V A I Frck, Washington D.C.' TO FeSredricksbutr VIRGINIA Norf olk ____ ___._.i_ __ __ _ ___ "- indsor Rocky Mount abr NO RT H CA RO0L INA rV0 Pamlico SOOTH rkesville" d CAROLINA % Athens , Columbia Atlanta Augusta. ildgvil akins" harleston "Macon ww0 Savannah. Satilla River RFUGE PSt. Marye River * St. Marys - Fernandina amssee Jacksonville Newnanville St. Augustine *Ft. Drane Ft. Ring F FLOR I DAk IR A-LA-rL i 1r~edck. Washington D. C.+ " / Fredrickabutg VIRGINIA Norfolk _ ^ "1 ~ Rocky Mount i-so ' " Tarboro '- NORTH CAROL INA Ver Pamlio rkesville" d' CA R OL I N A , Aten " Columbia KunaAugusta. ledgevill ; £afqakins* ao harleston SGEORGIA & Savannah . . REFUGE IV*3t. Marys River *St. Marys - Fernandina ahdssee Jacksonville Mewnansville St. Augustine Ft. Drane * Ft. Ring F FL 0R I DA redrck. Washington D.C.+ "ore Fredricksburg VIRGINIA Norfolk Rocky Mount' ido -- ,D~~** gleig TeTarboro Ralegh'Tar =VeWasin ton NOTH Qe CAROLIN ARLI A ,amic a /% Aten . Columbia Atlanta Augusta. iledgevill ; Laiwkins* ao arleston .. GEOR GIA s & Savannah . . REFUGE st. Macys River } St. Marys Fernandina aadssee Jacksonville Newnansville St. Augustine Ft. Drane it. Ring K FLORIDAk  UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES ifCOLEEGE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES / COIEGE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES ! COEGE LIBRARY  Aristocrat in Uniform General Duncan L. Clinch Aristocrat in Uniform General Duncan L. Clinch Aristocrat in Uniform General Duncan L. Clinch  d 4 s OA 8 'G af .- - j -~ Cam ' 'G - - Q -P -- (i f  TO DUNCAN LAMONT CLINCH GREAT-GRANDSON OF GENERAL DUNCAN L. CLINCH TO DUNCAN LAMONT CLINCH GREAT-GRANDSON OF GENERAL DUNCAN L. CLINCH TO DUNCAN LAMONT CLINCH GREAT-GRANDSON OF GENERAL DUNCAN L. CLINCH   Preface Preface Preface CHALLENGE AND DISAPPOINTMENT await one who investigates the life of a regionally important but nationally neglected man in American history. Beginning with no more than sketches in standard biographical works, the finding of facts gives the researcher a feeling of kinship with the pioneer historians of the past. The facts accumulated from various sources provide the means for presenting a narrative and weighing the influence of the man on his era. Paucity of information, however diligent the search, brings repeated disappointment. Failure to find desired records- family accounts, descriptions of childhood experiences, facts of edu- cational training, letters and replies to letters that should have been and probably were written-on the subject leaves the biographer with a feeling of defeat. Notwithstanding extensive search for and in sources, gaps remain in this account of Clinch's life. He entered the United States Army in 1808, served throughout the War of 1812, conducted a campaign into Florida in 1816 which was as dramatic and as successful as that of Andrew Jackson in 1818, and commanded the regulars and volun- teers at the beginning of what proved to be the longest and costliest Indian war in American history. Although he entered adulthood with a small monetary inheritance, before his death in 1849 he accumu- lated property worth millions of dollars and owned one of the largest rice plantations in the South. He served in the United States House of Representatives and almost won the governorship of Georgia. Na- tionally he failed to attain the prominence of his military contempo- raries-Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Thomas Jesup, Winfield Scott, and Zachary Taylor-but be won leadership in territorial Florida and in the elite society of the Old South. vii CHALLENGE AND DISAPPOINTMENT await one who investigates the life of a regionally important but nationally neglected man in American history. Beginning with no more than sketches in standard biographical works, the finding of facts gives the researcher a feeling of kinship with the pioneer historians of the past. The facts accumulated from various sources provide the means for presenting a narrative and weighing the influence of the man on his era. Paucity of information, however diligent the search, brings repeated disappointment. Failure to find desired records- family accounts, descriptions of childhood experiences, facts of edu- cational training, letters and replies to letters that should have been and probably were written-on the subject leaves the biographer with a feeling of defeat. Notwithstanding extensive search for and in sources, gaps remain in this account of Clinch's life. He entered the United States Army in 1808, served throughout the War of 1812, conducted a campaign into Florida in 1816 which was as dramatic and as successful as that of Andrew Jackson in 1818, and commanded the regulars and volun- teers at the beginning of what proved to be the longest and costliest Indian war in American history. Although he entered adulthood with a small monetary inheritance, before his death in 1849 he accumu- lated property worth millions of dollars and owned one of the largest rice plantations in the South. He served in the United States House of Representatives and almost won the governorship of Georgia. Na- tionally he failed to attain the prominence of his military contempo- raries-tEdmund Pendleton Gaines, Thomas Jesup, Winfield Scott, and Zachary Taylor-but he won leadership in territorial Florida and in the elite society of the Old South. vii HALLENGE AND DISAPPOINTMENT await one who investigates the life of a regionally important but nationally neglected man in American history. Beginning with no more than sketches in standard biographical works, the finding of facts gives the researcher a feeling of kinship with the pioneer historians of the past. The facts accumulated from various sources provide the means for presenting a narrative and weighing the influence of the man on his era. Paucity of information, however diligent the search, brings repeated disappointment. Failure to find desired records- family accounts, descriptions of childhood experiences, facts of edu- cational training, letters and replies to letters that should have been and probably were written-on the subject leaves the biographer with a feeling of defeat. Notwithstanding extensive search for and in sources, gaps remain in this account of Clinch's life. He entered the United States Army in 1808, served throughout the War of 1812, conducted a campaign into Florida in 1816 which was as dramatic and as successful as that of Andrew Jackson in 1818, and commanded the regulars and volun- teers at the beginning of what proved to be the longest and costliest Indian war in American history. Although he entered adulthood with a small monetary inheritance, before his death in 1849 he accumu- lated property worth millions of dollars and owned one of the largest rice plantations in the South. He served in the United States House of Representatives and almost won the governorship of Georgia. Na- tionally he failed to attain the prominence of his military contempo- raries-Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Thomas Jesup, Winfield Scott, and Zachary Taylor-but he won leadership in territorial Florida and in the elite society of the Old South. vii  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM One reward from studying the life and times of General Clinch was the strengthening of existing friendships and the making of new friends. Without the generosity of Duncan Lamont Clinch, who al- lowed the use of his personal collection of his great-grandfather's papers, this biography would not and could not have been written. The author is also grateful to other descendants of General Clinch: Katherine B. Heyward for giving access to letters owned by her and for allowing copies of drawings and pictures to be made; Barnwell Heyward for lending his collection of papers and for his recollections of "Lamont" at Clarkesville, Georgia; and to Nicholas Bayard Clinch and John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch for use of sources in their possession. The author's indebtedness to Dena Snodgrass cannot be repaid in words. She suggested the biography, secured factual information, had drawings made for illustrations, and gave constructive criticism. She and Eleanor B. Patrick read the manuscript, pointed out errors, and suggested changes. Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian Col- lege and J. W. Watson of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, searched county records for facts and offered interpretations. James H. Lips- comb III, a director of the Florida Historical Society, read and criticized chapters eight through twelve. Lucius S. Ruder of Clear- water, Eloise R. Ott of Oklawaha, Tom Brown of Frostproof, and Mrs. A. A. Watt (nie Margaret Watkins Gibbs) of St. Augustine furnished letters and other valuable sources for this study. Henry C. Benson of Jacksonville made the drawings of the St. Marys Church and the Refuge House, John L. Maddocks of Jacksonville drafted the floor plan of the Refuge House, and Ann Holmes of Gainesville pro- duced the maps for this book. John K. Mahon of the University of Florida read and criticized the manuscript. Teresa M. Kaddies of Chi- cago checked records for information on the Clinch family. Mary G. Bryan (Georgia Department of Archives and History), Margaret Chapman (P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History), Dorothy Dodd (State Library of Florida), and Lois Sette (Florida Historical Society Library) were especially helpful in finding sources. Staff members of the National Archives, Library of Congress, Duke University Library, University of Georgia Library, University of North Carolina Southern Historical Collection, University of South viii ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM One reward from studying the life and times of General Clinch was the strengthening of existing friendships and the making of new friends. Without the generosity of Duncan Lamont Clinch, who al- lowed the use of his personal collection of his great-grandfather's papers, this biography would not and could not have been written. The author is also grateful to other descendants of General Clinch: Katherine B. Heyward for giving access to letters owned by her and for allowing copies of drawings and pictures to be made; Barnwell Heyward for lending his collection of papers and for his recollections of "Lamont" at Clarkesville, Georgia; and to Nicholas Bayard Clinch and John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch for use of sources in their possession. The author's indebtedness to Dena Snodgrass cannot be repaid in words. She suggested the biography, secured factual information, had drawings made for illustrations, and gave constructive criticism. She and Eleanor B. Patrick read the manuscript, pointed out errors, and suggested changes. Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian Col- lege and J. W. Watson of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, searched county records for facts and offered interpretations. James H. Lips- comb III, a director of the Florida Historical Society, read and criticized chapters eight through twelve. Lucius S. Ruder of Clear- water, Eloise R. Ott of Oklawaha, Tom Brown of Frostproof, and Mrs. A. A. Watt (nee Margaret Watkins Gibbs) of St. Augustine furnished letters and other valuable sources for this study. Henry C. Benson of Jacksonville made the drawings of the St. Marys Church and the Refuge House, John L. Maddocks of Jacksonville drafted the floor plan of the Refuge House, and Ann Holmes of Gainesville pro- duced the maps for this book. John K. Mahon of the University of Florida read and criticized the manuscript. Teresa M. Kaddies of Chi- cago checked records for information on the Clinch family. Mary G. Bryan (Georgia Department of Archives and History), Margaret Chapman (P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History), Dorothy Dodd (State Library of Florida), and Lois Sette (Florida Historical Society Library) were especially helpful in finding sources. Staff members of the National Archives, Library of Congress, Duke University Library, University of Georgia Library, University of North Carolina Southern Historical Collection, University of South viii ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM One reward from studying the life and times of General Clinch was the strengthening of existing friendships and the making of new friends. Without the generosity of Duncan Lamont Clinch, who al- lowed the use of his personal collection of his great-grandfather's papers, this biography would not and could not have been written. The author is also grateful to other descendants of General Clinch: Katherine B. Heyward for giving access to letters owned by her and for allowing copies of drawings and pictures to be made; Barnwell Heyward for lending his collection of papers and for his recollections of "Lamont" at Clarkesville, Georgia; and to Nicholas Bayard Clinch and John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch for use of sources in their possession. The author's indebtedness to Dena Snodgrass cannot be repaid in words. She suggested the biography, secured factual information, had drawings made for illustrations, and gave constructive criticism. She and Eleanor B. Patrick read the manuscript, pointed out errors, and suggested changes. Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian Col- lege and J. W. Watson of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, searched county records for facts and offered interpretations. James H. Lips- comb III, a director of the Florida Historical Society, read and criticized chapters eight through twelve. Lucius S. Ruder of Clear- water, Eloise R. Ott of Oblawaha, Tom Brown of Frostproof, and Mrs. A. A. Watt (nie Margaret Watkins Gibbs) of St. Augustine furnished letters and other valuable sources for this study. Henry C. Benson of Jacksonville made the drawings of the St. Marys Church and the Refuge House, John L. Maddocks of Jacksonville drafted the floor plan of the Refuge House, and Ann Holmes of Gainesville pro- duced the maps for this book. John K. Mahon of the University of Florida read and criticized the manuscript. Teresa M. Kaddies of Chi- cago checked records for information on the Clinch family. Mary G. Bryan (Georgia Department of Archives and History), Margaret Chapman (P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History), Dorothy Dodd (State Library of Florida), and Lois Sette (Florida Historical Society Library) were especially helpful in finding sources. Staff members of the National Archives, Library of Congress, Duke University Library, University of Georgia Library, University of North Carolina Southern Historical Collection, University of South viii  Preface Carolina Library, and the Georgia Historical Society were most cour- teous and patient. Grants from the Florida Historical Society paid the expense in- volved in travel and research. Dean Linton E. Grinter of the Gradu- ate School, University of Florida, made it possible for the writer to have the services of a graduate assistant, John Meador, who win- nowed source materials. Joyce Quigg uncovered many facts while writing a thesis on the activities of General Clinch in Florida. Linda C. Cox worked with care and patience in typing drafts of the manu- script, and Margaret McIntyre typed a part of the final version of the manuscript. The author is especially grateful to Paul Chalker of the University of Florida Press for editing and preparing the manuscript for publication. Preface Carolina Library, and the Georgia Historical Society were most cour- teous and patient. Grants from the Florida Historical Society paid the expense in- volved in travel and research. Dean Linton E. Grinter of the Gradu- ate School, University of Florida, made it possible for the writer to have the services of a graduate assistant, John Meador, who win- nowed source materials. Joyce Quigg uncovered many facts while writing a thesis on the activities of General Clinch in Florida. Linda C. Cox worked with care and patience in typing drafts of the manu- script, and Margaret McIntyre typed a part of the fisal version of the manuscript. The author is especially grateful to Paul Chalker of the University of Florida Press for editing and preparing the manuscript for publication. Preface Carolina Library, and the Georgia Historical Society were most cour- teous and patient. Grants from the Florida Historical Society paid the expense in- volved in travel and research. Dean Linton E. Grinter of the Gradu- ate School, University of Florida, made it possible for the writer to have the services of a graduate assistant, John Meador, who win- nowed source materials. Joyce Quigg uncovered many facts while writing a thesis on the activities of General Clinch in Florida. Linda C. Cox worked with care and patience in typing drafts of the manu- script, and Margaret McIntyre typed a part of the final version of the manuscript. The author is especially grateful to Paul Chalker of the University of Florida Press for editing and preparing the manuscript for publication. Gainesville, Florida REMBERT W. PATRICK Gainesville, Florida REMBERT W. PATRICK Gainesville, Florida REMBERT W. PATRICK ix ix ix   Contents ONE Youth - 1 TWO Military Service and the War of 1812 - 13 THREE Warfare in Florida - 24 FOUR Settling Down - 37 FIVE Peaceful Years - 50 SIX Negotiating with the Seminoles - 67 SEVEN The Battle of Withlacoochee - 93 EIGHT A Frustrating War - 112 NINE Retirement and Controversy - 137 TEN Planter and Politician - 155 ELEVEN Defeat - 180 TWELVE Evening and Aftermath - 207 A Note on Sources - 218 Index - 221 Picture Section - FOLLOWS PAGE 36 General Clinch's Stations and Homes - ENDPAPERS xi Contents ONE Youth - 1 TWO Military Service and the War of 1812 - 13 THREE Warfare in Florida - 24 FOUR Settling Down - 37 FIVE Peaceful Years - 50 SIX Negotiating with the Seminoles - 67 SEVEN The Battle of Withlacoochee - 93 EIGHT A Frustrating War - 112 NINE Retirement and Controversy - 137 TEN Planter and Politician - 155 ELEVEN Defeat - 180 TWELVE Evening and Aftermath - 207 A Note on Sources - 218 Index - 221 Picture Section - FOLLOWS PAGE 36 General Clinch's Stations and Homes - ENDPAPERS xi Contents ONE Youth - 1 TWO Military Service and the War of 1812 - 13 THREE Warfare in Florida - 24 FOUR Settling Down - 37 FIVE Peaceful Years - 50 SIX Negotiating with the Seminoles - 67 SEVEN The Battle of Withlacoochee - 93 EIGHT A Frustrating War - 112 NINE Retirement and Controversy - 137 TEN Planter and Politician - 155 ELEVEN Defeat - 180 TWELVE Evening and Aftermath - 207 A Note on Sources - 218 Index - 221 Picture Section - FOLLOWS PAGE 36 General Clinch's Stations and Homes - ENDPAPERS xi   ONE Youth ONE Youth ONE Youth A LIGHT FROST whitened the ground and a chill air penetrated the thin trousers worn by the United States Army regulars in Florida commanded by Brigadier General Duncan Lamont Clinch. At 3:00 A.M. on Thursday, December 31, 1835, he called in the picket guards, assigned a lieutenant with 40 men to guard the baggage and provisions, and waited impatiently to give the order "Forward Move," which would be repeated by company commanders and their subalterns until every shivering soldier heard it. At 4:00 A.M. he gave the order, and the march began toward the dark, deep Withlacoochee River. Some hitherto whispering voices broke into the song "Light Heart and Thin Pair of Breeches," but commands stilled the jittery soldiers. The enemy might be close by. Only three days earlier, a band of Seminole Indians had murdered Lieutenant Constantine Smith and Indian Agent Wiley Thompson within three hundred yards of the palisaded walls of Fort King.' On that same day two companies of regulars under the command of Major Francis Dade, en route from Fort Brookea to Fort King, were massacred by Indians who had been stirred to fight by Osceola. Two seriously wounded privates from Dade's command of more than 100 men made their way with painful steps back to Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay to warn Floridians that the Seminoles were indeed on the warpath. At Fort Drane, about ten miles south of Micanopy, General Clinch had been getting ready. He had more than 250 regular American 1. Fort King was located near the Oklawaha River and Silver Springs, east of present-day Ocala, Florida. For a map showing the significant places in the central and western areas of Peninsular Florida, see page 92. 2. The modem metropolis of Tampa, Florida, had its beginning in the settlements which developed around Fort Brooke on Tampa Bay. 1I LIGHT FROST whitened the ground and a chill air penetrated the thin trousers worn by the United States Army regulars in Florida commanded by Brigadier General Duncan Lamont Clinch. At 3:00 A.M. on Thursday, December 31, 1835, he called in the picket guards, assigned a lieutenant with 40 men to guard the baggage and provisions, and waited impatiently to give the order "Forward Move," which would be repeated by company commanders and their subalterns until every shivering soldier heard it. At 4:00 A.M. he gave the order, and the march began toward the dark, deep Withlacoochee River. Some hitherto whispering voices broke into the song "Light Heart and Thin Pair of Breeches," but commands stilled the jittery soldiers. The enemy might be close by. Only three days earlier, a band of Seminole Indians had murdered Lieutenant Constantine Smith and Indian Agent Wiley Thompson within three hundred yards of the palisaded walls of Fort King.' On that same day two companies of regulars under the command of Major Francis Dade, en route from Fort Brookee to Fort King, were massacred by Indians who had been stirred to fight by Osceola. Two seriously wounded privates from Dade's command of more than 100 men made their way with painful steps back to Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay to warn Floridians that the Seminoles were indeed on the warpath. At Fort Drane, about ten miles south of Micanopy, General Clinch had been getting ready. He had more than 250 regular American 1. Fort King was located near the Oklawaha River and Silver Springs, east of present-day Ocala, Florida. For a map showing the significant places in the central and western areas of Peninsular Florida, see page 92. 2. The modem metropolis of Tampa, Florida, had its beginning in the settlements which developed around Fort Brooke on Tampa Bay. LIGHT FROST whitened the ground and a chill air penetrated the thin trousers worn by the United States Army regulars in Florida commanded by Brigadier General Duncan Lamont Clinch. At 3:00 A.M. on Thursday, December 31, 1835, he called in the picket guards, assigned a lieutenant with 40 men to guard the baggage and provisions, and waited impatiently to give the order "Forward Move," which would be repeated by company commanders and their subalterns until every shivering soldier heard it. At 4:00 A.M. he gave the order, and the march began toward the dark, deep Withlacoochee River. Some hitherto whispering voices broke into the song "Light Heart and Thin Pair of Breeches," but commands stilled the jittery soldiers. The enemy might be close by. Only three days earlier, a band of Seminole Indians had murdered Lieutenant Constantine Smith and Indian Agent Wiley Thompson within three hundred yards of the palisaded walls of Fort King.1 On that same day two companies of regulars under the command of Major Francis Dade, en route from Fort Brooke2 to Fort King, were massacred by Indians who had been stirred to fight by Osceola. Two seriously wounded privates from Dade's command of more than 100 men made their way with painful steps back to Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay to warn Floridians that the Seminoles were indeed on the warpath. At Fort Drane, about ten miles south of Micanopy, General Clinch had been getting ready. He had more than 250 regular American 1. Fort King was located near the Oklawaha River and Silver Springs, east of present-day Ocala, Florida. For a map showing the significant places in the central and western areas of Peninsular Florida, see page 92. 2. The modem metropolis of Tampa, Florida, had its beginning in the settlements which developed around Fort Brooke on Tampa Bay. 1  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM soldiers and approximately 500 Florida volunteers. After a two-day march through the boggy lowlands and wooded hammocks of Florida, he had come on the morning of December 31 close to the Withlacoo- chee River, on the south side of which supposedly lay an Indian en- campment. The possibility of meeting the enemy in battle spread a singular awe throughout the ranks of the regulars and volunteers. There was a tenseness similar to that often experienced by those wait- ing for the first peal of thunder to reverberate through the heavens and to herald an attack on the earth by the angry elements. The guides claimed that it was no more than five miles to the river; but they frequently stopped to check their way, and then seemed to lead the soldiers through every boggy pond in Florida and to box the com- pass in their ever-changing directions. It took three hours to reach a hammock which, the guides reported, bordered on the Withlacoochee. Daylight gradually dispelled the dismal shades of night, and then the sun flooded the forest with light, gilding with radiant beauty the crystal dewdrops that sparkled on the bare branches of the melan- choly cypress trees. The beauty of nature and the warmth of the rising sun animated the soldiers, but daytime also aroused appre- hensions and fears. Before night drew her black curtain, hearts that now beat with life might be stilled forever, and men who could now move with the agility of nimble tenants of the forest might be maimed and compelled to drag through the remaining years in help- less dependency. Soldier whispered to soldier: if the Seminoles were near, they would attack as the army crossed the Withlacoochee. The advance guard returned with disappointing news. Instead of being fordable, the river ahead was deep, swift, and almost 150 feet wide. Furthermore, there was no means to cross it other than a half- sunken canoe which would hold no more than seven men. Various signs indicated that a large force of Indians had recently been in the vicinity and that it was probably encamped somewhere across the river. The prospect of crossing the open water in a leaky canoe with the probability of Indian guns firing from the wooded bank of the river made the soldiers shiver with fright. 3. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," clipping from an unidentified newspaper in the Duncan Lamont Clinch Papers, owned by and in the pos- session of Duncan Lamont Clinch, 80 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois. Hereinafter cited as Clinch Papers. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM soldiers and approximately 500 Florida volunteers. After a two-day march through the boggy lowlands and wooded hammocks of Florida, he had come on the morning of December 31 close to the Withlacoo- chee River, on the south side of which supposedly lay an Indian en- campment. The possibility of meeting the enemy in battle spread a singular awe throughout the ranks of the regulars and volunteers. There was a tenseness similar to that often experienced by those wait- ing for the first peal of thunder to reverberate through the heavens and to herald an attack on the earth by the angry elements.a The guides claimed that it was no more than five miles to the river; but they frequently stopped to check their way, and then seemed to lead the soldiers through every boggy pond in Florida and to box the com- pass in their ever-changing directions. It took three hours to reach a hammock which, the guides reported, bordered on the Withlacoochee. Daylight gradually dispelled the dismal shades of night, and then the sun flooded the forest with light, gilding with radiant beauty the crystal dewdrops that sparkled on the bare branches of the melan- choly cypress trees. The beauty of nature and the warmth of the rising sun animated the soldiers, but daytime also aroused appre- hensions and fears. Before night drew her black curtain, hearts that now beat with life might be stilled forever, and men who could now move with the agility of nimble tenants of the forest might be maimed and compelled to drag through the remaining years in help- less dependency. Soldier whispered to soldier: if the Seminoles were near, they would attack as the army crossed the Withlacoochee. The advance guard returned with disappointing news. Instead of being fordable, the river ahead was deep, swift, and almost 150 feet wide. Furthermore, there was no means to cross it other than a half- sunken canoe which would hold no more than seven men. Various signs indicated that a large force of Indians had recently been in the vicinity and that it was probably encamped somewhere across the river. The prospect of crossing the open water in a leaky canoe with the probability of Indian guns firing from the wooded bank of the river made the soldiers shiver with fright. 3. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," clipping from an unidentified newspaper in the Duncan Lamont Clinch Papers, owned by and in the po- session of Duncan Lamont Clinch, 80 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Ilinois. Hereinafter cited as Clinch Papers. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM soldiers and approximately 500 Florida volunteers. After a two-day march through the boggy lowlands and wooded hammocks of Florida, he had come on the morning of December 31 close to the Withlacoo- chee River, on the south side of which supposedly lay an Indian en- campment. The possibility of meeting the enemy in battle spread a singular awe throughout the ranks of the regulars and volunteers. There was a tenseness similar to that often experienced by those wait- ing for the first peal of thunder to reverberate through the heavens and to herald an attack on the earth by the angry elements.a The guides claimed that it was no more than five miles to the river; but they frequently stopped to check their way, and then seemed to lead the soldiers through every boggy pond in Florida and to box the com- pass in their ever-changing directions. It took three hours to reach a hammock which, the guides reported, bordered on the Withlacoochee. Daylight gradually dispelled the dismal shades of night, and then the sun flooded the forest with light, gilding with radiant beauty the crystal dewdrops that sparkled on the bare branches of the melan- choly cypress trees. The beauty of nature and the warmth of the rising sun animated the soldiers, but daytime also aroused appre- hensions and fears. Before night drew her black curtain, hearts that now beat with life might be stilled forever, and men who could now move with the agility of nimble tenants of the forest might be maimed and compelled to drag through the remaining years in help- less dependency. Soldier whispered to soldier: if the Seminoles were near, they would attack as the army crossed the Withlacoochee. The advance guard returned with disappointing news. Instead of being fordable, the river ahead was deep, swift, and almost 150 feet wide. Furthermore, there was no means to cross it other than a half- sunken canoe which would hold no more than seven men. Various signs indicated that a large force of Indians had recently been in the vicinity and that it was probably encamped somewhere across the river. The prospect of crossing the open water in a leaky canoe with the probability of Indian guns firing from the wooded bank of the river made the soldiers shiver with fright. 3. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," clipping from an unidentified newspaper in the Duncan Lamont Clinch Papers, owned by and in the pos- session of Duncan Lamont Clinch, 80 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois. Hereinafter cited as Clinch Papers.  Youth But their duty lay in obedience to command, while General Clinch had the tremendous responsibility of decision. His guides had prom- ised to lead him to a wide, shallow spot on the Withlacoochee where men and horses could ford the river, and he could then in full force hit the Indians. But crossing with two boatmen ferrying five soldiers at a time would consume hours of time and divide his limited number of men. No scout or guide knew the number of Indians on the south bank, and by striking the divided American force the Indians might massacre hundreds of soldiers and win another victory in the still young war. On the other hand, to remain on the north side of the Withlacoochee or to return to Fort Drane would be an admission of defeat by maneuver, and would encourage the already victorious Seminoles. By taking a chance and surprising the Indians he might win a decisive victory and convince recalcitrant Seminoles of the necessity of leaving Florida for a new homeland west of the Missis- sippi River. In one audacious move be could end the war, free Flori- da from what American settlers considered the Indian scourge, and win fame as a daring commander. Yet he could stffer defeat and have engraved on his conscience the death or injury of many men. It was the most difficult decision ever faced by the forty-eight-year- old general. In a career of almost twenty-eight years in the United States Army, he could recall service on the northern border of America during the War of 1812, the chaos of duty along the Georgia-Florida line, an almost carefree decade of assignment in the territory of Florida, and the recent years of trial with the Seminoles. A military man frequently made decisions which affected him and his men, but never before had General Clinch been confronted with a situation fraught with so many possibilities, good and bad, for him- self, his soldiers, and his country. His decision could end a war or enlarge it, save lives or destroy them, free Florida for settlers or turn the territory into an inferno, win for himself fame as a military leader, or lose his command of all the troops in Florida. The General sat big in his saddle. A contemporary described him as weighing alnost eighteen stone,4 and even discounting possible exag- 4. John Bemrose, "Reminiscences of the Seminole Indian War," 81. Type- written MS in the Florida Historical Society Library, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida. It will be hereinafter referred to as Bemrose, Remi- niscences. Youth But their duty lay in obedience to command, while General Clinch had the tremendous responsibility of decision. His guides had prom- ised to lead him to a wide, shallow spot on the Withlacoochee where men and horses could ford the river, and he could then in full force hit the Indians. But crossing with two boatmen ferrying five soldiers at a time would consume hours of time and divide his limited number of men. No scout or guide knew the number of Indians on the south bank, and by striking the divided American force the Indians might massacre hundreds of soldiers and win another victory in the still young war. On the other hand, to remain on the north side of the Withlacoochee or to return to Fort Drane would be an admission of defeat by maneuver, and would encourage the already victorious Seminoles. By taking a chance and surprising the Indians he might win a decisive victory and convince recalcitrant Seminoles of the necessity of leaving Florida for a new homeland west of the Missis- sippi River. In one audacious move he could end the war, free Flori- da from what American settlers considered the Indian scourge, and win fame as a daring commander. Yet he could suiffer defeat and have engraved on his conscience the death or injury of many men. It was the most difficult decision ever faced by the forty-eight-year- old general. In a career of almost twenty-eight years in the United States Army, he could recall service on the northern border of America during the War of 1812, the chaos of duty along the Georgia-Florida line, an almost carefree decade of assignment in the territory of Florida, and the recent years of trial with the Seminoles. A military man frequently made decisions which affected him and his men, but never before had General Clinch been confronted with a situation fraught with so many possibilities, good and bad, for him- self, his soldiers, and his country. His decision could end a war or enlarge it, save lives or destroy them, free Florida for settlers or turn the territory into an inferno, win for himself fame as a military leader, or lose his command of all the troops in Florida. The General sat big in his saddle. A contemporary described him as weighing almost eighteen stone,4 and even discounting possible exag- 4. John Bemrose, "Reminiscences of the Seminole Indian War," 81. Type- written MS in the Florida Historical Society Library, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida. It will be hereinafter referred to as Bemrose, Remi- niscences. Youth But their duty lay in obedience to command, while General Clinch had the tremendous responsibility of decision. His guides had prom- ised to lead him to a wide, shallow spot on the Withlacoochee where men and horses could ford the river, and he could then in full force hit the Indians. But crossing with two boatmen ferrying five soldiers at a time would consume hours of time and divide his limited number of men. No scout or guide knew the number of Indians on the south bank, and by striking the divided American force the Indians might massacre hundreds of soldiers and win another victory in the still young war. On the other hand, to remain on the north side of the Withlacoochee or to return to Fort Drane would be an admission of defeat by maneuver, and would encourage the already victorious Seminoles. By taking a chance and surprising the Indians he might win a decisive victory and convince recalcitrant Seminoles of the necessity of leaving Florida for a new homeland west of the Missis- sippi River. In one audacious move be could end the war, free Flori- da from what American settlers considered the Indian scourge, and win fame as a daring commander. Yet he could suffer defeat and have engraved on his conscience the death or injury of many men. It was the most difficult decision ever faced by the forty-eight-year- old general. In a career of almost twenty-eight years in the United States Army, he could recall service on the northern border of America during the War of 1812, the chaos of duty along the Georgia-Florida line, an almost carefree decade of assignment in the territory of Florida, and the recent years of trial with the Seminoles. A military man frequently made decisions which affected him and his men, but never before had General Clinch been confronted with a situation fraught with so many possibilities, good and bad, for him- self, his soldiers, and his country. His decision could end a war or enlarge it, save lives or destroy them, free Florida for settlers or turn the territory into an inferno, win for himself fame as a military leader, or lose his command of all the troops in Florida. The General sat big in his saddle. A contemporary described him as weighing almost eighteen stone,4 and even discounting possible exag- 4. John Bemrose, "Reminiscences of the Seminole Indian War," 81. Type- written MS in the Florida Historical Society Library, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida. It will be hereinafter referred to as Bemrose, Remi- niscences.  