THE UNIVERSITY 
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 THAT PORTION OF SCOTISH stom, 
 
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 IE GOWRY CONSPIRACY, | 
 
 ‘a eee FIFTH OF AUGUST, “1600. 
 
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 PRINTED BY R. ORICON, 
 
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 ! ‘HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, LONDON; 
 AND J. AND is ROBERTSON, EDINBURGH. } 
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 for London, read Loudon. 
 Tenents, read Tenets. 
 probably were, read probably they were. 
 to the Bible, read of the Bible. 
 or, read as. 
 recess read accesse 
 he did consider, read he did not consider 
 tragedy, read forgery. 
 had he, read he had, 
 their, read the. 
 
 437643 
 
 . (In some copies) 
 
A 
 
 DISSERTATION 
 
 ON 
 
 THAT PORTION OF SCOTTISH HISTORY 
 
 TERMED 
 
 THE GOWRY CONSPIRACY. 
 
 OF the many dark transactions, recorded in Scotish 
 History, few have been the subject of greater controversy, 
 than that which took place in the end of the 16th Century, 
 known by the name of Gowry’s Conspiracy. No one is 
 more deserving of investigation. 
 
 In these rude and turbulent times, rapine and assassi- 
 nation were far from being rare. But a young man, of a- 
 miable manners, and a conciliating disposition, the chief of 
 an ancient, potent, and opulent family, and the favourite of 
 his fellow citizens, slain, in his own house, by his guests; 
 and these guests his sovereign and courtiers; his next bro- 
 ther put to death at the same time with himself; the rest of 
 his friends proscribed ; such of his servants as evidenced any 
 kind of fidelity towards him, hanged as traitors; his own 
 dead body treated with every kind of ignominy; his name 
 and race annihilated: and his property confiscated; are no 
 common occurrences. Yet, in the opinion of most people, 
 this was the fate of John Earl of Gowry. One thing is cer- 
 tain, whoever was the conspirator, the consequences to the 
 Ruthven Family were such as must affect every contempla- 
 tive mind. If the two brothers really made an attempt on 
 the king, we may well say “ grievous has the expiation 
 been.” But if the whole was no more than a contrivance 
 of James; words are insufficient to express his villany. 
 
 The account of this affair, published by authority, gave 
 satisfaction to only very few, at the time, and ever since, 
 
Ng 
 
 . 2 
 
 there ‘et not been wanting, persons who declared them- 
 selves equally sceptical. 
 
 For a long time, the public seemed to be divided into 
 only two opinions relative to this matter, viz. those who 
 were persuaded, or pretended to be so, that Gowry invited 
 the king to his house, with the design of assassinating him, 
 because of his cruelty to Earl William, father to John, his 
 attachment to worthless favourites, and his encroachments 
 on the liberties of the subject: and those who supposed it a 
 plot of James, and some of his minions; the one to get rid 
 of the Earl, whom he hated and envied, the others to take 
 that person out of the way, who was most likely to with- 
 stand their corrupt and oppressive practices, and to obtain 
 a division of his extensive domains amongst them. But of 
 late, it has become customary, for Scotish Historians to re- 
 present some of the most important occurrences, in a light 
 quite new, and altogether different from that in which we 
 have been accustomed to view them. Perhaps each suc- 
 ceeding writer considers something of this kind as necessary 
 to render his work iiiteresting, well reflecting, that, as many 
 relations of the Affairs of Scotland are already before the 
 Public, its attention can only be attracted to any recent 
 narrative, by novelty. And certainly, when supported by 
 authentic documents, the developement of mystery, or cor- 
 rection of misrepresentation, is a far more valuable trait in 
 the historical character, than a repetition of former ac- 
 counts, though in more polished language. Perhaps too, 
 in the number of historians who have ventured to differ in 
 particular points from their predecessors, there have been 
 some, whose situation rendered it inconvenient for them, 
 to expose to the public eye, the secret springs of the ac- 
 tions of statesmen, even after a lapse of two hundred years. 
 
 Whatever his reason was, Dr Principal Robertson gave 
 it as his opinion, that the destruction of the Gowry Family 
 was occasioned by an unsuccessful attempt of the two bro- 
 thers, Earl John and the honourable Alexander Ruth- 
 ven, not to murder but to seize the person of King James 
 the Sixth, and deliver it up to Queen Elizabeth of England. 
 
 This never proved a satisfactory solution of the mystery, 
 (if a mystery there was,) and the public opinion seemed to 
 
 - revert to one or other of the original hypotheses, till, with- 
 
 in these few years, that Mr Pinkerton, in an Appendix to 
 the first volume of Laing’s History, advances another, in 
 
3 
 
 which, the Earl is supposed entirely innocent and ignorant 
 of every kind of conspiracy against his Sovereign: but that, 
 his brother Alexander having criminal intercourse with — 
 James’ Queen, Ann of Denmark, they (Alexander and 
 Ann) formed the design of dethroning, if not of murdering 
 His Majesty; that in endeavouring to accomplish this, 
 by some unaccountable fatality, Alexander, on whom the 
 executive part of the plot devolved, became insane, and so, 
 being incapable of conducting the important enterprize, he 
 lost his life in the attempt; and that the Earl was slain 
 in mistake by the King’s party, they supposing him engaged 
 in the conspiracy, when he entered the apartment where 
 Alexander made the attact, merely to learn the nature of 
 the fray. 
 
 That we may be enabled to form a competent judgment 
 of these several theories, it will be proper, 
 
 In the first place, to give the account published by au- 
 thority of government, some wecks after the death of the 
 two brothers, entitled, ** A Discourse of the unnatural and 
 vile conspiracy attempted by John, Earl of Gowry, and 
 his brother, against His Majesty’s person, at St Johnston, 
 upon the 5th of August, 1600 :” 
 
 Secondly, briefly to state such circumstances relative to 
 this affair, as are omitted in the “ Discourse,” or have taken 
 place since it was published : 
 
 Thirdly, to transcribe from the Public Records, the 
 depositions of the Witnesses, and an account of the other 
 proceedings at the Precognitions and ‘Trial : 
 
 Fourthly, to enquire, as far as we have in our power, 
 into the characters of the Witnesses, Judges, Parties, and 
 other Persons concerned in this Transaction, so as to as- 
 certain, as near as possible, what credibility is due to their 
 evidence, or what their motives were, for intermeddling in 
 the affair : 
 
 And Lastly, by such inferences as may fairly be deduced 
 from the whole, endeavour to discover which of the four 
 theories that have been proposed, is the most probable. 
 
 Imo. A Discourse of the unnatural and vile Conspiracy, $c. 
 
 His Majestie having his residence at Falkland, and be- 
 ing daily at the Buck-hunting (as his use is in that season) 
 A 2 
 
4 
 upon the fifth day of August, being Tuesday, hee raide out 
 
 to the Park, between six and seven o’clock in the morning, 
 the weather being wonderful pleasant and seasonable. But 
 before His Majestie could leap on horse-back, His High- 
 nesse being now come down by the equerie; all the hunts- 
 men with the hounds, attending His Majestie on the green, 
 and the Court making to their horses, as His Highnesse 
 self was, Master Alexander Ruthven, second brother to 
 the late Earl of Gowrie, being then lighted in the town of 
 Falkland, hasted him fast down to overtake His Majestie 
 before his onleaping, as hee did. Where meeting His 
 Fighnesse, after a low courtesie, bowing his head under 
 His Majestie’s knee, (although hee was never wont to make 
 so lowe a courtesie) drawing His Majestie aparte, hee be- 
 gins to discourse with him, (but with a very dejected coun- 
 tenance, his eies ever fixed upon the earth) how that it 
 chanced him, in the evening before, to be walking abroad 
 about the fields, taking the ayre solitairie alone, without 
 the town of St Johnston, where his present dwelling with 
 the Lorde his brother was, and there, by accident affirmed 
 to have recountered a basc-like fellow unknowne to him, 
 with a cloke, cast about his mouth; whom, as hee enquired 
 his name and what his errand was to be passing in so soli- 
 tary a part, being from all waies; the fellow become on a 
 sodaine so amazed, and his tongue so faultered in his mouth, 
 that, upon his suspicious behaviour, hee beganne more 
 narrowly to look unto him, and examine him: and per- 
 ceiving that there appeared something to be hid under his 
 cloke, he did cast by the lappet of it, and so finds a great 
 wide pot to be under his arme, all full of coined gold in 
 great pieces, assuring His Majestie, that it was in very 
 great quantity. Upon the sight whereof (as he affirmed) 
 hee took back the fellow with his burthen to the towne, 
 where hee, privately, without the knowledge of any man, 
 took the fellow and bound him in a privy derned house; 
 and after locked many doors upon him, and had hasted 
 him out of St Johnston, that day by four hours in the 
 morning, to make His Majestie advertised thereof, accord- 
 ing to his bound duty, earnestly requesting His Majestie, — 
 with all diligence and secresie, that His Majestie might 
 take order therewith, before any knew thereof, swearing 
 and protesting, that hee had yet concealed it from all men, 
 yea, from the Earl his own brother. His Majestie’s first 
 
5 
 
 answer was, (after thanking him for his good will) that it 
 could not become His Majestie, to meddle any waies in 
 that matter, since no man’s treasure that is a free and law- 
 ful subject, can by the law, appertain unto the king, ex- 
 cept it be found hid under the earth, as this was not; where- 
 unto he answered, That the fellow confessed unto him, that 
 he was going to have hid it under the ground, but could 
 not take leasure at that time to enquire any further of him. 
 Whereunto His Majestie replied, That there was great dif- 
 ference betwixt a deed and. the intention of a deed; his in- 
 tention to have hid it, not being alike as if it had been hid. 
 Maister Alexander’s answer was, That hee thought His 
 Majestie over scrupulous in such a matter, tending so great- 
 ly to His Majestie’s profit; and that, if his Majestie defer- 
 red to meddle with it, that it might bee that the Lorde his 
 brother, and other great men, might meddle with it, and 
 make His Majestie the more adoe. Whereupon the king 
 beginning to suspect, that it had been some forreigne gold 
 brought home by some Jesuits or practising Papists, (there- 
 with to stirr up some new sedition, as they have oftentimes 
 done before,) inquired of the said Maister Alexander, what 
 kind of coin it was? and what a fellow he was that carried 
 it? His answer was, That so farre as he could take leizure 
 to see them, that they seemed to be forreigne strokes of 
 coyne; and altho’ the fellow, both by his language and 
 fashions, seemed to be a Scots fellow, yet he could never 
 remember that he had seen him before. ‘These speeches 
 increased His Majestie’s suspicion, that it was foraine coyne 
 brought in by some practising Papists, and to be distribut- 
 ed into the countrie, as is said before, and that the fellow 
 that carried it was some Scots Priest, or Seminarie, so dis- 
 guised for the more sure transporting thereof. 
 
 Whereupon His Majestie resolved, that he would send 
 back with the said Maister Alexander a servant of his own, 
 with a warrant to the Provost and Bailliffes of St Johns- 
 ton, to receive both the fellow, and the money at Maister 
 Alexander’s hand, and after they had examined the fellow, 
 to retain him and the treasure till His Majestie’s further 
 pleasure was knowne. 
 
 Whereat the said Maister Alexander stirred marvellous« 
 ly; affirming and protesting that if either the Lorde his 
 brother, or the Bailliffes of the towne, were put on the 
 counsail thereof, His Majestie would get a very badde 
 
 ¥ 
 
a 
 
 6 
 
 count made to him of that treasure, swearing, that the 
 
 ereat love and affection hee bare unto His Majestie, had 
 made him to preferre His Majestie in this case, both unto 
 himself and his brother: for the which service he humbly 
 craved that recompense, that His Majestie would take the 
 paynes once to ride thither, that he might be the first seer 
 thereof himself; which being done, he would remit to His 
 Majestie’s owne honourable discretion, how far it would 
 please His Majestie to consider upon him for that service. 
 
 His Highness being stricken in great admiration, both 
 
 of the uncouthnesse of the tale, and of the strange and stu- 
 
 pide behaviour of the reporter; and the Court being al- 
 ready horsed, wondering at His Majestie’s so long stay 
 with the gentleman, the morning being so faire, the game 
 already found, and the huntsmen staying so long on the 
 fields for His Majestie; hee was forced to break off; only 
 with these wordes, that hee could not stay any longer from 
 his sport, but that hee would consider of the matter, and, 
 at the end of his chace, give him a resolute answer, what 
 order he would take therein ; whereupon His Majestie part- 
 ed in haste from him towards the place where the game 
 was, 
 
 Maister Alexander parting from His Majestie very mis- 
 content, that indelayedly he raide not to Saint Johnstoun, 
 as he desired him; protesting that His Majestie would 
 not find every day such a choice of hunting as hee had of- 
 fered to him; and that hee feared that His Majestie’s long 
 delay, and slowness of resolution, would breed leizure to 
 the fellow, who was laying bound, to, cry, or make such 
 dinne as would disappoint the secreeie of the whole pur-* 
 pose, and make both the fellow and the treasure to be med- 
 dled with, before any word could come from His Majestie ; 
 as also that his brother would misse him, in respect of his 
 absence that morning, which, if His Majestie had pleasde to 
 haste, hee might have prevented, arriving there in the time 
 of his brother's, and the whole town’s being at the sermon; 
 whereby His Majestie might have taken such secret order 
 with that matter, as hee pleased, before their outcoming from 
 the church. But His Majestie, without any further an- 
 swering him, leapinge on horseback and riding to the dogs, 
 where they were beginning to hunt, the said Mr Alexander 
 stayed still in that place, where hee had left His Majestie, 
 and haying two men with him appointed by the Earl his 
 
7 
 
 brother, to carry backe unto him the certayne news ih ald 
 haste of His Majestie’s coming, (as hereafter more parti- 
 cularly shall in this same discourse be declared. ) 
 
 He directed one of them, called Andrew Henderson, 
 chamberlaine to the said Earl, to ride in all haste to the 
 Earle, commanding him, as he loved his brother’s honour, 
 that he should not spare for spilling his horse, and that hee 
 should advertise the Earle, that hee hoped to mové His Ma- 
 jestie to come thither, and that hee should not yet look for 
 him for the space of three hours thereafter, because of His 
 Majestie’s hunting, adding these words, “* Praye my Lorde, 
 my brother to prepare dinner for us.” But His Majestie 
 was no sooner ridden up a little hill above the little woode, 
 where the dogs were layde on in hunting, but that, not- 
 withstanding the pleasant beginning of the chace, he could 
 not stay from musing and wondering upon the news. Where- 
 upon, without making any body ‘acquainted with his pur- 
 pose, finding John Nesmith, chirurgian, by chance riding 
 beside him, His Majestie directed him back to bri ing Mais- 
 ter Alexander with him; who being brought unto His 
 Majestie, and having new ly directed, as said i is, one of his 
 men that was with him backe to my Lorde his brother, His 
 Majestie unknowing or suspecting that any man living had 
 come with him; then told him that hee had been advising 
 with himself, and in respect of his last words so earnest 
 with him, He resolved to ride thither for that errand in his 
 own person, how soon the chace was ended, which was al- 
 ready begunne. Like as His Majestie upon the very end- 
 
 ing of these wordes, did ride away in the chace, the said 
 Maister Alexander did follow him at his backe; no other 
 creature being with His Majestie, but hee, and John Ha- 
 milton of Grange, one of His Majestie’s master stablers, the 
 rest of the court being all before in the chase, His Majestie 
 only being cast back upon the staying to speake with Mais- 
 ter Alexander, as is before sayde. 
 
 The chase lasted from about seaven of the clock in the 
 morning, untill eleven and more, being one of the greatest 
 and sorest chases that ever His Majestie was at: all which 
 time the said Maister Alexander was, for the most part, 
 ever at His Majestie’s backe, as is said. But there never 
 was any stope in the chase, or so small a delay, that the 
 said Maister Alexander ommitted to round His Majestie, 
 earnestly requesting him to hasten the end of the hunting, 
 
that hee might.ride the sooner to St Johnstown, ‘so as, at 
 
 the death of the bucke, His Majestie not staying upon the. 
 curry of the diere, (as his use is) scarcelie took time to alight, 
 
 awayting the coming of a fresh horse to ride on, the great- 
 
 ness of the chase having wearied his horse. 
 
 But the said Maister Alexander would not suffer the. 
 King to stay in the park where the bucke was killed, while 
 his tresh horse which was-already sent for, was brought 
 out of the equerie to him, (altho’ it was not two flight- 
 ~ shot off betwixt the parte where the bucke was killed, and 
 His Majestie’s equerie:) but with verie importunitie forced 
 His Majestie to leape on again upon the same horse, that 
 he had hunted all the day upon, his fresh horse being made 
 to gallop a mile of the way to overtake him; His Majestie 
 not staying so much as upon his sword, nor while the Duke 
 and the Earle of Mar with diverse other gentlemen, in his 
 company had changed their horses: only saying unto them, 
 that he was to ride to St Johnstoun to speak with the Earle 
 of Gowrie, and that he would be presently back again be- — 
 fore even. 
 
 Whereupon some of the court galloped back to Falk- 
 Jand as fast as they could, to chaunge horse, but could not 
 overtake His Majestie untill he came within a few miles of — 
 St Johnstoun. Others rid forward with their horses, wea- 
 ried as they were, whereof some were compelled to alight 
 by the way; and had they not both refreshed their horses, 
 fed them, and given them some grasse, by the way, they 
 had not carried them to Saint Johnstoun: the cause of 
 His Majestie’s servants following so fast, undesired by him, 
 being only grounded upon a suspition they had conceived, 
 that His Majestie’s intention of riding was for the appre- 
 hension of the Maister of Oliphant, one who had lately 
 done a vile and proud oppression in Angus; for repairing 
 of the which, they thought that His Majestie had some 
 purpose for his apprehension. , 
 
 But the said Maister Alexander seeing the Duke and 
 the Earle of Mar, with diverse of the court, getting fresh 
 horse for following of His Majestie, earnestlie desired him 
 that he would publish to his whole traine, that since he was 
 to return the same evening, as is afore sayde, they needed 
 not follow him, especiallie that hee thought it meetest His 
 Majestie should stay the Duke and the Earle of Mar to™. 
 follow him, and that he should only take three or four of. 
 
Y 
 
 9 
 
 his own servants with him; affirming that if any nobleman 
 - followed him, he could not answer for it; but that they 
 
 would marre the whole purpose. _Whereuppon His Majes- 
 tie, half angry, replyed that hee would not mistrust the 
 Duke nor the Earle of Mar in a greater purpose than that, 
 and that hee could not understand what hindrance any 
 man could make in that errand. 
 
 But these last speeches of Maister Alexander made the 
 King begin to suspect what it should meanne: whereuppon, 
 many and sundrie thoughts beganne to enter into the 
 King’s mind: yet His Majestie could never suspect any 
 harme to be intended against His Highnesse by the young 
 gentleman, with whom His Majestie had been so well ac- 
 quainted, as he had not long before been in suite to be one 
 of the gentlemen of his chamber: so as, the farthest that 
 his suspition could reach to, was, that it might be that the 
 Karle his brother had handled him so hardly, that the 
 young gentleman being of a hie spirit, had taken such 
 displeasure, as he was become somewhat beside himself, 
 which His Majestie conjectured, as well by his raised and 
 uncouth staring, and continual pensiveness all the time of 
 the hunting, as likewise by such strange sort of unlikely 
 discourses, as are already mentioned. 
 
 Whereuppon the King took occasion to make the Duke 
 of Lennox acquainted with the whole purpose, enquiring 
 of him very earnestlie, what he knew of the young gentle- 
 man’s nature being his brother-in-law, and if he had per- 
 
 ceived him to be subject to any high apprehensions? His 
 Majestie declaring his suspition plainlie to the said Lorde 
 Duke, that he thought him not well settled in his witts; 
 alweis desiring my Lorde Duke not to fail to accompanie 
 him into that house where the allegid fellow and treasure 
 was. 
 The Lorde Duke wondered much at that purpose, and 
 thought it very unliklie; yet he affirmed that he could ne- 
 ver perceive any such appearance in that gentleman’s in- 
 clination. But Maister Alexander perceiving His Majes- 
 tie’s privy conference with the Duke, and suspecting the 
 purpose as it appeared, came to the King requesting His 
 Majestie very earnestlie, he should make none living ac- 
 quainted with that purpose, nor suffer none to go with His 
 Majestie where he should convey him, but himself only, 
 until His Majestie had once seen the fellow and his trea- 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 sure: whereunto His Majestie, half laughing, gave answere, 
 that he was no good teller of money, and behoved there- 
 fore to have some to help him in that errand. His reply 
 was, that "he would suffer none to see it but His Majestie’s 
 self at the first, but afterwards he might call in whom hee 
 pleased. 
 
 These speeches did so increase his suspition, that then 
 hee beganne directlie to suspect some treasonable devise, 
 yet many suspitions and thoughts overwhelming everie one 
 another in his mind, His Majestie could resolve uppon 
 no certain thing, but rode further on his journey, betwixt 
 trust and distrust, being ashamed to seem to suspect, i 
 respect of tlie cleannesse of His Majestie’s own conscience, 
 except he had found some greater ground. Maister Al- 
 exander still pressing the King to ride faster, tho’ his 
 own horse was scarcelie able to keep company with the 
 King for weariness, having ridden with him all the chase 
 before, the King being come two miles from Falkland, 
 Maister Alexander stayed a little behind the King in the 
 way, and posted away the other servant Andrew Ruthven 
 to the Earle his brother; advertising him how far the King 
 was on his way to come thither. ‘Then how soone soever 
 the King came within a mile of St. Johnstoun, he said to 
 His Majestie, that he would post in before, to advertise 
 the Earle his brother of His Majestie’s coming: who, at 
 his incoming to him was sitting at the midst of his dinner, 
 never seeming to take knowledge of the King’s coming, 
 till his brother told it him, notwithstanding, that two of 
 his servants had advertized him thereof before. And im- 
 mediately upon his brother’s report, rising in haste from 
 the board and warning all the servants and friends to ac- 
 company him to meet His Majestie; who met him with 
 three or fourscore men at the end of the Inche, His Ma- 
 jestie’s whole traine, not exceeding the number of fifteen 
 persons, and all without any kind of armour, except 
 swordes, no, not so much as daggers or whingers; His 
 Majestie stayed an hour after his coming to the said Earl’s 
 lodging in Saint Johnstoun before his dinner came in. The 
 Jangsomeness of preparing the same, and badness of the 
 cheere being excused upon the sodaine coming of His Ma- 
 jestie, unlooked for there. 
 
 During which time His Majestie enquired of Maister 
 Alexander, when it was time for him to goe to that private 
 
il 
 
 house about that matter whereof he had informed him: who 
 answered him, that all was sure enough, but that there was 
 no haste yet for an hour, till the King had dined at lei- 
 mire, praying His Majestie to leave him and not to be 
 seene to rounde with him before his brother, who, havin 
 missed him that morning might thereupon suspect what the 
 matter should meane. Therefore His Majestie addressed 
 himself to the Earle, and discoursed with him upon sun- 
 drie matters, but could get no direct answer of him, but 
 half wordes and imperfect sentences. 
 
 His Majestie being set down to his dinner, the said Earle 
 stood very pensive, and with a dejected countenance, at 
 the end of His Majestie’s table, oft rounding over his should- 
 er, one while to one of his servants, and another while to 
 another, and oftimes went out and in to the chamber. 
 Which forme of behaviour, he likewise kept before the 
 King’s sitting downe to dinner, but without any welcom- 
 ing of His Majestie, or any other hearty form of enter- 
 tainment. ‘The noblemen and gentlemen of the court that 
 were with His Majestie standing about the table, and not 
 desired to dine (as the use is when His Majestie is once set 
 downe, and his first service brought up,) untill His Majes- 
 
 tie had almost dined. At which time the Earle convoyed 
 - them forth to their dinner, but sat not downe with them 
 himself (as the common manner is,) but came backe, and 
 stood silent at the end of the King’s table, as he did be- 
 fore ; which His Majestie perceiving, beganne to entertaine 
 the Earle in a homely manner, wondering he had not 
 remained to dine with his guests, and entertayne them 
 there. 
 
 His Majestie being readie to rise from table, and all his 
 servants in the hall at their dinner, Maister Alexander 
 standing behind His Majestie’s backe, pulled quietly upon 
 him, rounding in His Majestie’s eare, that it was time to goe, 
 but that hee would faine have been quit of the Earle his 
 brother, wishing the King to send him out into the hall, 
 to entertayne his guests, whereupone the King called for 
 drinke, and in a merrie and homely manner, sayde to the 
 Farle, that altho’ the Earle had seen th¢.fashion of enter- 
 taynments, in other countries, yet he would teach him the 
 Scotish fashion, seeing he was a Scotish man; and there- 
 fore, since he had forgotten to drink to His Majestie, or 
 sit with his guests and entertayne them, His Majestie would 
 
 B 2 
 
12 
 
 drink to him his owne welcome, desiring him to take it 
 forth and drink to the rest of the company, and in His 
 Majestie’s name to make them welcome. Whereuppone, 
 as he went forth, His Majestie rose from the table, and de- 
 sired Maister Alexander to bring Sir Thomas Erskine with 
 him; who desiring the King to go forward with him, and 
 promising that he should make any one or two to follow 
 him that he pleased to call for, desiring His Majestie to 
 command publickly, that none should follow him. ‘Thus 
 the King accompanied only with the sayde Maister Alex- 
 ander, comes forth of the chamber, passeth through the 
 end of the hall where the Noblemen and His Majestie’s 
 servants were sitting at their dinner, up a turnpeeck and 
 thro’ three or four chambers, the sayde Mr Alexander ever 
 locking behind him every door as he passed ; and then with 
 a more smiling countenance than he had all the day be- 
 fore, ever saying, he had him sure and safe enough kept, un- 
 till at the last, His Majestie passing thro’ three or four sund- 
 rie houses, and all the doors locked behind him, His Ma- 
 jestie entered into a little study, where he saw standing with 
 an abased countenance, not a bondman, but a freeman, 
 with a dagger at his girdle, but His Majestie had no soon- 
 er entered into that little study and Maister Alexander with 
 him, but Maister Alexander locked to the study door be- 
 hind him, and at that instant changing his countenance, 
 putting his hatte on his head, and drawing the dagger from 
 that other man’s girdle, held the point of it to the King’s 
 breast, avowing now that the King behoved to be in his 
 will, and used as he list; swearing many bloody oaths, that 
 if the King cried one worde, or opened a window to look 
 out, that dagger should presently go to his heart: affirm- 
 ing that hee was sure that howe the King’s conscience was 
 burthened for murthering his Father. His Majestie won- 
 dering at so sodaine an alteration, and standing naked 
 without any kind of armour but his hunting horn, which 
 he had not gotten leizure to lay from him, betwixt’ these 
 two Traitors who had conspired his life; the sayde Mais- 
 ter Alexander standing (as sayde is) with a dagger in his 
 hand, and his sword at his side; but the other trembling 
 and quaking, rather like one condemned, than an execu- 
 tioner of such enterprise. 
 
 His Majestie begunne then to dilatte to the sayde Mais- 
 ter Alexander, how horrible a thing it was for him, te 
 
13 
 
 meddle with His Majestie’s innocent blood, assuring him 
 it would not be left unrevenged, since God had given him 
 children and good subjects, and if they neyther, yet God 
 would raise uppe stocks and stones to punish so vile a deed. 
 Protesting before God, that hee had no burthen in his con- 
 science for the execution of his Father, both in respect that 
 at the time of his Father’s execution, His Majestie was but 
 a minor of age, and guided at that time by a faction which 
 over-ruled both His Majestie and the rest of the country; 
 as also that whatsoever was done to his Father, it was done 
 by the ordinary course of law and justice. _ Appealing the 
 sayde Maister Alexander upon his conscience, how well hee 
 at all times since deserved at the hands of all his race, not 
 only having restored them to all their lands and dignities, 
 but also nourishing and bringing up of two or three of his 
 Sisters, as it were in his owne bosome, by a continued at- 
 tendance uppone His Majestie’s dearest bed-fellow in her 
 privy chamber. 
 
 Laying also before him the terrors of his conscience, es- 
 peciallie that hee made profession, according to his educa- 
 tion, of the same religion that His Majestie had ever -pro- 
 fessed; and namely, His Majestie remembered him of that 
 holy man, Mr Robert Rollock, whose schollar hee was, as- 
 suring him, that one day, the sayde Mr Robert’s soule 
 would accuse him, that hee never learned of him to practice 
 such unnatural cruelty; His Majestie promising to him, on 
 the word of a Prince, that if hee would spare his life, and 
 suffer him to go out againe, he never would reveale to any 
 flesh living what was betwixt them at that time; nor never 
 suffer him to incur any harm or punishment for the same. 
 
 But His Majestie’s fear was, that he could hope for no 
 sparing at his hands, having such crueltie in his looks, and 
 standing so irreverently with his hatte on, which form of 
 -rigorous behaviour, could prognosticate nothing. to His 
 
 ajestie but present extremitie. But, at His Majestie’s 
 pursuasive language, he appeared to be somewhat amazed, 
 and uncovering his head, againe swore and protested that 
 
 His Majestie’s life should be safe if he would behave him- 
 self quietly, without making noise or crying; and that he 
 would only bring in the Earle his brother to speake with 
 His Majestie. Whereuppon His Majestie enquiring, what 
 the Earle would do with him, since (if His Majestie’s life 
 was safe according to promise) they could gain little in 
 
14 
 
 keeping such a prisoner. His answere only was, that hee 
 could tell His Majestie no more, but that his life should be 
 safe, in case hee behaved himself quietlie, the Earl his bra- 
 ther, whome hee was going for, would tell His Majestie at 
 his coming. With that, as he was going forth for his bro- 
 ther, as hee affirmed, hee turned him about to the other 
 man, saying these wordes unto him, I make you here the 
 King’s keeper, till I come backe againe, and see that you 
 keep him upon your own peril: and therewithall sayde to 
 ‘His Majestie, you must content yourselfe to have this man 
 now for your keeper, till my coming backe. 
 
 With these wordes, he passeth forth, locking the door 
 behind him, leaving His Majestie, with that man he found 
 there before him, of whom His Majestie then enquired, if 
 he were appointed to be the murtherer of him at that time, 
 and how farre he was upon the counseil of that conspiracy ? 
 whose answer, with a trembling and astonished voice and 
 behaviour was, That as the Lord should judge him, he was 
 never made acquaynted with that purpose, but that he was 
 put in there per force, and the door locked upon him, a 
 little space before His Majestie’s coming: as indeed all the 
 time of the sayde Maister Alexander’s menacing His Ma- 
 jestie, hee was ever trembling, requesting him for God’s 
 sake, and with many other attestations, not to meddle with 
 His Majestie, nor to do him any harme. But because 
 Maister Alexander had, before his going forth, made the 
 King swear hee should not cry nor open any window, His 
 Majestie commanded the sayde fellow to open the window 
 on his right hand, which hee readiely did: so that altho’ 
 hee was put in there, to use violence on the King, yet God 
 so turned his heart, as hee became a slave to his prisoner. 
 
 While His Majestie was in this dangerous estate, and 
 none of his own servants, nor traine knowing where hee 
 was, and as His Majestie’s traine was arising in the halle from 
 their dinner, the Earle of Gowrie being present with them, 
 one of the Karle of Gowrie’s servants comes hastily in, as- 
 suring the Earle his Maister, that His Majestie was horsed 
 and away thro’ the Inche; which the Earle reporting to the 
 noblemen and the rest of His Majestie’s traine that was there 
 present, they all rushed out together at the gate in great 
 haste: and some of His Majestie’s servants enquiring of the 
 Porter, when His Majesty went forth? The Porter affirm- 
 ed that the King was not yet gone forth. Whereuppone 
 
15 
 
 the Earle looked very angrilie upon him, and sayde he was 
 but a liar, yet turning him to the Duke, and to the Earle 
 of Mar sayde, he would presently get them sure word 
 where His Majestie was: and with that, ranne through the 
 close, and up the staires. But his purpose indeed was to 
 speak to his brother, as appeared very well by the circum- 
 stance of time, his brother having at that same instant left 
 the King in the little study, and ranne down the stairs in 
 great haste. 
 
 Immediately after, the Earle cometh back running a- 
 
 gaine to the gate, where the noblemen and the rest were 
 _ standing in amaze, assuring them that the King was gone 
 long since out at the back yette, and if they hasted them 
 not the sooner, they would not overtake him: and with 
 that, called for his horse; whereat they rushed all together 
 out at the gate, and made towards the Inche, crying all for 
 their horses; passing all as it was the providence of God un- 
 der one of the windows of the study wherein His Majestie 
 was. Mr Alexander very speediely returned, and at his 
 incomming to His Majestie, casting his hands abroad in a 
 desperate manner, sayde, hee could not mend it; His Ma- 
 jestie behoved to die; and with that, offered a garter to 
 bind His Majestie’s hands with, swearing he behoved to be 
 bound. 
 
 His Majestie at that word of binding, sayde, he was 
 born a free King, and should die a free King. Whereup- 
 pon hee gripping His Majestie by the wrest of the hand, to 
 have bound him, His Majestie sodainly relieved himself of 
 his gripps: whereuppon, as he put his right hand to his 
 sword, His Majestie with his right hand seized upon both 
 his hand and his sworde, and with his left hand clasped 
 him by the.throat, like as he with his left hand claspt the 
 King by the throat, with two or three of his fingers in His 
 Majestie’s mouth, to have stayed him from crying: in this 
 manner of wrestling His Majestie per force drove him to 
 the window, which hee had caused the other man to open 
 unto him, and under the which was passing by at the same 
 time the King’s traine, and the Earle of Gowrie with them, 
 as is sayde, and holding out the right side of his head and 
 right elbow, cried that they were murthering him there in 
 that treasonable forme; whose voice being instantly heard 
 and knowne by the Duke of Lennox and the Earle of Mar, 
 and the rest of His Majestie’s train there, the said Earle of 
 
16 
 
 Gowrie ever asking what it meant? and never seeming any 
 wayes to have seene His Majestie, or heard his voice, they 
 all rushed in at the gate together, the Duke and the Earle 
 of Mar, running about to come by that passage His Majes- 
 tie came in at. But the Earle of Gowrie and his servants 
 made them for another way up a quiet turnpeek, which 
 was ever condemned before, and was only then left open 
 (as appeared) for that purpose. And in this meantime His 
 Majestie with struggling and wrestling with the sayde 
 Maister Alexander, had brought him per force, out of that . 
 study, the door whereof, for haste, had been left open at 
 his last incomming, and His Majesty having gotten (with 
 long struggling) the sayde Maister Alexander’s head under 
 his arme, and himself on his knee, His Majestie drove him 
 backe per force hard to the door of the sayde turnpeek, and ° 
 as His Majestie was throwing his sword out of his hand, 
 thinking to have stricken him therewith, and then to have 
 shotte him over the staire, the other fellow standing behind 
 the King’s back and doing nothing but trembling all the 
 time, Sir John Ramsay not knowing which way first to en- 
 ter, after he had heard the King’s cry, by chance finds that 
 turnpeek doore open, and following it up to the head, en- 
 ters into the chamber, and finds His Majestie and Maister 
 Alexander struggling in that forme, as is before sayde, and 
 after hee had twice or thrice stricken Maister Alexander 
 with his dagger, the other man withdrew himselfe, His 
 Majestie still keeping his grippes, and holding him close 
 to him: immediately thereafter he tooke the sayde Maister 
 Alexander by the shoulders, and shotte him down the stair, 
 who was no sooner shotte out at the doore, but hee was 
 met by Sir Thomas Erskine and Sir Hew Harris, who 
 there, upon the stair, ended him; the sayde Sir Thomas 
 Erskine being cast behind the Duke and the Earle of Mar, 
 that ran about the other way by the occasion of his med- 
 dling with the sayde late Earle in the street after the hear- 
 ing of His Majestie’s cry. For upon the hearing thereof 
 he had clasped the Earle of Gowrye by the gorget, and 
 casting him under his feet, and wanting a dagger to have 
 strucken him with, the sayde Earle’s men rid the Earle 
 their Maister out of his hands; whereby he was cast be- 
 hind the rest as is said; and missing the company, and 
 hearing the sayde Sir John Ramsay’s voice upon the turn- 
 peek head, ranne up to the said chamber, and cryed upon 
 
17 
 
 the sayde Sir Hew Harris and another servant to follow 
 him: where, meeting with the sayde Mr Alexander in the 
 turnpeek, he ended him there, as is sayde; Alexander cry- 
 ing for his last wordes, alas! I had not the wyte of it. But 
 
 no sooner could the said Sir Thomas, Sir Hew, and ano- 
 
 ther servant winne into the chamber where His Majestic 
 was, but that the sayde Earle of Gowrye, before they could 
 get the doore shut followed them in the back, having cast 
 him to come up that privy passage as is before sayde: who, 
 at his first entry, Baue a drawne sworde in everie hand, 
 and a steel bonnet on his head, accompanied with seven 
 of his servants, everie one of them having in like manner 
 a-drawn sworde, cried out with a great oath, that they 
 should all die as traitors. All which time, His Majestie 
 was still in the chamber, who, seeing the Karle of Gowrye 
 come in with his swordes in his hands, sought for Maister 
 Alexander’s sworde which had fallen from him, at his out- 
 shutting at the doore, having uo sort of weapons of his 
 owne, as is sayde; but then was shut backe by his owne 
 servants, that were there, into the little study, and the 
 doore shut upon him: who, having put His Majestie in 
 safety, rencountred the sayde Earle and his servants, His 
 Majestie’s servants being only in number four, to wit, Sir 
 Thomas Erskine, Sir Hew Harris, Sir John Ramsay, and 
 one Wilson, a servant of James Erskine’s, brother of the 
 
 sayde Sir Thomas, the sayde Earle having seven of his own” ~ 
 servants with him: yet it pleased God, after many strok S Ts 
 
 on all hands, to give His Majestie’s servants the victorie, 
 the said Earle of Gowrye being stricken dead with a stroke 
 thro’ the heart, which the saide Sir John Ramsay gave 
 him, without once crying upon God, and the rest of his ser- 
 vants dung over the stairs with many hurts, as in like man- 
 ner the said Sir Thomas Erskine, Sir Hew Harris, and 
 Sir John Ramsay, were all three very sore hurt and 
 wounded. 
 
 But all the time of this fight, the Duke of Lennox, the 
 Earle of Mar, and the rest of His Majestie’s traine, were 
 striking with great hammers at the outer doore, whereby 
 His Majestie passed up to the chamber with the said Mais- 
 ter Alexander, which also he had locked in his by coming 
 with His Majestie to the chamber, but by reason of the 
 strength of the sayde double doore, the whole wall bein 
 likewise of boards, and yielding with the strokes: it di 
 
 ay. 
 
18 
 
 bide them the space of half an houre and more before they 
 could get it broken, and have entransie, who, having met 
 with His Majestie, delivered from so imminent a perill, and 
 the said late Earle, the principal conspirator, lying dead 
 at His Majestie’s feet, immediately thereafter, His Ma- 
 jestie kneeling down on his knees, in the midst of his owne 
 servants, and they all kneeling round about him, His Ma- 
 jestie out of his owne mouth, thanked God for that mira- 
 culous deliverance and victory, assuring himself, that God 
 had preserved him from so despaird a perill, for the per- 
 feiting of some greater work behind, to his glory, and for 
 procuring by him the weale of his people, that God had 
 committed to his charge. After this, the tumult of the 
 town hearing of the slaughter of the sayde Karle of Gowrye, 
 the Provost, and not knowing the manner thereof, nor be- 
 ing of the counsail of his treasonable attempt, continued 
 for the space of two or three hours thereafter, untill His 
 Majestie, by speaking oft to them out of the windows, and 
 beckoning to them with his own hand, pacified them, 
 causing the Bailliffes and the rest of the honest men of the 
 town to be brought into the chamber; to whome, having 
 declared the whole forme of that strange accident, he com- 
 mitted the house and bodies of the sayde traitorous brethren 
 to their keeping, untill His Majestie’s further pleasure were 
 known. His Majestie having before his parting out of the 
 towne caused searche the sayde. Earle of Gowrye’s pockets, 
 in case any letters that might further the discovery of the 
 conspiracy might be found therein. But nothing was found 
 in them, but a little close parchment bag full of magical 
 charracters and wordes of inchantment, wherein it seemed 
 that he had put his confidence, thinking himself never safe 
 without them, and therefore ever carried them about with 
 him ; being also observed, that while they were uppon him, 
 his wound whereof he died bled not, but incontinent after 
 the taking of them away, the blood gushed out in great a- 
 bundance, to the great admiration of all the beholders: an 
 infamy which hath followed and spotted the race of this 
 house for many descents, as is notoriously known to the 
 whole countrie. 
 
 Thus, the night was far spent, being near eight hours 
 of the evening before His Majestie could (for the great tu-" 
 mult that was in the towne,) depart out of the same. But, 
 before His Majestie had ridden four myles out of the same 
 
> 
 
 19 
 
 ‘towards Falkland, although the night was very dark and 
 rainy, the Whole way was clad with all sort of people, both 
 horse and foot, meeting him with great joy and acclama- 
 tion. ‘The frequence and concourse of persons of all de- 
 grees to Falkland the rest of the week, and to Edinburgh 
 the next, from all the quarters of the countrie, the testimo- 
 nie of the subjects hearty affection and joy for His Majes- 
 tie’s delivery, expressed every where, by ringing of bells, 
 bone-fires, shooting off funs of all sortes, both by sea and 
 land, &c. with all other/things ensuing thereuppon, I have 
 of set purpose pretermitted, as well knowne to all men, 
 and impertinent to this discourse, contenting myself with 
 this plain and simple narration, adding only, for explana~ 
 tion and confirmation thereof, the depositions of certain 
 persons who were either actors, or eye-witnesses, or imme- 
 diate hearers of those things that they declare and testifie ; 
 wherein, if the reader shall find any thing differing from 
 the narration, either in substance or circumstance, he may 
 understand the same to be uttered by the deponer, in his 
 owne behoof, for obtaining His Majestie’s princely grace 
 and favour. 
 
 The above is the Narrative published by authority, 
 some weeks after the 5th August, 1600. We are in the 
 next place, to give the following, more circumstantial, ac- 
 count of the matter. 
 
 Early in the morning of Tuesday, the fifth of August, 
 1600, the Honourable Alexander Ruthven, brother to 
 John Earl of Gowry, went from his brother’s house in 
 Perth, to Falkland, where the King James the Sixth, then 
 resided. He found the King at buck-hunting, and joined 
 in the sport. It was near mid-day before the chase’ was 
 ended, when the King, with a number of attendants, and 
 amongst the rest Alexander rode to Perth, and alighted 
 at the Earl of Gowry’s house. The Earl had just sat down 
 to dinner with three neighbouring gentlemen, when he was 
 informed of the King’s approach by his brother Alexander, 
 who had for that purpose, come on before the Royal Party 
 the last mile of the way. On receiving the information 
 the Earl rose from table, in a hurry, and surprise, and with 
 his guests and servants hastened. out, till he met the ca- 
 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 valcade. But the family dinner being over, he was at a 
 loss how to entertain His Majesty and such”a company, 
 most of whom had been on horseback, ever since six 
 o'clock in the morning; and an hour elapsed, after their 
 arrival, before dinner could be prepared. After dinner, 
 the King and Alexander Ruthven retired by themselves: 
 Some of the King’s attendants armed followed and 
 stabbed Alexander. Whilst this was going on within 
 the house, Thomas and James Erskin, nephews to the 
 late Regent Karl of Mar, attacked Gowry, who was stand- 
 ing on the street before the gate of his own house: but 
 Alexander Ruthven of Forgan felled Thomas Erskin to 
 the ground with his fist, having no other weapon in rea- 
 dieness. This, together with the interference of one or two 
 of Gowry’s servants, discomfited the Erskins without doors: 
 they then went up stairs and joined the Party which had 
 stabbed Alexander Ruthven. According to their own ac- 
 count, they met him near the bottom of the stairs, still a- 
 live, but desperately wounded, being stabbed in several 
 parts of his body by swords or daggers. ‘There they dis- 
 patched him. ‘The Karl attended by his principal domes- 
 tic ‘Thomas Cranston, both armed, now followed up-stairs, 
 and entered the apartment where John Ramsay, Thomas 
 Erskin, Hugh Harris a Surgeon or Physician, and George 
 Wilson a servant of James Erskin’s were. Eager, no doubt, 
 to learn the nature of the rencontre; of which he evident- 
 ly knew nothing: he tried to defend himself against their 
 superior numbers. But at last one of them, by saying, 
 “You have killed the King our Master, and will you al- 
 so take our lives?” so astonished him that he rested the 
 points of his swords (for he had one in each hand,) on the 
 ground, and by so doing laid himself open to the attacks 
 of the assassins. Such an opportunity was not to be ne- 
 glected. Ramsay, from behind, stabbed him thro’ the heart. 
 
 The report of the disturbance was instantly sent thro’ 
 the town of Perth, and the inhabitants suspecting, that. 
 James and his train had murdered the two brothers with-- 
 out provocation, became extremely tumultuous; surround- 
 ed the house, and in the most opprobrious. ‘terms, eyen: 
 threatened the King and his friends, with imstant destruc- 
 tion. After this uproar, (in which many of the better sort 
 of people were engaged,) had continued several hours, 
 some court parasites, as William Murray Son to John 
 
21 
 
 Murray of Tullibardine, David Murray Son to Andrew 
 Murray of Balvaird, and one or two of the Magistrates, 
 partly be soothing, and partly by threats, prevailed on the 
 populace to disperse. It was given out that the King caus- 
 ed search the pockets of the Earl and his brother after their 
 death, for letters, or such other papers, as might throw ° 
 any kind of light on the matter, and by that means dis- 
 cover their accomplices: but tho’ they discovered nothing 
 that could be of any service that way, they pretended to 
 _ make a much more extraordinary discovery. If we can 
 credit their assertion, they found out, that the Earl was 
 not merely a traitor, he was also a magician or dabbler in 
 witchcraft, for they took from his pocket “a bag full of ma- 
 gical characters and words of enchantment, wherein it 
 seemed he had put his confidence.” And according to the 
 same account, the necromantic power of these talismans 
 was clearly established at that time, for “while they were 
 upon him, the wound whereof he died bled not; but in- 
 continent after the taking of them away, the blood gushed 
 out in great abundance.” About eight o’clock in the even- 
 ing, James and his party, after directing the remaining 
 Magistrates of Perth (Gowry was Provost,) to take charge 
 of the dead bodies, made the best of their way to Falkland. 
 
 On the morrow, August the sixth, by ten o’clock fore- 
 noon, the Privy Council at Edinburgh received by express, 
 the King’s account of the transaction, and along with it 
 an injunction, to command the Clergy of that city instantly 
 to convene the people in the churches, and publicly thank 
 God for His Majestie’s deliverance. ‘The Clergymen wait- 
 ed on the Council and heard the King’s narration, but un- 
 luckily, John Graham of Balgowan who accompanied the 
 King from Falkland to Perth, arrived in the meantime in 
 Edinburgh and gave a detail of the affair; and David 
 Moyse, a servant about the King’s house, transmitted a 
 written account of it, which had arrived an hour sooner 
 in the city, than the government express. ‘The authors of 
 these several-accounts having neglected to compare notes, 
 the want of that precaution spoiled all; there being a great 
 discrepancy betwixt all the three. This caused the Cler- 
 gymen to hesitate, and retire by themselves to consult what 
 steps were the most proper for them to take. Whilst em- 
 ployed in that, a macer again charged them to appear be- 
 fore the Council. But they still persisted in refusing to in- 
 
22 
 
 sult The Almighty, by making an extraordinary profession 
 of thanksgiving for deliverance from danger, which pro- 
 bably never existed: desiring a little time, that they might 
 enquire into the matter, and declaring, that if they were 
 then satisfied of the reality of the conspiracy against the 
 King, they would not only cordially join in a general thanks- 
 iving, but diligently promulgate the wickedness of the 
 Earl of Gowry and his associates. 
 But the Lords of Council would admit of no delay. 
 However, during the altercation, Mr David Lindsay, Bis- 
 
 hop of Ross and Minister of Leith, arrived from Falkland, . 
 
 and as he had heard the history of the plot from the King 
 himself, it was thought best to employ him in relating the 
 circumstances to the people, publicly, and returning thanks 
 to God for the signal deliverance. Accordingly such mem- 
 bers of the Privy Council as were then in town accompani- 
 ed him to the market place, and he went thro’ that exercise 
 before four o’clock in the afternoon. ‘The bells were then 
 rung, and great guns fired, and in the evening, bone-fires 
 ' were lighted in the streets, and on the hill-tops thro’ the 
 whole country. 
 
 In the evening too, the Master of Orkney and Sir James 
 Sandilands, having a troop of horse under their command, 
 rode out to Dirleton, where the Earl of Gowry’s only two 
 
 surviving brothers resided with the Countess Dowager their | 
 
 mother, for the purpose of apprehending and bringing the 
 youths to Edinburgh. But they got notice of the impend- 
 ing danger, and escaped half an hour before the arrival of 
 the troopers. 
 
 On Saturday the Ninth of August, one James Weemys 
 of Bogie, who had occasionally frequented Gowry’s house, 
 was examined before the crown officers at Falkland. And 
 on Monday King James crossed to Leith, and joined in a 
 public thanksgiving with Lindsay the minister, and in- 
 habitants of that town, and several of the nobility, who 
 met in the church. ‘That same afternoon, he went to E- 
 dinburgh, and caused convene the people. He, and Gal- 
 loway his chaplain, then went up to the top of the cross, 
 around which they were assembled, and Galloway har- 
 rangued them, choosing for the grountl of his discourse the 
 124 Psalm, and in course of the oration, related the seve- 
 ral circumstances which were said to have taken place at 
 Falkland and Perth on the preceding Tuesday. James, 
 
 ae 
 
23 
 
 with his usual dignity, then addressed the mob, confirm- 
 ing all that Galloway had said. The Farce was eonclud- 
 ed by praising God for his extraordinary interposition in 
 preserving the King. | 
 
 Next day, Tuesday the twelfth of August, the refrac- 
 tory Clergy of Edinburgh were taken to task by the King 
 and Council, for their want of faith in the conspiracy. On 
 this occasion, much altercation took place. At first they 
 insisted on a delay that. they might have better information. 
 James would not agree to this, because in his opinion, they 
 
 -already had evidence sufficient. ‘ Ye have heard me,” 
 said he, ‘ye have heard my minister,” meaning Galloway, 
 “‘ ve have heard my Council, ye have heard the Earl of 
 Mar, are ye fully pursuaded or not?” Bruce, one of the 
 Clergymen offered before the Council to believe the story, 
 if Henderson should be hanged, and at his execution ad- 
 here to his declaration. ‘The Comptroller Murray of 'Tul- 
 libardine said to Bruce, ‘* Will you believe a condemned 
 man better than the King?” ‘If he die penitent,” replied 
 Bruce, “I will trust him. If God receive his soul, I will 
 receive his testimony.” ‘The result was, that the Clergy 
 were banished the city, and discharged preaching in the 
 King’s dominions under pain of death. All of them how- 
 ever, except Mr Bruce, soon submitted, and were again 
 received into favour; only as an expiation for the crime, 
 each of them had several churches in different parts of the 
 nation, allotted them, in which they made their recanta- 
 tion. Bruce was confined sometime, and then ordered in- 
 to banishment ; but was afterwards allowed to return, on 
 condition, that he confined himself to Inverness, but ne- 
 ver was allowed to preach openly whilst James lived in Scot- 
 land. 
 
