meg ee eh ye ne eos pak saben De acme ed wee eT RET eee ee nee era eet SLE A NA A Fly ARE) | AIRED et SmI PR ie ate oe bs ee a eae — Mintsetneepiarnnerinaicimatiegior ee ete Ep FLEAS RSERALA TEU RER EERE ULES CEEELSECRLORL USE EPEROE ETS papas, it tt Teritr titan i tacteetiel re itcisees setter t ae! PENT ETLPEY TERE EEE EERE ETACTPES ELEC CEES i ft Company, and a comparison with the original drawings shows | that it preserves the original form and general appearance, although the wheels are of later pattern. The same engine 24 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS is shown on a preceding page in contrast with a modern English locomotive of 1924. This event, however, was quickly overshadowed by the most far-reaching success of Stephenson’s career. He was employed in the construction of the Liverpool & Manches- GEORGE STEPHENSON’S “ROCKET” ciao an _FARLY MODEL ter Railway, which in itself was a great engineering feat across a swamp district known as Chat Moss. Here again he persuaded his directors to give his newly constructed engine a chance. They accordingly offered a prize of £500 for a locomotive to run ten miles an hour, drawing three times its weight. The trial came off on October 26, 1829, and was won by Stephenson’s ever-famous “Rocket.” The boiler of this famous locomotive was cylindrical, 40 inches broad and 72 inches long; the cylinders, placed at an angle of, 37 "deorees, were 8 inches by 17 inches. There were 25 copper tubes 3 inches |_STEPHENSON’S “PLANET”, 1830 E : ; “ The real prototype of early American in diameter, with a heating locomotives, Note the resemblance surface of 138 square feet. a eee es The “Rocket” had a grate area of 6 square feet. The diam- eter of the driving wheels was 56% inches. In working order it weighed 4 tons, 5 cwt., the tender 3 tons, 4 cwt. In the trial competition the tender was taken as part of the load. It attained a speed of 291% miles an hour. The award of the prize to the “Rocket” in the Rainhill trials of October 26, 1829, was not received without much adverse comment on the conduct of the judges in changing the conditions during their progress. Before these changes “The Novelty,” entered by Messrs. Braithwaite & Ericsson BEFORE THE IRON HORSE CAME 25 of London, had demonstrated its superior speed by making “one mile in the incredibly short space of 1 minute and 53 seconds,” according to a contemporary observer. On the second day it drew a load three times its own weight at “the rate of 2034 miles an hour,” consuming its own smoke, coke being the fuel used, but was unable to complete the trial LOCOMOTIVE NO. 1, BUILT FOR THE STOCKTON & DARLINGTON RAIEWAY BY ROBERT STEPHENSON & CO. IN 1825 Though rebuilt more than once, it preserves its original form, only the wheels being of a different pattern because of rain “which clogged the railways with mud.” In a subsequent trial one of the feed pipes burst and the tempo- rary repair was “too green” to stand the necessary steam pressure. “The Novelty” weighed only 2 tons 15 cwt., or slightly more than half Stephenson’s “Rocket.” American youth will be interested to know that the junior member of the firm of Braithwaite & Ericsson was no other than John Ericsson, who came to the United States in 1839, in time to build the first Monitor, in 1861, and to revolutionize the con- struction of warships. A real novelty entered in the Rainhill trials was Bran- dreth’s horse engine called “Cyclopede,” weighing 3 tons. 26 HISTORY (OF “AMERICAW RAILY ALS “THE NOVELTY”—BRAITHWAITE & ERICSSON, RIVAL OF STEPHENSON?S# ROCKET? The Rainhill award of October 26, 1829, may be said to have ended the experimental stage of the locomotive. In the cost of railway construction the British pioneers set a pace which has kept them in the lead ever since. Up to the end of 1835, five years after it was opened, the little Liverpool & Manchester road had cost £1,195,000, or about BRANDETH’S PATENT HORSE POWER ENGINE—1829 BEAORE. CHE. TRON HORSE-“CAME tae $187,495 per mile. Much of this was due to the excessive cost of the right of way. The value of railway lands in Eng- land in 1887 was placed at $1,615 per acre. At such a valua- tion the right of way of American railways in 1924 would be something over $5,500,000,000! The “Planet,” built by Robert Stephenson & Co. in 1830, was destined to be the type for a long line of practical engines THE “SAVANNAH” First steamship to cross the Atlantic. From drawing by C. B. Hudson under direction of Captain J. W. Collins of United States Commission of Fish and Fisheries in 1889. and from the illustration is seen to be a great advance upon its —predecessors-of the ~ Locomotion” type: The Coming of Steam to America It is now in order to cross the Atlantic and see how the new force in mechanics fared in our land of sparse settle- ments and magnificent distances. Singularly enough, the first steamship to cross the ocean sailed from Savannah. She was named after the city from which she cleared, although built in New York. The “Savannah” sailed on May 20, 1819, and her log records that she sighted Cork, Ireland, on June 18 following. She was a hybrid, for sail and steam, 99 feet long, with a 26-foot beam, and registered 350 tons. Her paddle wheels were arranged with a series of joints, so that they 28 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS could be easily detached and hoisted on board, in case of storm. They could be shipped and unshipped in 20 minutes. When the “Savannah” reached the English Channel, she was mistaken for a ship on fire, and a revenue cutter that went to her assistance reported that “this strange ship went faster with bare poles than we could do with all sails set.” Dhe Savannah adm staterooms, but a wholesome terror of the two-fold perils of sea and steam kept them unoccupied on her maiden yoyare. = - hem natticanoment was merely significant of the avidity with which American OLIVER EVANS—1735-1819 ingenuity seized upon the Inventor of first high pressure engine. invention of Watt to- im- prove transportation conditions in the new world. Oliver Evans, who was credited with the invention of the high pressure engine in 1800, came to the front with one of the curiosities of steam locomotion. It was nothing less ambi- tious than an amphibious locomotive. It was provided with four wheels, upon which it traveled by land, and with a paddle wheel in the rear for propul- sion when it reached its na- tive element. Evans aiso con- structed the first steam dredge, consisting of a flat scow equipped with a small engine to work the machinery for raising the mud. This OLIVER EVANS’ ERUCTOR AM.- D dredge was also fitted with EA BOULS Oe wheels on which it propelled itself to the Schuylkill river, near which it was built. In 1780 Evans built a multitubular boiler in which the water was in the tubes, where in the modern boiler the heat is in the tubes and the water surrounds them. Evans was a BEFORE THES IRONY HORSE CAME 29 typical Yankee inventor and. was able to turn his in- ‘genuity to almost any mechanical contrivance that came under his observation. = FIRST PASSENGER COACH, QUINCY RAILROAD ) . The coming of the first American railway is generally traced to the construction of a tram road in 1826 from Quincy to Charleston, Massachusetts, to carry stone for the Bunker PRIMITIVE WOODEN RAILWAY AND CAR WITH DOUBLE FLANGES The artist failed to complete the switch Hill monument. It was purely a quarry road, operated by grav- ity and horse power. The horses pulled the cars up hill and rode down. | Another gravity road frequently mentioned in the early chronicles of American railways was that built at 30 HISTORY OF AMERICAN ARAILVAALS Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania,.in 1827, to convey coal from the mine at Summit down to the Lehigh river. Still another tramway of these pre-railway days was that from Carbondale to Honesdale, some sixteen miles. It was on this last men- tioned road that the “Stourbridge Lion,” the first locomotive used in the United States, imported from England, had its trial trip. Although it weighed only seven tons, it was found too heavy for the primitive tracks of those days. These pioneer experiments, however, have to concede pri- macy to the tramway built in Ridley township, Delaware county, Pennsylvania, in 1806 FREIGHT TRAIN ON THE QUINCY : LINE—THE FIRST RAILWAY by Thomas Leiper for the IN AMERICA, transportation of stone from his quarries on Crum Creek to his landing on Ridley Creek, a distance of about one mile. It is thus described in Dr. George Smith’s history of Delaware county, compiled in 1862: “The ascents were graded inclined planes, and the super- structure was made of white oak with cross ties and string pieces. The cars or trucks were very similar to those now in use, the wheels being made of cast iron with flanges. The line of the road can still be seen. This railroad was super- seded=by thes eiper ¢Canal, which passed from the upper quarries down Crum Creek to the landing, in 1828, and it was used until 1852, when.it...}f in turn was superseded by the |; present railroad.” Although the first locomo- tive of whose trial on Ameri- can rails we have any record, BANK OF THE DELAWARE & HUD- the “Stourbridge Lion” was SON CANAL COMPANY AT 13 WALL STREET, NEW YORK IN 1825. not the first locomotive to reach these shores, as the following notes furnished the writer by President Loree of the Delaware & Hudson Company BErOneebieeirON HORSE “CAME asl (originally the Delaware & Hudson Canal Company), which built the 16-mile line from Honesdale to Carbondale, testify : “This company sent its agent, Mr. Horatio Allen, to Eng- land in January, 1828, to secure locomotives to work on its gravity railroad from Carbondale to Honesdale, between the inclined planes, of which there were eight. One locomotive, re : Sa S GENERAL OFFICES—DELAWARE & HUDSON CANAL CO. IN ALBANY ABOUT 1870 the ‘America,’ was bought of Stephenson & Company of New- castle, and arrived in New York on the steamship ‘Columbia’ on January 15, 1829. Three locomotives, the ‘Stourbridge Lion,’ the ‘Delaware’ and the ‘Hudson’ were bought of Foster, Rastrick & Company of Stourbridge, about sixteen miles from Birmingham, England. The ‘Stourbridge Lion’ arrived in New York on May 13, 1829.” The two others arrived in Au- gust and September, 1829, but what became of them is not recorded. “Both the ‘America’ and the ‘Stourbridge Lion’,” continues Mr. Loree, “were shipped by sloop to Rondout and there unloaded. We have a record of the shipment of the ‘America e PHIT.TIP HONE, 1781-1851 First President, Delaware & Hudson CanalsCo. Be HISTORY, OP VAMERICAN- “RAILWAYS on the Delaware & Hudson Canal, but no further trace of ii, .exceptathat, oaeamimeits cylinders is now in the Smith- sonian Institution at Wash- ateqdeyaen Pot Apparently the trial trip of the “Stourbridge Lion” on August 8, 1829, was its last, because the strap rails were too sight to carry its seven tons, where Allen had con- tracted for only three. Allen -demonstrated his courage if not his discretion by running the. “lion™ across «the; irem= bling trestle’ at the rate of “ten miles an hour amid deaf- GENERAL OFFICES OF THE DELAWARE & HUDSON COMPANY IN ALBANY IN 1924 Note the word ‘‘Canal’ was dropped from the title in 1899 by act of the legislature DEPOT IKON. AORSE«GAME 33 ening cheers,’ but none of the cheering multitude accepted his _ invitation to become immortal by accompanying him. ) To the “Stourbridge Lion” belongs the honor of having been the first steam locomotive to run on any American railway. } The cost of these two forerunners of the sixty-odd thousand American locomotives of today, as furnished by Mr. Loree, was as follows: “America” od Beis} ees PC Cee. ce eee ete eens $2,581.00 $2,190.63 FRIGHPAN Cements heey. ba wate 95.79 26.79 EU aci tee ch cmebgn dre uments 2k 8 UR oes os 230.08 93.33 Sof Orns eae ae a eee wes 709.65 604.15 Commission 1 per cent...... 27.90 Syesed mapense: unloading “7 incase jaa eaie’ py ee ree $3,663.30 $2,914.90 The commission on the purchase of the “Lion” was in- cluded in the price. The grand total bill for the four locomo- tives bought by the Delaware & Hudson Company was $12,515.58, or about one-fifth the cost of an up-to-date mod- ern locomotive. Early in 1825 the “Pennsyl- vania Society for the Promo- tion of Internal Improve- ments in the Commonwealth” sent William Strickland, engi- neer, to Europe to collect in- HORATIO ALLEN : : F Engineer sent by the Delaware & Hudson formation relating to the Cc to Engl in 1828 . eet construction of canals, roads, railways, bridges, steam engines and various industrial arts. Its instructions excluded principles and theories and called for definite plans, drawings, specifications and estimates of cost. His first inquiries were to be directed to railways. And his instructions ended with the injunction, “Locomotive ma- chinery will command your attention and inquiry. This is entirely unknown in the United States and we authorize you 34 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS to procure a model of the most THESE locomotive machine at the expense of the Society.” = ma i 1 | \ THE STOURBRIDGE LION First English locomotive on Delaware & Hudson track (From a drawing.) The First Railroad in the United States We have now arrived at the time when track and power were to be combined to give America its first railways. [To the Baltimore & Ohio belongs the honor of that historic con- junction of the elements that were to link the distant states - in the Union that was to prove indissoluble. At the ceremony. “for breakin & ground for this road on Julv aeie2s, Charles .Carroll voi Carrollton, then-in his 92d : year, }said: “I consider this MODEL OF FIRST ENGLISH LOCO. MOTIVE IMPORTED IN 1829. among the most important acts of my life; second only to that of signing the Declaration of Independence, if even second to that.” He lived to see it completed to the Point of Rocks, 73 miles from Baltimore. Originally operated as a horse railroad, the Baltimore & Ohio was the scene of the celebrated contest between a horse drawn car and the experimental locomotive “Tom Thumb” built by Peter Cooper. Unfortunately for the engine, the belt that worked Mr. Cooper’s contrivance for blowing the fire slipped off the drum at a critical stage of the race and before BEFORE, THE. IRON. HORSE CAME 35 it could be adjusted the old gray horse of the story came in -an easy winner. demonstrated its superiority, batrine) accidents,» over. the fleet animal that for ages had been the recognized symbol of speed and power. | The Balti- more & Ohio road was opened for traffic for 14 miles in 1830, the same year that Abraham Lincoln left his mother’s cabin to shift for himself, To Colonel Stevens of Hoboken is due the high honor of being the first con- Spicuous American to urge persistently the construction of locomotives on railways for long distance transportation on this continent. discouraged’ him. But even so, in this contest the iron horse PETER, COOPER No successive disappointments daunted or He built and ran a steamboat nine years before Fulton built the “Clermont,” and also patented a multi- tubular boiler as early as 1803. Stevens built and operated the PETER COOPER’S “TOM THUMB” The first locomotive built by an American first engine that ever ran on wooden tracks in the United States. As early as 1811, Colonel Stevens had applied to the New Jersey legislature for a railroad charter. Failing in this, he tried to persuade the Erie canal commissioners, just appointed in New York, to build a railway instead of a canal across the state from Albany to Buffalo. But they were wedded to the waterway SO HISTORY -OF AMERICAN RAIEWAYS project, so once more the persistent colonel turned to the legislature of his own state, which this time, in 1815, granted him a charter, the first of its kind in the New World, THE RACE BETWEEN: A SNS eae PETER COOPER’S TOM THUMB 1830. to build a railroad to join the Delaware and Raritan rivers, connecting at either end with steamboat lines for Philadel- phia and New York. His road did not materialize for the same reason that held similar schemes in leash—lack of con- fidence, credit and, more to the point; lack of cash, ~din- vestors were still shy of put- ‘ting good money into an en- terprise where the investment was certain and irrevocable but the returns were at least problematical. In those days the necessary funds had to be secured by selling securities at a discount that would be > NOR considered prohibitive today. COL. JOHN STEVENS—1749-1838 Obtained first charter to build an Amer- Colonel Stevens next di- eupiinde hoes veg rected his attention to Phila- delphia, where, through the aid of some of its business men, in 1823 he secured a charter to build a railroad from Phila- delphia to Columbia, a town on the Susquehanna twenty- seven miles south of Harrisburg. This charter contained several clauses of interest to this day. It was to be in force only ten years, the rails were to cross all pikes and roads on causeways and the company might charge seven cents a ton BEPC Rie dite KON HOOKS Eh. CAME 37 per mile on freight moving westward and half that sum on freight bound east, an evident concession to the difference in grade. The State of Pennsylvania subsequently repealed this charter and itself assumed the burden of building a railroad threugh Lancaster to Columbia. In all the histories of those stirring times there is a plenti- ful lack of reliable data as to the cost of railway construction. The Quincy tramway is said to have cost “about $34,000,” or “about” $8,500. per mile. The powerful 7-ton locomo- tive, the “Stourbridge Lion,” built in England, already mentioned, was entered at the Custom House as having cost $4,869.59, “including freight duties and insurance ($2,-. 914.90, according to Mr. Bercemrstpra )..- ana 4 eter Cooper’s “Tom Thumb” was said to have cost about $2,000 to build. A few things about those SAILING CAR, TESTED ON THE primitive railroads are of in- NS eee age ga terest. Colonel Stevens had From Brown's History to lay a circular track to demonstrate that a locomotive could haul a train around curves; the first rails were long wooden stringers protected on the top from the wear of the wheels by strap iron nailed on, and the locomotives, weighing only a few tons, gave more promise of speed than of tractive power. Engineers still dcubted the adhesion of a smooth wheel on a smooth rail, which Trevithick had demonstrated twenty years before. The longest road actually under con- struction in 1830 was 135 miles, from Charleston to Hamburg, South Carolina. The common country highway of those days cost from $300 to $500 per mile to build, and it was estimated that it cost 25 cents to move a ton a mile on its normal surface. As 38 HISTORY) OF VAMETTCGAN RAILWAYS the cost of these early turnpikes rose to $3,000 and $5,000, the cost of moving a ton was reduced to 20 cents a mile—from which cost it had not varied much until the motor truck on hard-surfaced highways, costing from $30,000 to $50,000 per mile, reduced the rate. | The First State Railway \ When the State of Pennsylvania took the construction of the Philadelphia & Columbia Railway off the hands of Colonel Stevens’ company, the line was finally located in 1828 and construction began in 1829. This was the first railway work undertaken by a State governments About twenty miles at the eastern end of the road was opened for travel in 1832 and the entire line, 81 miles, with two tracks, was completed by 1834. Unlike the railways of today, the State owned only the track and rented its use for both passenger and freight cars to individuals or companies who furnished horses or mules to haul them, paying the State toll for the use of the track. At first the State owned two locomotives, for the use of which a regular toll was charged. | As originally built the Philadelphia & Columbia railway had two inclined planes. At about two miles from its com- mencement it crossed the Schuylkill by a viaduct 984 feet long and immediately ascended an inclined plane 2,805 feet long and 187 feet high. Another inclined plane 1,800 feet long and 90 feet high descended to meet the canal basin at Columbia. The inclines operated by stationary engines at the head of the planes were never satisfactory, being slow and expensive in operation, and they were scarcely finished before steps were taken to avoid them. They were abandoned in 1840, and a new line built at the east end from Ardmore to West Philadelphia. State of the Union in 1830 The year 1830 marks the true beginning of the railway era in the United States and it becomes of interest to con- sider the state of the Union in that period when the inventive genius of mankind was turned to the problem of putting BErOK eT Hee IKON, HORSE. CAME 2 wheels, tracks and power under the civilization of the world. -For a comprehensive description of the vast territory that awaited the “snort of the iron horse’ to awaken it from the semi-paralysis of great distances, that by Henry Adams in his “American History During the First Administration. of Thomas Jefferson” leaves little to be said: “According to the census of 1800,” says Mr. Adams, ‘“‘the United States of America contained 5,308,483 persons—one- fifth of them negro slaves. “Even after two centuries of struggle, the land was still untamed. “The center of population rested within eighteen miles of Baltimore. “Except in political arrangement, the interior was little more civilized than in 1750 and was not much easier to pene- trate than when La Salle and Hennepin found their way to the Mississippi, more than a century before. “A great exception broke this rule. Two wagon roads crossed the Allegheny Mountains in Pennsylvania, while a third passed through Virginia southwestward to the Holston river and Knoxville in Tennessee. “Nowhere did eastern settlements touch the western. At least one hundred miles of mountainous country held the two regions everywhere apart. The shore of Lake Erie, where alone contact seemed easy, was still tnsettled. “The same bad roads and difficult rivers, connecting the same small towns, stretched into the same forests in 1800 as when the armies of Braddock and Amherst pierced the west- ern and northern wilderness. : “Even by water, along the seaboard, communication was as slow and almost as irregular as in colonial days. The voy- age to Europe was comparatively more comfortable and more regular than the voyage from New York to Albany. “If America was to be developed along the lines of water communication alone by such means as were known to Eu- rope, Nature had decided that the experiment of a single republican government must meet with extreme difficulties. By water, an Erie canal was already foreseen; by land, cen- 40 HISTORY OF AMERICANS RAILWAY turies of labor could alone conquer those obstacles which Nature permitted to be overcome. Highways furnished no sure measure of progress. No matter how good the road, it could not compete with water, nor could heavy freights in great quantities be hauled long distances without extravagant cost. “At any known rate of travel Nashville could not» be reached in less than a fortnight or three weeks from Phila- delphia. “Politically each group of states lived a life apart. “In the Northern states four miles an hour was the aver- age speed between Bangor and Baltimore. Beyond the Poto- mac the roads became steadily worse, until south of Peters- burg even the mails were carried on horseback. “Of eight rivers between Monticello and Washington, Jef- ferson wrote, ‘five have neither bridges nor boats.’ “The usual charge (for passengers) in the Northern states was six cents a mile by stage. “The Saxon farmer of the eighth century enjoyed most of the comforts known to Saxon farmers of the eighteenth. “Fifty or a hundred miles inland more than half the homes were log ‘cabins, which might or might not enjoy the luxury of a glass window. (Abraham Lincoln was born in such a cabin in 1809 without ‘the luxury of a glass window.’) “As a rule American capital was absorbed in shipping or agriculture, whence it could not suddenly be withdrawn. No stock exchange existed and no broker exclusively engaged in stock jobbing, for there were few stocks. “A probable valuation of the whole United States in 1800 was $1,800,000,000, equal to $328 for each human being, in- cluding slaves; or $418 to each free white. “Taxes amounted to little or nothing, and wages averaged about a dollar a day.” The picture thus painted of the United States in 1800 was destined to remain so until “Tom Thumbs,” “Puffing Billies” and “Best Friends,” as the five or six-ton locomotives of the late twenties were called, undertook the giant task of rolling back the American landscape like a scroll. BEPORE THE [RON’ HORSE CAME 4] In his “Democracy in America,” published as late as 1834, De Tocqueville, the French philosopher, spoke of the Missis- sippi valley as the most magnificent dwelling place prepared by God for man’s abode and “yet at present it is but a mighty. desert.” | SIX-HORSE CONESTOGA WAGON—THE FORERUNNER OF THE “PRAIRIE SCHOONER” The Louisiana Purchase in 1803 extended our boundaries into the wilderness far beyond the Mississippi, only to make the demand for transportation greater than ever. Before the Railways Came By way of comparison it may be recalled that at the open- ing of the nineteenth century the cost of transportation by AN ARTIST’S VERSION OF THE CONESTOGA WAGON From a painting by N. H. Trotter. 42 HISTORY OF \AMERICAN RAILWAYS. pack horses, the only way, from Philadelphia to Erie, both in Pennsylvania, was stated to be $249 a ton. Then came the dirt roads traveled by the Conestoga wagon, the fore- runner of the more famous prairie schooner of the sixties, and the cost dropped to 13.51 cents per ton mile. The mere toll on the early turnpikes was 1.35 cents per ton mile and the trader furnished his own cars or wagons and motive power. The standard rate for moving a ton on canals as late as 1832 was 3 cents a mile. It was from the semi-paralysis of such rates that the railways rescued the American continent. The third decade of the 19th century dawned upon the Republic with less than 30 miles of railway actually built and operated. According to the census of 1830, this was equal to about one mile of railroad to 428,850 inhabitants, where, according to the latest returns, we now have a mile to about every 420. The contrast shows what the railways have done for this continent in less than a century. CHAPTER II THE FIRST DECADE OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS, 1830 to 1840 HYSICAL difficulties were not the only or chief obstacles in the path of the early railway promoters in America. CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON—1737-1832 Signed the Declaration of Inde- pendence Aug. 2, 1776. Turned the first sod of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad July 4, 1828. The canal mania occupied the center of the transportation stage well along through the thirties. Water carriage had the advantage of easy demon- stration, and the application of steam to river craft took precedence over land carriage until the smooth-surfaced track came to the aid of the primitive locomotive. What scanty surplus funds had ac- cumulated in America pre- ferred what appeared to be the safer investment, and the money markets of Europe looked askance upon investments in the wilds of the New World; which were still pictured, not without some reason, as the abode of savage and blood- thirsty Indians. In truth the North American Indian was still a menace and obstruction to railway building in the United States down to the days when the Union Pacific was built. The top of the stone mark- ing the spot in Baltimore where the first sod-for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad CORNERSTONE OF THE BALTI- MORE & OHIO RAILROAD, 1828 OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS (pA S BOTS y 44 ‘aVOWTIVa OIHO ® HHOWILIVA AHL AO NOILONUYLSNOD GNV NOILVZI “NVOUO AHL HLIM CHLOANNOO NYW GHHSINONILSIG ANV SYOLOEYIC ‘SYHCNNOA AHL 40 DNILNIVd FIRST DECADE, 1830-1540 45 was turned bears the following inscription, which has come to be of inestimable historic value: tes PONE PRESENTED BY THE STONE CUTTERS OF BALTIMORE in Commemoration of the Commencement of The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was here placed on the 4th of July, 1828, by the Grand Lodge of Maryland, Assisted by Charles Carroll of Carrollton, the last surviving signer of The Declaration of Independence, and under the direction of the President and Directors of the Railroad Company. In connection with this epoch-marking event the accom- panying reproduction of a painting in the Board Room of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, furnished by the company, pos- sesses unusual historical interest. For identification, the best known personalities in this picture have been numbered, as follows: (1) Philip E. Thomas (1776-1861), First President B. & O. (2) Charles Carroll of Carrollton (1737-1832) (3) J. V. L. McMahon (1800-1871) (4) S. F. B. Morse (1791-1872) (5) Benj. H. Latrobe (1806-1874) (5) Peter Cooper (1791-1883) (7) John W. Garrett (1820-1884) (8) Johns Hopkins (1795-1873) (9) J. H. B. Latrobe (1830-1891) By the aid of a strong glass the reader can decipher, on the base of the picture, the names of the other figures in it. Mr. Garrett, who occupies such a prominent place in this group, came to the presidency of the Baltimore & Ohio in 1858 and is credited with having rescued it from the verge of bankruptcy. What the Waterways Were Doing In the meantime large investments in canals made it diticult™ to. raise’ funds tor .the.primitive. rarlways. In soliciting bids for locomotives of American manufac- ture in an advertisement dated January 4, 1831, President Thomas of the B. & O. imposed the following conditions: That they should consume their own smoke. 46 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS That they should not weigh over 3% tons. That they should each be capable of drawing 15 tons on a level road 15 miles an hour. That the wheel flanges should be on the inside of the rail. That the steam pressure should not exceed 100 lbs. to the square inch. CARROLL OBE GCARROLELON Enlarged from B. & O. group \ FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 47 The least radius of curvature of the road was stated to be 400 feet. “The York,” an engine built by Phineas Davis, met the general conditions but was found “too hight for advantageous use on ascending grades.” It is interesting to compare these conditions with the “Growth of Steam Locomotives” as illus- trated in succeeding pages of the history. Where the first Erie canal cost $20,000 pér mile of its four-foot depth and was deepened in 1835 to seven feet at PACKET BOAT ON THE OLD DELAWARE & HUDSON CANAL From a copyrighted reproduction by C. Klackuer, N. Y. of original oil painting by EB. L. Henry an added cost of $31,000,000, raising its total to $108,000 per mile, it was well-nigh impossible to raise funds, even at 10 per cent and upwards, to build railways costing from $6,000 to $25,000 per mile without rolling stock or adequate facilities. It has been officially estimated that a total of 4,468 miles of canal were built in the United States, costing $214,000,000. Of these, up to 1880, some 1,953 miles had been abandoned and the net income of the remaining 2,515 miles did not pay 1 per cent on the cost of construction. The right of way for canals was later used in many places for railroads, and so the investment in this form of transpor- tation was not entirely lost, except to the original owners, but practically all of the capital put into the early turnpikes was lost, as only parts of some of them were later used for rail transportation. The standard rate for moving a ton on canals in 1832 was 3 cents a mile. Previous to the opening of the Erie canal it / 48 HISTORY. OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS cost $100 to move a ton from New York to Buffalo, and 20 days was consumed in transit. In northern tiers canals could be operated only seven or eight months. In connection with the charge for carrying freight on canals, it might be added that these rates generally were fol- lowed in subsequent charters given to railroads; the Penn- sylvania Railroad Company charter stating that its rate should WHEN TRAVELERS HAD TIME TO PAINT THE LANDSCAPE Before the age of photographs and railways not- exceed 2 cents per mile for each ton of freight =the rate for passengers being 3 cents per mile for “through” passen- gers, and 3% cents per mile for “way” passengers. Under such conditions the 61 miles of the Camden & Am- boy were projected in 1830, and $4,000,000 was subscribed—a large portion of which was to be expended on a canal; the Baltimore & Ohio was started on its successive short stages to the west; the Philadelphia & Columbia secured its charter, and the first section of the Charleston & Hamburg was opened. The Mohawk & Hudson Railroad, upon which the celebrated DeWitt Clinton locomotive and train were to make a triai trip in 1831, was also among the first ventures of this period. FIRST DECADE, 1850-1840 49 It was built to connect the Hudson at Albany with the Erie Canal at Schenectady at a cost of $600,000, or $38,000 per mile. Contemporary with the en- gine built by Robert Steph- enson for the Mohawk & Hudson road was the “John Bull. ordeted = by =Colonel stevens for “thes Camden: & “Amboy Railroad and Trans- portation Company in 1831 and put into service on No- vember 12 of that year at Bor- ROBERT L.-STEVENS, 1787-1856 Designer of the first “‘T rail’? and the “hook head” spike dentown, N. J. After being out of service for many years, -on April 17, 1893, it was once more put in commission to haul what was known as the “John Bull” train to the Chicago World's Fair. tae PERS Te ERA The shaded section is Stevens’ original design as whittled in wood in 1830: The unshaded shows rail as made in England laid in the Camden & Amboy road, 1831. The train consisted of two of the original Camden & Amboy coaches andr mace. the. trie Ong miles without assistance in five days—which. was fine work for a 62-year old engine. The DeWitt Clinton was built for the Mohawk & Hud- sole Katlroad, tne company of the present New York Central Lines, at the West Point foundry in 1831, the year in which the road was opened from Albany to schenectady.:-’ The pioneer familiar cut of the famous engine, with its train of old-fashioned stage coach pattern cars, is from a silhouette cut by Brown on the spot. The original of the cut is now in the Museum of the Ilistorical Society at Hartford, Conn. 50 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS These may be regarded as the seedlings from which have sprung the mightiest system of railways in the world. All told, they are credited with only 23 miles of line in actual operation in 1830. Aside from the Baltimore & Ohio, which has held to its title through the intervening ninety years, these TAY = lOHN= BOE Built in 1831 and now in the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. daring ventures are now respectively important divisions of the Pennsylvania System, the Southern Railway and the New York Central. The coming of the advance agent of American industry and civilization was first announced on this continent by the shriek of the locomotive in the year 1831, “when the applica- tion of steam to blow a horn was first invented.” The Charleston & Hamburg, in point of performance, is entitled to precedence in the list of railways operated by ANOTHER VIEW OF THE “JOHN. BULE? FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 51 steam in the United States. It was chartered in 1827, and by January 1, 1830, six miles of road were ready for the first practical locomotive built in America. This was patterned after the “Stourbridge Lion,” which had proved too heavy THE “JOHN BULL” AS IT MADE: THE. TRIP TO CHICAGO IN 1893 for the trestles of the Delaware and Hudson Railroad in August, 1829, and was built by Horatio Allen, who had assem- bled the parts of the discarded “Lion” when it arrived from England. The locomotive was christened the “Best Friend” of Charleston and was shipped to Charleston by packet in October, where it promptly ran off the track during its trial trip. It was of this locomotive that engineers like to tell THE FIRST LOCOMOTIVE AND TRAIN RUN IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK This sketch of the silhouette as it appeared in Brown’s ‘History of Early. Locomotives in America’? was accompanied by the following note: The locomotive “De Witt Clin- ton’? was ordered by John B. Jervis, chief engineer of the Mohawk and Hudson rail- road, and was the third locomotive built in America for actual service upon a railroad. The machine was made at the West Point Foundry Works in New York, taken to Albany the latter part of June, 1831, and was put upon the road and run by David Matthew. The first experimental trial-trip was made on the 5th of July, and others at difieren: times during that month. The first excursion trip, with a train of pas- senger-cars, was made from Albany to Schenectady on August 9, 1831, on which oc- casion the author of this History of the Early Locomotives in America rode in ore of the cars (only the first two are represented above), and before the train started made the sketch as it appears above, which was pronounced a truthful representation of the locomotive, tender, and the first two of the number of cars in the train, and correct likenesses of the engineer and passengers represented in the cars. Some of them are yet living, as their letters in this work will show. The picture was cut out of black paper with a pair of scissors, a peculiar art with’ which the author was gifted from _his earliest boyhood. The original was presented by the author to the Connecticut His- torical Society; it was about six feet in length, and is yet preserved by the society and highly valued for its antiquity and truthfulness. LIBRARY waynes By 4 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS the story that a negro sat on the safety valve until its boiler burst, projecting itself and the surprised Ethiopian twenty- five feet. The engineer and two negroes were injured, but none fatally. DE WITT CLINTON TRAIN AND A MODERN LOCOMOTIVE Nothing daunted, the company ordered a duplicate of its “Best. Friend” called the “West Point,” which was put in regular service early in 1831. This road was renamed the South Carolina Railroad. The expense of rebuilding it after the war forced it into a re- ceivership in 1878, and after sale under foreclosure it was reorganized in 1881 as the South Carolina Railway, the convenient way of giving an old road a new name. It was on this road that the experiment of the trac- tive power of sails was tried with anything but satisfac- factory results. The Charleston & Hamburg Railroad was a community enterprise organized, promot- ed and financed by the citi- zens of Charleston. It was proposed to rectify the freak of despiteful Nature that emptied the waters and water-borne cotton of the Savannah River INCLINED PLANE AT MAUCH CHUNK, PA. Lehigh Valley R. R. FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 SB at Savannah instead of Charleston. The survey of this road is instructive, giving an almost straight line from Charleston to Aiken, South Carolina, and thence with a sharp bend drop- ping some 180 feet by an incline 3,800 feet down to the Savan- nah River opposite Augusta, then as now one of. the great cotton centers of the South. ANOTHER VIEW OF THE DE WITT CLINTON TRAIN The road was financed almost entirely by private subscrip- tions. The municipality backed it with a small loan of $20,000. Built on the most economical basis, the bare roadbed and track were estimate to cost slightly under $600,000. When the bills were all paid, they figured up to $904,499, or exactly $5,625.92 per mile. The miscalculation arose, according to the annalist, from “the heightened cost of labor.” When completed the Charleston & Hamburg’s 136 miles of track “was the longest railway in the world; and its operation was considered marvelous at the time.” Owing to the lack of power, the company handled only. cotton downward and light merchandise upward. Live stock, lumber and other articles that could pay only low rates, so the legend runs, “Were, declined fora time, --lhe passenger rates. fixed ‘by the legislature were said to be so low “that a poor man could not afford to walk.” Cay Al a HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS This road is now a division of the Southern Railway System. The Columbia & Philadelphia had quite a chequered career before it became the main stem of the modern Pennsylvania System. Mention has been made of how this road was project- ed by Colonel Stevens, who got no farther. The legislature having repealed the charter granted Stevens in 1823, the state of Pennsylvania assumed the task of building a railroad from Philadelphia through Lancaster to Columbia, on the Susquehanna river ite line was located in 1828 and construction began“ in =the year following. This was the first railway work undertaken and prose- cuted by a State government in America. Immediately on ORIGINAL DRAWING OF “BEST FRIEND” i i i isan First American Locomotive built for leaving Philadelphia this line actual use used what was known as the Belmont Inclined Plane just west of the railroad bridge over the Schuylkill river in West Philadelphia, and also a plane THE BELMONT INCLINED PLANE West Philadelphia FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 Se at the Columbia end, which was subsequently abandoned, and a new line built at the east end from Ardmore to West - Philadelphia. About twenty miles at the eastern end was opened for travel in TOSo: and by 1834 the entire Passenger Coach used on the Portage line, donbleerected tron ihe Railroad over the Alleghanies in 1835 start, was completed. At first the power was furnished by horses and mules; private parties owned the passenger and freight cars and paid toll to the State for the use of its tracks. At this stage there was a strong resemblance between the railway and the highway, which has now wholly disappeared except for oratorical effect. At Columbia the rail ride ended as we 4 bie -p E 4 « y) y : ; aes LEN A: THE BEST FRIEND AND TRAIN This engine was built in New York City for the South Carolina Railroad in 1830 and made an excursion trip as above on January 15th, 1831. and the traveler took a canal packet up the river to the mouth of its tributary, the Juniata, thence up that stream to Holli- daysburg. Cars proceeded from here four miles to the foot of the Alleghenies. rom here let Charles Dickens describe what ‘hap- pened, as told in his “American Notes” of his visit to the United States in 1842: “We left Harrisburg on Friday. On Sunday morning we “arrived at the foot of the mountain, which is crossed by rail- “road. There are ten inclined planes; five ascending, and “five descending; the carriages are dragged up the former, “and let slowly down the latter, by means of stationary “engines; the comparatively level spaces between being 56 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS “traversed, sometimes by horse and sometimes by engine “power, as the case demands. Occasionally the rails are laid “upon the extreme verge of a giddy precipice; and looking “from the carriage window, the traveller gazes sheer down, “without a stone or scrap of fence between, into the mountain “depths below.” And he tells how they “rattled down a steep pass, having “no other moving power than the weight of the carriages “themselves and saw the engine released long after us come “buzzing down alone, like a great insect, its back of green EARLY AMERICAN .RAILS AND TRACKS No. 1 on the Pennsylvania portage of 1832 No. 2 first track on the Camden & Amboy in 1831 “and gold shining in the sun, that if it had spread a pair of “wings and soared away, no one would have had occasion, “as I fancied, for the least surprise. But it stopped short of “us in a very business-like manner when we reached the “canal; and before we left the wharf, went panting up the “hill again, with the passengers who had waited our arrival “for the means of traversing the road by which we had come.” From that point the novelist took a canal packet on to Pittsburgh and thence on by steamboat to Cincinnati, at that time described by him as “a beautiful city” of fifty thousand souls, “cheerful, thriving and animated.” Anyone who wishes to get a definite impression of travel by side-wheel ocean steamer from Liverpool via Halifax to Boston, “out eighteen days,” and by rail and steamboat south to Richmond and west as far as St. Louis should hunt up FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 of Dickens’ “American Notes.” They may make the reader angry, for the writer extenuated nothing, but took in every- thing with the eye of London’s greatest newspaper reporter. The Lure of the West Maryland responded to Pennsylvania’s great feat of cross- ing the Alleghenies by enacting a bill in 1836 that authorized a loan of eight million dollars in aid of a comprehensive scheme to build railroads and canals to connect Baltimore WROUGHT IRON RAIL CHAIR arc he Ohi dee riveree he method of constructing the Baltimore & Ohio is thus described in an official report in 1832: “A line of road is first graded, free from short curves and as nearly level as possible. A small trench is then formed for each track, which is filled with rubble stone, on which are laid blocks of granite or other suitable stone about one foot square and of as great length as can be obtained. ‘The upper and inner surfaces of each track are dressed perfectly even, as well as the ends of the blocks at their joinings. Bars or plates of wrought iron, near an inch in thickness, are then laid on these blocks or rails, in line with the inner sur- faces, and fastened to the stone with bolts or rivets, entering STONE BLOCKS. USED INSTEAD OF TIES IN EARLY CONSTRUCTION OF THE PHILADELPHIA & READING RAILWAY 58 HISTORY OF AMERIGAN RAILWAYS about four inches in holes fitted to receive them, at a dis- tance of about eighteen inches. The distance between the two tracks, for the wheels, should be about five feet.” The cost of a road like this, sans rolling stock, stations, etc., was figured at $28,173 per mile. The stream of emigration to the west at this period was sweeping the industrious poor from the Atlantic coast in hordes that demanded more rapid transportation than canal boats and pack mules could furnish; and Europe was called on to furnish construction funds on State guarantees at any rate of interest. The State of Indiana alone in 1836 provided for the construction of over 1,200 miles of rail- road and canal, to cost up- ward of twenty million dol- Slap yee: eri ee aoe Er eee LARS een Gam allt Otte ee ee Rint Agee tit ets stock to the amount of ten million dollars to be issued and sold abroad,” as the historian McMasters dryly remarks. And he continues, “The system of internal improvements on which IIlniois now (1836) en- tered was, if possible, wilder still.” The West was now growing at a tremendous pace. Be- tween 1830 and 1840 Indiana had almost doubled in popula- tion, from 343,031 to 685,886, while the rate of increase in the younger State of Illinois was even greater, having more than trebled from 157,445 to 476,183. Chicago was incor- porated as a city in 1837, with a population of 4,170 and one newspaper, the Chicago Dem- ocrait, merged into the Chi- cago Tribune in 1841. Dick- ens returned from St. Louis IMPROVED BOX Cae to Cincinnati via Louisville, the way he had come, apparently never having heard of Chicago! FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 59 Baldwin’s First Locomotive Among the noted group of locomotives that claimed prece- dence in the early history of American railways must not be overlooked—“Old Ironsides,” the pioneer handiwork of the house of Baldwin, whose product stretches in an uninterrupted line from 1832 to this day. Matthias Baldwin, its construc- tor, was a jeweler and watch repairer of Philadelphia, with a limited knowledge of me- Guinicses Dut che ~had. the genius and persistence to at- tempt anything in the me- chanical line that crossed his vision. The jewelry trade falling off, Mr. Baldwin be- came a partner in the manu- facture of binders, tools and cylinders for calico printing. This proved so_ successful that the service of steam pow- er was necessary to supply iS BOOGIE eee ne Bald- i tATTHIAS W. BALDWIN—1795-1866 win undertook to design an Inventor and founder of the Baldwin engine for that purpose. The EE herp ie firm’s space being limited, an upright model was adopted. The machine was so successful that it turned his attention to steam engineering and thus undoubtedly directed his thoughts to the engine on rails along which he was to go so far. At the suggestion of a fellow townsman he built a diminutive model of a steam locomotive which actually pulled two small four-seated cars around a circular track in the Philadelphia Museum in April, 1831. This demonstration led the directors of the Philadelphia, Germantown & Norristown Railroad (now a part of the Philadelphia & Reading System) to engage Mr. Baldwin to build a full-sized locomotive to supplant horse power on their road. The parts of the “John Bull,” imported from England for the Camden & Amboy Railroad, had just arrived, and before they were put together Baldwin availed = 60 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS himself of the opportunity to make an intimate and criticai study of them. ‘Then he went back and built “Old Ironsides,” which on November 23, 1832, gave a successful demonstration. As described in the “History of the Baldwin Locomotive Works,” “Old Ironsides” was a four-wheeled engine, modeled essentially on English practice of that day, as shown in the “Planet” class, and weighed, in running order, something over “OLD IRONSIDES” The first Baldwin Locomotive completed in 1832 for the Philadelphia Germantown & Northern Railroad five tons. The rear or driving wheels were fifty-four inches in diameter on a crank axle placed in front of the firebox. The cranks were thirty-nine inches from center to center. The front wheels, which were simply carrying wheels, were forty- five inches in diameter on an axle placed just back of the cylinders. The cylinders were nine and one-half inches in diameter by eighteen inches stroke and were attached hori- zontally to the outside of the smoke-box, which was D-shaped, with the sides receding inwardly, so as to bring the center line of each cylinder in line with the center of the crank. The wheels were made of heavy cast iron hubs, wooden spokes and rims and wrought iron tires. The frame was of wood, FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 61 placed outside the wheels. The boiler was thirty inches in diameter and contained seventy-two copper flues, one and one-half inches in diameter and seven feet long.’ The tender was a four-wheeled platform, with wooden sides and back, carrying an iron box for a water tank, inclosed in a wooden casing and with a space for fuel in front. The locomotive showed twenty-eight miles an hour on its trial trip and sub- sequently attained thirty miles an hour with its usual train attached. Mr. Baldwin was to have received $4,000, but owing to some defects in performance compromised on $3,500. From that halting success ninety-two years ago, the first effort of an unskilled mechanic, has descended the long line of locomotives that has carried the name of their builder around the globe. In 1836 William Norris demonstrated that his locomotive could ascend the Schuylkill inclined plane at the rate of ten miles an hour. This plane had a. grade of 359 feet to the mile. The labor cost of running the railways in those early days may be judged from the pay roll of the Parkersburg shops (Philadelphia & Co- lumbia Railroad), where 31 employes, consisting of 1 manager, 1 foreman, 13 machinists, 3 blacksmiths, 1 coppersmith, 2 file makers, 1 pattern maker, 3. carpenters, 1 stationary engineer, 4 assistants and 1 watch- man, received $1,087, or $35 a month per man. At the same time enginemen received $2 a day and firemen $1.25. New York’s Belated Start BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE—1834 New York City, with its outlook to the sea, its island- locked sound to New England and its North river, the Hud- son, to the interior of the State, had more faith in waterways and their connecting canals than in the steam and iron roads that met with such popular enthusiasm to the North and 62 HISTORY, OF AMERICAN] RAILWAYS South. Its first railroad, the New York & Harlem, was not chartered until April, 1831, and was not opened until January, 1833. It was projected to run from New York to Chatham, via Dover Plains, 130 miles, but the first eight miles from near the City Hall to the Harlem river was the section that counted and justified its title. 7 The New York of 1831 (p. 390) was a modest but aspiring Pioneer of the American Locomotive Co.’s line village of some 200,000 souls. It occupied the southern end of Manhattan Island. The trip to the “Harlem Strait,” as it was then properly called, was like a journey into a far country. So it 1s not surprising to read that the route of this first met- ropolitan railway, leaving City Hall Square, passed along Center and Broome streets, and thence via Fourth avenue to the Harlem. It was the boast of its builders that its first section of eight miles cost $1,100,000, or $137,500 per mile, being the most expensive piece of railway property in the United States prior to 1839. FIRST DECADE, 1850-1840 63 In 1873 this road was leased to the New York Central & Hudson River Railroad. The lease included: the tracks to 42d Street and the Grand Central Depot, but “not the horse railroad on Fourth Avenue.” For years the company pre- served its charter from lapsing by running a box car from 42d to Chambers Street, to which the writer was a witness in 1879, when, returning from a midnight assignment for the REPRESENTATIVE BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE OF 1839 New York Tribune, he saw this solitary sentinel car propelled down the Bowery by a Julien motor and storage battery. It is one of the paradoxes of American railways that the New York Central Railroad, which was to become one of the chief factors in American rail transportation, for the better part of half a century had no entrance of its own into New York City. If the student will consult a map of New York, he will perceive at a glance that the New York & Harlem road was headed not up the Hudson but.as far from it as the Massachusetts line would permit and was destined to reach 64 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Albany over the Boston & Albany via Chatham Junc- tion. This idiosyncracy was undoubtedly due to New York’s early and unshaken faith in the Hudson as the direct line from the Island of PRIMITIVE BAGGAGE CAR Manhattan into the wilder- PSadebn & adnspois akeed | 1S Oo a not until 1846 that it turned its eyes to that inviting valley that pierced the state between the Catskills and the Berkshire Hills, and petitioned the legis- lature to charter the Hudson River Railroad. This road was opened from New York to Albany, 144 miles, in 1851. ie . oe fe - ne aso | ‘ . Se : aN r ¢ i. e 4 ae berory ™\}/D x! i Ln 9, Ws iS ohn = ILI salt Zsa 101 faye L\ NORRIS FREIGHT ENGINE Anticipating the course of this history, it may be remarked that the completion of the Hudson River Railroad prepared the way for the consolidation of the several independent lines that had finally connected Albany with Buffalo. There were as many of these as there were shades in Joseph’s coat oi many colors. The Albany & Schenectady, chartered in 1826, naturally headed the list; then came the Schenectady & Troy; the Utica & Schenectady; the Syracuse & Utica (the Syra- FIRST. DECADE, 1850-1840 65 cuse & Utica direct); the Rochester & Syracuse (direct) ; the Auburn & Syracuse; the Auburn & Rochester; the Buffalo and Lockport; the Mohawk Valley; the Rochester, Lockport & Niagara Falls, and the Buffalo & Rochester. With the acquisition of the Hudson River Railroad, the consolidation of the New York Central & Hudson River Railroad was com- plete from New York to Buffalo and went into effect on Au- A STUDY IN CONTRASTS A coal car in 1830 and a coal car of today gust 1, 1853. The enumerated links in this New York Cen- tral chain were so many independent companies, each proud of its own primitive facilities and each jealous of its connec- ‘tions. Passengers had to disembark at the end of each road and take passage on, the next link, when its conductor was ready to start. Its further extension to Detroit, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis is another story. Up to the close of 1840, parts of the New York Central System had not penetrated beyond Rochester. The New York & Erie Surely a spiteful fairy presided over the birth of the New York & Erie Railroad, the forerunner of the great trunk line that, after many vicissitudes, was to connect New York with 66 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Chicago. Its charter ran from tidewater to Lake Erie, but unfortunately the State of New Jersey lay between its project- ed line and tidewater at Jersey City. It had therefore to be content with such tidewater as ebbed and flowed at Pier- mont, which derived its name from a pier one mile long jut- ting out into the Hudson some twenty-five miles from the promised terminal in New York city. If the State of New UNIQUE PASSENGER TICKET ISSUED IN 183? By steamer to Albany, by rail to Schenectady, by canal boat to Buffalo—Note the re- striction on baggage Jersey had been less jealous of its big neighbor, the “Story of Erie” might have been far different from the “chapter” told. in the famous brochure written by Charles F. Adams thirty- odd years later. Even Mr. Adams had to place the tribute of foresight on the “citizens who originated and _ forced through to completion this great national work, as important as was ever the Appian Way to Rome.” “The road was in truth,” he wrote, “a magnificent enter- prise, worthy to connect the great lakes with the great sea- port of America. Scaling lofty mountain ranges, running through fertile valleys, and by the banks of broad rivers, con- necting the Hudson, the Susquehanna, the St. Lawrence and the Ohio, it stood forth a monument at once of engineering skill and commercial enterprise.” But, like a certain man FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 67 journeying from Jerusalem to Jericho, the Erie fell among thieves, who stripped it and left it for dead. Every attempt to revive it has run into a business depression or panic. And, although today it runs through that same favored region, renders good service to its territory and earns substantial revenues per mile, it barely meets operating expenses and fixed charges. The total cost of the 394 miles of railway built in New ele ARrIAN WAY? AS IT STILL EXISTS York State between 1832 and 1840, inclusive, was estimated at $9,578,965. Early New England Roads The first railway in Massachusetts, as well as in the United States, was appropriately enough an industrial tramway. It ran from Bryant quarries about three miles to tidewater at Neponset and was used to transport blocks of granite by horse power. Its construction is interesting beyond the fact that it carried the stone for Bunker Hill monument. Its own tracks were laid on the same granite material. These stone sleepers were placed eight feet apart. On these, great wooden rails a foot high and six inches thick were laid. Flat strips of iron three inches wide and a quarter of an inch thick were fastened by spikes to the top of the wooden beams. And so the first railroad in America was equipped for business. Rail- way, in the modern sense of the word, this little granite road of Massachusetts never was. It was operated by gravity and 68 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS horse power and never rose to the dignity of a railroad until it was purchased by the Old Colony Company in 1872, when it was relaid with T-rails and the steam whistle re-echoed among the boulders on its ancient right of way. Mention of the Old Colony Railroad introduces the reader to a group of familiar names associated with the early his- tory of New England railways. CLAIMED TO BE “THE FIRST STEAM RAILWAY DEPOT IN AMERICA” It stood, until recently, at the top of Crane Street hill, Schenectady, New York, being a one-story brick structure with a chimney at either end. First of these was the Boston & Lowell, chartered in 1830 and opened for the twenty-six miles to Lowell in 1834. The rails for this line were laid on stone blocks, which in turn rested on deep foundations of broken stone. Its companion road, the Boston & Worcester, then as now forty-four miles from the Hub to Worcester, was built in the same substantial manner and both were soon found to be too rigid and inelastic for comfortable riding. This mistake was avoided in the construction of the Boston & Providence, where wooden sleepers were laid from the first, thus render- ing the subsequent relaying of ties unnecessary. These three Massachusetts roads employed horse power on their earlier sections. In the spring of 1834 the Worcester road invested in two locomotives, appropriately named the “Meteor” and the “Rocket.” One of these was capable of FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 69 doing twenty miles an hour. They made two trips daily from Washington Street to Newton, eight, nine or ten miles, ac- cording to which of the famous Newtons was the first termi- nation of the track. The fare was 37% cents each way, show- ing the survival of the old York shilling, which afterwards became the “bit,” or 12% cents, in California as late as the seventies. PEEKSKILL LANDING ON THE HUDSON IN 1837 The first train to make the whole trip to Worcester, con- sisting of a locomotive and one passenger car, was run on July 3, 1835, to be in readiness for the formal opening on Independence Day, when four locomotives made two round trips, carrying, all told, 1,500 travelers for the celebration. The fare was $1.50 for the trip, where formerly it had been $2 by stage. An enterprising merchant of Worcester was so impressed with the advantages of the new means of trans- portation that he immediately offered to build a side track to his storehouse. | The Boston & Providence was opened a few days before the formal opening of the Boston & Worcester, but owing to 70 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS some difficulty in getting its one locomotive to work, horses had to be hitched up to the company’s two passenger cars. But June 2, 1835, the day set for the steam railway trip, was made forever memorable by the combination of stage and steamboat transport from Boston to New York in less than sixteen hours. In this signal performance Cornelius Vander- bilt participated by building the fine but ill-fated steamboat : ‘“Texineton, +.) Lizinadescom- nections at Providence with passengers who Started from Boston by stage at 2 A. M. and landed them in New Y ork at6-P AM eel Bie sas ington” was destroyed by fire “on January 12,2 1640, with a loss of 120 lives. As soon as the Boston & Providence locomotive was put in running order, the time of June 2, 1835, was quickly eclipsed, and from that day until’ an all rail route was opened in Decem- ber, 1848, the rail and water passage between Boston and New York, via Providence, had things its own way. With the combination of rail and steam boat in 1835, the gap between Boston and New York was reduced from four days to about fourteen hours, but the rivalry was not lessened. The two seaports engaged in a desperate race to see which should be first to get to Albany by rail. Of equal interest with the water and rail connection be- tween Boston and New York is the introduction of the name of Cornelius Vanderbilt in this narrative. Although at the time of building the “Lexington” he was forty-one, he had not entered upon his career as the foremost railroad manager and financier of his time. His forte, as Artemus Ward would say, was steamboats. While still a lad in his teens he bought a FIRST DECADE, 1850-1840 71 ferryboat and ran it so successfully between Staten Island and New York that it was not long before he acquired a small fleet of ferryboats and was known about New York harbor as the “Commodore.” He had what might be termed the Vanderbilt or Midas touch that turned everything he handled on sea or dry land into gold. By the time he was just over fifty his ventures in ship-building and managing had amassed what for those days was the vast fortune esti- mated at $10,000,000. Then he took to railroading and in a very short time be- came the leader in land transportation. He first bought a controlling interest in the New York & Harlem road and, having acquired the essential entrance into the heart of Man- hattan Island, he annexed the principal interest in the Hudson River Railroad and eventually in the New York Central. He was the moving spirit in the consolidation of the independent railroads between Albany and Buffalo, and ultimately ex- tended the sway of the New York Central System over the Lake Shore, the Canada Southern and the Michigan Central to Zhicago:.UVor fiiteen, years,.from 1862-tosthe time, of his death, in 1877, Cornelius Vanderbilt was the dominating figure in American railway affairs. The Panic of 1837 But the railways of the United States were not to go through the first decade of their feverish existence without experiencing some of the throes generally attendant on over- doing anything. The initial cost of construction of the early railroads and canals had imposed a heavy burden upon the capital and industry of the country. In projecting new roads they overshot current demands. As a result, according to Poor’s Manual, in many states, especially Western and South- ern, large sums of money were expended upon lines from which there was no return, while many, approaching comple- tion, were wholly abandoned. Charters and work begun in 1834-1836 were held in abeyance, not to be revived until along in the early forties, when the effects of the panic of 1837 be- gan to wear off. 72 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The case of the Galena & Chicago Union, the predecessor of the Chicago & North Western, is illustrative of the railway condition prevailing throughout the country at this time. It had received a special charter from the legislature of Illinois in January, 1836, to build a railroad out into the prairie coun- try toward the Mississippi. Under an amended charter a short preliminary survey was made and the company ob- tained 940 acres of woodland nine miles west of Chicago to secure a source of fuel supply. “Then,” says the historian of the period, “the financial ‘panic,’ beginning in the summer of 1837, put a stop to this and many other railroad projects not only in Illinois but all over the United States.” The actual construction of the Galena & Chicago Union was not resumed until 1847. In the meantime Chicago had been incorporated and quadrupled in population—from 4,179 in 1837 to 16,859 in 1847. It was only a few years earlier (1833) that the historian Charles Cleaver “saw many teams stuck fast in the streets of the village” and “remembered that once a stagecoach got mired in Clark Street, opposite the Sherman House, where it remained several days with a board driven into the mud bearing the inscription, ‘No bottom here’.” Today Chicago is the greatest railway center in the world, from which radiate more than 90,000 miles of railway to every corner of the Union. Michigan Tries Railway Ownership It was the financial collapse of 1837 that induced the State of Michigan to take over the construction of the railways it had already chartered and assisted in the preliminary stages. These roads were the Erie & Kalamazoo Railroad, chartered in 1833 (now merged through the Lake Shore into the New York Central System), and the Detroit & St. Joseph, char- tered in 1836 (the original Michigan Central). The latter company was capitalized at $2,000,000, but no work had been done on it when the State of Michigan undertook its com- pletion. By the aid of successive appropriations, this road was completed to Kalamazoo, 144 miles. In December, 1844, when 110 miles of the Central had been completed and some FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 73 terminal work on the Southern was in progress, the joint enterprise had cost Michigan the following amounts: WolitfalPeOUs TUCTIONE. tr ore Uta ead ee ere Oa EES PENS $1,842,308 pote eae Mie OUST TUIC TIO I Tae dec aeteh che Gey SOS ea aR oh vin Shaw ole pioedee 936,295 $2,778,603 10 per cent for interest and other incidental expenses........ 277,860 aay oe cre ta ek Ota I clteeiNC MOCO meee oa. = oe coeds d alee gts 30,000 ig6eoinotive.: andvcars-on Centtal- Re R.. 2. sce iic. $110,000 fee VO ies tier tre sat 8 (idste t wcclploM cic aca be ake ok oe 51,000 161,000 Sicewee Ven peer eee eee ete te Ree os Gesu idl ot A w dpe he Brave eg ae eae a $3,247,463 Governor Barry recommended the sale of the roads, to which the Legislature agreed, and they were subsequently sold to Boston capitalists for $2,000,000 and $500,000, respec- tively. Payment was made in state bonds at their face, which the purchasers had shrewdly bought in at 70 cents on the dollar, thereby securing property that had cost at least three and a half million for $1,750,000. Query, what would be con- sidered the original cost of that road? Such were the bargains that were scattered all over the country by the panic of 1837, to be snapped up by the thrifty capitalists who had the courage of their faith in the future of railroads in the United States. They had their reward, and _ had not long to wait for it, either. ; Summary of the First Decade Nothing in the amazing expansion of transportation by rail on this continent equals, in all that constitutes the Ameri- can character, the period whose salient features have so far been briefly sketched. The mental alertness and daring with which every invention and opportunity was seized on and adjusted to the peculiar conditions of this country were everywhere in evidence. Steam power, applied at first on the -water and then on the land; the locomotive adapted or simul- taneously invented in American shops; the experiments with rails, ties and foundations that finally were replaced by the | wooden sleepers, stone ballast and T-rails that we have with us today; the rivalry between canals and railways that held over into the next generation; the actual moving of American civilization dependent on speedy and powerful transportation 74 HISTORY OF: AMERICAN SRAILWAYS from the fringe of Eastern States to the valley of the Missis- sippi—it was all a part of the development of Anglo-Saxon traits in a new world, under conditions that never before confronted mankind, but for which mankind had been wait- ing and preparing from the dawn of time. What happened on this continent between 1830 and 1840 cannot be more clearly expressed than by the figures of population and rail- way mileage during that period: 3 United States—1830 to 1840 Population Miles of Railway LB OY oases er fe Goa he i aha 12,866,020 ge 20 OSE a cE See we eer eae aoe 13,252,000 95 O32 ancec Rote Dea eee ee 13,571,000 se. 6229 SEER isd ho eR RE See ees 13,924,000 = 380 LSS 4 ere heen x as hope eth a eee 14,319,000 ~ | 633 LOSS eres Lee gk de ae Oth are 14,743,000 ‘= 1,098 TSG ep eee ak hott Spe Ben ccisre ane 15,127,000 = 1,273 LSS Vertis Rear Saks ST oat Me Ce 15,532,000 ~~ 1,497 LSS SIRE eR ope oe a act a 16,037,000 1,913 TR SOM s M6 age ot ae ene 16,540,000 2,302 TOAQ PEt ho. cee che tr eee 17,069,453 2,818 Per. fcent “inereaseitarcie ee ates SEY) 12,108.7 From such insignificant beginnings the percentage of rail- way increase means nothing, but for the two years between 1838 and 1840 a 47 per cent increase gave promise of the transformation in transportation that was impending. How the mileage of 1840 was distributed among the states is an interesting exhibit: Mileage by States in 1840 Miles of Railway Population Ala Daina meet see aths coe tn ieeicl, Metet sees 46 590,756 COonnecheutir Golf Re lle eee 102 309,978 elawiare mae ben es cast sis eee 39 78,985 GEGIP ldgme ce ea sce eee 185 . 691,392 Kentutisym ees coer cl ete s eles 28 779,828 TEOtista ts ah ee ore te S'S ae eae 40 352,411 Mainiesiyetr tee rece te ver eo. 11 501,793 Marylandgandiia Gaile soe 213 5S fan. Massachivsettsmees on ees aire cube 320 737,699 MAChi¢a mri Nae cao hr. tea os 50 212 207 New mblampshiromie cess re: 53 284 574 News] erseyige mie bears aie eck 186 373.306 Ne Worl ORK sae een ete ieee 374 2,428,921 NortheCarolins Meeker ea 53 753,419 FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 75 OR Geter We oot e POO ES 30 519 467 Renna SY A aglia nt ccs. eRe te hs 754 1,724,033 IRROdewUSia nd rane: a420 coe werk cet 50 108,830 SOUti eC a rolina tse chee Fes eee wares 137 594,308 WETAGE bebe Oe peereye ean ota ey tar ee 147 1,239,797 MOta Let ee, Garters Ol he Oey Tees 2,818 13,795,495 As the total population in 1840 was 17,069,453, this would leave 3,273,958 inhabitants of the balance of the United States without any railway connection whatever. They had for the most part to get along with such highways and water- ways as had served the transportation needs of the preceding generations. But, if the completed mileage was woefully short of the expanding needs of the republic, there was no lack of prospectuses The land from the Atlantic to the Mis- Sissippi was alive with projects. Tanner, in his “Description of the Canals and Railroads of the United States,” published in 1840, enumerates no less than 409 fully chartered railroad companies. The spirit was willing and universal, but the funds were weak and local to territory that promised some return. There are no really reliable figures as to the original cost of construction of the early railroads. From scattering re- ports, it appears that 1,727 miles of the lines in operation in 1840 cost approximately $57,940,000, or roughly $33,500 per -twnile. This would place the cost for the reported mileage in the neighborhood of $95,000,000, which may be accepted as a conservative estimate. These figures are probably far within the actual cost of the roads when fully completed and equipped. In many in- stances they did not include anything for stations, shops, etc., and in some cases neither power nor equipment was included, for the idea that a railway was a highway or a toll road died slowly. Among the roads that cost more than the average may be mentioned the Boston & Lowell, $56,600 per mile; the Great Western, now part of the Boston & Albany, $36,104 per mile; the Boston & Providence, $43,460 per mile, and the Boston & Worcester, $38,700. 