was conducted vigorously by both sides; although unable to vote, the citizens of the Nation's Capital took part in the campaign enthusiastically. Then Atlanta fell on September 2, which practically assured the reelection of President Lincoln. First Mobile Bay, then Atlanta, then a smashing victory on October 19, by General Philip H. Sheridan over Jubal Early's troops in the Shenandoah Valley, finally on the night of October 27 the daring exploit of Lieutenant William B. Cushing of the United States Navy which resulted in the destruction of the formidable ironclad Albemarle — definitely the war was being won, after all. On November 8, Lincoln was reelected with a comparatively small plurality, but a landslide in electoral votes. As the people of the North, and Washington in particular, passed the winter, waiting expectantly for the forthcoming Second Inaugura- tion, the war went on with increasingly satisfactory results. In mid- December, 1864, General George H. Thomas utterly destroyed Hood's Confederate army at Nashville, Tennessee. General Sherman's troops completed their famous, destructive "March to the Sea" and occupied Savannah, Georgia. Sherman then turned north and, in one of the most amazing feats of the entire war, plunged into, and straight through, the impassable swamps of South Carolina, to occupy Columbia, and cause the evacuation of Charleston. Then he moved on into North Carolina. In the meantime Union soldiers and sailors captured Fort Fisher and occupied Wilmington, the last major sea- port of the South. 63 The Second Inaugural • • THE WINTER OF 1864-65 had been extremely cold with ice so thick on the Potomac that it could easily support crowds of people skating on the river. But Inauguration Day, March 4, broke in a torrent of rain. The city was so packed with visitors come to witness the event that many, who had been unable to find ac- commodations, had actually invaded the Capitol and slept there while Congress itself stayed awake all night to finish its final business. In mid-morning the rain slackened slightly and crowds began to gather on the grounds of the Capitol to attend this, the first inaugura- tion to be held in front of the new iron dome and its recently erected statue of Freedom. About eleven o'clock the grand pro- cession formed around the White House and Lafayette Square to march along Pennsylvania Avenue, unaware of the fact that Lincoln had already preceded them and was busily signing last minute bills. The rain had stopped but the mud it had created flooded the streets so thickly that it was difficult to wade through, yet the proces- sion somehow reached the Capitol and, by the scheduled time of shortly after noon, the mudbespattered throng had swelled to an estimated total of 30,000. Shortly before twelve, Andrew Johnson entered the Senate Cham- ber to take the oath of office but, before doing so, delivered a long speech which proved nothing except that he was under the in- fluence of liquor, and it delayed the whole proceedings. Then the dignitaries moved to the east front of the Capitol. An incident occurred which went unnoticed at the time, but a man tried to break through, toward the President; he was later identified from a photo- graph as the actor John Wilkes Booth. At about one o'clock the President rose, amid applause, and gave his address including the memorable words: With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations. 64 While sun gleamed suddenly through clouds and rain, Presi- dent Lincoln in his second inaugural address bespoke to a crowd of 30,000 his will to "bind the Nation's wounds." But his death would interpose. 65 Victory And Tragedy * • ON MARCH 25, 1865, General Lee made a last assault against the Union lines, but failed. Four days later General Grant began his final turning movement which ended in a victory by Sheridan on April 1, at the Battle of Five Forks. Grant im- mediately ordered a general assault at dawn of April 2. That night the Army of Northern Virginia evacuated Petersburg and Richmond on the road to Appomattox. When the news of the fall of Richmond hit Washington the citizens reacted like a crowd of lunatics, shouting, singing, shrieking and embracing each other. Official gun salutes were fired, unofficial bands blared popular marches in the streets, parades formed spon- taneously. The fire departments galloped through town, greeted by cheers, as they scattered people right and left. All afternoon and far into the evening, the people celebrated the glorious victory. On Palm Sunday, April 9, Lee and Grant met at Appomattox to discuss the terms of surrender. The President had visited Rich- mond but had returned to the capital and was present when the news arrived. This time the celebration was quite different from the one that followed the fall of the enemy Capital. People came trooping to the White House like joyful children, cheering Mr. Lincoln as he made a few brief appearances. At Willard's Bar an old man began singing the Doxology, and the crowd joined in. Life had once more become more important than death. On the following evening Secretary Stanton hung over his portico a decoration of gas jets that spelled "PEACE". Arlington, Lee's home across the river, was extravagantly decorated. Mr. Lincoln made a brief speech to an