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM geration, Clinch was a large man, over six feet tall, and large around the girth; but his years of command had kept him in good physical condition, despite his almost 250 pounds. Duncan Lamon Clinch had appeared in the world on April 6, 1787, at the home of his parents, Mary Lamon and Joseph John Clinch, in Nash County, North Carolina, not far north of the present- day city of Rocky Mountt Published biographical sketches list his mother as "Mary Lamont, the daughter of a Scotch gentleman," but actually her maiden name was Mary Lamon. She was the daughter of Duncan Lamon, a large landholder and at different times an official of Edgecombe and Nash counties. Though he could perhaps trace his ancestry to the heather-covered moors of Scotland, members of the Lamon family had been residents of Virginia for generations. By 1760 Duncan Lamon was a justice of the peace in Edgecombe County, North Carolina. In July, 1761, he received a grant of land in that county from the Earl of Granville, and in the same year be- came the Deputy Agent and Receiver of Quitrent Arrearages for the area south of the Tar River. By advantageous buying and selling he 5. Brief biographical sketches of General Clinch are in the following: William J. Northen (ed.), Men of Mark in Georgia, 6 vols. (Atlanta, 1907-12), II, 312-14; Biographical Dictionary of the American Congress, 1774-1949 (Washington, 1950), 991; James Grant Wilson and John Fiske (eds.), Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, 6 vols. (New York, 1888-89), I, 658; Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, 2 vols. (Washington, 1903), 1, 310; and Southern Whig (Athens, Georgia), September 16, 1847. All of these sources and others, including typewritten materials in the Clinch Papers, state that Duncan Lamont Clinch was born at "Ard-Lamont" or "Ard-Lamont Planta- tion" in Edgecombe County, North Carolina. Extensive and detailed research by Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian College, J. W. Watson of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, and the author of this study has found neither Ard-Lamont nor Ard-Lamont Plantation in the county records of Edgecombe or Nash counties, in the manuscripts of the North Carolina Department of Archives and History at Raleigh, or in newspapers, books, and maps. Further- more, the court records show that General Clinch's name was Duncan Lames Clinch and that his mother's maiden name was Mary Lamon. No evidence has been uncovered to determine when the "t" was added to Lamon to make it Lamont. In hundreds of extant letters written by General Clinch he signed his name "D. L. Clinch" or "Duncan L. Clinch." His marriage licenses and his will have the Duncan L. Clinch signature. In legal papers of Nash County, dated as late as 1812, his name is Duncan Lamon Clinch. A change in name without a legal right to make it is not unique in American history. General Ulysses Simpson Grant's actual name was Hiram Ulysses Grant. Although there is no evidence that General Clinch ever used or claimed "Lamont," the name has been given him by usage. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM geration, Clinch was a large man, over six feet tall, and large around the girth; but his years of command had kept him in good physical condition, despite his almost 250 pounds. Duncan Lamon Clinch had appeared in the world on April 6, 1787, at the home of his parents, Mary Lamon and Joseph John Clinch, in Nash County, North Carolina, not far north of the present- day city of Rocky Mounts Published biographical sketches list his mother as "Mary Lamont, the daughter of a Scotch gentleman," but actually her maiden name was Mary Lamon. She was the daughter of Duncan Lamon, a large landholder and at different times an official of Edgecombe and Nash counties. Though he could perhaps trace his ancestry to the heather-covered moors of Scotland, members of the Lamon family had been residents of Virginia for generations. By 1760 Duncan Lamon was a justice of the peace in Edgecombe County, North Carolina. In July, 1761, he received a grant of land in that county from the Earl of Granville, and in the same year be- came the Deputy Agent and Receiver of Quitrent Arrearages for the area south of the Tar River. By advantageous buying and selling he 5. Brief biographical sketches of General Clinch are in the following: William J. Northen (ed.), Men of Mark in Georgia, 6 vols. (Atlanta, 1907-12), II, 312-14; Biographical Dictionary of the American Congress, 1774-1949 (Washington, 1950), 991; James Grant Wilson and John Fiske (eds.), Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, 6 vols. (New York, 1888-89), I, 658; Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, 2 vols. (Washington, 1903), I, 310; and Southern Whig (Athens, Georgia), September 16, 1847. All of these sources and others, including typewritten materials in the Clinch Papers, state that Duncan Lamont Clinch was born at "Ard-Lamont" or "Ard-Lamont Planta- tion" in Edgecombe County, North Carolina. Extensive and detailed research by Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian College, J. W. Watson of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, and the author of this study has found neither Ard-Lamont nor Ard-Lamont Plantation in the county records of Edgecombe or Nash counties, in the manuscripts of the North Carolina Department of Archives and History at Raleigh, or in newspapers, books, and maps. Further- more, the court records show that General Clinch's name was Duncan Lamon Clinch and that his mother's maiden name was Mary Lamon. No evidence has been uncovered to determine when the "t" was added to Lamon to make it Lamont. In hundreds of extant letters written by General Clinch he signed his name "D. L. Clinch" or "Duncan L. Clinch." His marriage licenses and his will have the Duncan L. Clinch signature. In legal papers of Nash County, dated as late as 1812, his name is Duncan Lamon Clinch. A change in name without a legal right to make it is not unique in American history. General Ulysses Simpson Grant's actual name was Hiram Ulysses Grant. Although there is no evidence that General Clinch ever used or claimed "Lamont," the name has been given him by usage. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM geration, Clinch was a large man, over six feet tall, and large around the girth; but his years of command had kept him in good physical condition, despite his almost 250 pounds. Duncan Lamon Clinch had appeared in the world on April 6, 1787, at the home of his parents, Mary Lamon and Joseph John Clinch, in Nash County, North Carolina, not far north of the present- day city of Rocky Mount.t Published biographical sketches list his mother as "Mary Lamont, the daughter of a Scotch gentleman," but actually her maiden name was Mary Lamon. She was the daughter of Duncan Lamon, a large landholder and at different times an official of Edgecombe and Nash counties. Though he could perhaps trace his ancestry to the heather-covered moors of Scotland, members of the Lamon family had been residents of Virginia for generations. By 1760 Duncan Lamon was a justice of the peace in Edgecombe County, North Carolina. In July, 1761, he received a grant of land in that county from the Earl of Granville, and in the same year be- came the Deputy Agent and Receiver of Quitrent Arrearages for the area south of the Tar River. By advantageous buying and selling he 5. Brief biographical sketches of General Clinch are in the following: William J. Northen (ed.), Men of Mark in Georgia, 6 vols. (Atlanta, 1907-12), II, 312-14; Biographical Dictionary of the American Congress, 1774-1949 (Washington, 1950), 991; James Grant Wilson and John Fke (eds.), Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, 6 vols. (New York, 1888-89), I, 658; Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, 2 vols. (Washington, 1903), I, 310; and Southern Whig (Athens, Georgia), September 16, 1847. All of these sources and others, including typewritten materials in the Clinch Papers, state that Duncan Lamont Clinch was born at "Ard-Lamont" or "Ard-Lamont Planta- tion" in Edgecombe County, North Carolina. Extensive and detailed research by Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian College, J. W. Watson of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, and the author of this study has found neither Ard-Lamont nor Ard-Lamont Plantation in the county records of Edgecombe or Nash counties, in the manuscripts of the North Carolina Department of Archives and History at Raleigh, or in newspapers, books, and maps. Further- more, the court records show that General Clinch's name was Duncan Lamon Clinch and that his mother's maiden name was Mary Lamon. No evidence has been uncovered to determine when the "t" was added to Lamon to make it Lamont. In hundreds of extant letters written by General Clinch he signed his name "D. L. Clinch" or "Duncan L. Clinch." His marriage licenses and his will have the Duncan L. Clinch signature. In legal papers of Nash County, dated as late as 1812, his name is Duncan Lamon Clinch. A change in name without a legal right to make it is not unique in American history. General Ulysses Simpson Grant's actual name was Hiram Ulysses Grant. Although there is no evidence that General Clinch ever used or claimed "Lamont," the name has been given him by usage. 4  Youth acquired hundreds of acres and many slaves, and in 1774 and 1775 served in the provisional congresses of North Carolina. After the creation of Nash County in 1777 he was commissioned justice of the peace in the newly established unit of government. Records relating to his family are scarce, but in addition to Mary Lamon, he and his wife Eunice had two other daughters and three sons.0 In 1782 the twenty-year-old Mary was married to Joseph John Clinch whose ancestors had migrated to the New World in the seven- teenth century. In 1664 Christopher Clinch, the founder of the Clinch family in Virginia and the great-grandfather of Joseph John, was living in Surry County, Virginia.r No county records show that he was ever a landholder, but his livestock holdings indicate owner- ship or use of land. His will, probated on June 16, 1679, provided his daughter Elizabeth with "7 cattle when she aged sixteen or mar- ried, 2 young mares, a good Sock bed and furnishings, chest, 3 pewter dishes, iron pot, 6 pewter spoons, and 'her mothers bibel.' " In addi- tion a second child ("My wife that now is with child") was to have two steers, two heifers, a good flock bed and furnishings, and a gun.0 The father obviously had anticipated a son, and the second child was indeed a boy, who was christened Christopher Clinch by his widowed mother. Beginning life with no more than a gun, some cattle, furniture, and a loving mother, Christopher Junior became a small farmer. He gradually increased his landholdings and bought slaves until he was numbered among the planter class of Virginia. His will was probated in Surry County on April 20, 1737, and by it he left his wife and her three sons and three daughters hundreds of acres of land and a considerable number of slaves. His third son, Joseph John, inherited 6. Sources for the life of Duncan Lamom and the Lamon family are: Nash County, North Carolina, Deed Book C, pp. 222, 389; Deed Book No. 3, p. 408; Deed Book No. 4, p. 292; Patent Book No. 11, pp. 219, 222; Edge- combe County, Deed Book No. 1, pp. 208-9, 447-48, 601; Deed Book C, pp. 327-31, 405, 407, 489; Deed Book D, pp. 197, 233, 279-80; Deed Book No. 2, pp. 59, 94; Deed Book No. 3, pp. 14, 217, 311, 328, 342; Patent Book No. 79, p. 225; "List of Taxables, Militia and Magistrates, Edgecombe County, 1754-1770," and "List of Justices of the Peace and Militia Officers, Nash County, 1784-1806," both these latter in the North Carolina Depart- ment of Archives and History, Raleigh, North Carolina. 7. John Bennett Boddie, Colonial Surry (Richmond, 1948), 185. 8. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1671-1684, No. 2, p. 210. 5 Youth acquired hundreds of acres and many slaves, and in 1774 and 1775 served in the provisional congresses of North Carolina. After the creation of Nash County in 1777 he was commissioned justice of the peace in the newly established unit of government. Records relating to his family are scarce, but in addition to Mary Lamon, he and his wife Eunice had two other daughters and three sons.n In 1782 the twenty-year-old Mary was married to Joseph John Clinch whose ancestors had migrated to the New World in the seven- teenth century. In 1664 Christopher Clinch, the founder of the Clinch family in Virginia and the great-grandfather of Joseph John, was living in Surry County, Virginia.? No county records show that he was ever a landholder, but his livestock holdings indicate owner- ship or use of land. His will, probated on June 16, 1679, provided his daughter Elizabeth with "7 cattle when she aged sixteen or mar- ried, 2 young mares, a good Sock bed and furnishings, chest, 3 pewter dishes, iron pot, 6 pewter spoons, and 'her mothers bibel.' " In addi- tion a second child ("My wife that now is with child") was to have two steers, two heifers, a good flock bed and furnishings, and a gun.u The father obviously had anticipated a son, and the second child was indeed a boy, who was christened Christopher Clinch by his widowed mother. Beginning life with no more than a gun, some cattle, furniture, and a loving mother, Christopher Junior became a small farmer. He gradually increased his landholdings and bought slaves until he was numbered among the planter class of Virginia. His will was probated in Surry County on April 20, 1737, and by it he left his wife and her three sons and three daughters hundreds of acres of land and a considerable number of slaves. His third son, Joseph John, inherited 6. Sources for the life of Duncan Lamon and the Lamon family are: Nash County, North Carolina, Deed Book C, pp. 222, 389; Deed Book No. 3, p. 408; Deed Book No. 4, p. 292; Patent Book No. 11, pp. 219, 222; Edge- combe County, Deed Book No. 1, pp. 208-9, 447-48, 601; Deed Book C, pp. 327-31, 405, 407, 489; Deed Book D, pp. 197, 233, 279-80; Deed Book No. 2, pp. 59, 94; Deed Book No. 3, pp. 14, 217, 311, 328, 342; Patent Book No. 79, p. 225; "List of Taxables, Militia and Magistrates, Edgecombe County, 1754-1770," and "List of Justices of the Peace and Militia Officers, Nash County, 1784-1806," both these latter in the North Carolina Depart- ment of Archives and History, Raleigh, North Carolina. 7. John Bennett Boddie, Colonial Surry (Richmond, 1948), 185. 8. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1671-1684, No. 2, p. 210. Youth acquired hundreds of acres and many slaves, and in 1774 and 1775 served in the provisional congresses of North Carolina. After the creation of Nash County in 1777 he was commissioned justice of the peace in the newly established unit of government. Records relating to his family are scarce, but in addition to Mary Lamon, he and his wife Eunice had two other daughters and three sons.e In 1782 the twenty-year-old Mary was married to Joseph John Clinch whose ancestors had migrated to the New World in the seven- teenth century. In 1664 Christopher Clinch, the founder of the Clinch family in Virginia and the great-grandfather of Joseph John, was living in Surry County, Virginia.0 No county records show that he was ever a landholder, but his livestock holdings indicate owner- ship or use of land. His will, probated on June 16, 1679, provided his daughter Elizabeth with "7 cattle when she aged sixteen or mar- ried, 2 young mares, a good flock bed and furnishings, chest, 3 pewter dishes, iron pot, 6 pewter spoons, and 'her mothers bibel.' " In addi- tion a second child ("My wife that now is with child") was to have two steers, two heifers, a good flock bed and furnishings, and a gun.t The father obviously had anticipated a son, and the second child was indeed a boy, who was christened Christopher Clinch by his widowed mother. Beginning life with no more than a gun, some cattle, furniture, and a loving mother, Christopher Junior became a small farmer. He gradually increased his landholdings and bought slaves until he was numbered among the planter class of Virginia. His will was probated in Surry County on April 20, 1737, and by it he left his wife and her three sons and three daughters hundreds of acres of land and a considerable number of slaves. His third son, Joseph John, inherited 6. Sources for the life of Duncan Lamo and the Lamon family are: Nash County, North Carolina, Deed Book C, pp. 222, 389; Deed Book No. 3, p. 408; Deed Book No. 4, p. 292; Patent Book No. 11, pp. 219, 222; Edge- combe County, Deed Book No. 1, pp. 208-9, 447-48, 601; Deed Book C, pp. 327-31, 405, 407, 489; Deed Book D, pp. 197, 233, 279-80; Deed Book No. 2, pp. 59, 94; Deed Book No. 3, pp. 14, 217, 311, 328, 342; Patent Book No. 79, p. 225; "List of Taxables, Militia and Magistrates, Edgecombe County, 1754-1770," and "List of Justices of the Peace and Militia Officers, Nash County, 1784-1806," both these latter in the North Carolina Depart- ment of Archives and History, Raleigh, North Carolina. 7. John Bennett Boddie, Colonial Surry (Richmond, 1948), 185. 8. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1671-1684, No. 2, p. 210. 5  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a plantation, timber rights on other lands, and three slaves.9 Joseph later served as executor of his mother's estate which included numbers of domestic animals, many farm tools, and a household of furniture.-0 He married Elizabeth, daughter of George Goodrich of the Isle of Wight County, Virginia. Their sixth child and third son, Joseph John Clinch, Jr., born in 1754, shared in his father's estate which was valued at more than £420.0 At some unrecorded date after the birth of Joseph John Junior the family moved to Edgecombe County, North Carolina, into the colony that many Virginians and South Carolinians considered the refuge of loafers, ne'er-do-wells, and debtors. But in North Carolina lived many upright, industrious people, and the Clinch clan was one of those forthright, hard-working families which acquired acreage near the area that became Tarboro (or Tarborough as it was first called), the county seat of Edgecombe County. Tarboro was situated at the fall line of the Tar River, approximately fifty miles northwest of Washington, located on the Pamlico River in northeastern North Carolina. Above Tarboro the Tar River wound its crooked way to- ward the west, fed by many smaller streams-Deep Creek, Fishing Creek, Swift Creek, Stony Creek, Crooked Creek, and Cypress Creek. These and many other waterways gave frontiersmen access to the fertile valleys that the eastern farmers considered the west. Joseph probably grew to manhood on his father's farm near Tar- boro. At the beginning of the American Revolution he joined the Continental forces of the American Patriots but soon returned and acquired land in Nash County, the new county carved from the western part of Edgecombe County. By state grant and by purchase he secured land south of Swift Creek and erected a comfortable house for his wife and child. In less than two decades he extended his land holdings northward toward Fishing Creek until he owned more than 1,100 acres which was cultivated by sixteen slaves.12 9. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1730-1738, Part 1, p. 675. 10. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1738-1754, No. 3, pp. 106-7. 11. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1754-1768, Part 1, pp. 79-83. 12. Land transactions and deeds of Joseph John Clinch aerecorded in Nash County, North Carolina, Deed Book No. 2, p. 142, and Patent Book No. 79, p. 230. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a plantation, timber rights on other lands, and three slaves.9 Joseph later served as executor of his mother's estate which included numbers of domestic animals, many farm tools, and a household of furniture. s He married Elizabeth, daughter of George Goodrich of the Isle of Wight County, Virginia. Their sixth child and third son, Joseph John Clinch, Jr., born in 1754, shared in his father's estate which was valued at more than £420.11 At some unrecorded date after the birth of Joseph John Junior the family moved to Edgecombe County, North Carolina, into the colony that many Virginians and South Carolinians considered the refuge of loafers, ne'er-do-wells, and debtors. But in North Carolina lived many upright, industrious people, and the Clinch clan was one of those forthright, hard-working families which acquired acreage near the area that became Tarboro (or Tarborough as it was first called), the county seat of Edgecombe County. Tarboro was situated at the fall line of the Tar River, approximately fifty miles northwest of Washington, located on the Pamlico River in northeastern North Carolina. Above Tarboro the Tar River wound its crooked way to- ward the west, fed by many smaller streams-Deep Creek, Fishing Creek, Swift Creek, Stony Creek, Crooked Creek, and Cypress Creek. These and many other waterways gave frontiersmen access to the fertile valleys that the eastern farmers considered the west. Joseph probably grew to manhood on his father's farm near Tar- boro. At the beginning of the American Revolution he joined the Continental forces of the American Patriots but soon returned and acquired land in Nash County, the new county carved from the western part of Edgecombe County. By state grant and by purchase he secured land south of Swift Creek and erected a comfortable house for his wife and child. In less than two decades he extended his land holdings northward toward Fishing Creek until he owned more than 1,100 acres which was cultivated by sixteen slaves.12 9. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1730-1738, Part 1, p. 675. 10. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1738-1754, No. 3, pp. 106-7. 11. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1754-1768, Part 1, pp. 79-83. 12. Land transactions and deeds of Joseph John Clinch aerecorded in Nash County, North Carolina, Deed Book No. 2, p. 142, and Patent Book No. 79, p. 230. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a plantation, timber rights on other lands, and three slaves.9 Joseph later served as executor of his mother's estate which included numbers of domestic animals, many farm tools, and a household of furniture.lo He married Elizabeth, daughter of George Goodrich of the Isle of Wight County, Virginia. Their sixth child and third son, Joseph John Clinch, Jr., born in 1754, shared in his father's estate which was valued at more than £420.0 At some unrecorded date after the birth of Joseph John Junior the family moved to Edgecombe County, North Carolina, into the colony that many Virginians and South Carolinians considered the refuge of loafers, ne'er-do-wells, and debtors. But in North Carolina lived many upright, industrious people, and the Clinch clan was one of those forthright, hard-working families which acquired acreage near the area that became Tarboro (or Tarborough as it was first called), the county seat of Edgecombe County. Tarboro was situated at the fall line of the Tar River, approximately fifty miles northwest of Washington, located on the Pamlico River in northeastern North Carolina. Above Tarboro the Tar River wound its crooked way to- ward the west, fed by many smaller streams-Deep Creek, Fishing Creek, Swift Creek, Stony Creek, Crooked Creek, and Cypress Creek. These and many other waterways gave frontiersmen access to the fertile valleys that the eastern farmers considered the west. Joseph probably grew to manhood on his father's farm near Tar- boro. At the beginning of the American Revolution he joined the Continental forces of the American Patriots but soon returned and acquired land in Nash County, the new county carved from the western part of Edgecombe County. By state grant and by purchase he secured land south of Swift Creek and erected a comfortable house for his wife and child. In less than two decades he extended his land holdings northward toward Fishing Creek until be owned more than 1,100 acres which was cultivated by sixteen slaves.12 9. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1730-1738, Part 1, p. 675. 10. Surry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1738-1754, No. 3, pp. 106-7. 11. Sorry County, Virginia, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1754-1768, Part 1, pp. 79-83. 12. Land transactions and deeds of Joseph John Clinch are recorded in Nash County, North Carolina, Deed Book No. 2, p. 142, and Patent Book No. 79, p. 230.  Youth Evidently Duncan Lamon Clinch was born in the farmhouse near Swift Creek in Nash County. In keeping with the times and the fron- tier, a midwife or neighborhood women and servants attended his birth and helped his mother care for the hungry, squalling infant. Childbirth was not a new experience to Mary Lamon Clinch-she had already produced one son and one daughter.3 Both the first and second names of her second son came from her father, for no Duncan or Lamon appears in the Clinch line that repeated Edward, Christo- pher, Joseph, and John as given names. As a child, Duncan Lamon undoubtedly listened to his brother Edward's accounts of his father's prowess as a Patriot in the American Revolution. Joseph John Clinch had entered the Continental Army as a first lieutenant on April 22, 1776,14 and according to family records was for a brief period an aide to General George Washington. But reports of outrages and depredations in the raids and skirmishes between Patriot and Tory factions in North Carolina caused Clinch to resign his commission and return to Edgecombe County, where he raised and equipped a regiment of North Carolinians for local service. As colonel of the regiment he led his men on many marches in attacks against Tory bands, and they captured individuals engaged in robbing and plundering. The hatred aroused by political differences between Patriot and Tory in North Carolina made the internecine warfare in the northeastern part of the state particularly brutal. In addition, un- patriotic renegades took advantage of the local anarchy to steal and rob for personal gain. As a result, men were frequently hanged with- out trial and suspects shot without question. Colonel Joseph Clinch returned to his home one night to find eight or more Tories plundering his house. The neighing of horses warned the vandals, and in the darkness all but one of them escaped capture by Clinch's men. The colonel declared that he would hang the captive on the plantation's front gatepost in the morning, but Mrs. Clinch 13. After a thorough investigation of the records of Nash County of the 1780's and 1790's, Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian College has concluded that Joseph John and Mary Lamon Clinch had the following children: Elizabeth (1783), Edward (1785), Duncan Lamon (1787), Joseph John, Jr. (1789), and Mary (1791). 14. Roster of Soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution (printed for the North Carolina Daughters of the American Revolution, 1932), 30, 502; Clinch Papers. Youth Evidently Duncan Lamon Clinch was born in the farmhouse near Swift Creek in Nash County. In keeping with the times and the fron- tier, a midwife or neighborhood women and servants attended his birth and helped his mother care for the hungry, squalling infant. Childbirth was not a new experience to Mary Lamon Clinch-she had already produced one son and one daughter.13 Both the first and second names of her second son came from her father, for no Duncan or Lamon appears in the Clinch line that repeated Edward, Christo- pher, Joseph, and John as given names. As a child, Duncan Lamon undoubtedly listened to his brother Edward's accounts of his father's prowess as a Patriot in the American Revolution. Joseph John Clinch had entered the Continental Army as a first lieutenant on April 22, 1776,tO and according to family records was for a brief period an aide to General George Washington. But reports of outrages and depredations in the raids and skirmishes between Patriot and Tory factions in North Carolina caused Clinch to resign his commission and return to Edgecombe County, where he raised and equipped a regiment of North Carolinians for local service. As colonel of the regiment he led his men on many marches in attacks against Tory bands, and they captured individuals engaged in robbing and plundering. The hatred aroused by political differences between Patriot and Tory in North Carolina made the internecine warfare in the northeastern part of the state particularly brutal. In addition, un- patriotic renegades took advantage of the local anarchy to steal and rob for personal gain. As a result, men were frequently hanged with- out trial and suspects shot without question. Colonel Joseph Clinch returned to his home one night to find eight or more Tories plundering his house. The neighing of horses warned the vandals, and in the darkness all but one of them escaped capture by Clinch's men. The colonel declared that he would hang the captive on the plantation's front gatepost in the morning, but Mrs. Clinch 13. After a thorough investigation of the records of Nash County of the 1780's and 1790's, Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian College has concluded that Joseph John and Mary Lamon Clinch had the following children: Elizabeth (1783), Edward (1785), Duncan Lamon (1787), Joseph John, Jr. (1789), and Mary (1791). 14. Roster of Soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution (printed for the North Carolina Daughters of the American Revolution, 1932), 30, 502; Clinch Papers. Youth Evidently Duncan Lamon Clinch was born in the farmhouse near Swift Creek in Nash County. In keeping with the times and the fron- tier, a midwife or neighborhood women and servants attended his birth and helped his mother care for the hungry, squalling infant. Childbirth was not a new experience to Mary Lamon Clinch-she had already produced one son and one daughter.3 Both the first and second names of her second son came from her father, for no Duncan or Lamon appears in the Clinch line that repeated Edward, Christo- pher, Joseph, and John as given names. As a child, Duncan Lamon undoubtedly listened to his brother Edward's accounts of his father's prowess as a Patriot in the American Revolution. Joseph John Clinch had entered the Continental Army as a first lieutenant on April 22, 1776,t4 and according to family records was for a brief period an aide to General George Washington. But reports of outrages and depredations in the raids and skirmishes between Patriot and Tory factions in North Carolina caused Clinch to resign his commission and return to Edgecombe County, where he raised and equipped a regiment of North Carolinians for local service. As colonel of the regiment he led his men on many marches in attacks against Tory bands, and they captured individuals engaged in robbing and plundering. The hatred aroused by political differences between Patriot and Tory in North Carolina made the internecine warfare in the northeastern part of the state particularly brutal. In addition, un- patriotic renegades took advantage of the local anarchy to steal and rob for personal gain. As a result, men were frequently hanged with- out trial and suspects shot without question. Colonel Joseph Clinch returned to his home one night to find eight or more Tories plundering his house. The neighing of horses warned the vandals, and in the darkness all but one of them escaped capture by Clinch's men. The colonel declared that he would hang the captive on the plantation's front gatepost in the morning, but Mrs. Clinch 13. After a thorough investigation of the records of Nash County of the 1780's and 1790's, Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., of Atlantic Christian College has concluded that Joseph John and Mary Lamn Clinch had the following children: Elizabeth (1783), Edward (1785), Duncan Lamon (1787), Joseph John, Jr. (1789), and Mary (1791). 14. Roster of Soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution (printed for the North Carolina Daughters of the American Revolution, 1932), 30, 502; Clinch Papers.  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM pleaded for the life of the Tory and said he had prevented some of his companions from mistreating her. Forbidden by his wife to hang the man at the front gate, the colonel had his men take the unfortunate captive some distance from the house to hang him; they used an old canoe as a coffin for his burial. At another time a Tory stole Red Buck, the colonel's fastest horse, and sold the spirited animal to the British. Red Buck was the pride of the Clinch farm and so fleet of foot and valuable that the colonel never used him for a mount during the war. Rather he was saved for local horse races and won many a purse for his owner. Some months after the theft, a North Carolina Patriot was captured by a British scouting detachment, one man of which was riding Red Buck. The captive spotted the colonel's horse and knew his speed. While taking their prisoner to camp, the British stopped to rest and carelessly threw the reins of their mounts over the low-hanging limbs of the trees. Noticing the relaxed position of his captors and the distance between them and their muskets, the Carolinian jumped on Red Buck, and, although hotly pursued, he and the racing horse quickly outdistanced their pursuers. The Patriot returned Red Buck to a grateful Colonel Clinch. When the British army invaded North Carolina during the south- ern campaign of the Revolution, the Clinch regiment was often engaged in skirmishes. In these encounters it was outnumbered and fought delaying actions, utilizing hit-and-run tactics to wear down the invaders. In one evening engagement the Carolinians suffered a severe defeat. Their colonel swam a stream, losing his sword in the process, and rallied his men to prevent a rout.t1 Shortly after this incident, the British army moved into southern Virginia and to even- tual capture at Yorktown. Peace ended the anarchy in northeastern North Carolina, and the victorious American Patriots returned to their farms and the restoration of their ravaged homesteads. Before the birth of Duncan Lamon on April 6, 1787, the family had overcome the losses of the war and were enjoying a simple life of plenty on their ample acres. Although farming the land north and south of Swift Creek, Joseph John Clinch did his trading in Tarboro, 15. The accounts of Joseph John Clinch are based on family records in the Clinch Papers. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM pleaded for the life of the Tory and said he had prevented some of his companions from mistreating her. Forbidden by his wife to hang the man at the front gate, the colonel had his men take the unfortunate captive some distance from the house to hang him; they used an old canoe as a coffin for his burial. At another time a Tory stole Red Buck, the colonel's fastest horse, and sold the spirited animal to the British. Red Buck was the pride of the Clinch farm and so fleet of foot and valuable that the colonel never used him for a mount during the war. Rather he was saved for local horse races and won many a purse for his owner. Some months after the theft, a North Carolina Patriot was captured by a British scouting detachment, one man of which was riding Red Buck. The captive spotted the colonel's horse and knew his speed. While taking their prisoner to camp, the British stopped to rest and carelessly threw the reins of their mounts over the low-hanging limbs of the trees. Noticing the relaxed position of his captors and the distance between them and their muskets, the Carolinian jumped on Red Buck, and, although hotly pursued, he and the racing horse quickly outdistanced their pursuers. The Patriot returned Red Buck to a grateful Colonel Clinch. When the British army invaded North Carolina during the south- ern campaign of the Revolution, the Clinch regiment was often engaged in skirmishes. In these encounters it was outnumbered and fought delaying actions, utilizing hit-and-run tactics to wear down the invaders. In one evening engagement the Carolinians suffered a severe defeat. Their colonel swam a stream, losing his sword in the process, and rallied his men to prevent a rout.mt Shortly after this incident, the British army moved into southern Virginia and to even- tual capture at Yorktown. Peace ended the anarchy in northeastern North Carolina, and the victorious American Patriots returned to their farms and the restoration of their ravaged homesteads. Before the birth of Duncan Lamon on April 6, 1787, the family had overcome the losses of the war and were enjoying a simple life of plenty on their ample acres. Although farming the land north and south of Swift Creek, Joseph John Clinch did his trading in Tarboro, 15. The accounts of Joseph John Clinch are based on family records in the Clinch Papers. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM pleaded for the life of the Tory and said he had prevented some of his companions from mistreating her. Forbidden by his wife to hang the man at the front gate, the colonel had his men take the unfortunate captive some distance from the house to hang him; they used an old canoe as a coffin for his burial. At another time a Tory stole Red Buck, the colonel's fastest horse, and sold the spirited animal to the British. Red Buck was the pride of the Clinch farm and so fleet of foot and valuable that the colonel never used him for a mount during the war. Rather he was saved for local horse races and won many a purse for his owner. Some months after the theft, a North Carolina Patriot was captured by a British scouting detachment, one man of which was riding Red Buck. The captive spotted the colonel's horse and knew his speed. While taking their prisoner to camp, the British stopped to rest and carelessly threw the reins of their mounts over the low-hanging limbs of the trees. Noticing the relaxed position of his captors and the distance between them and their muskets, the Carolinian jumped on Red Buck, and, although hotly pursued, he and the racing horse quicly outdistanced their pursuers. The Patriot returned Red Buck to a grateful Colonel Clinch. When the British army invaded North Carolina during the south- ern campaign of the Revolution, the Clinch regiment was often engaged in skirmishes. In these encounters it was outnumbered and fought delaying actions, utilizing hit-and-run tactics to wear down the invaders. In one evening engagement the Carolinians suffered a severe defeat. Their colonel swam a stream, losing his sword in the process, and rallied his men to prevent a rout.mt Shortly after this incident, the British army moved into southern Virginia and to even- tual capture at Yorktown. Peace ended the anarchy in northeastern North Carolina, and the victorious American Patriots returned to their farms and the restoration of their ravaged homesteads. Before the birth of Duncan Lamon on April 6, 1787, the family had overcome the losses of the war and were enjoying a simple life of plenty on their ample acres. Although farming the land north and south of Swift Creek, Joseph John Clinch did his trading in Tarboro, 15. The accounts of Joseph John Clinch are based on family records in the Clinch Papers.  Youth where Thomas Blount ran a branch store of his brother's mercantile establishment in Washington, North Carolina.le Since Nash County had no trading center, the Clinches naturally traveled back to their former home to buy and sell and to visit with their numerous kin in and near that settlement. Having parents who had been important local citizens under the British colony but who had sided with the Patriots in the American Revolution guaranteed Joseph and Mary Clinch and their children a warm welcome in Tarboro. By 1790 Joseph and Mary were established citizens and leaders in Nash County. Serving as a justice of the peace and colonel of the militia gave Joseph an important place in county councils. The Clinch family were communicants of the Church of England, but animosities created by the Revolutionary War and, perhaps, the influ- ence of Marys Scottish heritage threw Joseph into the new Methodist Episcopal Church, in which he and his wife became pious and active members. Thus young Duncan's formative years were spent in the environment of a religious family with a successful father and a de- voted mother. The birth of Mary Clinch in 1791 completed the family. The happy household, however, was soon broken by the passing of the mother in 1792, and three years later Joseph followed his wife in death. Unfortunately no records have been found on the youth and edu- cation of the Clinch children. No doubt the oldest daughter and son received elementary instruction from their mother and from tutors. From his mother and his aunts Duncan Lamon learned the essential courtesies of polite society, how to dress for different social functions, and the privileges and duties of men. Some of his mother's gentleness and her regard for the rights of others rubbed off on her son, giving him a gentility and a concern for his fellow men which remained a part of his character. Although quick to defend his rights, he never demonstrated the hotheadedness that characterized some Southerners. No records reveal that he ever challenged another man, or was chal- lenged, to a duel or participated in any capacity in those so-called affairs of honor. Not quarrelsomeness or bullishness but a refreshing gentleness accompanied his large size and great strength. 16. J. Kelley Turner and Jno. L. Bridges, Jr., History of Edgecombe Coun- ty, North Carolina (Raleigh, 1920), 109. 9 Youth where Thomas Blount ran a branch store of his brother's mercantile establishment in Washington, North Carolina.lO Since Nash County had no trading center, the Clinches naturally traveled back to their former home to buy and sell and to visit with their numerous kin in and near that settlement. Having parents who had been important local citizens under the British colony but who had sided with the Patriots in the American Revolution guaranteed Joseph and Mary Clinch and their children a warm welcome in Tarboro. By 1790 Joseph and Mary were established citizens and leaders in Nash County. Serving as a justice of the peace and colonel of the militia gave Joseph an important place in county councils. The Clinch family were communicants of the Church of England, but animosities created by the Revolutionary War and, perhaps, the influ- ence of Mary's Scottish heritage threw Joseph into the new Methodist Episcopal Church, in which he and his wife became pious and active members. Thus young Duncan's formative years were spent in the environment of a religious family with a successful father and a de- voted mother. The birth of Mary Clinch in 1791 completed the family. The happy household, however, was soon broken by the passing of the mother in 1792, and three years later Joseph followed his wife in death. Unfortunately no records have been found on the youth and edu- cation of the Clinch children. No doubt the oldest daughter and son received elementary instruction from their mother and from tutors. From his mother and his aunts Duncan Lamon learned the essential courtesies of polite society, how to dress for different social functions, and the privileges and duties of men. Some of his mother's gentleness and her regard for the rights of others rubbed off on her son, giving him a gentility and a concern for his fellow men which remained a part of his character. Although quick to defend his rights, he never demonstrated the hotheadedness that characterized some Southerners. No records reveal that be ever challenged another man, or was chal- lenged, to a duel or participated in any capacity in those so-called affairs of honor. Not quarrelsomeness or bullishness but a refreshing gentleness accompanied his large size and great strength. 16. J. Kelley Turner and Jno. L. Bridges, Jr., History of Edgecombe Coun- ty, North Carolina (Raleigh, 1920), 109. Youth where Thomas Blount ran a branch store of his brother's mercantile establishment in Washington, North Carolina.5 Since Nash County had no trading center, the Clinches naturally traveled back to their former home to buy and sell and to visit with their numerous kin in and near that settlement. Having parents who had been important local citizens under the British colony but who had sided with the Patriots in the American Revolution guaranteed Joseph and Mary Clinch and their children a warm welcome in Tarboro. By 1790 Joseph and Mary were established citizens and leaders in Nash County. Serving as a justice of the peace and colonel of the militia gave Joseph an important place in county councils. The Clinch family were communicants of the Church of England, but animosities created by the Revolutionary War and, perhaps, the influ- ence of Mary's Scottish heritage threw Joseph into the new Methodist Episcopal Church, in which he and his wife became pious and active members. Thus young Duncan's formative years were spent in the environment of a religious family with a successful father and a de- voted mother. The birth of Mary Clinch in 1791 completed the family. The happy household, however, was soon broken by the passing of the mother in 1792, and three years later Joseph followed his wife in death. Unfortunately no records have been found on the youth and edu- cation of the Clinch children. No doubt the oldest daughter and son received elementary instruction from their mother and from tutors. From his mother and his aunts Duncan Lamon learned the essential courtesies of polite society, how to dress for different social functions, and the privileges and duties of men. Some of his mother's gentleness and her regard for the rights of others rubbed off on her son, giving him a gentility and a concern for his fellow men which remained a part of his character. Although quick to defend his rights, he never demonstrated the hotheadedness that characterized some Southerners. No records reveal that he ever challenged another man, or was chal- lenged, to a duel or participated in any capacity in those so-called affairs of honor. Not quarrelsomeness or bullishness but a refreshing gentleness accompanied his large size and great strength. 16. J. Kelley Turner and Jno. L. Bridges, Jr., History of Edgecombe Coun- ty, North Carolina (Raleigh, 1920), 109. 9  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM That Duncan received an adequate education for the period is attested by his facility in later life in mathematics, spelling, and com- position. On the other hand, there is no evidence that he studied classical or modern literature, for his writings exhibit no familiarity with the best in ancient or contemporary literature. The circumstan- tial evidence of his relatives' position in Edgecombe County and his facility in writing letters indicate considerable schooling by tutors and in a private academy. In all probability he studied at the Tarboro Male Academy, a school that was organized when he was five years of age.00 During his young manhood he could have entered the newly opened United States Military Academy, the University of North Carolina, or the College of South Carolina, but the records of these institutions do not list him as having ever been a student. In rural North Carolina in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, nature provided an interesting schoolroom for a growing boy. The woods and meadows, creeks and rivers, and farms and ani- mals gave a child opportunities to learn essentials that would enable him to meet a changing environment. On plantation and farm Duncan Clinch learned to ride and to control horses with consum- mate mastery. Outdoor life gave him practice in the use of firearms for hunting, and a young man of his station undoubtedly served in the local militia. The presence of servants and their respect for a youthful master made Duncan conscious of his status and developed in him a capacity for command. But like many other Southerners, he never demonstrated real concern for the hard lot of slaves or a desire to better their lives with good housing and other comforts of exist- ence.18 To him slaves were destined to lifelong servitude, were to be respected as inferior human beings as long as they gave unquestioning obedience to lawful masters; and if they were to win eventual reward, it would come in eternity for faithfulness to an established earthly order. There was, however, a strong religious conviction in Duncan Clinch which could never allow him to think of any human, black or white, as a soulless individual in the sight of God. Despite his pious Methodist parents, no evidence indicates that he joined any church in 17. Ibid., 360. 18. For a brief description of the living conditions of slaves on Clinch's Florida plantations, see pp. 93-94. 10 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM That Duncan received an adequate education for the period is attested by his facility in later life in mathematics, spelling, and com- position. On the other hand, there is no evidence that he studied classical or modern literature, for his writings exhibit no familiarity with the best in ancient or contemporary literature. The circumstan- tial evidence of his relatives' position in Edgecombe County and his facility in writing letters indicate considerable schooling by tutors and in a private academy. In all probability he studied at the Tarboro Male Academy, a school that was organized when he was five years of age.00 During his young manhood he could have entered the newly opened United States Military Academy, the University of North Carolina, or the College of South Carolina, but the records of these institutions do not list him as having ever been a student. In rural North Carolina in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, nature provided an interesting schoolroom for a growing boy. The woods and meadows, creeks and rivers, and farms and ani- mals gave a child opportunities to learn essentials that would enable him to meet a changing environment. On plantation and farm Duncan Clinch learned to ride and to control horses with consum- mate mastery. Outdoor life gave him practice in the use of firearms for hunting, and a young man of his station undoubtedly served in the local militia. The presence of servants and their respect for a youthful master made Duncan conscious of his status and developed in him a capacity for command. But like many other Southerners, he never demonstrated real concern for the hard lot of slaves or a desire to better their lives with good housing and other comforts of exist- ence.18 To him slaves were destined to lifelong servitude, were to be respected as inferior human beings as long as they gave unquestioning obedience to lawful masters; and if they were to win eventual reward, it would come in eternity for faithfulness to an established earthly order. There was, however, a strong religious conviction in Duncan Clinch which could never allow him to think of any human, black or white, as a soulless individual in the sight of God. Despite his pious Methodist parents, no evidence indicates that he joined any church in 17. Ibid., 360. 18. For a brief description of the living conditions of slaves on Clinch's Florida plantations, see pp. 93-94. 10 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM That Duncan received an adequate education for the period is attested by his facility in later life in mathematics, spelling, and com- position. On the other hand, there is no evidence that he studied classical or modern literature, for his writings exhibit no familiarity with the best in ancient or contemporary literature. The circumstan- tial evidence of his relatives' position in Edgecombe County and his facility in writing letters indicate considerable schooling by tutors and in a private academy. In all probability he studied at the Tarboro Male Academy, a school that was organized when he was five years of age.1v During his young manhood he could have entered the newly opened United States Military Academy, the University of North Carolina, or the College of South Carolina, but the records of these institutions do not list him as having ever been a student. In rural North Carolina in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, nature provided an interesting schoolroom for a growing boy. The woods and meadows, creeks and rivers, and farms and ani- mals gave a child opportunities to learn essentials that would enable him to meet a changing environment. On plantation and farm Duncan Clinch learned to ride and to control horses with consum- mate mastery. Outdoor life gave him practice in the use of firearms for hunting, and a young man of his station undoubtedly served in the local militia. The presence of servants and their respect for a youthful master made Duncan conscious of his status and developed in him a capacity for command. But like many other Southerners, he never demonstrated real concern for the hard lot of slaves or a desire to better their lives with good housing and other comforts of exist- ence.18 To him slaves were destined to lifelong servitude, were to be respected as inferior human beings as long as they gave unquestioning obedience to lawful masters; and if they were to win eventual reward, it would come in eternity for faithfulness to an established earthly order. There was, however, a strong religious conviction in Duncan Clinch which could never allow him to think of any human, black or white, as a soulless individual in the sight of God. Despite his pious Methodist parents, no evidence indicates that he joined any church in 17. Ibid., 360. 18. For a brief description of the living conditions of slaves on Clinch's Florida plantations, see pp. 93-94. 10  Youth youth or maturity. Yet his early religious training gave him a respect for the beliefs of others, made him contribute substantially to a num- ber of churches, and led him to practice Christianity in his daily life. No investigator has penetrated the heavy fog which shrouds his youth. Throughout his army career he wrote no letters to near rela- tives (or saved no copies of them if he did write), and nowhere in his extant correspondence did he ever mention his father, mother, or other close relatives. This absence of letters with reference to his youth in Tarboro, and of letters to him from kinsmen and friends of that community, leaves a blank in the record of his life. Still, his standing in his community was well established by his twenty-first birthday, and when Thomas Blount, the United States Congressman from his area, was requested in 1808 to recommend two young men for commissions as first lieutenants in the United States Army, he chose Duncan Lamon Clinch as one of his nominees.se What motivated the twenty-one-year-old Clinch to choose the army for a career is unknown. The salary of a lower ranking officer in 1808 could not have been a strong inducement. The young man, foot-loose and without a family, may have been attracted by the opportunity to visit the frontier parts of the relatively new American Republic. If, as may be, all his near relatives except his brother had passed away,20 there were no strong ties to hold him to Tarboro and Edgecombe County, and with the wanderlust of youth he sought adventure; or perhaps he recalled stories of his father's prowess in the Revolu- tionary War, and patriotic impulse may have pushed him into mili- tary service. In 1808 Europe and much of the rest of the world was a battleground contested by France and England, and as the most important neutral state in a world at war the United States was suf- fering many indignities from both contestants. Nationalism and patri- otism ran at high tides in infant America, and the opportunity to serve one's country, especially as a commissioned officer, held tre- mendous appeal to spirited young men. Furthermore, the economic 19. Turner and Bridges, 143. 20. Elizabeth was married to a Mr. Bracewell of North Carolina. Joseph John, Jr., entered the United States Army on April 22, 1812, as a second lieu- tenant, and was promoted to first lieutenant and captain. He resigned on October 31, 1820, and lived until October 4, 1827. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310. 11 Youth youth or maturity. Yet his early religious training gave him a respect for the beliefs of others, made him contribute substantially to a num- ber of churches, and led him to practice Christianity in his daily life. No investigator has penetrated the heavy fog which shrouds his youth. Throughout his army career he wrote no letters to near rela- tives (or saved no copies of them if he did write), and nowhere in his extant correspondence did he ever mention his father, mother, or other close relatives. This absence of letters with reference to his youth in Tarboro, and of letters to him from kinsmen and friends of that community, leaves a blank in the record of his life. Still, his standing in his community was well established by his twenty-first birthday, and when Thomas Blount, the United States Congressman from his area, was requested in 1808 to recommend two young men for commissions as first lieutenants in the United States Army, he chose Duncan Lamon Clinch as one of his nominees.0 What motivated the twenty-one-year-old Clinch to choose the army for a career is unknown. The salary of a lower ranking officer in 1808 could not have been a strong inducement. The young man, foot-loose and without a family, may have been attracted by the opportunity to visit the frontier parts of the relatively new American Republic. If, as may be, all his near relatives except his brother had passed away,20 there were no strong ties to hold him to Tarboro and Edgecombe County, and with the wanderlust of youth he sought adventure; or perhaps he recalled stories of his father's prowess in the Revolu- tionary War, and patriotic impulse may have pushed him into mili- tary service. In 1808 Europe and much of the rest of the world was a battleground contested by France and England, and as the most important neutral state in a world at war the United States was suf- fering many indignities from both contestants. Nationalism and patri- otism ran at high tides in infant America, and the opportunity to serve one's country, especially as a commissioned officer, held tre- mendous appeal to spirited young men. Furthermore, the economic 19. Turner and Bridges, 143. 20. Elizabeth was married to a Mr. Bracewell of North Carolina. Joseph John, Jr., entered the United States Army on April 22, 1812, as a second lieu- tenant, and was promoted to first lieutenant and captain. He resigned on October 31, 1820, and lived until October 4, 1827. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310. 11 Youth youth or maturity. Yet his early religious training gave him a respect for the beliefs of others, made him contribute substantially to a num- ber of churches, and led him to practice Christianity in his daily life. No investigator has penetrated the heavy fog which shrouds his youth. Throughout his army career he wrote no letters to near rela- tives (or saved no copies of them if he did write), and nowhere in his extant correspondence did he ever mention his father, mother, or other close relatives. This absence of letters with reference to his youth in Tarboro, and of letters to him from kinsmen and friends of that community, leaves a blank in the record of his life. Still, his standing in his community was well established by his twenty-first birthday, and when Thomas Blount, the United States Congressman from his area, was requested in 1808 to recommend two young men for commissions as first lieutenants in the United States Army, he chose Duncan Lamon Clinch as one of his nominees.0 What motivated the twenty-one-year-old Clinch to choose the army for a career is unknown. The salary of a lower ranking officer in 1808 could not have been a strong inducement. The young man, foot-loose and without a family, may have been attracted by the opportunity to visit the frontier parts of the relatively new American Republic. If, as may be, all his near relatives except his brother had passed away,20 there were no strong ties to hold him to Tarboro and Edgecombe County, and with the wanderlust of youth he sought adventure; or perhaps he recalled stories of his father's prowess in the Revolu- tionary War, and patriotic impulse may have pushed him into mili- tary service. In 1808 Europe and much of the rest of the world was a battleground contested by France and England, and as the most important neutral state in a world at war the United States was suf- fering many indignities from both contestants. Nationalism and patri- otism ran at high tides in infant America, and the opportunity to serve one's country, especially as a commissioned officer, held tre- mendous appeal to spirited young men. Furthermore, the economic 19. Turner and Bridges, 143. 20. Elizabeth was married to a Mr. Bracewell of North Carolina. Joseph John, Jr., entered the United States Army on April 22, 1812, as a second lieu- tenant, and was promoted to first lieutenant and captain. He resigned on October 31, 1820, and lived until October 4, 1827. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310. 11  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM situation on farms in North Carolina, where soil exhaustion was already reducing crop yields, offered little opportunity for the attain- ment of wealth. The drab existence on a farm could not compete with the imagined excitement of military service.a1 Whatever his motives, Duncan L. Clinch accepted the commission to enter a new world of adventure. 21. In 1798 Duncan L. Clinch received from his father's estate two slaves valued at almost 39 (Nash County Record Book No. 14, p. 125). On De- cember 20, 1808, he was given title to 378 acres of land from his father's estate (ibid., 129), and on January 9, 1809, he sold this land for $1,200.00 to William Bellamy (Nash County Deed Book No. 8, p. 281). ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM situation on farms in North Carolina, where soil exhaustion was already reducing crop yields, offered little opportunity for the attain- ment of wealth. The drab existence on a farm could not compete with the imagined excitement of military service.1 Whatever his motives, Duncan L. Clinch accepted the commission to enter a new world of adventure. 21. In 1798 Duncan L. Clinch received from his father's estate two slaves valued at almost E39 (Nash County Record Book No. 14, p. 125). On De- cember 20, 1808, he was given title to 378 acres of land from his father's estate (ibid., 129), and on January 9, 1809, he sold this land for $1,200.00 to William Bellamy (Nash County Deed Book No. 8, p. 281). ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM situation on farms in North Carolina, where soil exhaustion was already reducing crop yields, offered little opportunity for the attain- ment of wealth. The drab existence on a farm could not compete with the imagined excitement of military service.ai Whatever his motives, Duncan L. Clinch accepted the commission to enter a new world of adventure. 21. In 1798 Duncan L Clinch received from his father's estate two slaves valued at almost £39 (Nash County Record Book No. 14, p. 125). On De- cember 20, 1808, he was given title to 378 acres of land from his father's estate (ibid., 129), and on January 9, 1809, he sold this land for $1,200.00 to William Bellamy (Nash County Deed Book No. 8, p. 281). 12 12 12  TWO TWO TWO Military Service and the War of 1812 IN 1808 THOMAS JEFFERSON was in his last year of his sec- ond term as President. Throughout his years in office he had clung desperately to what he considered basic principles in do- mestic and foreign policies. At home he wished to save money to pay off the national debt, and in foreign affairs he sought every possible means to keep infant America from being embroiled in war. Yet the unique opportunity to acquire Louisiana forced him to bend on fi- nance, and the piratical acts of the Barbary States in the Mediterra- nean Sea made him send warships to protect the rights of American merchantmen on the high seas, and thus to renounce the policy, established by President Washington, of paying tribute to the rulers of the North African states. Jefferson, however, was convinced that the United States needed no elaborate and costly military establishment. Rather than support a large standing army, he placed his faith in a strong local militia whose members would rally to defend an invaded America. Instead of expensive warships manned by trained sailors, he relied on small ves- sels, the "Mosquito Fleet," to be operated in time of emergency by citizens living near the harbors where the ships lay at anchor. In the President's opinion these limited and relatively inexpensive military forces were all that America, determined not to wage offensive war- fare and protected by oceans, needed for national defense. Unfortunately the pacifically inclined Jefferson could not stop the war for world domination which raged between Great Britain and France. He had to adjust his administration to international strife, but he was determined to keep his country out of war. The warring Euro- pean countries did not have sufficient ships for both war and com- mercial trade, and they needed the agricultural products of America 13 Military Service and the War of 1812 IN 1808 THOMAS JEFFERSON was in his last year of his sec- ond term as President. Throughout his years in office he had clung desperately to what he considered basic principles in do- mestic and foreign policies. At home he wished to save money to pay off the national debt, and in foreign affairs he sought every possible means to keep infant America from being embroiled in war. Yet the unique opportunity to acquire Louisiana forced him to bend on fi- nance, and the piratical acts of the Barbary States in the Mediterra- nean Sea made him send warships to protect the rights of American merchantmen on the high seas, and thus to renounce the policy, established by President Washington, of paying tribute to the rulers of the North African states. Jefferson, however, was convinced that the United States needed no elaborate and costly military establishment. Rather than support a large standing army, he placed his faith in a strong local militia whose members would rally to defend an invaded America. Instead of expensive warships manned by trained sailors, he relied on small ves- sels, the "Mosquito Fleet," to be operated in time of emergency by citizens living near the harbors where the ships lay at anchor. In the President's opinion these limited and relatively inexpensive military forces were all that America, determined not to wage offensive war- fare and protected by oceans, needed for national defense. Unfortunately the pacifically inclined Jefferson could not stop the war for world domination which raged between Great Britain and France. He had to adjust his administration to international strife, but he was determined to keep his country out of war. The warring Euro- pean countries did not have sufficient ships for both war and com- mercial trade, and they needed the agricultural products of America 13 Military Service and the War of 1812 I N 1808 THOMAS JEFFERSON was in his last year of his sec- ond term as President. Throughout his years in office he had clung desperately to what he considered basic principles in do- mestic and foreign policies. At home he wished to save money to pay off the national debt, and in foreign affairs he sought every possible means to keep infant America from being embroiled in war. Yet the unique opportunity to acquire Louisiana forced him to bend on fi- nance, and the piratical acts of the Barbary States in the Mediterra- nean Sea made him send warships to protect the rights of American merchantmen on the high seas, and thus to renounce the policy, established by President Washington, of paying tribute to the rulers of the North African states. Jefferson, however, was convinced that the United States needed no elaborate and costly military establishment. Rather than support a large standing army, he placed his faith in a strong local militia whose members would rally to defend an invaded America. Instead of expensive warships manned by trained sailors, he relied on small ves- sels, the "Mosquito Fleet," to be operated in time of emergency by citizens living near the harbors where the ships lay at anchor. In the President's opinion these limited and relatively inexpensive military forces were all that America, determined not to wage offensive war- fare and protected by oceans, needed for national defense. Unfortunately the pacifically inclined Jefferson could not stop the war for world domination which raged between Great Britain and France. He had to adjust his administration to international strife, but he was determined to keep his country out of war. The warring Euro- pean countries did not have sufficient ships for both war and com- mercial trade, and they needed the agricultural products of America 13  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM carried to their shores in American ships. Thus the war engen- dered profits for American shipowners and high prices for American farmers. But in the attempt to starve each other into submission, England and France placed rigid restrictions on neutral trade and with their navies tried to enforce them. The United States, the world's most important neutral, suffered most from the restrictions, and made the most vigorous protests against the policies of England and France. The measures of both countries violated the American conception of the rights of a neutral, but Great Britain possessed a navy superior to that of France and interfered repeatedly with Ameri- can commercial shipping. In addition, the English followed the policy of indefeasible allegiance and stopped United States ships in order to impress British-born sailors for naval service. In the summer of 1807 the United States frigate Chesapeake, under the command of Captain James Barron, sailed from Chesapeake B-ay bound for the Mediter- ranean Sea and was closely followed by the British Leopard. On the high seas the Leopard hailed the Chesapeake and demanded the re- turn of four English naval deserters. Captain Barron refused, but his ship was not ready for combat, and for fifteen minutes it took a pounding from the Leopard's guns, killing three men and wounding eighteen others. Following the surrender of the Chesapeake, the Brit- ish took the four alleged deserters, and the crippled Chesapeake re- turned to Norfolk Harbor. This highhanded act stirred the passions of Americans and they demanded war, but Jefferson sought means of peaceful settlement. Despite a British apology and a promise of reparation, chauvinists branded Jefferson a pacifist willing to sacrifice national honor to cowardice, but the President wisely determined to keep his country out of war. By the Embargo Act of 1807 Jefferson hoped both to change British and French policy toward neutrals and to prevent American involvement in a possibly disastrous war. Provisions of the Embargo Act prohibited American merchant vessels from leaving national ports bound for foreign countries and forced shipowners en- gaged in the coastwise trade to give bond double the value of a ves- sel and its cargo to guarantee their arrival at some American port. The objective of the act was to deny England and France the benefits of American shipping and American food supplies. This law tied 14 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM carried to their shores in American ships. Thus the war engen- dered profits for American shipowners and high prices for American farmers. But in the attempt to starve each other into submission, England and France placed rigid restrictions on neutral trade and with their navies tried to enforce them. The United States, the world's most important neutral, suffered most from the restrictions, and made the most vigorous protests against the policies of England and France. The measures of both countries violated the American conception of the rights of a neutral, but Great Britain possessed a navy superior to that of France and interfered repeatedly with Ameri- can commercial shipping. In addition, the English followed the policy of indefeasible allegiance and stopped United States ships in order to impress British-born sailors for naval service. In the summer of 1807 the United States frigate Chesapeake, under the command of Captain James Barron, sailed from Chesapeake Bay bound for the Mediter- ranean Sea and was closely followed by the British Leopard. On the high seas the Leopard hailed the Chesapeake and demanded the re- turn of four English naval deserters. Captain Barron refused, but his ship was not ready for combat, and for fifteen minutes it took a pounding from the Leopard's guns, killing three men and wounding eighteen others. Following the surrender of the Chesapeake, the Brit- ish took the four alleged deserters, and the crippled Chesapeake re- turned to Norfolk Harbor. This highhanded act stirred the passions of Americans and they demanded war, but Jefferson sought means of peaceful settlement. Despite a British apology and a promise of reparation, chauvinists branded Jefferson a pacifist willing to sacrifice national honor to cowardice, but the President wisely determined to keep his country out of war. By the Embargo Act of 1807 Jefferson hoped both to change British and French policy toward neutrals and to prevent American involvement in a possibly disastrous war. Provisions of the Embargo Act prohibited American merchant vessels from leaving national ports bound for foreign countries and forced shipowners en- gaged in the coastwise trade to give bond double the value of a ves- sel and its cargo to guarantee their arrival at some American port. The objective of the act was to deny England and France the benefits of American shipping and American food supplies. This law tied 14 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM carried to their shores in American ships. Thus the war engen- dered profits for American shipowners and high prices for American farmers. But in the attempt to starve each other into submission, England and France placed rigid restrictions on neutral trade and with their navies tried to enforce them. The United States, the world's most important neutral, suffered most from the restrictions, and made the most vigorous protests against the policies of England and France. The measures of both countries violated the American conception of the rights of a neutral, but Great Britain possessed a navy superior to that of France and interfered repeatedly with Ameri- can commercial shipping. In addition, the English followed the policy of indefeasible allegiance and stopped United States ships in order to impress British-born sailors for naval service. In the summer of 1807 the United States frigate Chesapeake, under the command of Captain James Barron, sailed from Chesapeake Bay bound for the Mediter- ranean Sea and was closely followed by the British Leopard. On the high seas the Leopard hailed the Chesapeake and demanded the re- turn of four English naval deserters. Captain Barron refused, but his ship was not ready for combat, and for fifteen minutes it took a pounding from the Leopard's guns, killing three men and wounding eighteen others. Following the surrender of the Chesapeake, the Brit- ish took the four alleged deserters, and the crippled Chesapeake re- turned to Norfolk Harbor. This highhanded act stirred the passions of Americans and they demanded war, but Jefferson sought means of peaceful settlement. Despite a British apology and a promise of reparation, chauvinists branded Jefferson a pacifist willing to sacrifice national honor to cowardice, but the President wisely determined to keep his country out of war. By the Embargo Act of 1807 Jefferson hoped both to change British and French policy toward neutrals and to prevent American involvement in a possibly disastrous war. Provisions of the Embargo Act prohibited American merchant vessels from leaving national ports bound for foreign countries and forced shipowners en- gaged in the coastwise trade to give bond double the value of a ves- sel and its cargo to guarantee their arrival at some American port. The objective of the act was to deny England and France the benefits of American shipping and American food supplies. This law tied 14  Military Service and the War of 1812 United States merchantmen to American ports and aroused a storm of opposition from shipowners. Furthermore, denial of foreign mar- kets to American tobacco, cotton, wheat, and other agricultural prod- ucts caused a sharp decline in prices and farmers' income. The Federalist party attempted political gain from the Jefferso- nian policies in the presidential election of 1808. The Jeffersonian Republicans had been in office for less than eight years and the con- tinuance of their control was not assured. Many Republicans and Federalists favored an enlargement of the military forces of the coun- try, and they authorized an increase in the size of the standing army that necessitated the enrollment of thousands of soldiers and the commissioning of hundreds of officers. This tense international situation gave Duncan L. Clinch the op- portunity to enter the army as a first lieutenant. Exactly where he was mustered into service is unknown, but he was ordered to rendez- vous on August 13, 1808, with Captain Prentis Law at Windsor, North Carolina.' This small settlement, eleven miles from Edenton, was the point of departure for the North Carolina volunteers. After marching to Edenton, they embarked for the other ports and eventual destination at New Orleans, Louisiana. At the "Queen City" on the Mississippi River, Clinch became the regimental paymaster of the Third United States Infantry.2 His duties were sufficiently routine and simple to give him time to enjoy the French city. Although New Orleans bad been under Spanish control from 1763 almost to its acquisition by the United States as a part of the Louisi- ana Purchase, the forty years of Spanish governmental operation had not erased more than a century of French dominance. By 1809 Americans had made little impression on the French-Spanish customs of most residents of the city. While English was established as the official language, the tone of New Orleans in law, architecture, spo- ken language, society, and other aspects of life remained French. During the second decade of the nineteenth century between 5,000 and 6,000 Frenchmen lived in the river city, but Americans were moving to New Orleans in numbers that foretold rapid Americaniza- 1. Records of the War Department, Letters Sent, Military Book, No. 3, May 1, 1806-December 31, 1808, in War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Clinch Papers; Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310. 