76 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The eight-mile section of the New York & Harlem, built through New York City before 1839, cost what was then con- sidered the fabulous sum of $137,500 a mile, but there were many roads in England at that time that paid as much for the bare right of way. The Mohawk & Hudson cost $38,000 and the cost of the Erie, as first built, exclusive of engines, cars and other equipment, was $43,333 per mile. The cost of the Philadelphia & Columbia, the first section of what is now the Pennsylvania, was $53,047, exclusive of depots, shops, etc., while that of the Allegheny Portage road that connected it with Pittsburgh was $1,634,357, or $44,545 per mile. The first section of the Philadelphia & Reading cost $52,630 per mile. In the South the combination of sandy soil, easy grades, cheap lumber and cheaper labor resulted in reduced cost of construction, and many of the early roads cost less than $15,000 a mile. When the roads once got beyond the moun- tain barriers, the broad plains of the West offered few ob- structions to the laying of rails straight and level in every direction then within the vision of railway prospectuses. In a single decade railway promotion had outstripped the de- mands of traffic. The Medley of Gauges Between the two-foot tramway and the six-foot broad gauge there was scarcely an intermediate width of an inch that was not experimented with in the early days of Ameri- can railway exploiting. . It was different in England. The gauge of the railway was fixed by Parliament in 1830 to be not less than four feet eight inches between the inside of the rails and between the outside edges not more than five feet one inch. There was much virtue in the word “more” in this Act, for it left the tread of the wheel to the discretion or whim of the car builder. It is worth recording that when Thomas Meynell, chair- man of the Stockton & Darlington Railway Company, offi- ciated at the laying of the first rails in Stockton on May 13, FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 7 1822, he placed them four feet eight inches apart, thus prac- tically determining the standard gauge for Great Britain and really setting the fashion which ultimately a vast majority of the world’s railways were to follow. The rails laid on that occasion were malleable iron bars, fifteen feet long and twenty-eight pounds in weight, and the first to be used by a public railway company. In America a number of the earlier roads, including those of New England and several in Pennsylvania and New York State, adopted the English gauge of four feet eight and one- TRACK OF THE ALBANY & SCHENECTADY, ROAD IN 1837 Note the strip of iron on the edges of the timber rail, cross ties of wood with founda- tions of broken stone topped by timbers half inches, but thereafter American engineers adopted such width of track as seemed best suited to their local conditions. The road between Albany and Schenectady had a gauge of four feet nine inches; the Camden & Amboy adopted a gauge of five feet, and that gauge prevailed throughout the South until after the Civil War. The Erie started with a gauge of six feet and maintained that broad distinction up to 1878, - when after careful planning, but with dramatic alacrity, it made this continent practically unanimous for the standard gauge. The general features of American railway track up to the close of the first decade of construction are shown in the fol- lowing table: 78 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Gauge in Wooden Length: Feet .Cross\ Ties, Rails; in and Size in Size in Date Miles Inches Inches Inches Matrehs Chink = (as) ia.cn ee 1827 9 3 Ousekloe le 4x6 Schty kil exes) Sea eee 1829 13 4.8% Oak 12x12 4x7 Mill .CréekgeePaniiy sco. oc0; 1829 3 Fy Br, eee mob. de Schuylkill Valley (Pa.) ...1829 10 G44 pS ige s eeae eee 350 Mim Carport eas) os. eee 1829 Ti SOU a: ces eee 6x4 Baltimore & Ohio (Md.)...1828 13 EY * Cedar 6x6 Oinincy aC lLase nee eae 1826 3 5 Granite ae Charleston-Hamburg (S. C.) .1829 6 5 Wood 6x10 Albany & Hudson (N. Y.)..1830 17 4.9 Wood 7x7 or Delaware & Hudson (Pa.)..1829 5 as Hemlock 6x12 Wistert al Mags. ss ares 1837 54 4.8% Wood 7x12 _ Iron DECn ce Sadi eON suey )oueee aes 1835 i 4.8% Cedar 6x6 Iron Teri Cme Nowe a) arate be oa aie eee 1836 10 6 Wood Iron *Some stone slabs. It was in the last year of this decade that a young man named Ulysses S. Grant, having been entered at West Point, took passage on a steamer at—_ Ripley, Ohio, for Pittsburgh. “Western boats,” he says in his Memoirs, “at that day did not) make? -regulari-trips sat stated times, but would stop EARLY. EIGHT: WHEEL anywhere and for any length Pee GER Cre of time, for passengers or freight. I have myself been detained two or three days at a place after steam was up, the gangplanks, all but one, drawn in, and after the time advertised for starting had expired. On this occasion we had no vexatious delays and in about three days Pittsburgh was reached. From Pittsburgh I chose the canal to Harrisburg, rather than the more expe- ditious .stage..-*. * * Hrom, Harrisburg to Philadelphia there was a railroad, the first I had ever seen except the one on which I had just crossed the summit of the Allegheny Mountains and over which canal boats were transported.” Miscellaneous Notes The first severe railway accident in the United States occurred on the Amboy & Bordentown Railroad October 8, 1833, in which several persons were killed. FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 7S The modern American silver dollar of 412.5 grains dates back to the Act of Congress of January, -1837. The dollar would buy less transportation then than now. The average passenger car of that period measured thirty- five to forty feet in length, with a width of about eight feet, and was six feet six inches high. The aisles were narrow and CANAL BOAT BEING HAULED OVER THE PORTAGE ROAD IN 1839 the seats too short to accommodate two adults comfortably. Their ventilation was primitive, and sleeping in a recumbent posture only possible in an upright dream. In summer these cars were stifling and in winter their temperature ranged from red-hot near the iron stove at one end to zero at the other. And yet travel by rail was so much more expeditious that it was welcomed by all classes as a relief from the tribulations of the stage coach and the tortoise pace of the canal boat. Arksanas admitted as the twenty-fifth state June 15, 1836. Territory of Wisconsin organized July 4, 1836. 80 HISTORY: OF AMERICAN” RAILWAYS Michigan admitted as the twenty-sixth state January 26, 1837. Great commercial panic began in March and reached its height in May, 1837, when all the banks in New York sus- pended specie payment and embryo railway companies sought shelter in the courts. Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, publisher of the Alton Observer, shot dead by a mob at his office November 7, 1837, one of the premonitory signs of the national struggle culminating in the Civil War that practically wiped out all the railways then built south of Mason & Dixon’s line. First regular passage by steamer across the Atlantic. The “Great Western” and the “Sirius” both arrived at New York April 23, 1838. | Iowa received territorial Aerie June 12, 1838, not be- coming a state until March, 1845. Dangers of river navigation in the West shown by losses of fifty-five steamers on the Mississippi, thirteen on the Ohio, two on the Missouri, two on the Illinois, one on the Arkansas and four others during the year 1838. Daguerreotypes first taken in the United States August, 1839. The illustrations in this book can be traced back to the development of this process, the halftone not coming into general use until the early eighties, previous sketches being from drawings or working models. Throughout this decade the idea of the transmission of messages by electricity was simmering in the mind of Samuel Finley Breese Morse. His first complete instrument was exhi- bited in New York in 1835 and he filed his caveat for a patent in Washington in 1837. He was refused a patent in England and obtained a useless brevet d’invention in France. After four years of discouraging importunity he finally got an appropriation of $30,000 for an experiment of his invention on line between Washington and Baltimore, over which, from the Supreme Court room in the capitol to Baltimore on May 24, 1844, was flashed the message, “What hath God wrought.” From that day the tele- graph became an indispensable adjunct in the operation of American railways, and with that epochal step in the march FIRST DECADE, 1830-1840 81 of human progress we take leave of the great railway decade of 1830-1840. Poverty and prejudice presided at the birth of rail trans- portation in America, and panics rendered their early devel- opment fitful and precarious. Only the indomitable opti- mism of our race pushed the rails westward in advance of civilization. CHAPTER III THE SECOND DECADE, 1840 to 1850 RAILWAY PROGRESS—DR. LYMAN ABBOTT DESCRIBES THE MAKING OF AN AMERICAN RAILWAY F the reader will draw a straight line on the map of the United States from Rochester, N. Y., the western terminal of the chain of little railroads pushing valiantly from A\l- bany to Buffalo, to Pensacola, Florida, on the Gulf of Mex- ico, the southern terminal of the Alabama, Florida & Georgia Railroad, in a rough way he will locate the divid- ing line between railroad ac- complishment in 1840 and the great beyond. Nowhere had SAMUEL F. B. MORSE, 1791-1872. construction followed pros- Perfector of Electric Telegraph - : “What LO EE Fe Wrought !” ea into the vast West ae which Washington had _ vis- ited and viewed with the vision of prophecy nearly four score years and ten earlier. The Portage Railroad over the Alle- ghenies had ended at Johnstown, some thirty-eight miles short of Pittsburgh, the Fort Duquesne of Washington’s western wanderings. Up to 1840 canals had shown the way in the con- quest of the West. They had the inside track with the Fed- eral and State legislators of that day, and the financiers of New York and Philadelphia lent a receptive ear to yundertak- ings that promised and actually paid 8 per cent on invest- ments, where the railway averaged less than 514 per cent. TIOGA RAILROAD CAR OF 1840 SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 83 Besides tales were floated around that a particularly favored canal in England averaged 112 per cent on its cost. Under such favoring influences the Erie canal had been pushed through to Buffalo and was paying handsomely, and the State of Ohio was traversed:by 1,000 miles of canals con- necting the great lakes with the Ohio river. It has been esti- mated that $250,000,000, or about $30,000 a mile, was invested in American canals before investors saw the rail writing on the map and began to put their money cautiously and grudg- ingly into the more flexible and speedy means of modern CHICAGO IN 1842 internal communication. Waterways could not be made to run up hill and railways could, and in that single phase of the law of gravitation was written the doom of canals on this continent of alternating plains and mountains. The normal current of the Mississippi rendered it impotent to compete with the light but high speed locomotives of the forties. Today the chief objective of its improvement is an appro- priation. By 1842 it was estimated that all the states had appro- priated or invested $60,000,000 for canals to $43,000,000 for railways, and it was said that the few were prosperous and the majority were insolvent. But the needs of the country were such that they continued to raise, beg and borrow— principally borrow—money for both. The First Wave of Immigration Prior to 1840 the United States was divided into two main sections, Eastern and Western, separated by the Allegheny _— . nPwh HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS CHICAGO IN 1924—LOOKING TOWARD THE LAKE —From the air by Chicago Aerial Survey Co. Chicago & Northwestern Station. Illinois Central Station. Chicago Union Station. . Municipal ‘Stadium. Grand Central Station. Field Museum. La Salle Station. . City Hall and County Building. Dearborn Station. © CONTOD —~ SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 85 mountains and their extensions. The winning of the West by wagon road, pack horse, waterway and railway was the impulse that stirred the migratory spirit of: American youth from Maine to Florida. Horace Greeley’s “Go West, young man,’ was the word passed along from town to hamlet, and it fell on willing ears already ringing with tales of stirring adventure and certain fortune where land was cheap and elbow-room free. Even in the writer’s early youth, Daniel Boone’s name overshadowed the fame of Washington as a pioneer of the West. Across the Atlantic, which steam had come to make the great ocean highway, conditions were such that millions needed little urging to take up their belongings and trek to THE FIRST CUNARDER—“BRITANNIA” ‘First trip, Liverpool to Boston in 1840 the land of liberty and opportunity. The census of 1841 showed Ireland to have a population of 8,196,597. The potato crop failed and by 1851 famine and emigration had reduced the population to 6,574,278. Of the difference, no less than 780,719 are shown by our immigration returns to have migrat- ed to the United States in the ten years 1841-50. This was followed by 914,119 from the Green Isle in the next decade. Political unrest, ending in revolution in 1849, headed em- igration from Germany to the same bourne of free speech and free land, so that before the end of the decade 434,626 86 BHISLORY. OF AMS RICAN ya Ears. German immigrants had sought these shores; only to be fol- lowed during the next decade by nearly a million more Teu- tons, of whom Carl Schurz was the most important acquisi- tion to our public life. During these two decades. immigration added more to our population (4,311,000) than there were inhabitants in the United States at the time of the’ first census an ~ 1790 (3,929,214) and it was a most fortunate circumstance that canal and railway construc- tion had advanced far enough PASSENGER CAR—MICHIGAN ; Sane ENTRAL, 1844 to -assist. in their’ distrib tion to the broad and fertile plains beyond the Alleghenies. The Building of American Railways Instead of following the fortunes of the many railway projects for opening the various gateways to the West, the reader. will be more interested in seeing its development through the eyes of the late Lyman Abbott, who in 1874 contributed a most enlighten- ing description of the making of an American railway to Harper's New Monthly Maga- zine. For the second number of the same magazine, Wil- liam McLeod had written a lively account of the scenery on the Erie Railroad, some sentences from which may serve as a prelude to Dr. Ab- bott’s more detailed story. “The construction of the Erie Railroad through the hitherto secluded valleys of the Delaware and Susque- LYMAN ABBOTT—1835-1922. Latest photograph SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 87 hanna rivers, and reaching now almost to the Allegheny,” says Mr. McLeod, “has opened to access new fields for the tourist, abounding with the loveliest and grandest works of Petit ere as tere “The reader is familiar with the geography of the road: Commencing at Piermont on the Hudson, twenty-four miles from New. York, on the long pier that projects a mile > VIEW FROM PIERMONT, LOOKING NORTH First terminal of the Erie on the Hudson, 25 miles from New York into the river, it winds its way westward among the hills along the course of the Sparkill. Just before leaving the pier, looking north, the view on the preceding page is presented. 1 es “We will present only one other view, which represents one of the imposing structures which characterize the Erie road. This is the viaduct over the valley of the Starrucca, built of stone. It is elevated one hundred feet above the valley, is over twelve hundred feet long and twenty-five feet wide and is composed of eighteen heavy piers, with arches 88 HISTORY OF AMERICAN, KAILW AY S of fifty feet span. It is simple in its design, but symmetrical and beautiful, and is altogether the noblest piece of work upon the whole line of the road.” Now let Dr. Abbott take up the story twenty-four years later: “I propose,’ says he in opening his article on ‘The American Railroad,” ‘“‘to give as far as it can be given within the limits of a single magazine article some account of the origin, history and internal management of the American rairogd eat SS 1B ty; SONTIE Soha STARRUCCA VALLEY VIADUCT “Tt will render our task of tracing the history and describ- ing the organization of the American railroad simpler if we take one as illustrative of the entire system. For that pur- pose I have chosen the Erie Railway. It is one of the long- est, as it is one of the oldest, on the continent. In its early history it met and conquered obstacles which might well have sufficed to crush an enterprise financially much stronger. A large part of its course lay through an absolutely trackless wilderness. To reach its destination it was necessary to climb a mountain range over 1700 feet above the level of the sea, and make its way along the course of a stream which flows SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 89 between almost precipitous walls of rock. As a monument of engineering skill it is without a superior today in America— certainly if the times and circumstances in which it was con- structed be taken into account. * * * “The conception of a railroad is often a flash of genius in the individual mind. But before the originator can realize his vision he must succeed in inspiring other minds with his own conception and enthusiasm, and this is always a work of time. Of the prenatal history of the railroad the Erie is an illustrious example. “In 1779 General James Clinton and General Sullivan, at the close of an expedition against the Iroquois Indians in the southern counties of New York State, proposed to Congress the construction of what they termed an Appian Way from theacity,o! New York to Lake ‘Erie. [he great inland? seas which we call lakes, and which have done so much to develop the rich but formerly inaccessible West, were at that time separated from the sea coast by the mountain ranges which stretched, with here and there a break, from the Gulf States to the river St. Lawrence. The Great West, the future but then tnrecognized granary of the nation, was more remote from the Atlantic than is today the empire of Japan. To the Clintons, New York owes the two great highways which have rendered her chief city the metropolis of the nation— the Erie canal and the Erie Railway. The Appian Way never got further in construction than an ineffectual application to Goneress 10r an appropiintion. «tv. " = “Fifty years passed before the first step was taken toward the realization of this Appian Way. Meanwhile the methods of intercommunication had changed. ‘The canal had sup- planted the public road and the railroad was beginning to supplant the canal. At last, in April, 1832, three years after George Stephenson ran his first passenger locomotive over the Liverpool & Manchester railway, the Legislature of New York granted a charter for the construction of a road of iron where General James Clinton had dreamed only of one mod- eled as well as named after the famous highway of ancient Rome. This charter affords a curious illustration of the short- 90 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS sightedness that is characteristic of the cunning of politicians. It forbade all connections with Pennsylvania and New Jersey railroads. * * * So the one terminus was made at Pier- mont, the nearest accessible point in the state on the Hudson river to the city of New York; the other was made at Dun- ¢ (This cut from Lyman Abbott’s article in Harp- er’s Monthly Magazine of 1874 illustrates some of the perils attending the location of railways.) TAKING A LEVEL N THE 740s ON THE ERIE I kirk, the most remote western harbor. But through cars have long since been run direct both to Cincinnati and Chi- cago; and the long pier that was built over the flats of the Tappan Zee at Piermont to make the steamboat connections with the city is only useful as a permanent warning to legisla- tors that it is their business to facilitate the natural course of trade, not to obstruct, to divert or to control it.” SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 91 The next step was a survey: “If the reader will turn to any map of New York state,” continues Dr. Abbott, “he will find that the southern tier of counties from the Hudson river as far west as Bingham- ton, are intersected by mountain ranges, whose abrupt and rugged character and wild and desolate features can be but inadequately indicated. He will see also traced upon the map by insignificant-looking serpentine lines the course of two’ great rivers, the Delaware and the Susequehanna, whose TRAINS PASSING THROUGH LANCASTER, PA., ABOUT 1842 Note absence of track elevation or gates for streets in those days branches are but sixteen miles apart at Deposit, while the waters of the one empty into Delaware Bay and of the other into Chesapeake Bay. These mountain lines indicate the difficulties to be overcome; these river lines indicate the meth- ods by which the railroad engineer overcomes them.” Here follows a detailed description of the route to be taken by the Erie in its journey of 459 miles to its western terminus, to which the writer adds: “In a somewhat similar way the Pennsylvania Central (Note the Central.) Railroad crosses the same great moun- tain range by the aid of the Susquehanna, the Juniata and the Conemaugh rivers; and the Pacific Railroad follows the Platte river almost to its source in the Rocky Mountains on the e#stern side and descends upon the western slope by the 92 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS valleys of a succession of less important but equally useful mountain streams.” Then the article takes up the duties of the railroad sur- veyor, which are common to all railway construction: “Having made his preliminary and office survey, the real work of the surveyor begins. For this purpose the chief engineer makes a general reconnoissance of the whole ground, generally on horseback. He provides himself with the best map or maps he can obtain. He picks up as best he can more definite and precise local information. To succeed in his work he must have qualities’ which are rare, qualities which no mere school of engineering can impart. In his profession, as in every other, there is a certain something indefinable in native genius, something which may perish unused for want of development and training but which no mere development and training can supply. The engineer must be a man of ready parts. He must have himself always well in hand. He must know human nature and how to deal with it. He must be equally at home in the log hut among the mountains and in the velvet-carpeted and mahogany-furnished office in the great city. He must be a man of quick eye and abun- dant resources, able to meet an exigency, or to vary in detail and on the moment a carefully matured plan for the purpose of avoiding an unexpected obstacle or reaching the general result with the least expenditure of time and money. * * * “The more accurate survey now follows: This is always effected in sections. It is performed by an engineer corps, which consists of an assistant engineer, a transit man, a leveler, a rod-man, two chain-men, one or two flagmen and a gang of axe-men. When the company are obliged to camp out, the necessary accessories of a camp are. added: The work of such a surveying party is always, under the best circumstances, one of hardship and adventure. They must stop at no obstacle; and the country presents innumerable difficulties which the map had not reported and even the reconnoissance had not discovered. Morasses are to be traversed, streams are to be crossed, precipitous hills to be climbed, impenetrable thickets to be penetrated. The Erie SECOND DECADE, i840-1850 — 93 Railway runs for miles along the banks of the Delaware river, in many places upon a shelf cut in the solid rock fifty feet or more above the torrent. Yet somehow along this seem- ingly inaccessible gorge the surveying party had to make their way before the first blast could be fired to prepare the present rocky road-bed. It is said that at some points they were lowered by ropes from the top of the cliff and so, hanging between heaven and earth, took their levels. The earliest surveys of such work as the Pacific Railroad through a coun- TRANSPORTING A LOCOMOTIVE BY HORSES IN 1842 When the “Florida” arrived in Atlanta it had been hauled from Madiscn, 60 miles away —Courtesy of The Right of Way Magazine try absolutely a wilderness, and almost absolutely an untrod- den wilderness, are marvels of human capacity. * * * “In the railroad survey the exact difference in level must be preserved and respected. Every inequality must be noted. This is done by the leveler and is preserved by the profile map. Of these profile maps there are two—one, the larger map, indicates the general features of the route; the second and more detailed profile preserves to the foot a careful record of every inequality of ground over which the projected route is to pass. These reports indicate exactly the obstacles which the engineer has to encounter. They inevitably lead to new reconnoissances and new surveys. Deviations here and there 94 HISTORY OF -AMERICAN KAILWAYS. are found to be expedient, to save expense, now in first cost of construction, now in subsequent cost of operating. “At length the facts are all before the engineer-in-chief, and he is prepared to make his report. It goes before the board of directors. Its conclusions are scanned, its methods cross-examined, its results subjected to the severest scrutiny. A thousand questions must be raised, debated, determined, before anything can be considered settled. The road must deviate here to get the custom of a large town or city, there to avoid grounds through which the right of way would be more costly than a tunnel or filling; now to tap a rival or a cross railroad at the right spot, now to accommodate some wealthy and influential patron, whose interest in the road depends on making it at some point subservient to his own business. If thé engineer could only be permitted to run his projected road where it would be easiest built, his problem would be a simple one; but he must also consider what will be the cost of carriage, what will be expensive to maintain as well as to construct, where he will get custom, and how he may avoid local oppositions * * * “The road is projected; the projector has secured the co- operation of sufficient capital to enable a beginning to be made; it has been surveyed; the right of way has been ob- tained; a charter has been secured; it now remains to con- struct the road. In the inception of railroad life this was done by the:company. .*~ *)~* © But the srowth -oferamroadesnas brought with it a division of labor, and now the railroad company rarely or never constructs its own line. This is done for the company by a railroad contractor. * * * “The railroad contractor is eminently a practical man. He is apt to be a self-made man. He is not infrequently one who commenced life with the spade, the pick-axe and the wheel- barrow. He had greater industry or greater shrewdness than his fellows and became the head of a gang of men. Then he took a small contract on his own account, invested luckily in real estate along the line of a projected railway, amassed a little capital, employed both capital and experience to good advantage, and so gradually got on in the world, till now, SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 95 what with capital and credit, he stands ready to undertake any work which the railroad capitalist desires undertaken. He knows how many cubic feet of earth there are in a hill and how many it will take to fill up a valley. He has a prac- ticed eye for soils and detects by a sort of intuition where the hard rock will be, and where the cutting will be an easy one. Earth digging, blasting rocks, pumping, embanking, boring and building tunnels, erecting bridges and culverts, are all fa- miliar operations with him. He possesses a larger or smaller stock of wheelbarrows, picks, shovels, carts, earth wagons, and horses. He lays tempo- rary sleepers and light rails as the work progresses and generally owns at least one , TAS or two locomotives and the Bern see fais cot ae Se Sil S necessary dirt cars for drag- AEX) TS. : ging materials. He usually © ga_pwrn’s FAST PASSENGER contracts for a section of the ENGINE OF 1848 road to be built at a fixed price, or at one that varies within certain limits, according to the development of difficulties as the work progresses. He often sublets to other contractors his work in its details. He sometimes makes a miscalcula- tion and loses a fortune, but his miscalculations are oftener on the credit side of his ledger and the result a fortune made. He has abundant opportunities to make incidental profits, and he is not slow to avail himself of them. “But he must not only have a practical knowledge of rail- road works, he must have a practical skill in managing pailread’ workers, °F | + * - “In this country the work of the pick and the barrow is largely performed by Irish laborers. Their temporary vil- lages are familiar to every traveler on our railroads. Their management requires on the part of the contractor peculiar dexterity to avoid the loss inevitable from wasted hours or misapplied energy. In brief, the railroad contractor has under him an army of men without the discipline of an army; he must exercise over them the control of a general without being invested with a general’s authority. * * * 96 HISTORY” OF sAMERICAND RAIEWAYS THE ENGINE HACKENSACK Built by Rogers about 1846 “In brief, then, it is the office of the railroad contractor not only to pierce the hills, bridge the streams, cross the val- leys, construct the stations; not only must he be a bridge- builder, a road-maker and a practical mechanic; not only must he do his work with ignorant and unskilled workmen * * * but he must do it frequently in the heart of a wild waste wilderness; must transport his men, his tools, his provisions; must erect the shelter and provide the necessaries of life for THE RECONSTRUCTED “PIONEER? OF STH CHILCAGONe “NOR TH WESTERN lccomotive was landed in This 10-ton Chicago from a Schooner, October 10, 1848 his workmen; must keep up their failing courage with his own and must do all at the hazard of his purse, if his es- timates have deceived him, but at the hazard of his health and even of his life.” S00 Dr. Lyne coer nearly half a century ago, brought his typical American railroad up to the point of SECOND DECADE, 1840-1830 oF physical construction, ready to be equipped and put in opera- tion. With variations to meet the physical conditions of a continent, the same process of building railroads into the wilderness was proceeding on both sides of the Erie. At this stage, five great routes to the West were under construction: the New York-Boston-Albany to Buffalo; the Erie to Dunkirk ; the Pennsylvania from Philadelphia to Pitts- burgh; the Baltimore & Ohio from Baltimore to Wheeling, and the Southern, Western & Atlantic from Charleston to Chattanooga. At the end of the decade 1840-1850 we find that the railway mileage of the United States has more than trebled in ten years and is distributed among twenty-five states instead of the nineteen listed in 1840. These twenty-five states, with their mileage and population, were as follows Miles Miles Population in 1840 in 1850 in 1850 les Dau tYicie ate au ie tara Spee. $ 46 75 771,623 COMIECTICUE >. Rew a 102 402 370,792 Blelaware Na ceils. cna k 39 39 91,532 Hira Wace cae aha mh Zi 87,445 Geared aero we ee 185 643 906,185 Eilvine rs eres meets ae 18 3 111 851,470 leveitinael rte era ke 5 at 228 988,416 ITI EM Cle vr. ete ras as 28 78 982,405 Wouisiatio en Ge dee ohoak 40 80 517,762 NT treet ciated tee 161 245 583,169 iar yiatid atid L). oo. 9 213 259 583,034 Niasca cliitserts athe... OUL HOS5 994,514 Wisc arrestee sie, hat ee 50 342 397,654 WEI SSIC SO Dial at ie ae oh ts an 682,054 New tlampsiire +7... 93 467 317;976 Never thersty ny iil oa a) Mon 186 206 489,555 VEN e AOR ate, ge een ofa os 1361 3,097,394 North, Carolia 40... 53 154 869,039 COTATOM Reoe Riark gee eRe ek 30 S75 1,980,329 Peansvivania, ye... sss 754 1,240 2,311,786 ikhode. teland =... a. 33 EQ 68 147,545 SOUL BO avolina t:. (pte ee 289 668,507 eLIIT Olver ee Trea. elie bas he 290 314,120 PANG CF Idd ao te Sopiowel ci, 384 1,421,661 MWrasrunsineeh sn. sews: ot se 20 305,391 Pell reenter e iets 2,818 9,021 20,721,358 It will be perceived that the original thirteen states, Maine being included in Massachusetts, contained an overwhelming 98 HISTORY” OF AMEKICAN KAILWAYS majority of railroads—no less than 7,118 miles of the 9,021 miles of completed line being in the section settled before the Revolution. In ten years the population of the United States had increased to 23,191,876, but nearly two and a half million (2,470,518) were living in states or territories without any railway connection with the rest of the Union. But it was coming as swiftly as financial and physical conditions would permit. The coffers of the world were not yet opened THE “PIONEER”—ANOTHER VIEW freely to enterprises where the risks were more promising of adventures than of pecuniary returns. As a glance at the mileage by states indicates, penetration by rail had not penetrated the United States in 1850 anywhere beyond the Mississippi. Even in Illinois, which presented the most inviting topography the eye of a railroad prospector ever rested upon, only 111 miles of line had been constructed of the veritable network then proposed that in a few years was to put it in the van of the railroad procession. In Texas, which has now taken the lead, then freshly admitted to the Union (1845), there was not a single mile of track, and the war with Mexico (1846-48) was prosecuted on land with trans- portation facilities little in advance of those employed in the earliest campaigns of the Republic. SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 8) During this decade the states of Florida, Texas, Iowa and Wisconsin were admitted to the Union; the war with Mexico had resulted in a treaty by which we acquired California and New Mexico by the payment of $15,000,000 to Mexico and $3,500,000 to Americans for damages due to the war. Hardly was the ink dry on this treaty before gold, in quantities that fired the imagination of mankind throughout the world, was discovered in California and the greatest rush of goldseekers SAN FRANCISCO IN 1848 From a sketch by J. C. Ward in history taxed to its utmost every known means of trans- portation across the continent. Immigrants and settlers who had poured into the West from the East and Europe pulled up their stakes and treked across the plains and mountains in caravans by the hundreds. Others went by boat to Aspin- wall, made the toilsome portage to Panama, and thence by slow steamer to San Francisco. It would have congested the continental railways and the Panama Canal of 1923 to handle the rush of 1849, but neither was available. In 1848, the same year that gold was discovered in California, the first locomotive was landed from a schooner in Chicago and the latter was the bigger event of the two in its vast potentiali- ties for the human race. 100 HISTORY OF “AMERICAN RAILWAYS Perhaps the best idea of the lack of transcontinental trans- portation in those days is given by the fact that the postage on a half ounce letter from San Francisco to the Atlantic coast was 40 cents. Although mails were first carried by railroads in 1834, and all railroads had been declared post routes in 1839, it was not until March 3, 1845, that postage on letters was reduced to 5 cents within 300 miles and 10 cents for greater distances; TY PH.OF ENGINE. BUILT BY ROGERS IN 4848. and not until 1851 was 3 cents made the rate for carrying a half-ounce letter by mail for any distance under 3,000 miles. Only the railways as developed in the United States and Canada have made the carriage of one-ounce letters all dis- tances on this continent for 2 cents postage possible. The cost of all railways in the United States up to 1850 was estimated to be $372,770,000, or $34,307 per mile. Erie 7 per cent bonds sold at $90 cost the company 7.77 perscent interest. 5 Seven states undertook to build railroads—namely, Penn- sylvania, Massachusetts, North Carolina, Georgia, Indiana, Michigan and Illinois. All sold out at a loss. The State of SECOND DECADE, 1840-1850 101 eo Pennsylvania built the Allegheny Portage road. ata cost of $1,860,750. The first iron rails imported from England were as durable as modern steel rails, but cost $80 a‘ton. WKhe first [-railss werevrolledvmi the- United States; at the Montour Rolling Mills, Danville, Pa., in October, 1845. By 1850 there were sixteen steamers plying on the Sacra- mento, but the Golden Gate had not yet heard the first whistle | of a. locomotive. “It was during this decade that aerk John C. Fremont, the Pathfinder, made his famous explorations across the conti- nent that finally landed him at the mouth of the Columbia river and earned for him the Republican party nomination for President in 1856, in the initial campaign that four years later was to culminate in the election of Abraham Lincoln and the great war that followed. While railway promotion and construction were the great physical concern of this period, over the whole United States the shadow of that great struggle was impending. It had flared up in 1837, when the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy was shot while defending his printing press and paper at Alton, Illi- nois, from an attack of a pro-slavery mob. And from that point on all attempts to avoid, evade.or compromise the issue in Congress or throughout the Nation were futile. Only the lack of rapid transportation prevented the extremists of the North and South coming to grips over the slavery question earlier than they did. CHAPTER IV THE THIRD DECADE, 1850 to 1860 We hear the tread of pioneers Of nations yet to be, s The first low wash of waves, where soon Shali roll a human sea. —Whittier Y the opening of the next decade, the railways of America may be said to have passed the experimental stage. Their gauge had been fixed by almost universal adoption at 4 feet 8% inches. The ‘T-rail, . which found its prototype in the 550 bars, 15 feet iong and weighing 36 lbs. to the yard, imported from England in 1831 for the Camden & Amboy Railroad, had supplanted by practically common consent all other forms of rails. It was laid on wooden cross ties instead of longitudinal sleepers or blocks of stone. With the stone block, its attendant iron chair to hold the rail gave place to the fish- joint held together between fishplates with bolts running through the ends of the rails. The rails themselves had in- creased in weight to 56 and 60 pounds to the yard— these weights themselves seemingly fixed, the one by halving the British 112-pound hundredweight and the other by arith- metical progression with 10 as the factor. At this stage Bri- tish nomenclature parted company with the progress of Amer- ican rail weights which went forward at the rate of 10 lbs. a leap to each yard to reach and pass the 100-pound mark. The length of the rail had also increased from 18 to 30 feet. SIR HENRY BESSEMER THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 103 It was during this decade that the first steel rails were imported from England and placed in the line of the Penn- sylvania Company. They cost $218 per ton, which may be compared with the pre-war (1914) price of $28 per ton. But the discovery of the Bessemer process, by which steel ingots were manufac- tured that could be rolled into “PRAIRIE SCHOONER” OF THE EARLY ’50s No advance on the Conestoga wagon of the 730s rails without hammering, in 1855, put an end to such a prohib- itive price on steel rails. sir Henry Bessemer reaped an ample pecuniary reward for his great contribution to the in- dustrial world, but his knighthood was conferred in tardy recognition for an earlier minor invention which the govern- ment promptly appropriated without compensation. In the evolution of the railway the constituent parts of the American train had by this decade reached, in miniature at “GOVERNOR MARCY,” BUILT FOR MICHIGAN SOUTHERN R. R. IN 1851 —Courtesy of American Locomotive Co. 104 HISTORY “OF AMERICAN? KRAILEWVAYS least, the stage familiar to every school child. The locomo- tive had developed from the nondescript experiments of the earlier days, as illustrated in preceding pages, into what be- came the peculiarly American type, with its four coupled driving wheels and its four-wheeled truck or bogie, with the pilot or cowcatcher; the large headlight and the wooden cabs with glass windows. The last had been adopted first in New England to protect the engineers from freezing to death at CROSSING THE PLAINS.IN THE LATER 750s their throttles in the frigid winters north of the Connecticut river. The smokestack had reached the transition stage be- tween the funnel-shaped device with the sparkcatcher, typical of the early wood burners, and the upright stovepipe effect which was to approach the vanishing point, drawn in like a turtle’s head, as the boilers assumed greater proportions. At this stage the American locomotive was a gaudy affair capa- risoned, so to speak, with shining brass rods which it was the duty if not the pride of the crew to polish up so carefully that thousands of pounds of cotton waste and hundreds of “man- hours” were annually wasted in the useless process. One of the great economic reforms credited to Commodore Vander- bilt was the ordering that all these rods should be painted black, as they are to this day. The American passenger car of 1850 had assumed the form PHIRD DECADE, 4850-1860 105 and proportion it bears today—a long body mounted on two four-wheeled bogies, first adopted in the United States to permit lengthy engines and cars to round the sharp curves with which our early lines abounded. The side entrance which persists in England and Europe today had been aban- doned for the end entrance and the center corridor. But there is one feature of the modern American through train that was generally missing in the make-up of the trains Lt anu HALA te ad \ cee : ig oe a wil ae sal ~— awa | Eun IN Mia “TICKETS PLEASE’”’—1850 Worse than the owl’s midnight hoot to the sleeping passenger. Note the lantern’s sickly illumination. of the ‘50s—the sleepers. Not until the average rail journey extended beyond what could be compassed between sun-up and sun-down was there a pressing demand for relief from having to curl up on the length of a single seat. The sketch of “A general view of a night car on the Central” in 1858, from Harper's Weekly, represents the ills the traveler of that period had to endure when he undertook to get anywhere beyond Albany after dark and before George M. Pullman drew a curtain over the fantastic scene. Once more the writer avails himself of the clear view ob- tained of railway conditions in the United States during the period under review by condensing from a contemporaneous account of a journey over the newly completed Baltimore & Ohio from Baltimore to Wheeling, and thence by boat to Pitts- burgh, contributed to Harper’s Monthly in the spring of 1857, by Brantz Mayer, an American writer of note in those days. The author was fortunate in finding himself a guest on a spe- EGA 106 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS cial train made up at Baltimore to carry the officials on a reconnoissance of the road. It was composed of a fine engine, followed by a car fitted up as a kitchen and dining room, WHERE GEORGE M. PULLMAN GOT HIS INSPIRATION Discomfort of Night Travel in a day car in the °50s —From sketch in Harper’s Weekly in 1859 where fifteen or twenty could take their meals as comfortably as in the cabin of a packet. Next came two cars with read- ing rooms, writing tables, books, instruments and everything requisite for the reconnoitering party, while portions were fitted with staterooms for accommodations at night. A car THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 107 conveniently fitted up for observation brought up the rear. Being a native of Baltimore of extensive travels, Captain Mayer did not fail to note his appreciation of the admirable “Commissary Department,’ which had already come to be associated with such inspection tours. The train was scarcely beyond the outskirts of Baltimore before it stopped for break- fast at the Relay House. The fare consisted of Maryland’s ELLICOTT’S MILL—FIFTEEN MILES FROM BALTIMORE luxuries, “soft shell crabs” and “spring chicken.” Skirting the brawling Patapsco, the train quickly passed Ellicott’s Mills, famed as the first stop of the initial Baltimore & Ohio train, and soon reached Elysville, where it lingered long enough to permit the artist to make a sketch of the double track iron bridge which spanned the river at that point. Re- suming, it was not long before our observer emerged on the Potomac not far from the Point of Rocks. Here the roadway ran along a “ledge cut from the precipice of the Catochin 108 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Mountain, towering up on the right, and supported by broad embanking walls that separate it from the canal and river on the-lett.e “At this point,’ says Captain Mayer, “the Potomac is a third of a mile wide, and foams over a bed of ledges like so many fractured barriers, denoting the conflict between the ridge and the river when it burst through the hills. Such, with few intermissions, is the character of scenery from the Point of Rocks to Harper’s Ferry, which is built on a narrow declivitous tongue lying directly in the confluence of the Shenandoah and Potomac and was fed on either side by those noble streams.” By the aid of Captain Mayer’s lively description and the quaint little woodcuts accompanying the letterpress, the reader gains an impression of the natural obstacles confronted and overcome by the distinguished engineer Benjamin H. Latrobe, under whose inspir- ing direction the road was completed across the Alle- ghenies to the Ohio. For a description of the meeting of the riyers -at, Harper's. Ferry, the author has recourse to the well-known passage from Thomas Jefferson, supposed to have been written in the Shadow of the giant rock overlooking the scene depict- ed in the éengraving.. ~ You stand; vsays he! Gia Cc uy high point of land; on your right comes up the Shenan- doah, having ranged the foot of the mountain a hundred miles to seek a vent; on your POINT OF ROCKS left approaches the Potomac Seventy miles from Baltimore along the : Chesapeake & Ohio canal in quest Osa portage aiso. 2in THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 — 109 the moment of their junction they rush together against the mountain, rend it asunder and pass off to the sea.” As the captain’s companions wandered through the Na- EARLY TRON BRIDGE ON THE B..& O., NEAR ELYSVILLE, 21 MILES FROM BALTIMORE tional Armory at Harper’s Ferry, inspecting the preparations made “to construct weapons for human slaughter,’ he in- dulged in sentimental reflections regarding the belligerent state of mankind. He had no gift of prescience or prophecy, or he might have recorded some premonitory thoughts of Pottawattamie Brown and the tragic episodes to be en- acted only two years later within the shadows of those sentinel mountains. Not a few Americans think that secession was hastened by the Harper’s Ferry raid and that the soul of American free- dém went marching on to vic- tory from the body of John Brown the fanatical aboli- tionist. No such thoughts disturbed the spirits of Captain Mayer THE POTOMAC FROM “JEFFER- ON’S ROCK” ; Harper’s Ferry on the B. & O., 81 miles from Baltimore 110 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS and his companions as their train rolled on into the rugged mountain fastnesses beyond Harper’s Ferry. Quickly it panted up the valley of the Potomac, with brief stops at Martinsburg and St. John’s Run, to Cumberland. The better part of thirty-six hours had been consumed in making the one hundred and ninety miles now easily run inside of five hours. Cumberland naturally awakened memories of old Fort Cumberland, famous as a frontier outpost on the Indian trail down the Potomac. It had been the rendezvous for Brad- dock’s ill-fated enterprise and through it passed the National Road. Washington had visit- ed it almost a century before, in 1753-54 and ’56, and Cap- tain Mayer has embalmed the general’s headquarters in a charming little wood cut giv- en herewith. Leaving Cumberland, the a fp party continued to ascend the _ HARPER’S FERRY IN 1857. *' chasm and defiles cut by the With covered bridge across the Potomac : : Potomac in the steep ledges of the mountains towering high above. “No one,” says our author, “has ever looked westward from the spot (Piermont) without wondering how the passage is to be effected; yet no one has made the journey without equal surprise at the seem- ing ease by which science and energy have overcome every impediment. As you pass forward from Piedmont the im- pression is that you are about to run a tilt against the moun- tain flank, with blind and aimless impulse; but a graceful curve winds the train out of harm and you move securely into the primeval forest, feeling the engine begin to tug up the steep as it strikes the edge of Savage River, which boils down the western shoulder of Savage Mountain. The transit » from the world to the wilderness is instantaneous.” Then the train passes on and up to Altamont, 2,620 feet above tidewater and the greatest elevation along the route. At Cranberry. Summit the travelers get the “first grand glimpse of the ‘Western World’.” And it may be remarked fy Sy, THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 Lil that Balboa, when he first looked upon the placid horizon of the Pacific, saw nothing grander or more impressive than the scene that unfolds before American travelers as they emerge on the western slope of the Alleghenies. The journey down to Wheeling and by boat to Pittsburgh need not be told in detail. As he passed through the territory then first reclaimed from Nature, Captain Mayer soliloquized: “In these central solitudes everything seems to be the prop- erty of the wilderness—wilderness incapable of yielding to iQ yt Ta Lf OG Ye f) GT a WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS AT FORT CUMBERLAND any mastery but that of an engineer; and it may fairly be- come a matter of national pride that scientific men were found in our country bold enough to venture on grades by which any mountain may be passed.” ‘The italics are the captain's and suggest the inquiry, how comes it that such slight recog- - nition has been accorded to the race of indomitable engineers who pioneered the winning of our west from the barriers of “absolute mountain, absolute forest and absolute solitude” that less than three-quarters of a century ago this author said separated the East from the West? When Captain Mayer drove out to Braddock’s Battle Field from Pittsburgh he found that a hundred years had obliterated every trace of the conflict. Somewhat in the rear of the cen- tral house shown in the sketch, he says, “was the hottest ees 7 HISTORY “OR SAMERICAN SRAILWV ATS part of the battle, for ploughmen have found it to be a perfect arsenal of balls, bullets, arrow-heads and hatchets. At pres- ent it is waving with grain; through the midst of it the Penn- sylvania Railroad has laid its iron track, and the yell of the savage is exchanged for the shriek of the engine.” What was to become the Pennsylvania Railroad was opened through all rail from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh in December, 1852. The Baltimore & Ohio reached Wheeling on _ the Ohio river January 1, 1854. The New York, Erie & Western completed its line to Lake? Erie on sApril: 22,1351. The consolidated lines of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad fin- ally linked up New York with Buffalo in 1853. In these four events you have a summary of the master achievements in rail- ADVERTISEMENT OF REDUCED TIME—1851 ; Pittsburgh to Philadelpia, 46 hours way construction on this con- Pittsburgh to Baltimore, 44 hours ? ee tinent within twenty-five years after the first steam locomotive was built in America. While the opening of communication between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh by canal and railway belongs to the preceding decade, the all rail route was left to be completed in that now under discussion. The rail route consisted of the piecing together of the state owned line from Philadelphia to Columbia; the Harris- burg, Portsmouth, Mt. Joy and Lancaster R. R. from Columbia to Harrisburg; the Pennsylvania R. R. thence to Hollidays- burg, where it linked up with the state owned Portage road with its inclined planes over the Allegheny mountains to THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 Va gs: Johnstown and thence to Pittsburgh over the Pennsylvania Railroad. The reader will remember how, after many vicissitudes, the first horse railroad was pushed through from Philadelphia to Columbia on the Susquehanna. It was not until 1836 that the horse was finally relegated to the stables as the motive power on this incipient trunk line. The reader will also re- BRADDOCK BATTLE FIELD IN 1857 member how in 1842 the novelist Charles Dickens took the canal boat at Columbia and was wafted, so to speak, at the rate of two miles an hour up the Susquehanna river to the mouth of the Juniata, along which tortuous stream he was carried by boat up into the heart of the Alleghenies at Holli- daysburg. There he was hoisted by five inclines into the rarified mountain atmosphere 2,800 feet above the sea level, to be dropped down to Johnstown on the other side. Thence he took another boat for Pittsburgh. This afforded a varied and romantic experience in early American travel to the English novelist, but it had its disad- vantages, very apparent to the shrewd commercial minds of Philadelphia, who saw that city’s interests imperiled by the building of the Baltimore & Ohio to the South and the Erie canal and rail connections reaching out from New York to the great lakes at the north. So along in April, 1846, the Pennsylvania Railroad got a charter to build a railroad from 114 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS ooo Harrisburg to Pittsburgh, or other place in the county of Alle- gheny, with authority to extend the road or a branch thereof to Erie, as might be deemed most expedient. The capi- tal of the company was placed at $7,500,000 with the privilege of increasing it to $10,000,000. The charter provided that in case the company should have a certain sum of money in its treasury and fifteen miles of road under construction at each terminus prior to July 30, 1847, the law granting the Baltimore & Ohio a right to build from Cumberland, Maryland, to Pittsburgh should be null.and void. These conditions were promptly complied with, to the discomfiture of parties interested in the rival company. It will be of present interest to recall that the originators of this enterprise took great pains to enlist popular co-opera- tion in their undertaking. Committees went from house to house in Philadelphia canvassing for subscriptions; public meetings were held everywhere; the press was actively favor- able to a project that meant so much to the commonwealth, and no stone was left unturned that promised a subscription. The first annual report to the directors records that out of 2,600 subscriptions on the books nearly 1,800 were for five shares or under. Work was pushed steadily from either end, so that by September, 1850, the line was opened to the Mountain House, near Hollidaysburg, where connection was made with the state owned Portage railroad over the Allegheny mountains. The gap between Johnstown and Pittsburgh was speedily com- pleted and, by using the Portage inclines, cars were run through from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh on December 10, 1850. In February, 1854, the Pennsylvania Railroad completed its own road over the Allegheny mountains, thus bringing its line from Harrisburg to Pittsburgh into use. It was orig- inally intended to be built as a single track road, but as the — work progressed it was deemed advisable to make provision for a second track, and this was laid on the Mountain Division and for considerable stretches on other parts of the line. The cost of the road in 1854, exclusive of equipment, was approxi- THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 115 mately $12,700,000, and practically all of this money was raised from the sale of capital stock at par, although a portion of the capital came from loans made*in 1852. The out- standing amount of capital stock at par on January 1, 1854, amounted to $11,228,020, on which 6 per cent interest was paid until the payment of dividends began in May, 18567 +. But many vexatious mat- ters between the company and the state remained to be adjusted before the road couldyabercleared™ for. the great part it was destined to play in the settlement of the American _ transportation problem. The State of Penn- sylvania had invested over |, BDOAR Towson ser $33,000,000 in canals and rail- Poads;sand.-that-part known as the “Main Line of- Public Works” was purchased by the Pennsylvania Railroad in 1857. The cost of the “Main Line” to the State, as reported by the Auditor General in 1843, was as follows: COMER SPE mG nk eae ieke ae Rey, SEO Ror eke Bee $ 4,204 ,969.96 Bra sverte caivicion olicanal 26 iret es Fc Apia eos 1,736,599.42 etiam LU ISI ONL Ol SCANAL 6 Mao ea ce ars. hee S52b 41221 PROTO ES AAI SOAL ces ok eiott Siete al Biocon ate 1,828 461-38 WeSretnl division of Catialt oo: 3) wih. J allad 3,069,877.38 POtaines ws “Bip Chad 5 Ae Mya i agp es le es ee ge kB $14 361,320.35 In the final adjustment of the differences between the State and the railroad, the latter paid to the State of Penn- sylvania $13,570,000. In this connection it is interesting to recall the hard bar- gain which the State imposed on the railroad in the nature of a tonnage tax of 5 mills per mile for each ton carried eimore than §20 ‘miles* over. the road between March 116 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS INTERIOR OF FIRST CLASS PASSENGER .COACH, 1852 and December of each year, but not during the winter months, because the State owned canal could not then be operated, and the railroad would not then be competing with the State Line of Public Works. A supplement to the original Act incorporating the Pennsylvania Railroad, provided for the re- duction of the tax to 3 mills per ton per mile during the entire year, instead of 5 mills between March and December, and if, after completion of the road, this reduction should not yield as much revenue to the State as the 5-mill rate, the latter was to be restored at the option of the Legislature. Upon its purchase of the Main Line of Public Works in 1857, the Act provided that the Company should be discharged from the payment of this tonnage tax. This Act was declared unconstitutional, with the result that the company found itself in possession of the Public Works, and at the same time burdened with this - tonnage tax. The final outcome was the passage of an Act on ey ee March /th, 1861, commuting Pn en Nee are ae this tonnage tax provided the THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 WL Pennsylvania Railroad would pay the State the sum of $460,000 annually until July 31st, 1890. The final cost to the Pennsylvania Railroad, including interest, was approxi- mately $15,500,000. On to the Mississippi Having successfully passed the great barrier of mountain ranges that separated the East from the West in the ’50s, the promoters of these early railways cast longing eyes on the great plains that stretched invitingly before them. But they found that other railway pioneers had preceded them and covered Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Iowa and the States to the South with a perfect network of projects. Many of these dated back to the preceding decades, only to be abandoned when everything went blue in the financial depression that extended from 1837 to 1844. So it was that the New York Central interests found the Michigan Central and the Michigan Southern Railroads ready to connect up with their lines at Buffalo for the through routes to Chicago, while several other lines, since consolidated into the Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago & St. Louis Railway (Big Four), afforded it direct access to the principal centers of the West. The Pennsylvania found another group of nascent rail- roads, none too prosperous, ready for its consolidating hand. These were finally gathered into the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne & Chicago Railway, which it had helped to promote and finance. Some of the rails which were taken from the State owned Portage Railroad were used on the Fort Wayne road. This furnished a direct route from New York, Philadelphia and Washington to Chicago, and, while the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne & Chicago Railway was leased to the Pennsylvania for 999 years from 1869, it was some years later before this entire route from New York to Chicago came under direct control of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company. Starting at Pittsburgh from its eastern connection, the Pennsylvania pieced together several lines to which it had rendered financial assistance and by which it reached successively Columbus and 118 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Cincinnati, Ohio, then Indianapolis and Terre Haute, Indiana, and so on to St. Louis. The Erie, or the New York, Lake Erie & Western, as it was originally called, was stopped in its tracks at Dunkirk by its 6-foot gauge, which was not reduced to 4 feet 8% inches until 1878. Its story from then on to late in the century was involved in financial shallows and quicksands that have dis- tracted popular attention from its great services to the social and commercial interests of the Union. At this time the Erie had connection out into Ohio over the broad gauged track of the Atlantic & Great. Western trom) Salamanca, Waey Dayton, O. The Baltimore & Ohio System, after reaching Wheetes pursued its meandering way across the intervening territory to Chicago on such local stepping stones as the Central Ohio Railroad, the Sandusky, Mansfield & Newark Railroad and the Newark, Somerset & Straitsville Railroad to finally reach its objective under its own name from Chicago Junction, Ohio, to Baltimore Junction, Illinois. From Cumberland its south- ern branch, via Parkersburg and Cincinnati, reached its objec- tive at St. Louis. os The detail history of the railways through the Central West is a story of faith, hope and disappointment. Their promoters had everything necessary to success—vision, cour- age, enterprise and energy—but lacked financial resources. The stringency of funds for railway construction was em- phasized and probably tightened by the specter of State regula- tion that began to hover over all rail projects and heralded its approach by asserting the right to violate the early char- ters that granted authority to fix rates within certain maxima. In different charters these maxima ran as high as 13 cents a ton mile. The charter of the Petersburg Railroad prohibited charging more than 13 cents per ton mile, that of the Balti- more & Ohio forbade freight charges exceeding 4 cents a ton mile. Between these rates the carriers were permitted to fix almost any rate the traffic would bear and they very generally fixed them low enough to De the canals out of business. THIRD* DECADE, | 1850-1860 et, South of the Ohio river the forerunners of the Louisville & Nashville and the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis were feeling their way into the western half of what in the next decade was to be the Southern Confederacy. Railway build- ing throughout the South Atlantic States during this period was fully abreast of that at the North. In 1860 Georgia, with 1,420 miles open, ranked next to Indiana in completed mile- age. In that year the completed mile to population was as follows: Miles of Railway Population AMG aa Naa le dae ae Oe ann in Ee ed 743 964,201 Pei ei Sead Meats ye Ge deen CYR a cate wares 38 435,450 SUG CaN AES.) Mae amas Peeees hee pares Zo 379,994 POE RECO teint hoa. Bac e al. s Heck 601 460,147 re lanveat Chet c os ee ease hg Vaan ean Lee 112,216 TORIC A eh oe Ney wae Oe Cols tt 402 140,424 (TCHR SAT pee aad ee Eee IE ee a 1,420 1,057,286 SATE oF ca Me aa one ee pel i ke ne 2,799 & 1,711,951 LMGP Naat y ope tgh Bpenle > Jae) eee ees 2163 & 1,350,428 Wey ei oe site ee ie be gehaeS o 655 674,913 Kentucky RAI yee, lt Tee fe eee 534 1,155,684 Peeiera tia ins, Bet a yek ict Secs §oit 6) 335 708,002 row Fem ea etn ee ty Pe 472 628,279 Nrarnylatie wands) 7 fc: Fok. os. 386 762,129 WP SeaU SCL Ses Wes: fea contsbelor chrh ats 1,264 1,231,066 1A Ve) 8 Cade Ase See amt Ro Oe Ba a A a oe RSE 779 749,113 ios teet tee ee ces oo kes ho oe ome 862 791,305 GSS Tit tele et te ues ee es asa gc oS 817 1,182,012 INGA eels SMa h eer eee vain Jak Xa 661 326,073 Dre wveh Bese ven eat can, Suis steams «es 560 672,035 PNW Wad OE cl Bene tae Oe Ean nee i we 2,682 3,880,735 North: Carolina: 2.3... A Rae ie cee oS 937 992,622 TO ee ee ee ee a a he a BOAG Cine, Sooo oa | Penisylyatiatye east eat on. s; 2,598 2B 2,906,215 [Pel Pepitee o RAE Wade Pear eee Pier gee 108 174,620 SOU CLakett Olay wee, Sot p as ce a aie 973 703,708 at 0S CCP Ne cs eee be koh ons ee £253 1,109,801 - Sle Ae ee A Os Ne oat Gi nc a 307 604,215 reat OUl Laren otk ie eerie hc sed cme eres 554 315,098 LVilae icity Bey fat SAE det tweaks Bales 1,379 1,596,318 NV GS CO SAM Me PETA NT. tia Sots ye cial te acs 905 775,881 EIR CES Wee. eETea alee ree Oke ule 30,635 29,791,431 Increase, 10 years—239.6 per cent. The youthful reader cannot fail to note that the general trend of all this early railway construction was westward. Its pro- moters, engineers and surveyors were followers of the sun. Nevertheless there was one noteworthy exception. From 120 HISTORY OP: AMERICAN: RAILWAYS its first inception the Illinois Central Railway was conceived and designed to be a main traveled railroad running length- wise from end to end of Illinois. Among the railways con- templated under the State Act of 1837, for which the sum of $11,315,099 was appropriated, the “Central Railroad,” as it was named, was projected to traverse Illinois from “the con- fluence of the Ohio and Mississippi” at Cairo, through the western terminus of the Illinois & Michigan Canal at La Salle to Galena on the Mississippi near the extreme north- west corner of the State. Of the sum mentioned as appro- priated, which was for general internal improvements, $3,500,000 was apportioned to the “Central.” After $506,000 of this had been expended, mostly on surveys and preliminary work, the plan was abandoned. Several attempts to revive the enterprise made no headway until, in 1851, a charter was granted to a new company to avail itself of the grant of public lands by Congress to the State of Illinois for the building of a railroad from Cairo to Chicago. With this aid and the change in the destination of the road, its construction began in earnest and was prosecuted with such vigor that by 1856 the main line from Cairo to Chicago and from Centralia to Dunleith, opposite Dubuque on the Mississippi, was com- pleted and opened for traffic. Under the terms of its charter this entitled the railroad company to receive title to some 2,595,000 acres of land along its right of way. This grant was made conditioned on the railway company paying 7 per cent out of its gross earn- ings from the line built under it in the State into the State Treasury of Illinois, in lieu of other taxes. That provision has proved a most profitable one to the State, which from this source alone has received many times over the value of the lands granted. Up tothe end ‘of 1922 this chartenstax amounted to $54,380,586, whereas the normal tax covering the same period would not have exceeded $24,000,000. Before the railroad was built the land it received was for the most part unsalable at $1.25 per acre. Within six years of the com- pletion of the road it had disposed of 1,300,000 acres and was offering the remaining, 1,200,000 at prices ranging from $6 THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 121 to $25 per acre. First class farming land at that time was selling at about $10 to $12 an acre. When it is considered that even then the Illinois Central went through such centers as Vandalia, Bloomington, Dixon, Freeport, Mendota, Cen- tralia, Mattoon and Urbana, the price seems almost incredible. TRAIN ENTERING RANDOLPH STREET STATION OF ILLINOIS CENTRAL RAILROAD. IN CHICAGO IN 1857 (See plans for new station in chapter XI.) If the reader would appreciate the full strategic value of the Illinois Central at the time it was opened, let him study a railway map of the United States of that period. With the extension of the Illinois Central over the New Orleans & Jackson and the Mississippi Central Railways to New Orleans, he will perceive that this road skirted what was then the out- skirts of railway construction from the Gulf of Mexico to the northernmost point in Illinois. It is rarely over fifty miles east from the Mississippi, and only in the center of Illinois 122 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS does it wander a hundred miles from the “Father of Waters.” Rather, the “Father” does the wandering. Where the river, by reason of its serpentine windings, takes 1,700 miles from Dubuque to the Gulf, the direct rail gets there in 950. This difference alone, if the rail transportation possessed no other advantage, was enough to put the Mississippi out of the car- rying business, except for local traffic. FIRST MICHIGAN CENTRAL TRAIN IN DEARBORN IN 1855 Then a post village ten miles west of Detrcit—Now the home town of Henry Ford Few Tracks West of the Mississippi In 1860 the steam locomotive had not made its appearance on the far side of the Mississippi at more than half a dozen points. A beginning had been made to connect Vicksburg with Shreveport. There was a short line into Arkansas con- necting Memphis with Little Rock. From St. Louis several roads started west, but none of them had reached Kansas City. Des Moines, Iowa, was the center of three “railways in progress” with none completed. Council Bluffs was the objective of a line in the survey stage. Eliminating the four states of Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri and Iowa, that vast territory west of the Mississippi was without a railway track PHAIKDCDEGADE, 1850-1860 123 except for 23 miles in California and 307 miles in Texas. Dis- regarding these lonely 330 miles, this meant that more than half (63 per cent) of the land area of the United States only sixty odd years ago was absolutely without the means of the easy transportation that had brought comfort and prosperity to the eastern section of the Union. It is doubtful if there DANIEL WEBSTER—THE FIRST AMERICAN COAL BURNING LOCOMOTIVE —Courtesy S. M. Felton, son of the builder. was a farmer or resident in all that trackless territory who would not have given the shirt off his back to hear those— Two low whistles quaint and clear, That was the signal the engineer— ‘That. was the signal Guild, ’tis’ said— Gave to his wife at Providence, As through the sleeping town and thence, Out in the night, On to the light, Down past the farms lying white he sped! The Land Grant Period Such was the situation that caused and explained the ready response of Congress and state legislatures to appeals for erants of public lands. The year 1850 was to see the inau- guration of a national policy of granting lands in aid of rail- way construction. The subject had been buffeted about in Congress for a score of years. What between state jeal- ousy, constitutional inhibition, the slavery question and bitter 124 HISTORY OF AMERICAN” RAILWAYS dissension over the tariff, Congress backed and filled on prop- ositions to give the railways pre-emption rights or outright land grants, and from 1833 to 1850 ended by doing nothing. Now the need to do something was obvious, if the most necessary of all pending internal improvements was not to fail in its mission of uniting the distant sections of the country in the bonds of commercial, social and industrial union. The separate states had essayed the task of helping to finance these improvements, but the states that needed them most were least able to bear the burden. They could neither build and operate the railways themselves nor back private compa- nies. The result was disastrous, driving some states into in- solvency and even to a repudiation of debts so incurred. The canals and post roads in which the states had invested so heavily had been generally obsolete almost before they were open for traffic. At this time the Federal government was long on land and short on ready cash. The public domain in the ’50s has | been summarized as follows: States icessionscitatres) saeco a ee 258,504,129 Louisiana: purchases! S034. te ae 750,686,855 Floridaspurchase. 