: 5 E ; - S . ‘ x 4 ad a . i = j 4 5 i Zz E = = 2 . 5 , ? c= 2 ‘ ; ~ : ie : Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library Me bhun 3 May, Prada (6.8 ge BHE LIFE OF reRNANDO CORTES. BY ARTHUR HELPS, AUTHOR OF THE ‘“‘ SPANISH CONQUEST IN AMERICA,” IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON : GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN. AND NEW YORK, 1894. CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. h HE march to Tezcuco—Cortes sur- ae ? prizes Iztapalapa—Expedition round R eS the Great Lake— Final preparations for the Siege of Mexico . CHAPTER XI, The Spaniards and their allies commence the siege —-Defeat ‘of the Mexicans on the Lake—Mexico entirely invested—Council summoned by the Mexican king—-Result of the first general attack —The various successes of Alvarado’s division —Impatience of the soldiers—The second gene- ral attack—The Spaniards defeated CuapTerR XII. Consequences of the Defeat—The Siege languishes —Cortes sends aid to his Indian Allies—The Allies return to the Camp of Cortes—The Siege is pressed—The Mexicans will not treat with Cortes— Mexico is taken ; Page 30 96 v1 CONTENTS. CuHaPter XIII, State of Mexico after the Conquest—Thanksgiving for the Victory—Mexico rebuilt and repeopled —Christoval de Tapia sent to supersede Cortes —Revolt of Panuco—Cortes inhabits Mexico— Memorial of Conquistadores to the Hmperor— Arrival of Franciscans CHarrer XLV. The Expeditions sent out by Cortes to conquer and to colonize—The Expedition of Alvarado . CHAPTER XY. Other expeditions sent out by Cortes to conquer and to colonize—Expedition under Sandoval . CHarteR XVI. The Dealings of Cortes with the Natives, as regards apportioning them to his Spaniards Cuarter XVII. Christoval De Olid sent by Cortes to Honduras— his rebellion—Cortes goes to Honduras to chas- tise Christoval de Olid-—Dissensions in Mexico during his Absence—Execution of the Kings of Mexico and Tlacuba—Return of Cortes to Mex- ico—Ponce de Leon comes to take a Residencia of Cortes : : : : : : Page Pe BS 153 169 Ee . 183 CONTENTS. Cuarrer XVIII. The Residencia of Cortes—Death of Ponce de Leon —Confused state of the Government of Mexico— Ponce de Leon’s instructions about encomiendas come to naught—Hncomiendas allowed by the Spanish Court — An Audiencia created for Mexico—Instructions to this Audiencia do not vary the nature of encomiendas in New Snvain CHAPTER XIX. Arrival of the Audiencia— Great Disputes between the Protectors of the Indians and the Audiencia —the Auditors prosecute the Bishop of Mexico —The Bishop excommunicates the Auditors— A great Junta in Spain on the subject of the Indies . : : ; P CHAPTER XX. The second Audiencia arrives in Mexico—Pro- ceedings of the Auditors—The poverty of Cortes . é : ; : : F CHAPTER X XI. The Expeditions sent out by Cortes to the North of Mexico—Cortes returns to Spain—His grie- vances and troubles : ‘ : ° vu Page . 266 . 278 HERNANDO CORTES. CHAPTER X. The march to Tezcuco—Surprizes Iztapalapa—Expedition round the Great Lake—Final preparations for the siege of Mexico. had planned against the devoted city of Mexico, Cortes started from Tlascala on the 28th of December, the Feast of the Inno- cents. There were three ways leading to Tez- cuco; Cortes chose the most difficult one, thinking wisely that it would be the least protected. Ten thousand Tlascalans accompanied him. He met with very little opposition, and with none that needs recounting, on the way. When he ap- proached the spot from which the whole province of Mexico could be seen, Cortes bade his men Tl. B Cortes starts from Tlascala for the siege of Mexico. 2 TEZCUCO APPROACHED. give thanks to God for having brought them so far in safety. The army regarded the scene with a mixture of pleasure and sorrow: pleasure, from the hope they had. of future conquest; sorrow, from the losses which that view brought back to their minds; and they all promised one another not to quit the country, but to conquer or die. After they had expressed that determination, they went on as gaily as if they were going to a festi- val.* That night the Spaniards halted at Coate- peque, a city subject to Tezcuco, and three leagues distant from it. The Spaniards found the place deserted; and as Cortes knew that the province belonging to Tezcuco was very populous, so that, as he remarks, it could furnish more than one hundred and fifty thousand warriors, he was very watchful that night. Nothing, however, hap- pened; and, the next day, being the last of De- * « Y aunque obimos mucho placer en las ver, consi- deraudo el dafio pasado, que en ellas habiamos recibido, representésenos alguna tristeza por ello, y prometimos, todos de nunca de ella salir, sin Victoria, 6 dejar alli las vidas. Y con esta determinacion ibamos todos tan alegres, como si fueramos 4 cosa de mucho placer.”—Lo- RENZANA, p. 188. EMBASSAGE TO OORTES. 3 cember, they resumed their march in considerable perplexity as to what were the intentions of the Tezcucans. They had hardly left their quarters before they met four Indian Chiefs, one of whom Cortes recognised as an acquaintance, bearing a rod with a small flag of gold on it, a signal of peace, “ which God knows,” he adds, “ how much we desired.” The Chiefs, who came on the part of the King of Tezcuco, made excuses for the in- juries which Cortes had received on a former occasion, and said that their King begged that Cortes would do no damage to their country, assuring him that they wished to be vassals to the King of Spain. After some further con- ference, they asked him whether he was going to the city that day, or whether he would take up his quarters in one or other of those towns which were suburbs* to Tezcuco, These suburbs ex- tended for a league and a half, with houses all the way along.t Cortes replied that he meant to * This shows the prosperity of the district, and is an important indication of the peace which it must have enjoyed. + ‘‘ Que son como Arrabales de la dicha Ciudad, las quales se dicen Coatinchan, y Guaxuta, que estan 4 una Embassage to Cortes from the King of Tezcuco. Cortes enters Tezcuco. The Tezcu- cans desert their city. 4, TEZOUCANS DESERT THEIR CITY. reach Tezcuco that day, whereupon the Chiefs said that they would go forward and prepare the lodgings of the Spaniards. That evening, New Year’s Eve, Cortes entered Tezcuco, and took up his quarters in the Palace of the King’s late father, giving notice immediately, by a herald, that no Spaniard should quit the building without his leave. This he did to reassure the people, for he had noticed that not a tenth part of the usual population was visible, and that he could see no women or children, which was a bad sign. Some Spaniards having ascended the terraced tops of the building, which commanded the adjacent country, perceived that the inhabitants were fly- ing from it, some betaking themselves with their goods to canoes upon the lake, and others hurrying off to the neighbouring sierras. Cortes imme- diately gave orders to stop their flight; but, as night now came quickly on, the pursuit was of no use. The King, whom Cortes says that he desired to have in his hands, “‘as he desired salva- tion,” accompanied by many of the principal men, lecua y media de ella, y siempre va todo poblado.”— Lorenzana, p. 190. NEIGHBOURING CHIEFS. 5 was among the fugitives who had gone to the city of Mexico. It was in the hope of detaining Cortes and preventing his entering the city as an enemy, that the messengers from Tezcuco had - gone to meet him and parley with him in the morning. ‘The chiefs of the neighbouring suburbs, or towns as they may more properly be called, did not follow the example of the King of the Tezcucans in his flight to Mexico, but after a few days returned and made peace with Cortes. The Mexicans, hearing this, sent an angry message to them, assuring them at the same time that, if they had made peace with Cortes in order to save their lands, they might enjoy other and better lands if they would come to Mexico. This mes- sage had no effect, and the chiefs delivered the messengers into the hands of Cortes, who availed himself of the opportunity to send an offer of peace by them to the authorities at Mexico. He assured them that he did not desire war, although he had much cause for offence; but that he wished to be their friend, as he had been of yore. He added, they well knew that those who had heen chiefly concerned in the former war with him were dead (the small-pox had been busy at Mexico, The neigh- bouring chiefs make peace with Cortes. He sends a message of peace to Mexico. Prepares to make an attack upon lztapalapa. 6 ATTACK UPON and had carried off the King); “ wherefore,” he said, “let the past be past, and do not give me occasion to destroy your lands and cities, which I should much regret.” This peaceful message led to no result, but the alliance with the neighbouring chiefs was cemented; and, when narrating the matter to the Emperor, Cortes adds, as if he were already a vice-roy, “in the name of Your Majesty, I pardoned them their past errors, and so they remained content.” The Spanish General stayed for seven or eight days at Tezcuco, being occupied in fortifying his quarters; and when he had done that, he sallied forth with a portion of his forces to make an attack upon the beautiful town of Iztapalapa. Iztapalapa was, comparatively speaking, a small place, of which about two thirds were situated in the water. Cortes had an especial grudge against this town, because it had belonged to the late King, that brother of Monte- zuma, who had been a principal agent in the events which led to the Spaniards being driven out of the city. He was the person who was sent out by Cortes to order the market to be IZTAPALAPA. 7 resumed, and who had thereupon been adopted as the leader of the insurgents. Cortes did not enter the town without a vigor- ous resistance on the part of some troops who were posted at two leagues distance from it, but they were not able to withstand him. About two thirds of a league before entering the town, he found that a large sluice-gate had been broken up, the position of which was between the Salt Lake and the Fresh-water Lake. The Spaniards thought little of this circumstance, but pushed on with all the “ covetousness of victory,” routed the inhabitants who made a stand in their town, and killed more than six thousand of them, men, women, and children, in which sad slaughter the Indian allies took a prominent part. When night came on, Cortes recalled his men from their work of plunder and destruction, and then finished by setting fire to some houses. While these were burning, it appears, says Cortes, that “ Our Lord inspired me with the thought, and brought to my memory this sluice-gate which I had seen broken in the morning.’* The great danger he was in * This narrative only becomes intelligible on the sup- His great danger at that town. 8 GREAT INUNDATION. struck him inamoment. He instantly gave orders for retreat. It was nine o’clock before he reached the spot of greatest inundation, which I think must have been between that hill which stood over the town and the short causeway connecting Iztapalapa with the main-land. Here Cortes found the water rushing in with great force. The Spaniards bounded across the dangerous pass (pasamos & volapie); but some of the Indian allies, not so agile or more encumbered, were drowned; and all the spoil was lost. If they had stopped for three hours more, or if the moon, always a favourer of the romantic Cortes, had not shone forth most opportunely on that night,* none of them would have escaped alive. When day dawned, the height of one lake was the same as the height of the other; and the Salt Lake was covered with canoes, containing Mexican soldiers, who had hoped to find the Spaniards cut off in their retreat, and surrounded position that Cortes entered Iztapalapa on the south side (as he had done before on his first entry into Mexico), and not on the Tezcucan side. * See Veytia, “Hist. Antigua de Méjico,” tom. iii. Apendice, cap..16. Mejico, 1836. BATTLE AT CHALOCO. 9 by water. Cortes withdrew his men in safety to Tezcuco, having escaped one of the many great dangers of his life. Had any other of the Spanish commanders been the leader of that ex- pedition, it would probably have perished. If valour be the sword, a keen appreciation of danger (often possessed in the highest degree by those who bear themselves best when in danger) is the shield of a great general, or, indeed, of any one who has to guide and to command. After the return of Cortes to Tezcuco, the people of Otumba, who had already felt the weight of the Spanish General’s hand, sent to seek his alliance, and were received as faithful vassals of the King of Spain. The next enterprise which Cortes undertook, was one of great importance, for its object was to secure a free communication between his present position at Tezcuco and his friendly town of Tlascala, and also his own colony at Vera Cruz. For this purpose he sent the Alguazil Mayor, Gonzalo de Sandoval, to the town and province of Chalco. A battle took place; Sandoval was vic- torious; and two sons of the Lord of Chalco came Battle in the province of Chaleco. Cortes appoints a king of Tezcuco. 10 KING OF TEZCUCO APPOINTED. to Tezcuco to make friends with Cortes. These Princes had always been friendly to him, but had hitherto been under the control of the Mexicans. They required a safe-guard for returning, and were accordingly placed under the escort of San- doval, who was ordered, after seeing them in safety, to go on to Tlascala, and to bring back with him some Spaniards who had been left there, and a certain younger brother of the King of Tezcuco.. This Prince had been one of the prisoners of Cortes before the retreat from Mexico, and being young, was easily indoctrinated with the Spanish modes of thought, and had received in baptism the name of Fernando. When this youth was brought to Tezcuco by Sandoval, Cortes gave him the kingdom of his forefathers. This, as we shall hereafter see, was a most politic stroke, and it was of immediate service to the Spanish cause. The Tezcucans, finding a mem- ber of their own royal family placed upon the vacant throne, began to bethink themselves of returning to their homes. Political refugees seldom meet with the good reception they expect, and to which they think their sufferings and their sacrifices entitle them. However that may be, SPANISH REINFORCEMENTS. 11 from the time of Don Fernando’s accession, the town began to be repeopled by its former inhabi- tants, and to look like itself again. Since his arrival at Tezcuco, Cortes had been continuously successful in attracting to his banner new allies amongst the Indians. He was now to hear of good news from Spain. A youth of his household made his way across the country, know- ing the delight his master would receive from the intelligence (in the words of Cortes, “ that nothing in the world would give him greater pleasure”), to inform him that a ship had arrived at Vera Cruz, bringing, besides the mariners, thirty or forty Spaniards, eight horses, with some cross- bows, muskets, and gunpowder. These seem but small reinforcements to make glad the heart of a man about to attempt. the conquest of a great and populous country. Cortes, however, had men enough in his Indian allies to form the gross material of an army. But each Spaniard was as good as an officer; and the value of horses, guns, and powder, against an enemy who possessed none of these things, was incalculable. The demands made upon Cortes in conse- quence of his Indian alliances were very -great, ‘The Chal- cans ask for assistance from Cortes. 12 CHALCANS ASK ASSISTANCE. and at times very embarrassing. It was not to be expected that the advantage of such alliances could be all on one side; and on the very day that Cortes heard the news of the arrival of rein- forcements from Spain, he received an embassage from the Chalcans, beseeching assistance against the Mexicans, who were coming upon them, they said, with great power. The remarks of Cortes upon this occasion are very notable, and furnish an explanation of much of his future con- duct. Ina letter to the King, he says, “I cer- tify to Your Majesty, as I have done before, that, beyond our own labours and necessities, the ereatest distress which I suffered, was in not being able to aid and succour our Indian allies, who, for being vassals of Your Majesty, were harassed and molested by the Mexicans.”* The difficulty - of difficulties in writing history, or reading it, is to appreciate the habitual current of ideas, the * «Y certifico 4 Vuestra Majestad, que como en la otra Relacian escribi, allende de nuestro trabajo, y ne- cesidad, la mayor fatiga, que tenia era, no poder ayudar, y socorrer 4 los Indios nuestros Amigos, que por ser Va- sallos de Vuestra Majestad, eran molestados, y trabaja- dos de los de Cultia.”—LorEnzana, p. 204, CORTES PERPLEXED. 15 basis of thought, often so strangely opposed to our own, which belonged to the generation of which we read or write. It seems a mockery to us in the present age to talk of these Indian pro- vinces as in a state of vassalage to the King of Spain; but evidently Cortes and the Spaniards of his time held very different notions on this sub- ject. Cortes thought that the men who had once become vassals of the King of Spain, had not only duties to perform, which he was very rigor- ous in exacting, but also that they had distinct claims upon him, as the King’s Lieutenant in those parts, an office into which he had inducted himself. On the present occasion, therefore, he was greatly perplexed by the demand of the Chalcans, for he could not spare his own men, being about to send a detachment of them under Sandoval to escort the Tlascalans who were to bring him the wrought materials of the brigan- tines. He resolved, however, to aid the Chalcans by claiming assistance for them from the neighbour- ing provinces, which were in his alliance. ) ADJACENT CITIES. é Scale (a0 7 2 3 + SF Teaques GRAPHOTYPE The second division, commanded by Cristoval * Bernal Diaz, the historian. was in this division, lid’s division. Sandoval’s division. 32 DIVISION OF FORCES. de Olid, the Maestre de Campo, consisted of thirty- three horsemen, eighteen cross-bowmen or mus- keteers, and a hundred and sixty swordsmen. A body of more than twenty thousand Indian allies accompanied this force, which was to take up its position in Cuyoacan. Sandoval, the Alguazil Mayor, had under his command twenty-four horsemen, four musketeers, thirteen cross-bowmen, and a hundred and fifty swordsmen, fifty of them being picked young men; a sort of body-guard, as I conceive, to Cortes.* The Indian allies who accompanied this division, amounted to more than thirty thou- sand, being all those who came from Huaxocingo, Cholula, and Chalco. This division was to march to Iztapalapa, destroy it, pass on by a causeway under cover of the brigantines, and unite with Olid’s division at Cuyoacan, in the neighbourhood of which the Alguazil Mayor was to choose a spot for his camp. There were left, to man the brigantines, more than three hundred men, most of them good sea- a eee * “ Mancebos escogidos, que yo trahia en mi Com- paiifa.”—Lorenzana, p. 236, CORTES COMMANDS THE BRIGANTINES. 33 men—each brigantine having twenty-five men, with six cross-bowmen or musketeers, Contrary to the advice of the principal personages* in his army, but very wisely, Cortes had determined to lead this division himself, for, as he afterwards remarked, the key ft of the whole war was in the ships. Previously, however, to the first division of the army leaving for Tezcuco, an incident oc- curred which might have been fraught with the most serious consequences. To regulate the be- haviour of his men towards each other is always one of the greatest difficulties for the general of an allied army, and one that requires the nicest * « Aunque yo deseaba mucho irme por la Tierra, por dar érden en los Reales, como los Capitanes eran Per- sonas de quien se podia muy bien fiar lo que tenian entre manos, y lo de los Bergantines importaba mucha impor- tancia, y se requeria gran concierto, y cuidado, deter- miné de me meter en ellos, porque la mas aventura, y riesgo era el que se esperaba por el Agua, aunque por las Personas Principales de mi Compaiiia me fué requerido en formar, que me fuesse con las Guarniciones, porque ellos pensaban, que ellas llevaban lo mas peligroso.”-— Lorenzana, p. 240. tT “La llave de toda la Guerra estaba en ellos.”— LorENzana, p. 242. TT. D The bri- gantines com- manded by Cortes in person. 34, THE TLASCALAN GENERAL management. Cortes did all that he could, by good rules, stringently maintained, to make his Spaniards behave well to his Indians. It hap- pened, however, that a Spaniard inflicted some personal injury upon a cousin of Xicotencatl, the younger, the Tlascalan Prince who had formerly commanded the armies of that republic against Cortes. Whether in consequence of this new disgust, or from his old grudge, or, as some say, from the wish to see a Tlascalan lady,* Xico- tencatl resolved to throw up his command, and to quit the camp. It is not improbable that his conduct was influenced by motives which might be termed treasonable, or patriotic, according to the point of view from which they are regarded ; and he may have thought it a good opportunity for raising the standard of revolt against the Spaniards. It was arranged that the Tlascalans attached to Alvarado’s division should set off a day before the Spaniards, in order not to embarrass them in the march. As the Tlascalans were proceeding carelessly along, Chichimecatl, the brave warrior * See Torquemada, lib. iy. cap. 90. DESERTS HIS ARMY. 35 who had brought the brigantines from Tlascala, and had been so displeased at not being allowed to lead the van-guard, observed that their General, Xicotencatl, was not with them. He returned immediately, and informed Cortes. The Spanish General lost no time in despatching messengers who were to adjure the fugitive Tlascalan Chief to resume his command, begging him to con- sider that his father, Don Lorenzo (the old Tlascalan Chief had been baptized), if he had not been old and blind, would himself have led his countrymen against Mexico. To this Xicotencatl replied, that, if his father and Magisca had lis- tened to him, they would not have been so much lorded over by the Spaniards, who made them do whatever they wished ; and he gave for his final answer, that he would not return, Cortes, being informed of this reply, immediately ordered an aleuazil, with four horsemen and five Indian chiefs, to go in pursuit of Xicotencatl, and, wherever they should come up with him, to hang him. This sentence was carried into effect, not- withstanding that Pedro de Alvarado interceded warmly in behalf of the Tlascalan Prince. It will show the reverence which the Indians enter- The Tlascalan General deserts his army. Xicotencatl put to death. Alvarado and Olid quit Tez- cuco, May, 1521. 36 AE IS’ PUT TO. DEATH: tained for their princes, that many of them came to seek a scrap of his clothes; * and it is another instance of the stern. audacity of Cortes, that he should have ventured to put such a potent chief to death at so critical a period. But, as will hereafter be seen, it was very fortunate that he did so. The three things in a man’s character which are best rewarded in this world are bold- ness, hardness, and circumspection. Cortes pos- sessed the first and last qualifications in the highest degree; and, if he were not by nature a hard man, had the power of summoning up hard- ness whenever it was requisite to do so. On the 10th of May,f 1521, Alvarado and Olid quitted Tezcuco in company, and proceeded to occupy the positions assigned to them. The very first night after their departure these Com- * «Hn muriendo, llegaron muchos Indios 4 tomar la Manta, y el Mastil, que es una Faxa ancha, que servia de Bragas, como Almajfcal; y el que llevaba un pedago, creia, que llevaba una gran Reliquia. Atemorigé mucho esta muerte 4 todos, por ser este Indio Persona mui Prin- cipal, y senalada.”—Torqurmapa, Monarquia Indiana, lib. iv. cap. 90. + Bernal Diaz says it was on the 13th of May. GREAT AQUEDUCT DESTROYED. od manders had a quarrel about the encampment of their men, which Cortes learned directly, and interposing with all speed, sent an officer that night with instructions to reprimand these Gene- rals, and afterwards to make them friends again. On their way to Tlacuba they found the inter- vening towns deserted, and, when they came to Tlacuba itself, that city also was without inha- bitants. The army occupied the palace of the King, and, though it was the hour of Vespers when they entered, the Tlascalans, with the hatred of neighbours, made a reconnaissance along two of the causeways which led to Mexico, and fought for two or three hours with the Mexicans. The ensuing morning Alvarado and Olid com- menced the work of destruction by cutting off, according to the commands of Cortes, the great aqueduct which supplied the city. It is melan- choly to observe that such works as these, which are among the greatest triumphs of civilization, should be the first objects of attack in war, but it was good service, and thoroughly executed, al- though not without considerable opposition from the Mexicans, both by land and water. On the succeeding day, Olid, with the whole of The great aqueduct destroyed. Olid moves to Cuyoacan. Cortes sends Sandovalto Iztapalapa. 38 SANDOVAL AT IZTAPALAPA. his division, moved on to Cuyoacan, described as being two leagues from Tlacuba.* They found this city also deserted,f and they occupied the regal palace there. It was now time for Cortes himself to quit Tezcuco, and commence operations in concert with the Aleuazil Mayor. At four in the morn- ing, Christi, Cortes despatched Sandoval with the whole of his division, to Iztapalapa. That city on the day after the Festival of Corpus was about seven short leagues distant. They * T give the distances. generally from the words of the first conquerors. These distances, however, will not always correspond with the actual distances as ascer- tained by modern investigation, and sometimes, indeed, differ from them widely, as in the above instance. I conjecture that the word league, as used by Cortes or Bernal Diaz, represented a very variable quantity, and depended much upon the nature of the ground traversed, namely, whether it were champaign, hilly, or wooded. + In the estimate which we shall afterwards have to make of the numbers which perished in the siege of Mexico, it must be recollected that immense additions to the population of the place were made by the aban- donment of these flourishing towns on the borders of the lake. CORTES QUITS TEZCUCO. 39 arrived there a little after mid-day, and began to set fire to the houses, and to attack the inhabi- tants. ‘These were a maritime race (the town was half built upon the lake), and, not being able to withstand the immense* force which Sandoval brought against them, took to the water in their canoes, whereupon the Alguazil Mayor occupied the town without further molestation. Cortes, who was the last of the generals to quit Tezcuco, set sail with the brigantines imme- diately after he had despatched Sandoval to Iztapalapa, and using both oars and sails, came within sight of the town at the time that Sandoval was entering it. Cortes had intended to have attacked that part of the town which lay in the water, but seeing probably that Sandoval would be able to accomplish the work without him, and observing that a large hill which rose out of the water (now called the Cerro de Marqués) was covered with the enemy, he commenced his attack upon their position on that eminence. It was * It appears to have been increased since the original division of the forces, for it is now spoken of as thirty- five thousand or forty thousand men. Cortes sets sail from Tezcuco. The first success of Cortes. 500 Mexi- can canoes come out to attack the Spaniards. 40 ATTACK OF MEXICAN CANOES. very lofty and very abrupt, and the heights were fortified by walls of dry stone; but the Spaniards succeeded in forcing the entrenchments, and put all the defenders to the sword, except the women and children. Five-and-twenty Spaniards were wounded, but, as Cortes says, “it was a very pretty victory.” * The citizens of Iztapalapa had made smoke- signals (ahumadas) from the tops of some temples which were situated upon a very lofty hill, close to the town. From these signals, the Mexicans and the inhabitants of the other towns upon the borders of the lake, learnt the position of the Spanish vessels, and forthwith sent out a great flotilla of five hundred canoes, which bore down straight upon the brigantines. Cortes and his men instantly quitted their position on the hill, and embarked in their vessels. The orders to the captains were, on no account to move until Cortes should give the command. His object was to avoid any partial or disjointed action, and, if he struck at all, to strike a great blow, such * «Pero fué muy hermosa Victoria.”—LORENZANA, Pp. 241, ft ‘Como yo deseaba mucho, que el primer reencuen- THEIR DEFEAT. 41 as should at once ensure his naval ascendancy. Silently, therefore, and as if entranced, the bri- gantines rested upon the water; while the vast multitude of canoes came rushing on, the Mexi- cans exhausting their strength in their haste to encompass the brigantines. When they had come within two bow-shots of the Spaniards, they rested upon their oars, and gazed upon the new form of their enemy. Still, the Spaniards did not move, and the hostile armaments remained in this position until, as Cortes says, ‘it pleased Our Lord” that a favourable breeze should arise from the land, upon which, the Spanish Com- mander immediately gave orders to commence the attack. The weighty brigantines bore down upon the light craft of the enemy with a fatal impetus, crushing them together wherever they came in contact with them. It soon became a total defeat. Numbers of the canoes were sunk, and the Mexican sailors in them destroyed. It must have been a flight almost as soon as it was an encounter; and the brigantines pursued the tro, que con ellos obiessemos, fuesse de mucha victoria.” —Lorenzana, p. 241. The Mexi- cans are defeated on the lake. Successful movement of Olid’s division. 42 SUCCESSFUL MOVEMENT canoes for three long leagues, until they took refuge in the water streets of Mexico. Indeed, that any remained to escape was only owing to the multitude there were to destroy. Thus ended the hopes of the Mexicans of gaining, by their numbers, any advantage on the water; and the maxim of the great modern warrior * was again signally exemplified,—namely, that the art of war 7 is the art of being strongest at the immediate point of encounter. If the Mexicans could lite- rally have covered the lake of Tezcuco with canoes, the force and weight of a brigantine, whenever it came in contact with these small vessels, gave it instantly such a decided superiority, as to leave no scope for action on the other side. Meanwhile, the division under Olid at Cuyoa- can could see and rejoice in the victory of their fellow-countrymen. They immediately resolved to enhance it, by making a vigorous charge along the causeway which connected that city with Mexico; and, with the aid of the brigantines which, after giving chase to the Mexican boats, giving * Napoleon. OF OLID’S DIVISION. 43 approached the causeway), this division of the Fg Dow ww, Pip CS Lyf Uy HW" Mop Wwe NIU - NS Wire P3 MEXICO AND THE ADJACENT CITIES. Scale Spars L 7 z g +S, Leagues crdnorres \t army succeeded in making a victorious advance of more than a league upon the causeway. At the point of the causeway where Cortes and Cortes lands on the southern causeway. 44 CORTES LANDS. his brigantines arrived, after chasing the Mexican boats into the city, there happened to be one or two idol towers, surrounded by a low stone wall. He landed, took the towers after a sharp contest, and then brought up three heavy cannon from the brigantines. The causeway was crowded with the enemy from that spot to the very gates of Mexico; and, moreover, there were numbers of canoes, on that side at least of the causeway where the brigantines were not, or where they could not get at them. Cortes brought one of the guns to bear upon the dense masses of the enemy, and the effect of that fire must have been tre- mendous. Happily for the Mexicans, there was a deficiency of powder, arising from the careless- ness of an artilleryman, by which a quantity had been ignited; and thus Cortes was unable to follow up this advantage. ~The Spanish Commander had originally in- tended to proceed to the camp at Cuyoacan; but, with that power of rapidly changing his plans which ig one of the elements in the character of a great general, he determined to take up a posi- tion at the spot where he now was, and to sum- mon reinforcements both from Sandoval’s and CAMP OF THE CAUSEWAY. 45) Olid’s camp. That first night was a night of The much danger for the “Camp of the Cause- way,” as Cortes calls it, as the Mexicans, notwithstanding the defeat and loss which they had suffered during the day, made a midnight attack upon the Spaniards. Cortes, however, had not failed to send at once to Sandoval at Iztapalapa for all the gunpowder which was in that camp; and, as each brigantine had a small field-gun (tiro pequento de campo), the Spaniards were enabled to make a vigorous re- sistance. Thus the enemy were beaten off for that night. The next morning, at early dawn, reinforce- ments arrived at the Camp of the Causeway, and they hardly had arrived, before the Mexicans issued from the city and commenced their attack, both by land and by water, and with such shouts and yells, that it seemed as if heaven and earth were coming together. But “loud cries divide no flesh,” while the thunder of cannon signifi- cantly represents the destruction it accompanies. The Spaniards succeeded in gaining one bridge and one barricade, and drove the Mexicans back “Camp of the Cause- way.” The second day’s siege. 46 SECOND DAY’S SIHGH. to the nearest houses of the city. The brigan- tines were upon the east side of the causeway, and, consequently, the canoes could approach with less danger on the western side. Cortes, alert to seize every advantage, broke up a small portion of the causeway near his camp, and made four brigantines pass through it. He was thus enabled to drive back the western fleet of canoes into the water-streets of the city. The rest of the brigantines not only put to flight the enemy on their side of the causeway, but, finding * canals into which they could enter securely, they were enabled to capture several of the Mexican canoes, and also to burn many houses in the suburbs. Thus ended the second day of the siege. On the next morning Sandoval fought his way from Iztapalapa to Cuyoacan, and afterwards arrived at the “Camp of the Causeway” in time to take part in a little battle, in which he was OUR i Ue eee * In the course of the siege several circumstances occur which show how immense must have been the size of Mexico. Notwithstanding their former stay in the city, it appears from the expression “ finding,” that the Spaniards were up to that time ignorant of the existence of those canals. GREAT OANAL. A? wounded. For six days the fighting continued much in the same manner as when Cortes first arrived, the brigantines, however, gaining great advantages, especially by means of a large canal which they discovered, that went all round the city, and enabled them to penetrate into some of the densest parts of it, and thus to do considerable damage. They had now so completely quelled the small craft of the Mexicans, that no canoe ventured to approach within a quarter of a league of the “ Camp of the Causeway.” On the seventh or eighth day, Pedro de Al- varado sent from Tlacuba to inform Cortes that there was a causeway * at the other end of the town, by which the Mexicans went in and out as they pleased. This was the causeway which led to Tepejacac. Upon receiving this intelligence, Cortes sent the Alguazil Mayor to occupy a posi- * The error, as it seems to me, in the general descrip- tions of Mexico, given both by the conquerors and those who came after them, is in not mentioning causeways enough. There was another little causeway close to this large one, which also was connected with the terra firma, and was commanded by Sandoval’s camp. There is still a causeway unaccounted for, according to the most an- cient map of Mexico. The bri- gantines enter a greatcanal. Another causeway discovered. 