15 Military Service and the War of 1812 United States merchantmen to American ports and aroused a storm of opposition from shipowners. Furthermore, denial of foreign mar- kets to American tobacco, cotton, wheat, and other agricultural prod- ucts caused a sharp decline in prices and farmers' income. The Federalist party attempted political gain from the Jefferso- nian policies in the presidential election of 1808. The Jeffersonian Republicans had been in office for less than eight years and the con- tinuance of their control was not assured. Many Republicans and Federalists favored an enlargement of the military forces of the coun- try, and they authorized an increase in the size of the standing army that necessitated the enrollment of thousands of soldiers and the commissioning of hundreds of officers. This tense international situation gave Duncan L. Clinch the op- portunity to enter the army as a first lieutenant. Exactly where he was mustered into service is unknown, but he was ordered to rendez- vous on August 13, 1808, with Captain Prentis Law at Windsor, North Carolina., This small settlement, eleven miles from Edenton, was the point of departure for the North Carolina volunteers. After marching to Edenton, they embarked for the other ports and eventual destination at New Orleans, Louisiana. At the "Queen City" on the Mississippi River, Clinch became the regimental paymaster of the Third United States Infantry.2 His duties were sufficiently routine and simple to give him time to enjoy the French city. Although New Orleans had been under Spanish control from 1763 almost to its acquisition by the United States as a part of the Louisi- ana Purchase, the forty years of Spanish governmental operation had not erased more than a century of French dominance. By 1809 Americans had made little impression on the French-Spanish customs of most residents of the city. While English was established as the official language, the tone of New Orleans in law, architecture, spo- ken language, society, and other aspects of life remained French. During the second decade of the nineteenth century between 5,000 and 6,000 Frenchmen lived in the river city, but Americans were moving to New Orleans in numbers that foretold rapid Americaniza- 1. Records of the War Department, Letters Sent, Military Book, No. 3, May 1, 1806-December 31, 1808, in War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Clinch Papers; Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310. 15 Military Service and the War of 1812 United States merchantmen to American ports and aroused a storm of opposition from shipowners. Furthermore, denial of foreign mar- kets to American tobacco, cotton, wheat, and other agricultural prod- ucts caused a sharp decline in prices and farmers' income. The Federalist party attempted political gain from the Jefferso- nian policies in the presidential election of 1808. The Jeffersonian Republicans had been in office for less than eight years and the con- tinuance of their control was not assured. Many Republicans and Federalists favored an enlargement of the military forces of the coun- try, and they authorized an increase in the size of the standing army that necessitated the enrollment of thousands of soldiers and the commissioning of hundreds of officers. This tense international situation gave Duncan L. Clinch the op- portunity to enter the army as a first lieutenant. Exactly where he was mustered into service is unknown, but he was ordered to rendez- vous on August 13, 1808, with Captain Prentis Law at Windsor, North Carolina.' This small settlement, eleven miles from Edenton, was the point of departure for the North Carolina volunteers. After marching to Edenton, they embarked for the other ports and eventual destination at New Orleans, Louisiana. At the "Queen City" on the Mississippi River, Clinch became the regimental paymaster of the Third United States Infantry.2 His duties were sufficiently routine and simple to give him time to enjoy the French city. Although New Orleans had been under Spanish control from 1763 almost to its acquisition by the United States as a part of the Louisi- ana Purchase, the forty years of Spanish governmental operation had not erased more than a century of French dominance. By 1809 Americans had made little impression on the French-Spanish customs of most residents of the city. While English was established as the official language, the tone of New Orleans in law, architecture, spo- ken language, society, and other aspects of life remained French. During the second decade of the nineteenth century between 5,000 and 6,000 Frenchmen lived in the river city, but Americans were moving to New Orleans in numbers that foretold rapid Americaniza- 1. Records of the War Department, Letters Sent, Military Book, No. 3, May 1, 1806-December 31, 1808, in War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Clinch Papers; Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310. 15  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM tion. The city depended on products sent down the river from settle- ments in Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Guiding their rafts or boats laden with agricultural products were the trousered frontiersmen, their legs wrapped in rugged leggings and their shoulders covered by hunting shirts of earth-brown color trimmed with strips of bright yellow cloth. After the long, arduous, and lonely trip they wanted and found excitement in saloons, with women, and in fights. The waterfronts of New Orleans bustled with activity during the day and candlelit histros throbbed with wild gaiety after dark. The two most important social sets in New Orleans were the French and Americans, but in colorfulness the third society-the mixed-was the most interesting. In composition it included men and women of hues from white to light tan to brown to black: Yankees with round faces, lean and grisly Spaniards, coal-black Negroes, mu- lattoes, quadroons, and dirty half-naked Indians. The women attired themselves in gowns of bright yellow or flaming scarlet, while the men dressed in material of more subdued hues and capped their heads with impressive hats. Segregated by sex for daytime shopping but mixed for evening enjoyment, the people walked the streets in pursuit of various purposes. The narrow streets of New Orleans formed a pattern of crosses and right angles. On the low, often flooded ground, houses stood on wooden stilts, and elevated terraces and iron-grilled balconies caught the gentle breezes in the heat of summer. Maids and housewives threw household refuse into the streets, and the nauseous smell of the dry seasons was dissipated only by heavy downpours that flushed the filth from the narrow gutters. Children of all colors roamed the streets, playing their simple games and shouting with the happiness of youth or wailing with the hurts of the young which could only be eased by sympathetic mothers. The market of New Orleans was equal to that of any city its size in the United States. Both Frenchmen and Americans appeared to be in an eternal bustle to make money by buying and selling cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Many Americans enjoyed ridiculing everything that was French, but the competition between the two national cul- tures was friendly rather than hostile. Often the supposedly effemi- nate Frenchman would test his physical prowess against the reputed 16 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM tion. The city depended on products sent down the river from settle- ments in Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Guiding their rafts or boats laden with agricultural products were the trousered frontiersmen, their legs wrapped in rugged leggings and their shoulders covered by hunting shirts of earth-brown color trimmed with strips of bright yellow cloth. After the long, arduous, and lonely trip they wanted and found excitement in saloons, with women, and in fights. The waterfronts of New Orleans bustled with activity during the day and candlelit bistros throbbed with wild gaiety after dark. The two most important social sets in New Orleans were the French and Americans, but in colorfulness the third society-the mixed-was the most interesting. In composition it included men and women of hues from white to light tan to brown to black: Yankees with round faces, lean and grisly Spaniards, coal-black Negroes, mu- lattoes, quadroons, and dirty half-naked Indians. The women attired themselves in gowns of bright yellow or flaming scarlet, while the men dressed in material of more subdued hues and capped their heads with impressive hats. Segregated by sex for daytime shopping but mixed for evening enjoyment, the people walked the streets in pursuit of various purposes. The narrow streets of New Orleans formed a pattern of crosses and right angles. On the low, often flooded ground, houses stood on wooden stilts, and elevated terraces and iron-grilled balconies caught the gentle breezes in the heat of summer. Maids and housewives threw household refuse into the streets, and the nauseous smell of the dry seasons was dissipated only by heavy downpours that flushed the filth from the narrow gutters. Children of all colors roamed the streets, playing their simple games and shouting with the happiness of youth or wailing with the hurts of the young which could only be eased by sympathetic mothers. The market of New Orleans was equal to that of any city its size in the United States. Both Frenchmen and Americans appeared to be in an eternal bustle to make money by buying and selling cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Many Americans enjoyed ridiculing everything that was French, but the competition between the two national cul- tures was friendly rather than hostile. Often the supposedly effemi- nate Frenchman would test his physical prowess against the reputed 16 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM tion. The city depended on products sent down the river from settle- ments in Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Guiding their rafts or boats laden with agricultural products were the trousered frontiersmen, their legs wrapped in rugged leggings and their shoulders covered by hunting shirts of earth-brown color trimmed with strips of bright yellow cloth. After the long, arduous, and lonely trip they wanted and found excitement in saloons, with women, and in fights. The waterfronts of New Orleans bustled with activity during the day and candlelit bistros throbbed with wild gaiety after dark. The two most important social sets in New Orleans were the French and Americans, but in colorfulness the third society-the mixed-was the most interesting. In composition it included men and women of hues from white to light tan to brown to black: Yankees with round faces, lean and grisly Spaniards, coal-black Negroes, mu- lattoes, quadroons, and dirty half-naked Indians. The women attired themselves in gowns of bright yellow or flaming scarlet, while the men dressed in material of more subdued hues and capped their heads with impressive hats. Segregated by sex for daytime shopping but mixed for evening enjoyment, the people walked the streets in pursuit of various purposes. The narrow streets of New Orleans formed a pattern of crosses and right angles. On the low, often flooded ground, houses stood on wooden stilts, and elevated terraces and iron-grilled balconies caught the gentle breezes in the heat of summer. Maids and housewives threw household refuse into the streets, and the nauseous smell of the dry seasons was dissipated only by heavy downpours that flushed the filth from the narrow gutters. Children of all colors roamed the streets, playing their simple games and shouting with the happiness of youth or wailing with the hurts of the young which could only be eased by sympathetic mothers. The market of New Orleans was equal to that of any city its size in the United States. Both Frenchmen and Americans appeared to be in an eternal bustle to make money by buying and selling cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Many Americans enjoyed ridiculing everything that was French, but the competition between the two national cul- tures was friendly rather than hostile. Often the supposedly effemi- nate Frenchman would test his physical prowess against the reputed 16  Military Service and the War of 1812 manliness of the frontiersman. Among the upper classes duels came with tragic frequency, but the more realistic common man settled his arguments with fists, and, at times, eye-gouging and knifing. Above the usually placid yellow water of the Mississippi the city buildings rose to impressive heights. The public square opened to the river, and the Cathedral with a symmetrical building on its right and another on its left dominated the square. In detail the architecture of the Cathedral, the Principal on the west, and the Presbytery on the east appeared crude, but their mass and fagades produced an admir- able effect when viewed from the river. The Principal contained the public offices and council chamber of the city, and the Presbytery, owned by the Church, housed seven stores on the first floor and apart- ments in its upper stories.3 For a young man fresh from bucolic isolation in North Carolina, New Orleans must have been a fairyland of exciting adventure. Even walking the narrow streets or peeking at the riotous living of the rau- cous members of society evidently gave a vicarious thrill to the rural North Carolinian brought up with strict Methodist ideas of right and wrong. The deference given to one in the uniform of an American army officer certainly should have impressed the young lieutenant. Snide remarks made in whispers about Americans and haughty mili- tary men did not reach the ears of Duncan Clinch. Nothing in his record indicates his participation in the revelry of New Orleans. Evidently he was no more than a wide-eyed observer of activities in the "sinful city," for he performed his military duties with a conscientiousness which impressed his superiors. In all prob- ability he was more interested in the struggles for empire in North America and the world than in the trivialities of New Orleans. The machinations of Napoleon I of France in Europe were to affect the life of Clinch. Napoleon's removal of the Spanish king and installation of Joseph Bonaparte on Spain's throne brought revolt in that country and rebellion in her New World colonies. In the districts of New Feliciana and Baton Rouge, West Florida, peopled 3. The descriptions of New Orleans and her people are based on Benja- min Henry Latrobe, Impressions Respecting New Orleans: Diary and Sketches, 1818-1820, edited by Samuel Wilson, Jr. (New York, 1952), 22, 32-35; and Henry Ker, Travels Through the Western Interior of the United States (Eliza- bethtown, N. J., 1816), 46-50. 17 Military Service and the War of 1812 manliness of the frontiersman. Among the upper classes duels came with tragic frequency, but the more realistic common man settled his arguments with fists, and, at times, eye-gouging and knifing. Above the usually placid yellow water of the Mississippi the city buildings rose to impressive heights. The public square opened to the river, and the Cathedral with a symmetrical building on its right and another on its left dominated the square. In detail the architecture of the Cathedral, the Principal on the west, and the Presbytery on the east appeared crude, but their mass and fagades produced an admir- able effect when viewed from the river. The Principal contained the public offices and council chamber of the city, and the Presbytery, owned by the Church, housed seven stores on the first floor and apart- ments in its upper stories.3 For a young man fresh from bucolic isolation in North Carolina, New Orleans must have been a fairyland of exciting adventure. Even walking the narrow streets or peeking at the riotous living of the rau- cous members of society evidently gave a vicarious thrill to the rural North Carolinian brought up with strict Methodist ideas of right and wrong. The deference given to one in the uniform of an American army officer certainly should have impressed the young lieutenant. Snide remarks made in whispers about Americans and haughty mili- tary men did not reach the ears of Duncan Clinch. Nothing in his record indicates his participation in the revelry of New Orleans. Evidently he was no more than a wide-eyed observer of activities in the "sinful city," for he performed his military duties with a conscientiousness which impressed his superiors. In all prob- ability he was more interested in the struggles for empire in North America and the world than in the trivialities of New Orleans. The machinations of Napoleon I of France in Europe were to affect the life of Clinch. Napoleon's removal of the Spanish king and installation of Joseph Bonaparte on Spain's throne brought revolt in that country and rebellion in her New World colonies. In the districts of New Feliciana and Baton Rouge, West Florida, peopled 3. The descriptions of New Orleans and her people are based on Benja- min Henry Latrobe, Impressions Respecting New Orleans: Diary and Sketches, 1818-1820, edited by Samuel Wilson, Jr. (New York, 1952), 22, 32-35; and Henry Ker, Travels Through the Western Interior of the United States (Eliza- bethtown, N. J., 1816), 46-50. 17 Military Service and the War of 1812 manliness of the frontiersman. Among the upper classes duels came with tragic frequency, but the more realistic common man settled his arguments with fists, and, at times, eye-gouging and knifing. Above the usually placid yellow water of the Mississippi the city buildings rose to impressive heights. The public square opened to the river, and the Cathedral with a symmetrical building on its right and another on its left dominated the square. In detail the architecture of the Cathedral, the Principal on the west, and the Presbytery on the east appeared crude, but their mass and fagades produced an admir- able effect when viewed from the river. The Principal contained the public offices and council chamber of the city, and the Presbytery, owned by the Church, housed seven stores on the first floor and apart- ments in its upper stories.3 For a young man fresh from bucolic isolation in North Carolina, New Orleans must have been a fairyland of exciting adventure. Even walking the narrow streets or peeking at the riotous living of the rau- cous members of society evidently gave a vicarious thrill to the rural North Carolinian brought up with strict Methodist ideas of right and wrong. The deference given to one in the uniform of an American army officer certainly should have impressed the young lieutenant. Snide remarks made in whispers about Americans and haughty mili- tary men did not reach the ears of Duncan Clinch. Nothing in his record indicates his participation in the revelry of New Orleans. Evidently he was no more than a wide-eyed observer of activities in the "sinful city," for he performed his military duties with a conscientiousness which impressed his superiors. In all prob- ability he was more interested in the struggles for empire in North America and the world than in the trivialities of New Orleans. The machinations of Napoleon I of France in Europe were to affect the life of Clinch. Napoleon's removal of the Spanish king and installation of Joseph Bonaparte on Spain's throne brought revolt in that country and rebellion in her New World colonies. In the districts of New Feliciana and Baton Rouge, West Florida, peopled 3. The descriptions of New Orleans and her people are based on Benja- min Henry Latrobe, Impressions Respecting New Orleans: Diary and Sketches, 1818-1820, edited by Samuel Wilson, Jr. (New York, 1952), 22, 32-35; and Henry Ker, Travels Through the Western Interior of the United States (Eliza- bethtown, N. J., 1816), 46-50. 17  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM mostly by Americans, individuals banded together into small forces that were too strong for Spain's feeble military to defeat. By June, 1810, anarchy had conquered authority in these districts and the United States stepped in to restore order. American leaders, who had always maintained that West Florida was properly a part of the Lou- isiana Purchase, used the rebellion as an excuse to occupy that part of West Florida which lay between the Pearl and Mississippi rivers. In a proclamation of October 27, 1810, President James Madison reiterated American title to all the area between the Perdido and the Mississippi rivers, and justified occupation of a part of it to protect national rights. On December 31, 1810, Lieutenant Clinch was promoted to the rank of captain and his company ordered to Baton Rouge. The fort there was located on a plain above the north side of the small settle- ment. The fortification was not elaborate-a regular square with four bastions and earthen ramparts thrown up from the surrounding dry fosse and crowned by a stockade of pickets. A few small guns point- ing in different directions commanded the Mississippi River and other approaches to the settlement, but the fort possessed little actual strength and could not be defended against a well-prepared army.4 The town was no more impressive than the fort. About sixty cabins crowded a narrow street on the river bank, and six larger frame houses dotted an extensive plain surrounded by forests. The village was French in appearance and almost every cabin served the double purpose of living quarters and petty shop in which bread, tobacco, farm products, and taffia (a poor-type rum distilled at sugar planta- tions down the river) were offered for sale. The entire place was filthy and odorous with the unpleasant garbage and refuse scattered everywhere. But out from the settlement superb plantation homes indicated the wealth and good living of their owners. Enclosed fields extended from river banks and numerous slaves, herds of cattle, and lean, fleet horses told the story of prosperous agricultural enterprise. Ships of 500 tons anchored at Baton Rouge to receive cargoes of sugar and cotton from these productive plantations. Assignment to this rural outpost of America's expanded territory 4. Baton Rouge and environs are described in Reuben Goldthwaites (ed.), Early Western Travels, 1748-1846 (Cleveland, 1904), IV, 340-41; VIII, 329. 18 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM mostly by Americans, individuals banded together into small forces that were too strong for Spain's feeble military to defeat. By June, 1810, anarchy had conquered authority in these districts and the United States stepped in to restore order. American leaders, who had always maintained that West Florida was properly a part of the Lou- isiana Purchase, used the rebellion as an excuse to occupy that part of West Florida which lay between the Pearl and Mississippi rivers. In a proclamation of October 27, 1810, President James Madison reiterated American title to all the area between the Perdido and the Mississippi rivers, and justified occupation of a part of it to protect national rights. On December 31, 1810, Lieutenant Clinch was promoted to the rank of captain and his company ordered to Baton Rouge. The fort there was located on a plain above the north side of the small settle- ment. The fortification was not elaborate-a regular square with four bastions and earthen ramparts thrown up from the surrounding dry fosse and crowned by a stockade of pickets. A few small guns point- ing in different directions commanded the Mississippi River and other approaches to the settlement, but the fort possessed little actual strength and could not be defended against a well-prepared army.4 The town was no more impressive than the fort. About sixty cabins crowded a narrow street on the river bank, and six larger frame houses dotted an extensive plain surrounded by forests. The village was French in appearance and almost every cabin served the double purpose of living quarters and petty shop in which bread, tobacco, farm products, and taffia (a poor-type rum distilled at sugar planta- tions down the river) were offered for sale. The entire place was filthy and odorous with the unpleasant garbage and refuse scattered everywhere. But out from the settlement superb plantation homes indicated the wealth and good living of their owners. Enclosed fields extended from river banks and numerous slaves, herds of cattle, and lean, fleet horses told the story of prosperous agricultural enterprise. Ships of 500 tons anchored at Baton Rouge to receive cargoes of sugar and cotton from these productive plantations. Assignment to this rural outpost of America's expanded territory 4. Baton Rouge and environs are described in Reuben Goldthwaites (ed.), Early Western Travels, 1748-1846 (Cleveland, 1904), IV, 34041; VIII, 329. 18 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM mostly by Americans, individuals banded together into small forces that were too strong for Spain's feeble military to defeat. By June, 1810, anarchy had conquered authority in these districts and the United States stepped in to restore order. American leaders, who had always maintained that West Florida was properly a part of the Lou- isiana Purchase, used the rebellion as an excuse to occupy that part of West Florida which lay between the Pearl and Mississippi rivers. In a proclamation of October 27, 1810, President James Madison reiterated American title to all the area between the Perdido and the Mississippi rivers, and justified occupation of a part of it to protect national rights. On December 31, 1810, Lieutenant Clinch was promoted to the rank of captain and his company ordered to Baton Rouge. The fort there was located on a plain above the north side of the small settle- ment. The fortification was not elaborate-a regular square with four bastions and earthen ramparts thrown up from the surrounding dry fosse and crowned by a stockade of pickets. A few small guns point- ing in different directions commanded the Mississippi River and other approaches to the settlement, but the fort possessed little actual strength and could not be defended against a well-prepared army.4 The town was no more impressive than the fort. About sixty cabins crowded a narrow street on the river bank, and six larger frame houses dotted an extensive plain surrounded by forests. The village was French in appearance and almost every cabin served the double purpose of living quarters and petty shop in which bread, tobacco, farm products, and taffia (a poor-type rum distilled at sugar planta- tions down the river) were offered for sale. The entire place was filthy and odorous with the unpleasant garbage and refuse scattered everywhere. But out from the settlement superb plantation homes indicated the wealth and good living of their owners. Enclosed fields extended from river banks and numerous slaves, herds of cattle, and lean, fleet horses told the story of prosperous agricultural enterprise. Ships of 500 tons anchored at Baton Rouge to receive cargoes of sugar and cotton from these productive plantations. Assignment to this rural outpost of America's expanded territory 4. Baton Rouge and environs are described in Reuben Goldthwaites (ed.), Early Western Travels, 1748-1846 (Cleveland, 1904), IV, 34041; VIII, 329. 18  Military Service and the War of 1812 took Captain Clinch from exciting New Orleans, but it gave him the opportunity of a semi-independent command. His tasks were to strengthen the fort, make out the numerous reports demanded by army superiors, and use his influence to Americanize the town of Baton Rouge. The army operated on routine-reveille in the morn- ing, inspection of troops, paper-work, dealings with contractors for food and other supplies, disciplinary cases, late afternoon assembly, and lights out at night. Rather than adventure and excitement, the army provided no more than regularity and boredom. Stationed at an isolated fort, Captain Clinch could only read in- frequent and often delayed dispatches about national events. Un- doubtedly he followed with keen interest the activities in Congress of the "War Hawks," the young, nationalistic congressmen who believed Americans had now reached the stage where they were too proud not to fight for their rights. If he possessed a perceptiveness of American motivation, he knew that emphasis on the freedom of the seas and neutral rights covered real desires for the acquisition of Canada and the Floridas. Even before the United States went to war against Great Britain in 1812, American troops had invaded East Florida to the very walls of St. Augustine. But after the declaration of war on June 18, 1812, the Congress never authorized occupation of East Florida, even though it was owned then by a Spain that was under the domination of powerful Great Britain. The United States failed to acquire East Florida, but in 1813 she did occupy West Florida be- tween the Perdido and Pearl rivers, acting again on the theory that West Florida was included in the Louisiana Purchase. For a brief tour of duty Captain Clinch was sent to Mobile Point to inspect the defenses of the newly acquired territory. One hope of the expansionists of the United States in 1812 was the invasion and conquest of desirable Canada. American troops, however, met unexpected resistance on the northern border, and a critical need for troops and officers existed in the Great Lakes region. War and increase in the military forces brought rapid promotion to regular army personnel. On August 5, 1813, Secretary of War John Armstrong informed Clinch of his promotion to lieutenant colonel of the Forty-Third Regiment of Infantry and ordered him to report to Tarboro, North Carolina, the mustering point for volunteers from the 19 Military Service and the War of 1812 took Captain Clinch from exciting New Orleans, but it gave him the opportunity of a semi-independent command. His tasks were to strengthen the fort, make out the numerous reports demanded by army superiors, and use his influence to Americanize the town of Baton Rouge. The army operated on routine-reveille in the morn- ing, inspection of troops, paper-work, dealings with contractors for food and other supplies, disciplinary cases, late afternoon assembly, and lights out at night. Rather than adventure and excitement, the army provided no more than regularity and boredom. Stationed at an isolated fort, Captain Clinch could only read in- frequent and often delayed dispatches about national events. Un- doubtedly he followed with keen interest the activities in Congress of the "War Hawks," the young, nationalistic congressmen who believed Americans had now reached the stage where they were too proud not to fight for their rights. If he possessed a perceptiveness of American motivation, he knew that emphasis on the freedom of the seas and neutral rights covered real desires for the acquisition of Canada and the Floridas. Even before the United States went to war against Great Britain in 1812, American troops had invaded East Florida to the very walls of St. Augustine. But after the declaration of war on June 18, 1812, the Congress never authorized occupation of East Florida, even though it was owned then by a Spain that was under the domination of powerful Great Britain. The United States failed to acquire East Florida, but in 1813 she did occupy West Florida be- tween the Perdido and Pearl rivers, acting again on the theory that West Florida was included in the Louisiana Purchase. For a brief tour of duty Captain Clinch was sent to Mobile Point to inspect the defenses of the newly acquired territory. One hope of the expansionists of the United States in 1812 was the invasion and conquest of desirable Canada. American troops, however, met unexpected resistance on the northern border, and a critical need for troops and officers existed in the Great Lakes region. War and increase in the military forces brought rapid promotion to regular army personnel. On August 5, 1813, Secretary of War John Armstrong informed Clinch of his promotion to lieutenant colonel of the Forty-Third Regiment of Infantry and ordered him to report to Tarboro, North Carolina, the mustering point for volunteers from the 19 Military Service and the War of 1812 took Captain Clinch from exciting New Orleans, but it gave him the opportunity of a semi-independent command. His tasks were to strengthen the fort, make out the numerous reports demanded by army superiors, and use his influence to Americanize the town of Baton Rouge. The army operated on routine-reveille in the morn- ing, inspection of troops, paper-work, dealings with contractors for food and other supplies, disciplinary cases, late afternoon assembly, and lights out at night. Rather than adventure and excitement, the army provided no more than regularity and boredom. Stationed at an isolated fort, Captain Clinch could only read in- frequent and often delayed dispatches about national events. Un- doubtedly he followed with keen interest the activities in Congress of the "War Hawks," the young, nationalistic congressmen who believed Americans had now reached the stage where they were too proud not to fight for their rights. If he possessed a perceptiveness of American motivation, he knew that emphasis on the freedom of the seas and neutral rights covered real desires for the acquisition of Canada and the Floridas. Even before the United States went to war against Great Britain in 1812, American troops had invaded East Florida to the very walls of St. Augustine. But after the declaration of war on June 18, 1812, the Congress never authorized occupation of East Florida, even though it was owned then by a Spain that was under the domination of powerful Great Britain. The United States failed to acquire East Florida, but in 1813 she did occupy West Florida be- tween the Perdido and Pearl rivers, acting again on the theory that West Florida was included in the Louisiana Purchase. For a brief tour of duty Captain Clinch was sent to Mobile Point to inspect the defenses of the newly acquired territory. One hope of the expansionists of the United States in 1812 was the invasion and conquest of desirable Canada. American troops, however, met unexpected resistance on the northern border, and a critical need for troops and officers existed in the Great Lakes region. War and increase in the military forces brought rapid promotion to regular army personnel. On August 5, 1813, Secretary of War John Armstrong informed Clinch of his promotion to lieutenant colonel of the Forty-Third Regiment of Infantry and ordered him to report to Tarboro, North Carolina, the mustering point for volunteers from the 19  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM northeastern part of the state.s The newly appointed lieutenant colo- nel reached his former home town on November 5,6 and worked there and in Raleigh, recruiting and molding recruits into soldiers. On March 10, 1814, he was ordered to Washington, transferred from the Forty-Third to the Tenth Infantry, and sent to Plattsburg, New York, to take command of the consolidated corps composed of the Fourth and Tenth Infantry.7 But for some reason Clinch re- mained for months at Camp Cool Springs near Washington, and on June 8 received orders to move his command, consisting of a battal- ion of the Tenth and a detachment of the Twelfth Infantry, at once to Plattsburg where he should report to Major General George Izard.8 Before Clinch arrived at his post, most of the fighting in the north was history. In 1812 American invasion of Canada from the east and the west of Lake Erie had failed; but in the following year Cap- tain Oliver H. Perry won control of the lake in a naval battle and American armies captured York, the capital of Canada, burned many of its public buildings, and fought a number of skirmishes and bat- tles. In 1814 Major General Jacob Brown, assisted by Brigadier General Winfield Scott, led the American forces to victory at Chip- pewa but withdrew from Canada after the drawn Battle of Lundy's Lane. Since no additional efforts were made during the war to invade Canada, Colonel Clinch had no opportunity to participate in combat. Again he found himself caught in the boring routine of army life with its regular drills and problems of personnel. Captain George Cloud, a volunteer from Stokes County, North Carolina, had left a wife and family at home, but while in training at Camp Cool Springs he wooed and won a Miss Bailey of a respectable family in George- town. He took his bride to Philadelphia, where he left her while his command moved northward, and later obtained leave to return to Philadelphia to recover his health. Letters sent by angry residents of Georgetown forced an investigation. It disclosed that the captain had 5. Reported in Clinch to Armstrong, September 7, 1813, Letters Received; letters not otherwise located in these notes are in the War Records Office, Na- tional Archives. 