immense multitude gathered at the White House, dwelling not on the victory, but on how best to effect re- construction — a speech which surprised many of his listeners, who received it with varying reactions. The 14th of April, 1865 broke upon the Washington scene as an ideal spring day, warm, bright and peaceful. On this Good Friday, nature beamed upon a National Capital crowded with blithe spirits, overjoyed at the turn of events which had brought to a sudden and dramatic end four years of bloody, desperate civil war. It was a 66 day of national as well as religious thanksgiving. Exactly four years before, Major Robert Anderson had been obliged to haul down the American flag at Fort Sumter. Today it was being raised again above the fort. Only President Abraham Lincoln awakened with a feeling of foreboding. The strange dream that had come to him before Sumter, Antietam and Gettysburg had returned. Mrs. Lincoln remarked apprehensively on his preoccuppied appearance, which he tried to belittle for her sake. That evening they were due to see Miss Laura Keene in a per- formance of Our American Cousin at Ford's red-brick Theatre on 10th Street. General and Mrs. Grant had been invited, but had been unable to attend. About 10:30 p.m., John Wilkes Booth stealthily entered the President's box (the officer assigned to guard it was mysteriously absent from his post), pressed his small, single-shot Deringer pistol close to the President's head and fired the shot which Within Ford's Theatre on April 1 4, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was mortally wounded by the assassin John Wilkes Booth. In 10th Street thousands soon milled about in horror through the worst night in the city's history. brought an end to the life of Abraham Lincoln. The President was carried across the street to the Petersen residence at 516 10th Street where he died the next morning. All that night and on the day that Lincoln died, confusion, chaos and despair gripped the city. Washington was stunned; the com- munity seemed to feel itself responsible for the crime because it happened here. Decorations disappeared as lengths of black replaced them at the White House, and on government buildings, private homes and business establishments, whose doors were closed. Prudent secessionists, knowing they might be blamed for the disaster, hung mourning on their houses. Soldiers came searching for bits of crepe and ribbon to wrap around their sleeves. It was the worst period that Washington had ever faced in its existence, far more serious than when the city had burned in 1814, because one could run from that — this despair and anguish could not be escaped. Guards blocked all the exits from the city. Couriers dashed through the streets carrying orders from the excited Mr. Stanton to alert the forts and man the guns. Booth had escaped by leaping onto the stage, and running out the back door, but was caught twelve days after the crime in a barn near Bowling Green, Virginia. On his refusal to surrender, the barn was fired and he was shot. Simultaneous attacks had been planned upon Secretary of State Seward and the Vice-President. Seward was assaulted and severely wounded, at his home, a three-story house, where the old Belasco Theatre now stands at Lafayette Square. The man who was assigned to kill Vice-President Johnson lacked the courage even to try. Of the nine persons, other than Booth, impli- cated in the assassination, four were hanged, four were imprisoned, the ninth escaped punishment. He was John H. Sturratt who fled to Europe, then was returned some time later; the case was nolle- prossed and he went free. The trial and sentence to hang his mother, Mrs. Mary E. Surratt, provoked unending controversy, but the verdict remained unchanged. The Capital and the entire North went into mourning, but under- neath surged a spirit of revenge. The people of the South, entirely innocent of the crime committed by a few fanatics, were filled with fear of the consequences. It may truthfully be said that the assassi- nation of President Lincoln, more than any other single factor, caused the terrible, harsh years of Reconstruction, which divided the Country more than had all the fury and desolation of four years of war. If Mr. Lincoln's own wise policies had been followed, the spirit of national unity which now prevails could have been hastened by many years. 68 Bring The Cool Old Bugle, Boys FOR FIVE DAYS before May 23, 1865, Washington was decked out in flags, bunting, transparencies, triumphal arches and breeze-whipped mottoes for the Grand Review of armies which had saved the Nation's life. For this would be more than a gigantic two-day spectacle in blue: it would dramatize an experience come full circle. Thousands of men who had drawn first breath as soldiers in Washington would end their days as soldiers here in a march down Pennsylvania Avenue to an unfixed destination in Time. Nearly 150,000 men — Army of the Potomac, 80,000; Army of the Tennessee, 36,000; and the Army of Georgia, 33,000 — had poured into the Capital in May, splashing the white of tents on parks and surrounding hills until the sight resembled the borning months of war. Doors of great houses flew open to prominent officers; merchants stocked heavily for heydays of business; ladies tortured