43 ANOTHER CAUSEWAY. tion in front of this newly-discovered causeway. He took this step because he felt that it was re- ae Lis Tal), Yf" ata): MEXICO AND THE ADJACENT CITIES. Spars L quisite in order to complete the investment of the place: otherwise, as he remarks, he would have MEXICO ENTIRELY INVESTED. 49 been more glad of the Mexicans going out of the city than they could have been themselves, for he well knew how to deal with them in the open plain. From that day forward, the city of Mexico was entirely invested. We must now turn for a moment from the be- siegers to the besieged. When Quauhtemotzin, the Priest-King of Mexico, perceived that the siege had commenced in earnest,—and with sieges, as appears from Mexican architecture, these war- riors were well acquainted,—he summoned a oreat council of his lords and captains. Then, laying before them the state in which they were,—the revolt of many of their tributary provinces, the want of fresh water, the strength of the brigan- tines, the destruction which had already taken’ place of some of the principal posts of defence, the dangers and miseries to which they must look forward,—he asked what was their opinion about coming to terms with the Spaniards? In reply to the Monarch’s question the young men and the warriors expressed their desire for war.* * «Los Mancebos, y Gente gallarda, queria la Guerra.” —TorquemaDa, Monarquia Indiana, lib. iv. cap, 90 II. E Sandoval Sent to that quarter, Mexico entirely _imvested. Quauhte- motzin’s speech to his council. Their voice was for a continu- ance of the war. 50 MEXICAN COUNCIL. There were others, however, who said, that as they had four Spaniards and several Indians whom they had taken, and were about to sacri- fice, they should be in no haste to do so, in order that, if things went worse with them, they might in a few days’ time, through the medium of these prisoners, commence negotiations. Others, again, more religiously inclined, maintained that their only course was, with many sacrifices and prayers, to commend themselves to the gods, whose cause was at stake;* and that the Mexican people should trust in the goodness of these superior beings not to forsake them. The fanatical counsel prevailed. Not, I think, that even in Mexico there were not wise men enough to have contended against such fanati- cism; but, from the former conduct of the Span- iards, there was so little to be said on the other ‘side. In truth,—as the son-in-law of Montezuma afterwards informed the historian Oviedo,f — after the attack of Alvarado upon the unarmed chiefs in the temple, the Mexicans put no more VN ES ee ees # Torquemada, “ Monarquia Indiana,” lib. iv. cap. 90. + Oviedo, “ Hist. Gen. y Nat.” lib. XxXxiil. cap. 04, ITS DETERMINATION. ol trust in the Spaniards. This man, Pedro de Alvarado, was one of the most pernicious adven- turers of those times. It seldom happens to any one person to be a mighty cause of mischief, al- most the cause of downfal, to two great empires; but such were Alvarado’s fortunes, as may be seen in the histories of Peru and Mexico, the latter of which he ruined directly, and the former indirectly, and in both cases by acts of wonderful audacity and folly. It has often surprised me that Cortes should have placed so much confi- dence in such a man; but distinguished personal bravery is such an advantage,—and it was much more so in those times than in the present,—that Cortes may well be excused for putting his trust in a man who, at least, was never known to falter in action. The councillors who were in favour of negotia- tion had, therefore, little or nothing to urge for their view of the question but the probability of more and larger disasters occurring if their advice were not followed. Finally, they were overruled ; and the prisoners were sacrificed. The gods being thus appeased, their responses became gracious; and the King braced up all his energies for war. LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS Pedro de Alvarado, a perni- cious con- queror. The King determines upon war. Cortes resolves upon a general attack. 52 WAR RESUMED. ‘«¢Some have been of opinion,” says the Spanish historian of the Indies, “that the Devil was not in the habit of appearing to the Indians, and that if he did appear to them at all, it was very seldom: and that the responses of the gods were the invention of the priests to preserve the authority which these men had over that people.” * The Priest-King must have known well the nature of the visions and revelations which were reported to the common people; but the fate of Monte- zuma was before his eyes. The people were for war; the Spaniards were few; and there would not be wanting those who could calculate, as on a former occasion, how many Mexicans might be advantageously sacrificed for one Spaniard. The Tlascalans and all the Indian allies of the Span- iards were as nothing in the eyes of the Mexicans ; and so the war was again resumed with fury. Cortes now determined to make a combined attack upon the city. For this purpose, on the * Herrera, “ Hist. de las Indias,” dec. m1. lib. 1. cap. 17. + Itis impossible to say at what precise time this council took place, for, as may be conceived, we know so much less of what took place amongst the besieged than amongst the besiegers. Cr ae) GENERAL ATTACK. eighth or ninth day after the beginning of the siege, he sent for additional forces from the Camp = SY 3, aT Sy Zz =i wr en Pe aS Ly) SSE FBaws * : A> A Misi ney alin Tri iN Di YW = RSS i U I = Qarrene o leCuluccan: MEXICO RY Z AND THE ZS Z ADJACENT CITIES. Spanish 0 of Cuyoacan, where he was still obliged to leave a detachment, in order to protect the rear from The gene- ral attack com- menced. 54 ORDER OF ATTACK. any attack that might be made by the inhabitants of Xochimilco, Culuocan, Iztapalapa, Mexicale tzinco, and other places neighbouring to the lake, which had “rebelled,” according to Spanish phrase- ology, that is, which had renewed their allegiance to their old friends and masters, the Mexicans. The combined attack was arranged by Cortes in the following manner. The swordsmen, cross- bowmen, and musketeers were to form the ad- vance-guard; they were to be supported by brigantines on both sides of the causeway; and a small body of horse was to keep guard on the causeway in the rear of the foot-soldiers. Some cavalry also were to accompany the attacking force. The number of the allies who, according to his own account, were to march with Cortes on this occasion, amounted to no less than eighty thousand; and the siege was to be pressed at two other points, by the Alguazil Mayor and Pedro de Alvarado. It is manifest, therefore, that the Mexicans would have enough to do on this day. Cortes moved from the Camp of the Causeway early in the morning. The first obstacle his troops met with was a breach in the causeway, which the Mexicans must have made in the night. The aperture was as broad as a lance is long, and MEXICANS DRIVEN BACK. 55 its depth was equal to its breadth. The Mexicans had also made a barricade on the other side, and were posted behind it. There the battle com- menced, and was very stoutly maintained on both sides. At last the Spaniards succeeded in forcing this position, and marched along the causeway, until they came to the entrance of the city, where there was an idol tower, at the foot of which had been a very large bridge—probably, in part, a drawbridge. This had been lifted up, or de- stroyed, and on the other side a strong barricade had been formed. °This point of defence was much stronger than the last, for the breadth of the opening was much greater, and, in fact, it was a very broad water-street (wna calle de agua muy ancha.) Here, therefore, the Mexicans were strongly posted; but again they were beaten back by the aid of the brigantines, which, it is easy to see, had the great advantage of being able to deploy to the right and the left in the water-street, and so, with their small cannon, cross-bowmen, and musketeers, to take the Mexi- cans in the flank. By these means they were enabled to dislodge the enemy, which feat, as Cortes himself observes, it would have been im- possible to effect without their assistance, First position of the Mexicans Second position, Brigan- tines of great ser- vice to the Spaniards. Use of the Indian allies. 06 USE OF INDIAN ALLIES. The defenders of the barricade being put to flight, the Spaniards from the brigantines leapt on shore, and, with their assistance, the whole army contrived to pass the water. Here it was that the Indian allies were eminently useful. They were immediately employed in filling up with stones and sun-burnt bricks that part of the water- street which formerly the bridge had spanned; and it is evident that Cortes himself, who always understood where the real difficulty lay in any action, superintended this filing up. His words are, “ while we filled up this bridge (meaning bridge-way), the Spaniards took another bar-— ricade in the great street of the town.” For the sake of clearness, I will give a name to this street, and call it the “ High Street.” It may be noticed, in the most ancient map of Mexico, that there is no difference in the breadth of this street from that of the main causeway. There was no water in it, and, therefore, the Spanish troops were in their element upon it, and could act with force and rapidity. The Mexicans fled until they came to another draw-bridge, which had been taken away, all but one broad beam, over which they passed, and then removed it. THIRD POSITION TAKEN. o7 On the other side, these resolute and untiring men had thrown up another barricade constructed of clay and sun-burnt bricks. This was a very formidable defence. The Spaniards had now ad- vanced beyond the support of their brigantines; and there was no passing, except by throwing themselves into the water. The houses which commanded the street were crowded with the Mexicans, who showered down missiles from the terraced house-tops; and those who were in charge of the barricade fought like lions. The potent voice, however, of cannon made itself heard above all the noise of the engagement. It was the exact situation in which cannon would come in with the greatest effect, and Cortes had brought two field-pieces with him. The Spaniards seized an opportunity, when the Mexicans gave way before these cannon (which must have swept them down like corn before a tempest), dashed into the water, and passed to the other side. It shows the vigorous resistance which these brave Mexi- cans made, that it took no less than two hours to wrest this position from them. The barricade, however, being at last deserted, together with the terraces and house-tops, the whole of the Third position of the Mexicans. The third position of the Mexicans taken. 53 THE PLAZA OCCUPIED. assaulting party passed over the bridge-way. Cortes, again, instantly made good the road by filling up the place where the bridge had been, for which materials were ready to his hand in those of the barricade. The Spanish troops, and all the Indian allies that were not wanted for filling up the bridge- way, pushed on, without encountering any ob- stacle, for a distance of “ two cross-bow shots” in length, until they came to a spot where there was a bridge that adjoined the principal Plaza* in the town—where the best houses were situ- ated. The Mexicans had not imagined that the Spaniards could in one day gain so advanced a position. They had accordingly made no pre- parations at this bridge. They had neither re- moved it, nor thrown up a barricade on the other side. The Plaza was so full of Mexicans that it could scarcely hold them. To command its en- trance, the Spaniards brought up a cannon, the discharges from which must have made fearful havoe in this crowd; finally, the Spaniards charged into the Plaza, driving the Mexicans * This spot is marked “ Platea” in the ancient map. SPANIARDS DRIVEN BACK. 59 before them into the great square of the Temple, which adjoined and communicated with the Plaza. The Spaniards and their allies continued the charge, forced the Mexicans out of the square, occupied it themselves, and took possession of the towers on the Temple. The Mexicans, however, perceiving that the Spaniards had no horsemen with them, turned upon their enemies with immense vigour, dis- lodged them from the towers, drove them from the great court of the Temple, swept on with irresistible fury, cleared the Spaniards out of the Plaza and into the High Street again, at the same time capturing the single field-piece which had done so much mischief. The Spaniards were retreating in much confusion, when “it pleased God,” as Cortes says, “that three horse- The Mexicans seem to have had a most unreasonable dread of men should enter the Plaza.” horses. If Montezuma, in his immense collection of animals, had possessed but one horse, and the people had learnt what a docile, timid slave a horse is, the Conquest of Mexico would have been postponed for some time— perhaps to another generation, At this juncture, however, the The Plaza occupied by the Spaniards, Then the temple. The Mexicans turn upon the enemy and drive them back. 60 SPANIARDS SUCCESSFUL AGAIN. Mexicans. were not afraid of these three horse- men alone, but, seeing them enter the narrow pathway, supposed them to be the front rank of a body of horse. They, accordingly, retreated in Spaniards their turn. The Spaniards, from being the pur- successt{ul again, sued, became the pursuers; some of them re- entered the great square; and a fight took place on the summit of the Temple between four or five Spaniards and ten or twelve of the chief men among the Mexicans, which ended in the defeat and slaughter of all these chiefs. A few more horsemen now entered the square, which by this time was probably clear of the Mexicans ; and these Spaniards contrived an ambuscade, which was successful, and by which thirty Mexicans were killed. It was now evening, and Cortes gave orders for the recall of the troops; but this backward movement was not executed without considerable danger, for, though the Mexicans must have suffered terribly that day, ‘the dogs came on so rabidly” (ventan los perros tan rabiosos), that even the dreaded horsemen could not drive them back or prevent them from molesting the rear-guard of the Spaniards. They, however, reached the RESULT OF DAY’S WORK. 61 Camp of the Causeway in safety, their chief triumph in the day’s work being, that they had burnt the principal houses in the High Street. The Spaniards, therefore, would have nothing to dread next time from the terraces of these houses. I have been thus minute in describing this day’s proceedings, in order that the narrative may serve to explain future encounters, and give the reader some idea of the defences of Mexico, and of the means of attack which the Spaniards had in their power. There was rest in the Camp of the Causeway for a day or two; but these were very gainful days for Cortes, as not only did his new friend and ally, the King of Tezcuco, send him thirty thousand warriors under the command of his brother Ixtlilxochitl, called by Cortes “ Istri- suchil,’’ but (such are the charms of success!) the inhabitants of Xochimileo and of certain pueblos of the Otomies, who were the slaves of the King of Mexico, joined the ranks of the besiegers. Cortes, finding that he had more brigantines than he needed, assigned three to Sandoval and three to Alvarado. He then prepared for an- Result of the day's work. A second great attack. 62 SECOND GREAT ATTACK. other great attack upon the city, telling his new Indian allies that they must now show whether they really were friends. Early in the morning, on the fourth day after the entrance into the city above recorded, Cortes commenced his second attack, accompanied by a very large body of his Indian allies (que era infinita gente). The short respite, however, which the Mexicans had enjoyed in these three days, had enabled them to undo all that the Spaniards had done, and to make all the defences much stronger. The result was, that the Spaniards. did not advance further than the Plaza,—though there, and in its neighbourhood, they perpetrated an act of destruction which went to the hearts of the Mexicans. Cortes says that the determina- tion manifested by the Mexicans on this day con- vinced him of two things:—that there would be very little spoil, and that the Mexicans would have to be totally destroyed.* His efforts, there- * « Viendo que estos de la Ciudad estaban rebeldes, y mostraban tanta determinacion de morir, 6 defenderse, colegi de ellos dos cosas: la una, que habiamos de haber poca, 6 ninguna de la riqueza, que nos habian tomado ; y la otra, que daban ocasion, y nos forzaban 4 que total- mente les destruyessemos.”’—LorENzANA, p. 204. DESTRUCTION OF BUILDINGS. 63 fore, were now directed to see how he could mortify and depress them most, and so bring them, as he says, to a perception of their error. With this view, he on this day caused the palace of Montezuma’s father to be destroyed, that palace where the Spaniards had been so hospi- tably received on their first coming to Mexico. The Spaniards also destroyed some adjacent build- ings, which, though they were somewhat smaller than the palace, were even more delightful and beautiful (mas frescas y gentiles), and in which Montezuma had placed his aviary. This destruc- tion must have been a pitiable sight, and Cortes was doubtless sincere in expressing great regret at being obliged to have recourse to such a pro- ceeding. He had, however, the conqueror’s ready excuse, that, though it distressed him, it dis- tressed the enemy much more.* Having set fire to these buildings, the Spaniards retired, the Mexicans attacking them in the rear with great * « Y aunque 4 mi me pesé mucho de ello, porque 4 ellos les pesaba mucho mas, determiné de las quemar, de que los Enemigos mostraron harto pesar, y tambien los otros sus Aliados de las Ciudades de la Laguna.”— LORENZANA, p. 250. The palace of Monte- zuma’s father de- stroyed. Also the Aviary. 64 PROGRESS OF SIEGE. fury. But the culminating point of vexation for the Mexicans, on that day, must have been to see their former slaves, the Otomies, ranged against them. Bitter were the cannibal threats which passed between the Mexicans and the Indian allies of the Spaniards. The next day, very early, after having heard mass, which was never omitted, the Spaniards returned to the attack, and, early though it was, the indefatigable Mexicans had repaired two- thirds of all that the Spaniards had destroyed on the preceding day. The Spaniards obtained no signal success this day, nor indeed for many days together, though each day they destroyed much, and made some further advance into the town. This comparative slowness of movement is partly to be accounted for by their ammunition falling short. Notwithstanding this, the Spanish division under Cortes succeeded in taking several bridges which were in one of the principal streets,— namely, that which led to Tlacuba. It was a great object to gain this street, in order to effect a communication between the two camps of Cortes and Alvarado. ach day, the proceedings were very much like those on the first day, which I NEW ALLIANCES. 65 have described in detail. In the evening the Spaniards retréated, and then the Mexicans pur- sued them fiercely ; “ gluttonously” is the apt word which Cortes employs in speaking of this cannibal people.* Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the cities bor- dering on the lake, appreciating the success of the Spanish General, came and demanded pardon for their past offences, and offered alliance for the future. Cortes employed them most usefully in providing some shelter for his troops encamped on the causeway. He takes this opportunity of illustrating, in his letter to Charles the Fifth, the magnitude of the causeway, stating that the little town which was built to shelter the Span- iards and their allies, in all two thousand men, + was placed entirely on the causeway, there being room for a house on each side, and for a road between, which was sufficiently wide for men and horses to move along it “ much at their ease.” + * «Como ellos venfan tan golosos tras nosotros.”— Lorenzana, p. 258. + The main body was always stationed at Cuyoacan. { “ Y vea Vuestra Magestad, que tan ancha puede ser la Calzada, que va por lo mas hondo de la Laguna, que F New alliances. Magnitude of the causeway. 66 TRIALS OF MEN It rémains now to be seen what the other divisions of the besiegers had been able to effect ; and as, fortunately, Bernal Diaz was in Alva- rado’s division, we have a good account of what took place in that quarter. Their hardships and difficulties seem to have exceeded those of the division which Cortes commanded. ‘They were not so much molested from the flat roofs of houses; but the breaches in the causeway on their side were more formidable, and their first attacks were made without the support of any brigantines. Bernal Diaz gives a vivid picture of the severe toils and hardships they had to Trials of endure. He speaks of their many wounds,* of the men in : : Alvamdo's the hail of darts, arrows, and stones, which they division. ; . 4 had to encounter, of the mortification of finding, after they had gained some bridge-way or barri- cade with great labour in the course of any day; bp ee de la una parte, y de la otra iban estas Casas, y quedaba en medio hecha Calle, que muy 4 placer 4 pié, y 4 caballo ibamos, y venfamos por ella.”—LORENZANA, Pp. 260. * Bach day a new standard-bearer was required. « Pues quiero dezir de nuestros Capitanes, y Alfereces, y compafieros de vandera, que saliamos llenos de heri- das, y las vanderas rotas, y digo, que cada dia aviamos menester un Alferez,”——BERNaL Diaz, cap. 151. IN ALVARADO'S DIVISION. 67 that the same work had to be done again the next morning. He also mentions the poorness of their food, which consisted of maize cakes, some herbs called guzlites, and cherries. He describes the unwearied resolution and the craft of the Mexi- cans: how they dug deep pits underneath the water, so that the Spaniards, in their daily re- treats, might unadvisedly fall into them; and how they drove stakes into the bed of the lake, which prevented the brigantines from approaching. At last, Alvarado took a step somewhat similar to that which Cortes had adopted from the first, namely, making a small camp on the cause- way, in a spot very similar to that which Cortes had chosen, where there were some idol-towers, and an open place in which the Spaniards could build their huts. These huts, however, having been hastily thrown up, were no defence against the wet; and, after a hard day’s fighting the soldiers had to tend their wounds* amidst rain, * The division of Pedro de Alvarado had, however, one great advantage in a soldier named Juan Catalan, who cured wounds by making the sign of the cross over them, and by incantation. “Un soldado que se dezia Juan Catalan que nos las santiguava, y ensalmava, y Mode of relieving vuard. 68 MODE OF RELIEVING GUARD. wind, and cold, which they did in the roughest manner, burning them with hot oil, and then compressing them with the blankets of the country, after which they ate, amid great heaps of mud, what Bernal Diaz calls, ‘ those wretched maize cakes” (essa miséria de tortillas). Of these things, however, they would probably have thought but little, but for the extreme se- verity of the out-post duty, which was managed in the following manner. When they had taken any barricade, bridge, or difficult pass, forty soldiers kept guard there from evening until midnight ; these were then relieved by forty other soldiers, who watched from midnight until two o'clock. This second watch was called, in the Spanish armies, “the watch of lethargy,” or more gene- rally, as soldiers are given to be brief, “ the lethargy ” (la modorra). The first forty soldiers, when relieved, were not allowed to return to the camp, but lay down where they were, and went ee ee ee verdaderamente digo, que hallavamos que Nuestro Senor Jesu Christo era servido de darnos esfuerco demas de Jas muchas mercedes que cada dia nos hazia, y de presto sanavan.”-—BEBNAL Diaz, cap. 151. In those days any escape from a regular practitioner was a great blessing. MEXICAN AMBUSCADE. 69 to sleep. At two o’clock. another company of forty soldiers relieved guard in the same fashion, so that at break of day there were a hundred and twenty soldiers at the pass. On those nights when an attack was apprehended, which was often the case, the whole company watched throughout the night. It may easily be imagined that soldiers en- during daily such hardships would make tre- mendous efforts to bring the siege to a conclu- sion, which would sometimes be very imprudent and Jead to signal reverses. So it fared with Alvarado’s troops, for whom the Mexicans laid a very crafty ambuscade. In a deep and broad aperture of the causeway, where there had been a bridge, they made holes, and, at the same time, placed stakes to prevent the brigantines from acting, also fortifying the side of the aperture which they occupied. They then disposed their force in the following manner. They posted one division at the aperture; another at a spot within the town; and a third was appointed to take the Spaniards in the rear from Tlacuba.* The attack * It would seem, therefore, that the investment of The Mexicans prepare an ambuscade for Alvara- do's troops. 70 MEXICAN AMBUSCADE. then commenced. The Spaniards repelled the first division of the Mexicans, and passed over this aperture at a spot where it was tolerably easy to ford, and where the holes had not been dug. Meanwhile, the third division of the Mexicans, acting in the rear, occupied all the attention of the Spanish cavalry. Alvarado, unlike the pru- dent Cortes, had not taken any step to see that a road lay open for retreat, and nothing was done to the aperture after it had been passed by the infantry. The victorious Spaniards pressed for- wards into the town, gained two barricades, and found themselves in the midst of some large houses* and oratory towers. At this spot, nu- Mexico was yet incomplete, unless, indeed, there was some side street unobserved by the Spaniards, by which the Mexicans could approach that part of the cause- way which was near Alvarado’s camp. - * Jt is very desirable, both for the purposes of this siege, and also in order to understand the degree of civi- lization to which the Mexicans had attained in some things, to try and form some idea of their houses. ‘The best account of a Mexican house which | have met with, +s to be found in the letter sent by the town council of Vera Cruz to Charles the Fifth, immediately after the founding of that town. This account had reference only to the houses in the country towns, or in the country, MEXICAN AMBUSCADE. -- 71 merous bands of warriors poured out from their hiding-place ; those Mexicans who had fled before the Spaniards, having drawn them on sufficiently, now turned upon them; and the which the expedition had seen on its way from Cozumel to Vera Cruz. It begins thus: ‘“ There are certain large and well-arranged pueblos: the houses, in those parts where they have stone, are built of lime and squared stone; and the rooms are small and low, very much after the Moorish fashion (muy amoriscados); and in those parts where they have no stone, they build their houses of sun-burnt bricks, and plaster them over, and the roofs are of straw. There are houses belonging to the chiefs which are very airy, and with many rooms, for we have seen more than six court-yards (patois) in some houses, and the apartments very well arranged— each principal service by itself (‘‘ cada principal servicio que ha de ser por si;” and within the houses are wells and tanks (albergas) also rooms for the slaves and people of service, of whom they have many. Outside these houses, at the entrance, there is a large raised court, or even more than one, ascended by steps, and very well built, where they have their mosques, and their orato- ries, and their terraced walks, which go all round, and are very broad, and there they keep their idols, made of stone, or wood, or clay.”—Doe. Inéd., tom. 1. p. 454. It may be conjectured that many of the private houses in the capital were still better built: and it will be easily seen that such houses were soon convertible into for- tresses. Peter Martyr, obtaining his intelligence from Alvarado’s division put to the ht. 72 ALVARADO PUT TO FLIGHT. Spaniards, unable to resist the combined attack, were soon put to flight. On fighting their way back to the great aperture, they found that the fordable part of it was occupied by a fleet of canoes, and that it was necessary to pass where the Mexicans had made the passage most dan- gerous. Here the enemy succeeded in laying hold of five Spaniards (it was always their object to take them alive for sacrifice), and the historian himself with much difficulty escaped from their grasp. He tells us, that when he reached dry land he fell senseless, overcome by the loss of blood, and by the exertions he had made; “ And I say,” he adds, “that when they clawed hold of me, in thought I commended myself to Our Lord God and to Our Lady his Blessed Mother, and 1 put forth my strength, whereby I saved myself, thanks be to God for the mercies which he shows unto me.” The Mexicans, emboldened by their success, made a vigorous attack upon Alvarado’s camp — that day, but were repelled by cannon. Cortes, says that the roofs of the Mexican houses were made of a bituminous substance: “ Tecta non tegulis sed bitumine quodam terreo vestiunt.”-—Dec. v. cap. 10. HIS CAMP ATTACKED, 73 Cortes was very angry when he heard of this disaster, and gave orders that, henceforward, on 5 Dpo Lyn opie Tn Ue Gi) ) 8 Yyia” 4 : Hl NS S d A SiN. = BS BRAS 5H) Se —— YZ Ss Zp a) Mh. oe —— NS. A ~ ZHU MEXICO AND THE ADJACENT CITIES. _GRAPHOTIPE no occasion should the Spaniards advance without securing a pathway for their retreat. He went over himself to see Alvarado’s camp. But when Three- fourths of the city taken. 74 THREE-FOURTHS OF CITY TAKEN. he found how much they had done, and how far they had advanced, he could not blame them, he said, as much as he had done. In truth, by this time, three-fourths of the city had been taken, that is, three-fourths in magnitude, but not in density, for the densest part of the population lay in the district of the city, called Tlatelulco, round about the market-place, which was the oldest part of the town. The camp of Gonsalvo de Sandoval was not blessed with a chronicler, and so we do not know anything of what passed in it; but we may con- clude, from the well-approved valour of its com- mander, that it was a worthy rival to the others in heroic deeds. | The great aperture, which had already cost several lives to Alvarado’s division, was not filled up without the loss of six more Spanish soldiers and four days of time. No mention is made of the loss of the Tlascalans, which, no doubt, was very severe, for they fought with exceeding bravery * throughout the war ; but in any retreat—and the * « Nuestros amigos los de Tlascala nos ayudavan en toda la guerra mui como varones.’’—BrERNatL Diaz, cap. 151. BRAVERY OF TLASCALANS. 5) close of each day was generally a retreat with the Spaniards—these allies were a terrible embarrass- ment, and the first object was to clear the cause- way of them before the Mexicans came down with the final tiger-like* spring with which they were wont to wind up the day’s fighting. It must not be supposed that the check which Alvarado’s division had received, was altogether owing to his thoughtlessness. There was a keen rivalry amongst the several divisions; and it was a point of honour with them, which should gain the market-place first. Now, to enter the market- place, it was necessary to penetrate amongst an “infinite ° number of azoteas, bridges, and broken causeways: indeed, each house was a sort of island fortress.f The commanders had to endure much importunity from their men: “ Why not,” they doubtless exclaimed, “ make a continuous attack, instead of withdrawing in this way each day, and * « Venian tan bravosos como tigres, y pié con pié se juntaron con nosotros.”—Bzrnat Draz, cap. 151. 7 ‘‘ En tal manera, que en cada Casa, por donde ha- biamos de ir, estaba hecha como Isla en medio de el Agua.”—LorENzana, p. 263. The common soldiers impatient, Reasons of Cortes for retreating every evening. 76 REASONS FOR RETREAT. having so much of our work to do over and over again?” Cortes himself felt that remarks of this kind would occur to any reader of his despatches ; and, accordingly, he informs the Emperor, that what looked so feasible could not be done, for two reasons. If they did not retreat at night-fall, as had been their practice, they must either move their camp into the Plaza, or into the square of the great Temple, and thus they would be in the midst of the enemy, and liable to attack from morning till night. Or, on the other hand, they . must keep their camp where it was, and establish — outposts at the passes which they gained,—and if this latter alternative were adopted, he thought there would be too much work for the men, and such as they could not endure.* It may be in- ferred from this explanation, that Cortes was * ‘Porque teniendo el Real en la Ciudad cada noche, y cada hora, como ellos eran muchos, y nosotros pocos, nos dieran mil rebatos, y pelearan con nosotros, y fuera el trabajo incomportable, y podian darnos por muchas partes. Pues guardar las Puentes Gente de noche, quedaban los Espafioles tan cansados de pelear el dia, que no se podia sufrir poner Gente en guarda de ellos.” LORENZANA, p. 257. IMPATIENCE OF SOLDIERS. 77 more careful of his troops than Alvarado of his: we have already seen what severe watches were requisite in that division, and how ill the men fared. | The impatience of the soldiers grew to a great height, and was supported in an official quarter, —by no less a person than Alderete, the King’s Treasurer. Cortes gave way, against his own judgment, to their importunities. There had all along been a reason for his reluctance, which, probably, he did not communicate to his men: namely, that he had not abandoned the hope that the enemy would still come to terms. ‘‘ Finally,” he says, ‘they pressed me so much that I gave way.” The attack was to be a general one, in which the divisions of Sandoval and Alvarado were to co-operate; but Cortes, with that knowledge of character which belonged to him, particularly explained, that, though his general orders were for them to press into the market-place, they were not obliged to gain a single difficult pass which laid them open to defeat; « For,” he says, “I knew, from the men they were, that they would advance to whatever spot I told them to A general attack resolved upon. Disposi- tions on the side of Cortes for the attack. 78 DISPOSITION OF FORCES. gain, even if they knew that it would cost them their lives.” * On the appointed day, Cortes moved from his camp, supported by seven brigantines, and by more than three thousand canoes filled with his Indian allies. When his soldiers reached the entrance of the city, he divided them in the fol- lowing manner. There were three streets which led to the market-place from the position which the Spaniards had already gained. Along the principal street, the King’s Treasurer, with seventy Spaniards, and fifteen or twenty thou- sand allies, was to make his way. His rear was to be protected by a small guard of horsemen. The other two streets were smaller, and led from the street of Tlacuba to the market-place. Along the broader of these two streets, Cortes sent two of his principal captains, with eighty Spaniards and ten thousand Indians; he himself, with eight horsemen, seventy-five foot-soldiers, twenty-five musketeers, and an “ infinite number ” * « Conocia de sus Personas, que habian de poner el rostro, donde yo les dijesse, aunque supiessen perder las vidas.” —LorEnzana, p. 260. GREAT ATTACK COMMENCED. 