715100 us nee 35,264,500 Mexican cession, 1848 ‘/.......... 329,623,255 Léexas purchase 1350 2 ae. eine cee 62,266,953 Gadsden purchase, 1653"-4) 200 ate 29,142,400 Totaly.t: tas ao ore 1,465,488,092 The Alaskan purchase in 1867.added 369,520,600 acres to this total; but little to its market value, being bought for $7,200,000 cash—that is, 2 cents an acre, which probably fixed the lump sum. In 1850 the Government could not give its land away in wholesale lots at $1.00. Such was the land situation in the United States in 1850, when Stephen A. Douglas, only recently elected to the Senate, began his successful campaign for the Illinois Central land grant with all the ability and political sagacity of which he was master. A similar bill had passed the Senate in a_pre- vious session, and by coupling the Illinois grant with one for a like grant from Alabama and Mississippi to the Mobile & THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 Vs Ohio the necessary votes were shifted from those states in the South to insure its passage. As this bill set the form for others that followed, its general features may be summarized as applying to all. The Act of September 20, 1850, granted lands to Illinois for a road from the southern terminus of the Illinois and Mich- igan canal to a point at or near the junction of the Ohio and “OREGON OR BUST” WAGON OF THE ’50s. Note the automobile in the background, of which neither man nor quadruped dreamed as they plodded their weary way toward the yellowing sunset Mississippi rivers with a branch of the same to Chicago on Lake Michigan and another via the town of Galena to Du- buque in the State of Iowa. The main line was to be built within six years. The lands of the road were to be exempt from taxation and in lieu of this 5 per cent of the gross in- come of the road each year was to be paid into the state treasury. Besides giving a right of way for 100 feet on either side of the road, the bill conveyed to the railway company the alternate even numbered sections of unpre-empted land, within six miles of the road, with a proviso, introduced by Jefferson Davis, then senator, restricting the choice of lands in lieu of pre-empted lands to those within fifteen miles of 126 HISTORY »OF AMERICAN *RAILWAYS the road, for he considered this as far as a loaded team could go and return in a day. The line was to remain a public highway for the use of the Government, and mail was to be transported for such price as Congress might direct. If the road was not completed within ten years, the lands should revert to the Government and the state should pay the United States the amount received from the lands already sold. The same general features appear in the grants to other states. Subsequently, however, the grants were increased from six to ten miles and the indemnity limits from fifteen to twenty miles. The grants to the Pacific roads, being of lands generally in territories, were made directly to the cor- porations. The Illinois Central was compieted within the time limit, with the percentage of revenue in lieu of taxes raised to 7 per cent; and under the terms, of the Act 1t-received-tmiewe 2,095,133 acres. Of this, up to 1895, it had disposed of all but 87,373 acres and had received something over twenty million dollars, or less than $10 an acre. The price fixed in 1856 was from $5 to $25 an acre, on six years’ credit with interest at 3 per cent. Deeds were not given until the entire price was paid, so the tax exemption inured to the purchaser for six years. Besides insuring the prompt building of the road the grant to the Illinois Central accomplished the purpose for which it was made—the sale of the public lands. These were a drug on the market at $1.25 an acre. Coincident with the Act of Congress, the price was advanced to $2.50 and by 1855 all the Government lands were reported as sold. Thus were all the predictions of its advocates fulfilled. Illinois got its cen- tral railroad; the Nation its Gulf to Galena connection; the Government got rid of its unsalable lands and the people of the United States secured transportation facilities for which they had been clamoring for a generation. Before the close of the decade, Congress had duplicated its grant to Illinois, Alabama and Mississippi with grants in aid of railways to Missouri, Iowa, Arkansas, Florida, Michigan, Wisconsin, Lou- isiana, Minnesota, North Dakota and South Dakota. In THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 127 almost every instance the conditions of the grants were ful- filled and everywhere the Government and the people reaped benefits far beyond those they bestowed. Writing on this subject in Bulletin No. 30 of the Univer- sity of Wisconsin (1899), Professor John Bell Sanborn, to whom I am indebted for much of the foregoing, says: “These lands have not been the source of wealth to the roads that is commonly supposed. Even in the case of the largest grants the balance for the whole period is quite small and in many cases the land departments are now a source of expense rather than of revenue.” The average price obtained was under $10 per acre. “Comparing the building of the roads which received land grants,” he continues,” with those that did not, it seems that there was no particular need for most of the grants. Unaided roads were built along similar routes even faster than aided ones. The great transconti- nental roads, however, probably needed the assistance in the shape of lands or bonds to secure their construction at the time they were built.” Throughout the history of railway building in the United States the brains, the constructive capacity, the untiring en- ergy and resourcefulness, the vision, courage and pertinacity put in their work by the leading spirits of the day counted for far more than anything in the form of appropriations of land or bonds. The land had to be sold for a song and the bonds had to be redeemed. Abraham Lincoln in Congress and later in the White House never hesitated to lend public assistance to the one medium that promised to unite farm and factory for the com- mon weal. He would have preferred to see the Illinois land grant without the enhancement in price of the land retained, but accepted the principle of Senator Douglas’ bill. Lincoln .on Railways and Waterways It was not in connection with land grants, however, that the Great Emancipator was to make his most noteworthy contribution to railway progress westward across this conti- nent. In June, 1854, a party of 250 excursionists, including 128 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS ex-President Fillmore and Charles A. Dana of the New York Sun started from Chicago to celebrate the completion of the Chicago & Rock Island Railroad to the Mississippi opposite Davenport. It traveled in two sections and took eighteen hours to cover the distance now easily negotiated in eight. The rails ended at Rock Island on the eastern bank of the FIRST WOODEN BRIBGE ACROSS THE MISSISSIPPI AT DAVENPORT, TA; 1859 river. It was at that point that the great rivals—railways and waterways—were to come to grips, and the precedence of the rail over the boat for interstate transport was to be demonstrated and decided. In that decision Abraham Lincoln played a leading part. With the coming of the rails to the river bank, steps were immediately taken to build a bridge across to Rock Island and thence by a longer structure to the Iowa: shore. The steam- boat interests at once took alarm and invoked the aid of the Secretary of War, who happened to be Jefferson Davis, to withhold permission for bridging navigable waters. Applica- tion was made to the Federal Court for an injunction against THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 129 the rail intruders. Justice John McLean of the Supreme Court denied the injunction, the bridge was built, and on April 2lst the locomotive named the “Des Moines” crossed to the Iowa shore. “On the following day,” says the narra- tive, “three locomotives coupled together with two tenders and eight passenger cars crossed the new bridge today.” PRESENT STEEL BRIDGE, OVER THE MISSISSIPPI (1923) Fourteen days later the Louisville-New Orleans packet “Effie Alton,” sent north from St. Louis, passed through the draw ; but 200 feet above the bridge one of her wheels stopped and she was swept against the bridge, took fire, which spread to the span and destroyed it. The owner of the “Effie Alton” brought suit against the Railroad Bridge Company. Mr. Lin- coln was employed by the defense and made his memorable argument in which he foresaw the traffic going over the bridge exceeding that passing under it. He urged that the Missis- sippi, that great channel of trade “extending from where it never freezes to where it never thaws,’ should not block the travel from East to West which was building up new com- 130 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS munities with a rapidity never before seen in the history of the world. “This current of travel,’ said he, “has its rights as well as that of North and South. If the river had not the advantage in priority and legislation we could enter into free competition with it and we could surpass it.” The jury disasreed and was discharged, but another suit was brought in the Federal District Court for Iowa and the bridge was declared a nuisance and piers lying with- in the State of Lowa were or- dered removed. This de- cision was reversed on appeal. In its decision the Supreme Court held that according to rae the assumption of the bill “no FIRST NIAGARA SUSPENSION lawful bridge could be built Begun in 1852; opened March 8, 1855 across the Mississippi any ee heuE where. Nor could harbors or rivers be improved; nor could ’the great facilities to commerce, accomplished by the invention of railroads, be made available where great rivers had to be crossed.” Thus was the wisdom of Abraham Lincoln in favor of the survival of the fittest form of transportation imbedded in the supreme law of the land. The accompanying illustrations show the first bridge across the Mississippi and the present Steel structure that) has’ replaced=itt Bridging Niagara It has been said that there are only three ways of cross- ing a river—by a bridge, a ferry or a ford. In their progress across the continent the railways have known only the first two, unless the numerous piers in some of the early. bridges could be considered as so many stepping stones in the cross- ing of broad and shallow rivers. Until quite recently the ma- jority of roads entering New York City, or Manhattan as it is now called, did so by ferries from New Jersey, the New York Central controlling the entrance by a bridge over the THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 131 Harlem river, or straits as it was originally named. When the railways first reached Buffalo they had the chojce to ferry across Niagara river above the Falls or making a detour around Lake Erie by what is now the Lake Shore route. The Canada Southern across the peninsula of Ontario offered a tempting level air line route with a ferry at either end. Plans were immediately adopted to bridge the gorge of Niagara river, and John A. Roebling, the genius of the great Brooklyn CANTILEVER BRIDGE AT NIAGARA—OPENED IN 1883 ‘ Note old suspension bridge in background bridge, was the engineer employed to draw the plans and exe- cute the work. Construction was begun in 1852 and the bridge was opened for traffic on March 8, 1853. Windsor, on the St. Clair river opposite Detroit, was the western terminus of the road, and trains were shipped bodily across to Ameri- can soil on large ferry boats. Quite recently the use of ferries has been largely circumvented by a tubular tunnel under the river, made possible by electrical motors. Long before this the Grand Trunk of Canada had tunneled the river at Sarnia. In the process of development the stone towers of the original suspension bridge at Niagara were replaced by steel HISTORY OF AMERICAN STEEL ARCH SPAN OVER NIAGARA RIVER—1924 RAILWAYS skeletons and the chasm was spanned by a new steel can- tilever And as this is written otire se structures have been supplemented by a giant steel arch bridge. “Phe allus- trations. te Lieu story of evolution in railway bridges bet- ter than columns of technical descrip- tion, What the Early Railways Cost It is very difficult to arrive at a con- vincing estimate of what 1t -costqeto finance, construct and equip the early American railways. From the beginning there was no stan- dard by which to measure the ex- pense. Everything was experimental. The engineer of the period did not know from day to day what new _ proposi- tion would be sprung on him over night. Not a single through system got THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 133 to the end of its proposed route with the same form of struc- tures and equipment with which it started out. Rails, ties, ballast, joints, switches—all underwent a constant and some- times radical process of evolution. There was no resemblance between the locomotives, passenger cars and freight cars of 1830 and those of 1860. The difference between the 5-ton “Stourbridge Lion” and the 28-ton locomotive that scaled the Alleghenies in the ’50s may be said to fairly measure the dif- ference that existed between the rail facilities of the two per- iods. Everything in between had been discarded and replaced, at constantly increasing cost and in face of recurring financial panics. : It has been estimated that the total investment in the 30,635 miles of line completed in 1860 was $1,150,000,000, or about $37,000 per mile. Railway acccounting was very loose and careless on many of the roads through those constructive days. Uniform accounting was a long way off even after the Civil War. But $37,000 a mile may be accepted as a reason- able average cost in 1860. For the purpose of subsequent comparison, it may ,be well to give the following estimated cost of equipment for the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul in 1854: 8 locomotives @ $9,000 ..... i ash $ 72,000 Brpassenper. cares (0) 2,100) 28s. cow an 16,800 SEAS CAGE CCES I bl OU toe aa ee 6,400 /Ovycicht! cars; OS) G00 eis t ac: 45,500 Platform ane coravelscaree asc sisaex ¢. 25,000 SES Perret codes GaP wh 2 Fn Ae rds | aah $165,700 As an illustration of how enthusiastic estimates invited well-nigh ruinous results, the case of the Ohio & Mississippi, built in the ’50s as an extension of the Baltimore & Ohio, may be cited. A distinguished engineer who was invited to con- duct the survey of the line reported that “throughout the entire distance from Cincinnati to St. Louis no grade exceed- -ing forty feet to the mile had been found necessary.” He estimated the entire cost of construction and equipment at $6,000,000, which he subsequently revised in detail to $5,045,- -000. The first contract called for $9,000,000, and before it -was completed the cost had risen to $20,000,000, or $58,800 134 FISTORY (OF “AMERICAN VRAILIVALS per mile, which had been extracted from different sources with increasing difficulty. But the faithful chronicler of the day concludes: “Though individuals have lost, the country has gained. The road is worth the money.” It was such experiences as this, running through succes- THE AMOSKEAG A fine model of 1851 —Photo American Locomotive Company sive reorganizations, that lapped up the millions of water that kept the life in American railways from 1837 to 1860. St. Paul Sees Visions In 1853 St. Paul, located on the Mississippi below the falls of St. Anthony, was a thriving town of some 5,000 inhabitants who firmly believed that they held the key to all the vast region north and west of them. In the morning they looked hopefully to the East, impatiently waiting for the completion of the Galena & Chicago Union Railroad to Dubuque. It was already open to Rockford. On this they relied for trans- portation to Chicago and thence to “New York, Boston and almost any other place you please,” as expressed by the histo- rian of that day. In the, evening the same inhabitants saw THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 135 a vision in the western sky of “the early completion of a rail- road from the Mississippi to San Francisco,” to quote a writer of that same period, who asserted that he was not dreaming dreams. His vision followed the route of what he termed “the magnificent enterprise of the North Pacific Railroad.” With St. Paul as its starting point, it was headed for the LOCOMOTIVE BUILT FOR THE HUDSON RIVER R. R. IN 1860 (Total weight 108,000 Ibs.) —Courtesy of American Locomotive Co. great bend of the Missouri river; thence on the table-land be- tween the Missouri and Saskatchewan, searching for some eligible pass in the Rocky mountains; and so on down the Pacific slope to Puget’s Sound. The loyal citizen of St. Paul had no hesitation in pronouncing the “Central Pacific Route” impracticable, because, as he said, “the country through which it passes is generally unfit for cultivation; the altitude of the summit is greater; the snows deeper; in brief, that route is out of the question.” He was inclined to concede, however, without local jealousy, “that there is a route farther south, through Texas or New Mexico and along the Gila to San Diego or through Walker’s Pass to some point farther north” that might be practicable. There was one fly in the St. Paul cup of optimism that disturbed his dreams. This was nothing less than that his railroad by the northern route might be forestalled by another 136 HISTORY OF AMERICAN _ RAILWAYS railroad, one farther north, that rumor told him the British Government contemplated building north of Lake Superior from Halifax, Nova Scotia, to the Pacific. The true son of St. Paul also indulged in day dreams of “a continuous line of railroad from New Orleans to the falls of St. Anthony, running on the west side of the Mississippi River through the best portions of Arkansas, Missouri, lowa and Minnesota.” Here he failed to read the handwriting FAST PASSENGER LOCOMOTIVE, PENNSYLVANIA R. R.—1867 Courtesy Baldwin Locomotive Works on the wall that had already settled that the connection was to be made east of the Mississippi through a territory already reclaimed from Nature and her waterways by the iron horse. The effect of such optimistic views as here quoted can be traced in his regretful confession that “In 1849 I could have purchased a quarter of a block, on one lot of which the Pioneer office now stands, for two hundred: dollars; now (1853) the same property is worth three thousand dollars, without the improvements.” The present (1923) value of this block as quoted to the writer is $13,500 exclusive of improvements. That is the transformation the coming of the railway wrought in real estate values in St. Paul; it had even greater effect on the farm values in Minnesota. In 1850 the value of all farm property in the West-North-Central census division, consist- ing of Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, North Dakota, South Da- kota, Nebraska and Kansas, was $108,885,147; in 1920 the cen- THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 137 sus valuation of all farm property in Minnesota alone was $3,787 ,420,118, or nearly 36 times greater than the valuation of the whole West-North-Central division 70 years before. The steel rail was the magic wand by which this amazing transformation was brought to pass. James J. Hill was a farmer lad of 12 in Canada in 1850. He came to the United States in the nick of time to hitch his car to the star of empire sailing west that was to bear him on to fame and fortune. In that same year his precocious rival, Edward H. Harriman, had not attained long trousers. Railway annalists are prone to dwell upon the financial panics of 1854 and 1857 as the result of the feverish financing of railways into the waste places of the republic. There was undoubtedly an excess of speculative blood in the veins of the - American railway promoters of those days. The pioneer spirit refused to be daunted by physical or financial difficulties. Where there was room for population in the uninhabited spaces of the continent he saw visions of farms, villages and towns—all taking on the proportions of metropolitan cities and only awaiting the coming of the railway sidings and ter- minals. Land and railway speculation went hand in hand to the inevitable fall. Many of the bankrupts of those days needed only to weather the storm of over-construction to have their names enrolled with the empire builders. of America. And they builded better than they claimed. In the five states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, where railway construction was most rapid, the value of farms increased from $671,678,075 in 1850 to $1,738,394,188 in 1860, at least one-half of the difference, $1,066,/16,113, was attribu- table to the building of roads that bankrupted their builders. In the same five states during the same period the production of wheat increased nearly 75 per cent and of cattle 60 per cent. The first really successful locomotive for burning coal in the United States was perfected in 1855. It was named the “Daniel Webster.” It ran at half the expense of a wood burner of the same class, which it did not wholly supersede for more than twenty years. The cut on page 123 is from 138 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS a photograph of a gold and silver model of the “Webster” presented to the inventor in 1865 and now in the possession of his son, S. M. Felton, president of the Chicago Great West- ern Railroad. The elder Felton is credited with having frus- trated the plot to assassinate Lincoln while on his way to Washington for his first inauguration. The Coming of the Pullman Palace Car Toward the close of this decade, through the vision, energy and organizing genius of one man, was to come a departure in passenger car construction destined to place that branch of the service in America in the forefront of railway progress. For a generation little had been done to relieve the long distance traveler from ‘the tedious discomforts of the primitive passenger car. As railway lines extended their tracks: farther sand’ farther from the seaboard, these dis- comforts became a_ serious check -on the naturally no- madic instinct of the average G. M. PULLMAN IN 1854. American with a dollar in his pocket. Only immigrants, prospectors and persons traveling on business cared to face a night on an American railway train. The allurements and luxuries of seeing America first were extolled in the adver- tisements of the time only to suffer disillusionment on the cramped car seats in realization. The steamers on the Hud- son and up the Sound from New York were literally floating palaces, with generous staterooms for those who could afford to pay and lesser luxuries, but still convenient, for those with leaner wallets. : The railway sleeper of the early ’50s had not advanced far from the makeshifts of the ’30s and 40s. Their builders ap- THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 ibe parently took canal bunks or shelves for their models. Some- times narrow mattresses, hardened into something resem- bling granite from frequent usage, were provided; more sel- dom an unaired blanket or unlaundered sheet was thrown in and the sleeper used his old-fashioned carpetbag for a pillow. OLD “NO. 9” PULLMAN’S FIRST COMPLETE SLEEPING CAR When he was about to retire his eye fell on the necessary warning, “Passengers will please remove their boots before getting into the berths.” No curtains shut out the fierce pub- licity that beat upon the occupants of those embryo Pullmans. Under such conditions a young lad named George M. Pull- man took a night train from Buffalo to Westfield, N. Y. The distance was not great, but the discomforts were many and the conveniences, as we know them, nil. Possibly out of the COSTUME PARTY IN THE ORIGINAL PULLMAN CAR Note where the Salvation Army lassies got the idea of poke bonnets. 140 HISTORY * OP GAMERICAN (RAILV AVS. —— nightmare of that experience he saw visions of the palace sleeping cars and hotels on wheels that were to herald his name to the ends of the earth. He did not linger long behind a country store counter in Westfield, but at the age of seven- teen joined an elder brother who was in the cabinet making business in Albion, N. Y. There he acquired the knowl- edge of woods and wood- working utilized so extensive- ly in his earlier car construc- tion. His first venture in transportation was in con- tracting to move warehouses and other buildings back from the banks of the Ene canal when it was undergoing one of its periodic widenings. When this was completed, Mr. Pullman, now a young “man of twenty-four, moved with his savings to Chicago, where he immediately en- gaged as a contractor in the great work of elevating the streets some fifteen feet above INTERIOR OF EARLY DINING CAR the Jeyel of Lake Michigan. It was thus that by 1858 Mr. Pullman had already acquired the knowledge, experience and organizing ability that was to redound to his fame and the comfort of American railway travel. LATEST, PULLMAN SLEEPER Pullman Co. Photo De DME CADE, 1850-1860 141 Rude attempts had been made to build sleeping cars be- fore the first Pullman car was tested on the Chicago & Alton between Bloomington and Chicago. To the Cumberland Val- ley Railroad of Pennsylvania must be awarded the credit of installing the first sleeping car service between Harrisburg and Chambersburg as early as 1836. It consisted of the adap- tation of a second hand day coach to sleeping purposes, being divided into four compart- patrments with three bunks in each, built against one side of the car; a roller towel. basin and water were pro- vided in the rear of the car. Whether Mr. Pullman had ever seen this car or not, its plan of inconveniences had little influence on his first at- tempt at remodeling two Chi- cago & Alton coaches into the first Pullman sleepers in 1858. The passenger cars put at his disposal for the experiment in the company’s Bloomington shops were forty-four feet long and had flat roofs only six feet from the floor. Into this space he crowded ten pe oeeemerinon closcta@and «0 tt Ok WOR RARE ULLMAN two wash-rooms. ° They were Note the absence of divisions lighted by oil lamps, heated with box stoves and mounted on four-wheel trucks with iron wheels. The reconstruction of these two cars cost less than $1,000 apiece. The chief novelty in them was Mr. Pullman’s invention of an upper berth that might be closed up in the day time and serve as a place to store mattresses and blankets. These experimental cars were a popular success from the start, and after a careful study of their shortcomings Mr. Puliman proceeded to produce the first real Pullman sleeping 142 HISTORY” OF “AMERICAN ©RAILWAYS. car built from the rail up to fill the requirements of long dis- tance travel in America. It was built in a Chicago & Alton shed on the site of the Union Station, now about to be wrecked to make room for the greater Union Station whose completion was delayed by the World War. Fully equipped, the “Pioneer,” as it was appropriately named, cost $20,178—an unheard of price up to that time, when $5,000 was the limit paid for a railway coach. Besides its adaptation to day travel as well as for night journeys, the “Proneer | dittéered ‘trom sprecedinge= “passenger weoacheaset) ee Se Sa ey eee ae = ae Seam l whe (2 pore ee L Gunny FP Fe Sea L=-aN Devowreon raven ans —fT na TW =u wy PULLMAN SLEEPING CAR OUTLINE, SHOWING HOW IT-IS SUPPLIED WITH LIGHT, WATER AND HEAT weight, strength and solidity of construction. It was 54 feet long and 10 feet wide—a foot wider and 30 inches higher than the old car. The additional height was necessary to accommodate the hinged upper berth. These increased dimen- sions had an important bearing on railway and car construc- tion, for after that all stations and platforms and bridges were built to conform to its standard and the only departure there- from has been in length. With the solution of the physical phase of the sieeping car problem, the “Pioneer” and its twin, costing $24,000, had to satisfy the doubting Thomases who questioned its supe- riority justified such expenditure for single cars. Would the public pay for the extra luxury of traveling in the greater safety and comfort of these so-called palace cars? Mr. Pull- man proposed that the public that paid should decide. The Chicago-Springfield train. was equipped with both styles of THIRD* DECADE, 1850-1860 143 cars, Pullmans to charge $2 a night, the old style sleepers $1.50. The result justified Mr. Pullman’s confidence that the public would pay a bonus for the best. The Pullmans carried all they could hold, the old style only those who could not get sleeping room in the new style. In a short time the $1.50 sleepers were withdrawn, leaving the sleep- SraicldetO tie o2,car and 11s colored porter... _By_ 186/, when the Pullman Palace Car PROCESS OF MAKING UP BERTHS Company was incorporated, “IN MODERN PULLMAN SLEEPER Mr. Pullman owned all the oan sleeping cars on the Chicago & Alton, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, the Michigan Central, the Great Western of Canada and the New York Central Lines— a total of 48 cars. That incorporation was to. bear fruits no whit less important than his original invention. {t ‘established a. system whereby the best equipment for both night and day rail- Way journeys was placed at the service of the public over all the railways, without change at connecting points Besides being a wonderful convenience, this corporation had a great part in hastening the final adoption by all of our railways of the standard INTERIOR OF MODERN DINING 4-ft. 8%-in. gauge. In the same year the: Pull- Mark the simplicity of design 144 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS OF MODERN DINING CARSKIT CHEN Built by Pullman Company for, Chicago, SECTION Burlington & Quincy R. R. in 1924 man Company built and put the first “hotel car” in service on the Great Western - of Canada. This car, which was the predecessor of the dining car of today, was in reality a combination of a sleeping car with a kitchen at one end. The meals were served at temporary tables between the sections, as is still the case on some roads, both in Can- ada and the United States. The dining car, appro- priately named “Delmon- ico’s,” devoted wholly to eat- ing purposes, was personally designed by Mr. Pullman in 1868 and, like his first sleeping cars, had its initial trip on the Chicago & Alton. In May, 1870, the first through train of Pullmans from the Atlantic to the Pacific carried a distinguish com- pany of Bostonians from Bos- ‘ton to San Francisco in an EXCUPSION y .Ol tne. = sbOstOn Board of Trade. From that time to the present the progress of the Pullman car has been one of continuous development along the lines of safety, sim- plicity, convenience and cleanliness. Few _ persons traveling in these cars realize at what an expenditure of thought, vigilance and money the Pullman standard of VIEW OF OTHER END OF PULL- MAN DINING CAR KITCHEN — THIRD DECADE, 1850-1860 © 145 cleanliness is maintained. To provide the mere facilities for car cleaning alone the company maintains a force in 225 prin- cipal and 150 outlying yards. Jn these are employed a staff of over 4,000 cleaners. The company keeps constantly on hand no less than 1,858,178 sheets, valued at nearly a million dollars. During one year over 100,000,000 pieces of linen, including sheets and pillow cases, were washed and ironed. All told, the Pullman Com- pany has an investment of nearly $2,000,000 for approxi- mately 7,000,000 separate pieces. Replacement alone costs over $400,000 a year. But the Pullman Company has not achieved its monopoly without competition and ri- valry and does not maintain it without constant superior- ity of service. Among its earliest competi- tors was the Mann “Boudoir Car,’ in which the beds were arranged transversely instead INTERIOR OF LATEST PULLMAN of longitudinally. This car Pee See met with a very favorable reception in Europe, where its general features survive to this day. It was ‘put in service in the United States in 1883 between Boston and New York. The cars were divided into eight compartments, accommodat- ing two or four persons. It was tried on a few western roads, but never met with public favor. Having a smaller seating capacity necessitated a higher fare, which did not conduce to its success. The most serious competition encountered was that of the Gates Sleeping Car Company, named after its promoter, G. B. Gates, general manager of the Lake Shore road. It was absorbed by the Wagner Palace Car Compay in 1869. Backed by Commodore Vanderbilt, the Wagner Company, whose cars resembled closely the Pullman characteristics, was able 146 HISTORY (OF “AMERICAN RAILWAYS to place its cars on the New York Central and its connections. In 1881, the Pullman Company brought suit for infringements of its patents against the New York Sleeping Car Company and Webster Wagner, claiming $1,000,000 damages. The suit was compromised on the Wagner Company agreeing to use the Pullman improvements under contract to run its cars only on the New York Centra! road. The rivalry between these two companies came to a show-down over the use of vestibules between cars, which Mr. Pullman put in operation in 1888. The Wag- ner Company promptly ad- vestised a vestibule train and was as promptly met with an injunction holding the Wag- ner devices an infringement of Pullman patents. After protracted hearings the case was determined in favor of the Pullman Company. The so-called “Sessions’ patent,” under which the GEORGE M. PULLMAN’S HAP- Pullman Company operated, PIEST PHOTOGRAGH : : —Courtesy of his daughter, Mrs. Frank Was patented in 1881 and cov- aps ° ered’ the principles upon which the vestibuled train is operated to this day. As orig- inally designed the accordion diaphragms were only the width of the passageway between the cars. As redesigned in 1893 they enclosed the entire platform by means of a drop which lowered over the step openings. Among other advan- tages the vestibule added greatly to the steadiness and clean- liness of the entire train. The rivalry between these compa- nies ended with the absorption of the junior by the senior organization, greatly to the improvement of the service. The manufacturing side of the Pullman Company is an- other story, having been separated from the parent company in 1924, CHAPTER V FOURTH DECADE—1860—1870 KKAILROADS IN THE Civit WAarR—THEN THE UNION PACIF:c Hark, I hear the tramp of thousands And of arméd men the hum; Lo! a nation’s hosts have gathered "Round the quick alarming drum,— Saying, “Come, Freemen, come! Ere your heritage is wasted,” said the quick alarming drum. —Bret Harte. Lincoln was inaugurated March 4, 1861. Sumter was fired on April 12, 1861. O existing general history of the United States does full justice to the part played by the railroads from 1861 to 1865 in the preservation of the Union from the disinte- erating convulsion of seces- sion. Viewed from an impar- tial standpoint, the railways of the South served their sec- tion with _ characteristic American devotion and cour- age. Operating on interior lines from Mason and Dix- on’s line to the Gulf, they served General Lee with un- tiring zeal and loyalty. With constantly shrinking facili- ties and equipment, they eked out dwindling resources of men, materials and supplies to the bitter end at Appoma- ABRAHAM LINCOLN Pema icin) dikes the sole) - ne) peroved)) tie (Location (oy the 148 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS diers of the Confederacy, the railroad men started the rehab- ilitation of their lines from Richmond to Galveston Lee’s surrender came through no fault of the railways of the South nor by any superiority of patriotism in the railways of the North. It followed in due course of cause and ef- fect from the impetus given to settlement and production by the rapid laying of rails west of the Alleghenies that took place from 1850 to 1860. When the railways finally broke through the barrier mountains in the early ’50s, the territories to the west of Pittsburgh and north of the Ohio had a population of only 4,840,822 and that vast region could boast only 1,276 miles of rail communication. Before Sumter was fired on this same THOMAS A. SCOTT, 1824-81 territory had a hardy pioneer population of 8,282,750, brought in touch with the outposts of the Confederacy by no less than 10,285 miles of line, which was being added to every day. To realize what these figures mean it is well to remember that the South entered upon the conflict with a population of 12,127,067 and 10,386 miles of railway, not all of which was available: for, .the =“stragele, Fully one-third of the popu- lation was colored, and not all of the railway mileage was in states in active rebellion. SO “tare as coreakino “up “the Union by force of arms was A SOUTHERN ENGINE OF THE "60s. _ concerned, the attempt came fully a decade too late. It is not impossible, nor wholly improbable, that it might have suc- FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 149 ceeded in 1850, when over 40 per cent of the Nation’s inhab- itants formed a truly “solid South” and the opposing 60 per cent was scattered from Skowhegan, Maine, to the Missis- sippi, with no completed means of transportation at either MAPS SHOWING MARCH OF RAILWAYS—183v-1860 end. By 1860 the gaps in the North were bridged with steel and the recruit from Skowhegan, as from LaCrosse, Wiscon- sin, could be carried by rail to any point along the long front from the Mississippi to Chesapeake Bay. It may have been true, as the fighting Southerner claimed, that he was indi- vidually more than a match for the Northeastern Yankee But in the great contest he found that Yankee reinforced with SF ae see AX: —_ PA BRIDGE, TRAIN, STEAMBOAT AND WOODED LANDSCAPE—1860. 150 HISTORY -GFE. AMERICAN RAILWAYS a new generation bred in the open air west of the mountains that scorned fatigue and made a jest of danger. It was the West that won the war for the North, and it was the railways that settled the West and carried its sons on to Vicksburg; to the base of Lookout Mountain; and united the West and the East in the day of final victory. The West gave Lincoln to the Nation and Grant to the Union army at BALDWIN ENGINE, BUILT IN 1861 Vicksburg and in the Wilderness campaign. They had no prototypes, so far as human ken could discern in 1850, when Fillmore was president and Jefferson Davis was a power in the United States Senate. Speculation as to what might have been but for the amaz- ing development or the West in 1850-1860, however interest- ing, cannot be conclusive. All we know is that the railways furnished the means by which the response of the West to the Union call, “Lord, we come!’ was made effective as it was practically unanimous. What One Railway Official Did It would take a separate volume to tell the exploits of individual railway men on both sides of the line during the -war. Their experience and trained services were in demand from Washington to Texas in the movement of troops and FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 152 munitions. They headed construction and _ reconstruction gangs all along the frontier as the tide of conflict flowed back- ward and forward through those four fateful years. One day they tore up miles of track to impede the adversaries’ ad- vance, only to see it restored the next day as if by magic by the enemy, who was equally quick to put it out of business when the tide of combat turned. The one railroad man who impressed his personality high up on the Union side of the line was Thomas A. Scott... He began his career with the Pennsylvania Railroad as station agent at Duncansville in 1850 and in ten years, by dint of un- usual executive ability and energy, Tose THOME kc cee to be vice-president under the direction As he looked during of the road’s famous executive J. Edgar Pa ei Solty Thomson. Here the war found him, and Governor Curtin of Pennsylvania summoned him to his aid to place him in charge of the transportation of the state’s troops answering by thousands to President Lincoln’s first call. So perfectly did he organize the service that it attracted attention in Wash- ington, and when Southern sympathizers in Baltimore burned TYPICAL BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE OF 1861 Built for the Pennsylvania Railroad 152 HISTORY * OP SAMERICAN~ KAILEW Ais the bridges of the Northern Central Railroad he was called to the National capital to superintend and keep open the road from Baltimore to Harrisburg. On April 27th Mr. Scott was appointed to take charge of the railways and telegraphs be- tween Washington and Annapolis, and, as his work involved acting in a military capacity, on May 3, 1861, he was mustered into the service as colonel of the United States volunteers. His first duty was to construct a line by way of Annapolis to BALDWIN PASSENGER AND FREIGHT LOCOMOTIVE Built for the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore R. R. in 1862 Philadelphia to replace the Northern Central connection which had been destroyed. It was a case that admitted of no delay—where what had to be done was done so quickly that the officials who ordered it done did not know when it was done. President Lincoln was one of these to whom the immediate opening of the new line meant so much. Meet- ing Colonel Scott, he asked him how the work progressed. “The road is completed,” replied the colonel. “Completed!” echoed the amazed President. “And when may we expect troops over it?” “A train is already in with a regiment,” responded the colonel, “and others are on the way.” 2 FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 153 “Then, thank God! we are all right again!” exclaimed Mr. Lincoln. As a result of Colonel Scott’s promptness there were fewer sleepless eyes in Washington that night. Before the close of the month Colonel Scott was appointed “to take charge of all Government railways and telegraphs or those appropriated for the Government,” and on August 1, 1861, he was appointed assistant secretary of war, a post created for him. In this position he was required to visit all the great western states to organize their means of trans- portation to expedite the preparation and movement of their STONE BRIDGE OVER THE SUSQUEHANNA At Rockville, Pa., replacing iron truss bridge built in 1877, after previous wooden truss partially destrcyed by fire in 1868. volunteers for actual service. In the performance of this duty alone Colonel Scott traveled some 5,000 miles. In June, 1862, Colonel Scott resigned his Federal position to resume his duties as an official of the Pennsylvania Rail- road, only to be recalled by Secretary Stanton to report to General Hooker for “special service” on his staff. This spe- cial service was nothing less than “the duty of sending for- ward with the utmost despatch the troops of General Hook- er’s command.” It consisted in forwarding Hooker’s and Howard’s corps over railroads connected by improvised tracks, so that in an incredibly short time he had assembled from half a dozen different states an army of fifty thousand men, with their artillery, cavalry and complete field equip- ment “where it was most needed.” The special order for utmost despatch, with its appointment as assistant quarter- master of volunteers, was issued from Washington Septem- e 154 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS ber 24, 1863; Colonel Scott furnished the necessary despatch so that on November 24th Hooker was able to win the “Battle Above the Clouds” on Lookout Mountain, and on the follow- ing day the Federal army under Grant scaled Missionary Ridge, and the siege of Chattanooga was raised. With this signal service successfully performed, Colonel Scott once more resigned his military title to resume his posi- tion as active vice-president of the Pennsylvania. Such spe- cial service as Colonel Scott was in a position to render to the Union cause was duplicated in other fields by thousands of railway men wearing the blue and gray as their fealty to state or nation called and as opportunity arose. The decisive preponderance of duty as of service was settled for the nation by the railroad building of 1850-1860. Story of a Confederate Locomotive How these respective senses of duty came into sharp and unusual conflict may be illustrated by the story of the seizure THE FAMOUS LOCOMOTIVE “GENERAL” As It Appears in the Union Station at Chattanooga, Tenn. Its Seizure by the “Andrews Raiders” and Pursuit by the Confederate Crew is One of the Most Thrilling Railway Stories of the Civil War and recapture of the famous locomotive ‘‘General,” which ever since the war has been an object of interest to all trav- elers having’ occasion | to “stop oft at Chattanoocage@n ste morning of April 12, 1862, a passenger train on the Western FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 155 & Atlantic, now a division of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway, under charge of Capt. W. A. Fuller, left Atlanta for Chattanooga. At Marietta a party of strangers in plain clothes got on board and paid their fares to different points. They claimed to be refugees from the Yankee lines going to join the Confederate army. In fact they were dis- guised soldiers, volunteers from Sills’ brigade, U. S. A., led by a Kentuckian named James J. Andrews. PASSENGER TRAIN OF 1860 WITH WOOD-BURNING LOCOMOTIVE, DELAWARE & HUDSON CO. At Big Sandy, seven miles from Marietta, the train stopped for breakfast and most of the passengers and crew left the train. No sooner had they taken their seats than Captain Fuller, looking through a window, saw a body of strangers mount the engine and start off rapidly with three freight cars detached from the passenger train. Then began as exciting a chase as was ever witnessed in peace or war. . Captain Ful- ler, his engineer, Jeff Cain, and Anthony Murphy, the fore- man of the Western & Atlantic shops, started the pursuit on foot, just as the “General” and its crew of raiders, at first m*ctaken for Confederate deserters, was disappearing around 156 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS the first bend in the track. At Moon’s station, two miles from Big Sandy, Captain Fuller got news of the fugitives that satisfied him they were Federals in disguise, and this added greater zest to the pursuit. With the aid of track hands, he placed a hand car on the rails and with his two companions literally pushed the pursuit, taking turns, two running and pushing while the third rested. Now and then they had to stop to remove obstructions which the flying Fed- erals threw upon the track. At Acworth they secured some guns and were joined by two men, who aided greatly in the chase. Two miles from Etowah the crew of the “General” stopped long enough to take up two rails from the outside of a short curve, and the handcar and its crew were ditched. At Etowah Captain Fuller found an old engine named the “Yonah,” which proved to be a better friend than its name suggested. Some time was lost attaching the engine to its tender and a coal car for the use of a number of Confederate soldiers who volunteered for the grim frolic. From Etowah to Kingston the “Yonah” was forced up to sixty miles an hour only to find at the latter station that the “General” was maintaining its lead. Here the “Yonah” was exchanged for another engine named “Texas,” which, with one car, was pressed into the service. From Kingston the pursuit was much impeded by cross ties dropped from the rear car of the “General’s” train. A short distance from Adairsville, which is 40 miles from Big Sandy, the “Yankees” had stopped long enough to tear up 60 yards of track. Nothing daunted, Captain Fuller continued the chase on foot and soon outran all of his company except Anthony Mur- phy. Two miles from Adairsville he was met by an express freight of twenty cars. At his signal it stopped; and under his orders it began to back in the direction whence it came, with Captain Fuller on the rear car. As it approached the switch at Adairsville in this fashion he jumped off, ran ahead and changed the switch so as to throw the cars on the side track. This accomplished, he changed the switch back to the main track and jumped on the engine, which had been un- FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 157 coupled from the cars. This was achieved “so adroitly that the train and engine ran side by side for fully three hundred yards.” The captain’s command had now been reduced to himself, Murphy and the engineer, fireman and woodpasser. They backed the next ten miles to Calhoun in twelve minutes, which was some speed for an engine with 5-foot 10-inch driving wheels. As they passed Calhoun at fifteen miles an hour the cap- tain added to his crew by landing a boy telegrapher on board with a flying grasp of the hand. This lad had walked from Dalton looking for the break in the wire which the Yankees had cut. Fuller’s game now was to reach Dalton before the fugi- tives could cut the wire be- tween that station and Chat- tanooga. Two miles from Calhoun the crews of the rival engines caught sight of each other. Those on the quarry prompt- ly let loose a freight car to block the road. But that did not deter Captain Fuller long. He coupled it to his engine and from its top gave the nec- essary signals to the engineer. Then the “General” detached another freight car, which the “GENERAL” MONUMENT In the National Cemetery on Lookout captain’s enpine=as promptly Mountain, Erected by the Survivors of the Raid. coupled up. At Resaca, five miles from Calhoun, the captain was able to get rid of his two impediments and started again with an engine only. Two miles north of Resaca a T-rail was dis- covered diagonally across the track, too late to stop. Then the captain made the important discovery that his engine at fifty-five miles an hour was a steeple-chaser, for it went over the obstruction like a trained hurdler. At Dalton the telegraph 158 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS boy was dropped, with orders to dispatch instantly a telegram, which Captain Fuller had prepared, to General Ledbetter at Chattanooga, informing him of the situation and warning him not to let the raiders pass. Two miles beyond Dalton the pursuers came in sight of the fugitives again. They had stopped to tear up the track and cut the wire. This last cut was just too late to catch the message to General Ledbetter, but it intercepted the usual acknowledgment. The race was now resumed at a hotter pace than ever, but with the “General” showing signs of distress. Half way between Ringgold and Graysville the fugitives abandoned the ‘‘General” and took to the woods, with the injunction from their leader, Andrews, that “every one take care of himself.” .They scattered in groups of three or four. Captain Fuller secured the aid of a company of mounted militia and began to scour the woods for the fugitives. Four of these were run down in the fork of the Chickamauga river — at Graysville. In a few days all were captured and for the first time it was definitely known that the raiders consisted of twenty-two men, two of whom, including the leader, Andrews, were Kentuckians and the other twenty were enlisted men attached to the 2d, 21st and 33d Ohio infantry. .Tried by court martial, eight of them, including the two from Ken- tucky, were executed in Atlanta as spies, six Wer e exchanged and eight escaped from prison at Atlanta. “Thus,” concludes the historian, “ended one of the most daring exploits on record.” ; The ‘story, however, does not end ‘there. The *General” was to see further service. It hauled a train load of ammuni- tion up to General Johnston’s lines in the battle of Kenesaw Mountain on the morning of June 27, 1864; and in the eve- ning brought a large number of wounded soldiers from Feath- erstone’s division back to Marietta. It was also the last West- ern & Atlantic engine to leave Atlanta with a train load of refugees and war material when Hood’s army evacuated that city. | FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 159 The United States recognized the daring exploit of its soldiers by awarding medals of honor to the six men who were paroled as well as the eight who escaped from the At- lanta prison. Medals were also ordered for the nearest rela- tives of the men who were executed. The fame of this exploit is kept alive in Chattanooga by theppreservation of the’ “General” inside a? guard rail at the station, with her tender heaped with firewood as when she started on her unscheduled flight from Big Sandy; and high up in the National Cemetery on Lookout Mountain the sur- vivors of the raiders have erected a monument to their fallen comrades. The monument is surmounted by a miniature of the “General”, and tablets on three sides of the pedestal bear the names of the three parties into which the raiders were divided—the executed, the paroled and the escaped prisoners. This tale serves to illustrate one phase of railroading dur- ing the Civil War in which the wits, resourcefulness and daredevil spirit of both armies were matched with varying fortunes. mecordinge to Prof. Carl Russell Fish of the University; of Wisconsin, the skeleton of the Southern railway system had been planned with remarkable foresight and was almost. complete when the war broke out. It furnished transporta- tion for men, munitions and provender from the limits of the Confederacy to Lee’s army over rails five feet apart, the gauge being a constant impediment to the use of northern rolling stock. “As the northern armies threatened. to advance,” says Prof. Fish, “the Confederate military authorities, after run- ning off the rolling stock, destroyed as much of the perma- nent way as they knew how. They never, however, acquired the skill in this art of the more mechanically minded north- ern soldiers.” In his personal memoirs General Grant tells how expert Sherman’s men became in this work of hobbling southern communications. “The method adopted,” he says, “of crip- pling these roads was to burn and destroy all the bridges and culverts, and for a long distance, at places, to tear up the 160 HISTORY -OF AMERICAN: KRATEWAYS track and bend the rails. Soldiers to do this rapidly would form a line along one side of the road with crowbars and poles, place these under the rails and, hoisting all at once, turn over many rods of road at one time. The ties would be placed in piles, and the rails as they were loosened would be carried and put across these log heaps. When a sufficient number of rails were placed upon a pile of ties, it would be set on fire. This would heat the rails very much more in the middle than at the ends so that they would naturally bend of their own weight; but the soldiers, to increase the damage, would take tongs and, one or two men at each end of the rail, carry it with force against the nearest tree and twist it around, thus leaving bands to ornament the forest trees of Georgia.” In another passage General Grant records that “like our- selves the rebels had become experts in repairing such damage.” Blacksmiths were detailed and set to work mak- ing the tools necessary in railroad and bridge building. Timber for bridges and fuel for locomotives was cut; car- builders were set to work re- pairing locomotives and cars; and, according to General Grant, “every brand of railway building, making tools to work with and supplying the work- men with food, was all going on at once and without the aid of a mechanic or laborer except what the command itself furnished.” WESTERN STAGE COACH, 1862 Many miles of railway in the disputed territory were de- stroyed and rebuilt a dozen times before the final rehabilita- tion that followed Lee’s surrender. What a difference the few miles that separated the main lines of the Pennsylvania and the Baltimore & Ohio made was shown in the contrast in the damage and loss suffered by them through the battles and raids that ravaged their com- mon territory. The Pennsylvania suffered little more than ‘FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 161 temporary annoyance by being able to withdraw rolling stock and other property from threatened ‘regions. This was no- ticeably so during the Gettysburg campaign, when General Lee’s army penetrated to the neighborhood of Harrisburg. Such effective precautions were undertaken that the general superintendent was able to report that “the whole property of the company escaped untouched and unharmed and it was enabled, as soon as the danger was removed, to resume its operations in full, and with very little delay.” The experience of the Bal- timore & Ohio was far differ- ertee ine Gontedérate forces in May, 1861, took possession of more than one hundred miles of the main line, most- ly between the Point of Rocks = and Cumberland; and by oc- “C. P. HUNTINGTON” BUILT BY - : DANFORTH, COOKE & CO. casional raids caused great Shipped Around the Horn, Went Into destruction on the roads be- Central Pacific Service About 1864 tween Cumberland and Wheeling and from Grafton to Park- ersburg. Locomotives, cars and machinery were carried off and “transported by animal power” over turnpikes to south- ern railways. In Virginia portions of the Orange & Alex- andria and sections of the Virginian and of the Petersburg & Richmond roads were subjected to destruction and reconstruc- tion by the alternating raids and retreats of the Union cavalry. The Passing of the Canal How the scepter of transportation was passing from the waterway to the railway during the decade is sharply illus- trated in the following record of tonnage moved in the years 1860 and 1870: Tons Moved Tons Moved 1860 1870 Piricweisiat here ee. oi, ta ikea soe PAG nee 3,083,132 PLPC AMIGO AG AS, Uitce oobi nixed ioe 1,139,554 4,852,505 N. Y. Cent’] & Hudson River R.R..1,028,183 4,122,000 So fifty years ago there could be no mistaking the hand- writing on the wall. The artificial waterway had been tried 162 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS and been given a long start, but was found wanting in the elements of speed and flexibility to answer the transportation needs of this continent. 3 In March, 1865, it took Judge Munson, an appointee of Presi- dent Lincoln, fifty days to complete the trip from St. Louis to Fort Benton, the head of steamboat navigation, 2,000 miles by river on the crack boat of the river. The sinuous windings of the PERILS OF OVERLAND TRAVEL IN THE ’60s From an Old Drawing Missouri accounted for doubling the distance as now made by rail in less than 48 hours. The high cost of steel rails greatly retarded their intro- duction on American railways, but the invention of the Besse- mer process brought them within the resources of our stronger roads, whose officials were quick to see the economy of a rail that cost only twice as much as the best iron rail and lasted eight times as long. The first steel rails rolled in America were rolled at the Chicago Rolling Mill on May 25, 1865. The total production by 1867 was only 2,277 tons; by 1870 it had risen to 30,357 and the price had dropped from $166.00 per ton to $106.75 FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 163 and before the end of the next decade it had fallen to $48.25. At first the duty on Bessemer rails was 45 per cent ad va- lorem, which was gradually reduced until, in 1883, it was $17 per ton and the price of rails went below $40 a ton. Steam Speed in the Sixties Appleton’s Railway Guide for October, 1862, gives an au- thentic picture of the passenger facilities of the railways dur- FIRST RAILROAD TRAIN IN THE FAR WEST —From a Rare Print in the Possession of Judge Lyman E. Munson ‘ing the second year of the War for the Union. These, then as now, were judged by the standard attained on the New York and Chicago run. There was no through service between the two cities in 1862. The Central Railway of New Jersey advertised the shortest line to the West—“Time from New York to Chicago 36 hours—three hours less than Northern Lines.” To make good its boast, the Central ran an express train from Jersey City to Pittsburgh “without change” over its own rails to Easton; Lehigh Valley to Allentown; East Pennsylvania Ry., 164 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS to Reading; Lebanon Valley R. R. to Harrisburg, and Pennsylvania Central to Pittsburgh, in 16 hours and 5 min- utes. At Pittsburgh the traveler took the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne & Chicago Ry., composed of that line, the Ohio & Pennsylvania and the Ohio & Indiana, to Chicago—46/ miles. This route had an aggregate distance of 898 miles, or 10 miles shorter than what is now the Pennsylvania line between New York and Chicago. INDICATOR: Entered aceording to Act of Congress, inthe year 1862, by G. £. Thomas, in the Clerics Office of theDist.Court of the United States for the Southern District of DewYork. HOW_ THEY SET THEIR WATCHES IN 1862, BEFORE THE INTRODUCTION OF STANDARD TIME In Appleton’s Guide the Pennsylvania road as we know it today was listed under the title of the Pennsylvania Cen- tral Ry., with J. Edgar Thomson president. Its entrance to New York was effected over the New Jersey Railway to Jer- sey City and also by the Camden & Amboy Ry., which had a steam ferry connection at one end and a steamboat ride of 27 miles at the other. If the time tables of 1862 can be relied on, the journey from New York to Chicago via Philadelphia could be made in 33 hours against 20 hours in 1924. In 1862 the great New York Central System had no Hud- FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 165 son River attached to its title and its time tables began with Troy and Albany and ended at Buffalo. At that point its trains connected “with the Lake Shore Railway to Erie, Cleve- land, Sandusky, Toledo and thence to Chicago by Michigan Southern Railway.” The distance between Chicago and Albany over this combination was 836 miles, to which has to be added the 144 miles from East Albany, reached by ferry via the Hud- son River Railway to New York, making a total of 980 miles, which is practically identical with the distance today, if Buf- falo is visited en route. The journey with all connections consumed between 38 and 39 hours, which may be compared with the New York Central’s Twentieth Century train which makes the run in 20 hours. In these time tables of 1862 scrupulous attention is paid to the difference in time between stations, the New York Central note reading: “Standard of Time Clock in Depot at mibany, which 18°21) minutes faster than Buffalo. time >On the New York & Harlem Railway, which started at the City Hall with stops at White and Center streets, 26th, 42d and Yorkville before it reached Harlem, the standard of time was the “Clock in Superintendent’s Office, 26th Street, New York.”’ Frequent reference was made to the “Time Indicator” illus- trated above. An interesting feature of the reading matter accompany- ing the time table of the Hudson River Railway, which left from the corner of Chambers Street and College Place, was the claim that “Trains of this road run with an expedition, despatch and regularity not surpassed by any other in the country.” But even more interesting, as showing the primi- tive measures taken to secure “the almost entire exception from accidents and collisions” claimed by the management, is the following statement: “One characteristic of this road deserves especial mention. We refer to the system of signal flags introduced to secure safety from accidents in running the trains. Flagmen are stationed upon every mile of the road (italics are the Guide’s), generally at the curves, or upon a slight acclivity, where a view of the track from some dis- 166 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS tance can be had. Upon the approach of a train, if all is clear ahead, the flagman displays a white signal. If there be any obstruction in sight, or a diminished speed is required, a red flag is displayed.” Building of the Union Pacific Out of the throes of the Civil War, but in the fullness of time, came the great national undertaking known as the Union Pacific Railroad. What Washington, with the eye of a seer and a pioneer surveyor, foresaw as necessary for the survival of the new Nation—uninterrupted communication for the widely separated parts of the republic—Abraham Lincoln put in the way of actual accom- Mba lishment when, on Novem- Apceucter t”"Uety, ae 4, 1864, he certified his de locaZon approval of the first hundred of: Ze te lib miles west from Omaha, Ne- Toad gfor- tree Yulee — bhraska, as the permanent lo- weet yr 7 -cation of the, Unions bactin Se sgh df He refs Parcep That was the “All aboard” g of Siac OLG for the vast enterprise which | | Yi , ey, for a full generation had been simmering in the minds of M re hemsdeucate ) Americans who had visions PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S APPROVAL . | OF THE LOCATION OF THE of a-great continental rail- UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD way. How nearly one of the earliest suggestions for this road came to hitting on the exact route finally chosen may be judged by the following extract from an article in the Emigrant, 2 weekly newspaper pub- lished in Ann Arbor, in the Territory (!) of Michigan, Febru- ary 6, 1832, under the title “Something New:” “The distance between New York and the Oregon is about three thousand miles,—from New York we could pursue the most convenient route to the vicinity of Lake Erie, thence along the South Shore of this lake and of Lake Michigan, cross the Mississippi between 41 degrees and 42 degrees of north latitude, cross the Missouri about ~ the mouth of the Platte, and thence on by the most con- venient route to the Rocky Mountains, near the source of FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 167 the last named river, thence to the Oregon, by tthe valley of the south branch of that stream called the southern branch of Lewis’ river.” The only variance of this route from that finally adopted, which was to reach San Fran- cisco, was that it branched off bymtnewOresons short.) Line route to Oregon and Port- land. From this time on projects to span the continent with Gileeor more, 1rone bands. mul- EW OmULICLMELOMnemOtialy tars Fy eke ke cee en Gentry pin thered by Asa Whitney in pUNERAL TRAIN TO SPRING. © favor of building a railway ae from the Mississippi below the Falls of St. Anthony to the Pacific ocean, under the direction of the secretary of war, . was introduced into Congress successively in 1845, 1846 and 1847. Whitney proposed to build his road from the Missis- sippi to the Pacific coast for a grant of land 30 miles in width along its track. Bills in favor of the Whitney project were FROM A PRINT OF THE PERIOD (About 1865) 16gce HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS introduced at both sessions of the 30th Congress, but were defeated through the opposition of Senator Benton, who had his own scheme for a “Na- tional Central Highway” with St. Louis as its eastern gate- way. Benton’s proposal got no farther, but it started the war over the eastern termi- nus of the Pacific railway, and that was enough to keep all similar projects hanging in the sectional air then thick in Congress, which was to be dispelled only by the flames of civil war. Whitney spent his entire fortune in the attempt to re- alize his vision of a Pacific railway, and ended his life selling milk from his own dairy in Washington, D. C. His project, along with GENERAL GRENVILLE M. DODGE, 1831-1916 others with different initial Veteran of the Civil War: Chief Engi- : neer of the Union Pacific 1866-70 points, was allowed to slum- and of The Texas Pacific 1871-81 ber for the next ten years > until the overwhelming sentiment of the country demanded action for the preservation of our national existence. Throughout this period (1849 to 1859) there were five routes before Congress, as follows: | (1) By the 47th and 49th parallels, or the Northern route; (2) by the 41st and 42d parallels, the “Overland,” “Central” or “Mormon” route; (3) by the 38th and 39th parallels, or the Buffalo trail; (4) by the 35th parallel; and (5) by the 32d parallel, or Southern route. Both political parties declared in favor of a Pacific rail- way, but no majority could be brought to unite on the route. President Buchanan commended the subject to the “friendly consideration” of the 35th Congress (1857-1859) “without FOURTH \DECADE, 1860-1870 169 finally committing himself to any particular route.’ That was the rub that held this mighty essential enterprise in pause through those critical years. Northern capital alone could build the line and Northern capital could only be obtained for ENGINE “FALCON” ON INSPECTION OF CENTRAL PACIFIC BEFORE DRIVING OF THE GOLD SPIKE AT PROMONTORY Note—Federal Railroad Commissioners Clements and Blinkendoffer in Wraps on the Cowcatcher —Photograph Taken Feb. 9, 1869, Courtesy of Mrs. O. C. Waldau, Daughter of W. B. . Kendale, the Conductor, Shown with Orders in His Hand a Northern route. Southern representatives realized this, and so the building of any Pacific railway depending on Federal action and assistance remained an impossibility until after the firing on Sumter, when the North undertook to legislate for the Nation. With the secession of eleven Southern states, the rivalry of the five sectional routes was reduced to three—the St. Louis interest, the Chicago interest and the Northern interest. In the end the Chicago interest, backed by the wealth and energy _of New England and New York, prevailed. By 1860 the Chi- cago interest had reached the Mississippi at Dubuque, Rock 170 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Island and Burlington, from which points respectively the Chicago & North Western, Rock Island and Burlington lines were pushing on across Iowa to Sioux City, Council Bluffs and Platte City, as rapidly as their resources would permit. Well nigh a year was con- sumed in perfecting the Act, which finally received Lin- coln’s approval on July 1, 18625 lt screateditamecommocd. tion. to be known. as "The Union Pacific Railroad Com- pany,” to be composed of 158 persons named “in thes Act, “together with five Commis- sioners to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior=ine TABLET IN THE CHICAGO & NORTH- WESTERN CHICAGO STATION | capital stock was to con- To Commemorate the Establishment of : the First Railway Postal Car Service sist of one hundred thousand Bi diatghons eee ea shares of one thousand dol- lars each, of which not more than two hundred shares were to be held by one person.” The route named in the Act was to be from a point to be fixed by the President of the United States on the 100th meridian of longitude west. from Green- wich * * * thence running westerly upon the most direct, central and practicable route through the territories of the United States to the western boundary of the Territory of Nevada, there to meet and connect with the line of the Cen- tral Pacific Railroad Company of California.” The grades and curves were not to exceed those of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and the line was required to be completed by July 1, 1874. The right of way through public lands 200 feet on each side of the track was granted. Mineral lands were exempted from the grant and the right of way was limited to 100 feet on each side of the track through private property. Further FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 171 LOCOMOTIVE “CONNESS” ON TRESTLE OVER AMERICAN RIVER MARCH 16, 1865 Built by the Mason Locomotive Works, Mass. in 1864 and Shipped Around €ape Horn aid in the form of United States 30-year 6 per cent bonds not to exceed $50,000,000 were to be issued to the company as the work progressed, such bonds to be paid by it at maturity. This aid was attended with conditions of the most exacting nature. Like terms and conditions accompanied the grants to the A BALDWIN FLEXIBLE BEAM TRUCK LOCOMOTIVE Introduced in 1842 Remodelled in 1865 LAZ HISTORY ~OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Central Pacific and it was provided that if either road reached the California boundary before the other it could proceed to a meeting with the other. It was this provision that spurred on the race until the two companies met head-on at Promon- tory Point, north of Salt Lake, on May 10, 1869. The Act of 1862 provided that the gauge of the road should be determined by the president, a responsibility Mr. Lincoln did not relish. After much discussion, he named 5 feet, which PORTLAND, OREGON IN 1867 conformed to the California gauge. Then the New ‘York- Chicago-lowa combination got busy and secured the passage through Congress of an Act declaring “that the gauge of the Pacific Railroad and its branches throughout the whole extent, from the Pacific coast to the Missouri river, shall be, and hereby is, established at four feet, eight and one-half inches.” That not only fixed the gauge for the Pacific roads but settled officially 4 feet 8% inches as the standard gauge for _the railways of the United States, as it is today. Omaha Without Railways in 1863 “In 1863,” says the historian of that road, “when the act authorizing the Union Pacific was passed by Congress, no single iron rail or railroad tie had ever so much as been seen at Omaha. The end of the nearest railroad building westward from Chicago across Iowa was still 200 miles distant. One frail railroad had recently reached the Missouri River at St. FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 173 Joseph, Missouri, 150 miles distant, over which there was un- certain navigation and that during but four months of the year. E “Westward for 2,000 miles stretched that vast Indian in- fested tract of desert and mountain from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean—sun parched in summer and blizzard swept in winter.” In the geographies of those days this inhospitable region was named the “Great American Desert” and the trails across it were marked with headstones instead of milestones. Private capitalists balked at the inducements to invest their funds under the Act of 1862, and it was not until Con- ' gress practically doubled these inducements, in 1864, that construction was actually begun, and by September, 1865, the first eleven miles of the Union Pacific were completed. There- after the race between the rival Pacifics was on, the Central Pacific having a full year advantage at the start. When they met at Promontory Point, in 1869, the Union Pacific had built 1,086 miles from Omaha and the Central Pacific 689 from Sacramento. 