themselves Blaring bands and pounding drums quickened the stride of soldiers home from the War, as the Grand Review swung past 9th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue in May, 1865. over what gowns to wear to what, and the saloons rolled in barrel on barrel of liquor. Trains groaned in, packed to the doors with celebrants. Finding a bed was impossible — but who wanted to sleep? Underneath the jubiliations lingered the grief over Mr. Lincoln; and all about, as somehow in his memory, stood the flaming flowers of spring. At 9 a.m. a bugle pealed, a cannon fired and the march of the Army of the Potomac began with Meade at its head, on a champing horse. The blue cloumns, dense and rhythmic, swung down Capitol Hill interspersed with bands playing When Johnny Comes Marching Home, Tramp, Tramp, Tramp, and other songs of a singing war. Crowds jammed the streets and men and women in windows and children in trees shouted back the tunes to the marching soldiers. Some rushed the columns, and kissed the tattered flags. The reviewing stand before the White House was occupied by President Johnson, his Cabinet, Congressmen, diplomats, and gov- ernors of Northern states. Grant had come early on foot from the Army's Headquarters at 1 7th and F Streets. Sherman was there, too, and next day % would remember old controversies and decline the prof erred hand of Secretary Stanton. Soon the column rounded the curve at the Treasury, and pounded ahead. Meade swerved his horse, dismounted and entered the stand. The cavalry trotted past, led by Merritt in the absence of Sheridan. Custer rode up in buckskin trousers, his yellow hair flowing behind a crimson necktie — and the crowd applauded. Suddenly frightened, his horse reared and plunged in a wild gallop before the reviewers. But Custer reined in, and returned for a quieter passing under a shower of thrown flowers. The famed corps marched by, followed by bouncing cannon heaped with flowers. The President almost continuously waved his hat in a curious motion from left to right. Occasionally he threw his right arm across his breast, and rested the hat on his left shoulder. The next day the armies of the West had their turn. The bands played Marching Through Georgia as the tall, lean victors of Vicks- burg and Atlanta marched along for seven hours. They had a shaggier, different look about them; a New York World reporter thought the Army of the Potomac was an army of citizens, and the Westerners an army of pioneers. Within a few weeks they were gone, and the drowse of summer lay between the river and the Maryland upland; and their looks were forgotten until when years had passed some of their faces came back in bronze to the parks of the beautiful Capital. 70 "3rt a£M'; The Grand Review, 1865. President Johnson, the Cabinet, General Grant and other notables, in the Presidential Re- viewing Stand in front of the White House. ^^r'.'^#3 ' The massive grandeur of Washington takes shape in this photograph made soon after the Civil War. 71 ************ "It is wrong to say that the Civil War divided this country. The war came because the country was already divided; and actually, in a strange way, the Civil war unites us — unites us by the sharing of a great and unique experience. It has given to all of us, North and South together, a moving and an incomprehensible memory. It remains always upon our conscience, just below the surface. It touches everything we do, it helps condition every emotional attitude we take. And it has led us as a people a great distance along the road to that maturity of wisdom which is above all other things necessary for a democracy. And so we keep on with our search. We may get no final answers fit to be writ- ten down in books, but we do see, always before us, the great ranks of the nameless men and women who marched out of mystery and into mystery, out of life and into death, so many years ago. They are worth looking at; and, as we look, I suggest that we listen closely. For these heroes of ours, who lived so long ago, and who struggled so greatly against something greater than themselves, were part of an undying pro- cession, men and women who marched bravely on the undiscovered road to tomorrow; and as they marched, they marched to the sound of trumpets." — Bruce Catton ************ The President and Mrs. John F. Kennedy The Vice President and Mrs. Lyndon Johnson The Speaker and Mrs. John McCormack General and Mrs. Dwight D. Eisenhower COMMISSIONERS OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Honorable Walter N. Tobriner, President Honorable Frederick J. Clarke Honorable John B. Duncan CIVIL WAR CENTENNIAL COMMISSION OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Honorable Paul J. Sedgwick, Chairman MEMBERS Sigurd Anderson J. B. Heffernan Marshall Andrews Alexander Holtzoff Elden Billings C. M. Keller Henry Brylawski Mrs. B. Y. Martin Leon Chatelain William H. Press Henry A. Dudley William H. Price E. M. Eller B. M. McKelway Robert E. Freer Roger Robb West A. Hamilton J. Gay Seabourne Samuel D. Sturgis Lois Jacobs, Secretary Staff Assistants: B. Frank Cooling, N.P.S. Carl H. Frey Scott Hart Authors: _ _ _, Joseph B. Mitchell UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 975.3D63S C002 THE SYMBOL AND THE SWORD WASH DC 3 01 2 031841999