79 of allies, was to enter the narrower street. At the entrance to the street of Tlacuba, he left two large cannon with eight horsemen to guard them, and at the entrance of his own street, he also left eight horsemen to protect the rear. The Spaniards and their allies made their entrance into the city with even more success and less embarrassment than on previous occa- sions. Bridges and barricades were gained, and the three main bodies of the army moved forwards into the heart of the city. The ever-prudent Cortes did not follow his division, but remained with a small body-guard of twenty Spaniards in a little island formed by the intersection of certain water streets, whence he encouraged the allies, who were occasionally beaten back by the Mexicans, and where he could protect his own troops against any sudden descent we the enemy from certain side streets. He now received a message from those Spanish troops who had made a rapid and successful ad- vance into the heart of the town, informing him that they were not far from the market-place, and that they wished to have his permission to push onwards, as they already heard the noise of The great attack com~ menced. Cortes in an islet. Ilis men ask leave to press on into the city. 80 MEN WISH TO PRESS ON. the combats which the Alguazil Mayor and Pedro de Alvarado were waging from their respective MEXICO AND THE ADJACENT CITIES. Scale Spann? 7 42 38 _“SiTeagues stations. To this message Cortes returned for answer that on no account should. they move PATHWAY NOT MADE GOOD. 81 forwards without first filling up the apertures thoroughly. They sent an answer back, stating that they had made completely passable all the ground they had gained; and that he might come and see whether it were not so. Cortes, like a wise commander, not inclined to admit anything as a fact upon the statement of others which could be verified by personal in- spection, took them at their word, and did move on to see what sort of pathway they had made; when, to his dismay, he came in sight of a breach in the causeway, of considerable magnitude, being ten or twelve paces in width, and which, far from being filled up with solid material, had been passed upon wood and reeds, and was entirely insecure in case of retreat. The Spaniards, “ in- toxicated with victory,” as their Commander de- scribes them, had rushed on, imagining that they left behind them a sufficient pathway. There was now no time to remedy this la- mentable error, for when Cortes arrived near this «bridge of affliction,” as he calls it, he saw many of the Spaniards and the allies retreating to- wards it, and when he came up close to it, he found the bridge-way broken down, and the whole IT. G They had not made good the pathway. Cortes in urgent peril. 82 URGENT PERIL aperture so full of Spaniards and Indians, that there was not room for a straw to float upon the surface of the water. The peril was so im- minent, that Cortes not only thought that the Conquest of Mexico was gone, but that the term of his life as well as of his victories had come; and he resolved to die there fighting. All that he could do at first was to help his men out of the water; and, meanwhile, the Mexicans charged upon them in, such numbers, that he and his little party were entirely surrounded. The enemy seized upon his person, and would have carried him off, but for the resolute bravery of some of his guard, one of whom lost his life there in suc- couring his master. The greatest aid, however, that Cortes had at this moment of urgent peril, was the cruel superstition of the Mexicans, which made them wish to take Malinché alive, and grudge the death of an enemy in any other way than that of sacrifice to their detestable gods. The captain of the body-guard seized hold of Cortes, and insisted upon his retreating, declaring that upon his life depended the lives of all of them. Cortes, though at the moment he felt that he should have delighted more in death than life, OF CORTES. 83 gave way to the importunity of this captain, and of other Spaniards who were near, and commenced 7D “7 Wy Yi i WW tS { \ MEXICO we AND THE Gime oP ADJACENT CITIES. ii ieee: Scalo Spanish 2 Z 2 3 & Sj, Leagues a retreat for his life. His flight was along a nar- row causeway at the same level as the water, an His escape. Cortes gains the street of Tlacuba. Alvarado’s division. 84, ESCAPE OF CORTES. additional circumstance of danger, which, to use his expression about them, those ‘ dogs” had con- trived against the Spaniards. The Mexican canoes approached this causeway on both sides, and the slaughter they were thus enabled to commit, both among the allies and the Spaniards, was very great. Meanwhile, two or three horses were sent to aid Cortes in his retreat, and a youth upon one. of them contrived to reach him, though the others were lost. At last he and a few of his men suc- ceeded in fighting their way to the broad street of Tlacuba, where, like a brave captain, instead of continuing his flight, he and the few horsemen who were with him turned round and formed a rear-guard to protect his retreating troops. He also sent immediate orders to the King’s Trea- surer and the other commanders to make good their retreat; orders the force of which was much heightened by the sight of two or three Spaniards’ heads which the Mexicans, who were fighting be- hind a barricade, threw amongst the besiegers. We must now see how it fared with the other divisions. Alvarado’s men had prospered in their attack, and were steadily advancing towards the market-place, when, all of a sudden, they found ALVARADO RETREATS. 85. themselves encountered by an immense body of Mexican troops, splendidly accoutred, who threw before them five heads of Spaniards, and kept shouting out “ Thus will we slay you, as we have slain Malinché and Sandoval, whose heads these are.” With these words they commenced an attack of such fury, and came so closely to hand with the Spaniards, that they could not use their cross-bows, their muskets, nor even their swords. One thing, however, was in their favour. The difficulty of their retreat was always greatly enhanced by the number of their allies; but on this oceasion the Tlascalans no sooner saw the bleeding heads, and heard the menacing words of the Mexicans, than they cleared themselves off the causeway with all possible speed. The Spaniards, therefore, were able to retreat in good order; and their dismay did not take the form of panic, even when they heard from the summit of the Temple the tones of that awful drum made of serpents’ skin, which gave forth the most melancholy sound imaginable, and which was audible at two or three leagues’ distance.* This * «Tafian an atambor de mui triste sonido, en fin The Tlascalans retreat in haste. The Mexi- can King sounds his born. 86 SACRIFICH OF CAPTIVES. was the signal of sacrifice, and at that moment ten human hearts, the hearts of their companions, were being offered up to the Mexican deities. A more dangerous, though not more dreadful, sound was now to be heard. This was the blast of a horn sounded by no less a personage than the Mexican King —which signified that his captains were to succeed or die. The mad fury with which the Mexican troops now rushed upon the Spaniards was “an awful thing” to see; and the historian, who was present at the scene, writing in his old age, exclaims, that, though he cannot describe it, yet, when he comes to think of it, it is as if it were “visibly” before him,* so deep was the impression it had made upon his mind. But the Spaniards were not raw troops; and terror, however great, was not able to overcome their sense of discipline and their duty to each other as comrades. It was in vain that the Mexi- como instrumento de demonios, y retumbava tanto, que e - ° 7 se ola dos, 6 tres leguas, y juntamente con él muchos atabalejos.”"—Brrnat Dtaz, cap. 152. * «« Con qué rabia y esfuerco se metian entre nosotros 4 nos echar mano, es cosa de espanto, porque yo no lo sé aqui escrivir, que aora que me pongo 4 pensar en ello, €s como si visiblemente lo viesse.”—BERNAL D1az, cap. 152. SANDOVAL RETIRES. 87 cans rushed upon them “as a conquered thing” (como cosa vencida); they reached their station, served their cannon steadily—although they had to renew their artillerymen,—and maintained their ground. The appalling stratagem adopted by the Mexi- cans—of throwing down before one division of the Spanish army some of the heads of the pri- soners they had taken from another division, and shouting that these were the heads of the principal commanders— was pursued with great success. They were thus enabled to discourage Sandoval, and to cause him to retreat with loss towards his quarters. They even tried with success the same stratagem upon Cortes, throwing before his camp, to which he had at last retreated, certain bleeding heads, which, they said, were those of “ Tona- tiuh ” (Alvarado), Sandoval, and the other teules. Then it was that Cortes felt more dismay than ever, “though,” says the honest chronicler, who did not like the man, however much he admired the soldier, “ not in such a manner that those who were with him should perceive in it much weak- ness.”* *« Hntonces dizen, que desmayé Cortés mucho mas Sandoval’s division retires, Meeting of Sandoval and Cortes atter the defeat. 88 MEETING OF After Sandoval had made good his retreat, he set off, accompanied by a few horsemen, for the camp of Cortes, and had an interview with him, of which the following account is given. “O Sefior Captain! what is this?” exclaimed Sandoval; “are these the great counsels, and the artifices of war which you have always been wont to show us? How has this disaster happened?” Cortes replied, “O son Sandoval! my sins have permitted this; but I am not so culpable in the business as they may make out, for it is the fault of the Trea- surer, Juan de Alderete, whom I charged to fill up that difficult pass where they routed us, but he did not do so, for he is not accustomed to wars, nor to be commanded by superior officers.” At this point of the conference, the Treasurer himself, who had approached the captains in order to learn Sandoval’s news, exclaimed, that it was Cortes. himself who was to blame; that he had encou- raged his men to go forward; that he had not charged them to fill up the bridges and bad eee EEE de lo que antes estava él, y los que consigo traia, mas no de manera que sintiessen en él mucha flaqueza,”— Bernat Diaz, cap. 152. SANDOVAL AND CORTES. 89 passes,—if he had done so, he (the Treasurer) with his company would have done it ;—and, moreover, that Cortes had not cleared the cause- way in time, of his Indian allies. Thus they argued and disputed with one another; for hardly anyone is generous in defeat to those with whom he has acted. Indeed, a generosity of this kind, which will not allow a man to comment severely upon the errors of his comrades in mis- fortune, is so rare a virtue, that it scarcely seems to belong to this planet. There was little time, however, for altercation, and Cortes was not the man to indulge in more of that luxury for the unfortunate than human nature demanded. He had received no tidings of what had befallen the Camp of Tlacuba, and thither he despatched Sandoval, embracing him and saying, “ Look you, since you see that I cannot go to all parts, 1 commend these labours to you, for, as you perceive, I am wounded and lame. I implore you, take charge of these three camps.* I well know that Pedro de Alvarado * « Mira, pues veis que yo no puedo ir 4 todas partes, 4 VOS Os encomiendo estos trabajos, pues veis que estoi How few remain gentlemen after defeat. Sandovalat Alvarado’s camp. 90 SANDOVAL AT and his soldiers will have behaved themselves as cavaliers, but I fear lest the great force of those dogs should have routed them.” The scene now changes to the ground near Alvarado’s camp. Sandoval succeeded in making his way there, and arrived about the hour of Vespers. He found the men of that division in the act of repelling a most vigorous attack on the part of the Mexicans, who had hoped that night to penetrate into the camp and to carry off all the Spaniards for sacrifice. The enemy were better armed than usual, some of them using the weapons which they had taken from the soldiers of Cortes. At last, after a severe conflict, in which Sandoval himself was wounded, and in which the cannon shots did not suffice to break the serried ranks of the Mexicans,* the Spaniards gained their quarters, and, being under shelter, had some respite from the fury of the Mexican attack. There, Sandoval, Pedro de Alvarado, and the other principal captains, were standing together herido y coxo; ruego os pongais cobro en estos tres reales.”—BERNAL D1az, cap. 152. * «Por mas Mexicanos que levavan las pelotas, no ~ les podian apartar.”—Brrnat Draz, cap. 152. ALVARADO’S CAMP. OL and relating what had occurred to each of them, when, suddenly, the sound of the sacrificial drum was heard again, accompanied by other musical instruments of a similar dolorous character. From the Camp of Tlacuba the great Temple was per- fectly visible, and, when the Spaniards looked up at it for an interpretation of these melancholy tones, they saw their companions driven by blows and buffetings up to the place of sacrifice. The white-skinned Christians were easily to be dis- tinguished amidst the dusky groups that sur- rounded them. When the unhappy men about to be sacrificed had reached the lofty level space on which these abominations were wont to be com- mitted, it was discerned by their friends and late companions that plumes of feathers were put upon the heads of many of them, and that men, whose movements in the distance appeared like those of winnowers, made the captives dance before the image of Huitzilopochtli. When the dance was concluded, the victims were placed upon the sacri- ficial stones; their hearts were taken out and offered to the idols; and their bodies hurled down the steps of the Temple. At the bottom of the steps stood “other butchers” who cut off the Alvarado’s men behold the sacri- fice of their compa- nions. Ne} Iho FURTHER SACRIFICES. arms and legs of the victims, intending to eat there portions of their enemies, The skin of the Baynes pn Fin Wi ) yin PN Can ver dL eee NS BAS Zs MEXICO AND'THE SS ee cea 4, iy Wa £ ADJACENT CITIES. TOK Z, scale | | Spanish 2 7 2 3 & SE, Leagques daaocris face with the beard was preserved. The rest of the body was thrown to the lions, tigers, and ser- TAUNTS OF MEXICANS. 95 pents. ‘ Let the curious readers consider,” says the chronicler, “ what pity we must have had for these, our companions, and how we said to one another, ‘Oh! thanks be to God, that they did not carry me off to-day to sacrifice me.’”* And certainly no army ever looked upon a more de- plorable sight. There was no time, however, for much con- templation ; for, at that instant, numerous bands of warriors attacked the Spaniards on all sides, and fully occupied their attention in the preser- vation of their own lives. Modern warfare has lost one great element of In modern the picturesque in narrative, namely, in there Ta being no interchange now of verbal threats and menaces between the contending parties; but in those days it was otherwise, and the Mexicans were able to indulge in the most fierce and malig- nant language. ‘ Look,” they said, “ that is the way in which all of you have to die, for our gods _ have promised this to us many times.” To the * «* Miren los curiosos Lectores que esto leyeren, que lastima terniamos dellos: y deziamos entre nostros: O gracias a Dios, que no me llevaron 4 mi oy 4 sacrificar.”’ —Berrnat Diaz, cap. 152. The losses of the Spaniards. 9-4 LOSSES OF SPANIARDS. Tlascalans their language was more insulting, and much more minutely descriptive. Throwing to them the roasted flesh of their companions and of the Spanish soldiers, they shouted, “ Eat of the flesh of these teules, and of your brothers, for we are quite satiated with it; and, look you, for the houses you have pulled down, we shall have to make you build in their place much better ones with stones, and. plates of metal, likewise with hewn stone and lime; and the houses will be painted.* Wherefore, continue to assist these teules, all of whom you will see sacrificed.” The Mexicans, however, did not succeed in carrying off any more Spaniards for sacrifice that night. The Spanish camp had some few hours of repose, and some time to reckon up their losses, which were very considerable. They lost up- wards of sixty of their own men, six horses, two cannon, and a great number of their Indian allies. Moreover, the brigantines had not fared much better on this disastrous day than the land forces. * «<'Y mirad que las casas que aveis derrocado, que os hemos de traer para que las torneis 4 hazer mui mejores, y con piedras y planchas, y cal y canto, y pintadas.”— Bernat D1az, cap. 152. DESERTION OF ALLIES. 95 But the indirect consequences of this defeat were still more injurious than the actual losses. The allies from the neighbouring cities on the lake deserted the Spaniards, nearly to a man. The Mexicans regained and strengthened most of their positions; and the greatest part of the work of the besiegers seemed as if it would have to be done over again. Even the Tlascalans, hitherto so faithful, despaired of the fortunes of their allies, and could not but believe, with renewed terror, in the potency of the Mexican deities, kindred to, if not identical with, their own. Accordingly they departed to their homes; and in the camp of Cortes no Indian remained but Ixtlilxochitl, the brother of the King of Tezcuco, with about forty friends and relations,—in the camp of Sandoval, the Cacique of Huaxocingo with about fifty men, —and in Pedro de Alvarado’s camp, the brave Chichimecatl with two other chiefs and eighty Tlascalans. Ina word, not more than two men out of every thousand of the allies remained to aid the Spaniards. Desertion of the allies. The Mexi- can King encourages his tribu- taries. CHAPTER XII. Consequences of the Defeat— The Siege langwishes—Oortes sends aid to his Indian Allies—The Allies return to the Camp of Cortes—The Siege is pressed —The Mexicans will not treat with Cortes—Mezxico is taken. =) par) HE King of the Mexicans improved his oe" | how successful he had been, assuring them that victory by sending round the news of it to his tributaries, informing them he would soon destroy the rest of the Spaniards, and begging them on no account to make peace with the enemy. The vouchers which his mes- sengers carried were two heads of horses and some heads of Christians; and these trophies told the tale of victory in an undeniable manner. One cannot always sympathize with one’s Christian friends, and it is impossible not to feel occasionally some satisfaction when the be- THE SIEGH LANGUISHES. 97 leaguered party, wronged as they had been in every way by the besiegers, and making one of the most gallant defences ever known in the history of sieges, should gain some advantage. The siege was not absolutely stopped on account of this defeat, but still the city had some relief. In the camp of Alvarado, for instance, where the men had seen but too clearly what was the fate of captives, there was no movement for four days; and, strange to say, the first attack on that side was, according to Cortes, devised and led by Chi- chimecatl, the brave Tlascalan. In the camp of Cortes little was attempted, and less effected, for ten days; and no entrance was made by the Spaniards which reached so far into the city as the Plaza, a spot which had been gained by them, as may be recollected, at an early stage of the proceedings. The main cause, however, of this apparent in- activity is one which will surprise the reader; but which, when well considered, will give him a great insight into the depth of policy of Cortes. At such a juncture an ordinary commander would have kept all his resources closely about him, and would not have been induced to send away a Il. H The siege languishes. Cortes sends as- sistance to his Indian allies, 98 CORTES ASSISTS HIS ALLIZS, single man. But Cortes sent out a considerable force to assist his Indian allies of the town of Cuernavaca, who were suffering from the attack of some hostile Indians of a neighbouring city belonging to the Mexican faction. His own men disapproved of this, as it was natural that they should, and said that it was destruction to take men from the camp.* Cortes also sent assistance to the Otomies, who were much pressed by the inhabitants of the province of Matalcingo, a people on whose succour the Mexicans at that time placed great dependence. 3 The expeditions mentioned above were suc- cessful. The wounded men in the camp began to recover.t By great good fortune Cortes, at * «Tube mucha contradicion, y decian que me des- truia en sacar Gente del Real.”—Lorenzana, p. 272. } The few Spanish women who were present at this siege, and of whom honorable mention ought to be made, must have been a great comfort to the wounded Spanish soldiers. One of them, named Beatriz de Palacios, a mulatto, was not only useful in nursing the sick, but she would saddle the horses of her husband’s troop, and was known to take his place as sentinel. “ Beatriz de Pala- cios, Mulata, aiudé mucho, quando fué hechado Cortés WHO RETURN TO CAMP. 99 this juncture, received some gunpowder and some cross-bows from his town of Villa Rica; and the slege was recommenced. The politic conduct of Cortes in sending suc- cours to those of his Indian allies who were en- dangered, must have done good service in bringing them all back to his camp. They began to flock in; and, after receiving a lecture from Cortes, in which he told them that they were deserving of de México, y en este Cerco : era casada con un Soldado, dicho Pedro de Escobar; y sirvid tanto 4 su Marido, ya los de su Camarada, que hallandose cansado de pelear de Dia, tocandole la Guarda, y Centinela, la hacia por é1, con mucho cuidado, y en dexando las Armas, salia al Campo 4recoger Bledos, y los tenia cocidos, y aderecados, para su Marido, y los Compafieros. Curaba los Heridos, ensillaba los Caballos, y hacia otras cosas, como qual- quiera Soldado; y esta, y otras fueron las que curaron 4 Cortés, y sus Compafieros, quando llegaron heridos 4 Tlaxcalla, y les hicieron de vestir, de Lienco de la Tierra, y las que queriendo Cortés, que se quedasen 4 descansar & Tlaxcalla, le dixeron: que no era bien, que Mugeres Castellanas, dexasen 4 sus Maridos, yendo 4 la Guerra, y que adonde ellos muriesen, moririan ellas. Hstas fueron, Beatriz de Palacios, Maria de Estrada, Juana Martin, Isabel Rodriguez, yla Muger de Alonso Valiente, y otras.”—Torquemapa, Monarquia Indiana, lib. iv. cap. 96. The Indian allies re- turn to the camp. Pertinacity of the Mexicans. Cortes ree solves to destroy Mexico. 100 PERTINACITY OF MEXICANS. death, they were taken again into his favour, and employed against the common enemy. On the other hand, the Mexicans remained as stiff-necked as ever. They had already endured forty-five days of siege: their allies had been conquered; and they themselves were begin- ning to feel the effects of starvation. But their resolution only rose with their difficulties; and misery lent strength to their resolves. “ We found them with more spirit than ever,”* is the expression of Cortes in describing their con- duct. He, therefore, though very unwillingly, came to the conclusion that he must destroy their city bit by bit, a necessity which must have been a great vexation to him, for he declares that Mexico was “the most beautiful thing in the world” (la mas hermosa cosa del Mundo). This plan of destruction he proposed to execute thoroughly, pulling down the houses of every street as he gained it; making that * «« Hi quanto mas de estas cosas les deciamos, menos muestra viamos en ellos de flaqueza: mas antes en el pelear, y en todos sus ardides, los hallabamos con mas animo, que nunca.”—LoRENZzANA, p. 279. ATTACK RECOMMENOED. 101 which was lofty, level; and that which was water, dry land.* On the first day of recommencing the attack, he was met and delayed by feigned proposals for peace; but, these coming to nothing, he began to execute his plan of gradual demolition; and, as he had the assistance of one hundred and fifty thou- sand Indian allies, and as destruction is always a rapid process, he accomplished great things. The next day he made his way into the Square, and ascended the highest platform of the Temple, because, as he says, he knew it vexed the enemy much to see him there. A stranger sight, one more animating to the Spaniards, more discou- raging to the Mexicans, more picturesque in itself, and fraught with more matter for stern reflection, eannot well be imagined. It was no hideous Idol-god of War that had stepped down from its pedestal, but a majestic living man, clad in resplendent armour, who directed the fight below, and fulfilled the prophecies which had been uttered by the priests and necromancers—those safe and Srnec nat ae Pe Oy * “To que era Agua, hacerlo Tierra-firme,’—LorgEn- ZANA, p. 279, Not Huitzilo- pochtli, but Cortes, directs the fight from the- summit of the temple. Famine in Mexico. 1022 #j§§§ SUCOESSFUL AMBUSCADES. easy prophecies of disaster, sure to be fulfilled, at some time or other, in the life of any man, or any people, prophesied against. When night came on, the Spaniards and their allies retired, pur- sued by the Mexicans, but still, by means of ambuscades, contriving in their retreat to slay many of their enemies. Thus, with little varia- tion, the siege continued for several days, until, by an ambuscade more dexterous than usual, Cortes contrived to cut off five hundred of the bravest and foremost men of the city, whom his cannibal allies devoured.* Cortes thinks that the result of the ambuscade just recorded was most advantageous for the be- siegers, and was the cause of the city being speedily subdued. But, indeed, it is evident that the brief success which the enemy attained, when Cortes, overcome by importunity, made that in- judicious attack upon the city, was the expiring effort of the Mexicans. It appears that they were suffering now the extremes of hunger, going * « Y aquella noche tubieron bien que cenar nuestros. Amigos, porque todos los que se mataron, tomaron, y llevaron hechos piezas para comer.”—TorENzANA, p. 288, MARKET-PLACH GAINED, 103 out at night to fish in the waters about their houses, and seeking a miserable sustenance in herbs and roots. Upon the wretched people so employed Cortes made an onslaught very early in the morning, and slew eight hundred of them, for the most part women and children. Meanwhile, the Indian allies of Cortes thick-. ened around the contest, as a flock of birds of rapine over carrion, and darkened the outskirts of the devoted city. They came in such multitudes, that, as he himself says, there was no taking any account of them. The proud Mexico, hitherto unconscious of a conqueror, was penetrated by the Spanish forces on all sides, till at length the market-place was gained by the troops of Alva- rado, and free communication was opened and maintained between his camp and that of Cortes. It is curious to note the change in the language now addressed by the Mexicans to the Tlascalans and the other Spanish allies. When the towns-' men saw these Indians burning and destroying on all sides, they tauntingly bade them continue doing so, as they would have to build up anew what they were then destroying, if not for them (the Mexicans), at least, for their own friends, the Free com- munica- tion be- tween the camps of Alvarado and Cortes. Cortes constructs a catapult, 104 CORTES CONSTRUCTS A CATAPULT. Spaniards.* Cortes afterwards comments upon this prophecy in a manner that is anything but chivalrous or gentlemanly (indeed, conquerors on their own account seldom are distinguished gen- tlemen), + for. he adds, “In this last respect it pleased God that they turned out to be true pro- phets, for they, the allies, are those who are com- mencing to rebuild.” t Cortes now possessed no less than seven-eighths of the city, as he perceived on looking from a great tower which adjoined the market-place. Still, the enemy did not give way, and, as the powder of Cortes was failing, he caused a catapult to be constructed, and placed on a raised plat- form, twelve feet in height, which was in the. middle of the market-place, whereon the Mexicans had been accustomed to hold their games, and 2 -*«Decian 4 nuestros Amigos, que no ficiessen sino quemar, y destruir, que ellos se las harian tornar4é hacer de nuevo, porque si ellos eran vencedoresg, ya ellos sabian, que habia de ser assi, y si no, que las habian de hacer para nosotros.”—LoreEnzana, p. 286. . ft Julius Cesar always excepted. { “ Y¥ de esto postrero plugo 4 Dios, que salieron ver-. daderos, aunque ellos son los que las tornan 4 hacer.” — LORENzANA, p. 286. MEXICANS DEMAND A CONFERENCE. 105 whereon, as I imagine, gladiatorial shows had been performed. But this catapult was not constructed properly, and failed to terrify the enemy. The greater part of them were now, however, only food for an almost unresisted slaughter, which after two or three days interval, was recommenced. The Spaniards found the streets full of women and children, and other helpless persons, dying of hunger. Cortes renewed his proposals for peace. The warriors in Mexico gave only dissembling answers. ‘The conflict was accordingly renewed, and twelve thousand citizens perished on this occasion, for there was no saving their lives from the cruelty of the Indian allies.* The next day the Mexicans, seeing ‘the multi- tudes that were arrayed against them, and that, to use the graphic language of Cortes, there was no room for them, except upon the dead bodies of their own people, demanded a conference; and, when Cortes arrived at a certain barricade, he * “Muertos, y presos pasaron de doce mil Animas, con los quales osaban de tantacrueldad nuestros Amigos, que por ninguna via 4 ninguno daban la vida, aunque mas reprendidos, y castigados de nosotros eran.”—Lo- RENZANA, p. 291. 12,000 Mexicans are slain. The Mexicans demand a conterence. 106 DESPAIR OF MEXICANS. was met by some of the principal men. Their address to him savoured of a wild despair, but did not look as if they had any authority to treat for peace. They asked why,—since he was a Child of the Sun, and the Sun in so short a time as one day and one night went round the whole world,—did not Cortes as swiftly finish their slaughter, and release them from such suffering ; for now they desired to die, and to go to their Huitzilopochtli, who was waiting for them to rejoice with.* Cortes said everything in reply which could induce them to treat for peace; but all his efforts were in vain. He also sent to them one of their principal chiefs, whom he had cap- tured, and who, after listening to the arguments of Cortes, had promised to do his utmost to pro- mote peace. ‘This Chief was received with reve- rence by the Mexicans, and brought before * « Que pues ellos me tenfan por Hijo del Sol, y el Sol en tanta brevedad como era en un dia, y una noche, daba vuelta 4 todo el Mundo, que porque yo assi breve- mente no los acababa de matar, y los quitaba de penar tanto, porque ya ellos tenian deseos de morir, y irse al Cielo para su Ochilobus, que los estaba esperando para descansar,’”’— LorENzanA, p. 292. FRESH OVERTURES FOR PEACE. 107 the Kine; =?) but, it is said, that when he began to talk of peace, the King imme- Quauhtemotzin, diately ordered him to be slain and sacrificed. It seems that the Mexicans, as often happens in difficult negotiation, had lost the power of taking more than one view of their position. They were in that state of mind in which the variations of thought, and the vacillations of temper are alike prevented by a mental process, which, if it were conscious and intentional, might be aptly illus- trated by the practice of those desperate or de- termined captains who nail their colours to the mast, In fine, they were under the dominion of a ‘fixed idea,” and the only answer which Cortes received to his overtures for peace was a furious attack on the part of the Mexicans, who exclaimed Many of them were slain, and the Spanish captains returned to that their only wish was to die, their camps for that day. The next day Cortes made an entry into the city, but did not attempt to penetrate beyond that part of it which he had already gained. On the contrary, approaching a barricade, he addressed some of the Mexican chiefs whom he knew (Cortes seems to have possessed in a high degree the royal The Mexi- cans no longer amenable to wise counsel. Renewal of the attack on the part of the Mexicans. Cortes makes fresh overtures for peace. Cortes, in vain, seeks a confer- ence with the King of Mexico. 108 THE MEXICAN KING DECLINES accomplishment of remembering faces), and asked them why their King did not come to treat with him about peace? Finally, after some delay, it was agreed that on the next day the King should come to confer with Cortes in the market-place, and Cortes accordingly caused a lofty platform to be prepared for the interview. But when the time for the conference arrived, instead of the King, there came five of his prin- cipal lords, who made excuses for him, saying that he feared to appear before the Spanish General, Cortes did all that he could to win over these chiefs, giving them food,—by their ravenous way of devouring which, he perceived how pressing was their hunger. He also sent: some food as a present for the King. The envoys did not, however, hold out any hope that Quauh- temotzin would attend a conference. Still Cortes persevered in sending assurances by them to the King, that he might come in safety ; and so this conference ended. Karly on the ensuing morning the five chiefs repaired to the camp of Cortes, and said that their King had consented to meet him in the market. place; and Cortes, therefore, did not allow his TO CONFER WITH CORTES. 109 Indian allies to enter the city. But when he had gone himself to the appointed spot, and had waited several hours, and the King did not make his appearance, Cortes summoned in the allies, and the battle, or rather the slaughter, recommenced. On that day there were slain, or taken pri- soners, no fewer than forty thousand Mexicans. So great were the cries and lamentations of the women and children, that there was no person (Cortes means no Spanish person) whose heart it did not break to hear them.* But the Spaniards could not prevent the slaughter, for they were only about nine hundred, and the allies more than one hundred and fifty thousand in number. The final.day of Mexico had come. The be- sieged retained now only a small corner of their city. Their King, instead of occupying one of those spacious palaces, in comparison with which the royal dwellings of the Old World were poor _ and mean, was obliged to take refuge in a boat. The order of the day, on the part of the Spaniards, * «VY era tanta la grita, y lloro de los Nifios, y Mugeres, que no habia Persona, 4 quien no quebran- tasse el corazon.”—LORENZANA, p. 296. The slaughter renewed. The last day of the siege. Cortes counsels the Mexi- cans to yield. 110 LAST DAY OF SIEGE. was as follows: Sandoval was to force his way with the brigantines into a deep part of the lake at the rear of those houses which were still held by the Mexicans,* Alvarado was to enter the market-place, but was not to commence his attack until Cortes should order him to do so by a signal agreed upon,—namely, the firing of a musket. Cortes himself was to bring up three heavy can- non, in order to be able to inflict severe loss upon the Mexicans without coming to close combat with them; for, with their vast numbers, they might - suffocate the Spaniards, if the ranks were once intermingled, All these arrangements having been made, and the approaches commenced, Cortes ascended to a terraced roof; and, from that height, addressed some of the principal men of the city, whom he knew, asking them why their King would not come, and suggesting, that as they were in such extremities that resistance was impossible, they * According to Clavigero, this was a sort of harbour entirely surrounded with houses, where the vessels of the merchants used to land their goods when they came to the market of Tlaltelulco. See CiavicERO, Storia Antica del Messico, tom. 11. lib. x. pp. 227-8, DEAD IN MEXICO. 