 James declared that there was aman in the turret, to which 
 the Honourable Alexander Ruthven led him, on the fifth 
 of August, having a dagger at his girdle, but he ran off 
 
 when Ramsay entered. It was of the very utmost import- 
 ance that this person should be discovered. Several were 
 fixed on successively who were said to be this man. At 
 jengtns a pardon and offer of a considerable reward being 
 
 held out to whoever should come forward and acknowledge 
 himself to have been the unknown person in the study, 
 
 Andrew Henderson, the Earl of Gowry’s chamberlain or 
 
 factor, was induced to avow himself to have been this trai- 
 
RPT WR kD 4 oa Bie Le hts 
 ee 
 
 $4 
 torous accomplice. He was then imprisoned, and on a 
 precognition taken at Falkland on the twentieth of sta a 
 gave a detail of the whole affair, till the entry of John 
 Ramsay into the chamber, where the King and Alexander 
 Ruthven were struggling, when he said that he left it. Hen- 
 derson was the principal witness on the trial. 
 
 On the thirteenth of August, a proclamation was is- 
 sued, discharging all persons of the surname of Ruthven 
 from coming near the King under pain of treason. By 
 another, on the ninth of October, they were charged to go 
 anto banishment. But by a third proclamation, which 
 came forth on the eighteenth of November, they were al- 
 lowed to remain in the country on changing their names; 
 only they were prohibited from coming within ten miles of 
 any place where the King was, under the pain of treason. 
 
 In the precognition taken at Falkland on the 20th. of 
 August, Mr Rynd, who accompanied Earl Gowry in his 
 travels, was examined. It would appear, that at first, his 
 evidence had not been such as was wanted. ‘They, there- 
 fore, were under the necessity of putting him in the boots, 
 and by that mean forcing what they wished for out of him. 
 The purport of his declaration, as handed down to us, tends 
 to shew that the Earl was a dabbler in witcheraft, and to 
 implicate him in the conspiracy, by shewing, that he went 
 hand in hand with his brother in both planning and exe- 
 cuting it. Henderson’s declaration was taken at the same 
 time. And on the 22d of August, Rynd was again ques- 
 tioned whether or not he had ever heard the Karl give his 
 opinion how an important undertaking ought to be con- 
 ducted. He answered, that when abroad, he had several 
 times heard Gowry say, that he was a fool who on such oc- 
 easions, imparted his intention to any one. | 
 
 On Saturday the 23d of August, three of Gowry’s ser-_ 
 vants were hanged at Perth. One of these was ‘Thomas 
 Cranston, who accompéinied his Master up stairs, armed, 
 and was present when he was slain. Another was George 
 Craigengelt, who was sick a-bed, but got up, when he heard : 
 that the two brothers were killed, and repairing to the court 
 or street where the rioters were assembled, was observed to 
 make use-of some words which were considered as disre- 
 spectful to the King. ‘The third was the Earl’s Baron of+ 
 ficer of Strathbraan, who was seen in the court with a 
 sword drawn in his hand. 
 
 % r 
 - ‘ 
 CP ier 
 
25 
 
 The first of November was the day fixed on for the trial 
 of Earl Gowry, and his brother the Honourable Alexander 
 Ruthven. And for that purpose, the Parliament was sum- 
 moned to meet at Edinburgh. It was adjourned to the 
 _ fourth of the month, on which day, Sir Thomas Hamilton, 
 King’s advocate, produced a summons of treason, duly ex- 
 ecuted, against William Ruthven, brother and apparent 
 heir to ag Earl of Gowry, and to Mr Alexander Puth- 
 ven, calling also in the summons, the tutors of the said 
 William, and all others having interest in the matter, to 
 hear it found, that the said Earl of Gowrie, and Alexan- 
 der his brother had committed treason, in attempting the 
 murder of the King at Perth, on the fifth of August last 
 by-past. The Heralds and Messengers were sworn to the 
 veracity of the execution,* both at the private houses of 
 the persons summoned; at the market-cross of the Shire- 
 town; and at the pier of Leith. 
 
 None of the parties appearing on the fourth, except the 
 putrid bodies of the Earl and Alexander, which having 
 been brought from Perth, were placed at the bar, the matter 
 lay over till the ninth, when the above-mentioned summons 
 and executions were again read over, and at same time 
 other, summonses and executions were. produced, and sworn 
 to against Alexander and Hary Ruthvens sons of Alex- 
 ander Ruthven of Freeland; Hugh Moncriefte, brother of 
 William Moncrieffe of that Ilk; and Patrick Eviot brother 
 to Colin Eviot of Balhousie; as being guilty of the same 
 crime. ‘The parties, as usual, were thrice called, but none 
 of them appeared, only Alexander Henderson was brought 
 by the Magistrates of Edinburgh from their prison, where 
 he had been confined, and sisted at the bar; he having 
 been likewise summoned, as guilty of treason. As no o- 
 ther of the accused persons appeared, the Crown Lawyers 
 took Instruments, and at same time, produced. letters of 
 relaxation executed in proper form, freeing all the parties 
 summoned from arrestment or trouble of any kind, on e- 
 very other account, so as they might have freedom to com- 
 pear, and plead to this charge of high treason. On which 
 production he likewise took Instruments. 
 
 D 
 
 * In Scotch law, an execution is a Certificate, signed by the Messenger who 
 gives the Summons and two witnesses, declaring that the Summons has been 
 regularly delivered. In the present instance, the Summonses were executed 
 
 en the 28th and 29th of August, 
 
26 
 
 The Parliament then remitted Henderson to prison, 
 and adjourned to the 15th. 
 
 Having met on the 15th the public prosecutor went 
 thro’ the former formalities, of reading the summons and 
 executions thereon, and taking the oaths of the Heralds as 
 to their having legally served the summons. No one, 
 however, the two Corpses excepted, appeared; only a par- 
 don was produced for Henderson, subscribed by the King. 
 The trial then went on. The Court, as usual, first pro- 
 ceeded to try the relevancy of the Libel, of which there 
 could be no doubt, and then the evidence was taken by the 
 Lords of the Articles. Lennox and Mar were two of these. 
 The others were Earls Errol, and Marischel, Lords Sea- 
 ton, Livingston, New-battle, and Fivie, two Bishops, four 
 Abbots, seven Barons, and nine Commissioners of Burghs. 
 
 A considerable number of witnesses were examined, 
 whose depositions are given at large in the proper place. 
 That same day, the Parliament, without a dissenting voice, 
 found the two brothers guilty of treason, and passed sen- 
 tence of forfeiture against their property, declared their 
 posterity infamous, and ordained their dead bodies to be 
 hanged, &c. at the cross of Edinburgh. 
 
 The Parliament was not satisfied with passing an act, 
 disinheriting, and inhabilitating the brethren of the Earl 
 of Gowry, and all his posterity, from enjoying any heritage, 
 place, or office, within Scotland; but it discharged all per- 
 sons whatsoever to move or intercede for them, under high 
 pains. 
 
 By another act, the surname of Ruthven was appoint- 
 ed to be abolished for ever, and such of them as were in- 
 nocent of this treason, were ordained to take other names. 
 
 This Parliament likewise passed sentence of death and 
 forfeiture against Alexander and Hary, the two sons of 
 Alexander Ruthven of Freeland, Hugh Moncrieffe, bro- 
 ther to William Moncrieffe of Moncrieffe, and Patrick E- 
 viot, brother to Colin Eviot of Balhousie; and declared 
 their posterity infamous. : 
 
 Agreeable to the sentence, on Monday the nineteenth 
 of November*, the putrid bodies of the Earl and his bro- 
 
 * By a remarkable coincidence, the same day on which the extreme sen- 
 tence of the law was executed on the bodies of the two brothers, that infa- 
 tuated Prince, Charles the first was born. A Prince who afterwards lost his 
 crown and his life for an undue attachment to those principles, opposition te 
 which, at this time, occasioned the death of Earl Gowry and his brother. 
 
27 
 ther Alexander were dragged to the cross of Edinburgh, 
 and there hanged, drawn and quartered. Their heads 
 were fixed on the top of the prison of that city; and their — 
 limbs were exposed on the most conspicuous places in four 
 of the principal towns of the kingdom, viz. Edinburgh, 
 Perth, Dundee, and Stirling. 
 
 William Ruthven, the next brother, after his escape 
 from Dirlton, went to France, where he acquired a know- 
 ledge of chemistry. He married a daughter of the famous 
 painter, Van Dyke, and died in France. 
 
 Patrick, the fifth brother, fled to England, where, on 
 James’ accession to the throne, he was seized and confined 
 in the tower of London. He attained some celebrity in 
 the practice of physick, but as he took no fees, he never 
 was rich. 
 
 Such of their sisters as were alive and unmarried, were 
 allowed to remain privately in the country unmolested. 
 
 Their uncle, Alexander, was banished by proclama- 
 tion, on the ninth of October, and so, being incapable of 
 making any defence, he was forfeited at the trial. 
 
 Before breaking up, this Parliament passed an Act, ap- 
 pointing the fifth of August ever after to be annually:ob- 
 served as a day of Public Thanksgiving, for the King’s 
 deliverance. 
 
 On the fifteenth of November, the very day on which 
 the Earl’s estates were annexed to the crown, James grant- 
 ed a thousand pounds out of the Scone estate, to the poor, 
 in annuity. 
 
 The remainder of Gowry’s property, and his offices, 
 were, with other places and honours, bestowed on those of 
 James’ friends, who were most zealous in his service, at 
 Perth, when the brothers were slain. 
 
 John Ramsay had an annuity of a thousand pounds be- 
 stowed on him; (no inconsiderable grant, at a time when 
 James himself was glad of a pension of five thousand 
 pounds Sterling) Ramsay was afterwards created Viscount 
 Haddington, and lastly Earl of Heldernesse. 
 
 Thomas Erskin was rewarded with the estate of Dirl- 
 ton; and in 1603 was created Lord Dirlton. On the fall 
 of Sir Walter Raleigh, after the King went to England, 
 Erskin got his place of Captain of the guard; and was 
 made Viscount Fenton, Earl of Kelly, and K. G. 
 
 Hugh Harris, the surgeon, got a grant of the. Barony 
 
 D 2 
 
28 
 
 of Cousland, another of the Earl’s estates, and was made 
 a Knight, on the day of the trial, November 15. 
 
 George Wilson, James Erskine’s servant, “* was made 
 a, Gentleman.” 
 
 Leslie, Commendator of Lindores, was created Lord 
 Lindores, and appointed a Lord of Justiciary. : 
 
 David Murray of Gospetrie, had a donation of the 
 Scone estate. + 
 
 Murray of Tullibardine got the family castle and barony 
 of Ruthven, and the Sheriffship of Perthshire, which was 
 heritable in the Ruthven family. 
 
 The Lordship of Strathbraan with its castle of Trochrie, 
 was bestowed upon William Stewart, brother of Sir Tho- 
 mas Stewart of Grandtully, and Gentleman of the Bed- 
 chamber to the King. In a commission, dated November 
 16, 1600, the day immediately following the trial and for- 
 feiture, Stewart was appointed Baillie of Strathbraan, and 
 Keeper of King’s house of Trochrie, and of the parks and the 
 forests of Strathbraan, “ for the long, true, and faithfull 
 service done to him by the said Sir William, and spending 
 his time therein, and for the late service done, being the 
 preserving the King’s life frae the late conspiracy of um- 
 quhile John, Earl of Gowry, upon the fifth of August last.” 
 In the year 1606, Stewart got a donation of these estates, 
 and the above clause is inserted in the Charter. ; 
 
 Several other parts of Gowry’s estate, as Cowgask, Cul- 
 trenny, Craigengall, dc. may be recognized in the posses- 
 sion of the descendants of some of those who assisted the 
 King on this occasion. 
 
 After a lapse of years, the noise excited by the Gowry 
 Conspiracy, as usual, gave place, in a good measure, to 
 the attention paid more recent occurrences. In particular, 
 James’ Accession to the Throne of England, which hap- 
 pened two or three years afterwards, (1603) being a much 
 more generally interesting event, had with its concurrent 
 circumstances thrown every prior transaction of his life into 
 the back-ground, when in 1608 this subject was again very 
 unexpectedly brought before the public, and a fresh at- 
 tempt made to persuade the world, that Gowry really was 
 guilty. An attempt, the remembrance of which, James’ 
 adherents (for reasons which we can easily divine) would 
 willingly consign to oblivion: but as they made it with the 
 view of supporting their cause, they are entitled to every 
 
29 
 
 advantage which can fairly be drawn from it; and so are 
 their antagonists. | 
 
 George Sprott, Notary in Eyemouth, did business for 
 Robert Logan of Restalrig, Esq. Logan died in 1602 or 
 - 8. It was given out in the beginning of 1608, that Sprott 
 had told an acquaintance, that he knew that Logan was 
 confederate with Gowry in the plot against the King, hav- 
 ing been so informed by James Bowr, servant to Logan, 
 who was employed to carry letters, and negotiate between 
 them in that affair, and that in the course of business, hay- 
 ing had access to Logan’s papers, he (Sprott) found several 
 letters among them, which had passed between Logan, 
 John Karl of Gowry, Bowr, and a fourth person unknown, 
 which letters he had abstracted, and still retained in his 
 custody. ‘This information was said to have been commu- 
 nicated by Sprott’s confident, to the Earl of Dunbar, the 
 prime-minister or favourite of the day, who laid it before 
 the Crown Lawyer: on which Sprott was apprehended, 
 and examined before the Privy Council; but there he de- 
 nied all knowledge of any such fact, or that he ever had 
 made such a relation to any one. He persisted in this for 
 upwards of two months. But at length, being put in the 
 boots, his obstinacy or firmness was overcome, and he e- 
 mitted a declaration before the Council, in which he con- 
 fessed that he was acquainted with Bowr, who told him of 
 Gowry’s and Logan’s treason; and that he was employed 
 in carrying on the correspondence among the conspirators, 
 relative to the execution of the plot. He likewise declared, 
 that he found the letter to Logan from Gowry, soliciting 
 his concurrence in the plot among Logan’s papers, and 
 Cromarty says, That he actually produced this letter before 
 the Privy Council. He told them further, That Logan’s 
 answer to this letter from the Earl, might be found wrap- 
 ped up in a piece of paper in a chest in his (Sprott’s) house; 
 ‘where the Sheriff found it accordingly. Gowry’s letter to 
 Logan never was secn, according to all accounts, as a 
 Cromarty’s. But the following is a copy of what was saic 
 to have been found in Sprott’s chest as Logan’s answer 
 to it. 
 
 «¢ My Lord, 
 My most humble duty and service hartily 
 remembered. At the receit of your Lordship’s Letter I 
 
$0 
 
 am so comforted, that I can neither utter my joy nor find 
 myself sufficiently able to requite your Lordship with due 
 thanks. And pursuade your Lordship in that matter, I 
 shall be as forward for your Lordship’s honour as if it were 
 mine own cause. And I thinke there is no living christian 
 that would not be content to revenge the machiavellian 
 massacring of our deare friends, yea, howbeit it should be 
 to venture and hazzard life, lands, and all other things else. 
 My heart can bind me to take part in that matter, as your 
 Lordship shall find better proofe thereof. But one thing 
 would be done: namely that your Lordship should be cir- 
 cumspect and earnest with your Brother, that hee be not 
 rash in any speeches touching the purpose of Padua. My 
 _ Lord, you may easily understand that such a purpose as 
 your Lordship intendeth cannot be done rashly, but with 
 deliberation. And I thinke for myself, that it were most 
 meet to have the men your Lordship spoke of ready in a 
 boat or bark, and addresse them as if they were taking pas- 
 time on the sea, in such fair summer time. - And if your 
 Lordship could thinke good either yourself to come to my 
 house of Fastcastle by sea, or to send your Brother, I 
 should have the place very quiet, and well provided, after 
 your Lordships advertisement, where we shall haye.no 
 scant of the best venison can be had in England. And no 
 others shall have access to haunt the place during your 
 Lordship’s being here, but all things very quiet. And if 
 your Lordship doubt of safe landing, I shall provide al! 
 such necessaries as may serve for your Lordships arrivall 
 within a flight shot of the house. And pursuade your 
 Lordship, you shall be as sure and quiet here, while we 
 have settled our plot, as if you were in your owne chamber; 
 for I trust and am assured, we shall hear word within a few 
 days from them your Lordship knoweth off, for I have care 
 to see what ships comes home by. Your Lordship know- 
 eth I have kept the Lord Bothwell quietly in this house in 
 his greatest extremitie, say both king and council what 
 they liked; I hope (if all things come to passe, as I trust 
 they shall,) to have both your Lordship and his Lordship 
 at one good dinner before I die. Hezec jocose, to animate 
 your Lordship: I doubt not, My Lord, but all things 
 shall be well. And I am resolved whereof your Lordship 
 shall not doubt of any thing on my part; yea, to perill, life, 
 land, honour, and goods; yea, the hazzard of hell shall 
 
31 
 
 not affray me from that, yea, altho’ the scaffold were al- 
 ready set up: The sooner the matter were done it were the 
 better, for the king’s buck-hunting will be shortly; and I 
 hope it shall prepare some dantie cheere for us to dine a- 
 gainst the next yeare. I remember well, my Lord, and 
 will never forget so long as I live, that mirrie sport which 
 your Lordship’s brother told me of a Nobleman of Padua, 
 for I think that a parasceue to this purpose. My Lord 
 think nothing that I commit the secrecies hereof, and cre- 
 dit to this bearer; for I dare not only venture my life, 
 lands, and all other things I have else on his credit, but J 
 durst hazzard my soull in his keeping, if it were possible in 
 earthly men, for I am so pursuaded of his truth and fidelity ; 
 and I trow (as your Lordship may ask him if it be true) he 
 would go to hell gates for me; and hee is not beguiled of 
 my part in him. And therefore I doubt not but this will 
 pursuade your Lordship to give him trust in this matter as 
 to myselfe. But I pray your Lordship direct him home 
 _ with all possable haste, and give him strait command that 
 he take not a wincke sleepe while hee see me againe, after 
 hee come from your Lordship. And as your Lordship 
 desireth in your Letter to me, either rive or burn, or else 
 send backe again with the bearer; for so is the fashion I 
 rant.” 
 
 ; Sprott declared further, That James Bowr was sent with ~ 
 Logan’s letter to Gowry, from whom he returned in five 
 days, with ‘a new letter:” and that he staid all night at 
 Guns-green, (a house of Logan’s some few miles south from 
 Fastcastle) with Logan, who in the morning rode to Lo- 
 thain, where he staid five or six days, before he returned 
 to Fastcastle. Sprott says further, that he ‘ saw and heard” 
 Logan read the Letter, which Bowr brought from Gowry; 
 and heard Bowr remonstrate with Logan for taking any 
 concern in the conspiracy; but that Logan declared, that 
 whatever the consequences might be, he was fixed in his 
 determination of hazarding his all with his Lordship, 
 Sprott adds that, he abstracted Logan’s Letter to Gowry, 
 (which Bowr had brought back from Perth after Gowry 
 had perused it) from among a number of other Letters be- 
 longing to Logan, but which he had given in keeping to 
 Bowr, and which Bowr had given to Sprott to “look over 
 and read.” | 
 
 Sprott being brought to trial, was condemned as an Ac- 
 
32 
 
 complice in the Treason, because he had not discovered 
 it at the proper time, and was sentenced to be hanged at 
 Edinburgh on the 12th of August 1608. On the tenth of 
 that month he emitted the following Declaration before the 
 Council, which being taken down in writing by the Clerk 
 of the Council, it was authenticated by the following wit- 
 nesses; The Earls of Dunbar, and Lothain, the Bishop of 
 Ross, the Lords Holyrood-house, Scone, and Blantire, 
 Sir William Hart, Lord Justice, Mr John Hall, Mr Pa- 
 trick Galloway, and Mr Peter Hewart, Ministers of E- 
 dinburgh. 
 
 “‘ George Sprott, Notary in Eyemouth, after divers Ex~ 
 aminations, being moved with remorse of conscience, for 
 the long concealing of the fore-knowledge of this treasona- 
 ble conspiracy, confesseth, declareth, and deponeth, with 
 the peril of his own life, That he knew perfectly, that Ro- 
 bert Logan late of Restalrig, was privy, and upon the fore- 
 knowledge of Gowry’s treasonable conspiracy. And for 
 the greater assurance of his knowledge, deponeth, that he 
 knew that there were divers Letters interchanged betwixt 
 them, anent the treasonable purpose aforesaid, in the be- 
 ginning of the month of July, 1600. Which Letters, 
 James Bowr, called Laird Bowr, Servitor to Restalrig 
 
 who was employed mediator betwixt them, and privy to 
 all that errand) had in keeping, and shewed the same to 
 Sprott, in the place of Fastcastle. 
 
 *«‘ And producing the Earl of Gowry’s Letter to Restalrig*.” 
 The declaration as related by Cromarty continues, ** Which 
 Letter, written every word with Restalrig’s own hand, 
 was subscribed by him, after his accustomed manner, - Res- 
 talrig; and was sent to the Earl of Gowry by the said 
 James Bowr. After whose return, within five days, with 
 a new letter from Gowrie, he staid all night with Restalrig 
 in Gun’s Green: And Restalrig rode to Lothain, the morn. 
 thereafter, where he staid five or six days. Then after his 
 returning, past.to Fastcastle, where he remained a certain 
 short space. 
 
 *«¢ And further deponeth, that he saw and heard Restalrig 
 read the last letter, which Bowr brought back to him from 
 ' Gowrie, and their conference thereanent. And heard 
 Bowr say, “ Sir, if you think to make any commodity by 
 this dealing, lay your hand to your heart.” And Restalrig 
 
 * There seems to be something wanting, -or there is some mistake here. 
 
: 33 
 
 answered, that he “ would doo as he thought best.” And 
 farther said to Bowr, “* Howbeit he should sell all his own 
 land that he had in the world, he would pass thro’ with 
 the Karl of Gowrie; for that matter would give him greater 
 contentment, nor if he had the whole kingdom: and rather 
 or he should falsify his promise, and recall his vow that he 
 had vowed to the Earl of Gowrie, he should spend all that 
 he had in the world, and hazard his life with his Lordship.” 
 To whom Bowr answered, ‘ You may do as you please, 
 Sir, but it is not my counsel, that you should be so sudden 
 in that matter. But for the condition of Dirlton, I would 
 like very well of it.” ‘To whom Restalrig answered, “ Con- 
 tent yourself, Iam at my wits end.” 
 
 And farther, Sprott deponeth, That he entered himself 
 thereafter in conference with Bowr, and demanded what 
 was done betwixt the Laird and the Earl of Gowrie. And 
 Bowr answered, “ That he believed that the Laird should 
 get Dirltoun without either gold or silver, but feared that 
 it would be as dear unto him.” And Sprott enquiring how 
 that could be, Bowr said, ‘ That they had another pye in 
 hand nor the selling of land: but prayed Sprott, for God’s 
 sake, that he would let be, and not trouble himself with 
 the Laird’s business; for he feared, within few days, the 
 Laird would be landless or lifeless.” 
 
 Sprott being reminded, that he had but a short time to 
 live; and questioned if he would go to death with this de- 
 position, answered, “ ‘That he knew his time to be but short, 
 but he had no desire to live, having care of no earthly thing, 
 but only for clearing of his conscience in the truth of all 
 these things, to his own shame before the world, and to 
 the honour of God, and safety of his own soul: that all the 
 former points and circumstances contained in this, his de- 
 position, with the deposition made by him on the fifth of 
 July last, and the whole remanent depositions made by 
 him sen that day are true, which he will take on his con- 
 science, and as he hopeth to be saved of God, and that he 
 would seal the same with his blood.” 
 
 And being questioned, where the letter written by Res- 
 talrig to Gowrie, and returned by Bowr now is; he ‘ans- 
 wered, that he abstracted it quietly from Bowr, in looking 
 oyer and reading Bowr’s letters, which he had in keeping 
 of Restalrig’s; and that he left the above-written letter in 
 his chest among his ee when he was taken and 
 
34 
 
 brought away, and that it is closed and folded in a piece 
 of paper. 
 
 The noblemen and gentlemen, in whose presence this 
 was emitted, all signed as witnesses. 
 
 Next day, August the eleventh, he renewed this declara- 
 tion before a number of the members of Council, and mi- 
 nisters, using a profusion of imprecations on himself if e- 
 Very particular was not true; and expressing déep contri- 
 tion for the sin of not having divulged the secret sooner. 
 On the 12th of August, the day of his execution, he again 
 renewed his declaration, drawn up for him by Primrose, 
 clerk of the council, from each of the four corners of the 
 scaffold. He then prayed, and, at the top of the ladder, 
 cam a Psalm, and again ratified his former declaration im- 
 mediately before he was turned off. 
 
 And as if all this had not been enough to satisfy every 
 reasonable person, Cromarty informs us of another method 
 which this suffering penitent took to convince such as still 
 doubted the truth of his dying declaration. His Lordship’s 
 words are,—‘ being urged by the Ministers and others of 
 good rank upon the scaffold, that now at his end he should 
 declare nothing but the truth (touching the matter for which 
 he suffered,) on the peril of his salvation, or condemnation 
 of his soul: he for the greater assurance of that his constant 
 and true deposition, promised (by the assistance of God) 
 to give them an open and evident token before the yield- 
 ing his spirit. Which he accomplished thereafter. For 
 before his last breath, when he had hung a pretty space; 
 he lift up his hands a good height, and clapped them to- 
 gether aloud, three several times, to the great wonder and 
 admiration of all the beholders, and very soon thereafter, 
 he yielded his spirit.” The rest of his behaviour, as nar- 
 rated above, is attested by a number of respectable witness- 
 es, who either were on the scaffold, or in convenient places 
 near it, amongst whom were three of the Magistrates, and 
 several of the Ministers of Edinburgh, the Archbishop of 
 Glasgow, the Bishops of Galloway and Brechin, and some 
 other gentlemen: but they take no notice of this last men- 
 tioned circumstance. Indeed, they may be said to bear tes- 
 timony against it, as in their Certificate, they use these 
 words. ‘ After the ending thereof,” i. e. the Psalm, * he 
 repeated and ratified his former deposition. And, with 
 
 in 
 
35 
 
 that, recommending his soul to God, he was thrown over, 
 and so ended his mortal life.” 
 
 Sprott, the only evidence that could have been brought a- 
 gainst Logan, being thus taken out of the way, Logan’s 
 attainder was resolved on, and in February 1609, a sum- 
 mons of Treason was raised against all concerned, to sist 
 themselves before Parliament, on the 12th of the following 
 April. On this occasion the same attention was paid to 
 the observance of all the legal forms as at the trial of the 
 two brothers. Tho’ they knew that Robert Logan of Res- 
 talrig had been dead some years, they repeatedly called on 
 him to come and sist himself in court. The Messengers - 
 and their witnesses were sworn, as to their having really 
 executed the Summons, and Letters of Relaxation freeing 
 Robert Logan, the eldest son of the deceased Restalrig 
 ‘from the horn: all which proceedings were engrossed at 
 length in the records. ‘The Lord Advocate then produc- 
 ed Logan’s Letters, which were the only evidence; the de- 
 position of the witnesses relative to their authenticity ; 
 Sprott’s declaration, and the record of his trial. 
 
 The following are copies of the Letters said to have 
 been written by Logan, and which were the only evidence 
 that they ever pretended to-possess after Sprott’s death, e- 
 ven by their own account. 
 
 Right Honourable Sir, my duty, with service remem- 
 bred; please you understand, my Lord of Gowrie and 
 some others his Lordship’s friends and wel-wishers, who 
 tenders his Lordship’s preferment, are upon the resolution 
 you know, for the revenge of the cause: and his Lordship 
 has written to me anent that purpose; whereto I will ac- 
 cord in case ye will stand to, and bear a part; and before 
 ye resolve, meet me and Mr Alexander Ruthven in the 
 Canongate, on Thursday the next week; and be as wary 
 as ye can: Indeed Mr Alexander Ruthven spoke with me, 
 four or five days since; and I have promised his Lordship 
 an answer, within ten days at farthest. As for the purpose, 
 how Mr Alexander and I has set down the course, it will 
 be a very easy done turn; and not far by that form, with 
 the like stratagem, whereof we had conference in ‘TI’. S. But 
 in case you and Mr Alexander Ruthven forgather, because 
 he is somewhat uncautious; for God’s sake bewar with his 
 racklessness as to this of Padua; for he told me one of the 
 strangest tales of a Sait. ik of Padua that ever I heard 
 
 4 2 
 
36. 
 in my life, resembling the like purpose: I pray you, Sir, 
 think nothing, altho’ this bearer understand of it; for he 
 is the special secretary of my life; his name is laird Bowr ; 
 and was old Manderston’s man, for dead and life, and even. 
 so now forme. And for my own part, he shall know all, 
 that I do in this world, so. long as ever we live together ; for 
 I make him my household-man: he is well worthy of credit; 
 and recommend him to you. Always. to the purpose 1 
 think best, for our plot, that we meet at my, house of Fast- 
 castle: for, I have concluded with Mr Alexander, who 1 
 think shall be meetest to be conveyed quietlie in a boat by 
 sea; at which time, upon sure advertisement, I shall have 
 the place very quiet and well provided; and as I receive 
 your answer, I will post this bearer to my Lord: and I pray 
 you, as you love your own life, (because it is not a matter of 
 mowse,) be circumspect in all things, and take no fear, but 
 all. shall be well. JI have no will that either my brother, or 
 yet, M. W. R. my Lord’s old pedagogue, know any thing 
 of the matter, till all be done, that we would have done; 
 and then I care not who gets wit, that loves us. When ye 
 have read, send this my letter back again, with the bearer ; 
 that I may see it burnt myself; for so is the fashion, in such 
 errands: and. if you please, write your answer, on the back 
 hereof: in case ye will take my word, for the credit of the 
 bearer, and use.all expedition; for the turn would not be 
 long delayed. Ye know the King’s hunting will be short- 
 ly; and then shall be best time, as Mr Alexander has as- 
 sured me, that my Lord has resolved to interprise that mat- 
 ter: looking for your answer, commits you to Christ’s holy 
 protection. 
 From Fastcastle, the 18th day of July, 1600 
 Your’s to. utter power ready. 
 
 RESTALRIG. 
 It is pretended that it was never discovered to. whom 
 
 this, the third, and. fifth letters were sent. 
 
 Laird Bowr, 
 
 I pray you haste you west to me about the er- 
 rand I told you; and we shall confer at length, ofall things. 
 I have received a new letter from my Lord of Gowrie, 
 concerning the purpose that Mr Alexander his. Lordship’s 
 brother spoke to me before: and. I perceive that I may have 
 advantage of Dirltown; in case his other matter take ef- 
 
37 
 
 fect; as we hope it shall. Always I beseech you be at me, 
 the morn at even; for I assured his Lordship’s servant, 
 that I shall send you over the water, within three days with 
 a full resolution of all my will, anent all purposes; and I 
 shall indeed recommend you and your trustiness to his 
 Lordship, as ye shall find an honest recompence, for your 
 pains in the end. I care not for all the land I have in this 
 kingdom, in case, I can grip of Dirlton; for I esteem it the 
 pleasantest dwelling in Scotland. For God’s cause, keep 
 all things secret; that my Lord, my brother, get no know- 
 ledge of our purposes; for I rather be earded quick. And 
 so looking for you, I rest till meeting. 
 From the Canongate, the 18th day of July. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 I am very ill at ease, therefore, speed you hither : 
 Your’s to power ready. 
 
 RESTALRIG. 
 Right Honourable Sir, 
 
 All my hearty with humble service remem- 
 bred, since I have taken on hand, to interprise with my 
 Lord of Gowrie, your special and only best beloved: as 
 we have set down the plott already; I will request you, that 
 ye will be very circumspect and wise, that no man get an 
 advantage of us. I doubt not, but you know the perill to 
 be both life, lands, and honour; in case the matter be not 
 wisely used. And, for my own part, I shall have a special 
 respect of my promise, that I made to his Lordship, and 
 Mr Alexander, his Lordship’s brother; altho’ the scaffold 
 were set up. If I cannot come to Falkland the first night, 
 I shall be timely in St Johnston on the morn. Indeed I 
 _lippened for my Lord himself, or else Mr Alexander his 
 Lordship’s brother, at my house of Fastcastle, as I wrote 
 to them both. Always, I repose on your advertisement of 
 the precise day, with credit to the bearer: for howbeit, he 
 be but a sillie glyed old carle, I will answer for him, that 
 he shall be very true. I pray you, Sir, read, and either 
 burn or send again with the bearer: for, I dare hazard my 
 life, and all I have else in the world, on his message, I have 
 such proof of his constant truth. So commits you te 
 Christ’s holy protection. 
 
 From Canongate, the 27th day of July, 1600. 
 
38 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. : 
 I use not to write on the back of any of my letters, con~ 
 cerning this errand. 
 Your’s to all power, with humble service ready. 
 
 RESTALRIG. 
 
 My Lord, 
 ) My most humble duty with service, in the 
 most hearty manner remembred; At the receipt of your 
 Lordship’s letter, I am so comforted; especially, at your 
 Lordship’s purpose communicated to me therein; that I 
 can neither utter my joy, nor find myself able how to en- 
 counter your Lordship with due thanks. Indeed, my 
 Lord, at my being last in the town, Mr Alexander, your 
 Lordship’s brother, imparted somewhat of your Lordship’s 
 intention, anent that matter, unto me. And, if I had not 
 been busied about some turns of my own, I thought to have 
 come over to St Johnston and spoke with your Lordship. 
 Yet always, my Lord, I beseech your Lordship, both for | 
 the safety of your honour, credit; and more than that, that 
 your life, my life, and the lives of many others, who may, — 
 perhaps, innocently smart for that turn afterwards, in case 
 it be revealed by any; and likewise the utter wraking of 
 our lands and houses, and extirpating of our name; look 
 that we be all as sure as your Lordship, and I myself shall 
 be, for my own part. And then, I doubt not, but with 
 God’s grace, we shall bring our matter to an fine, which 
 shall bring the contentment to us all, that ever wished for 
 the revenge of Machivellian massacring of our dearest 
 friends. I doubt not, but Mr Alexander, your Lordship’s 
 brother, has informed your Lordship what course I laid 
 down, to bring all our co-associates, to my house of Fast- 
 castle by sea; where, I should have all materials in readi- 
 ness, for their safe receiving on land and into my house: 
 making as it were, but a manner of passing time in an boat 
 on the sea, in this fair summer-tide; and no other strangers 
 to haunt my house, while we had concluded on the laying - 
 our plot; which is already devised by Mr Alexander and 
 me. And I would wish, that your Lordship would either 
 come, or send Mr Alexander to me; and thereafter, I 
 would meet. your Lordship in Leith, or quietly at Restalrig; 
 where we shall have prepared an fine hatted kit, with sug- 
 gar and comfiits and wine; and thereafter confer on mat- 
 
39 
 
 ters; and the sooner we brought our purpose to pass, it 
 were the better, before harvest. Let not Mr W. R. your 
 old pedagogue ken of your coming: but rather would I, if 
 I durst be so bold to entreat your Lordship, once to come 
 and see my own house, where I have keeped my Lord Both- 
 well in his greatest extremities; say the King and his Coun- 
 cil what they would: and in case God grant us happy suc- 
 cess in this errand, I hope both to have your Lordship, and 
 his Lordship, with many others of your lovers and his, at 
 a good dinner before I die. Always I hope, that the 
 King’s Buck-hunting at Falkland this year, shall prepare 
 some dainty chear for us, against that dinner, the next 
 
 ear, jocose hoc to animate your Lordship, at this time: 
 i afterwards, we will have better occasion to make merry. 
 I protest, my Lord, before God, I wish nothing with a 
 better heart nor to atchieve to that which your Lordship 
 would fain attain unto; and my continual prayer shall tend 
 to that effect; and with the large spending of my lands, 
 goods, yea, the hazarding of my life, shall not afray me 
 from that, altho’ the scaffold were already set up, before I 
 should falsify my promise to your Lordship, and pursuade 
 your Lordship thereof, I trow, your Lordship has a proof 
 of my constancie already or now: but, my Lord, whereas 
 your Lordship desires, in your letter, that I crave my Lord, 
 my brother’s mind anent this matter, I utterly disassent 
 from that, that he ever should be an counsellour thereto; 
 for in good faith, he will never help his friend, nor hurt 
 his foe. Your Lordship may confide more, in this old man, 
 the bearer hereof, my man, Laird Bowr, than in my bro- 
 ther; for I lippen my life and all that I have else in his 
 hands: and J trow, he would not spare to ride to hell’s gate 
 to pleasure me; and he is not beguiled of my part to him. 
 Always, my Lord, when your Lordship has read my letter, 
 deliver it to the bearer again, that I may see it burnt with 
 mine own eyes: as I have sent your Lordship’s letter to your 
 Lordship again, for so is the fashion I grant: and I pray 
 your Lordship to rest fully pursuaded of me, and all that I 
 have promised; for I am resolved, howbeit, it were to die 
 the morn. I must intreat your Lordship to expede Bowr, 
 and give him strait directions, upon pain of his life, that 
 he take never a wink of sleep, untill he see me again; or 
 else he will utterly undo us. I have already sent another 
 letter to the gentleman, your Lordship knows, as the bearer 
 
40 
 
 will shew your Lordship, of his answer and forwardness 
 with your Lordship, and I shall shew your Lordship far- 
 ther at meeting, when and where your Lordship shall think 
 it meetest. ‘Till which time, and ever, I commit your 
 Lordship to the protection of Almighty God. 
 
 From Gun’s-Green, the 29th day of July, 1600. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 - Prays your Lordship hold me excused for my unseemly 
 fetter; which is not so well written, as mister were; for I 
 durst not let any writers ken of it; but took two sundry 
 idle days, to do it myself. I will never forget the good 
 sport that Mr Alexander, your Lordship’s brother, told me 
 of a nobleman of Padua. It comes so oft to my memory ; 
 and indeed it is aparastur to this purpose we have in hand. 
 Your Lordship’s own sworn and bunden man, to 
 obey and serve with effold and ever ready service, 
 
 to his utter power, to his life’s end. 
 
 RESTALRIG. 
 
 Right Honourable, 
 ; My hearty duty remembred, ye know, 
 T told you at our last meeting in the Canongate, that Mr 
 Alexander, my Lord of Gowrie’s brother, had spoken with 
 me anent the matter of our conclusion, and for my own 
 part I shall not be hindmost. And sinsyne, I got a letter 
 from his Lordship’s self, for that same purpose, and upon 
 the receipt thereof, understanding his Lordship’s frankness 
 and forwardness in it; God knows, if my heart was not 
 lifted ten stages. J posted this same bearer to his Lordship, 
 to whom you may concredit all your heart in that, as well 
 as I: for, and it were in my very soul, I durst make him 
 messenger thereof, I have such experience of his truth in 
 many other things. He is a silly, old, glyed carle, but 
 wonder honest; and as he has reported to me, his Lord- 
 ship’s own answer, I think all matters shall be concluded 
 at my house of Fastcastle; for I, and Mr Alexander Ruth- 
 ven, concluded, that ye should come with him and his 
 Lordship, and only another man with you, being but only 
 four in company intil one of the great fishing boats, be sea 
 to my house, where ye shall land als safely, as on Leith 
 shore; and the house against your Lordship’s coming to be 
 quiet; and when you are about half a mile from shoar, as 
 
7, 41 
 
 it were passing by the house, to gar’set furth a waff. But 
 for God’s sake, let neither any knowledge come to my Lord, 
 my brother’s ears, nor yet to Mr W. R. my Lord’s old pe- 
 dagogue; for my brother is kittle to shoe behind, and dare 
 not enterprise for fear, and the other will disswade us from 
 our purpose with reasons of religion, which I can never a- 
 bide. I think, there is none of a noble heart, or carries a 
 stomach worth a penny, but they would be content, and 
 glad, to see any contented revenge of Greysteil’s death; and 
 the sooner the better his Lordship be quick; and bid Mr 
 Alexander remember on the sport he told me of Padua: for 
 I think with myself, that the cogitation on that, should sti- 
 mulate your Lordship. And, for God’s cause, use all your 
 courses cum discretione. Fail not, Sir, to send back this 
 letter; for Mr Alexander learned me that fashion, that I 
 may see it destroyed myself. So, till your coming, ever 
 commits you heartily to Christ’s holy protection. 
 From Gun’s-Green, the last day of July, 1600. 
 The Subscription is torn from this last Letter. 
 
 The following is the Deposition of the Witnesses. 
 
 Mr Alexander Watson, Minister at Coldingham, of the 
 age of fifty years, married, depones, ‘The five missive let- 
 ters subscribed by the Laird of Restalrig, and produced in 
 process by the Lord Advocate, for proving of the reasons 
 of treason pursued against Robert Logan, son and appa- 
 rent heir to Robert Logan of Restalrig, being shewn to this 
 deponent; and he having at length sighted and considered 
 the same, depones, ‘That he takes upon his conscience, that 
 he verily believes, that the saids five missive letters, and e- 
 very one of them, are ies and truly written by the said 
 umguhile Robert Logan of Restalrig, with his own hand; 
 and proves this of some of his knowledge, that not only he 
 thinks, that the character of every letter resembles perfectly 
 the said umquhile Robert’s hand-writ every way; but also 
 agrees with his fashion of spelling, which he has particu- 
 larly remembred in every one of the saids missive letters, in 
 their points following. First, that he never used to write 
 an z in the beginning of any word, such as, zou, zor’s, zeld, 
 zea, and sick like; but ever writ, y, instead of the said z. 
 That he writ all words beginning with w, when single, v ; 
 and when that letter w fell to be in the midst or end, he 
 [writ] an double w. That when he writ guhan, quhair, glk, 
 
 ¥ 
 
42 
 
 er any such words, whilk uses to be written and spelled by 
 others, with which he wrote only gh, ghen, ghair. And 
 sick like, whenever a word began with con, he never wrote 
 con at length, but wrote with an /7. Whenever ¢ fell to be 
 in the end of a word, he wrote it without a stroke thro’ ¢, 
 and did the like whenever it fell in any other part of a word. 
 And for further confirmation of the premisses, he produced 
 three letters written every word, and subscribed by the 
 said umquhile Robert Logan of Restalrig, and comparing 
 them to the five other missives produced by the Advocate, 
 shew evidently the direct conformity of the samen, as well 
 in the charracter and true resemblance of the hand-writ, as 
 in the spelling and writing of diverse writs, syllables, and 
 letters, according to the particulars above specified. 
 
 Mr ALEXANDER WATSON. 
 
 Mr Alexander Smith, Minister at Chirneside, of the 
 age of thirty years or thereby, married, depones, That he 
 was well acquainted with the umquhile Laird of Restalrig, 
 by reason he was pedagogue to his bairns, and has seen 
 very many of his hand-writs; and having seen, read, and 
 at length considered the five missive letters produced by the 
 Advocate; and inquired, If he knew the same to be the 
 Laird of Restalrig’s proper hand-writ? Declared upon his 
 great oath, That he certainly believes the saids five letters, 
 and every word thereof, to be the Laird of Restalrig’s pro- 
 per hand-writ; because he finds the character thereof to a- 
 gree every way with the shape of his ordinary writting; and 
 remarked very particularly the manner of Restalrig’s spell- 
 ing of many words, otherwise nor other men commonly 
 uses to write and spell, according to the hail particulars re- 
 marked of before, by Mr Alexander Watson, the witness 
 immediately preceding; and, in these points, and in all o- 
 thers, conform to the said Mr Alexander’s deposition in all 
 things. Lieddens causam scientia, Because he was perfect- 
 ly acquainted with the Laird of Restalrig’s hand-writ in his — 
 lifetime ; and was pedagogue to his bairns many years, and 
 in his company. 
 
 Mr ALEXANDER SMITH. 
 
 Sir John Arnot, Provost of Edinburgh, of the age of 
 three-score ten years, or thereby, married, depones, That 
 he was well acquainted with Robert Logan of Restalrig, 
 
43 
 
 and with his hand-writ, because he had received divers of 
 his letters himself, and seen many other letters written by 
 him. And the five missive letters produced by the Adyo- 
 cate, being shewn to him; and he having seen and. consi- 
 dered the same, remembred that he had seen, read, and 
 perfectly considered the Laird of Restalrig’s hand-writ, as 
 the letters written by the deponent at any time, or his own 
 hand-writ. And so takes on his conscience, That the fore- 
 saids five missive bills, produced by the Advocate, are the 
 proper hand-writ and subscription of the said umquhile 
 Laird of Restalrig, be his judgement. And, for verifica- 
 tion thereof, has produced four writs, all written be the 
 
 said umquhile Laird of Restalrig, and sent to this deponent, 
 
 to Archbald Johnstoun, agreeing perfectly in spelling and 
 charracter, with the saids missives. 
 
 Srr JOHN ARNOT. 
 
 Alexander Cuik, Sherriff-Clerk of Berwick, of the age 
 of fifty years, or thereby, married, depones, That he was 
 well acquainted with the umquhile Laird of Restalrig, and 
 has seen many and sundry of his writs, and received divers 
 of his letters directed to himself; and being desired to see 
 the five letters produced by the Advocate, and to declare 
 whether he knew and esteemed to be all written by um- 
 quhile the Laird of Restalrig, Depones, upon his consci- 
 ence, ‘That he believes and esteems the saids hail letters, to 
 be all written by the Laird of Restalrig, reddens causam 
 scientie ; because, not only the charracter agrees every way 
 with the shape of Restalrig’s hand-writ; but also the spell- 
 ing in many particulars, wherein Restalrig differed from o- 
 ther men’s form of writting. And in the particulars there- 
 of, depones conform to the two first witnesses, the Ministers 
 of Coldingham and Chirneside. Reddens eandem causam 
 
 scienti@. ‘ 
 ALEXANDER CUIK. 
 
 William Home, in Aytoun-Mill, of the age of thirty 
 three years, or thereby, married, depones, That all the five 
 missives above written, being shewn to this deponent, and 
 having at length considered every one of them, takes upon 
 his conscience, That to his knowledge, that the saids five 
 missive letters are all written and subscribed by the um- 
 quhile Laird of Restalrig; for the special reasons contained 
 
 I 2 
 
4 4. 
 
 in the depositions made by Mr Alexander Watson, and 
 Mr Alexander Smith, Ministers; and Alexander Cuik, 
 Sherriff-Clerk of Berwick; to whom he is conform in all 
 things. Reddens eandem causam scientia. 
 
 WILLIAM HOME. 
 
 John Horne, Notary in Aymouth, of the age of fourty 
 two years, or thereby, solutus, depones, ‘The foresaids five 
 missive bills, being at length sighted and considered by this 
 deponent, Depones and declares, upon conscience, to his 
 knowledge, all the saids five missives are the Laird of Res- 
 talrig’s proper hand-writ and subscription, for the reasons 
 above-written in the deposition of William Home. Red- 
 
 dens eandem causam scientia. 
 JOHN HORNE. 
 
 Mr William Hogg, Minister at Aytoun, of the age of 
 thirty years, or thereby, married, depones, That he knew 
 well the Laird of Restalrig, and has seen his writs, and 
 produced an letter written by Restalrig to the Laird of Ay- 
 toun, as written with Restalrig’s own hand-writ. And 
 having considered the five writs produced by the Advocate, 
 declares, That he thinks them likly to his writs; and, that 
 
 the same appears to be very like his writ, by the conformity 
 of letters and spelling. 
 Mr WILLIAM HOGG. 
 
 The following is the Sentence. 
 
 To whilk summons, with the executions and indorsa- 
 tions thereof respective foresaids, being this instant day 
 read in presence of His Majesty’s Commissioner and Estates 
 of Parliament, first in Latin, and thereafter in Scots; The 
 said Robert Logan being oft times called of new, at the 
 tolbooth window of the said court of Edinburgh; to have 
 compeared and answered to the said summons of treason, 
 and reasons and causes therein contained: and he not com- 
 pearing, to have defended in the said matter, and to have 
 answered to the said summons; the said Sir Thomas Ha- 
 milton of Bynnie, Knight, Advocate to our Sovereign 
 Lord, desired the said estates declaration, if the reasons of 
 the said summons were relevant; the whilk estates found 
 the said summons and reasons and causes therein contained 
 relevant. Therefore the said Advocate, of new for proving 
 
 . 
 aes 
 , 
 i 
 ‘a 
 
45 
 
 of the foresaid summons of treason raised against the said 
 Robert Logan; bearing and containing as is above-written: 
 repeated all the foresaid missive bills and the saids deposi- 
 tions of the saids witnesses examined before the saids Lords 
 of Articles, and Lords of Secret Council respective; and 
 also George Sprott’s deposition and conviction and confes- 
 sion, in judgement; and at his execution to the death, for 
 the said cause of treason; with the hail other writs, and 
 probations, produced and repeated by him of before; for 
 proving of the foresaid summons of treason, and reasons 
 therein contained; and desired the saids Estates of Parlia- 
 ment yet, as of before, to advise the probations aforesaids, 
 led and deduced in the said matter; and to pronounce their 
 sentence of Parliament thereuntil, according to the said 
 probations and their consciences: and thereafter, the hail 
 depositions of the witnesses, missive bills, and hail writs and 
 probations, being read, seen and considered, by the fore- 
 saids hail Estates of Parliament. And they therewith being 
 ripely advised, the said Lord Commissioner and Estates of 
 Parliament finds, decerns, and declares, That the foresaid 
 umquhile Robert Logan of Restalrig, committed, and did 
 in his lifetime, open and manifest treason, in all the points, 
 articles, and manner, contained in the said summons: and 
 therefore, it was given for doom by the mouth of David 
 Lindsay, Dempster of Parliament, in manner and form as 
 follows: 
 
 This court of parliament shews for law, The said um- 
 quhil Robert Logan of Restalrig, in his lifetime, commit- 
 ted the foresaid crime of treason, and lese Majesty; and 
 that he was art and part guilty and partaker thereof, against 
 our Sovereign Lord, and authority royal; and that the 
 foresaides cruel, wicked, and treasonable crimes, were in- 
 terprised, by his causing, persuasion, counsel, and help. 
 Likeas, the said umquhil Robert Logan of Restalrig, trea- 
 sonabie counselled the foresaid crime of lese Majesty to his 
 death, and in his death, in all manner, at length contain- 
 ed, in the said summons: and therefore, depones and de- 
 clares, the name, memory, and dignity, of the said um- 
 quhil Robert Logan of Restalrig, to be extinct and abo- 
 lished, and his arms cancelled, riven, and delete furth of 
 _ the books of arms, and nobility; so that his posterity shall 
 be excluded, and be unhabile, to possess or enjoy, any of- 
 fices, honours, dignities, lands, tenements, rooms, rents, 
 
46 
 
 possessions, or goods, moveable, or unmoveable, rights and 
 others whatsomever, within the kingdom, in all times com- 
 ing; and that all the saids goods, lands, rooms, tenements, 
 and other goods, moveable and unmoveable, rights and 
 others whatsomever partaining to the said umquhil Robert 
 Logan of Restalrig; or which otherways might have par- 
 tained to him, at any time, since his conspiring of the said 
 treasonable crimes, to be escheat, and fore-faulted to our 
 Sovereign Lord; to appertain and remain perpetually with 
 his Majesty in property. And this I give for doom. 
 