3 The natural obstacles of mountain and desert made the work exceptionally difficult, dangerous and expensive. The Central Pacific had the advantage of getting its iron, finished supplies and machinery by sea, via Cape Horn or Panama, and also of obtaining coolie labor from China, while the Union Pacific having no railway connection until January, 1867, had to get all its supplies overland from the unfinished railways in Iowa or by Missouri river steamboats. It had also to de- pend on intractable Irish labor until it was able to recruit more stable forces from the discharged soldiers of the army. Instead of the unified management the Central Pacific enjoyed through a single construction company, the Union Pacific was harassed by the warring factions of the Credit Mobilier. In the closing days of this great work the two companies employed at least 25,000 men, about equally divided between them. Another great advantage enjoyed by the Central Pacific was that the Sierra Nevada furnished all the timber needed 174 HISTORY> OR AMERICANGHAILIVASS for ties, trestles and snow-sheds, whereas the Union Pacific had scarcely any timber along its line, except the worthless cottonwood of the Platte valley. Both roads were built through a new, uninhabited and uncultivated country and had to set up their own foundries and machine shops as the work progressed. This unique, difficult and dangerous example of American railway building was admirably described in a paper read before the Society of the Army of the Tennessee by General G. M. Dodge, chief engineer of the Union Pacific during construction. The work was semi-military in its character. The survey- ing parties were always ac- companied by a detachment of soldiers as a protection against interference by In- dians. The construction trains -were fully equipped with ri- fles- ands othersarms,> and it was claimed that a gang of tracklayers could be _ trans- COLLISD Pa WLUNTINGION,. 1821-1900 Railway Organizer and Builder formed at. an momen into “When peo sung £0 erty Wood He ‘eit ek: - ‘ ent - icked up Chips” a battalion 1 tv. = From a Steel Engrawng of the ’70s O niant y) Ss ENGINE AND CREW IN CHARGE OF TRANSFER AT PROMONTORY, TAKEN AT THE LAYING OF THE LAST RAIL MAY 10; 1869 —Courtesy W. L. Park FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 175 saults on the trains by the Indians were not infrequent. “There was nothing we could ask of the United States army,’ wrote General Dodge, “that they did not give, even when the regulations did not authorize it, and it took a long stretch of authority to satisfy all our demands. The com- missary department was open to us. Their troops guarded us, and we reconnoitred, sur- veyed, located and built in- side of their picket line. We marched to work to the tap of the drum with our men pe daer hile ye Stacked) tieir arms on the dump and were ready at a moment’s warning toctallsin-and fight for their territory. General Casement’s track train could arm a thou- Sande men at a word: and; from him as a head down to his chief spiker, it could be COLLIS P. HUNTINGTON é From a Photograph Taken Shortly Be- commanded by experienced fore His Death in 1900 officers of every rank from general to a captain. They had served five years at the front, and over half of the men had. shouldered a musket in many battles. An illustration of this came to me after our track had passed Plum Creek, 200 miles west of the Missouri River. The Indians had captured a freight train and were in possession of it and its crews. It so happened that I was coming down from the front with my car, which was a traveling arsenal. At Plum Creek station, word came of this capture and stopped us. On my train were perhaps twenty men, some a portion of the crew, some who had been discharged and sought passage to the rear. Nearly all were strangers to me. The excitement of the cap- ture and the reports coming by telegraph of the burning train brought all the men to the platform, and when I called on them to fall in to go forward and retake the train, every man 176 HISTORY “OF SAM ERICAN® RAILWAYS on the train went into line, and by his position showed that he was a soldier. We ran down slowly until we came in sight of the train. I gave the order to deploy as skirmishers, and at the command they went forward as steadily and in as good order as we had seen the old soldiers climb the face of Kenesaw.” PORTLAND, OREGON, OCT. 5, 1924 Mount Hood Shows in Snow Clad Distance —Copyrighted by A. M. Prentiss, Portiane Here is a description from the Fortnightly Review of an- other phase of the building of the great national railway: “Track laying on the Union Pacific is a science, and we pundits of the far East stood upon that embankment, only about a thousand miles this side of sunset, and backed west- ward before the hurrying corps of sturdy operators with a mingled feeling of amusement, curiosity and profound respect. On they came. A light car drawn by a single horse gallops FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 177 up to the front with a load of rails. Two men seize the end of a rail and start forward, the rest of the gang taking hold by twos, until it is clear of the car. They come forward at a run. At the word of command the rail is dropped in its place, right side up with care, while the same process goes on at the other side of the car. Less than thirty seconds to a rail for each gang, and so four rails go down to a minute! Quick work, you say, but the fellows on the Union Pacific are tremendously in earnest. The moment the car is empty it is tipped over on the side of the track to let the next loaded car pass it, and then it is tipped back again, and it is a sight to see it go flying back for another load propelled by a horse at full gallop at the end of sixty or eighty feet of rope, ridden by a young Jehu, who drives furiously. Close behind the first gang come the gaugers, spikers and bolters, and a lively time they make of it. It is a grand Anvil Chorus that these sturdy sledges are playing across the plains. It is in triple time, three strokes to a spike. There are ten spikes to a rail, four hundred rails to a mile, eighteen hundred miles to San Francisco. * ™* * Twenty-one million times are those sledges to be swung—twenty-one million times are they to come down with their sharp punctuation, before the great work of modern America is to be completed.” Now, gentle reader, let us take a trip over the Union Pacific during its construction days, boarding the train at Omaha, with the eyes and pen of J. H. Beadle, correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial. He bore a letter of identifica- tion from Murat Halstead, the famous war correspondent and editor of that once influential newspaper. The start was made at 6 P. M. July 3, 1868. The road at first ran through a well settled and cultivated country for fifty miles. “Next morning our eyes rested on an expanse of distance— without life, vast plains, rolling hills, and the mighty Platte six inches deep and two miles wide; ‘too thin to walk on, too thick to drink, too shallow for navigation, too deep for safe fording, too yellow to wash in, too pale to paint with—the most disappointing and least useful river in America‘.” And 178 HISTORY OF (AMERIGAN RAILWAYS —_— yet the imperceptible ascent of the valley of the Platte made the rapid building of the Union Pacific possible. “Out of North Platte, 291 miles from Omaha, where we breakfasted, we move out over a dry plain following the South Platte. For over a mile the train moves through a settlement of prairie dogs called a ‘Dog Town,’ occasionally we see a group of Indians looking on from distant sandhills, and are kept alert by the usual rumors of trains held up and plundered by dusky warriors, just ahead of ours, but pass safely on. “For four hundred miles the eating stations are the only towns we see. Late in the day we reach Cheyenne, only six months ago the ‘great city of the plains, full of boisterous life and sudden death, with a population of six thousand peo- ple, which at this date (July, 1868) had shrunk to a quiet and moral town of perhaps fifteen hundred inhabitants. “From Cheyenne a practically level road takes us rapidly to the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains, from which the rise is steep and rugged up to Sherman, the highest point on the road. Then down the western slope to Laramie, and so on to what was then known as Benton, a short distance be- yond the present town of Rawlins.’ To the correspondent of the Commercial in 1868 “it was a typical railway town of mushroom growth with three thousand inhabitants, laid out in a rectangular square, five wards, a city government of mayor and aldermen and all the paraphernalia of a permanent community. “This, for the time being, was the terminus of construction six hundred and ninety-eight miles~ from Omaha. From it nota‘ ereen tree) shrub-orispear of grass was to be seen. 50 far as Mr. Beadle’s eyes could reach, “the red hills appeared scorched and bare as if blasted by the lightnings of an angry God. * * * All seemed sacred to the genius of drought and desolation.” Benton was the end of freight and passenger traffic and the beginning of the construction division. Here twice daily immense trains arrived and departed. All goods formerly hauled across the plains came here and were reshipped. ‘For ten hours daily,” says the correspondent, “the streets were FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 179 thronged with motley crowds of railroad men, Mexicans and Indians, gamblers, ‘cappers’ and saloon keepers, merchants, - miners and mulewhackers.” The great institution of Benton was the “Big Tent,” a structure 100 feet long by 40 feet wide, with a good floor for dancing and many tables for gambling, with every device known to frontier life, from three-card monte down to “rondo- coolo,” said to be the least “cutthroat” of these sports. This “Big Tent’ was a peripatetic institution that was set up at WHERE THE UNION PACIFIC AND CENTRAL PACIFIC MET AT PROMONTORY, UTAH, in ’69 each successive terminus that marked the advance of the Union Pacific. On the 10th of May, 1869, Mr. Beadle witnessed the cere- monies connected with laying the last rail and driving the last spike on the Pacific Railway at Promontory Point, north of Great Salt Lake. There he wrote: “Irish and Chinese labor- ers met in their great work to place the last bit in the band which weds the Orient and Occident.” It was there the American railways completed the work of binding this Republic in an indissoluble union, to which they contributed so greatly during the decade 1860-1870. With the three strokes that drove the last spike, the telegraph in every city in the Union clicked off: “ONE, TWO, THREE (pause), DONE 180 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The Credit Mobilier Scandal Unfortunately the completion of the Union Pacific cannot be dismissed with its junction with the Central Pacific at Promontory Point. While its inception, promotion and com- pletion in the face of political, physical and financial obsta- cles was a signal triumph of the American spirit that rises to meet emergencies, there were features about its actual SAME SCENE FROM A PRINT OF THE PERIOD When Artists Disagree, You Can Take Your Choice. The Camera Was Not as Ubiquitous in 1869 as It is Now financing and construction that have always detracted from the public’s pride in this essentially national achievement. Although time and the fulfillment of all its obligations to the Government, with receiverships and consequent reorganiza- tions, have cleared the title of the Union Pacific from the last shadow of the Credit Mobilier, no history of railways in America can ignore it as a passing and past phase of railway construction on this continent. The story is a long and somewhat intricate one, which may be boiled down to. the statement that the construction FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 181 _ of the Union Pacific was let out through the intervention of seven trustees to the Credit Mobilier, a company that had taken over the charter rights of the Pennsylvania Fiscal Agen- cy—which included powers of the most elastic nature, with a limitation of liability of its shareholders to the amount of stock subscribed. The African in this seemingly legitimate business transaction was the duplication of the stockholders in the two companies. The seven trustees were to do the work and, as fast as the miles of road built entitled the Union Pacific to receive the pro rata of Government subsidy bonds, first mortgage bonds, land grant bonds and other securities, these were paid over to the trustees, who, after reimbursing themselves for the cost to date, turned the balance over to the Credit Mobilier to be distributed among its stockholders. Testimony before a Senate committee was to the effect that the Union Pacific paid the contractors securities of the face value of $93,546,287; that the work cost the contractors $50,/20,959, leaving a balance of $42,825,328 for the Credit Mobilier. But as the bonds and stocks were put in at par, where they were disposed of at a heavy discount, the profit on this questionable transaction was reduced to $23,366,319. It was not this profit, enormous as it was, that outraged public sentiment, which was familiar with the “lucky strikes” of railway contractors who took the risks of difficult enter- prises, but the exposure of a distribution of Credit Mobilier stock “where it would do the most good” in Congress created a political sensation such as has seldom been known in Amer- ica. The list of those to whom stock had been “sold” in- cluded the names of Vice-President Colfax, Vice-President- Blect Wilson, Speaker of the House Blaine, Senator Pat- terson and Representatives Oakes Ames, Dawes, Schofield, Garfield, Boutwell, Bingham and Kelley. When Congress began its session in the following Decem- ber, 1872, Speaker Blaine called Sunset'-S. Cox to the chair and introduced a resolution calling for an investigation under which what is known as the Poland Committee was appointed. In January following, the Wilson Committee for the same purpose was appointed in the Senate. 182 HiSlORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS After six weeks of almost daily sessions the Poland Com- “mittee reported, and its report was referred to the Committee on Judiciary. This committee reported against impeachment because none of the acts complained of had been done by an officer of the House who was such both when the crime was committed and when it was investigated. Its findings on the relation of Representative Oakes Ames to the scandal, which contain the gist of the matter, were as follows: “Oakes Ames, for the purpose of creating in members of Congress a ieeling favorable to the Union Pacincem and Credit Mobilier) had sold or agreed to sell to them stock in the Credit Mobilier at par when it was worth much more, but instead of having the stock transferred to purchasers on the books of the company, had kept it in his own name as ‘trustee,’ had received the dividends and accounted for them to the purchasers. His purpose was not to secure positive beneficial legislation, but to prevent possible detrimental legislation, particularly legislative regulation of freight and passenger rates on the Union Pacific as advocated by C. C. Washburn (Wis.) and, Ev. B. Washburnéd* (it.)jy (iis acts* were wiane mount to bribery—in the opinion of the committee.” The Poland Committee thereupon recommended the ex- pulsion of Representatives Ames and Brooks (who as a Gov- ernment director and Congressman had used his position to procure stock in companies directly dependent upon Congres- sional legislation). The House contented itself with ,“abso- lutely condemning the conduct” of Oakes Ames. Within a few months of their condemnation both representatives died— the former’s death, on May 8, 1873, being attributed to his immense exertions in building the Union Pacific and the ex- citement and disgrace of the Credit Mobilier scandal. In the Senate a select committee appointed to consider ‘the evidence taken by the Poland Committee reported in favor of the expulsion of Senator Patterson, but his term expired before the report was acted on. : The Wilson Committee of the Senate reported a bill for the recovery of the excessive -profits of the Credit Mobilier for FOURTH WLCADE, 1860-1870 183 the benefit of the United States. Suit was accordingly brought in the District Court for the District of Connecticut, but on demurrer both the District Court and the Supreme Court on appeal found that the Government had no cause of action. The grounds for this decision, as stated by Justice Hunt of the District Court, are not open to question. In part, he said: “So long as the security of the United States for its loan of bonds and land should not be impaired, and as long as the corporation should perform the public functions imposed upon it by its charter, the United States could not maintain an action for recovery from the Union Pacific of money or other properly, even fraudulently or unlawfully taken from the cor- Rotor ee oe in sectring the. benefits sexpected irom a Pacific railway, the government had given no more than it agreed to give, and the corporation had done and was doing all that the law required.” In afhfrming the decision, Justice Miller of the Supreme Court said: “It is difficult to see any right which as a credi- tor the Government had to interfere between the corporation and those with whom it deals. It has been careful to protect its interests in making the contract, and it has the right which that contract gives. What more does it ask?” In the end the so-called improvident grants made by Con- gress to the Pacific railways did not turn out so badly. The bread it cast on the arid waters (plains and mountains) re- turned to it after many years. The grant of land to the Union Pacific netted the company approximately $23,000,000, but added more than that to the value of the alternate sections not granted. The last of the Government bonds issued to the company were finally redeemed with interest. Summing up the history of the Union Pacific in another connection, the writer said: “Justice in the public mind has never been done—probably never will be—to the courage, enterprise and indomitable energy of the Americans who pushed the great work through financial shoals and physical obstructions to completion. It and the Central Pacific, as well, were built at war prices. Labor was scarce and was to be had only at exorbitant figures. The cost of materials was 184 HIS PORY~ OF “AMERICAN *hxAILiVAy ss well-nigh prohibitive. The price of ties laid down at Omaha ran as high as $2.50. The rails for the first 100 miles of the Union Pacific cost $135 per ton. When railway connection was established between Council Bluffs and the East, this was reduced to $97.50. Government bonds were issued as the work progressed, and netted the company only 65 cents on the dollar. The country through which it was built was the hunting ground of the most warlike Indians of the West. THE FIRST ENGINE TO REACH ST; PAUL BY BOAT IN 1860 AND GREAT NORTHERN GIANT. OF 1924. They harassed the work at every stage, from scalping survey- ing parties to attacks on graders, who worked with their guns stacked within easy reach. It is related that more than half the construction gangs were men who had been through the war, which experience stood them in good stead. “The conception of this work was an inspiration of patri- otism; its financing was a nightmare; its physical construc- tion was a battle between civilization and the forces of sav- agery and Nature, worthy the pen of Fenimore Cooper; its progress was a Titanic race for subsidies and its completion was hailed with patriotic acclaim throughout the Union. Presi- dent Lincoln designated the eastern terminus of this trans- continental railway on March 7, 1864, and on May 10, 1869, President Grant received the tidings that the last spike—a golden one from California—had been driven that joined the FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 185 _ rails of the Union and Central Pacific railways at Promon- tory, Utah.” That event was celebrated in a poem by Bret Harte, beginning: What was it the engines said, Pilots touching head to head, Facing on the single track Half a world behind each back? And what was this great work whose completion marked the meeting of the iron girdle across a continent, with half a world behind each pilot? It was a hastily graded, unbal- lasted, indifferently equipped, single track road of 1,921 miles, laid with 56-pound iron rails, through sparsely settled deserts and mountains, which, paradoxical as it may seem, cost three times as much as it was worth and yet was worth many times more than three times as much as it cost. The Union Pacific of 1923 has more miles of yard track and sidings than the Union Pacific of 1870 had miles of main line. The decade of 1860-1870, that opened with the terrific struggle to destroy the Union, closed with the completion of the first of the many transcontinental railways that all Americans fervently hope will make that Union forever indis- soluble. There were other events in the railway world that made this decade memorable in American history—the cross- ing of Lowa by no less than five great trunk lines, the Chicago & North Western, the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific, the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy and the Illinois Central, which all arrived at the Mis- souri before the close of 1870. At that time there were 52,922 miles of main line in the United States, an increase of 22,296, no less than 15,242 miles of which were constructed in what twenty years before was truly the Wild West, so far as rail- ways were concerned. In this decade, moreover, nine states— - Colorado, Kansas, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, the Dakotas, Oregon and Utah—heard the sound of a locomotive whistle fottnelirst atime. sin) factaiimajority, of theseastates, were still in the chrysalis or territorial stage when the decade closed. Illinois had established its leadership of the states 186 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS for railway mileage, with 4,823 miles of line to Pennsylvania’s 4.656, which it was not to relinquish until 1910, when Texas was to overtop them both. Genesis of Three Western Roads The story of how three leading western systems were assembled from detached parts into great through lines to connect Chicago with the Pacific roads is worth telling as illustrative of the part consolidations have played in furnish- ing this continent with the essential links in its transporta- tion system. Take, for instance, the Chicago & North West- ern, which was the first of the three to reach the goal at Coun- cil Bluffs: What may be considered as its main stem started out from Chicago as the Galena & Chicago Union. Originally chartered, in 1836, to build a railway across the prairies toward the Mississippi, the enterprise was caught in the finan- cial panic of 1837 and actual construction was not undertaken until 1847. Eight years later it reached the Father of Waters. In 1859 the Chicago & North Western was formed as the successor to the Chicago, St. Paul & Fond du Lac, itself a consolidation of the two roads chartered in Illinois and Wis- consin as far back as 1851. With the consolidation of these several properties in 1864 and the acquisition by lease of the Cedar Rapids & Missouri, the Chicago & North Western was pushed on to the Missouri in time to assist in the final rush of the Union Pacific on to Ogden. Before the final merger of the integral parts of the system as developed into the mod- ern Chicago & North Western, more than a score of distinct organizations were absorbed and dissolved. Here again in the evolution of the Chicago & North West- ern, as was so generally the case in the history of railway construction on this continent, sooner or later, one man played an almost decisive part in the direction of its affairs. In this case William B. Ogden was the man. Born in 1805, he was barely thirty years old when he came west and settled in Chicago, just in time to be elected its first mayor on the city’s organization, in 1837. When the project of building the Galena & Chicago Union line, after slumbering eleven years, FOURTH DECADE, 1860-1870 187 was revived, in 1847, Mr. Ogden was chosen for its first presi- dent; then he was successively first president of the Chicago, Fond, du Lac Railway in 1855, of the Chicago & North West- ern in 1859 and of the Union Pacific in 1862. He was also a director in the Fort Wayne Railway at its organization, and from 1835 to the time of his death, in 1877, he was easily the most prominent single figure in Chicago and was justly called “the father of transportation systems” of what was then the Northwest. With a purchase of a majority of its stock in 1882 the Chicago & North Western ac- quired control of the Chicago, St. Paul, Min- neapolis & Omaha Railway, itself a succes- sor to several earlier railway enterprises. Like early Worms, which are credited with being the original tillers of the earth, these pioneer roads afforded the necessary nour- ishment for the roads that swallowed them. oie ene fer@hicapo, Rock island & Pacific-ap- wre eae ob Che . cago and first presi- pears to have been one of the few western eae ee roads that had a definite objective when ee it was started’ “Chartered in 1851 without the Pacific suffix, it reached Rock Island in 1854, beating the Chicago & North Western to the Mississippi by a year. There it yoked up with the Mississippi & Missouri Railway, which was pro- ceeding by easy stages across the State of Iowa. When the two roads were consolidated, the word Pacific was added to premnock island s titles” Che extension’ to’ Council * Biufts thereafter was pushed with energy and the junction with the Union Pacific was effected in June, 1869. From this time on the Rock Island extended its lines to the south and west by original construction, at foreclosure sales and by leases as the spirit of expansion dictated, much as farmers annex adjoining meadow, arable and woodlands. Neither Burlington nor Quincy was mentioned in the genesis of the great Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Company. They were afterthoughts, coming to the fore after the Chi- 188 HISTORY OF AMERICAN KAIEWAYS cago & Aurora and the Central Military Tract roads were consolidated, in 1858—Quincy being picked up when the Northern Cross road was purchased, and Burlington was in- cluded when the line was extended to that city by the pur- chase of the Peoria & Oquawka road. Oquawka just missed literary fame when Edgar Allen Poe abandoned his design of editing the Oquawka Magazine there. It was not until 1875 and 1880 that the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy acquired the lines and land grants of the Burlington & Missouri in lowa and Nebraska. From this time on the Chicago, Burling- ton & Quincy extended its organization over a myriad of em- bryo roads, thereby forming a strong and harmonious system which has contributed so greatly to the prosperity and prog- ress of the agricultural West. Space only admits of giving the history of these typical instances of railway amalgamation in barest outline, but it will serve to indicate to the student how many of the great railway systems of America have grown up more like Topsy than from any preconceived and carefully worked out design. Necessity called for them and circumstances directed their construction wherever the call seemed most urgent, with such funds as were available. Owing to the lack of design and limited resources, so painfully evidenced in successive re- ceiverships, foreclosures and reorganizations, the immediate results were not always what might have been desired, and yet the ultimate result is the best and most efficient railway system in the world. Surely there is a divinity that has shaped the course of empire on this continent, build the railways as we might. CHAPTER VI FIFTH DECADE—1870-1880 ERA OF SPECULATION, REGULATION, GRANGER LEGISLATION AND RECEIVERSHIPS MERICAN railways went into their fifth decade with an overhang from the preceding decade, notorious in the annals of stock jobbing as “A Chapters Ghatirie: << starting with its most virulent phase in 1868 in the rivalry for con- trol between Cornelius Van- derbilt and Daniel Drew, this scandal was destined to keep the great national achieve- ment of 1830-1851 in a succes- sion of shameful deals up to thé receivership. of 18/5. From then on the Erie was in financial breakers down to tie Mtourth. J receivershrp; -1n 1893 and reorganization in Poreeacecin06. thisiroad . has been managed as a rail- as way should be; tor gives the!” CHAREES HR ANCIS ADAME "IR best public service in its ter- | Author, Railway Commissioner, : ears cee : President and Publicist ritory within the limits of its resources. For this due credit has to be given E. B. Thomas, who headed its operations from 1896 to 1900, and to Frederick D. Underwood, who succeeded him in 1901. Their struggle to live down the legacy of debt and dishonor attached to the name Erie by the transgressions of Drew, Gould and Fisk is worthy the best traditions of American railways. “The Chapter of Erie,” as told by Charles Francis Adams, Jr. in his monograph with that title, is a long and intricate 190 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS —_— —_— — — — — — — — —— — —SSSSSSSSSSSFSSSssSsSSeeFs one which cannot be more than outlined here. It had its prelude in the stock jugglings of Drew as a director and treas- urer of the road previous to 1868, by which he was reputed to have accumulated millions. Then came the contest between him and Commodore Vanderbilt, which involved pretty much every variety of maneuver, knavery, abuse of judicial writs, fraudulent issue of securities, corruption of judges and legis- lators, etc., known to past masters in the tortuous arts of “frenzied finance.” Judges were made pawns of the contest- ants, and a Tammany chief was allowed a receiver’s fee of $150,000 when there was no property on Manhattan Is- land for a receiver to receive. An act which the Drew- Gould interests “lobbied” through at Albany was de- nounced by Judge Barnard as “a bill for legalizing coun- terfeit money.” Before Gould and Fisk got through with Drew by means of a stock corner, they had stripped him of his last dollar and left him a wreck on the sands of that speculative sea where, for a quarter of a century, he had flown the black flag. | This retribution was Dan- iel Drew’s due, but he and ee ee Ia his immediate successors sad- dled the Erie management with an accumulation of liabilities from which no subse- quent reorganization has been sufficiently drastic to com- pletely relieve it. But, more serious still, the Erie scandal has hung like a foul vapor over the railroad world ever since, poisoning the popular mind and filling it with mistrust and suspicion of the most faithful and efficient public utility in FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 191 the Nation. Verily, the evil men do lives after them, the good is often interred with their bones. : Jay Gould during his meteoric career was undoubtedly one of the most imposing figures in the financial and railway world. He began his specula- tion in railway stocks in the early “60s and, besides his ventures in Erie, before his death he had acquired large if not controlling interests in the Wabash, Kansas Pacific, irom NP Acinc, oot: 4 Louis Southwestern, Texas Pacific and Missouri Pacific. He also participated in the organiza- tion of the American Tele- graph Company, which laid an Atlantic cable and was subsequently merged in the Western Union, of which he ays JAY GOULD—1836-1892 : : ailway Financier, Organizer and - was the chief stockholder. At President of Many Roads ; President and Treasurer of Erie the time of his death Jay 1868-72 Gould’s railway holdings were estimated at $75,000,000. Another Story of Erie There was, however, another “Story of Erie” written in an altogether different key from that pervading Mr. Adams’ classic brochure. Without extenuating any of the shameful incidents attending the exploiting and struggle over its con- trol as told by Mr. Adams, this story traces its history from its inception as set forth in a preceding chapter through its early vicissitudes to its triumphant “opening in Erie” in May, 1851. The official notification of that opening is a cherished historic document in the possession of the Curtis family of Callicoon, N. Y., and sets forth that— “On the 14th of May inst. the steamboat ERIE will leave the New York and Erie Pier, foot of Duane Street, at 6 A. M. 192 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS for Piermont, whence two Trains of Cars will start for Dun- kirk and run by the Time Table on the back hereof.” That Time Table allowed for two hours to reach Piermont and an even 13 hours to get to Elmira, 283 miles from the Duane Street pier. Between Port Jervis and Narrowsburg the excursion train was said to have made 34 miles in 35 minutes, a record that has scarcely been bettered since on that particular division. The passengers, among whom were Pres- ident Fillmore, Governor Marcy of New York, Daniel Webster and as distinguished a body of officials as ever attended an opening, became alarmed and some of them wanted the train stopped so that they could get off. But it proceeded and landed its precious freight safely at Elmira at 7 o’clock, or only 20 minutes late. There they laid up for the night to resume the journey and speech making next morning at 6 o’clock, arriving at Dunkirk “about half past four in the after- noon” of May 15th. The running time from Piermont to Dunkirk, 440 miles, was 21 hours. From this point on the author, Edward Harold Mott, traces in detail the development of the Erie through a perfect maze of administrations, receiverships, and reorganizations. Jay Gould is pictured on one page as the shrewdest and most unscrupulous speculator that ever matched his wits with the powers of Wall Street, and on the next he is credited with being a railway wizard of the broadest vision and most daring and far flung telegraph and rail enterprise. He certainly Jetoyonbiesusroval IbwAl ayahaal Jaen amelie es, 68h bo ah anoc ide DONS Population 1920 with three continental roads..... Wee DLO,GtS FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 193 anticipated the consolidations that have created the great systems of today and, according to Mr. Mott, it was only the evil destiny that seemed to hover over Erie that in the early 70s prevented it from becoming the nucleus of the leading railway organization between the Atlantic and the Pacific. However, the real “Story of Erie,” as it concerns the his- tory of transportation on this continent, is not told in the de- tails of the titanic struggle of the Vanderbilts, the Drews, the Goulds and other speculative financiers for its control in the 60s, but in the development of a railway whose passenger receipts were only $15,165 in 1841, when operation began with only 46 miles of line, and freight receipts were only $14,523, into the system of 2,183 miles today, whose passenger revenues in 1923 were $13,865,994 and freight revenues were $95,853,671. In 1841 the Erie carried 11,627 passengers and 5,779 tons of freight and in 1923 30,985,579 passengers and 48,333,188 tons of freight. Railroad Building Goes On Happily for the American people, the clash and clamor of conflicting stock manipulators in New York were but the braying accompaniments to the persistent and substantial progress of railway construction throughout the United States. It was inevitable where the financial necessities of that construction called for the investment of millions upon millions that the birds of prey should hover and scream above the tireless pioneers who were pushing rails of civilization to the limits of the continent. It is one of the triumphs of the ‘conquest of America that it refused to be halted or diverted by the financial corners, booms and panics that attended the projection, construction and completion of its railroads. These financial, industrial and political convulsions may be likened to the growing pains in the human body. They engrossed attention while they lasted and their echoes have never ceased to fill and confuse the public ear. But all the while the work went steadily on, capital to pay for labor, materials and facili- ties was forthcoming—often at usurious cost—from the slow accumulations of our own people; from British banks and the 194 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS deep pockets in the wide breeches of Dutch thrift. The op- portunity of gain “beyond the dreams of* avarice’ was the lure that brought gold from its hidden stores in old stockings and savings banks. ‘The risk was always present to account for high interest or heavy discounts. But it is not the purpose of this history to dwell upon the romance or the tragedy attending the financing of American railways. It is concerned with the unfolding of the map of the matchless network of rails that binds this Union into a real Nation and that affords to its inhabitants on farm, in the SIXTEEN-HORSE TRAIN CROSSING WYOMING IN 1870 factory, at the bench and in every walk of life the best and cheapest transportation in the world. From the outset railway construction both in America and England, not to speak of the rest of Europe, was viewed by statesmen, economists and financiers with suspicion and mis- givings. In England every charter was obtained only after extended and costly parliamentary proceedings. In the Unit- ed States early charters were more easily obtained, for the public was impatient for improved transportation. Nation, state and municipality welcomed the rail as a possible relief from the tyranny of poor roads, long hauls and tedious travel. But there were adverse interests even here that had to be placated and overcome. The stage coach, for which the canal development held no terrors, was quick to scent a speedier rival in the locomotive. But the canal had dug deep into the pockets of investors before the railway had established its superior efficiency, and the canal and steamboat interests FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 195 quickly took alarm and for several decades put every obstacle they could command in the way of rapid railway expansion. Under such conditions it was natural that Congress and state legislatures should assert some supervision ovér the railways. At first this assumed the form of requiring annual reports. But this did not long suffice to satisfy the public demand for information about the railways, which under their charters were permitted to do pretty much what they saw fit and to charge rates that were within very liberal maxima. FIRST CLASS PASSENGER BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE Built for Central R. R. of New Jersey in 1875 Railway progress in America had been attended by the popular suspicion of lurking monopoly, the prevailing theory that competition was the life of trade, the mistrust of carrier fixed rates and the jealousy of business concerns and com- munities over undue preferences and discriminations. Be- tween 1830 and the ’70s, competition wherever railways were operated had practically driven stage coaches-and artificial waterways out-of the carrying trade on this continent only to develop ruinous competition among the rail carriers them- selves. Agreements to maintain rates to remedy this condi- tion were made only to be broken like pie crust under the urge to get business. Pooling, or an arbitrary division of 196 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS traffic, was resorted to to prevent the recurring rate wars with their disastrous consequences. But it lacked cohesive strength until, in the early AOS wea traitict sassOctation. ot southern roads was effected with Albert Fink, vice-presi- dent of the Louisville & Nashville road, as chairman. He - proved. to! «possess the ideal requirements of cour- age, ability and character necessary to inspire confi- dence in handling the con- flicting interests. To these were added exceptional fa- miliarity with the crucial traf- slosiaiel fic problems involved and the Ohas Mie Let springs of human action. So ae og it was natural, when the Trunk Line Association was formed, to extend the southern pooling principles to the national field—in 1877, Mr. Fink was chosen as its Moses to lead the railways out of the wilderness of cut rates and shipping dis- criminations. Under his guidance the association effected many needed reforms in the handling of railway traffic. But the abuses and discriminations, inherent in the original freedom of rail- way exploitation from regulation, were tco deep rooted in human nature to be cured by any purely voluntary association of its beneficiaries. The rivalry and competition of railway companies and the competition and rivalry of shipping inter- ests which granted preferences, by the former, by cut rates to the latter could be eradicated only by some authority im- partial enough to decree “just and reasonable” rates and uni- versal enough to enforce its decrees. : State Regulation With the completion of the Union Pacific to which the national treasury had contributed so generously, albeit so FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 197 guardedly that every dollar was subsequently repaid with interest by the company, there caine a demand for a restric- tion on the go-as-you-please metliods. prevailing in railway management during the construction period. Out of the popu- lar dread of monopoly the demand for some state regulation of railways had been growing from their first appearance in competition with canals and stage coaches. They were recog- nized as necessary public servants but possibly dangerous political masters. Massachusetts had gathered primitive rail- way Statistics as early as 1836, and Rhode Island and New Hampshire had provided themselves with embryo railroad commissions. But it was left for Massachusetts to lead the way to serious supervision of the railways by legislative action in 1869. An Act was passed establishing a commission for the regulation of railways within the commonwealth. By this statute the commission, of which Charles Francis Adams, Jr., was the first chairman, was invested with very broad powers of investigation and recommendation, but was de- pendent for the enforcement of its findings on public opinion. As the Massachusetts statute became the model for one set of state commissions in contrast with those organized on a widely different principle, the following description by Mr. Adams of its distinctive features has historic as well as perti- nent current interest: “In the West the fundamental idea behind every railroad act was force;—the Commission represented ‘the constable. In the Massa- chusetts act the fundamental idea was publicity;—the Commission represented public opinion. The law creating the board and defining its field of action was clumsily drawn, and throughout it there was apparent a spirit of distrust in its purpose. In theory an experiment, in reality it was a makeshift. The powers conferred on the commis- sioners hardly deserved the name; and, such as they were, they were carefully hedged about with limitations against abuse.. Accordingly when the commissioners entered upon their duties they were at first inclined to think that they could hardly save themselves from falling into contempt from mere lack of ability to compel respect for their decisions. In fact, however, the law could not have been improved. Had it not been a flagrant legislative guess, it would have been an inspiration. ~The only appeal provided was in publicity. The board of commissioners was set up as a sort of lens by means of whch the otherwise scattered rays of public opinion®’ could be concentrated to a focus and brought to bear upon a given point. The commissioners had to listen, and they might investigate and report;—they could do little more. Accordingly they were compelled to study their subject, 198 HISTORY -QF AMERICAN RATLWAYS and with each question that came before them they had to stand or fall on the reasons they presented for their conclusions. They could not take refuge in silence. Whenever they attempted to do so they found themselves introuble. They had, as each case came up, to argue the side of the corporations or of the public, as the case might be; but always to argue it openly, and in a way which showed that they understood the subject and were at least honest in their convictions. Placed from the beginning in this position, the board was singularly fortunate in the permanence with which its members were continued in office. But two individual changes were made in it during nine years, and it has undergone no change during the last six. Accord- ingly it had a chance to outlive its inexperience and profit by its own blunders, which naturally were at first neither trifling nor infrequent. “The result was necessarily as different:from that reached in the West, as were the conditions under which it was reached. The board in the first place became of necessity a judicial in place of a prose- cuting tribunal. It naturally had often to render decisions upon mat- ters of complaint which came under its cognizance in favor of the rail- road corporations;—whether it decided in their favor or against them, however, its decisions carried no weight other than that derived from the reasons given for them. The commissioners were therefore under the necessity of cultivating friendly relations with the railroad officials, and had to inspire them, if they could, with a confidence in their knowledge and fairness. Without that they could not hope to sustain themselves. On the other hand, their failure was imminent unless they so bore themselves as to satisfy the public that they were abso- lutely independent of corporate influence, and could always be relied upon to fearlessly investigate and impartially decide. “Undesignedly the Massachusetts legislators had rested their law on the one great social feature which distinguishes modern civiliza- tion from any other of which we have a record;—the eventual suprem- acy of an enlightened public opinion. The line of policy thus happily initiated was. carefully pursued. New and wider powers were, year by year, conferred upon the board, but always in the same direction— powers to investigate and report. The commissioners meanwhile were not slow to realize the advantage of their position, and have repeat- edly put themselves on record as desiring no more arbitrary powers,— as feeling themselves indeed stronger without them. In 1876 this TRAIN ON PECOS RIVER BRIDGE, TEXAS One of the highest bridges in the world, being 321 feet high. FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 199 policy reached its final result, as the legislature then placed the entire system of accounts kept by the corporations under the direct supervi- sion of the board. Its power in this respect was.unlimited. Not only was it authorized to prescribe a uniform system upon which those accounts should be kept, but they were also to be kept under the immediate and constant supervision of its officers, and on proper ap- plication the books were to be publicly investigated. * * * Singularly enough, also, this act was passed not only without opposition from the railroad companies as a body, but with the active assent of many oi-theme - tao * 2 “This measure carried the Massachusetts method of dealing with the railroad question to its ultimate point of development under a state government. No greater degree of publicity was possible. The system was perfectly simple, but none the less logical and practical. It amounted to little more than the establishment of a permanent board of arbitration, acting without any of the formality, expense and delay of courts of law. On each question which came before it,— whether brought to its notice by means of a postal card or through the action of a city government,—this board was ito make an investi- gation. If wrongs and grievances were made to appear, and no meas- ure of redress could be secured, the appeal was to the courts or the legislature, the board still being the motive force. Thus on all ques- tions, not, strictly legal, arising out of the relations of the railroad corporations,—whether among themselves, with the community as a whole or with individuals, a body of experts—supposed to be skilled— was provided, who were clothed with full inquisitorial powers and whose duty it was, whether moved thereto by facts within their own knowledge or brought to their knowledge through the intervention of others, to investigate the doings or condition of the corporations and to lay the resulting facts in detail before the public. “The policy thus described,’ concludes Mr. Adams, “would seem to have worked sufficiently well in Massachusetts.” From its earliest introduction state regulation asserted the right to amend the charters of the early railroads in the matter of rates and fares. For specific maximums they substituted the elastic phrase of “just and reasonable rates,” which. has become the rule of legislatures, courts and commissions. Along this-line regulation had developed the state policy of limiting profits to a fair return on the value of property devoted to public use. This has introduced into their regula- tion at least two moot questions that admit of the widest difference of opinion. What is a “fair return” and how shall the property be valued? Years of discussion have not brought forth a conclusive answer to either question and both omit the one thing that is of most consequence to the public. They provide no reward or return for efficient and progressive man- agement; proceeding, no doubt, on the theory that good man- agement, like angling and virtue, is its own reward. But 200 AISTORYAOFPVAMERICANT RAIL AT. American railways have outstripped all others by rewarding their projectors, builders and managers—not all according to their deserts, but sufficiently to keep ambition alive and active. No less an authority on this subject than Louis D. Bran- deis, now of the United States Supreme Court, has said: “To take from railroad corporations the natural gifts of efficiency —that is, greater money rewards—must create a sense of injustice suffered, which paralyzes effort, invites inefficiency and produces slip- shod management. * * * Large earnings are frequently accepted as evidence that ‘rates are too high, and invite a demand for reduc- tion; whereas, in fact, the large earnings may be due wholly to better judgment, greater efficiency and economies in administration.” BALDWIN’S STEAM MOTOR FOR STREET CAR—1877 The Granger Laws The success of the Massachusetts brand of regulation, according to Chauncey M. Depew, for years the Nestor of American railway officials, was due to the fact that the com- monwealth “had first the independence to appoint a gentle- man, Charles Francis Adams, Jr., of character and high prin- ciples, who seemed particularly fitted for the work, and then amidst all political changes had the sense and courage to keep: him. there.” In fact, Massachusetts regulation was sane and effective, and it would have been well if it could have been extended to all other states. But about this time, early in the ’70s, a sentiment mistrustful of and hostile to all railways had been aroused throughout the West that knew no moderation. In its view all railways were badly managed, only some were worse than others. This gave rise to the agitation, especially FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 201 in the West, in favor of drastic regulation of the railways. In 1867 the National Grange of Patrons of Husbandry was formed, consisting of farmers. The local bodies were called granges, and each state had its state grange. Its rules dis- claimed any intention to interfere in politics, but it had hardly got under way before it began to take an active, and for a time in the Northwestern states a dominating, part in the agitation against railway rates and other practices, which in 18/71 resulted in the passage of two regulatory acts by the Illinois legislature. The first of these fixed maximum rates and fares and the other established a commission to supervise the railroads and to assist in enforcing the laws for their regulation. The former, being declared unconstitutional, was replaced by an act authorizing the commission to prescribe a schedule of “reasonable maximum rates or charges for the transportation of passengers and freight.” $ The spirit of this legislation spread like a prairie fire through the Western states. Laws of a similar nature were enacted in Iowa, Wisconsin, Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska and Minnesota. Particularly drastic measures were passed in Iowa and Wisconsin. They fixed passenger fares and freight rates in detail. The Iowa law established a fund of $10,000 to pay the expenses of private suitors for damages under the act and made railway officials and employes subject to fine and imprisonment on convic- tion of violations under the act. The Potter law, as the Wisconsin act was called, not only fixed freight rates but established a revised classifi- =— Cio eoitseowne bhe rail saree DN OMA NEB tai? way officials asserted that this law merely took the lowest existing rates for the maximum and then reduced them 25 Der.cert. ) As was inevitable, these drastic laws quickly got into the Supreme Court of the United States and resulted in a series BOS os FISTORY (OPA AMERICAN SRAM Ay of decisions in which new principles regarding the relations of the states to transportation corporations were announced and made the law of the land. They supported the Granger laws to the extent of fixing maximum rates, even though these were challenged on the ground of unreasonableness. These decisions have been modified since. Briefly) statedwiethem cons. held that the Government had a right to regulate the use of property for the public good and to fix maximum charges for public services of those with whom the public has no choice but to deal. Boeiestung _ Such regulations were never USO oe ESET A870 7.12 AG0RS cuposed ato, dent rye mreiman *Increase mostly due to railways owners of their property, but the devotion of property to a use in which the public has an interest subjects it to that extent to public control. . SAME STREET IN OMAHA—1922 TRESTLE ACROSS VALLEY NEAR SOUTH OMAHA Process of Filling for Solid Embankment FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 203 This decision was not without question even on the bench from which it issued. Justice Field; one of the ablest jurists that ever sat in that great court, held, in agreement with Justice Strong, that the legislature had no right to interfere with private business and it was giving that body the power to confiscate private property, contrary to the Constitution. It certainly was anomalous, for it violated the charter rights of many of the corporations to charge fixed fares and rates far below the maximums in vogue or established by statutes. The inviolability of many charter contracts was violated ruth- lessly. But from that day there has been no doubt that in the United States any industry “affected with a public interest” has been subject to governmental regulation. The only question has been how far the regulation could go before confronting the con- stitutional inhibition against confiscation. In the period of depressed business to which these state laws contributed, their more drastic provisions were repealed. When Air Brakes Came During the first forty years of railway development on this continent great progress GEORGE WESTINGHOUSE had been made in the application of motive power, in the increase of carrying capacity and in the creature comforts of travel, but the means of stopping trains at stations or holding them back on down grades had not kept pace with the motive power. It had advanced little beyond the foot- brake with which the Jehus of the stage coach period delight- ed to alarm and reassure their passengers on hilly turnpikes. True, Stephenson by 1833 had equipped one of his locomotives with a steam brake, as shown in the accompanying cut, but 204 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS it was applied to a single unit where the demand was for something that would brake every car wheel in the train. To the young American of today who has not traveled in Europe the hand brakes that still decorate the platforms of passenger cars and project above the roofs of freight cars seem as unnecessary as the vermiform appendix to man. They are relics of the experimental railway age. But they survive on many of the railways of Europe, where thousands of freight . cars have no brakes at all and only every third or fourth car in a freight train has its brake and brakeman. With the increase in the weight and speed of American trains, both passenger and freight, the necessity for some device that would control not only the individual car but the whole train became more insistent. The toll of railway accidents with display headlines in the newspapers alarmed the public and threatened to check the economical develop- ment of rail transportation. As-in every other evolution of the transportation indus- try, the condition found its man. The successor to Watt, Stephenson, Baldwin and the long line of railway projectors and builders was found in the person of George Westing- house, who was to do for stopping trains what George Steph- enson had done for starting them. Like Watt and Stephenson, Westinghouse was not the first in his field of train brake invention. Watt took the model of Newcomen’s engine and put the life of practical improve- ments into its infant cylinder; and Stephenson found in the A PRIMITIVE BRAKE—THE DRAG FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 205 crude road and track locomotives of Robert Trevethick the elements he combined in the “Planet” and “Rocket,” which were the forerunners of the long line of giant locomotives that. move the traffic of this ecotient today. #And, 'so George Westinghouse, re- tithing arom Service in ‘the Union army in 1865, found the field of railway braking strewed with ineffective de- wices = tor controlling @ the wheels of our secondary na- tional industry. George Westinghouse was PRIMITIVE DOURLE ACTION : ; BRAKE born in the village of Central Bridge, N. Y., in October, 1846, but his future was given its bent when his father moved to Schenectady and established himself in that industrial center as a maker of agricultural and mill machinery and small steam engines. As Westing- house was destined to be the leading personality in one of the greatest industrial organizations in the world, as well as the perfector of the train air brake, a brief sketch of his career will not be amiss here. The American youth can study it with profit. He came, as his biographer says, of Westphalian stock which settled in Bennington county, Vermont, in 1755. It is not necessary to go back of his father and mother to locate his inheritance of the genius that sees things that | should be done and the imag- ination and capacity to do them and the persistence to keep at it until they are done right. His father was pos- sessed of those sterling quali- ties that seem to inhere in men born in the foothills of Vermont, joined with the in- : genious turn of mind that can ENGLISH RAILWAY WAGON . BRAKE OF 1839 whittle a model of a mechani- 206 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS cal contraption out of a cedar shingle or a pine block. He blazed the way for his son to the patent office by preceding him there with some eight to ten inventions for agricultural implements. On his mother’s side, George was kin of Elhu Vedder, one of the foremost decorative and mural artists this country can boast, and it is not unlikely that it was from her he in- herited the imagination that saw in the minor inventions of his contemporaries the broader possibilities that under his organizing touch were to revolutionize transportation on this continent. Westinghouse Enlists at Fifteen Before he was fifteen George ran away from home to enlist in the early days of the war. He was promptly retrieved by his father and put back to work in the Schenectady shop at 75 cents a day. His pay was gradually raised to $1.12% a day, until the end of September, 1863, when, being now in his seventeenth year, he was permitted to join the Union army as an enlisted man. He served briefly in the infantry and cavalry and was an officer in the navy when he was mustered out, in 1865, before he was twenty years old. Shortly before his death, in 1914, this veteran of the Civil War said that the chief capital he got out of his army experience was “the les- sons in that discipline to which a soldier is required to submit, and the acquirement of a readiness to carry out the instruc- tions of superiors.” From the little shop in Schenectady and from a brief sojourn in the camps of the army that preserved the Union, George Westinghouse acquired those habits of thought and action that were to carry him high up on the roll of Americans who have served their coun- THE WIDDEFIELD & BUTTON try grandly. His school BRAKE “larnin’” was brief and frag- mentary, but his reading was extensive and his command of his mother tongue unusually good and forcible. FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 207 Within a few months after his return to civil life, in 1865, Westinghouse took out his first patents. The occurrence that directed his attention toward the air brake field in which he was to go so far, according to his biographer, was the mischief that followed a head-on collision that happened on the railway between Schenectady and Troy. The first form of brake that occurred to his inventive mind was of the buffer kind, in which the brakes on each individual car were automatically applied by impact as the brakes were set on the locomotive. It was quickly abandoned for a coupled chain device running the length of the train, manipulated by power from the locomotive. He found, however, that this was anticipated by the Am- bler patent of 1862. From a magazine article describing how the rock drills in the Mont Cenis tunnel were worked with compressed air, Westinghouse got the idea of transmitting that power in tubes from the engine to the brake mechanism under each car. On July 10, 1868, Westinghouse filed his first caveat for a patent relating to the air brake. It was a momentous day, not only for him but for the railway world, when the Steuben- ville Accommodation on the Panhandle Railroad equipped with this brake began its initial trip from the Union station in Pittsburgh. Its success was immediate. Briefly described, its essential parts were: THE AMERICAN BRAKE An air pump driven by an engine receiving its steam from the locomotive; A main reservoir into which air was compressed to sixty or seventy pounds per square inch; A pipe from the reservoirs to the valve mechanism con- venient to the engineer; Brake cylinders for the tender and each car: 208 HISTORY” OF AMERICAN’ RAILWAYS A line of pipe connecting the engineer’s brake valve with brake cylinder; flexible con- nections between cars with couplings and automatic valves opening and closing as cars were joined and sepa- rated ; The brakes were applied and released by pistons from a each cylinder attached to the HIGH SPEED PASSENGER regular hand brakes; pr aE The brakes were applied when the engineer admitted the compressed air from the loco- motive reservoir into the train pipe. : Such was the apparatus known as the “Straight air brake,” which was quickly superseded by the “Automatic brake.” The difference between the two was fundamental—the straight air apparatus worked by increasing the pressure in the train pipe; the automatic, by the decrease of pressure applied the brakes. With the latter, when a train breaks in two or the MIGH SPEED BRAKE REDUCING VALVE ADIUSTED TOPRETAIN 60 LBS PRESSURE IN THE BRAKE CYLINDER. THE STEPHENSON STEAM BRAKE, FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 209 hose bursts the brakes go on automatically, whereas with the straight air brakes they are put out of commission, and the detached section runs wild. Almost before the ink was dry on his patents, George Westinghouse organized the Air Brake Company that bears his name to manufacture and market his air brake. It started in 18/0 with a small plant in Pittsburgh, consisting of two View from below. ENGLISH ENGINE AND TENDER WITH WESTINGHOUSE AUTOMATIC, buildings with a floor space of 9,600 square feet and a work- ing force of 105. By 1881 the business had attained such proportions that new quarters were acquired in what was then the city of Allegheny, now the north side of Pittsburgh. It afforded 125,000 square feet of floor space. By 1890, when the busi- ness had expanded to a production of 100 complete sets of air brake equipment a day, and numerous other railway devices’ and appliances connected with the distribution of natural gas, the company was forced to make its second move to the pres- ent plant at Wilmerding, Pa., a town 14 miles from Pitts- burgh, created to house the army of employees that followed it from Allegheny. Here with buildings having a floor space of 1,083,728 square feet, equal to nearly 25 acres, the largest of its kind in the world, a force of 6,000 men can turn out 1,000 complete standard air brake equipments each twenty-four 210 HISTORY. (OP rAyERICGHN Wat a0 teed. hours in addition to a world of miscellaneous apparatus with which the name of Westinghouse is associated. It would be a congenial task to elaborate on what the automatic air brake has meant to railway development on this continent. Without it we would be struggling along with 20-ton locomotives, 10-ton passenger cars, 20-ton freight cars, 15-car freight trains and a speed limit of 30 to 35 miles an hour on passenger trains. Combined with the automatic signal system, to which Westinghouse contributed many of its best features, the automatic air brake, with its latest im- WESTINGHOUSE WORKS AT WILMERDING, PA., 1924 provements, has made railway operation on this continent safe beyond the dreams of its pioneers. } The contrast between the floor space of the original West- inghouse Air Brake plant of 1870 and that of the vast works at Wilmerding in 1923 gives some notion of what this one auxiliary invention meant to the railways and to the people of this Republic. The Westinghouse train air brake gave to American railways that flexibility of expansion that is only partly visualized in the increase in the weight of locomotives on drivers from 15 tons to 100 tons and of the average train- load of 176 tons to nearly 700. It put almost limitless power at the transportation service of the American people. With- out it New York would still be almost as far from San Fran- cisco as it was the day after the Union and Central Pacific locomotives met at Promontory Point. FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 211 Block Signalling Hardly had trains between Liverpool and Manchester reached the stage of demonstration when the growth of traf- fic in weight and speed directed attention to the necessity for some system of signals. So as early as 1834 that road intro- duced its system of fixed signals, consisting of an upright post with a rotating disk at its top, showing red for danger and the absence of any indication by day and a white light by night for clear. It was soon demonstrated that a narrow arm projected against the horizon or landscape could be seen farther than the same area in a Square or circle. The British system was anticipated in America by the installation on the Newcastle & Frenchtown (now a part of the Pennsylvania R. R.) of signals consisting of a large white ball being raised to the fon, oO tie smast. when the train left the terminus, and at other stations half way, and, as the trains passed each station, the ball was raised to top of mast and lowered after it had passed the next station. A black ball was used when the train was disabled. The first semaphore signal was designed at New Cross and erected by Sir Charles Gregory in 1841. “There was no communcation between stations,” said the Jate A. H. Smith, president of the New York Central Com- pany, in an address before the National Association of Rail- road Commissioners in 1909, “each signalman displaying his signal at danger after the passage of a train until a certain time had elapsed, when it was cleared.” With certain modi- fications, this is the basis of our present block and caution signals, but it was not until telegraphic communication was established, as late as 1863, that the first block signals in this BLOCK SIGNALS 212 HISTORY (OF AMERICAN TRAIEWAYS country were installed on the Philadelphia & Trenton Railroad. In 1866 or 1867 the first automatic electric block system in America was installed on the New Haven System at Meri- _ den, Conn. This system, with some modification, remains in operation today. Following the manual controlled signals came the auto- matic of the semaphore type and the adoption of green in- stead of white for clear signals at night. Then as an addi- tional safeguard against mistakes came the interlocking sys- tem, which was installed in yards and at intersections, where- by an operator with one machine or device was able to control the situation over which he presided, so as to prohibit con- flicting routes. Gradually the interlocking system was so perfected that greater safety was obtained through central control. Safety Devices and Accidents Urged on by sensational reports of accidents, Congress and the Commission, about ‘1906, became insistent on the adoption of additional safety devices. On June 30, by joint resolution, Congress directed the Commission to investigate and report on the use of and necessity for block signals and appliances for the automatic control of railway trains in the United States. The Commission was able to comply with the first part of this order, but had to report that there had been no practical demonstration of appliances capable of auto- matically bringing trains to a stop where danger signals for any reason were “ignored by enginemen.” These three quoted words should have put Congress and Commission on inquiry as to the chief cause of the railway accidents that had become so alarmingly frequent. They would have learned that the best safety device known was a careful workman, alert and watchful, in lonely vigil or on the speeding engine. From 1906 to 1924 the campaign for safety devices on American railways has been prosecuted with unintermittent vigor and it has produced gratifying results. But it was not until the railways entered upon their “Safety FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 213 First” campaign with their employees that the best results became capable of statistical demonstration. In a noteworthy address at Milwaukee on October 1, 1912, Commissioner McChord uttered these memorable words: “The most difficult and perplexing factor in this problem is the personal equation. The failure of the man at the criti- cal moment is the thing to be guarded against, and this in- volves generally a reformation in methods of discipline and rules of operation.” ‘That reformation with and by the hearty co-operation of the personal equation has produced such won- derful results that 1922 saw the railways operated with a total of 40 per cent fewer fatalities than in the year of the commissioner’s address—the figures being 6,326 and 10,585, respectively. Moreover, this was in the face of an increase Ormueariyecuaner centrin freight traffice and -over./. per cent in passenger. In all railway fatalities, those in train accidents bear the Broportionsor one! to: tenvof those due to’ other causes sin some years the proportion has run as one to fifteen. In some years trespassers killed exceed the number of all other fatali- ties. There has been a marked decrease in this class of fatali- ties in recent years. Where between 1903 and 1916 the num- ber of trespassers killed exceeded 5,000 annually, in the six following years, 1917-1922, the average was below 3,000. What progress has been made in protecting train move- ment with some form of block signals is shown in the follow- ing comparison of conditions in 1907 and 1923: System. 1907. 