111 should take such measures as would prevent all of them losing their lives. They should, therefore, summon their Prince to his presence, and have no fear. Two of them departed with this message, and shortly afterwards returned with the principal person in the city next after the King, who was called the Cihuacuatl. He informed Cortes that the King would by no means appear before him, preferring death: that he himself was sorry: for this determination; but that Cortes must do what seemed good to him. Cortes replied that the Cihuacuatl might return to his men, and that he and they would do well to prepare themselves for battle. Meanwhile, an immense number of men, women, and children made their way out towards the Spaniards, hurrying in such a manner that they cast themselves into the water, and were suffocated amidst the multitude of dead bodies that already lay there. The dead bodies were so numerous, that they were found afterwards lying in heaps in the streets; for thus the Mexicans had concealed their losses, not liking to throw the bodies into the water for fear of their being found by the brigantines. The number of those who died from the effects of hun- The dead an Mexico. Reading of wars we become accus- tomed to think little of slaughter. 112 GREAT SLAUGHTER OF MEXICANS. ger, pestilence, and drinking salt water, amounted to more than fifty thousand. Ffty thousand souls! In studying wars, we acquire an almost flippant familiarity with great loss of life, and hardly re- cognize what it is. We have to think what a beautiful creature any man or woman is, for at least one period of his or her life, in the eyes of some other being; what a universe of hope is often contained in one unnoticed life; and that the meanest human being would be a large sub- ject of study for the rest of mankind. We need, I say, to return to such homely considerations as the above, before we can fairly estimate the sufferings and loss to mankind which these little easy sentences,—“ There perished ten thousand of the allies on this day,” “ By that ambuscade we cut off nineteen hundred of the enemy,” “ In this retreat, which was well executed, they did not lose more than five thousand men,”—dgive indica- tion of. It was in vain that Cortes tried to pre- vent the slaughter of the miserable people, who now made their way out, by posting Spaniards in the streets through which they had to pass. His Indian allies slew fifteen thousand of them on that day. THE MEXICAN KING CAPTURED. 118 Still the chiefs and warriors, hunger-stricken, encompassed, and overlooked* as they were, main- tained their position upon some terraces and houses, and also in boats upon the water. Cortes ordered the cannon to be discharged ; but neither did this induce them to lay down their arms, It was now evening, and the Spanish General com- manded the musket to be fired, which was the signal for the general attack. The Mexican posi- tion was immediately forced, and its defenders driven into the water, where some of them sur- rendered. At the same moment the brigantines entered the harbour, ploughing through the fleet of Mexican canoes, which were instantly scattered in flight. A brigantine, commanded by a man named Garcia Holguin, pursued a particular canoe in which there appeared to be people of condi- tion (gente de manera). His cross-bowmen in the prow were taking aim at those in the canoe, when a signal was made from it that the King was * «Ni les aprovechaba disimulacion, ni otra cosa, porque no viessemos su perdicion, y su flaqueza muy 4 la clara.”—LoRENzANA, p. 299. II. I The despe- ration ot the be- sieged, The last attack. Capture of the King of Mexico. Duration of the siege. 114 THE OITY OF MEXICO there. The canoe was immediately captured, and the unfortunate Quauhtemotzin, together with the King of Tlacuba, was found in it; and both Kings' were taken at once to Cortes. Cortes received the King of Mexico with courtesy. Quauhtemotzin advanced to him and said, “I have done all that on my part I was obliged to do, to defend myself and my people, until I came into this state; now you may do with me that which you please ;” and so saying, he put his hand upon a poignard which Cortes wore, request- ing that he would kill him with it. But Cortes spoke kindly to him, and bade him have no fear. The King being captured, all opposition ceased, and what remained of Mexico was taken. This day, memorable in the annals of Ame- rican history, was a Tuesday, the day of St. Hip- polytus, the 13th of August, 1521. The siege, according to the computation of Cortes, who reckons that it began on the 30th of May, had lasted seventy-five days. We cannot give a better description of its fearful results than in the simple words of an eye-witness, who says, “ It is true, and I swear ‘ Amen,’ that all the lake and the houses and the barbacans were full of the TAKEN BY CORTES. 115 bodies and heads of dead men,* so that I do not know how I may describe it. For, in the streets, and in the very courts of Tlaltelulco, there were no other things, and we could not walk except amongst the bodies and heads of dead Indians, I have read of the destruction of Jerusalem; but whether there was such a mortality in that I do not know.” f¢ Thus fell the great city of Mexico. The nature of the conquest, the disposition of the conqueror, the extent of territory conquered, above all, the alliances by which the conquest was effected, all combined to produce a very different state of things from that under which —— * It is worthy of note that the Mexicans did not, even under the pressure of famine, devour their own people; they were, therefore, cannibals only when victory fur- uished them with the savoury morsel of a dead enemy. + “ Es verdad, y juro amen, que toda la laguna y casas, y harbacoas estavan llenas de cuerpos y carbecas de hombres muertos, que yo no sé de que manera lo escriva. Pues en las calles, y en los mismos patios del Tatelulco, no avia otras cosas, y no podiamos andar sino entre cuerpos y cabecas de Indios muertos. Yo he leido la destruicion de Jerusalem; mas si en ella huvo tanta mortandad como esta yo no lo sé¢.”—Brrnat Daz, cap. 156. Nature and result of the con- quest. 116 RESULT OF THE the West India Islands were conquered and de- populated. Again, the Conquest of Mexico occur- ring at a period when the Home Government had acquired a little more insight into the manage- ment of colonies, also tended to make the fate of the nations now conquered very different from that of the islanders. The great extent and riches of New Spain enforced the attention of the Spanish government to that country, as its chief colony; and its conqueror, Cortes, became at once the. principal figure in the New World. After this conquest, even the greater islands, such as Hispaniola and Cuba, lately the cen- tres of government, were chiefly interesting as affording ample proof, on a small scale, of the immense misgovernment which they had under- gone. By that inevitable fortune which attaches itself to remarkable sites, Mexico, which had been the queen of cities in the Aztec period of dominion, will now, under the auspices of Cortes, when it has become Spanish Mexico, and when a beau- tiful cathedral has been placed upon the exact spot where stood the accursed temple of the god of war—when the exquisite gardens of Mon- CONQUEST OF MEXICO. lla tezuma have given way to formal alamedas— when the vast expanse of waters shall, by the application of cunning art, have been withdrawn, leaving wide, dreary, arid spaces of waste land, —continue to be a ruling, queenlike city, and will still demand a large attention from the civilized world. Mexico still a queen amongst cities, Mexico not habit- able. CHAPTER XIII State of Mexico after the Conquest—Thanksgiving for the Victory—Mewico rebuilt and repeopled—Christoval de Tapia sent to supersede Cortes—Revolt of Panuco— Cortes inhabits Mewico—Memorial of Oonquistadores to the Emperor—Arvrival of Franciscans. a¢ OTHING can well convey a surer in- P dication of the sad state of Mexico, on the day of its conquest, than the fact that both the victors and the vanquished began to leave the city. Cortes and his soldiers returned to their camp, while, for three days and nights, the causeways were crowded by the departing Mexicans—yellow, flaccid, filthy, miserable beings, ‘‘ whom it was grief to behold.”* When the city — * « Digo que en tres dias con sus noches iban todas tres calgadas lenas de Indios é Indias, y muchachos llenos de bote en bote, que nunca dexavan de salir, y tan THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORY. 119 was deserted, Cortes sent persons in to view it. They found the houses full of dead bodies. The few wretched creatures who still here and there appeared, were those who, from extreme poverty, sickness, or indifference to life, were unwilling or unable to crawl out. In a great town there are always some abject persons to whom long despair and utter hardness of life make any lair seem welcome. The surface of the ground had been ploughed up, in order to get at the roots of the herbage. The bark of the trees had been eaten off; and not a drop of fresh water was to be found, Mexico was taken on the 13th of August, 1521. For three days afterwards Cortes remained in his camp, and he then proceeded to the neighbouring city of Cuyoacan. His first care for the city of Mexico was to give orders that the aqueduct should be ‘repaired. His first act on behalf of his own troops was to offer a thanksgiving for the victory. After the thanksgiving, Cortes held a great banquet in Cuyoacan. At this feast, which flacos, y suzios, é amarillos, é hediondos, que era lastima de los ver.”——BERNAL D1az, cap. 156. State of the city. Aug. 1521. The aque- duct to be repaired. Thanks- giving for the victory. A proces- sion and a sermon. The allies are dis- missed. 120 INDIAN ALLIES DISMISSED. was followed by a dance, the soldiers, naturally excited by their long abstinence from anything like amusement, indulged in such freaks and ex- cesses that Father Olmedo was greatly scandalized. Cortes being informed of this by Sandoval, sug- gested to the good monk that he should appoint a solemn procession, after which mass should be celebrated, and the Father might give the army a sermon, telling them “ that they should not despoil the Indians of their goods or their daugh- ters, nor quarrel amongst themselves, but conduct themselves like Catholic Christians, that so God might continue to favour them.” This was ac- cordingly done with all fitting solemnity. The next thing was to dismiss the Indian allies, who were favoured with many gracious words and promises; and were enriched with cotton, gold, and various spoil—amongst which were portions of the bodies of their enemies salted.* They then departed joyfully to their own country. The allies being dismissed, the Mexicans were * «Y aun llevaron hartas cargas de tasajos cecinados de Indios Mexicanos, que repartieron entre sus parientes y amigos, y como cosas de sus enemigos la comieron por fiestas.’"-—BrErRnat D1az, cap. 156. THE SPOIL OF MEXICO. 121 ordered to make clean the streets of Mexico, and to return to the city in two months’ time. A quarter of the town was appointed for their particular habitation, divided from that of the Spaniards by one of the great water-streets. The next question concerned the spoil of Mexico. The conquerors were entirely disappointed by the smallness of the booty. Murmurs arose amongst the soldiery, and the meaner spirits began to sus- pect that their General concealed the spoil for his own benefit. Cortes, with a weakness that was unusual in him, consented, at the instance of the King’s Treasurer, that Quauhtemotzin and his cousin, the King of Tlacuba, should be sub- mitted to the torture, in order that they might be induced to discover where they had hid their treasures. During the cruel process, the King of Tlacuba, suffering agonies from the torture, looked beseechingly to his lord paramount to give him licence to tell what he knew, whereupon the gallant young King, himself in torment, treated his fellow sufferer with contempt, uttering these remarkable words—“ Am I in any delight, or bath?” (Estoi yo en algun deleite, 6 bato?) It appears, however, that one or other of the Kings The Mexicans allowed to return to their city. Smallness of the booty. The Kings of Mexico and Tlacuba exposed to the torture. The excuse of Cortes. 122 ACCUSATION AGAINST CORTES. confessed, that ten days before the capture of the city, the King of Mexico had ordered the pieces of artillery which he had taken from the Spaniards to be thrown into the lake, together with what- ever gold, silver, precious stones, and jewels re- mained to him. It is remarkable that Cortes makes no mention of this torture of the captive Kings in his letter to the Emperor. Afterwards, when the transaction was made a matter of formal accusation against him, he defended himself by declaring that “he had done it at the request of Julian de Alderete, the King’s Treasurer, and in order that the truth might appear, for all men said that he (Cortes) possessed the whole of the riches of Montezuma. and that the reason why he did not like to have Quauhtemotzin tortured, was for fear the fact should come out against himself of having kept back the spoil.” * It may not be out of place to remind the reader what kind of man Cortes was at the time of the conquest of Mexico. One who knew him well, * GomarRa, Crénica de la Nueva-Hspana, cap. 145. Banrctra, Historiadores, tom. i. DESCRIPTION OF OORTES. 123 and whose descriptions of men are often as minute as if he was noting animals for-sale, thus depicts Cortes. He was of good make and stature; well- proportioned and stalwart. The colour of his face inclined to pallor,* and his countenance was not very joyful. If his face had been longer, it would have been handsomer. His eyes, when he looked at you, had an amiable expression, otherwise, a haughty one. His beard was somewhat dark and thin, and so was his hair, which at that time was worn long. His chest was deep, and his shoulders finely formed. He was slender, with very little stomach ; somewhat bow-legged, with well-turned thighs and ankles. He was a good horseman, and dexterous in the use of all arms, as well on foot as on horseback; and, above all, he had heart and soul, which are what is most to the purpose.” f * Trt. “ ash-coloured,”— the cinereus color of the Romans. + ‘Fue de buena estatura y cuerpo, y bien propor- cionado, y membrudo, y la color de la cara tiravaalgo a cenicienta, éno mui alegre: y si tuviera el rostro mas largo, mejor le pareciera;. los ojos en el mirar amorosos, y por otra graves: las barbas tenia algo prietas, y pocas y ralas, y el cabello que en aquel tiempo se usava, era de la misma manera que las barbas, y tenia el pecho alto, Personal appearance ot Cortes. Patience of Cortes. 124 CORTES?’ CHARACTER AND The same author dwells on the wonderful pa- tience of Cortes. When very angry, there was a vein which swelled in his forehead, and another in his throat; but, however enraged, his words were always mild and decorous. He might in- dulge with his friends ia such an expression as ‘‘ Plague upon you” (mal pese & vos); but to the common soldiers, even when they said the rudest things to him, he merely replied, “ Be silent, or go in God’s name, and from henceforward have more care in what you say, or it will cost you dear, and I shall have to chastise you.” It appears that, in extreme cases of anger, he had a curious habit of throwing off his cloak; but even then he always kept himself from coarse and violent language*—a wise practice—for a furious gesture is readily forgiven (it is a mere $$ $$$ __._._ ee y la espalda de buena manera, y era cencefio, y de poca barriga, y algo estevado, y las piernas y muslos bien sacados, y era buen ginete, y diestro de todas armas, ausi 4 pié, como 4 cavallo, y sabia mui bien menearlas, y sobre todo coragon, y 4nimo, que es lo que haze al caso.”—BrErnat D1az, cap. 202. * « Y aun algunas vezes de mui enojado, arrojava una manta, y no dezia palabra fea, ni injuriosa 4 ningun Capitan, ni soldado.”—Brrnat Diaz, cap, 203, GENERAL HABITS. 125 sign of the passion of the speaker); not so a single hasty word, which may kindle all the fires of vanity in the person spoken to. In his mode of argument the same composure was visible, and he was a master in the arts of persuasive rhetoric. | He was remarkably clean in his person and neat ae in his dress,* not delighting much in fine silks or velvets, or gorgeous ornaments, One chain only, of exquisite workmanship, he wore, with a medal- lion having an image of the Virgin on one side of it, and of St. John the Baptist on the other; he also wore a magnificent diamond ring. His diet was of a simple kind; but, like most great men who work hard mentally, he was not a sinall eater. | He was very fond of games of chance, but good or ill-fortune in them never disturbed his equanimity, though it gave him opportunity for witty sayings. * « Hra Hombre limpisimo.’—Gomara, Urénica de la Nueva-Espana, cap. 238. Barcra, Historiadores, tom. li. + “Era mui aficionado 4 juegos de naipes é dados y quando jugava era muiafable en el juego, y dezia ciertos His perti- nacity. \ 126 CORTES’ FIRMNESS AND He was very firm in his resolves. To those who have read the story of his life up to this time, it is scarcely necessary to mention this fact. But as no human virtue is without its corresponding drawback, it. appears probable, from some words his chaplain lets fall, that Cortes occasionally carried his military resolve into civil life, and stood more upon his rights in legal matters than was always wise or prudent. He was not what may be called a profuse man, and was occasionally / remoquetes, que suelen dezir los que juegan 4 los da- dos.” —BERNaL Draz, cap. 208. It is curious to note the same trait, of a fondness for games of chance, in Augustus Cesar.— "s 5 ANS aanta eo? == J yy. te = oF ye BV RY A LYS ~ a Se » Copan Pe ° Gitlemala @ ‘> EXPEDITION OF CORTES Yo —— TO | 2, | Se > HONDURAS. who sent ambassadors to Cortes was the King of a ae dors from Mechoacan, a province about seventy leagues to Mechoa- can. the south-west of Mexico. From these ambas- sadors, Cortes, who had already heard something about this “Sea of the South,” made further in- Cortes sends to discover the Sea of the South. 158 SEA OF THE SOUTH quiries. He found that it was to be reached through Mechoacan ;_ and, accordingly, after causing his cavalry to manceuvre before these Mechoacan ambassadors, so as to impress them with a fitting sense of his power, and after making them some presents, he sent two Spaniards back with them on a journey of discovery, Hearing still more about this sea from other quarters, he sent in different directions two other parties of Spaniards to explore the way to the sea, and to take “ possession” of it. He seems to have been fully aware of the importance of this discovery, for he says, —‘‘ I was very proud, for it appeared to me that, in discovering it, His Majesty would receive a great and signal service; since,” he adds, “it was the decided opinion of all men who had any knowledge or experience in the navigation of the Indies, that when this sea was discovered, many islands would be found in it, abounding in gold, pearls, precious stones, and spices.”* Cortes * «Hstaba muy ufano, porque me parecia, que en la descubrir se hacia 4 Vuestra Magestad muy grande, y sefialado servicio: especialmente, que todos los que tienen alguna ciencia, y experiencia en la Navegacion de las Indias, han tenido por muy cierto, que descubriendo por DISCOVERED BY SPANIARDS. 159 thought, moreover, that many “secrets and won- derful things” were yet to be discovered there. From this faith in what was marvellous the first explorers and conquerors derived an ardour in pursuit, and an untiring love of novelty, which reminds one of the same qualities as they exist in the untravelled souls of little children. As the sea was at no great distance, it was soon discovered by one or other of the parties sent out to explore; and formal possession was taken of it in the name of the Emperor, some time in the year 1522, nine years after the dis- covery of the same sea by Vasco Nuiiez, about a thousand miles lower down. Following the embassage from Mechoacan, there arrived at the camp of Cortes another set of envoys, from a people about a hundred leagues further south than Mechoacan, inhabiting a mari- time country called Tehuantepec, which, it appears, was the territory where one of these parties of dis- covering Spaniards had come upon the Sea of the South. These Indians, as was usually the case, estas Partes la Mar del Sur, se habian de hallar muchas Islas ricas de Oro, y Perlas, y Piedras preciosas, y Hs- peceria.”—LORENZANA, p. 302. Discovery of the Sea of the South. 1522. Embassage from Tehu- antepec. Cortes sends Alvarado to l'utu- tepec. 160 ALVARADO SENT TO TUTUTEPEO. were at war with their next neighbours, the in- habitants of a country called Tututepec. Imme- diately south of Tehuantepec lies the province of Soconusco, and south of that is Guatemala. Fol- lowing the usual rule, these two last-named pro- vinces were also at feud with one another, The great political doctrine of the halance of power was but beginning to be understood in Europe in those days, and was totally beyond the compass of Indian statesmanship, Accordingly, a similar series of events to those which had enabled Cortes to reach and to conquer Mexico was now to con- duct his lieutenants into the southern provinces of Central America. These two provinces of Tututepec and Tehuantepec, which, from the similarity of their names, we may fairly conjecture to have been inhabited by tribes of the same race, were the first to give occasion to the stranger to enter armed into their territories; for Cortes, at the request of the envoys from Tehuantepec, despatched Pedro de Alvarado with a body of troops to conquer the unfriendly province of Tu- tutepec. This province, however, does not seem to have received the lieutenant of Cortes with extreme ‘hostility, or, at least, to have made any HIS PROCEEDINGS THERE. 161 effectual resistance. After a few skirmishes, Pedro de Alvarado made his way into the town of Tututepec, where he was well received, and was furnished with provisions and presented with gold. The hostile Indians, however, of the next province, Tehuantepec, suggested that all this friendly demonstration was but feigned, and that an offer which the Cacique had made to the Spaniards, to lodge them in his own palace, was but a scheme to destroy them by setting their quarters on fire. Pedro de Alvarado believed this accusation, or affected to believe it, and seized upon the person of the Cacique, who, after giving much money to his captor, died in prison, That this seizure of the Cacique was thought un- just even by the Spaniards of that time is proved by the testimony of Bernal Diaz.* There is no novelty in this proceeding of Alvarado. Indeed, the dealings of the Spaniards with the erect ere SY Wt * “Otros Espajfioles de fé, y de creer, dixeron que por sacalle mucho oro, é sin justicia, murié en las prisiones : aora sea lo uno, 6 lo 0, otr aquel Cacique did 4 Pedro de Alvarado mas de triente mil pesos, y murio de enojo, y de la prision.”—Brrnat Draz, cap. 161. Ii. M Alvarado’s treatment of the Cacique of Tututepec. Alvarado’s character. Alvarado’s personal appear- ance. 162 CHARACTER AND Indians seem, at this period of the Conquest, to be arranged according to a certain routine, in which the capture of the principal chief is seldom omitted; and it is worth while to notice the imprisonment of the Cacique of Tututepec merely because it is the first of a series of such proceedings on the part of Alvarado, who was the principal conqueror of Central America. His qualifications for command, as far as they appear in the page of history, were not of the highest order. He was grave, daring, restless, crafty, devout, but without any true policy. He was a great talker; but still, 1 should imagine, a man of considerable force, if not skill, in action, as he was largely trusted by Cortes. Alvarado’s personal appearance was much in his favour. It is thus described by Bernal Diaz. ‘He had a fine and well-proportioned figure. _ His face and countenance were very lively, with a very amiable expression; and, from being so handsome, the Mexican Indians gave him the name of Tonatiuh, which means ‘the Sun.’ He was very agile, and a good horseman, and above all, a frank being, and a pleasant companion. In his dress he was very elegant, and wore rich PROCEEDINGS OF ALVARADO. 163 stuffs.”* Alvarado was nearly the same age as Cortes, for Bernal Diaz says that he was about thirty-four years old when he came to New Spain. In his daring qualities and brilliant appearance he may be compared to Murat; and his relation to Cortes may not inaptly be compared with that of the King of Naples to the first Napoleon. Alvarado founded a town in Tututepec, which he called Segura; but, on account of the heat of the climate and the swarms of insects, it was soon deserted. This expedition of Alvarado’s took place in the year 1522. From the seat of his new conquest Pedro de Alvarado despatched two messengers to Guate- mala (called by the Indians Quauhtemalldn, the place of wood, or of decayed wood), who were to offer on the part of Cortes “his friendship and his religion” to the Chief of that province. The chief asked these messengers whether they came from Malinché, whether they had made their journey by sea or by land, and whether they would speak the truth in all that they should say. They replied that they always did speak * « Bernal Diaz,” cap. 206. Interview between the Spanish messengers and the Chief of Guate- mala. 164 MESSENGERS SENT TO THE the truth; that they had come by land; and that they were sent by Cortes, the invincible Captain of the Emperor of the World, a mortal man, and not a god, but one who came to show the Indians the way to immortality * ! The Chief then asked, whether their Captain brought with him those great sea-monsters which had passed by that. coast the previous year. The messengers replied, “ Yes, and even greater ones ;” and one of them, who was a ship’s carpenter, made a drawing of a carack with six masts, at which the Indians marvelled greatly. The Chief * « Embid 4 Quauhtemallan dos Espajfioles, que habla- sen con el Seiior, i le ofreciesen su amistad, f Religion : el qual pregunt6, si eran de Malinwe (que asi llamaban A Cortés), Dios caido del Cielo, de quien ia tenia noticia: si verman por Mar, 6 por Tierra, t si dirian verdad en todo lo que hablasen? Hllos respondieron, que siempre habla- ban verdad, é que iban d pié por Tierta, t que eran de Cortés, Capitan invencible del Emperador del Mundo, Hombre mortal, t no Dios; pero que venia & mostrar el camino de la inmortalidad.’—Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 207. Barota, Historiadores, tom. ii. + The ships in question were those in the expedition _ of Gil Gongalez Davila, who discovered Nicaragua.— GomaRa, de el descubrimiento de Nicaragua, chap. 199; Hist. de las Indias. Bancta, Historiadores, tom. ii. CHIEF OF GUATEMALA. 165 then asked them if the Spaniards were not very valiant, and stronger than other men. They replied that, with the aid of God, whose sacred law they were publishing in ‘those parts, and by means of certain animals on which they rode, they were accustomed to conquer. ‘Then, to assist the imaginations ‘of the Guatemalans, they painted a great horse, with a man in armour upon it. The Guatemalan Chief declared that he should like to be the friend of such men, and would give them fifty thousand warriors, in order that his men and theirs united might conquer some trou- Interview between the Spanish messen- gers and the Chief of Guate- mala. blesome neighbours, who devastated his country. These neighbours were the Soconuscans. This kind of alliance with the Spaniards was the first thought always of the too-confiding Indians; and unluckily they had no Pilpay or sop to tell them the fable of the foolish horse who ealled in the assistance of man to conquer his enemy the stag, and who with that pernicious aid did conquer him, and has been much vexed and beridden by his associate ever since. After this interview, the Spanish messengers were dismissed with magnificent presents of gold, jewels, and provisions, which, it is said, required ‘Embassage trom Guatemala to Cortes. 166 COLLISION BETWEEN THE no fewer than five thousand men to carry them. Such was the first notice which the Spaniards received of Guatemala. Returning now to the camp of Cortes at Mexico, we find him informing the Emperor, in the year 1524, that from Utatlan and Guatemala an embassage of an hundred persons had come, offering themselves. as vassals to the Spanish monarchy, whom he had received and dismissed with every mark of friendship. Meanwhile, how- ever, this indefatigable commander had made friends with the Soconuscans, and had even begun ship-building on that part of the coast. The Guatemalans, when their embassage returned home, being asanred of the friendship of Cortes, were only the more inclined on that account to carry war into the territories of their enemies the Soconuscans, and thus they did not fail to come into collision with the settlers sent out by Cortes. For this offence the Guatemalans apologized, but their excuses were not received. The words of Cortes to the Emperor are the following, and show the grounds of the beginning of the war:—*I have been informed by certain Spaniards, whom I have NATIVES AND SETTLERS. 167 in the province of Soconusco, how those cities, with their provinces (Utatlan and Guatemala), and another which is called Chiapa,* that is near them, do not maintain that good will which =A | —— 2 whe, oY ig an ty aes, ley \Pabasco 44 a 0, ne fBi \y lt] Zp iy Sie run u Ve aye tects ev ie ip y z | rf pal ; i Mita, ae Se Cinna ea EXPEDITION OF CORTES TO HONDURAS. they formerly showed, but, on the contrary, it is said that they do injury to the towns of Soconusco, because they (the Soconuscans) are our friends, * This is the first mention of that district, afterwards to become renowned as the bishopric of Las Casas. Pretext of Cortes for invading Guate- mala Alvarado commences his expe- dition against Guate- mala, Dec. 1523. 168 INVASION OF GUATEMALA. The said Christians also write to me that the Gruatemalans have sent many messengers to ex- culpate themselves, saying that they did not do it, but others; and to ascertain the truth of this statement, I have sent Pedro de Alvarado, with eighty horsemen, and two hundred foot-soldiers, amongst whom were several cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and four cannon, with much ammu- nition and powder.* It does not need mnch knowledge of history, nor much experience of life, to foresee what kind of truth would be discovered by this formidablet armament; and it may be useful to notice the mode of interference of a powerful state in the affairs of smaller ones, when it comes before us in this clear and marked way, without any of the complications of nice and difficult diplomacy. This expedition, in which Pedro de Alvarado held the title of lieutenant-governor and captain-gene- ral, quitted Mexico on the 6th of December, 1523. ——$______ __._______ ee * « Lorenzana,” p, 850. + I say “formidable,” because, though the numbers of the Spaniards were few, they were probably accom- panied by a numerous body of their Indian allies. In such an expedition as this, there would be at least a thousand or fifteen hundred Mexican auxiliaries, CHAPTER XV. Other expeditions sent out by Cortes to conquer and to colonize—Hxpedition under Sandoval. AM me FD) € Y) . a the command of Alvarado, and which C HE expedition, which Cortes sent under led to the conquest of Guatemala, was not by any means the only one which Cortes furnished and sent forth from Mexico. It would be useless to recount the doings of all these expe- ditions, but it will be desirable to follow the career of that one which was placed under the command of Sandoval. We may fairly conjecture that this commander was imbued with the spirit of his great friend and leader. The expedition was to colonize and conquer towards the sea of the North, and its chief settlements were made in, or near, the province now called Vera Cruz. One of the objects of the expedition was to 170 CORTES SENDS SANDOVAL punish the inhabitants of Tustepec, who, at the time of the retreat of Cortes from Mexico, had put to death sixty Spaniards and six Spanish ladies, who had belonged to the company of Nar- vaez. We have some interesting records of this expedition, because Bernal Diaz, the historian, accompanied Sandoval. This garrulous historian answers a question which he is sure his readers will ask,— namely, how it was that the conquerors did not settle down in Mexico. He gives a sufficient answer by saying that— We saw in the rent-books of Montezuma from what parts they brought him gold, and where he had mines and cacao and woollen stuffs; and when we saw, in the books, the provinces* from which they used to bring the tributes of gold for the great Montezuma, there we wished to go.” Cortes remonstrated with Bernal Diaz upon his leaving Mexico. “ Upon my conscience, brother Bernal Diaz del Castillo, you are deluded. I wish you would stay with me. If, however, you have * The neighbourhood of Mexico did not furnish these valuable products. OUT TO COLONIZE. 171 made up your mind to go with your friend San- doval, go, and good luck go with you, and I will always have a care for your interest; but I know well that you will repent of leaving me.” * Sandoval commenced his expedition in October or November, 1522. He seems to have been very merciful in the punishment which he inflicted for the massacre of the Spanish men and women who had accompanied Narvaez. He condemned to death the principal chief, but allowed all the rest to go free. Sandoval then sent an expedition to the Zapotecs, a mountain tribe of hardy warriors. These people were very well armed. Their lances were longer than those of the Spanish soldiery, having a blade six feet long, in which were set “razors of flint,” (con una braza de cuchilla de Navajas de pedernal) much sharper than a Spanish sword. They had light shields, which protected the whole body, and bows, pikes, and slings. These warlike people were successful in repulsing one of Sandoval’s lieutenants, but ultimately it * «Td en buena hora, é yo tendré siempre cuidado de lo que se os ofreciere, mas bien sé que os repentireis por me dexar.”’ 172 MESSAGE OF PEACH appears that they submitted themselves to San- doval of their own accord, Sandoval then sent a message of peace to the inhabitants of the province of Xaltepec. It must not be supposed that when a Spanish commander sent a message of peace of this kind, it meant that the natives were to treat on equal terms with the Spaniards, and were to become allies. It meant that they were to allow themselves to be incor- porated with the Crown of Spain, and to become © dutiful vassals to their lord paramount, the Em- peror. It also meant that they were to be appor- tioned to the Spaniards in encomiendas. The Xaltepecs, however, thought it was better to belong to the Crown of Spain than to fight; and accordingly twenty of their chiefs presented themselves at the camp of Sandoval, bringing gold-dust in ten small tubes, besides “jewels of fine workmanship.” The chiefs wore large cotton garments, which hung down to their feet, and were richly embroidered after the manner of a Moorish bernous. Sandoval received these chiefs most courteously, and gave them some glass beads. They were foolish enough to request his assistance against a neighbouring tribe; and he promised SENT TO XALTEPEC. 178 that Malinché (Cortes was known by that name far and wide) would send a large body of teules to their assistance. Meanwhile Sandoval sent ten of his own companions, amongst whom was Bernal Diaz, to return with these chiefs to their own country. He pretended that he sent these men in order to see the passes, and to reconnoitre the country by which the Spaniards were to enter, when coming to assist these new allies of theirs. But his real motive was to ascertain where the gold was to be found. And when his emissaries did arrive in the province, their first care was to seek for this gold. They found it in the rivers, where, with the assistance of the natives, who, with something like the cradles used in modern times,* collected four tubes of gold dust. These Spaniards then returned to Sandoval. Sandoval then divided the townships of that province amongst some of his followers; founded a town, which he named Medellin, in honour of the birthplace of Cortes, and moved on to the river Guacasualco. Here the natives submitted at once to Sandoval; and he gave encomiendus of arc eee rN Ts tt re) gee RMS | * « Unas como hechuras de bateas.” 