 These are the principal circumstances connected with 
 what is termed Gowry’s Conspiracy. ‘There are a number 
 of others, generally of a minute nature, purposely ommit- — 
 ted, to avoid needless repetition, as they fall to be taken no- 
 tice of in the after parts of this Dissertation. 
 
 —eeeeeeeSaaoaoaoaoaoaoaoaoaououaaeE—E—eE—Eeeeee 
 
 We now come, in the third place, to transcribe from 
 the public records the depositions of the witnesses, and an 
 account of the other proceedings, at the precognitions, and 
 trial of the two brothers. “ 
 
 Apud Falkland, 9th August, 1600. 
 
 In presence of the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, 
 Lord Secretary, Lord Comptroller, Lord Advocate, 
 the Lord Inchaffray, and Sir John Home of Spot, 
 Knight. 
 
 _ James Weimys of Bogie, of the age of 26 years or there- 
 by, sworne and examined upon the forme and manner of 
 behaviour of the late John Earle of Gowrye, the time of 
 his being with him at Strabran, or if he had heard the 
 sayde Earle make any motion of the treason intended a- 
 gainst his royal Majestie, depones, that he neither heard 
 nor saw, any appearance of any such intention in the sayde 
 Earle. 
 
 Demanded, if he was in any purpose with the sayde 
 Farle, anent any matters of curiosities, depones, That at 
 their being in Strabran, some of their company found an 
 edder, which being killed, and knowledge thereof coming 
 to the Earle, the Earle sayde to this deponer, Bogie, if the 
 edder had not been slaine, yee should have seen a good 
 sport; for I should have caused her stand still, and she 
 
47 
 
 should have pressed away, by pronouncing of an Hebrew 
 word, which in Scotish is called Holiness, but the Hebrew 
 word, the deponer remembers not off; and that the Earle 
 sayde, he had put the same in practice oft before. 
 
 And this deponer enquiring of the Earle where he got 
 the Hebrew word, the Earle answered, in a Cabbalist of 
 the Jews, and that it was by tradition: and the deponer en- 
 quiring what a Cabbalist meaned; the Karle answered, it 
 was some words which the Jews had by tradition, which 
 words were spoken by God to Adam in Paradise, and there- 
 fore were of greater efficacy and force than any words which 
 were excogitate since by Prophets and Apostles. The de- 
 poner enquiring if there were no more requisite but the 
 word: the Karle answered, that a firme faith in God was 
 requisite and necessary; and that this was no matter of 
 marvel among schollers, but that all these things were na- 
 tural. And that the Earle shewed to this deponer, that he 
 had spoken with a man in Italy, and first hearing by re- 
 ‘port, that he was a Nigromancer, and thereafter being in- 
 formed that he was a very learned man, and a deep ‘Theo- 
 logian, he entered in further dealing with him anent the 
 curiositie of nature. 
 
 Depones further, that the sayde Earle reported to him 
 that he being at musick, he fell in company with another 
 man, who staring in the Karle’s face, spake to the rest of 
 the company, things of him, which he could never attaine 
 unto, nor be worthy off. And therefore that the Earle re- 
 proached him, and desired him to forbear these speeches. 
 And that he met againe with the same man in the like com- 
 pany, who did begin with the same language, that he had 
 spoken before; and that the Earle sayde to-him, my friend, 
 in case you will not hold your peace from speaking les of 
 me, I will make you hold your peace, by speaking truth 
 of you; and said unto him, within such a space, he should 
 be hanged for such a crime; and so it came to passe. This 
 deponer enquiring of the Earle, who told him that, he an- 
 swered merrilie, that he spake it by guesse, and it fell out 
 so. And that the Earle sayde further, that it was nothing 
 to make an herbe fleshe which would dissolve into flies, and 
 likewise it was possable that the seede of man and woman 
 might be brought to perfection otherwise than by the ma- 
 trix of the woman, and that this deponer counselled the 
 Karle to beware with whom he did communicate such 
 
48 
 
 speeches; who answered, that he would speak them to none, 
 but to great schollers, and that he would not have spoken 
 them to this deponer, if he had not known him to be a 
 favourer of him, and a friend of his house, and would not 
 reveale the same againe, seeing he knew they would be evil 
 interpreted among the common sorte. 
 
 (L. S.) JAMES WEEMYSS or Boair, 
 
 Apud Falkland 20th August, 1600. 
 In presence of the Lordes Chancellour, 'Treasurer, Ad- 
 vocate, Sir George Home of Spot, Sir Robert Mel- 
 vil, and Sir James Melvil Knights. 
 
 Maister William Rynd, sworn and examined, and de- 
 manded where he did first see the characters which were 
 found upon my Lord: depones, that he having remained a 
 space in Venice, at his returning to Padua, did find in 
 my Lord’s pocket the characters which were found uppon 
 him at his death: and the deponer enquiring of my Lord, 
 where he had gotten them, my Lord answered, that by 
 chance he had copied them himself: and that the deponer 
 knows that the characters in Latine, are my Lord’s owne 
 hand writing: but he knows not if the Hebrew characters 
 were written by my Lord. Depones further, that when 
 my Lord would change his cloaths, the deponer would take 
 the characters out of my Lord’s pocket, and would say to 
 my Lord, Wherefore serve these? and my Lord would 
 answer, Can ye not let them be? they do you no evil. And 
 further, the deponer declares, that sometimes my Lord 
 would forget them, untill he were out of his chamber, and 
 would turn backe, as he were in anger, untill he had found 
 them, and put them in his own pocket: depones further, 
 that he was sundry tymes purposed to have burnt the cha- 
 racters, were it not that he feared my Lord’s wrath and 
 
 anger; seeing when the deponer would purposely leave — 
 
 them sometimes out of my Lord’s pocket, my Lord would 
 be in such an anger with the deponer, that for a certayne 
 space he would not speake with hym, nor could not finde 
 his good countenance. And that (to this deponer’s opinion) 
 my Lorde would never be content to want the characters off 
 himself, from the first time that the deponer sawe them in 
 Padua, to the houre of my Lord’s death. 
 
 Being demanded for what cause my Lord kept the char- 
 racters so well, depones, that, to his opinion it was for no 
 
5 49 . 
 g00d, because he heard, that in these parts where my Lord 
 was, they would give sundry folks breeves. | 
 
 Depones further, that Maister Patrick Galloway lett this 
 deponer see the charracters since hee came to the towne of 
 Falkland, and that he knowes them to be the very same char- 
 racters that my Lord had. Depones also, that on Munday 
 the fourth of August, the Maister, Andrew Henderson, 
 and the deponer remained in my Lord’s chamber till about 
 ten houres at even, and after a long conference betwixt my 
 Lord and the Maister, my Lord.called for Andrew Hen- 
 derson, and after some speeches with him, dismissed him. 
 
 Denies that he knew of the Maister’s or Andrew Hender- - . 
 son’s rideing to Falkland, and about Andrew’s return from 
 Falkland, uppon the morrow, howbeit he did see him 
 booted, yet he knew not that he was come from Falkland. 
 Depones, that my Lord’ being at dinner when the Maister 
 came in, the deponer heard my Lord say to the Maister, 
 Is the King in the Inche, and with that he did rise and 
 sayde, Let us go. But the deponer knows not what the 
 Maister sayde to my Lord. 
 
 Being demanded, if he did see any kind of armour or 
 weapons, except swords in the King’s company; depones, 
 that he did see none. 
 
 It being demanded, how the deponer was satisfied with 
 my Lord’s answer to him, concerning the King’s coming to 
 Saint Johnstoun, saying, that he “ knew not how he came,” 
 declares, that he thought that my Lord had dissembled 
 with him, and that he behooved to have knowne it, seeing 
 his Brother was come with his Majestie before that he de- 
 manded of him, and that hee had conferred with my Lord 
 privily. 
 
 Depones, that he knew not that the Maitster was ridden 
 ' to Falkland, untill after His Majestie’s coming to Saint 
 Johnstoun, that Andrew Ruthven told him, because the 
 Deponer enquired of Andrew Ruthven where the Maister 
 and he had beene, and that Andrew answered, that they 
 had been at Falkland: and that the Maister having spoken 
 with the King, His Majestie came forward with them: and 
 that this conference betwixt the deponer and Andrew Ruth- 
 ven was in the yard, when my Lord was there. And An- 
 drew Ruthven shewed the deponer, that Andrew Hender- 
 son was directed by the Maister to shew my Lord that his 
 Majestie was comming. 
 
50 
 
 Depones also, that in his opinion, the Maister coulde 
 not have drawne the King to my Lord’s house, without my 
 Lord’s knowledge: and that, when he heard the tumult, he 
 was resolved in his heart the Maister had done his Majes- 
 tie wrong; and that no true Christian can think otherwise, 
 but that it was an high treason, attempted against his High- 
 nesse by the Maister and the Lord. LL 
 
 Depones also, that to his opinion, the King’s whole com- | 
 
 pany was within a dozen of men. 
 
 (L. S.) M. W. RYND: 
 
 Apud Faikland, 20th August, 1600. 
 In presence of the Lordes Chancellor, Treasurer, Ad- 
 vocate, Controller, Sir George Home of Spot, and 
 Sir James Melvil, Knights. 
 
 Andrew Henderson sworn and examined, and demand- 
 ed, what purpose was betwixt him and the Earle of Gow- 
 rye, upon Munday at night, the fourth of this instant, in 
 the sayde Earle’s chamber: depones, that the Karle inquired 
 of him, what hee would be doing upon the morne? and he 
 answered, that he was to ride to Ruthven: The Earle said 
 to him, You must ride to Falkland with Maister Alexander 
 my Brother, and when hee directs you backe, see that ye 
 returne with all diligence, if he send a letter or any other 
 advertisement with you. 
 
 Depones, that the Maister directed him to send for An- 
 drew Ruthven to be in readinesse to ride with them the 
 morrow at four houres in the morning. . 
 
 Declares that they coming to Falkland about seven houres 
 in the morning, the Maister stayed in a lodging beside the 
 palace, and directed the deponer to see what the King was 
 doing; and the deponer finding his Majestie in the close 
 coming forth, he past backe, and told the Maister, who 
 immediately addressed himselfe to his Highnesse, and spake 
 with his Majestie a good space beneth the equirie: and af- 
 ter his Majestie was on horse backe, the Maister cometh to 
 the deponer, and commands him to fetch their horses, and 
 bade him haste him, as he loved my Lord’s honour and his, 
 and advertise my Lord, that his Majestie and he would be 
 there incontinent, and that his Majestie would be quiet: 
 And the deponer inquiring of the Maister, if he should goe 
 presently, he did bid him leap on and follow him, and not 
 goe away untill he spoke with the King: and the Maister 
 
51 
 
 having spoke with the King at a breache of the park-wall, 
 he turned backe, and bade the deponer ride away; and the 
 deponer making his return in all possible haste to Saint 
 Johnstoun, he found my Lord in his chamber about ten 
 houres, who left the company he was speaking with, and 
 came to the deponer, and asked, hath my brother sent a 
 letter with you? The deponer answered, No: but they 
 will be all here incontinent, and bade the deponer desire 
 my Lord to cause prepare the dinner. Immediately there~ 
 after, my Lord took the deponer to the cabinet, and asked 
 him, how His Majestie took with the Maister his brother? 
 The deponer answered, very well, and that His Majestie 
 laid his hand over the Maister’s shoulder. ‘Thereafter my 
 Lord inquired, if there were many at the hunting with the 
 King? ‘The deponer answered, that he took no heede, but — 
 they who were accustomed to ride with His Majestie, and 
 some Englishmen were there, and that my Lord inquired 
 what special men were with His Majestie, and that the de- 
 poner answered, he did see none, but my Lord Duke. 
 And within an houre thereafter, when the deponer came in 
 from his owne house, the Earle bad him put on his secret 
 and plaitte-sleeves, for he had an Hylandman to take; 
 which the deponer did incontinent: and about twelve 
 houres, when the deponer was going out to his own house 
 to his dinner, the stewart came to him and told him, that 
 George Craigengelt was not well, and was laine downe, de- 
 sired him to tarry and take up my Lord’s dinner: and a- 
 bout half an hour after twelve, my Lord commanded him 
 to take up the first service. And when the deponer was 
 commanded to take up the second service, the Maister and 
 William Blair came into the hall to my Lord. 
 
 The deponer remembreth himselfe, that Andrew Ruth- 
 ven came before the Maister a certain space, and spake 
 with my Lord quietlie at the table, but heard not the par- 
 ticular purpose that was amongst them. And so soon as 
 the Maister came to the hall, my Lord and the whole com- 
 pany rose from the table; and the deponer hearing the 
 noyse of their forthgoing, supposing they were going to 
 make breeks for Maconilduy: and seeing my Lord pass to 
 the Inche and not to the Shoegate, the deponent did cast 
 the gantlet in the pantry, and caused his boy to take his 
 steele bonnet to his own house: and he followed my Lord 
 to the Inche, and returned backe with His Majestie to the 
 
 G 2 
 
52 
 
 lodging, being directed to get drink.» And the Maister 
 came to the deponer, and did bid him cause Maister Wil- 
 liam Rynd to send him up the keye of the gallery chamber; 
 who past up and delivered the key to the Maister: and im- 
 mediately my Lord followed up, and did speake with the 
 Maister, and came downe againe, and directed Mr Thomas 
 Cranstone to the deponer, to come to his Lordship in His 
 Majestie’s chamber. And that my Lord directed him to 
 go up to the gallerie to his brother; and immediately my 
 Lorde followed up, and commanded the deponer to bide 
 there with his brother, and to do any-thing that he bade 
 him: the deponer inquired at the Maister, what have ye to 
 do, Sir? The Maister answered, Yee must go in here and 
 tarry till I come backe, for I will take the key with me. 
 So he locked the deponer in the round, within the cham- 
 ber, and took the key with him. Shortly thereafter, the | 
 Maister returned, and the King’s Majestie with him, to the 
 saide cabinet in the’rounde; and the Maister opening the 
 doore, entered with the King into the sayde rounde; and 
 at his very entrie, covering his head, pulled out the depon- 
 er’s dagger, and held the same to His Majestie’s breast, 
 saying, remember ye of my father’s murder? Yee shall 
 ‘now die for it: and minting to His Highness’s heart with 
 the dagger, the deponer threw the same out of the Maister’s 
 hand: and swore that as God shall judge his soul, if the 
 Maister had retained the dagger in his hand, the space that 
 a man may goe six steps, he would have stricken the King 
 to the hilts with it: but wanting the dagger, and the King’s 
 Majestie giving him a gentle answer, he sayde to the King’s 
 Majestie, with abominable oathes, that, if he would keepe si- 
 Jence, nothing should aile him, if he would make such pro- 
 mise to his brother, as they would crave of him: and the 
 King’s Majestie inquiring what promise they would crave: 
 he answered, that he would bring his brother. So he goes 
 forth, and lockes the doore of the round uppon His Majestie 
 and the deponer ; having first taken oathe of the King that 
 he would not crie, nor opene the windowe. 
 
 And His Majestie inquiring of the deponer, What he 
 was? he answered, a servant of my Lorde’s, and His Ma- 
 jestie asking of the deponer, if my Lord would do any evil 
 to him? the deponer answered, As God shall judge my. 
 soul, I shall die first. And the deponer pressing to have 
 opened the window, the Maister entered, and said, Sir, 
 
53 
 
 there is no remedy, by God you must die: and having a 
 loose garter in his hand, pressing to have bound His Ma- 
 jestie’s hands, and the deponer pulled the garter out of Mr 
 Alexander his hands, and then the Maister did put one 
 of his hands in His Majestie’s mouth, to have stayed him 
 to speake, and helde his other arme about His Majestie’s 
 necke, and that this deponer pulled the Maister’s hand from 
 His Majestie’s mouthe, and opened the window; and then 
 His Majestie cryed out thereat; whereuppone His High- 
 nesse’ servants came in at the ‘gate, and this deponer did 
 runne and open the doore of the turnpecke head, whereat 
 John Ramsay entered: and the deponer stoode in the 
 chamber untill he did see John Ramsay give the Maister a 
 stroke, and thereafter privily conveyed himself downe the 
 turnpecke to his own house: and the deponer’s wife inquir- 
 ing of him, what the fray meaned? the deponer answered, 
 that the King’s Majestie would have been twice sticked had 
 not hee relieved him. 
 Further, the sayde Andrew Henderson depones, That 
 after his returning from Falkland on the fifth of this instant, 
 Maister John Moncrieff inguiring of him, where he had 
 beene? he answered, that he had beene beyond the Bridge 
 of Earn; and says that he gave that answere to Maister 
 John, because my Lord had commanded him to let no man 
 know that he was to ride to Falkland: and that my Lord’s 
 direction to him was, to come backe with his brother Mais- 
 ter Alexander’s answer: and to leave Andrew Ruthven to 
 awaite upon the Maister. 
 _ Farther, the sayde Andrew Henderson depones, That, 
 when he had taken the Maister’s hand out of the King’s 
 mouth, and was opening the windowe, Maister Alexander 
 sayde to him, wilt thou not helpe, woe betide, thou wilt 
 make us all die. 
 (L. 8.) ANDREW HENDERSON. 
 With my hand. 
 
 22d August, 1600. 
 
 Maister William Rynd sworn and re-examined, if ever 
 he heard the Karle of Gowrye utter his opinion, anent the 
 deutie of a wise man in the execution of an high enterprize: 
 declares, that, being out of the country, he had divers times 
 heard him reason in that matter, and that he was ever of 
 that opinion, that he was not a wise man, that, having in- 
 
{Wen Via, Lal hee On ¥ 
 PU ee Re ole Tar 
 
 54 
 
 tended the execution of an high and dangerous. purpose, 
 communicate the same to any but to himself; because keep- 
 ing it to himselfe, it could not be discovered nor disappoint- 
 ed: which the deponer declared before, unrequired, to the 
 Controller, and Maister William Couper, Minister at 
 Perth: and hearing the deposition of Andrew Henderson 
 read, and being inquired upon his conscience, what he 
 thought of the fact that was committed against His Majestie? 
 declares, that upon his salvation, that he believes Andrew 
 Henderson has declared the circumstances truly. 
 
 (L. S.) M. W. RYND. 
 
 Tt has already been said, that the Parliament was Sum- 
 moned to meet at Edinburgh, on the first of November, for 
 the Trial. But being repeatedly adjourned, it was the 15th 
 of the month, before they proceeded to adduce evidence. 
 Qn that day, a Royal Pardon was produced for Andrew 
 Iienderson, of which the following is a Copy: 
 
 “ Tt is Our Will, and Wee command You, that upon 
 sight hereof, Ye delete Andrew Henderson, Chamberlain 
 to umguhile John Earl of Gowrie, his name, furth of the 
 Summons of Treason and Torfaulture, raised and executed 
 against him, for being Art, Part, Redd, Counsel, and 
 Counsclling, of the late Treason conspired by the late um- 
 quhil Earl, his umquhil Brother, and Complices, against 
 Our Person; and as you will answer to Us hereupon; keep- 
 ing this Presents for your warrant. Subscribed with our 
 hand at Holy-rood-house the ninth of November, 1600.” 
 
 (L. 8.) JACOBUS. REX. 
 
 pres 
 
 The following are the Depositions of the Witnesses 
 at what is termed the Trial, as engrossed in the Publick 
 Records. 
 
 The duke of Lennox, sworn and examined, depones, 
 That upon the fifth of August last by-past, this deponent, 
 for the time being in Falkland in company with His Ma- 
 jesty, he saw Mr Alexander Ruthven speaking with His 
 Grace before the stables, betwixt six and seven in the morn- 
 ing; and shortly thereafter, His Majesty passing to the 
 hunting of the buck, and having slain one in the park of 
 
 Sy 
 
 — - 
 
 4 
 
 % 
 i 
 
A tees. al ie 
 
 55 
 
 Falkiand, His Highness spake to the deponent, disyring 
 him to accompany His Majesty to Perth, to speak to the 
 Earl of Gowrie. And incontinent thereafter, this depo- 
 nent sent his servant for another horse, and for a sword, 
 and lap on and followed His Grace: and as this deponent 
 overtook His Grace, Mr Alexander Ruthven was speak- 
 ing with His Majesty; and shortly after the deponent’s 
 coming to the King, His Highness rode apart, and spake 
 with this deponent, saying, ye cannot guess, men, what 
 errand I am riding for; 1 am going to get a pose in Perth: 
 and Mr Alexander Ruthven has informed me, that he has 
 fund a man, that has a pitchard full of coined goid, of 
 great sorts. And in the mean time, His Highness enquir- 
 ed of this deponent, of what humour he thought Mr Alex- 
 ander to be of? who answered, that he knew nothing of 
 him, but as of an honest discreet gentleman. And after that 
 His Highness had declared to this deponent, the hail cir- 
 cumstances of the man who had the said gold, the place 
 where it was found, and where it was kept; this deponent an- 
 swered, I like not that, Sir; for it is not likely. And they rid- 
 ing beside the bridge of Erne, His Majesty called to the de- 
 ponent, that Mr Alexander disyred him to keep that matter 
 of the pose secret, and take no body with him; and then His 
 Highness both at that time and afterwards at St Johnstoun, 
 within the Earl of Gowrie’s hall, said to this deponer, ‘Take 
 taint where] pass with Mr Alexander Ruthven, and follow me. 
 And as His Majesty was within a mile of Pearth, after that 
 Mr Alexander had come a certain space with His High- 
 ness, he rod away and galloped to Pearth, before the rest 
 of the company, towards his brother’s lodging; of purpose 
 (as the deponent believes,) to advertise the Karl of Gowrie 
 of His Majesty’s coming there; and as His Majesty was 
 within two pair of butt-langs to the town of Pearth, the 
 Earl of Gowrie, accompanied with diverse persons all on 
 foot met His Highness in the Inche, and saluted him; 
 and immediately thereafter, His Majesty, accompanicd 
 with this deponent, the Earl of Mar, Inchafirey, Sir 
 Thomas Erskin, Laird of Urquhil, James Erskin, William 
 Stuart, Sir Hugh Haris, Sir John Ramsay, John Murray, 
 John Hamilton of the Grange, and John Graham of Ba- 
 gown, past altogether, in the Earl of Gowie’s hall: the 
 said Earl of Gowrie, and the said Mr Alexander Ruthven, 
 
 eing baith present with them: and after their entry, His 
 
56 
 
 Majesty cry’d for a drink, which was a long time a com- 
 ing; and it was‘an hour after his first coming, before His 
 Majesty got his dinner: and in the time that His Majesty 
 got his desert, the Earl of Gowrie came to this deponent, 
 and to the Earl of Mar, and remanent persons foresaid, 
 and desired them to dine; which they did, in the hall; and 
 when they had near hand din’d, the Earl of Gowrie came 
 from His Majesty’s chamber to the hall, and called for 
 wine; and said, that he was directed from his Majesty’s 
 chamber, to drink his scoll, to My Lord Duke, and the 
 rest of the company, which he did. And immediately af- 
 ter the scoll had passed about, this deponent raise from the 
 table, to have waited upon His Majesty, conform to his 
 former direction; and then the Earl of Gowrie said to this 
 deponent, that His Majesty was gone up quietly some quiet 
 errand: and then, the said Earl of Gowrie cry’d for the key 
 of his garden, and passed m company with this deponent, 
 to the garden, accompanied with Lindores, and Sir Hugh 
 Herries, and certain others: and shortly after their being 
 in the garden, Mr Thomas Cranston came down to the 
 garden, crying, The King’s Majesty is on horse-back, 
 and ridden thro’ the Inch: and then the Karl of Gow- 
 rie cry’d horse, horse: and the said Mr Thomas Crans- 
 ton answered to him, your horse is in town; to whilk the 
 Earl of Gowrie made him no answer, but cry’d ay, horse, 
 horse. And this deponent and the Earl of Gowrie came 
 first out of the garden, thro’ the hall to the closs, and came to 
 the oute-gate; and this deponent speir’d at the porter, if 
 the King was furth, who answered, that he was assured 
 that His Majesty was not come furth of the place. ‘Then 
 the Earl of Gowrie said, I am sure he is first always; stay, 
 My Lord, drink, and I shall gang up, and get the verity and 
 certainty thereof: and the said Karl of Gowrie passed up, 
 and incontinent came again ta the closs, and he affirmed to 
 this deponent, that the King’s Majesty was furth at the 
 back-gate and away. Whereupon this deponent, the Earl 
 of Gowrie and Mar, and hail company, past furth at the 
 fore-gate of the lodging ; and staid before the same gate up- 
 on the street: and as they were’ standing there, advising 
 where to seek the King, incontinent, and in. the meantime, 
 this deponent heard a voice, and said to the Earl of Mar, 
 This 1s the King’s voice, that crys, be where he will: and 
 so they all looked up to the lodging, and saw His Majesty 
 
57 | 
 
 looking furth of the window, wanting his hat: his face be- 
 ing red, and an hand gripping his cheek and mouth, and 
 the King cryed I am murdered ! treason! My Lord Mar, 
 help, bain ! And incontinent, this deponent, the Earl of 
 Mar, and their company, ran up the stair of the gallery- 
 chamber, where His Majesty was, to have relieved him; 
 and as they passed up, they found the door of the chamber 
 fast; and seeing a ladder standing beside, they rasht at 
 the door with the ladder, and the steps of the ladder brake: 
 and syne, they send for hammers; and notwithstanding 
 large forcing with hammers, they got not entry at the said 
 chamber, while after the Earl of Gowrie and his brother 
 were both slain; that Robert Brown past about be the back 
 door, and came to His Majesty, and assured His High- 
 ness, that it was my Lord Duke and the Earl of Mar, that 
 was stricking up the chamber door; and the hammer was 
 given thro’ the hole of the door of the chamber, and they 
 within brake the door, and gave them entry: and, at their 
 first entry, they saw the Earl of Gowrie lying dead in the 
 chamber, Mr Alexander Ruthven being slain, and taken 
 down the stairs before their entry: and at their first entry 
 within that chamber where the King’s Majesty was, the de- 
 ponent saw sundry halberts and swords stricking under the 
 door of the chamber, and sides thereof, by reason the same 
 was nae closs door; and knew none of the strickers, except A- 
 lexander Ruthven one of the defenders, who desired to speak 
 with this deponent thro’ the door, and speird at him, For 
 God’s sake tell me how my Lord of Gowrie was: to whom 
 this deponent answered, he is well: and the said deponent 
 bad Alexander to gang his way; and that he was an fool; 
 and that he would get little thanks for that labour: and, 
 in the meantime, as they were continuing to strike with hal- 
 berts under the door, meikle John Murray, servant to Tul- 
 libardin, was stricken throw the lege; and how soon the 
 said Alexander Ruthven had heard the said Lord Duke 
 speak, he and his hail complices past from the foresaid door, 
 and made no more trouble thereafter thereat, and passed 
 down to the closs, and stood there. And saw none of the 
 remanent defenders present, at the doing of the violent 
 turns that day, except by report, but the said Alexander 
 Ruthven: but says, that he saw Hugh Moncrieff, Harn, and 
 Alexander Daithvenies, and Patrick Eviot, with the Earl of 
 Gowrie at the King’s dinner that day; and that before and 
 
58 Wi. 
 théreafter, looking ovér the chamber window, he saw 
 George Craigingelt, and Alexander Ruthven; and did see 
 others of the Earl of Gowrie’s servants, whom this depo- 
 nent knew not, standing in arms within the closs: and also, 
 saw other persons carrying an joist from the town, to the 
 closs of the Earl of Gowrie’s lodging: and declares, that 
 there abode sundry persons within the said closs, and in 
 the high street, before the said Earl’s lodging, crying and 
 making tumult, to the space of two hours, mair next after 
 the death of the said Earl of Gowrie and his brother. 
 
 (Signed) LENNOX. 
 
 The Earl of Mar, sworn and examined, depones, con- 
 form to the Lord Duke of Lennox’s deposition, in all things 
 substantial, except, that his Lordship saw not Mr Alex- 
 ander Ruthven in Falkland, while about ten hours the day 
 libelled, shortly before the slaying of the buck; and also, over- 
 took not His Majesty that day, while His Majesty was near 
 
 the bridge of Erne; and, that after their dinner, my Lord 
 Mar passed not to the yard, in company with the Earl of 
 Gowrie, but passed to a chamber where the King din’d, 
 
 _and saw nothing of the joist. | 
 (Signed) MAR. 
 
 Andrew Henderson, Chamberlain of Scoon; sworn, de- 
 pones; That he is of the age of thirty-eight years, declares, 
 That upon Munday at night, the fourth day of August last by- 
 past, this deponent being, after supper, in company with the 
 Earl of Gowrie and Mr Alexander Ruthven, within my 
 Lord’s own chamber; the Earl of Gow11e enquired at this 
 deponent, what he had to do to-morrow? To whom this 
 deponent answered, That he had to do, to ride to Ruthven, 
 to speak with the tenants. Then the Earl of Gowrie answer= 
 ed, stay that journey, you must ride to Falkland, in com- 
 pany with my brother, Mr Alexander, and take Andrew 
 Ruthven with you; and that ye be ready to ride be four 
 _ hours in the morning: and haste thou back with answer, 
 as my brother orders you, by write or otherwise, and let 
 Andrew Ruthven remain with my brother. And in the 
 morning, after four hours, they rode all three together, to 
 Falkland ; and coming to Falkland, they lighted at John 
 Balfour’s house, and seeing that Colonel Edmund was there, 
 they lodged in ane Law’s house; and the master sent this 
 
59 
 
 deponent about seven hours in the morning, to see what 
 the King’s Majesty was doing ; and as he was within the 
 place, he saw the King’s Majesty coming furth mid-closs, 
 booted; and then he returned back again to the Master, 
 and said to him, haste you, the King’s Majesty is coming 
 furth; and incontinent, the Master followed His Majesty, 
 and spake with His Highness foranent the Equirie, and the 
 King laid his hand on his shoulder, and clapped him, 
 where they spake together, be the space of an quarter of 
 an hour. And thereafter, the Master directed this depo- 
 ment to ride to Perth in haste, as he loved the Lord Gow- 
 rie’s, and his honour, and advertise his brother, that His 
 Majesty will be there, with a few number incontinent; and 
 cause make his dinner ready: then this deponent answered, 
 shall I ride presently ? The Master answered, No, but sta 
 a while, and follow the King and me, while I speak wit 
 His Majesty again: and, as His Majesty was riding through 
 the sloap of the park-dike, the Master spake to His Ma- 
 jesty; and immediately thereafter, the Master bad this de- 
 ponent to pass to St Johnstown, with all possible diligence, 
 according to his former directions: and, at this deponent’s 
 coming to Perth, it was shortly after ten hours in the morn- 
 ing, he entered in the Lord of Gowrie’s chamber, where 
 _ he saw his Lord speak with George Hay, and Mr Peter 
 Hay: and how soon my Lord of Gowrie saw this depo- 
 nent, he came aside to this deponent, and enquired secret- 
 ly, What word he had brought from his brother; and if 
 he had broyght a letter? This deponent answered, That 
 he had brought no letter: What answer then, said he, has 
 he tome: ‘This deponent answered, That the Master his 
 brother bad tell His Lordship, That the King’s Majesty 
 would be there incontinent; and bad haste his dinner. Then 
 the Earl bad this deponent to follow his Lordship to the 
 cabinet, and speird at him, How His Majesty had tane 
 with his brother? He answered, That he was well tane 
 with; and when he did his courtesy, the King laid his hand 
 upon his shoulder. The Earl speird, What number of 
 persons was with the King at the hunting? Who answered, 
 That he knew not well; but that there were sundry of his 
 own with him, and some Englishmen. And then the Earl 
 speird, What noblemen was with him? he answered, None 
 but my Lord Duke. And thereafter, this deponent past 
 to his own house in the Sig and took off his boots, and 
 4 
 
60 
 returned to the Earl within an hour; and how soon the 
 Earl saw him in his chamber, he called upon this depo- 
 nent, and bad him put on his secret* and_plate-sleeves: 
 the deponent enquired to what effect? The Earl answered, 
 I have an Highlandman to take in the Shoegate; and then 
 the deponent past to his own house, and put on his secret 
 and plate-sleeves, came back again to the Earl of Gowrie’s 
 house: and about half an hour to one, the Earl command- 
 ed this deponent, Take up my dinner; and this deponent 
 past, and took up the first service, by reason Charles Craig- 
 ingelt was sick: and, incontinent, the said Earl passed to 
 his dinner, accompanied with Mr John Moncrieff Laird 
 of Pitcrief, Mr James Drummond, Alexander Peebles, 
 Baron of Findowne. And shortly after the first service was 
 
 set down, my Lord sitting at the table with the foresaid ° 
 
 company, Andrew Ruthven came in from the Master, and 
 
 rounded to the Earl, but heard not what he said; and short-- 
 
 ly after, this deponent passing down to take up the second 
 service, Mr Alexander Ruthven and William Blair came 
 in to the Earl, my Lord sitting at his dinner; and how soon 
 my Lord saw them, he and his hail company rose from the 
 table; and then, this deponent hearing my Lord on foot, 
 bid this deponent send for his steel-bonnet and gantlet, be- 
 lieving that my Lord was going to take the said Highland- 
 man: and as this deponent perceivd my Lord passing to 
 the Inch, and not to the Shoegate, he sent home his steel- 
 bonnet, and cast his gantlet in the pantry, and thereafter 
 followed the Earl to the Inch, where he saw the said Earl 
 with His Majesty, the Duke, and the Earl of Marr, and 
 came in altogether to the Karl’s house; and after His Ma- 
 jesty had come to the Earl’s house, the Master of Ruth- 
 ven speir’d at this deponent, where the key of the gallery- 
 chamber was? Who answer’d, That he handled not that 
 key since the Earl came in Scotland. Then the Master bid 
 this deponent speak to Mr William Rynd to give him the 
 said key. And the Master passing up to the gallery, Mr 
 William Rynd followed him, and gave to him the said key: 
 and thereafter, immediately after His Majesty’s down sit- 
 
 ting to his dinner, Mr Thomas Cranstoun came to this de- - 
 
 ponent, and bad him gang to the Earl of Gowrie; which 
 
 this deponent did. And the Earl of Gowrie, in the outer- 
 
 chamber, where the King din’d, spake to ‘this deponent 
 
 secretly, and bad him pass to the gallery to his brother: 
 * A Coat of Mail. 
 
 ee ~l 
 
61 
 
 so he passed up, and the Earl follows him; and they bein 
 
 all three together in the gallery-chamber, (whereof he hae 
 the key from Mr William Rynd,) the Ear! said to this de- 
 ponent, Tarry still with my brother, and do any thing he 
 bids you. Then this deponent came to the Master and 
 speird, What will you with me, Sir? Then the Mas- 
 ter spoke to my Lord, Let Andrew Henryson go into the 
 round of the chamber, and I will lock him in, and take 
 the key of the chamber with me: where this deponent a- 
 bode half an hour or thereby, locked his allane, having his 
 secret, plate-sleeves, sword and whinger with him, and 
 wanting his steel bonnet. And all this time, this deponent 
 feared some evil to be done: that, upon this, he kneel’d and 
 pray’d to God; and about the end of the half hour, Mr A- 
 lexander opens the door of the room, and entered first 
 within the same, having the King’s Majesty by the arm, 
 and putting on his hat upon his head, draws forth this 
 Andrew Henderson deponent’s whinger, and says to the 
 King, having the drawn whinger in his hand, Sir, you 
 must be my prisoner; remember on my Father’s death. 
 And, as he held the whinger to His Majesty’s breast, this 
 deponent threw the samen furth of Mr Alexander’s hands. 
 And the time that Mr Alexander held the whinger to His 
 Majesty’s breast, the King was beginning to speak. - The 
 Master said, Hold your tongue, Sir, or by Christ, ye shall 
 die. ‘Then His Majesty answered, Mr Alexander, ye and 
 I were very great together: and as touching your F‘ather’s 
 death, man, I was but a minor. My Council might have 
 done any thing they pleased. And farther, man, albeit ye 
 bereave me of my life, ye will not be King of Scotland; 
 for, I have both sons and daughters; and there are men in this 
 town and friends that will not leave it unrevenged. ‘Then 
 Mr Alexander answered, swearing with a great oath, ‘That 
 it was neither his life nor blood that he craved. And the 
 King said, What traiks albiet ye take off your hat; and 
 then Mr Alexander took off his hat. And the King said, 
 What is it ye crave, man, and ye crave not my life? Who 
 answered, Sir, itis but a promise. The King answered, 
 What promise? The said Mr Alexander answered, For, 
 my Lord my brother will tell you. The King said, Fetch 
 hither your brother. And syne the said Mr Alexander said 
 to the King, Sir, you will not cry, nor open the window, 
 while I come again? And the King promised so to do. 
 
62 
 ‘Then Mr Alexander passed forth and locked, and passed 
 
 not from the door, as he believes. In the meantime, the 
 King entered in discourse with this deponent, How came 
 you in here, man? And this deponent answered, As God 
 lives, I am shot in here like a dog. The King answered, 
 Will my Lord of Gowrie do me any evil, man? This 
 deponent answered, I vow to God, I shall die first. And 
 then, the King bad this deponent open the window, and 
 he opened the window that looked to the Spey-tower: 
 and the King answered, fy, the wrong window, man ! 
 And thereafter, this deponent passing to the other win- 
 dow nearest His Majesty, to open the same; before he 
 got to the window, Mr Alexander opened the door, and 
 came in again, and said to His Majesty, By God! there 
 is no remedy; and then he loups te the King, and got him 
 by both the hands, having an garter in his hands, Then 
 the King answered, I am a free Prince, man; 1 will not 
 be bound: so His Majesty cast loose his left hand from Mr 
 Alexander; and at the same time, this deponent draws a- 
 way the garter from Mr Alexander, and His Majesty loups 
 free from the said Mr Alexander, and the said Mr Alex- 
 ander follows His Majesty, and with his left hand about 
 His Majesty’s craig, puts his right neeve in His Majesty’s 
 mouth. So His Majesty wrestling to be quite of him this 
 deponent puts his hand out of His Majesty’s mouth. And 
 thereafter, this deponent did put his left hand over His 
 Majesty’s left shoulder, and pulled up the broad of the win- 
 dow, whereunto the said Mr Alexander had thrust His 
 Majesty’s head and shoulders; and with the force of the 
 drawing up of the window, presses His Majesty’s body a- 
 bout, his right side to the window: at which time His Ma- 
 jesty cries furth, Treason! ‘Treason! So the Master said 
 to this deponent, Is there no help with thee? Wo worth 
 thee, thou villain, we all die. So twining his hand on the 
 guard of his own sword; and incontinent, the King’s Ma- 
 jesty put his hand on the Master’s hands and staid him from 
 drawing of his sword: and this ways, they both being 
 grasped together, comes furth of the cabinet to the cham- 
 ber; and, in the meantime, this deponent threw about the 
 key, then standing in the door of the head of the turnpike, 
 which entered to the chamber, and opened the door thereof, 
 to eschew himself, and to let His Majesty’s servants in; and 
 
 how soon he opened the door, John Ramsay came in at the 
 
63 
 
 said door, with an haulk on his hand, and passed to the 
 King’s Majesty and laid about him, and drew his whinger ; 
 and as he saw him minting with the whinger, this deponent 
 passed furth at the said door, and passed down the turn- 
 pike. And as this deponent passed through the close, and 
 came to the fore-gate, this deponent saw the Earl of Gowrie 
 standing before the gate accompanied by sundry persons, 
 of whom he remembers none; but remembers well, that 
 the Earl had this deponent’s knapschaw, or head-piece, on 
 his head, and two swords drawn in his hands: and incon- 
 tinently thereafter, this deponent pass’d to his own lodging, 
 where he remained while the King passed furth of the town; 
 and then the deponent past to the bridge and walked up 
 and down by the space of an hour, and returned not again 
 to the Earl’s lodging. And the time of his entry to his 
 house that night, this deponent’s wife inquired at this de- 
 ponent, What trouble was within the place? To whom 
 he answered, Well is me of one thing, that if I had not 
 been there, the King had been twice sticked this night: 
 but wo’s me for the thing that is fallen out. And this de- 
 ‘ponent being demanded by Mr John Moncrief, after his 
 returning from Falkland, Where have you been with your 
 boots on? Answered, he had been two or three miles be- 
 
 ond Earn, and durst not tell him the verity, by reason 
 the Earl of Gowrie had discharged him to tell the errand, 
 he sent him, to any body. And farther, this deponent de- 
 clares, That when he saw the Earl of Gowrie standing with 
 the drawn swords before the gate, this deponent spoke not 
 to the Earl, neither yet the Earl to him at that time, but 
 he passed to his own house. 
 
 (Signed) ANDREW HENDERSON. 
 
 The Abbot of Inchechaffrey, sworn and examined, de- 
 pones, ‘That, upon the fifth of August last by-past, this de- 
 ponent being in Falkland, about seven hours in the morn- 
 ing, he met Mr Alexander Ruthven accompanied with An- 
 drew Ruthven; and, at that time, only saluted the said Mr 
 Alexander Ruthven, without any conference farther at that 
 time. And at that time, he saw the said Mr Alexander 
 enter in conference with His Majesty, upon the green, be- 
 twixt the stables and the park: which conference enduring 
 for the space of a quarter of an hour, and the said Mr A- 
 lexander accompanied His Majesty, while they came to the 
 
“PRO ees ae a Pa). Som 
 
 64 
 
 meadow; and, at his returning from His Majesty, this de- 
 ponent desired Mr Alexander to disjune with him, by rea- 
 son his own could not be so soon prepar’d. ‘To whom Mr 
 Alexander answered, He might not tarry, by reason His 
 Majesty had commanded him to await upon him. And, as 
 this deponent ‘passed to Falkland, leaving Mr Alexander 
 behind him, met his horse with his man, coming from Falk- 
 land to him, and then this deponent, after he had disjuned 
 in Falkland, he took his journey the high way to Inche- 
 _chaffrey, and the deponent being but a mile be-north Stra- 
 miglo, he’s incompanied with my Lord Duke, Lindores, 
 the Laird of Urquhill, John Hamilton of the Grange, Fin- 
 lay Tailzies; and Mr Alexander Ruthven came by this de- 
 ponent, riding the high way to Perth; then incontinent, 
 this deponent horsed, and accompanied His Majesty to 
 Perth, where he saw the Earl of Gowrie meet His Majesty 
 in the Inch, and passed in company with His Majesty, and 
 his noblemen and servants, to the Earl of Gowrie’s lodging, 
 whete they din’d all together. And after dinner, this de- 
 ponent being in the chamber at the north end of the hall, 
 word past through the hall, that His Majesty was passed. 
 away, and ridden towards Falkland, and then this depo- 
 nent, in company with the Lord of Mar, and remanent pre- 
 sent for the time, passed to the close, and from that to the 
 High Street; and the Earl of Gowrie being present with 
 them, desired them to stay, while he returned and advertised 
 - them of the veritythereof. And incontinent the Earl of Gow- 
 rie passed up the stair, and returned back, and certified the 
 deponent and his colleagues of His Majesty’s departure. 
 Then the Lord Duke, this deponent, and remanent cried 
 for their horses to follow the King. ‘Then, as they were 
 standing upon the High Street, they heard an cry and a 
 voice; and the Duke first declared, 1 am sure, yon is His 
 Majesty’s voice, be where he will himself. And immedi- 
 ately thereafter, this deponent saw His Majesty, looking 
 forth of a window of the round, wanting his hat, and his 
 face red, crying, fy, help, my Lord Mar! ‘Treason, Trea- 
 son! Jam murdered! And at that same instant, to his 
 judgement, was pulled per force in at that same window. 
 And incontinent thereafter, this deponent passed in haste 
 up with the Karl of Mar and my Lord Duke, to the cham- 
 ber within the gallery; where he saw, heard, and did in all 
 
 things, conform to the Karl’s deposition. r 
 
 (Signed) INCHECHAFFREY. 
 
65 
 
 The Abbot of Lindores, sworn and examined, depones 
 conform to the Lord Duke of Lennox, in all things; ad- 
 dendo, ‘That after dinner, when word was of His Majesty’s 
 departure towards Falkland, and that they had all together 
 come down to the porter, and had enquired at him, Gif the 
 King’s Majesty was gone furth? the porter answered, He 
 was net passed furth; and the Earl of Gowrie aftirmed, 
 That he was passed furth at the back-gate; and the porter 
 said to the Earl of Gowrie, That cannot be, my Lord, be- 
 cause I have the key of the back-gate. And, after that 
 His Majesty had cried furth of the window of the round, 
 Treason, Treason! &c. this deponent saw James Erskine 
 incontinent lay hands on the Earl of Gowrie upon the 
 High Street; and immediately Sir Thomas Erskine grip- 
 ra the Earl of Gowrie: fy, Traitor! this is thy deed; thou 
 shalt die. Then the Earl of Gowrie answered, I ken no- 
 thing of the matter. Then instantly the Earl of Gowrie’s 
 men rugged the said Sir Thomas Erskin and James Ers- 
 kin from the Earl of Gowrie; who incontinent ran the space 
 of half an pair of but-lands from them towards Glenurchie’s 
 house, and drew furth his two swords, and cried, I will 
 either be at my own house or die by the gate: and incon= 
 tinently thereafter the said Earl, accompanied with thirty 
 persons, or thereby, passed within the said place, wherein 
 His Majesty was for the time: and shortly after, the de- 
 ponent, as appeared to him, saw a multitude of people car- 
 rying a joist towards the place. 
 
 (Signed) LINDORES. 
 
 Sir Thomas Erskin, of the age of thirty six years, sworn, 
 depones, conform to the Lord Inchechaffrey, and Lord of 
 Lindores; addendo, ‘That immediately after this deponent 
 heard His Majesty cry furth of the window of the round, 
 fy, help! I am betray’d, they are murdering me! he ran 
 with diligence towards the place, to have helped His Ma- 
 jesty ; and before his entry, seeing the Earl of Gowrie, the 
 deponent and his brother gripped him by the neck, and 
 said to him, Traitor, this is thy deed. Whilk Earl an- 
 swered, What isthe matter? Iken nothing. Immediately 
 the Earl’s servants severed him from this deponent and _ his 
 brother. And then this deponent entered within the close, 
 he forgathered with Sir Hugh Harries, who demanded o1 
 * the deponent what the matter meant; and in the meantime 
 
“ws 
 ; 4 
 P ¥ 
 
 66 
 
 the deponent heard Sir John Ramsay crying out at the 
 turnpike head, fy, Sir Thomas, come up the turnpike, even 
 to the"head! and, as this deponent had passed up five steps 
 of the turnpike; he sees and meets with Mr Alexander 
 Ruthven blooded in two parts\of his body, viz. in his face, 
 and in his neck ; and incontinent this deponent cries to Sir 
 Hugh Herries, and others that were with him, fy, this is — 
 the Traitor, strike him! and incontinent, he was stricken 
 by them, and fell; and, as he was fallen, he turned his 
 face and cry’d, Alas! I had not the wyte of it, this depon- 
 ent being standing above him in the turnpike. ‘Thereafter, 
 this deponent past to the head of the turnpike, and entered 
 within the chamber at the head of the gallery, where the 
 King and Sir John Ramsay, was there alone present; and, 
 at the first meeting, this deponent said to His Majesty, I 
 thought Your Majesty would have concredited more to me, 
 nor to have commanded me to await Your Majesty at the 
 door, gif ye thought it not meet to have taken men with 
 you. Whereupon His Majesty answered to this deponent, 
 Alas! the Traitor deceived me in that, as he did in the 
 leave; for I commanded him expressly to bring you to me, 
 which he promised to me, to do; and returned back, as I 
 thought, to fetch you, but he did nothing, but steiked the 
 door. Shortly thereafter, Sir Hugh Herries followed the 
 deponent into the chamber, and George Wilson servant to 
 James Erskin: and, immediately thereafter, Mr Thomas 
 Cranstoun, with his sword drawn in his hand, entered 
 within the said chamber; and the Earl of Gowrie followed 
 him within the same chamber, with an drawn sword in e- 
 very one of his hands, and an knapschaw on his head; who 
 struck at this deponent and his colleagues an certain space. 
 Likeas, they defended them and struke again: and that 
 same time, this deponent was hurt in the right-hand, be 
 Mr Thomas Cranstown; and this deponent heard my Lord 
 of. Gowrie speak some words at his entry, but understands 
 them not. At last, Sir John Ramsay gave the Earl of 
 Gowrie an dead straik; and then the Earl leand him to his 
 sword, and the deponent saw a man ha’d him up, whom 
 he knew not; and how soon the Ear] fell to the ground, 
 Mr Thomas Cranstoun, and the remanent who accompa- 
 nied him departed and passed down the turnpike. And 
 the deponent remembers, that, at that time, there were 
 more persons in the chamber with the Earl of Gowrie by 
 Sir Thomas Cranstoun, but knew none of them, except he 
 
 » ay 
 a 
 
67 
 
 believes that an black man, that was there in company within 
 the chamber, was Hugh Moncriet, brother to the Laird of 
 Moncrief; but the deponent knows not well, whether or 
 not it was Hugh Moncrief. 
 
 (Signed) Sm THOMAS ERSKIN. 
 
 Sir John Ramsay, of the age of twenty three years, or 
 thereby, sworn, depones, That, immediately after he had 
 dined, the day libelled, in the Earl of Gowrie’s house, he 
 took His Majestie’s haulk from John Murray, to the effect, 
 that the said John might have din’d: and the deponent 
 missing His Majesty, and forgathering with the Laird of 
 Pittencrief, in the Earl of Gowrie’s hall; and demanding 
 of Pittencrief, where His Majesty was? ‘The said Laird first 
 convoyed the deponent to the chamber where the King 
 din’d; thereafter to the yaird, hoping that His Majesty 
 had been there; and missing His Majesty in the yaird, con- 
 voyed the deponent up to an fair gallery, where the depo- 
 nent was never before; where having remained a certain 
 space beholding the gallery, they came both down to the 
 closs, where they met with Mr Thomas Cranstoun in the 
 midst of the closs, who said to them, That His Majesty 
 was away upon horse-back, at the Inch: whereupon this 
 deponent and Pittencrieff sindred, and the deponent passed 
 furth of the gate, to his stable, to have gotten his horse, 
 and being standing at the stable door, he heard His Ma- 
 jesty cry, knew His Highness’ voice, but understood not 
 what he spake; whereupon he comes immediately within 
 the closs, and finding an turnpike-door open, he enters 
 within the samen, and runs up the turnpike, while he comes 
 to the door upon the head thereof, and hearing an struggling 
 and din of men’s feet, he ran with his hail force at the door 
 of the turnpike-head, which enters to the chamber at the 
 end of the gallery; the deponent having in the meantime 
 his haulk on his hand, and having dung open the door, he 
 sees His Majesty and Mr Alexander Ruthven in others 
 arms, striving and wrestling together, His Majesty having 
 Mr Alexander’s head under his arm, and Mr Alexander 
 being almost on his knees, had his hand upon His Majes- 
 ty’s face and mouth; and His Majesty seeing the deponent, 
 cry’d, fy! strike him laigh, because he has an pyne-doublet 
 upon him. Whereupon the deponent cast the haulk from 
 him, and drew his whinger, wherewith he strake the said 
 
 12 
 
68 
 
 ‘Mr Alexander, and immediately after he was stricken, His 
 Majesty shot him down stairs, whereat this deponent had 
 
 entered: thereafter, this deponent addresses him to a win~ 
 
 dow; and looking furth thereat, and saw Sir Thomas Ers- 
 kin, the deponent cry’d, Sir Thomas, come up this turn- 
 pike, even to the head. In this meantime, His Majesty 
 did put his foot upon the haulk-leash, and held her a lon 
 time, while the deponent came and took her up again: and 
 then Sir Thomas Erskin entered. And in the rest depones 
 conform to Sir Thomas Erskin in all points; and further 
 says, That when the deponent first entered within the 
 chamber, he saw a man standing behind His Majesty’s 
 back, whom he noways knew, nor remembers not what ap- 
 parelling he had on; but after that this deponent had strick- 
 en Mr Alexander, he saw that man no more. 
 