6. Idem to idem, November 5, 1813, Letters Received. 7. Letters of March 10 and April 5, 1814, Letters Sent. 8. Letters of April 18, 26, June 8, 1814, Letters Sent. 20 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM northeastern part of the state.s The newly appointed lieutenant colo- nel reached his former home town on November 5,6 and worked there and in Raleigh, recruiting and molding recruits into soldiers. On March 10, 1814, he was ordered to Washington, transferred from the Forty-Third to the Tenth Infantry, and sent to Plattsburg, New York, to take command of the consolidated corps composed of the Fourth and Tenth Infantry.? But for some reason Clinch re- mained for months at Camp Cool Springs near Washington, and on June 8 received orders to move his command, consisting of a battal- ion of the Tenth and a detachment of the Twelfth Infantry, at once to Plattsburg where he should report to Major General George Izard.8 Before Clinch arrived at his post, most of the fighting in the north was history. In 1812 American invasion of Canada from the east and the west of Lake Erie had failed; but in the following year Cap- tain Oliver H. Perry won control of the lake in a naval battle and American armies captured York, the capital of Canada, burned many of its public buildings, and fought a number of skirmishes and bat- tles. In 1814 Major General Jacob Brown, assisted by Brigadier General Winfield Scott, led the American forces to victory at Chip- pewa but withdrew from Canada after the drawn Battle of Lundy's Lane. Since no additional efforts were made during the war to invade Canada, Colonel Clinch had no opportunity to participate in combat. Again he found himself caught in the boring routine of army life with its regular drills and problems of personnel. Captain George Cloud, a volunteer from Stokes County, North Carolina, had left a wife and family at home, but while in training at Camp Cool Springs he wooed and won a Miss Bailey of a respectable family in George- town. He took his bride to Philadelphia, where he left her while his command moved northward, and later obtained leave to return to Philadelphia to recover his health. Letters sent by angry residents of Georgetown forced an investigation. It disclosed that the captain had 5. Reported in Clinch to Armstrong, September 7, 1813, Letters Received; letters not otherwise located in these notes are in the War Records Office, Na- tional Archives. 6. Idem to idem, November 5, 1813, Letters Received. 7. Letters of March 10 and April 5, 1814, Letters Sent. 8. Letters of April 18, 26, June 8, 1814, Letters Sent. 20 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM northeastern part of the state.s The newly appointed lieutenant colo- nel reached his former home town on November 5,6 and worked there and in Raleigh, recruiting and molding recruits into soldiers. On March 10, 1814, he was ordered to Washington, transferred from the Forty-Third to the Tenth Infantry, and sent to Plattsburg, New York, to take command of the consolidated corps composed of the Fourth and Tenth Infantry.7 But for some reason Clinch re- mained for months at Camp Cool Springs near Washington, and on June 8 received orders to move his command, consisting of a battal- ion of the Tenth and a detachment of the Twelfth Infantry, at once to Plattsburg where he should report to Major General George Izard.8 Before Clinch arrived at his post, most of the fighting in the north was history. In 1812 American invasion of Canada from the east and the west of Lake Erie had failed; but in the following year Cap- tain Oliver H. Perry won control of the lake in a naval battle and American armies captured York, the capital of Canada, burned many of its public buildings, and fought a number of skirmishes and bat- tles. In 1814 Major General Jacob Brown, assisted by Brigadier General Winfield Scott, led the American forces to victory at Chip- pewa but withdrew from Canada after the drawn Battle of Lundy's Lane. Since no additional efforts were made during the war to invade Canada, Colonel Clinch had no opportunity to participate in combat. Again he found himself caught in the boring routine of army life with its regular drills and problems of personnel. Captain George Cloud, a volunteer from Stokes County, North Carolina, had left a wife and family at home, but while in training at Camp Cool Springs he wooed and won a Miss Bailey of a respectable family in George- town. He took his bride to Philadelphia, where he left her while his command moved northward, and later obtained leave to return to Philadelphia to recover his health. Letters sent by angry residents of Georgetown forced an investigation. It disclosed that the captain had 5. Reported in Clinch to Armstrong, September 7, 1813, Letters Received; letters not otherwise located in these notes are in the War Records Offlce, Na- tional Archives. 6. Idem to idem, November 5, 1813, Letters Received. 7. Letters of March 10 and April 5, 1814, Letters Sent. 8. Letters of April 18, 26, June 8, 1814, Letters Sent. 20  Military Service and the War of 1812 been in the army before and in 1813 a court of inquiry unearthed the fact that he had engaged in the practice of borrowing money from his men. Despite his owing them $380.67, the soldiers had been satisfied by his promises to repay, but the captain had left without keeping his word.9 Colonel Clinch wrote that the captain was a dis- grace to the regiment and the army, and should meet the punishment his crimes deserved. In November, 1814, Major Gad Humphreys preferred charges against Surgeons Mate I. M. Harper who responded by making charges and specifications against the major. One day later both Humphreys and Harper withdrew their accusations against each other, and Clinch in disgust sent the records to Washington for his superior to "see what kind of staff we have in the army." Early in December he forwarded another letter, stating that he had the "pleas- ure of enclosing [the] resignation of Surgeons Mate Harper with request that it be accepted."lo On assuming his post, Colonel Clinch found the hospitals in a deplorable state and the sick in want of elementary comforts.n Other aspects of the Colonel's situation were unfortunate: the troops suf- fered in the cold climate because of insufficient clothing, especially pantaloons and stockings, and an inadequate number of tents forced even Clinch to sleep in the open where he sometimes awakened to find himself covered with snow. The commander set his men to building huts, first to house the enlisted soldiers and then the officers, and looked forward to a glorious campaign in 1815. He congratulated General Daniel Parker, an old friend, on his appointment to Adjutant and Inspector General, and wrote him that he was "much disap- pointed since joining the army." Clinch stated, however, that he was not dissatisfied with his rank, and in fact considered it as much as he was entitled to have, but asked about prospects for securing a promotion and the command of a regiment.12 The inactivity on the northern front caused many men to apply 9. Clinch to Smith (with enclosures), August 9, 1814, and Clinch to John R. Bell, August 17, 1814, Letters Received. 10. Clinch to C. K. Gardner (with enclosures), November 27, 1814, De- cember 3, 1815 [1814], Letters Received. 11. Clinch to C. K. Gardner, December 3, 1815 [1814], Letters Received. 12. Clinch to Daniel Parker, December 20, 1814, Letters Received. 21 Military Service and the War of 1812 been in the army before and in 1813 a court of inquiry unearthed the fact that he had engaged in the practice of borrowing money from his men. Despite his owing them $380.67, the soldiers had been satisfied by his promises to repay, but the captain had left without keeping his word.u Colonel Clinch wrote that the captain was a dis- grace to the regiment and the army, and should meet the punishment his crimes deserved. In November, 1814, Major Gad Humphreys preferred charges against Surgeons Mate I. M. Harper who responded by making charges and specifications against the major. One day later both Humphreys and Harper withdrew their accusations against each other, and Clinch in disgust sent the records to Washington for his superior to "see what kind of staff we have in the army." Early in December he forwarded another letter, stating that he had the "pleas- ure of enclosing [the] resignation of Surgeons Mate Harper with request that it be accepted."1o On assuming his post, Colonel Clinch found the hospitals in a deplorable state and the sick in want of elementary comforts.n1 Other aspects of the Colonel's situation were unfortunate: the troops suf- fered in the cold climate because of insufficient clothing, especially pantaloons and stockings, and an inadequate number of tents forced even Clinch to sleep in the open where he sometimes awakened to find himself covered with snow. The commander set his men to building huts, first to house the enlisted soldiers and then the officers, and looked forward to a glorious campaign in 1815. He congratulated General Daniel Parker, an old friend, on his appointment to Adjutant and Inspector General, and wrote him that he was "much disap- pointed since joining the army." Clinch stated, however, that he was not dissatisfied with his rank, and in fact considered it as much as he was entitled to have, but asked about prospects for securing a promotion and the command of a regiment.12 The inactivity on the northern front caused many men to apply 9. Clinch to Smith (with enclosures), August 9, 1814, and Clinch to John R. Bell, August 17, 1814, Letters Received. 10. Clinch to C. K. Gardner (with enclosures), November 27, 1814, De- cember 3, 1815 [1814], Letters Received. 11. Clinch to C. K. Gardner, December 3, 1815 [1814], Letters Received. 12. Clinch to Daniel Parker, December 20, 1814, Letters Received. 21 Military Service and the War of 1812 been in the army before and in 1813 a court of inquiry unearthed the fact that he had engaged in the practice of borrowing money from his men. Despite his owing them $380.67, the soldiers had been satisfied by his promises to repay, but the captain had left without keeping his word.n Colonel Clinch wrote that the captain was a dis- grace to the regiment and the army, and should meet the punishment his crimes deserved. In November, 1814, Major Gad Humphreys preferred charges against Surgeons Mate I. M. Harper who responded by making charges and specifications against the major. One day later both Humphreys and Harper withdrew their accusations against each other, and Clinch in disgust sent the records to Washington for his superior to "see what kind of staff we have in the army." Early in December he forwarded another letter, stating that he had the "pleas- ure of enclosing [the] resignation of Surgeons Mate Harper with request that it be accepted."lo On assuming his post, Colonel Clinch found the hospitals in a deplorable state and the sick in want of elementary comforts.n Other aspects of the Colonel's situation were unfortunate: the troops suf- fered in the cold climate because of insufficient clothing, especially pantaloons and stockings, and an inadequate number of tents forced even Clinch to sleep in the open where he sometimes awakened to find himself covered with snow. The commander set his men to building huts, first to house the enlisted soldiers and then the officers, and looked forward to a glorious campaign in 1815. He congratulated General Daniel Parker, an old friend, on his appointment to Adjutant and Inspector General, and wrote him that he was "much disap- pointed since joining the army." Clinch stated, however, that he was not dissatisfied with his rank, and in fact considered it as much as he was entitled to have, but asked about prospects for securing a promotion and the command of a regiment.12 The inactivity on the northern front caused many men to apply 9. Clinch to Smith (with enclosures), August 9, 1814, and Clinch to John R. Bell, August 17, 1814, Letters Received. 10. Clinch to C. K. Gardner (with enclosures), November 27, 1814, De- cember 3, 1815 [1814], Letters Received. 11. Clinch to C. K. Gardner, December 3, 1815 [1814], Letters Received. 12. Clinch to Daniel Parker, December 20, 1814, Letters Received. 21  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM for furloughs and some men even went into civil courts to obtain releases from the army. Both of these actions aroused the ire of Colo- nel Clinch. On December 6, 1814, he complained that he could not consider himself responsible for his brigade when subalterns were furloughed without the consent or in direct opposition to the com- manding officer. "I claim no great personal respect," he wrote, "but I consider the same respect is due the commanding officer of the Brigade (if he is an Ensign) as is due the Brigadier. Believing as I do that the furloughing of a subaltern without the approbation of his immediate commanding officer is a direct censure on the latter, and also believing the Major General must want confidence in me, I beg leave to request that some officer more competent than myself be ordered to take command of the First Brigade."13 At the time of his letter the inconclusive Treaty of Ghent between Great Britain and the United States was being negotiated, and the high command in Washington was as anxious to reduce the army as it had been to increase it some years before. Clinch's letter brought an immediate response: If he did not like the army and repeated his complaint, his command would be given to another. The Colonel re- plied that he had no intention of displeasing those in authority, but "that a sense of duty alone induced me to state the facts ... and no personal consideration shall ever induce me to shrink from a proper discharge of the duties I owe to the command confided to my care, or from claiming their just right; for when I cease to do either I shall consider myself unworthy to command them."14 Peace brought release from what had proved to be noncombatant service in the War of 1812, but the Colonel retained his rank in the army. He left Camp Lake Erie near Buffalo, New York, where he had spent most of his time on the northern front, and returned to Tarboro to await orders. On May 17, 1815, a general order outlined the peacetime military order, and Clinch could do no more than in- form the Adjutant and Inspector General of the army that he would remain at Tarboro until orders were received.15 After several weeks in Tarboro and Raleigh he was transferred to command the Fourth 13. Clinch to C. K. Gardner, December 6, 1814, Letters Received. 14. Idem to idem, December 8, 1814, Letters Received. 15. Clinch to Daniel Parker, May 24, 1815, Letters Received. 22 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM for furloughs and some men even went into civil courts to obtain releases from the army. Both of these actions aroused the ire of Colo- nel Clinch. On December 6, 1814, he complained that he could not consider himself responsible for his brigade when subalterns were furloughed without the consent or in direct opposition to the com- manding officer. "I claim no great personal respect," he wrote, "but I consider the same respect is due the commanding officer of the Brigade (if he is an Ensign) as is due the Brigadier. Believing as I do that the furloughing of a subaltern without the approbation of his immediate commanding officer is a direct censure on the latter, and also believing the Major General must want confidence in me, I beg leave to request that some officer more competent than myself be ordered to take command of the First Brigade."13 At the time of his letter the inconclusive Treaty of Ghent between Great Britain and the United States was being negotiated, and the high command in Washington was as anxious to reduce the army as it had been to increase it some years before. Clinch's letter brought an immediate response: If he did not like the army and repeated his complaint, his command would be given to another. The Colonel re- plied that he had no intention of displeasing those in authority, but "that a sense of duty alone induced me to state the facts ... and no personal consideration shall ever induce me to shrink from a proper discharge of the duties I owe to the command confided to my care, or from claiming their just right; for when I cease to do either I shall consider myself unworthy to command them."14 Peace brought release from what had proved to be noncombatant service in the War of 1812, but the Colonel retained his rank in the army. He left Camp Lake Erie near Buffalo, New York, where he had spent most of his time on the northern front, and returned to Tarboro to await orders. On May 17, 1815, a general order outlined the peacetime military order, and Clinch could do no more than in- form the Adjutant and Inspector General of the army that he would remain at Tarboro until orders were received.15 After several weeks in Tarboro and Raleigh he was transferred to command the Fourth 13. Clinch to C. K. Gardner, December 6, 1814, Letters Received. 14. Idem to idem, December 8, 1814, Letters Received. 15. Clinch to Daniel Parker, May 24, 1815, Letters Received. 22 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM for furloughs and some men even went into civil courts to obtain releases from the army. Both of these actions aroused the ire of Colo- nel Clinch. On December 6, 1814, he complained that he could not consider himself responsible for his brigade when subalterns were furloughed without the consent or in direct opposition to the com- manding officer. "I claim no great personal respect," he wrote, "but I consider the same respect is due the commanding ofteer of the Brigade (if he is an Ensign) as is due the Brigadier. Believing as I do that the furloughing of a subaltern without the approbation of his immediate commanding officer is a direct censure on the latter, and also believing the Major General must want confidence in me, I beg leave to request that some officer more competent than myself be ordered to take command of the First Brigade."1u At the time of his letter the inconclusive Treaty of Ghent between Great Britain and the United States was being negotiated, and the high command in Washington was as anxious to reduce the army as it had been to increase it some years before. Clinch's letter brought an immediate response: If he did not like the army and repeated his complaint, his command would be given to another. The Colonel re- plied that he had no intention of displeasing those in authority, but "that a sense of duty alone induced me to state the facts ... and no personal consideration shall ever induce me to shrink from a proper discharge of the duties I owe to the command confided to my care, or from claiming their just right; for when I cease to do either I shall consider myself unworthy to command them."14 Peace brought release from what had proved to be noncombatant service in the War of 1812, but the Colonel retained his rank in the army. He left Camp Lake Erie near Buffalo, New York, where he had spent most of his time on the northern front, and returned to Tarboro to await orders. On May 17, 1815, a general order outlined the peacetime military order, and Clinch could do no more than in- form the Adjutant and Inspector General of the army that he would remain at Tarboro until orders were received.n After several weeks in Tarboro and Raleigh he was transferred to command the Fourth 13. Clinch to C. K. Gardner, December 6, 1814, Letters Received. 14. Idem to idem, December 8, 1814, Letters Received. 15. Clinch to Daniel Parker, May 24, 1815, Letters Received. 22  Military Service and the War of 1812 Infantry which was stationed at Camp Johnston, North Carolina. There and later at Charleston, South Carolina, where he went in October, the commander was plagued by soldiers who used every legal maneuver to get out of the army. Those failing to obtain release through regular channels secured the aid of friends in appeals to civil courts. In deciding cases judges often demanded the soldier's original enlistment papers, but the War Department could not always furnish them.lo This failure of the department to keep its records accessible angered Clinch and was the subject of a testy letter to the Adjutant and Inspector General in Washington. "It would appear," he stated, "., . that it was a matter of perfect indifference with the department, whether the whole army is discharged or not. If I am correct in a belief of this kind, I can assure you that I will neither trouble your department, nor the honorable judges with any future attempts of mine to prevent the Regt. under my command from going to destruction."17 He forwarded a recent decision of a judge ordering the discharge of two men and declared that, if the decision stood, two- thirds of the army could claim release on the basis of it. The young lieutenant colonel, dedicated to a career in the army, was discovering a fact about his fellow Americans: they had no en- thusiasm for soldiering in time of peace. Furthermore, the meager pay of enlisted men provided no adequate compensation for the bore- dom and hardships of army life. To prevent the escape of too many men, the commander had to use every weapon, and even tricks, to frighten the soldiers into fulfilling their terms of service. By the end of 18 5 Duncan Clinch was a discouraged man. Al- ready in his late twenties with more than seven years of service be- hind him, he could recall little other than paper shuffling and trivia for his work. Although his country had fought the world's greatest power for almost three years, he had not even smelled the smoke of battle. During the time in which he had been a "noncombatant army man" with the ranks of lieutenant, captain, and lieutenant colonel, his civilian contemporaries had enjoyed life, married, and acquired property. The coming year, however, would bring the disheartened colonel his first taste of battle. 16. Letters to Clinch, September 23, October 12, 1815, Letters Sent. 17. Clinch to Daniel Parker, October 4, 1815, Letters Received. 23 Military Service and the War of 1812 Infantry which was stationed at Camp Johnston, North Carolina. There and later at Charleston, South Carolina, where he went in October, the commander was plagued by soldiers who used every legal maneuver to get out of the army. Those failing to obtain release through regular channels secured the aid of friends in appeals to civil courts. In deciding cases judges often demanded the soldier's original enlistment papers, but the War Department could not always furnish them.lo This failure of the department to keep its records accessible angered Clinch and was the subject of a testy letter to the Adjutant and Inspector General in Washington. "It would appear," he stated, ". . . that it was a matter of perfect indifference with the department, whether the whole army is discharged or not. If I am correct in a belief of this kind, I can assure you that I will neither trouble your department, nor the honorable judges with any future attempts of mine to prevent the Regt. under my command from going to destruction."17 He forwarded a recent decision of a judge ordering the discharge of two men and declared that, if the decision stood, two- thirds of the army could claim release on the basis of it. The young lieutenant colonel, dedicated to a career in the army, was discovering a fact about his fellow Americans: they had no en- thusiasm for soldiering in time of peace. Furthermore, the meager pay of enlisted men provided no adequate compensation for the bore- dom and hardships of army life. To prevent the escape of too many men, the commander had to use every weapon, and even tricks, to frighten the soldiers into fulfilling their terms of service. By the end of 1815 Duncan Clinch was a discouraged man. Al- ready in his late twenties with more than seven years of service be- hind him, he could recall little other than paper shuffling and trivia for his work. Although his country had fought the world's greatest power for almost three years, he had not even smelled the smoke of battle. During the time in which he had been a "noncombatant army man" with the ranks of lieutenant, captain, and lieutenant colonel, his civilian contemporaries had enjoyed life, married, and acquired property. The coming year, however, would bring the disheartened colonel his first taste of battle. 16. Letters to Clinch, September 23, October 12, 1815, Letters Sent. 17. Clinch to Daniel Parker, October 4, 1815, Letters Received. 23 Military Service and the War of 1812 Infantry which was stationed at Camp Johnston, North Carolina. There and later at Charleston, South Carolina, where he went in October, the commander was plagued by soldiers who used every legal maneuver to get out of the army. Those failing to obtain release through regular channels secured the aid of friends in appeals to civil courts. In deciding cases judges often demanded the soldier's original enlistment papers, but the War Department could not always furnish them.lO This failure of the department to keep its records accessible angered Clinch and was the subject of a testy letter to the Adjutant and Inspector General in Washington. "It would appear," he stated, ". . . that it was a matter of perfect indifference with the department, whether the whole army is discharged or not. If I am correct in a belief of this kind, I can assure you that I will neither trouble your department, nor the honorable judges with any future attempts of mine to prevent the Regt. under my command from going to destruction."17 He forwarded a recent decision of a judge ordering the discharge of two men and declared that, if the decision stood, two- thirds of the army could claim release on the basis of it. The young lieutenant colonel, dedicated to a career in the army, was discovering a fact about his fellow Americans: they had no en- thusiasm for soldiering in time of peace. Furthermore, the meager pay of enlisted men provided no adequate compensation for the bore- dom and hardships of army life. To prevent the escape of too many men, the commander had to use every weapon, and even tricks, to frighten the soldiers into fulfilling their terms of service. By the end of 1815 Duncan Clinch was a discouraged man. Al- ready in his late twenties with more than seven years of service be- hind him, he could recall little other than paper shuffling and trivia for his work. Although his country had fought the world's greatest power for almost three years, he had not even smelled the smoke of battle. During the time in which he had been a "noncombatant army man" with the ranks of lieutenant, captain, and lieutenant colonel, his civilian contemporaries had enjoyed life, married, and acquired property. The coming year, however, would bring the disheartened colonel his first taste of battle. 16. Letters to Clinch, September 23, October 12, 1815, Letters Sent. 17. Clinch to Daniel Parker, October 4, 1815, Letters Received. 23  THREE Warfare in Florida IN DECEMBER, 1815, Lieutenant Colonel Clinch moved with his Fourth Infantry from Charleston to Fort Hawkins, Georgia. His mission was to guard the southern border of the United States and to keep an eye on the lawless activities of white, Negro, and Indian within Spanish Florida. Extralegal American acts of the previous years had failed to acquire that desirable province which would round out United States territory on the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts. As already stated, American troops had occupied sections of West Florida in 1810 and 1813, but every effort of the Madison administration to grab East Florida had failed. By 1816 the United States controlled all of Florida between the Perdido River and the Mississippi, had in fact added a part of that area to the state of Lou- isiana, and would soon incorporate the remainder into the territories of Alabama and Mississippi. East and southeast of the Perdido River, the area which is now the state of Florida, belonged to Spain. That almost powerless nation, however, did not control the exten- sive and sparsely settled colony. Only in and near the important settlements-St. Augustine and Pensacola-did Spanish forces exist in sufficient number to uphold the authority of Spain and to prevent the anarchy that characterized the rest of the province. During the War of 1812 British army officers had operated freely in Florida, organizing the Indians into war parties, and these agents remained there after the Treaty of Ghent to encourage the natives to resist encroachment by American settlers. Year after year escaped slaves from Georgia and other states found refuge in Florida, where they were welcomed by Indian, Spaniard, and Englishman. Added to these groups were some honest American settlers and many American adventurers, fugitives, thieves, plunderers, robbers, and other crimi- 24 THREE THREE Warfare in Florida IN DECEMBER, 1815, Lieutenant Colonel Clinch moved with his Fourth Infantry from Charleston to Fort Hawkins, Georgia. His mission was to guard the southern border of the United States and to keep an eye on the lawless activities of white, Negro, and Indian within Spanish Florida. Extralegal American acts of the previous years had failed to acquire that desirable province which would round out United States territory on the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts. As already stated, American troops had occupied sections of West Florida in 1810 and 1813, but every effort of the Madison administration to grab East Florida had failed. By 1816 the United States controlled all of Florida between the Perdido River and the Mississippi, had in fact added a part of that area to the state of Lou- isiana, and would soon incorporate the remainder into the territories of Alabama and Mississippi. East and southeast of the Perdido River, the area which is now the state of Florida, belonged to Spain. That almost powerless nation, however, did not control the exten- sive and sparsely settled colony. Only in and near the important settlements-St. Augustine and Pensacola-did Spanish forces exist in sufficient number to uphold the authority of Spain and to prevent the anarchy that characterized the rest of the province. During the War of 1812 British army officers had operated freely in Florida, organizing the Indians into war parties, and these agents remained there after the Treaty of Ghent to encourage the natives to resist encroachment by American settlers. Year after year escaped slaves from Georgia and other states found refuge in Florida, where they were welcomed by Indian, Spaniard, and Englishman. Added to these groups were some honest American settlers and many American adventurers, fugitives, thieves, plunderers, robbers, and other crimi- 24 Warfare in Florida IN DECEMBER, 1815, Lieutenant Colonel Clinch moved with his Fourth Infantry from Charleston to Fort Hawkins, Georgia. His mission was to guard the southern border of the United States and to keep an eye on the lawless activities of white, Negro, and Indian within Spanish Florida. Extralegal American acts of the previous years had failed to acquire that desirable province which would round out United States territory on the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts. As already stated, American troops had occupied sections of West Florida in 1810 and 1813, but every effort of the Madison administration to grab East Florida had failed. By 1816 the United States controlled all of Florida between the Perdido River and the Mississippi, had in fact added ,a part of that area to the state of Lou- isiana, and would soon incorporate the remainder into the territories of Alabama and Mississippi. East and southeast of the Perdido River, the area which is now the state of Florida, belonged to Spain. That almost powerless nation, however, did not control the exten- sive and sparsely settled colony. Only in and near the important settlements-St. Augustine and Pensacola-did Spanish forces exist in sufficient number to uphold the authority of Spain and to prevent the anarchy that characterized the rest of the province. During the War of 1812 British army officers had operated freely in Florida, organizing the Indians into war parties, and these agents remained there after the Treaty of Ghent to encourage the natives to resist encroachment by American settlers. Year after year escaped slaves from Georgia and other states found refuge in Florida, where they were welcomed by Indian, Spaniard, and Englishman. Added to these groups were some honest American settlers and many American adventurers, fugitives, thieves, plunderers, robbers, and other crimi- 24  Warfare in Florida nally inclined persons. This heterogeneous, quarrelsome population, uncontrolled by Spain, brought on inevitable raids and counterraids along the Georgia-Florida border. The "anarchy that was in Florida" stimulated the already un- quenchable desire of Americans for the Spanish province. From a nationalistic point of view the addition of Florida not only would give the United States natural boundaries on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, but also would protect the American commerce moving down southward-flowing rivers and would provide a base for future Ameri- can economic penetration of the Caribbean and South America. Pro- tection for the commerce on the Mississippi, the Apalachicola, and the other rivers required American ownership of Florida. These nationalistic aspirations were secondary to the demands of Georgians and other Southerners who were confronted with pressing individual problems. Their valuable slaves were escaping into Florida, and raiders from that province were plundering and burning the property of American citizens. And hundreds of Southerners, pressed by the seemingly limitless demand of an agricultural economy for land, looked for homesteads and economic betterment southward to the fertile lowlands, the abundant virgin forests, and the bays and inlets teeming with seafood. The presence in Spanish Florida of Negroes, armed and ruling themselves, was a threat to the peculiar institution of the South. Few literate Southerners had not read, dis- cussed, and bemoaned what had happened in the Caribbean island of San Domingo when Negro slaves there had rebelled and then had instituted a campaign of rapine and bloodshed against their former masters. In the ever-present fear of slave insurrection, southern edi- tors omitted from their newspapers all reference to the Negro troops used by Spain in Florida, and vainly attempted to create the impres- sion that Negroes could not fight. Yet the existence of Negro militia and self-governing Negro communities in Florida could not be hid- den from the slaves; they seemed to have African "voodoo" means of acquiring information. These practical Georgians, then, felt little con- cern for the national problems-the trade between Spanish Florida and Georgia that circumvented American customs, and the spiriting of slaves northward across the border in violation of United States laws that prohibited foreign slave trade. In fact these illegal acts 25 Warfare in Florida nally inclined persons. This heterogeneous, quarrelsome population, uncontrolled by Spain, brought on inevitable raids and counterraids along the Georgia-Florida border. The "anarchy that was in Florida" stimulated the already un- quenchable desire of Americans for the Spanish province. From a nationalistic point of view the addition of Florida not only would give the United States natural boundaries on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, but also would protect the American commerce moving down southward-flowing rivers and would provide a base for future Ameri- can economic penetration of the Caribbean and South America. Pro- tection for the commerce on the Mississippi, the Apalachicola, and the other rivers required American ownership of Florida. These nationalistic aspirations were secondary to the demands of Georgians and other Southerners who were confronted with pressing individual problems. Their valuable slaves were escaping into Florida, and raiders from that province were plundering and burning the property of American citizens. And hundreds of Southerners, pressed by the seemingly limitless demand of an agricultural economy for land, looked for homesteads and economic betterment southward to the fertile lowlands, the abundant virgin forests, and the bays and inlets teeming with seafood. The presence in Spanish Florida of Negroes, armed and ruling themselves, was a threat to the peculiar institution of the South. Few literate Southerners had not read, dis- cussed, and bemoaned what had happened in the Caribbean island of San Domingo when Negro slaves there had rebelled and then had instituted a campaign of rapine and bloodshed against their former masters. In the ever-present fear of slave insurrection, southern edi- tors omitted from their newspapers all reference to the Negro troops used by Spain in Florida, and vainly attempted to create the impres- sion that Negroes could not fight. Yet the existence of Negro militia and self-governing Negro communities in Florida could not be hid- den from the slaves; they seemed to have African "voodoo" means of acquiring information. These practical Georgians, then, felt little con- cern for the national problems-the trade between Spanish Florida and Georgia that circumvented American customs, and the spiriting of slaves northward across the border in violation of United States laws that prohibited foreign slave trade. In fact these illegal acts 25 Warfare in Florida nally inclined persons. This heterogeneous, quarrelsome population, uncontrolled by Spain, brought on inevitable raids and counterraids along the Georgia-Florida border. The "anarchy that was in Florida" stimulated the already un- quenchable desire of Americans for the Spanish province. From a nationalistic point of view the addition of Florida not only would give the United States natural boundaries on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, but also would protect the American commerce moving down southward-flowing rivers and would provide a base for future Ameri- can economic penetration of the Caribbean and South America. Pro- tection for the commerce on the Mississippi, the Apalachicola, and the other rivers required American ownership of Florida. These nationalistic aspirations were secondary to the demands of Georgians and other Southerners who were confronted with pressing individual problems. Their valuable slaves were escaping into Florida, and raiders from that province were plundering and burning the property of American citizens. And hundreds of Southerners, pressed by the seemingly limitless demand of an agricultural economy for land, looked for homesteads and economic betterment southward to the fertile lowlands, the abundant virgin forests, and the bays and inlets teeming with seafood. The presence in Spanish Florida of Negroes, armed and ruling themselves, was a threat to the peculiar institution of the South. Few literate Southerners had not read, dis- cussed, and bemoaned what had happened in the Caribbean island of San Domingo when Negro slaves there had rebelled and then had instituted a campaign of rapine and bloodshed against their former masters. In the ever-present fear of slave insurrection, southern edi- tors omitted from their newspapers all reference to the Negro troops used by Spain in Florida, and vainly attempted to create the impres- sion that Negroes could not fight. Yet the existence of Negro militia and self-governing Negro communities in Florida could not be hid- den from the slaves; they seemed to have African "voodoo" means of acquiring information. These practical Georgians, then, felt little con- cern for the national problems-the trade between Spanish Florida and Georgia that circumvented American customs, and the spiriting of slaves northward across the border in violation of United States laws that prohibited foreign slave trade. In fact these illegal acts 25  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM often enriched some Georgians, but most Southerners were vitally interested in their nation's acquisition of Florida. Thus Colonel Clinch, in assuming command at Fort Hawkins, could further the wishes of his country's government and of South- erners. His task, however, was no easy one. The border between Florida and American territory extended almost 400 miles from the Atlantic Ocean to the Perdido River, and his forces were not strong enough to end smuggling or to prevent raids and counterraids along the international line. Moreover, the United States was not at war with Spain, and circumspection and tact were necessary in dealing with proud Spanish officials. Arriving at Fort Hawkins, Colonel Clinch found the officers' quar- ters and barracks occupied by the Seventh Regiment. He selected a high, dry campsite for his own regiment and enforced strict rules of sanitation. While epidemics attributed to "typhus, pleurisy ... quin- sy, and . . . influenza" swept many civilians and soldiers to their deaths, he lost not a single man at the fort Clinch was under the immediate command of General Edmund Pendleton Gaines, a friend of long standing, and both were under General Andrew Jackson who commanded the United States Army's Division of the South. The principal fort in southwestern Georgia was Fort Gaines on the east side of the Chattahoochee River and approximately 100 miles north of the point where that river joined the Flint to form the Apalachicola River at the Georgia-Florida bor- der. Clinch's Fourth Infantry marched from Fort Hawkins to Fort Gaines and the Colonel began talks with the Creek and other Indians in the attempt to secure allies. Benjamin Hawkins, the Indian agent for the southeast, was convinced that the Seminole Indians of Florida were about ready to make war on the United States. In May, 1816, some Indians surprised and captured two soldiers who had charge of thirty head of cattle grazing near Fort Gaines. A detachment from the fort pursued the natives for forty-five miles along the trail leading to Fort Marks, Florida, and returned empty-handed with reports that the two soldiers were still alive, but would be killed if they could not keep pace with their captors. A spy reported that the "Seminoles 1. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series (January-June, 1836), II, 114. 26 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM often enriched some Georgians, but most Southerners were vitally interested in their nation's acquisition of Florida. Thus Colonel Clinch, in assuming command at Fort Hawkins, could further the wishes of his country's government and of South- erners. His task, however, was no easy one. The border between Florida and American territory extended almost 400 miles from the Atlantic Ocean to the Perdido River, and his forces were not strong enough to end smuggling or to prevent raids and counterraids along the international line. Moreover, the United States was not at war with Spain, and circumspection and tact were necessary in dealing with proud Spanish officials. Arriving at Fort Hawkins, Colonel Clinch found the officers' quar- ters and barracks occupied by the Seventh Regiment. He selected a high, dry campsite for his own regiment and enforced strict rules of sanitation. While epidemics attributed to "typhus, pleurisy ... quin- sy, and . . . influenza" swept many civilians and soldiers to their deaths, he lost not a single man at the fort' Clinch was under the immediate command of General Edmund Pendleton Gaines, a friend of long standing, and both were under General Andrew Jackson who commanded the United States Army's Division of the South. The principal fort in southwestern Georgia was Fort Gaines on the east side of the Chattahoochee River and approximately 100 miles north of the point where that river joined the Flint to form the Apalachicola River at the Georgia-Florida bor- der. Clinch's Fourth Infantry marched from Fort Hawkins to Fort Gaines and the Colonel began talks with the Creek and other Indians in the attempt to secure allies. Benjamin Hawkins, the Indian agent for the southeast, was convinced that the Seminole Indians of Florida were about ready to make war on the United States. In May, 1816, some Indians surprised and captured two soldiers who had charge of thirty head of cattle grazing near Fort Gaines. A detachment from the fort pursued the natives for forty-five miles along the trail leading to Fort Marks, Florida, and returned empty-handed with reports that the two soldiers were still alive, but would be killed if they could not keep pace with their captors. A spy reported that the "Seminoles 1. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series (January-June, 1836), II, 114. 26 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM often enriched some Georgians, but most Southerners were vitally interested in their nation's acquisition of Florida. Thus Colonel Clinch, in assuming command at Fort Hawkins, could further the wishes of his country's government and of South- erners. His task, however, was no easy one. The border between Florida and American territory extended almost 400 miles from the Atlantic Ocean to the Perdido River, and his forces were not strong enough to end smuggling or to prevent raids and counterraids along the international line. Moreover, the United States was not at war with Spain, and circumspection and tact were necessary in dealing with proud Spanish officials. Arriving at Fort Hawkins, Colonel Clinch found the officers' quar- ters and barracks occupied by the Seventh Regiment. He selected a high, dry campsite for his own regiment and enforced strict rules of sanitation. While epidemics attributed to "typhus, pleurisy ... quin- sy, and . . . influenza" swept many civilians and soldiers to their deaths, he lost not a single man at the fortO Clinch was under the immediate command of General Edmund Pendleton Gaines, a friend of long standing, and both were under General Andrew Jackson who commanded the United States Army's Division of the South. The principal fort in southwestern Georgia was Fort Gaines on the east side of the Chattahoochee River and approximately 100 miles north of the point where that river joined the Flint to form the Apalachicola River at the Georgia-Florida bor- der. Clinch's Fourth Infantry marched from Fort Hawkins to Fort Gaines and the Colonel began talks with the Creek and other Indians in the attempt to secure allies. Benjamin Hawkins, the Indian agent for the southeast, was convinced that the Seminole Indians of Florida were about ready to make war on the United States. In May, 1816, some Indians surprised and captured two soldiers who had charge of thirty head of cattle grazing near Fort Gaines. A detachment from the fort pursued the natives for forty-five miles along the trail leading to Fort Marks, Florida, and returned empty-handed with reports that the two soldiers were still alive, but would be killed if they could not keep pace with their captors. A spy reported that the "Seminoles 1. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series (January-June, 1836), II, 114. 26  Warfare in Florida and all the towns near the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee were preparing for war; they have been drinking their physic and dancing for several days."a General Gaines and Colonel Clinch met in council with friendly Indians from Coweta of western Georgia. To the talks came McIntosh (White Warrior), Mad Tiger, Noble Kanard, and other chiefs. The General promised them rank from major to lieutenant in the United States Army, and the powder and small arms captured in expeditions against the Seminole Indians of Florida and the Negroes who held the fort on the lower part of the Apalachicoltiver. General Gaines ordered Clinch to invade Florida and destroy the "Negro Fort." In compliance with Gaines's order, the Colonel had small boats built for descending the Chattahoochee River. In these hastily con- structed vessels he transported his men and supplies to the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers, where he made camp on a bluff and named it Camp Crawford in honor of the Georgia statesman, William H. Crawford. (Later the name was changed by General Gaines to Fort Scott to honor General Winfield Scott.) The objective of Clinch's campaign was the troublesome fort to the south on the east bank of the Apalachicola River. Situated about twenty-five miles from Apalachicola Bay on a beautiful and com- manding bluff, protected by a large creek to the south, a swamp to its rear, and a small creek to its north, the fort was a military strong- hold.3 Guns mounted in the fortification could destroy any ships attempting to ascend the river. The Flint and Chattahoochee rivers, which united at the Florida boundary to form the Apalachicola, were essential waterways for Georgia farmers and for settlers living in the future state of Alabama. In an age when water furnished the main avenue of transportation, free navigation of the Apalachicola was es- sential to the prosperity of western Georgia and eastern Alabama. This fort on the Apalachicola owed its existence to British activity in Florida during the War of 1812. Colonel Edward Nicholls and Captain George Woodbine had surveyed the Apalachicola region in 1814 and selected the site as an ideal location to control the river 2. Benjamin Hawkins to David Mitchell, May 10, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, X, 231. 3. Clinch to R. Butler, August 2, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88. 27 Warfare in Florida and all the towns near the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee were preparing for war; they have been drinking their physic and dancing for several days." General Gaines and Colonel Clinch met in council with friendly Indians from Coweta of western Georgia. To the talks came McIntosh (White Warrior), Mad Tiger, Noble Kanard, and other chiefs. The General promised them rank from major to lieutenant in the United States Army, and the powder and small arms captured in expeditions against the Seminole Indians of Florida and the Negroes who held the fort on the lower part of the Apalachicoltiver. General Gaines ordered Clinch to invade Florida and destroy the "Negro Fort." In compliance with Gaines's order, the Colonel had small boats built for descending the Chattahoochee River. In these hastily con- structed vessels he transported his men and supplies to the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers, where he made camp on a bluff and named it Camp Crawford in honor of the Georgia statesman, William H. Crawford. (Later the name was changed by General Gaines to Fort Scott to honor General Winfield Scott.) The objective of Clinch's campaign was the troublesome fort to the south on the east bank of the Apalachicola River. Situated about twenty-five miles from Apalachicola Bay on a beautiful and com- manding bluff, protected by a large creek to the south, a swamp to its rear, and a small creek to its north, the fort was a military strong- hold.3 Guns mounted in the fortification could destroy any ships attempting to ascend the river. The Flint and Chattahoochee rivers, which united at the Florida boundary to form the Apalachicola, were essential waterways for Georgia farmers and for settlers living in the future state of Alabama. In an age when water furnished the main avenue of transportation, free navigation of the Apalachicola was es- sential to the prosperity of western Georgia and eastern Alabama. This fort on the Apalachicola owed its existence to British activity in Florida during the War of 1812. Colonel Edward Nicholls and Captain George Woodbine had surveyed the Apalachicola region in 1814 and selected the site as an ideal location to control the river 2. Benjamin Hawkins to David Mitchell, May 10, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, X, 231. 3. Clinch to R. Butler, August 2, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88. 27 Warfare in Florida and all the towns near the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee were preparing for war; they have been drinking their physic and dancing for several days."2 General Gaines and Colonel Clinch met in council with friendly Indians from Coweta of western Georgia. To the talks came McIntosh (White Warrior), Mad Tiger, Noble Kanard, and other chiefs. The General promised them rank from major to lieutenant in the United States Army, and the powder and small arms captured in expeditions against the Seminole Indians of Florida and the Negroes who held the fort on the lower part of the Apalachicoltiver. General Gaines ordered Clinch to invade Florida and destroy the "Negro Fort." In compliance with Gaines's order, the Colonel had small boats built for descending the Chattahoochee River. In these hastily con- structed vessels he transported his men and supplies to the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers, where he made camp on a bluff and named it Camp Crawford in honor of the Georgia statesman, William H. Crawford. (Later the name was changed by General Gaines to Fort Scott to honor General Winfield Scott.) The objective of Clinch's campaign was the troublesome fort to the south on the east bank of the Apalachicola River. Situated about twenty-five miles from Apalachicola Bay on a beautiful and com- manding bluff, protected by a large creek to the south, a swamp to its rear, and a small creek to its north, the fort was a military strong- hold.a Guns mounted in the fortification could destroy any ships attempting to ascend the river. The Flint and Chattahoochee rivers, which united at the Florida boundary to form the Apalachicola, were essential waterways for Georgia farmers and for settlers living in the future state of Alabama. In an age when water furnished the main avenue of transportation, free navigation of the Apalachicola was es- sential to the prosperity of western Georgia and eastern Alabama. This fort on the Apalachicola owed its existence to British activity in Florida during the War of 1812. Colonel Edward Nicholls and Captain George Woodbine had surveyed the Apalachicola region in 1814 and selected the site as an ideal location to control the river 2. Benjamin Hawkins to David Mitchell, May 10, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, X, 231. 3. Clinch to R. Butler, August 2, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88. 27  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM and as a rendezvous should the British decide to invade Georgia, South Carolina, or the Mississippi and Alabama areas.4 Constructed by Indian laborers, the fort received an initial supply of 2 fieldpieces, 2,000 guns, 1,000 swords, and Vice-Admiral Alexander Cochrane promised abundant arms for every Indian warrior who would fight the Americans.n Before the end of the war the fort became a major stronghold with 4 long twenty-four-pound fieldpieces, 6 long six- pounders, a four-pounder, a five-and-one-half-inch howitzer, and a tremendous store of small guns, ammunition, and swords. Because of its location and the difficulty of placing artillery to bear upon it, the fort was considered an impregnable bastion.O After the War of 1812 Colonel Nicholls gave the fort to the Negroes and Choctaw Indians; but he demanded from them an oath that they would never permit a white man, unless he were English, to approach it, and that they would kill all white Americans who attempted to enter its environs. It then became a haven for escaped Negro slaves who organized a government and chose a military com- mander. However, they received aid from relatively few Indians. By 1816 the fort and its surrounding territory was the home base for approximately 100 Negro men, their wives and children that num- bered more than 200, and 20 or more Choctaw braves. Keeping their oath to the British and feeling secure in their supposedly impregna- ble fortification, the Negroes seemed to enjoy stopping all American traffic on the Apalachicola. As a possible means of controlling the Negro Fort, the United States had established Fort Gaines in Georgia territory to the north. To the latter, as already stated, Colonel Clinch moved his command early in 1816 in preparation for cooperation with supply ships as- cending the river, and he later constructed Camp Crawford near the point where the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers united to form the Apalachicola. Since the Apalachicola flowed through Spanish terri- tory, General Gaines requested free passage up the river from the 4. Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37-38. 5. John Francis and Peter McQuin to Cochrane, September 1, 1814, in Public Records Office, F. O., 5, CXXXIX; photostat in P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, University of Florida; Rembert W. Patrick, Florida Fiasco (Athens, 1954), 285. Hereinafter cited as Patrick, Florida Fiasco. 6. The description of the fort is based on the account in Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37-38. 28 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM and as a rendezvous should the British decide to invade Georgia, South Carolina, or the Mississippi and Alabama areas.4 Constructed by Indian laborers, the fort received an initial supply of 2 fieldpieces, 2,000 guns, 1,000 swords, and Vice-Admiral Alexander Cochrane promised abundant arms for every Indian warrior who would fight the Americans.5 Before the end of the war the fort became a major stronghold with 4 long twenty-four-pound fieldpieces, 6 long six- pounders, a four-pounder, a five-and-one-half-inch howitzer, and a tremendous store of small guns, ammunition, and swords. Because of its location and the difficulty of placing artillery to bear upon it, the fort was considered an impregnable bastion.s After the War of 1812 Colonel Nicholls gave the fort to the Negroes and Choctaw Indians; but he demanded from them an oath that they would never permit a white man, unless he were English, to approach it, and that they would kill all white Americans who attempted to enter its environs. It then became a haven for escaped Negro slaves who organized a government and chose a military com- mander. However, they received aid from relatively few Indians. By 1816 the fort and its surrounding territory was the home base for approximately 100 Negro men, their wives and children that num- bered more than 200, and 20 or more Choctaw braves. Keeping their oath to the British and feeling secure in their supposedly impregna- ble fortification, the Negroes seemed to enjoy stopping all American traffic on the Apalachicola. As a possible means of controlling the Negro Fort, the United States had established Fort Gaines in Georgia territory to the north. To the latter, as already stated, Colonel Clinch moved his command early in 1816 in preparation for cooperation with supply ships as- cending the river, and he later constructed Camp Crawford near the point where the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers united to form the Apalachicola. Since the Apalachicola flowed through Spanish terri- tory, General Gaines requested free passage up the river from the 4. Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37-38. 5. John Francis and Peter McQuin to Cochrane, September 1, 1814, in Public Records Office, F. O., 5, CXXXIX; photostat in P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, University of Florida; Rembert W. Patrick, Florida Fiasco (Athens, 1954), 285. Hereinafter cited as Patrick, Florida Fiasco. 6. The description of the fort is based on the account in Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37-38. 28 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM and as a rendezvous should the British decide to invade Georgia, South Carolina, or the Mississippi and Alabama areas.4 Constructed by Indian laborers, the fort received an initial supply of 2 fieldpieces, 2,000 guns, 1,000 swords, and Vice-Admiral Alexander Cochrane promised abundant arms for every Indian warrior who would fight the Americans.n Before the end of the war the fort became a major stronghold with 4 long twenty-four-pound fieldpieces, 6 long six- pounders, a four-pounder, a five-and-one-half-inch howitzer, and a tremendous store of small guns, ammunition, and swords. Because of its location and the difficulty of placing artillery to bear upon it, the fort was considered an impregnable bastion.a After the War of 1812 Colonel Nicholls gave the fort to the Negroes and Choctaw Indians; but he demanded from them an oath that they would never permit a white man, unless he were English, to approach it, and that they would kill all white Americans who attempted to enter its environs. It then became a haven for escaped Negro slaves who organized a government and chose a military com- mander. However, they received aid from relatively few Indians. By 1816 the fort and its surrounding territory was the home base for approximately 100 Negro men, their wives and children that num- bered more than 200, and 20 or more Choctaw braves. Keeping their oath to the British and feeling secure in their supposedly impregna- ble fortification, the Negroes seemed to enjoy stopping all American traffic on the Apalachicola. As a possible means of controlling the Negro Fort, the United States had established Fort Gaines in Georgia territory to the north. To the latter, as already stated, Colonel Clinch moved his command early in 1816 in preparation for cooperation with supply ships as- cending the river, and he later constructed Camp Crawford near the point where the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers united to form the Apalachicola. Since the Apalachicola flowed through Spanish terri- tory, General Gaines requested free passage up the river from the 4. Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37-38. 5. John Francis and Peter McQuin to Cochrane, September 1, 1814, in Public Records Office, F. O., 5, CXXXIX; photostat in P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, University of Florida; Rembert W. Patrick, Florida Fiasco (Athens, 1954), 285. Hereinafter cited as Patrick, Florida Fiasco. 6. The description of the fort is based on the account in Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37-38. 28  Warfare in Florida Spanish commander at Pensacola. The Spaniard granted the Ameri- cans the right to transport supplies, but he did not control the black commander at the Negro Fort. Colonel Clinch and friendly Indians, under command of the half- white Chief McIntosh, whose allegiance to Spaniard, Englishman, American, or Indian veered in accordance to prospective advantage to him and his followers, knew that force would be necessary to make the Negroes allow passage by the Negro Fort. The almost al- ways exaggerated accounts stated that McIntosh had collected from 500 to 1,000 Creek warriors-his force actually numbered about 150-to march against the Negroes and their Choctaw allies.7 Other rumors were that 600 Spanish troops, recently arrived in Pensacola, would support the Negroes despite Spanish promises to the United States of free navigation of the Apalachicola, and that hostile In- dians had burned the house of Benjamin Hawkins. The latter report proved false-the negligence of a servant was responsible for the burning of Colonel Hawkins's house-but this fact did not deter preparations against the Negro Fort. To support the army attack on the fort, a squadron of American ships was ordered from New Orleans to Apalachicola Bay. Colonel Clinch sent the friendly Indian chief, Lafarka, with a letter of in- structions to the commander of the naval force. In addition to deliv- ering the letter, Chief Lafarka was to reconnoiter the area near the Negro Fort and report to Clinch. On July 15, 1816, the chief returned. He had delivered the dispatch to Sailing Master Jarius Loomis, who was in Apalachicola Bay with two gunboats and two transports filled to capacity with provisions, ammunition, and guns. On July 17 Clinch left Camp Crawford with 116 carefully se- lected men. This detachment was divided into two companies, one under command of Major Peter Muhlenberg and the other under Captain William Taylor, and began the descent of the river in boats. Almost 120 miles below their starting place lay the Negro Fort. At dusk on July 17 Clinch met McIntosh and his 150 braves, and on the following morning Mad Tiger (Kotcha-haigo) with numerous Indians, most of whom were without guns, and an old chief called Captain Isaacs. This junction with the Indians was accidental, but 7. Niles' Weekly Register, X, 368. 29 Warfare in Florida Spanish commander at Pensacola. The Spaniard granted the Ameri- cans the right to transport supplies, but he did not control the black commander at the Negro Fort. Colonel Clinch and friendly Indians, under command of the half- white Chief McIntosh, whose allegiance to Spaniard, Englishman, American, or Indian veered in accordance to prospective advantage to him and his followers, knew that force would be necessary to make the Negroes allow passage by the Negro Fort. The almost al- ways exaggerated accounts stated that McIntosh had collected from 500 to 1,000 Creek warriors-his force actually numbered about 150-to march against the Negroes and their Choctaw allies.7 Other rumors were that 600 Spanish troops, recently arrived in Pensacola, would support the Negroes despite Spanish promises to the United States of free navigation of the Apalachicola, and that hostile In- dians had burned the house of Benjamin Hawkins. The latter report proved false-the negligence of a servant was responsible for the burning of Colonel Hawkins's house--but this fact did not deter preparations against the Negro Fort. To support the army attack on the fort, a squadron of American ships was ordered from New Orleans to Apalachicola Bay. Colonel Clinch sent the friendly Indian chief, Lafarka, with a letter of in- structions to the commander of the naval force. In addition to deliv- ering the letter, Chief Lafarka was to reconnoiter the area near the Negro Fort and report to Clinch. On July 15, 1816, the chief returned. He had delivered the dispatch to Sailing Master Jarius Loomis, who was in Apalachicola Bay with two gunboats and two transports filled to capacity with provisions, ammunition, and guns. On July 17 Clinch left Camp Crawford with 116 carefully se- lected men. This detachment was divided into two companies, one under command of Major Peter Muhlenberg and the other under Captain William Taylor, and began the descent of the river in boats. Almost 120 miles below their starting place lay the Negro Fort. At dusk on July 17 Clinch met McIntosh and his 150 braves, and on the following morning Mad Tiger (Kotcha-haigo) with numerous Indians, most of whom were without guns, and an old chief called Captain Isaacs. This junction with the Indians was accidental, but 7. Niles' Weekly Register, X, 368. 29 Warfare in Florida Spanish commander at Pensacola. The Spaniard granted the Ameri- cans the right to transport supplies, but he did not control the black commander at the Negro Fort. Colonel Clinch and friendly Indians, under command of the half- white Chief McIntosh, whose allegiance to Spaniard, Englishman, American, or Indian veered in accordance to prospective advantage to him and his followers, knew that force would be necessary to make the Negroes allow passage by the Negro Fort. The almost al- ways exaggerated accounts stated that McIntosh had collected from 500 to 1,000 Creek warriors-his force actually numbered about 150-to march against the Negroes and their Choctaw allies.7 Other rumors were that 600 Spanish troops, recently arrived in Pensacola, would support the Negroes despite Spanish promises to the United States of free navigation of the Apalachicola, and that hostile In- dians had burned the house of Benjamin Hawkins. The latter report proved false-the negligence of a servant was responsible for the burning of Colonel Hawkins's house-but this fact did not deter preparations against the Negro Fort. To support the army attack on the fort, a squadron of American ships was ordered from New Orleans to Apalachicola Bay. Colonel Clinch sent the friendly Indian chief, Lafarka, with a letter of in- structions to the commander of the naval force. In addition to deliv- ering the letter, Chief Lafarka was to reconnoiter the area near the Negro Fort and report to Clinch. On July 15, 1816, the chief returned. He had delivered the dispatch to Sailing Master Jarius Loomis, who was in Apalachicola Bay with two gunboats and two transports filled to capacity with provisions, ammunition, and guns. On July 17 Clinch left Camp Crawford with 116 carefully se- lected men. This detachment was divided into two companies, one under command of Major Peter Muhlenberg and the other under Captain William Taylor, and began the descent of the river in boats. Almost 120 miles below their starting place lay the Negro Fort. At dusk on July 17 Clinch met McIntosh and his 150 braves, and on the following morning Mad Tiger (Kotcha-haigo) with numerous Indians, most of whom were without guns, and an old chief called Captain Isaacs. This junction with the Indians was accidental, but 7. Niles' Weekly Register, X, 368. 29  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Clinch used it to advantage to plan a concerted attack upon the fort. Lafarka, the messenger and spy, went ahead with another letter for Sailing Master Loomis, and Clinch ordered his Indians to lead the southward advance and capture every Negro they sighted. On July 19 the Indians brought in a prisoner who had been carrying a fresh scalp to the Seminoles. The Americans and their Indian allies agreed to proceed in separate parties until they combined forces to attack the Negro Fort. The prisoner reported that Garcia, the Negro commandant of the fort, and his ally, a Choctaw chief, were both in the fort. They had recently returned there after having led a war party which had killed a number of Americans and captured their small boat. Some Negroes and Indians were withdrawing into the safety of their strong forti- fication. Lafarka returned with information of the defensive measures of the Negroes and reported his failure to contact the commanding of- ficer of the American gunboats. Colonel Clinch ordered his men forward at a terrific pace. At 2:00 A.M. on July 20 they landed within gunshot of the fort. Clinch sent Lafarka with another letter to inform Loomis of the army detachment's arrival. Then he called a council with the Indian leaders and together they planned an at- tack on the fort, with McIntosh and his men responsible for sur- rounding it. Preliminary maneuvers demonstrated the impossibility of successful assault without the battering effect of artillery. Clinch ordered McIntosh to keep his men as close to the fort as possible and to direct an irregular fire toward it. The Negroes in the fort responded with a continual fire from their heavy guns, which did no harm other than frightening the Indian allies of Clinch. On July 23 Lafarka returned with a letter from Loomis. The Sail- ing Master had sent out five men in a rowboat on July 16 to secure fresh water from the Apalachicola River. A war party of Negroes and Choctaws had opened fire on them, killing three men and capturing one; the fifth had escaped only by his agility as a swimmer. Loomis requested that Clinch send a detachment down the river to protect the vessels in passing the fort. On the evening of July 23 a deputation of Indian leaders ap- proached the fort under a flag of truce. They were not physically 30 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Clinch used it to advantage to plan a concerted attack upon the fort. Lafarka, the messenger and spy, went ahead with another letter for Sailing Master Loomis, and Clinch ordered his Indians to lead the southward advance and capture every Negro they sighted. On July 19 the Indians brought in a prisoner who had been carrying a fresh scalp to the Seminoles. The Americans and their Indian allies agreed to proceed in separate parties until they combined forces to attack the Negro Fort. The prisoner reported that Garcia, the Negro commandant of the fort, and his ally, a Choctaw chief, were both in the fort. They had recently returned there after having led a war party which had killed a number of Americans and captured their small boat. Some Negroes and Indians were withdrawing into the safety of their strong forti- fication. Lafarka returned with information of the defensive measures of the Negroes and reported his failure to contact the commanding of- ficer of the American gunboats. Colonel Clinch ordered his men forward at a terrific pace. At 2:00 A.M. on July 20 they landed within gunshot of the fort. Clinch sent Lafarka with another letter to inform Loomis of the army detachment's arrival. Then he called a council with the Indian leaders and together they planned an at- tack on the fort, with McIntosh and his men responsible for sur- rounding it. Preliminary maneuvers demonstrated the impossibility of successful assault without the battering effect of artillery. Clinch ordered McIntosh to keep his men as close to the fort as possible and to direct an irregular fire toward it. The Negroes in the fort responded with a continual fire from their heavy guns, which did no harm other than frightening the Indian allies of Clinch. On July 23 Lafarka returned with a letter from Loomis. The Sail- ing Master had sent out five men in a rowboat on July 16 to secure fresh water from the Apalachicola River. A war party of Negroes and Choctaws had opened fire on them, killing three men and capturing one; the fifth had escaped only by his agility as a swimmer. Loomis requested that Clinch send a detachment down the river to protect the vessels in passing the fort. On the evening of July 23 a deputation of Indian leaders ap- proached the fort under a flag of truce. They were not physically 30 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Clinch used it to advantage to plan a concerted attack upon the fort. Lafarka, the messenger and spy, went ahead with another letter for Sailing Master Loomis, and Clinch ordered his Indians to lead the southward advance and capture every Negro they sighted. On July 19 the Indians brought in a prisoner who had been carrying a fresh scalp to the Seminoles. The Americans and their Indian allies agreed to proceed in separate parties until they combined forces to attack the Negro Fort. The prisoner reported that Garcia, the Negro commandant of the fort, and his ally, a Choctaw chief, were both in the fort. They had recently returned there after having led a war party which had killed a number of Americans and captured their small boat. Some Negroes and Indians were withdrawing into the safety of their strong forti- fication. Lafarka returned with information of the defensive measures of the Negroes and reported his failure to contact the commanding of- ficer of the American gunboats. Colonel Clinch ordered his men forward at a terrific pace. At 2:00 A.M. on July 20 they landed within gunshot of the fort. Clinch sent Lafarka with another letter to inform Loomis of the army detachment's arrival. Then he called a council with the Indian leaders and together they planned an at- tack on the fort, with McIntosh and his men responsible for sur- rounding it. Preliminary maneuvers demonstrated the impossibility of successful assault without the battering effect of artillery. Clinch ordered McIntosh to keep his men as close to the fort as possible and to direct an irregular fire toward it. The Negroes in the fort responded with a continual fire from their heavy guns, which did no harm other than frightening the Indian allies of Clinch. On July 23 Lafarka returned with a letter from Loomis. The Sail- ing Master had sent out five men in a rowboat on July 16 to secure fresh water from the Apalachicola River. A war party of Negroes and Choctaws had opened fire on them, killing three men and capturing one; the fifth had escaped only by his agility as a swimmer. Loomis requested that Clinch send a detachment down the river to protect the vessels in passing the fort. On the evening of July 23 a deputation of Indian leaders ap- proached the fort under a flag of truce. They were not physically 30  Warfare in Florida molested, but the Negro commander heaped verbal abuse upon them for helping the Americans, and emphasized his determination to re- sist by castigating the United States and her slaveowners. The British government, he said, had left him in command of the fort, and he would sink any American vessel attempting to pass it. An enumera- tion of Indian and white troops surrounding the bastion did not frighten the Negro commander. If he could not defend it, he was determined to blow it sky high. In defiance he raised two flags on the fort-the Union Jack of Great Britain and a bright red flag. After the gunboats and transports of Loomis had moved up the river, he and Colonel Clinch reconnoitered the west shore of the Apalachicola opposite the fort and the latter decided to erect a bat- tery there. Major Muhlenberg and Captain Taylor crossed the river with their companies and immediately began construction of foun- dations for the guns. Meanwhile Lieutenant Joseph McGavock and some soldiers remained with McIntosh's Indians on the east bank, thus surrounding the fort. In the night the transport Similante was to move up under cover of darkness and land some eighteen-pound guns. But