174 THE WIFE OF CORTES these to his companions, in which division of the subdued country Bernal Diaz had his share. It was while Sandoval was founding a town near the river Guacasualco that he heard of a Spanish vessel which had come into a river about sixty miles from the Guacasualeo. Donna Catalina, the wife of Cortes, and other ladies were on board this vessel. Sandoval went to pay his respects to the ladies, and brought them back to Guacasualco, whence he despatched a courier to Mexico, to inform Cortes of the arrival of Donna Catalina. Shortly afterwards Donna Catalina and the other ladies, accompanied by Sandoval and some of his cap- tains, proceeded to Mexico. Cortes gave orders that his wife should have a splendid reception. Qn her road to the capital the greatest honours were paid to her; and when she arrived in Mexico, tournaments were held to signalize her arrival. She did not, however, live long to enjoy the great state which surrounded her, for she died in less than three months after she had rejoined her husband. Bernal Diaz reports that Cortes was greatly vexed when he heard of the arrival of his wite. ARRIVES. AT MEXICO. 175 This is one of those scandalous reports, to which great men are peculiarly liable, and which do not admit of any refutation, simply because there is nothing tangible to refute. There is no evidence. whatever to show that Cortes was displeased with his wife’s arrival, and some evidence to the con- trary. And there is no reason to believe that what he said to Las Casas did not apply to this time as well as to the time when he married her, namely, * that he was as well pleased with her as if she had been the daughter of a duchess.” CHAPTER XVI. The Dealings of Cortes with the N, atives, as regards apportioning them to his Spaniards. Gy )\ Zs Sa 1ON Xd © A Es make these grants in his name. At this time Cortes, no doubt, held that he had full power to give encomiendas. But in this year, and probably T’ this juncture it may be told what course Cortes pursued in granting enco- miendas and allowing his captains to while Sandoval was, with plenary audacity, divid- ing provinces amongst his soldiers, a great junta, summoned by Charles V., was being held at Val- ladolid, to consider the whole question of Spanish supremacy in the Indies. This junta declared that “since God, our Lord, created the Indians free, we cannot command that they should be given in encomeenda.” * as Casas, in an address to the — Eee * «T la razon que la Real cédula expressa es, que APPORTIONING OF NATIVES. 177 Emperor many years after, reminds His Majesty that Cortes had been commanded to revoke all that he had done in this matter; “ but the sinner, for his own interest, did not like to do it, and Your Majesty thought always that it had been done, all people concealing the truth from Your Majesty.”* It would have been very difficult, however, for Cortes to have revoked the orders he had already given on this subject; and, ina letter to the Emperor, dated the 15th of October, 1524, he says that he has made certain ordinances, of haziendo relacion de la dicha Junta, dize: Parecié, que Nos, con buenas conciencias, pues Dios nuestro Senor crib _ los dichos Indios libres, ¢ no sujetos, no podemos mandarlos encomendar, ni hazer repartimiento dellos a los Cristianos, i anst es nuestra voluntad que se cwmpla.”—ANTONIO DE Lzon, Confirmaciones Reales, parte i. cap. 1. * « Y el pecador por su proprio interesse no lo quizo hazer; y vuestra Magestad pensé siempre que lo havia hecho, encubriendo todos 4 vuestra Magestad la verdad.” —las Casas, Entre los Remedios que Don Fray Bartho- lome de Las Casas, Obispo de la Ciudad Real de Chiapa, refirié por mandado del Emperador Rey nuestro senor, en los ayuntamientos que mand6é hazer su Magestad de Pre- lados, y Letrados, y rersonas grandes en Valladolid el ano de mil é quinientos y quarenta y dos, para reformacion de las Indias, Razon xix. p. 205, Seville, 1552, ITI. N The prohi- bition not enforced by Cortes. 178 COMMANDS OF THE EMPEROR which he sends a copy to His Majesty. The copy has been lost, but the orders manifestly related to this subject of encomiendas. He intimates that the Spaniards are not very well satisfied with these orders, especially with one which prevented ab- senteeism, compelling them, to use the strong ex- pression of Cortes, “to root themselves in the land.”* He seems to have been aware that these ordinances rather contradicted what he had for- merly said to the Emperor: for, after advising their confirmation, he adds, that for new events there are new opinions and counsels; “and, if in some of those things which I have said, or shall hereafter say to Your Majesty, it shall appear to you that I contradict some of my past opinions, Jet Your Excellency believe that a new state of things makes me give a different opinion.” Las Casas is quite wrong when he supposes that Cortes did not inform the Emperor that his * «De algunas de ellas los Hspanoles, que en estas partes residen, no estan muy satisfechos, en especial de aquellas, que los obligan 4 arraigarse en la Tierra, porque todos, 6 los mas, tienen pensamientos de se haber con estas Tierras, como se han habido con lag Islas, que antes se poblaron, que es esquilmarlas, y destruirlas, y despues dejarlas,”—LorEnzana, p. 397, NOT ENFORCED BY CORTES. Tia Majesty’s commands with regard to encomeendas and other matters connected with the welfare of the natives, had not been obeyed. A confidential letter from Cortes to the Emperor has recently been discovered. It is dated October 15th, 1524, and probably accompanied an official despatch from Cortes of the same date. In it Cortes gives admirable reasons why he does not obey, or even make known, the orders of his Majesty until the Emperor has had an opportunity of reconsidering them. This letter is eminently creditable to Cortes; and shows that he had carefully con- sidered the question of how the natives were to be dealt with, The Emperor had given a very foolish order, namely, that the Spaniards should be allowed to have free converse with the Indians, by which it was meant that they might go away from their own encomiendas into Indian towns and villages, which were free from Spaniards. Charles the Fifth, with a most unusual want of sagacity on his part, wished for this free converse because it would lead to conversion. Now Cortes had not allowed his Spaniards to go into the In- dian territories unless they had a license for so doing: in fact, he only allowed those to go whom Why Cortes did not obey the Em- peror. 180 LETTER TO THE HEMPEROR. he could trust. He tells the Emperor that as to busying themselves in converting the natives, these errant Spaniards will do nothing of the kind. They are, for the most part, people of low origin and little education. If they are allowed to go amongst the Indian villages, they will produce nothing but mischief and tyranny and discord. Experience in the islands has taught him how those islands have become depopulated ; and he wishes to prevent a similar sad result in the lands that he has discovered and con- quered. As regards the encomiendas, he tells the Em- peror that he cannot take them away, because the Spaniards will have nothing to live upon; and, practically, the conquest must be given up. These encomiendas should be looked upon, not as slavery, but as freedom for the Indians, when compared with what they endured under their former masters. Indeed, when the Indians behave ill, they are terrified into obedience by the threat of restoring them to their former masters. The tenor of this letter is such that I do not doubt if Las Casas had read it, he would have looked upon Cortes rather as a saint than as a SUFFERINGS OF THE INDIANS. 181 sinner, at least as regards his aspirations for the welfare of the conquered Indians of Mexico. The whole truth of the matter is, that the greatest part of the sufferings of the Indians in New Spain proceeded from the quarrels of the Spaniards amongst themselves, and also from the jealousy which naturally prevailed at the Spanish Court of any great conqueror such as Cortes. People were always insinuating into the Emperor’s mind that Cortes was seeking a crown for him- self. Nothing could be more unjust. Cortes was one of the most faithful servants the Emperor ever had. And, moreover, Cortes understood how great was the power of the Spanish Mo- march. As His Majesty’s representative, Cortes was everything. Without the authority and pres- tige which that representation gave him, he was nothing; and he knew it. If Cortes had, from the first, been created Viceroy of Mexico, that great province would have been the brightest jewel in the Spanish crown. Charles the Fifth is hardly to be blamed for not having trusted Cortes sufficiently; for this great Monarch lived in such an atmosphere of intrigue that it was almost natural that he should 182 DECEIT OF THE AGE. suspect everybody. Everywhere, throughout his European dominions, Charles had to dread deceit and conspiracy. That age was an age especially to be noted for diplomatic falsehood. The history of the relations between England, France and Spain at that period betray the existence of an almost inextricable mass of confusion, treachery and deceit. As you pursue the pages of this history, you can hardly guess, from page to page, what will be the next combination—whether it will be France and England against Spain, or France and Spain against England, or England and Spain against France. The best points of Charles the Fifth’s character, and indeed of the characters of his successors, are to be seen in their colonial administration. In- deed, their liberality and their anxiety for the welfare of their Indian subjects are sometimes surprising, when compared with the rest of their administration. But it was not given to them, certainly not to Charles the Fifth, who had to deal with the first conquerors in the Indies, to put implicit trust in the fidelity of those who had discovered and conquered great kingdoms in the Indies, and had added them to the Spanish Crown. CHAPTER XVIL Chiistoval De Olid sent by Cortes to Honduras—his Re- bellion—Cortes goes to Honduras to chastise Christoval de Olid—Dissensions in Mexico during his Absence— Haecution of the Kings of Mexico and Tlacuba—Return of Cortes to Mewico—Ponce de Leon comes to take a Residencia of Cortes. A HE next great enterprise which Cortes undertook is one that led to the most disastrous consequences, and is not, as it appears to me, marked by his accustomed sagacity. Even the shrewdest men, however, are liable to sin- gular errors of judgment, from the temptation to continue to do something similar to that which they have once done well. In the management of an expedition through a hostile or dubious country, Cortes was transcendent. But a sagacity of another kind was more in demand now; and for some years he would have served his country 184 REBELLION OF OLID. better as a statesman and a governor than as a soldier. Christoval Soon after the settlement of the affairs of de Olid sent to Panuco, Cortes had despatched Christoval de Olid, Honduras, yan. 1524. one of those captains who had distinguished themselves in the siege of Mexico, to make a settlement in Honduras, This expedition started on the 11th of January, 1524. Christoyal de Olid proved unfaithful to his trust, and gave undeniable signs of setting up an independent government for himself. Cortes was particularly indignant at the conduct of Olid; and his rage, shown by the swelling of the veins in his throat and the dilating of his nostrils, must have been closely watched and reported to the Council of the Indies at home, for we find that Peter Martyr, at Madrid, was well aware of it.* Cortes despatched an armament commanded by his cousin, Francisco ee Ee * «Super Christofori Oliti, de quo lata mentio facta est in superioribus, inobservantia, Cortesium tanta ra- bies invasit, ut vivere ulterius nolle videretur Olito im- punito, cum narium et venarum gutturis summo tumore pre ira, sepe dedit de tanta animi perturbatione signa, neque a verbis id significantibus abstinuit.’—Prrer ’ Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. viii. cap. 10. CORTES WILL GO TO HONDURAS. 185 de las Casas, to reduce Olid to obedience; and afterwards sent, to support Las Casas, a vessel Jaden with arms and provisions, under a certain Pedro Gonzalez, a native of Truxillo, and, there- fore, a fellow-townsman of Cortes, Having, however, received no good tidings from these captains, the General resolved to go himself, and bring Olid to a sense of his duty, The journey was a most perilous one. ‘The settlement which Olid had made was not less than fifteen hundred miles from Mexico; and the King’s officers (who had arrived at Mexico in the year 1524) naturally remonstrated with Cortes upon his undertaking such an expedition. It is probable that their re- monstrance did not meet the considerations which induced Cortes to undertake this expedition. Almost any other man in the world, if employed as Cortes had been since the conquest of Mexico, would have supposed, and justly, that he had been leading a very active and energetic life. But Cortes felt that for some time he had been idle, and had done no new thing; and it now appeared to him that he “ must engage in something.” * * «Dada drden para en lo de Cristoval Dolid como 4 Cortes resolved to go to Honduras. Cortes pro- vides for the govern- ment of Mexico during his absence. 186 PROVISION OF CORTHS. What he calls his idleness had been caused by his having broken his arm; and though that injury was not healed, he would not allow it to hinder him from active enterprise any longer. Accordingly he determined to persevere with this expedition, and he made his preparations for quitting Mexico in the following manner. He appointed the Treasurer, Alonso de Estrada (a natutal son of Ferdinand the Catholic), and the Contador Albornoz as his Lieutenants in the government, He named as Alcalde Mayor the Licentiate Zuazo, a great friend of the Clerigo Las Casas. He left Rodrigo de Paz, a cousin of his, as his Major-domo, and as Alguazil Mayor. To all of these officers, to his old friend and com- panion in the conquest, Father Olmedo, and to a Franciscan monk, named Toribjo Motolinia, he left the charge of converting the natives, and of CPC V. M. escribf, porque me parecié que ya habia mucho tiempo que mi persona estaba ociosa y no hacia cosa de nuevo de que V. M. sirviese a causa de la lesion de mi brazo, aunque no muy libre de ella, me pare- cié que debia de entender en algo.”—Relacion hecha al Emrrrapor Cartos V. por Hernan Corres sobre la expe- cicion de Honduras. De Temixtitan (Méjico) 43 de Se- tiembre, de 1526. Documentos Inéditos, tom. iy. p. 10, HE QUITS MEXICO. 187 preventing insurrections. In order to secure the fidelity of the natives, he carried with him the Kings of Mexico and Tlacuba, with other Mexican lords. The 12th of October, 1524, was the day on which Cortes quitted Mexico, and commenced this expedition. It was a very gallant company that Cortes took with him on this memorable expedition. At the head of the old Conquistadores was Gonzalo de Sandoval, the former Alguazil Mayor, and the con- stant companion-in-arms of Cortes, As spiritual advisers, the Spanish Commander had in his suite a friar of the Order of Mercy, named Juan de las Verillas, a clérigo whose name is not. given, and two Flemish monks of the Franciscan Order, whom Bernal Diaz pronounces to have been good theologians. The members of his own household, who accompanied Cortes, were his Master of the House- hold, his Chief Sewer (maestresala), his Vintner (otilero),* his Pantler, his Steward (despensero), * « Botillero. Potionum gelidarum conditor,’ —Di¢c- cionario por la Academia Espanola. This would be an important officer in a hot country. Cortes quits Mexico, Oct. 12, 1524. The com- panions of Cortes. His household. Cortes liked state, 188 SUITE OF CORTES. and his Chamberlain.* He took with him a physician and a surgeon; and his suite included several pages, two equerries, eight grooms, and two falconers. He had, moreover, several players on the clarionet, sackbut, and hautbois, a dancer on the tight-rope, and a juggler who made pup- pets dance. He also took mules and mule- teers; and, lastly, which was by far the most important thing, a great herd of swine. As an interpreter he had only Doiia Marina, for, as before stated, Geronimo de Aguilar was dead. Finally, Cortes took with him large quantities of gold and silver. Many reasons of policy might be adduced for all this pomp. It might be said that such pomp was necessary in order to convey to the Mexicans an idea of his power and grandeur: that it was advisable, as tending to separate him a little from the familiarity of his old companions in arms: and, moreover, that it was a protection to him against sudden treachery or revolt. But the truth is, Cortes was fond of state, and always conducted himself as if he had been born to the use of it. He was aman in whose com- * See Bernal Diaz, cap, 174, \ ALBORNOZ HIS ENEMY. 189 position there was much of melancholy, and who probably made no human being a partaker of his thoughts. Such men, it may be observed, are fond of numerous retinues and large house- holds. They like to have many people about them who fill up life and give a movement to it, and in whom they need not confide. Like other great men and eminent soldiers, amongst whom Napoleon, Julius Cesar, and Wallenstein might be numbered, Cortes was magnificent, without being in the least degree luxurious; and the service which such men require from those around them is such as not to minister to their indolence, but rather to increase their sphere of action. What kind of friend Cortes was leaving behind him at Mexico in Albornoz, may be discerned from a letter which Peter Martyr sent to the Pope, and which forms a sort of postscript to his « Eighth Decade,” bearing date the 20th of Octo-— ber, 1525. Peter Martyr was, fortunately for the interests of history, a member of the Council of the Indies; and, writing about this date, he men- tions that letters in cipher have come from Al- bornoz, describing “ the craft, the burning avarice, Albornoz an enemy of Cortes. t 190 ACCUSATIONS AGAINST CORTES. and the scarcely concealed usurpation ” of Cortes, These letters, too, came at a time when, as the historian justly remarks, suspicions were not want- ing of the fidelity of Cortes. The judicious old man adds, “ Time will judge whether these accu- sations are true, or whether they are fabricated in order to gain favour.”* Certainly, Cortes by no means escaped the subsequent difficulties which such unrivalled transactions as his are sure to breed. His early career, not by any means un- clouded, gave weight at Court to any accusations that might be brought against him from New Spain. Besides the official persons to whom Cortes had given charge of the government during his * « Arcane vero ac particulares litteree a solo compu- tatore Albornozio, regio a secretis, veniunt sub ignotis caracteribus, quos Zifras nuncupat usus, discedenti Albornozio assignatos, quod ab eo tempore suspitione de animo Cortesii non careremus. Hz contra Cortesii vafros: astus et ardentem avariciam ac semiapertam tyrannidem formate sunt, an ex vero, an, uti seepe solet, captandz gratize causa hee fabricata sint, judicabit ali- quando tempus; delecti namque jam sunt viri graves ad hac inquirenda mittendi. Quando latentia nunc heec patefient, beatitudini tuz significabuntur.’—-PETER Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. viii. cap. 10. DISCONTENT OF OFFICERS. 191 absence, there were two other officers of the King, powerful personages, namely the Factor, Gongalo de Salagar, and the Veedor (Inspector), Peral- mindez Chirinos, and these men were much dis- gusted at being left in a kind of subjection to those whom they considered colleagues. Finding, how- ever, that they could not dissuade Cortes from his enterprise, they begged permission to accom- pany him as far as Espiritu Santo* in Coatzacu- alco, a new town of the Spaniards, which was situated a hundred and ten leagues south-east from Mexico. On the road the Factor, as he * This town had been founded by Sandoval, when he was sent to reduce several provinces south-east of Mexico which, according to the language of Cortes, had rebelled, and which had all been under the government of a woman. Cortes thus relates the founding of this town.—‘ Y él tubo tan buen drden, que con saltear una noche un Pueblo, donde prendié una Sefiora, 4 quien to- dos en aquellas partes obedecian, se apacigud, porque ella embié 4 llamar todos los Sefiores, y les mandd, que obedeciessen lo que se les quisiesse mandar en nombre de Vuestra Magestad, porque ella assi lo habia de hacer: é assi llegaron hasta el dicho Rio, y 4 quatro leguas de la boca de él, que sale 4 la Mar, porque mas cerca no se hallo asiento, se pobld, y fundé una Villa, 4 la qual se puso nombre el Espiritu Santo.’’—Lorenzana, p. 381, The Factor and the Veedor dis- contented. 192 HSTRADA AND ALBORNOZ QUARREL. travelled next to Cortes, did not fail to renew his remonstrances in scraps of song, as the manner of that age was :— “« Ay tio boly4monos, - Ay tio bolvamonos ;” * to which Cortes was wont to sing in reply—<« «* Adelante mi sobrino, Adelante mi sobrino, Y no creais en agiieros Que sera lo que Dios quisiere Adelante mi sobrino.” f eae Unfortunately, before Cortes and his army eae reached Espiritu Santo, a feud broke out at Mexico between Alonso de Estrada and Rodrigo Albornoz about the appointment of some minor officer; and the feud rose to such a height that swords were drawn, or were about to be drawn. Information of this quarrel soon reached the ears of Cortes, and * Alas, uncle, let us return, Alas, uncle, let us return. tf Onwards, my nephew, Onwards, my nephew, Put no trust in auguries, That which God pleases, will be, Onwards, my nephew. —BeErnaL D14z, cap. 174, DESPATCH OF CORTES. 193 it naturally added great weight to the Factor’s remonstrances. He was a false, flattering, ob- sequious man. Cortes, no doubt, believed him Duy ) Z ' \ t Aart SNe ey oO FMI ly Ru ie rl iy Mf, VE We iI! heccopa —= LER eC Ss 0 we Dip ad LeLe Revs tg F “ee oz . 4, By Nees fe “6 Ut S ef SS ~ {ny ‘ 5 oe “it = v \ NS P COD L Earl ns. BE | See, ee AV gaa oe o* = i A | by Sc: MW” Ge ang =e ,00.= — % a -w i Vi ny TS —. =" @ Ys es ———— = ip Coe in ve 7 re — | “thy AAIRLA C] I “Le f vw. A, | 4, life cS} . id Ms ca z BV isttye S | YN ie ce gee Copan Bi Re eee G72 cInaLa @

EXPEDITION OF CORTES ese =: TO Pe. ~ HONDURAS. | the maintenance of discipline. In the road, for instance, between Iztapan and Zaguatapan the Spaniards found themselves in a wood of such extent and thickness that, as Cortes expresses it, nothing was seen except the spot where they 202 THH ROAD TO HONDURAS. placed their feet on the ground, and the aperture above them through which the heavens were dis- cernible. Even when some of his men climbed the trees, their extent of vision was limited to a stone’s throw.* The Indian guides were quite at fault, and the whole army would probably have perished, but for the use that was made of the mariner’s compass. Such was the country, abounding in dense forests, wide morasses, broad, unfordable rivers,f and not without stony moun- tains, over which Cortes had to lead his motley band of Spanish horsemen, musicians, jugglers, and Mexican attendants. * « Hste monte era muy bravo y espantoso, por el cual anduve dos dias abriendo camino por donde sefialaban aquellas guias, hasta tanto que dijeron que iban desati- nados, que no sabian 4 donde iban; y era la montaiia de tal calidad que no se via otra cosa sino donde poniamos los piés en el suelo, 6 mirando arriba, la claridad del cielo: tanta era la espesura y alteza de los Arboles, que aunque se subian en algunos, no podian descubrir un tiro de piedra.”—Documentos Inéditos, tom. iv. p. 34. t The bridges that were thrown over these formi- dable marshes and rivers, which chiefly owed their con- struction to the skill of the Mexican artificers, remained for years ; and when these provinces were at peace, the admiring traveller was wont to exclaim, “These are the bridges of Cortes.”—Brrnat D1az, cap. 178. SUFFERINGS OF CORTES’ MEN. 203 To estimate the intense sufferings which the generals as well as the common soldiers under- went in this expedition to Honduras, recourse must be had to the pages of the narrative of the common soldier who took part in it, and who dwells upon details which are not mentioned by his chief. Bernal Diaz, when describing the con- struction of a certain bridge across a river, says that the army had nothing to eat for three days but grass, and a root called quecuenque, which burnt their lips and tongues. No crusader cursed with more depth of bitterness the hermit, or the baron, or the prince, who had induced or com- pelled him to enter upon his foolish crusade, than did the soldiers of Cortes curse their unfortunate commander. His own immediate attendants died first; his buffoon, a courtly officer so dear to a man of melancholy nature such as Cortes, was one of the earliest that perished from fatigue and hunger. Then the musicians fell ill, the players upon the sackbut, the clarion, and the dulcimer. One vigorous musician, however, continued to play upon his instrument; but the soldiers would not listen to him, for they said that it was like the howling of jackals; and that what they Sufferings | from hunger of the Expe- dition. 204: FORAGING PARTY SENT OUT wanted was maize to eat, and not music to listen to. In the hope that some friendly aid might come after them, the soldiers cut crosses on the sigantic Ceyba trees, and fastened bits of paper, with this inscription, “ Cortes passed this way on such and such a day.” The Mexican chiefs became cannibals, They seized upon the natives where they could find them, and, baking their bodies between heated stones, devoured them. This abominable practice was immediately put a stop to by Cortes, when the fact came to his knowledge. Bernal Diaz was sent out as the captain of a foraging party. He was fortunate enough to bring back one hundred and thirty loads of maize, eighty fowls, some honey, and some beans. But as he returned to the camp at evening, the soldiers intercepted his convoy and devoured all the pro- visions, crying out, as they carried off the pro- vision, “ This is for Cortes.” It was in vain that the officers of the General’s household endeavoured to secure some of this food for their master: the common soldiers exclaimed, “ You and Cortes had swine for yourselves; and you saw us dying of f z : ” hunger, and you gave us nothing. HEADED BY BERNAL DIAZ, 205 Cortes was enraged when he heard of these things, and blamed Bernal Diaz, who replied that Cortes ought to have sent out guards to protect the convoy. Then Cortes resorted to flattery and persuasion instead of reprimand, and said, “ Oh, Senor brother Bernal Diaz del Castello, if you have left any of the food secreted by the road, for the love of me, give me some of it. Iam sure you must have kept some for yourself and your friend. Sandoval.” And then Sandoval, who was with Cortes, said, “ I swear I have not even a handful of maize to roast for my supper.” In reply, Bernal Diaz admitted that, in a neighbouring village, the inhabitants had seereted for him some maize, and some fowls, and some honey; and he proposed that “ at the fourth hour of the second sleep,” when the whole camp would be buried in repose, they should go and get these provisions. Then Sandoval’s heart was joyful, and he embraced Bernal Diaz; but Cortes, whose duty to religion’ was never far from his mind, asked if the monks, who had accompanied the expedition, had any- thing to eat. To which Bernal Diaz replied, that God took greater care of them than he (Cortes) did, for all the soldiers gave to them ‘The Mexi- can chiefs conspire. 206 CONSPIRACY RAISED BY part of what they had seized upon this evening, and the monks would not die of hunger. It is very significant of the state of misery and insubordination which prevailed in the camp, that Sandoval went himself with Bernal Diaz, in the fourth hour of the second sleep, to get his share of these provisions; for, of the many soldiers who were especially attached to his command, there was not one who could be trusted to bring back food to his starving commander. It was not likely that the prisoners of Cortes —including the captive monarchs of Mexico, Tlacuba and Tezcuco—could fail to observe the inevitable relaxation of discipline which was caused by the sufferings of the army, and to commune with themselves and with each other upon the ad- vantage they might derive from it. They accord- ingly conspired. ‘Their plan was, after destroying those Spaniards who were with them, to raise the standard of revolt, and march for Mexico. The time was very favourable for their design. Part of the Spanish troops were with Pedro de Alvarado in Guatemala; another part in Honduras with Christoval de Olid, and with the Captains who had gone to subdue that rebel. Other Spaniards, THH MEXICAN CHIEFS. 207 again, had gone into the province of Mechoacan, where some gold mines, according to report, had deen discovered. Mexico itself was comparatively defenceless; and at no period since the conquest would a revolt have been more formidable. The Mexican troops who accompanied Cortes amounted to three thousand. Death was imminent from starvation: why should they not die to save their monarch and to reinstate their country in its former greatness ? The conspiracy was betrayed to Cortes by Mexicatzincatl, the same man whom Cortes had set over the work of constructing and governing the Indian quarters of Mexico. This man pro- bably understood better than his countrymen the solid basis upon which the power of Cortes rested, and the speed with which a common danger would compel the Spaniards to resume their accustomed wariness and discipline. The traitor showed to Cortes a paper whereon were painted the faces and names of the Mexican Lords and Princes who were concerned in the conspiracy. The Spanish Commander immediately seized upon them sepa- rately, and examined them one by one, telling each that the others had confessed the truth. Absence of Spanish troops from Mexico. Conspiracy betrayed to Cortes. Cortes seizes the conspira- tors. N “" reas h “on nl MS ¢ \ ° w a 3) & 3 “2 ra oes < Zz Zz rs) = a < avn 4 ey), i] hy } Vv. &. Ny 4 \\) \ = ‘2. GZ Gr orn GN Typ yr? Pr % TPN” A > ’ " Wa e ae CN a = &, rN <: a | < = i < = Oo oO pad Pas Ll = \ THE KINGS CONDEMNED TO DEATH. 209 According to Bernal Diaz, and also according to an ancient Tezcucan history,* it appears as if the King of Mexico did not confess to more than being aware of the conspiracy, and declared that he had refused to entertain it. This may be du- bious; but, at any rate, the cruel practical wisdom of Cortes would make but little difference between a conspiracy suggested by the monarch himself or by others on his behalf. The result would have been the same. Indeed, Cortes maintained that merely to have listened to this treason was a thing deserving of death.t And Cortes saw that the sure way of putting an immediate stop to such conspiracies was to make a great example of the principal personages concerned. Accordingly, the Kings of Mexico and Tlacuba were condemned to death. — When led to execution, the King of Mexico exclaimed, “QO, Malinché, I have long known the falseness of your words, and have fore- seen that you would give me that death which, * Referred to by Torquemada. { Los otros solte porque no parecia que tenian mas culpa que de haberlo oido, aunque aquello bastaba para merecer la muerte. Il. P Speech of Quate- motzin. 210 THEIR EXECUTION. alas! I did not give myself, when I surrendered to you in my city of Mexico. Wherefore do you slay me without justice ? May God demand it of you.” The King of Tlacuba said that he looked upon his death as welcome, since he was to die with yoo 4a Champoton % os | x* Be y GULF oF yoe* VE Ny FP 7. shige F N = feats at Ey Q Tab athe i Par RY Lz tapi os Aca E> vf Sse ov = EXPEDITION OF CORTES O., es TO a ~ HONDURAS. The Kings his Lord, the King of Mexico. After confession of Mexico : . in.” and absolution, the two Kings were hanged upon cuba put r i " todeath, a ceyba tree in Izzancanac, in the province of 1525. fi ; Acalén, on one of the carnival days before Shrove- tide, in the year 1525. Thus ended the great CHARACTER OF CORTES. 211 Mexican dynasty—itself a thing compacted by so much blood and toil and suffering of countless human beings. The days of deposed monarchs— victims alike to the zeal of their friends and the suspicions of their captors—are mostly very brief ; and perhaps it is surprising that the King of Mexico should have survived so long as four years the conquest of his capital, and have been treated during the greater part of that time with favour and honour. Some writers have supposed that Cortes was weary of his captives, and wished to destroy them, and that the charge of conspiracy was fictitious. Such assertions betray a total ignorance of the character of this great Spaniard. Astute men seldom condescend to lying. Now, Cortes was not only very astute, but, according to his notions, highly honourable. A genuine hidalgo, and a thoroughly loyal man, he would as soon have thought of committing a small theft as of utter- ing a falsehood in a despatch addressed to his sovereign. * * Indeed, in a letter to the Emperor he says that at no time, and for no interest would he tell a lie to 21 EFFECTS OF THE DISCOVERY Lo Cortes could well afford to be satisfied with the deaths of the two principal kings, and to spare the other conspirators, as his discovery of this conspiracy deepened the impression which the Mexicans already entertained of his supernatural knowledge. They had seen him, when most per- plexed with the difficulties and dangers of the journey, call for a mysterious-looking mirror or chart, and after watching with solicitude the trembling movements of a needle suspended over the flat surface, determine at once upon his line of march, and never suffer the direction to be varied until they came out upon the very town which had been the object of the march. When, ~ as they thought, the Spanish Commander dis- covered this conspiracy (for, doubtless, the faith- less Mexican kept his own counsel, or he would have been torn to pieces by his countrymen), Faith amongst the Mext- cans in the super- natural knowledge of Cortes. what could they imagine but that he had been conversing with that mysterious little rod of iron, whose tremblings had again revealed to its master His Majesty (‘nunca Dios quiera que yo 4 V. M. diga mentira en ningun tiempo ni por ningun interese).”— Co- leceion de. Documentos para la Historia de Meaico, por Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta. Tom. i, Mexico, 1858. \ OF THE CONSPIRACY. 913 the course to be taken in the midst of the dangers that surrounded him? Cortes was not the man to omit any opportunity of impressing others with a sense of his power. The belief of the attendant Mexicans in the knowledge that was thus magically conveyed to the Spanish Commander grew to such a height, that some of them, whose consciences must have been quite clear of this conspiracy, begged him to look in the mirror and the chart, and see there whether they were not loyal towards him,* This has been construed as an instance of the “simplicity” of the Mexicans; but it may be * « Porque como han visto que para acertar aquel camino, muchas veces sacaba una carta de marear y un aguja, en especial cuando se acerté el camino de Calgoa- trepan, han dicho 4 muchos espaiioles que por alli lo saqué, y aun 4 mi me han dicho algunos de ellos que- riénudome hacer cierto que me tienen buena voluntad, que para que viese sus buenas intenciones, que me roga- ban mucho que mirase el espejo y la carta, y allf veria como ellos me tenian buena voluntad, pues por alli sabia todas las otras cosas. HE yo tambien les hice entender que ansi era la verdad, é que en aquella aguja é carta de marear via yo é sabia é se me descubrian todas las cosas.”