1923. Miles. Miles. AUTOMaAtICEHIOCIS . oust seat eee 11,474 48,084 Bontrollied s Viautal ro. ou5 us coeds ks 3,491 63,754 Nanuala Lelegra pit scl. aes tele de BA SOU ET a STL Stat eort Lap letawe cet. aie tiebae cs ZATE Prd at ats. OTA ee te eats oT) 59,602 111,838 Iierease er elo ayearsi ts ticec ee. oc oe 52,230 Progress in the installment of automatic train control de- vices has been slow and cautious because of its experimental nature. The reader may judge of the difficulties attending 214 HISTORY* OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS its introduction from the following paragraph in the Commis- sion’s report of December 12,1923: “Observations and tests of eight automatic train control devices that have been installed for test purposes by different carriers were made during the year and plans of 60 devices of this character which were submitted to us for consideration have been examined and reported upon. Of the number ex- amined, 45 were considered impractical or unworthy of further consideration in the form presented; 13 possessed meritorious features but required further development; and 2 possessed merit as safety devices warranting some degree of commenda- tion. One of the latter was of the intermittent magnetic-in- duction type and the other of the continuous-induction type.” The Commission has now ordered the installment of some form of automatic train control devices on specified divisions of some three score roads. The weak spot in all such auto- matic devices is that their maintenance, which depends on human vigilance and intelligence, has to be 100 per cent per- fect or it endangers all who put their trust in them. All safety devices eventually come back to the personal equation of which Commissioner McChord spoke. P. T. Barnum’s Show First Uses the Railways Previous to 1872 P. T. Barnum’s Greatest Show on Earth made its jumps from town to town in short stages on foot, on horseback or by clumsy caravans, as best it could. In Febru- ary, 1872, says the greatest autobiographer of his time, Phineas was threatened with a mutiny of his staff manager and his son-in-law, S. H. Hurd, because of his extravagance in adding 100 horses to his retinue of 500 horses, and in buying giraffes and other expensive animals. They figured out what their expenses for 180 days would be and that their receipts could not exceed $350,000, entailing a loss of $370,000 on six months’ business. They also declared that their teams could “not travel more than an average of twenty miles per day.” P. T. thanked them for their advice, and continued—at least he says he did—“I see the show is too big to drag from village FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 215 to village by horse power and I have laid my plans accord- ingly. I will immediately telegraph to all the principal rail- way centers between here and Omaha, Nebraska, and within five days I will tell you what it will cost to transport my whole show, taking leaps of a hun- dred miles or more in a single night when necessary, so as to hit good-sized towns every day in the season. If I can do this with sixty or seventy ercieit .Gars)> Six passenger cars and three engines, within such a figure as I think it ought to be done, I will do it.” “Within three days,” con- tinues the narrator, “the rail- road telegrams were gener- ally favorable and we then and there resolved to trans- port the entire Museum, Me- nagerie and Hippodrome, all the coming season by rail, enlisting a power which, if ex- pended on traversing common wagon roads, would be equiva- lent to two thousand men and horses.” ‘The italics are Mr. Barnum’s, and the world knows he was always within the mark. In Appendix II to his “Struggles and Triumphs,” edition of 1873, Mr. Barnum gives the sequel to this daring venture. “The idea of attempting to transport by rail any company or combination requiring sixty-five cars—to be moved daily from point to point—was an experiment of such magnitude that railroad companies could not supply my demands, and I was compelled to purchase and own all the cars.’”’ This he did. “So at the appointed time the great combination moved west- ward by rail. It visited the States of New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Pennsylvania, District of Columbia, Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin and Michigan. In order to exhibit only in large towns it was frequently necessary to travel one PORTRAIT OF PT. RARNUM 216 HISTORY OF -AVMERICAN Sia) EADS, hundred miles in a single night, arrrving in season to give three exhibitions and the usual street pageant at 8 o’clock A.M.” | Thousands and tens of thousands of American citizens living today remember that train, with its P. T. Barnum ban- ners, traversing the continent from New York to the Missis- sippi, and they will be glad to know that financially it met BUILT FOR NEW YORK, PENNSYLVANIA & OHIO R. R. IN 1880 —Courtesy American Locomotive Co. its great projector’s anticipations. “The entire six months’ receipts of the Great Travelling World’s Fair,” says he, “ex- ceeded one million dollars. The expenses of the 156 days were nearly $5,000 per day, making about $780,000, besides the interest on a million dollars’ capital, and the wear and tear of the whole establishment.” And so the railways once more demonstrated their su- periority to any known means of transportation and brought “the greatest show on earth” to the youth of what was then the accessible part of the Union north of the Potomac. Hav- ing done this, Mr. Barnum fitted up another “Museum, Men- agerie and Circus” for an invasion of the Southern States. In October Mr. Barnum visited Denver, taking the Kansas Pacific Railroad, “seeing many thousands of wild buffalo, our train sometimes being stopped to let them pass.” Since then all the buffalo have passed from those grazing plains into ZOOS or preserves. | , FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 ANG The Panic of 1873 In the progress of society there are always forces at work that make small account of the acts of legislatures and the decrees of courts. So it happened in the’ case of American railways in the early days of the decade 1870-1880. The Civil War had not only brought all industrial progress to a com- parative pause, but by its legacy of an inflated currency had prepared the way for the financial cataclysm of 1873. It is not difficult to trace the part played in this by the railways. ALASKA DOG SLEDGE OF 1880 Between 1860 and 1865 only 3,303 miles of line were built in the United States. With the return of peace, construction was resumed with feverish activity. In the eight years, 1865 to 1873, the mileage jumped from 35,085 to 70,651 miles—that is, it more than doubled. In the matter of railways the United States was being overbuilt at a rate that presaged a day of reckoning. Where it had been demonstrated, to quote Poor’s Manual (1877-78), “that to enable railroads to operate at a profit a population of at least 850 to a mile is necessary in this country,” this ratio had fallen from 1,026 in 1860 to 730 in 18/0 and to 590 in 1873. In the Western states in .1876 there were only 427 inhabitants to the square mile. More sig- nificant still was the shrinkage in gross earnings per mile. These dropped from about $9,000 per mile in 1870 to $8,116 in 1872, to $7,933 in 1873 and before the panic had spent its force to $6,381 in 1877. The large receipts per mile previous to 1871 had furnished the stimulus for the over-construction of unproductive mileage which swept scores of railways into bankruptcy during the business stagnation that attended the restoration of our currency to a sound money basis following 218 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS the return to specie payment on January 1, 1879. An exami- nation of the reports of the leading systems that went into the hands of receivers in 1874 reveals the fact that their diffh- culties proceeded from one of two causes—either they were in process of construction involving the raising of large sums before they had begun to earn sufficient revenues to pay oper- HELENA, MONTANA—ABOUT 1880 : —From Collection of Montana Historical Society ating expenses; or their income was so depleted by the reduc- tion of rates below a profitable basis that the cost of operation absorbed too large a proportion of their earnings. The Northern Pacific, which was begun in 18/70 and was being built almost directly toward the sunset, was an example of the former. Jay Cooke, whose firm had acted for the Gov- ernment in floating the Civil War bond issues to the extent of $2,500,000,000, an unheard of sum previous to that time, became the fiscal agent for the Northern Pacific and advanced large sums of money on its bonds. By 1873 it had 555 miles in operation, getting’ practically nowhere. It had issued FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 pig $30,780,940 bonds, from which it had realized only $22,766,923, so that it was paying 7 3-10 per cent on what it received. In 1874 its earnings from operation were only $365,343, or $22,876 more than its expenses, and Jay Cooke, who had so conspicuously assisted in financing the Civil War, was forced to the wall because he could not tide the Northern Pacific through the years succeeding the panic of 1873. The road went into the hands of a receiver and Jay Cooke’s firm went into bankruptcy. Through the process of reorganization, in which the bondholders took preferred stock for their prin- cipal and interest, the building of the Northern Pacific was resumed and completed, and in the sequel Jay Cooke’s fortune was rehabilitated. How the Granger raid on rates reacted on railway rev- enues is shown in the decrease of 71-100 of a cent per ton mile between 1871 and 1876. This reduced the operating revenues by approximately $130,000,000, and accounts for the following results, as shown in the receiverships of 1874-77: In Receiver’s Hands Mileage. Capitakstack. Funded Debt. | alist: ee amet 6,825 $235,179,273 $236,285,961 at he Pee eae 6,280 211,740,414 204,312,038 i Re FU eae a BG EP, 87,181,928 114,783,799 PS jy le rata 3,017; 65,454,116 95,937,385 elbetal eectos 20,714 $599,555,751 $651,319,183 Among the roads involved in this financial maelstrom were the following well-known titles: The Erie; Long Island; Central Railroad of New Jersey; Mobile & Ohio; Wheeling & Lake Erie; Wisconsin Central; Rio Grande; St. Joseph & Denver City; Northern Pacific; Burlington, Cedar Rapids & Missouri; Burlington & Southwestern; Atlantic & Great Western; New Orleans, St. Louis & Chicago; Chesapeake weihio, New Orleans & Pexas; Union. Pacific and the Kansas Pacific. All told, in the period between 1873 and 1880, inclusive, over 150 roads sought the protection of the courts from insistent creditors. In the reorganization that followed, scores resumed operations under aliases that served 220 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS to obscure their identity. Consolidations were then the order of the day. It is well to note that in the receiverships of this period the proportions of capitalization involved were 47.9 per cent stock and 52.1 funded debt. The Eads Bridge at St. Louis In the development of railways on this continent the construc- pF CW. 1858 9) ENGINEERS PROFILE OF THE EADS BRIDGE tion of the so-called Eads Bridge across the Mississippi, opened July 4, 1874, ranks high. It is well named after its projector and constructing engineer, who had more than the usual obstruc- tions, financial and skeptical, to overcome before it was accom- plished at a cost of about $7,000,000.: Some of the physical diffi- culties to be surmounted, can be dimly visualized, by the aid of a magnifying glass, in the little profile illustration given herewith. FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 Zot But the unruly nature of the Mississippi River, reinforced at this point by the mighty but quixotic Missouri, are left to the imagina- tion. Provision had to be made for seasonal floods that rose thirty or more feet above mean and scoured the bottoms of the piers down to their bases. The main river bridge consisted of three arch spans, one central of 520 feet in the clear and two side arch spans of 502 feet each. The two shore abutments measured THE EADS BRIDGE AT ST. LOUIS, MO. Built 50 years ago. 225 feet each. The bridge and approaches were about a mile long and had two levels—for railway and highway. When completed the Eads Bridge was so scientifically and honestly built that for more than fifty years it has stood steadfast against floods of water and ice, and today presents the firm front of beauty and strength shown in the photograph taken in 1924. The most spectacular single event in the railway history of this decade was the record breaking run of what was known as the Jarrett and Palmer Special from New York to San Francisco, 3,313.5 miles, in 80 hours and 20 minutes. The distance has since been negotiated in 70 hours. The trip was organized to transport Lawrence Barrett, a leading star actor of the period, and his company, scheduled to appear at Zia HISTORY Of AMERICAN - RAILWAYS the California Theatre in “Henry-V~ on June 5,.48/6.46 0ne special train consisted of locomotive and tender, one Pullman hotel car, one combination passenger and smoking car and one baggage car. It left New York over the Pennsylvania at 12:40 A. M. June 1, and reached Pittsburgh at 10:56 A. M., having made the 439.5 miles in 10 hours and 16 minutes, with one engine and not a single stop; it got to Chicago, 468 miles, | Bialher Orrle.. 7 Eis Gok emcee age_$ J Of = wenn L290 — Lodge No..L@...-directs in case of his demise while | wae =, —} @ member of this Lodge, that all Moneys or Benefits he may be entitled oe e ie ‘| to at that time be paid to Lees. eae gw. Sox, | PR ie thst a by Riga pica Se Zz oe | ee Me... vir, whose residence is uate. LY aadks, On 99 be 28 es ee Ee i [sical URE (re “] anh op ... Fe SS. ay ‘ een Qignature of Financeal Segectary } ; no. os eceuteth. ae | EaeOT? 9 eres $f, Preece ite “{ ae PP ON en. | INSURANCE CARD OF BROTHERHOOD OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN IN 1876 that evening at 10:43; to Council Bluffs (503 miles) over the Chicago & North Western at 10:00 A. M.; to Ogden (1,022 miles) over the Union Pacific at 10:57 A. M.; and to san-Francisco. (881 miles).over the Central: Pacific at)12:57 P. M., June 4. The maximum speed attained was 72 miles an hour on the Union Pacific, but the most remarkable run was that from Ogden to San Francisco with a single engine and the air brakes inoperative for more than two-thirds of the way, and sixteen operating stops. They make bigger en- gines now, but few of them could better that performance, although better is done on regular schedule by at least one road. Mr. Barrett opened on’ time, as I know, for I was there FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 223 to see him, but he made no such Henry V as George Rignold, who had stolen a march on him. The Railroad Riots of 1877 Nothing before or since in the nature of railway strikes, accompanied by mob violence and riots, has equaled those that broke out in 1877 and swept across the country, inter- rupting traffic, resulting in the destruction of millions of dol- lars’ worth of property and costing scores of lives—and accom- plishing no good. From the Atlantic to the Pacific, thou- sands of working men were idle and _ all were discontented over the reduction in wages attendant on a falling market. In July a 10 per cent reduction in wages on the Baltimore & Ohio precipitated a strike. The engineers and firemen claimed that they could not live and maintain their families on the reduced pay and the company claimed that it could not pay the old scale and earn interest on the capital of the road. The firemen at Martinsburg, Maryland, left their work and drove other men who offered to take their places from the engines. Then the rioting began. The town authorities were power- less. State aid was summoned, but the militia was in sym- pathy with the strikers. All traffic at Martinsburg was blocked, with nearly 100 locomotives with trains attached blockading the railway yards and stretching two miles on either side of Martinsburg. An angry mob held possession of the city and threatened its destruction. The torch was applied to railway property in various directions. After a _ clash between the rioters and the Sixth Maryland Regiment, Governor Carroll called on the President for federal aid, which was promptly dispatched from Baltimore, and the riot at Martinsburg ended with a casualty roll of 30 to 40 wounded and 9 killed outright, “all of them rioters,” although several of the militia were seriously injured. The more serious riot at Pittsburgh in the same month followed the same course, only outside rioters took the torch and brickbat and revolver out of the hands of the strikers and threatened Pittsburgh with destruction. 224 HISTORY “OF AMERICAN -RATEWAYS Following the panic of 1873, the Pennsylvania Railroad Company reduced the wages of its employes 10 per cent. As business continued to decline, another reduction of 10 per cent was ordered, effective June 1, 1877. Both these reductions were finally accepted. But on July 16 an order was issued increasing the number of freight cars in a train from 18 to 36, THE HEAVIEST BALDWIN TYPE OF ITS DATE, 1875 Built for the Lehigh Valley R. R. and Exhibited at the Centennial Exhibition, ° Philadelphia, 1876, without increasing the crew, and employing an extra locomo- tive known as a “pusher” on up grades. This incensed the train employes, who refused to take out trains, and the crews of all incoming trains joined the strikers. Before the railway officials had time to parley with their employes, a formidable mob gathered from the worst elements of the city. The Mayor appeared on the scene with an inade- quate police force and the Sheriff came in with a hastily sum- moned posse, part of which promptly deserted to the rioters, who greeted the officers with hoots and jeers. The local military were called upon, but proved unequal to the emer- gency, and as the mob was increasing in numbers and vio- lence the Governor was appealed to and a division of troops was ordered to Pittsburgh from Philadelphia. When it at- FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 225 tempted to take up a position to protect the roundhouse, it was met with a shower of stones and other missiles, hitting several soldiers, who were ordered to fire, the first volley killing about 20 persons and wounding 30 others, three of whom were children. The enraged mob closed in on the mili- tary and drove them into the roundhouse. This the rioters sought to burn by sending blazing cars of whisky and petro- leum down upon it. The com- manding officer appealed to the mob to desist or he would open fire. It continued the as- sault, and another volley added more rioters to the list of casualties. This all took place on Sat- urday. The troops held their position until Sunday morn- ing, when they retreated and went into camp at Sharpsburg. Dur- ing Saturday night and Sunday the mob took possession of the city and looted the armories and gunshops. On Sunday the roundhouse and all the locomotives in it were destroyed by fire, as were also the Union Depot, the grain elevator, the Adams Ex- press building and the Pan Handle Depot. The firemen were driven away from the burning buildings. A committee of citizens attempted a conference, but found no leaders to confer with. Finally a Committee of Public Safety was organized to take charge of the situation. Governor Hartranft issued a peace proclamation and came personally to Pittsburgh with two or three thousand troops, the Mayor’s backbone was stiffened, a number of prominent rioters were arrested, and in a few days quiet was restored. As an aftermath of this riot, claims to the amount of $4,100,000 for losses due to the failure to maintain order were made on Allegheny county. These were settled for $2,772,349. In all, 25 persons were killed; 1,383 freight cars, 104 locomo- tives and 66 passenger coaches were destroyed by fire. The historian of this riot concludes his account of the out- break with the comment that “The lesson was worth all it “TYPICAL AMERICAN- LOCOMOTIVE OF 1879 226 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS cost, and anarchy has never dared to raise its head in the corporation limits since that time.” | The story finds its place in this history because it presents a vivid picture of the course of every attempt to settle indus- trial disputes by strikes. The cause of the strikers is first espoused by sympathizers, these are quickly joined and out- numbered by the turbulent element in the community, who employ violence and incendiarism in order that they may pillage at their pleasure. Rioters know that rioting loosens the restraining hand of law and order. Only as the whole community learns that in the end it will have to pay for the damages done in riots, as was the case in Allegheny county, will it rally promptly behind the authorities to preserve order, which in very truth is “Heayen’s first law.” So far as this strike affected the original issue, the men went back to work at the reduced scale, which stood until April, 1880, when wages were increased 10 per cent, with other adjustments. The increased number of cars in a train stood and the “pusher” became a recognized economic factor in hauling heavy traffic on up grades. 7 Another contribution to this history brought out by the railway riots of 1877 was the following scale of wages paid by the New York Central & Hudson River Railroad: Old Rate. New Rate. Engineers, per day........ $ 3.50 ce Be, Kinemen aneradayecn sn ahs Lie 1.58 Brakemen, *per “dayorn we eens v5 1.58 Switchmen, per mo......... 40.00 36.00 Wardshands,. per ailomeaiecn $40.00 to$ 55.00 $36.00 to$ 49.50 Shop bands, per 110.2 n wa: 45.00 to 125.00 38.50to 112.50 The Central strikers demanded a restoration of the 10 per . cent reduction, and trains were stopped at Syracuse, Buffalo and West Albany. President Vanderbilt refused to restore wages in the face of threats, but held out promises for the future when business improved. There were disturbances on the Erie at Gloucester, on the Lake Shore at Cleveland and at Chicago, but the govern- FIFTH DECADE, 1870-1880 cet ors of New York, Ohio and Illinois, by prompt action, pre- vented their becoming serious. The Centennial Exposition Before dismissing this decade it may be well to recall that the progress of railway construction in the United ‘States made the Centennial Celebration at Philadelphia possible as the great gathering of participants from every state in the Union. They were the channels through which the life of the Nation flowed back from its remotest parts to the city of its birth one hundred years before. It was approximately the semi-centennial of railway transportation, without which no such exposition of the material progress in the world as that witnessed at Philadelphia by over 9,000,000 visitors could have been possible. Among the exhibits at that exposition that were destined to aid in expediting the transaction of business was the type- writer, which in infinitely improved form may be found in 40,000 or 50,000 railway offices today. At the close of the decade the last gap in the roll of states without railway communication with the rest of the Union had been filled up, and Montana was the only state that was credited with less than 100 miles. The significance of this exception lay in the fact that neither the Northern Pacific nor the Great Northern had made their way across the conti- nent. That great empire-building event was to be reserved for the following decade. - Between 1870 and 1880, in the face of panics, hostile legis- lation, receiverships and reorganizations, no less than 40,749 miles of railway had been added to the transportation facili- ties of the American people. Tracks were being laid to con- nect farms, mines, factories and consumers. French View of State and Private Railways in 1877 The truth in regard to the relative. merits of state and private ownership of railways was as well known half a century ago as today. A writer in the Journal des Economists 228 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS in August, 1877, states the fundamental differences in these terms: “When two railways situated in the same country, the one belonging to the Government, the other to a private company, are in almost identical conditions as to working— that is-to say, if the receipts per mile of each road and the variations of longitudinal section are approximately the same —we arrive at the following economic deductions: “1. The working co-efficient, or the ratio of expenses to receipts in running the roads, is greater on the government railway than on the private one. “2. In order to obtain the same receipts, the Government is subjected to a greater expense than the private company. “3. The rate of interest paid on account of construction capital exceeds on the private railway that realized by the Government railway. +4: she expenses,of working per passenger and per ton of freight under the system of the State are greater than those of the private railway. “These results, founded upon the figures of the working of many years given us by statistics, are a characteristic mark of the inferiority of the working of railways By the State, compared to the working by private companies.’ FIRST SANTA.QFE TRAIN INTO LAMY» Mae S77 CHAPTER VII SIXTH DECADE—1880-1890 WHEN UNRESSfRICTED ExPANSION REACHED ITs HEIGHT AND FEDERAL REGULATION BEGAN ORDS cannot add to the story of railway expansion in | the United States told by the cold figures of mileage built between 1880 and 1890. When Rutherford B. Hayes entered upon the last year of his presidential term, in March, 1880, there were only 93,671 miles of rail line in the country. As Benjamin Har- rison ended his second year in the White House, in 1890, there were 159,271 miles, an increase of 65,600 miles, or 70 per cent as many miles as had been built in the preced- ing half century. In 1880 the grain elevators in the United States represented an invest- ment of over $10,000,000 and had a capacity of upwards of 27,000,000 bushels of grain, JUDGE THOMAS M. COOLEY 1249 This was the reaction of merce Commission unrestricted American energy and enterprise to adverse con- ditions which had to be met and overcome throughout the preceding decade. From 18/70 to 1880 railway building had proceeded with great rapidity in spite of an extended period of business depression. The demand for increased transpor- tation facilities was so urgent and insistent that new lines were projected, financed and built regardless of scandals, adverse money markets and successive receiverships. The people and their transportation needs demanded the railwa 230 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS and one way or another they were provided. But with the return of good times and stable money in 1880 a frenzy of railway construction seized all communities from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and more miles of rail were laid in the United States in a decade than Germany and Austria could boast when they started the World War. In considering this amazing development, it is well to re- member that after the close of our Civil war the republic had REPRESENTATIVE BALDWIN PASSENGER LOCOMOTIVE 1880 Built for the Atlantic Coast Line grown at-a startling pace. Between 18/0 and 1880 the population of the United States had increased from 38,558,371 to 50,155,783 (over 30 per cent) and our national wealth from 16 billion to 30 billion (87 per cent). In the mean time the value of farm lands and property had increased from $8,944,857,749 to $12,180,501,538, or over 36 per cent, chiefly due to accessibility by rail between farm and market. Where the war had reduced immigration to less than one hundred thousand a year, the return of peace in 1865 revived and swelled it to such an extent that in the following ten years more than three and a quarter million aliens were landed on our shores. The panic of 1873 and the business depression put a damper on the incoming rush of homeseekers who preferred the ills of Europe to the possibilities of the unknown American wilderness. With the return of prosper- ity the tide of immigration again set in with the force of a released flood, so that in the following decade it reached a SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 231 grand total of 5,250,000. While many of these newcomers. did not journey far beyond the cities of the seaboard, the vast majority were booked for the vacant lands of the West, whither the railways carried them in ever-increasing num- bers. It was during the two decades 1865 to 1875 and 1880 to 1890 that the Northwestern states from the Indiana-Illinois line to the Pacific received those great accessions of foreign- born citizens so necessary to their development, but which have always been suspicious of the one instrumentality that made life in their remote homes not only possible but pros- perous beyond the days when they turned their emigrant eyes toward the land of liberty and plenty. To understand how railway construction and population went hand in hand during the decade 1880-1890 to build up cur fertile empire of the West, it is only necessary to glance at the following table of the concurrent increase in railway mileage and population in the principal states of that vast region between those census dates: Ponuacen Miles of Railway Increase 1880. 1890. Increase. 1880 to 1890. Colorlines. dams. a eecU 4.148 1,928 343,436 GolGradowaes. ves: L531 4,154 2623 PAW EIA! iE RENO catia d, is 220 941 721 Si 7/5 TUSHGIS (ote ce ns © 7,955 9,843 1,888 748,480 ROC eo. the. 5255 8,347 oy) tZ 287,281 HOT Ges’ Cher. ot oe 3,439 8,806 5,367 431,000 Esch aries «te: 3,931 6,789 2,858 456,952 Minnesota’ ...... 3,108 5,466 2,358 521,053 Miassaurt sock... 4011 5,897 1,886 510,804 MOA adwos Pye 48 2,181 Fad A 93,000 Weprasita’ on vst. 2 2,000 5,274 3,274 606,508 North. Dakota-<..- 635 1,940 1,305 154,074 Oreo nite Ge ia esos 1,269 687 138,999 rlanomia eet a.- 275 P2ES 938 61,834 South: Wak Otau« sae 000 2,485 1,855 220,332 1 ee, PR ae ee 3,293 7,911 4,618 643,774 Washington ~..5< — 2/74 1,699 1,425 274,274 MiSconsin 25... S130 5,468 2,338 371,383 Wiavromiitu A ana« L472 941 469 39,916 Arizona Metis ts E384 1,061 677 19,180 New Mexico .... 643 1,284 641 34,028 Potalsenre ss. 44,016 SF Tl7 43,101 6,255,942 Picreasen per Scents. aacsa, as Pe 97.9 40.8 United States... .93,671 159,271 65,600 12,466, ote Increase (per CED ol pie ee ee re 70.0 24. Balance of States.49,655 72,154 22,499 6,238 4560 Increase (per cent) Deine. circa on 45.3 17.9 232 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The percentages tell the amazing story of how the over- construction of railways from 1880 to 1890 opened up the valleys of the Mississippi and Missouri to a population that increased over 40 per cent where that of the rest of the Union recorded a gain of less than 18—itself a substantial increase. Idaho, Montana, the Dakotas and Washington naturally show phenomenal growth both in railway mileage and popu- lation, for it was through these newly admitted states that SEATTLE, WASH., IN 1878 Population—1870, 1,107; 1920, 315,312 ° the Northern Pacific and Great Northern were rushing con- struction to the Pacific. The ,southern tier of states was not content to be without a transcontinental railway. But unlike the pioneers of the northern routes they had no frontier jumping off places like Omaha and St. Paul. As far back as 1858 the early settlers of Kansas had perfected measures for the construction of a short line from Atchison to Topeka, a distance of some 50 miles. But the shadow of the coming Civil War cast its blight over this project on which nothing was done for five years, when, under the new title of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe, it was revived with some show of being completed by the aid of a land grant of some 6,400 acres per mile. But SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 233 land at $1.25 per acre was a drug on the Kansas market in those days and railway construction required cash. The terms of the grant called for the completion of the entire line to the western border of the state by June, 1873, and when August, 1872, rolled around only 61 miles had been completed. This left the company with over 400 miles to go, and only ten months left in which to do it. With bankruptcy star- ing them in the face in case they failed to make the goal in time, the owners of the Toad eataade: the grade’ “on time, only to be met at the threshold of Colorado by the panic of 1873. By a compro- mise with their bondholders the road was kept out of re- ceivers’ hands during the en- suing depression. SEATTLE 1884 AND 1924. Transformation by Rail Transportation. Until the railways came Seattle was a Pacific Port without shipping. —L. R. Dale, Photographer. In 1880 construction was resumed along the valley of the Rio Grande in the direction of Albuquerque, New Mexico. In this part of its extension the tracklayers followed closely the old Santa Fe trail, which labor-saving policy left a legacy of engineering and expense to their successors in providing the alignment and grades of the present great Santa Fe system. That system had to pass through a maze of negotia- tions and traffic arrangements with rival companies before it reached the Pacific coast. ‘Then it faced East, and by 1888 it was finally linked up with Chicago, thus completing, after 30 years, a destiny not dreamed of by the incorporators of the Atchison & Topeka Company in 1858. Another instance of how in the American railway field “great oaks from little acorns grew” is afforded by the history of the Southern Pacific. The acorn of this great system was planted ina little local line of 50 miles from San Francisco to San Jose, chartered as long ago as August, 1860. This road 234 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS was taken under the wing of the Central Pacific, in anticipa- tion that it might some day become useful in the golden future that was always dawning in California. That future FIRST LOAD OF CATTLE ON SEATTLE WATER FRONT, 1880. Seattle on hill in background dawned for the San Francisco & San Jose road when, in 18/0, Messrs. Stanford, Huntington, Crocker et al detached it from the Central Pacific, which they controlled, and made it the initial section in the Southern Pacific Railroad, then first SEATTLE, SAME POINT IN 1924 City on hill in distance SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 253 organized to build a line to the state line at Yuma, where it was expected to connect with the Texas Pacific. By a branch line to Fort Mohave, on the Colorado river, it was designed to meet the Atlantic & Pacific road then on its way across the Indian Territory. The project had a land grant of 4,800,000 acres from the State of California and was prose- cuted with the indomitable will and energy characteristic of the men behind it. Before this, save for a short line in the San Joaquin valley, southern California was without railway UTAH CENTRAL ENGINE ABOUT 1884 —U,. P. Magazine. connections. In 1870 Los Angeles was a small town of less than 6,000 inhabitants, its connection with the outer world being by steamship from San Pedro on the coast, 25 mlies away. As late as 1880, after railway service had rescued it from its Spanish lethargy, Los Angeles was credited with a census population of only 11,183. Its marvelous growth since then it owes to the railways. Automatic Couplers Early in its supervision of railway affairs the attention of the Interstate Commerce Commission was directed to the necessity for some appliances to take the place of the link and pin system that had served to connect railway vehicles from the days of Stephenson and the “Rocket.” It was moved to take some action by the frequent fatal accidents incurred in 236 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS — coupling cars and the clumsy and slow process of making the connection. The difficulty confronting the Commission was not to find a substitute for the link-and-pin—the offices of the railways were infested by inventors—but none of them had hit upon the device that would stand the test of “various and extended trial in actual service.” As the Commission said in its third «annual Te- ee port for 1889, “Although some Wy thousands of couplers have been patented, the difficulty has not been to choose among good ones, but to find any good one.” Uniformity, so that the couplers would couple with one another throughout the country, was an imperative essential in any device to secure the Commis- sion’s approval. Many of the couplers “which gave _ the FI AND EIN (COUPLERT Lote athotes Di OM comma atc ames trial,’ said the Commission. In 1882 the legislature of Connecticut took the initiative and adopted a statute providing that automatic couplers approved by the railroad commission must be placed on all new cars, under penalty. Massachusetts followed this lead in 1884, Michigan in 1885 and New York in 1886. In 1889 New York by statute provided that after November 1, 1892, - it should be unlawful for railroads to run any of their own cars in that state unless equipped with automatic couplers. But laws could not be enforced upon roads only partly in one state, and the difficulty and danger of substituting one form for another was very great, the Connecticut commission ad- mitting that the mixture of link couplings with a number of different automatic types tended to increase rather than diminish coupling accidents. The automatic coupler was automatic only with another automatic coupler and not with a link. SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 257, In this cut the top figure looking down on the coupler shows one of the latches A, open; the central figure shows the two couplers partly engaged, and the bottom figure shows i iy | Hl! I Ih! | i HAAS NANI HY | HUM i) { LATTA : cof ICT ll JANNEY AUTOMATIC ON A FREIGHT CAR the coupling completed. Thus the cars are coupled auto- matically, rendering it unnecessary for the brakeman to go between the cars, as the coupling can be released by means of a rod extending to the side of the car, which is shown in the cut of the perspective of the coupler applied to a freight car. —{\ 6 — ot e8 AUTOMATIC COUPLER SEEN FROM ABOVE 3 238 HISTORY OF AMERICAN ORAILIVAY Ss The first cut shows the old link and pin coupler. These illus- trations are from an article by H. G. Prout on “The American Railways,” Scribners, 1889. By approving the principle of the Janney car coupler but not its specific parts, the Commission side-stepped giving a monopoly of its manufacture to any one person, company or firm. In 1887 the Master Car Builders’ Association, by a vote of 474 to 194, approved a type of “vertical plane coupler” as ° ONE FORM OF ROTARY SNOW PLOW the standard to which all others must conform. The first cost of this standard coupler was from $20 to $25 per car, as against $10 to $15 for the link-and-pin form. By 1890 the Commission was able to report that 25,551 passenger cars out of 26,820 and 75,485 freight cars out of 918,491 were fitted with automatic couplers. The freight car situation was complicated by the multiplicity of patent coup- lers, of which there were no less than: 38 in actual use, the two leaders being the Janney and the Miller, which divided the majority between them. By the Act of March 2, 1893, carriers engaged in inter- state commerce were required to equip their cars with auto- matic couplers and their locomotives with driving-wheel SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 239 brakes, and by 1900 the Commission was able to report that “for all practical purposes the safety-appliance Act of 1893 has been complied with.” In that year it reported that 33,927 passenger cars out of 34,713 and 1,376,051 freight and com- pany cars out of 1,450,838 had been fitted with automatic couplers. At this writing (1924) the adoption of automatic couplers ANOTHER PATTERN OF ROTARY SNOW PLOW and train brakes has become so universal in America as to be no longer a subject for official statistical observation. How National Regulation Came About But the decade of 1880-1890 will not be distinguished in railway history by its record of physical construction, al- though this was unprecedented in the annals of railway build- ing; nor by reason of the financial distress which followed within ten years and was hastened by the too rapid and specu- lative recovery from the “panic of 1873;” nor for any of the 240 HISTORY OF AMERICAN -KRALEW AAS achievements or failures to meet the demands of an ever- expanding traffic. The outstanding feature of the decade so far as the rail- ways were concerned was the passage of the “Act to Regulate Commerce,” approved February 4, 1887, effective April 5 following. With that date opened a new era in railway con- struction, operation and management. National regulation did not come upon the railways out of a clear sky. For more than a decade the clouds of popular dissatisfaction with both HEAVIEST TYPE OF BALDWIN FREIGHT HANDLER USED IN 1886 railway management and state regulation had been gathering. Daily it had become apparent that state legislatures and state commissions were inadequate to deal with the national trans- portation problem. It had long been recognized in circles of independent thought that the question could not be settled by the authority of the states. This was essentially and nat- urally prejudiced by local interests. State shippers and mer- chants camped on the steps of local authority complaining of the discriminating practices of other states and asking for reprisals. As the railways were extended and consolidated, the bulk of the traffic became more and more interstate in its char- acter and more difficult for the states to handle without undue partiality. This was the fundamental fault of state regula- tion. Every state wanted to get the best of its neighbors. SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 241 The other phase was the too well grounded impression that the railway corporations wandered far away from the restrictions and obligations of public carriers under the com- mon law and had become to a large extent a law unto them- selves. Out of the fierce competition of the roads had grown abuses of special privileges and preferences. These arrange- ments took the form of special rates, rebates, drawbacks, under billing and manipulated classifications. Unjust and unfair practices had become so general and their beneficiaries HEAVIEST TYPE BALDWIN PASSENGER: LOCOMOTIVE USED IN 1889 —Bullt for Baltimore & Ohio Ry. so numerous that the demand for their reform gradually crys- talized into Congressional action. In regard to some subjects of complaint there was much to be said on both sides of the question. This was specially true in regard to the discrimi- nating rates on the short and long haul business. To many it seemed obviously unjust that a carrier should charge more for a short haul than for a long one. But the experience of the railway world has justified the lower rate on the long haul traffic which was from competitive stations against a higher rate on intermediate non-competitive stations. When the Act came to be written, this distinction was recognized by qualifying the interdiction with the phrase ‘“‘under essentially similar circumstances and conditions.” On that phrase has 242 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS hung a world of litigation over the long and short haul clause of the Act to Regulate Commerce. There were many other features of railway management that conspired to hasten the enactment of the Act to Regulate Commerce. For nearly ten years the subject of some federal legislative regulation had been before Congress. In 1878 Representative Reagan of Texas introduced his first “Inter- state Commerce” bill, on which the Act to Regulate Com- merce nine years later was based. In his selection of the members of the Commission to exercise the vast powers con- ferred by this Act, President Cleveland was careful to nomi- nate only men of recognized national repute for ability and judgment. They were: Thomas M. Cooley, Chairman, of Michigan; William R. Morrison of Illinois, Augustus Schoonmaker of New York, Walter L. Bragg of Alabama, Aldace F. Walker of Vermont. The Commission was fortunate and unfortunate in the choice of its two chief subordinates. In its organization for the vast task in hand it could not have found an abler or more energetic man for secretary than Edward A. Moseley, or a more capable and conscientious official statistician than Prof. Henry C. Adams. So long as the Commission was composed of men fully alive to the necessity of constructive regulation, these two men were invaluable in adjusting the work of the Commission to the best transportation needs of the public which were to be attained by stable, reasonable and equitable rates for adequate service. But as the Commission lost the impetus of its original composition, the dominating person- ality and experience of its secretary became apparent in the antagonistic spirit of regulation toward the railways, while its statistician magnified the role of statistics into manage- ment and administration. Mr. Moseley undoubtedly repre- sented the popular spirit of mistrust and suspicion that had demanded the enactment of the law, as Professor Adams rep- resented the prevalent theory of many expert statisticians that a living business can be run by dead accounts. SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 243 Fortunately, statistics came to the aid of the railways in. an unexpected quarter. The establishment of a uniform system of keeping accounts and rendering reports enabled them to establish the fact that they were not the robbers and extortioners the general pub- lic had been led to believe. ase the:-reports “of “receipts and expenditures “and ‘of trafic and public service came under official supervi- sion, it was speedily seen that in the aggregate the transpor- tation of the United States was being handled expedi- tiously at lower rates than anywhere else in the world. chnese=- oihcial,- reports also EDWARD A. MOSELEY Secretary Interstate Commerce mission—1889-1909 Com- showed that the average rate was steadily declining while the price of labor and commodities was advancing. In fact railway rates in the United States have never been exorbitant per se. Chairman Cooley in his first annual. report gives the GEORGE B. McGINTY Secretary Interstate Commerce Com- mission 1912 following important _ testi- mony as to the remarkable re- duction in rates between 1877 and 1887, before the Inter- state Commerce Act was passed. “In the former year,” said he, “the rates charged on first, second, third and fourth classes of freight from New York to Chicago were re- spectively 100, 75, 60 and 45 cents a hundred pounds. They are now (1887) 75, 65, 50 and 35 cents, but the classi- fication as to many article has 244 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS in the meantime been reduced so that the actual reduction is greater than these figures would indicate. Rates from Chi- cago to New York are proportionately less. A similar result has been apparent elsewhere.” During the decade considered by Chairman Cooley the average receipts per ton mile—that is, per ton of freight car- ried one mile—so. far as ascertained from the incomplete re- turns of the period, dropped from 1.364 cents in 1877 to 1.063 cents in 1887. In the meantime the passenger receipts had fallen from 2.614 cents in 18/77 to 2.276 cents im: 18875) By the close of the decade under discussion the average ton mile receipts had fallen to .941 cent and the average receipts per passenger mile to 2.167 cents. The student will find these averages worth remembering, for from them can be traced the gradual decline of the ccst to the public of transporta- tion in the United States until, just before the outbreak of the Great War, they reached a point pregnant with disastrous consequences unless the descent was checked. Capitalization in 1887 In no way has the Act to Regulate Commerce proved more beneficial to American railways than in dissipating much of the popular misapprehension as to their over-capitalization. All through the period of their construction, from the laying of the first rail until their accounts were finally brought under the supervision of the Interstate Commerce Commission, the wildest and widest differences of opinion prevailed as to their capital cost and true value. The scandals attaching to the financing of certain leading systems obscured the vast sums that were expended honestly, faithfully and, on the whole, wisely in the main body of American railways. A continent had to be redeemed from an almost primeval wilderness of forest, mountain, prairie and arid desert. Canals built, as we have seen, at vast expense had failed to solve the problem. As civilization pushed into the wilderness and realized the possibilities that waited on speedy and certain transportation, it took small account of the millions drawn from Nationai, State and Municipal grants and from private sources and SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 245 invested irrevocably in making way for the iron highway from ocean to ocean. Throughout the first three decades of this construction period everything about the railroad was in an experimental stage—rails, ties, locomotives, cars, fuel, signals, couplings—nothing had reached a point of permanent adoption. All had to be tried out—the practicable to be adopted, improved and adapted to the different conditions of a vast territory, the impracticable rejected and scrapped. The only thing about American railways that cost less than it was worth was the right of way, and no sooner was the track laid and the line opened than this right of way and adjoining lands increased in value two-fold, ten-fold and in many cases one hundred-fold. But the money to survey, lay out, build and equip that line was scarce and hard to get. The reader has only to glance at the illustrations in this book to realize the wasteful process of elimination that attended the building of American railways. And if he is a reasonable youth he will have no difficulty in understanding how the early railways of New England cost about $40,000 per mile to build and equip, the middle state roads $53,000, the southern roads $30,000 and the western roads $41,000, as estimated by Henry V. Poor in 1868, the first issue of his in- valuable Manual, which is a railway library in itself. Not a decade passed without witnessing a reorganization of scores of companies, involving fresh financing, and it is safe to say that not a single road survived these periodic years of depression without having been sustained and nour- ished by net income put into improvements and betterments without any corresponding increase in capital account. “The dollar for improvements to one for dividends” has been the slogan that carried American railways to the farthest bounds of the Union with the lowest capitalization per mile of any first class railways in the world. It is therefore not surprising to find that when the official statistician succeeded in bringing order out of the chaos of railway accounts he found that there was little or no founda- tion for the charges of over-capitalization that had poisoned 246 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS the popular judgment concerning railway accounting. In his first report, in 1888, Professor Adams presented the fol- ° lowing summary of railway capital: Per Cent Amount of Total Per Mile Outstanding Capital of Road Stock— Conmimonahesen ne $3,341,476,942 41.11 Preferred , 522,991,113 6.43 Total stocks....$3,864,468,055 47.54 $28,232 Funded Debt— BOndsort cee ».«. -$3,816,379,040 46.94 Car Trust Obliga- tions and Receiv- ers’ Cértificates?) © 5258377325 65 Total Funded Debt.$3,869,216,365 47,60 28,266 Gurrent Liabilities .6> 396,103,311 4.87 2,894 NP OLAd cee pean as $8,129,787,731 100.00 $59,392 (Mileage represented, 136,884.) The mileage represented in this statement falls 13,018 short of the total railway mileage of the United States in 1888, to which it bore about the same relationship as that of Class 1 roads to the total in 1923. Much of the confusion and misunderstanding in regard to railway capitalization, property and return on investment that has prevailed under the Act to Regulate Commerce has resulted from the inclusion of revenues from investments with those derived from rates and fares in operation. That Professor Adams understood this may be judged from his statement that “For the railway manager, whose interest centers in operating earnings and operating expenses, that part of the table (the income account) which deals with income from stocks and bonds owned, or from rentals, is of slight importance.” And yet for thirty-five years the official statistics were burdened and vitiated with exaggerated capital figures and dividends on duplicated stocks. In 1890 the rail- way securities owned by the railways amounted to no less than $1,406,907,001, and the net railway capital was $7,577 ,327,015, or $48,447 per mile. In that year the track mileage in the United States was reported as follows: SIXTH DECADE, 1880-189¢ 24? NTesmor Sinvle- Or imati tracker, aloe owe tet ee 156,404 Males "OlPseCond utraGks tess sae: ue alesse ee Bot es 8,438 INDIES S O bet Dincinr a Glctrgs ie nets biomed eee ian teas fas 761 Mileswol, LomntirrandsOthic es tracers. wee. ee pai. eee 562 Miles: a2) Vardi ttack=and=sidings- 35 /acce soe 4s bok ees 30)7 41 ‘Potaleimitlieseor soll tracks ek wees ee nee oe 199,876 This would yield a net capitalization of approximately $38,000 per mile of track, including 30,140 locomotives, 26,820 passenger cars, 829,885 freight cars and 31,020 company cars with which to enter the last decade of the 19th century. From this time on statistics under the uniform system of accounting adopted by the Commission began to play an important—well-nigh a dominating—part in the regulation of American railways. Now statistics are good servants, but poor masters. They are not evena safe crutch. They furnish valuable charts and discover leaks, but they do not provide favoring winds nor propelling steam to ships at sea nor funds to finance railways on land. On the contrary, when developed and specialized to meet the views of impractical social agita- tors and theorists they lead the unwary into labyrinthian depths where blind leaders are as safe guides as angels of light. Without wise interpretation, railway statistics are a stum- bling block. In the hands of designing demagogues they be- come a menace to the Republic, whose prosperity depends on progressive transportation facilities. Railway Labor Organizations It was in this decade that railway labor organizations began to play an important part in the adjustment of trans- portation conditions in America. Throughout the construc- tive period, almost absolute freedom of contract had pre- vailed, not only with the contractors who built the roads but between the managers who operated them and the men who worked on the trains, in the yards, in the shops, at the keys and in the offices. Individualism was the order of the day and no fixed scale was the standard of pay throughout the Nation. 248 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The underlying principles of labor unionism, as they relate to collective bargaining and movements for the control of working hours and conditions, were introduced into this coun- try from England in the early days of the 19th century. Va- rious trade unions and associations were organized in New England, 1820-1835. New Hampshire made 10 hours a legal day’s work in 1847 and the formation of unions became national from Maine to Cali- fornia in 1850-60; and Con- gress ‘passed an eight-hour law for Government em- ployes in 1868. The spirit of unionism following the war was abroad in the land at that time, It was natural, therefore, that in their different divi- PM. ARTHUR sions railway employes Pinsky (Gaand © Chiet | Brotherhood: ofc’: fstrouldiayielte, (oeath clei impuse to organize for mu- tual protection and benefit. Naturally, too, locomotive en- gineers, the most distinctive class of railway workers, took the lead. A brief sketch of the inception, organization and development of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers has been furnished the writer by Grand Chief Warren 5S. Stone. As it pictures the evolution of the leading brotherhood during the years when the relations of management and em- ployes were crystallizing into working agreements, it may be accepted as typical in the best sense, and it is a valuable con- ‘ribution to this history of American railways. “Following a very bitter strike on the Michigan Central Railroad in 1862,” says Mr. Stone, ““W. D. Robinson, at that time secretary of what was known as the National Protective Association, started the new movement which resulted in what is the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers today. In April, 1863, he brought together a number of representative locomotive enginers at Marshall, Michigan. This small meet SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890 249 ing called a convention of locomotive engineers to meet in Detroit May 5, 1863, and a call was sent out to engineers on the Michigan Central, Michigan Southern, Northern Indiana, Detroit & Milwaukee and Grand Trunk Railways, and the Detroit Branch of the Michigan Southern. “On the appointed day twelve engineers met in the Fire Department Hall on Jefferson Avenue, Detroit, and for four days devoted themselves to laying the foundation for a per- manent organization of railroad engineers and named their organization the ‘Brotherhood of the Footboard.’ Wm. D. Robinson was made Chief Engineer; George Q. Adams was Imadee Assistant Chief; Ed, Harrison, Secretary, and|.sam Keith eactirer. “In 1864 the first convention of the new organization was held in Indianapolis, Indiana. At this convention the name of the organization was changed to Brotherhood of Locomo- tive Engineers, the name that the organization bears today. “From its very inception the B. of L. E. grew rapidly and attracted to its ranks the best and most conservative railroad engineers in the country. In 1867 the Locomotive Engineers Mutual Life & Accident Insurance Association was established, and to date this association has paid out in insurance benefits the sum of $53,057,511.95 and has in effect at this writing $183,674,250 of insurance. “Since that time a Pension Association has been organ- ized which is paying pensions to thousands of former locomo- tive engineers. A Widows’ Pension Association has been organized which is paying pensions to hundreds of widows of former members of the B. of L. E: Pension Association. ihe Bo of L. E. has always taken care of its-own’ and no member of the organization is a public charge. “The membership of the B. of L. E. is made up of con- servative, thinking men who have the well deserved reputa- tion of living up to any agreements made with railroad man- agements by their executive. “Since its organization the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers has had only four chief executives; the first, W. D. Robinson, served one year. The second grand chief served 250 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS ten years. Peter M. Arthur served from 1873 to 1903, and 1 have+been grand “chief of the: B. ofa U2, fora perioggor twenty-one years. “Members of the B. of L. E. take a very active interest in politics from a non-partisan standpoint. The entry of the organization into the financial field is so well known that it will be unnecessary for me to go into detail regarding the various activities of the organization along banking and finan- cial lines, but at the present time, through the banks and other financial organizations controlled by the B. of +L. i, the organization has control of considerably over $100,000,000. “It is a rathér difficult matter to write a general review of the B. of L. E. and its activities for the reason that we have been much more concerned about the question of daily living than we have in that of making history.” When the Brotherhood of the Footboard was organized, there were less than 6,000 locomotive engineers in America, | where there are 70,000 now. | Five years after the organization of the engineers, in 1868, the Order of Railway Conductors was formed; in 1873 the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen came into existence, and in 1883 the “Big Four” was rounded out with the organization of the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen. Associated more or less with these four unions have been the Order of Railway Telegraphers and the Switchmen’s Union, .But to. this day the “Bie “Bour 7 are acceptecs a popular mind as the representative railway labor organiza- tions. They have generally maintained an attitude of inde- pendence toward the American Federation of Labor, with which the Railway Shop Crafts, so called, are affiliated. The reason for this difference of affiliation is obvious. The mem- bers of the “Big Four” are first and last railway men, while the shop crafts are first machinists, carpenters, etc.—in rail- way employment today and in outside shops tomorrow. In time nearly all the relations between the four classes of railway employes represented in the four brotherhoods and the railway manager have come to be settled by confer- ences between officials of the “Big Four” and officials of the SIXTH DECADE, 1880-1890: 251 ce railways. In these conferences the “strike vote” is ostenta- tiously displayed, but the strike itself is seldom invoked. Reason and the common weal generally prevail and the “Big Four” retires with a half or a quarter loaf, but always some- thing, under its arm to await a more favorable opportunity to come back for the balance of any surplus the railways may accumulate. The success of these perennial maneuvers is shown in the following record of the average yearly pay of trainmen (ex- clusive of conductors) by five-year periods since figures are available: DOGO ME Pw ics cs baleen. $560 LOU De etek. Sar aie tr: $ 826 VERB 10 valerate iar 598 LER IST © eihied fee beard Beatie 958 Dayecsh reReU ey Sale panera ge GLC] DES ato nichaie Jel ee 1,626 LRORUIRD (2d ie a gaa api 710 aI Pee he ae ge one a 1,942 Contemporaneous with this increase for trainmen, the average yearly pay of engineers has increased from $1,020 to $2,800, of conductors from $940 to $2,700 and of firemen from $630 to $2,005. These averages for something over 300,000 men in 1923 may be accepted as a remarkable tribute to the negotiating shrewdness of the officials of the four railway brotherhoods. Thousands of engineers and conductors now earn over $3,000 a year. In another line the brotherhoods have served their mem- bers most effectively. Instead of wasting their resources on strikes and industrial strife, they have developed a most successful system of death and disability insurance. The most distinctive feature of this has been the placing of dis- ability insurance on a parity with death insurance. About 25 per cent of the claims paid out by the railroad brother- hoods are for disability. With the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act in 1887, the question of the relation of railway management to its employes became one of increasing solicitude to the Commis- sion and its statistics, which have been gradually expanded until they cover every salient feature of railway employment. And the latest railway legislation is aimed to provide means 252 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS of deciding labor disputes so as to prevent strikes that would interfere with national transportation. Although the avoidance of strikes has been the general policy of the typical railway unions, it has not always been successful. The Pittsburgh strike of 18/77 has already been discussed. In 1888 occurred the great strike of the engineers of the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railway. It was in- augurated against the order of Grand Chief Arthur, but once started received his approval and support. It was bitterly fought and caused severe losses to both carriers and train- men— to say nothing of the loss and inconvenience of the public. The company finally won, but*at a price that left victory with the scars of defeat for many a year. Then came the Pullman strike of 1894, which started in an industrial struggle between the Pullman Company and its employes and was taken up by the American Railway Union, of which Eugene V. Debs, afterward Socialist candidate for President, was active head. This union, which aimed to em- brace all railway labor, declared a sympathetic strike against all roads moving Pullman cars and succeeded in tying up all but six of the 23 railways centering in Chicago. The strike was attended with much violence and bloodshed, there being 12 fatalities and 515 arrests. The loss of the railways was_ put at $4,600,000, to the Pullman Company at $350,000 and to railway employes at $1,400,000. It was finally broken and order restored, but only after the assertion of Federal su- premacy over State authorities by President Cleveland over Governor Altgeld. The American Railway Union never re- covered its influence after this defeat. It did not affect the four brotherhoods, which had held aloof from any organized assistance to the sympathetic strike. The strike of the shop crafts in 1922 will be discussed in its proper place. CHAPTER VIII SEVENTH DECADE—1890-1900 RAILWAYS BETWEEN THE HorNS OF REGULATION AND COMPETITION—CONSIRUCTION SLows UP ITH the opening of the last decade of the 19th century the railways of America found themselves confronted with national regulation in its tentative stages while still exposed to all the vicissitudes and temptations of competi- tion. The Commission recog- nized the vast proportions of the task assigned to it under the Act of 1887 to Regulate Commerce. The railway mile- age, in round numbers, was about 160,000. The business included the carriage of 540,- PRAIRIE STRETCH ON, THE UNION PACIFIC 000,000 tons of freight and 472,000,000 passengers. Chairman Cooley thus summarized the situation: “Any criticism upon the efficiency of regulation would obviously be defective if it failed to take note of the vast number of persons and the extent of the business to be regu- ORE DOCKS AT DULUTH, GREAT NORTHERN RY. Loading and Unloading by Gravity 254 HISTORY OP AMERICAN RALLVWZAAY S lated. The extent of the country is also of vast importance. Railway regulation in a small and compact country, where all the carriers are easily kept under observation, and where the circumstances of carriage are substantially alike, is a small matter compared with the regulation in a country as exten- sive as this, where the transportation is subject to such variety of circumstances, and where differences in conditions of car- riage in the different sections are so striking and so peculiar. That which may be a simple task to a regulating commission LOCOMOTIVE 999, HOLDER OF THE WORLD’S SPEED RECORD Attained a speed of 112.5 miles an hour. Built by American Locomotive Company for New York Central R, R,; Exhibited at World’s Fair Exposition, Chicago, in 1893. in any other country is obviously a more complicated and difficult undertaking in the United States, and one that calls for ceaseless exercise of vigilance and exacting labor.” The Commission was quickly confronted with the diff- culty of establishing fair and equitable rates where the selfish interests of a majority of all shippers in the land were vitally engaged in getting the better of their competitors in special rates, service and privileges, and the carriers generally had no other alternative to granting preferences, except to lose the business. It was a case of if you won’t your competitor will. So what was a poor carrier to do? The poorer the carrier the harder to resist the pressure. But the necessities of the weaker roads reacted on the stronger, and the cut-throat game went on. The early ‘reports of the Commission, especially SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 299 while Judge Cooley was at its head, are full of discussions of the principles underlying the classification of goods for rate- making purposes. In the fourth annual report, for instance, the whole subject is passed under review. Its importance justifies extended quotation, as follows: “The first step toward the imposition of rates for trans- portation of merchandise is a classification of the articles which, it is supposed, may be offered for carriage, and the Th ete Breent A, HL, Smith of the arranging of them into classes of Locomotive “999.” which are to bear different rates. In making the classification all the considerations that can properly bear upon it are sup- posed to be taken into account, and they are severally given such weight as the carrier believes it is proper to allow them under all the circumstances attending its own business, and all the business of the section, or of the interests that are served by his road. An important question always is, what is the probable cost of the carriage of the articles severally, and each is supposed to be so classed that the rate it would bear would be such as to cover this cost and also to afford some profit to the carrier. But this is only a general rule. There are many cases in which property may be expected to be offered for transportation, the weight of which, or the MOGUL OF 1892 Built for Kymulga & Coosa River R. R. by the Lima Locomotive Works. 256 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS bulk, is so out of proportion to its value that it cannot pos- sibly, if considered by itself, bear such charges for transpor- tation as will leave any profit to the carriers, and must conse- quently be carried at a rate that falls below the point of fair profit or not be carried at_all. “This well-known fact has led to the common saying that no traffic must be charged greater rates than it can bear— a saying intended to indicate the maximum, though often understood in quite an opposite sense. It is therefore found that in every classification many articles are so classified that RAILROAD OVER FLORIDA KEYS AND ISLANDS Florida East Coast Railway. the rates upon them will give to the carrier but very slight profit, and if the carrier were deliberately to refuse altogether to transport them the refusal might doubtless in some cases be justified if its own interest were exclusively to be con- sidered. But the considerations that determine the classifi- cation in such a case look beyond the particular article, and relieve what would be an oppressive and perhaps prohibitory burden by imposing some portion thereof upon other articles that can better afford to bear it. In every classification, there- fore, articles whose value is very great in proportion to the bulk or weight are classed high in expectation that the rates imposed upon them will pay not merely the cost of transpor- tation, and a fair profit to the carrier, but will contribute toward adequate remuneration for the transportation of such articles as cannot bear proportionate charges. Thus the cost of carriage to the carrier itself is no more a controlling consid- SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 257 eration than is the value of the carriage to the owner of the property, and when both are taken into account questions of a puvlic character also have weight, inasmuch as it is important to make a great public agency reasonably profitable to its own- ers, and at the same time as useful as may be to the general public. : “This method of classification has been so long continued and so universal that every well-informed person in a com- munity understands that made, as it is, for the purposes of BALDWIN FAST PASSENGER LOCOMOTIVE Built for Baltimore & Ohio R. R. in 1893. rating it is based upon an almost infinite variety of circum- stances having regard not merely to the interests of the car- ier and the value of the services but also to the interests of the parties and sections served and to considerations which may change from day to day so as to demand a change in the proportionate rating. * * * The carriers are entirely right in assuming, as they have done heretofore, that they best perform their duty to the public when they take into consideration in making their classification and in fixing their rates, not merely the question of cost to themselves and of value to the owner of the property carried but every con- sideration of a public nature which can fairly bear upon the question of public usefulness.” 258 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Long and Short Hauls No subject involved in railway regulation demanded and received more patient and illuminating exposition by the Commission than that relating to the conflicting interests of long and short haul business. The statute declared: “Tt shall be unlawful for any common carrier subject to the provisions of this Act to charge or receive any greater compensation in the aggregate for the transportation of pas- sengers or of the like kind of property under substantially PART OF AN OKLAHOMA COTTON TRAIN—1893 similar circumstances and conditions for a shorter than for a longer distance over the same line in the same direction, the shorter being included in the longer distance.” In the fourth annual report (1890) this clause received the following clear elucidation: “The carriers by rail have so far made their rates and charges fairly proportional as between local and long haul traffic that the clause, if it ever worked injustice to them, does so no longer. Indeed as the general result is to give greater satisfaction to local communities without unjustly affecting the great centers of commerce the outcome cannot fail to be beneficial to the carriers themselves. Nothing is more de- sirable to any railroad than that its patrons shall be convinced that its rates are just, and they can never be made to believe this while the extraordinary differences in charge which were formerly in many cases as between the long and short haul traffic carried over the same line, are persisted in. Much SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 Zoe —_ of the complaint now made of the clause in question, with a view to affecting public sentiment, ignores altogether the fact that the prohibition of the greater charge for the shorter haul is very much qualified in the statute, and in respect to freights it is limited to those of a like kind carried over the same line in the same direction and under similar circumstances and conditions. A stranger to the law might infer, from some public addresses and pamphlets which have assumed to dis- cuss this subject, that the railroad companies were prohibited AMERICAN LOCOMOTIVE COMPANY ENGINE OF 1895 Built for the St. Louis, Vandalia & Terre Haute R. R.