during the evening of July 26 Clinch conferred with the commanders of gunboats 149 and 154. By his command the vessels weighed anchor at daybreak the following morning, moved slowly up the broad, languid Apalachicola, and at six o'clock made fast on the west shore of the river near the location of the intended battery. The Negroes began firing their thirty-two pounders at the vessels, but the cannon balls fell harmlessly some distance from the ships because of the gunners' lack of skill. Although the gunboats carried only twelve-pound guns, Colonel Clinch ordered a few exploratory shots to find the range and determine whether artillery placed on the bank could reach the fort. To everyone's surprise, one of the balls sailed entirely over the fortification and landed among the huts be- yond it. This feat encouraged Sailing Master Basset of gunboat number 154 to fire a hot cannon ball. Neither vessel boasted of a furnace for heating balls, but in a makeshift fire aboard number 154 a solid ball was heated to a glowing red and quickly thrust into the mouth of a well-powdered and thickly wadded cannon. A moment later the can- 31 Warfare in Florida molested, but the Negro commander heaped verbal abuse upon them for helping the Americans, and emphasized his determination to re- sist by castigating the United States and her slaveowners. The British government, he said, had left him in command of the fort, and he would sink any American vessel attempting to pass it. An enumera- tion of Indian and white troops surrounding the bastion did not frighten the Negro commander. If he could not defend it, he was determined to blow it sky high. In defiance he raised two flags on the fort-the Union Jack of Great Britain and a bright red flag. After the gunboats and transports of Loomis had moved up the river, he and Colonel Clinch reconnoitered the west shore of the Apalachicola opposite the fort and the latter decided to erect a bat- tery there. Major Muhlenberg and Captain Taylor crossed the river with their companies and immediately began construction of foun- dations for the guns. Meanwhile Lieutenant Joseph McGavock and some soldiers remained with McIntosh's Indians on the east bank, thus surrounding the fort. In the night the transport Similante was to move up under cover of darkness and land some eighteen-pound guns. But during the evening of July 26 Clinch conferred with the commanders of gunboats 149 and 154. By his command the vessels weighed anchor at daybreak the following morning, moved slowly up the broad, languid Apalachicola, and at six o'clock made fast on the west shore of the river near the location of the intended battery. The Negroes began firing their thirty-two pounders at the vessels, but the cannon balls fell harmlessly some distance from the ships because of the gunners' lack of skill. Although the gunboats carried only twelve-pound guns, Colonel Clinch ordered a few exploratory shots to find the range and determine whether artillery placed on the bank could reach the fort. To everyone's surprise, one of the balls sailed entirely over the fortification and landed among the huts be- yond it. This feat encouraged Sailing Master Basset of gunboat number 154 to fire a hot cannon ball. Neither vessel boasted of a furnace for heating balls, but in a makeshift fire aboard number 154 a solid ball was heated to a glowing red and quickly thrust into the mouth of a well-powdered and thickly wadded cannon. A moment later the can- 31 Warfare in Florida molested, but the Negro commander heaped verbal abuse upon them for helping the Americans, and emphasized his determination to re- sist by castigating the United States and her slaveowners. The British government, he said, had left him in command of the fort, and he would sink any American vessel attempting to pass it. An enumera- tion of Indian and white troops surrounding the bastion did not frighten the Negro commander. If he could not defend it, he was determined to blow it sky high. In defiance he raised two flags on the fort-the Union Jack of Great Britain and a bright red flag. After the gunboats and transports of Loomis had moved up the river, he and Colonel Clinch reconnoitered the west shore of the Apalachicola opposite the fort and the latter decided to erect a bat- tery there. Major Muhlenberg and Captain Taylor crossed the river with their companies and immediately began construction of foun- dations for the guns. Meanwhile Lieutenant Joseph McGavock and some soldiers remained with McIntosh's Indians on the east bank, thus surrounding the fort. In the night the transport Similante was to move up under cover of darkness and land some eighteen-pound guns. But during the evening of July 26 Clinch conferred with the commanders of gunboats 149 and 154. By his command the vessels weighed anchor at daybreak the following morning, moved slowly up the broad, languid Apalachicola, and at six o'clock made fast on the west shore of the river near the location of the intended battery. The Negroes began firing their thirty-two pounders at the vessels, but the cannon balls fell harmlessly some distance from the ships because of the gunners' lack of skill. Although the gunboats carried only twelve-pound guns, Colonel Clinch ordered a few exploratory shots to find the range and determine whether artillery placed on the bank could reach the fort. To everyone's surprise, one of the balls sailed entirely over the fortification and landed among the huts be- yond it. This feat encouraged Sailing Master Basset of gunboat number 154 to fire a hot cannon ball. Neither vessel boasted of a furnace for heating balls, but in a makeshift fire aboard number 154 a solid ball was heated to a glowing red and quickly thrust into the mouth of a well-powdered and thickly wadded cannon. A moment later the can- 31  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM non thundered away and sent the red-hot shot sparkling through the air. The result appeared miraculous to the soldiers. This lucky shot penetrated the principal magazine of the fort; the resulting explosion reverberated over water and hills and was reported to have been heard all the way to Pensacola. The Negro Fort appeared to rise straight up, and debris and human bodies fanned out in all direc- tions. One observer estimated that 270 men, women, and children met immediate death, and nearly all the rest were mortally wounded. Only three persons escaped injury. In his official report Colonel Clinch stated that the fort contained about 100 able-bodied men, including not more than 25 Choctaw warriors, and approximately 200 women and children, and not more than one-sixth of the num- ber escaped instant death. The awesomeness of the explosion cowed the Indians into immo- bility. Silently they watched red flames spread among the timbers and spurt up into the morning air. This temporary inactivity of his allies gave Clinch time to cross the river in the hope of checking the inevitable scalp-taking. Before he arrived with a small force, the Indians had recovered from the shock and were rushing to kill, scalp, and plunder. The blood-curdling yells of looting Indians covered the piteous lamentations of wounded Negroes. The devastating effect of the explosion left mangled corpses and torn anus and legs scat- tered hither and yon. The sight made hardened soldiers retch, and they sought to ease their consciences with the thought that the great "Ruler of the universe must have used [them] as instruments in chastising the blood-thirsty and murderous wretches that defended the fort." Strange indeed are the tricks of fate. Neither the Negro com- mander, Garcia, nor the Choctaw chief was injured, but both soon paid the ultimate penalty. On discovering that the American seaman captured on July 16 had been tarred and burned alive, the Coweta Indian chiefs ordered the captive Negro and Indian scalped and then killed. The Americans and friendly Indians were pleasantly surprised by the quantity of valuable stores that escaped destruction. One maga- zine containing 163 barrels of powder and almost 500 kegs was 32 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM non thundered away and sent the red-hot shot sparkling through the air. The result appeared miraculous to the soldiers. This lucky shot penetrated the principal magazine of the fort; the resulting explosion reverberated over water and hills and was reported to have been heard all the way to Pensacola. The Negro Fort appeared to rise straight up, and debris and human bodies fanned out in all direc- tions. One observer estimated that 270 men, women, and children met immediate death, and nearly all the rest were mortally wounded. Only three persons escaped injury. In his official report Colonel Clinch stated that the fort contained about 100 able-bodied men, including not more than 25 Choctaw warriors, and approximately 200 women and children, and not more than one-sixth of the num- ber escaped instant death. The awesomeness of the explosion cowed the Indians into immo- bility. Silently they watched red flames spread among the timbers and spurt up into the morning air. This temporary inactivity of his allies gave Clinch time to cross the river in the hope of checking the inevitable scalp-taking. Before he arrived with a small force, the Indians had recovered from the shock and were rushing to kill, scalp, and plunder. The blood-curdling yells of looting Indians covered the piteous lamentations of wounded Negroes. The devastating effect of the explosion left mangled corpses and torn arms and legs scat- tered hither and yon. The sight made hardened soldiers retch, and they sought to ease their consciences with the thought that the great "Ruler of the universe must have used [them] as instruments in chastising the blood-thirsty and murderous wretches that defended the fort." Strange indeed are the tricks of fate. Neither the Negro com- mander, Garcia, nor the Choctaw chief was injured, but both soon paid the ultimate penalty. On discovering that the American seaman captured on July 16 had been tarred and burned alive, the Coweta Indian chiefs ordered the captive Negro and Indian scalped and then killed. The Americans and friendly Indians were pleasantly surprised by the quantity of valuable stores that escaped destruction. One maga- zine containing 163 barrels of powder and almost 500 kegs was 32 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM non thundered away and sent the red-hot shot sparkling through the air. The result appeared miraculous to the soldiers. This lucky shot penetrated the principal magazine of the fort; the resulting explosion reverberated over water and hills and was reported to have been heard all the way to Pensacola. The Negro Fort appeared to rise straight up, and debris and human bodies fanned out in all direc- tions. One observer estimated that 270 men, women, and children met immediate death, and nearly all the rest were mortally wounded. Only three persons escaped injury. In his official report Colonel Clinch stated that the fort contained about 100 able-bodied men, including not more than 25 Choctaw warriors, and approximately 200 women and children, and not more than one-sixth of the num- ber escaped instant death. The awesomeness of the explosion cowed the Indians into immo- bility. Silently they watched red flames spread among the timbers and spurt up into the morning air. This temporary inactivity of his allies gave Clinch time to cross the river in the hope of checking the inevitable scalp-taking. Before he arrived with a small force, the Indians had recovered from the shock and were rushing to kill, scalp, and plunder. The blood-curdling yells of looting Indians covered the piteous lamentations of wounded Negroes. The devastating effect of the explosion left mangled corpses and torn arms and legs scat- tered hither and yon. The sight made hardened soldiers retch, and they sought to ease their consciences with the thought that the great "Ruler of the universe must have used [them] as instruments in chastising the blood-thirsty and murderous wretches that defended the fort." Strange indeed are the tricks of fate. Neither the Negro com- mander, Garcia, nor the Choctaw chief was injured, but both soon paid the ultimate penalty. On discovering that the American seaman captured on July 16 had been tarred and burned alive, the Coweta Indian chiefs ordered the captive Negro and Indian scalped and then killed. The Americans and friendly Indians were pleasantly surprised by the quantity of valuable stores that escaped destruction. One maga- zine containing 163 barrels of powder and almost 500 kegs was 32  Warfare in Florida found in the village outside the fort. Nearly 3,000 stand of British arms, all in excellent condition and some still packed in the original shipping boxes, 500 carbines, almost 1,000 pairs of pistols, and 500 scabbard swords, together with many bolts of British uniform cloth, were seized. Clinch estimated the total value of the material at $200,000. In keeping with their agreement, the Indians received the greater part of the booty, but the undamaged pieces of artillery were kept by the American army. Most of the wounded Negroes and the others living near the destroyed fort belonged to Spaniards and Indians. Slaves who bad escaped from American masters had been tilling the soil for fifty miles along the Apalachicola, but most of them had left their flour- ishing corn fields to seek protection in the Seminole Indian villages when they heard of Clinch's movement down the river. The others were captured and those that belonged to Spaniards were delivered to an agent of Forbes and Company, the largest trading house in Florida; the slaves belonging to Americans were sent to and confined in Camp Crawford, there to await the claims of their owners. The provisions, military stores, and supplies captured at the Negro Fort were also shipped to the camp. Since the transports could not ascend the river, their contents were transferred into many small boats which moved slowly up the Apalachicola, guarded by Major Muhlenberg and more than 100 soldiers and Indians. On August 1 Clinch received disturbing information. A large Seminole war party, coming to the aid of the Apalachicola Negroes, was within a day's march. The Colonel regrouped his forces, adding men to those guarding the heavily laden boats, and set out with McIntosh's Co- weta Indians to meet the Seminoles. But the latter dispersed as quicly and quietly as they had assembled, and Clinch failed to meet "the cowardly wretches" in an anticipated battle. On August 2 the campaign against the Negro Fort closed with the Colonel's return to Camp Crawford.8 8. This account of the Negro Fort campaign was taken from the following sources: Clinch to R. Butler (Adj. Gen., Division of the South), August 2, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88; Clinch to Governor Mitchell, August 4, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 15; various reports and observa- tions by participants, Niles' Weekly Register, X, 230-31; XI, 14-15, 23, 37- 38; XVII, 186-88; "General Clinch and the Indians," Army and Navy Chron- icle, New Series, II, 114-16; letter signed "G," in Savannah Georgian, April 33 Warfare in Florida found in the village outside the fort. Nearly 3,000 stand of British arms, all in excellent condition and some still packed in the original shipping boxes, 500 carbines, almost 1,000 pairs of pistols, and 500 scabbard swords, together with many bolts of British uniform cloth, were seized. Clinch estimated the total value of the material at $200,000. In keeping with their agreement, the Indians received the greater part of the booty, but the undamaged pieces of artillery were kept by the American army. Most of the wounded Negroes and the others living near the destroyed fort belonged to Spaniards and Indians. Slaves who had escaped from American masters had been tilling the soil for fifty miles along the Apalachicola, but most of them had left their flour- ishing corn fields to seek protection in the Seminole Indian villages when they heard of Clinch's movement down the river. The others were captured and those that belonged to Spaniards were delivered to an agent of Forbes and Company, the largest trading house in Florida; the slaves belonging to Americans were sent to and confined in Camp Crawford, there to await the claims of their owners. The provisions, military stores, and supplies captured at the Negro Fort were also shipped to the camp. Since the transports could not ascend the river, their contents were transferred into many small boats which moved slowly up the Apalachicola, guarded by Major Muhlenberg and more than 100 soldiers and Indians. On August 1 Clinch received disturbing information. A large Seminole war party, coming to the aid of the Apalachicola Negroes, was within a day's march. The Colonel regrouped his forces, adding men to those guarding the heavily laden boats, and set out with McIntosh's Co- weta Indians to meet the Seminoles. But the latter dispersed as quicdy and quietly as they had assembled, and Clinch failed to meet "the cowardly wretches" in an anticipated battle. On August 2 the campaign against the Negro Fort closed with the Colonel's return to Camp Crawford.t 8. This account of the Negro Fort campaign was taken from the following sources: Clinch to R. Butler (Adj. Gen., Division of the South), August 2, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88; Clinch to Governor Mitchell, August 4, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 15; various reports and observa- tions by participants, Niles' Weekly Register, X, 230-31; XI, 14-15, 23, 37- 38; XVII, 186-88; "General Clinch and the Indians," Army and Navy Chron- icle, New Series, II, 114-16; letter signed "G," in Savannah Georgian, April 33 Warfare in Florida found in the village outside the fort. Nearly 3,000 stand of British arms, all in excellent condition and some still packed in the original shipping boxes, 500 carbines, almost 1,000 pairs of pistols, and 500 scabbard swords, together with many bolts of British uniform cloth, were seized. Clinch estimated the total value of the material at $200,000. In keeping with their agreement, the Indians received the greater part of the booty, but the undamaged pieces of artillery were kept by the American army. Most of the wounded Negroes and the others living near the destroyed fort belonged to Spaniards and Indians. Slaves who had escaped from American masters had been tilling the soil for fifty miles along the Apalachicola, but most of them had left their flour- ishing corn fields to seek protection in the Seminole Indian villages when they heard of Clinch's movement down the river. The others were captured and those that belonged to Spaniards were delivered to an agent of Forbes and Company, the largest trading house in Florida; the slaves belonging to Americans were sent to and confined in Camp Crawford, there to await the claims of their owners. The provisions, military stores, and supplies captured at the Negro Fort were also shipped to the camp. Since the transports could not ascend the river, their contents were transferred into many small boats which moved slowly up the Apalachicola, guarded by Major Muhlenberg and more than 100 soldiers and Indians. On August 1 Clinch received disturbing information. A large Seminole war party, coming to the aid of the Apalachicola Negroes, was within a day's march. The Colonel regrouped his forces, adding men to those guarding the heavily laden boats, and set out with McIntosh's Co- weta Indians to meet the Seminoles. But the latter dispersed as quickly and quietly as they had assembled, and Clinch failed to meet "the cowardly wretches" in an anticipated battle. On August 2 the campaign against the Negro Fort closed with the Colonel's return to Camp Crawford.t 8. This account of the Negro Fort campaign was taken from the following sources: Clinch to R. Butler (Adj. Gen., Division of the South), August 2, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88; Clinch to Governor Mitchell, August 4, 1816, Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 15; various reports and observa- tions by participants, Niles' Weekly Register, X, 230-31; XI, 14-15, 23, 37- 38; XVII, 186-88; "General Clinch and the Indians," Army and Navy Chron- icle, New Series, II, 114-16; letter signed "G," in Savannah Georgian, April 33  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM By leading an expedition down the Apalachicola, destroying the detested Negro Fort, and returning to camp without the loss or in- jury of a single man, Clinch became a hero to his soldiers. They repeated the story of their commander rushing to the highest point on the fort, after the explosion, to deter the friendly Indians from their work of pillage and slaughter, and how he stood firm on what was another powder-filled magazine around which the flames licked until he had established order.a The soldiers also relived an event which had taken place more than six months earlier at Charleston, South Carolina. Because of past duties many of Clinch's officers and men were given the choice of remaining in civilized Charleston, or following their commander into the wilds of the Georgia-Florida border. Every soldier chose to go with Clinch.lo After the Negro Fort had been destroyed, a delegation of Indian chiefs headed by McIntosh went to Washington and urged that Clinch be made In- dian agent to replace the late Colonel Hawkins, but the post was given to Governor David Mitchell of Georgia." In his official report of the expedition against the Negro Fort, Clinch cited many of his officers and men for bravery and also many of the Indians including "the gallant Major McIntosh, Captains Noble Kanard, George Lovett Blue, and Lieut. Billy Miller, (all from Coweta) for their distin- guished conduct during the whole expedition."12 "Had this thing happened during the War," one commentator declared, "it would have resounded from one end of the continent to the other, to the honor of those concerned in it; for it yields in gal- 19, 1819; and an account in the Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. There is agreement on facts in all of these reports. Differences ap- pear when individuals editorialize with one praising the navy and belittling the army, another emphasizing the role of McIntosh and his Indians, and still another giving major credit to Clinch and the American regulars. "G" claims, for instance, that the destruction of the Fort was entirely accidental, for Clinch ordered the gunboats "to fire a few shots in order to ascertain the distance with more accuracy, and the practicability of battering them [the fort] from that point [where Clinch was preparing to place the battery]- four or five shots were fired when the explosion took place; from what cause is unknown-opinions on the subject vary." 9. Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. 10. "Gen. Clinch and the Indians," loc. cit., It, 114. 11. Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. 12. Clinch to R. Butler, August, 2, 1819, Niles' Weekly Register, XVH, 186-88; Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, It, 114. 34 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM By leading an expedition down the Apalachicola, destroying the detested Negro Fort, and returning to camp without the loss or in- jury of a single man, Clinch became a hero to his soldiers. They repeated the story of their commander rushing to the highest point on the fort, after the explosion, to deter the friendly Indians from their work of pillage and slaughter, and how he stood firm on what was another powder-filled magazine around which the flames licked until he had established order.s The soldiers also relived an event which had taken place more than six months earlier at Charleston, South Carolina. Because of past duties many of Clinch's officers and men were given the choice of remaining in civilized Charleston, or following their commander into the wilds of the Georgia-Florida border. Every soldier chose to go with Clinch.lo After the Negro Fort had been destroyed, a delegation of Indian chiefs headed by McIntosh went to Washington and urged that Clinch be made In- dian agent to replace the late Colonel Hawkins, but the post was given to Governor David Mitchell of Georgia.tt In his official report of the expedition against the Negro Fort, Clinch cited many of his officeers and men for bravery and also many of the Indians including "the gallant Major McIntosh, Captains Noble Kanard, George Lovett Blue, and Lieut. Billy Miller, (all from Coweta) for their distin- guished conduct during the whole expedition."tn "Had this thing happened during the War," one commentator declared, "it would have resounded from one end of the continent to the other, to the honor of those concerned in it; for it yields in gal- 19, 1819; and an account in the Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. There is agreement on facts in all of these reports. Differences ap- pear when individuals editorialize with one praising the navy and belittling the army, another emphasizing the role of McIntosh and his Indians, and still another giving major credit to Clinch and the American regulars. "G" claims, for instance, that the destruction of the Fort was entirely accidental, for Clinch ordered the gunboats "to fire a few shots in order to ascertain the distance with more accuracy, and the practicability of battering them [the fort] from that point [where Clinch was preparing to place the battery]- four or five shots were fired when the explosion took place; from what cause is unknown-opinions on the subject vary." 9. Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. 10. "Gen. Clinch and the Indians," loc. cit., It, 114. 11. Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. 12. Clinch to R. Butler, August, 2, 1819, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88; Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, I, 114. 34 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM By leading an expedition down the Apalachicola, destroying the detested Negro Fort, and returning to camp without the loss or in- jury of a single man, Clinch became a hero to his soldiers. They repeated the story of their commander rushing to the highest point on the fort, after the explosion, to deter the friendly Indians from their work of pillage and slaughter, and how he stood firm on what was another powder-filled magazine around which the flames licked until he had established order.9 The soldiers also relived an event which had taken place more than six months earlier at Charleston, South Carolina. Because of past duties many of Clinch's officers and men were given the choice of remaining in civilized Charleston, or following their commander into the wilds of the Georgia-Florida border. Every soldier chose to go with Clinch.o After the Negro Fort had been destroyed, a delegation of Indian chiefs headed by McIntosh went to Washington and urged that Clinch be made In- dian agent to replace the late Colonel Hawkins, but the post was given to Governor David Mitchell of Georgia. In his official report of the expedition against the Negro Fort, Clinch cited many of his officers and men for bravery and also many of the Indians including "the gallant Major McIntosh, Captains Noble Kanard, George Lovett Blue, and Lieut. Billy Miller, (all from Coweta) for their distin- guished conduct during the whole expedition."12 "Had this thing happened during the War," one commentator declared, "it would have resounded from one end of the continent to the other, to the honor of those concerned in it; for it yields in gal- 19, 1819; and an account in the Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. There is agreement on facts in all of these reports. Differences ap- pear when individuals editorialize with one praising the navy and belittling the army, another emphasizing the role of McIntosh and his Indians, and still another giving major credit to Clinch and the American regulars. "G" claims, for instance, that the destruction of the Fort was entirely accidental, for Clinch ordered the gunboats "to fire a few shots in order to ascertain the distance with more accuracy, and the practicability of battering them [the fort] from that point [where Clinch was preparing to place the battery]- four or five shots were fired when the explosion took place; from what cause is unknown-opinions on the subject vary." 9. Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. 10. "Gen. Clinch and the Indians," loc, cit., It, 114. 11. Southern Whig (Athens, Ga.), September 16, 1847. 12. Clinch to R. Butler, August, 2, 1819, Niles' Weekly Register, XVII, 186-88; Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 114. 34  Warfare in Florida lant daring and complete success to no incident that happened in the late contest."13 Destruction of the Negro Fort, another writer claimed, would strike terror into the Indians, for it was their ral- lying point and was supplied by the British to encourage Indian resistance to the American government.14 Praise for his accomplishment was followed by criticism that made Colonel Clinch wince in dismay. He had pushed more than 100 miles into the territory belonging to a country at peace with the United States at a critical time when the American Secretary of State was attempting to negotiate with Spain for Florida. Critics of the Madison administration vented their ire on Clinch for his "illegal actions." The Colonel responded by complaining to Major General Andrew Jackson. Since the government had suppressed his official report, Clinch requested Jackson to authorize a court of in- quiry. Jackson's Adjutant General replied: I have orders from Jackson to say that there is no room left for the existence of doubt but that your movement was predicated on orders from your immediate commanding officer, General Gaines, to whom instructions had been issued as a result of an understanding between the [Spanish] commandant at Pensacola and himself. The Fort, being in the Territory of a neutral power, between whose gov't a negotiation was then and now is pending, would have prevented such an official avowal of the act as the publication of your report, and the only inference from the gov't silence amounts to a virtual approval of your conduct. Public acts, if not publicly censured, are tacitly approved.15 Even before receipt of this encouraging letter the Colonel had had one from General Jackson that commended him for the destruction of the Negro Fort and expressed the General's approbation to the officers and men for their gallant conduct. "Demand of the Semi- noles an immediate surrender of the Negroes protected by them and belonging to U. S. citizens," Jackson continued, and if "they refuse -report to me and hold yourself in readiness to chastise them."16 13. Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37. 14. Ibid., 38. 15. J. M. Glassell to Clinch, December 26, 1816, Savannah Georgian, Aprit 19, 1819. 16. Jackson to Clinch, September 6, 1816, Savannah Georgian, April 19, 1819. 35 Warfare in Florida lant daring and complete success to no incident that happened in the late contest."13 Destruction of the Negro Fort, another writer claimed, would strike terror into the Indians, for it was their ral- lying point and was supplied by the British to encourage Indian resistance to the American government.14 Praise for his accomplishment was followed by criticism that made Colonel Clinch wince in dismay. He had pushed more than 100 miles into the territory belonging to a country at peace with the United States at a critical time when the American Secretary of State was attempting to negotiate with Spain for Florida. Critics of the Madison administration vented their ire on Clinch for his "illegal actions." The Colonel responded by complaining to Major General Andrew Jackson. Since the government had suppressed his official report, Clinch requested Jackson to authorize a court of in- quiry. Jackson's Adjutant General replied: I have orders from Jackson to say that there is no room left for the existence of doubt but that your movement was predicated on orders from your immediate commanding officer, General Gaines, to whom instructions had been issued as a result of an understanding between the [Spanish] commandant at Pensacola and himself. The Fort, being in the Territory of a neutral power, between whose gov't a negotiation was then and now is pending, would have prevented such an official avowal of the act as the publication of your report, and the only inference from the gov't silence amounts to a virtual approval of your conduct. Public acts, if not publicly censured, are tacitly approved.l Even before receipt of this encouraging letter the Colonel had had one from General Jackson that commended him for the destruction of the Negro Fort and expressed the General's approbation to the officers and men for their gallant conduct. "Demand of the Semi- noles an immediate surrender of the Negroes protected by them and belonging to U. S. citizens," Jackson continued, and if "they refuse -report to me and hold yourself in readiness to chastise them."16 13. Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37. 14. Ibid., 38. 15. J. M. Glassell to Clinch, December 26, 1816, Savannah Georgian, Aprit 19, 1819. 16. Jackson to Clinch, September 6, 1816, Savannah Georgian, April 19, 1819. 35 Warfare in Florida lant daring and complete success to no incident that happened in the late contest."is Destruction of the Negro Fort, another writer claimed, would strike terror into the Indians, for it was their ral- lying point and was supplied by the British to encourage Indian resistance to the American government.14 Praise for his accomplishment was followed by criticism that made Colonel Clinch wince in dismay. He had pushed more than 100 miles into the territory belonging to a country at peace with the United States at a critical time when the American Secretary of State was attempting to negotiate with Spain for Florida. Critics of the Madison administration vented their ire on Clinch for his "illegal actions." The Colonel responded by complaining to Major General Andrew Jackson. Since the government had suppressed his official report, Clinch requested Jackson to authorize a court of in- quiry. Jackson's Adjutant General replied: I have orders from Jackson to say that there is no room left for the existence of doubt but that your movement was predicated on orders from your immediate commanding officer, General Gaines, to whom instructions had been issued as a result of an understanding between the [Spanish] commandant at Pensacola and himself. The Fort, being in the Territory of a neutral power, between whose gov't a negotiation was then and now is pending, would have prevented such an official avowal of the act as the publication of your report, and the only inference from the gov't silence amounts to a virtual approval of your conduct. Public acts, if not publicly censured, are tacitly approved.0 Even before receipt of this encouraging letter the Colonel had had one from General Jackson that commended him for the destruction of the Negro Fort and expressed the General's approbation to the officers and men for their gallant conduct. "Demand of the Semi- noles an immediate surrender of the Negroes protected by them and belonging to U. S. citizens," Jackson continued, and if "they refuse -report to me and hold yourself in readiness to chastise them."16 13. Niles' Weekly Register, XI, 37. 14. Ibid., 38. 15. J. M. Glassell to Clinch, December 26, 1816, Savannah Georgian, Apil 19, 1819. 16. Jackson to Clinch, September 6, 1816, Savannah Georgian, April 19, 1819. 35  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Later General Gaines wrote: The letter written to Lt. Glassell by order of Jackson does equal honor to the head and heart which dictated it, it breathes the warm and honorable sentiments of the real soldier. I should think it quite as acceptable as any opinion a court of inquiry could express. You ask my advice: let me assure you that you should express to the commanding general [Jackson] your entire satisfaction. Let me repeat what I have before expressed: in your expedition against the Negro Fort, you performed the duties that I assigned you (in conjunction with the naval fore there) in a manner calculated to give you and your command high and solid claims to the approbation and confidence of your general, your govt and country.17 These words of commendation appeased the irritated Clinch who did not again request a court of inquiry. Furthermore, Spanish officials made no issue of his expedition into their territory. Although de- struction of the Negro Fort eradicated Negro settlements near the Apalachicola, it did not frighten the hostile Seminoles. In 1817 they attacked transports ascending the river; in one engagement they killed two and wounded thirteen Americans, and soldiers in boats who dared to show themselves above the bulwarks always became tar- gets for Indian snipers on the river banks.Oa In these later skirmishes along the Apalachicola, Captain Joseph John Clinch, the brother of Colonel Clinch, was involved. He had joined the army in 1812 and he and his older brother have often been confused. By 1817, how- ever, Duncan Lamont Clinch had moved on to another phase of his career. 17. Gaines to Clinch, May 6, 1817, Savannah Georgian, April 19, 1819. 18. D. Muhlenberg to Gaines, December 16, 1817, Savannah Georgian, December 23, 1819. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Later General Gaines wrote: The letter written to Lt. Glassell by order of Jackson does equal honor to the head and heart which dictated it, it breathes the warm and honorable sentiments of the real soldier. I should think it quite as acceptable as any opinion a court of inquiry could express. You ask my advice: let me assure you that you should express to the commanding general [Jackson] your entire satisfaction. Let me repeat what I have before expressed: in your expedition against the Negro Fort, you performed the duties that I assigned you (in conjunction with the naval fore there) in a manner calculated to give you and your command high and solid claims to the approbation and confidence of your general, your gov't and countryon These words of commendation appeased the irritated Clinch who did not again request a court of inquiry. Furthermore, Spanish officials made no issue of his expedition into their territory. Although de- struction of the Negro Fort eradicated Negro settlements near the Apalachicola, it did not frighten the hostile Seminoles. In 1817 they attacked transports ascending the river; in one engagement they killed two and wounded thirteen Americans, and soldiers in boats who dared to show themselves above the bulwarks always became tar- gets for Indian snipers on the river banks.i In these later skirmishes along the Apalachicola, Captain Joseph John Clinch, the brother of Colonel Clinch, was involved. He had joined the army in 1812 and he and his older brother have often been confused. By 1817, how- ever, Duncan Lamont Clinch had moved on to another phase of his career,. 