—fKelacion al Emprrapor por Hu»rnan Corres. Documentos Inéditos, tom. iv. p. 55. Howa nation might de- generate, Know- ledge con- tined toa few. 214 KNOWLEDGE CONFINED TO FEW. doubted whether there are not many amongst ourselves who would be very much puzzled to ex- plain the phenomenon which perplexed and awed the Mexican troops. And it must be remembered that the knowledge which had been possessed by their priests, and stored up in their colleges, had, for the most part, been taken from them. If, in these times, a nation were suddenly deprived of its chief men in science and art, it would pro- bably astound the world to see how soon the great body of that nation would degenerate into utter ignorance and superstition. The principal knowledge possessed by mankind is, even now, confined to a very few, comparatively speaking ; and in those days, when the few were a favoured caste, and the Government was entirely aristo- cratic or despotic, the loss of the nobles, the priests, and the kings, was absolutely the destruc- tion of the nation, as a nation. The Indian, who is now in such a state of stolidity that no reward, hardly, can induce him to stir from the squatting position that he has once taken up before the fire, is the lineal descendant, perhaps, of a man who projected, or helped to carry out, with cunning workmanship, constructions which are still a DESTRUOTIBILITY OF CIVILIZATION. 215 marvel to the most intelligent persons of the most civilized nations in the world.* The de- structibility of such civilization as the Assyrian, Egyptian, Mexican, or Peruvian, and perhaps of * Ulloa, who travelled in Peru in the year 1736, says—‘ The disproportion between what I read and what I am going to relate, is so remarkable, that, on a retrospect towards past times, I am utterly at a loss to account for the universal change of things; especially when surrounded by such visible monuments of the industry, polity, and laws of the Indians of Peru, that it would be madness to ques- tion the truth of the accounts that have been given of them; for the ruins of these ancient works are still amazing. On the other hand, I can hardly credit my own eyes, when I behold that nation involved as it were in Cimmerian darkness—rude, indocile, and living in a barbarism little better than those who have their dwell- ing among the wastes, precipices, and forests. But what is still more difficult to conceive is, how these people, whose former wisdom is conspicuous in the equity of their laws, and the establishment of a government so singular as that under which they live, should at present show no traces of that genius and capacity which formed so excellent an ceconomy, and so beautiful a system of social duties: though undoubtedly they are the same . people, and still retain some of their ancient customs and manners.’—Don Gzorce Juan, and Don ANTONIO DE Untoa. Voyage to South America, translated by J. ADaus, vol. i. pp. 401, 404. London, 1800. Depression of Cortes after execution of Mexican kings. 216 SOLDIERS MURMUR. others as notable, whose names even have been lost, or exist only in symbols that may never be interpreted, is not. merely a marked fact in the world’s annals, but one which especially requires to be kept in mind throughout this narrative, in order to prevent us from falling into the delusion of supposing that the great works and remarkable polities we read of in the Mexican Empire are my- thical or fabulous, while in truth they are quite within the domain of modern history, and rest upon similar testimony to that upon which we give credit to the annals of our own Henry the Eighth and Queen Elizabeth. The fathers of Bacon and Shakespeare were almost contemporaries of Mon- tezuma. The last of the Mexican monarchs being dis- posed of by this severe, but, as it seemed to Cortes, necessary execution, our natural sympathy with the vanquished makes us glad to find that the army murmured at these things, and that there were some of the Spanish soldiers who thought the execution unjust. Bernal Diaz notes that Cortes was melancholy, depressed, and sleepless.* It is * «Tambien quiero dezir, que como Cortés andayva mal dispuesto, y aun mui pensativo y descontento del trabajoso camino que llevavamos, é como avia mandado - CORTES DESIRES A CONFERENCE. 217 some satisfaction to imagine that bloody deeds, even such as have but the lesser stain of policy, render thick and heavy and phantomful the air around the beds of those who, to avoid the me- mories of such deeds, need the forgetfulness of sleep far more than other men. Before Cortes started from Espiritu Santo, he sent to the Lords of Tabasco and Xicalango, de- siring that they would come to him, or send per- sons with whom he could confer. The caciques sent such persons, who, in reply to the inquiries of Cortes, informed him that on the sea-coast, beyond the country that is called Yucatan, there were certain Spaniards who did the people of that country much harm, burning towns, and slaying ahorcar 4 Guatemuz, é su primo el sefior de Tacuba, sin tener justicia para ello, é avia cada dia hambre, é que adolescian Espafioles, é morian muchos Mexicanos, parecié ser que de noche no reposava de pensar en ello, y saliesse de la cama donde dormia 4 passear en una sala, adonde avia idolos, que era aposento principal de aquel pueblecuelo, adonde tenian otros fdolos, y descuidése y cay6 mas de dos estados abaxo, y se descalabro la cabega, y callé que no dixo cosa buena ni mala sobre ello, salvo curarse la descalabradura, y todo se lo passava y sufria.” —Berrnat Diaz, cap. 177. Two centres of conquest, Darien and Mexico. 218 TWO CENTRES OF CONQUEST. the inhabitants, by which the merchants of Ta- basco and Xicalango (some of them probably being the persons then speaking) had lost all commerce with that coast. ‘“ And as eye-wit- nesses,” Cortes says, “they gave an account of all the towns on the coast, until you come to the country where Pedrarias de Avila, your Majesty’s Governor, is, and they made me a map upon a cloth of the whole of it.” * The allusion in the above words of Cortes to Pedrarias de Avila may remind us that the radia- tions from these two great centres of conquest and discovery in America, namely, Darien and Mexico, were about to intersect. After a short time the Darienites will go southwards to Peru, and the Mexican conquerors northwards to Cali- fornia. The daily movements of the march of Cortes cannot be recorded in a brief biography. But, * « Y como testigos de vista me dieron razon de casi todos los pueblos de la costa hasta llegar donde esta Pedrarias de Avila, gobernador de V. M., y me hicieron una figura en un pafio de toda ella.’”’—Documentos In- éditos, tom, vi. p. 11. MARCH OF CORTES. 219 if we would appreciate justly the nature and re- sources of New Spain, we must observe that the territories traversed by Cortes possessed signs of a civilization not far inferior to that of the Mexicans. “YG, 4 -2f SLL 0 Yl f Sl eS & y/, (Cnr WG 4 fit Mil O a i] Il Lztape Sw hs efica pulco YU. “ily, el) wll, |] F = —_-s YY Ly, Vp Mi tn i! GY yf ri, CLL, fy sate Wordnet in peer, We 7p. i Aree TI Z HU Chitapae Bsev a Y Y; 4, fa, —— Bit Witter “ZZ Gin} Wy, =— Sa Ht Fi Z Mig, Ay, —————— i, es ‘ Mein, 4S =F x At a P24 on HE SLU 2x, Vp i O!, Yan, = “h i EXPEDITION OF CORTES i: Le TO a isp HONDURAS. au He speaks of Iztapan as “a very great thing.” He mentions its pastures, its lands for agriculture, and its being surrounded by a considerable extent of settled territory.* Of Acalan, the province in # «‘ ste pueblo de Iztapan es muy grande cosa y esta Signs of civilization which Cortes meets with on his route. Fortress at Macatlan. Temples at Chaantal. Cortes passed near Copan. 220 SIGNS OF CIVILIZATION. which the Mexican Kings were hanged, he says also that this was “a very great thing,” where there are many towns and much people, and that it abounded in provisions, amongst which he spe- cifies honey. He also speaks of the merchants of that country.* Further on, in Macatlan, he comes upon a fortress, of which he thinks it worth while to give a minute account to the Emperor, describing its battlements, embrasures, traverses and turrets, “ showing such good order and ar- rangement, that it could not be better, he says, considering the arms with which they fought.” At Chaantal he found temples built after the fashion of the Mexicans ; and we now know what remarkable buildings he might have seen, had his route diverged but a few miles from that which was taken, for he passed near the great city of asentado en la ribera de un muy hermoso rio: tiene — muy buen asiento para poblar en él espamoles: tiene muy hermosa ribera donde hay buenos pastos: tiene muy buenas tierras de labranzas: tiene buena comarca de tierra poblada.’”’—Relacion al HMPERADOR; Docwmentos Inéditos, tom. iv, p. 31. * « Hay en ella muchos mercaderes y gentes que tra- tan en muchas partes, y son ricos de esclavos y de las. cosas que se tratan en la tierra.”—Documentos Inéditos tom, iv. p. 09, DEATH OF CHRISTOVAL DE OLID. 221 Copan,* the monuments of which remain to this day to astound the traveller and perplex the anti- quarian. It was not until Cortes approached the sea- coast, that he heard that Christoval de Olid had been assassinated by Francisco de Las Casas, the captain who had been sent to subdue the rebel. The first object of the expedition was, therefore, in great measure attained. Cortes, however, proceeded to visit the new settlement. Indeed, it would have been useless for him to attempt to * «As to Copan, I shall not at present offer any conjecture in regard to the antiquity of these build- ings, merely remarking that at ten leagues’ dis- tance is a village called Las Tres Cruces, or the Three Crosses, from three crosses, which, according to tradition, Cortes erected at that place when on his conquering march from Mexico to Honduras by the Lake of Peten. Cortes, then, must have passed End of Christoval de Olid. 1524. Cortes pro- ceeds to Truxillo. 1525. within twenty or thirty miles of the place now called - Palenque. If it had been a living city, its fame must have reached his ears, and he would probably have turned aside from his road to subdue and plunder it. It seems, therefore, but reasonable to suppose that it was at that time desolate and in ruins, and even the memory of it lost.”—Sreruens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, vol. ii. chap. xx. p. 357. 222 NEWS FROM MEXICO return by the way he had come: and it was while he was staying in Truxillo, and busying himself Bad news with his colony there, that intelligence reached from Mexico. him of the lamentable proceedings which had taken place in Mexico during his absence. =— ~ Tabasco LU yan “ee igh Nes % INS @ ? oeendiy, atta os a =I “os, NS, 1 gion, WO = Ae ove = Vip HG = = N= 7 — A @ Ky Sins KY = =~ = . Or) Mi, FIBis 4tyy aarta eo? = @p S~ Peat vets thie “Le 4 = he & 5 LV estez$ Q S AWN pl X > Ne lr oka Copan ds > EXPEDITION OF CORTES oat Fs ———— TO eal HONDURAS. He had come all this way to punish the rebel- lion of one of his captains, and had left behind him the seeds of a most deplorable sedition which was to break forth in his chief city. In commenting upon this state of things to his mas- CONDUOT OF OORTES. 223 ter, the Emperor, he uses a very striking expres- sion, condemnatory of the folly and unfaithfulness which was manifested for the most part by those official persons in the colonies who were entrusted with delegated authority. ‘They think,” he says, “ that unless they make themselves ridicu- lous, they hardly seem to themselves to be in power ”—(literally, “unless they commit folly, they think they do not wear the plume”’*), a pro- verbial expression which probably came from the East, and which embodies the deep sense of mis- government that had been felt by subject millions whose only protest against the folly and caprice of their rulers was some dire proverb of this kind. The conduct of Cortes on this occasion gives great insight into his character. He was much urged by his followers to go at once by sea to Mexico. His presence there was greatly needed. No one was more aware of this than he was him- self. Still, he hesitated to go; for it was a marked ~ peculiarity of this great man, that his attention was not always directed to what seemed most * «‘Que sino hacen befa no portan penacho,”’—Doc. Inéd. tom. iv. p. 181. The large views of Cortes. Cortes sets sail for New Spain. 224 SETS SAIL FOR NEW SPAIN. pressing, but often to some duty based upon general rules of action, and a large foresight of what would in the end be politic. His conduct at the siege of Mexico, in sending to succour the Indian allies, when he himself had just suffered defeat, was an instance of this largeness of view. And, on the present occasion, the state of the | King’s affairs in Honduras, and the opportunity for enlarging the conquest there formed powerful attractions to keep him in the spot where he then was. In this perplexity he sought inspiration from above; and, after solemn prayers and pro- cessions, the course of returning to Mexico seemed to him the better way.* Accordingly, arranging his affairs in Honduras, he prepared to set sail for New Spain. Thrice, however, he was compelled to return to land: once on account of a sudden calm, and also from hearing that the people he had * « Y estando en esta perplejidad consideré que nin- guna cosa puede ser bien hecha ni guiada sino es por mano del Hacedor y Movedor de todas, y hice decir mi- sas y hacer procesiones y otros sacrificios suplicando 4 Dios me encaminase en aquello de que él mas se sirviese, y despues de hecho esto por algunos dias pareciéme que todavia debia posponer todas las cosas y ir 4 remediar aquellos dafios.”—Doc. Inéd. tom. iy. p. 131. IS THRICE DRIVEN BACK. 225 left on shore were inclined to be seditious: a second time, because the main-yard (la entena mayor) snapped asunder: and the third time, be- cause of a violent north wind which drove his vessel back after he had made fifty leagues from the coast.* Thinking that these were signs that God did not approve of the course he had adopted, Cortes again sought for divine guidance; and this * This would have been the time for Cortes to have consulted the stars, but his clear and pious mind abjured all such vain attempts at knowledge; and amidst his numerous retinue no such attendant as an astrologer was to be found. He believed profoundly in the imme- diate action of a superintending Providence, but was not likely to seek for hope or guidance from any created things. It is remarkable that the science, if it may so be called, of astrology, which had great hold upon shrewd persons, such as Louis the Hleventh, Pope Paul the Third, Catherine de Medicis, Wallenstein, the Earl of Leicester, and many other historical personages, both in that age and in those which preceded and followed it, had no influence whatever upon the Spanish monarchs —Ferdinand, Charles the Fifth, and Philip the Second. Nor does astrology seem to have had any hold upon the minor personages connected with the conquest of America. The hard, distinct faith of the Spaniard, and perhaps his hatred of the Moor, made him averse from wizardry, or anything that resembled it. IT, Q Is thrice driven back. Resolves then to stay in Hon- duras. Fresh in- telligence from Mexico. Cortes re- solves to return to Mexico, A pril, 1526. 226 CORTES RETURNS time, after renewed prayers and processions, he resolved to stay where he was, and to despatch a trusty messenger to his followers in Mexico, telling them that he was alive, and informing them of what had happened to him. They had fled for refuge to the Franciscan convent in that city. On hearing this good news they took heart, sallied forth, and deposed the Factor and the Veedor. Meanwhile, the vessel in which Cortes had sent his messenger returned to him at Truxillo; and in it came a cousin of his, a Franciscan friar, named Diego Altamirano. From this monk, and from the letters which he brought, Cortes learned to the full extent the scandals and the tumults which had taken place during his absence in Mexico, and the necessity there seemed to be for his immediate return to the seat of his govern- ment. He had intended to return by Nicaragua. and Guatemala, being well aware of the disastrous state of those provinces, and of the services which his presence might render. But the troubles of Mexico summoned him with a louder voice, and he resolved to return forthwith to that city. Accordingly, on the 25th of April, 1526, he set TO MEXICO. 227 sail for New Spain. A violent storm drove him out of his way to Cuba, and he landed at the port of Havannah, where in a few days he learned that his party had been successful, and had deposed the Factor and the Veedor. On the 16th of May he set sail again for New Spain, landed near the town of Medellin, and made a triumphant entry into Mexico on the 19th of June 1526, amidst the acclamations.of his own people and of the natives, Cortes was much changed. There were many per- sons who failed at first to recognise in his haggard, sickly countenance, imprinted with the sufferings and dangers he had undergone during his journey to Honduras, and in his subsequent voyage, the brilliant and handsome Cortes, who, only twenty months before, had marched out of the city at the head of a gallant company,—himself the chief attraction, both by the gifts of nature and of fortune, for the admiring gaze of the multitude. On entering Mexico, Cortes went forthwith to the Franciscan monastery to give thanks to God, and to confess his sins.* He stayed there six days; and * « Y alli estuve seis dias con los frailes hasta dar cuenta 4 Dios de mis culpas.”—Doc. Inéd. tom. iv, p. 147. Cortes re- turns to Mexico, June, 1526. 228 PONUE DE LEON TAKES when he quitted the monastery, he no longer en- joyed the supreme power in New Spain. Indeed, two days before taking leave of the friars, a mes- senger arrived from Medellin, informing him that certain vessels had come from Spain, and the report was that a Judge had come in one of them. ‘The report proved to be true, and the Judge was the Licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon, who had been appointed by Charles the Fifth, in November, 1525, to take a restdencia of Cortes.* Cortes was not aware at first of the powers of Ponce de Leon; and we may fully believe hin, when he declares that he was glad of the news of this Judge’s arrival, as it would save him from proceeding to arraign the Factor and the Veedor, - in which cause, as he was the person principally in- jured, he would be accused of a passionate bias in his own favour, “ which is the thing,” he says, ‘¢ that I most abhor.” t * See “Carta de Carlos V. 4 Hernan Cortes avisan- dole que habia mandado tomarle Residencia,”—Doce. Inéd. tom. i, p. 101. } “Me parecia que cualquier cosa que en ello provey- ese, podria ser juzgado por los malos 4 pasion, que es la cosa que yo mas aborrezco.”—Doe, Inéd. tom. iv. p. 147. YHE GOVERNMENT FROM CORTES. 229 The day after the arrival of the messenger from Medellin, when Cortes had come from the monastery to attend a bull-fight, on the festival of San Juan, there were brought to him two despatches, one being the King’s letter of creden- tials, informing him that Ponce de Leon was appointed to take a residencia of him, and the other from Ponce de Leon himself, telling Cortes that he was hastening to Mexico. Cortes, though anxious and alert to receive the King’s Justiciary with all reverence and submission, could hardly prepare to meet the Judge with due pomp, be- fore he entered the city on the 2nd of July, 1526. The next morning it was arranged that the So, after hearing mass, Ponce de Leon, in presence of the wands of office should be given up. people, and of the authorities, produced his powers, received the wands of the Alcaldes and the Alguazils, and immediately returned them,— all but one, which was that of Cortes, for Ponce de Leon, taking that himself, said with much courtesy, “ This of my Lord Governor I must have myself.” The official persons, and Cortes among the June 94 (Nativity of St. John the Baptist). Ponce de Leon comes, July 2nd, 1526. The go- vernment is taken from Cortes. ‘Testimony ot Futher \totolinia, 230 OBEDIENCE OF CORTES. rest, kissed the royal orders, and declared their readiness to obey them. The dutiful obedience to Cortes to his King is rendered more manifest when we come to know* that Fray Tomas Ortiz, the head of the Domini- cans who accompanied Ponce de Leon, and entered Mexico with him, went immediately to Cortes, and informed him that the Judge had authority from the Emperor to behead him and to confis- cate all his goods. The friar suggested resistance, but Cortes was far too wise and too faithful to take the advice. Before narrating what took place at the resz- dencia of Cortes, we may discern from the testi- monyf of an eye-witness, Father Motolinia, who was greatly honoured by his contemporaries, and * « Me certificd que Luis Ponce traia provision de V. M. para me prender, é degollar é tomar todos mis bienes, é que lo sabia de muy cierta ciencia como persona que venia de la corte.”—See Letter addressed by Cortes to the Bishop of Osma.—Doe. Inéd. tom. i, p. 28. + In the library of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart., of Middle Hill, is an original manuscript letter from Fray Toribio Motolinia de Paredes, to Don Antonio Pimentel Conde de Benavente, dated ‘“‘Dia de San Matia,” (February 24) 1541. “THN PLAGUES” OF NEW SPAIN. 231 trusted, as we have seen, by Cortes himself, at what expense of life and suffering the new order of things was brought about in Mexico. This excellent monk gives an account of what he considers to have been the ten “ plagues” of New Spain. 1. The small-pox. 2. The slaughter during the conquest. 3. A great famine which took place immediately after the capture of the city. 4. The Indian and negro overseers (la quarta plaga fue de los calpizques . . . y negros). 5. The excessive tributes and services demanded from the Indians. 6. The gold mines. 7. The rebuilding of Mexico. 8. The making of slaves, in order to work them in the mines. 9. The transport service for the mines, 10. The dissen- sions amongst the Spaniards themselves. Motolinia’s description of the rebuilding of Mexico is both minute and vivid. He says, that though the streets were very wide, the work was so busily carried on, that a man could scarcely make his way through them.* He describes the loss of * « Apenas podia hombre romper por algunas calles y calcadas, aunque son muy anchas.”—Carta de Fray Morournia. MS. The “ ten plagu:s” of New Spain. The re- building of Mexico. 232 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. life among the Indians from accidents caused by the demolition of old buildings, and the construe- tion of new ones. He says, that not only had they to seek the materials for building, but also to provide the food, and pay the workmen.* He confirms the statement before made, that the work was done by sheer force of human labour; and that a stone, or beam of wood, which should have taken a hundred men only, was dragged by four hundred.f Such was the fervour, he adds, with which the work was carried on, that the songs and shouts of the workmen did not cease day or night during the first years of the rebuilding of Mexico.t When we consider these “plagues” we may fairly maintain, that a conquered people have seldom been more hardly dealt with by the diseases * « A su costa buscan los materiales, y pagan los pe- dreros y carpinteros, y si ellos mesmos no traen que comer, ayunan.”—Carta de Fray Mororm1a. MS. ~ ‘‘ La piedra 6 viga que avia menester cien ombres trayan la quatrocientos.”— Ut supra. } ‘Tienen de costumbre de yr cantando y dando vozes, y los cantos y vozes apenas cessavan de noche ni de dia por el gran hervor que trayan en la hedificacion del pueblo los primeros afios.”— Ut supra. MISERY OF THE CONQUERED. 233 and the vices of their conquerors. It was alsoa surplusage of misery that the conquered territory should be rich in mines, and that the conquerors should have brought with them slaves of another race. The reply of Cortes to the accusa- tions made against him. CHAPTER XVIII. The Residencia of Cortes—Death of Ponce de Leon—Con- fused state of the Government of Mexico—Ponce de Leon’s instructions about encomiendas come to naught —LEncomendas allowed by the Spanish Court—An audiencia created for Mewxico—Instructions to this Audiencia do not vary the nature of encomiendas in New Spain. HE residencia of Cortes was commenced ; YC 2% and during the whole time that it SSN lasted (namely, seventeen days), not a single charge was brought against him.* In his fifth letter to the Emperor, he successfully repels the accusations made against him by “ serpent * «Y luego fué pregonado ptblicamente en la plaza de esta ciudad mi residencia, y estuve en ella diez y siete dias sin que se me pusiese demanda aleuna.”—Documen- tos Inéditos, tom. iv. p. 150, RESIDENOCIA OF CORTES. 230 tongues,” with regard to his wealth and posses- sions, asserting that, if he has received much, he has spent much more,—and that too, not in buy- ing heritages for himself, but in extending the patrimony of the King. He declares, that at the present moment, he is poor, and much indebted.* Indeed, he makes the following curious offer to the King. His Majesty had been informed that Cortes possessed two hundred cuwentos of rent, upon which Cortes offers to His Majesty to commute all that he has for. twenty cuentos of rent in New Spain, or ten in the mother country. The reszdencia of Cortes, however, was broken * « Y cuanto 4 lo que dicen de tener yo mucha parte de la tierra, asi lo confieso, y que he habido harta suma y cantidad de oro; pero digo que no ha sido tanta que haya bastado para que yo deje de ser pobre y estar adeudado en mas de cincuenta mil pesos de oro sin tener un castellano de que pagarlo, porque si mucho he habi- do, muy mucho mas he gastado, y no en comprar mayor- - az@os ni otras rentas para mi, sino en dilatar por estas partes el sefiorio y patrimonio Real de V. A. conquistan- do con ello y con poner mi persona 4 muchos trabajos, riesgos y peligros, muchos reinos y sefiorios para Vuestra Excelencia, los cuales no podran encubrir los malos con sus serpentinas lenguas.”—Documentos Inéditos, tom. iv. p- 154. Ponce de Leon dies. 1526. 236 DEATH OF PONCE DE LEON. off by an unexpected event. Ponce de Leon had been ill before this formal ceremony of taking the wands of justice: he returned to his apartments, shivering, and unable to eat. He threw himself on his bed, from which he was never to rise. The fever increased : ina few days it was evident that he was about to die; and summoning to his bed- side the King’s civil servants, in their presence he delivered his wand of office to Marcos de Aguilar, and soon after expired. In those days eminent persons seldom died suddenly without the suspicion arising of their having been assisted out of the world; and, as Ponce de Leon’s death, at this juncture, was apparently convenient for Cortes, there were not wanting people who probably believed, and loudly asserted, that the new Governor had been poisoned by the man he came to supersede. This accusation, no doubt, travelled, with all the swiftness of malienity, to the Spanish Court. Calumny, which can not only make a cloud seem like a mountain, but can almost transform a cloud into a mountain, was often busy with the name of Cortes. ‘This is the third time —J almost scorn to mention it—that he was accused MAROOS DE AGUILAR SUCUEEDS. 287 of poisoning persons whose existence was sup- posed to be inconvenient to him.* Meanwhile, in Mexico, it was immediately a subject of discussion, as might have been foreseen, whether Ponce de Leon could delegate the power he had received from the Emperor. That question, after many juntas (for the disputed point is a difh- cult one), was determined in favour of Marcos de Aguilar, who was accordingly accepted as the Governor. There is always, however, a loss of power in these transmissions of authority. The loss was not of much importance in the present case, for Marcos de Aguilar was a sickly man, and the charge of such a difficult government so rapidly augmented his malady, that he died about two months after his appointment. Again Cortes seemed to be delivered, by a happy accident, from the troubles of his residencta. Before his death, Marcos de Aguilar had, in his turn, taken care to nominate a successor, and had chosen the Trea-— surer, Alonzo de Estrada. ‘The question re- specting the delegation of authority was renewed, * Francisco de Garay, and Catharine de Xuarez, the first wife of Cortes, were said to have been poisoned by him. ‘These reports were utterly without foundation. Marcos ae Aguilar succeeds Ponce de Leon. He dies. The Treasurer and Sando- val succeed Marcos de Aguilar. Dispute between Estrada and Cortes, 238 DISPUTE BETWEEN and much disputed over. The result, too, was different, for it was at last agreed upon that Estrada should govern, but in concert with Gon- zalo de Sandoval, and that Cortes should have charge of the government of the Indians, and of the war department. Indeed, it appears as if the main body of the civil servants of Mexico ' wished that Cortes should resume the whole power which he had held before the arrival of Ponce de Leon, until the Emperor should decide what was to be done. But Cortes very prudently refused, saying, that “his fidelity and singleness of pur- pose would thus be more clearly manifested.” This was the more self-denying on the part of Cortes, as it is probable, from what afterwards occurred, that he knew he should find no friend in Alonzo de Estrada, although this was the same man in whom Cortes had placed such confidence, and whom he had left in authority when he undertook the journey to Honduras. Alonzo de Estrada had not been long in office before a matter of dispute, originally trifling, arose, which carried the enmity of the Governor and Cortes to a great height. An inhabitant of Mexico, named Diego de Figueroa, had a violent ESTRADA AND CORTES. 239 quarrel with Christoval Cortejo, a servant of Sandoval, and therefore a dependant of Cortes. From words they proceeded to blows, and Figueroa was wounded. Estrada, with the utmost rash- ness, listening only to one side, and pronouncing sentence within an hour after the affair had oc- curred, ordered Cortejo’s left hand to be cut off, and, after it had been cut off, sent him to prison, in order to enforce his departure from Mexico the next day, a punishment which the furious Governor resolved to inflict, in addition to the mutilation that the poor man had already suffered. Not satisfied with this, Estrada, fearing that Cortes would not bear quietly such treatment of a follower, sent a notification to Cortes himself that he should quit Mexico, and, under penalty of his life, should not venture to contravene this order. The whole city was inflamed with rage at the conduct of the Governor, and the inhabi- tants rushed to place themselves at the disposal of Cortes, threatening open rebellion ; but Cortes, ever cautious, only hastened the more to depart, while the people were striving to prevent his departure. Cortes having gone, and the inhabitants of Cortes banished from Mexico. The Do- minican monks re- concile Cortes and Estcada. 240 THEIR RECONCILIATION. Mexico being in the highest state of rage and disgust, the elements of a civil war were actively at work, when certain monks of the Order of St. Dominic, who, at the request of Cortes, had been sent from Spain in the company of Ponce de Leon, now interposed to check the tumult, and to assuage the fury of the contending parties. Most of these monks had, like Ponce de Leon, been very ill on their arrival in the country; but the two who were most able to exert themselves on this occasion, Fathers Tomas Ortiz and Domingo de Betanzos, succeeded in reconciling Cortes, and Estrada, so much so, that Cortes “ drew out of the font”—to use an expression of those days— an infant son of Estrada, who had just been born, and, according to the narrator of this story, ever afterwards the two great men were loving gossips, “that being a relationship,” he adds, “of close alliance in those times, and not a little in these.” * The reconcilement of Cortes and Estrada took place in the year 1527. * « Parentesco de grande union en aquellos tiempos, y no poco celebrado en estos.”—Remesat, Hist. de Chiapa y Guatemala, lib. i, cap. 8. AN, AUDIENCIA FOR MEXICO. 241 Every effort hitherto made to control the power of Cortes having, from some cause or other, failed, the Spanish Court began to view that power with increased jealousy and alarm. Moreover, the Court must have been bewildered by representa- tions of the most conflicting nature, coming from the various chiefs and factions of Mexico. The Emperor, therefore, and his ministers resolved to change the form of government. Hispaniola was already governed by an Audiencia. The Admiral, Diego Columbus, son of the great discoverer, had never had much weight in affairs, and his death, which took place in this year (1528), put an end to any semblance even of other authority than that of the Audiencia. It was now thought advisable to create a similar body for Mexico, consisting of four members, with a president. Nuno de Guzman, who had hitherto been em- ployed in the government of Panuco, was appointed President. As the presence of this new governing body was thought to be urgently wanted in Mexico, considerable haste was made in preparing the instructions for them. Among the first things that they were to attempt was the residencia of Cortes; and, in order that. this investigation q] i Death of Diego Columbus, 1528. An Audiencia created for Mexico, with Nuno de Guzman for Presi- dent, 1528. 242 RETURN OF CORTES might be more free, they were to press Cortes to quit Mexico, and to come to Court. It may be noticed as an instance of the politic nature of the Spanish Administration, that two letters were prepared for Cortes urging him to come. One was written by the Bishop of Osma, the President of the Council of the Indies, in which the Bishop assured him that the King wished to see and con- sult with him, the Bishop promising to use all his own interest in favour of Cortes. In case Cortes should disregard this letter, the Audzencia were to produce a letter from the King, requesting his assistance and advice, and holding out assurances of favour and reward. But the authorities in Spain need not have given themselves all this trouble, for Cortes, who seems generally to have done the right thing _ at the right time, suddenly appeared at Court to Cortes arrives in Spain, May, 1528. assist their deliberations. It is curious that, at the same moment, the other great Commander, Francisco Pizarro, was also at Court; and these . two captains naturally excited the interest and admiration of the Spanish people.* Oe ee * « Fue cosa notable, ver juntos 4 estos dos Hombres, TO SPAIN. 243 The arrival of Cortes—which resembled the return of Columbus, for the Conqueror of Mexico had also brought with him specimens of the riches and the curiosities of his new country—dispelled | at once the vapours of doubt and calumny which |, had lately obscured his name and his deeds with the Spanish Court. The details of the journey of Cortes to Court, and of his stay there, are so interesting, that they must be told. He came to seek powerful friends, and on the journey he lost the truest friend per- haps, that, amongst men, he had ever possessed. Sandoval, the constant companion of Cortes, was not divided from him in this journey. They landed together at Palos, and Sandoval feeling unwell, was left there, while Cortes went to the monastery of La Rabida (a place that had known the footsteps of many illustrious personages), to perform his devotions. Sandoval grew worse; and the man who had been in so many dangerous affrays, face to face with enemies worthy of his que eran mirados, como Capitanes de los mas notables del Mundo, en aquel tiempo, aunque el uno acababa sus Hechos mas sustanciales, i el otro los comen caba,’— Herrera, Hist. de las Indias, dec. tv. lib. iv, cap. 1. Death of Sandoval, Cortes has an inter- view with Charles V. 24,4 DEATH OF SANDOVAL. prowess, was obliged to feign slumber while he saw his villanous host, a ropemaker, enter his room by stealth, and carry off his gold. Cortes, on being apprised of his friend’s danger, hurried back to Palos, where he arrived in time to listen to Sandoval’s last words, and to receive his last injunctions. The body of Sandoval was carried to the monastery of La Rabida, and there interred with much pomp. When there are two friends of very different ages, and one dies, it is much sadder for the survivor if it be the younger one that death has taken. Sandoval might have found an- other Cortes, but Cortes would never find another “ Son Sandoval” as he was wont to call him. Sandoval’s age was about thirty when he died. Cortes, in deep mourning, pursued his way to Court, receiving all honour from the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and other great persons who entertained him on his way. The Duke of Bejar, into whose family it had been arranged that Cortes was to marry, had prepared the Emperor’s mind to receive the great Captain favourably. The next day after his arrival, Cortes had an audience. INTERVIEW WITH CHARLES V. 24.5 He would have knelt before his sovereign, but the Emperor begged him immediately to rise. Cortes then recounted his deeds and his sufferings, and the sinister opposition he had met with. There is reason to believe that he was a much better speaker than writer. Cautious and reserved men often are. They need the stimulus of an audience, and the pressure of a great occasion, to overcome their reserve, and to surprise them into eloquence. At the conclusion of a speech which must have been among the best worth hearing of those de- livered in that age, he said that His Majesty must be tired of listening to him, and that perhaps he had spoken with too much boldness for a subject to use in his sovereign’s presence. Whereupon he begged to be pardoned for any inadvertency or boldness, and to be allowed to present His Majesty with a memorial, containing the full details of the narrative he had briefly recounted. Again he sought to throw himself at the feet of the Emperor, and again Charles commanded him to rise. In fine, the Emperor’s reception of him was most favour- able. He listened to him readily ; and, with the usual intelligence which Charles manifested in affairs, delighted to inspect (/olgd de ver) the His Speech. Gossip about Cortes, while he was at Court. 