—Weight loaded, Engine and Tender, 219,000 lbs. from carrying the necessities of life over long distances at very low rates unless their rates on other subjects of trans- portation for shorter distances were made to correspond. Indeed, instances have been pointed out in which it was said that certain articles of commerce could not now be trans- ported for long distances because by reason of this provision they would not bear the charges that must under compulsion of law be imposed upon them. Among such instances has been mentioned the granite industry of New England, as to which it has been said that valuable manufactories have ceased to be profitable because it has now become impossible for the properties to obtain from the railroad companies the nomi- nal rates for the transportation of their products which they 260 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS formerly enjoyed, since it is now, by the long and short haul clause, made criminal for the companies to give such rates. A complaint of this nature is not to be met by argument, because it is baseless in point of fact. The instance men- tioned may safely be assumed to be chosen rather from regard to the needs of an attack upon the law than from any belief in the justice of its application. The prohibition of the fourth section, so far as concerns this article of commerce, or any other that can be named, will have no application whatever until it is made to appear that elsewhere upon the lines of the roads conveying it there is property of the same kind for transportation by the same carriers in the same direction, upon which the carriers are disposed to making greater charges in the aggregate for the shorter hauls. The wheat of the extreme West, it is also said, can no longer have the nominal rates which were formerly made for transportation to the seaboard, but this assertion is also without point or applicability unless it is shown that the carriers are not only disposed to give such rates but propose to make up the conse- quent losses to themselves by the imposition of greater charges in the aggregate for the carriage of the like grain when offered for carriage by growers in the States nearer to the seaboard. Nominal rates impartially made as between shippers of like articles in the same direction and under like circumstances and conditions are as admissible now as they ever mwere: _ “A law that does not prohibit an equal charge for the transportation of like articles for the longer distance would seem to be quite as liberal as could be asked for or desired, -provided the transportation in each case is under like circum- stances and conditions. And such is the law of the clause in question; the same charge may be made for the carriage of the like articles for 10 miles as for a thousand without a viola- tion of its terms.” Nothing could be clearer or more reasonable, and yet com- plaints under the fourth clause relating to long and short hauls have echoed and re-echoed in the courts and before the Commission from that day to this. SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 261 Lions in the Way of Enforcing the Law The greatest obstacle that confronted the Commission in the enforcement of the law against discriminations, undue preferences, cutting of rates and rebates was the difficulty of getting evidence. This was particularly so where rival car- riers were involved. “This is especially the case,” says the ‘ Commission, “when the prosecution is instituted for the giving of low rates, for, even when this is done unjustly and illegally, it, nevertheless, will have, or seem to have, the effect of favor- TRAIN ON HUMP FOR SWITCHING ing localities or important interests, and thereby it secures their approval and invites their support. A carrier who under such circumstances prosecutes, or who aids in prosecu- tion, does so at the risk, not merely of submitting itself to such annoyances and expense as commonly attend a criminal proceeding, but also of appearing in the eyes of an influential portion of those for whose favor all are competing, as the prosecutors of a rival whose real offense, whatever it may be nominally, consists in the fact that in the struggle for business it has been the more successful of the two, and for the com- mendable reason, if lawfully done, that it has conceded more to the demands of competition and been less severe in its exactions. The risk of arousing against themselves a preju- dice of this nature is one which the Commission shows the carriers are very slow to encounter.” In illustration of what the. carriers were “up against” in this regard, the Commission published the following portion 262 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS of a letter it received from the general manager of one of the roads terminating in Chicago: “Referring to your complaint against railroad officials that they admit, state and charge that the published rates are cut in violation of the law, while at the same time fail and refuse to give any evidence to the Commission, I beg to say that it is true that we do make such charges and have information about cut rates that warrants us in making them; still we dare not use it with the Commission or in Court. The transportation of this country is handled by a compara- tively small number of persons who are.-all interested in getting the lowest rates possible and the greatest advantage over their competi- tors. These shippers we must depend upon for business, and if any railroad company or any railroad officials should go into Court or before the Commission with charges that such shippers are receiving favors from other railroad companies, it would result in that railroad company or the company represented by such officials being boycotted by the majority of the shippers. In other words, they do not want the law enforced so long as they get an advantage in its violation. ADRS te we hake Railroad Company and its officers desire that the interstate commerce law is enforced, but for reasons above given we dare not use the information we receive in various ways as to what is being done by our competitors and connections. Of course this in- formation is not in the nature of absolute proof, but it is in the nature of prices paid for commodities and the direction that traffic takes, which is not its natural channel. In some cases shippers state frankly that they are getting concessions, but of course do not divulge just how much, or how it is done, and even were we disposed to use the information we get I do not know that it would be competent evidence.” Here was a state of things involving carriers and shippers in every section of the country where competition was “the life of trade” as well as the theory of the Act to Regulate Commerce. Carriers and shippers who fain would obey the statute were driven willy-nilly into their only alternative of retaliation.in kind. Naturally the railways bore the brunt of public reprobation, while the shippers, who pocketed the profit of the illegal transaction, subscribed liberally to campaign funds and foreign missions and largely escaped criticism. _ The Effect on Railway Construction One of the untoward effects of the national assumption of its right to regulate the railroads was the brake it put on railroad construction. Where this had been proceeding at the rate of 6,500 miles of new line per year over a ten-year period, it dropped to an average of about 3,600 in the next decade. Where railway building had been anticipating popu- lation, it was restricted to the current needs of the people of SHVEN DH DECADE,” 1890-1900 263 the United States. The returns show that there was little variation in the averages in inhabitants per mile of line be- tween 1890 and 1910, and since that year population has been outstripping railway construction. Commenting on this condition in his report of 1893, Pro- fessor Adams, the official statistician, said: “When it is noticed that the increase of railway mileage was 4,897, it at once becomes apparent that the tendency BALDWIN 1896 FOR THE ATLANTIC CITY R. R. Used in high speed passenger service. One of fastest locomotives ever built. toward merger, consolidation, lease, traffic agreement and the like is relatively stronger. than the tendency towards railway construction.” The World’s Fair and Panic of 1893 Under the impetus of the Columbian Exposition held at Chicago in 1893, railway traffic reached its highest record up to that time. The story of this accomplishment is briefly told in the returns for the four years that included that won- derful quadricentennal of the discovery of America: Passengers Freight Tons Carried 1 Mile. Carried 1 Mile. POO ee COCA yc. es 13,362,898 ,299 88,241,050,225 LOOG eens PA Cr Sats 14,229,101,084 93,588,111,833 Holl APL eee ee eee 14,289,445,893 80,335,104,702 East he decce Gs sate Po a 12,188,446,271 85,227,515,891 264 HISTORY OF AMERICAN KALLWAYLS For the full meaning of these figures it is necessary to remember that they relate to the fiscal year ending June 30 in each case. This threw the heavy attendance at the World’s Fair from July 1 into the 1894 returns, accounting for the large passenger traffic of that year, whereas the freight traf- fic, which had no unusual stimulus in that year, felt the full force of the depression that paralyzed business in the fall of 1893 and dropped thirteen billion ton miles, or over 14 per cent. This represented a loss of $129,562,948 in revenue from freight alone. Notwithstanding the increase in passenger mileage in 1894, there was a loss of $16,142,258 in passenger revenue due to the reduction in receipts per passenger mile from 2.108 cents in 1893 to 1.986 cents in 1894. The average receipts per ton oe also showed a decline from .878 to .860 cent. Thus in every way the railways were made to feel the effects of the financial storm that swept no less than 119 com- panies, operating nearly 28,000 miles of line and representing over two billions of capital, into receiverships. Among the important roads that took refuge in the courts from the panic of 1893 to 1896 were the following: Miles ; Owned. Stock. Bonds. ALCHISOn,.1 Opeka: & oanta Pe.w..).) 2 4,438 $102,000,000 $228,082,000 Baltic wo i0, ewes Fa ee Sod 30,000,000 80,797,000 Pade (Dia PIP CACIN fea. ae he tees ee 337 41,227,362 160,820,009 NWortolk ea: Westerns. cls mate ee ea27. 59,500,000 57,669,529 DIGTEeii hE aclic: cota e an ote ae eee Paes 84,238,347 . 132,376,500 Wirsconein® Central ic: aiciai i Bes ic lady 685 11,435,500 10,631,009 UR iyH we PCC us Woks pie eto er eee 1,830 60,868,500 85,492,185 New York “& New England”. .273).2 360 23,817,600 17,106,373 New York, Lake Erie & Western .... 543 86,373,600 81,537,168 Toledos/st.) Louis c&.. KansasaGity:. 2. & 450 17,055,000 10,000,000 Bape. t ear awoyY adkin Valley... eS 329 1,972,900 4,922,700 Central RoR: Banke’ Co. of tsa... lz 7,500,000 26,574,000 Chesapeake, Ohio & Southwestern... 351 9,726,000 11,002,628 Note should be made that these figures do not include the operated mileage of the roads named. clude the capitalization of the subsidiary or leased roads of the several systems. Neither do they in- — It may be of assistance to the student to give concrete illustration of the general process through which these rail. SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 265 ways went through their sea of receivership troubles to the ground of net profits by which alone they can succeed. In the first place, the receiverships of 1893-96 followed the long drain of declining rates as night follows the declining sun. Take the Atchison, Fopeka & Santa Fe, for example. Between 1884 and 1894 its average passenger receipts per mile fell from 2.648 cents to 2.264, and its average freight receipts from 1.882 to 1.191 cents. To those unfamiliar with such units it may be explained that on the 385,000,000 pas- sengers carried one mile the decline of .384 cent cost the railway nearly $1,500,000 in 1893, and on the 2,418,000,000 tonsi-ot ireight carried one mile the decline of .691 cent cost the railway over $16,000,000. No business on earth can stand up under such a continuous depletion of its resources—for fares and rates are the only resources available to a common carrier wherewith to pay wages and other operating expenses, taxes and a fair return on invested capital. So much for how the Atchison got into a receivership in 1893. When it went into the hands of the court its funded debt was $228,082,000 and its capital stock $102,000,000. In the reorganization that followed the foreclosure sale Decem- a ber 10, 1895, its funded debt had been scaled down to $162,278,050 and its capital stock increased to $213,468,000, The increase in stock was accounted for by the issue of $111,486,000 preferred stock to the holders of old second mort- gage bonds amounting to over $90,000,000, on payment of a 4 per cent assessment, and as a bonus to holders of the orig- inal stock on whom an assessment of $10 a share was levied. As shares in the old company, for which par had originally been paid, were worth only $13 at the date of reorganization, it required faith to pay the $10 assessment necessary to hold on. It was 1899 before a 2% per cent dividend was declared on the preferred stock, and 1901 before a 1% per cent divi- dend was paid on common stock. The reader should take note of the preponderance of capi- tal stock over funded debt in this readjustment. It is in the proportion of almost 3 to 2 over funded debt and something 266 HISTORY OF AMERICAN |\RAILWAYS like a proportion of 6 to 5 has been maintained to this day. But it was the men, not the money, that saved and made this great continental line. Aldace F. Walker, who was one of the original Interstate Commerce Commissioners, after acting as one of the Santa Fe receivers, was chosen as Chairman of the Board and, more important still, the Board of Directors selected Edward P. Ripley as President and vested in him almost despotic authority over the management of the prop- erty. If ever there was an instance of a beneficent despotism, it was the rule of Mr. Ripley over the Santa Fe from 1895 to his death in harness, in 1920. Other roads went through the deep waters in 1893-96, from which many emerged with lightened burdens and strong- er organizations. But they were not all through with receiver- ships, as the next chapter will tell. A chapter could be written on the prevision necessary to the choice of a site for passenger and freight depots in well established communities. In the west the railways generally selected the most convenient location for themselves, and let the communities come up to them. In the east the railways had to take what city councils and township trustees and cost per siront foot permitted: The experience, of Philadermii. with its great rail transportation agency, illustrates this fea- ture of railway progress. It was 1858 before the Pennsyl- vania Railroad had a real passenger station to its name in Philadelphia. This was located way over on the West Side, with a small ticket office at Eleventh and Market. Its next passenger station was erected on Market Street west of the river in October, 1864. In 1876 the approach of the Centen- nial Exposition spurred the railway officials to the erection of a new station on Market Street and Lancaster Avenue, west of the tunnel junction that was to accommodate not only the Independence multitudes but any crowds that might visit Philadelphia in the next generation. “But,” says the historian, “it only required a few years’ experience to demonstrate that the West Philadelphia Passenger Station was too small and wrongly placed.” chicky gta yy RENE SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 267 Then they built them a larger and finer station between Broad and Fifteenth Streets, extending south from Filbert Street, which was opened for use in December 1881. Before BROAD STREET STATION, PHILADELPHIA, 1894 1894 expanding business called for the extension of this sta-. tion into what is now known as the “Broad Street Station,” illustrated herewith, whose days are reported numbered as this is written. Verily one generation of railway builders cannot foresee what the next generation of railway users will demand. When the decade 1890-1900 closed, the American people had at their disposal a transportation plant that may be sum- marized as follows: Wile SmOTTitiait Mitre) See. yo. eels oe Sri bias 192,556 NMPESHOTEGOCOTLOSELACK iar occas te coe a 12,651 Md SeOt at Har deutra Glos? vik San eee et a 1,094 Miles=ot toutthy and other track) 2-4 Oks... 829 Mileetot-vard. track and Siding seer al Aten. 52-153 MiteseO tea etEACKS Rd tt can. ceo. BN ta ae 258,784 IFOCOUIGIIVC Sime tas ator, Ka es Phir ee Ce ak a Mes 37,663 268 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Passenvere cats. jie Sipe ee ee eee 34,713 Preight cars ee ce ee ee ee 1,365,541 Company cars*s See or eee 50,594 Netheapitalizationsc $ oe: aor ee ee $9,547 ,984,611 Net capitalization per mile of line.....7.... 51,0 Net ‘capitalization: per mulevot track. .....-:; 36,895 At the opening of the decade the equipment of rolling stock with train brakes and automatic couplers was in its infancy. By 1900 practically the entire equipment was fitted with the automatic coupler and 67 per cent was fitted with train brakes. This transformation alone must have entailed an expenditure of from three to four hundred million dollars, or nearly enough to duplicate the entire locomotive equip- ment of 1900. Small Return on Invested Capital In the face of the scriptural injunctions, new and old, that say, “Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,” and “‘the laborer is worthy of his reward,” railway regulation in America has inherited the popular disposition to muzzle the railways that literally tread out the corn for nourishment of the people. At no time in their history has the muzzle been loosened from the mouth of American railways, so that they could partake freely of the fruits of their labors, Since 1890 the Commission has presented an annual re- . sumé of the average return in dividends and interest -on the capital invested in American railways. As this seldom finds its way into the public prints, the student may be interested in what it shows as to the per cent of actual return on capitai stock at the beginning and close of the seventh American railway decade: 1890. 1900. hota Gapital tock) 4.828 os $4,409,658,485 $5,545,579,593 Per Cent Per Cent Paying | Paying Dividends Paid. Dividends. Dividends. Notiiitatpaid ic sane eee 63.76 54.34 Brome isto? percent: sa. 2.08 ag From. 2 to* 3: percent ... .~ 1.50 1.81 From. 3 to.; 4 per-cent ..4. 2.89 6.10 From 4to 5 per cent.... 8.26 14.56 From 5to 6percent.... 6.69 6.93 Brom “Gato. / percetit’...- 6.53 4.29 SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 269 Brotnyt 7, tO oper cent... 3.78 6.40 PromesotO as percent... 2.40 1.78 From 9 to 10 per cent .... 35 .08 From 10 per ct. and upwards 1.76 1.44 PLO tal tates. Peete ett 100.00 100.00 It will be perceived that in 1890 85.18 per cent of all rail- way capital paid less than 6 per cent and in 1900, a more pros- perous year, 86.01 per cent paid less than that dividend. The marked difference in the two years was in the amount of stock that paid nothing and that paid from 4 to 5 per cent. When it comes to interest paid on funded debt, amounting in 1900 to $5,585,147,047, no less than 87.29 per cent paid less than 6 per cent. Of this G78 per cent paid nothing. The largest percentage was 32.82 paying from 4 to 5 per cent. No less than 71.46 per cent of the funded debt paid between 3 and 6 per cent interest. The return on the capital invested in American railways has never been a burden on American internal commerce. How the Union Pacific Was Rebuilt This decade closed with the practical reconstruction of the Union Pacific after the reorganization that followed the re- ceivership in 1893. In this there came to the surface of rail- way affairs a new and compelling constructive human force in the person of Edward H. Harriman. The romance of the spectacular building of the Union Pacific in a race with the construction of the Central Pacific in the 60s was succeeded by thirty years of alternating periods of plenty and drought, during which, between 1880 and 1890, the able administra- tion of Charles Francis Adams did not prove equal to the task of stemming the current of adverse balances. Mr. Adams made an heroic struggle against adverse circumstances, but unfortunately, as he confesses in his autobiography, “lacked the cleancut firmness” to wring success from heavy odds. When Mr. Adams resigned, in 1892, the road was confronted with the maturity of the Government loan in 1895, and so in the shadow of the financial panic of 1893 it sought shelter from its pressing embarrassments in the hands of a receiver. 270 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS After various combinations, including one to which J. Pier- pont Morgan was a party, had tried and failed to effect a reorganization, a syndicate headed by Kuhn, Loeb & Com- pany undertook the heavy task. But not until they were joined by Mr. Harriman did they make much headway. He with the backing of the Illinois Central, in which he had earned his railroad spurs, brought to the syndicate the in- domitable spirit of personal faith and initiative that has always accompanied the railway miracles on this continent. The syndicate found the Union Pacific stripped of the un- profitable parasites and feeders that had sapped its immature resources, and it acquired the property by assuming liabilities amounting to over $81,000,000, of which $58,448,223 had to be paid to the Government in full satisfaction of its claims for original advances. Thus was extinguished the debt for guar- anteed bonds with interest that had hung over the enterprise from its inception. The syndicate also took over the unsold and practically unsalable balance of the land grants. The road was in poor physical condition and lacked proper equip- ment when, on January 1, 1898, it was handed over by the receivers to its new owners. In May following Mr. Harri- man was elected chairman of the executive committee and from that day the dust of reconstruction never ceased to fly on the Union Pacific. After a hurried inspection, in which, like Rudyard Kipling in other fields, nothing escaped his photographic eye, Mr. Harriman telegraphed a request for $25,000,000 as a starter in rehabilitation of road and equip- ment. He followed up his wire in person and succeeded in persuading his directors into making the unusual outlay. How he employed that $25,000,000 in part is worth telling in the picturesque language of Frank H. Spearman, whose basic facts are attested by Chief Engineer Berry, who was in charge of the work: “Tt is not perhaps generally understood,” says this author, “that the highest barrier presented to the Union Pacific on its transcontinental run lies immediately west of the plains about Cheyenne, where the line strikes that secondary range SEVENTH-DECADE, 1890-1900 z/1 of the Rockies known as the Black Hills. What makes the ascent of these hills of especial difficulty is a great elevation coupled with unusually short slopes. Just here, at the out- set almost, the Union Pacific rises to its greatest height above the sea, and here, in the rebuilding lay the problem before Berry, chief engineer, as to how the grade of this granite summit might possibly be reduced. New limits had been set to the gradients of the proposed improvements; but it is one thing in a directors’ meeting to adopt a grade over the Rockies of forty-three feet to the mile, and quite another to Pouinros tne. Rockies and run it. «lhe; chief engineers hadvte match his wits against those of engineers who, a generation before, had laid out the pioneer line and done it well. Thirty- five years of reflection, observation and criticism from the best constructionists in the world had failed to develop flaws in this earliest effort to bridge the Rockies. * * * “To find the line that Berry determined he must have, he sent good men into the hills, only to be told that where he wanted a line there was none. But when they tried to maintain this, the personal equation, that subtle and incal- culable factor in men which, in the overcoming of difficulties, makes the slight difference between success and failure, inter- vened. The chief engineer, undaunted, refused to abide by the findings. He sent the engineers again; the second time they brought the line he knew must be there. It involved staggering estimates. The Dale Creek crossing, just beyond Cheyenne, called for a single fill nine hundred feet long and one hundred and thirty feet deep. In these granite wastes the engineering figures assumed at once unheard of propor- tions. Cubic yards went into the calculations in millions instead of thousands. Two creek crossings called for eight hundred thousand yards of embankment. Two miles of new line required the moving of seventeen hundred thousand yards of material, and of this three hundred thousand were solid rock. Two fills, within these two miles, swallowed a million cubic yards. To eliminate three heavy reverse curves and two bridges, a summit cut was required eighty feet dee Lis HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS and a thousand feet long. The springing charge for a single cone of rock was a thousand pounds of giant powder, and the mountain was hurled into the cafion with twenty thou- sand pounds of black. For these unprecedented level- ings of the continental summit new devices were constantly brought into play. Time was an essence of the undertaking, and the American contractor, following loyally the Americana enginer, as he has always followed him, stooped like an Atlas and took upon his shoulders the burdens of the plans. “Grading machines and dump wagons were sent into the hills in train loads. Steam shovels, the leviathans of the railroad camp, crossed the mountains in processions. ‘They scooped the borrow-pits, cut the shale from the tunnels, dug the Sherman ballast and loaded, even blasted, granite upon cars out of the rock cuts. Track laying machines flung out rails on one side and ties on the other, like sandwiches. At one of the vital points Chicago men took the heavy work, and in order to make a three hundred thousand-yard fill with an embankment of one hundred and thirty-eight feet, MacAr- thur, to complete his contract on time, threw his own tempo- rary suspension bridge across the thousand-foot cafion, and ran his dump-cars upon his own rails and cables. Track laying—ballasting even—was pushed across the Rockies in midwinter. At the summit the last hill was drilled and a tunnel eighteen hundred feet long was put through primitive ‘granite. Here the Harriman engineers scaled two hundred and forty-seven feet off the highst elevation at which the road had formerly crossed the continent; then came the task of getting gracefully down the western slope of the hills to the isranue. plains...) ees “The whole road, from its eastern approach to the Black Hills far out to Medicine Bow on the Laramie plains, shows everywhere the chisel and straight edge of the Harriman engineers. There are but two pieces of track—both of them very short—on the entire main line where the forty-three-foot grade is exceeded. Curvature had to go with the heavy grades, and between the Black Hills and the Wasatch Range SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 273 seven thousand degrees gradually disappeared. At one point the new line, within a distance of four miles, crosses the old one seven times. “The Hanna cut uncovered an eight-foot seam of coal; a Green River cut revealed wide deposits of petrified fish. First and last the contractors uncovered a little of everything in the Rockies, from oil pockets to underground rivers; but in the Wasatch Range, in boring a six thousand-foot tunnel, they struck a mountain that for startling developments broke the records in the annals of American engineering. It was _ here that the underground stream was encountered; but this was a mere incident among the possibilities in the mountain. The formation is carboniferous, thrown up in the Aspen Ridge at an angle of twenty-five degrees, and it includes shales, sandstone, oil and coal. To bore a hole through the mountain at a depth of four hundred and fifty feet from the highest point was not difficult; but the curious thing was that after being bored the hole would not stay straight. The moun- tain, reversing every metaphor and simile of stability, refused to remain in the same position for two days together. It moved forcibly into the bore from the right side, and then stole quietly in from the left; it descended on the tunnel with crushing force from above, and rose irresistibly up into it from below. The mountain moved from every spot of the compass, and from quarters hardly covered by the compass. Workmen grew superstitious and engineers stood nonplussed. Starting in huge cleavage planes, the shale became at times absolutely uncontrollable. Wall plates, well fastened into regular alignment at night, looked in the morning as if giants had twisted them. Twelve-by-twelve hard pine timbers, laid skin to skin in the tunnel, were snapped like matches by this mysterious pressure. Engineers are on record as stating that in the Aspen tunnel such construction timbers were broken in different. directions within a distance of four feet. An engineer stood one day in the tunnel on a solid floor of these timbers, when under him and for a distance of two hundred feet ahead of him the floor rose, straining and cracking, three 274 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS feet into the air. Before the tunnel could be finished it he- came necessary to line over seven hundred feet of it with a heavy steel and concrete construction.” Differing in degree, according to the topography of the territory and traffic involved, the work of reconstructing the hastily built mileage of American railways has been prose- cuted from the laying of the first rail in Baltimore to the present day with the untiring energy and unstinted expendi- ture of money and brains that has made them leaders in the transportation world. They closed the three-quarters of a century of railway progress on this continent with 192,556 | miles of line and 258,754 miles of all track. In other words, American railways ended the 19th century with enough miles of track to encompass the earth ten times. Reorganization of Southern Lines This decade also witnessed a reorganization and consoli- dation of minor roads south of Mason & Dixon’s line that was more or less reminiscent of the process by which the New York Central assimilated the several links in its line from New York to Chicago. The great difference between the two processes was that, while the northern combination was made up of solvent parts, the southern enterprise gathered its parts from the wrecks of 1893 and succeeded in welding them into several of the great trunk lines of the Union. When the Richmond & Danville Railroad was purchased at foreclosure sale on June 18, 1894, by the Southern Railway Company, freshly organized for that purpose, it was operating a perfect network of minor companies stretching from Wash- ington, D. C., to the Mississippi at Greenville. There were some thirty separate organizations represented in its 3,357 miles of line, operated on pretty much every description of ownership, lease or control. The Richmond & Danville itself was one of the pioneer roads of the South whose organization tan back to 1847. In swift succession the Southern Railway acquired at foreclosure sales the Charlotte, Columbia & Augusta Railroad; SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900- e/3 the Columbia & Greenville Railroad; the important East Tennessee, Virginia & Georgia Railway (operating 1,265 miles); the Georgia Pacific Railway and numerous other lines, so that by September 1, 1894, it was operating 4,429. miles right in the center of what may be called the Old South. Since then it has been gathering into its fold by purchase, lease, control of stock, etc., a host of other roads whose roll call includes more than half a hundred corporate names, oper- ating a total of over 7,000 miles. Another consolidation or amalgamation of independent odds and ends of roads going back to the beginning of things in the South is the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad. Its seed- eiaumeanmbewtraced to the Petersburg. “Railroad” Company, chartered in 1830 and opened, 60 miles, to Weldon, North Carolina, in 1833 and to the Richmond & Petersburg Railroad, chartered in 1834 and opened in 1835. The title, Atlantic Coast Line, without any details of organization, first appears in Poor's Manual for 1889. In that year a holding company of the same name was incorporated in Connecticut. The nucleus of the present system makes its first appearance in official statistics for 1888 under the title of the Atlantic Coast Association, with a total operated mileage of 837, assembled from no less than thirteen distinct companies, of which the chief was the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad, with 319 miles. The last road traced its genesis back to 1835. By 1902, through various consolidations and some original construction, the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad found itself operating 3,589 miles of line and had arranged for the pur- chase of a majority of the stock of the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, which, from a charter running back to 1850, was at that time operating 3,444 miles of line. The Louisville & Nashville had previously acquired a majority of the stock of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway. So by 1904 these associated roads operated well over nine thousand miles. Concurrent with these consolidations, and by much the same process of natural selection and amalgamation, came the organization of the Seaboard Air Line Railway in 1900, 276 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS tracing its ancestry and name back to the Seaboard & Roan- oke Railroad (1832), with its seaboard terminal at Ports- mouth. Through this and subsequent reorganizations the Seaboard Air Line acquired operating control over 3,576 miles ofsline.in’ 1922) By natural selection, the four trunk lines named—the Southern, the Atlantic Coast Line, the Louisville & Nash- UNION STATION, ST. LOUIS, MO, OPENED SEPT, 1, 1894 ville and the Seaboard Air Line—all tracing their charter rights back to the beginning of railway things in the South, as well as in the Republic, almost engross the transportation system in the Southern States. Together they operate nearly 20,000 miles of line and have come through the trying vicissi- tudes of panics, the Civil War and Federal control with a remarkable record of service and substantial success. St. Louis Terminal Facilities Through its Terminal Railroad Association, since 1894 St. Louis has boasted one of the largest and most complete SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 ay terminal systems in America, for which even greater prece- dence was claimed until quite recently. Fifteen trunk lines co-operate in the responsibility and management of the Asso- ciation. How comprehensive it is in design and accomplish- ment may be judged from the facilities it affords for handling all branches of railway traffic. It comprises what for many ol Ht =a ——— SS Os ——— SEZ Ze = ————— Se = he - F ‘ > S ae 7, y ay y fi ‘ — = “i / 7 xs * = ‘N , / | M, yf ia G fii y TRACK LAYOUT, UNION STATION, ST. LOUIS years was the most modern union passenger station in the country, used by all lines entering St. Louis. With two bridges spanning the Mississippi, these radiated to every part of the Union. The provision for handling freight was equally comprehensive, including three river docks. The general character of the St. Louis terminal may be seen in the accom- panying cuts of the Union Passenger Station and layout of tracks. 278 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Baggage In no one respect is the superiority, or rather the liberality, of American railway practice better shown than in the way baggage is handled here compared with its treatment in for- eign countries. Here it is made an object of, special consid- eration at the carrier’s risk, special cars are provided for it and an elaborate system of checks follows it from station CONSTRUCTION OF TRAIN SHED, ST. LOUIS UNION STATION of departure to station of destination, and even from private residence or hotel in one city to private residence or hotel 3,000 miles away, and without extra railway charge unless the baggage exceeds 150 pounds. In England and Europe how different. There the safest thing to do with a trunk that weighs over 150 pounds, the point at which the excess baggage charge begins in America, is to send it by express. In England the ‘charge for -100 pounds for less than 50 miles is 50 cents; between 50 miles and 150 miles, $1.00; between 150 and 300 miles, $1.50, and above 300 miles $2.00 per 100 miles. Moreover, the traveler has to see that his “luggage,” as they call baggage in Eng- land, is put in the right “van” as it is called there. These high rates and considerations account for the large amount of hand “luggage,” suitcases, satchels, carry-alls, Gladstone bags, rugs, etc., with which the typical English traveler preempts SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 279 all available space and racks in passenger cars. If he has anything left that necessitates taking a trunk along, he has to identify it at every station, terminal or change of trains. On the continent of Europe, the excess baggage charge begins at 55 pounds and the conditions of shipping baggage and identifying it are even more vexatious. GRAND HALL, UNION STATION, ST, LOUIS, OPENING NIGHT —Flashlight Photograph by Atwater. Exactly when the baggage car as a distinctive unit of passenger train equipment was introduced on American rail- ways has not been definitely settled, but it is generally cred- ited to the Baltimore & Ohio road within the first decade of its history. At first it was little more than a box freight car impressed into the passenger service to carry mail and bag- gage. Next a passenger car was divided into two sections, one-half with seats for second class passengers or as a smoker, and the other end for’ mail; express and baggage. A little wood cut in the Great Railway Celebration of 1857 shows a 380 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS typical baggage car in its proper place in a train of four cars on the Little Miami Railroad. Where the baggage car of these early days cost from $1,000 to $1,500, by 1920 the cost of a modern steel baggage car had risen to over $12,000, while post office cars of similar construction cost from $20,000 to $25,000 apiece. The artist evidently considered the rearing stal- lion in the foreground the chief feature of his landscape. Many years were to elapse before the spirited animals took kindly to the snorting iron horse. fa maen A VIEW OF PENDLETON, ‘Two Mites From CINCINNATI, AND THE-OuTER StTaTION oF THE LitrLE Miami Rarzroap. It has been estimated that the railways of the United States handle in excess of 150,000,000 pieces of baggage annu- -ally of an aggregate value of over $30,000,000,000, which is credible when it is considered that the better class of trunks that endure the strong arm attentions of the express and baggage man cost from $50 apiece and upwards. Their con- tents are often insured for $200 and upwards. The typical Saratoga trunk has given way to the innovation model, but the sample trunk of the average traveling salesman still main- tains its competition with the mail order store, which has necessitated the running of mail freight trains on passenger schedule. The parcel post business has made freight cars out of $20,000 postal cars running on passenger schedules. SEVENTH DECADE, 1890-1900 281 The handling of baggage at our great central stations in the summer season has reached colossal proportions, and only the adoption of the most systematic methods and mechanical assistance renders it reasonably efficient. When the vast number and weight of the pieces to be moved with haste and accuracy is considered, the proportion misrouted, delayed, lost and damaged is so relatively small as to be insignificant. The South Boston Station Near the close of this decade, five roads entering Boston from the south and west united for the construction and operation of a station that should accommodate their passen- ger traffic. The new station is located at the corner of Sum- ner Street and Atlantic Avenue and is owned by the New York, New Haven & Hartford, the Boston & Albany, the Boston & Providence, the New England R. R. Co. and the “NEW (1898) SOUTH BOSTON STATION” Old Colony roads, the last three being leased to the New Haven. The Boston & Maine, Maine Central, Bangor & Aroo- stook and their New England connections entering Boston from the North and West are served by the North Boston Station at the other end of the city. | The area of the station is about 35 acres; the train | shed is 568 feet wide by 720 feet in length, and covers 28 , tracks with a substation for 4 additional tracks. The length | of 28 main tracks is 3.58 miles; sidings and yard tracks, 12.46 Z02h 0 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS APPROACH TO SOUTH STATION, BOSTON, MASS. Note the numerous block signals. miles; total track, 16.04 miles:') The photograph gives a good idea of the signal system necessary to the operation of this station. A Santa Fe Train on Stilts BRIDGE OVER CANYON DIABLO, ARIZ, CHAPTER IX EIGHTH DECADE—1900-1910 REGULATION BrEcoMES MorE STRINGENT. REBATES FINALLY SUPPRESSED. COMMERCIAL VALUATION OF 1904. THE COMMISSION. GETS» AUTHORITY “To Fix. Rates, i-barrH- QUAKES AND FLoops ITH the opening of the 20th century the whole char- acter of this narrative changes from a historical review leeratlway “progress to a record of contemporaneous events. Regulation, which had found the railways prac- tically free agents prior to 1887, had gradually gathered the reins of administration into its hands. From a sort of benevolent supervision of : GROWTH IN DIMENSIONS OF . railway affairs through the PASSENGER CAR 1880-1905 adoption of a uniform system of accounting; hearing complaints of discrimination in rates and fares and of undue preferences to individuals and cor- porations; and from pronouncing many tariffs unjust and unreasonable, the Commission had become the central arbiter of American transportation affairs. It lacked only authority to name just and reasonable rates in place of those it found unjust and unreasonable. And this was coming with that certainty that seldom fails the legislative applicant who knows what he wants and will not be satisfied until he gets it. The Commission knew what it wanted. The shippers knew what they wanted. Congress knew what both wanted. So it was only a question of persistent importunity when the authority to fix rates passed from the carriers to the Commission. Between the passage of the original Interstate Commerce Act, in 1887, and 1900 the field of the Commission’s super- 284 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS vision had undergone a most remarkable expansion, as the following figures show: Increase 1890 1900 per cent Milesvatasiiplemtrackaes a. Seis Soe 156,404 192,556 2.1 Miles Oruati xiary ciracke. 6a ar : 60" 7° 7e° 77° as* ‘a MAP SHOWING CENTER OF "MANUFACTURES, 7] <* * AY EACH DECADE —+-— 1850 To 1910 rae | OLA | AND THE CENTER OF POPULATION «=v "| FROM 1790 TO 1910 B Uterengad 3X CENTER OF POPULATION Be jw] @ CENTER OF MANUFACTURES hae ioe Scale of nules eee mene ome alee A 1890 “~~ | 1900 © | | ‘ .o| Harel o* 1910 \3 | Hes, » : ei i { f / tote fietd» % bya NBD 5 ‘ BY eres NASHINGTOS Ahnapete 939 Nogtssok yh : oH —~ ! Cy ¢ CENTER OF POPULATION 1790 TO 1910- the prices for the commodities relatively to a basis of 100 for the decade 1900 to 1910: Year Labor Fuel Metals Lumber All Commodities 1157 110.5 1900 102.4 120.9 120.5 1901 101.2 119.5 111.9 116.7 108.5 1902 102.4 134.3 Lif2 118.8 1129 1903 105.9 149.3 117.6 121.4 113.6 1904 109.0 132.6 109.6 122.7 113.0 1905 109.6 128.8 122.5 Wee 115.9 1906 109.6 131.9 135.2 140.1 122.5 1907 115.0 135.0 143.4 146.9 129.5 1908 118.0 130.8 125.4 133.1 122.8 1909 118.9 129.3 124.8 138.4 126.5 1910 120.3 125.4 128.5 153.2 131.6 These increases, which any other industry would have added to the selling price of its product, increased the operat- ing expenses of the railways in 1910 by approximately $250,000,000. It was this condition that moved the railways to apply to the Commission for the increase in rates in 1910 NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 331 which was denied in February, 1911, in two decisions in what are known as the Eastern and Western rate cases. These decisions were predicated on a misapprehension as to railway profits in which dividends were counted twice and the opti- mistic anticipation of heavier trafic reterred to apove. The increased’ traffic did not materialize, but the advance in ex- penses did, so that 1911 and 1912 showed a marked shrinkage in net income. Building of Monumental Stations In marked contrast with the declining rate of railway con- struction in the early days of this decade was the demand THE NEW PASSENGER STATION AT WASHINGTON, D. C. SHOWING THE ABANDONED STATIONS for more extensive and expensive terminal facilities. Not only had traffic outgrown the provisions for its convenient and economical handling, but there was an insistent demand for larger and more pretentious passenger depots. Railway man- agers had quite generally resisted this pressure on the ground that it involved heavy outlay for sentimental and non-pro- ductive improvements. But the public would not be denied and the close of the preceding decade saw the railways em- barked on terminal programs that yielded such results as the Union Station at Washington, the Pennsylvania and the Grand Central stations at New York, the Chicago & North Western Station at Chicago and the Union Terminal Station at Kansas City. Only the war put a temporary stop to the tearing down of ancient landmarks to make way for modern monumental terminals. Moreover, many of the landmarks J32 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS UNION PASSENGER STATION, WASHINGTON, D. C. —as photographed by Schutz were not so ancient and none of them had exceeded the Bibli- — cal limit on the age of man, even by reason of strength. There were noteworthy passenger stations in the United States before 1910—for instance, the South Station at Boston, SLLISNHIVSSYN TRACK LAYOUT, UNION STATION, WASHINGTON, D. C. Note “Tunnel”? Under Station for Southern Connections NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 333 the Union Station in Baltimore, the Lackawanna Station at Scranton, the La Salle Street Station at Chicago, the Union Station at St. Louis and others of lesser dimensions, but the big five above mentioned, thrown open within a period of five years, marked an important advance in railway terminal archi- TRAIN CONCOURSE, WASHINGTON STATION —Schutz Photo. tecture truly noteworthy. In the adaptation of modern steel construction to the track facilities-of great passengef termi- nals they worthily represent the progressive spirit of Ameri- can railway management. They are beautiful examples of the builder’s art and engineering skill without any sacrifice of the public use which is their first excuse for being. Taken in the order of their completion, the Union Station at Washington replaces the several terminals that for many years were unworthy of our national capital. _ As early as 1901 Congress passed an Act providing for the building of a union terminal passenger station to take the 334 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS place of the obsolescent ticket offices and train sheds that had served to welcome and speed visitors to the national capital for over sixty years. This Act as amended in 1903 provided for the connection and concentration of the existing lines en- tering Washington from the several points of the compass into a common terminal a few blocks north of the Capitol. MAIN CONCOURSE, WASHINGTON STATION —Schutz Photo. : The Washington Terminal Station The work of constructing and operating this consolidation was entrusted to The Washington Terminal Company, in ‘agreement with the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad and the Phila- delphia, Baltimore & Washington Railroad, a subsidiary of the Pennsylvania. It was to be for the joint use of the named companies, the Southern Railway, the Washington Southern Railway, the Chesapeake & Ohio Railway and such other companies as might be admitted to the use of its facilities and connections. The revenues and expenses of the terminal were NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 335 to be divided between and charged separately against the ten- ant companies in proportion to the use each made of the properties, respectively, as agreed upon. Under the Act of Congress all other existing stations were required to be abandoned, together with the tracks approach- ing thereto. Trains approaching the station from the south TRAIN SHEDS, WASHINGTON STATION oo bho, came in through a tunnel passing under the station building. The Station proper is a fine specimen of railway architec- ture and has the advantage of fronting on a semi-circular open space across Massachusetts Avenue. Noble as are its propor- tions, they have already been taxed when the people of the Union descend upon their capital for some special event. It is the only Passenger Station in Washington and affords direct connection between lines from all sections of the Union. The Washington Terminal was completed and opened on November 17, 1907; and therefore should be credited to the preceding decade. 336 HISTORY OF AMERICAN -RAILIVAY S The Pennsylvania’s New York Station The magnitude of the Pennsylvania Railroad’s contribu- tion to the monumental edifices of the world is not visible to the spectator who merely admires its classic proportions occupying the Manhattan blocks bounded by 3lst and 33d streets and 7th and 8th avenues. It begins far out on the New Jersey shore at Harrison, where steam power is ex- THE PENNSYLVANIA PASSENGER STATION NEW YORK Fronting on 7th Avenue changed for electrical, crosses the Hackensack Meadows, passes under the Hudson at a depth of 97 feet, emerges into the sunlight at 10th Avenue, enters the Main building and then reverses the proceeding under the East River to re- appear on the Long Island shore. But the description of the enginering features of this vast undertaking would re- quire a separate chapter to do them justice, and few of the thousands who annually enter New York through the Bergen Portal. on the Jersey side realize the vision, skill, unerring NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 Jor, calculations and millions expended to secure such an entrance into the heart of Manhattan Island. The mere acquisition of the territory, two blocks wide, from 7th to 10th Avenue, required years of negotiation before the work of demolishing the buildings crowded upon it prepared the way for dynamit- ing the rocky chasm for the laying of the tracks and the foundation for the station proper. PENNSYLVANIA’S NEW YORK PASSENGER STATION TRAIN. CONCOURSE The reduced illustration of the station will give a better idea of its vast proportions and the beauty of its Doric facade on /th Avenue than many pages of letterpress. It has a frontage of 430 feet on the avenue and a depth of 784 Onynne streets, . lhe average height, above. the. strect..1s- 69 feet, with a maximum of 153. feet to the top of the rqof over the main waiting room. All told, the station and yards have an area of 28 acres, in which are 16 miles of track. The storage tracks will hold 386 cars. The length of the 21 standing tracks in the station is 21,500 feet. Between these tracks are eleven passenger platforms, with 25 baggage and express elevators. The high- est point of these tracks is nine feet below the sea level. The a 338 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS =» maximum capacity of all the tunnels running into the station has been placed at 144 trains per hour. The northern side of the station, running along 33d Street, has been assigned to the Long Island Railroad with separate entrances, exits, ticket offices, etc., to accommodate its large suburban traffic, which already taxes its capacity. | MAIN WAITING ROOM - Pennsylvania’s New York Passenger Station This station was opened for traffic in September, 1910, nine years having elapsed from the grant of the franchise by the city of New York. Chicago Station of the Chicago & North Western June 4, 1911, saw the Chicago & North Western Railway Company enter into possession of the first truly modern pas- senger station in Chicago. Its location and construction in- volved the transfer of the road’s passenger terminal from the north side of the Chicago River to the west side of the NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 339 south branch of the same unique stream that flows inland from its mouth and finally mingles with the Mississippi a few miles above Alton by way of the Illinois River. The first station of the Chicago & North Western, or, more strictly speaking, of the Galena & Chicago Union, with which it was consolidated, as told elsewhere, was on the west side of the CHICAGO & NORTHWESTERN PASSENGEK STATION, CHICAGO north branch. The second station, built in 1852, involved a move across this branch to the north side of the river proper at Wells and Kinzie streets. The river was first spanned by a swing bridge which in 1908 was superseded by a one-leaf double track jack knife that lifted its head 200 feet in the air to let small boats by. It was the congestion of traffic by this obstruction that finally determined the location of the new station. This choice involved the acquisition of right of way for six blocks through an industrial section of Chicago and it is not surprising to read that this feature of the undertaking alone entailed an expenditure of $11,560,000, or almost half the cost of the entire work. The station building and train shed cost $6,380,000. The total cost, including elevated ap- proaches, was approximately $23,750,000. The station building proper faces 320 feet on Madison Street by 218 feet on Canal and Clinton streets. Its walls 340 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS are of gray Maine granite, as are the six 40-foot columns that mark the fine Doric portico on Madison Street. While the general outlines of this worthy addition to the world’s great passenger stations can be studied in the accompany- ing illustrations, its details, as they embrace nearly every- thing that the public demands and the railway has to furnish in a metropolitan terminal, will be of interest. CROSS SECTIONAL VIEW, CHICAGO & NORTHWESTERN STATION In the main lobby of the station, entrance to which may be vy the portico just mentioned or through spacious doors on Canal and Clinton streets, are located the ticket offices information bureau, telephone booths, travelers’ supply and drug stores, telegraph offices, lunch room, cab and motor car offices, lost and found department and the parcel checking room. North of the lobby extends a most complete depart- iment {for=checking “in” and ““Out™ baeeage.-« Undere ine train shed farther north is the Canal Street Station of the United. States Post Office, to which mail is carried direct from trains by means of an endless chain belt between the tracks. The elevated tracks form a covered way over Washington and Randolph streets. The main waiting room, which is reached from the lobby by numerous elevators and stairways, in addition to the grand NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 341 central staircase, is architecturally described as embodying the idea of a Roman atrium; that is to say, it is a spacious interior court -lighted mainly from above, and opens into other rooms on one wr more levels. Its sides are finished in Tennessee marble of a delicate light pink shade, and the col- umns which support the high vaulted roof are of green Cipo- Ee TRACKS ENTERING TRAIN SHED Chicago & Northwestern Passenger Station Chicago lino limestone. The ceiling is of self-supporting tile con- struction, with ribs of terra cotta, ornamented with symbolic signs. The whole tone and effect of this atrium are restful. On the west end of this court are found the main dining room and a separate waiting room for ladies. At its east end are the barber shop, news stand, smoking room and: pub- lic and pay toilets. Opening out of the main waiting room, through numerous doors, lies the train shed concourse across the entire width of the building, and beyond, still to the north, are the train platforms for sixteen tracks. The concourse is separated from 342 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS the train shed by a glass partition and can be heated in win- ter to a temperature of 60 degrees. In minute attention to the comfort and-convenience of travelers this station resembles a great modern hotel, except in the absence of sleeping apartments. Noteworthy are the provisions made for the shelter and handling of immigrants. TRAIN SHEDS Chicago & Northwestern Passenger Station Chicago The accommodations specially set apart for them would be considered fully satisfactory by the average cosmopolitan tourist. The station, which appeared enormously roomy when opened, already shows signs of congestion at certain hours and on special occasions. It handles thousands of sub- urbanites and through passengers daily and illustrates how almost impossible it is to anticipate the growth of American passenger traffic. The North Western Station, with its terminal yards, covers eight acres and includes nearly three miles of track. Six years were required in its construction, including the NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 343 acquisition of the right of way. Some idea of the value of the property on which this terminal has been erected may be gained from the fact that it had to pay $50,000 for a lot 80 by 80 feet, or the equivalent of $4,224,000 per mile, and $365,000 for an irregular plot containing 28,000 Square feet at the rate of $6,864,000 per mile of right of way 100 feet MAIN WAITING ROOM, CHICAGO & NORTHWESTERN PASSENGER STATION, CHICAGO. wide. Since the war property in the vicinity of this terminal has more than doubled in value. Grand Central Station, New York The history of providing a passenger station on Manhat- tan Island for the New York Central Lines and the New Haven Lines has been one of tearing down, moving uptown and building greater, only to find in a few years that they were not great enough. It is hard for the present generation 344 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 345 to realize that less than a century ago the first passenger terminal of these lines was on Chambers Street facing on City Hall Square. Its first move was up Fourth Avenue to 26th Street, the present site of Madison Square Garden. This served the metropolis from 1857 to 1871, when the Grand Central Station on 42d Street, facing down 4th Avenue, was GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, NEW YORK From the Street Level, 42d and Vanderbilt Ave. built, only to be remodeled and greatly enlarged in 1900. It was of this station when originally finished, in 1871, that Commodore Vanderbilt said that it would accommodate all the railroad business coming into New York for fifty years to come and that it would be his best monument. Scarcely was the proud boast out of his lips before it was necessary to build an addition to accommodate the rush of travel, and before forty years were up his monument and its extensions ‘had been torn down to make way for the present colossal 346 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS monument—not to one man, but to the irrepressible genius of American railway progress. The accompanying illustrations must serve for any at- tempt to describe the completeness of this solution of the modern terminal requirements of a vast railway system. Nothing in the design and execution of this wonderful enter- CROSS SECTION GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL NEW YORK Showing Subway Site. The Bridge is over 42d Street prise exceeded in difficulty, from every point of view, the problem of operating without interruption the through and | suburban trains of two great railroads: while tearing away their old tracks and foundations and reconstructing far be- neath them the foundations for the new and greater trackage. — It was a marvel of engineering genius that added another amazing achievement to the record of American railway building. To the reader who delights in the tabulation of concrete information, the following figures will be of interest: NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 347 ever e AOS OME LOLIInAl seit ack oi, ea ea 23 acres ete alezeOrenews verininaltisrss 2. os cioe . ES at epee OteCK PCs wel sinelevelonia tik. at, you. so. ae 464 “ Forty-two tracks, express level, length............... 19.5 miles Piatrorms;-expresssievel slenothe,/a. As BOL: hee Seay Pee SGT OTE VEL trae emer hemi ei als os dns BP ose 52.8 acres Twenty-five tracks, suburban level, length........... 14.1 miles Fiatiormiseesupurban levels -lenoth 45, 6 vec enc u ees 2.5 DEERE PET 35 ¢ OURS Be Ge a ee ph Cag Bearer a roms srenetiws cn Ce ee te ee Sie eos yeti acpi Ol excavation, mamily in roék. fi... . 56 feet Bute mi mavove: street level osu. cas ee kaw nee sees ToGo Preteteuiiestation, streét Jevel oo. so sna cccnan ee Offi Wie eitiemrertation lar strect.lévelcsc.. 5 poets eke aes o10. Peet er cow estrechuleVvel pcp sit ck scx d eke eee eee. (Aye Wieter a peiyuna Streets Level, 0.2. ca on oF S Ceo cee oes ee 455-2 Deiinroclovmastiect levels. 25 sss. 5140s nce eee 455% Potatoweient. of. steel sworks 230. o0 cc Bs gh bay na 118,597 tons eameci ymormords LET Hilal rvccr. . Coes ues ea Faces lees 366 cars peeve miler sLOritiNal ceva acts so cess Ge See a bes 0535" * Creer rOurpolnd «CONCOUTSE 2% fies ee cette os 15,000 persons eae fete MUO CONCOUPSE 2). oe. k ne ce nares le S000 2a Sasa Tee VAT 1. FOOUIS eo rec led! ncbads cae oe bp tee oe SOOM ieee Posssple vrais Ol per HOUL:... Socios. css ae eseeeees 200 Average traffic old. terminal, per day..............-60,000 passengers GRAND CENTRAL TERMINAL, NEW YORK Sie seen from a neighboring skyscraper. Hotel Belmont, left; Hotel Commodore, right; Park Avenue in distant vista 348 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Traffic capacity new terminal, per hour............./0,000 passengers Annualstrafiiczold=términaly leeks «ieee ae on 21 UU 000s paseen cere Possible annual traffic new terminal............100,000,000 passengers The new terminal has five levels where the old had but one. There is the gallery or top level on the 42d Street grade; the through train concourse; the suburban train concourse; the suburban track level, and the subway level for handling baggage. MAIN CONCOURSE AND TICKET OFFICE Grand Central Terminal, New York The most prominent interior feature of the station is the main concourse, where all facilities are provided for making travel arrangements, including ticket offices, information bu- reau, baggage and parcel rooms, telegraph offices, telephone booths, etc. The concourse is 375 feet long, 120 feet wide and 125 feet high to an arched roof, with farther extensions in the gallery at either end. It is a room finished in’ Botti- cino marble and buff tinted stone, three immense arched win- NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 349 dows on Depew Place and three on Vanderbilt Avenue oppo- site Forty-third Street forming the ends. The arched ceiling is painted turquoise blue, and presents a view of the section of the heavens as seen from October to March, or from Aqua- rius to Cancer. It would be beyond the scope of this history to give any- thing approaching an adequate description of these great ter- LOWER LEVEL CONCOURSE Grand Central Passenger Station, New York minals. Each is worthy of a separate detailed study. What is set down here must suffice to give the reader an inkling of the extensive and costly terminal stations demanded by the American public and justified by its growing patronage of the railways. The Washington Station is the only one that appears to be in advance of normal traffic, but there are occa- sions when it seems too small for the capital crowds that surge through its wide-swinging gates. Kansas City Union Station It is a far cry from the monumental passenger stations of the New York Central and the Pennsylvania in New York to 350 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS the suburbs of Kansas City, where twelve great railway sys- tems have united in a terminal company to construct a station that will accommodate all the passenger business converging there from every point of the compass. It was in the suburbs of the city when it was conceived to obviate the inconven- iences of the old stations. It is about two miles southeast of the old Union Station and three blocks away from the KANSAS CITY UNION STATION Opened November 1, 1914 Grand Avenue stations. Like all such improvements, it has had the effect of a magnet to attract civic traffic to a new center. The building of this Union Station was undertaken by the following systems: the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe, the Chicago & Alton, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific, the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, «the:;Missourl, | Kansas\ tc5> Texas, the @Mie= souri~ Pacific, ithe “St.. \Louts-San |: Francisco; the, sUnion Pacific, the Wabash, the Chicago Great Western, and the Kansas City Southern—none of which had _ been heard of when the Pennsylvania, the New York Central and the Baltimore & Ohio were already the wonders of the East- ern railway world. The list embraced all the roads entering NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 351 Kansas City in 1906, when the enterprise was first broached, and the original project included a new belt line around the north end of the city and an entirely new site. That site occupies -an area of 18 acres covered by the main building and train sheds—an area exceeeded only by the Pennsylvania and the New York Central stations in New York. PORTION OF WEST BOTTOM FREIGHT YARDS, KANSAS CITY Live Stock Exchange in Distance Although built by a terminal company, this station is of the pull through type—the tracks running straight through under the waiting room. It is constructed in the form of an inverted T, the main body of the station, being sideways to the tracks over which the stem extends. The station proper is 510 feet long by 150 feet wide, and rises to a height of 126 feet above the plaza. On the west of the main buildings are the express buildings extending in a continuous stretch for more than 1,000 feet. The waiting room wing, which extends over the tracks, is 410 feet long and 165 feet wide. On either side of the main ye HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS waiting room are passages, called midways, in which are the stairways and elevators leading to the train platforms below. The train shed is 1,370 feet long and covers eight platforms serving 18 tracks, with provision for additional. The style of architecture is modern French and the ex- terior is finished in Bedford stone with granite base. The interior style is Louis XVI, with lobby walls of yellow Ka- sota. The floor is pink Kasota and gray Tennessee, with a black border. Nothing known to modern conveniences of a passenger station seems to have been omitted in making provision for the comfort-of the traveler... [he general character of layout and construction can be best understood from the accompany- ing illustrations. Passing of Famous Railway Builders Concurrent with the opening of these modern railway edifices, the transportation world was to lose the services of four leaders who for a generation had carried forward rail- way development with the courage and energy associated with the work of pioneers. Within fourteen years, 1906-1920, Alexander J. Cassatt, Edward H. Harriman, James J. Hill and ‘Edward Payson Ripley passed into the history of American railways in which for the better part of half a century they had played a most commanding part. Mr. Cassatt, who died in 1906, did not live to see the com- pletion of the great work which was the crowning demon- stration of his exceptional sagacity and capacity as a railway engineer and executive. The double track tunnel under the. Hudson and the magnificent terminal in New York and the four tunnels under the East River and the great steel arch bridge over “Hell Gate,” connecting with the New Haven System, are the monumental memorials to his genius and fore- sight. The statue in the Pennsylvania Station fittingly com- memorates his services to that company and the transporta- tion industry. It bears the inscription, “Alexander Johnston Cassatt, President, Pennsylvania Railroad Company, 1899- 1906, whose foresight, courage and ability achieved the ex- NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 253 tension of the Pennsylvania Railroad System in New York City.” Mr. Cassatt had enteream the service 4of #the Pennsylvania Railroad as a rodman in 1861 and so had spent forty-five years, the bet- ter part of his life, with it. Many would not classify Edward HH: Harriman «as a distinctively railroad person- eee aetadile sind . :; Vice-Pres., Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry. Walkers Dadi inese icant Chairman, Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry. Mr. Hines occupied the position of assistant to Director ‘General McAdoo. Mr. R. S. Lovett, who had been Director of Priorities under the Railroads’ War Board, was appointed head of the Division of Capital Expenditures. But the ap- pointments that boded no good for the railways nor for any economical success of government operation were the desig- nation of W. S. Carter, Grand Chief of the Brotherhood of Railway firemen, as. Director5of Jeabor, with] GoW Hanger as his chief assistant. The appointments of Regional Directors, seven in num- ber, were admirable, and if Mr. McAdoo had possessed the true impulses and intuitions of a great commander and left NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 369 the details of management in their hands, under his single- minded administrative co-ordination, the experiment of Gov- ernment operation of 240,000 miles of railway might have had a very different sequel. Congress lost little time in putting the stamp of legislative approval on President Wilson’s railway policy and promises. By the Act of March 21 it indorsed the basis of compensation and Federal return to be ascertained and certified by the Interstate Commerce Commission; it provided that the prop- erty of each carrier should be maintained and “returned to it in substantially as good repair and in substantially as good equipment as it was at the beginning of Federal control.” Under its provisions the President was authorized to in- itiate rates, fares, charges, classifications, regulations and practices which should not be suspended by the Commission pending their final determination, thus abrogating for the time being a process that had made the advancing of rates subject to suspension and interminable delay even where ulti- mately validated. The final sections of this Act are enlightening: “Sec. 15. That nothing in this Act shall be construed to amend, repeal, impair or affect the existing laws or powers of the states in relation to taxation or the lawful police regulations of the several states, except wherein such laws, powers or regulations may affect the transportation of troops, war materials or Government supplies, or the issues of stocks or bonds. “Sec. 16... That this Act is expressly declared to be emergency legislation, enacted to meet conditions growing out of war; and nothing herein.is to be construed as expressing or prejudicing the future policy of the Federal Government concerning the ownership, control or regulation of carriers or the methods or basis of the capitalization thereof.” Once charged with irresponsible authority over American railways, Mr. McAdoo lost no time in proceeding to exercise it. No infant finding himself in possession of a new toy ever set to work to tear it to pieces to see the wheels go ‘round with more gleeful alacrity than did the Director General of Railroads when they were placed in his hands. With the Railroads’ War Board out of the way, orders flew from and reports poured into Washington in a bewildering cloud that no man could number. Computing machines were needed to 370 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS count them. Something like 400 of the most capable men in railway service were discharged to make room for their hand- picked successors owing their advancement to Mr. McAdoo. Every scrap of paper upon which there was space to print it bore the official imprint: United States Railroad Administration (W. G. McAdoo, Director General) The two million railway employes were thus officially notified that they must know no other god but ME. The real test and proof of the bureaucracy headed by Mr. McAdoo came in his two orders Nos. 27 and 28, issued May 26th and 27th, respectively. The necessity, misnamed emer- gency, behind these two orders can be best explained by the following statement of the earnings and expenses of Class 1 roads for the first six months of Federal control: 1918 Revenues Expenses Ratio kate 1918 1917 ihaniiary ssc ee ees $ 285,083,748 -$ 270,756,750 94.97 71.63 Bebruatye oe". oe 289,683,833 260,590,900 89.96 78.31 Marclt. str cieeetad) 365,912,476 283,428,186 LL AG oF 22) Abbe. oi ee ele 370,614,729 280,655,455 f Oc) end CaS May See Tee 378,242,104 285,523,303 75.49 69.00 tibet whoa, Gree ee 393,309,379 435,096,305 110.62 67.37 Ci Otal Oates. aes 2,081,448,000 1,815,706,527 S720 et Joe (a) The footings are from the official final summary for June and differ slightly from the footings of the monthly returns. To the trained railway manager or financier the one thing called for by the condition revealed in these official figures was an advance in rates sufficient to take care of the expenses as they existed, already running wild. But Mr. McAdoo thought otherwise. In January he had appointed a Railroad Wage Commission to investigate and report on the question of wages and hours of service of railroad employes; but when the time came to act he “felt obliged to depart from its recom- mendations in some particulars.” He departed about $300,- 000,000 worth. In what “particulars” General Order No. 27 does not vouchsafe. Beginning with employes earning $46 or under per month, the order added 43 per cent, or $20, to the monthly pay and from that point up to those receiving NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 371 $250 the per cent was on a descending scale until it yielded $l for the man receiving $249. There were many exceptions and variations from this method of raising wages, but its ultimate effect, with changes in working conditions, was to raise the average pay of all employes from $1,001 in 1917 to $1,480 in 1919. As the pay roll had in the meantime been increased by 180,546 employes, the total compensation rose from $1,739,482,142 to $2,843,128,432, or over a billion dollars, with 18 billion less tons of freight carried one mile. Com- pared with 1916, before the Adamson law went into effect, the total compensation of railway employes showed an increase of over 90 per cent. How Mr. McAdoo or his successor, Mr. Walker D. Hines, ever expected to catch up with such an unprecedented ad- vance in wages, accompanied with an equal or greater advance in the price of coal, materials and supplies, with an advance of 33 per cent in freight rates and 25 per cent in passenger fares, as they finally worked out, passes understanding. True, the Railroad Wage Commission had estimated the cost of its recommendations at “not less than $300,000,000 in the year 1918,” never anticipating an addition of nearly 200,000 five- dollar a day emergency workers to the railway ranks. As if the inadequacy of the raise in rates to meet the ad- vance in wages was not enough to stagger the revolving fund of $500,000,000 provided in the Act of March 21, the wage rate was made retroactive to January 1, 1918, whereas the advance in rates and fares could be and were only made effec- tive on June 25 and 10, respectively. These momentous changes were fully reflected in the sig- nificant items of the income account for 1918, Class 1 roads under Federal control, as follows: Revenue from operation........ $4,850,991 ,008 Operatwied expenses 2.4.4. ave e's 3,948,192,102 Dy aes el AR Oa (OEE ates mrvane terse es 183,177,868 Rent of equipment and facilities 35,903,074 Net operating income...... 683,717,964 Compensation paid railways.... 893,310,130 CrovetiiitentetOSs 0. .% << ss ce sss 209,592,166 a72 HISTORY, OF: AMERICAN; RAILWAYS For all railways taken over the Government loss was over $Z 12,000,000. Before 1919 was half spent the two revolving funds— $750,000,000 had been added to the original $500,000,000— had dissolved, vanished into thin air, leaving nothing but a vacuum in which to revolve. Where Mr. McAdoo’s Commis- sion had estimated that the raise in wages would increase HEAVY BALDWIN ARTICULATED MALLET LOCOMOTIVE Built for the Baltimore & Ohio R. R. in 1919 the railway pay roll to $2,205,432,938, the actual figures were $2,606,284,245. But it did not stop there. Under the foster- ing “care-of aMirt Carter, Director ola baboreet Tesco $2,828,014,440 in 1919 and to $3,681,801,193 in 1920, when the Railroad Labor Board lent a boosting hand. : But if Mr. McAdoo was open-handed in spending revolving funds on labor, he proved niggard when he faced the equip- ment situation. Confronted by a shortage of 135,000 freight cars in March, 1918, he ordered 1,415 locomotives and 100,000 freight cars, standardized, when the immediate need was. 10,000 locomotives and 250,000 freight cars adapted to meet the varying conditions of climate, terrain and traffic require- ments of 240,000 miles of line. Subsequently he increased his order of locomotives by 600, but that order of freight cars stood throughout Federal control, whereas at least 100,000 cars are destroyed or incapacitated every year. This failure to recognize the sound rule of railway man- agement that demands more installments than retirements, NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 aos 3 in which obsolescent cars must be included, left the railways to cope with the unprecedented traffic of 1920 confronted by a car and motive power shortage that lasted from January untu >the “btisiness sdepression set.in, in December.:: The promise of the President and the authorizing Act of mainte- nance and good order return were ignored for the twenty-six months of Federal control. BALDWIN MIKADO TYPE OF 1920 Built for Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry. On December 31, 1918, Mr. McAdoo deserted the labor- logged ship, handing over the administration to his assistant, Walker D. Hines, who, like his predecessor, was a lawyer and not an experienced operating railway official. What Mr. Hines might have achieved had the original crushing respon- sibility fallen on him cannot be guessed. The whole train was running down hill at an accelerating pace when he en- tered the cab and he had no sand to put on the track. Mr. Hines went on the principlé that there is a bottom to every hill and that for every down grade there must be an up grade. One of his first orders (January 6, 1919) was an interpretation of General Order No. 27 that it should apply to all railway employes “earning less than $250 per month in December, 1915,” and “Where such persons have not been granted the increases provided for in General Order No. 27 such increases will be made applicable retroactive to January 1, 1918, and until suspended by supplement thereto.” Confronted with the alternative of meeting deficits with an increase of rates or a reduction of wages, he did neither. He granted increases of wages and entered into agreements 374 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS that raised them still higher. He postponed the advance in rates the situation demanded with sanguine prognostications that improved business would insure sufficient earnings. With strange inconsistency he prophesied a traffic that would tax facilities and refused to add a locomotive or a freight car to the inadequate orders issued by Mr. McAdoo. The record of locomotives and cars actually built in the three years 1919, 1920: and 1921 stands *as an andicimen acs the Federal administration as executor of its trust: Year Locomotives Passengerears Freight cars 1919 2,162 466 101372 1920 2 022 1,272 60,955 1921 1185 1,636 48,696 The provision of power and carrying capacity fell at least 4,000 locomotives and 300,000 freight cars short of what pru- dent management required. Moreover, the locomotives and cars actually built, especially the former, were largely on orders given previously by the railway corporations them- selves. | Second Year of Federal Control The financial returns for the second year of Government control were more disappointing than the first, as the follow- ing statement of Class 1 roads under Federal control shows: Revenues trot Operation. 2 mae. oe tae eee ‘ee oo Let ooS 2uy Paxpenses #68) operdtionr2 54.1. gen eons Sees 4,360,136,355 PRES ce Sie ae ce See bee ote eee eae 195,763,096 Rent of €quipmentandriaciities mae, son ae 33,179,485 Wethoperatinge imcomen © ev acerrinaee 535: 516.3741 Compensation “paid the -railways-..).4:...45 911,495,342 Government loss on operation, 1919......:. 375,978,971 Government loss on. operation, 1918........ 209,592,166 Government loss on operation, two years.. 585,571,137 This covered only Class 1 roads, where the total for all roads taken over, some 240,000 miles, called for a yearly com- pensation of about $940,000,000. The loss to the Government on operation alone for the two years was therefore in the neighborhood of $650,000,000. To this must be added the $381,000,000 paid by the Gov- ernment for its inadequate replacement orders of locomotives and freight cars in 1918 and 1919 and $763,000,000 for “addi- NIN TEIDE CADE, 1910-1920 375 tions and betterments,” all finally added to railway capitaliza- tion with little tangible to show for it. That was the situation at the close of 1919, when the war had been over more than a year, and the Federal: Railway Administration has never given any comprehensive account of its stewardship, the figures given above having been ex- tracted from the annual and monthly statistics of the Inter- state Commerce Commission. A 400-TON SANTA FE LOCOMOTIVE As the time for relinquishment of the railroads under the metsor March 21. 1918, approached, it became a matter, of grave concern how it could be accomplished without involv- ing serious consequences to the commerce and industry of the country as well as the railways. The Act provided that Fed- eral control should not continue beyond “one year and nine months next following the date of the proclamation by the President of the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of Heace.« | The war ended on November 11, 1918, the date of the armistice; but the treaty between the Allied Powers and Ger- many was not signed until June 28, 1919. On December 24 President Wilson issued a proclamation turning back the railroads to private control on March 1, 1920. January 1 had been originally fixed, but owing to the necessity for legisla- tive action the latter date was chosen. The Esch-Cummins or Transportation Act of February 28, 1920, was the legisla- tion referred to. This extended the Government guarantee to the amount of the Federal return for six months after the owners resumed control—that is, until September 1, 1920, when everything in the nature of a guarantee ended. 376 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The Transportation Act of 1920 The Esch-Cummins Act, officially known as the “Trans: portation Act of 1920,” went far beyond safeguarding public and railway interests during the so-called transition period. Under “Title II, Termination of Federal Control,” the general provisions of the Act of March 21, 1918, were made applicable to what was termed the “guaranty period,” to wit: the “six months beginning March 1, 1920.” The railways were to be operated by their owners during that period—the difference between their net operating income or deficit and the Federal return fixed by the “test period” to be paid by or to the Gov- ernment, as finally adjusted by the Commission. This guar- antee was conditional on its acceptance by the individual carriers on or before March 15th. Acceptance was general, the Southern Railway being the chief exception, preferring to take its profit or loss on operation to compensation on a basis it deemed inadequate. Financially the Southern lost out on this show of independence, for it suffered in common with all the railways from the deluge of expenses that broke all records in the year 1920. But it had its compensations in freedom in adjustments. This year proved the culmination of wage advances and expensive working conditions that ran. wild under the politico-economic theories in the saddle cf Federal control. Although the railways were operated under the terms of the Act of February 28, 1920, for the greater part of that year, they inherited the conditions prevailing throughout 1918 and 1919, when the National treasury was drawn upon to make good the results of wasteful mismanage- ment. The following condensed income account tells the StOTV=. Class I Roads 1920 Operatinetfevenues?. ttt $6,234,264,201 Operating 0 t. o. 5,886,573,383 CARES. cl te eR ee Wee are 274,808,339 Rent of equipment and facilities 60,247,341 Net operating income.:........ 12,635,138 Eight months guarantee...:.... 613,000,000 Government ‘1l6ssH.9% Leese, 601, 635, 138 But for the presence of some fifty to sixty aillion back mail pay in the revenues of 1920, there would have been a NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 377 deficit instead of a net operating income of $12,635,138. The total loss of the Government on its thirty-two months’ guar- ‘antee was approximately as follows: SARs URS A St a Baer $ 209,592,166 TERT ies Sees giderbicie ey as ks 585 5715137, 1920 (8 months to Sept. 1) 601,635,138 Gta tase LIONS 2... 3s sr. 1,396,798,441 As these figures cover only Class 1 roads, the total loss to the Government on all roads taken over was considerably greater. A proposal to extend the trial of Federal control for an additional five years, which was strongly urged by Director General McAdoo and his successor, Mr. Hines, met with little popular support, and so, on September 1, 1920, the rail- ways went back into full regulated private operation. In a recent address before the Carnegie Institute of Tech- nology, Arthur T. Hadley, President Emeritus of Yale Uni- versity and one of the few lay authorities on transportation subjects, discussing Federal control, said: “For a time Mr. McAdoo and those about him thought that he could prove the possibility of solving the railroad problem by taking the decisive powers of the management out of the hands of the Owes te". < Fi he: verdictwas. against himes During nearly two years which elapsed after the close of the war no attempt was made to balance the railroad budget. Of the three ways of doing this—to increase rates, to reduce wages, or to get the same amount of work done by the smaller num- ber of men—the Government lacked the courage’ to choose any. The result was an appalling deficit.” Decreased Mileage During the concluding years of this decade the courtry witnessed the unusual phenomenon of an actual decrease in the mileage of American railways. Between 1916 and 1920 the miles of line owned, as reported by the Commission, were as follows: 191l6stosJunevs0< 7.2 <. 254,250 miles tole lO WeC re alee. «ares 253,626 miles Tote tos etetal set shoe. 253,528 miles 1919sfoe Ded 31. 253,152 miles TOU OE ICC, Ol. esa sss 252,844 miles 378 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS GROWTH OF STEAM Locomotive 1837-1918 Sendusky Built for Mad River & Total Weight Loaded Engine 6 "Gover oF Marcy Built for Michigan Southern on Tote! Weight Loaded Engine & Tender 67000 Los Built for Hudson River AR in 1860. Toto! Weight Loaded Engine & Tenaer Al ot ie aaneme=s il Saas Built for New York Ponnay' no AR in 1880 Total Weight Loaded Engine 6 Tender u | pote) 5 Sarg Reds AT ROE OFAC OCS = oy Built for St Louis, Vencalie & Torre Heute (Vandalie Line) in 1895 Tote) Weight Looded Engine & Tender 219000 Lbs phe aes aw ee | LOU)? werd. csc outs Oe A Pe Ree SSO. Acie O00 CO ORES STO Built for Missours Pacific R Rin 1902 Tots! Weight Loaded. Engine 4 Tender 283000 Lbs a ON OM ORS Bum for Balumore & On c Tota! Weight Loaded Engine & Tender £74000 Los EO tee eves acta ee ores ak betes Built for Cresepeeke & Ohio Ry in iit Tote! Weight Loaded Engine & Tender 493000 Lba Beever Virgen fy so aay Tole! Weight Loaded, Engine 6 Tender 88000 Lbe NINTH DECADE, 1910-1920 379 Happily, the decline in single track was accompanied by an increase of 3,030 miles of auxiliary track and 9,686 miles of yard track and sidings. The remarkable exhibit on page 378 was drawn to scale for this work by the American Locomotive Company. The counterpart of each of these nine locomotives, separately illustrated, will be found in the text of the decade to which it belongs. Thus assembled, these locomotives give a convincing picture of the process by which American rail- ways have risen to their powerful position in the transporta- tion world. It is expressed in the contrast between the 18,000 Ib. giant of 1837 and 898,000 Ib. giant of 1918. A correspond- ing growth in inhabitants would have given the United States a population of over 850,000,000! As for the “Sandusky,” which tops this impressive pyramid of locomotive progress, President Fletcher of the American Locomotive Company believes that it was never photographed but furnishes the spirited drawing, which is reproduced in its appropriate place. Past, Present and ? THE ABORIGINE MAKES WAY FOR THE LOCOMOTION —Scene in Apache Canon, N, M. CHAPTER XI OPENING OF THE TENTH DECADE—1920 AFTERMATH OF FEDERAL CONTROL. PASSAGE OF THE TRANS- PORTATION Act, 1920. Raitroap Lasor Boarp MAKES IMMEDIATE ADVANCE IN WAGES AND THE COMMISSION ADVANCES RATES. ITH the return of the railways to private control dis- posed of in Title II of the Transportation Act, 1920, the statute proceeded to make radical changes in the regula- tion of American railways. The first of these, Title III, was aimed at the prevention of any interruption of the operation of any carrier grow- ing out of any dispute be- tween it and its employes. Such disputes, if possible, were to be decided in confer- ence between the representa- tives of the carriers and their employes “directly interested in the dispute’. In case such conference failed to decide the dispute, provision was MAIN HALL CHICAGO UNION STATION, OCTOBER, 1924 made for its reference to boards of labor adjustment and finally to the Railroad Labor Board established under the Act. This Board, which was the new departure under the Act, was to be composed of nine members—(1) three, to be known as the Labor group, to be appointed by the President, sub- ject to confirmation by the Senate, from not less than six nominees made by the employes as prescribed by the Com- mission; (2) three, to be known as the Management group, to be appointed in the same way from not less than six nomi- TENTH DECADE, 1920 38) nees named by the carriers as prescribed by the Commission, and (3) three, to be known as the Public group, to be ap- pointed by the President subject to confirmation by the Senate. The Act specifically provided that any member of the Board who during his term of office is an active member or holds office in any organization of employes or any carrier COAL CARS—PAST AND PRESENT Philadelphia & Reading R. R. or owns any stock or bonds thereof, shall become ineligible for further membership upon the Board. This provision was a dead letter from the start, so far as several Labor members of the Board were concerned. In addition to jurisdiction over disputes coming to it through the indicated channels, the Board was authorized upon its own motion to receive and hear and with due dili- gence decide any dispute involving wages or salaries or griev- ances or rules and working conditions likely substantially to interrupt commerce. Decisions of the Board require the con- currence of at least five members, of whom, in certain cases at least, one shall be a member of the Public group. In determining the justness and reasonableness of wages in any dispute the Board, so far as applicable, shall take into consideration, among other relevant circumstances, the fol- lowing: | (1) The scale of wages paid for similar kinds of work in other industries; (2) The relation between wages and the cost of living; 382 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS (3) The hazards of the employment; (4) The training and skill required; (5) The degree of responsibility ; (6) The character and regularity of the employment; and (7) dnequalities of increases in wages or of treatment, the result of previous wage orders or adjustments. The Board was given no authority to enforce its decisions 200-TON ELECTRIC LOCOMOTIVE of 1924 Length Inside Knuckles 68 ft. 2% in. farther than through their publication and the force of public opinion, in which respect the Act followed the principle so successfully invoked in the original state regulation in Massa- chusetts. Decisions were effective only as the facts and rea- soning behind them appealed to the public as convincing and just. Amendment to the Interstate Commerce Act Title IV of the Transportation Act, 1920, consisted of numerous amendments to the Commerce Act, the most im- portant of which was known as “Section 15a,” which formu- lated rules for rate making. Under it the Commission was empowered to. prescribe just and reasonable rates, so that the carriers as a whole or in groups would, “under honest, eff- * cient and economical management,” earn a net annual railway operating income equal to a fair return on the aggregate value of the carriers’ property held for and used in the service of transportation. Net operating income was defined to include debits and credits arising from equipment and joint facility rents. ‘The fair return was fixed at 514 per cent on the aggre- TENTH DECADE, 1920 383 gate value for two years, beginning March 1, 1920, with an additional % of 1 per cent for improvements, betterments and equipment. Any excess over 6 per cent on the value of its property received by any carrier had to be divided in two—one-half going into a reserve fund of the carrier and the other half to be paid to the Commission to be kept in a re- BALDWIN OIL BURNING HEAVY FREIGHT Southern Pacific Ry., 1922 serve revolving fund for purposes described in the Act. The ostensible purpose was to assist by loans weak companies. It came to be known as the “recapture” clause of the Act, because it was aimed to recover whatever surplus of net in- come resulted from the rates being unnecessarily high for the prosperous companies. The real crux of the problem imposed on the Commission was the determination of the aggregate value of the carriers’ transportation property. For this purpose it was authorized to utilize the results of the Valuation Act of 1913, so far as deemed available, and was directed to give due consideration to all elements of value recognized by law for rate-making purposes, including the property investment accounts of the carriers only to the extent that they were entitled to consider- ation in such an inquiry. Consolidation of Railways By an amendment to Section 5 of the Commerce Act the Commission was directed to prepare a plan for the consolida- tion of the railway properties into a limited number of sys- tems. Under this existing routes and channels of trade were to be maintained and competition was to be preserved as far * 384 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS as possible. When the Commission had prepared its tenta- tive plan, it was to publish the same and hold public hearings upon it. Under this section a tentative plan has been submitted and hearings have been held. But to date little progress has been made toward actual consolidation, for the simple reason that only weak companies favor it as a means to their im- ' proved financial condition and strong companies do not see any advantage in diluting earning capacity with unproductive mileage. Happily the Act permits of the voluntary consolida- tion of railway properties, with the approval of the Commis- sion. Along this line several consolidations have taken place and more are proposed. Now let us review the progress of events under the more important provisions of the Transportation Act, 1920, which went into effect February 28, 1920. The $700,000,000 Labor Award The first reaction of far-reaching consequences, to the Transportation Act, 1920, was the decision of the Railroad Labor Board which advanced the wages of all classes of railway employes by various percentages that aggregated between $600,000,000 and $700,000,000 a year. The first figure was the estimate that accompanied the decision, the latter is included in a total increase of the pay roll from $2,828,014,440 in 1919 to $3,681,801,193 in 1920, or $853,786,/53. Part of this in- crease was due to the enlarge- ment of the staff by approxi- RAGAN CONDUCTOR LEWIS wW. ON BLOCK SIGNAL TOWER NAMED AFTER HIM The Tower is at Delaware, 3 miles South of Wilmington. Mr. Ragan has been in Service 50 years mately 112,000 men. The real advance was in average year- ly pay from $1,482 in 1919 to PEN TE PECADE 1920 385 $1,820, or 22.8 per cent. Compared with the average pay in 1913, before the breaking out of the World War, the average of $1,820 marked an increase of over 138 per cent in wages in seven years. This enormous addition to the already heavy burden im- posed on American transportation was decreed by the Labor Board before it was fairly warm in its newly created seat of HELL GATE CUT-OFF, LONG ISLAND This cut-off enables the Pennsylvania road after passing under Manhattan to Long Island to regain the main land by the bridge at the right separately illustrated —Copyright Major Hamilton Maxwell. authority. The Board was confirmed by the Senate on April 15, 1920,,and was immediately confronted by the controversy over requests for wage advances, aggregating some $800,000,- 000, that had been pending since January, 1919, involving, as the Board admitted, as “serious, difficult and intricate problems as had ever been presented to tribunals in this country.” It listened to arguments by the day, read testi- mony by the ream and studied thousands of exhibits and statements and after giving consideration to all the condi- 386 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS tions enumerated by the Act and also “other relevant cir- cumstances,” on July 20th it delivered its decision which estimated “that the increase in wages herein provided for will impose on the railroads an addition to the pay roll of March Ist, 1920, aggregating approximately six hundred mil- lion dollars per annum.” For reasons stated in the opinion satisfactory to itself and to the employes, the advance was FOUR TRACK 977% ft. HELL GATE ARCH CROSSING THE EAST RIVER, NEW YORK made fetroactive to, May 1, 1920; < “ ' aia Concourse Ves/-tule ° ee. - . af] e - : uf : ey Drug Store rf] ‘ ® bd ° Ww ‘i aie = My Moz Voit om . eo S Pos Ticket Lobby sgt th s 0 Information a, SG 4) . a ‘otormaticn Clinton St . Nickeb ° (1m - itt e iu = Mezzanine Floor "Scurn Seconctury Concourse got yin ALIALE the ateeetot Train” Conceurse’ ff ire A Se ce Fay re om Fe @ oe is: ss TL Stony 2 a meses ere It a , ---Dw-> + Fs GROUND PLAN CHICAGO UNION STATION to Madison, while those coming in from the south are simi- larly .covered by sheds extending from Jackson Boulevard two blocks to Congress. The extreme ends of these sheds are more than a quarter of a mile apart. The main concourse separates their stub ends. Outside of these train sheds, and between them and the river, lie three tracks affording communication between the two sections of the terminal. Provision is also made for separate entrances for suburban passenger trains from the Jackson Boulevard and Adams Street sides of the station. As this history goes to press plans are in preparation for adding fifteen stories to the main building shown in the 396 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS preceding pages, making twenty-three in all. This in itself testifies to the unending demands made upon the railways for increased accommodations to handle the Nation’s business. Culmination of the Labor Struggle The legacy from Federal control of inadequate revenues to meet the increased cost of operation hung like a pall over the SKELETON CONCOURSE CHICAGO UNION STATION FROM THE RIVER. MAIN BUILDING IN BACKGROUND. Oct. 1924. railway situation at the opening of 1922. The problem had resolved itself into a demand from farm and factory for a lowering of freight rates and a stubborn insistence on the part of certain blocs of railway labor that there should be no lowering of the wage scale, by which alone a reduction in freight rates was economically possible. Not having the power of taxation behind them with which to make good half-a-billion-a-year deficits, as Directors General McAdoo and Hines had, the carriers could only rely on a readjustment of wages to meet the reduction in rates which the Commis- TENTH DECADE, 1920 397 sion had reluctantly ordered. This reduction was decreed by the Commission on May 16, 1922, effective July 1 following. Taking the increased ratio in 1920 as a basis, it was ordered that the advance of 40 per cent then made in Eastern territory be reduced. to 26 per cent, the 35 per cent for the Western group was reduced to 21.5 per cent and the 25 per cent ad- vance in the Southern and Mountain-Pacific groups was re- CONCOURSE, CHICAGO UNION STATION As seen from roof of Main Building, Oct. 22, 1924 duced to 12.5 per cent. It was estimated that this decision would reduce the operating revenues by some $400,000,000, but the recovery in traffic made up for the reduction in rates. The Commission based its decision on an anticipation that with normal traffic the revised rates would yield over $900,000,000 net operating income, or some $100,000,000 more than it actually did. On June 6 the Labor Board ordered a reduction of shop- men’s wages amounting to from 5 to 10 cents an hour and 398 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS authorized other reductions for other railway employes except those of the four brotherhoods. The shopmen immediately announced that unless the Board rescinded its action a strike would be ordered on July 1. On the Board’s refusal to yield, the strike was duly declared. Between 200,000 and 250,000 shopmen dropped their tools. The subsequent official figures showed that the strike was far from being unanimous. The CHICAGO UNION STATION AND CONCOURSE Nearing completion October, 1924 shopmen on the pay roll at the middle of June numbered 346,366; on the middle of July they numbered 117,305, and on the middle of August 188,235. By the middle of Septem- ber the shopmen at work numbered 270,374 and by the middle of October 366,530, showing that so far as the railways were concerned the strike was over, although Federation leaders persisted that it was still on with those roads that had de- clined to restore seniority rights to returning strikers. Upon this question of restoring seniority rights to re- turning strikers, there was a radical cleavage in the policy of the leading railway companies. One party that had been most active in recruiting its forces through assurances that TENTH DECADE, 1920 399 workers taking the place of strikers would be given perma- nent jobs, if proved capable, and who had warned the shop- men that they forfeited their seniority rights if they did not return within a specified time, felt in honor bound to abide by their promises. The other party accepted what was known as the Baltimore Agreement, which, among other things, pro- vided that all men were to return to work in positions of the class they originally held on June 30, 1922, and at the same point, “at present rates of pay.” The principal roads signing this agreement and also those that declined to restore seniority to strikers were as follows: . Baltimore Agreement— Baltimore & Ohio Chicago, Milw. & St. Paul New York Central Southern Railway Chesapeake & Ohio Seaboard Air Line Chicago & Northwestern Michigan Central Western Pacific Mobile & Ohio Cincinnati, N. Orleans & Tex. Pac. Erie Chicago Great Western Seniority Not Restored— Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Illinois Central Great Northern Kansas City Southern Atlantic Coast Line Louisville & Nashville Lehigh Valley Southern Pacific Union Pacific Pennsylvania Missouri, Kansas & Texas New York, New Haven & Hartford Boston & Maine Chicago & Eastern Illinois Central R..R. of New Jersey Delaware, Lackawanna & Western Delaware & Hudson Chicago & Alton Denver & Rio Grande Minneapolis, St. Paul & S.S. Marie Missouri Pacific Northern Pacific St. Louis-San Francisco Texas & Pacific In the final roundup it was found that approximately 26 per cent of the shopmen went back under the Baltimore Agreement and 67 per cent settled by agreements with the roads that held fast to the forfeiture of seniority rights by employes going on a strike after due notice. But the strike had other far reaching consequences. In its early stages it was accompanied with acts of lawlessness, violence and sabotage, and these grew to be so numerous 400 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS and desperate that the Attorney General obtained an injunc- tion in the U. S. District Court in Chicago forbidding strikers and union officials from interfering in any manner with the operation of the railroads. This injunction was made perma- nent and today stands as a bulwark protecting railway opera- tion throughout the United States from destructive attacks in labor struggles. St. Paul’s New Union Station If the reader will take a map of the vicinity of St. Paul and Minneapolis he will quickly perceive that neither was I | | 24 = pete FOURTH BROADWAY ROSABEL ST Z\ Seconn Floor FLAN { : fo) = MISStssipp, Us “ARBOR un DATA Rives Vy ; . w 7 : 4] oi $3 oe “un NUMBER OF PASSENGER TRACKS... 22 ‘ + FRI EIGHT . SMORTEST STATION YARD TRA LONOEST ° ~ GENERAL PLAN — - ST PAUL UNION DEPO? IMPROVEMENTS a = RBEG388, 1285 Tof R Tracks Mand iB Tr * 8 WAITING ROOM PAGGAGE MAIL AND EXPRESS ROOMS UND! . . : ‘ ELEVATORS. orete NUMBER OF PASSENGER PLATFORMS. siacemalneh AGGREGATE LENGTH OF PASSENGER PLATFORMS 10800" & 3 TRACK LAY-OUT ST. PAUL UNION STATION the ideal terminal for the various railways which center there. Ihe topographical spot for a railway serving two cities with an aggregate population of over 600,000 would have been the bend of the Mississippi River where it is joined by the Minne- sota River. The outpost Fort Snelling would have been an ideal location. But no such look into the future determined the site for this double-doored gateway of the Northwest. Circumstances decreed that they should be located on different sides of the “mighty waters” that they might pursue their distinct ways to their present metropolitan and business im- portance. PENTH DECADE, 1920 401 The site of St. Paul was probably chosen because it was convenient to the head of deep water navigation on the Mississippi and was on the eastern shore of the stream that for a decade separated civilization from the boundless West. The Falls of St. Anthony, only ten miles from St. Paul as the crow flies, and nearer twenty by the river, had within its tumultuous waters the secret and potentiality that fixed the FRONT VIEW, UNION STATION ST. PAUL, 1923 Photos—Northwestern Photographic Studios. destiny of Minneapolis as the milling center not only of Min- nesota and the United States but of the world. So diverse stars presided at the birth of these twin cities. St. Paul was settled in 1838 and chartered in 1854, by which time Minneapolis was a thriving village of some 500 pioneers. In 1860, when the first census enumerator appeared on the scene, St. Paul had a population of 10,401 to Minneapo- lis’ 2,564. For a few years St. Paul had the advantage given it by that first locomotive that landed on its banks from a steamboat from Dubuque, and forged ahead. But before the 402 HISTORY OF AMERICAN “KAILIWV ATs: census taker of 1880 came around the railways had brought prosperity and increased population to the younger city. In 1862, according to James J. Hill, “the whole railroad system of Minnesota, the gateway to the newer portion of the Northwest, was comprised in ten miles of track connect- ing St. Paul and St. Anthony”—mind you, a bridge across the river had still to be built. UNION STATION, ST, PAUL, MINN. Se Progress of work from Robert Street Bridge. Photos—Northwestern Photographic Studios. In 1920 the population of St. Paul was 234,698, while that of Minneapolis was 380,582, both cities owing their wonderful development to the iron horse that had come out of the East only sixty years ago to make distant fields and forests tribu- tary to their flouring and lumber mills. . Minneapolis, being dominated by only two or three lines, had no difficulty in providing itself with an ample passenger terminal; whereas St. Paul, being the center of half a dozen diverse railway interests and having a very difficult problem, terminal and through service, to solve, delayed its plans for TENTH DECADE, 1920 403 a union station until the demand became imperative. Once decided upon, the work of replacing the old station with a new one without abandoning the old was pushed with great energy, with the result that St. Paul has now one of the most modern passenger terminals in the country. The illustrations of the layout and progress of the work given herewith in- cate the difficulty of the task that has been accomplished. MAIN CONCOURSE, ST. PAUL UNION STATION The Struggle Back to Normal With the labor situation somewhat clarified by the collapse of the shopmen’s misguided strike of July 1, and the adjust- ments with the Government over the return of the roads to private operation nearer settlement, the railways in the autumn of 1922 set themselves the task of adapting inadequate facilities to the demands of increasing traffic. For ten years, 1912 to 1922, construction of new line had been practically at a standstill, being barely sufficient to offset the mileage abandoned, which, in the meantime, had amounted to over 404 HISTORY OF AMERICAN. RAILWAYS —— 6,000 miles—mostly of small lines and little or no traffic. The shifting nature of railway classification by revenues at $1,000,000, $100,000 and below, as well as the paralysis of pro- gressive construction during the decade 1912 to 1922, is set forth in the following statement: | Miles of Line Operated Year Class I Class ii «-ClassiLil.fAn Glasses 1912 218,247 20,288 9,446 247,981 1913 222,289 20,183 9,052 251.524 1914 225,007 20,398 9,149 254,554 1915 227,025 19,570 8,955 250/590 1916(a) 229,258 18,914 9,033 2575205 1917 230,611 18,440 8,867 257,618 1918 231,112 17,592 7,770 256,474 1919 232,411 16,966 7,195 256,572 1920 233,285 17,868 6,839 257,992 1921 234,702 17,432 6,228 258,362 1922 234,986 16,500 5,458 256,944 Ine percent’ 7.6% -D-18:6%' -D422% 3.6% (a) Year ending December 31. D. Decrease. The figures for Class 2. and Class 3 in 1922 are subject to revision when the official annual reports are compiled. Rec- WHERE NATURE DWARFS THE WORKS OF,MAN Grand Canon Arizona, from North Rim TENTH DECADE, 1920 405 — ognizing the defect of instability in classifying roads by the fickle unit of revenues of successive years, the Commission on November 20, 1920, adopted the revenues of the calendar year 1919 as the basis for classification. Not since the second decade of American railway history has there been such an insignificant addition to the Nation’s main line of transportation as during the period covered in the above statement. Of the 16,739 increase credited to Class 1 roads, at least one-half was taken over from the other classes, principally by reason of the advance in rates in 1918 and 1920. During this period over 7,000 miles of line were abandoned, against something like 10,000 miles of new con- struction. It was only through the construction of some 30,000 miles of auxiliary track—that is, second, third and other track and yard track and sidings—that the railways were able to cope with the heavy demands made upon them during the war and since in the normal development of national production and commerce. What that amounts to since 1912 is shown in the following figures for Class 1 roads: Tons of freight Passengers Year carried one mile carried one mile 1922 339,285,347,571 35,469,841 ,029 1912 259,981 628,198 32,316,262,549 Increase per cent 31.9% 9.7% Two causes have operated to keep the passenger traffic from increasing relatively to population, which increased ap- proximately 15 per cent during the decade—the diversion of travel to motoring, both in touring and suburban rides, and the advance in average passenger rates from two to three cents. With an increase of less than 10 per cent in passenger mileage there was an increase of nearly 68 per cent in passen- ger revenues. In freight receipts the combination of in- creased stonnace, 31:9. per. cent, and increased rates raised the receipts from $1,897,692,838 in 1912 to $3,992,442,459 in 1922, or 110 per cent. The growth of railway service is measured by the traffic movement and not by revenues, which in this case were 406 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS swelled by rates and fares advanced to meet an increase of over 120 per cent in the compensation of employes. But it was left for the year 1923 to demonstrate the return of the railways to more than pre-war efficiency. Operating on what sailors call “an even keel” throughout the year, with no untoward circumstances in the way of strikes or regulatory reactions; with only minor adjustments of rates and wages to upset the reasonable anticipation of transportation de- mands, the railways of the United States in 1923 succeeded in handling the greatest volume of freight in their history. Except for the abnormal movement attendant on the assem- bling and disbanding of an army of over 4,000,000 men during 1917-1920, the same would have been true of passenger traf- fic. Only figures can tell the full story of the magnitude of what energetic and concerted railway management accom- plished in 1923. Using the year 1916, their most successful year before the war, for comparison, the essential figures for Class 1 roads in 1923 were as follows: Item 191624 1923 Operated Mileage cain wcosee on ee te ae 229 525 234,759 Hitless alletraclen ys. de secus cue tees neat eee 364,137 382,101 ILQCOMIOLIVESE 6c. . cle ee ee ee eee 61,013 64,879 Passeneer icarst icc: aero 52,179 54,834 Fyeronte CaS ian aon ore ee eed 2,280,955 2,314,389 Passentersecarried ®. 7 7e ae oe 1,005, 954, 777 985,908,000 Passengers carried 1 mile..... 34, 585 952.026 38,005,922 ,000 Hreight tons xcarried 5... ys 2,179,696,043 2,312,200,000 Freight tons carried 1 milc. 362, 444, 397, 129 413,562,132,000 Passenversréventies: 729 aes. eon. $706, 608, wu $1,147,365,989 Receipts, pér passenger mile......... 2.042 c 3.029:Ct Freight revenues ..... aetain dere: $2,560,988, 1 $4,613,954,874 Receipts “per? ton: anileroe se ae 707 ct. Pell 6-68 Total operating revenues...$3,596,865,766 $6,356,890,737 Total operating expenses... 2,357,398,412 4,943,928,145 Operatiip tratiog iinet, sa ee ee ee 65.54% 77.17% PCS ee ea ce Oe an sk eA Ee Oe Ge ls7s1 3372 $336,381,765 Rent of equipment and facilities 41, 471 079 96,847,506 Net operating income...... 1,040, 882. 000 977,657,368 Nuamber-of employesss 4 .o5 «so oeke 1 647, 097 1,879,770 Cambensationws o.oo $1,468, 576, 394 $3,043,161,163 Average per=veati i 64. soasd ite an $891 $1,619 PerdAcent! ofereventiesiin dncueaneke inion 40.8% 47. 9% With this exhibit of the wonderful recovery of the rail- ways under private operation from the tribulations and dis- organization under Federal control, our record of their amaz- TENTH DECADE, 1920 407 ing accomplishment is properly rounded out by the comple- tion of two great union stations in Chicago and St. Paul as illustrated in preceding pages. The sites of these two cities were Indian trading posts, unmarked on the maps accessible to Carroll of Carrollton when he turned the first sod of the Baltimore & Ohio, ninety- seven years ago. Today their place in the industrial life of the republic and as great rail- way centers justifies the erec- tion of two of the largest pas- senger stations in the world, embodying in their construc- tion every convenience and requirement of modern rail- way travel. The Castleton Cut-off One of the first principles ote tailway location = 4s . to straighten out as nearly as possible all angles, for the THE LATE A, H. SMITH perfect railway is a straight level line between two places. Being practically impossible, it remains the objective of all the realignment and reduction of curves that figure constantly in railway betterments and improvements. The latest in- stance of this rectification of a long standing obstruction to economic operation of increasing traffic was the opening of the so-called “A. H. Smith Memorial Bridge” over the Hudson at Castleton. The necessity for this was a legacy of 1830, when the Albany to Schenectady was built. If the reader will take a straight edge rule and run a line on the map of New York State from Castleton to Hoffmans, a few miles west of Schenectady, he will perceive how modern engineering gets around the acute angle in the New York Central’s main line to Chicago at Albany. The bridge across the Hudson also obviated the necessity of running freight trains for Boston through Albany. 408 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS The accompanying map shows the advantages of the new cut-off in point of distance, but it does not tell of how it avoids the steep. grades and low level bridges at the head of navigable water in the Hudson. It was steamboat traffic that made Albany the gateway for early western transporta- tion, and now the increase of traffic has made the expenditure eh CASTLETON CUT-OFF—SHOWING BRIDGE OVER HUDSON of $25,000,000 on this cut-off an economic investment for the railways. The picturesque as well as the engineering feature of this cut-off is the bridge, which is a double track through truss steel structure. It consists of two river spans of 600 and 400 feet, respectively, resting upon three massive stone and concrete piers. : The map shows the location at Selkirk of one of the largest and most efficiently equipped terminal freight yards in the world, with a present capacity of 11,000 cars. It has two ’ TENTH DECADE, 1920 409 electrically operated switching humps for handling east and west bound business, respectively. | | Capitalization in 1848 and 1923 Throughout this history of the American railways the question of their capitalization has been the “poor relation” that presided at their birth and haunted every proposal for their extension, expansion.and nourishment. There has never 410 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS been a time, since Carroll of Carrollton turned the first spade of dirt for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad down to the check for $100,000 paid last year for a single locomotive, that every dollar spent for that spade or that locomotive has not been suspected of concealing “Water.” No decade reviewed in the preceding chapters has been without its indiscriminate cry of “Water! Water!”, the implication being that the stated capitalization of all the railways far exceeded the amount in- vested in them. Investment in Early New England Roads In 1848 a committee of the Massachusetts legislature made an investigation of the railroads of the commonwealth and reported the following facts: Lencsthtotercads, sinless eee ice 954.3 Length of double track, miles...... 22052 Capital oe ae taroumRor ee $50,004,100 Gapital *paititie eee ere 37,009,560 COSTS 5. see: Stee ee eee 46,777,009 As the lst of roads covered by this statement included several unfinished lines, the committee presented another table of 28 completed roads with a total of 913 miles of main track and 89 miles of branches which had cost $43,865,256, or $43,781 per mile. Elsewhere in the report it appeared that the discrepancy between the capital paid in’and the capital was made up by an indebtedness of $12,420,201 and other items. The committee also calls attention to the fact that the average cost of 4,420 miles in England in 1848 was about $142,000 per mile and added: “There is no road in this country which cost the average of the English lines, excepting, perhaps, the Reading Railroad in Pennsylvania.” How near the surmise of the Massachusetts committee was to the truth is shown by the following figures from the Reading Railroad’s balance sheet of November, 1848: Railroad even cate eee -.$11,264,715.41 DepOtsias vii eee le ee eae 205,324.87 Locomotive engines and cars.. 2,278,326.36 Realeestate wee. 0.8 ie eee ee 478,514.52 Totem tee eae $14,226,881.16 Perrinile, (95 milesv ee 152,977.00 PENT DECADE 1920 411 Unlike a majority of the roads at that time, the Reading was double tracked all the way. One-sixth of the railway mileage of the United States . was covered in the review of the Massachusetts committee in 1848. The population of the Republic has grown from 22,000,000 in 1848 to, say, 112,000,000 in 1924, or well over 400 per cent, but the railway mileage has increased over 4,000 percent. In 1848 there was only one mile of railway to some 3,600 inhabitants, where there is one mile of line to about 420 inhabitants now. | That it has taken millions and billions of dollars to work this amazing transformation no serious, straight-minded stu- dent will question. Water does not run up hill at that rate. Therefore it is not surprising to find the seeming miracle represented in such official capitalization figures as these for 250,000 miles of operated line: ee TERS OC pee eared Mere area a be eee eI cre he sb eislnye eco se $ 7,626,037 ,584 Peet) Ct Mes ete eas es ee feet Oe SP eee eS 11,961,375,063 PReeeTVeioeaCeh 1ICALCSH aurea ic eile dni ee eos Seabee Bi 6,943,968 Total 190,000 miles owned and 60,000 miles rented 19,594,356,613 For the purposes of this statement the rental of non- operating roads is capitalized as offsetting their capitaliza- tion, thus sidestepping the pitfall of intercorporate relations. The total investment reported for the same roads to De- cember 31, 1922, was $20,961,692,520; and so we have— Capital per mile of operated line...... $78,377 Investment per mile of operated line.. 83,846 If the reader is inclined to question the relative reasonable- ness of these figures compared with the findings of the Massa- chusetts committee in 1848, let him compare the railway of 1848, as symbolized in the Pioneer locomotive landed in Chi- cago that year, with the last locomotive illustrated in this book, and he will get a clearer realization of the cost of the railway service at the disposal of Americans today at lower rates than prevailed then. In the presence of such impressive figures and facts, the official valuation of the railways made by the Interstate Com- merce Commission in 1920, of $18 900 000 000, seems easily 412 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS within the mark. If it were possible to summon every dollar sunk irrevocably in right of way, rail, tie, station, bridge, viaduct, culvert, locomotive, car, shovel, tool, machine, signal, safety device, convenience and patent contraption of American railways from the opening of the Quincy tramway until now, it would present a column of figures whose sum would reach billions beyond the vast totals that can be accounted for. The vastness of its minutiae precludes its attempt. J! INDIANA Sour, i Pee icay LAY-OUT OF THE NEW ILLINOIS CENTRAL TERMINAL Moreover, the brains, the vision, the adaptation of small means to great ends that has attended the building and man- agement of American railways is a priceless heritage worthy of a place in the annals of the Republic only one step below that accorded to its founders and preservers. TEE PALES T PASSENGE RIS PATION Many of our readers who have followed this brief history may have come into the passenger station of the Illinois Cen- tral when it was located at the foot of Randolph Street, Chi- cago, in the early 50’s. Many more have passed through the company’s “new” station opened April 17, 1893, at Park Row, for it was there during the World’s Fair. And now, just as it has become inadequate through a like expansion of traffic, it is to be succeeded by a modern structure and terminal that is intended to embody every convenience adopted in railway pas- senger service. | | TENTH DECADE, 1920 413 Only the tentative plans are available at this writing. But their general features must conform to the necessary confines of the situation—a terminal for through traffic that shall not interfere with one of the most necessary and densest suburban services in the United States; electrification of all tracks pass- ing through to the vast freight yards that open like a fan from Madison Street to the Chicago River and a head house that shall accommodate the ever-expanding passenger traffic GENERAL PLAN HEAD HOUSE AND CONCOURSE of the Illinois Central, with its direct connections that range all the way from Minneapolis in the Northwest to Jackson- ville in the Southeast, and of the Michigan Central and its immediate connections through Detroit and Buffalo with the East. } | The new station will front on Twelfth Street, a short block south and somewhat east of the present building. It will be the third noteworthy structure of the three that form a tri- angle with the Field Museum and the Municipal Stadium at the southern end of Grant Park. The architects’ drawings must suffice to give an idea of what this new addition to America’s monumental passenger 414 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS stations will be, and one or two like it are contemplated before Chicago is equipped for the second century of rail transporta- tion mi thesUnited: States. Is This to Be the Last Word in Steam Locomotives? STEAM TURBINE LOCOMOTIVE Exhibited by Krupp Works at the Railroad Fair, Berlin, 1924. —Photos, Gilliams Service, New York CHAPTER XII THE RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY “The man’s the gowd for a’ that.’—Burns. le no other occupation does the eye to see, the hand to do and the sane mind in the sound body find its due reward with more certainty than in the railway service. Its doors of opportunity swing inward to the multitude who are annually entered on its rolls. It is a steep climb from the bottom rung, which is open to all, to the top of one of the hundreds of com- panies; but the footing is sure and the re- wards increase with every step. The goal of place, honor and competence is always there to him who brings to the service en- ere ye ucusthysandaie Sopiriy. tonstcceed «MARVIN TU GHITT And all along the way the railroad em- ploye has the satisfaction of knowing that he is engaged in a useful and necessary public service. That these are no idle words is proved by the following brief biographical notes of the men who today are at the head of the leading railway systems of the country. Beginning with Marvin Hughitt, whose eyes, undimmed at eighty-seven, have seen the railways of the United States expand from their first thousand to 250 thousand miles. He was born at Genoa, New York State, in 1837, before the rail- way had penetrated that far into the wilderness, but he sailed his boyhood boats on the Erie Canal. At the age of sixteen he entered service of the telegraph company at Syracuse as a messenger boy, less than ten years after Morse had pat- ented his invention. In 1854 he migrated to Chicago, entered the railway service as a telegraph operator and by 1862 had reached the position of trainmaster on the St. Louis, Alton & 416 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Chicago Railroad; from 1862 to 1864 he was superintendent of the Southern Division of the Illinois Central, then gen- eral superintendent of the same road until 18/0; assist- ant general manager of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul; and general manager of the Pullman Palace Car Com- ‘pany, 1871 to 1872. Since that date he has been connected with the Chicago & North Western successively as gen- eral ‘superintendent, general manager, vice-president, pres- ident, 1887-1910, and chair- man of the Board of Directors since then—over 70 years in railway and public service. After this brief outline of length of service, the career of the present head of the great system that harks back to the Camden & Amboy Railroad of 1830 engages attention. Samuel Rea, president of the Pennsylvania Railroad, was born at Hollidaysburg, Pa.,.in 1855. At sixteen he entered the railway service, in the engineer- ing department. The accompanying por- trait shows him engaged in the same work as illustrated in Lyman Abbott’s story of the building of the Erie. From 1874 to 1875 Mr. Rea held a clerical position with the Hollidaysburg Iron & Nail Company. In 1875 he re-entered the Pennsylvania’s serv- ice in the engineering corps, in which by 1883 he had risen by successive steps to be SAMUEL REA principal assistant engineer (of. the: system + when! casaeeauas Pets d A survey of the Pitts- assistant to second vice president (1888); burgh & Lake Erie MARVIN HUGHITT—1924 —Steffens, Chicago RAILWAY DOORTOR OPPORTUNITY 417 out of the service from 1889 to 1892; then returned to ser- vice as assistant to president; fourth vice president (1899) ; successively third, second and first vice-president; president since 1913; supervised con- struction of New York terminal extension and station. It was the good fortune of Mr. Rea to enter the service of the Penn- sylvania when it was under the management of A. J. Cas- satt, who rose from rodman in 1861. to general manager in 1870 and president in 1899 to 1906. Patrick E. Crowley, presi- dent of the New York Cen- tral Lines, affords a typical PATRICK Es CROWLEY SAMUEL REA—1924 illustration of the _ railway road from the common lot to high distinction. Born in 1864, at the age of twelve Mr. Crowley was a messenger boy in his father’s station on the Erie at Cattaraugus, New York, earning five dollars a month. He entered the serv- ice of the Erie as a telegraph operator at fourteen and by 1888 had risen to train dis- patcher on the Rome, Water- town & Ogdensburg, now a part of the New York Cen- tral. From then on his pro- motion has been rapid. By 1904 he was assistant general 418 HISTORY OF AMERICAN, RAILWAYS DANIEL WILLARD one more instance of how the highest office in railway serv- ice beckons the ambitious boy from the humblest station in lie “eborne in meV ermoni ait 1861, he was a railway track laborer “at “eighteen on > the Central Vermont Railway. Brom pthenton, he ihas “been locomotive fireman, engineer, roundhouse foreman and trainmaster, until at 37 he had risen to superintendency of the Minneapolis, St. Paul & Sault Ste. Marie road. Thence he went to the Baltimore & Ohio as assistant. general manager in 1901; second vice- superintendent of the New York Central, and 1916 found him vice-president in charge of operation of the same road. In 1924 he succeeded to the presidency on the _ tragic death of A. H. Smith, whose career from messenger boy to president had been a close counterpart of the long hours of labor and “nights devoid of ease” by which Mr. Crowley fitted himself for one of the most responsible and arduous offices in the railway world. Daniel Willard, president of the Baltimore & Ohio, an- other of the early roads, is FRANK H. ALFRED RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 419 president in charge of opera- tion of the Chicago, Burling- ton & Quincy, 1904-1910; and president of the Baltimore & Ohio since then. But the inspiring tale of how these men, irrespective of the circumstance of birth, worked themselves up_ to places of great responsibilty must. be curtailed sto the barest outline. Taking them in alphabetical order, the review of each in main is restricted to where they began, when they arrived and their present position, Frank H. Alfred, president Peron wrardnette Kin entered L. W. BALDWIN service in 1387. when 21 years Moffit Photo, Courtesy Railway Review. old, as rodman on construction Columbus, Lima & Milwaukee R. R; 1889-1894, assistant engineer Norfolk & Western R. R. construction work at Columbus, O.; assistant, then chief en- gineer, Pere Marquette 1900-05; out of service three years; with Cincinnati, Hamilton & Dayton Ry. 1908-12; general manager for receivers Pere: Marquette 1912-17; president and general manager since 1917. Lewis W. Baldwin, president Missouri Pacific R. R., entered service of Illinois Cen- fide elven 1306 when 2leyears, old) .as chainman; successive positions 1896-1915 on same road up to general superintendency of southern lines; 1915-18 vice-president and general manager of Georgia Ry.; assistant regional director under U. S. administration 1918-20; vice-president Illinois Central 1920- 23; present position since 1923. W. G. BESLER AT 21 William G. Besler, president Central R. 420 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS WILLIAM G. BESLER —Pach, New York eral manager and vice-presi- dent Central R. R. Co of New Jersey 1902-14, president sincesl 922. Ralph Budd, president Great Northern Ry., entered service of Chicago, Great Western as rodman in 1899, when 22- years old; in en- gineering department same road 1899-1902, advancing to assistant engineer, superin- tendent construction and divi- sion engineer Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific 1902-06; chief engineer Panama R. R. 1906-09; chief engineer Great Northern Ry. 1913-14, and present office since 1919, R. of New Jersey, entered ser- Vice von the Gs, by CO) eee at Galesburg, Ill., as train- master’s clerk; transferred to general offices in Chicago, be- coming private secretary to general manager and chief clerk in general superintend- ent’s office; Massachusetts In- stitute of Technology 1884- 88; re-entering the service on the same road as night train- master, subsequently train- master and division superin- tendent, 1888-99; superin- tendent Reading and Lebanon divisions and general super- intendent Philadelphia & Reading Co. 1899-1902; gen- RALPH BUDD RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 421 H. E. Bryam, president Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paulo ingementercar service. oF Chicago, Burlington & Quin- Cy RatRivass call boyrins eels when “16 years-old ;? out:of service 1889-1894; re-entered with Great Northern in latter year; superintendent Cascade division that road 1899-1902; vice-president C., B. & Q. R. R. 1910-17; president C., Moot nino resince: LOT 7, Agnew T. Dice, president Philadelphia & Reading Ry., entered service with Penn- sylvania R. R. in 1881, when 19 years old, as flagman with HOWARD ELLIOTT —Underwood & Underwood AGNEW T. DICE engineering corps; rodman and assistant engineer 188/- 88; various positions same road up to supervisor 1888- 92; superintendent of signals New York Central & Hud- son River Ry. 1892-93 ; super- intendent Shamokin division Philadelphia & Reading Ry. 1897-1903; general superin- tendent, general manager, vice-president same consecu- tively 1903-16; present posi- tion since 1916. Howard Elliott, chairman Northern Pacific Ry. and New York, New Haven & 422 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAY» SAMUEL M. FEL- TON AT 30 When Vice-president of the Erie —Photo L. Almon Hartford R. R., graduate Lawrence Scien- tific School, Harvard, entered service of Chi- cago, Burlington.& Quincy R. R. in 1880, during vacation, as rodman, when 20 years old; held various clerical positions up to general freight agent Hannibal & St. Joseph R. R. 1891-96; second vice-president Chi- cago, Burlington & Quincy 1902-03; presi- dent Northern Pacific 1903-13; 1913 to 1917 president and chairman New York, New Haven & Hartford; 1917 to 1920 president Northern Pacific and present position since "1920. Samuel M. Felton, president Chicago Great Western R. R., eraduated as civil engineer from Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1873 at the age of 20; chief engineer Chester & Delaware River R. R. 1873-4; general superintendent Pitts- burgh, Cincinnati & St. Louis Ry. 1874-81; general manager New York & New England R. R. 1882-84; vice-president New York, Lake .Erie & Western R. R. 1885-90; presi- dent Cincinnati, New Orleans & Texas Pacific Ry. 1890-99; for that and various other roads after the panic’ of 18935" president: ‘ot Chicago & Alton and affiliated roads 1899-1907; president Mexican Central 1907-09; president and receiver Pere Marquette 1912-1914; director general of Military Railways U. S. Army 1917-18; present also receiver position since lives of Mr. Felton and his father cover 79 years of rail- way service. 1909. The SAMUEL M. FELTON—1924 William H. Finley, presi- dent Chicago & North West- eri Ry, wentered Service (2s draftsman on the Chicago, Milwatkee so 75t.. paul) Ry: in 1887, when 25 years old; engineer of bridges Chicago & North Western 1892; chief engineer ssame road 7 1913; president “same. road since 1918. James E. Gorman, presi- dent Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Ry., entered railway service with the G:, B.& O. at 13 as:\car number taker; with the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy for four years, then JAMES E,. GORMAN RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 423 WILLIAM H. FINLEY held various positions with the Rock Island, the Chicago Lumber Co., Chicago & North Western, Sante Fe, and Illi- nois Central, moving upward, until 1895, when he was chief clerk of the Sante Fe, becom- ing freight traffic manager of the same road in 1905; went back to Rock Island as first vice-president in 1909; chief executives under «receivéeroin 1915 and president since 1917 except for ‘period of Federal control, when he served as Federal manager. Carl R. Gray, president Union Pacihe. System, “en- tered service of St. Louis & San Francisco R. R. as tele- 424 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS graph opera- tor in 1882, Ww) heer ala years old; by 1897 he had TiseHeeto pe division su- perintend- ent; by 1900 superintend- ent of trans- portation; by 1904 general manager, and by 1909 senior vice-president— all with the same road; presi- dent of Spokane, Portland & Seattle Ry 1911-12; president Great Northern Ry 1912-14; ' CARL R. GRAY Ni ae B) -—j, Ee) Crouch, artist, Fayettesville, Ark. president Western Maryland - Ry. 1914-17; director Division of Operation U. S. Railroad FAIRFAX HARRISON CARL R. GRAY —Moffet, Chicago Administration 1918-19; and president Union Pacific since January 1, 1920. Fairfax Harrison, presi- dent Southern Railway Sys- tem, admitted to the bar in New York in 1892, when 23 years old, in practice until 1896, when he entered railway service as Solicitor of South- ern Ry.; assistant to presi- dent and vice-president of. same road until 1910; then president of the Chicago, In- dianapolis & Louisville (Monon) Ry. until 1913, since then President Southern Rail- way and affiliated roads. Hale Holden, president Chicago, Burlington & Quincy RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 425 Ry., after graduating from Harvard Law School prac- ticed law in Kansas City until 1907, when at the age of 38 he entered railway service as general attorney for road named; assistant to president 1910-12; vice-president 1912-: 14; president 1914-18; re- gional director Central West- ern region 1918-20; present position since 1920. Mr. Holden = succeeded Darius Miller, who himself entered railway service at the age of eighteen as stenog- HALE HOLDEN rapher in the general freight office of the Michigan Central. William J. Jackson, president Chicago & Eastern Illinois Ry., entered service in 1877, when 18 years old, with Grand Trunk Ry. as machinist’s helper; 18/8-81 freight clerk same road; 1882-85 chief claim clerk Chicago & Grand Trunk Ry. at Chicago; 1891- 93 assistant local freight again ©. ht care O ea Hast- ern Illinois; Same ¢ 1893 various posi- tions same Boudnatip. to presidentand Heeervy.er; 19 1 3+1918; federal man- ager 1918-20; receiver and presrdent : WILLIAM J. DARIUS MILLER since. JACKSON AT 20 426 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS John R. Kenly, president Atlantic Coast Line R. R., en- tered service as construction engineer Pittsburgh & Con- nelsville R. R. in 1871, when 22 years old; superintendent Richmond & Petersburg R. R. 1882-85; various positions on Atlantic Coast Line 1885 to 1913, and since that his pres- ent position. Se Boi BESEOUNES B55 JOHN R. KENLY Julius Kruttschnitt, chair- man Southern Pacific Com- pany, was born in New Or- leans in 1854, graduated as a civil engineer at Washing- ton & Lee University, assist- ant teacher in McDonough’s School, near Baltimore, 1873- JULIUS KRUTTSCHNITT : : Diedi Tune 45.1925: , 78; entered railway service at 24; general manager Atlantic system Southern Pacific Co, at 35; general manager of all Southern Pacific lines at 41; direc- tor of maintenance and operation Southern Pacific Co., RAILWAY DOOR QF -ORPORTUNITY Union -Paciic# RR. kh Oregon Short Line and Oregon- Washington R. R. & Naviga- tion Co. at 50, and chairman Southern Pacific Company LOVS. inti retirement in 1925. James M. Kurn, president St. Louis-San Francisco Ry., entered service in 1885, when 15 years old, as telegraph op- erator on the Michigan Cen- alee transierred » tO Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe in 1887 in same capacity, be- J. M. KURN —Straus’ Photograph coming train dispatcher in 1891 and chief dispatcher in 1900; trainmaster Pueblo in 1901; promoted to division superintenden: Rio Grande division 1905; superintendent New Mexico division 1906-10; general superintendent western lines 1910-14; 1914-18 president Detroit, Toledo & Ironton R. R.; first vice-president St. Louis San Francisco 1918 and general manager during Federal control; present position since March 1, 1920. Robert S. Lovett, ROBERT S. LOVETT —Underwood & Underwood chairman Executive Board Union Pacific System, entered: rail- road service at 24 in 1884 as local attorney of Houston Hasta & tVWVestavexase Kotka: attorney for) all Southern Pacific lines, in Texas 1892-1903; counsel for Union Pacific and Southern Pacific afhliated lines 1904-09; chairman Ex- ecutive Committee and presi- dent) “Union ~Pacifie’” and Southern "Pacific. (systems since 1909-13 (when relations of two systems were dis- solved), chairman Executive general general 428 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS “ ~ Committee Union Pacific since 1913, and director of capital expeditures under United States Railway Administration 1918-1920. L. F. Loree, president Delaware & Hudson Co. and chairman Executive Com- mittee Kansas City Southern Ry., entered service Pennsylvania R. R. as assistant in engineer corps in 1877, when 19 years old; 1883-84 assistant engineer Chicago divi- sion Pennsylvania lines west; president Baltimore & Ohio R. R. 1901-04; chairman Executive Committee Chicago Rock Island & Pacific Ry. and affiliated companies January to October, 1904; chairman. Kansas. City Seuthern~ since: “19065 and president and chairman Dela- ware & Hudson Co. since 1907. Charles H. Markham, president Illinois Central R. R. and Yazoo & Mississippi Valley R. R., entered railway service as section laborer on the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe in 1881; various positions on Southern Pacific succes- L, \F.-LOREE At 20 L. F,. LOREE sively up to general manager 1881-1904; out of railway service 1904-1911; president Illinois Central and affiliated tompanies 1911 to date. C. H. MARKHAM AT 20 RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 429 W. L. Mapother, president Louisville & Nashville R. R., entered service as office boy in secretary's office that road in 1888, when 16 years old; rose through various positions to chief clerk Executive Depart- ment in 1904; assistant to pres- ident one year; first vice-presi- dent in 1905-18; Federal man- ager 1918-20; succeeded to presidency in 1921 on the death of Milton H. Smith, a heroic figure in the public and railway life of the South. The accom- panying portrait of Mr. Smith was furnished by his successor in lieu of an earlier one of him- self. CHARLES H. MARKHAM Regional Director of the 1 Allegheny Region Under Federal Control 1918-19. ae ; ; Mr. Smith’s record, itself reading like a romance, was typical of those hardships, struggles and long hours of work and study by which railway officials have breasted the currents of W. L. MAPOTHER life td win recognition and success. He was born a year earlier than his contemporary, Marvin Hughitt, and. entered railway service as an operator and clerk; he was with the mili- tary railways of the South dur- ing the war; after that he held positions with the B. & O. and Pennsylvania railroads until 1882. From that time he was identified with the Louisville & Nashville, as IT with HIM, from 3d vice-president to Presi- dent (1891), dying in harness in 1920. 430 HISLORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS MILTON H. SMITH 1909 and present position since LoZ2 Charles E. Schaff, presi- dent Missouri-Kansas-Texas Lines, entered service in 18/1, when 15 years old, as brake- man; held various positions on different roads up to gen- eral superintendent Peoria & Pekin Union Railway in 1893; assistant to president Cleve- land), Gincinnati;.Chicago 7& St. Louis Railway, and gen- eral manager same road 1894- 1906; 1906-12 vice-president New York Central Lines at Edmund Pennington, chair- man of Board Minneapolis, St. Paul & Sault Ste. Marie Rail- way (“Soo” System), entered service as warehouseman and brakeman in 1869, when 21 years old, with Chicago, Mil- waukee & St. Paul Railway; rose through various offices to assistant superintendent Iowa and Dakota divisions same road 1869-84; superintendent Min- neapolis & Pacific R. R. 1884- 88; with “Soo” since 1888 in consecutive offices from super- intendent up to president in C. E. SCHAFF —J. C. Straus, St. Louis —— ee RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 431 Chicago; present position since Olz. William Sproule, president southern, Pacinc.. Company, entered railway service as freight clerk Southern Pa- cic. Wow |bo2s"ocneral ‘trafic manager same 1898-1906; out of service 1906-11 with the American Smelting and Re- fining Co. and president of Wells Fargo & Co.; ‘re-en- tered service in 1911 and since as president of the Southern Pacific. Duringithe war Mr: WILLIAM SPROULE Sproule was district director ofethe* Geéntral’-Western Re- gion. W. B. Storey, president Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway, began railway service as axeman at age of 20 years; after working one year. took *a college. course and re-entered railway serv- ice in 1881; engineer with United States Hydraulic Min- ing Commission at 36; re- entering railway service in 1895 he was chief engineer and general superintendent of thejeoan oP rancisco. .