 (Signed) sir JOHN RAMSAY. | 
 
 John Graham of Urquhill, sworn and examined, de- 
 pones conform to the Lord Duke of Lennox and Earl of 
 Marr in all things, reddens eandem causam scientia, adding, 
 That this deponent the time that he was at dinner in the 
 hall, with my Lord Duke and Earl of Mar, he saw the 
 King and Mr Alexander Ruthven pass throw the hall up 
 the turnpike, towards the gallery: And, as this deponent, 
 John Hamilton and others, were following, Mr Alexander 
 cry’d back, Gentlemen stay, for so it is His Highness’s will. 
 
 (Signed) JOON GRAHAM or URQUHILL. 
 
 John Graham of Balgowne, of the age of fifty years or 
 thereby, married, depones, conform to the Lord Duke in 
 dll things, adding, ‘That this deponent the day libelled, 
 after the death of the Earl of Gowrie and his brother, and 
 hearing His Majesty report, That Mr Alexander pressed 
 to have bound His Highness’s hands with a garter; this 
 deponent found a garter at the cheek of the round door a- 
 mong the bent, and immediately thereafter this deponent 
 presented the garter to His Highness: and at the sight 
 thereof, His Majesty said, That the same was the garter 
 wherewith Mr Alexander pressed to have bound his hands; 
 and then Sir Thomas irskin gripped to the same garter, 
 and said, ‘That he would keep it, which he has yet in keep- 
 ing. 
 
 (Signed) | JOHN GRAHAM or Batcowne. 
 
69 
 
 I, Mr John Moncrief, depones as follows, to wit, That 
 day I was still present with my Lord of Gowrie, unto the 
 time I heard His Majesty cry, Treason! and saw him put 
 his arm furth of the window of the room, and then lef 
 him; for I conceived in my heart it was plain Treason, 
 conspir’d against His Majesty, and was induced hereto, in 
 respect of these presumptions following: First, I saw the 
 King’s Majesty and umquhil Mr Alexander Ruthven my 
 Lord's brother go furth at the hall door their alanes ; where- 
 as His Majesty had no weapons, and Mr Alexander had a 
 sword. Next, 1 saw His Majesty come in a quiet and so- 
 ber manner to the town, where through appear’d, he would 
 have no evil purpose in his mind. Item, he said, Mr A- 
 lexander riding to Falkland in the morning, was obscured 
 from me and my brother euch where he was: and I hav- 
 ing enquired of my brother Hugh where he was riding to, 
 he knew nothing thereof; so that neither he nor I could 
 get trial of the same. Item, I having enquired at Andrew 
 Henderson himself who rode to Falkland, and returned 
 two hours before him, saluted me, and answersed, That he 
 had been two or three miles above the town; and says, the 
 said Andrew Henderson had another doublet on, more than 
 he used commonly, and was more bulksom; and, as ap- 
 pears, might have contain’d a secret. Item, That day be- 
 ing the Council day of the town, my Lord excused himself, 
 in respect of his advice. Item, I having pressed him to sub- 
 scribe an confirmation of a Lady’s, first refused, in respect 
 foresaid; always passed it thereafter. Item, my Lord tar- 
 ried longer from his dinner nor he used: and albeit And-~ 
 rew Ruthven, who was with the Master, came and round- 
 ed to my Lord at the board, he made him to misknow all 
 things, unto the time that the said Mr Alexander came 
 himself, and then raise from the board, and met His Ma- 
 jestye Item, my Lord obscured altogether, that he knew 
 of the coming of any-man, while the Master came. Item, 
 Mr Thomas Cranston was the first that I heard cry, The 
 King’s Majesty is away. Item, after my Lord Duke and 
 my Lord Mar, and His Majesty’s servants were in the close, 
 my Lord of Gowrie came back again to the hall, saying, 
 the King is away: so that, as I thought, he would have 
 each man thinking so. And I thought His Majesty was 
 not received with that hearty complement as became. Item, 
 after His Majesty’s riding away, my brother Hugh came 
 
70 
 to my house, and I enquiring of him what he thought of . 
 thir matters; answered, Before God, so far as I can per- 
 ceive, I trow, it shall kyth an plain Treason on my Lord’s 
 part. And I speiring at him, if he knew any thing there- 
 of? Answered, He knew nothing; but he and Henry Ruth- 
 ven, after all things were ended, fell in conference there- 
 anent, and he thought things were likely. Lastly, Andrew 
 Henderson’s letter moves me most of all. And, upon my 
 salvation and condemnation, I know no further in this mat- 
 ter; nor yet can remember of any other circumstance or 
 presumption, might have induced me to conceive the form-_ 
 er, which I apprehended, in manner forsaid. 
 
 (Signed) Mr JOHN MONCRIEF. — 
 I, Andrew Roy, one of the Baillies of the burgh of 
 
 Perth, be thir presents testifies upon my conscience, and 
 in the sight of God, as I shall answer to him in the great 
 day; That upon the fifth day of August, one thousand and 
 six hundred years, I being in the umquhile Earl of Gow- 
 rie’s lodging, when His Majesty was there, saw His Ma- 
 jesty, after his dinner, accompanied with the Master of 
 Gowrie, rise from the table, and gang forth of the cham- 
 ber where he had din’d; but to what place, I know not; 
 being beholding the said umquhil Earl of Gowrie’s enter- 
 tainment of the noblemen, in drinking of His Majesty’s 
 scoll to them; which, His Majesty, befare his rising from 
 the table, had commanded him to do. And after this, the 
 Lords, viz. my Lord Duke, my Lord of Mar, my Lord. 
 Lindores, and my Lord of Inchechaffrey, with sundry of 
 His Majesty’s gentlemen and servants, accon\panied with 
 the Earl of Gowrie in person; and short space after din- 
 ner, had missed His Majesty, and enquired where he should 
 be; they went to the foregate, and speird at the porter, 
 If he saw the King go furth at the foregate? and heard the 
 porter answer, That His Majesty was not gone furth that 
 way. Also that the Earl of Gowrie said to the porter, Ye 
 lie, knave, He is furth; and the porter replied, That he 
 should give his head, in case his Majesty were furth. — Yet, 
 upon the Karl of Gowrie’s assurance, that His Majesty 
 was furth to the Inche, the Lords issued out in haste at the 
 foregate, and speiring where the King was, I saw ane ding 
 up the long-front window in the north side of the turret, 
 upon the Highgate; but who dang itup Iknownot. And 
 
71 
 
 farther, saw clearly His Majesty shut furth his head and 
 arm, at the foresaid window, and heard His Majesty cry- 
 ing loudly, Fy, treason! treason! and murder! help, Earl 
 of Mar! Whereupon, I being very agast, and wonderfully 
 astonished, at that cruel and terrible sight, and pitiful and 
 woful cry, I not knowing what the matter meant, but per- 
 ceiving His Majesty in extreme and great danger, ran with 
 _all possable diligence through the streets, crying loudly, Fy, 
 treason, treason against the king! For God’s sake, all ho- 
 nest men, haste and relieve the King: And commanded to 
 ring the common bell, that all men might come in haste to 
 ' His Majesty’s relief; and then I returned with all possable 
 diligence, with a great number of the people with me, and 
 came before the foresaid turret and window, where I saw 
 His Majesty first cry out; and then I cried out, How is the 
 King? But my Lord Duke, and the Lord of Mar answer- 
 ed, The King is well, (Praise be to God.) Then I cried 
 again up to His Majesty, and shew his Majesty, That the 
 bailies and township were then come in all haste, to supply 
 and relieve His Majesty: And therefore besought His Ma- 
 jesty to command what was His Majesty’s will, and best to 
 be done. And then His Majesty beckoned furth his hand 
 to me and to the people, ies me to cause the peo- 
 ple retire to their lodgings. Which commandment I in- 
 continent obeyed, and commanded all manner of men, to 
 retire themselves to their lodgings; and likewise past to the 
 market cross, and, by open Proclamation, commanded in 
 His Highness’s name, That all men should retire to their 
 lodgings; under the pain of treason who obeyed not incon- 
 tinent after my charge. And this I testify to be of verity, 
 by the faith and truth of my body, so far as I justly remem- 
 ber. In witness of which I have subscribed these Presents 
 with my hand the thirteenth day of October, one thousand 
 and six hundred years, before these witnesses, Mr Patrick 
 Galloway Minister to His Majesty, James Drummond of 
 Letchel, Oliver Young, Constantine Mellis, Thomas John- 
 ston, baillies, Henry Elder, clerk; Robert Anderson, An- 
 drew Mowat and William Jack, burgesses of Perth, 
 
 (Signed) ANDREW ROY, Bariue. 
 Patrick GaLLoway, Witness, &c. &c. 
 
 Robert Christie, porter to umquhile John Earl of Gow- 
 rie, of the age of thirty years, solutus, depones, That he 
 
72 
 
 ‘was porter to the Earl of Gowrie, the fifth day of August 
 
 libelled: sicklike, he was by the space of five weeks of be- 
 fore. And shortly after the dinner,this deponent saw My 
 Lord Duke, the Earl of Mar, the Earl of Gowrie, come 
 to the close; and My Lord Duke speir’d at this deponent, 
 If His Majesty was passed furth of the close? the deponent 
 
 answered, That he was not furth. Then the Lord of Mar 
 
 said, Billy, tell me the verity, if His Majesty be furth or 
 not? And he answered, In truth, he is not furth. ‘The 
 Earl of Gowrie looking with an angry countenance, said, 
 Thou lied, he is furth at the back-gate, and through the 
 Inche. Then this deponent answered, That cannot be, 
 My Lord, for I have the key of the back-gate, and of all 
 the gates of the Place. Thereafter, this deponent heard 
 and saw His Majesty looking furth of the window of the 
 round, and crying, Treason! Treason! fy, help, my Lord 
 of Mar! and incontinent, my Lord Duke, the Earl of Mar, 
 and others, ran up the stair of the turnpike to the gallery: 
 
 and thereafter, the Lord of Gowrie came from the High | 
 
 Street, within the close, having a steel bonnet'on his head, 
 and a drawn sword in his hand, accompanied with Alexan- 
 der and Hary Ruthvens, Patrick Eviot, and Hugh Mon- 
 erieff, Mr Thomas Cranston; all having drawn swords in 
 their hands, and passed altogether with my Lord up the 
 old turnpike; but what was done within the house and 
 place thereafter, knows not but by report: neither saw he 
 any joist brought to the place, by any of the town. And 
 knows no more of the matter. 
 
 (Signed) ROBERT CHRISTIE. 
 
 Alexander Blair, younger of Balthyik, sworn and ex- 
 amined, depones, conform to immediate praecedents; ex- 
 cept, That he saw not my Lord of Gowrie pass with his 
 company, and drawn swords, up the turnpike: but saw A- 
 lexander, and Hary Ruthvens, and Hugh Moncrieff, come 
 down the little turnpike, where they and my Lord had a- 
 scended, the saids three persons having drawn swords in 
 their hands; but saw not Patrick, Eviot there. And this 
 deponent says, That after the tumult was risen, and this 
 deponent pressing to enter within the place, he was a little 
 staid by them in the place, but they yielded at once, and 
 the deponent got entry. Likewise, he saw a joist brought 
 
ik 
 from the town, and set up at the wall of the close; but who 
 brought the samen in, he knows not. 
 (Signed) ALEXANDER BLAIR, 
 Appearand of Bauruyrx, 
 
 _ George Hay, Prior of Charterhouse, of the age of twenty- 
 eight years, or thereby, married: depones, conform to the 
 Lord Duke of Lennox, in all things, after His Majesty’s 
 entry in St Johnstoun the day libelled, adding, that, that 
 samen day, the deponent having ado in St Johnstoun with 
 the Earl of Gowrie, and speaking with him in his own, 
 place, he saw Andrew Henderson come in booted from 
 Falkland, and heard the said Earl of Gowrie enquire of 
 the said Andrew, Who was with His Majesty at Falkland? 
 And thereafter, the said Earl took the said Andrew Hen- 
 derson to the cabinet, and, after a certain space, the Earl 
 coming to the chamber, he gave this deponent his dispatch ; 
 Saying, That he had to do that day, and might not await 
 of his errand, and bad him come another day. 
 
 (Signed) GEORGE HAY: 
 
 Mr Peter Hay, of the age of thirty years, or thereby, 
 married; depones conform to George Hay in all things, 
 the witnesses immediately preceeding. 
 
 (Signed) PETER HAY. 
 
 Robert Graham of Thorink, sworn and examined, de- 
 ‘pones, conform to the Duke of Lennox, after that His 
 Majesty had entered in Perth. | 
 
 (Signed) ROBERT GRAHAM. 
 
 Oliver Young, baillie in Perth, sworn and examined, 
 depones, That the day libelled, this deponent was in the 
 Earl of Gowrie’s lodging, where he saw the King dine; 
 and after dinner, saw the King’s Majesty and Mr Alex- 
 ander Ruthven, pass their allanes through the hall, and up 
 the turnpike; and immediately thereafter, this deponent 
 passed to his own lodging in the town; where he abode while 
 the cry and tumult raise; and, incontinent, this deponent 
 running to the place whereat His Majesty cried out at the 
 window; and commanded this deponent, by name, to stay 
 the tumult of the people; the which this deponent obeyed 
 and did; and saw Hugh Moncrief coming furth- of the 
 
 K 
 
74 
 
 place; but his face being bloody, and Hary Ruthven, one 
 of the defenders, at the mouth of the Watergate, with a 
 drawn sworn in his hand; and knows no more of the matter. 
 
 (Signed) OLIVER YOUNG. 
 
 James Drummond of Pitcarnis, sworn and examined, 
 depones, conformis immediate pracedenti in omnibus: add- 
 ing, That as the deponent, immediately after the ery raise, 
 running to the place libelled, he meets upon the High 
 Street Alexander, Ruthven, one of the defenders, having a 
 drawn sword in his hand, and crying, fire and powder ! 
 and he knows no more of the matter. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES DRUMMOND. 
 
 William Reynd, Flesher in St Johnstoun, of the age 
 of thirty years or thereby, married, depones, That he saw 
 within the close of Perth, after fray raise, Patrick. Eviot 
 and Hugh Moncrief, both bloody, having drawn swords in 
 their hands. 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM REYND. 
 
 Thomas Burgess in Perth, sworn and examin- 
 ed, depones, conform to Jamés Drummond and William 
 Reynd; But he saw not Patrick Eviot there. 
 
 (Signed) THOMAS 
 
 George Wilson, servant to James Erskin, of the age of 
 twenty-four years or thereby; soludus, depones, conform to 
 Sir Thomas Erskin in all things; by reason this deponent 
 was in company with the said Sir Thomas, after the first 
 time, that he and James Erskin his brother had gripped 
 the Earl of Gowrie, and were sindered from him by his 
 servants, and immediately thereafter, this deponent accom- 
 panied the said Sir Thomas Erskin up to the turnpike, in- - 
 to the chamber where His Majesty was, where he saw, as 
 the said Sir Thomas has deponed in all things. 
 
 (Signed) GEORGE WILSON. 
 
 —— 
 ee. i, or) 
 
 David Reynd, Flesher in Perth, sworn and examined, 
 depones, conform to James Drummond, and heard Alex- 
 ander Ruthven cry for powder; but saw not Patrick Eviot. 
 
 (Signed) DAVID REYND, 
 
75 
 
 _ Gilbert Hutchison in Perth, of the age of twenty-four 
 years or thereby, solutus, depones, conform to James Drum- 
 mond in all things, and David Reynd. 
 
 (Signed) GILBERT HUTCHISON. 
 
 John Murray of Arkney, of the age of fifty-eight years 
 or thereby, married, depones, The day libelled, this de- 
 ponent came to St Johnstoun after dinner, where he heard 
 His Majesty crying furth of the window of the round, fy, 
 treason! My Lord Mar help! Immediately thereafter, my 
 Lord of Mar and the Duke ran up the broad turnpike; and 
 the deponer followed them in the close, where he saw the 
 Lord of Gowrie, having an steel bonnet on his head, and 
 two drawn swords, ane in ilk hand; and saw the said Earl 
 pass up the turnpike, accompanied with certain of his ser- 
 vants, having drawn swords in their hands; of whom he 
 knows none. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN MURRAY. 
 
 Thomas Burrell, burgess of Perth, sworn and examin- 
 ed, depones, conform to James Drummond, adding, That 
 the time of the fray, this deponent entering within the close 
 of the place, he saw standing in the close, with drawn 
 swords in their hands, Alexander and Hary Ruthvens, and 
 Hugh Moncrief blooding in his face, and at the same time, 
 this deponent saw Mr ‘Thomas Cranston came down the 
 black turnpike, and he took furth of his hand his sword, 
 and heard the said Alexander Ruthven cry for fire and 
 powder; and saw not Patrick Eviot there. 
 
 (Signed) THOMAS BURRELL. 
 
 Alexander Forrest, Tailer in Perth, of the age of forty 
 years or thereby, married, depones, The day libelled he 
 saw George Craigengelt and Walter Crookshank, a Lac- 
 quey, standing in the yard with drawn swords. 
 
 (Signed) ALEXANDER FORREST. 
 
 William Robertson noter in Perth, of the age of thirty- 
 four years or thereby, married, depones, The day libelled, 
 this deponent being within the close of the place, he saw 
 the Lord of Gowrie standing in the close, accompanied 
 with seven or eight persons, of whom he knew none; the 
 said Earl then having an a bonnet on his head, and an 
 
 2 
 
“— 
 My 
 
 76 ‘: 
 drawn sword in his hand; ‘at the whilk sight this deponent 
 being afraid, past furth of the place, and knows no more 
 
 in the matter. | 
 (Signed) WILLIAM ROBERTSON. 
 
 Robert Calbraith, servant to the King’s Majesty, of the 
 age of thirty years, depones conform to the Lord Duke of 
 Lennox in all things, by reason this deponent, all that day, 
 was in company with His Majesty, and after that His Ma- 
 jesty had cryed out at the window, ‘Treason! this depon- 
 ent followed the Duke and Earl of Mar up the turnpike, 
 and depones, as they have deponed. 
 
 (Signed) ROBERT CALBRAITH. 
 
 Robert Brown, servant to, His Majesty, depones, con- 
 form immediate precedent: in omnibus, because this depon- 
 ent, the time libelled, accompanied Sir John Hamilton to 
 fetch the hammers up to the gallery ; and this deponent pass- 
 ed up the little black turnpike, and at his first entry with- 
 in the chamber, he saw the Earl of Gowrie lying dead, 
 there being at that time in company with His Majesty, Sir 
 Thomas Erskin, Sir Hugh Harries, Sir John Ramsay, and 
 George Wilson. 
 
 (Signed) ROBERT BROWN. 
 
 James Bog porter to His Majesty, sworn and examined, 
 depones, That he saw the King’s Majesty, and Mr Alex- 
 ander Ruthven pass through the hall, and saw that day, 
 George Craigengelt with an drawn sword in his hand, ac- 
 companied with certain rascals; And, in others, depones 
 conform to the Lord Duke, and Earl of Mar in all things. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES BOG, 
 
 John Bog, servant to His Majesty in the ale cellar, 
 sworn and examined, depones conform to James Bog. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN BOG. 
 
 Alexander Peebles, burgess of Perth, of the age of thirty 
 years or thereby, married, depones, the: day libelled, this 
 deponent being within his own house foranent the Earl of 
 Gowrie’s lodging ; how soon his mother heard the common j 
 bell ring, she locked the door and held him in all the time; 
 and saw at that time, the Earl of Gewrie enter in at the | 
 
 as : ae 
 
77 
 
 gate with two drawn swords, ane in ilk hand; and, an Lac- 
 quey-put an steel bonnet on his head; And, an certain 
 space therafter, the deponent saw Hugh Moncrieff come 
 furth of the place with an bloody head, and Patrick Eviot’s 
 man likewise blooding ; and also saw Patrick Eviot come 
 furth of the hall: but remembers not, if he had an sword 
 in his hand: and also saw Alexander Ruthven come furth 
 with an sword drawn in his hand. 
 
 (Signed) ALEXANDER PEEBLES. 
 
 ee ee ee wee 
 
 ee 
 
 Such was the evidence adduced by the Crown Agents, 
 in support of the charge of Treason, made against the two 
 unfortunate brothers; and which was given out, to be so 
 compleatly satisfactory to their judges, that, nem. con. they, 
 the Lords and Estates of Parliament, found them guilty, 
 and that same day, November 15th, 1600, they pronoun- 
 ced the following sentence: 
 
 The Sentence and Doom pronounced, by the Lords and 
 
 Estates of Parliament, for High Treason, against. 
 John Earl of Gowrie, and his brother Mr Alexander 
 Ruthven— 
 
 The saids Lords and Estates of Parliament finds, de- 
 cerns and declares, That the said umquhil John Earl of 
 Gowrie, and Mr Alexander Ruthven his brother, commit- 
 ted, and did open and manifest ‘Treason against our said 
 Sovereign Lord, in all points, articles and matter contain-~ 
 ed in Fi said summons: And therefore it was given for 
 Doom, by the mouth of David Lindsay, Dempster of Par- 
 ‘iament, in manner and form as follows: 
 
 This Court of Parliament shows for Law, That the said 
 umguhil John Earl of Gowrie, and umquhil Mr Alexander 
 Ruthven his brother, committed the foresaid crime of 'Trea- 
 son and Leaze-Majesty in their lifetimes, against our Sove- 
 reign Lord and his Authority Royal, in manner at length 
 contained in the said summons: And therefore decerns and 
 declares the Name, Memory and Dignity of the said um- 
 guhil John Karl of Gowrie, and umquhil Mr Alexander 
 Ruthven his brother, to be extinguished, and their arms 
 to be cancelled and deleted furth of the Books of Arms and 
 Nobility, so that their Posterity shall be unhabile, and un- 
 capable, in all time coming, to bruik, possess or enjoy any 
 offices, dignities, honours, successions, possessions, and 
 : | 
 
78 
 
 _all goods, movables and immovables, rights, titles, hope 
 of succession, and others whatsomever within this Realm; 
 and all goods, lands, rents, offices, benefits, honours, dig- 
 nities, hope and appearance of succession, rights, titles, 
 possessions, and others goods and gear, movable and im- 
 movable, and to theirs whatsomever whilk is any ways par- 
 tain’d to the said umquhil John Earl of Gowrie, and um- 
 quhil Mr Alexander Ruthven his brother; or which is by 
 any right, title, hope of succession, possession, or any other 
 manner of way might have belong’d or partain’d to them, 
 to be confiscated, devolved in our Sovereign Lord; and te 
 appertain to His Highness: And in all time coming, re- 
 main in property with His Majesty for ever. And farder, 
 His Majesty and Estates foresaid, in detestation of the said 
 horrible, unnatural and vile Treason, attempted by the said 
 umquhil John, sometime Earl of Gowrie, and umquhil 
 Mr Alexander Ruthven, against His Highness’s own life, 
 Decerns, Statutes and Ordains, That the said bodies of 
 the saids Traitors, shall be carried upon Monday next, to 
 the public Cross of Edinburgh; and there to be Hanged, 
 {Juartered, and Drawn, in presence of the hail people: 
 And thereafter, the heads, quarters, and carcases, to be 
 affixed upon the most patent places and parts of the Bur- 
 roughs of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, and Stirling. And 
 this I give for Doom. 
 
 The Parliament at same time passed the following Sen- 
 tence. 
 
 The Sentence and Doom pronounced by the Lords 
 
 and Estates of Parliament, for High Treason, a- 
 gainst Alexander and Hary Ruthvens, Hugh Mon- 
 crieff, and Patrick Eviot ; who were actors in the same 
 crime, and judged by the same parliament, on the 
 15th day of November, 1600.- 
 
 The saids Lords and Estates of Parliament finds, de- 
 cerns, and declares, That the saids Alexander and Hary 
 Ruthvens, Hugh Moncrieff, and Patrick Eviot, and ilk 
 ane of them committed, and did open and manifest Trea- 
 son, against our Sovereign Lord, in all points, articles, 
 and manner contained in the said Summons, and therefore, 
 it was given for Doom, by the mouth of David Lindsay, 
 Dempster of Parliament, in manner and form as follows. 
 
 This Court of Parliament shows for Law, That the said 
 AJexander Ruthven, Hary Ruthven, his brother; sons 
 
79 
 lawful to Alexander Ruthven of Freeland; Hugh Moncrieff 
 brother to William Moncrieff of Moncrieff; and Patrick 
 Eviot brother to Colin Eviot of Balhousie; committed the 
 crimes of Treason and Lese-Majesty, against our Sovereign 
 Lord and his authority royal, in manner at length contain- 
 ed in the said Summons: And therefore, decernsand declares 
 their persons to underly the pains of treason and Lese-Ma- 
 jesty, and last punishment proscribed by the laws of this 
 realm; all their goods moveable andimmoveable, as well 
 heritages as offices, benefices, and others whatsomever par- 
 taining to them, or whilk is, or might any way belong, or 
 appertain to them, to be confiscated to his Majesty, and to 
 remain with his Highness in property for ever; and their 
 posterity to be now, and in all time coming, uncapable and 
 unhabil to bruick and possess within this realm, any honours, 
 dignities, offices, benefices, successions, or other goods, or 
 gear, moveable or immoveable. And this I give tor doom. 
 
 And to conclude all, the parliament passed an act, in 
 the following terms. “In all times and ages to come, the 
 fifth of August shall be solemnly kept with prayers, preach- 
 ings, and thanks-giving for that benefit, discharging all 
 work, labour and other occupations on the said day, which 
 might distract the people in any sort, from those pious ex- 
 ercises.” . 
 
 The last Tuesday of September, and the Sunday next 
 following had already been observed as days of national 
 thanksgiving. 
 
 Le or TT eS nem 
 
 In the fourth place, we shall enquire, as far as we have 
 in our power, into the characters of the witnesses, judges, 
 parties and other persons concerned in this transaction, so 
 as to ascertain, as near as possible, what credibilityis due 
 to their evidence, or what their motives were, for intermed- 
 dling in this affair. , 
 
 ist. Mr William Coupar is the first of these who falls to 
 be taken notice of. In his younger years he had been a 
 zealous Presbyterian. He was ordained minister of Both- 
 kennar in 1587, and was removed thence to Perth in 1595. 
 Although he had not the good fortune to be present at or 
 contribute to the Earl’s death, the assistance which he gave 
 in ruining his character, small as it was, is sufficient to shew 
 
80 
 
 his obsequious zeal. He, and his colleague Mr Malcolm, 
 left Perth the day before, (August 4th.) for Stirling, where 
 the Synod of that bounds sat down on the 5th. e news 
 of what had happened at Perth, reached them before their 
 return, and on Friday following, he posted from Stirling, 
 direct to Falkland, and there, through the medium of Spot- 
 tiswood, vented the story of his catching the Karl, some 
 days before, perusing a treatise on the conspiracies of Prin- 
 ces; the probability of which, we shall have occasion after- 
 wards to investigate. In the mean time, we are to observe, 
 that even admitting the truth of it, the divulging it at that 
 time shewed Coupar to have had a bad heart, and to have 
 - been a time-server; two traits of his character which are 
 said tohavebeen veryprominent. Gowry was his Parishioner, 
 and regularly attended his ministry. His theological pro- 
 fession was purely orthodox, according to the Geneva con- 
 fession, the Standard of the Kirk; and even although he 
 had been a traitor, now when he could do no more harm, 
 Coupar, unless called upon, might well have declined tak- 
 ing any share in his condemnation, when he had nothing 
 to say more to the purpose than this silly fabrication. ‘The 
 truth is, he saw the Presbyterian cause had received a shock, 
 which it was not likely long to survive, so he thought it best 
 to offer his services in some other way. It was, however a 
 long time before they were suitably rewarded. Fourteen 
 years did he wait at the pool side: at length in 1614 he was 
 made bishop of Galloway, and dean of the chapel-royal. 
 He died at Leith, Feb. 15, 1619. 
 2d. James Weemys of Bogie is the first witness whose 
 deposition ison record. He was examined, in a precogni- 
 tion taken at Falkland, on Saturday the 9th, before the 
 principal officers of State. It is altogether foreign to any 
 plot, real or pretended, against the king’s person; and 
 respects the Earl only, taking no notice of his brother A- 
 lexander. It’s sole drift evidently is, to represent Gowry 
 as a Magician or Necromancer, and for that purpose, gives 
 an account of some conversations which the deponent had 
 with him. ‘The story from beginning to end would at this 
 time be considered as below ridicule. If Weemys was serious 
 in his declaration, whoever should have burnt him for awitch, 
 would certainly have lost their coals. But there is ground 
 for suspecting, that he was more knave than fool. He saw 
 that the Earl could be of no more service to him as a friend, 
 
$1 
 
 being a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, he, no doubt, found 
 it prudent to take part with his master and fellow servants. 
 Besides these, there was another circumstance, which per- 
 haps would weigh something with him. He had been as- 
 sisting to Stewart Earl of Bothwell] in some of his treason- 
 able exploits, for which he was apprehended and put in 
 confinement, A. D. 1592. But being on an intimate foot- 
 ing with one of the Queen’s maids, she, one night after 
 their majesties had retired to rest, applied to the guard 
 who had him in custody, and told that the king wished 
 to have the prisoner brought to his apartments, for the 
 purpose of asking some questions of him. The guard 
 conducted him to the chamber door, which he entered, and 
 by the help of the girl, was Jet down from a window, and 
 escaped. He afterwards married his deliverer, and at the 
 Queen’s intercession was pardoned. ‘Thus gratitude and 
 interest combined at this time to induce him to assist James 
 at a dead pull. 
 
 3d. Mr William Rynd was examined, in a precognition 
 taken before the Junto at Falkland on the 20th. and 22d. 
 of the month. 
 
 He was the fourth son of Mr William Rynd, minister of 
 Kinnoul, in the immediate neighbourhood of Perth: and is 
 said to have been Rector of the Grammar School of that 
 city. We know that the elder Mr Rynd, along with the 
 cure of Kinnoul, was Rector of the Grammar School in 
 Perth, and lived till 1610. So that it is probable the young- 
 er Mr Rynd was only assistant to his father. 
 
 He accompanied Gowry abroad, as travelling tutor. It 
 appears from the forged letters ascribed to Logan, that 
 Rynd was looked upon as a pious, cautious man: and from 
 the questions which were put to him at Falkland, he seems 
 to have lived on terms of considerable intimacy with the 
 Karl, and consequently would not willingly say any thing 
 to his prejudice; but, as his evidence could not fail to make 
 an impression, it was indispensably necessary. ‘There re- 
 mained then no alternative, but to force what answers they 
 wished for from him by torture; a method which they re- 
 sorted to accordingly. Nicolson the English Resident in 
 Scotland, in a letter to Cecil dated the next day (August 21.) 
 the original of which is extant in the Paper Office, writes 
 “Mr William Rynd the Pedagogue, hath been extremely 
 
 L 
 
$2 
 booted, but confesseth nothing of that matter against the 
 Earl or his brother.” 
 4th. The same day in which Mr Rynd was questioned, 
 another of Gowry’s servants was examined. But he was 
 more pliable than the other. He took care to have no oc+ 
 casion for the boots. This was Andrew Henderson, cham- 
 berlain or factor on the Earl’s Perthshire estate’ He was 
 the only one that pretended to know any thing of what pas- 
 
 sed in the closet betwixt the king and Alexander Ruthven. — 
 
 His was the only evidence, which directly brought home to 
 the two brothers any treasonable attempt upon the king’s 
 person, consequently was the most material of the whole, 
 provided, it could have been depended on; to ascertain 
 which, we have only to inform ourselves what sort of man 
 Henderson was. 
 
 Spottiswood, who was his contemporary, a courtier, and 
 strenuous advocate for James, speaking of Henderson, says 
 ‘The man was of a servile spirit, and apt enough to do mis- 
 chief.” i. e. He was a mischievous scoundrel. This is say- 
 ing a great deal, but still it is saying too little. He certainly 
 was the most consummate villain, (with perhaps a single ex- 
 ception) who at that time existed on Scottish ground. On 
 this occasion he literally sold himself to do wickedness. 
 When he saw the Ear! fall, and had no prospect of being 
 further benefited by the house of Ruthven, he came forward, 
 by the persuasion of Galloway the King’s chaplain, and the 
 promise of pardon, and an annuity for life; and swore to a 
 number of inconsistent falshoods, thereby facilitating the 
 royal design of annihilating the family, and seizing its pro- 
 perty. He, with Weemys, and Christie, were the only ser- 
 vants of Gowry who voluntarily bore testimony against him : 
 and they were all three continued in their places by Sir Da- 
 vid Murray, who got the estate of Scone. Sir David too, 
 being appointed provost of Perth, thought proper, two or 
 three years afterwards, to have Henderson elected or ra- 
 ther appointed, one of the resident magistrates; partly, no 
 doubt, because he found him a very proper tool to work 
 with, when it was inconvenient for himself to be present; 
 and partly, as we may presume, with the view of again pro- 
 curing Henderson some respectability. But he was held 
 in such detestation by every body, that it was found the man 
 might bring the office into contempt; but the office could 
 
 not raise the man into esteem. Therefore, after a year’s tri- 
 
83 
 
 al the attempt was abandoned. Spottiswood says ‘he lookt 
 ever after that time as one half distracted”. Which in. 
 deed is nothing but what might have been expected; for 
 supposing him to have had nothing about him of what we 
 call conscience, yet he knew, that he was contemned by 
 every body. Gowry’s friends held him in abhorrence as 
 principal agent in the murder and robbery; and those who 
 paid him for his service on that occasion, now that they 
 had no more use for him, despised him, as a mercenary ruf- 
 fian. So that it is more surprising he did not put an untime- 
 ly end to his earthly existence, than that he was ashamed 
 to beseen. The evidence of such a wretch will at all times 
 be considered as suspicious, even when consistent with itself 
 and corroborated by collateral circumstances; but when 
 composed of incoherencies, and improbabilities, no ration- 
 al person has it in his power, sincerely to assent to it. De- 
 plorable indeed is the state of that country whose judicial 
 proceedings can be influenced by such methods. We shall 
 afterwards have occasion, when reviewing Henderson’s de- 
 positions, to point out a number of his perjuries. 
 
 5th. Mr Patrick Galloway the king’s chaplain endeavour- 
 ed as much as in him lay to infuse a belief of the reality of 
 James’s story into the public mind. And it was said at the 
 time to have been principally at his instigation that Hen- 
 derson agreed to acknowledge himself to have been the arm- 
 ed man in the closet. Galloway continued to adhere to the 
 Presbyterian form of church government all his life, though 
 he was a courtier and saw that it was exceeding obnoxious 
 to the king. He even presided in several meetings of the 
 clergy, and occasionally was their spokesman in claiming 
 what they conceived to be their rights. But there is great 
 reason for believing, that he was employed by the king, as 
 a spy, to watch their conduct, and suffered to go so far 
 along with them, that he might share in their councils, and 
 lead them into that course, which his Majesty was so an- 
 xious for them to follow. 
 
 With all his failings, he seems to have preserved a de- 
 gree of consistency in one respect, viz. that whoever had 
 the civil power in their hands, he would be minister of the 
 gospel at Perth. He was appointed to that charge in 1580, 
 and attached himself to William Earl of Gowry, and that 
 party which opposed Lennox and Arran. On that account 
 he became so obnoxious to a that when these minions 
 
 2 
 
84 
 
 got again into power, he found it necessary to leave his 
 cure and retire into England. Next year, however, he 
 found means to make his peace and returned to Perth. In 
 1589 he was appointed chaplain to the king, from which 
 we may fairly infer, that he had given up all his seditious 
 notions. And for the destruction of the house of Ruthven, 
 he appears to have been a zealous partisan of James. He 
 was at Perth on the fifth of August, and used all his rheto- 
 ric to persuade the townsmen of Gowry’s guilt; and on 
 James’s arrival in Edinburgh on the eleventh, he did the 
 same from the cross of that city, in a kind of sermon. It 
 is not said, what rewards Galloway received for his ser- 
 vices at this time, further than that of being appointed one 
 of the ministers of Edinburgh, and having a pension which 
 he received out of the estate of Scone doubled. We are 
 told that James, his son, was in great favour both with 
 King James, and Charles his son. ©The first of whom 
 made him Master of Requests, when very young. The lat- 
 ter created him Lord Dunkeld. But his grandson, joining 
 Viscount Dundee with what forces he could raise at Killi- 
 cranky, was outlawed. 
 
 6th. Mr David Lindsay was a son of Lindsay of Edzel 
 in Angus. He had been a strenuous abettor of the Duke 
 of Lennox, and did every thing in his power to have him 
 recalled from exile, after the Raid of Ruthven. His fawn- 
 ing disposition, and attachment to Lennox recommended 
 him to king James. He accompanied the king to Norway 
 to bring home his Queen. He married them, and conti- 
 nued all winter with them in that country. He baptized 
 some of their children, particularly the unfortunate Charles. 
 
 He was minister of Leith, and on the 5th of August 
 was at Falkland, whether accidentally, or designedly that he 
 
 might carry the news to Edinburgh, we pretend not to. 
 
 know. But he arrived in that city at ten in the forenoon 
 of Wednesday, the sixth, so that he must have been early 
 on the road. When he got there, the council and clergy 
 were contending about convening the people, and solemnly 
 giving God thanks for His Majesty’s deliverance. Lindsay 
 having received his account of the matter from the king, 
 there could no longer be any doubt among Courtiers as to 
 its authenticity. So he was desired to officiate on this oc- 
 casion, in place of the Edinburgh Clergy. Accordingly, 
 _ from the top of the market cross he addressed the surround- 
 
3 85 
 
 ‘ing multitude, endeavouring to persuade it, of the reality of 
 the treasonable attempt of the two brothers. And then for-' 
 mally praised God, for this singular interposition of his pro- 
 vidence. And when James crossed the Forth on the fol- 
 lowing Monday, Lindsay again harangued the people, in 
 Leith Church, in the king’s presence, before his Majesty 
 went up to Edinburgh. So much obsequiousness required 
 some recompence; accordingly he was made Bishop of 
 Ross in the followimg October; which dignity, together 
 with the cure of Leith, he enjoyed till his death in 1613. . 
 He accompanied James to England; and when an attempt 
 was made to unite the two kingdoms; Lindsay was appoint- 
 
 ed a commissioner for that purpose. 
 7th. Archbishop Spottiswood was a son of the parson 
 of Calder. He seems to have been a busy, meddling 
 churchman; and an insinuating scrambler at Court. At 
 the time of Gowry’s death, he himself was parson of Cal- 
 der ; but soon got much into favour. In 1602, he-went as 
 chaplain to Lennox in his embassy to France. Next year, 
 he set out for London with James, on his accession to the 
 English crown; but the account of Archbishop Beaton’s 
 death overtaking them on their way, James appointed 
 Spottiswood his successor in the see of Glasgow, and made 
 him a Privy Councillor. He retained Glasgow till 1615, 
 when a vacancy happening in the primacy, by the death 
 of “Archbishop Gladstanes, Spottiswood was translated to 
 St Andrews. Soon afterwards, he had interest enough, to 
 get the rents of the priory of that city added to those of the 
 Archbishopric. Hecontinued in favour even after James’s 
 _ death. It was then that he wrote his History of Scotland, 
 having been employed by James to do so; in which he gives 
 some account of the Gowry conspiracy; but as might be 
 expected in such a case, it is a very partial and incorrect 
 one. Charles the First made him Chancellor in 1635, but 
 he was outed in 1638, and died in London the following 
 
 year. 
 
 : 8th. Colonel William Stewart of Houston was a cadet 
 of the Darnly family. In 1567, he was made Commenda-~ 
 tor of Pittenweem; and in 1585 got a grant of the lands 
 belonging to that abbey. James made him Gentleman of 
 the Bedchamber, and Captain of the Guard. Indeed: he 
 seems to have stood very high in the king’s favour; as he 
 was twice entrusted with a commission to treat for a wife to 
 
86 
 
 him; and commanded the fleet which carried James to 
 Denmark, and in which he and his Queen came home. 
 Besides this, he was employed in some other embassies; and 
 was the person commissioned to apprehend William Karl of 
 Gowry. Though presumptive heir to his brother Thomas 
 Stewart of Grandtully, he was knighted in Sir Thomas’ - 
 lifetime, and at his death succeeded to his honours, and 
 the patrimonial estate. | 
 
 The most probable reason why he was not brought for 
 ward as a witness at the trial, is having been employed to 
 seize the first Earl of Gowry, when it was determined to 
 put him to death. Earl John, after returning from his tra- 
 vels, expressed so much aversion to him on that account, 
 as to induce the king to reprimand him, (Gowry). This 
 being the case, it perhaps was judged too bare-faced a step, 
 to use Stewart’s evidence against the two brothers; and it 
 certainly was unnecessary, as plenty of witnesses could be 
 obtained from other quarters. 
 
 He accompanied Lennox, and that band of assassins 
 who beset the principal stair; and from his known charae- 
 ter, we may presume, that had not those who went up the 
 private stair been before hand with him, this Ruffian would 
 have been the Sir John Ramsay of Lennox’s division. 
 However, though he was not in the room at the death of 
 the two brothers, James knew that was no fault of his, and 
 therefore bestowed one of the Earl’s estates on him, for his 
 faithful services done the king, especially this at Perth on 
 the fifth of August. 
 
 Resides his cruelty, Colonel Stewart, on some occasions, 
 furnished striking instances of his perfidious disposition. 
 When but a young man, he contrived to ingratiate him- 
 self into the favour of those noblemen who rescued King 
 James at Huntingtower from Lennox and Arran, Although 
 he was a younger brother of Arran, he was sent by that 
 party who committed the Raid of Ruthven, ambassador to 
 England in April, 1583, whence he returned the following 
 June, and in a few weeks afterwards, we find him a prinei- 
 pal assistant to James in his elopement from St Andrews*. 
 
 9th. William the eldest son of John Murray of Tulli- 
 bardine, was in Perth on the fifth of August 1600. He 
 was said to have been eminently serviceable in pacifying the 
 
 * It.is remarkable that Margaret Stewart, John Knox’s second wife, was 
 sister to Arran, and this Colonel Stewart. 
 
87 
 
 populace, whose fury seems to have inclined them to go to 
 the utmost extremities. In reward he got the Sheriffshi 
 of Perthshire, which was heritable in the Ruthven family, 
 and which continued in his family till the abolition of the 
 Heritable Jurisdictions in 1748. Gowry’s Family Seat, 
 Ruthven Castle and Estate, was also given to Murray. In 
 1604 his father John was made Lord Murray; and in 1606 
 Earl of Tullibardine. Charles the First created him Earl 
 of Athole. 
 
 10th. The Sir David Murray of Gospetrie, whom we 
 hear of on this occasion, was, at that time, second son of 
 Sir Andrew Murray of Balvaird, to whom he afterwards 
 succeeded. He was bred up at the court, and became a 
 very great favourite. James made him Cupbearer, Master 
 of the Horse, and Captain of the Guard. He was after- 
 wards made a Knight, and Comptroller of the Revenue. 
 It was however thought necessary, that something still 
 more substantial should be provided for one who stood so 
 high in the king’s estimation. _ Accordingly, he was at 
 Perth, on the fifth of August, when, besides any share he 
 had in the assassination, he, together with his relation, 
 Murray younger of Tullibardine, were very active in quiet- 
 ing the enraged townsmen, whose threats terrified James 
 so much. He attended the king to Falkland in the evening. 
 
 Preserving James’s life in such an emergency, was, no 
 doubt, a great service; but it was amply rewarded. The 
 Abbacy of Scone, which Gowry held in commendam, was 
 erected into a Lordship, and bestowed on him. A grant 
 afterwards confirmed by Act of Parliament. He got the 
 Rangership of the Lomonds, and Falkland Park, and Cas- 
 tlestead, besides several other beneficial grants. 
 
 He was appointed Commissioner to several General As- 
 semblies, where he toiled hard to subvert the Presbyterian 
 form of Church government*. And on the Five Articles 
 of Perth being ratified by parliament, A. D. 1621. His 
 _Majesty’s Representative, the Marquis of Hamilton, dis- 
 patched him to London with the news; which were su 
 ae to James that he created him Viscount Stormont. 
 
 e married Elisabeth Beaton, grand-daughter of the Cardi- 
 
 * If we can believe Calderwood, he (Sir David) was a man of brutal 
 manners and ungovernable passions, after he got into power, as appeared by 
 his behaviour in the Synod held at Perth in £607; and his treatment of the 
 historian himself, while leading him to prison in St Andrews. 
 
88 
 
 nal, but had no children by her. At his death, in 1631, 
 
 he was possessed of a very great landed estate. His titles 
 fell successively to six or seven different branches of the 
 Murrays, and at last settled in an ancestor of the present 
 Earl of Mansfield. 
 
 11th. David Moyse was a domestic of the king’s. He, 
 unintentionally it is presumed, was the cause of much vex- 
 ation to his Master, by sending an account of the affair at 
 
 Perth, to Edinburgh early on the next morning, without — 
 
 consulting James or those who framed the government nar- 
 rative relative to the circumstances of the transaction which 
 were to be communicated to the world. The consequence 
 was, that the one account differing so much from the other, 
 
 suspicion was aroused, enquiry set a foot, and the truth. 
 
 discovered to the public. 7 | 
 
 Moyse afterwards wrote an account of some transactions 
 of his own time, and amongst others makes mention of the 
 Gowry Conspiracy. But as he published soon after the 
 date of that event, he dared advance no gross improbabili- 
 ties and falsehoods, as some, who lived an hundred years 
 afterwards did. | 
 
 12th. George, the first Earl of Cromarty, must not be 
 overlooked in this list, he having particularly interested 
 himself in behalf of James’s account of the affair. He pub- 
 lished, An Account of the Gowry Conspiracy; a perform- 
 ance no ways serviceable to the cause it was meant to sup- 
 port, so very unfair and even false are many of its state- 
 ments. Yet he pretends to great impartiality in his narra- 
 tive; and as a kind of collateral security, that he would 
 not blacken the character of the Ruthven Family undeser- 
 vedly, he tells us, that he had been married to two wives 
 descended of that house.—His first wife was daughter to 
 Sir John Sinclair of Moy. How she was related to Gowry 
 does not appear. After he was on the wrong side of sixty, 
 he married Margaret Countess of Weemys in her own 
 right, the young widow of Lord Weemys of Burntisland. 
 Her grandfather’s grandmother was Cecilia datighter to 
 William, second Lord Ruthven, great-grandfather to 
 Earl John; a very remote connection indeed, and which, 
 on the other side, is certainly much more than counterba- 
 Janced by his (Cromarty’s) mother being niece to the three 
 Erskins who acted so conspicuous a part in this affair, A 
 circumstance certainly equally deserving of notice with the 
 
89 
 
 ether, as being much more likely to influence his opinion. 
 But that is not the only particular in which his disingenui- 
 ty appears. In the preface to this pamphlet, he tells us, 
 } a the presbyterian clergy, and among the rest Mr Ro- 
 bert Rollock did “ invent and clandestinely propagate that 
 Gowry and his brother did never conspire against the king, 
 But that the King did murder them both.” ‘That such re- 
 port was propagated is unquestionable. But Rollock died 
 in 1598, two years before the death of the Ear] and his bro- 
 ther. Again, he says that Cranston and Craigengelt, the 
 _ Karl’s two servants, who were hanged for being accessories 
 to the plot, asserted, That Gowry did not mean to murder 
 the King, but only to cause him make some sort of repara- 
 tion for the death of Earl William. But. Spottiswood, who 
 attended at their execution, though a courtier, and professed 
 believer in Gowry’s guilt, assures us, that they persisted to 
 the last in denying all knowledge of any kind of conspiracy. 
 
 Cromarty’s partiality is likewise manifested in his inten- 
 tionally declining to give the copy of the letter from Logan 
 to Gowry as first published in Sprott’s confession, seeing its 
 differs so much from that, which was afterwards attempted 
 to be palmed on the public, as the same letter, on Logan’s 
 trial. 
 
 Cromarty did not publish his account of the conspiracy 
 till 1713, more than a hundred years after it happened. 
 By which time, he no doubt thought, that he might use 
 some freedoms with truth, as all who witnessed any part of 
 the transactions were long since dead. And that he might 
 be the more certain of doing this with impunity, he takes 
 great credit for the authenticity of his relation, as from his 
 situation of Lord Register, he had an opportunity of draw- 
 ing his information from the National Records. But we 
 have already had occasion to advert to his integrity as an 
 Extractor, and we shall by and by have an opportunity of 
 judging what dependence can be placed in the purity of the 
 National Records of the reign of James the Sixth. 
 
 Cromarty’s family was much indebted to the Stewart 
 Dynasty. James the Sixth knighted Colin, this Earl’s 
 grandfather, and bestowed on him a landed estate to sup- 
 port the honour. Charles the First created Sir John, his 
 -tather, a baronet. Charles the Second made himself Gene 
 ral of his Forces, a Lord of Session in 1661; Justice Ge« 
 neral in 1678; and Lord wi ls in 1681, At the Reve- 
 
30 
 
 lution he lost the place of Lord Register, but obtained i? 
 again in 1692. Queen Ann made him Seeretary of State 
 in 1702, and Earl of Cromarty in 1708. It was in 1713 
 that he dedicated his Account of the Gowry Conspiracy to 
 the Queen, and next year he died, aged 84. - So many fa= 
 vours received required some return. 
 
 ‘His son and grandson were attainted for rebellion. 
 