246 REWARDS CONFERRED strange men, animals, and products which the Conqueror had brought with him from Mexico.* I cannot relate at any length the little anec- dotes and small scandal which were current about Cortes at this time: how he fell into favour or out of favour with this or that great personage; how the Empress was a little dissatisfied at the jewels he presented to her, because those which he gave to his betrothed, Dota Juana de Zuniga, were finer and perhaps more exquisite; or how, at chapel, he took a place nearer to the Emperor than some thought his rank would warrant, although this was done at the Emperor's desire. Undoubtedly, the favour which Charles showed to Cortes was such as might provoke the jealousy of courtiers. When Cortes fell ill, the Emperor went to visit him at his inn,—an honour of the rarest kind, and of the greatest significance. The substantial rewards which His Majesty conferred on Cortes were,—that he created him Marquis del Valle de Guaxaca ; that he gave orders to the Audiencia of Mexico (who then were probably at Seville, preparing for their voyage), not to dis- [ae RPDe ren * Herrera, “Hist. de las Indias,” dec, Iv. lib. 1v. cap. Le ON CORTES. 247 turb the Marquis’s possessions in New Spain (que no hiziesse novedad en sus Indios);* that he assigned to him territories, including three-and-twenty thousand vassals; and that he gave him two rocky islands for hunting-grounds.t The Emperor did more than all this. He lis- tened to the advice and the recommendations of Cortes, who was enabled to benefit his friends— the Bishop of Mexico and the Franciscan monks —and to induce the Emperor to found a nunnery, and to endow with suitable portions the four daughters of Montezuma, whom Cortes had in his charge. There is on record a single sentence of the Emperor’s, that must have been addressed to Cortes in some private interview, which shows the gracious esteem in which he was held by his sovereign. Borrowing a metaphor from the archery-ground, and gracefully, as it seems, alluding to a former misappreciation of the ser- * Herrera, “ Hist. de las Indias,” dec. rv, lib. vi. cap. 4 ft One of these was probably the Cerro del Marques, which Cortes had gained on his advance to the siege of Mexico. Herrera, dec. Iv. lib, vi. cap. 4. His re- quests to the Em- peror. The Em- peror de- clares that he will reward Cortes justly, 248 CORTES REMEMBERS THE TLASCALANS. vices of Cortes, the Emperor said that he wished to deal with him as those who contend with the cross-bow, whose first shots go wide of the mark, and then they improve and improve, until they hit the centre of the white. So, continued His Majesty, he wished to go on until he had shot into the white of what should be done to reward the Marquis’s deserts; and meanwhile, nothing was to be taken from him which he then held.* It is very pleasing to find that Cortes did not forget his old friends the Tlascalans, but dwelt on their services, and procured from the Emperor an order that they should not be given in encomienda to His Majesty, or to any other person. Finally, Cortes, with a vigilant eye to the * «© Qy Majestad me hizo merced de decirme que no se J _me habia de quitar nada de lo que tenia hasta ser infor- mado, y que se queria haber conmigo como los que se muestran 4 jugar 4 la ballesta, que los primeros tiros dan fuera del terrero, y asi van enmendando hasta dar en el blanco y fiel, y desta manera su Majestad queria ir hasta dar en el fiel de lo que mis servicios merescian, que entre tanto no se me quitaba ni se me habia de qui- tar nada de lo que tenia.”—-H~L Marqurs DEL VALLE al PRESIDENTE del Coneejo Real de las Indias. Meyjico, 20 de Setiembre de 1538. Doc. Inéd. tom. iv. p. 195. HE TREATS WITH THE EMPEROR. 249 future, treated with the Emperor respecting any discovery which he might make in the “ Sea of the South.” One important favour Cortes could not obtain. He probably had the tact not to broach the sub- ject with the Emperor, but his friends no doubt endeavoured to gain for him the government of Mexico. To grant this boon would have been foreign to the jealous policy of the Spanish Court, which was very reluctant to convert a discoverer, or a conqueror, into a Viceroy. Cortes was left, however, in the important office of Captain- General. The Emperor, with his accustomed kindness, gave orders that the Indians* whom Cortes had brought with him (among whom were a son of Montezuma and a son of the Tlascalan Chief * Cortes brought with him Indians who excelled in Is not ap- pointed Governor of New Spain. the games of New Spain; and perhaps the most inter- _ esting thing for a modern reader to notice is, that the balls they played with were apparently made of caout- chouc,—* Entre los quales llevaba doge jugadores extre- mados de la provingia de Tascaltecle del juego del batey, que es de pelota gruessa hecha de leche de ciertos arboles é otras mixturas, que salta la pelota mucho.”—OVIEDO, Hist. Gen. y Nat. de Indias, lib. xxxiii. cap. 49. 250 KINDNESS OF THE EMPEROR. Magisca, who had been baptized by the name of Lorenzo) should be clothed, and be gratified by presents, in order that they might return con- tented to their own country. The Emperor also ordered that a monk, named Fray Antonio de Cuidad Rodrigo, should take charge of these Indians, in order to see that they were kindly treated on their way home; and money was given to them to buy images and crucifixes, to carry with them, CHAPTER XIX. Arrival of the Audiencia—Great Disputes between the Protectors of the Indians and the Audiencia—the Audi- tors prosecute the Bishop of Mexico—The Bishop excom- municates the Auditors—A great Junta in Spain on the subject of the Indies. "HE officers constituting the Audiencia having received their instructions, set sail from Seville for New Spain, at the eud of August, 1528, and arrived at Vera Cruz on the 6th of December of that year. From thence they sent to summon Nuiio de Guzman, who was to’ be their President; but, without waiting for him, having the Emperor’s command to that effect, they made their entrance into the city of Mexico. The climate of this place seems uniformly to have had all the bad effects which ill-doers could have wished for upon the un- happy official men and lawyers who were sent First Audiencia arrives in New Spain, Dec. 1528. Residenciu of Cortes. 252 DISPUTE BETWEEN PROTECTORS thither from the mother country. Two of the Auditors, the Licenciates Parada and Francisco Maldonado fell ill, and died within thirteen days after their arrival. This circumstance would tend to diminish the suspicions, if any still existed, of Cortes having been concerned in the opportune death of Ponce de Leon. The other Auditors commenced taking the residencia amidst a perfect hubbub of complaints, demands, and law-suits, principally directed against the absent Cortes, who was more happily engaged than in replying to them, by solemnizing his marriage with Juana de Zuiiga, daughter of the Count of Aguilar, and niece of the Duke of Bejar. The appointment of Nuio de Guzman was a most deplorable one. He appears to have had nothing about him of the nature of a statesman, but to have been a cruel, rapacious, inconsiderate nian, whose career is strikingly similar to that of some of the captains who, under Pedrarias, had desolated the Terra-Firma. This bad appoint- ment was probably caused by the desire of the Government in Spain to have a military man, of some repute in the Indies, to supply the place of Cortes, the fear of that great Conqueror being the OF INDIANS AND AUDIENCIA. 253 ruling motive which had given rise to the appoint- ment of the Audiencia. When Nujjo de Guzman came to join his colleagues in Mexico, though some care was taken in the general affairs of Government, yet the Auditors were accused of attending more to their private interests than to their public duties, and of being wholly neglectful of those royal orders, upon which so much stress had been laid, touching the liberty and good treatment of the Indians. Thence grew vehe- ment disputes between the Auditors and the Pro- tectors of the Indians,—not only the official Protectors, but the Franciscan Monks in the city of Mexico, who demanded the execution of these royal orders, saying, that otherwise the royal conscience would not be discharged. Nuno de Guzman and his Auditors, in the usual way of factious persons, who meet an accusation made against them by charges against the opposite party which have nothing to do with the matter in hand, replied that the Monks and the Pro- tectors were partisans of Cortes, and rather de- fenders of him than of the Indians, Eventually the whole town was engaged on one side or other of these two factions; and, to use the words of the Great dispute - between the Pro- tectors of the In- dians and the new Audienciite The Audiencia advises the Emperor to make en- comiendas perpetual. 254 THE BISHOP OF MEXICOS royal historiographer, “so things went on with much confusion and shamefulness.”* Complaints from both factions were addressed to the Emperor, the Auditors accusing Cortes of 7 having had the most treasonable intentions, de- | claring that the Bishops under pretence of being protectors of the Indians, meddled with the royal jurisdiction; that the Franciscan Monks were devoted partisans of the Marquis del Valle; and that, with regard to the Indians, the opinion of the Audiencia was, that the encomiendas should be made perpetual, in order that their masters might treat them with more love,—a plausible, but very insufficient, reason to justify a system of servitude. On the other hand, the Bishop of Mexico was not slow in informing His Majesty of his view of the question. A letter of this prelate’s exists, which perhaps was one of those which Charles the | Fifth had before him when he wrote from Genoa, ordering a junta of the Great Council of Spain to be summoned, in order to consider again the government of Mexico; and this letter is so * Herrera, “ Hist. de las Indias,” dec. rv. lib. iv. cap. 11. LETTER TO THE HMPEROR. 255 admirably descriptive of the state of things which took place after the arrival of the first Audiencia at Mexico, that the Bishop’s own words must be quoted. The date of the letter is August the 27th, 1529. <* Also,” the Bishop writes, “ there came to me secretly, to make their complaints, the Lords of Huaxocingo, who at the time were in encomienda to Don Hernando Cortes, and they said that they served Hernando Cortes as his mayordomos commanded, and gave the tribute which was agreed upon, but that for some time the President and Auditors had cast upon them another tribute in addition to this; and what they thought more hard still was, that they had to bring each day, to the house of each Auditor, for his maintenance, seven fowls, and many quails, and seventy eggs, and wood, charcoal, and other trifling things, together with a large quan- tity of maize.” * It appears, too, from the Bishop’s letter, that this maize was not of their own crowing, but that they had to buy it, and that their resources were now exhausted. The greatest * «Carta de Fray Juan de Zumarraga, Obispo de Mexico; Coleccion de Mufioz,” MS., tom. 78. Bishop of Mexico’s letter to the Emperor. Transport service the great burden of the Indians. The Bishop endeavours to protect the Indians. 206 INDIAN TRANSPORT SERVICE. grievance, however, which these Chiefs had to complain of, was their being compelled to provide for the transport of these commodities, Their town was eight or ten leagues off; the way was cumbered with snow; and, to maintain such a daily service, a great many persons were neces- sary. Indeed, not only men, but pregnant women, and boys, were obliged to assist in carrying these burdens. The result was, that a hundred | and thirteen persons had already died from this enforced toil. The Auditors arrived in December, 1528; so that in six or eight months, such had been the loss of life in a single encomienda, from this apparently trifling service of transport im- posed upon it. The Chiefs, after begging the Bishop to defend them, assured him that no other resource was left for them but to fly to the mountains. To whom,” he says, “I replied the best I could, telling them that such pro- cecdings were not the will of Your Majesty, and holding out to them hopes of a speedy remedy ; so they went away secretly consoled. Then 1S spoke to the President and Auditors, with no little affliction to myself, from my inability to remedy the wrong, informing them that certain padres INDIANS BEG FOR PROTECTION. 257 had written to me from Huaxocingo (that the Audiencia might not suspect that the Indian Chiefs had come to me to complain), and I told them (the Auditors) that I had Your Majesty’s command to defend the Indians, and that I could not but endeavour to do so, even if I knew that it would cost me my life, and that they must bring their demands upon these Indians down to what was just, and that they should keep on record that I would do what I could to prevent these deaths. The President replied to me, that the Indians must do what the Audiencia ordered them, whether they died or not; and that if I put myself forward to defend them, the Audiencia would chastise me, as the Bishop of Zamora* had been chastised; and that the Indians must be taxed, and must live in the way that they ordered, and no other.” t . Nor were these idle threats. The Bishop per- * Don Antonio de Acufia, Bishop of Zamora, who was strangled in the fortress of Simancas. His crime was, having taken the side of the Comunidades in the war against Charles the Fifth, on his accession to the throne. + “Carta de Fray Juan de Zumarraga, C. Obispo de México; Coleccion de Munoz,” MS., tom. 78, Fisaes'” s ‘The Auditors proceea to extremities against the Bishop. 1530. The Bishop excommu- nicates them. Franciscan, Monks on the side. -of the Bishops. 258 AUDITORS EXCOMMUNICATED severed in maintaining the good cause,—preach- ing sn favour of the instruction, conversion, and preservation of the natives, urging that a stop should be put to the sumptuous works which the Auditors were continually making at the cost of the Mexicans, and demanding the fulfilment of the royal ordinances. The Auditors met this last move on the part of the Bishop Protector, by con- demning him in his temporalities; and, threat- ening the heaviest penalties, they prohibited the King’s officers, and those who had to pay the tithes, from giving any means of support to the Bishop or his clergy. This prohibition, as appears from the law proceedings in this case, was in force for the whole of the year 1530. The Bishop, on his side, fought with spiritual weapons, and excommunicated the Auditors. The Franciscan Monks, who were ranged on the side of the Bishop, in making excuses after- wards (which they do with all humility), for the sad disturbances of these times, declare in the strongest terms that false witnesses were brought against them by the Awudiencia. In the course of. this statement, the monks take occasion to. cive their view of the natives. “It isa gentle BY THE BISHOP OF MEXICO. 259 people,” they say, “ doing more from fear than from virtue, and they work well, if they are per- mitted to enjoy the fruits of their labours, .... They lie to a reasonable amount, but little to any one who treats them well, or at least not so much” (this is the account that might be given . as regards the truthfulness of most people in a state of servitude) ; “they are well disposed to religion, confessing very well, so that there is no need of asking them questions, They are given to drunkenness, and require restraint... . . : The children of our monastery already know much, and teach others. ‘They sing plain chant, and accompany the organ tolerably well.”* * « Mienten razonablemente, pero poco con quien bien los trata, 6 no tanto. Estos males tienen con otros bienes, que es gente que vienen bien 4 nuestra fé, confiésanse mucho bien asi que no tien necesidad de preguntas. Por la mayor parte son viciosos en se emborrachar, i tienen gran necesidad de se les impedir .... para su salbacion é policia. Los aifios de nues- tras casas saben ya mucho, { ensefian 4 muchos. Cantan ia canto llano { canto de érgano conpetentemente.”—Al Consejo de Yndias, Frat Juan, electo,—F Rat Martinus DE- VALENCIA Custos, &c., Frat Luis pE FUENSALIDA, Guardian de Trzcuco,—Frar Antonio Ortiz, G. de Charles V. is made acquainted with the state of the Govern- ment at Mexico. 1529. Charles V. refers the affairs of Mexico to his Ministers. 260 OHARLES V. AND THE All these complaints and recriminations from the chief men in Mexico, which probably came together, and were delivered to Charles the Fifth at Barcelona, as he was on his way to Italy after the Treaty of Cambray, must have been a source of considerable disappointment and mortification to him. There could have been little doubt, in any statesman’s mind, that Nuno de Guzman must be removed, and the Auditors superseded, “these ministers,” to use the sarcastic words of Herrera, ‘‘having industriously conformed themselves to attend in no respect to the instructions which had been given to them.” Charles the Fifth seems to have submitted the whole affair to his Govern- ment in Spain, and not merely to have referred to them the immediate question connected with the conduct of this Audiencia, but the general and great question of the liberty of the In- dians in Mexico and elsewhere—namely, whether they were to be given in encomienda to their conquerors. Mexico, — Frat Antonio Matponapo, G. de TLaciat- MAXALA, Fray Francisco GIMENEZ, G. de Cempoata. De México desta casa de San Francisco, 27 Marzo, 1531. Coleccion de Munoz, MS., tom. 79. GOVERNMENT OF MEXICO. 261 It was from Genoa,* and while the Emperor was engaged in inspecting his new conquests in Italy, that he wrote to his Government in Spain, of which the Empress was the head, commanding that a great Junta should be formed, consisting of the Council of State, the Council of the Royal Revenues, and the Council of the Indies. The reports from New Spain, and the already nume- rous royal orders and laws, which had been pub- lished in reference to the three great branches of Indian government, namely, the kind treatment, the liberty, and the conversion of the Indians (para el buen tratamiento, libertad i conversion de los Indios),f were to be laid formally before the Council, for them to decide upon the future legis- lation that would be necessary “ for the discharge * « Vuestra Magestad desde Génova, vistas las causas { razones que de Nueva-Espaia de Governador, Reli- giosos, { otras personas vinieron embié 4 mandar que nos juntasemos los del Consejo Real, i de la Hacienda, con el Presidente, { los del Consejo de Yndias.’’—Al Emrerapor, el ARzopispo DE Santiaco.. Presidente del Consejo Real, i el ConpE (pE Osorno), Don Garcia Man- RIQUE; de Madrid, 10 Diciembre, 1529. Coleccion de Munoz, MS., tom. 78. »f “Coleccion de Mufioz,” MS., tom. 78. A most important Junta held in Spain in reference to the Indies. 1529. Cortes asked for his opinion. 262 OPINION OF CORTES ON of His Majesty’s conscience, and the good govern- ment of those regions.” It was probably on this occasion that the Council of the Indies asked for the opinion of Cortes in the matters of Indian slavery and encomiendas ; for there exists a letter without date, written by Cortes to the Emperor, in re- ference to the question before the Council of the Indies. Cortes discusses the whole subject with much brevity, force, and logical power. In order to secure the conquest, there must, he says, be a sufficient number of Spaniards in the newly- conquered land. These men must be sup- ported. They cannot be paid in money; and the most convenient mode of payment will be by encomiendas. He then touches on the danger of depriving the Spaniards of their Indians, and suggests that the possession of these Indians tends to make the Spaniards root themselves in the new lands, whence will spring taxes and cus- toms’ duties for His Majesty. He is, therefore, of opinion that the Indians should be given to the Spaniards. But the ques- tions then remain—-Who should give them? to MATTERS OF INDIAN SLAVERY. 263 whom should they be given; and how should they be given? * To decide these difficult questions he suggests a reference to the past history of the conquest in the Indies; + and, alluding to the ruin which had taken place in the West India Islands, he desires that it should be investigated whether this mischief proceeded from the conquest or from the course of government afterwards. He suggests that no discovery or conquest should be attempted without the express licence of the Emperor, and that certain qualifications should be required in the person who is to re- ceive any such licence. With regard to making slaves, his opinion is, that on no pretext should it be allowed in the course of conquest. But when countries have * « Pero resta dezir lo que se 4 de dar, y 4 quien y cémo, que es donde pende todo.’’—Autograph Letter of Cortes to the Emperor, signed “ El Marques del Valle,” in the possession of Mr. Henry Stevens, of Vermont. + “Lo primero advertir ante todas cosas en saver qué es la que se tubo en las conquistas que se an hecho ?”— Ut supra. { “Saber si este dafio progedié de la conquista 6 del proceso de la governagion ?”— Ut supra. Cortes refers to the story of the West India Islands. Dec. 10, 1529. Recom- mendations of the Junta. 264 ADVICE OF THE JUNTA been conquered, if a rebellion should take place, he would then allow the captives to be made slaves. With regard to the slaves in Mexico, he thinks that many of them have been made slaves unjustly ; but he would not approve of any in- vestigation into this matter, on account of the difficulty. He would not, however, have their children brought up as slaves. Such were the counsels of Cortes; but the Junta summoned by Charles came to a much more favourable conclu- sion respecting the Indians. The result of this great Council’s deliberations was communicated to the Emperor by the Arch- bishop of Santiago and Don Garcia Manrique, Conde de Osorno, in these words :—“ It has ap- peared to all of us that entire liberty should be -given to the Indians, and that all the encomiendas which have been made of them should be taken away; and because it appears that to take them away at one stroke would produce inconvenience, and that the Spaniards might desert the land, that a moderate tribute should be fixed for the Indians to pay, and that the half of that tribute should be given for the first year to the Encomenderos, and TO BE CARRIED OUT. 265 afterwards Your Majesty will be able to give vassals to whosoever shall deserve it, reserving for yourself the head townships.” The emphatic order on this subject is given in one word (Fat), «Let it be done,” which is placed after the para- graph, quoted above, of the Report. CHAPTER XX. The second Audiencia arrives in Mewico—Proceedings of the Auditors—The Poverty of Cortes. ~¥ HAT ever-recurring difficulty—to find “2 a head and hand which should carry into execution good laws,—appears to have been fully present to the minds of the royal councillors; for, in the same letter in which they re announced their unanimous opinion to His Ma- jesty respecting the liberty of the Indians, they suggested that a bold and prudent “ caballero,” a man of good estate (hacendado), should be sent as President of the Audiencia. The Conde de Oropesa was named, but he would not accept the office. Afterwards, the Mariscal de F romesta, and Don Antonio de Mendoza, son of the Marqués de Mondejar, were applied to; but their demands THH SECOND AUDIENCTA. 267 % were so exorbitant, that the Council informed His Majesty that their thoughts were turned to others.* It is not surprising that men of great name and station in Spain, who fulfilled the requisite conditions of being’ bold, prudent, and of large estate, should demand extraordinary powers and privileges, before undertaking a charge which no one hitherto had come well out of. Lists have been made of the conquerors and governors in the New World, as of men, all of whose careers were signalized by miserable or disgraceful termina- tions; and in an age which had Machiavelli’s ‘‘ Prince” in its hands, and when politics had begun to be considered scientifically, 1t was not difficult to know that one of the most lamentable positions in the world is to hold an office of great state and great apparent power, and in reality to be bound by all manner of invisible fetters, being secretly at the mercy of some obscure official _ people around you or at home. The difficulty, for the present, of finding a man of weight to preside over the new Audiencia was i * « Coleccion de Mufioz,” MS., tom. 78. Don Sebastian Ramirez chosen as President of the Au- diencia, Audienciu renewed. 268 SHBASTIAN CHOSEN PRESIDENT obviated by choosing a person who had already filled a similar office, undertaken at a period of like confusion in another part of the Indies. This was Don Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, Bishop of St. Domingo in Hispaniola, who had been sent to that island to be President of an Audiencia which had been for some time esta- blished there. In this office his success is thus briefly described: —* He gave authority to the administration of justice. The rivalries between the Auditors and the other royal officers ceased. Each one kept within the limits of his office; and in all respects there was quiet.” The. Government of Spain was fortunate in being able to command the services of such a man as Don Sebastian for the presidency of the new Audiencia to be sent to Mexico. This body was entirely renewed, as Auditors were sent, not only to replace those who had died on first arriving in the country, but also’ to supersede the two who had lived to do so much mischief. All the new Auditors were licentiates, and their names were Vasco de Quiroga, Alonzo Maldonado, Francisco de Ceynos, and Juan de Salmerén. - This last-mentioned Auditor was a man of OF THE NEW AUDIENCIA. 269 some experience in the Indies, having been Alcalde Mayor of the province of Castilla del Oro. To each of them was given a large salary —600,000 maravedis,*—in order that they might not be tempted to undertake any private enter- prise for gain. The Empress wrote to Don Sebastian with her own hand, informing him of his appointment, and mentioning that the new Auditors would call for him at St. Domingo, on their way out to Mexico. This new Audiencia had very complicated business awaiting them. The representations which the former one had made against Cortes had been so manifestly unjust, that it was in- trusted to these new Auditors to take another residencia of Cortes; then they were to take a residencia of Nuno de Guzman; they were to settle the dispute between him and the Bishop Protector; they were publicly to reprimand the former Auditors; and we have already seen, from the proceedings of the Great Junta before men- tioned, that these new Auditors would have to — * Equal, I believe, to 4167. 13s. 4d. in English money —a large salary in those days. Large salary for Auditors. Compli- cated business awaiting these Auditors. The order of their entry into Mexico settled. Cortes returns to NewSpain, July 15, 1530. 270 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA | execute a very difficult commission with regard to the liberty of the Indians, if anything was to be done in accordance with the important decision already pronounced by that Council. | Amongst other instructions given to them, there is one which suited well with Spanish state- liness, as it settled the form and order in which: they were to enter Mexico, the chief seat of their government. The great seal was to be placed in a little casket, borne by a mule covered with velvet; and when they entered the city, the Pre- sident was to be on the right hand of the seal, and one of the Auditors on the left, the other Auditors going before, according to their rank. They were all to be lodged in the house of the Marquis del Valle. The Marquis himself. was allowed at that time to return to New Spain ; but he had received orders from the Empress. not for the present to enter Mexico, nor even to come within ten leagues of that city, at least, as I conjecture, not until the audiencia were finally settled in power. He went back, clothed with the authority of Captain- General; and so far, at least, Cortes was not treated unwisely or ungenerously by the Spanish ENTER INTO MEXICO. 271 Government. He was received with vivid de- monstrations of delight by great numbers of the people in New Spain, both Spaniards and Indians. Indeed, they offered to place themselves at his disposal, and to put his enemies in the Audiencia to death. They were clamorous in telling him what they had suffered during his absence; but he, with his accustomed prudence, did what he could to soothe them, entirely put aside their offers of vengeance, and even strove to divert them by public games and entertainments. On the 15th of September; 1530, a few months after the departure from Spain of the Marquis, the new auditors sailed from Seville, and arrived in New Spain at the beginning of the year 1531. The form of their entry into Mexico was some- what disturbed by the absence of their President, the Bishop of St. Domingo, whom they were not able to bring with them, as they could not succeed in entering the port of St. Domingo, “by reason,” as an old chronicler tells us, “ of the things of the sea being more doubtful than cer- tain.”* This was to be regretted, for graver ** «Por ser las cosas de la Mar, mas dudosas, que ciertas.”—TorquemapDa, Monarquia Indiana, lib. v. cap. 9. The second Audiencia arrives at Mexico. 1531. 272 REFORMS IN NEW SPAIN. reasons than the injury to the pomp of their entrance into Mexico; but the new Auditors, without waiting for their President, commenced their arduous business; and we find, from a letter written to the Emperor some months afterwards, that not a day had passed, not even the festivals of the Church, in which they had not been sitting in council ten or twelve hours together, for the — dispatch of business, dealing, as they graphically express it, “ with a new land, new kinds of busi- ness, and with minds inclined to dangerous inno- vations, which every day are excited by new thoughts.” The various reforms in the Indies which were projected at Court, and some of which were carried into execution in New Spain by this Audiencia, must have told considerably upon the fortunes of Cortes—a man who, if he received much, always spent much; with whom, to use an expression of King Ferdinand’s, money never rested. The expenses he incurred in preparing for expeditions in the South Sea were very great, and not remunerative. Whatever may have been the causes, it is a striking fact, that there came a period when the conqueror of Mexico could not POVERTY OF CORTES. 273 afford to live for more than a month at a time in the great city which he had conquered, devastated, repeopled, and rebuilt. “I have enough to do,” he says (in a letter written at Mexico, and dated in the year 1538), “to maintain myself in a village, where I have my wife, without daring to reside in this city, or come into it, as I have not the means to live in it; and if sometimes I come because I cannot help doing so, and remain in it a month, I am obliged to fast for a year.” * Those who care to observe human affairs cu- riously have often speculated upon the change that would be produced by a very slight know- ledge of the future. If men could see, they say, but ten years in advance, the greater part of man- kind would not have heart to continue their labours. The farmer would quit his plough, the merchant his merchandize, the scholar his books. ee 2a 8) aa eel * «Yo tengo harto que hacer en mantenerme en un aldea donde tengo mi muger, sin osar residir en esta cibdad ni venir 4 ella por no tener que comer en ella; y si alguna vez vengo porque no puedo escusarlo, si estoy en ella un mes, tengo necesidad de ayunar un ajio.?— Carta del Marques pet Vaute, escrita desde Méjico con fecha de 20 de Setiembre, de 1538, al Preswenre pu Conszyo Rear pe uas Inpias. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv. pales. Il. T Poverty of the ereatest resident in New Spain. A slight knowledge of the future would paralyse the arm of the conqueror. 274 HUMAN AFFAIRS ALTERED Still, there would remain a few faithful to their pursuits—lovers, fanatics, and benevolent men. But of all those whom ten years’ prescience would induce to lay down their work in utter discontent as the future unrolled itself before their wonder- ing eyes, the conqueror, perhaps, would be the man who first would stay his hand. For the results of conquest are among the greatest dis- appointments in the world. The policy which seems so judicious and so nicely adjusted that it well repays the anxious nights of thought that have been spent upon it, would, even with the small foreknowledge of ten years, be seen to be inconsequent, foolish, and mischievous. The ends which appear so precious that the blood of armies may justly be spilt in the hope of attaining them, would be clearly discerned to be noxious and ludicrous. All the vast crimes which are gilded by motives of policy would be seen in their naked horror; and the most reckless of statesmen or warriors would start back appalled at the sufferings he was about to inflict upon the world for inadequate and futile causes. When, however, the warrior happened to be a ‘fanatic, the future on this earth would not disturb him. GREATLY THROUGH FORESIGHT. 275 He would be equally ready to slaughter his thousands, to devastate provinces, and to ruin, as mostly happens, his own fortunes, whatever the ten years’ annals, written prophetically on the wall, might disclose to him. Cortes, as a statesman and a man of the world, might have shuddered, if he could have foreseen the fate of himself, his companions, and the nations he came to conquer. But, sheathed as he was in the impenetrable armour of fanaticism, he would probably have counted these things as no loss, provided that the True Faith should thereby be _ proclaimed more widely in the New World. This must be his excuse, and this, no doubt, was his comfort, when he contemplated the sorry end of his labours as regarded himself and his own fortunes. Later in life, we find him writing to the Emperor in the same strain of complaint as that related above.* The latter days of Cortes bear a strange resemblance to those of Columbus, and, * « Véome viejo, y pobre y empenado en este reino en mas de veinte mil ducados, sin mas de ciento otros que he gastado de los que traje é me han enviado, que algunos dellos debo tambien, que los han tomado pres- Lng The latter days of Cortes. 