&\oail Joaquin. Valley Ry. until 1900; chief engineer of Santa ihm toner ee Fe at Topeka Kansas 1900- JAMES E. TAUSSIG Wabash Railway 1915; vice- president; 4716-16+) sbeqeras manager 1918-20, and present position since 1920. William H. Truesdale, presi- ident of the Delaware, Lacka- wanna & Western R. R., en- tered service of Rockford, Rock Island & St. Louis R. R. (now. spartoh CB ee: System) as clerk in the audit- ing department in 1869, when 18 years old; with a legal firm in charge of railway af- fairs 1874-76; assistant to re- Gai ver Wand trenctrer™ omic Logansport, Crawfordsville & Southwestern R. R. (now part .ofv they Vandalia dine). assistant to president of the HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS 1909 ; vice-president in charge of construction and operation 1910-20 and president since 1920 ; “succeeding the latest Po Ripley: J. E. Taussig, president Wabash Railway, entered railway service as an appren- tice in the machine shops of the St. Louis Bridge & Tun- nel Company in 1882, when 17 years old; rose through va- rious positions with different roads to be assistant to gen- eral manager of the Wheeling & Lake Erie Railway in 1900; assistant to president of the WILLIAM H. TRUESDALE —Underwood & Underwood RAM ArevOOK OTSOFrrORTUNITY 433 Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapo- lis & Omaha Railway 1881- 82; president and receiver of the Minneapolis & St. Louis Railway 1887-94; vice-presi- dent and general manager of the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railway 1894-99 ; pres- ident of the Delaware, Lacka- wanna & Western Railway since 1899. Frederick D. Underwood, President oi “thet Erie Rail- road, entered service of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway as clerk and brakeman in 18/0 when 18 years old; general manager in charge of construction S. DAVIES WARFIELD FRED’K. D. UNDERWOOD —Underwood & Underwood of the Minneapolis & *Pacific Railway (now part of the “Soo” System) in 1886; gen- eral manager of the Min- Neapolisperote wreaths G yoanlt Ste. Marie Railway 1886-99; 1899-1901 vice-president of the Baltimore & Ohio R. R., present position since 1901. S. Davies Warfield, presi- dent and chairman of Board, Seaboard Air Line Railway Company ;# member: of’ the Greater Seaboard Committee 1898-1900, which consolidated and organized the Seaboard 434 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Air Line Railway System; became chairman of Board in 1912 upon reorganization of the property. Present position since 1918. Mr. Warfield was the founder and is president of The Continental Trust Company of Baltimore; also organized and is president of the Na- tional Association of Owners of Railroad Securities. This association initiated and pre- sented to Congress what be- came the fundamental section of the Transportation Act of 1920, viz, Section 15a. Other proposals of the association are embodied in other sections of that act. Otis= FP erand Nive Van Sweringen, Chairman and Vice-President, respectively, of the New York, Chicago & St. Louis Railroad. During the progress of this work the railway door of op- portunity swung inwards to these ambitious brothers who, as their portraits indicate, are OTIS P. VAN SWERINGEN still in the early forties. Both were educated in public schools. They first attracted attention as real estate dealers in Cleve- land, Ohio, planning and carrying through one of the largest suburban subdivisions in that city. In 1916 they organized the “Nickel Plate Securities Corporation” to hold and control the New York, Chicago & St. Louis Railroad (“Nickel Plate’), which was acquired from the New York Central Railroad in July of that year. With the backing of large Cleveland moneyed interests the brothers set out to organize a merger of a number of operating lines with an aggregate mileage of nearly 10,000. The lines mentioned included the following: the “Nickel - Plate; Erie, Pere -Marquetté,) Hocking way aien. RAILWAY DOOK OF OPPORTUNITY 435 and Chesapeake & Ohio. If tne brothers succeed in per- fecting their ambitious under- taksnevuana secre’ thes ap- proval of the Interstate Com- merce Commission, whose tentative plan of railway con- solidations it traverses in sev- eral instances, they will find themselves at the head of one of the great railway systems of the world. Edward F. Carry, presi- dent of the Pullman Company, who found his railway door of opportunity through the closely allied Pullman service on its manufacturing side, was born in Fort Wayne in 1867; educated in the public EDWARD F. CARRY President Pullman Co, M. J. VAN SWERINGEN —Wide World Photos. schools, pushed his way up to general manager of the Amer- ican Foundry Company by 1200) coing a thence stow the Haskell-Barker Car Com- Dattyeeas. president. in #19 bo: during the war was director of operations under the United States Shipping Board, and also Chairman of the Port and Harbor Facilities Com- mission, resigning in 1919; three years later was elected to his present position. 436 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Chiefs of the Big Four To this list of railway officials who have “made good” from various starts by service to the public in administrative service WARREN 5S. STONE —IJnternational Newsreel Photo Died June 12, 1925. Lucius E. Sheppard, presi- dent of the Order Railway Conductors, entered service of the Pennsylvania R. R. in 1881, when 18 years old; con- ductor 1883; member of the Government Arbitration Board between eastern rail- ways and conductors and trainmen 1913; member of President Wilson’s first In- dustrial Conference 1917; member Railway Adjustment Board 1918; present position since 1919. may be added the chiefs of the “Big Four” Brotherhoods, who have made good through service to their fellow em- ployes. Warren §S. Stone, grand chief Brotherhood of Loco- motive Engineers, entered ser- vice of Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railway in 1879, when 19 years old; promoted to engineer in 1894; appointed to) Succeeds Gir ada bier Arthur in 1903 and elected to present position in 1904 and president of the Co-operative National Bank of Cleveland (first of its kind in United States) in 1920, L. SHEPPARD RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 437 D. L. Robertson, president of the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Firemen and Engine- W. G. LEE—ABOUT 1884 men, entered service of the Pennsylvania’ R..R. in 1895, in his 19th year, in the capa- city of engine wiper, then W. G. LEE —Harris & Ewing, Washington, D. C. D. L. ROBERTSON went to the Erie, serving suc- cessively as hostler, locomo- tive fireman and locomotive engineer irom’ 11898 to. 1913. From 1905 to 1913 he was grand chairman of his order forsthe) Brie) System 3 «-vice- president of the Brotherhood 1913-1922; elected president aSuatey, ie VAey William G. Lee, president of the Brotherhood of Rail- way Trainmen, entered serv- ice as brakeman at Emporia, Kansas, on the Atchison, To- peka & Santa Fe Railway in 1879, when 20 years old; brakeman and conductor un- 438 “HISTORY OF AMERICAN, RAIBWAYS til 1884; deputy recorder of deeds Ford County, Kansas, four years; conductor Union Pacific from 1889 to 1895; first vice president Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen 1895-1909; pres- ent position since 1909. With these brief notes the demonstration of the open door of opportunity and service in the railway field must close. Though it were to “stretch out to the crack of doom,” chang- ing with each moon, it could not illustrate more clearly the democratic nature of railway service. Not a single man in this list has reached his position of authority and responsi- bility by any royal road of chance, birth, education or “pull.” The spade in the hand has been worth more than the silver spoon in the mouth to all of them. Each in his time and place has “made good” and the directors of more than two hundred roads are on the alert for men with the like execu- tive talents to succeed the veterans of today. The mien named above are merely near the apex of the pyramid of railway labor whose base includes the half million clerks, section men and shop helpers enlisted in an occupation whose highest rewards are open to all that have the ambition, will and capacity to rise. No educational or social test limits the opportunity in rail- way service. There are several college graduates among those named, but the marked majority have entered the lists without any education beyond the grammar classes of the public schools. They have all graduated in the school of observation, experiment and experience. As the late A: H.- Smith of the New York Central said: “Ninety-five per cent of the railway problem is human.” ‘The railway official who does not study men does not get very far. The link of human sympathy is the most important link in the chain that stretches from the president’s chair to the loneliest cabin on the line. It is upon the human sense, the bond of sympathy between railway managers and railway employes, the source from which all graduate, that the peaceful, progressive administra- tion of transportation depends. This is something that no RAILWAY DOOK OF OPPORTUNITY 439 laws or regulation can establish or promote. It is the essen- tial factor in the brotherhood of man. Upon it rests the con- tinuous success of American railways. A Word in Conclusion In the preceding chapters no attempt has been made to present an exhaustive history of American railways. That would require at least a dozen volumes each the size of this and then would leave much of the field unexplored and un- represented. The story of the development of the locomotive alone from anything like original data would call for years of research and the possession of technical knowledge and expert skill in selection and assembling of the material far beyond the aim of this primary history. The evolution of passenger and freight cars, including the post office car and the railway mail service, would fill another volume. Railway accidents, inseparable from the speed, weight and multiplica- tion of transportation units, and the innumerable rules and devices adopted to reduce them to a minimum, would justify separate treatment. It is a gratifying fact that, proportion- ately to the forces and risks of railway operation, fatalities in train accidents have been reduced practically 73 per cent. This statement is borne out by the following figures: Fatalities in Railway Accidents Other Persons Year. Passengers. Employes. Trespassers. Non-Trespassers. Total 1922 = 22 200 1,241 2,431 2,454 6,326 1890.... 286 2,451 3,062 536 6,335: Note that the total fatalities in 1922 were practically the same as in 1890, the first year for which similar figures were available. During the same period the growth of railway traffic is reflected in the following statement: Year. Passengers Carried 1 Mile. . Freight Tons Carried 1 Mile. EAS PA Neco 2 ney SE cane 35,663,147 ,324 341,018,000,000 E890 -Sarkeee ees 11,847,785,617 76,207,000,000 Increase ct ce 23,815,361,707 264,811,000,000 Increase (per ct.) 200 347 440 HISTORIAOE AMERICAN RAILWAYS If fatalities had increased ‘relatively to traffic, the mortality in 1922 would have been over 23,500 instead of 6,326. The fatalities to non-trespassers include those of automobile parties at crossings and should be classed as suicides. The genesis and expansion of railway unions, until they practically include the entire working staff outside of the executives and leading officials, might well be made the sub- ject of a large volume, which should include brief biographies of their leading spirits. A companion volume would be needed to cover strikes and threatened strikes and legislative attempts to deal with imperiled transportation. The Interstate Commerce Commission in Session. Reading from Left to Right—Commissioners Cox, Campbell, Aitchison, McChord, Hall, (Chairman), Meyer, Eastman, Esch, Lewis and cManamy. Commissioner Potter declined to pose for. the camera. No history of American Railways would approach com- pleteness that did not devote at least one or two volumes, as large as this, to a digest and analytical review of the hearings, rulings and reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission from 1887 down. From a membership of five the Commission has gradually been expanded to eleven. The accompanying illustration shows the Commission sitting in banc. In the conscientious exercise of its functions, which have been expanded from Regulation to Administrative Control since 1887, rests the future of American railways. The Com- mission, or a majority of it, is independent of all outside in- fluences, unless its judgment may be occasionally forced by the Railroad Labor Board, as in 1920, in the matter of wages RAILWAY DOOR OF OPPORTUNITY 441 and conditions of employment. It might be relieved of this by Act of Congress vesting in the Commission the right tc review decisions of the Board tending to force advances in rates and fares. When all other railway history was exhausted there would remain the rise of railway architecture from the first shanty built to shelter the ticket seller of the Delaware & French- town Railway down to the monumental structures illus- trated in the preceding chapter and the last word in union stations nearing completion in Chicago as this History goes to press. sar. It is not known definitely where the first railway station in America was built. It may have been, and probably was, in Baltimore or at either end of the Camden & Amboy Rail- way. But here is a picture of what is claimed to be the first ticket offce—which may well serve as a tailpiece to this story. THE FIRST TICKET OFFICE Delaware & Frenchtown Ry. THE SPIRIT OF TRANSPORTATION —Copyright K. D. Ganaway, , THE EXPRESS* By R. Gorell Barnes 1 When a stillness reigns in the country lanes And the wayside station’s bare, Stirs a faint, far hum that seems to come From the spirits of the air; And the long rails thrill with a murmur till There’s a bursting shell of sound, A clattering roar, like the rumble of war, And a trembling of the ground— A scudding blast has come and passed With a shriek as of tortured souls, And along the track is the echoing back That slowly to silence rolls. Chicago *From Love Triumphant and other Poems—Longmans, Green & Co., 1913. It is I the proud, the strong, I who sway the lives of men, Beating out my deathless song As I speed’ through field and glen. IT. I romp with the dawn and startle the fawn From his couch in the moorland glade And merrily shake the cattle awake As they dream in the noontime shade: I am plodding on when the sunlight’s gone And mortals homeward creep, And I hammer my tune in the light of the moon When the world is locked in sleep. I cleave the night with my gleams of light And my heart’s glow bursting forth, And behind me I throw in a glittering bow The diadems of my wrath. O’er the hill, along the plain, Through the forest speeding, On the prairie’s stretching miles With fierce hunger feeding, Iam where the bison was, All the earth exploring, Through the gorge and to the heart Of the mountain boring, ’Cross the river, by the sea, Onward rushing, roaring. III. I join the hands of distant lands, With my sister of the sea, ~--T grapple with space as I onward race And fling it away from me. A mortal pack do I bear on my back And I roll with the wheels of fate, For asunder I tear the arms of despair And I stay not for love nor hate. I hurl a life far on my rollicking car As the breezes toss a feather; And I fill the great net that Labor has set And huddle the world together. I fling wide the door to the valley and moor And unfetter the laughter of men, And I strew on the coast a great holiday host— Which I gather to work again. IV. I am weighted down with the spoils of the town And the harvest of the field: Gaunt Famine shrinks back at my sudden attack And Plenty stands there revealed. Though I travel afar as the servant of War, I am fostermother of Peace; I bind the world’s charms on her outstretched arms And bring to her power increase. In my strength and my pride am I deified As the emblem of mortal command, For I spread o’er the world with the banner unfurled On the march of a mighty band And lead a great train, like a thought through the brain, To illumine the darkest land. The chimney tall starts up at my cail And the factory whistle screams, As from slumber I wake the shores of the lake And shatter the valley’s dreams. I am clad in the dress of stern usefulness And I build with a tyrannous rage: In my pride I roll on over all that is gone And I reck not of Beauty nor Age. For I am Progress, I am Power, I am the spirit of today: I fell the forest, clear the glade, I drain the marsh and crowd the earth. I roll onward, ever on Down my God-appointed way, Herald of the breaking morn, Calling to a nobler birth All the forces yet unborn And the greatness still to be. BIBLIOGRAPHY 445 SoME WorKs THAT HAvE BEEN CONSULTED In the preparation of this History, extending over twenty years, almost countless authorities on the different phases of railway organization, promotion, financing, construction, oper- ation, regulation, etc., have been consulted—and partly assimilated. The names of those that have been of the most assistance follow: Acworth, W.-oM.-" ~The Railways and the Traders.” John Murray, London, 1891. Acworth, W. M. “The Railways of England.” John Murray, London, 1900. Acworth, W. M. “The Elements of Railway Economics.” The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1905. Acworth, W. M. “Historical Sketch of State Railway Owner- ship.’ > John ‘Murray, London, 1920. cemamubaticsthtacionm te nt haptervonelrie, .“\iields Osgood & Co., Boston, 1869. 152 pp. Adams, Charles Francis, Jr. “Railroads: Their Origin and Problems.” G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1878. Adams, Charles Francis, Jr. “Notes on Railroad Accidents.” G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1879. “American Railway Journal,” 1832. Bailey, W. F. “First Transcontinental Railroad.” W. F. Bailey, Pittsburgh, 1906. Baldwin. “History of the Baldwin Locomotive Works, 1831- 1924.” Philadelphia, 1924. Beadle, J. H. “The Undeveloped West; or Five Years in the - Territories.” National Publishing Co., Philadelphia, 1873. Bishop, Avard Longley. “State Works of Pennsylvania.” Tuttle, Morehouse & Taylor Press, New Haven, Conn., 1907. Boag, George L. “Manual of Railway Statistics.” The Rail- way Gazette, London, 1912. Brown, W. H. “History of the First Locomotives in Amer- ica.” D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1871. Census Reports of the United States, 11th to 14th Reports. Woodson, E. R. “Railway Accounting Procedure.” 1922. 446 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Cleveland, F. A., and Powell, F. W. “Railroad Promotion and Capitalization in the United States.” Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1909. Daggett, Stuart. “Railroad Reorganization.” Harvard Eco- nomic Studies, Houghton, Mfflin & Co., Boston, 1908. Davis, John P. “The Union Pacific Railway.” S. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago, 1894. Dewsnup, E. R. “Railway Organization and Working.” Uni- versity of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1906. Dunbar, Seymour. “History of Travel in America.” Bobbs- Merrill Co., Indianapolis, 1915, 4 vols. Fink, Henry. “Regulation of Railway Rates on Interstate Freight Traffic.” Evening Post Job Printing Office, New York, 71905. Gillette, Halbert :P.. <“ Handbook, of GostUnited States.” “State Printer,iMadisony Wis: Harper’s Monthly Magazine, 1850-1924. Hill, James J. “Highways of Progress.” Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1910. Husband, Joseph. “Story. of the Pullman Car; AWC Me: Chiro & Go. ..Chicago,. 1917. Interstate Commerce Commission, Reports 1887 to 1923. Gov- ernment Printing Office, Washington, 37 vols. Interstate Commerce Commission Statistics of Railways of the United States, 1888-1922. Government Printing Of- fice, Washington, 35 vols. Jeans, J. S. “Railway Problems.” Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1887. Johnson, Emory R. “American Railway Transportation.” D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1903. BIBLIOGRAPHY 447 Kennan, George. “E. H. Harriman, a Biography.’ Hough- tons Mifflin & Co., Boston; 1922: 2 vols. Kirkman, Marshall M. “The Science of Railways,” 14 vols., 1898. World Railway Publishing Co., New York and Chicago. Lardner, Dionysius. “Railway Economy.” Taylor, Walton & Maberly, London, 1850. Loree, L. F. “Railroad Freight Transportation.” D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1922. Mackenzie, F. “Historical View of the United States.” Mack- enzie & Dent, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1819. McPherson Locan Gi) “ThesWotking’ of the -Railroads?’ Henry Holt & Co., New York, 1907. McPherson, Logan G. “Transportation in Europe,” Henry Holt & Co., New York, 1910. Mayer, Hugo R. “Government Regulation of Railway Rates.” Macmillan Co., New York, 1905. Monkswell, Lord. “French Railways.” Smith, Elder & Co., London, 1911. Mossop, C. P. “Railway Operating Statistics.” The Railway Gazette, London, 1911. Newcomb, H. T. “Railway Economics.” Railway World Publishing Co., Philadelphia, 1896. Pearson, H. G. “An American Railroad Builder, John Murray Forbes.” Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1911. Phillips, Ulrich B. “Transportation in the Eastern Cotton Belt.” Columbia University Press, New York, 1908. Poor’s “Manual of the Railroads of the United States.” H. V. & H. W. Poor, New York, 1868-1924. 56 vols. Pratt, Edwin A. “Railways and Their Rates.” John Murray, London, 1905. Richards, R. C. “Railroad Accidents; Their Cause and, Ere- vention.” Chicago, 1906. Ringwald, J. L. “Development of Transportation Systems in the United States,” 1888. Sanborn, John B. “Congressional Grants of Land in Aid of Railways.” University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1899: 448 HISTRY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Seymour, Silas. “Western Incidents Connected with the Union Pacific Railroad.” Van Nostrand, New York, 1867. Smith, Wm. Prescott. “Great Railway Celebrations of 1857.” D. Appleton & Co., 1858. Stretton, Clement KE. “Safe Railway Working.” Crosby, Lock- wood & Sons, London, 1893. Tanner, H. S.. “Canals and’ Railroads of the United States.” Tanner & Disturnell, New York, 1840. The Railway Library. An Annual Collection of Articles, Ad- dresses, Etc. on Railway Subjects, 1909-1915, inclusive. Bureau of Railway News and Statistics, Chicago. Tomlinson, W. W. “The North Eastern Railway, Its Rise and Development.” Andrew Reid & Co., Newcastle- upon-Tyne, 1914. The N. E. traces its rise to the ees ton & Darlington Ry. and “Locomotive No. 1.” Turner, (Walter V. «(ThevAir Brakevasmhelated sto ser ooress in Locomotion.” 1910. Turner & Dudley. “Development in Air Brakes for Rail- roads.” Westinghouse Air Brake Co., Pittsburgh, 1909. Warren, J. G. H. “Century of Locomotive Building by Rob- ert Stephenson & Co., 1823-1923.” Andrew Reid & Co., Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Washington, W. D’H. “Progress and Prosperity,’ National Educational Publishing Co., 1911. Webb, Walter Loring. “Economics of Railroad Construc- tion.” John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1906. Wellington, Arthur M. “The Economic Theory of the Loca- tion of Railways.” Railroad Gazette, New York, 1877. Westinghouse, “Air Brake Tests.” Westinghouse Air Brake Co., Wilmerding, Pa., 1904. Walliams; is. (Co “The. Economics? ofe Railway, irausport: Macmillan & Co., London, 1909. Wilson, William B. “History of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company.” Zi vols. Henry. Ts Coates (Co eb hiladete phia, 1899. Wilson, W. Hassell. “Brief Review of Railroad History.” Allen, Lane & Scott, Philadelphia, 1895, 53 pp. To this list might be added innumerable volumes, pamphlets, & BIBLIOGRAPHY 449 addresses, and other ephemeral literature on railway sub- jects passing in review during twenty-two years devoted to the study of current railway affairs. If the reader has any curiosity to judge the exhaustless fund of printed matter on all phases of rail transportation, he is referred to “The Catalogue of Books on Railway Economics,” a volume of 446 pages gotten out by the Bureau of Railway Economics, Washington, D. C., 1912. It would take an- other volume almost as large to bring this Catalogue up to date. . eee. ke To the enumerated and unenumerated sources of informa- tion, detailed and general, which have contributed in printed page, spoken word or illustration to this outline sketch of the second most essential industry in the United States, most . sincere acknowledgement is unqualifiedly made. Only the nar- rative thread that binds the scraps together is “mine own.” SLASON THOMPSON. . February 12, 1925. ADDENDA A THe BaLpwin LocoMoTIvE WorKS Scattered through the pages of this History will be found small cuts showing the progress in the design and manufacture of locomotives attributed to Matthias W. Baldwin and the company perpetuating his name. Beginning with “Old Ironsides” at the very dawn of railway development on this continent, the list now numbers over 58,000, of almost every description and size from a few tons apiece up to the giant articu- lated Mallet of over 430 tons. HEAD OFFICE AND WORKS, PHILADELPHIA, 19.6 ACRES. During the Great War a large part of the locomotive plant was con- verted into a munition factory, which before its end was credited with the following output: 6,565,355 3-inch shells, 1,959,974 rifles, 1,863,900 cartridge shells besides large quantities of miscellaneous munition items. The aggregate value of its war contracts with those of the Standard Steel Works and other subsidiaries, including locomotives, was approximately $250,000,000. EDDYSTONE PLANT ON DELAWARE RIVER 616 ACRES. ADDENDA B GROWTH OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Within a century, from an insignificant tramway carrying granite blocks for Bunker Hill Monument, the railways of the United States, by decades, have shown the following amazing growth : States 1835] 1840] 1850] 1860 | 1870 | 1880 1890 1900 | 1910t | 1920 Mabaimas- samen toe 46 46 75 743] 1,429] 1,851] 3,148) 4,219] 5,022] 5,377 Arkansas strani some cie Ltr late eats 38 256 89 QyL 0S |e 7041 |e oOo OS2 California we Facer rel ee else eee ees 23 925] 2,220) 4,148) 5,744) 7,655] 8,356 Colorad OF: eee wih ne cee | one Na ote ell betta: [ite ete s 157) 1,531] 4,154] 4,587] 5,519] 5,519 Connecticut ane 102} 402 601 742 954} 1,007; 1,023] 1,000} 1,001 Delawarem.e too 16 39 39 127 224 280 328 346 335 335 Hl Oridarepee ae te eos | anon 21 402 446 530] 2,390] 3,272] ~4,370)- 5,212 GeOrcia pve et Asche nces 185| 643] 1,420] 1,845] 2,535] 4,105] 5,639} 7,020] 7,326 LOAN OMe eee Oe 2 eae wo ee Seacel as ietede' [Soerats S aySione.« 220 941 1,261 2,168} 2,877 I BNC SEVOS IEE. 4 nm Sie ug eo en eae Geel Geet 111] 2,799) 4,823] 7,955] 9,843) 10,997] 11,876| 12,188 Undianaees eee cee SIN ae | eae 228) 2,163) 3,177] 5,454] 5,891 6,469 7,420] 7,426 OWiaere tieremter ate cae uicegars (fn eke titel ons, chewed snaienerts 655) 2,683] 5,235] 8,347) 9,180] 9,733] 9,808 ANG Gree te eer el ere ee es | eae ieeierte eek O11 13: 439 18: 8061 7-857 19) 2° 9: 00718. 9.388 Kentucky Woes oe 15 28 78 534] 1,017] 1,598] 2,694) 3,059} 3,518] 3,929 Louisiana aiken - 40 40 80 339 479 633/ 1,658] 2,824) 5,469] 5,223 Vi aT Ga ee ae 11} 245 472 786| 1,013 1,313 1,915 22482295 Marland:and. Ds Cs 2.2] -117| 213). 259 386 671} 1,012 1,168] 1,407 1,413] 1,472 Massachusetts........ 113} 301)1,035| 1,264] 1.480] 1,893) 2,094) 2,118} 2,109} 2,106 Maichipane aieue. ss. wena 50} 342 779) 1,638] 3,931 6,789| 8,193] 8,985] 8,734 Minnesotatiucan cs. | eel eerie seein laoe ste 072) 3.10817 -5,466]-6,942|) 856691 5 9,114 Mississippitiere a vee note seen 75 862 990] 1,183] 2,292] 2,919] 4,413) 4,369 IMISSOUTER aE ee een oe | karte se aca 817] 2,000] 4,011} 5,897] 6,867] 8,078] 8,117 Montana bicker de: AEH Recceaie t 48} 2,181 3,010} 4,207) 5,072 INebraskazmun.. .: ...| 1,812] 2,000] 5,274] 5,684] 6,067] 6,166 INE Va Caterer rote eae ot emare | aes [latte a ie 593 769 925 909} 2,277] 2,160 New Hampshire......]..... 53| 467 661 736| 1,015 1,133 1230) 246 1s 2o2 New Jersey.......... 99} 186] 206 SOO0let 125 lo OL a2 OS4 92237 wee 255s, SOL INew York seo stain oats 104} 374]1,361| 2,682} 3,928] 6,019) 7,462] 8,121} 8,416] 8,390 North, Carolinave.. sacle 53} 154 937] 1,178] 1,499] 2,904) 3,808] 4,734] 5,522 North Dakota...... =. ines 35 635) 1,940) 2,731) 4,201} 5,311 OUIOM aoe ee roe lone 30] 571] 2,946] 3,538) 5,912 7,719} 8,774!) 9,128| 9,002 Oklahoma. ert aati Bees Pe 275 12 13\ 92-150), 978), 6,572 OLresOnires rere yt Are ees cee eke [en cope mtarate oil soeeees. aoe 159 582 12691 mateo Slee 27 3,305 Pennsylvania. ....... 318] 754]1,240] 2,598] 4,656] 6,243] 8,307} 10,277} 11,084 11,551 Rhode Island........ Put pecs 50| 68 108} 136] 210 212 212 212 211 South Carolinas. .c..- 137| 137) 289 973| 1,139] 1,429); 2,096} 2,795} 3,410] 3,814 South Dakotar sth he ace Le See bas 30 630] 2,485) 2,850} 3,948] 4,276 Tennessee sana cots ate 1,253] 1,492) 1,824] 2,710} 3,124) 3,809} 4,078 Pexae iirc wince Ne eat ate kph Nacoctnt 307| 711] 3,293) 7,911] 9,873] 14,243] 16,125 LOU We on pd Det a aad (re tt WAR ERA Sear iee 257 770| 1,090) 1,547 1,986} 2,161 Viermontrmeriacnce cs Aicd Pahibicacal Base 290 554 614 912 913; 1,012] 1,081 1,077 Vit Oiniaeemy cro es 93) 147] 384] 1,379] 1,486] 1,826| 3,142] 3,729] 4,443] 4,703 Washtne tomer asa vcr | ee ete cote | aerate [iiwets) <8s pate 274| 1,699] 2,890] 4,858] 5,587 West Virginia...... bills 387 694| 1,306] 2,198} 3,526) 3,996 Wisconsin........ - 20 905} 1,525] 3,130] 5,468] 6,496) 7,328) 7,554 WA Tepes baie, ce Seo: Boece ytd PENA OH Bacto rccam Geel Per ecaenal Martranetc 472 941) 1,228) 1,600) 1,931 Arizona. ‘ 384] 1,061 1,511 2,097| 2,478 New Mexico..... 643} 1,284] 1,752] 2,999] 2,972 Alaska wae. : Pepeart. ys eS a eae 246 Ota ieee eee 1,098!2 81819 021!130.635!152,922!193,671 159.2711192,940 238,609'253,090 tExclusive of switching and terminal companies—1,614 miles in 1910; 1,743 miles in 1920. ADDENDA C THREE DECADES OF RAILWAY PROGRESS Item (m=Thousands) Population. ack eee Miles of Lines (operated)..... Miles of All Track........... Net Capitalization (m)....... Net Cap. per Mi. of Line..... Net Cap. per Mi. of Track... Revenues from Operation (m) Revenues per Mile Operated. . Expenses of Operation (m)... Exp. of Op. per Mi. Operated. . Net Rev. from Operation (m).. Net Rev. per Mile Operated... Ratio of Exp. to Revenues.... Receipts from Pass. (m)...... Receipts from Freight (m).... Receipts from Mail (m)...... Receipts from Express (m)... Passengers Carried (m)....... Passengers Carried 1 Mi. (m).. Avg. Receipts per Pass. Mile Avg. Passengers in Train..... Avg. Journey per Pass. (m)... Freight Tons Carried (m).... Freight Tons Car. 1 Mi. (m).. Avg. Receipts per Ton Mile Cont lls) veers Glare, ree hee sae Average Tonsin Train....... Avg. Haul per Ton (miles).... Locomotives (number)....... Locomotives Weight without Tender i(tons) iene one Passenger Cars (number)..... Freight Cars (number)....... Freight Cars Capacity (tons).. Employes (number).......... Emp. per 100 Mi. of Line.... Employes Compensation..... Proportion of Gross Earnings. Prop. of Operating Expenses. .|_ Per Employe per year........ Proportion of Gross Earnings. . 1893 1903 66,970,496} 80,983,390 169,780 205,313 221,864 283,821 $8,831,603} $10,281,598 50,293 SO D9 39,818 36,222 1,220,751 1,900,846 7,190 9,268 827,921 1,257,538 4,876 6,125 392,830 643,308 2,314 3,133 67 .82% 66.16% $301,492 $421,705 829,054 1,338,020 28,445 41,709 23,631 38,331 593,061), 694,891 14,229,101) 20,915,764 2.108 2.126 42 46 23.97 30.10 745,119 1,304,394 93,588,112} 173,221,279 8.78 7.63 184 310 125 .60 132.80 34,788 43,871 1,565,460 2,606,587 31,384 38,140 1,013,307 1,653,782 24,319,200} 48,622,125 873,602 TFSI 2 SO Sisley 639 $488,360,400/$775,321,415 40% 40.78% 59.05% 61.65% $558 $591 $36,514,689) $57,849,569 aR BS 282 2.99% 3.04% 96,512,407} 112,000,000 253,470 379,508 $15,330,131 60,481 40,395 3,125,136 12,329 2,169,969 8,561 955,167 3,768 70.02% $695,988 2,198,931 50,053 78,536 1,043,603 34,672,685 2.006 me) 33.31 2,058,035 301,730,291 7.29 445 144.40 65,597 5,247,760 SARIN NTE 2;273,564 86,988,595 1,864,303 730 $1,405,080,826 43.99% 63.29% $797 524 4.08% 248,816 404,414 $19,468,095 78,242 48,139 6,413,230 25,175 4,990,828 20,058 1,422,402 Syspil e/ 77.82% $1,153,571 4,662,050 93,756 153,744 992,523 38,049,173 3.032 66.8 38 .3 2,411,239 414,347,458 Lie 25 662 172 66,964 6,897 ,292 55,020 2,359,685 100,818,376 1,904,807 766 $3,077,945,911 47.99% 61.67% $1,616 $127,331,960/$340,632,054 1,369 3E 1% D2Se 342. 260. Arowro ADDENDA D COwNneERSHIP oF AMERICAN RAILWAYS Starting with a few millions hestitatingly invested by ad- venturous spirits in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Balti- more and Charleston, and loaned by speculative capitalists of Great Britain and Holland, the capital stock of American rail- ways is now held by nearly a million shareholders, while their bonds have an equally wide distribution, almost all held in America. The number of stockholders in 30 leading roads reported in 1923 was as follows: Shareholders Name of Company Dec. 31, 1923 Pac ite Vivica andy We i oa MnUn ee eRES CRAs Lea slay iatere b a oe 142,527 PLCHISGOM MODE Ka nO boatitas HGshas) LHSh use oui od Siete ore eis e 67,118 POUe eT CAT Che en he Tew y eal nT ack av abiohe wwe 60,662 One aC ive lens a ctanercies ap + Le Sahn ee nae bVore he Corea tem One rt wera eels, & cine HESS Geewlecd wat eis 4 44,742 INIGSE RC Giiae EACH ICie mutes ce trted fos than ahd ro Reps cote a obeh bial beak» 37,991 WegveeY Of lveCentra lee Syma uu titi ah ieee ataaety delta ik mes 34,502 PAIL OF CMLCEs Le) TO Sars al ac fess chal Ve wie is al otuaeece 33,395 NewYork: News Haventeirartiord.. ec.) eens 24,796 WiCcacO tN a waniceeuarr trian Moc. yds cli, Bey eed 22,518 Gricdaso. CoUNOEt haw 6 Steric iss} onder oh cree oeh. baad 20,059 LMiT AML OTICE Al: Bieta namie iat. ok. ela ce terre Cleese A Gk coke 19,323 Boston QML aries: metas Pirear es Gt Sordi cave cloth gi dd aie Ohare late 16,642 TROL ig ruben le ving © cette s cet. od ther tsi g)s setae G edible Aa dgeeie as 16,095 Be ecraL ic Aliya Vil pte we Gir, Lae Luks ade ec Sialeie Mine oy Ales 15327 orien! Fe ATit OS UINe AS aS oe sien: see eer ce dw choc a eeu 14,495 Phicasomnackmisiatds Gwelactic:, RVs... snl arose teen 14,426 No eiolicnes VV esternvilvic ho dom un atvie a the. i tetas Sek 13,585 Debt Ware WEIS ON AACN eee eft ce cers wield ibaa Gee 11,665 Pere ver Ot Coe Arr Rl co nee As oe tie sob woe al Wain oe sioane 9.801 Mesa DO ACR Com CTO: uch a chit ix. «ole RicldipCeeaks stale aia 4 where 9,320. AUR ict open S ERECT LL WRENN ay Oh ee Si aageaty ctabollap eg a" ake 9,310 BITSSO Ubi MeL ACC iter vitae ast hota Aion Pema onus 8 Siacaliay 7,936 Pigs villewar me INaSO VILE TR Rey cee hi alin vatde. eres dat ciate 6,794 Delaware lackawana cor: Western R.Ro ry. fk es 6,758 renew cep iat Taney ck, ok acgla) eiotace he eee eee 5,972 PA Sealit le tea tease L Oxas its wiley be sassy ntdietmlevwiaeie ee teate ace 5,595 ere i mrs tel it ema hans elec cs oh idee tees sce ba’ s 5,025 Simbisotist Oa TaniciSCG, RYyserd «a leek ere eee hee tee 4,476 Sea OA LC RIT COR oR hay ie oem a doe oe a gas Sie dae e 3,020 QA, og Dae a RUSS PA dR A ae i Aa Oe cB 736,407 Stock in several large roads not included in this list is held by trustees. ADDENDA E GROWTH OF THE Wokr.p’s RAILWAYS From the folowing table the reader can get a comprehen- sive view of the world’s railways. Great Britain, which heads the list by virtue of being first in the field of practical opera- tion, was superseded by the United States before the end of the first decade. 2 | MILES OF ROAD COMPLETED COUNTRY Opened} 1840] 1850] 1860 | 1870 | 1880} 1889 1899 1910 | 1921* Great Britain....... 1825 |1,857|6,621]10,433)/15,537|17,933}] 19,943] 21,666} 23,280] 23,733 United States....... 1827 |2,818/9,021/30,626]52,922/93,296]160,544/189,2951236,422/250,983 Canadas sacperme ocr 1836 16 66] 2,065] 2,617} 7,194] 12,585) 17,250) 24,731] 39,771 Brances.7. sees eee oc PS2ZS Gl oe 1,714] 5,700}11,142)16,275| 21,899] 26,229] 29,364] 132,030 Germany ree oes 1835 | 341]3,637| 6,979]11,729|20,693| 24,845] 31,386] 36,235] 34,689 Belgiuni. .aee eee S 1835 207| 554] 1,074] 1,799] 2,399] 2,776] 2,883] 2,888] 2,913 Austria (proper)..... LSSie| oe 817] 1,813] 3,790} 7,083} 9,345] 11,921] 13,591] 14,434 Russia ce. eer eee 1SSSel eee 310} 988] 7,098]14,026] 17,534] 26,889] 35,347/49,081 Italy ne oe wehoatene 1839 13] 265] 1,117] 3,825] 5,340} 7,830] 9,770] 10,425] 9,747 Hollands these oa 1839 10} 110) 208} 874] 1,143] 1,632} 1,966) 2,235) . 2,389 Switzerland: .....3.. 18445 |e: 15} 653] 885] 1,596] 1,869} 2,342] 2,791] 3,246 Hungary ee 1846 |.....] 137] 1,004] 2,137] 4,421] 6,751] 10,619] 12,177] 14,152 Denmarki ney... 134 Janae 20 69| 470) 975] 1,217] 1,764] 2,121) 2,635 Spain ie. seen es eee 1848) bee. 17} 1,190] 3,400] 4,550} 5,951] 8,252] 8,961} 9,517 Chili nese aes 18514} hecean eee 120} 452) 1,100} 1,801} 2,791} 3,451} 5,395 Brazilsctace were cto 185415 eels 134) 504) 2,174) 5,546] 9,195] 11,863] 17,438 British India........ 13532) see | Saaee 838] 4,771] 9,162] 15,887] 23,523] 30,809] 36,735 Norwavneoe ae terre AR SCY 9 ree ace, 42 692| 970 970} 1,231} 1,608] 2,037 Sweden aes saree FLOSS Onl cat adie are 375| 1,089] 3,654] 4,899] 6,663] 8,321] 9,287 Atrcentines REDUDIICN |e 1S575 lee oe nee eeelen eee 637] 1,536] 4,506) 10,013] 14,111] 21,161 Turkey: ine ropes malin ccm lee sere oe 41 392 727| 1,024) 1,900) 1,967} 1,236 Pere eee ake eens Beri Mana fara sal Pere bis 47 247| 1,179 993} 1,035} 1,470} 1,889 Portugalee eee ae eR ered (re Se ct eB ne 42 444 710] 1,118] 1,475] 1,689) 2,047 Greece ines ee cies AS69 Fle eae | Sept ee eae 6} , if 416 604 845} 1,507 Wrugtayeree sco ere LS69y bes eae heats | ecaeenes 61] 268 399 997] 1,371] 1,636 MEXICO ay en ie oiets LSGBY Weeeee al oa aes trees 215} 655| 5,012] 8,503} 14,845} 15,805 Roumaniavs<<.s he s.| sen om eles [aa pe] penis aos 20252] e591 GT 537) ued O20 7-0 7olme 240 Australia tiercterctier tole Spent tote | snettens [chs Gates Lantos ued ome meee 789| 4,850} 11,111] 17,956] 26,143 JADA eres idee Sere aL Od in | cep repel therare ne | sronetecte eters er 75 542] 3,632] 5,130} 6,202 China acts. peor Rill eke RoD ft Rea-jeto eg Penis, 26 Payee Ral y Inne bs BOB 124 401} 4,997] 6,836 BATICA Cites ole ee a Settee hrcaure | cates letetene licens | teres 583} 2,873) 5,353] 19,207| 25,647 *Or latest figures. fIncludes industrial and local railways. fIncluding New Zealand. Including Finland and Asiatic railways. Under the treaty of Versailles there has been such a read- justment of boundaries and creation of new states carved out of old, that the next decade will have to take account of the railways of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Jugoslavia and Albania, at the expense of several of the better known European countries, INDEX *Indicates illustration. A Abandonment of unprofitable lines. 404 Abbott, Dr. Liman, describes build- WOT AE Ties ni BO, Sten s gl ie vise 86 maULNOL.? COTUFaltl loa cies sce 0Ms.«« 86 Accidents, decrease in, 1890-1922.. 439 first serious railway, 1833... 78 inseparable from railway oper- ALTO Nee ciecrerchaye ee ahesieesieieeies 438 proportion in train to other CATISCS Io as chavo lehihetens syste svee, sWais'e 213 Acworth, Sir William M., on Amer- HCA RAW AV Sim cuareesieter cieteketereus 320 DOLLA ME wep elec chev cyere «cutie LOWareins cn sae nine ot 187 ADLeEsi@ent LOL el 927 sate eich ecie ets 423 *Chicago Union Station, architect’s Ta WING, eyotarcsrercrensee che estenetenete = 394 ECONCOUMS Clee cures. *locomotive, typical, 1861....... rates, early limitations......... tratiical Ol Su LOM LOADS namaste ss) traffic of waterways and rail- WAViSs ul SOUP LOZ Omer: ate sieleleiel' *train on the Quincy railway.... “aioe Gorkha (eehpelselss oon eoacah *yard, Illinois Central R. R., at Ghicagowsewrm ate ee eee creas Rvard,) sit Kaneas eCityd. ws te oss Fremont, Gen. John C., crosses the continent in ihe: 40’s.s..... *Fulton, Robert, American inventor gO Glenitiotites galas stele Maken ctalatehe so G Galena & Chicago Union, building cut short by panic of 1837.. construction resumed in 1847.. first) chartered) in 18360. 20.4). . *Gateshead model, Trevithick’s...... Gaugesmimedleys Otetcs. +s eictcwe es. « Gauge, Union Pacific, fixed by Con- ITESSW betel itere ohctel srairaigie sao te “General,” capture, chase and re- CADETS sO Matron esis cits cheers: © Confederate locomotive stolen by Federal raiders.......... *locomotive, chase of........... *monument to, Lookout Moun- PETAR 5 Alsteto Heeb 0 Ciatao CARO RAEN RRA German immigration, 1849......... Gold discovered in California...... seekers rush to Califcrnia..... Good Hope, Cape of, rounded by 122 AClent mV eENnetiansyre ¢ acme csi *Gorman, James E., president, Chi., 44 Rockmistand™ Se Pacitici eu er. 147 SP GOuULGS Alayna am chante relents Pou erckepees connection with Erie........ 365 Government loss under Federal con- 315 CLOMS2 ee moOtit series: mere tte Operations endsiewiasss. aes eee 315 ownership disavowed by Cong- TESS AAsSAtEs ta oie a sien, © caserniele OLS takes over the railways....... 396 *“Governor Marcy,’’ locomotive built 42 Lit PES le wages hs eee chats Bere Grain elevators, investment in..... 3:63 Grand Central Station, New York. 64 Pthreemperiod sii. tue ae. erie 327 *New York, cross section of 285 level Seciern: ste! ahem ee eens New York, dimensions......... 240 *New York, main concourse & 150 CICK Ets OUNCE’. cn Ramin chores ss AS *New York, from 42d Street.... 358 *New York, lower level con- COULSCMr ten tele hams rom Preon cis tas 161 *New York, seen from neighbor- 30 A OMSKYVSETADEL cree weciere vies, «sie 3 Grange, National Patrons of Hus- ATUL VewA avatetel Eee aie islets Peaciete ase see 289 (sranger la wsniire eeees clears ook Soi 351 laws sustained by the supreme Counters te reer deme cars ts 101 legislation in Iowa, Wisconsin 20 and other western states.... 19 Grant, General, on railways during THE MWaty Rec cele rides setae ov sterereeelers General, first sight of a railroad *Gravity railways at Mauch Chunk.. 72 *GrayvaCarth R.watwiiiteenen.i: 236 %< 72 *president, Union Pacific R. R.. 72 Great American Desert, trails a marked with headstones..... 76 Great Northern rushes construction to the Pacific in the 80’s.... 172 president. Ofc .cuewce sat eware ss Growth of American railways by 158 SEATES Ue cecusrauslel state pote lets etetaley sis) < of railways, 1830-1860........ We “Guaranty period” to Sept. 1, 1920 154 established oietnldacteiacts sake ended September 1, 1920...... 157 370 jal 85 99 *Fackensack,’”? locomotive . built 99 aborts £24605 aes e ee oes « 461 10 423 191 191 377 375 369 366 103 2129 .343 344 346 347 348 345 349 347 201 200 202 201 159 78 30 424 424 173 232 420 451 149 S75 S16, 462 Hadley, Arthur T., discusses effects of .Federali@controles- nce ees * Harpers Petry ein p1o07 eee tee eee *Harriman, Edward H., 1848-1909... appears on the railway stage... elected chairman of Union Pa- cific in fight to save Imperial Valley railway reorganizer and recon- eee reer eee eee eee eee eee SULUCE Ot weerey Mattenete aanetenehcll vet otele Ras *Harrison, Fairfax, president South- ern Railway, System one Harte, Bret, on completion of trans- Continental sroadsemwer ate sie er *Helena ww Vlontanasettiinl G7 giver ele *Hell Gate arch over East River... *Long Island connection....... Hepburn Act gives Commission AuUthOLityatoMalravesnn is cinte. *Highest bridge in the world, Pecos RAVETIsie vin sieve eer eianeteeteeie tere oe *Hill, James Jerome, portrait.....-. came to United States oppor- LUTICL Vales eter che tas, shoyareteratwretsteimane > TTL COO Hey he ciekarsne erotic cies leheleperecare the “Empire Builder’ of the North weStw acs teecikitiensrs es Hines, Walker D., succeeds Director General McAdoonocn ecatree *Holden, Hale, president, Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R. R.. *Hone, Philip, first president Dela- ware & Hudson Canal Co.... *Hood, Mt., as seen from Portland.. *Horse coal car, early German... *locomotive, the ‘‘Cyclopede’’... *sixteen train, in Wyoming in 1870) *Hughitt, Marvin, chairman, Chicago & Northwestern, in 1924.... = Marvitlitl: a Osiris ete steteterehe rete Marvin, whose eyes have seen 70 years of railway service.. Human equation in railway service eee etre ese ee sere eee er eeose *Huntingston, Collis Pio. mass projector and organizer contin- ental SroadSen. « scrttethererel sets “Huntington,” locomotive shipped around the Horn in 1864.... I Illinois -Central, construction begun #18511. ssp to ish eeaeene > first north and south railway... practically parallels Mississippi River *nresident *Ofs. © + «sens sew ee e eoeore rere eet toe e se eiee eo 353 269 269 304 353 424 185 218 386 385 294 198 354 137 137 354 194 416 415 356 438 175 174 161 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS projected (unl 1S3/a5.5 ose ee *proposed new passenger station Atiet Chicago ss. eee 5 tee *dlittos elayOUutencie ce terete * ditto, generale plan -enernets cere * dittone! Tort eelevatiOtns semen “SfatiOnuin loo 7cehetterstereyieeae tenes terms, Of lands prante.e -ceeien ae Immigration, first wave of........ from Ireland and Germany in 1880- Ce increase during decade 1890 *Imperial Valley flood, five cuts..301- irrigated from Colorado River.. Savitig the... ceicaenicete colton saved at cost of three millions towthemrallwayse.-se aeeeiets title justified by its crops...... Imprisonment, penalty for discrim- inatione-a bolished= snes eee ia Improvements and _ betterments under Federal control...... *Inclined. plane at Belmont......... tat Match) Chunk ace a onpseetons at Philadelphia and Columbia. 38, on the Delaware & Hudson... *on the portage railway......... Income, net, fails to equal reason- ablewreturn jie see eee *Indians attacking stage coach...... impede building of Union Pacific *“Tndicator,’ every city had its own time einethes O0'S series sae Injunction, sweeping, issued against lawlessness in strikes........ Insurance, death and_ disability, engineers disability, Intercorporate relations of railways, 1908 ee from Interest, advance in rate on new borrowing paid on funded debt in 1900... Interstate Commerce Act of 1887... AMENGIMeN te Ole sc. efele ess were sierenere *Interstate Commerce Commission, its members its great responsibility......... Investment as reported by the Com- MISSION | A1y elo Leeieretonepeaael iene per milelin® 19225. ac sie-clsicis inns eC ee ee 85 230 306 302 301 307 307 287 390 54 52 54 31 79 389 162 175 164 400 251 249 311 246 INDEX 463 -Yowa, crossed by five trunk lines in decade 1860-1870.......... 185 Drishpimmioration, wl C4le. acceso cette 85 J *Jackson, William J., at twenty..... 425 *president, Chicago & Eastern IN WOISBAR SA oo ote scene ace sieve. seus 426 Jarrett & Palmer’s Special in 1876.. 221 iGuinerey, Utere RSV (eS esc nacoD ae 109 ee Ol tats i) ieeee LOCOMOLLV Cr eerste ote sils 50 *locomotive built for Camden & Arm DOyoUR Vem EOS leresieises els . 49 TTA SEI.VlCOumnEl eel 4,0 eiatieusiey ait cts sie 51 Just and reasonable return, failure (al (ein ICNbok otiaG.a5 BosoooO 392 wages, what to be considered... 381 K Kansas City Union Station....... 349 *station, exterior view...-.....- 350 *Kenly, John R., president, Atlantic (Toasted he cers seleesre sensi cate 426 Kitchen of modern dining car..... 144 *Kruttschnitt, Jullus, chairman, Southern Pacific Company... 426 *Kurn, James M., president, St. Louis-San Francisco R. R.... 427 L Labor Board, Railroad, awards wage increase of $700,000,00. 384 cuts advance in wages half... 392 establishment? Ofe sss. «sce oe s 380 reduces wages by 12 per cent.. 393 without power to enforce orders 382 ‘Labor, compensation of under Fed- STAVECONLLO! paeisictsesnes atalesnen’ 371 cost of, on early railways...... 61 COStMMON metalliwa Veer tencttrelle tals. os 323 OLSAMIZaAtlONSya TalLWay;. serene. ol “onthe. Quincy. Ry. se tsesss = wid Byer dite (On Mensano Oo OO COC “early S-wheel-%.0-2) costes nes *on Pennsylvania’s Portage eee ereoee ert eoeree® Road, 1835 414 HISTORY OF AMERICAN -KAlLLWAYS *steel 190702 hens eee ter *Passenger coaches, 1880-1905 * Passenger engine, Schenectady WOEKS, Ws) S60) ses select creators fare, two-cent a mile legisla- tid: is SO aes ne ee eens *locomotive;sitaste s: see sens 263, +locomotiviesstast) ml Ooo mee emuetetens *locomotive, first class, of the LOPS eee ete eee ite eee notes *‘ocomotive, heaviest of its type. Bald witttecaeeeceeeare *locomotive, representative, 1886, Bald wintseciace Oooo ers cae othe tates, commissioner B. H. Meyer on, in Wisconsin case trates, reduced between 1877 and: 61887 98 .co eee eer *station, first in New York.... stations, difficulties attending location i. Mes oa eile Sete en ena traffic affected by motor compe- TILTOT Recs oe ee etree rete trafic lags it L922 mee eee train’ Of [860M sae oer een *ticket by steamer, rail and canal, New York to Buffalo Pay, average of, conductors, 1888- ODS Ye kale cas abovetene tetas oe hoe crbete of, engineers, 1888-1923 of, trainmen, 1888-1923 Pay roll in 1919 advances 90 per cent over 1916 increase, 1897-1907 increased $600,000,000 by Labor Board in Parkersburg shops in 1830... *Peekskill Landing on the Hudson eeevee eee eee eee eece ee coe reese eee ese eee eos oe 19 *1337 Wiese oe, one eee Penalty under the Elkins Act Changed seve ateiiersaicmerieteie *Pennington, Edmund, chairman, Minneapolis, St. Paul & S. S¥o Maries ®./srosisusrecnockers elemhe Pennsylvania R. R., how it finally reached Chicago and _ St. LGUs ersce crete ote sadcces Srotesere a srote how sit goteite Charlee o.c ct opens all-rail line to Pittsburgh VSS 4 crests susie aerators Sle wre pistes early history and first cost ... loses $3,019,000 in Ohio flood original cost. to state reim- bursed by company ....... * president! Of rec seteteste stele atecatore several stations of, in Phila- 240 313 244 344 266 405 405 SE) 66 251 251 251 371 297 384 61 69 287 430 117 iS 114 114 310 115 416 SCA al tees Watalet a afeie Var Rises ie I Newarr orks statlonle Ofs este asters dimensions of New York sta- TLOMe aroiertterel epost wie euteeetss so R. R. tracks raided and cap- tured during the war ...... *Pennsylvania’s New York station, Maiwewaltinge TOOM mies... *Seventh Ave. facade ......... PUPAL ICONCOULSE Wmaeteiere sie otete:snae Pennsylvania, state sells its railway tomeleritinn Re Rot COwercsteiate *Pere Marquette, president of...... Philadelphia & Reading, cost of in LSA CHM ctora cleaheleve sa sletely cence DEESIGENT MOL ee ctcee cielo ticket ore ees ‘Philadelphia, different passenger StAtlGHS MA Cea so setae wie ae Philadelphia, Germantown & Norris- town orders ‘Old Ironsides” ‘Piermont on the Hudson ........ “Pioneer,” first locomotive landed ine Chicago, 11h 1848) ose. s 96, ‘“Pioneer,” first Pullman sleeping CALM Toten atete oh ce slorhane ieee cnet Pittsburgh, by flatboat to New Or- Mea i's Pee aarcscerlnievers are cians testo tes, Tatlwavye TlOts ehOL7 tae cc eszelsierers reached by rail and portage road in 1850 visited by Washington in 1753 | *Plains, crossing the, in the 50’s... Plants tatlway,. 1890-1900) “2... < * Point mote ROCKS aml 6 Si/meccroletes Seaver Poland Committee, findings of, in Credit Mobilier case ...... * Pole Sdrag cI AGA: |, ve «avers wistaiere css Poor, on density of population nec- ESSALVIMtOMTallWa VS ateicie1ce Poor’s Manual, estimate of railway COSts 1s 13.00 metals sloteree tiorais, © oe Population and railways, 1830-1840 *Population center of 1790-1910... density necessary to successful GALWAY Sabon) tare eisrelis chsle oes = leves'e growth of, 1870-1880 ........ growth of, 1880-1890 ......... ArVen tiem .0; Gare retele ters sispeiots ssc 3° Portage incline, canal boat hauled EPO he cot See ace lta Pe ar aa *Portland, Oregon, in 1867 ....... ed ris ODA ee rctepetue ererractetetereteioiier es te) oe *Postal car, all steel, exterior...... *alleesteels intertOn ne siereciies-«s <1 *tablet commemorating first INDEX Postage on letters, San Francisco to ING Wan Ona 84.9 tic ate ke ante FALCSMOL MLO Oeste roc: caterer merce *Potomac, the, from Jefferson’s Rock BL Merete erciccee acte wreteicse natenes Potter law, enacted in Wisconsin. . Pe raliiem SCHOONER Mel Oo Uiee. ee ielvielale *shown in an old cut, 1550.... *Railway. builders, passing of...... building in 1850-1860 probably SaAVeGatHe nie tl O1is siverede retehsl sis companies chartered in 1840.. companies differ on terms of Strike settlement :.......... companies of the early 30's... efficiency restored in 1923..... G Mirai eSenVviCe marine tie eae tane 6 mileage and population in de- Cages) 1830-40 iaecrsietatste Nereis mileage and population in 1850 mileage increases 70 per cent, TS SOLES Oe csi, «lnctoretarenebeievenate mileage by (State, LS 40 sci elec mileage relative to population plantiin Glo OO ee oe siecle rclepstensnay ate Railways all east of the Missis- SiPpi aint, S50, elec s emetcnelsiers and population, 1850-1860 .... of the Confederacy .......... past the experiment stage by 1850 @ @ 6,66 © Se eee. 6,06, 0) eleleile velo teach every state in the Un- LOM a DY SS Olga tsms sy otes systole ex onenens share of the consumer’s price .. to be returned in as good repair as when taken over torn up, destroyed and repaired 1861-1865 eovedeorn 10 384 57 380 362 368 56 101 162 102 1 HISTORY OF AMERICAN KAILWAYS Rainhill trials of locomotives ..... Randolph, Epes, engineer directing rescue of Imperial Valley.. Rate advance discounted by Labor Board) Vawarda pict otto and fare increases in 1920.... increase under Transportation ANGE > le eke, dra toe eter care een eee Rates, American freight, lowest in the! world yk weit ee and wages advanced by Director General eee tae eee eee ees eeoere order Ce ee authority toenameetacs cece principles underlying fixing of, discussed by Chair- man Cooley influenced by public considera- tions ‘Gust and reasonable’? become the: "rules jhisciyserrte delecretie ‘Gust and reasonable,” they must produce of 1920 reduced by Commission in 1922 on early railways revision of by Commission ad- vocated by President Roose- velt Ratio of pay roll to revenues...... operating, before the Great War Rea, Samuel, president, Pennsyl- vania R. R. *in 1877 *portrait Reading railroad, cost of in 1848.. Reagan, Representative, father of Commerces Actin siercwier aire Reasonable return cut in half...... Rebates, word derived from French rabattre “Recapture clause” Act Receipts, average freight and pas- senger, 1900-1910 PeL ton mile wees cate were sa per ton mile, 1864 average, reach low level in 1900 per ton mile reach low level in 1917s See ae a hene Ores hiters Receivers, in the hands of, 1874- 187 Agha y oko Geteeueictsuere ene ere ese eee eee ee seer eee eee eet eee cc eee eee eee eee see ee Ce Cy ec eee eee e eee ete eoeee eee eee eee tee eae & eco ecseer eee eee reese ee ee of Commerce eevee reese ee eevee eee eeeoe ® eeseeeeece ee ee eee eseoe 304 389 388 388 243 370 370 294 255 255 257 199 382 397 42 288 393 3/26 416 416 417 410 242 392 287 383 329 406 2164 285 362 Receiverships, 1893-1896 .......... (150) between 1873 and 1880.. of important roads in 1893- 1896. process under Receivership of Santa Fe, an ex- ample Recession 1921 in railway revenues in eo eer eee eer see eoee st toe e pal WRSYAGS Areata eae Remeron aun CoA Reduction in freight rates, 1877.. in number of employes in 1921 Regional directors, seven appointed Regulate Commerce, Act to, passed in 1887 Regulation becomes more stringent conflicting views regarding.... difficulties of described by Judge Cooley early state effect on construction......... national, how brought about.. of railways looms up of railways result of long agi- tation Results, operating, 1920 and 1921.. operating, first year of Federal control eee ee sees eres eerene oo ese ree eee eee soe er eee Return on investment in 1911..... on invested capital reasonable Revenues and expenses, 1920)...... first six months of Federal con- trol second year of Federal control *-Revenues dropped $300,000,000 in 1907 Revival of business in 1922....... Revolving funds amounting to a bil- lion and a quarter inade- quate Rights of way of canals utilized for railways Riots, railway, of 1877 <::.....%.. losses caused by, 1877......... *Ripley, Edward Payson, portrait.. chosen president of Santa Fe in 1895 “Grand Old Man” of the Santa Fe River navigation, dangers of in 1838 *Roadbcd. and track, Albany to Schenectady, 1837 ....-.e+0- ee eee eer eee ee eweseane eee ) ee eee rer eeee ee eee ee eoeoeeeaeeer cere eoereesee iNDEX 264 219 264 264 265 392 221 243 293 368 240 283 324 261 196 262 239 240 239 393 371 328 . 268 327 376 370 374 297 403 372 *Robertson, D. L., president, Lo- comotive Firemen’s Brother- MOOGA Tart Selene tccee ee eee Robinson, W. D., first grand chief Bro’hood Locomotive Engi- TICELS Peetctdoepese Sale cee deine hs > *“Rocket,” first practical locomotive GinrensStonGmotayeecd. satires 6 *Rogers’ locomotive, 1848 .......... locomotive, type of the 80's... Rolling stock built in 1919, 1920, LOD URS yerercrck ovetanets. fc ote leis cee s effect of panic of 1907 on.... Af gnl COO gas atereetoiele sle'besiore Soeishe’s 110g) | DOO MEW de teicleneis spene atthe clat overe yes inadequate provision under Fed- etalk CONETOME cams, carscrets st cheeuss increase in power and capacity none ordered by Director Gen- CLAlMELINES peers «etc alate, chorale s Roosevelt, President, favors fixing rates by Commission Routes, five, from _ coast Mississippi Valley toward S “Safiety First’? campaign inaugu- rated Sisrets Safety devices vais: ssi, s\e ole, 9.50 viele welt eSatlsmon etalnecan eS eOuis MU not otatlOMe osejs siecle *orandy ball ayetecel eters Bike swatcjetenes *track layout *train shed Paul, first locomotive to reach, 1860 in 1850| had no railways...... sees visions in 1853 when it was a frontier city.... *Union Station, front elevation *track layout *main concourse *progress of work on Salton Sink, dumping millions into. overflowed by Colorado River.. Sanborn, Prof. John Bell, on land eoeeoeeeeeee sees eee . oor etree e eee eee e ears *St. ee eeeer eerste eos eee eee ® oe eee eee ee eeeve recess e eee sen eeeeeeteoe se eee QTANTS wc ececcceeccsccceces *“Sandusky”’, locomotive, 1837..... San Francisco, earthquake and fire Mine. 1S48 4 Soden ¢ Weare s, aislecatpia oisss Sante Fe, The, reaches Chicago... *type locomotive, heaviest freight, el OOo: cate Winte) cote etghe os *“Savannah,” the first steamship. to cross the Atlantic, 1819 469 437 249 24 24 100 216 374 313 247 268 372 285 374 288 97 212 212 36 276 279 277 278 184 134 134 304 401 400 403 402 304 301 127 62 299 99 233 288 27 470 *Schaff, Charles E., president, Mis- souri-Kansas-Texas Lines.... *Scott, Thomas A., portrait ...148, assistant Secrctary of War.... colonel in United States Volun- teers services during Civil War..... Seaboard Air Line, descendant of Seaboard & Roanoke R. R... PLESIA NLL O Liars ehereisiersictererelenersnocsts *Seattle, freight yards in 1924...... *in 1878 eooees eee se steerer ese see see *water front in 1880 Second Decade, 1840-1850! Securities, railway, in hands the public in 1908 Semaphore signal erected in 1841.. Seniority rights involved in settle- ment of 1922 strikes restoration of declined by two- thirds of roads Settlement of America at first re- stricted of the West by the railways saved the Union per cent railway bonds sold at $90: Seventh Decade, 1890-1900: Share, railway, in consumers’ price *Sheppard, Lucius E., president, Order Railway Conductors.. Shopmen, quarter of a million lay down their tools strike of 1922 wages cut by Labor Board ... Shortage, car, 1917 Signals, system of, on Hudson River Ry. in 1862 Sixth Decade, 1880-1890 Sleeping cars, cost of first construc- LION Mere chee Chowee areieyse remeileperese te first on Cumberland Valley RERR Accs tere eradelocsicharennerencas *interior of modern ........... justify their high cost need of .. 2S mit baweAcw Ul mecielarare cnr terete Bareteiere ase Fini cape Ole NOse 999 telesleleieeleliers *Memorial Bridge *Smith, Milton H., late president, Louisville & Nashville South, five-foot gauge of railways OLA sss * Snows DIOW.s 0. curetcivieoes Linde Pee fe oe *Snowa plow, LOtalyiccistisieteuearrertcn eeereeereos eoceeeoere Seve:: eeceeeoee eevee seve eoeoesceeoe eee eeee eoceeereeceecee ees ee eee cee eee eeee eeoeeer sees coeeoseeeeeeeese eee eoeeeeoeeeee 430 tol 148 152 151 276 433 234 232 233 234 82 159 239 238 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS South, population of in 1860...... *Southern engine in the 60’s....... Southern lines consisted of consoli- dations or minor linkshece Cost, Of, weatlyp gre. cs, soto eyes Feorganization vOLy ws. jetele stele operate 20,000 miles ......... Southern Pacific Ry., evolution of *chairman’ of Boardvof 344-2029 rescue work at San Francisco.. *DTESIdenitaiO Luis aces ee eee spends millions to save Imperial Valley -Caviisicas. ester ere Southern Ry. absorbs scores of pioneer sroOaGSmeee eee *president 10ft aoc terete eee Southern railways before the war. Southern states, four trunk lines of Spearman, Frank H., describes re- habilitation of the Union PAacihiG: occ scc sted ee ete eal eee Speculation, era of in railways and land coincident Speed, No. 999 attained a, of 112.5 miles wan). HOUf Wercsrrestee aie of first train on. early stage coaches ........ railway, in the 60’s *Sproule, William, president, ern Pacific Co. *Stage coach, California in 1865... first between New York and Boston *in pre-railway days site of, ee to Edinbareh eo eee eee eee eee ee eeeeo ee eee eeee Sarr Standard bats adoption hastened by Pullman cars *Standard time indicator in the 60’s local time before the days of.. *Starnucca, | Viaductwotertuem .rsaier State of the Union in 1830 ....... State owned railways, French economist on, 1877.......... Ownership tried by Michigan, NBR Y! | Remco Gisttove tate ayaskete Craroness tailways, first undertaken in IPennsylvaniagetie toc tents et Tegulation in Massachusetts... regulation, agitation for spread States, seven build railways...... without railways in 1850 ..... Stations, building of great ....... Statistics, ‘‘good servants but poor TNASLETS/ yes che eieteiete es creat: are require discreet interpretation. 235 426 299 431 306 274 424 148 274 227 72 38 196 201 100 98 331 247 247 INDEX 47] *Steamboat, first,: 1802 ........5...- 19 *Suspension bridge, first over Niag- *Steam engine, Watt’s development ATAU NTVC La uct occcstece cure Vehscahe. er 131 (he i: eer ase eee re Tot eis denana -DTiGCee waited < sleeve 153 power, coming of ..........-. 16) 42 Switchinowhumpnss.cs as sean seo. 261 power, its discovery and devel- T OPMENT. dc vas a 6 os eect miaieins 16 ; *Steel passenger coach, heavy, 1907 298 Taft, President, vetoes bill abolish- rails, cost and production before aes: Commerce (OUTE Mesie sist 320 RTO Nee SiR stadt eee 162 Tariffs, publication of............. 285 rails first rolled at Chicago, *Taussig, J. E., president, Wabash 1865 Pe eee aie ey cere cretste 162 Ry. ehelevelietel(e sere (els) s/o ais ieidie 6 o0 « 432 Stephenson, George, early experi- Taxes, ad valorem, by states, in ments and patents bes Se eS 21 1904 = aia atphahel we eilels\aiisse.b belles e 290 *first practical locomotive..... 22 railway, increase 232 per cent *FrOntispiECe (sya sc-v ss oes egos IV in 20 years .......... ser++ 326 triumph with the “Rocket” .. 24 Telegraph, electric, becomes indis- Stephenson, James, drives engine pensable to railways eine steaahs 326 of first train ........+. esse 23 Tenth Decade, opening, 1920 .... 380 *Stephenson’s No. 1 and modern lo- Test gS ey haa years to June ‘3 i nhs eae erie Ta NDNA Md EE Tals rane Ge ube aren wise (ois @ Ed ERLE ws . 24 *Ticket, New York to Buffalo, 1832. 66 *steam brake .....-++---- cae caus *office, oldest known in United *Stevens, Col. John, American in- A States aerate acinus tiles ticle 441 ventor and promoter ......- 35 Tioga, Passenger cars wLS4 Ones etelene 82 anticipates that rails will super- glad Decade, 1850-1860 %........ 102 SOME) CaNalS. (sais lass «0's Dts i ooo Thomson, J. Edgar, early president demonstrates curved railways.. 37 Pennsylvania R. Ho oe Sram 115 *Stevens, Robert L., designer of Through routes few in the 60’s... 163 Jutiy Dee alee heb te: Aah 49 *“Tom Thumb,” Cooper’s first loco- Stockton & Darlington Ry., first TOOLIVE! Ayictetad acre awe agitate ris 4 See practical steam railway ..... 23 COBLYOR Ponce naw vais 8a seagate 37 *Stone blocks for sleepers, 1830.... 57 *locomotive built by Peter *blocks with rails attached 56 Cooper ebelevelicteice 6) 0) 6e!.0,6)e elen sie ia 35 *Stone, Warren S., portrait ...... 436 Fraceswiths Horses .ciuees «the ce 36 Warren S., Grand Chief Loco- Track, mileage of, 1890 ......... 247 motive Engineres, 1903. .250, 436 Tracks destruction and rebuilding *Storey, W. B., president, Atch., Of dOTINg | Wariiaes's bacones 160 Top. & Santa Fe Ry...... 431 Traffic conditions, 1916 and 1923 “Stourbridge Lion,” cost of ...33, 36 COMPAL We cite -ciere selaine ercteee oa 406 *The, first locomotive on Amer- expansion, 1897-1907 ......... 97 ican TAU SMe ters ote cispetorsuencvess) *.< 34 handled, NOMA tol Ol ene ree 366 trial trip Of... 16. eeeee eee eee 32 reaches high level in 1917 .361, 362 Strickland, William, sent to Eng- AT carl se MmOdeLL GLe stout coe arethae © fete 49 land to investigate locomo- Train, first in the West.......... 163 ELVOSHE Sch ote cheer ena ta crate ors) slevenstarere 33 Trainmen, average pay of, 1888- Strike, engineers’, on C. B. & Q,, LO 230 So ay cei he tos. tere Sateen terete 251 1888... ce cee ener cece ceee 252 *president of Brotherhood of.. 437 great railway, at Pittsburgh... 223 Trains, early through, New York of 1922 by shopmen against tO CHICAZO fs eit eee waa 163 Labor Board award ....... 398 Tramway, Carbondale to Honesdale 30 Prllatitet O94 we stem tas t coc eie,0 252 early, at Leiper, 1806 ...... 30 threatened in 1921 abandoned 393 Trans-Atlantic steamship, first...... 27 Subsidies, government, to Union Transportation Act of 1920....376, 380 Pacihicuessn tee Ci ruber) SCA CAL slow development before age to Union Pacific refunded .... 270 Of) TailwayStisus. Son ke eet 3 FEMitit TOL days sctsis si we oealec ama Pate 472 HISTORY OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS *Trestle across valley near South *nearing completion, October, Omaha coca. see cc oe ele A Dra 202 1 O24. apy. ceo ss acclinte, wintereiate teeta 398 wT révithick, Richard etic. coca ean 21 *skeleton of concourse ....... 396 Richard, inventor of first lo- *Union Station, Kansas City, exterior 350 COMOtLVEa widen eosin eteciaeetets 21 *Union Station, St. Paul, exterior.. 401 *model locomotive of ...... yea Lo Na yo tity ciao thse re ee ee ae 400 *Truesdale, William H., president, “ain: .CONCOULSE Wi weenie 403 Delaware, Lackawanna & *PDrOgkess 1OL- wOLlkalen seni nena 402 Western (iws scan RIOT isin 432 *United States, railway maps, 1830, *Tubular tunnel at Detroit, approach 1840; 1850, VS60.) ae. ee ee 149 TOS Comet etinnd case t ee Rie tele iase 318 *Unloading lake vessels by machin- *concrete lined interior ........ 319 CLY” bie lets Bele sintate otetenctertot eters 285 Length oof metyetscisiemers Miners ote *Utah Central engine photographed Msinking a), SEGttOtic: venice inne 317 at Omaha in 1884 ......... 235 *Tunkhannock Creek bridge (Lacka- V Wialltia) Mencia cael tie wismelei ate sieietens 292 Tunnel under Detroit River at De- Valuation Act of 1913, results of.. 383 ALOE BA rstecrarckseieteionersravels) castes 3:16 apportioned among states, 1904 290 Two-cent a mile passenger fare fol- as shown by taxes .......... 326 lowed by receiverships .... 312 by eroupss 240 ee eereee 383 by three territorial divisions... 387 U commercials 1904e 5 eet 288 *Underwood, Fred’k D., president, Pace spt an BAe mp ge (Dagan: Briei) Ra Oe Rives ous tates ale 433 lag pass Sneath eae taes 4 , commercial, per mile, by states 290 Uniform accounts, adoption of..... 243 for rate making purposes 387 Union, American Railway, strike... 252 of 1920, $18,900,000,000 agen 387 *Union, Insurance Card of, TS 76ers 222 under the TransportationAct. . 387 Union Pacific R. R., building de- Value of farms increased by rail- SCrIDEC satin ests ce ole telswnls « srereks 166 WAYS EN. 5 cote oe cee oe ete 136 Rytatil lias oe teva eiteaecctictexetete siete sis icicts 173. _ ***Vandalia,” locomotive, 1895...... 259 *Ghatrmanol is 0alG.mere atid ae 427 *Vanderbilt, Commodore............ 70 Completed weve ew seach s oe te 179 share in Erie scandal......... 190 corporation approved July 1, buys control in New York & TSG 2a iieeste c ciowe. cle cccrs talons eeimteroy 166 Harlem wens ae oer 71 difficulties attending construc- *financier and consolidator of TOD Read oan weds eb ee Oe 173 Tatlways ut taine terete aie 7 () difficulties overcome on _ recon- starts his Staten Island ferry... 71 SEFUCHION Micmac eles eoomsters tele 271 *Van Sweringen, Otis P., chairman Pederalcaid #tore nes uiccecee se 170 Nickel Plate Securities Co... 434 gauge fixed by Congress ...... 172 *Van Sweringen, M. J., vice-presi- grant of right-of way..'.\.....- 170 dent, N. Y., Chi..& St. Louis *last spike driven May 10, 1869 179 Re Res patio eee oe aeeeaeaee 435 *HrEesident mOLmes eile ¥ sisiers eeete atch 423 Vestibule cars put in operation in febuilding SOF) (asa ete Sees 269 TS SS.: 5:02. teee stauiy- cr eek A aoe 146 TECEIVELSMIP OL Me cle sivie ei sierete he: ate 264 *“Victory,’’ the Rogers locomotive in Feorganizations Ots meee ce eter 269 L848 eho ciedevege ein eRe oe 100 route chosen by New England Volume of traffic greatest in history and \ New .Y Orkw, sthscie sien es 169 INEIIZS Sie a tates esas aE Oe route of, anticipated in 1832.. 166 taken over by a syndicate..... 269 WwW *Union Station, Chicago, architect’s *Wabash R. R., president of ...... 432 GLAWIN GUase sete amienciels eaveraeeets 394 Wages and rates advanced by Di- MCONCOUTSE Drs Pisce Pte vices pic aterate 397 rector p Generale. 0 eee 370 *ground plan and tracks ...... 395 of pay on New York Central in main Schall ae4.v i av iiniecctes Ree oo” 1877 wi cculdiesid as @ viotkehinitete neteeets INDEX 473 Wages, circumstances to be _ con- *“Webster, Daniel,’’ model of..... «, 123 Sidenedeyiites fxn eh as oti sae 381 first coal burning locomotive.. 137 Labor Board cut shopmen’s.... 397 Westeethetluremots.cwces vicsclewess 57 - Wagner Car Co., absorbed by Pull- Western railways help preserve the PH AEMOG Ole etete te ereces acai e'e’ aia ;- 146 RD ELOLUGE sloth «ly Gece le as hy aes 150 Wagner sleepers competed with Patewad vance ie UO cles crs ae Aley/ Purllima nS goad enctesie eee ots 145 Rate Case decision based on Walker, Aldace F., chairman of false premises......... SAIS sre ODL Board under Santa Fe reor- TOAUS» w CCHEeSISMOLe this). rec ee L SO IPANIZALION encarta te yeyet ree eal ole av 266 *Westinghouse, George, portrait..... 203 commissioner and receiver..... 266 father of the trainbrake...... 204 War, America’s entry into the Great 361 firstapatent in, LoOSiscm eases se 207 declaration of, April 6, 1917... 362 Sketch ote lutexart mnie accion = 205 the Great, found railways short OlmeECUipMentes. cae seh eee as 366 in the shadow of the Great... 357 War Board, Railroads’, members of 362 Ratlroads7orranized se. saiece toO2 iRailroadsmeresipnss-:t tess cs ss 01 SOS *Warfield, S. Davies, president, Sea- board 2A tra Lines.o. cies oe cusses 433 Washington, George, early visits to Pittsburye hienmcrcrlslorsicesieieins 2 experience in 1747........000% 1 *headquarters at Fort Cumber- ATT Ue s Sevaa secerae crstenaieta eles 111 interest in waterways......... 15 *Washington, Union Station, facade OE ee al egteeawnddlg cee *main concourse........ dace e sisi OOS CL OmEHemET Att Site ere Api noes 333 BtrackslayOutectle s/s Badisloe eebiees FOOL “trainsheds <.......< HRC SOO TODO Ces) Waterways, era of......... Dae ane natural and artificial, preceded EAall WAY Sim sietetotancie sists ohcueietsve othe 12 passing of their traffic to rail- WAYS os mics ess anleie esc wiste's oe. 128 MV att we Jaimes, © portfattw css poss see's cs 4 10 adapts and perfects Newcomen’s irghiVs, sao Sos COCO eteretaie's 17 *first etipitie: Of... 2.66 esse oe 18 *improved engine of.........-- 18 Wealth, national, increase of...... 230 organizes Air Brake Company.. 209 *Westinghouse Works at Wilmerding, Par il ODA Seca tete sicisie <3 210 “What the traffic can bear’ mis- UNMCErSLOOG Meneitare st orev telnet 21s 256 aVVAITECLS meetin Stan ({SCCsjeneye icicle’. thsrelare efa.e 4 Whitney, Asa, Pacific route pro- qeciediby’ 194500 e oe). ome ce 167 Widdefield & Button brake........ 206 *Willard, Daniel, president, Balti- TOTS cee © IO tercteee tetas ee mie 418 Wilson, James, Secretary of Agri- culture, on railway share of PLICES Haste eee teas wee arauares S15 Wilson, President, assurances to Laalway ei VeStOUsnr-yetseratere =!) 367 *Wood burning locomotive......... 154 *Wooden railway car with flanged Wilkie GIGMe Aves a ciciecarearmiete cites 29 Workmen, character of, on Union Pacific construction. ......... 175 Vora eeS lieike Git Ih). oan gensoocon 263 efrecty ONmtratiCunte aiteereiieacels © 263 TAlWWA VS Hee GOW tHNLO a atelatsloiele sisie 454 Y Yard tracks and sidings, 1890-1900 284 id Zanesville bridge destroyed by flood 310 Phid SITY OF ILLINOIS iT | Sete | i Ht I ==>=—=——__. == are Sc = aaa = _—_—_ rs mq ‘ i ppvateybe er a roe aren Serr ao Pe ee Rr are ey r as +. mere as ss > o ~ — S