 Perhaps similar causes have had no very dissimilar ef- 
 fects, on more modern historians, by causing them perceive 
 difficulties where there were none, and inducing them to | 
 substitute fanciful theories, for a very plain matter of fact. 
 But rather than enlarge on this, we shall pass on to exa- 
 mine the character of such of the witnesses, as we are any 
 way acquainted with. And the first in order is 
 
 Ludovick, Duke of Lennox. He might have been ex- 
 pected to befriend the Ruthvens, as he had married one of 
 their sisters. But she had been dead some time, without 
 bearing him any children, and he married again. Pos- 
 sibly too, Lennox was one of that sort of men, who are 
 prudent enough, not to sacrifice their own interest to their 
 affection for their wives; their regard for her relations; and 
 far less to her memory after her death. He married for his 
 second wife, Margaret, daughter of Sir Mathew Campbel 
 of London, High Sheriff of Ayr, widow of Giffen, Master 
 of Eglinton. n trial, he did not like her; so he sent her 
 away. Some few years after he accompanied the King to 
 London, the poor woman followed him, expecting, no 
 doubt, that he might relent, and receive her again. But 
 his Grace was now become greater than ever: so; instead 
 of co-habiting with her, he packed her off for Scotland. 
 On this she broke her heart, and he married Frances, 
 Countess of Hartford. We hope it will not be deemed rash, 
 merely to say, that perhaps he might regard Lady Sophia 
 Ruthven, as little, as he did the Sheriff of Ayr’s daughter. 
 But, however that might have been, it appears, that upon 
 the dissolution of this connection, his regard for the family, 
 (if he ever had any) was extinguished, for he took a very 
 active part in effecting its ruin. He did not indeed, like 
 Ramsay, run any of them through the body, but he took 
 care, when he left Falkland on the fifth of August, for 
 Perth, to be provided with arms, in case his services this 
 way had been required; and he swore to what we now 
 know to have been a string of falsehoods: and, as if decency 
 
91 , 
 had not been enough outraged, by his being himself both 
 the criminal party, and a perjured witness in this cause, he 
 sat a judge, and gave his vote, for convicting his former 
 brothers-in-law of a crime, which he was conscious never 
 was perpetrated. 
 
 To account in some measure for this, we are to observe 
 that he was a relation of James’s. His father, Esme D’ Au- 
 bigny, was cousin to Lord Daraly, consequently the King 
 and Ludovick were second cousins. Both he, and his fa- 
 ther Esme, were great favourites of James’s: he brought 
 Esme from France; or rather as some supposed, the Guises 
 sent him over, as they had now lost the influence, which 
 they had formerly possessed in Scotland, under the Cardinal 
 wah Queen Regent. They therefore had recourse to this 
 method of retaining their interest in the country; and their 
 missionary proved himself perfectly well qualified for the 
 trust reposed in him, being a person of agreeable manners, 
 and pliable disposition, very capable of accommodating his, 
 to the dissolute course, which James about this time began 
 to follow. DiAubigny, in conjunction with James Stewart, 
 Karl of Arran, gained a complete ascendency over the 
 King, who even prevailed on the Earl of Lennox, to resign 
 that title into his hands, and it was then bestowed on D’ Au- 
 bigny, along with the rich abbacy of Arbroath, and the 
 government of Dunbarton Castle, the better to enable him 
 to support the new dignity, In 1581 he was made Duke oa: 
 Lennox. When he came first to Scotland, he was a pro- 
 fessed papist, and on his being sg much caressed by James, 
 the Romish priests and Jesuits began again to take heart, 
 and teach their doctrines openly. But the prudent part of 
 the Catholics saw, that matters were not ripe for that 
 change; and heavy complaints being made against the King, 
 for his so great familiarity with one of that religion, it was 
 thought more prudent for Lennox to join the kirk; so he 
 became a Presbyterian; but never was thought sincere in 
 that. At length the dissatisfaction of the country rose so 
 high, that a number of the nobles seized James at Ruthven 
 Castle, and banished Lennox to France. He survived this 
 only a short time, dying at Paris, the following May. 
 James no sooner recovered his liberty, than he sent the 
 Master of Gray to France, for Lennox’s children: but only 
 Ludovick the eldest, came over at that time. He was then 
 thirteen years of age. He arrived in November 1583: 
 
 M 2 
 
92 
 
 James’s favour seemed redoubled towards this youth. Of all 
 his favourites young Lennox was the greatest. The Kin 
 first superintended his education, and we may suppose, di 
 not fail to instil into him some of his own immoral princi- 
 ples. After he grew up, James bestowed many baronies or 
 estates upon him, particularly betwixt A. D. 1590 and 1600. 
 He likewise appointed him Heritable Admiral of Scotland. 
 The office of Lord-High-Chamberlain, which had lien 
 long dormant, was revived, and bestowed on him. So much 
 favour certainly deserved some return. Accordingly, the 
 part which he acted on this occasion, though enormously 
 wicked, was certainly meant to be of great service to the 
 royal cause; as not only tending to retrieve James’s character 
 from the general odium attached to it, by superintending 
 the murder of the two brothers, but likewise as affording 
 some countenance, in that part of the tragedy, which was 
 still to be acted. In 1602, Lennox was sent ambassador to 
 France. When James succeeded in 1603 to the English 
 Crown, he acquired additional means of gratifying favourites. 
 Accordingly, he made Lennox Earl of Newcastle, Duke of 
 Richmond, Master of the Household, first Gentleman of 
 the Bedchamber, and K. G. In 1607, he was appointed 
 Commissioner to the Scotch Parliament, He continued.to 
 enjoy James’s favour till his death in 1624. 
 2d. John Earl of Mar. He had been educated in Stir- 
 
 ling castle, along with the king. They had grown up to- 
 gether, and very probably, formed a mutual attachment. 
 Mar was married to a sister of Lennox. In 1601, he was 
 sent ambassador to queen Elibabeth, under pretence of 
 congratulating her onthe suppression of Essex’s insurrection, 
 but in reality to treat with Sir Robert Cecil for securing and 
 facilitating James’s accession, for which purpose they accor- 
 dingly entered into terms. Mar obtained the heritable of- 
 fices of Commander of Stirling Castle, Sheriff of that Shire, 
 Chamberlain of Stirling, Monteith, and Brichen, and Bail- 
 lie and Admiral of Forth. He got a charter of Novoda- 
 mus, erecting his extensive paternal estates, along with ma- 
 ny others, which he received from the king, into a free 
 Earldom, and a pension of 2000 crowns. He enjoyed at 
 the same time, the offices of Lord High Treasurer ; Comp- 
 troller and Collector of Scotland: and, after the accession, 
 James made him a Privy Counsellor, and K. G. at Wind- 
 sor, in 1603. 
 
$3 
 
 3d. The three Erskins, Thomas, James, and George, 
 were cousins German to Mar; their father, Alexandil 
 Erskin of Gogar, being brother to Mar the Regent, upon 
 whose death he was appointed guardian of the young king 
 jointly with the Countess Dowager. It is not said, what 
 remuneration James or George received; but as their bro= 
 ther Thomas, and even James’s servant Wilson, were so 
 amply rewarded, we may presume, they were not overlook- 
 ed. ‘Thomas, and very probably the other two, was brought 
 up like a brother, with king James, who, we are told, was 
 very fond of him, and conferred many favours onhim. In 
 1585 he was made Gentleman ofthe Bedchamber. But, this 
 being an office of small emolument, upon the forfeiture of 
 Gowry, Thomas had a donation of the Dirlton estate : and 
 in 1603 was created Lord Dirlton. He accompanied James 
 to England, and, upon the fall of Sir Walter Raleigh, he 
 obtained his place of Captain of the Guard. James still 
 continuing to heap favours upon him, he was made Viscount 
 Fenton in 1606, Earl of Kelly, and K. G. in 1609. His 
 deposition agrees, in almost every particular, with that of 
 his brother-in-law, the falsity of which evidence we shall 
 afterwards take occasion to demonstrate. 
 
 - 4th. John Ramsay was second son of the Dalhousie Fa- 
 mily, not yet ennobled. He was one of James’s Pages, and 
 a great favourite. He may be said to have acted a prin- 
 cipal part in the tragedy. From what we can now gather 
 _ of his character, he must have been a bloody minded per- 
 jured villain. By all accounts, he stabbed Alexander Ruth- 
 ven, when kept down by the king, in such a posture, that 
 he neither could hurt another, nor defend himself. And 
 the Earl received his death wound, from the same hand, in 
 an unguarded moment. *Tis not unlikely that Ramsay was 
 ’ fixed on for this service, as being an unfeeling soul, in a 
 robust body. But besides his brutal conduct, in being the 
 immediate executioner of so enormously wicked a decree, 
 his deposition at the trial evinces him to have been, in every 
 respect, a villain of the deepest dye, as will afterwards be 
 made to appear. 
 
 This mean, perjured, murderous villain, in reward of 
 this piece of service, received an annuity of £1000 Ster- 
 ling, a large sum in those days, and had a gift of Melrose 
 Abbey, with its princely revenues, expressly for this service. 
 James, likewise, in 1606, created him Viscount Haddington, 
 
9£ 
 
 arid afterwards Earl of Holderness. To his paternal Coat 
 of Arms, besides such variations as were necessary to dis- 
 criminate his, from his brothers, was added a right hand. 
 holding a sword, peircing a man’s heart, the point support~ 
 ing an Imperial crown; and the privelege of carrying the 
 Sword of State before the Royal Family, to church, on the 
 thanksgiving appointed to be annually observed on the 5th 
 of August, was conferred on him, and his heirs. But his 
 children all died before himself, as did the observance of 
 the thanksgiving, and at his own death his honours (if such 
 his titles were) became extinct. 
 
 5th. The Commendator of Inchaffray, was James, the 
 second son of David Lord Drummond. His mother hay- 
 ing been a daughter of ‘William Lord Ruthven, ‘he was a 
 near relation of Earl John; but to counterbalance that, he 
 had been educated along with theking, and wasa Gentleman of 
 his Bedchamber. He had got a grant of the Temporalities 
 of the Abbey of Inchaffray, and the king, in gratitude for 
 his conduct on the 5th. of August, and especially at the mock 
 trial, erected the abbacy into a temporal Lordship, and 
 created the Commendator Lord Madderty, and bestowed 
 some other lands on him for the support of his dignity. 
 
 It is very probable, that there might have been some 
 grudge between him and the house of Ruthven, as Alexan- 
 der Ruthven of Forgan was Commendator of Inchaffray 
 some years before this, when James assumed the regal au- 
 thority. But be that as it will, his conduct in the forenoon 
 of the 5th of August was very surprising. He had left Falk- 
 land in the morning, to go to Inchaftray, he says, yet at 
 half past eleven, the king and his companions found him 
 foitering on the road at Strathmiglo on the way to Perth, 
 when he instantly mounted, and made one of the par- 
 ty at Gowry’s, to dinner, and returned to Falkland in the 
 evening. And all this without pretending to offer any rea- 
 son for doing so. 
 
 6th. The Abbot of Lindores was Patrick Leslie, second 
 son to the Earl of Rothes. He was much in favour with 
 | James, who had made him one of the Gentlemen of the Bed= 
 chamber. It need scarcely be added, that James took him 
 with him to Perth, on this occasion; and on the trial he 
 swore point blank to every thing advanced by Lennox, with 
 the addition of some other circumstances. But many a one 
 will swear away a man’s life, or reputation before a judge, 
 
95 
 
 who has not sufficient resolution, and abilities to take the 
 one by force, or sully the other, when pains is taken to keep 
 it bright. ’*Tis not unlikely that this was the case with Lin- 
 dores. We nowhere hear of him being engaged in the fray, 
 but only looking at what was going on. However, even his 
 countenance here, and support at the trial, deserved some 
 reward; and on this occasion, he was made Commendator 
 of Lindores; and on the 25th of December following, he 
 was created Lord Lindores, the lands of that opulent Abbey 
 being erected into a Temporality, in his favour. He was 
 likewise appointed a Lord of Justiciary: But his male line 
 failed. ‘The honours fell to another branch of the Rothes 
 family; and are now either dormant or extinct. The lands 
 are in other hands. . 
 
 7th. The evidence of John Graham of Urquhill, or Or- 
 chil differs very little from some other of the witnesses. 
 The most material point sworn to by him is, that when he, 
 and some other of the king’s attendants were following his 
 Majesty and Alexander Ruthven up stairs, according to his 
 Majesty’s private instructions, in the forenoon on the way 
 from Falkland; Alexander desired them not to follow, and 
 they obeyed. In another place, this sagacity of theirs will 
 be taken notice of. It does not appear, what reward Or- 
 chil got, for this particular service. But we know of no 
 ‘reason, why he should be passed by, in the distribution of 
 the spoil, rather than some others, who were rewarded for 
 services not more meritorious: 
 
 8th. The next witness is John Graham ‘of Balgowan. 
 He deponed “ conform to the Lord Duke in all things” and 
 seems to have been extremely officious; for that evening, 
 before they left Perth, he produced a garter, which he pre- 
 tended to have found among the Bent, or Litter, at the 
 cheek of the door of the round, which (Bent or Rushes) 
 served instead of a carpet in these days. On sight of the 
 garter, he says King James declared it to be the identical 
 one, with which Alexander Ruthven attempted to bind his 
 hands. It was so easy to manage such a matter as this, that 
 there seems but little superior merit, in being the agent. 
 But, if Balgowan’s share of the transaction displayed no 
 uncommon mental abilities, he certainly made up for that, 
 in some sort, by his diligence or bodily activity; for he was 
 ‘in Edinburgh, before ten o’clock next morning, with an ac- 
 count of the affair. But the pains which he took, was ne 
 
96 
 
 doubt meant, in the first place, for his Sovereign’s benefit, 
 and eventually for his own, yet he spoiled all in confirming 
 the people of Edinburgh in their suspicion of James’s guilt, 
 by the difference they observed betwixt his own account and 
 the others which were transmitted that same day. We 
 know not what reward Balgowan received. We are not so 
 much as informed if he received any. Perhaps, as his ser- 
 vices were but trivial, and in one instance prejudicial, he 
 might not be thought deserving of any. ‘This we know, 
 that several estates, once belonging to the Ruthven family, 
 were lately attached to the estate of Balgowan. 
 9th. The deposition of Mr John Moncrieff of Piten- . 
 crieff, bother to William Moncrieff of that ilk, is the next 
 on record. But his declaration consists of arguments not 
 evidence. Instead of a witness, he turned advocate for the 
 crown. And no wonder, for he was in a sad predicament. 
 He was afraid of being reckoned a friend and accomplice 
 of Gowrie’s, as he dined with him on that very day in which 
 it was given out that he made the attempt to. murder the 
 king; and his brother Hugh was fugitate for not submit- 
 ting to trial as being concerned in the Treason, consequent- 
 ly the part which he had to act required great circumspec- 
 tion. And when the day of trial came he took his ground 
 decisively. He foresaw the folly of endeavouring to pur- 
 suade the court ef Gowrie’s, and of course of his own in- 
 nocence. Instead of that, he musters all the arguments 
 he could think of,.in support of the charge against the two 
 brothers; and in particular, relates that, in a conversation 
 which he had with his brother Hugh, Hugh declared, that 
 he was convinced of the guilt ofthe Ruthvens. Whether Pit- 
 encrieff then thought this a masterly contrivance or not, can- 
 not now be known; but at this time it is easily seen through : 
 and indeed it evidently had not all the effect on the court 
 which he wished, as Hugh was convicted of treason, and 
 only escaped execution by flight. 
 ~ 10th. A declaration emitted at, and transmitted from 
 Perth, by Andrew Roy or Ray, one of the magistrates of 
 that town, is next inserted in the record. In our days this 
 would be disregarded as extra-judicial, being made forty 
 miles from the place of trial, and some weeks before the 
 court had existence, but perhaps was regular enough in the 
 end of the sixteenth century, when parties were allowed to 
 be also witnesses and judges. Mr Roy beinga magistrate, was 
 
97 
 
 — to administer an oath. Accordingly, he makes af- 
 davit before himself that, znter alia, on the fifth of Au- 
 gust, he saw the King put his head and arm forth of the 
 window of the turret and cry murder! treason! help Earl 
 of Mar. On which the deponent was so panick-struck, 
 that instead of assisting the King, he ran through the 
 ~ _streets calling on the townsmen to go and relieve him ; and 
 caused ring the bell, as if the town had been on fire; and 
 that, by these means, he succeeded in collecting a mob at the 
 gate of the palace, as Gowry’s house was commonly called: 
 and that the deponent, on finding the populace riotous, and 
 likely to go to extremities, was commanded by His Majesty, 
 to order them to disperse, and that he afterwards went to 
 the market place, and by proclamation, commanded them 
 to retire, each to his own lodging, under pain of treason. 
 
 Mr Roy took care to authenticate this, as his evidence, 
 for he procured the signature of Galloway the Chaplain, of 
 the other three present, and one old baillie, of a clerk, 
 perhaps a notary public, and of three burgesses, as witnesses, 
 that this was his deposition. But, notwithstanding of all 
 his pynctilious observance of the lesser matters of the law, 
 Roy’s evidence will be found to affect the two brothers no 
 farther than by proving, that the King and Alexander 
 -went out of the dining parlour together: and that Gowry 
 told the lords, that the King had taken horse, and was a- 
 way. ‘The real case seems to be this, The assassins thought 
 it would be necessary to impress the minds of the people of 
 the town, with a belief of Gowry’s treason, before they 
 could come to the knowledge of the real state of the matter, 
 and baillie Roy was the tool pitched on, for this purpose. 
 We are not told whether the baillie ever got any recom- 
 pense for this service. There were then but few places in 
 the gift of the crown, compared with the number in the pre- 
 sent time. Weare told indeed that the office of a fool was an 
 appendage to the royal establishment of those days; and as 
 Andrew, if we may form a judgment of his character, from 
 his own account of his behaviour on this occasion, was e- 
 minently well qualified for this place, perhaps he might 
 obtain it. We are inclined to indulge in this conjecture 
 the rather, that James seems to have been so much in want 
 of a fool at times that we often find himself performing the 
 duties of the office. | | 
 
 N 
 
98 
 
 11th. The evidence of Robert Christie, the porter, fol- 
 Jows next. It is principally designed for supporting these 
 two parts of the story, viz. that in which Gowry is repre- 
 sented as endeavouring to get rid of the courtiers, by de- 
 claring, that the King was away home; and the other, where 
 it is said that the Earl, accompanied by the two Ruthvens 
 of Freeland, Eviot and Moncrieff, brothers to the proprie- 
 tors of Balhousie and Moncrieff, and his own servant 
 Cranston, went altogether, armed, up to the apartment 
 where the bustie was. And to both circumstances he swears 
 in the most unqualified manner. > 
 
 This Witness’s deposition is liable to great suspicion: 
 therefore, a remarkable artifice is resorted to, in support 
 of it. Lennox had sworn, that he saw a joist brought by 
 some persons into the court; Christie, without whose know- 
 ledge it could not have been brought in, saw nothing of it. 
 As much is meant by this, as if it had been said, * See this . 
 man’s integrity, he’ll not swear a falsehood to support any 
 man’s evidence.” If he was instructed what to depone, 
 why was he not directed to swear to the joist, as well as to 
 other circumstances?’ But an answer is at hand to this 
 question. ‘The joist’s being brought in was a matter of no 
 consequence whatever: the rest of his evidence was of the 
 utmost importance in the cause. 
 
 Christie had only been a few weeks in Gowry’s service, 
 and seems not to have been much attached to his interest. 
 And as the plot required, that the Earl should try to per- 
 suade James’s followers that he was off to Falkland, and as 
 that part of the tragedy could not properly be performed 
 without the porter acting a partin it, it was necessary to 
 bribe Christie into compliance. What the extent of his re- 
 ward was, we pretend not to know; but one thing is on re- 
 cord, David Murray continued him in his employ: no tri- 
 vial consideration in the then state of Society. 
 
 12th. Blair, younger of Balthayock, depones next. He 
 does not pretend to have seen Gowry and his armed at- 
 tendants pass up the stairs, but he saw the two brothers of 
 Forgan and Hugh Moncrieff, all armed, come down, which 
 certainly implied, that they had gone up. He likewise saw 
 the joist brought into the court, and set up against the wall. 
 So that in this deposition, we still have a semblance of im- 
 partiality. Balthayock was appointed provost of Perth, on 
 the death of Gowry, till the ensuing election at Michael- 
 
99 
 mas, and then, by a fresh order, he was appointed to con- 
 tinue, for the following year. | 
 
 13th. Prior Hay is next examined. He depones, that 
 having occasion to be in the Earl’s house, on the 5th of 
 August, he saw Henderson arrive from Falkland; and that 
 after the Earl had spoken with Henderson, he (the Earl) 
 told Hay, that he had not leisure to transact business with 
 him that day. He likewise confirms Lennox’s evidence in 
 every thing, after their arrival at Perth. 
 
 This witness was George Hay of Netherlief, second son 
 of Sir Patrick Hay of Megginch, baillie of Errol], a branch 
 of the family of Errol. e was bred at Doway, under his 
 uncle Edmund Hay, a Jesuit, and professor of law, a pesti- 
 ferous emissary, who was repeatedly sent out of Scotland, on 
 account of his endeavours to disseminate what were then per- 
 nicious tenents; he having, besides seducing the Errol fa- 
 mily, endeavoured to stir up the English Papists to effect 
 a rising, so as to favour the Spanish invasion in 1588, for 
 which, he was also imprisoned in the tower of London. 
 George returned to Scotland, when about twenty-two years 
 of age; at which time, James began to heap favours upon 
 him. He was at first a gentleman pensioner ; then gentle- 
 ‘man of the Bedchamber. In 1598, the king bestowed on 
 him the Carthusian Priory of Perth, the church of Errol, 
 and a vote in parliament, or peerage. But the revenues 
 of this once opulent monastery having been much dilapi- 
 dated by Prior Foreman at the Reformation, Hay found 
 them inadequate to support the dignity of a Lord: and 
 therefore he returned that honour to the king. 
 
 We are told that Hay,had but a small share of learn- 
 ing; but a great deal of address and duplicity. As he was 
 well inclined towards Popery, he had the interest of that 
 faction at court: which circumstance tended also not a little 
 to ingratiate him with James and Charles I. Accordingly 
 he was made Clerk-register in 1616, Chancellor, in 1622, 
 Viscount Dupplin, and Lord Hay of Kinfauns in 1627, 
 and Earl of Kinnoul in 1633, and had a lease of the duties of 
 the Karldom of Orkney for 40,000 marks. All this time, 
 he took care not to receive a name et preteria nihil. He 
 had the address to realize a large fortune, considering his 
 small beginning. Dupplin, Aberdalgy, Kinnoul, Kinfauns, 
 Seggieden, Dunineld, and several other baronies were either 
 purchased by him, or rented to him. His heirs male be- 
 
 2 
 
100 
 
 came extinct in 1709, and his honotirs and estate fell te 
 Thomas Hay of Balhousie, descended of Patrick, the fol- 
 lowing witness, and his elder brother. 
 
 Little credit is due to the testimony of one who was both 
 a lawyer, a Jesuit, and a retainer in the court of James VI 
 in this cause, seeing the Ruthven family were the chief of 
 the opposite party in Scotland, at that time. 
 
 14th His brother Peter confirmed his deposition “in 
 all things.” , 
 
 15th. The next witness is Robert Graham of Thorink. 
 He seems not to have been’at Falkland, as he simply con- 
 firms Lennox’s deposition, as far as it relates to what hap- 
 pened at Perth. 
 
 16th. Oliver Young, one of the magistrates of Perth, is 
 next brought forward.. ‘This witness was in Gowry’s house 
 that day, perhaps under the same pretence with baillie Roy, 
 namely, to see the king. ’Tis probable they were desired 
 to be in the way, in case of any disturbance taking place: 
 for it is not likely, that the magistrates of the second city 
 in the kingdom, were so idle as to enter Gowry’s house, 
 merely to stare at the kiig eating his dinner, especially as 
 he had dined in that same house an hundred times before. 
 This witness saw the king and Alexander pass up the Stairs, 
 and afterwards, saw Hugh Monérieff and Hary Ruthven, 
 the one with a bloody face, the other armed, as if they had 
 been at the fight. 
 
 This witness was continued oldest baillie, (chief resident 
 magistrate) for several successive years, after this: the first 
 of which was by direction of the king 
 
 17th. James Druimmond of Pitcairns, is the next wit- 
 ness. His evidence is of little consequence. 
 
 18th. William Rynd the butcher, then depones, that 
 he saw Eviot and Moncrieff in the court, both bloody, and 
 having drawn swords in their hands. 
 
 19th. A burgher of the town is next brought forward, 
 to the two foregoing depositions. 
 
 20th. Wilson, servant to James Erskin, then appears. 
 He confirms Alexander Erskin’s evidence. ‘This was one 
 of the four who passed up the back stair, and was present 
 at the death of both the brothers. What: other reward he 
 got, we know not; but we are told, that the king, on this 
 occasion, made him a gentleman; which, considering the 
 quality of the raw material, was certainly a masterly per- 
 
101 
 
 formance. The metamorphosing of a cut-throat scoundred 
 into a gentleman, is indeed one of the artes perdite. 
 
 The king may make a belted knight 
 A marquis, duke and a’ that; 
 
 An honest man’s aboon his might ; 
 
 ~ Guid faith he manna fa’ that. 
 
 21st. David Rynd, another butcher, saw Alexander 
 ‘Ruthven of Forgan in the tumult. 
 
 22d. Gilbert Hutcheson confirms this. Of these two 
 we know nothing. 
 
 23d. John Micra of Arkney, is next. Probably he is 
 the John Murray, servant to Tullibardine, who was wound- 
 ed. He says, he came to St Johnston after dinner ; but it 
 -was not long after dinner-time, as he says he heard the king 
 call from the window for help; and saw Earl Gowry in the 
 close with a helmet and two swords. ‘This witness was of 
 an athletic form of body, and very possibly was sent by 
 the Murrays, to assist in case of need, for it does not ap- 
 pear that he had any other business in Gowry’s court, 
 where he was before the disturbance arose. 
 
 24th. Thomas Birrel’s evidence only corroborates that 
 of some others, and seems particularly levelled at the For- 
 gan family, Hugh Moncrieff, and Thomas Cranston. 
 
 25th. Forrest, a tradesman’in Perth, is next examined. 
 He only says, that he saw George Craigengelt and another 
 servant in the court, with drawn swords. 
 
 26th. Robertson the notary is then examined. He says, 
 that on seeing Gowry standing in the court, with his hel-~ 
 met on his head, and a drawn sword in each hand, accom- 
 panied by seven or eight other persons, all unknown to 
 him, and it appears all unarmed, he was so frightened that 
 he run off. 
 
 27th—30th. The four following witnesses are James’s 
 domestics. One of them porter, another keeper of the ale- 
 cellar, none of which would, in all liklihood, have followed 
 the king to Perth, on an ordinary occasion; but very pro- 
 bably were desperadoes, selected for this particular pur- 
 pose, but whose personal assistance was not needed, as the 
 brothers being taken unprepared made but little resistance. 
 All the four swear point blank to every thing that Lennox 
 had said. 
 
 3lst. One Peebles, another inhabitant of Perth, is the 
 
102 
 last witness examined. He relates, that he was in his own 
 house opposite to Gowry’s, when the bell rang; and that _ 
 his mother then locked him in. He, however, saw Gowry 
 enter the court with the two swords, and saw Alexander 
 Ruthven, Patrick Eviot, and his servant, and Hugh Mon- 
 crieff come from the house. 
 
 Such a set of witnesses was well calculated for the pur- 
 pose in hand; and it is far from improbable, that the ma- 
 jority of the judges, (by which is meant the Lords of the 
 Articles, as they were in effect the sole judges) would be of 
 the like stamp. We know for certain, that Montrose the 
 chancellor, (though once married to a sister of Gowry’s) 
 was considered by the Ruthven family as their enemy: for 
 when the Countess was told, that the attempt to seize the 
 two younger brothers the next evening, after the death of 
 the two elder ones, was with the design of committing them 
 to the chancellor’s charge, she exclaimed, Ah! false traitor, 
 shall my bairns be put into his clutches? Lennox and Mar, 
 other two of the Lords of the Articles, were parties in the 
 cause; and had Gowry and his brother been brought in, 
 not Guilty, these ought to have been hanged, as accom- 
 plices in their murder. Several others of the Lords, as 
 Errol and Marrischal were professed Papists; and the six 
 church dignitaries could not be supposed friendly to the 
 cause of Presbytery, nor to any who took so decided a part 
 in supporting it as the Ruthven family, especially Earl 
 John, did. 
 
 But of all the ruffians, who were concerned in this dia- 
 bolical transaction, by much the most redoubtable was King 
 James the VI. Although it was the fortune of this wretch 
 to reign over several millions of his fellow creatures, yet a 
 character so shamefully base, and enormously wicked, is 
 seldom called to act on the stage of life. His mean grovel- 
 ling nature manifested itself on a thousand occasions, but 
 on one more strikingly, than in his submitting to be the 
 pensioner of Queen Elizabeth, rather than assume the re- 
 solution of shaking off his childish attachment to favourites, 
 whose necessities he accommodated, whose extravagance he 
 supported, and whose avarice he gratified, with a profusion 
 unparalleled, in so poor a prince. And when the pension, 
 and his proper income, were together inadequate to his ex- 
 penditure, he scrupled not to murder, to rob and to beg, 
 
103 
 
 to make up the deficiency,* the clamant demands of pover- 
 ty being unrestrained by any proper sense of the dignity of 
 his station. 
 
 ** The needy man, 
 
 Is he, whom tempting fiends would pitch upon, 
 
 To do such deeds, as make the prosperous men 
 
 Lift up their hands, and wonder who could do them. 
 
 And such a man was” JAMEs. 
 
 The Gowry estate was divided amongst James’s court- 
 iers, and although few or none in the kingdom were equal 
 to it in value, it was insufficient for their wants, as England 
 felt to her cost, upon his accession to that throne, two or 
 three years afterwards. ' 
 
 Dissimulation and hypocrisy are qualifications very re- 
 quisite in a villain; and James possessed both in an eminent 
 degree. It is now known, that his domestic character was 
 one of the most vicious, and disgraceful, that can possibly 
 be conceived ; and yet in public, he occasionally made great 
 outward show of religion: for however he shifted from one 
 system of polemics to another, just as he thought most suit- 
 able for his purpose, his profession of piety shone forth on eve- 
 ry properoccasion, and even sometimes on improper ones, e.g. 
 His falling down on his knees, and formally thanking God 
 for his deliverance, along with his attendants, so soon as he 
 had dispatched Gowry and his brother, without taking the 
 precaution, of securing themselves from the other conspi- 
 rators, who, if Gowry was a traitor, they had reason to 
 
 * It was not uncommon for James to write to some of his own subjects, 
 in a stile something betwixt the demand of a robber and the supplication of a 
 beggar, requesting such trifles as a pair of fowls, if he meant to make a feast, 
 or the loan of a pair of breeches if he wished to appear finer than the state of 
 
 _his wardrobe enabled him to be. 
 
 In a letter from Sir Ralph Sadler to Queen Elizabeth, at the time he had 
 the custody of Mary Queen of Scots, he says “ she (Mary), speaking of James, 
 sayeth—his (James VI.) means are so poore (and the worse for these needy 
 folkes about him) as he hath oft sent to at for money to buy himself clothes 
 and apparel for his pages and lackeys which she hath caused to be furnished 
 out of hers out of France, when she could evil spare it. And that the 
 6009 crowns which he lately got from the Duke of Guise, whereof she 
 thinketh this young gentleman (Gray) hath had the most part himself, to set 
 himself forth in so good show, seemeth to give a good countenance to the 
 matter.” Sadler’s State Paperse 
 
 And even after he had been a dozen of years on the English throne, he 
 paid the city of Edinburgh 20,000 marks, as a composition for 59,000, be- 
 sides interest, which had been owing a number of years.—Mait. Edin. Thus 
 this ignominious soul, the sovereign of three kingdoms, rendered himself 
 bankrupt for less than four thousand pounds. 
 
104 
 
 suppose, were in waiting. James scems to have even piqued 
 himself on his being an adept in dissimulation: for it is said 
 to have been a maxim of his, That he that knew not how to 
 dissemble, knew not how to reign. Theory which he constant- 
 ly practised. For whenever he found himself any way gra- 
 velled by his incapacity for his office, (which, God knows, 
 was often enough), he always had recourse to some base 
 trick or other for extricating himself. When detected in a 
 correspondence with the Pope, for the purpose of renewing 
 the connection of these kingdoms with the see of Rome, 
 James pretended ignorance of the transaction, accounting 
 for it by asserting that Elphinstone his secretary had sur- 
 reptitiously procured his (the king’s) signature to the letter. 
 He even prevailed on that Sycophant to acknowledge the 
 fact, and submit to a trial for the treason. The issue of all 
 which was, that he was condemned and forfeited, but, after 
 a short imprisonment, was pardened, and ennobled. 
 Again, jealousy of the “ Bonny Earl of Moray” induced. 
 James to have him taken out of the way. “That enterprise 
 was committed to the Earl of Huntly; who executed it in 
 a very satisfactory manner, by burning Moray’s house of 
 Dunnibirsle, and butchering himself and some of his friends 
 in their attempt to escape. Huntly then stopped in Inver- 
 keithing, and dispatched one of his relations, Gardon of 
 Bucky, to James with an account of their sucgess: but to 
 save appearances, it was thought proper for him to pass to 
 the north country, as if to elude justice: and still the better 
 to blind the world, a relation of Huntly’s, one captain Gor- 
 don, being wounded in the scuffle, and so unable to escape, 
 was hanged next day. But all to no purpose. Every bo- 
 dy saw through the whole of it. -And so great was the pub- 
 lic discontent and clamour, that James thought prudent to 
 remove his court to Glasgow, till such time as the fer- 
 ment should subside; and directed Huntly to enter into con- 
 finement in Blackness Castle: whence he was liberated in a 
 few days on bail. Moray’s friends did every thing in their < 
 power to have Huntly brought to justice, and becoming at 
 length exasperated by such bare-faced collusion, they re- 
 solved to do what in those days was reckoned justice to 
 themselves; they made inroads into Huntly’s estates, burn- 
 ing and carrying off the moveables and slaying his vassals. 
 ‘He did not fail to retaliate. But the Earl of Angus went 
 north and quelled these disturbances. The Kirk excom- 
 
 ~ 
 
105 
 
 communicated Huntly for the murder at Dunnibirsle, but 
 no account ef the matter was ever exacted by the civil power. 
 And Huntly boasted that James durst not push him on that 
 affair, as he had his warrant, for what he did, in his pocket 
 securing him from punishment, which was certainly no way 
 improbable, if we consider, that in 1596 his majesty, to bar 
 accidents, gave him a formal pardon, and in 1598 created 
 him Marquis. 
 
 James’s hypocrisy, and mean dissimulation appear very 
 strikingly, in his religious professions; as he adhered 
 sometimes\to one opinion, sometimes to another; and these 
 of principles quite different. In the General Assembly of 
 the Kirk of Scotland held at Edinburgh, August 4th, 1590, 
 he rose, and, with bare head, uplifted hands, and eyes direct- 
 ed towards heaven, thanked God that “‘ He was born in 
 a time when the light of God’s word shone clearly forth, ec- 
 lipsed neither with the mists of ignorance nor the false lights 
 of superstition ;” and ‘ blessed God that he had honoured. 
 him to be the king over such a Kirk, the sincerest Kirk in the 
 world.” —* The service of our neighbouring Kirk of Eng- 
 land is but an ill said Mass ig English. They want nothing 
 of the Mass but the Liftings. I charge yeu, my good mi- 
 nisters, doctors, elders, and nobles, stand to your purity, 
 and exhort the people todothe same. And I, forsooth, so 
 long as life and crown be left me, shall maintain the same 
 against all deadly.” And on different accasions he used si- 
 milar language. . | 
 
 But in his advice to his son Henry, and on other occa- 
 sions after he ascended the English Throne, when he dared 
 avow his thoughts, he used very different, and very unbe- 
 coming language towards the Puritans. And in answer to 
 Bellarmine, (who, judging from his behaviour whilst only 
 King of Scotland) had charged him with being a Puritan, 
 he said, ** I wonder with what brazen face this Answerer 
 (Bellarmine) could say that I was a Puritan. I that, in 
 my book to my son, speak ten times more bitterly of them 
 than of Papists; having affixed to my second edition, a long 
 Apologetic Preface, in odium Puritanorum.” And no 
 sooner was he seated on the English Throne, than he takes 
 occasion to inform the people of that country, that his o- 
 pinion differed widely from what he once professed. For 
 on the first day of his first Parliament in England, in his 
 speech from the throne, he ras them that the sect of the 
 
106 
 
 Puritans was not to be suffered in any well-governed Com- 
 monwealth: and that the Church of Rome was our Mo- 
 ther Church, although defiled with some corruptions: that 
 he would be content to meet those of the Roman Church 
 mid-way: and wished from his heart, that it would please 
 God, to make him one of the Instruments of such a General 
 Union of Religion. 
 
 In confirmation of all this, in a few years he introduced 
 the doctrine and ceremonies of the English Church into 
 Scotland, after a violent struggle, in which numbers of his 
 subjects were ruined and forced into exile. But there is 
 good ground for pe aa Lae this was only a preparatory 
 step to the introduction of the Romish Religion, as we know, 
 that he once and again made advances to the Pope for that 
 purpose: once through the medium of Secretary Elphinston, 
 when he offered to become Catholic, and desired His Holi- 
 ness to create some Scotchman a Cardinal, that business 
 might be transacted betwixt them with the greater facility: 
 again, by Lord Ogilby, making a similar application*. 
 
 Occasionally too, he shifted from Calvinism to Armini- 
 anism, On one of these occasions, he declared Arminius 
 ‘a seditious and heretical preacher,—and an enemy to 
 God ;” and even prevailed on the States General to perse- 
 cute the Arminians. Yet he afterwards tells the States, that 
 it did not appear to him (James) that Arminius’s arguments 
 were inconsistent with the Christian faith. And in 1622, 
 the Bishops of England were required to see that no preacher 
 do henceforth presume to preach of predestination, election, 
 reprobation, and like Calvinistical doctrines. And several 
 professed Arminians, as Laud, Cobet, and Howson, were 
 made bishops by him. 
 
 Cruelty and revenge formed another very prominent fea- 
 ture in James’s character. Many shocking instances of 
 which are handed down to us: one or two of which will be 
 sufficient for specimens. 
 
 In 1598, an Englishman, of the name of Valentine 
 Thomas, had traduced James’s character, by alleging that 
 he designed to destroy Queen Elizabeth. As Thomas 
 was not then his subject, James was under the necessity of 
 bearing the afront unrevenged, till he should become King 
 of England. But a month did not elapse after that event 
 before he had the man hanged. 
 
 * Winwood’s State Papers. 
 
107 
 
 Some years after James ascended the English Throne, 
 the people of that nation complained much*, of their coun- 
 try being over-run with James’s followers; who were often 
 appointed to offices, for the discharge of the duties of which 
 they were incapable, and of whose emoluments they were 
 unworthy. In 1618, a Mr Thomas Ross wrote and affixed 
 to the door of St Mary’s, Oxford, a paper reflecting on the 
 Scotch, (although himself a Scotchman) asserting, that they 
 should all be sent from court, except the King, his children, 
 and a few others. For this, Ross was indicted. He owned 
 the fact; but alleged, that he did it in a frolic, for which 
 he was sorry; and, agreeable to a practice of these times, 
 put himself in the King’s will. James, by a special warrant, 
 caused first his hand and then his head to be struck off, and 
 the one to be fixed on the Netherbow and the other on the 
 West-port of Edinburgh. 
 
 One of the town-officers of Edinburgh having poinded 
 (distrained in English law) some furniture, carried it, agree~ 
 able to law, to the cross to be apprised. The gallows stood 
 at the cross, and being in these days much used, was never 
 taken down. Among the poinded goods, were two pictures, 
 one of James, the other of Queen Ann. The officer, whilst 
 going on with the business, happened, for conveniency, to 
 hang these on nails which were in the uprights of the gal- 
 lows. James got notice of this indignity done to the Lord’s 
 Anointed, on which he caused the officer be hanged. 
 
 James gave another strong instance of inhumanity in 
 his treatment of William Earl of Gowry. The Earl had 
 been pardoned for the share he had in the Raid of Ruthven. 
 But James afterwards ordered him into exile in a summary 
 manner; and upon Gowry’s hesitating to obey, he was seized 
 and tried as a traitor, in such a manner, as set all decency 
 at defiance. Mr John Graham, a most unconscionable vil- 
 lain, acted as Justice-General. James Edmonstone of Dun- 
 treath was one of his assessors, a wretch, who afterwards 
 swore away the lives of two gentlemen, his acquaintances : 
 and Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar was another, to whom 
 the Karl objected on account of his relation to some of his 
 
 5 O 2 
 
 * No fewer than four Acts of Parliament were passed in the reign of James 
 VI. for punishing those who “ slandered the King” and “ his progenitors,” 
 with “ death and confiscation.” Hutchinson’s Justice, book ii. chap. i. No 
 
 bad indication of the estimation in which his ‘ Majesty’s sanctified person’’ 
 (See Dedication to the Bible) and government was held by his loving subjects. 
 
108 
 
 enemies: but that objection was repelled, and thereby 4 
 majority of the bench secured, in favour of government. 
 No less attention was paid to have a Jury packed. Arran 
 himself made one, and is said to have promised his colleagues 
 a share of the prey, on their assisting to ran down Gowry*. 
 Accordingly his pardon was reversed, and he was found 
 guilty of treason. He wrote to the King, craving a respite, 
 and declaring that he had no intention of injuring his Ma- 
 jesty, either in person or government, but only wished to 
 secure his own affairs from ruin. The only answer he re- 
 ceived was to be carried out to the street of Stirling that 
 same afternoon ih which he was tried, May 2, 1584, and 
 there beheaded: _ James was then only eighteen years of age, 
 a timé of life, when the generous feelings are supposed to 
 have most influence on the actions. 
 
 In 1584, David Home of Argathy, and Patrick his bro- 
 ther, were condemned and hanged for a similar offence, viz. 
 corresponding with the banished Lords. Spottiswood says, 
 that only one or two letters were exchanged with the Com- 
 mendator of Dryburgh, then in Ireland, relative to some 
 private accounts, unsettled at the time of the commendator’s 
 leaving the country. But that proved sufficient. 
 
 The tragical deaths of two respectable gentlemen, Messrs. 
 John Cunningham of Drumquhasil, and Malcolm Douglas 
 of Mains; in which James’s cunning makes a conspicuous 
 figure, being only equalled by his cruelty; is one of the most 
 hellish transactions we have on record. 
 
 These two gentlemen were very obnoxious to the King 
 and his minions, because of their oppositien to the oppres- 
 sions and cruelties exercised by the then government. As 
 it was found impracticable to bias their resolute and inde- 
 pendent minds, it became necessary to get rid of them one 
 way or other, especially as they were gentlemen of some 
 consideration. ‘T’o effectuate that, the following method 
 was adopted. One Robert Hamilton of Inchmahan was 
 pitched on to accuse them of having conspired to intercept 
 the King whilst hunting, and either kill him presently, or 
 carry him to the Merse, or some one of the Western Islands, 
 and detain him in some strong-hold there, till those noble- 
 
 * The Master of Oliphant was another, between whom and Lord Ruthven, 
 a quarrel had taken place a year before, in which some blood was shed. Both 
 Parties were charged to appear before the King and Council. It does net ap- 
 pear that matters were made up betwixt them at Gowry’s death. 
 
109 
 
 ynen in exile for the Raid of Ruthven might come home and 
 receive hith. A James Edmonstone of Duntreath was like- 
 wise prevailed on to take a share of the guilt, and confess 
 that he had received letters from Angus and the other re- 
 fugees, instigating him to take a principal concern in the 
 plot: and that he engaged Douglas and Cunningham in the 
 enterprize. This declaration he made in a judicial manner, 
 stating the times and ke of their meetings, upon privately 
 receiving promise 0 pardon. ‘The other two denied al} 
 knowledge of any such transaction; Mains in particular 
 made a very able defence, dwelling particularly upon the 
 improbability that any but madmen would make sich an 
 attempt, without some other means than they possessed : in- 
 somuch that Spottiswood says, all present were satisfied of 
 the falsity of the accusation. But it was all to no purpose. 
 All the three were condemned, and Mains and Drumquhasil 
 hanged next day, Feb. 10, 1584, on the street of Edinburgh. 
 Duntreath was pardoned. A favour which he deserved but 
 ill, for when Arran’s party lost the power, next year, he 
 owned that, as far as he knew, there was no foundation for 
 any thing that he had sworn against the two gentlemen; but | 
 that the whole was a fabrication given him by the King’s 
 servants, and to which he swore to please His Majesty. 
 
 The least of these instances is more than sufficient to e- 
 stablish the treacherous disposition of James. Many more 
 might be adduced, among which, his treatment of Sir Wal- 
 ter Raleigh is not the least remarkable: but we forbear to 
 enlarge farther on this point. 
 
 Another remarkable trait in James’s character, and one 
 which occasioned himself and his subjects much trouble in 
 his lifetime, and which cost his son his life, and at last 
 brought the house of Stewart to ruin, was his high notions 
 of regal power, and extravagant respect for the office. In 
 ‘his etic to Prince Henry, he says, “ Kings are account- 
 able to God only.” And in another performance, The Trew 
 Law of Monarchy, he informs us, that “the King is above 
 the law, and he is not bound thereto but of his good-will, 
 and for good example giving to his subjects.” We have 
 already en that James did not fail to put this doctrine 
 into practice. 
 
 _ Biographers have assured us, and late discoveries have 
 demonstrated the truth of it, that his private character was 
 even disgraceful to human nature, but as that is a point 
 
110 
 
 which is rather foreign to our purpose, we forbear to say. 
 more on that subject, than merely to observe, that if true 
 it shews, that religion could have no restraint on his con- 
 duct, And inieay any further detail of the abhorrent traits 
 of James’s character would be superfluous: as every candid 
 mind will admit, that the foregoing sufficiently indicate him 
 to have been capable of the grossest enormities. The man 
 who is destitute of religion, probity, and humanity, wants 
 only personal courage to fit him for an assassin. James 
 was to be sure deficient in that, but “‘ money answereth all 
 things:” and we find that he kept about him needy despe- 
 radoes, ready to engage in any, even the most hellish en- 
 terprize, for hire. 
 
 as y 
 
 We are now, in the fifth and last place, to endeavour 
 to discover, which of the four theories that have been pro- 
 posed, for solving this difficulty, is the most probable. 
 
 The first to be taken notice of may be said to be Prin- 
 cipal Robertson’s. ; 
 
 It supposes a plot concerted betwixt Queen Elizabeth of 
 England, and the Earl of Gowry, for seizing King James’s 
 person, and delivering him up to her, that he might be 
 wholly under her controul; and that Gowry invited the 
 King to his house at Perth on the fifth of August, 1600, for 
 this purpose. 
 
 In support of this, we are told that, during the Earl’s 
 residence in Paris, on his way home from Italy, he had 
 contracted an intimacy with Sir Henry Neville, Queen E- 
 lizabeth’s ambassador at that court. And that, on his return 
 to England, she herself paid him great respect. ‘* She” 
 continues the same author “ had formerly kept him»(King 
 James) in dependence, sometimes by soothing himself with 
 promises, sometimes by bribing his ministers or favourites, 
 sometimes by encouraging and assisting the clergy in their 
 seditious practices, or the turbulent barons in their ambi- 
 tious and factious schemes; but of late, James had inclined 
 to court the good will of the Catholic Princes on the conti- 
 nent, and had entered into secret negotiations with some of 
 Elizabeth’s English subjects, for the purpose of more cer- 
 tainly poor his succession to her throne, at her death. 
 
 To guard herself against the ill effects of these intrigues, 
 
111 
 
 she became desirous of having possession of James’s person. 
 And for this purpose, entered into a combination with Gow- 
 ry, on his return home. He, we are told, was the fittest 
 of all the Scotch nobles for this purpose, being opulent, 
 powerful, and popular; and descended of ancestors attached 
 to the English interest. We are further informed that, a- 
 bout the same time, a strange vessel was observed hovering 
 off the mouth of the Forth, it is presumed, for the purpose 
 of receiving James on board, whenever Gowry could appre- 
 hend him. 
 
 But this hypothesis is combated by very powerful objec- 
 tions. Gowry’s opulence, power, or popularity could little 
 avail him in the present instance; as it was proved, as fully 
 as a negative proposition can be proved, that, excepting his 
 brother, he had not a single accomplice. Neither are we 
 told who the person was who saw the cruizer. Besides 
 these, Perth is fifteen miles farther off, in a straight line 
 from the mouth of the Forth, than Falkland. Gowry’s 
 house stood in a populous town, which at that time, was 
 surrounded by a high wall with gates: and supposing that 
 James had by some means been carried prisoner without 
 the walls of Perth, with the view of being put aboard a vessel 
 in the Forth, there must<..ave been in waiting, either a 
 sufficient escort of horsemen, to hurry him to the coast 
 merely by speed, or an army of several thousand armed men, 
 who were able to resist the country, through which he had 
 to pass, (a district at that time by far the most populous of 
 any in Scotland), and the distance not less than forty miles, 
 But notwithstanding that every endeavour was made to 
 procure all possible information of this nature, not a single 
 person, either on foot or horseback, was ever heard of ag 
 being allotted to this purpose. : 
 
 Indeed, had Gowry designed to ship James aboard a 
 vessel, in the mouth of the Forth, a much easier way would 
 have been to have seized him in Falkland wood, as he hunt- 
 ed with a few attendants. He would then have had fifteen, 
 miles less flight, consequently a proportionably less danger 
 of rescue; and the risque of being entrapped, together with 
 his prisoner, within a walled town, would have been alto- 
 gether avoided. 
 
 These are arguments against the feasability of the Earl’s 
 taking this method of seizing the Royal Person, There are 
 
112 
 
 others, and these very powerful ones, against the probabilit¥ 
 of Elizabeth taking any share in it. 
 