276 THE LATTER DAYS OF indeed, to those of Charles the Fifth himself. Men of this creat stamp seldom know when to put a limit to their exertions, and to occupy themselves solely in securing the conquests they have made. And, as the nature of things is always against an energetic man, some day or other, especially when he grows weaker and older, adverse circumstances, to his astonishment, triumph over him, Besides, even supposing him to be very prudent, and anxious to undertake nothing which he cannot master, the field for his exertions inevitably widens with success. Instead of a line to pursue, he has a large area to com- mand. Envy meanwhile increases as he becomes more conspicuous. Many men lean upon him when he is known to be strong. His attention 1s distracted; and even without any deterioration of character, or failing of force, he is destroyed by the large development of new. difficulties which grow up around him. As the early history of the Indies teems with commanders who ulti- tados para enviarme, y todos corren cambios.”—Carta 6 Memorial de Hernan Corres al Emprrapor Caruos V. Valladolid, 3 de Febrero, de 1544, Doc. Inéd., tom ], p. 40. CORTES UNFORTUNATE. Qt mately prove unfortunate, it is but fair to look into the natural causes of failure which would beset them in any country, but which would be stronger in a newly-discovered country than elsewhere. CHAPTER XXI, The Expeditions sent out by Cortes to the North of Mewico—OCortes returns to Spain—His grievances and troubles, <4 WILL now endeavour to give very CIE briefly an account of what Cortes did PINES from the time of his return from Spain to Mexico in 1530 to that of his finally returning in 1540 to the mother country, where he spent the re- during the ten years which elapsed mainder of his days. Though Cortes could not afford to live in the city of Mexico, he did afford, and was obliged to afford, the disbursement of the necessary expenses for fitting out expeditions to make discovery in what was called the Sea of the South. I say, “he was obliged to afford,” because the Emperor EXPEDITION OF CORTES. 279 had imposed upon him the condition of en- deavouring to make these discoveries. The man, whose name in after times was most noted for discovery in those regions, was a certain Franciscan monk, Marcos of Nice, who in a missionary enterprise made great disco- veries, as he said, to the north of Mexico. He returned, giving a wonderful account of what he called “the seven cities of Sybola,” and saying how, “the farther you went north- wards (i.e. towards the country now known as the gold region of California), the more peopled the country was, and the more rich with gold and turquoises.” Cortes, however, had long before commenced these expeditions to the north ‘of Mexico, sending out captain after captain to make discoveries, all of whom were utterly un- successful, Cortes then resolved to go himself; but neither was he more successful, as regards the results of discovery, than his captains had been. Certainly, he discovered California; but he left that country, little conjecturing the riches which he had probably trodden under foot. It was on that occasion that his second wife wrote him a most touching letter, begging him to return Cortes re- turns to Mexico from Cali- fornia. 280 JOY OF THE SPANIARDS AT to his Marquisate in Mexico, to think of his boys and girls, and no longer to tempt fortune, but to content himself with the heroic actions he had already performed, and with his world-wide fame. Cortes accordingly returned to Mexico, and was received with great joy by the authorities and by all the other inhabitants; for at that time every Spaniard was in great terror lest the native Indians should take advantage of the absence of Cortes to revolt. I cannot help remarking that this tenderness on the part of the second wife of Cortes, and which probably induced him to hasten his return, gives some indication, of what certainly was the case, that in private and domestic life he was very love- able. He was no longer attractive from the beauty of his person. In fact, ever since his return from Honduras, in which expedition he had suffered much hardship and privation, and before his marriage with his second wife, he had become a sickly diseased man. Indeed he was so much altered that many people did not know him again.* * «Faun muchos le desconoscian.” — Ovispo, lib. xxxill. cap. 49, CORTES’ RETURN TO MEXICO. 281 He was now exceedingly fat and swollen, and it was in vain that he endeavoured to conceal the ravages of premature old age by dyeing his grey beard black. With almost every great man there is a time of culmination, after which there is mostly dis- aster and decadence. This was pre-eminently the case with Cortes. His fortunes culminated on the day when he took Mexico. Afterwards he had but a sorry life of it. As Bernal Diaz says, « Everything turned to thorns with him,” Not that this daunted him; for even after his return from California, he equipped and sent out another great expedition to make discovery in the Sea of the South. This, too, was unsuccessful. Neither in what may be considered his private undertakings was his career, after the taking of Mexico, the least more prosperous. He was in terrible feud with the King’s Officers upon a point of much nicety connected with his private estate. He contended that the Emperor had intended to give him all the Indians in the Town- ships which the: Emperor had assigned to him; LO SE tas Soe eee * «Todo le tornéd en Espinas.” 282 CORTES RETURNS TO SPAIN and he reckoned his Indians by the heads of families. The King’s Officers, on the other hand, contended that the number of Indians assigned to the Marquis was to be reckoned according to age. They included in their reckoning every adult male in a household, whether master, servant, son or slave. Thus they sometimes counted as many as fifteen in a household where Cortes had only counted one. Then, again, Cortes was in feud with the person of highest authority in New Spain. The Spanish Government had sent, in 1535, a Vice- roy to New Spain, namely, Don Antonio de Mendoza, a man of great ability and prudence, but who could not live at peace with Cortes; and many and grievous were the disputes between the Vice- roy and the Captain General about these expe- ditions to the Sea of the South, in which, by the way, Cortes had expended no less a sum than 300,000 pesos. Impoverished in means, vexed with law-suits, annoyed with contentions against Royal Officers, Cortes led a miserable life in Mexico. Imagining that from his former reception at the Court of Spain, his presence there would enable him to TO SETTLE HIS DIFFICULTIES. 283 prevail over all his difficulties, he resolved to return to Spain to fight his battles there. Ac- cordingly, in the year 1540, he quitted Mexico for that purpose, little imagining that he was leaving for ever the scene of his conquest. The Empress Donna Isabella died in the year 1539; and Cortes and all his suite were in deep mourning for Her Majesty when they arrived at court. Bernal Diaz was also in mourning, as also Fernando Pizarro, and other persons who had come from Peru and New Spain upon business. Probably their suits of mourning were in accord with their discontented countenances, and they were generally called “ the Mourning Indians of Peru.’* The Marquis accompanied the Emperor in his expedition to Algeria (A.D. 1541); and, as it was justly said, lost more in that unfortunate expedi- tion than the Emperor himself; for, being ship- wrecked, Cortes lost the valuable jewels, chiefly emeralds, which he carried with him, and which formed no inconsiderable part of his fortune. But his mortification in that enterprise was * «Los Indianos Peruleros Enlutados.” Quits Mexico for Spain, 1540. 284: CORTES’ MISFORTUNES. greater than his pecuniary loss. He, then the greatest Captain of his age, was not even sum- moned to the Council of War. It was in vain that he offered to retrieve the fortunes of the Emperor in that disastrous campaign, and pledged himself to take Algiers if he might only have the command of the troops who were there, without any reinforcements. The soldiers were willing to act with him, but the sailors were not; and the people in authority would not listen to him, nay even, as some say, mocked at his pretensions. The enterprise was abandoned, and the Moors were left to be, by their piratical exploits, a terror and an injury to Europe for many generations.* The poets say that ‘ Care sits behind a man and follows him wherever he goes.” So does ill- success; and henceforward the life of Cortes was almost invariably unsuccessful. There is an anec- dote told of him (resting upon no higher autho- rity than that of Voltaire) which, though evidently untrue, tells in a mythical way the reception which Cortes met with at the Spanish Court; and his feelings as regards that reception. * See Sandoval, “ Hist. de Carlos V.,” lib. xxv, cap. 12. HIS LETTER TO THE EMPEROR. 285° One day he broke through the crowd which surrounded the carriage of the Emperor and jumped on the step. «« Who are you?” said the Emperor in asto- nishment. « T am a man,” replied Cortes fiercely, “ who has given you more proyinces than your ances- tors have left you cities.” Quitting fiction, however, and returning to fact, there is a letter extant addressed by Cortes to the Emperor Charles the Fifth which conveys more forcibly than even a large extent of narrative could do, the troubles, vexations, and disappoint- ments which Cortes had to endure at this latter period of his life, and his own feelings with re- gard to them. It is one of the most touching letters ever written by a subject to a sovereign. I will here translate some of it, greatly condensing those parts of the letter which relate to the busi- ness in hand, and which would be as wearisome © to the reader to read, as they were to the writer to write; for doubtless, it was not the first time, by many times, that Cortes had set down the same grievance in writing. . The letter bears date Valladolid; the 3rd of February, 1544. It begins thus :— The letter of Cortes to the Em- peror. 286 CORTES’ LETTER TO THE “ Sacred Cesarian Catholic Majesty :—I thought that having laboured in my youth, it would so profit me that in my old age I might have ease and rest; and now it is forty years that I have been occupied in not sleeping, in eating ill, and sometimes eating neither well nor ill, in bearing armour, in placing my person in danger, in spending my estate and my life, all in the service of God, bringing sheep into his sheepfold—which were very remote from our hemisphere, unknown, and whose names are not written in our writings —also increasing and making broad the name and patrimony of my King—gaining for him, and bringing under his yoke and Royal sceptre, many and very great kingdoms of many barbarous nations, all won by my own person, and at my own expense; without being assisted in anything, on the contrary, being much hindered by many jealous and envious persons who, like leeches, have been filled to bursting with my blood.” * He then proceeds to say that for the part which God has had in his labours and watchings, * « Sin ser ayudado de cosa alguna, antes muy estor- bado por muchos émulos é invidiosos que como san- guijuelas han rebentado de hartos de mi sangre.” EMPEROR CHARLES THE FIFTH. — 287 he is sufficiently paid, because it was His work; and it was not without a reason that Providence was pleased that so great a work should be accomplished by so weak a medium, in order that it might be seen that to God alone the good work must be attributed. Cortes then says that for what he has done for the King, he has always been satisfied with the remuneration he has received. The King has been grateful to him, has honoured him, and has rewarded him; and, he adds, that His Majesty knows that the rewards and honours which the Emperor offered were, in the opinion of Cortes, so far greater than his merits, that he refused to receive them. : What, however, His Majesty did mean him to receive, he has not received. That which His Majesty has given has been so completely with- out fruit, that it would have been better for Cortes not to have had it, but that he should have taken care of his private estate, and not spent the fruit of that in defending himself against «the Fiscal of Your Majesty, which defence has been, and is, a more difficult undertaking than to win the land of the enemy.” 288 LETTER TO THE EMPEROR, He then implores His Majesty that he will be pleased to render clear the goodwill which he had shown to reward him. ‘I see myself,” he ex- claims, “old and poor and indebted.” Not only have I no repose in my old age, but I fore- see labour and trouble ‘until my death.” And he adds, “ Please God that the mischief may not go beyond death; but may finish with the body, and not exist for ever, since whosoever has such ~ toil in defending his bodily estate, cannot avoid injuring his soul,” All that he asks is that his appeal may be heard: that members of the King’s Council be added to the Council of the Indies; and that the cause may be determined, and judgment given, without any further delay.“ For otherwise I must leave it and lose it, and must return to my home as I _am no longer of the age to go about to hostelries; but should withdraw myself to make my account clear with God, since it is a large one that I have,* * Here the words of the celebrated chronicler, Men- strelet, may well be appended :—“ It is of some moment when a king or great prince dies, who may, perhaps, have caused the deaths of numbers of human creatures like themselves; for I believe that in the other world CHARLES V. OF SPAIN. 289 and little life is left to me to discharge my con- science ; and it will be better for me to lose my estate than my soul.” * He concludes by saying, that “ He is of Your Catholic Majesty the very humble servant and vassal, who kisses your very royal feet and hands—the Marques del Valle.” The first feeling of every reader of this letter must be regret that so great a monarch as Charles they will have enough to do, more especially respecting this circumstance, that a poor man, with six or seven small children, not worth twenty sols in the world, shall be taxed from ten to twenty sols, and when the collector shall come to receive the tax, finding the man worth nothing, and without means of raising the money, he commits him to prison, where he languishes out his days. Now I would lke to have shown any written law for this injustice ; but no one will attempt so to do, because everyone is eager to push himself forward in this world. May God assist the poor people!” [The account which Cortes gives related more to slaughter than to taxation, and therefore was more than regal in its seriousness and extent. ] * « Porque no tengo ya edad para andar por mesones, sino para recojerme 4 aclarar mi cuenta con Dios, pues la tengo larga, y poco vida para dar los descargos, y sera mejor dejar perder la hacienda quel 4nima,’— Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de Espana, tom. 1, Madrid, 1842, II, U 290 DIFFICULTIES AND the Fifth should have given occasion for any such - letter to be written to him. But this feeling is one that experience will not justify. Kings and Kaisers and the greatest men are generally found impotent against the “ Fiscal” of their re- spective countries. There is always some small- minded clerk to find or make difficulties, and to raise objections. And this noxious individual thinks he is doing great service to the state while he chiefly dwells upon what ought to be “ uncon- sidered trifles.” He is the worm who gnaws at the greatness of states, discouraging noble enter- prise, and worrying the heart out of those who would do something for the world. He has often more to do with the downfall of nations than historians, who have not been versed in affairs, can readily imagine. If it had not been for these fiscal troubles, and for the sense of injury which rankled in his mind, the latter days of Cortes were not out- wardly unhappy. He passed them in a manner which might have satisfied almost any other man but the restless and impatient conqueror. Men of letters cultivated his society; and the meetings of an Academy were held at his house. Peter TROUBLES OF CORTES. 291 de Novarra published in 1547 forty Moral Dia- val logues, partly the result of conversations held at the house of Cortes.* I cannot agree with those who think that Cortes was a learned man. In one of his letters I find him telling the Emperor when one of his captains had rebelled against him that people would say it was pena pecati, on ac- count of the false idea they had of his conduct to Velasquez. This is not the usual way in which the words “ pana peccati” are spelt. I have no doubt that Cortes delighted in the society of learned men as the first Napoleon did in that of scientific men; but converse with learned men could not occupy the mind or heart of either of these restless conquerors. Cortes wished to re- turn to Mexico; but all the influence of his great connections could not procure leave from the Emperor for Cortes to return until certain pend- ing suits were settled; and they never were settled during the lifetime of Cortes, In addition to these vexations he had a do- mestic trouble which doubtless caused him much * Mr. Ticknor says:—‘I find nothing in these to illustrate the character of Cortes, except the fact that such meetings were held at his house.” aa’ 292 RETIRES FROM SEVILLE. mortification. His daughter Donna Maria was engaged to one of the greatest nobles in Spain; } but ultimately the young man refused to fulfil the engagement. Some say that this caused the death of Cortes. But this is not so. He was broken alike in health and in spirits, by reason of the many.reverses he had met with in these his latter days. - We live, to a great measure, upon success; and there is no knowing the agony that an un- varying course of ill-success causes to a sanguine and powerful mind which feels that, if only such and such small obstacles were removed out of its way, it could again shine forth with all its pristine force and brightness. To meet this rejected daughter, who was coming from New Spain, Cortes went to Seville. There _he was taken ill, and, being molested by the im- portunity of many persons who came to see him on business, he retired to a small village, about half a league from Seville, called Castilleja de la Cuesta. He also sought retirement for the pur- pose, as Bernal Diaz says, of making his will* * His will, however, is dated Seville. DEATH OF CORTES. 293 and preparing his soul for death. ‘“ And when he had settled his worldly affairs, our Lord Jesus Christ was pleased to take him from this trouble- some world.” He died on the 2nd of December, 1547, being then sixty-two years of age. Cortes was buried with much pomp in the private chapel of the Dukes of Medina Sidonia in the San Franciscan monastery of Seville. Afterwards his remains were taken to New Spain and interred at Tezcuco. The legitimate children that he left were Don Martin, Donna Maria, who was. to have been married to Don Perez Osorio, but who after- wards married the Conde of Luna de Leon; Donna Juana, Donna Catalina and Donna Leo- nor. He also left two sons and three daughters illegitimate. In his will he leaves money to found a hospital, a college and a nunnery. The mar- quis, as his chaplain tells us, was always a great almsgiver. He would even run into debt to give alms to poor people; and, on his death-bed, he inculeated the sacred duty of almsgiving upon his heir, whom he loved, and who loved him, Don Martin Cortes. The following extract from the will of Cortes 294 WILL OF CORTES. shows how anxious he was to make a restitution in those cases wherein he had acted, or might have acted, unjustly. ** Item. Because doubts have arisen with re- spect to those natives of New Spain who have been made slaves, as well those of war as of ransom, namely, whether they can be held with a sufficiently good conscience or not, and up to this time the question is not settled, I desire that it should be ascertained what in this matter I ought not to have done, and that for the discharge of conscience as regards these slaves, that should be done which ought to be done in respect of those which I hold. And I charge upon my son and heir Don Martin, and upon his successors, that they should use all diligence for the discharge of my conscience and theirs in this matter.” He then desires that, with regard to all those lands which he has taken for gardens, vineyards, cotton-grounds and other purposes, it should be ascertained whether they were the property of the natives; and, if so, restitution and compensation should be made to the real owners. He also desires that the personal services which he has received from his vassals, in addition CORTES’ DISCOVERIES. 295 to their tribute, should be ascertained; and, as there are doubts whether these personal services ought to have been rendered to him, it should be seen whether any of them were rendered unjustly ; and if so, full payment and restitution should be made. It remains that a general and a just estimate should be made of the actions of this renowned warrior. It has been admitted that the enter- prises undertaken by Cortes, subsequently to that of the conquest of Mexico, were, for the most part, unsuccessful. This statement, however, must be understood with a certain limitation. Cortes was a great discoverer as well as a great conqueror. But some of his most important discoveries, such as that of Guatemala and New Galicia, were in- evitably worked out by the captains whom he sent forth; and it is much to be noticed that this discovery by deputy, whether made on the in- stance and at the expense of the King of Spain, or of his Governors in the Indies, or of private individuals, was- seldom or ever beneficial to the suggesters and providers of the expedition who stayed at home. Conquest and discovery in the 296 THE DISCOVERIES AND New World were not things that could be done by deputy—that is, at least, with any advantage to the deputing persons. ‘This impressed an ap- pearance of failure upon their doings, although in many instances, and especially in that of Cortes, the devising of the enterprise was the result of much boldness, skill, ingenuity and knowledge. It has been necessary to bring before the reader the efforts of Cortes in the direction of new discovery and of new conquest, otherwise his life might almost seem to have been barren of enterprise and to have been an active life only during that year in which he conquered Mexico. But he was always busy in great enterprises. Besides those that have been recorded here in some detail, he sent ships to discover the Spice Islands, to find out a new way to China, and to ascertain whether there was any communication by sea between the Atlantic and the Pacific. When Pizarro was in great straits in Peru, Cortes did not fail to send assistance to his brother con- queror.* * Cortes sent Rodrigo de Grijalva from new Spain in a ship of his own, with a large supply of arms, armour, and clothing, ACTIONS OF CORTES. 297 Men who afterwards distinguished themselves much in conquest and in government had been the lieutenants of Cortes; and, in short, at what- ever point you take up the history of the Indies, during the life of the great Marquis, you generally find that he was in some way or other concerned in what was going on. In truth the lives of Las Casas, Cortes and Pizarro, if told in full detail, would almost exhaust the history of America of that period. I have not given the life of Cortes in this detail, because I know that men’s memories and their patience of details are very limited things, and that to recount a number of abortive enter- prises, or enterprises that were hereafter carried into fulfilment by other discoverers and con- querors, would only perplex the reader and lead him away from the contemplation of the main events in the life of Cortes. Still, in justice to this great man, it must not be forgotten that his life was full to the brim of anxious labour; and that the conquest of Mexico was but one, though the most notable, of the many enterprises which he undertook. Whether he was ill or well, I have good reason for thinking that no day passed in the life of Cortes which was 298 MEXICAN HISTORY. not largely occupied in designing great things, and in making preparations to fulfil these great designs. Amongst all modern histories I think the Mexi- can, if it were thoroughly known to the world, would be considered to be one of the most in- teresting. If we take an individual Mexican of the higher and more cultivated class at the time of the conquest, he was perhaps one of the most extraordinary beings that the world has ever seen. He was full of knowledge; he was accomplished in art. Mere cleverness and skill in the arts of living had been carried to the highest extent by his people. He was even a most refined person. The prayers of the Mexicans are among the most beautiful prayers, as far as we know, that have ever been offered up by man. At the same time this cultivated, this accomplished, this pious man was the victim of as degrading a superstition as ever enslaved and brutalized mankind. To justify the assertion made above as to the beauty of the Mexican prayers, an assertion which may natu- rally appear to be one requiring some proof, I will subjoin the prayer of a Mexican priest, called a satrap, after hearing the confession of a penitent. BEAUTY OF THEIR PRAYERS. 299 *Qur Lord most gracious, the defender and favourer of all; you have just heard the con- fession of this poor sinner, in which he has made known in your presence his rottenness and filthi- ness.” ‘The satrap then went on to say, in words which I shall abridge, that the sinner might have concealed some of his sins, in which case dire will be his punishment; but perchance he has spoken the whole truth, and now feels “dolour and dis- content” for all that is past, and firm resolve never to sin more. ‘Then the satrap* said, “I speak in presence of your Majesty, who knowest all things, and knowest that this poor wretch did not sin with entire liberty of free will, but was helped and inclined to it by the natural condition ——— * T keep the word “satrap,” as it is used in the original, and may give a clue to the Mexican word which it represents. ‘ Satrap,” in the middle ages, had a signification it has since lost. ‘“Chartam Aithel- redi Regis Angl. post Duces subscribunt aliquot viri nobiles, cum hoc titulo, Satrapa Regis. Que appellatio eadem est forte que Ministri. Vide in hac voce. (8. Bernarvus de Consid. lib.iv. Quid illud sit dicam, et non proderit. Cur? quia non placebit Satrapis, plus majestati quam veritati faventibus.”)—Ducaneg, Gloss. ‘‘ Satrapa.”’ Mexican prayer after con- fession. Mexican prayers after con- fession. 300 METAPHORS OF THE of the sign under which he was born. And since it is so, O most gracious Lord, defender and favourer of all men, even if this poor man has grievously offended against you, peradventure — will you not cause your anger and your indigna- tion to depart from him?” Continuing in this strain, the satrap besought pardon and remission of sins, a thing which descends from heaven as clearest and purest water,” with which “ your Majesty,” he said, “ washes away and purifies all the stains and filthiness which sins cause in the soul” (todas las mancillas, y suciedades, que los pecados causan en el anima). The satrap addressed the penitent and told him that he had come to a place of much danger and labour and dread, where there is a ravine from which no one who had once fallen in could make his escape; also, he had come to a place where snares and nets are set one with another, and one over against another. All this is said me- taphorically of the world and of sin, ‘The satrap proceeded to speak of the judgment to come in another world, and of the lake of miseries and intolerable torments. ‘ But now, here you are,” he said to the penitent, “and the time is arrived WORLD AND SIN. 301 in which you have had pity on yourself to speak with our Lord, who sees the secrets of hearts.” And then the satrap told the penitent there was a new birth for him, but he must look to his ways well, and see that he sinned no more. F inally, he must cleanse his house* and himself, and seek a slave to sacrifice before God (there is the blot on the whole proceeding), and he must work a year or more in the house of God, and undergo penitential exercises, piercing his tongue for the injurious words it had uttered; and he must give in charity even to the depriving of himself of sustenance: “ for look,” said the satrap, speaking of the poor, “ their flesh is as thy flesh, and they are men as thou art, especially the sick, for they are the image of God. ‘There is no more to say * In reference to this cleansing of the house, the exhortation is as follows :—‘ Carefully cleanse and pre- serve thy house, and thou wilt often meet that most gracious youth who ever goes through our houses, and through our districts,, comforting and recreating, and works, seeking his friends to console them, and be con- soled with them.” This is said entirely in a spiritual sense, for the prayer has just declared that God is “invisible and impalpable.” — Aczio, Antiquities of Mexico. KrnesporouGn’s Collection, vol. v. p. 370. Mexican prayer of anew king, 302 MEXICAN PRAYER ON to thee; go in peace; and I pray God that he may help thee to pei‘orm that which thou art bound to do, for he is gracious to all men.” * There is another prayer which also is one that must raise our opinion of the thoughtfulness of the Mexicans in the construction of their prayers. It is the prayer of a king, or governor, upon his election, in which, after celebrating the greatness of God (this also is addressed to Tezcatlipuk), and debasing himself before Him, saying that he de- serves blindness of his eyes and crushing of his body (a confession which many rulers might make after they have had the government), he goes on to say, that he it is who requires to be governed, and that the Lord must know many to whom he could confide this charge of government; but since “‘ you are determined,” he says, “ to put me forward as an object of scandal and laughter for the world, let your will be done. Peradventure,” ee * «Mira que su carne és como la tuya, y que son hombres como tu; mayormente 4 los enfermos porque son imagen de Dios. No hay mas que te decir; vete en paz, y ruego 4 Dios que te ayude 4 cumplir lo que eres obligado 4 hacer, pues que el favorece 4 todos.” Kinesporouen’s Collection, vol. v. p. 871. A KING’S HLECTION. 303 he exclaims, ‘‘ you do not know whol am. After that you know what person I am, you will seek another, depriving me of the government, being weary of enduring me. Perchance,” he adds, “it ° is a dream, or as when one rises from'his bed in his sleep, this thing which has happened to me.” The prayer then proceeds, as the prayer of a ruler naturally would do, against war and against pesti- lence, and speaks of former rulers, and, if I un- derstand it rightly, of their joys and privileges in heaven; and then he comes to speak of his own inferiority, how he has no possibility of ruling himself, how he is in darkness, how he is a heap of refuse in a corner. “ Be gracious, therefore, O Lord,” he exclaims, “and give me a little light, if it be no more than so much as a glow- worm, which moves by night, throws out from itself, that I may find my way in this dream and this sleep of life, which lasts as a day, where there are many occasions for stumbling, and many things to give occasion for laughter, and other things that are as a rugged road, which have to be passed by leaping.” * * «Tened por bien, Sefior, de me dar un poquito de Mexican prayer of a new king. 304 MEXICAN SUPERSTITION He concludes by saying, “ Our Lord most gracious, you have made me sit in your seat and be. your instrument of voice (vuestra flauta)* without any desert of my own ;” and afterwards he adds, * Although I am a poor creature, I wish to say that unworthily I am your image, and re- present your person, and the words which I shall speak have to be held as your words, and my countenance to be esteemed as your countenance, and my hearing as your hearing, and the punish- ments that I shall ordain have to be considered as if you ordained them; wherefore, I pray you, put within me your spirit and your words, that all may obey, and that none may be able to con- tradict.” f eee lumbre, aunque no sea mas de quanto echa de si una lucerna que anda de noche, para ir en este sueno y en esta vida dormida que dura como espacio de un dia, donde hay muchas cosas en que tropezar, y muchas cosas en que dar ocasion de reir; y otras cosas que son como camino fragoso, que se han de pasar saltando.”— Kineszoroven’s Ooll., vol. v. p. 379. * The force of this expression will be understood when an account is given of Tezcatlipuk’s festival, in which a flute was sounded at certain intervals. + A doubt will occur to many minds as to how these ROOTED OUT BY CORTES. 805 After reading the above, the reader must feel sympathy with the Mexican; but he cannot also help feeling sympathy with his great conqueror, who had entered the hideous temples of Mexico and had seen piled up there the skulls of one hundred and thirty-six thousand victims, and who was resolved to introduce Christianity in the place of this most hideous and degrading superstition. Let us not part from Cortes while thinking of him only as an unsuccessful man, immersed in lawsuits, made little of by the rulers of Spain, long prayers were retained in the memory of the Mexi- cans, whose means of writing with exactitude were, comparatively speaking, limited. The same doubt oc- curred to the celebrated Acosta three hundred years ago, and he expressed it to one who was able to satisfy him. In the original manuscript of Juan de Tovar, possessed by Sir Thomas Phillips, Bart., of Middle Hill, the letter of Acosta and the answer of Tovar are given. «Pero, para conservarlos por las mismas palabras, que . los dixeron sus oradores y poetas, avya cada dia exer- eicio dello, en los colegios de los mozos principales, que avyan de ser sucesores 4 estos, y con la continua repe- ticion, se les quedava en la memoria, sin discrepar pala- bra, tomando las oraciones mas famosas, que en cada tiempo se hazian por método, para imponer 4 los mozos, que avyan de ser retéricos, y de esta suerte se conser- Il. xX 306 BERNAL DIAZ ON THE and in the decadence of his powers and his hopes; but as the mighty conqueror of one of the most compact and well-ordered barbaric nations of the world—a conqueror who with a few hundreds of his fellow countrymen, not all of them his par- tizans, overcame hundreds of thousands of fanatic and resolute men fighting against him with im- mense resources, and with a resolution nearly equal to his own. Let us give him the benefit of his sincere belief in Christianity, and his deter- ‘mination to substitute that beneficent religion for the hideous and cruel superstition of the people he was resolved to conquer. And let us echo the wish of that good common soldier, Bernal Diaz, who, though having his grievances against Cortes, as all the other Conquistadores thought they had, could yet, after watching every turn in the for- tunes of the great Marquis, and knowing almost varon muchos parlamentos, sin discrepar palabra, de gente en gente, hasta que vinieron los HEspamoles, que en nostra letra escrivieron muchas oraciones, y cantares, que yo vi, y assi se han conservado. Y con esto queda respondido 4 la ultima pregunta, de ‘ Cémo era possible tener estos memoria de las palabras,’ etc.”—-JUAN DE Tovar, Historia de los Indios Mexicanos, MS. CHARACTER OF CORTES. 307 every sin that he had committed, write most tenderly of the great captain whose plume he had so often followed to victory. After saying that subsequently to the conquest of Mexico Cortes had not had good fortune either in his Californian or his Honduras expeditions, or indeed in anything else he had undertaken, Bernal Diaz adds, “‘ Perhaps it was that he might have felicity in heaven. And I believe it was so, for he was an honourable cavalier, and a devoted worshipper of the Virgin, the Apostle St. Peter, and other Saints. May God pardon his sins, and mine too, and give me a righteous ending, which things are of more concern than the conquests and victories that we had over the Indians.” ae ven. é Fim 4 LE ‘Oa E V uly ’ SLU T; / y THE END. CHISWICK PRESS: C. WHITTINGHAM AND cO., TOUKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, Fy dae pees a ie ; + i/o tie ier oF i Ve af as ay? ois, a 037817522