 Want of discernment formed no part of the character of 
 Elziabeth, or her ministers. ‘The most profound policy al- 
 ways directed their councils. But her detaining the Scot- 
 tish King a prisoner, must have formed an exception to this 
 rule. Scotland was by much the weaker kingdom of the two. 
 James, although at large, was therefore unable to seize her 
 kingdom by force. He was always extremely cautious of 
 giving her offence, even suffering her to murder his mother, 
 without doing more than expressing his resentment in words. 
 As to his connecting himself with the continental powers; 
 his principal object in that, was of a piece with the rest of 
 his conduct. He did it with the design of facilitating his 
 succession to the throne of England, whenever it should be- 
 come vacant. If, however, she had procured him to be 
 seized, and had detained him prisoner, circumstances would 
 have been much altered. By bribery she might have secur- 
 ed the consent of a few of his subjects, but the far greater 
 part would have become her enemies; and perhaps might 
 have taken some desperate course to rescue their king. 
 James himself, spiritless as he confessedly was, would cers 
 tainly have considered this, both an injury and an indigni- 
 ty. As he was neither her open enemy, nor her subject, 
 he would have been justifiable in taking every step to procure 
 his liberty, even although at the expense of her life, She 
 lately had experienced, too, how impossible it is to prevent 
 plots and conspiracies in favour of a dethroned Sovereign, 
 as for a number of years, she had led a life of anxiety and 
 inquietude, on account of the attempts in favour of James’s 
 mother, whilst in prison, notwithstanding all the vigilance 
 of Mary’s keepers, and the precaution of Elizabeth’s minis- 
 ters. But above all, what could have been the intention of 
 the English ministers, in thus irritating James, at a time 
 when he was shortly to become their master. They were 
 men of first rate abilities, and of unbounded.ambition. 
 Elizabeth was now in her sixty eighth year. Bodily infir- 
 mities, added to mental disquietude, were fast undermining 
 her constitution. Supposing they had advised her to con- 
 fine James, a year or two would set him at liberty, and then, 
 they might well expect, that, like an enraged wild beast, 
 when unchained, he would tear those in pieces, who had 
 kept him under restraint. But they were too cautious to run 
 
115 
 
 such risques. In fact, we now know, that long before this, 
 they were endeavouring to gain his good will. Although 
 they despised the man, they prudently wished to be on good 
 terms with the king. Cecil, without whose knowledge Eli- 
 zabeth engaged in no momentous enterprise, entered into 
 a correspondence with James towards the end of her reign. 
 Like a true courtier resolving that whoever should be sove- 
 reign, he would be minister. Sir Walter Raleigh, indeed, 
 when he saw the Queen drawing towards her end, proposed, 
 that whoever should succeed to her throne, should be laid un- 
 der some restraint, not unlike the Claim of Rights at the 
 Revolution. But Cecil objected to this, well aware how 
 disagreeable such a law would be to James; and Raleigh 
 reaped the fruits of his Patriotism, when James mounted 
 the throne of England. 
 
 No letters, nor written documents of any kind have ever 
 been heard of, hinting even in the most distant manner at 
 any such conspiracy as this, although the Public Reposito- 
 ries of England have been again and again explored by men 
 ofallopinions. And, although the great men about James’s 
 court were continually worrying one another with the view 
 of gaining his favour, yet none of them were ever known 
 to accuse another, of having a concern in any such matter. 
 
 These considerations render it extremely improbable, 
 that there was any such plot in existence, or contemplation, » 
 as the seizure of King James, and the conveying him to 
 London, 
 
 The next system which we are to discuss was published 
 some few years ago by Mr Pinkerton in an appendix to the 
 first volume of Laing’s History of Scotland, 1st Edit. 
 
 According to this, the Earl of Gowry was entirely inno- 
 cent and ignorant of every kind of conspiracy against his 
 sovereign. But James’s Queen, Ann of Denmark, having 
 an intrigue with Alexander Ruthven, and detesting her 
 husband’s person, the two lovers entered into a conspiracy 
 against the king, and Alexander engaged either to murder 
 or imprison him. But owing to the agitation of mind oc- 
 casioned by having so momentous a concern on hand, he 
 became insane at the critical period, mismanaged the busi- 
 ness, and lost his life in the attempt. The Earl coming te 
 
 P 
 
iid 
 enquire into the nature of the bustle, was considered by | 
 James and his adherents, as an accomplice, or rather as 
 principal in the treason, and punished accordingly. 
 
 In support of this, we are told that James’s person was 
 ugly, his constitution feeble, his address aukward, his mind 
 weak and timid, and his attachment to worthless favourites 
 disgraceful: in short every way a disagreeable mortal. On 
 the other hand, that Ann was of a lusty amorous constitution, 
 and a forward intriguing disposition, seldom inclined torender 
 that submission, even in public affairs, which James consi-- 
 dered as due to a husband, and that husband the Lord’s. 
 anointed. ‘Thus circumstanced, it is natural to suppose, 
 that not merely an indifference, but a disagreement would 
 exist between them, and, in faet, that was the case. James, 
 if we may credit some of his biographers, did not even con- — 
 fine his wandering inclinations to the sex} but we are assur- 
 ed that Ann, more naturally, placed her’affections on the 
 handsomest men about court. Peyton, an English writer, 
 says, that “ besides Gowry’s brother, she had a great num- 
 ber of gallants, both in Scotland and England.” One of 
 the former, “the Bonny Earl of Moray” was assassinated 
 on this account, at the instigation of James, some years be~ 
 fore this. Neville, who had lately returned from his em- 
 bassy at Paris, writes to Winwood who succeeded him, 
 ‘*‘ Many are of opinion, that the discovery of some affection 
 between her” (i. e. Ann) “ and the Earl of Gowry’s brother, 
 who -was killed with him, was the truest cause and motive 
 of all that tragedy.” This letter is dated London, Nov. 
 15, 1600. 
 
 An anecdote transmitted from father to son, for these 
 two hundred years bygone, bearing little internal probabi- 
 lity, and originating from unknown authority, is quoted by 
 some writers of great discernment, as evidence of this in- 
 trigue. 
 
 The King, it is said, notwithstanding his indifference to- 
 wards the Queen, presented her with no less than a piece 
 of Ribbon. Ann transferred the royal gift to her gallant, 
 Alexander Ruthven, who wore it about his neck. Hap- 
 pening to fall asleep, in the garden at Falkland, one warm ~ 
 day, James passing by, observed the ribbon under Alexan- 
 der’s neckloth. Stung with jealousy “ he made quick haste 
 to the palace,” which indeed was at no great distance, as 
 it serves for part of the garden wall. As good fortune. 
 
115 
 
 would have it, one of the Queen’s ladies happened to be 
 near, and saw the king look at Alexander. Witchcraft 
 was then prevalent. She knew James’s thoughts, and in- 
 .tentions; and loosing the ribbon from under Alexander’s 
 cravat, with the celerity of a hag, and the delicacy of a 
 maid of honour, she instantly presented herself, with the 
 ribbon, before the Queen, whom chance, still favourable, 
 had placed at her toilette, and desired Her Majesty to put 
 the ribboninadrawer. Scarcely had she disappeared, when 
 James entered, and requested of the Queen, a sight of the 
 redoubtable ribbon, Ann took it from the drawer, and gave 
 it him; who, after satisfying himself of its identity with the 
 one he had lately given her, returned it, and left the room 
 muttering, “ De'il tak me but like is an ill mark.” 
 
 Another circumstance is related, in confirmation of the 
 criminality of Ann and Alexander. On the death of the 
 two brothers at Perth, the remaining brothers and sisters 
 left the country, or lived in obscurity. A year or two af- 
 terwards, the Queen ventured to admit one ef them, Bea- 
 trix, afterwards married to Sir John Home, into the pa- 
 lace, without James’s knowledge, where she had some conver- 
 sation with Her Majesty, and as Beatrix and another of her 
 sisters, had been two of the Ladies attendants, before the 
 affair of the fifth of August, ’tis very probable, that she 
 supplied them with some necessaries, which in the destitute 
 and interdicted state of the family, all of them, certainly, 
 were much in want of. Thus it sometimes happens, that 
 even the best of our actions, are misrepresented, and when 
 a turn is to be served, held up, as proceeding from the 
 basest of motives. Even on the supposition, that the two el- 
 der brothers were as guilty as the king represented them, 
 the two younger brothers, and the sisters, never were charg- 
 ed with having any way engaged in the attempt. There- 
 fore however susceptible of love Ann may have been, cer- 
 tainly excess of compassion would have formed no part of 
 her character, had she not endeavoured to rescue from beg- 
 gary, unfortunate but innocent servants. 
 
 In taking notice of these testimonies, in favour of the 
 reality of an amorous intrigue, between James’s Queen, and 
 Alexander Ruthven, it is not meant to deny, that any such 
 existed. But we will say, that nothing we have heard ad- 
 duced in its support, can impart the smallest conviction, to 
 even the most credulous mind, that it did exist. ‘The mys- 
 
 Pp.2 
 
116 
 
 terious light, in which the death of the Ruthvens at Perth, 
 would be viewed in other places, where the Royal Account 
 
 was the only information to be had, would naturally give 
 
 rise to many conjectures, and no wonder, that among the ~ 
 rest, it should be affirmed, That, that catastrophe was oc- 
 casioned by a criminal intercourse between one of them, 
 and the Queen; in consequence of which, either the King’s 
 jealousy induced him to cut off his guilty rival, or this lat- 
 ter endeavoured to assassinate the King, that he might the 
 more freely enjoy the Queen. 
 
 As to the latter of these, namely, the supposition that 
 Alexander was the assassin, we may observe in the first 
 place, that if he meant to take away the King’s life, he e- 
 vidently did not mean to do it secretly, in carrying him to 
 Perth on the fifth of August. According to James’s own 
 account of the matter, Alexander led him to Gowry’s house, 
 accompanied by at least, twenty armed men. Now what 
 preposterous conduct was this! A much better opportunity 
 occurred in the morning, when James and he conversed 
 together at the gate or breach in the park wall at Falkland. — 
 His Majesty’s fellow sportsmen were then at some distance. 
 Or, what would have afforded a still better opportunity 
 whilst passing that extended, unfrequented defile, the Glen 
 of Abernethy. It is true indeed, that if Alexander had 
 killed the King at either of these places, he could have had 
 little prospect of escaping, either being secured alive, or in- 
 stantly put to death by the attendants: but he had if possi~ 
 ble, still less, if he perpetrated the deed in Perth; for be- 
 sides being within a walled town, the gates of which might 
 have been shut at a moment’s notice, the King’s attendants 
 were either in the house, or about it; several thousands of 
 his subjects were within a minute’s call; and a number of 
 the fleetest horses in Scotland stood ready saddled in the 
 stables. But, setting aside every other consideration, 
 Whither could such a regicide have fled? Where could 
 he have found shelter? As those who advance this hypothe- 
 sis allege, that Alexander’s reason for conspiring against 
 the King, was merely with the view of getting possession of 
 the Queen’s person upon his death, that step would have 
 been countenanced by no political party, foreign or domes- 
 tic. None of these would either assist ox protect such a cri- 
 minal. In short, in case of his having thus murdered his 
 sovereign, certain destruction must have stared him in the 
 
117 
 
 face, unless master of such an army, as could overawe all 
 the rest of Scotland, and very probably England. But not 
 a single man or weapon had he provided for the enterprize. 
 
 Nor is the probability greater that the Queen went a- 
 long with Alexander Ruthven in any such diabolical pur- 
 pose. For admitting that she lived on very indifferent 
 terms with her husband, and likewise that she was a wo- 
 man of moral principles so abandoned, as to share in an 
 transaction of this kind, still it would have been the depth 
 of infatuation, for her to have wished the king’s death; far 
 less to have been accessory to it. Whilst James was alive, 
 there was a chance, that she might retain her external dig- 
 nity and yet carry on a secret intrigue with a courtier. But 
 if her paramour should openly murder her husband at her 
 instigation, it was evident that she would not merely fall 
 from her elevated station, but would forfeit her life. The 
 whole nation, however disjointed otherwise, would join in 
 punishing the regicides. 
 
 Pinkerton finding it impossible to remove all the diffi- 
 culties which occur in establishing this system, supposes, 
 that the plot was well enough planned, but that Alexan- 
 der’s mind was incapable of supporting the whole of so 
 weighty an affair, and that he became distracted, in at- 
 tempting to execute it. ‘Thus cutting the knot when una- 
 ble to untie it. Yet it is the only way, in which his sup- 
 posed management of some parts of the business, can. be 
 accounted for. Such as, his bringing the King to be mur- 
 dered in another man’s house, without so much as acquaint- 
 ing the owner with his design, or asking his leave; his 
 uncommon hurry at Falkland, and on the road, compared. 
 with the loss of time after their arrival; his trusting the 
 King to Henderson’s keeping in the closet, whilst he (A- 
 lexander) went out, pretending to go to Gowry, for the 
 King’s doom, even after Henderson had manifested such 
 symptoms of fear, as was visible by the King’s account, and 
 of loyalty, as appears by his own; and Alexander’s proposing 
 to the King, to suffer his hands to ‘be tied, before his 
 throat should be cut, as a butcher would do with the limbs 
 of a calf. Every one of these, could only be the action of 
 @ madman. . 
 
 In confirmation of the probability of this system, Pin- 
 kerton further tells us, that the palace of Gowry was of 
 great extent, and:some parts of it uninhabited, and even 
 
118 
 
 rarely visited. Ifso, we have another instance of Alexan- 
 der’s insanity. For instead of enticing the King to one of 
 these solitary dungeons (numbers of which were indeed in 
 the ground floor of the house) and there finishing the tra- 
 gedy, as quietly as possible, he conducts him up to the 
 third floor, and into an apartment, the window of which 
 ‘overlooked the court and gate of this palace, always much 
 frequented, but especially at this time, when the King and 
 his servants were in the house.. The South street of Perth, 
 too, extended in a straight line, from within forty yards of 
 the windows of this closet, to the other end of the town. 
 The Parliament House, and many houses of the nobility 
 and dignified clergy, were within call, Yet a front win- 
 dow, in this populous neighbourhood, was the place cho- 
 sen for either murdering or seizing the King. 
 
 Pinkerton adds, that “ the gardens ofthe palace extend- 
 ed to the Tay, by which there was an easy access, to many 
 remote castles in the Highlands,—and that perhaps James 
 was to be conducted either by land or water, to some dis- 
 tant concealment, and there perpetually imprisoned, or 
 slain.” A stranger, who reads this, will now perceive at 
 once, how Alexander meant to dispose of James’s person. 
 After getting rid of the courtiers and servants, His Majes- 
 ty, at nightfall, would have been put aboard a barge, and 
 rowed up the river, and, by day break, landed perhaps at 
 Killin or Dalwhinie; for though the Earl had a castle at. 
 Trochrie, on the Bran, a branch of the ‘Tay, yet it would 
 have been obnoxious to suspicion. We say, a stranger to 
 the country, would collect this much from Pinkerton. But 
 when he is informed, that the Tay above Perth is not na- 
 vigable for larger vessels than ferry boats and salmon co- 
 bles, and that, there are only some parts of it, where these 
 can even pass from one bank to the other; but that no kind 
 of vessel can sail along the stream, as it is a succession of 
 zapids and cataracts, to the lakes whence its several branch- 
 es issue, he must conclude, that the gentleman when he 
 wrote the above passage, was either disingenuous or ill in- 
 formed ; and, at any rate, that that part of his system is ill 
 founded. ‘The idea of carrying off James by land is possi- 
 ble, but far from being probable. Gowry’s house in Perth 
 was by no means a fit place in which to seize the King. 
 ft was situated in a large town, the inhabitants of which 
 might be expected to assist in a rescue; and though the 
 
119 
 
 ati extended to the Tay, there was a considerable vil- 
 age on the opposite bank, and the surrounding country 
 was populous. The family seat, Ruthven Castle, a more 
 extensive building, two miles distant, or Trochrie Castle 
 in the Highlands were places much better adapted for en- 
 trapping him. ‘The neighbours, all of whom lived at some 
 distance, were Gowry’s tenants, and neither he, nor his 
 guests were in the way, or none of the family resided in ei- 
 ther house at the time. These were places to which Alex- 
 ander certainly would have decoyed the King, preferably to 
 Perth; and if he could not have been concealed in any of 
 them, the recess to any “ remote castle in the Highlands” 
 was more open from any of them, than from Perth. 
 
 Pinkerton accounts for the EKarl’s death by supposing, 
 that seeing his brother slain, but ignorant of the nature of 
 the rencontre in which he fell, he endeavoured to avenge 
 his supposed murder, on those who killed him. This in 
 the heat of the moment, made them conclude, that he was 
 an accomplice in the plot, and consign him to the same 
 fate with Alexander. 
 
 Some such shift as this, is certainly needed to complete 
 this system, which supposes the guilt entirely confined to 
 Alexander; but, unluckily, it is flatly contradicted by the 
 evidence of the crown witnesses themselves. They depone, 
 that they massacred the Earl, whilst conversing with them, 
 after they had put himoff his guard, by astonishing him, 
 with the information of the King’s death. | 
 
 The other alternative of this system, namely, the sup- 
 position that jealousy of Alexander induced James to mur~ 
 der him, is unsupported by every kind of evidence, unless 
 some vague reports may be considered as such. But al- 
 though it were established in the most satisfactory manner, 
 still it does not account for the Earl’s death and forfeiture, 
 nor for the proscription of the rest of the family. And if 
 that is not done, it must be granted, that James and his 
 servants murdered the Earl, and ruined his family without 
 any provocation. 
 
 The third system originated with King James and his 
 friends; by it the Earl of Gowry, and his brother Alexan- 
 der are supposed to have brought His Majesty to Perth, 
 merely for the purpose of murdering him. 
 
120 | 
 
 In support of this theory, we, to be sure, have the tes 
 timony of James and his courtiers; but that is the whole of 
 the evidence. It is corroborated by no other cireumstance. 
 Indeed most, if not all of these relating to this affair, which 
 have been handed down to us, lead to a very different con- 
 clusion. 
 
 The first inquiry that here presents itself is, What 
 could be their motive for this? We may rest assured, that 
 
 had they been known before that day, to harbour any re- ~ 
 
 sentment towards James, it would have been brought for- 
 ward in evidence against them. But nothing of this kind 
 was ever attempted, even by their most inveterate enemies. 
 Indeed by a passage of Calderwood’s M. S. history, it ap- 
 pears, that the Earl had opposed the imposition of some 
 ‘Tax which had been proposed in the convention. He is 
 likewise known to have patronised the Presbyterian Party 
 
 in the Church. But though in these particulars he might 
 
 cross James’s inclination that is no evidence that he would 
 bereave him of his life. We perhaps will be told, that se- 
 veral years before, Karl William, John’s father, on a similar 
 pretext, entered into a confederacy with some other noble- 
 men, and seizing James’s person, kept him prisoner for a 
 considerable time, and under the sanction of his name, ma- 
 naged the affairs of the state according to their own liking. 
 But that was a very different case. James was then a mi- 
 nor, and had suffered himself to be entirely directed, by 
 two persons of very dissolute characters, and the restraint 
 put upon him was the deed, not of Gowry, but of a consi- 
 derable number of the principal nobility. But on the pre- 
 sent occasion, James was in the prime of life. His court 
 ~ was composed of the chief noblemen of his kingdom. And 
 on the other hand, it never could be discovered, that Earl 
 John had a single accomplice of any description, unless his 
 brother was one. Nothing, in short, seems to have been 
 farther, from their thoughts, than the offering any injury 
 to his person. So far from that, that James and John seem 
 to have béen living on the most friendly terms; for we are 
 
 informed that the king wrote to the Earl, a few days be- . 
 
 fore his death, inviting him to spend some time at Falk- 
 land, at the diversion of Buck-hunting, as appeared by the 
 card found in his pocket, when he was slain. 
 
 It has been said too, that Gowry had some pretensions 
 
 to the crown, failing James. But this report can merit lit- 
 
 i 
 a ae 
 ut we 4 - 
 
 ~ 
 
121 
 tle attention. James had several children; and many of 
 the nobility could trace a nearer relation to the Royal Fas 
 mily than the House of Ruthven: The duke for instance 
 was second cousin to the king. 
 
 But supposing that the Earl and his brother had had 
 sufficient inducement to endeavour to destroy King James: 
 there still are obstacles to this system apparently insupera- 
 ble. The time when, the place where, and the manner in 
 which the attempt was said to have been made, were every 
 one, the very worst that could have been fixed on for the 
 
 purpose. 
 
 _ ‘The time was particularly ill chosen with regard to as- 
 sistance; for one of the Ear!’s servants was sick in bed, a= 
 nother, as we shall afterwards hear, was twenty miles dis- 
 tant, and the remaining number was so small, that he was 
 under the necessity of causing his factor serve at table. On 
 the other hand, there was, that day, a concourse of the 
 Murrays of the Gospetrie and Tullibardine families, in 
 Perth, at the marriage of one of the Clan. These were 
 known to be staunch Loyalists, and it appeared from the 
 event, that on this occasion, they did not desert their prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 Nothing is more improbable, than to suppose, that Gowry 
 would pitch on that time, to make such an attempt. 
 
 The place chosen was no less exceptionable. A front 
 apartment, on the third floor, in the most frequented house 
 in Perth, overlooking the court and gate-way, in full view, 
 from one end to the other, of the then principal street, of 
 the second town in the kingdom, and that town inclosed by 
 a wall and wet ditch, was more like to be the scene chosen . 
 for publicly executing some first rate criminal, than for pri- 
 vately making away with the Sovereign of the country. «In- | 
 deed the very circumstance of the house being possessed by 
 Gowry is, of itself, sufficient to satisfy every one, that he 
 was not the aggressor. A hundred persons saw the King 
 enter the house. The last time he was seen, was passing 
 from one part of it to another, in company with the Earl’s 
 brother. Had His Majesty been amissing; what account 
 could the Karl have given? ‘The puerile contrivance of send- 
 ing away the King’s attendants in a hurry to Falkland, in 
 the belief that he was off before them, could only be a tem- 
 porary shift. On their arrival there they must have missed 
 him: their suspicions would then have been awakened: and 
 
 Q 
 
122 
 
 before midniglit they would have returned to Perth with a 
 force sufficient to overpower the conspirators. How was 
 Gowry to extricate himself from this dilemma? It would 
 have been much easier to have avoided it. If his brother 
 with one servant was to accomplish the purpose, a thousand 
 better opportunities could have been got. Even that same 
 morning whilst conversing with James at Falkland, there 
 was.a possibility that he might have been dispatched unob- 
 served. And if it was necessary to decoy him to one of 
 Gowry’s houses, there to assassinate him; of all these, the 
 one in Perth was most unsuitable. The Earl’s castle of 
 ‘Trochrie in Strathbraan was a far more eligible place. ‘The 
 distance is only fifteen miles more than Perth, yet the situ- 
 ation is considerably secluded, the environs being heaths, 
 mountains, rivers, lakes, and copses. He might have been 
 invited to spend some time there at grouse-shooting; by 
 which means there would have been no occasion for the 
 foolish story of the man and pot of gold. z 
 
 Nor was the agent fixed on to perpetrate the deed more 
 happily chosen. A far more feasible method of dispatching 
 the King might have been devised, than by having a person 
 involuntary to cut his throat. Gowry had a numerous vas- 
 salage, extending through several counties; and there is 
 not a doubt, but that the two brothers clearly saw, (sup- 
 posing the King’s system the real one) that their very lives 
 and fortunes entirely depended upon the assassins promptl 
 destroying their victim, the instant any one of them should 
 give the order to do so. It is very strange then, that they 
 should, in these circumstances, employ so chicken-hearted 
 a fellow as Henderson was to murder the King. A fellow 
 whose blood froze at the sight of the naked dagger, as ap- 
 peared from his quaking and trembling: and whose fidelity 
 could be so little depended on, that in place of sheathing 
 the weapon in James’s bosom, he wrenched it from Alexan- 
 der’s hand, when aiming a blow at the Royal Person; and 
 who declared, that he would die, rather than any harm 
 should come to His Majesty. : 
 
 {t is surprising that, though the Earl had such a number 
 of triends and vassals, from amongst whom, he might have 
 drawn as many as could have overpowered the Royal Party; 
 though he was rich, and so had it in his power to hire des- 
 peradoes for such a purpose; and though there were in the 
 kingdom, many persons disaffected to James, whom he ° 
 
123 
 
 might have engaged in the attempt; yet not a single indi- 
 vidual (always excepting Henderson) was ever heard of, as 
 being provided for the enterprise. Indeed, there were only 
 three persons in the house, besides the menial servants, and 
 these were neighbouring gentlemen, who happened to dine 
 that day with the Earl: and the whole visitors and domes- 
 tics did not equal in number those whom James brought 
 with him from Falkland. In the manifesto, ’tis true, we 
 are told that Gowry met the King, some short way out of 
 town, attended by three or four score men. But as this is 
 unsupported by any evidence, it must rest entirely on the 
 Royal word. It is, however, by no means improbable, 
 that in such a town, sixty or eighty might have the curiosity 
 to go a quarter of a mile, for the purpose of seeing their 
 King. We verily believe, that were His Majesty to visit 
 Perth at this time, three or four thousand would accompany 
 their chief magistrate, that length of way, to welcome their 
 Sovereign. But if any of these were accomplices to the 
 Karl in a plot against the King, why were they not brought 
 forward in evidence against the Principal, ‘The direct evi- 
 dence of half-a-dozen of these, would haye superseded the 
 necessity of torturing poor Rynd, or of countenancing such 
 inefficient perjuries as those of Henderson, Hay, and Mon- 
 crieft*. | | | 
 But not only were the Earl’s attendants few in number, 
 but these few were by no means equipped for such an under- 
 2 
 
 * However, as the story was very lame in this particular, Parson Coupar 
 endeavoured to make it more plausible, by posting from Stirling, across the 
 country to Falkland, and relating an anecdote of Gowry. Coupar told, that 
 having occasion, some days before, to wait on the Earl in his house, he found 
 him reading a book entitled, “‘ De Conjurationibus Adversus Principes ;” and on 
 being acquainted with the nature of the book, he remonstrated with the Earl 
 . for perusing any such writing as tending to mislead him. . 
 
 In every respect this has the air of a falsehood. 
 
 In the first place, it is very improbable that Coupar, impertinent as we 
 shall suppose him to have been, seeing he was so much inferior to Gowry in 
 every branch of erudition, would presume to dictate to him, what books he 
 should or should not read, excepting perhaps irreligious ones. 
 
 Secondly, If, as Coupar says, Gowry found fault with the contrivance of 
 all the plots in that collection, because the conspirators imparted their designs 
 to some other person, he certainly would have taken better care than to have 
 communicated this much of his to Coupar. 
 
 Thirdly, Coupar might’ with equal propriety have dissuaded Gowry from 
 
 _ perusing the Bible on account of the immoralities recorded there ; or impeach- 
 ed him for having read the very great number of treasonable and seditious 
 histories which it contains. 
 
 And lastly, We know of no Book bearing this Title, which then existed, 
 
124 
 
 taking. At the beginning of the fray not one of them was 
 armed, we shall also except Henderson. Several of the 
 witnesses depone, That certain of Gowry’s servants armed, 
 accompanied him when he entered his house to learn the 
 nature of the squabble; but none are particularized except 
 Thomas Cranston. The Earl, when he went in, is said to 
 have had a sword in each hand and a helmet on. It seems 
 to have been fashionable for gentlemen to carry their swords 
 with them, on every occasion, in that age; as we find the 
 courtiers, notwithstanding of all their hurry to: accompan 
 the King to Perth, waiting till their swords were nef 
 This will account for his having his sword at this time. But 
 it was only when occasion required, that knapschaws or 
 helmets were wore; consequently, he had to provide him- 
 self with one after the fracas arose. And here we observe 
 two parts of the story, to unite which in a satisfactory man- 
 ner, requires more ingenuity than we possess. 
 
 Henderson depones, That after his return from Falk- 
 land, he had gone home, and put on his coat of mail and 
 helmet, by the direction of his master, Gowry, who pre- 
 tended, that his assistance would be necessary in apprehend- 
 ing a delinquent, of the name of Maconilduy. Again the 
 Earl, before he could with safety enter his own house, to 
 learn the nature of the disturbance, found it necessary to 
 arm himself: and as he could not come at his own helmet, 
 he went to Henderson’s house, and borrowed his. Now it 
 is unaccountable how he could think of looking for it there; 
 since, if we are to believe Henderson, he (Henderson) had, 
 at Gowry’s request, put on his armour only a short time be- 
 fore, and when they went out to welcome the King, Gowry 
 must have seen him actually armed cap-a-pie, and that, 
 partly with this identical helmet; and hkewise must have 
 known, that he had no opportunity of going home with it, 
 having ever since that time, been busily employed, in one 
 shape or other, in Gowry’s house. ‘Then how could he ex- 
 pect to find it any where, but in his own house? ‘To this 
 question it will perhaps be answered, that whatever induce- 
 ment he had to seek for the helmet in Henderson’s house, 
 he was justified by the result, for he found it there, and 
 brought it thence, Henderson having sent it home again. 
 But what reason does Henderson give for this strange con- 
 duct? Wherefore, after having in the first place, obeyed 
 his master’s orders, in putting it on, does he now act so di- 
 
125 
 
 rectly contrary?» Why, he tells us, he just did, what many 
 a better man has done. He fell into a mistake, by suppos- 
 ing, when he saw the Earl pass to the Inch to meet the 
 King, that the caption of Maconilduy was delayed to ano- 
 ther time, and of course that he would have no immediate 
 occasion for his armour. | 
 Now, according to his own deposition, three hours had 
 not yet elapsed, ‘since he himself had told Gowry, that he 
 might expect a visit from the King, in a few hours after- 
 wards. At this instant Gowry ordered him, to join, and 
 meet the King on his way to town. Henderson himself 
 likewise now saw the royal cavalcade descending the hill, at 
 less than a mile’s distance. ‘The exact time was now come, 
 in which, according to his own information, it behooved the 
 King to arrive: yet when the Earl rose from table, and 
 went out, Henderson pretends, that it never struck him, 
 that it was to welcome the King, but only to apprehend the 
 culprit. He therefore sends for his steel bonnet and gaunt- 
 Jet, that he might be equipped, for assisting in securing the 
 offender. ‘When, however, he saw his master pass, not to 
 the South-Street where Maconilduy was to be found, but 
 to the Inch, he sends home his helmet, without suggesting 
 any thing like a plausible reason for his doing so. He 
 knew of the King’s coming, before he went for his armour, 
 and of course, his actual arrival could furnish no pretext 
 for sending it back: he pretends, that he supposed the Earl 
 had given up the design of seizing Maconilduy on the King’s 
 arrival. But that is a glaring falsehood; as, even by his own 
 account, it was only after he had told the Karl that he might 
 look for a visit from the King in a few hours, that the Karl 
 directed him to put on his armour, as he had a Highland- 
 man to take. So that the King’s presence could have no 
 influence on his conduct towards Maconilduy, seeing, that 
 he had declared his resolution, after being informed of His 
 Majesty’s intention, according to Henderson’s own account. 
 Henderson tells us farther, That he threw his gauntlet 
 into the pantry. Indeed, considering how busy the servants 
 must have been, on account of the unexpected arrival of the 
 company from Falkland, it might well have been expected, 
 that the helmet, as well as the gauntlet, would have been 
 ¢ast into the pantry, or some such bye place; and especiall 
 as there was a probability of its being wanted, so soon as the 
 Karl was at leisure. Or as he (Henderson) was the prin- 
 
126 
 
 cipal servant, perhaps he himself might have been entrust- 
 
 ed with the taking of Maconilduy. On the whole, this 
 part of the story is very poorly fabricated. But as it was 
 necessary for the Earl’s implication, that he should give 
 Henderson his instructions, and among the rest desire him 
 to arm; and as on the other hand the Earl was seen by the 
 populace, to bring the helmet from Henderson’s house, 
 perhaps this is the best that could be made of the matter. 
 
 This part of the story is highly improbable, but not im- 
 possible; which is more than can be said of the account 
 given of procuring the helmet, when viewed in another 
 light; as we shall have occasion to observe more particularly 
 by and by. r 
 
 We see that one of the principal hinges of this system 
 consists, in the Earl’s sending his brother Alexander to 
 Falkland, for the purpose of luring the king to Perth, on 
 the fifth of August. ‘That Alexander went to Falkland, 
 and had an interview with the king, on that day, seems 
 indisputable. But that he was sent on that errand by his 
 brother is at least improbable, as it appears from the evi- 
 dence, that the Earl did not expect a visit from the king at 
 that time, otherwise he certainly would have been in wait- 
 ing for him, In answer to this observation, it is insinuated, 
 that either the Earl’s antipathy to the king, or his pertur- 
 bation of mind, occasioned by the impending event, pre- 
 vented him from entertaining His Majesty in a suitable 
 manner. But if so, his conduct, in this respect, was the 
 reverse of his brother’s, in the morning, at Falkland, as 
 «hee was never wont to make so lowe courtesie” as he did 
 on that occasion, “ bowing his head under His Majestie’s 
 knee,” whereas the Earl had deliberately sat down to din- 
 ner with a few friends, at the very time when, if we are to 
 credit this relation, he was expecting His Majesty, and on- 
 ly a short time before his arrival. 
 
 But whatever side of the question we espouse, it does 
 not at first sight appear, what reason Gowry could have 
 for pretending ignorance of the king’s coming, if he really 
 knew of it. Tf the Karl had no evil designs on the king, 
 one might think that he certainly would have entertained 
 him in a suitable manner. And on the other hand, if he 
 meant to decoy His Majesty to his house, with the design 
 of either killing, or confining him; instead of employin 
 his brother Alexander to bring him there by a trick, an 
 
 : 
 
127 
 
 when he was brought, neglecting to welcome him, he would " 
 surely have baited the trap, by preparing a feast and invi- 
 ting him to partake of it. 
 
 On second thoughts, however, we will discover, that 
 this was the readiest, perhaps the only method of bringing 
 home guilt to Gowry. ‘The case seems to have beem this, 
 That he, in appearance, had no expectation of a visit from 
 the king at that time, was a circumstance which could not 
 be concealed from the world, there being so many witnes- 
 ses, that no preparation was made for his reception*. It 
 therefore became necessary to give out, that Gowry did 
 know of James’s coming, or how could blame attach to him ? 
 The only alternative that then remained, was to say, that 
 he knew of it, but concealed that knowledge. Thus far all 
 is well. But still the difficulty is not removed. The ques- 
 tion, What reason could he have for this false pretence ? 
 still obtrudes itself. And it seems James with all his wis- 
 dom, could not devise a satisfactory answer. 
 
 We are likewise told, that Alexander left the company 
 about a mile from Perth, and rode on before, to advise the 
 Earl of the king’s approach. Now this step was altogether 
 unnecessary, if there was the least expectation of the visit; 
 because the Royal Party could have been distinctly een, 
 from Gowry’s house, descending the hill, for more than a 
 mile from the town, and in that case, certainly would have 
 been looked for. 
 
 Henderson, indeed, declares, that Alexander sent him 
 in the morning, from Falkland to the Earl, with advice of 
 the King’s intention of following to dinner.. But we know, 
 that Henderson was a liar; and it was pretty evident that 
 he was not at Falkland on that occasion. No one saw 
 him, either going or returning, nor in Falkland; even the 
 Jandlord of the Inn which he used to frequent did not see 
 _ him, none of the courtiers saw him, nor any of the king’s 
 grooms or menials. Prior Hay and his brother, indeed, 
 _are made to tell that being in company with Gowry that 
 forenoon, they saw Heiderson come in booted from Falk- 
 land, and heard the Earl ask him some questions, relative 
 to what he observed there. Mr Moncrieff, too, depones, 
 that Henderson informed him he had that day been a short 
 
 * The sycophant Galloway, in his harangue to the populace, from the 
 Cross of Edinburgh, next Monday, in the whining cant of the age, uses this 
 expression, “ The King gets his dinner, a cold dinner, yeaa very cold dine 
 rer, as they know who were present,” 
 
128 ; 
 way north of Perth, from which by an infererice, a littlé 
 strained to be sure, but every way of a piece with the other 
 proceedings, it was known that he had been a stage to the 
 south of it. Rynd likewise says, that Andrew Ruthven in 
 effect told him of Henderson’s being with his Master and 
 himself at Falkland. But it is evident, that this was forced 
 from him by the boots. For a long time, he denied, that. 
 he knew of any such thing. Indeed, whoever peruses his 
 declaration, must be satisfied that that really was the case; 
 and, that, when he is at length brought to say, that An- 
 drew Ruthven told him, that Henderson was sent forward 
 to advise the Earl of the King’s coming, such declaration 
 was merely forced from him by the hangman’s mallet; as 
 likewise was the case with that part of his declaration, where 
 he says that he believes the Ear! told a falsehood, in saying, . 
 «That he did not understand what brought the king to 
 Perth.” Which assertion Rynd had mentioned openly / 
 some days before his examination. 
 
 Henderson in his deposition at the trial, November 
 15th, says, on his arrival from Falkland, he saw the Hays 
 speak with the Earl of Gowry; but at the precognition at 
 Falkland, August 20th, he mentioned no such circumstance, 
 he only says that on his arrival from Falkland, the Earl 
 left the company he was speaking with. ‘This is easily ac- 
 counted for. At that time (August 20th) the plan of the 
 plot was not well enough digested, nor were ,the necessary 
 instruments provided; but in the course of three months, it 
 was more matured; better arrangements were made, and 
 witnesses prepared to establish the several parts of the sto- 
 ry. Butthe support which it receives from their evidence, 
 is but small. ‘They say that they had some business to 
 transact with Gowry that day, and that they came to Perth, 
 and waited on him in his house for that purpose, but that 
 upon Henderson’s arriving from Falkland, and delivering 
 his message, the Earl told them, that they must come some 
 other day, as he was so much engaged at that time. Here 
 we are to observe, that we are not let into the knowledge 
 of the nature of their business with Gowry. It was prudent 
 not to attempt to do that, since there is a probability that 
 they had none. ‘They (George especially) would have been 
 very ungrateful had they not proffered some assistance to 
 James in an emergency of this kind. George had for some 
 years been a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and he had 
 
129 
 
 lately obtained a grant of the Carthusian monastery iii 
 Perth. It was besides well known, that James commonly 
 followed the prior’s advice in ecclesiastical matters, particu- 
 larly in the attempt which he made for reconciliation with 
 Rome: and, supposing the attention due to his Master and 
 Sovereign overlooked, it is difficult to conceive, how he 
 could have exculpated himself to his uncle and patron Fa- 
 ther Edmund, had he neglected to take part, in such a 
 master-stroke, as the assassination of the leader of the Pres- 
 byterian interest in Scotland. 
 
 The eagerness with which the reality of Henderson’s 
 journey to Falkland was attempted to be proven, is a cir- 
 cumstance, which of itself weakens our belief of it. It 
 shows, that his being there at that time, was doubted of by 
 some. And, it must be owned, that they were not very in- 
 credulous, who were convinced by any thing that is brought 
 forward in the proof. Had he been there, there was no 
 reason for concealing it. Mr Rynd says, that Andrew 
 Ruthven told him, that he (Andrew Ruthven) was along 
 with Mr Alexander at Falkland; and this he did in Gow- 
 ry’s presence. So that their being there was made no se- 
 cret of. For although it is not at all uncommon for servants 
 to divulge their masters’ secrets, they usually take care, not 
 to do it in their hearing. But if Henderson was there, and 
 the court found it of so much importance to establish that 
 fact, why have recourse to this suspicious, round about, 
 hearsay evidence? Why not bring forward a number of 
 credible, because disinterested witnesses, such as Lamb, 
 Balfour, or Nasmith, the Innkeepers, and Surgeon, and es- 
 tablish the point at once? 
 
 There is still another question, which here unluckily 
 presents itself, and that is, What could be Gowry’s design, 
 in sending his chamberlain to Falkland? If he had any 
 business, however trivial, to transact with the King, and 
 neither himself nor his brother at leisure, there would have 
 been no impropriety in sending his factor to negotiate with 
 so great a personage. But here, Henderson is sent to 
 Falkland, merely, (taking their own account) to return 
 with notice, that the king was to follow in a couple of 
 hours. A message which might have been carried, either 
 in writing, or verbally, by any body, even the most insig- 
 nificant stable boy. All that could be meant by it, being 
 merely to give Gowry a little previous notice, so as he 
 
130 
 might be in readiness for receiving his royal guest, of what- 
 ever kind that reception should be. | : 
 
 Calderwood informs us, that the Earl meant to have 
 gone to Lothian, on the 5th of August, for the purpose of 
 asking his mother, who lived at Dirlton, to come and live 
 with him; and it is added, that he was expected about 
 the same time, to have waited on the Lady, who afterwards 
 was Countess of Angus, at Seaton, for whom he was known 
 to have had a partiality, but delayed the journey, till he 
 should learn what his brother was sent for to Falkland. 
 
 Thus, in every point of view, it is evident, that this part 
 of the narrative is improbable. But it is absolutely neces- 
 sary. ‘Take away Gowry’s guilt of instructing Henderson 
 to attend Alexander to Talkland, for the purpose of re- 
 turning with early intelligence; and of directing him to 
 arm, when they knew of the king’s coming, and there is 
 not a single circumstance which criminates him in the whole 
 story; for his endeavouring to quell a riot in his own house, 
 of which he knew not the nature, was highly praiseworthy. 
 This being the case, the king’s party were under the indis- 
 pensable necessity of having recourse to this method of con- 
 victing him of treason. Had they not accomplished that, 
 though the rapacious ruffians had already got their malice 
 in part gratified, by the death of the two brothers, their a- 
 varice and necessities must have remained wholly unsatisfi- 
 ed, as the estate would have fallen to the heir at law. 
 
 If it is strange that Gowry should send his chamberlain 
 on such an errand, it is no less surprising, that when he 
 received the information, he should make no manner of 
 use of it. For when Alexander came in himself, only a 
 short time before the king and his train, in place of finding 
 the Cooks and other servants in a bustle, preparing dinner 
 for the visitors; and the Earl disposing of his armed assas- 
 sins, in their several lurking places, where they might be 
 in readiness to rush out, and strike the blow; he found e- 
 very thing in ordinary stile; and the Earl quietly eating his 
 dinner with three neighbouring gentlemen. And although 
 he should have known, that the King and -his attendants 
 had been on horseback, since seven o’clock in the morning, 
 
 et not a morsel was prepared for them. 
 _ The inducement said to have been held out by Alexan- 
 der, for drawing the king from Falkland to Perth, is child- 
 ish and improbable in the extreme; Ist. Alexander gives 
 
\ 
 
 131 
 
 no reason why he imtermeddled with a stranger, whom he 
 accidentally met, carrying something under his cloak; nor 
 2dly. Why he did not bring the gold to Falkland, or de- 
 posit it where it would be safe till his return to Perth, and 
 then there would have been no danger that the King, by 
 his delay, ‘would make the treasure be meddled with be- 
 fore any word could come from His Majesty.” And in o- 
 ther points, where any kind of reasons are given, they are 
 very little to the purpose. Thus Alexander when urging 
 James to leave his diversion and hasten to Perth, tells him, 
 that his “long delay would breed leisure to the fellow, who 
 was lying bound to cry or make dinne,” just as if he 
 could not in the night, or whilst Alexander was riding 
 thirty miles in the morning, cry as well as at any time af- 
 terwards. Again, Alexander seems to speak doubtfully of 
 the coin in which he found the gold. He had examined 
 the quantity, for he informed James that the pot ‘ was all 
 full of coined gold of great pieces.” Yet, in answer to a 
 question from His Majesty, he says, that “as farre as he 
 could take leisure to see them, that they seemed to be for- 
 reine strokes of Coyne.” Now he had all night to inspect 
 them. Sueh improbable inconsistencies could not escape 
 the observation of any man of common sense. Nor can it 
 be urged in James’s cause, that he is not accountable for 
 Alexander Ruthven’s reveries; for he pretended to be con- 
 vinced of the reality of the story; but which is supported 
 by no kind of evidence whatever, excepting his bare asser- 
 tion: and if we consider the known depravity of his cha- 
 racter, and the dilemma in which he must have found him- 
 self, on perceiving that the world believed he had delibe- 
 rately murdered the two brothers, we must allow that the 
 probability that he invented and propagated this, is much 
 greater, than that Alexander would attempt to palm any 
 such nonsense upon him, as that he, (Alexander) though 
 ‘ut a private person, would seize a man whom he by chance 
 met with, carry him into the town of Perth, bind, and in 
 another man’s house, and that man the chief magistrate of 
 the place, imprison him, without any assistance, or legal 
 authority, or so much as being observed by any one; and 
 all for no other reason, than that of his having a sum of 
 money in his custody, and which could be no reason as it 
 was not known, till he was “ meddled with.” 
 
 We are told that Alexander gave the king the informa- 
 
 R2 
 
132 
 
 tion in the morning, before he began hunting; and that 
 
 James then agreed to go, only he would first follow the chace 
 for some time; and that Alexander never left him, whilst 
 thus engaged, but constantly urged him to leave off, and 
 go to Perth instantly. And that, when James was at length 
 to set out, Alexander would not, for fear of losing time, al- 
 low him to wait for a fresh horse; and on the road, was 
 continually entreating him to spur on, for fear that the man 
 and gold should be some how discovered. But that on their 
 arrival at Perth, though James waited an hour before din- 
 ner was ready, during which he seems to have been entire- 
 ly unengaged, he sees not the object of his journey; so com- 
 pletely is the former hurry changed to dilatoriness equally 
 unaccountable. As might well have been expected, this 
 inconsistency is laid at the door of one of the Ruthvens. 
 We are assured in the discourse, that James wished to ex- 
 amine the stranger whilst dinner was preparing, but was 
 dissuaded by Alexander telling him, that there was no haste 
 till he should dine at leisure, as all was sure enough for an 
 hour. And that when at length Alexander wished to carry 
 him up stairs, he prevailed on His Majesty to send the Earl 
 (in order to be “ quit of him,”’) into the hall where the 
 courtiers were at dinner. By all this it is insinuated that 
 the conspirators, Gowry and his brother Alexander, de- 
 signed to delay making the attempt, till the king’s atten- 
 dants were engaged at dinner. A silly contrivance truly, 
 as, so soon as that was over, they certainly would enquire 
 after their master. But weak as it is, every part of it is done 
 away by reflecting, in the first place, that they did not ride 
 to Perth at any uncommon pace. Some of them stopped 
 and fed their horses; James stopped and had a conversation 
 with Lennox; and first Andrew Ruthven, and then Alex- 
 ander Ruthven, though mounted on horses that had come 
 from Perth that morning, and had been in the chase along 
 
 with the others, were able to leave them on the way, and — 
 
 even distance them so far, that Alexander, though he left 
 them only at the last mile, had time to give the Earl advice, 
 and he again, after mustering his friends and servants, was 
 able to go out a quarter of a mile before they met the king, 
 So that they must have rode at a very slow rate. Secondly, 
 if it was considered as of such importance for James’s atten- 
 dants to be diverted from observing him pass up stairs, that 
 Gowry himself took that office upon him, it is highly im- 
 
 “a 
 
133 
 
 probable that they should have gone through the apartment 
 where these attendants were sitting, and the Earl with them, 
 as another course could easily have been taken. 
 
 The plain fact seems to be this: when the king had din- 
 ed, the Earl left his presence, and came into the hall to « en- 
 tertayn” the noblemen and entlemen, who had escorted 
 him from Falkland, while at dinner. In a short time there- 
 after, the king’s party thought it proper to proceed to the 
 business of the day*, when James and Alexander passed 
 through the hall, and up stairs, by themselves. James 
 foresaw that this last circumstance might be considered as 
 having taken place without the Earl’s knowledge, and 
 would then be construed into an exculpation of him. And 
 as it was done before the whole guests, and servants, and on- 
 lookers, it was impossible to conceal it from the world. 
 Therefore he gave out, that the two brothers had concerted 
 their plot in this way: That the Earl should divert the at- 
 tention of the noblemen, while Alexander took His Majes- 
 ty away, and cut his throat. 
 
 By the manifesto we are informed that after the King 
 came to Perth, and whilst he waited for dinner, he attempt- 
 ed to enter into conversation with Gowry, “but could get 
 no direct answer of him, but half words, and imperfect sen- 
 tences.” And during dinner “ he stood very pensive, and 
 with a dejected countenance————without any welcoming 
 of His Majesty, or any other hearty form of entertainment.” 
 And after he had ** conveyed” the King’s attendants “ forth 
 to their dinner,” he “ sat not down with them himself, (as 
 the common manner is) but came back, and stood silent at 
 the end of the King’s table.” We can be at no loss to dis- 
 cover the reason why these particulars are mentioned here. 
 It clearly is with the design of affording collateral evidence 
 of Gowry’s treason. Indeed if he was now embarked in an 
 enterprise, perilous and momentous, as an attempt upon the 
 King’s life would have been, this abstraction of mind would 
 naturally take place. And however well the principle out- 
 lines of the plot might have been sketched before hand, in 
 the moment of execution, a number of minute circumstances 
 would occur, which, not having been foreseen, could not 
 be provided against. Hence, we are to suppose that the 
 arch-traitor, in frequently going out and in, was employed 
 
 * There is a tradition in Perth that James desired Alexander to lead him 
 to the necessary-house. 
 
134 
 
 in giving instructions to some of his abettors, and in fre- 
 quent visits to the places where others were posted. 
 
 But on the other hand, might not this thoughtful deject- 
 ed state of mind under which the Earl laboured on this oc- 
 casion, be accounted for on the other hypothesis. He saw 
 the king, who, he had reason for supposing, was secret- 
 ly no friend of his, attended by a number of servants and 
 favourites, all armed, some at least of whom were his (the 
 Earl’s) avowed enemies, unexpectedly enter his house, with- 
 ont, so far as he knew, having any business there. It 
 would likewise occur to him, that another band of his ene- 
 mies were collected in the town, on another pretence. He 
 could not comprehend the design of all this, far less foresee 
 the consequences. No wonder then, that his mind was agi- 
 tated. As to his not sitting down to dine with the king’s fol- 
 lowers, that may be accounted for to the satisfaction of some 
 
 people, by merely reflecting that little more than an hour 
 had elapsed since he dined; and though he could not eat 
 with them, we find that he waited on them while they dined. 
 
 The next circumstance taken notice of is, if possible, 
 still more incredible. James was naturally very timorous. 
 On the way from Falkland, his apprehensions of danger 
 rose so high, that calling Lennox aside, and imparting the 
 secret to him, he desired his advice; his grace agreed with 
 His Majesty, that the story was “ very suspicious and un- 
 likely,” and the result of their joint deliberation was, that the 
 greatest caution was to be observed, on their arrival at 
 Perth. The king says he “ always” desired the Duke “ not 
 to fail to accompany him into the house where the alleged 
 fellow and treasure was.’ ‘The Duke depones, that the 
 king said to him, both on the road, and in Gowry’s house, 
 “ take tent where I pass with Mr Alexander Ruthven and 
 follow me.” This is all very well: but mark the issue. After 
 dinner James, notwithstanding his grievous apprehensions, 
 goes unarmed, along with Alexander, who had a sword, 
 and who, as they passed along through several apartments, 
 ‘«‘ locked behind him every doore.” The Duke too, not- 
 withstanding his own suspicions, and his sovereign’s injunc- 
 tions, sees the king dressed in his green jacket, and having 
 only his hunting-horn about him, retire with Alexander 
 armed, and whom he shrewdly suspected to be either a mad- 
 man or a traitor. Yet he continues at his glass, seemingly 
 quite unconcerned. Nay more, when at last he rises from ta- 
 
135 
 ble, he does not follow his master up stairs, there torescuchint 
 from the danger with which he, at that instant, supposed 
 him beset, but steps out, and into the garden, with some 
 others of the company there, we presume, to solace them- 
 selves with the fresh breeze on the bank of the river. 
 
 From a cursory perusal of the Royal narrative, indeed, 
 one might be led to conclude, that James, at the instigation 
 of Alexander, as they passed the company in the hall, pub- 
 licly commanded that none should follow them, whilst at 
 the same time Alexander undertook privately to desire 
 Thomas Erskin to attend them, which, however, he (Alex~ 
 ander) did not perform. ‘This is wholly unsupported by 
 every kind of evidence. LErskin says, that on his afterwards 
 expostulating with the king for not “ concrediting more to” 
 him, His Majesty answered, “ ‘The traitor deceived me 
 T commanded him to bring you to me, which he pro- 
 mised to me to do, and returned back as I thought to fetch 
 you, but he did nothing but steiked the door.” ‘This, surely, 
 outrages allcommon sense. James dreaded that Alexander’s 
 leading him to a distant part of the house, was with ne 
 friendly design, possibly to take his life. To prevent any 
 thing of that kind, he sends him for assistance from among 
 the gentlemen of the court. And though Alexander return- 
 ed without any, which must have turned James’s suspicions 
 toalmost certainty, His Majesty still goes along, though, ashe 
 saw door after door locked behind him, his dread of dan- 
 ger must have been heightened at every step. James must. 
 
 ave had a very mean opinion, indeed, of the intellects of his 
 contemporaries, when he supposed them incapable of de- 
 tecting such absurdities. : 
 
 Thus Alexander leads the king into the “ Round,” or 
 small projecting turret, the scene where the tragedy, we are 
 to suppose, was to be acted. ‘There can be no doubt, but 
 that to secure success in a matter of so much importance, 
 Gowry would have adopted the most decisive measures, and 
 among others, he would have had three or four resolute ac- 
 complices in readiness, within this apartment, for it was in- 
 capable of containing a-larger number, and to bar accidents, 
 some thousands of his vassals stationed in other parts of the 
 house and offices. But no proof is even attempted, that any 
 kind of preparation was made. Instead of a numerous as-~ 
 semblage of Gowry’s retainers, we hear of only a single in- 
 dividual. Instead of his appearance bespeaking him to he 
 
136 
 
 ai unconstiedtious, tried, and determined cut-throat, who 
 had been informed of the plot, and had agreed to become 
 the principal instrument in accomplishing it, he turns out 
 to be a poor astonished poltroon, “ who did nothing but 
 tremble all the time,” thrust per force “ like a dog” into this 
 apartment, without receiving the least intimation of what 
 was expected of him; so much attached to the king, that 
 he protested, that before any evil should be done to His Ma- 
 jesty, he “ should first die ;’ and does wrench the dagger 
 from Alexander’s hand. So truly pious withal, that for 
 half an hour he was on his knees praying God to avert 
 “some evil” that he “ feared to be done.” This is all very 
 strange; but by and by we shall even find this “ trembling 
 astonished fellow” evanish into a non-entity. 
 
 We are told, that this “said fellow” had a dagger at his 
 girdle, which Alexander Ruthven, so soon as he had en- 
 tered with the King in his arm, and locked the door of the 
 study behind him, drew; and holding the point to His Ma- 
 jesty’s breast, used some threatening expressions. But what 
 the import of these were, is a question not easily solved. In 
 the precognition taken at Falkland, Henderson deponed, 
 That the words made use of by Alexander were, ‘* Remem- 
 ber ye of my father’s murder? Yee shall now die for it.” At 
 the same instant aiming a blow at His Majesty’s heart, which 
 had inevitably been fatal, if Henderson had not parried it. 
 But at the trial the wretch flatly contradicts himself. He then 
 swore, That Alexander “says to the King, having the drawn 
 whinger in his hand, Sir, yeu must be my prisoner; re- 
 member on my father’s death.” And when “ the King was 
 beginning to speak, the Master said, Hold your tongue, 
 Sir, or, by Christ, yee shall die.” The precise meaning 
 of the words made use of on this occasion, must be of the 
 very utmost importance, to those who believe that some 
 such words were spoken; yet we are completely left in the 
 dark, respecting them, by this witness; and he is the only 
 one who pretended to be present. We must, therefore, at- 
 tend to what the King says, though a party. But we are 
 Jeft just as much in the dark by him, as by Henderson. 
 His account neither informs us, whether His Majesty was 
 to be instantly butchered or imprisoned, but says, that “ A- 
 lexander held the: point of if,” i, e. the dagger * to 
 the King’s breast, avowing now that the King behooved to 
 be in his will, and used as he list.” In short, all and every 
 
eg a eae 
 
 137 
 
 one of these atcounts, bear evident marks of falsehood: for 
 nobody would ever think of secretly confining or murdering 
 any person, in such a place as this turret, whose dimen- 
 sions are so small, as to prevent its being divided into dif 
 ferent apartments; and from the windows of which, hun- 
 dreds of people were within view, and within hearing, at 
 all times of the day. The place best adapted for either pur- 
 pose, was some one of these recesses which, a late writer 
 says, extended from the house, backwards to the Tay. Nor 
 is it probable, that Alexander, as he had none but poor 
 trembling Henderson to assist him, would, if he meant to 
 kill the Rin , tell him so, in such a deliberate manner; just 
 as if he designed to put him on his guard. Had it been 
 impossible for His Majesty to resist, Alexander might then 
 have safely gratified his resentment, by expatiating on His 
 Majesty’s cruelty and injustice; but circumstanced as they 
 then were, we may well presume, that Alexander, if he 
 meant to take the king’s life, instead of hazarding all by a 
 tedious altercation, would have stabbed him instantly. The 
 liar Henderson, indeed, says, that Alexander intended to 
 have done so, had it not been, that he “threw the” dagger 
 ** out of the Master’s hand.” But James’s account says no- 
 thing of this: and we learn from a letter of Nicolson’s to 
 Cecil, that the king remembered nothing of it. And, con- 
 sidering the fright he was in, it certainly is highly improba- 
 ble, that he would act any such part at that time. . It can- 
 not, however, be our business to determine, which of these 
 accounts is the true one, since we are satisfied that they are 
 both false. 
 
 The account which James gives of this matter, is, That 
 it was his own soothing and persuasive language, which dis- 
 armed Alexander Ruthven, even, it appears, after he had 
 his arm extended to give the fatal blow. We have here a 
 fresh instance, of the advantage of having the command of 
 a smooth tongue. We know, from good authority*, that 
 he was endowed with “ deep judgment,” and blessed “ with 
 many singular and extraordinary graces.” And, indeed, he 
 must have been singularly eloquent, if, under the then ex 
 isting circumstances, he could dissuade Alexander from ex- 
 ecuting his design of taking his life, after having proceeded 
 suchalength. But, not to insist on this, we are next told, 
 that Alexander actually was prevailed on by the king’s rhe- 
 
 * The Translators of the Bible. See Preface. 
 
138 
 
 toric, to grant him a respite till the Earl’s pleasuré should 
 
 be known; and that he went out for that purpose. Before 
 leaving the apartment, however, he gave the king’s person 
 in charge to Henderson. Now, what unaccountable con- 
 duct was this! According to all the three accounts, James 
 had all along evinced the most undaunted fortitude. There 
 is no evidence of his being afraid, even when the weapon 
 was pointed to his breast. Henderson, on the contrary, 
 « trembled,” “ quaked,” was “ abashed,” and “astenished.” 
 Yet, to this silly half-dead wreteh, does Alexander entrust 
 the custody of the intrepid James the Sixth, whilst he went 
 out to learn, whether the Earl would remit the sentence of 
 death which he had passed upon him. © It is but fair to state, 
 indeed, that he first laid the king under some kind of re- 
 straint, not to escape, till his return. But the precise tenor 
 of this obligation, never can be ascertained. Atthe precog- 
 nition, Henderson swore, That Alexander took ‘an oathe 
 of the king, that he would not cry, nor open the window.” 
 At the trial, he says, this was merely a promise. ‘¢ Alexan- 
 der said to the king, Sir, you will not cry, nor open the 
 window, while I come again? And the king promised so 
 
 to do.” But, according to the Royal narrative, he did not ° 
 
 even exacta promise. He only “saide to His Majesty, you 
 must content yourself to have this man now your keeper, 
 untill my coming backe.” But whether it was an oath, or 
 a promise, or an injunction, James was too well versed in 
 casuistry, to be restrained by a forced obligation; so, though 
 he did not open the window himself, he caused Henderson 
 do it. 
 
 That part of Henderson’s story, in which he says, that 
 so soon as Sir John Ramsay entered the closet, he (Hen- 
 derson) ran down the back stair, and went home, to his 
 own house, where he remained all the rest of the afternoon, 
 as if nowise interested in the fate of his master’s family, is 
 highly improbable. Although he had seen the king’s life 
 attempted, and had left the place in the middle of the fray, 
 whilst the event was still in suspense, he is quite careless of 
 the result, and keeps at home till the evening; when he 
 takes an airing on the bridge for an hour, as if nothing un- 
 common had taken place. 
 
 In passing through the court, too, on his way home, he 
 saw his master, Gowry, standing on the South-Street, with- 
 out the gate, armed, and seemingly about to interfere in the 
 
139 
 
 wit Yet although Henderson had just left the place, 
 where he had seen the Earl’s brother get his death’s wound, 
 he did not consider that as an affair worth acquainting him 
 with, but steps awayhome. And although the Karl was about 
 to enter the house, for the purpose of repressing the tumult, 
 he does not request Henderson’s assistance, though he 
 doubtless considered him as the trustiest of all his servants. 
 Whoever reflects on these particulars, together with his 
 sitting chatting at home with his wife, when all the rest of 
 the town was in a hubbub: and his composedly taking his 
 usual walk on the evening of such a day as that must have 
 been in Perth, and that in the midst of rain too, are any 
 thing but sceptics, if they believe his tale. 
 his desertion on the part of Henderson, is far from 
 being that unimportant circumstance, which it may appear 
 to some. As it was a very surprising step, it must have o- 
 riginated from some extraordinary cause. And fear, or a 
 dread of personal harm, is the only one which readily pre- 
 sents itself, as likely to occasion such conduct. But upon 
 farther consideration we find, that it could not possibly be 
 owing to this, For had that been the case, he certainly 
 would have chosen some other place, to have concealed him- 
 self in, than his own house, which seems to have been at no 
 great distance, because, if wanted, he would naturally be 
 sought for there, and there he would soon have been found. 
 He says, that there were some persons in company with 
 Gowry, when he passed him at the gate, but he did not 
 know them. It appears from Christie’s evidence, that these 
 were Thomas Cranston, servant to Gowry, Alexander and 
 Harry Ruthven of Freeland, Hugh Moncrieff, brother to 
 William Moncrieff of Moncrieff, and Patrick Eviot, bro- 
 ther to the Laird of Balhousie. ‘The first of these was fel- 
 low servant with Henderson, being Gowry’s principal do- 
 mestic; the second and third were relations of Gowry’s, and 
 lived five miles off; the fourth was brother-in-law to one of 
 the Ruthvens of Freelgnd; his sister being married to Wil- 
 liam Ruthven, and mother to the first Lord Ruthven of 
 Freeland; and Moncrieff House is three miles distant from 
 Perth; the fifth was brother, as has been said, to Mr Eviot 
 of Balhousie, not half a mile from Perth. Yet the Earl of 
 Gowry’s factor did not know any one of these! But had 
 Henderson said, that these were the people, whom he saw 
 in Gowry’s company, when he passed out at the gate, he 
 S 
 ® 
 
140 
 
 might have committed himself, as they might have brought 
 evidence to the contrary. He therefore evaded this danger, 
 by mentioning no names. These gentlemen, indeed, were 
 all afterwards declared rebels, traitors, &c. and all fled, ex- 
 cept Cranston, who was executed; so that, though they had 
 been named by Henderson, they would have had no oppor- 
 tunity of contradicting him, But at the time when he e- 
 mitted his declaration, he could not foresee that, excepting 
 with respect to Cranston. 
 
 The real state of the matter seems to be, that he acted 
 no part in the tragedy. And as in the narrative he was 
 said to have been the principal character who survived, it 
 of course was necessary to represent his part as being acted 
 before the company assembled, and his exit taking place, 
 unobserved by any one, excepting indeed Sir John Ramsay, 
 who says, that when he entered the chamber, he saw a man 
 along with the king, and Mr Ruthven, but remembers no- 
 thing of either his dress or physiognomy. 
 
 at 
 
 . That part of the story, which supposes the meeting of 
 
 the two brothers, at this time, is extremely aukward. ‘The — 
 
 king’s death had previously been fully determined, else why 
 strike at him with a dagger? Now, though his eloquence 
 might cause Alexander, to whom it was addressed, relent, 
 and go down to consult his brother afresh: how came the 
 Earl, who was not in the house, ta know of this? And how 
 did each know in what precise minute the other was to be 
 met with on the stairs? And how could Alexander assure 
 the king that “his life should be safe if he behaved himself 
 quietly”? There seems to be only one way of solving all 
 these questions, and that is by supposing, all the difficulties 
 were got over by the agency of the * magical characters and 
 words of enchantment,” in the “ little close parchment bag,” 
 which we have already heard of. 
 
 The absurdity of supposing it possible, that any man in . 
 a state of mind short of absolute insanity, would entrust the 
 
 executive part of such an enterprise, as the murder of king 
 James, to any person, without acquainting him with what 
 was expected of him, has already been taken notice of. But 
 the giving the king in charge to Henderson, after he had 
 taken so decided a part in His Majesty’s favour, as to wrench 
 the dirk from Alexander when he * minted” to stab him, 
 was a step, at least, equally preposterous, | 
 
 * Alexander very speedily returned,” and brought the 
 
141 
 
 King’s final doom; from the Karl, we are to infer, for at 
 his entering, he “ sayde he could not mend it,” consequent- 
 ly, as he went out, evidently with the intention of bringing 
 in the Earl for the accommodation of matters ;—as he had 
 seen, and conversed with him, and then returned with the 
 death-warrant, instead of a pardon,—we may fairly presume, 
 that this confirmation of the former sanguinary sentence, 
 proceeded from Gowry. James says, that Alexander, when 
 he “left the king in the little study, ranne down the 
 stairs in great haste.” Henderson, on the contrary, swears, 
 That “he past not from the door as he believes.” In com- 
 posing the discourse they should, at least, have compared 
 notes. According to Henderson’s account, unless the Earl 
 came up to the door of the closet, the two brothers could 
 not meet, and unless they did meet, the bloody order which 
 Alexander carried back, could not come from the Earl, 
 which evidently is the idea that is meant to be conveyed by 
 this part of the story: and as Lennox tells us, that when the 
 Karl lett him, and the others, who were in the court looking 
 for the king, he returned “incontinent.” So that it is im- 
 probable that he went up to the closet door. 
 
 The mode in which Alexander is said to have proceed- 
 -ed to put the sentence in execution, sets’ all credibility at 
 defiance. It appears in the sequel, that James was the 
 strongest man. Henderson had decidedly taken the king’s 
 part. ‘The only chance which Alexander then had, of be- 
 ing able to effect his purpose, must have been secured by 
 taking His Majesty unawares; yet at his incoming, instead 
 of instantly burying the dagger in his breast, he takes care 
 to acquaint him with the dismal tidings, by casting “ his 
 hands abroad in a desperate manner,” and exclaiming “ he 
 could not mend it, His Majesty behoved to die,” and for 
 that purpose proceeded to bind His Majesty’s hands. This 
 was virtually telling the king, By God, it is not in my pow- 
 er, may it please your Majesty, to save your Majesty’s life, 
 my brother has resolved on taking it, and although I could 
 willingly have spared your Majesty, yet he commands me 
 to cut your throat. ‘To prevent you, Sire, from making 
 any resistance, it will be proper to pinion your Majesty: 
 please then turn your arms behind your Majesty’s back. 
 Here is a garter for binding them! James objected to this, 
 refusing to be bound; on which Alexander seized him b 
 ene or both hands. But here the forward youth found that 
 
142 
 
 he had caught a Tarter; for Henderson “pulled the gar- 
 ter out of——his hands,” and “* His Majesty suddenly re- 
 lieved himself of his gripps.” ‘We never heard but once 
 of the poinard: Alexander now attempts to draw his sword, 
 which was still in its scabbard, but the king seized his hand, 
 and prevented that. Each now seized the other by the 
 throat, and the king eventually proved the stoutest, for he 
 “‘ per force drove him” (Alexander) ‘to the window, which 
 he had caused the other man to open.” It may be worth 
 while to notice here, that according to James’s account, he 
 had caused Henderson to open the window, while Alex- 
 ander was out conversing with the Earl: but Henderson, 
 in both his examinations, depones, that it was not until the 
 king and Alexander were wrestling, that he opened the 
 window. 
 
 Another discrepancy of the same kind may likewise be 
 noticed here. Lennox and Mar swear, that when the kin 
 thrust his head and shoulders out at the window, the han 
 had hold of his cheek and mouth. Henderson, on the con- 
 trary, both at Falkland and Edinburgh, declares, that he 
 took Alexander’s hand from James’s mouth, before he o- 
 pened the window. Now these noblemen were standing on 
 the street, at a considerable distance from the house; the 
 window is in the fourth story, and was filled with wood in 
 place of glass; so that they could not be misled by their 
 memory suggesting what actually happened before the win- 
 dow was opened, as having-taken place after. From such 
 instances, we may learn what dependénce to place on the 
 evidence of such witnesses. 
 
 That part of the narrative which represents Gowry as 
 endeavouring to have the king le#alone in his house, by 
 persuading the attendants, that he had taken horse, and 
 was away to Falkland, is at best a silly. contrivance ; which, 
 though it had sucéeeded, in the first instance, could have 
 been of no real service. Indeed by getting rid of them, he 
 might, in the mean time, have had leisure to butcher His 
 Majesty, but how was that to serve hiza afterwards? This 
 could only be a very temporary shift. ‘The courtiers could 
 not proceed far on their way home, till they learned that the 
 king was not on before: and on their arrival at Falkland, 
 they would know it to be a certainty. Before midnight 
 they would again have ranged themselves before Gowry's 
 gate in Perth, with a force sufficient to overturn every ob- 
 
143 
 stacle, which he could put in their way, and demanded of 
 him, how he had disposed on their sovereign. Then 
 what purpose would have been served, by sending them 
 away without the king? 
 
 Nor is this the only objection that occurs to that part. of 
 the story. The Earl, if he meant to impose on the king’s 
 servants, would surely have given his own porter instruc- 
 tions how to act, as it must have been foreseen, that if any 
 doubt of the king’s departure should arise, he would have 
 been applied to for intelligence. But so far was that from 
 being done, that Christie depones, that he in the most une- 
 quivocal terms stated to Lennox, Mar, and Gowry, the 
 impossibility of the king having left the place. 
 
 The account of the manner in which Gowry procured 
 the helmet from Henderson’s house, as given by James, in 
 another part of the discourse, which is pressed with insupe- 
 rable difficulties, and consequently must invalidate the evi- 
 dence of these witnesses who attest itasafact. And it like- 
 wise affords a remarkable instance of the difficulty there al- 
 ways is, in making the several parts of such a fabrication 
 as this is, fit one another. 
 
 Thomas Erskin depones, that he and his brother James 
 were at some distance without the court, when they heard 
 the king cry from the window, and that they then ran to 
 afford him assistance, when they met Gowry. Him they 
 seized, and throwing him down, had some words with him, 
 
 when his servants interposed, and rescued him. He then 
 went into the town for armour, as he had none at that time. 
 All this must have taken up a considerable space of time. 
 Ramsay, again, was standing at the stable door, when the 
 king called from the wr low. Immediately he came into 
 the court, and ran up the turnpike stair, and into the cham- 
 ber, the door of which Henderson had just opened and the 
 instant Ramsay entered, Henderson went out, and passed 
 precipitately down the stair, and out at the gate, without 
 stopping. All this, according to Ramsay’s and Hender- 
 son’s depositions, could not occupy more than two minutes: 
 yet in that short period, the Erskins came from a place at 
 some distance, after he heard the king’s voice, had a scuffle 
 with the Earl, and then with his servants, at the gate; the 
 Earl went to Henderson’s house in the town, procured the 
 steel bonnet, returned with it, and was standing at the gate; 
 as Henderson says, that on going furth, he saw Gowry 
 
144 
 standing at the gate, with his helmet on his head. This 
 requires but a short comment. It is impossible that it could 
 have happened as stated by the witnesses. 
 
 On this occasion too, ‘Thomas Erskin informs us of a 
 piece of very strange conduct in himself and his brother 
 James. Heheard the king call from the window of an up- 
 per apartment, fye, help! they are murdering me! 
 In such an emergency, there certainly was not a second of 
 time to lose. One would have expected, that nothing should 
 divert them from giving His Majesty instant relief. “They 
 accordingly proceeded to do so, by running towards the 
 house. But on their way thither, seeing Gowry standing 
 before his own door, they deferred assisting the king, and 
 set upon the Karl, although unarmed, and noway con- 
 cerned in the matter, as far as they could perceive. We 
 shall have occasion afterwards to account for this suspicious 
 conduct. 
 
 The story of notary Sprott, only, now remains to be in- 
 vestigated. It seems never to have been believed by any one 
 of either party. Even Spottiswood, though he officiated at 
 Sprott’s trial as a judge, and at his execution as a clergy- 
 man, and pretended to believe in Gowry’s guilt; avows his 
 incredulity in this matter. He says “the confession 
 of Sprott seemed a very fiction, and to be a mere in- 
 vention of the man’s own brain.” And Lord Cromart¥; 
 though a furious party-man, and a professed believer in 
 Gowry’s and Logan’s guilt, could not prevail on himself to 
 insert the letter from Logan to Gowry, which forms part 
 of Sprott’s confession, when copying the rest of that con- 
 fession: the tragedy being so evident, when this copy and 
 the one produced at Logan’s trial are compared. Yet 
 Cromarty’s pretensions, as a writer, to ingenuousness or 
 honesty are truly very slender, where his favourite system is 
 in question. 3 
 
 But indeed it is impossible for any one, minutely to ex= 
 amine the several circumstances, connected with Sprott’s 
 narrative, without being convinced, that from beginning to 
 end, it is a fabrication. 
 
 [tis uncertain, whether James’s friends originally brought 
 forward Sprott, or if they only seized the opportunity, which 
 his folly afiorded them, of corroborating their own old story, 
 of the guilt af the two brothers. Indeed there is reason for 
 supposing, that whichsoever of these two was the case, some 
 
148 
 
 of the ministers had their own private ends principally in 
 view, in driving on the infatuated wretch to destruction. 
 History throws some light on this part of the subject, but 
 still the path is so obscure that we must chiefly depend on 
 conjecture for our guide ; in which case we must either sup- 
 pose that when Sprott first broached the matter, he did it 
 merely to court attention, and with the view of obtaining 
 a reward for this fresh confirmation, of Gowry’s guilt, and 
 king James’s innocence; or that he made no such declara- 
 tion at all, till this confession was wrung from him, by tor- 
 ture. Balmerino again being a minister, and therefore in- 
 terested in shielding his master from the infamy of the mur- 
 der at Perth, and having purchased the estate of Restalrig 
 from Logan, the price of which remained unpaid, he ex- 
 pected to save his money, by procuring a grant of the es- 
 tate from the crown, should he bring about its forfeiture by 
 convicting Logan of treason. However, before he could 
 bring this to bear, James was obliged by the intrigues of 
 Cecil, Spottiswood, and Dunbar, to discard him. Dun- 
 bar then stept into his shoes; and with the same views, 
 pushed on Logan’s attainder. 
 
 This account of Sprott’s discovery is combated by a 
 number of circumstances. 
 
 In the first place, It appears from the letters written by 
 Logan, in answer to one which we are to suppose had he-re- 
 ceived from Gowry, that Logan, at the request of the Karl, 
 had returned his (the Karl’s) letter, after perusing it, that 
 his Lordship might be satisfied, as to its not falling into im- 
 proper hands, and for the same reason, Logan desires his 
 answer to be returned. Yet Sprott pretended to have found 
 both these letters among Logan’s papers. This is a gross 
 blunder. However, by the time that Logan’s trial took 
 place, the mistake had been discovered; Gowry’s letter 
 therefore disappeared ;. and even Logan’s answer was ma- 
 terially altered, to serve another purpose. 
 
 _ Secondly, Logan’s answer, as recast for his trial, was 
 ' dated July 29, only six days before the attempt on the king. 
 Bowr returned from Perth, after delivering the answer to 
 Gowry, on the 3d or 4th, only one or two days before the 
 5th of August, on which day, he, no doubt, informed Lo- 
 
 an, that Gowry’s attempt was to be made, and consequent- 
 y, that their arrival at Fastcastle might be expected on that, 
 or the following day; yet, instead of waiting their arrival 
 
 bas T ; , 7 
 
146 
 
 there, as he had promised to do, in his letter to the Earl, 
 Sprott informs us that he went away next morning, after 
 Bowyr’s return, and remained in Lothian till the 11th. 
 
 Thirdly, In one of Logan’s letters to the unknown ac- 
 complice, he desires him to accompany the Earl and his 
 brother Alexander in the boat to Fastcastle. From which 
 circumstance, it appears that he resided in Perth or that 
 neighbourhood. Yet, in a letter written from the Canon- 
 gate of Edinburgh, dated July 18, 1600, to his servant 
 Laird Bowr, he desires him to “hasten west, as he was 
 ill at ease,” though he had, that same day, written a letter 
 at Fastcastle, and dispatched it by Bowr, to the same un- 
 known correspondent. Now, there could be no meaning in 
 desiring Bowr to “ hasten west,” unless he was in the east 
 of Edinburgh, which could not be the case, if at Perth, or 
 that neighbourhood. 
 
 Fourthly, He had dispatched Bowr from Fastcastle, on 
 the 18th of July, with the letter of that date to the unknown 
 person, yet we find him the same day, writing from Ca~ 
 nongate, to this Bowr, as if still at Fastcastle. 
 
 Vifthly, ‘The absurdity of sending a letter to Bowr at a 
 place, whence he had that same day been dispatched, is if 
 possible exceeded by that of sending a letter to him at all; 
 especially when the writer’s life was endangered by a disco- 
 very of the contents. ‘or we learn from Logan’s indict- 
 ment, that Bowr could not read, but was obliged to employ 
 another person to read all writings sent, or belonging to him. 
 Yet though Logan had riumberless opportunities, when liv- 
 ing in the house with him, of imparting his secrets verbally 
 to this menial, and might have done it that very morning, 
 so soon as he gets forty miles distant, he prefers intimating 
 to him in writing, his concern in the plot, and his expecta- 
 tion of Dirlton estate as his reward, though he knew that 
 before Bowr could learn their import, the contents behoyed 
 to be imparted to some third person; perhaps the first ac- 
 quaintance he should meet with. This behaviour is the 
 more to be wondered at in Logan, that according to ano- 
 ther part of the history, we find him on other occasions, 
 extremely cautious. He does not allow Gowry, though the 
 principal in the plot, to retain his letter, though only ad- 
 vising the Earl of his accession to the Earl’s conspiracy. 
 And he seems to exhort Gowry to take care, that the other 
 persons engaged in the enterprise be deserving of confi- 
 
147 
 
 dence: and particularly that hiis brother Alexander beware 
 of blabbing any thing relating to it. He likewise forbears 
 irefixing the third conspirator’s address to the letters sent 
 
 im, and eyen studiously avoids mentioning his name, when 
 alluding to him in the letter to Gowry. 
 
 But Sixthly, These letters did not make their appear- 
 ance for upwards of two months after Sprott was apprehend- 
 ed, and the original of Gowry’s he never pretended to shew, 
 so that when the others made their appearance, they were 
 looked tuipon as forgeries by many people. The letters from 
 Logan were indeed sworn to be holograph by him, by se- 
 veral respectable witnesses. But we are told that Sprott 
 was so celebrated for imitating the writing of other people, 
 that none could certainly tell whether the letters were real- 
 ly written by Logan or not. However, before Sprott’s ex- 
 ecution he set that matter at rest. First, he confessed, that 
 the letters were merely his own fabrications; afterwards 
 when Dunbar returned into the country, and had some con- 
 versation with him, he half retracted, by declaring that the 
 plot did exist, but he still owned that the letters were for- 
 geries. It is not at all unlikely, that Sprott did not at first 
 pretend to know any thing of the conspiracy, as was given 
 out, but that Balmerino, for reasons which have been al- 
 ready stated, contrived the story, and fixed on Sprott as 
 a very proper tool, from his having the inspection of Lo- 
 gan’s papers. Without this supposition it is difficult to ac- 
 count for Sprott’s continuing in prison two months, undergo- 
 ing the excruciating torture of the Boots, and avoiding being 
 ensnared by the captious questions of the privy councillors ; 
 and yet when afterwards enlarged from jail, and having his 
 legs healed, giving his assent to the whole. Historians tell 
 us, that this was brought about by the minion Dunbar pro- 
 mising to provide for his family atter his death, if he father- 
 ed the confession, assuring him, at the same time, that he 
 would certainly be executed, whatever the nature of his de- 
 claration should be, whether he adhered to the truth, or fa- 
 youred the king and his friends, by impeaching Logan. 
 But other people give a very different account of the matter. 
 They tell us that Dunbar prevailed on him to fabricate the 
 letters, and cajoled him into submission fo a trial, the pre- 
 liminaries of a public execution, and an adherence to his 
 confession, even with the rope about his neck, under the 
 
 assurance, that in the instant when about to be thrown over, 
 T2 
 
148 
 he (Drinbar) would take care to tender him the king’s par- 
 don; but that the crafty courtier, recollecting how they 
 were bit, some years before, by Edmonston of Duntreath, 
 and knowing that dead men tell no tales, thought it just as 
 well to be quit of him. | 
 
 Seventhly, Before the day of execution came, it was giv- 
 en out, that Sprott would testify his adherence to his nar- 
 rative by a sign, even after he was thrown from: the ladder. 
 And it is related that that sign was then found to be three 
 claps with his hands. But if any stress is to be laid upon 
 the motions of the body in the moment of dissolution, his 
 clapping his hands might as well be interpreted into an ex- 
 pression of indignation for being tricked out of his life by a 
 villain, as into a confirmation of what he knew well to be 
 one of the most diabolical of Falsehoods. Cromarty says 
 that this ‘* action” was ‘ strange, and in a manner marvel- 
 lous.” And truly so it was; for his lordship tells us, that 
 it was “ when he had hung a pretty space” that “ he lift up 
 his hands a good height, and clapped them together aloud 
 three several times, to the great wonder and admiration of 
 all the beholders.” Now Johnston, a contemporary histo~ 
 rian, informs us that Sprott’s hands were tied behmé his 
 back, when he was hanged. ‘This story, though alittle out 
 of the common track, to be sure, is not more * marvellous” 
 than that of the man-who, after being beheaded, swam a- 
 cross a river, with that same head in his teeth. 
 
 Eighthly, In the second edition of the letter to Gow- 
 ry, there is no mention made of the ships and venison which 
 are hinted at in the first edition, as expected from England. 
 This seems to have been inadvertantly inserted in the first 
 edition, with the view of impressing the world with the no- 
 tion of there having been a seeret understanding with the 
 English court; but on reflection, it would soon occur, that 
 those who had been statesmen under Elizabeth at the time, 
 would take offence at, and deny this: so it was necessary to 
 expunge it. 
 
 Ninthly, The very condemnation and execution of Sprott 
 is strong presumption of the falsity of the story. What 
 judge would so much as have thought of hanging a man for 
 forbearing to reveal what was only constructive treason, in 
 an accessary, before conviction of the principal? What 
 could be the inducement for inflicting the severest punish- 
 ment of the law on an insignificant procurator in a small 
 yillage, merely for not divulging his client’s secrets, when 
 
149 
 
 the discovery would have been his certain ruin, without be- 
 ing beneficial to any one? (For even taking the account of 
 the affair, as published in Sprott’s confession, it is very im- 
 probable, that he was acquainted with the secret, till Gow- 
 ry was slain, and the danger over.) What, we say, could 
 be the reason of such procedure, but a wish to blindfold the 
 world, and prevent Sprott’s versatility from occasioning any 
 obstacles in prosecuting Logan’s attainder? Had there been 
 any wish to have the truth laid before the public, Sprott 
 would have been reserved as the only living evidence that 
 could be brought on Logan’s trial; and by the fair con- 
 viction of Logan, and consequently of Gowry, the public 
 mind would have been set at rest, with respect to the mys- 
 terious affair at Perth; and the heavy load of obloquy re- 
 moved from the characters of the king and hisassistants. The 
 Farl’s three servants were hanged for being his accomplicesin 
 the treasonable attempt on the king, before he, the princi- 
 pal, was convicted ; and when, if nothing unfair was design- 
 ed, their testimony must have been invaluable; and though 
 much fault was found with that step, yet here we find one 
 taken exactly parallel. 
 
 Tenthly, The slight acquaintance that Gowry and Res- 
 talrig behoved to have of each other, is another strong pre- 
 sumption that Sprott’s story is a falsehood. The Earl, when 
 he set out on his travels, was but a very young man, and 
 till a short time before that, he was only a younger brother, 
 and being under the tuition of Mr, afterwards Professor, 
 Rollock, and Mr Bruce of Kinnaird, the two most celebra- 
 ted clergymen of their day, who were careful to instil the 
 principles of sound morality and piety into their pupil, we 
 may rest assured, that before he went abroad, no great in- 
 timacy could subsist between him and Logan, a man far ad- 
 vanced in life, and of the most dissolute manners. After 
 his return, [May 20], only six weeks elapsed, before the 
 beginning of hae when Sprott says the correspondence 
 relative to the plot was carrying on: a short space of time, 
 truly, considering how much of it must have been taken up 
 by his private affairs, after an absence of six years. Indeed, 
 the shortness of the period, only eleven weeks, from the 
 20th of May, when he arrived at Ruthven Castle, to the 
 5th of August, when the attempt was said to have been made, 
 is, of itself, no weak argument against the probability that 
 such a conspiracy did exist. 
 
150 
 
 _ Eleventhly, The ludicrous attention, which, at the trial 
 of L.ogan’s bones, was paid to the observance of all the mi- 
 nute legal forms, was no less strict, than at the trial of the bo- 
 dies ot the two brothers. ‘The messengers and their witnes- 
 ses were brought into court, and made oath, that they really 
 executed the summons, and Letters of Relaxation, freeing 
 Robert Logan, eldest son to the deceased Restalrig, from the 
 Horn; so that he might freely appear, and make his defence. 
 And though they knew that the elder Logan had been dead 
 some years, they repeatedly called on him to come and sist 
 himself in court. All which proceedings were engrossed 
 at length, in the Records. There could be no harm in all 
 this. But it appears very absurd, when contrasted with 
 their conduct in depriving themselves of the benefit of 
 Sprott’s evidence. 
 
 So much presumptive evidence asis here brought forward 
 in support of the innocence of the two brothers, seldom can 
 be produced to establish a fact. On duly weighing it, no 
 unprejudiced mind can entertain a doubt. 
 
 a a 
 
 However, for the sake, of affording more general satis- 
 faction, we shall now consider the fourth system, or that 
 which supposes the whole a conspiracy of James and his ad~ 
 herents, to exterminate and rob the house of Gowry, and 
 that without any just provocation. 
 
 In investigating this hypothesis, the question that first 
 presents itself is, What inducement could James and his a~ 
 bettors have, to perpetrate a deed of such enormity ? 
 
 We have already seen, that James’s character was of 
 that stamp, which befits a man for deeds the most cruel, and 
 -villanous that possibly can be conceived. So that neither 
 feeling for the sufferings of others, nor regard to his own 
 reputation, had restraint upon his actions. 
 
 . Again, for a number of years, he had been struggling 
 to abolish Presbytery, and set up Episcopacy in Scotland. 
 On this subject there had been much keen contention betwixt 
 him and a part of the clergy, who disdained to court Roy- 
 al favour at the expense of what they conceived to be their 
 duty. At the time of Gowry’s return, His Majesty had 
 nearly succeeded in effecting a complete change. A num- 
 
151 
 
 ber of the ministers, indeed, still refused to submit, but 
 they were without a head among the nobility, none of whom 
 dared to disoblige their monarch, more especially as he was 
 soon to succeed to the crown of England, when he would 
 have it in his power amply to repay the services of his 
 friends, and resent the actions of such of his subjects, as he 
 had found refractory. Gowry, upon his return from his 
 travels, was precisely what the popular party in the Kirk 
 wanted for a leader. Being opulent, he had it in his power 
 to be independent, at a time when the chief of his compeers 
 were pensioners to a man who himself lived on charity. 
 His house had Jong been remarkable for an attachment 
 to the Protestant religion; in particular, his father, Earl 
 William, lost his head for his exertions in the cause of 
 liberty. John had been educated under his father’s eye, 
 by Messrs Bruce and Rollock, both staunch Presbyterians, 
 who zealously opposed James’s darling scheme of church 
 government, to the end of their lives. Under such precep- 
 tors, there can be no doubt, that the religious principles, 
 in which the young Karl was educated, were strictly Puri- 
 tanical; principles which he seems not to have abandoned in 
 his riper years, although they had by that time become un- 
 courtly, and of course unfashionable. For on his way home . 
 from Italy, not quite a year before his death, he resided se- 
 veral months at Geneva, in the house of Theodore Beza, 
 the chief of the Presbyterians, who, we are told, held him 
 in such estimation, that he never mentioned his untimely 
 death without shedding tears; and who sent an offer of en- 
 tertainment in his house to the two younger brothers, when 
 they went into exile. 
 
 If the Ear] was unfriendly to James’s system of church- 
 government, it appears from Calderwood’s M. S. History, 
 that in civil affairs he was not more complaisant. For at a 
 convention of the states, which was held, during the short 
 space that intervened, from his return to Scotland, till his 
 death, we hear of his opposing the court in some of its op- 
 pressive modes of levying taxes; and of the courtiers whis- 
 pering among themselves, that his destruction was resolved 
 on in consequence. 
 
 Peaceably to submit to opposition from any subject, es- 
 pecially in any thing relating to prerogative, was the last 
 thing that James could think off; he having no conception 
 of a limited monarchy; but, on the contrary, both in prin- 
 
152 
 
 ciple and practice, avowed that the king is above all law. 
 So that, the line of conduct which he had chalked out for 
 himself, rendered the destruction of the house of Ruthven, 
 “not so much a matter of choice as of necessity. But he had 
 other motives, besides envy and ambition, for cutting off this 
 family. Had these been his only incentives, perhaps he 
 might have been contented with the destruction of the Earl 
 alone. But being much embarrassed in pecuniary affairs, 
 living partly on a pension from the English Queen, and 
 having a numerous assemblage of ravenous parasites about 
 his court; every one of whom seems to have depended on 
 him for subsistence; and many of whom, seem to have been 
 disposed to go any length, in assisting him to provide for 
 them; he was at times, put to pitiful shifts, to hide his po- 
 verty. On the other hand, the family of Gowry was very 
 rich. Here then, was a fair opening for those unprincipled 
 ruffians, to gratify their malice, ambition, and avarice, at 
 one and the same time; for, by destroying the Ruthven fa- 
 mily, they supplied their wants, at the expense of those 
 
 whom they considered as their enemies. 
 It may be urged, that, even admitting this, it is very 
 probable that James would either have preferred a public 
 
 trial before a packed court on a fabricated charge of some 
 
 crime, as he did in Earl William’s case, or private assassi- 
 nation, to this method of cutting off Gowry. But the mode 
 adopted was preferable to either of these in several respects. 
 The universal execration vented against those, who had any 
 hand in Earl William’s death, might well deter the majority 
 of the nobility from again engaging in a similar undertaking. 
 Perhaps too, it was impossible to devise a method of fixing 
 a crime of sufficient magnitude upon Gowry. For though 
 a kind of sham conviction of treason was made out, partly 
 by overstrained inferences, and partly by manifest perjury, 
 yet this was not attempted till after his death. Had he been 
 
 allowed any thing like even the shadow of a trial, whilst 
 alive, he could have resisted these falsehoods, and have re- 
 
 presented facts in a different light. 
 
 It may be said, that James put many-persons to death, 
 on a charge of witchcraft, and what, it may be asked, hin- 
 dered him from having recourse to that method, if no better 
 occurred, of legally taking off Gowry? But before follow- 
 ing any course, it is proper to observe all its bearings; and 
 in the present case, besides, there was danger not merely 
 
 aie ’ 
 
153 
 
 of the accused escaping; but of his accusers subjecting theiti« 
 selves to ridicule. For the defence which John Earl of 
 Gowry would have made from an accusation of sorcery, — 
 would certainly have been of a kind very different, from 
 that of the ignorant old women, who were the usual objects 
 of James’s superstitious cruelty. Nor is this all. Supposin 
 Gowry convicted of magic, it would have been difficult an 
 dangerous, perhaps impossible, for all the power that James 
 possessed to execute the sentence. ‘The Earl was a distin- 
 guished favourite of Elizabeth, Queen of England, on which 
 account, James would not dare, openly, to lift his hand‘a- 
 gainst him. He was no less the darling of his countrymen, 
 and James, though he had long before this, begun, syste- 
 matically to encroach on the liberties of the country, still 
 wanted the means of promptly executing his arbitrary mea- 
 sures, afforded by a standing army: and though the people 
 of Scotland, at that period, were far from having the same 
 notions of liberty, that now prevail, they were by no means 
 insensible to the exertions made in their cause, by the house 
 of Ruthven; and they often testified their gratitude and at- 
 tachment. It was only sixteen years before this, indeed, 
 that James beheaded William, the first Earl, merely because 
 -he opposed his unconstitutional government. But then, he 
 found it necessary to do this precipitately, and in one of the 
 strongholds belonging to the crown; and notwithstanding 
 all this caution an attempt was made, by the country to 
 rescue him. 
 
 So far back as A. D. 1544, we find, that when Arran, 
 at the instigation of cardinal Beaton, directed William Lord 
 Ruthven to be turned out of his office of provost of Perth, 
 the inhabitants of that city rose, armed themselves, and re- 
 pulsed Chartris of Kinfauns, who was appointed to succeed 
 him, killing a number of his followers, and by that means, 
 retained Ruthven in the mayoralty. 
 
 _ And, amongst a number of other instances, we find, 
 that the town-council annually elected John, provost, dur- 
 ing the five years he was abroad. And when the townsmen 
 learned that he and his brother were slain, August 5, they 
 seem to have resolved to sacrifice the murderers, to their 
 own attachment to the family. 
 
 And supposing, still farther, that Gowry had been con- 
 demned and executed for witchcraft; though the malice of 
 his enemies might have been gratified, so far, yet by that 
 
154 
 mode of procedure, nothing was afforded to satisfy their a- 
 varice. ‘The heritable property was no otherwise affected, 
 than by passing to the next in succession of the family. 
 
 The same objection holds against seeret assassination. 
 Had the Earl been taken out ‘of the way, by that means, 
 there were still other three brothers, besides sisters, alive, 
 whieh rendered the extermination of the family, by this 
 method, tedious, uncertain, and liable to detection. Long 
 before this time, James had tried both these ways of making 
 off with his obnoxious subjects. Mains and Drumquhasil 
 were murdered, under the semblance of justice, by means 
 of suborned witnesses. The Earl of Murray was privately 
 assassinated by Huntly, under the authority of a secret war- 
 rant by James. Now, although His Majesty, by these con- 
 trivances, got quit of his enemies; yet his villany was com- 
 pletely exposed by succeeding occurrences: a consequence 
 which it was prudent to avoid, where the object of his re- 
 sentment was held in such estimation, by a neighbouring 
 powerful sovereign, a numerous vassalage, and a great ma- 
 jority of his countrymen. 
 
 Such are the motives which may have actuated James 
 and his associates to adopt this mode of exterminating the 
 principal branch of the Ruthvens. And the following cir- 
 cumstances warrant us in presuming that they certainly 
 did so. : 
 
 In the first place, It has already been observed, that it 
 was reported at that time, that a few days before the affair at 
 Perth, the king wrote to the Earl, inviting him to visit 
 Falkland, and there spend some time, in the diversion of the 
 chace; and that the card of invitation was found in Gowry’s 
 pocket after his death. We have no positive proof of this ; 
 but the manner of Alexander’s appearance there, as related 
 by the king himself, seems to corroborate that report. His 
 hanging on the king all morning, as related in the discourse, 
 countenances this supposition very much. Had Alexan- 
 der’s errand merely been to invite the king to come and take 
 possession of “ a pose,” less time than five hours would have 
 been sufficient to determine whether he would go or not: 
 and after he had taken his resolution, Alexander must have 
 been very impertinent, indeed, to continue urging him to 
 leave off before the end of the chace; an event which might 
 have been expected every moment. The fact seems to be 
 
 this; The king had sent for Gowry, or his brother Alexan- 
 
155 
 
 der, to Falkland that morning, for the purpose of covering 
 his ‘own design upon them, by representing whichsoever of 
 them accepted of the invitation, as having come for the pur- 
 pose of drawing His Majesty into the snare. 
 
 Secondly, The number of attendants, who went to Perth 
 with the king, on this occasion, affords strong presumption 
 that something more was in view, than merely to rob one 
 man of his money, who was already bound and im confine- 
 ment. And the eagerness manifested by the Royal Party, 
 to diminish the account of their numbers, is evidence that 
 they were aware of this. ‘They had no occasion to bring 
 this subject on the carpet at all, far less to strive to conceal 
 the truth, (as we know that they certainly did,) if they had 
 no sinister views. 
 
 James, in his manifesto, says, that his whole train did not 
 exceed fifteen persons in number. Lennox and Mar men- 
 tion only twelve attendants who accompanied the king into 
 Gowry’s hall. Mr Rynd, too, swore, ‘That in “his opinion 
 the king’s company was within a dozen of men.” But per- 
 haps another stroke or two of the hangman’s maul on the 
 wedges of Mr Rynd’s boots, would have struck off a few 
 more from this number. How many persons accompanied 
 His Majesty to Perth on this occasion, we pretend not to 
 ascertain: but we know of twenty, viz. Lennox, Mar, Inch- 
 affray, Lindores, the three Erskins, Orchil, Balgowan, 
 Ramsay, Harris, William Stewart, John Murray, John 
 Hamilton, Finlay Tailzies, George Wilson, Robert Cal- 
 braith, Robert Brown, and the two Bogs. It is very pro- 
 bable, that the number was much larger, as several of the 
 above only came to our knowledge fortuitously. For in- 
 stance, we never would have heard of Finlay Tailzies, who 
 perhaps was clerk of the kitchen, had not Inchaffray inad- 
 vertently acquainted us that he was one of that division 
 which overtook him at Strathmiglo. Again, we should 
 have known of no more than two Erskins being in the com- 
 pany, viz. Thomas and James, had not Cromarty informed 
 us, that he saw an attestation, in the hand-writing of George 
 Erskin of Invertile, another brother, stating, that he “then” 
 7. e. when the magical characters were abstracted from Gow- 
 ry’s person, received them from his brother Thomas, who, 
 we are told, “ did take” them “ out of the Earl of Gowry’s 
 
 irdle.” . 
 This number, pai ie of itself, fully sufficient to 
 r | 
 
156 
 
 overpower Gowry, and his servants, taken, as they were, 
 unawares. But in case more assistance should have been 
 necessary, the Murrays were at hand. And it does not 
 appear, that these were kept as a corps de reserve; for we 
 - find a servant of Tullibardine’s in the chamber, immediately 
 after Gowry was killed: and it is very probable, that he 
 assisted in the murder, as he was wounded in attempting 
 to prevent Gowry’s servants or friends from entering the 
 room, at least he gave out so: and in sharing the plunder, 
 some of the best articles, as the baronies of Ruthven and 
 Scone, and the Sherriffalty of Perth, fell to the Murrays. 
 
 Thirdly, In the number of James’s servants who came 
 to Perth with him, we find several whom we would sup- 
 pose it ,was not customary to carry with him on excur- 
 sions of this kind. For instance, the two Bogs, the one 
 porter, and the other butler, were the very last of his do- 
 mestics whom we should expect to hear of following, when 
 he meant to be absent only a few hours. But butlers and 
 porters are usually stout, and often daring fellows; it was 
 therefore prudent for James to have people of that descrip- 
 tion in his band, as it was uncertain what occasion there 
 might be for their services, in such an enterprise. And in- 
 deed it is difficult to conceive what purpose these persons 
 were designed for at this time, unless it was to assist in the 
 assassination of the Ruthvens. It was not their business to 
 attend the king’s person; and they could not be wanted for 
 apprehending, and securing the strange man; Alexander 
 Ruthven having done that by himself, the evening before. 
 He was still to make one of the company; and if more as- 
 sistance should be wanted the municipality of Perth was at 
 command. 
 
 Dr Harris too, the court physician and surgeon was one 
 of the party. Being lame, little assistance was to be ex- 
 pected from his sword. But in case any of the royalists 
 had been wounded, his tournequests, forceps, and needles, 
 behoved to be of inestimable value. 
 
 Fourthly, The attendants took care likewise to be arm- 
 ed. We find those who had been hunting all morning, 
 without arms, stop, notwithstanding of their haste to ac- 
 company the king, till their swords were brought. James, 
 indeed, takes occasion to let us know, as it were by the by, 
 that he himself had nothing except his hunting horn about 
 him. But that was of no consequence. All the world knew 
 
157 
 
 him to be a coward, consequently the want of offensive arms 
 on his part, could be no loss to his friends: but so general- 
 ly armed were they, that Rynd was questioned if he saw any 
 other arms than swords in the king’s company, as if their 
 purpose could not be effected without a regiment of mus- 
 keteers or a park of artillery. However, we cannot help 
 observing, that from the question being put to Rynd, we 
 suspect that there was a report at that time, of some other 
 species of armour besides swords, being in the company. 
 
 Fifthly, It is evident, that the conspirators took care not 
 to leave Falkland, or travel all in a body. As an instance 
 of this, the abbot of Inchaffray tells us of a bare-faced trick 
 played by him, that he might join the party unobserved, 
 and as it were by chance. He says that he left Falkland in 
 the morning, to go “the highway to Inchaffray ;” yet at 
 half past eleven o’clock, he was standing on the road to 
 Perth, at less than four miles from Falkland, and when the 
 king and his friends came up to the abbot, he mounted horse, 
 and joined them: but instead of going “the highway to 
 Inchaffray,” he “accompanied His Majesty to Perth,” where, 
 though he does not say that he had any business, or knew 
 any thing of the man and gold, and though he saw the bus- 
 tle into which Gowry’s family was put, in providing dinner, 
 instead of giving it relief, by taking himself away, he stops, 
 dines, assists at murdering his host, and then, instead of 
 going to Inchaffray, returns to Falkland. ‘This is the more 
 remarkable, that Alexander refused to breakfast with him 
 in the morning, of course he was under no obligation to in- 
 vite himself to dinner with the Earl. In fact there is little 
 ground for doubting, that his falling in with, and accom- 
 panying theking to Perth, was a preconcerted scheme. Inch- 
 affray tells us too, that there were only five with the king, 
 when they came up to him: some indeed, who had been 
 hunting, stopped at Falkland, and changed horses, and got 
 swords. but it was not that which detained them, for Len- 
 nox waited till he got a sword, and a fresh horse, yet he 
 was one of those who composed this first division, led on 
 by James himself. ‘The simple truth evidently is this, they 
 wished not to appear in a body together. 
 
 Sixthly, The precaution taken by the conspirators to 
 separate the two brothers, before massacring them, is fur- 
 ther evidence of the design. As they, especially the Earl, 
 
 7 
 
158 
 
 were known to be men of considerable personal prowess, 
 this stratagem seems to have been nothing but what was 
 dictated by prudence; for had they been attacked when to- 
 gether, there'was a possibility of their defending themselves, 
 till the townsmen were alarmed, which might have been 
 done in a few minutes, by calling from a window. The 
 pretence under which James says, Alexander induced him 
 to send the Earl out of the apartment where he had dined, 
 is too shallow to have duped even a child. It was to drink 
 the health of the king’s attendants, who were at dinner in 
 the hall; and as he went out to do so, His Majesty went out 
 likewise. ‘This could only detain Gowry a very short time, 
 ‘and it is highly improbable, that he would remain long with 
 the king’s followers, while the king himself was in the house. 
 ‘When he returned then, into the place, where he had left 
 His Majesty, only a few minutes before, and found him gone, 
 what would be the consequence? Could any step have been 
 more likely to oecasion a stir in the company, than the sur- 
 prise arising from such elopement ? 
 - JTfit be answered, that there could have been no sur- 
 prise, nor consequent agitation, as His Majesty passed a- 
 way through the hall, in sight of Gowry, where he was em- 
 ployed in “ entertayning” the company, it must be grant- 
 ed, that this is true. But, that being the case, where was 
 the utility of sending out the Earl at all? Ifhe was to wit- 
 ness James and Alexander retiring by themselves, might 
 he not have done it in the * chamber” as well as in the 
 “halle”? | 
 
 But further, On the supposition of the two brothers hav- 
 ing a design on the king’s life, what must have been their 
 drift, on thus separating at the very crisis when their u- 
 nited efforts were most wanted ? . ! 
 
 The only answer to this question, at all plausible, is, 
 that it was designed that the Earl should divert the atten- 
 tion of the attendants, while Alexander was perpetrating 
 the murder. But the futility of this must strike every one, 
 who reflects, that the king’s party was in possession of the 
 house: they saw His Majesty, in Alexander’s company, 
 pass to another apartment; of course, it was a duty, which 
 they would certainly fulfil, to insist on having his person 
 produced in safety. : 
 
 But all these difficulties are removed an once, by on! 
 admitting what evidently was the simple fact, viz, that it 
 
 ¢ 
 
159 
 
 was part of the plot, first to take off one, then another of 
 the brothers; and that, for this purpose, James led Alex- 
 ander away from Gowry, and the greater part of the king’s 
 followers: a circumstance, which, as it took place before 
 servants, could not be concealed, and therefore this story 
 of Alexander desiring the king to send away Gowry, was 
 given out, to cover it. 
 
 Seventhly, Another strong presumption, that there was 
 a regular preconcerted plot to murder the two brothers, is 
 afforded by the deposition of Thomas Erskin, who con- 
 fesses, that so soon as he heard His Majesty “ cry furth 
 of the window” for help, he (Erskin) and his brother “ grip- 
 ed” Gowry “ by the neck, and said to him, traitor, this is 
 thy deed ;” the certain prelude to his death, we may be 
 sure, had not his servants interposed. Discomfited in this 
 quarter, the Erskins joined Ramsay, and assisted him in 
 destroying his antagonist, or rather victim. 
 
 The villany here is so obvious, that it must be super- 
 fluous to enlarge on the matter; suffice it to ask, If there 
 is any probability of such persons as the Exrskins were “ clasp- 
 ing the Karl of Gowry by the garter, casting him under 
 their feet, and wanting” z. e. wishing for “ a dagger to have 
 strucken him with” merely because two men were fighting 
 in his house ? 
 
 Eighthly, It is an observation which has frequently been 
 made, that presumptive evidence is often more satisfactory, 
 than that which is positive or direct. This must especially 
 be the case, where a number of circumstances, each of which 
 is in somé measure insulated from the others, concur in es- 
 tablishing the same fact. Such is more convincing than 
 evidence arising from the declaration of witnesses, because 
 they may be in a mistake, they may be prejudiced, or they 
 may be interested. 
 
 But if a case shall occur, where these two species of e- 
 vidence are conjoined; where a considerable body of cir- 
 cumstantial proof supports the direct testimony of witness- 
 es, without a single circumstance of a countervailing na- 
 ture, sceptical indeed must he be who doubts the fact, 
 And further, if these circumstances are pointed and nume- 
 rous; and if the declaration of the witnesses is direct; and 
 they themselves interested in concealing what they disco- 
 ver; the evidence then ranks in the highest degree of hu- 
 man probability. 
 
160 
 
 This is precisely the case in the Gowry Conspiracy. 
 ‘We haveseen that such a number of circumstances have come 
 to light, as must satisfy every reasonable unbiassed man, 
 that king James and his followers murdered the two bro- 
 thers; and we are now to hear this corroborated by the di- 
 rect, unequivocal, and unqualified testimony of James him- 
 self and a number of his accessaries. ‘T’o those who have 
 been accustonied to hear of the Gowry Conspiracy as a mys- 
 terious transaction which never has been, and very probably 
 never will be understood, we are aware that this will appear 
 a rash assertion. But the matter is too explicit to leave 
 
 round for altercation. 
 
 In the “ discourse,” or narrative of that affair, written, 
 it is said, by James, and published by authority, we are 
 told, that upon his coming to close quarters with Alexan- 
 der Ruthven in the study, he was the stronger man, for 
 «¢* His Majesty per force drove him” Alexander *“ to the 
 window.” Next “ His Majesty——brought him per force 
 out of that study.” Lastly, we are told that “ His Majesty 
 having gotten the said Alexander’s head under his arm, 
 and himself on his knee, His Majesty drove him back per 
 force hard to the door of the said turnpike.” ‘Thus James 
 tells us, that in the struggle, he was able first to drag Alex- 
 ander to the window of the study, then out of.the study, 
 and lastly, to push him back to the door at the top of the 
 stairs. 
 
 Ramsay again depones, that when he entered the cham-~ 
 ber, “he sees His Majesty and Mr Alexander Ruthven in 
 others arms, striving and wrestling together, His Majesty 
 having Alexander’s head under his arm, and Mr Alexan- 
 der being almost on his knees,” 
 
 Alexander, thus completely mastered, had it not in his 
 power to hurt either king or courtier. He was under the 
 king, on his knees; Henderson, who had declared his reso- 
 Jution to befriend the king, was standing by with a drawn 
 dagger in his hand; Ramsay had entered the apartment 
 with his sword drawn; Mr Alexander’s sword was still in 
 its sheath. Under these circumstances, what had they to 
 apprehend from him: ‘They ran no risk by preserving him 
 alive. He could neither hurt them, nor escape. Nor is that ” 
 all. According to the king’s declaration, and Henderson’s 
 deposition, Alexander, only a few minutes before, had told 
 them that he was not a principal in the plot, but that he had 
 
16} 
 
 ‘his instructions from his brother the Earl. If he told this, 
 why kill him? Why not reserve him alive for a public tri- 
 al, and by means of his evidence, discover the extent of the 
 conspiracy, so that the principal traitors might be brought 
 to justice? Calderwood tells us, that when Mr Robert 
 Bruce, some months afterwards, pressed the king for the 
 reason of his putting Mr Ruthven to death, when he might 
 have saved him, James at first alleged that it was done in 
 his own defence. Bruce asked, “ Why brought yee him 
 not to justice, seeing yee should have had God before your 
 eyes?” “JI had neither God nor the Devil, man, before my 
 eyes,” said His Majesty, ‘but my own defence.” But re- 
 collecting, no doubt, that this was in direct contradiction 
 to his former declaration, he instantly got into ill humour 
 with the impertinent parson, swearing that he “‘ was once 
 minded to have spared Mr Alexander, but the motion of 
 killing him prevailed.” 
 
 Thus, if we are to credit the testimony ofthe three indi- 
 viduals who surviyed, (and we have no other,) self defence 
 was altogether out of the question. Indeed it is clear to a de- 
 monstration, even taking the murderer’s.account of the mat- 
 ter, that Alexander’s death was resolved on before this; 
 and that all those who had an immediate hand in it were in 
 the secret. Henderson says that the instant Ramsay enter- 
 ed the chamber, without enquiring into the nature of the 
 fray, he stabbed Mr Ruthven, although he saw that he had 
 the worst of it, being down on his knees in the struggle. 
 James, again, does not desire Ramsay to assist him in se- 
 curing Mr Alexander. So far from that, that he gives in- 
 structions how to dispatch him quickly, by cutting his throat, 
 or neck, as his trunk was secured by defensive armour,* 
 « Strike him high,” said His Majesty, “for he has an payne 
 doublet on.” Accordingly Ramsay gave him several wounds, 
 and in that state he was pushed over, or ‘* down the stairs.” 
 But still further, Thomas Erskine, Dr Herries, and Wil- 
 son the servant, were only “five steps” from the bottom of 
 the stairs, when Mr Alexander, in this deplorable state, 
 wounded and bleeding, fell in with them. They were ig- 
 norant of the nature of the fracas which had taken place in 
 the upper part of the house. They had no opportunity of 
 ‘knowing that Mr Ruthven was so much as engaged in it. 
 
 # Which, however, seems not to have been the case, as we hear no 
 more of it. 
 
162 
 
 Ramsay, indeed, had called from the window, for Erskin 
 to come up to the head of the turnpike, but he did not ac- 
 quaint him with the reason of this request, far less did he 
 direct him to murder every one he should meet with in his 
 way. ‘They had no other communication with James, or 
 those above. Alexander gave them no provocation. He 
 did not so much as speak to them. His sword was in its 
 sheath; of course, they could not even suspect, that he had 
 been the aggressor, in any squabble. Nay, for ought that 
 they could learn at this time, he might have been on the 
 King’s side, if they knew that the King was engaged in the 
 affair. At any rate, if innocent, he was an object of pity; 
 if guilty, they could easily.have secured the half dead body. 
 But instead of that, the moment these bloodhounds set eyes 
 on him, without asking him a single question, without wait- 
 ing to hear him speak, and without any deliberation, the 
 encourage one another to murder him, dart on him, wound- 
 ed and unarmed as he was, and quickly “ ended him.” 
 Thus we see that none of them, the King, Ramsay, 
 Erskin, Harris, nor Wilson, hesitated a moment, how they 
 were to act. ‘They all agreed in taking his life, the moment 
 he was within reach of them, and this without any manner 
 of consultation among themselves. So that it is evident 
 to a demonstration that their resolution was formed before. 
 Nearly similar were the circumstances attending the 
 Earl’s death. After an attempt was made on his life in the 
 _ court, hearing an unusual uproar in the house, Gowry 
 thought it prudent not to goin, and investigate the affair, 
 unarmed, he therefore borrowed his Steward’s helmet, and 
 having two swords, went up stairs, accompanied by one ser- 
 vant only. Being thus on his guard, the assassins saw that 
 it would be a serious matter to take his life, as he seemed 
 determined not to fall unrevenged; they therefore had re- 
 course to cunning for effecting their design. It was thus. 
 King James VI. all his life had an uncommon predilection 
 for sleeping in a whole skin. ‘To ensure which at this time, 
 he slipped, or (to take his own word for it) his servants shut 
 him back into the closet, till the affair with Gowry should 
 be terminated. James’s friends seeing the Karl stand on 
 the defensive, one of them with the design of putting him 
 off his guard said, ‘* You have occasioned the king’s death, 
 will you also murder us?” ‘The report of the king being 
 dead so astonished the Earl, that he dropped the points of 
 
163 
 
 his swords on the floor. This was precisely what was want+ 
 ed. The opportunity was not to be neglected. The ruffian 
 Ramsay, came behind, and stabbed him through the heart. 
 
 In this, no less than in the case of Alexander, we obvi- 
 ously see deliberate, preconcerted murder. When the Earl 
 suffered Ramsay to come behind him, with the naked bloody 
 dagger in his hand, he must have had his attention engross- 
 ed by some others of the party: for, after they had taken a- 
 way his brother’s life, Gowry certainly never would willingly 
 put his own in their power. This being the case, Ramsay, 
 when he came behind, and stabbed him, might with equal 
 facility, have seized and pinioned him. In that he would 
 have been assisted by two or three of his accomplices; whilst 
 one or two of the others would have parried off Cranston. 
 
 The securing the two brothers at this time, and bringing 
 them to trial alive, would have afforded some sort of satis- 
 faction to the world. Indeed, the king was called upon by 
 every earthly consideration to do this. It was a duty which 
 he owed to himself, to his dependants, but especially to the 
 house of Ruthven, as the lives and reputation of all these, 
 were so much implicated in the charge. And there can be 
 no doubt, that had he wished to have the matter fairly and 
 openly investigated, he would have preferred this method, 
 to that of first taking away the lives of the two noblemen, 
 hanging, torturing, and banishing such of their adherents 
 as shewed any disposition to manifest their innocence, and 
 then bestowing bounties upon perjury and murder in their 
 enemies. 
 
 But this, though enough, is not all. The Earl’s mur- 
 derers give no reason why they put him to death. Even by 
 their own account, they did not know, at this time, that he 
 had any design upon either the life or liberty of the king. 
 An attempt had been made upon his own person, in the 
 very court of his own house. He overheard an unaccount- 
 able disturbance within doors, and to learn the occasion of 
 that, he arms himself, and goes in. At the bottom of the 
 stairs he sees the dead body of his brother, evidently mur- 
 dered; as his sword was still undrawn. Aware that, under 
 such circumstances, the squabble could be of no trivial na- 
 ture, he ascends the stair attended by a servant. But so 
 unconscious was he of having done any thing deservin 
 death, ‘that on his entering the apartment, he lays himself 
 
 a 
 
164 
 open to an attack, whilst the king’s servants proceeded to 
 give an account of the matter. i, 
 
 Now in all this, so far are we from perceiving any thing 
 treasonable, or in the least culpable, that we see no part of 
 his conduct, but such as was the duty of every good sub- 
 ject. Such considerations, as his being principal in the plot; 
 sending his brother and: servants to Falkland to decoy the 
 king to Perth; his ordering Henderson to arm, take his 
 station in the closet, and obey Alexander’s directions; and 
 the whole et cetera of the story, even supposing them true, 
 cannot have even the smallest weight here; as James and 
 his followers inform us, that it was not till afterwards, that 
 they became acquainted with all these. 
 
 Thus, it is evident from the account of this transaction,. 
 voluntarily given by James and his band, that their reason 
 for taking the lives of the Earl and: his brother, was neither 
 as a punishment of their crimes, nor in preservation of their 
 own lives; but preconcerted murder, in the most unlimited 
 sense of the term. by 
 
 After such an inferenge, it may perhaps be thought su- 
 perfluous, to take notice of any after circumstances con- 
 nected with this transaction. Yet the relation of some inci- 
 dents, said to have taken place after the murder was_perpe- 
 trated, cannot be unentertaining, though its utility may 
 not be very apparent. 
 
 The first we shall mention, is one which exemplifies the 
 depravity of James’s character in a religious and moral point 
 of view. He tells us, in the discourse, that immediately 
 after that division of the assassins which beset the principal 
 stair, broke into the chamber where the other, that had 
 murdered the two noblemen, was, “ His Majesty kneeling 
 down on his knees, in the midst of his own servants, and 
 they all kneeling round about him, His Majesty out of his 
 own mouth, thanked God for that miraculous deliverance 
 and victory: assuring himself, that God had preserved him: 
 from so despaired a perill, for the perfecting of some greater 
 work behind, to his glory, and for procuring by him the 
 weale of his people, that God had committed to his charge” !! 1 
 Very pious truly and withal very modest. It is not at all 
 incredible, that every individual of James’s company should 
 seriously join in this ejaculation, for it is observable, that the. 
 court usually assimilates its character to that of the prince; 
 and we all have heard, that King James the Sixth was very 
 
lie, 
 
 165 
 
 devout, as well as very learned. But if we were to believe 
 all that he wished us to believe, on the present occasion, we 
 would certainly be of opinion, that his piety outran his pru- 
 dence, for undoubtedly, it would have shewn no disrespect 
 to the Deity, though James and his people had, in the first 
 place, searched the house in quest of Gowry’s accomplices, 
 great numbers of whom, must, if we credit his story, have 
 been secreted in it, and in readiness to complete the scheme, 
 whether it was to kill, or confine the king. But we are not 
 told that James took any steps for this purpose. An omis- 
 sion, which it is difficult to account for any other way, than by 
 placing it to the score of the religious notion, which was pre- 
 dominant in him at the time. Most people are contented 
 with adhering to one religious persuasion, and many even 
 to none at all; bat James’s belief, we have already seen, ex- 
 tended to four or five different systems: and, perhaps, at 
 that particular peried he was in a Calvinistical fit, and, be- 
 lieving in predestination, he considered as useless all pre- 
 caution for avoiding danger. But to be serious. In what 
 estimation can we hold the wretch, who, having perpetrated, 
 a crime the most atrocious within the reach of man, in- 
 stantly goes, as it were, before his Maker and Judge, and 
 declares himself perfectly innocent? If James fabricated 
 this anecdote, and gave it to the world without any founda- 
 tion in truth, in what light must he have appeared, to his 
 attendants and servants’. And if he really did address God 
 Almighty in this manner, how contemptible must his cha- 
 racter have appeared, to those of his accomplices who were 
 in the secret? But, in either case, what a daring action was 
 it, thus to insult an Omniscient God! Indeed, the best 
 apology that can be offered for him is, that he did not believe 
 in the existence of that Being: as this is less offensive, than 
 to acknowledge a Deity, yet treat him with mockery and 
 contempt. 
 
 But though the “ despaired perill,” for escaping which, 
 James pretended to be thus grateful, was only fictitious; a 
 real one, and that of no trivial nature, was. impending. 
 The occasion and nature of which was this. 
 
 Although in general the plot was contrived in only a 
 bungling manner, yet in one part, it was managed artfully 
 enough. James was aware, that the world was well ac- 
 quainted with his duplicity and cruelty. In particular, his 
 antipathy to every man of an independent mind, was well 
 
166 
 
 known. Consequently, he foresaw the difficulty, of imposing 
 on the public this atrocious murder, as self-defence. But 
 knowing, that much would depend on the nature of the im- 
 pression that should be first made on men’s minds, he, in 
 order that that might be as favourable as possible, contrived 
 to secure one of the magistrates of Perth in his interest 
 for that purpose. ‘This was baillie Roy. We can learn 
 from his declaration, that he was either an arrant villain, or 
 a poor hare-brained idiot, very willing to serve a great man, 
 in any shape, as far as his capacity enabled him. By his 
 own account, he had sauntered| into Earl Gowry’s hall to 
 see the great folk eat their dinner. A step fully as befitting 
 an idle boy, as the principal resident magistrate of such a 
 town as Perth. But the truth seems to be, that he was con- 
 sidered as the fittest person to acquaint the townsmen with 
 the fate of their chief magistrate, and in doing that, to pre- 
 possess them with the notion of Gowry’s treason; and an 
 idle curiosity was the only reason that could be given, for 
 his (Roy’s) being in Gowry’s house at that time. Accord- 
 ingly, upon the perpetration of the murder, he ran through 
 the streets, yelling like one distracted, and calling on a 
 people to rescue the king; and caused ring the bell. By 
 these means, he succeeded in creating an alarm, and as- 
 sembling a large body of the inhabitants before Gowry’s 
 house. But he failed in duping them so far, as to convince 
 them that the Earl and his brother were slain in any attempt 
 upon the king’s person. For, on coming to the place, the 
 circumstsnces that occurred soon satisfied them that this 
 was only a fresh instance of James’s villany. And so strong 
 was their resentment, that they besieged him in the house, 
 two or three hours; insulting him with the most opprobrious 
 language, and threatening him with instant death*. Nor 
 was it without the utmost exertions on the part of James 
 and his attendants, that the people (several of whom were 
 persons of distinction) were prevented from putting their 
 threats into execution. Some of the courtiers were employ- 
 ed in defending the gate; whilst others, such as Lennox, 
 and some of the Murrays, endeavoured to sooth the popu- 
 lace by fair words. ‘The surviving magistrates too, were 
 called on to use their influence in prevailing on the people 
 
 * « Gi’e us out our Provost, or the king’s green coat shall pay for it,” said 
 
 one. “ Come down thou son of Signor Davie, you have slain an honester 
 man than yourself,” said another. 
 
167 
 
 fo desist, and when that course was found to be ineffectual, 
 the baillies were directed to command them by proclamation 
 in:His Majesty’s name to retire, under the pain of treason. 
 Although the people had no high opinion of James’s vera- 
 city, in ordinary cases, they knew his character too well, 
 to suppose that he would not keep his word on the present 
 occasion. ‘They therefore dispersed. In short, this story 
 of baillie Roy’s is the most foolish of the whole. Had he des- 
 cried a hostile army at some distance, advancing against the 
 town, he might very properly have gone or sent through 
 the streets, and rung the alarm bell, to raise the inhabitants, 
 ‘because there was time for doing so; but can any person be- 
 lieve, that, when the danger was so imminent as it must 
 have been, when the king cryed treason! murder! help! 
 any one who was at hand, and wished to give him assist- 
 ance, would run away, bellowing like one demented, through 
 the streets for help? Would he not have hastened without 
 losing a second of time to the place where the danger was, 
 and where assistance must have been given instantly, or it 
 would have come too late? 
 
 Secondly, James informs us, that before leaving Perth, 
 he caused search the Earl’s pockets for any letters or papers, 
 that he might have upon him, which might be of use to 
 throw light on the mystery; and that they found nothing 
 of that kind. ‘They however found that he was a necro- 
 mancer, magician, or wizard, as Sir Thomas Erskin ab- 
 stracted, (Cromarty says from his girdle, James says from 
 his pockets*) certain magical characters.” It would be 
 presumption to enter into any controversy. with James, re- 
 lating to the reality and nature of witchcraft, as he was so 
 far master of the subject, that he wrote a book on it. A 
 very learned tract, no doubt. But as we are more scepti- 
 cal, or less knowing, we shall, on this occasion, encounter 
 him on other ground. 
 
 And in the-first place, even granting all that he has ad- 
 ‘vanced on this head, either by assertions or inuendos, to be 
 true, what does it avail his cause? He owns, that it was 
 not till after they had slain both the brothers, that they 
 made this discovery, consequently it cannot, in the least, 
 justify them for slaying them. 
 
 ‘Secondly, These characters might be something else 
 
 * These may easily be made to agree, Perhaps his pockets were in his 
 girdle or attached to it. 
 
168 
 
 than, words of enchantment,” as we learn from Cromarty; 
 that they were unintelligible to all who did not. * exercise 
 that art,” ze. necromancy. James and his party, we may 
 well suppose, made the most of the matter that possibly 
 could be made. Accordingly Nicolson, Elizabeth’s resident 
 in Scotland, who doubtless would get his information at 
 court, writes to Cecil, a few days after this, * Upon the 
 Earl, they say, were found characters, some for love, blood, 
 &c. and one against the power of the Divine Majestie.” On 
 the other hand, the author of the book entitled, “‘ The con- 
 spiracy of the Ruthvens,” published next year, informs us 
 that to attract good, and repulse bad spirits, was one quali- 
 ty in Gowry’s charms. James, again, very gravely assures 
 us that their efficacy appeared in another shape, for “ while 
 they were upon him (Gowry), his wound, whereof he died, 
 bled not; but incontinent, after taking them away, the 
 blood gushed out in great abundance, to the admiration of 
 all the beholders*.” 
 
 The characters seem to have’ assumed different shapes at 
 different periods. By Rynd’s account, they were partly in 
 Greek, partly in Latin, when he first saw them at Padua: 
 yet Cromarty says, none but dabblers in the black art could 
 understand them. Again, James says, they found only “a 
 little close parchment bag full of magical characters, and 
 words of inchantment” written, it would appear on separate 
 bits or slips of paper. But by the time of the first Karl of 
 Cromarty, who says he had them several years in his cus- 
 tody, they had assumed a very different form. ‘They then 
 appeared in the likeness “ of sheets of paper, stitched in the 
 form of a book, near five inches long, and three broad, full 
 of magical spells and characters.” 
 
 This Proteus-like quality of the characters, however, 
 is no proof of their not being ‘ magical spells.” So far 
 from it, that that is generally recognised as a characteristic 
 of necromantic agents and instruments; and it evinces 2 
 singular kind of sagacity in my Lord, which at length rajs- 
 
 * In order to save James’s character from the ridicule naturally attached 
 to such a story, his friends endeavour to account for this admirable bleeding, 
 on natural principles. Perhaps, say they, it was occasioned by altering the 
 posture of the body, when searching his pockets. But this is far from satis- 
 factory. Gowry was killed between three and four o’clock. It was eight 
 hefore James left Perth. It was only a short time before his departure that 
 he caused search the Earl’s body; and we know, that after a human body 
 has he dead three or four hours, blood will not gush from it “in great a- 
 ‘Pundance, 
 
. TS Te 
 
 st 
 
 " Pa 
 
 _ ed him to great rank and opulence, that he knew these were 
 ‘magical characters, when he:owns that he did not under- 
 stand them. 
 
 In the last place, we may observe, that there is not even 
 the slightest legal evidence that any such characters were 
 usually Siciod, about Gowry’s body, in his lifetime, or 
 found on it after his death. 
 
 At a precognitign taken, August 20th, in Falkland, 
 Rynd, indeed, is made to say, that he frequently saw these 
 identical characters in My Lord’s possession, when they 
 werein Italy. But we have already seen that whatever Rynd 
 deponed, was extorted from him by torture. There is, be- 
 sides, great probability that the whole of the account, said to 
 be his deposition, isaforgery. Welearn that James made no 
 scruple to erase from the public records, whatever he con- 
 sidered as derogatory to his own, or his family’s reputation, 
 and that he held out bribes to the historians of that period, 
 who were willing to prostitute their works for that purpose*. 
 
 It surely then will not be considered as an unfair infe- 
 rence to suppose, that when he, or his creatures, had the 
 uncontrolled fabrication of these records in their own hands, 
 they would be careful to compose them of such materials, 
 and after such a fashion, as suited their own views; and never 
 could a more convenient:occasion, than the present, occur 
 for doing so. On the one side was all the power and influ- 
 ence of the kingdom; on the other, the parties were alrea- 
 dy put to death, no advocate appeared for them, and their 
 witnesses were either writhing under the torture, or deter- 
 red by the fear of death from declaring the truth. But on 
 this point we are not left to mere conjecture; Nicolson, in 
 a letter to Cecil, dated the very day after the precognition, 
 writes}, “ Master William Rynd the Pedagogue hath been 
 extremely booted, but confesseth nothing of that matter a- 
 gainst the Earl or his brother.” Now, in opposition to 
 the account published by the court, we here have the unso- 
 licited testimony of a man, whose interest led him rather to 
 flatter James. The world will decide to which credit is due. 
 
 But further, no person is brought forward who witness- 
 ed the abstraction of these characters from Gowry’s body. 
 James, in his ‘ discourse,” only tells us, that they were 
 found in his pockets; but does not say where they then 
 weret: nor what measures were taken, at that time, to iden- 
 
 * Laing’s History of Scotland, Vols. Ist and 2d, passim. + The origi- 
 ‘nal still existe in the paper office, $ At the time of his writing. 
 
170 
 
 tify them, so that they might be certainly recognised after- 
 wards. ‘They were not entrusted to the keeping of the ma- 
 gistrates of Perth, along with the three servants, and the 
 two dead bodies of the Ruthvens, till the trial. Instead of 
 that, Cromarty tells us, that they were delivered by Sir 
 ‘Thomas Erskine, who took them from Gowry’s body, to 
 his brother Sir George Erskine of Invertiel, who must have 
 handed them about court, as we find Galloway had them 
 in possession some few days afterwards, but Sir George seems 
 to have again got them in keeping, for Cromarty adds, 
 ** These papers I found in Sir George Erskine of Invertile’s 
 cabinet wrapt in paper, whereon was writ with Sir George’s 
 own hand, ‘These are the papers which Sir Thomas Ers- . 
 kine, my brother, did take out of the Earl of Gowry’s gir- 
 dle, after he was killed at Perth, and which papers were then. 
 delivered by my brother Sir Thomas to me tokeep.” ‘This 
 is the account which Cromarty gives of their coming into 
 his custody; but how long they remained there, is not known. 
 For when in 1713 he had sent the M. 8. ofhis Conspiracies 
 of the family of Gowry to the press, it occurred to him that 
 a copy, or Fac Simile of these characters might be of use to 
 some, and a matter of curiosity to others, he therefore stop- 
 ped the press for some time, till he should endeavour to find, 
 and transinit them to the printer; but strange to tell, though 
 about 120 years old, 113-o0f which they had lien in a torpid 
 state, they had not lost their virtue, for when the Karl went 
 in search of them, they had evanished, and have not been 
 heard of since*. 
 
 Perhaps some apology may be thought necessary for 
 having dwelt so long on a subject so ridiculous as that of 
 witchcraft now is. But it will be observed, that no serious 
 defence is offered against the reality of the charge. It is 
 only the unfair methods which were adopted in endeavour- 
 ing to substantiate it, to which we have adverted. And we 
 shall take teave of this head, after having stated that witch- 
 craft and sorcery was, or were, the Hobby-horse of James 
 VI. and even of the age in which he lived. All those whose 
 abilities or attainments exceeded, in any great degree, the 
 
 * Possibly the assertion that these characters had lien all this time in a tor- 
 pid state is not quite correct. ‘They may have been of service to Cromarty. 
 ‘This we are assured of, that with very slender natural abilities, and only a. 
 small portion of erudition, he attained great honours and the highest offices in 
 the state. And after passing his grand climacteric, he prevailed on a noble 
 woman, rich, beautiful, and healthy, and under twenty years of age, to 
 give him her hand in marriage, . 
 
Ley 
 
 ordinary standard, were seriously consideréd as necromans 
 cers by the commonalty. ‘Those, again, who had hones- 
 ty and courage enough to withstand the gross corruptions 
 which then prevailed in the church, were sure to be tras 
 duced. by the knavish priesthood, as emissaries of Satan. 
 Gowry, then, who united both these qualities in his charac- 
 ter, could not fail to be stigmatised as an adept in witchcraft ; 
 and a more effectual method of extinguishing his popularity 
 could not have been deviséd, than that of convicting him of 
 witchcraft. Every body believed in the existence of witches, 
 and every body held them in abhorrence. Had the people 
 been fully convinced that Gowry was a sorcerer, they would 
 have considered him as more deserving of death, than though 
 he had cut the king’s throat. 
 
 Thirdly, The opinion which was generally entertained, 
 at the time, concerning the reality of Gowry’s conspiracy, 
 together with the uncommon eagerness of James and his 
 friends to impress on the mind of the world an opinion of 
 its reality, are no contemptible arguments in support of this 
 system. We see that the people of Perth did not mince 
 the matter; they openly declared their sentiments, and that 
 in no.very courtly stile. And such lengths did they go, 
 that the Magistrates and Town Council, as representing the 
 community, were summoned to appear before the king at 
 Linlithgow, on the sixteenth of September, and answer for 
 the contempt and indignity done His Majesty. Among o- 
 ther particulars are enumerated, “ Certain irreverent and 
 undutiful speeches against His Majesty.” 
 
 The anxiety, too, which he evinced to have the clergy 
 preach up the reality of a treasonable attempt, on the 
 part of the two brothers against him, and the eagerness with 
 which he persecuted the recusants, is no less observable. 
 He was sensible that the guilt af the action was very glar- 
 ing, and therefore endeavoured to be before hand with peo- 
 ple’s suspicion every where. He was likewise sensible, that 
 a very powerful method of gaining partizans in a bad cause, 
 is to make people commit themselves, before they are ac- 
 quainted with the extent ofits depravity. It was for this rea- 
 son that, when he sent his account of the affair to the coun- 
 cil, an order accompanied it for the ministers of the city 
 of Edinburgh to convene their people on the morrow, and 
 make an extraordinary eae of thankfulness to the Al- 
 
 a . 
 
 ot 
 
172 
 
 inighty for his deliverance, for he well knew that—— 
 
 Quoties vis fallere Plebem 
 
 Finge Deum 
 That this was his motive, appears from the vehemence witlr 
 which he pressed an instant compliance, and the resentment 
 which he shewed against those who wished to delay, for on- 
 ly a day or two, merely for the purpose of gaining more sa- 
 tisfactory information concerning the matter. Nay, they 
 were not so much as allowed to consult among themselves, 
 what steps should be taken. It is indeed fashionable, now- 
 a-days, to. allege, that no stress ought to be laid upon the 
 opinion of these men, as they were a set of seditious. fana- 
 tics, aspiring at supremacy in both church and state. It 
 would rather be foreign to our present purpose, to enter in- 
 to a defence of the conduct of the leaders among the Pres- 
 byterian clergy, in the end of the sixteenth century. It 
 certainly was not irreproachable. But if we consider the 
 period of time, and the circumstances in which they lived, 
 we must be satisfied that many of these traits in their cha- 
 racters, which we ridicule as foibles; and execrate as faults, 
 were necessary for combating their opponents, and accom- 
 plishing the great desig which they had in view. It is by 
 no means fair to charge them with fanaticism, . sedition, in- 
 humanity, and indifference to the arts and sciences, &c. 
 without at the same time stating the superstition, immora- 
 lity, and tyranny, which self preservation required them to 
 resist; nor with rudeness and ferocity of manners, without 
 considering, whether, had they been what we of the pre- 
 sent day term moderate and courteous, they could have freed 
 the nation from the absurdities of the oppressions both civil 
 and ecclesiastical, under which it then groaned. And if 
 the Reformation clergy were either fanatics, or enthusiasts, 
 they, at least, must have credit for the sincerity of their pro- 
 fessions. In the present instance, especially, the Edinburgh 
 ministers evidently were actuated by a conscientious regard 
 to their duty. Before the king’s account of the matter was 
 imparted to them, they were informed through another 
 channel, that it was a fabrication of falsehoods, and that the 
 real state of the matter was, that a number of ruftians had 
 murdered the two brothers. What then could the ministers 
 do? Were they to insult heaven, and debase their own 
 characters to please any man? ‘They had no alternative, 
 but to do this, or delav the observance of a solemn thanks- 
 
175 : 
 giving. ‘Those who disobeyed, did it at the expense of their 
 stipends, and situations in life. ‘There can be little doubt, 
 that it was with the design of hood-winking the public, that 
 Bishop Lindsay was sent over to act the farce of calling the 
 people together, addressing them in the market place, and 
 pretending to thank God for the signal preservation of the 
 king from the two traitors. ‘The ease was urgent: a single 
 day’s delay would have afforded time for the real state of the 
 affair to spread abroad, and for the people to reflect on the 
 incongruity of the several cireumstances set forth in the roy- 
 al account, which, we may suppose, was not so well digest- 
 ed at first, as when given to the public four weeks after- 
 wards, even incoherent as it still is. 
 
 So very keen was James to have his story universally 
 credited, that when he went over from Fife on Monday, 
 notwithstanding of his aversion to religious exercises, he 
 that day, attended twice in meetings of the people, called 
 for expressing their thankfulness to the Almighty for his 
 late extraordinary interposition in favour of the King. 
 First at Leith in the forenoon, where several of the nobili- 
 ty met him, and went to church: and in the afternoon at 
 
 dinburgh, where Galloway, who officiated from the top of 
 the Cross instead of a Pulpit, chose for a text the 124th 
 Psalm, that his harangue might have some resemblance to 
 a sermon, and so make the impression on the minds of the 
 audience the deeper. But many parts of his narrative were 
 but ill calculated for convincing the incredulous. After 
 Galloway had finished, James addressed the populace, from 
 the same rostrum, assuring them, that the story which 
 they had heard his chaplain relate, was true as gospel. 
 
 But James, finding that the severe steps which he had 
 taken, against those who avowed their unbelief’ in his nar- 
 rative, though they certainly did hinder other people from 
 declaring their sentiments, were so far from altering them, 
 that they rather tended to confirm those who doubted, at 
 length thought proper to try the opposite course. He re. 
 laxed a good deal in his rigorous measures against the scep- 
 tical clergy, and endeavoured by different methods, to con- 
 ciliate the good-will of all who had taken any kind of lead 
 in the matter, or were more immediately interested in it, 
 For instance, the same day in which Gowry was forfeited, 
 James dated a thousand pounds annually to the poor, out 
 of the rents of Gowry’s estate. That same day too, with 
 
174: 
 
 the view no doubt, of ingratiating himself with the inhabi- 
 tants of Perth, he granted them a charter of confirmation, 
 of all their ancient privileges. And besides these, he ap- 
 pointed Perth to take precedence of Dundee, in the roll of 
 royal boroughs; a point which had been long keenly litiga- 
 ted. And so very forward was he, at this time, to serve 
 Perth, that he granted the townsmen certain privileges be- 
 longing to Dundee, relative to a monopoly of trade, in cer- 
 tain parts of the Tay; which the Privy Council found ne- 
 cessary to retract, within little more than a year after, at 
 the complaint of the Dundeesmen. And still the better to 
 cajole the people of Perth, within a few months afterwards, 
 he went to that town, and was madé a burgess, enrolling 
 himself with his own hand. 
 
 But all this coaxing and condescension was thrown a- 
 way. For neither at that time, nor at this, nor at any in- 
 tervening period, did those who gave themselves the trou~ 
 ble of thoroughly investigating the matter, and had forti- 
 tude to avow their opinions, consider him in any other 
 light, than as an unprincipled villain. Indeed Sit Francis 
 Osburn tells us, that even at that time, no Scotchmen you 
 could meet with beyond sea, but did laugh at the king’s ac~ 
 count of the matter. ; 
 
 On the other hand however, James assures us, that on 
 his way home, in the evening, though the weather was very 
 bad, ‘the whole way was clad with all sort of people,” for 
 the purpose of congratulating him on his escape. He does 
 not condescend on a single person, nor advise us of any 
 particulars, further than that some of them were a-foot, and 
 others on horseback. Indeed, of the vast number which 
 he says waited on him, on his way to Falkland, report has 
 only handed down the name of a solitary individual, ‘This. 
 is William Moncrieff of Moncrieff. The road from Perth 
 to Falkland lay through this Gentleman’s property, and 
 being of no small consideration, in Lower Strathearn, His 
 Highness it seems stopped, and gave him such an account of 
 the transactions of the day as he thought proper. Mr 
 Moncrieff heard him to Amen: but having in his younger 
 days been one of James’s body guard, he had become ac~- 
 quainted with His Majesty’s character. Therefore, though 
 bred a courtier, he replied, ‘ It is a strange story, please 
 Your Majesty, if it be true.” 
 
 James adds, that a great number of his subjects waited 
 
\ 175 
 on him at Falkland, and Edinburgh, during the following 
 ten days, for the like purpose: and that every where, the 
 bells were rung, guns fired, and bonfires lighted, as a tes- 
 timony of universal joy. 
 
 This is by no means incredible. By a very little mas 
 nagement, such as dispatching emissaries through the coun- 
 try, on the same errand, as that on which Baillie Roy ran 
 along the streets of Perth, a little latent loyalty, and a great 
 deal of pretended regard would be excited towards James. 
 And as the people dispersed through the country could not 
 have the same opportunities of coming at the truth, whate- 
 ver their suspicions might be, it is not to be wondered at, 
 that they did not break out into similar outrages. 
 
 Fourthly, The Royal account of the transaction bore, 
 that there was a man in the closet or turret, when the king 
 and Alexander entered; and that he was stationed there, 
 for the purpose of assisting in murdering His Majesty. 
 
 As this was the only one present, when Alexander was 
 said to have made the attempt on the Royal person, his 
 appearance, and avowal of the share which he had in the 
 affair, was matter of the utmost importance. But being a 
 mere man of straw, it was not without the greatest difficulty, - 
 that any body could be found, who would take the crime 
 upon him, as every one was well acquainted with James’s 
 eruelty and perfidy, none was willing to trust to his cle- 
 mency: especially in a case like this, where it might become 
 expedient, for the. preservation of His Majesty’s honour, 
 that they should “ seal their testimony with their blood.” 
 And so completely were the king and his friends baffled for 
 a time in their attempts to find one who would personate 
 this non-entity, that there is not a circumstance of the whole, 
 which more clearly evinces the futility of the Royal nar- 
 rative. 
 
 For some days after the fifth of August, James gave out 
 that the person, who was in the closet, was named Leslie. 
 But it was soon discovered that he would not submit to the 
 risque: so another called Gray was pitched on; but he was 
 equally distrustful. One Robert Oliphant, said by some, 
 to have been a servant to Gowry, was then given out for 
 the man. But he absolutely refusing to take it on him, 
 and it appearing, that he could establish an alibi, it was 
 laid upon Henry Younger, another servant of the Earl’s. 
 But, like the rest, he was afraid of the consequences, and 
 
176 
 therefore determined to take no concern in the matter. The 
 court, perceiving no end of this, resolved to bring it to a 
 conclusion at all events. So when Younger attempted to 
 go to Falkland, to expurgate himself, he was met by a party, 
 sent from the king, commanded by one Colonel Bruce. 
 Younger, aware of his danger, as being a servant of Gow- 
 ry’s, attempted to secrete himself in a field of corn. But 
 Bruce discovered and slew him; and then carried his corpse 
 to Falkland, where it was exposed to public view, as the 
 body of a traitor: His Majesty giving out, that it was the 
 identical person whom they found armed in the turret. 
 They now plumed themselves not a little, as having at 
 jength settled this point, in so satisfactory a manner, since, 
 by the man’s death, there was no danger of his contradicting 
 their account. But asad fatality attended their endeavours 
 to establish this part of the story, for they afterwards came 
 to learn, that it was. publicly known, that Younger was in 
 Dundee, at the time of his master’s death. It does not, 
 however, appear, that James was anywise abashed, from 
 being convicted of so many falsehoods, And, indeed, we 
 know that his feelings, in such a case, were by no means 
 troublesome. He, however, must have felt the disappoint- 
 ment, and therefore he resolved to go to work, in quite a 
 different way. Instead of fixing the guilt on any one, con- 
 trary to that person’s inclination, he determined to try what 
 effect a bribe would have, in bringing forward somebody to 
 assume the character of the armed man im the turret. On 
 this, Andrew Henderson, the Earls factor, partly, no 
 doubt, by the consideration, that as one of Gowry’s retain- 
 ers, he already stood in a hazardous situation; and partly, 
 it is said, at the instigation of Galloway, the court chaplain, 
 appeared, and declared himself to have been the man, whom 
 James and Alexander found in the turret when they enter=- 
 ed: and his perjuries on this occasion were eminently ser- 
 viceable. But he was the most unlucky person who could 
 have taken up the business, for the king gave out, that the 
 person whom he found armed in the closet, was a black, 
 grim man, whereas Henderson was a little ruddy-faced, red- 
 bearded man. And a day or two afterwards, when James 
 related the story to “ the Gudeman of Pitmenie,” who pro- 
 bably had waited on His Majesty, to congratulate him on 
 the occasion, the goodman suggested, that probably the man 
 in the turret was Henderson, the king replied, ‘ Na, it 
 
177 
 was not he, I ken that smack well enough*.” Yet when 
 none else could be found, they were glad to father that cha« 
 racter on him. 
 
 Fifthly, So soon after Henderson assumed this charac« 
 ter, as they could arrange the several parts of the tale, the 
 discourse was published by authority. In a short time af- 
 terwards, a reply, or counter manifesto, setting forth the 
 matter in its true light, written by some friend of the 
 Ruthven family, made its appearance. ‘The discovery ofa 
 copy of this performance would now be a valuable acquisi-~ 
 tion; but there is no probability that any such exists, as 
 the government instantly ordered the publication to be sup- 
 pressed, an order which, we fear, has been successfully 
 executed. 
 
 Here, again, is another evidence of James’s guilt. If 
 he was innocent, why prevent the matter from being can- 
 vassed? ‘Truth never suffers by investigation; and in every 
 case, an accused person, if conscious of his innocence, will 
 court an enquiry into his conduct, but more especially when 
 sensible that the public opinion runs so much against him, 
 as James found that it did against himself, on this occasion. 
 He was extremely anxious to have the world believe him 
 innocent; so much so, indeed, that notwithstanding the 
 known cruelty of his disposition, and the imbecility of his 
 intellects, on few occasions did his ferocious temper break 
 forth with such virulence, as it did on this, against every one 
 who dared express a doubt of his account of the massacre 
 of the two brothers. Yet he employed the power which he 
 possessed, as sovereign, to quash this attempt to clear up 
 the pretended mystery, the only one of the kind, as far as 
 we know, which was made at that time, well aware that 
 the best way to prevent the indication of his guilt, with 
 which the neighbourhood was then well acquainted, from 
 spreading, and being perpetuated, was to stifle all enquiry 
 into the matter. 
 
 Sixthly, Another contrivance to escape detection, was 
 the taking away the lives of Cranston, Craigingelt, and the 
 officer on the Strathearn estate, before the trial of the two 
 brothers. Even on the supposition of all that James al- 
 leges being true, there evidently is a great deficiency in the 
 proof. It is only on circumstantial evidence, that the Karl 
 of Gowry was convicted. The three persons above men- 
 
 * Calderwood: 
 
4: 
 
 178 
 
 tioned were only accused of being accessaries. No other 
 
 of the servants were ever discovered to have been engaged 
 in the plot, excepting Henderson, and he was said to de-- 
 clare, all along, that he knew nothing of the matter, being | 
 putinto the turret, merely, it would appear, as a post to hang — 
 the dagger on, that it might be at hand, wheh wanted to 
 butcher the king. ‘The Ruthvens of Freeland, Moncrieff, 
 and Eviot, all had thought it prudent to abscond, so that 
 there was not a single witness who could say that the Earl. 
 was engaged in the conspiracy, unless it should be the three 
 servants who were in custody. In such circumstances, we 
 presume, it is not in the power,of any rational person to 
 believe that the crown would have deprived itself of the be- 
 nefit of the accomplices, in the conviction of the principals, 
 if it had not been aware that their declarations would have 
 been hostile to its designs. But so intent was the govern- 
 ment to make sure work of the taking away their lives, that 
 several of the king’s domestics, and those who were con- 
 cerned in the murder at Perth, were appointed their jud- 
 
 es, Although the pannels might have foreseen that their 
 case,was helpiess, they nevertheless objected to this; an ob- 
 jection which would have been sustained, had the smallest 
 regard been paid to decency, not to say justice. There 
 was, however, little probability in disinterested and dispas- 
 sionate judges taking these men’s lives, therefore, it being 
 thought necessary that the king’s dependants, and associates 
 in the murder should be retained for this purpose, the ob- 
 jection was repelled. And not a doubt can remain of the 
 innocence of the three servants; even Spottiswood informs 
 us that they declared, in their last moments, that they were 
 perfectly innocent of every kind of design on. the king, and 
 that they were ignorant of the Karl of Gowry, or his bro- 
 ther, being engaged in any such enterprise; and Spottis- 
 wood was a staunch friend of James’s. 
 
 Seventhly, A circumstance no less ludicrous, is the punc- 
 tuality with which the letter of the law was followed out at 
 the trial, in some matters which were absolutely of no im- 
 portance, whilst equity, or the spirit of justice, was outrag- 
 ed in a most shameful manner. : fi 
 
 The 4th of November was the day appointed for the tri- 
 al, and, as none of the parties summoned appeared, except 
 the dead bodies of the Kar! and the Honourable Alexander 
 Ruthven, the court was not satisfied with the production 
 
B: | ae . 
 f the execution of the summons in the ordinary way, it, 
 or the greater certification, took the oaths of the officers, 
 ‘stating, that they had duly served the summons, and ad- 
 journed to the 9th, under pretence of affording the accused 
 a few days more, for appearing. ‘This was done although 
 they well knew, that they had already proscribed those per- 
 sons, atid had endeavoured to apprehend them as traitors, 
 deserving the fate of the two brothers; and had discharged 
 all of the name of Ruthven from coming near the place 
 where the king was, under the pain of treason; and only a 
 month before, had, by royal proclamation, ordered all of 
 them out of the kingdom. On the 9th this was repeated, 
 with the addition of letters of Relaxation, produced by the 
 crown lawyer, freeing the parties from trouble on every o- | 
 ther account, excepting the charge of treason, and then ad- 
 journed to the 15th. On that day the farce was a third 
 time repeated, before proceeding to the trial. 
 
 Perhaps lawyers consider these formalities as necessary, 
 and for ought we know, they are so; but in the present case, 
 ‘we are certain that nothing was further from the desi 
 those who so strictly enforced the observance of the 
 the rigorous dispensation of justice; otherwise the 
 not have suffered Lennox, Mar, Ramsay, Erskin, an 
 son, who were implicated in the charge of murderi 
 two brothers, to be witnesses ; nor Lennox and Mar to 
 judges in the trial, and even to be of the number of the lords 
 of the articles, to whom the examination of the witnesses 
 was exclusively committed. 
 
 This was straining at a gnat, yet swallowing a camel. 
 In our own country, we do not recollect ever to have heard 
 of so gross a mockery of justice, 
 
 Eighthly, ‘The extirpation of the whole males of the house 
 of Gowry, evidently formed part of the plot. The two 
 youngest brothers, William and Patrick, resided at Dirl- 
 ton, with their mother, ‘There was much danger in allow- 
 ing them to survive. Instances, not a few, occur in histo» 
 ry, where a single shoot, being overlooked in rooting out 
 a family, has not only continued the family tree, but 
 sometimes encreased so as to overwhelm its oppressors. 
 James doubtless considered, that if the two youths were pre- 
 served, and should remain in the country unmolested, the 
 time might come when they would have interest sufficient 
 to procure a revisal of the proceedings against their fami- 
 
 fy 
 
is 
 180 
 
 ~ dy, which certainly would have issued in a reversal, Or 
 
 they might, have formed a party strong enough to do thems 
 selves justice, without having recourse to law. Therefore, 
 some days before the‘death of the two brothers, James wrote 
 
 to the Hon. William Ruthven, the next eldest brother, 
 who then resided at Dirlton with his mother, to meet-him 
 at Perth onthe 5th of August; and when this mode of 
 ensnaring them proved unsuccessful, an attempt was made 
 on. the. succeeding evening [August 6th,] to apprehend 
 
 _. boththe younger brothers, byt getting notice of the design, 
 they escaped into England. ‘We know that rarely do the 
 | _ politically unfortunate experience friendship at the hands of 
 ~a courtier ; however, as Kennedy, who sent the young gen- 
 tlemen the notice, 1s said to have-once been a servant to 
 their father, perhaps he was an exception to this. But a- 
 wake as our suspicions are, we confess that it seems not at 
 all unlikely, that he was an agent of the royal party. Be- 
 cause, had the young men stood their ground, and dared 
 the court to convict them of being concerned in any trai- 
 
 s design, they might have proved a rallying point for 
 herents of their family, and embarrassed James and 
 
 ves, but evinced the innocence of their elder bro- 
 No alternative then remained for the court, but ei- 
 er to seize or cut them off by some means or other; or to 
 ntimidate them so as to make them quit the country. And 
 it is not impossible that Kennedy was employed for the lat- 
 ter purpose. 
 
 Such are the arguments on which the several theories, 
 that have been advanced: for elucidating this controverted 
 portion of history, rest. It is not here meant-to make any 
 recapitulation, or additional observations. Every one will 
 jadge for himself; and no one, whose mind is unbiassed by 
 prejudice or interest, can.be at a loss how to decide. . 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 se - 
 
 F MORISON, PRINTER, : ~ 
 YERTH, 1832, 
 
 ee 
 
 y not a little. They might not only have defended. 
 
TT) 
 
 3