17. Gaines to Clinch, May 6, 1817, Savannah Georgian, April 19, 1819. 18. D. Muhlenberg to Gaines, December 16, 1817, Savannah Georgian, December 23, 1819. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Later General Gaines wrote: The letter written to Lt. Glassell by order of Jackson does equal honor to the head and heart which dictated it, it breathes the warm and honorable sentiments of the real soldier. I should think it quite as acceptable as any opinion a court of inquiry could express. You ask my advice: let me assure you that you should express to the commanding general [Jackson] your entire satisfaction. Let me repeat what I have before expressed: in your expedition against the Negro Fort, you performed the duties that I assigned you (in conjunction with the naval force there) in a manner calculated to give you and your command high and solid claims to the approbation and confidence of your general, your govt and country. These words of commendation appeased the irritated Clinch who did not again request a court of inquiry. Furthermore, Spanish officials made no issue of his expedition into their territory. Although de- struction of the Negro Fort eradicated Negro settlements near the Apalachicola, it did not frighten the hostile Seminoles. In 1817 they attacked transports ascending the river; in one engagement they killed two and wounded thirteen Americans, and soldiers in boats who dared to show themselves above the bulwarks always became tar- gets for Indian snipers on the river banks. In these later skirmishes along the Apalachicola, Captain Joseph John Clinch, the brother of Colonel Clinch, was involved. He had joined the army in 1812 and he and his older brother have often been confused. By 1817, how- ever, Duncan Lamont Clinch had moved on to another phase of his career. 17. Gaines to Clincb, May 6, 1817, Savannah Georgian, April 19, 1819. 18. D. Muhlenberg to Gaines, December 16, 1817, Savannah Georgian, December 23, 1819. 36 36 36  DUNCAN L. CLINCH AS A YOUNG OFFICER DUNCAN L. CLINCH AS A YOUNG OFFICER  EISZA BAYARD CLINCH, NEE AICINTOSH, FIRST WIFE OF GENERAL CLINCH EEIZA BAYARD CLINCH, NEE MCINTOSH, FIRST {LIFE OF GENERAL CLINCH ELIZA BAYARD CLINCH, NEE h1CINTOSH. FIRST WIFE OF GENERAL CLINCH  6 .r '. ' .. a - "._ ._ -.-. III f ' ,. . r rr s - DUNCAN L. CLINCH ABOUT THE TIME OF HIS RETIREMENT DUNCAN L. CLINCH ABOUT THE TIME OF HIS RETIREMENT DUNCAN L. CLINCH ABOUT THE TIME OF HIS RLTIRL "ENT FROM THE ARMY FROM THE ARMY FROM THE ARMY  - WIV 'A' i~nn I - -J .i, i.......J uvi LJAll ,,  1 1 141 311 REFUGE PLANTATION HOUSE PE000U PLANTATION HUUSE. Pi UUGE PLANTATION HODS t , a V n  p11  ,,. k .. r a ' & - 7 , ar.«". 'fi .r ; ,,, e+ k . ' .d' p a t a -vt> .,IC x . w m m £ v n t d W gy ) I1 tas ®ra a r + f maax axe 0 0 7 uV xdl z 1 Damr axr . 7m 'rw' I ' pl'r i , i - n ITM-T A IYFRAL FORT IN FLORIDA A TYPII i, PORT IN FLORIDA A TYPICAL PORT IN PLORIL  DUNCAN L-ONE CLINCH WITH PORTRAIT OF HIS GREAT-GRANDFATHER, GENERAL CLINCH  FOUR FOUR FOUR Settling Down BY MIDSUMMER OF 1816 Lieutenant Colonel Duncan La- mont Clinch had won a deserved rest. Thus far in his army career he had been stationed at frontier posts in Georgia and Louisiana, had shivered in the icy cold at Camp Lake Erie during the War of 1812; and without relief, except for a brief assignment in North and South Carolina, he had been transferred to the frontier again to direct the campaign against the Negro Fort on the Apalachi- cola. For eight years, with no more than short respites, he had en- dured the hardships of tent life, long marches in the blazing sun of the semitropical south, and the penetrating cold of wintery winds in the frigid north. The high command of the army in Washington was not composed of heartless automatons, but the military organization moved slowly in peacetime and the need for commanders was crucial on the turbu- lent southeastern border of the United States. For more than six months after his lucky and successful campaign against the Negro Fort, Colonel Clinch remained on the frontier, shifting from Camp Crawford and Fort Gaines in Georgia to Fort Montgomery in the Alabama territory. Then, fortunately for him, he was assigned to direct the recruiting service for the Fourth Infantry in North Caro- lina and Virginia. Although he had sold his inherited estate in Edgecombe County and evidently had no close relatives in Tarboro, he would find it pleasant to return to his home to be greeted by and talk with friends of youthful years. During more than eight years of army service he had some accomplishments to his credit: partici- pation in the War of 1812, national recognition for his work in Florida, and promotion from first lieutenant to lieutenant colonel. The possibilities for reminiscences and the comforts of a solid house, 37 Settling Down BY MIDSUMMER OF 1816 Lieutenant Colonel Duncan La- mont Clinch had won a deserved rest. Thus far in his army career he had been stationed at frontier posts in Georgia and Louisiana, had shivered in the icy cold at Camp Lake Erie during the War of 1812; and without relief, except for a brief assignment in North and South Carolina, he had been transferred to the frontier again to direct the campaign against the Negro Fort on the Apalachi- cola. For eight years, with no more than short respites, he had en- dured the hardships of tent life, long marches in the blazing sun of the semitropical south, and the penetrating cold of wintery winds in the frigid north. The high command of the army in Washington was not composed of heartless automatons, but the military organization moved slowly in peacetime and the need for commanders was crucial on the turbu- lent southeastern border of the United States. For more than six months after his lucky and successful campaign against the Negro Fort, Colonel Clinch remained on the frontier, shifting from Camp Crawford and Fort Gaines in Georgia to Fort Montgomery in the Alabama territory. Then, fortunately for him, he was assigned to direct the recruiting service for the Fourth Infantry in North Caro- lina and Virginia. Although he had sold his inherited estate in Edgecombe County and evidently had no close relatives in Tarboro, he would find it pleasant to return to his home to be greeted by and talk with friends of youthful years. During more than eight years of army service he had some accomplishments to his credit: partici- pation in the War of 1812, national recognition for his work in Florida, and promotion from first lieutenant to lieutenant colonel. The possibilities for reminiscences and the comforts of a solid house, 37 Settling Down BY MIDSUMMER OF 1816 Lieutenant Colonel Duncan La- mont Clinch had won a deserved rest. Thus far in his army career he had been stationed at frontier posts in Georgia and Louisiana, had shivered in the icy cold at Camp Lake Erie during the War of 1812; and without relief, except for a brief assignment in North and South Carolina, he had been transferred to the frontier again to direct the campaign against the Negro Fort on the Apalachi- cola. For eight years, with no more than short respites, he had en- dured the hardships of tent life, long marches in the blazing sun of the semitropical south, and the penetrating cold of wintery winds in the frigid north. The high command of the army in Washington was not composed of heartless automatons, but the military organization moved slowly in peacetime and the need for commanders was crucial on the turbu- lent southeastern border of the United States. For more than six months after his lucky and successful campaign against the Negro Fort, Colonel Clinch remained on the frontier, shifting from Camp Crawford and Fort Gaines in Georgia to Fort Montgomery in the Alabama territory. Then, fortunately for him, he was assigned to direct the recruiting service for the Fourth Infantry in North Caro- lina and Virginia. Although he had sold his inherited estate in Edgecombe County and evidently had no close relatives in Tarboro, he would find it pleasant to return to his home to be greeted by and talk with friends of youthful years. During more than eight years of army service he had some accomplishments to his credit: partici- pation in the War of 1812, national recognition for his work in Florida, and promotion from first lieutenant to lieutenant colonel. The possibilities for reminiscences and the comforts of a solid house, 37  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a soft bed, and good food were exciting to one who had long endured life in army camps on the frontier. Rather than the semi-isolated Tarboro, Clinch chose the small town of Raleigh, the capital of North Carolina, for his recruiting headquarters. There in a more democratic atmosphere than that existing in haughty Virginia and proud South Carolina cities, a colonel would be welcomed at all social functions. On April 4, 1817, he informed the Adjutant and Inspector General that he had selected Raleigh, and requested the forwarding of uniforms and money for anticipated recruits.1 The recruiting commander was op- timistic: he asked for 450 uniforms, $6,300 to pay the $14.00- per-man bounties and premiums for 450 hoped-for enrollees, and $3,150 in contingent expenses. Later he complained that the limit of two officers to aid him made coverage of two states most difficult, and as a result the recruitment had not been as successful as antici- pated. After a year his hopes for a relatively long tenure in Raleigh were shattered by an order from General Gaines to organize the recently enrolled recruits and march them southward. Clinch wrote in haste to the Adjutant General: not more than 200 men had been secured by his efforts and those of prior recruitment officers. Was it the wish, he inquired, of the Secretary of War to suspend enroll- ment in North Carolina and Virginia and send Clinch to his regi- ment on the frontier, or to continue the Colonel in command of the district and keep on recruiting men?2 Clinch interpreted the re- sponse of the Adjutant General as authorization to remain in Ra- leigh.o Besides, he had already sent the recruits from his district to Savannah from which place they were to march to the headquarters of General Gaines. Evidently the soft billet in North Carolina was not one that the Colonel wished to give up without vigorous attempts to retain it. His dilatory tactics brought a sharp letter from the Adjutant General. No statement in previous letters, that officer stated, was intended to in- 1. Clinch to D. Parker, April 4, 1817, Letters Received; letters not other- wise located are in the War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Idem to idea, April 18, 1818. 3. Letter of April 27, 1818, referred to in letters of July 7, 10, Septem- ber 25, 1818, to Clinch from the Adjutant General, Letters Sent 38 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a soft bed, and good food were exciting to one who had long endured life in army camps on the frontier. Rather than the semi-isolated Tarboro, Clinch chose the small town of Raleigh, the capital of North Carolina, for his recruiting headquarters. There in a more democratic atmosphere than that existing in haughty Virginia and proud South Carolina cities, a colonel would be welcomed at all social functions. On April 4, 1817, he informed the Adjutant and Inspector General that he had selected Raleigh, and requested the forwarding of uniforms and money for anticipated recruits., The recruiting commander was op- timistic: he asked for 450 uniforms, $6,300 to pay the $14.00- per-man bounties and premiums for 450 hoped-for enrollees, and $3,150 in contingent expenses. Later he complained that the limit of two officers to aid him made coverage of two states most difficult, and as a result the recruitment had not been as successful as antici- pated. After a year his hopes for a relatively long tenure in Raleigh were shattered by an order from General Gaines to organize the recently enrolled recruits and march them southward. Clinch wrote in haste to the Adjutant General: not more than 200 men had been secured by his efforts and those of prior recruitment officers. Was it the wish, he inquired, of the Secretary of War to suspend enroll- ment in North Carolina and Virginia and send Clinch to his regi- ment on the frontier, or to continue the Colonel in command of the district and keep on recruiting men?2 Clinch interpreted the re- sponse of the Adjutant General as authorization to remain in Ra- leigh. Besides, he had already sent the recruits from his district to Savannah from which place they were to march to the headquarters of General Gaines. Evidently the soft billet in North Carolina was not one that the Colonel wished to give up without vigorous attempts to retain it. His dilatory tactics brought a sharp letter from the Adjutant General. No statement in previous letters, that officer stated, was intended to in- 1. Clinch to D. Parker, April 4, 1817, Letters Received; letters not other- wise located are in the War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Idem to idem, April 18, 1818. 3. Letter of April 27, 1818, referred to in letters of July 7, 10, Septem- ber 25, 1818, to Clinch from the Adjutant General, Letters Sent. 38 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a soft bed, and good food were exciting to one who had long endured life in army camps on the frontier. Rather than the semi-isolated Tarboro, Clinch chose the small town of Raleigh, the capital of North Carolina, for his recruiting headquarters. There in a more democratic atmosphere than that existing in haughty Virginia and proud South Carolina cities, a colonel would be welcomed at all social functions. On April 4, 1817, he informed the Adjutant and Inspector General that he had selected Raleigh, and requested the forwarding of uniforms and money for anticipated recruits. The recruiting commander was op- timistic: he asked for 450 uniforms, $6,300 to pay the $14.00- per-man bounties and premiums for 450 hoped-for enrollees, and $3,150 in contingent expenses. Later he complained that the limit of two officers to aid him made coverage of two states most difficult, and as a result the recruitment had not been as successful as antici- pated. After a year his hopes for a relatively long tenure in Raleigh were shattered by an order from General Gaines to organize the recently enrolled recruits and march them southward. Clinch wrote in haste to the Adjutant General: not more than 200 men had been secured by his efforts and those of prior recruitment officers. Was it the wish, he inquired, of the Secretary of War to suspend enroll- ment in North Carolina and Virginia and send Clinch to his regi- ment on the frontier, or to continue the Colonel in command of the district and keep on recruiting men?2 Clinch interpreted the re- sponse of the Adjutant General as authorization to remain in Ra- leigh.3 Besides, he had already sent the recruits from his district to Savannah from which place they were to march to the headquarters of General Gaines. Evidently the soft billet in North Carolina was not one that the Colonel wished to give up without vigorous attempts to retain it. His dilatory tactics brought a sharp letter from the Adjutant General. No statement in previous letters, that officer stated, was intended to in- I. Clinch to D. Parker, April 4, 1817, Letters Received; letters not other- wise located are in the War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Idem to idem, April 18, 1818. 3. Letter of April 27, 1818, referred to in letters of July 7, 10, Septem- ber 25, 1818, to Clinch from the Adjutant General, Letters Sent 38  Settling Down terfere with or countermand the orders of General Gaines, and, if Clinch had not already departed, he was to turn over the recruiting service to the proper officer and join General Gaines without further loss of time.' Even this sharp command did not force the Colonel to abandon his desirable post. In August he went to Washington, Baltimore, and Philadelphia to muster in and inspect recruits. While on this trip he received an invitation from President James Monroe to join the exec- utive at Carters Mountain and discuss the Florida situation. From time to time the President listened to Clinch's "full and clear expo- sition of the Florida question."5 Florida and a way to acquire that Spanish province was the politi- cally hot topic in 1818. Enfeebled Spain could not keep order in the colony and the United States had never relinquished her desire for the territory. In June, 1817, Gregor MacGregor, the Scotch sol- dier of fortune and fighter for the independence of Latin America in the army of Simon Bolivar, had captured Fernandina on Amelia Island in Florida. Until the money supplied him by American mer- chants ran out, he gave elaborate state dinners to his friends and made grandiose plans to conquer and liberate all of South America, After his departure from Fernandina, other adventurers-Ruggles Hubbard, a former sheriff of New York County, New York, and Luis Aury, a former pirate-took over, and finally the anarchy south of the Georgia border resulted in the occupation of Amelia Island in December, 1817, by American troops. In November of the same year, the Indians of Fowltown, Georgia, about fifteen miles from Fort Scott (Clinch's Camp Crawford), sent word to the fort that no American should cut timber on the east side of the Flint River or even cross that stream into the Indians' land. Immediately after reinforcements had arrived at Fort Scott, the Fowl- town Indian chiefs were invited to a conference; but they refused to confer, and Major David Emanuel Twiggs led an American force of 250 men to bring the chiefs in for a parley. The Indians re- sponded by firing on the invaders and then fleeing to nearby swamps, whereupon Major Twiggs burned the temporarily abandoned Indian 4. Adjutant General to Clinch, July 10, 1818. 5. Clinch to Gaines, August 16, 1818, Letters Received. 39 Settling Down terfere with or countermand the orders of General Gaines, and, if Clinch had not already departed, he was to turn over the recruiting service to the proper officer and join General Gaines without further loss of time.4 Even this sharp command did not force the Colonel to abandon his desirable post. In August he went to Washington, Baltimore, and Philadelphia to muster in and inspect recruits. While on this trip he received an invitation from President James Monroe to join the exec- utive at Carters Mountain and discuss the Florida situation. From time to time the President listened to Clinch's "full and clear expo- sition of the Florida question."5 Florida and a way to acquire that Spanish province was the politi- cally hot topic in 1818. Enfeebled Spain could not keep order in the colony and the United States had never relinquished her desire for the territory. In June, 1817, Gregor MacGregor, the Scotch sol- dier of fortune and fighter for the independence of Latin America in the army of Sim6n Bolivar, had captured Fernandina on Amelia Island in Florida. Until the money supplied him by American mer- chants ran out, he gave elaborate state dinners to his friends and made grandiose plans to conquer and liberate all of South America. After his departure from Fernandina, other adventurers-Ruggles Hubbard, a former sheriff of New York County, New York, and Luis Aury, a former pirate-took over, and finally the anarchy south of the Georgia border resulted in the occupation of Amelia Island in December, 1817, by American troops. In November of the same year, the Indians of Fowltown, Georgia, about fifteen miles from Fort Scott (Clinch's Camp Crawford), sent word to the fort that no American should cut timber on the east side of the Flint River or even cross that stream into the Indians' land. Immediately after reinforcements had arrived at Fort Scott, the Fowl- town Indian chiefs were invited to a conference; but they refused to confer, and Major David Emanuel Twiggs led an American force of 250 men to bring the chiefs in for a parley. The Indians re- sponded by firing on the invaders and then fleeing to nearby swamps, whereupon Major Twiggs burned the temporarily abandoned Indian 4. Adjutant General to Clinch, July 10, 1818. 5. Clinch to Gaines, August 16, 1818, Letters Received. 39 Settling Down terfere with or countermand the orders of General Gaines, and, if Clinch had not already departed, he was to turn over the recruiting service to the proper officer and join General Gaines without further loss of time.4 Even this sharp command did not force the Colonel to abandon his desirable post. In August he went to Washington, Baltimore, and Philadelphia to muster in and inspect recruits. While on this trip he received an invitation from President James Monroe to join the exec- utive at Carters Mountain and discuss the Florida situation. From time to time the President listened to Clinch's "full and clear expo- sition of the Florida question."5 Florida and a way to acquire that Spanish province was the politi- cally hot topic in 1818. Enfeebled Spain could not keep order in the colony and the United States had never relinquished her desire for the territory. In June, 1817, Gregor MacGregor, the Scotch sol- dier of fortune and fighter for the independence of Latin America in the army of Sim6n Bolivar, had captured Fernandina on Amelia Island in Florida. Until the money supplied him by American mer- chants ran out, he gave elaborate state dinners to his friends and made grandiose plans to conquer and liberate all of South America. After his departure from Fernandina, other adventurers-Ruggles Hubbard, a former sheriff of New York County, New York, and Luis Aury, a former pirate-took over, and finally the anarchy south of the Georgia border resulted in the occupation of Amelia Island in December, 1817, by American troops. In November of the same year, the Indians of Fowltown, Georgia, about fifteen miles from Fort Scott (Clinch's Camp Crawford), sent word to the fort that no American should cut timber on the east side of the Flint River or even cross that stream into the Indians' land. Immediately after reinforcements had arrived at Fort Scott, the Fowl- town Indian chiefs were invited to a conference; but they refused to confer, and Major David Emanuel Twiggs led an American force of 250 men to bring the chiefs in for a parley. The Indians re- sponded by firing on the invaders and then fleeing to nearby swamps, whereupon Major Twiggs burned the temporarily abandoned Indian 4. Adjutant General to Clinch, July 10, 1818. 5. Clinch to Gaines, August 16, 1818, Letters Received, 39  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM town. Warfare flamed along the Georgia-Florida frontier. Isolated settlements, trading posts, and small bands of soldiers received the full ire of the aroused Indians. A detachment of 40 soldiers with some women and children moving up the Apalachicola River were almost entirely wiped out, and the aggressive warriors even attacked Fort Scott. Having already assigned General Gaines to take charge of the Fernandina area, the War Department ordered Andrew Jackson, the supreme commander in the Southern District, to quiet the more westerly regions of East Florida. The opportunity was welcomed by the Tennesseean; he hated Spaniards and considered dead Indians the only good ones. Jackson offered to conquer all of Florida within sixty days, and believing President Monroe had approved the plan through the agency of John Rhea, a United States Representative from Tennessee, the General set off for Florida. By March 9, 1818, he had reached Fort Scott, dispatched a subordinate to fortify the former site of the Negro Fort on the Apalachicola, and sent an emissary to the Spanish governor at Pensacola, informing him that any interference with American plans would be considered an un- friendly act. Then, without waiting for the arrival of his full force of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia volunteers, he moved into Florida. Before the first week in April he was in possession of St. Marks, which lay close to the Gulf Coast of the Spanish province, and quickly executed two Indian leaders. From St. Marks he marched east to Indian Chief Bowlegs's town on the Suwannee River, but found it deserted. Returning to St. Marks, and enraged because he believed that two English traders, the aged Alexander Arbuthnot and the more youthful Robert Ambrister, had warned the Indians, he ordered them court-martialed. One was hanged, the other shot. Great Britain naturally protested, and for a time peace and war between the United States and England hung in the balance. But the English nation was enjoying peace after almost twenty-five years of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Many American leaders, including Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, demanded that Jackson be censured, but Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, who was negotiating with Spain for Florida, opposed any official action to discredit the aggressive Jackson. 40 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM town. Warfare flamed along the Georgia-Florida frontier. Isolated settlements, trading posts, and small bands of soldiers received the full ire of the aroused Indians. A detachment of 40 soldiers with some women and children moving up the Apalachicola River were almost entirely wiped out, and the aggressive warriors even attacked Fort Scott. Having already assigned General Gaines to take charge of the Fernandina area, the War Department ordered Andrew Jackson, the supreme commander in the Southern District, to quiet the more westerly regions of East Florida. The opportunity was welcomed by the Tennesseean; he hated Spaniards and considered dead Indians the only good ones. Jackson offered to conquer all of Florida within sixty days, and believing President Monroe had approved the plan through the agency of John Rhea, a United States Representative from Tennessee, the General set off for Florida. By March 9, 1818, he had reached Fort Scott, dispatched a subordinate to fortify the former site of the Negro Fort on the Apalachicola, and sent an emissary to the Spanish governor at Pensacola, informing him that any interference with American plans would be considered an un- friendly act. Then, without waiting for the arrival of his full force of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia volunteers, he moved into Florida. Before the first week in April he was in possession of St. Marks, which lay close to the Gulf Coast of the Spanish province, and quickly executed two Indian leaders. From St. Marks he marched east to Indian Chief Bowlegs's town on the Suwannee River, but found it deserted. Returning to St. Marks, and enraged because he believed that two English traders, the aged Alexander Arbuthnot and the more youthful Robert Ambrister, had warned the Indians, he ordered them court-martialed. One was hanged, the other shot. Great Britain naturally protested, and for a time peace and war between the United States and England hung in the balance. But the English nation was enjoying peace after almost twenty-five years of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Many American leaders, including Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, demanded that Jackson be censured, but Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, who was negotiating with Spain for Florida, opposed any official action to discredit the aggressive Jackson. 40 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM town. Warfare flamed along the Georgia-Florida frontier. Isolated settlements, trading posts, and small bands of soldiers received the full ire of the aroused Indians. A detachment of 40 soldiers with some women and children moving up the Apalachicola River were almost entirely wiped out, and the aggressive warriors even attacked Fort Scott. Having already assigned General Gaines to take charge of the Fernandina area, the War Department ordered Andrew Jackson, the supreme commander in the Southern District, to quiet the more westerly regions of East Florida. The opportunity was welcomed by the Tennesseean; he hated Spaniards and considered dead Indians the only good ones. Jackson offered to conquer all of Florida within sixty days, and believing President Monroe had approved the plan through the agency of John Rhea, a United States Representative from Tennessee, the General set off for Florida. By March 9, 1818, he had reached Fort Scott, dispatched a subordinate to fortify the former site of the Negro Fort on the Apalachicola, and sent an emissary to the Spanish governor at Pensacola, informing him that any interference with American plans would be considered an un- friendly act. Then, without waiting for the arrival of his full force of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia volunteers, he moved into Florida. Before the first week in April he was in possession of St. Marks, which lay close to the Gulf Coast of the Spanish province, and quickly executed two Indian leaders. From St. Marks he marched east to Indian Chief Bowlegs's town on the Suwannee River, but found it deserted. Returning to St. Marks, and enraged because he believed that two English traders, the aged Alexander Arbuthnot and the more youthful Robert Ambrister, had warned the Indians, he ordered them court-martialed. One was hanged, the other shot. Great Britain naturally protested, and for a time peace and war between the United States and England hung in the balance. But the English nation was enjoying peace after almost twenty-five years of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Many American leaders, including Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, demanded that Jackson be censured, but Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, who was negotiating with Spain for Florida, opposed any official action to discredit the aggressive Jackson. 40  Settling Down Colonel Clinch and President Monroe reviewed these events in their talks. "The President," Clinch reported, "speaks in the highest terms of the conduct of Gen'l Jackson, and of the army of the South." The Colonel also was gratified to hear the President praise General Gaines "with unqualified terms of approbation," and state that Florida would be added to the United States in a very short time.0 After his conferences with the President, Colonel Clinch returned to Raleigh, where by the end of the first week in September he had approximately 250 recruits ready for movement to Norfolk for em- barkation.v A few days later he received orders to preside at a gen- eral court-martial which was to assemble at Norfolk on October 1.8 Clinch informed General Gaines that the recruits would reach Nor- folk about October 4 and would be sent, in compliance with the General's order, to Amelia Island, Florida, as quickly as transports could be secured.n The Colonel left Raleigh on September 22, stopped in Petersburg, Virginia, sufficiently long to write the Secre- tary of War for $1,000 to pay bounties and premiums to recruits, plus $500 for contingent expenses, and informed the Secretary that Norfolk would be headquarters for the recruiting service while the general court-martial was in session.lo Clinch planned to embark for Amelia Island as soon as the court- martial was adjourned, but the Assistant Adjutant General for the Southern District ordered him to return to Raleigh and continue to superintend recruitment for the Fourth Infantry." The Colonel had been most successful in recruiting men, and General Jackson evi- dently thought it best to keep him in North Carolina. General Gaines, however, requested that Clinch be assigned to him and be given a command in the South, and on October 27 the Colonel left Norfolk. After an unpleasantly rough passage of fourteen days he arrived at Charleston, and then moved on to Amelia Island where he established his headquarters in the small Spanish town of Fernan- 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., September 7, 1818. 8. J. M. Glassell to Clinch, September 9, 1818, Letters Received. 9. Clinch to Gaines, September 21, 1818, Letters Received. 10. Clinch to John C. Calhoun, September 26, 1818, Letters Received. 11. Clinch to Daniel Parker, October 11, 1818; J. M. Glassell to Clinch, October 20, 1818, Letters Received. 41 Settling Down Colonel Clinch and President Monroe reviewed these events in their talks. "The President," Clinch reported, "speaks in the highest terms of the conduct of Gen'l Jackson, and of the army of the South." The Colonel also was gratified to hear the President praise General Gaines "with unqualified terms of approbation," and state that Florida would be added to the United States in a very short time.0 After his conferences with the President, Colonel Clinch returned to Raleigh, where by the end of the first week in September he had approximately 250 recruits ready for movement to Norfolk for em- barkation.v A few days later he received orders to preside at a gen- eral court-martial which was to assemble at Norfolk on October 1.8 Clinch informed General Gaines that the recruits would reach Nor- folk about October 4 and would be sent, in compliance with the General's order, to Amelia Island, Florida, as quickly as transports could be secured.9 The Colonel left Raleigh on September 22, stopped in Petersburg, Virginia, sufficiently long to write the Secre- tary of War for $1,000 to pay bounties and premiums to recruits, plus $500 for contingent expenses, and informed the Secretary that Norfolk would be headquarters for the recruiting service while the general court-martial was in session.0 Clinch planned to embark for Amelia Island as soon as the court- martial was adjourned, but the Assistant Adjutant General for the Southern District ordered him to return to Raleigh and continue to superintend recruitment for the Fourth Infantry." The Colonel had been most successful in recruiting men, and General Jackson evi- dently thought it best to keep him in North Carolina. General Gaines, however, requested that Clinch be assigned to him and be given a command in the South, and on October 27 the Colonel left Norfolk. After an unpleasantly rough passage of fourteen days he arrived at Charleston, and then moved on to Amelia Island where he established his headquarters in the small Spanish town of Fernan- 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., September 7, 1818. 8. J. M. Glassell to Clinch, September 9, 1818, Letters Received. 9. Clinch to Gaines, September 21, 1818, Letters Received. 10. Clinch to John C. Calhoun, September 26, 1818, Letters Received. 11. Clinch to Daniel Parker, October 11, 1818; J. M. Glasell to Clinch, October 20, 1818, Letters Received. 41 Settling Down Colonel Clinch and President Monroe reviewed these events in their talks. "The President," Clinch reported, "speaks in the highest terms of the conduct of Gen'l Jackson, and of the army of the South." The Colonel also was gratified to hear the President praise General Gaines "with unqualified terms of approbation," and state that Florida would be added to the United States in a very short time. After his conferences with the President, Colonel Clinch returned to Raleigh, where by the end of the first week in September he had approximately 250 recruits ready for movement to Norfolk for em- barkation.v A few days later he received orders to preside at a gen- eral court-martial which was to assemble at Norfolk on October 1.8 Clinch informed General Gaines that the recruits would reach Nor- folk about October 4 and would be sent, in compliance with the General's order, to Amelia Island, Florida, as quickly as transports could be securedo The Colonel left Raleigh on September 22, stopped in Petersburg, Virginia, sufficiently long to write the Secre- tary of War for $1,000 to pay bounties and premiums to recruits, plus $500 for contingent expenses, and informed the Secretary that Norfolk would be headquarters for the recruiting service while the general court-martial was in session.10 Clinch planned to embark for Amelia Island as soon as the court- martial was adjourned, but the Assistant Adjutant General for the Southern District ordered him to return to Raleigh and continue to superintend recruitment for the Fourth Infantry." The Colonel had been most successful in recruiting men, and General Jackson evi- dently thought it best to keep him in North Carolina. General Gaines, however, requested that Clinch be assigned to him and be given a command in the South, and on October 27 the Colonel left Norfolk. After an unpleasantly rough passage of fourteen days he arrived at Charleston, and then moved on to Amelia Island where he established his headquarters in the small Spanish town of Fernan- 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., September 7, 1818. 8. J. M. Glassell to Clinch, September 9, 1818, Letters Received. 9. Clinch to Gaines, September 21, 1818, Letters Received. 10. Clinch to John C. Calhoun, September 26, 1818, Letters Received. 11. Clinch to Daniel Parker, October 11, 1818; J. M. Glassell to Clinch, October 20, 1818, Letters Received. 41  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dina0 Almost immediately he faced the difficulty of an inadequate supply of fresh beef and a lack of whiskey because the contractor's agent had not been paid for supplies recently furnished and there were no funds available to advance him. On December 29 Lieutenant Colonel Clinch was placed in com- mand of the Eastern Section of the Seventh Military Department of the United States.1 As commander of the area he would have two headquarters, one in occupied Fernandina and the other at Point Petre, the army post near St. Marys, Georgia. Fernandina lay on the northwest side of Amelia Island, facing the Amelia River that sep- arated the island from the mainland of Spanish Florida. The town was Spanish in little more than name. Only the rusty guns of Fort San Carlos and the sand-blown battery nearby remained as mute symbols of Spanish authority. On Marine Street stood the ware- houses of Forbes and Company and of other merchants and traders; on Estrada Street, which faced the Plaza de la Constitutin, the Hotel de Salas could accommodate twenty guests, and four saloons catered to thirsty, hungry patrons. Doctor Karl Santage's hospital stood on Commander Street, and here and there throughout the town were the homes of merchants and planters, and the huts of artisans and unskilled laborers. Sandwiched among more impressive houses, with no pattern of real estate segregation, were the cabins of free Negroes, where Felipa the Witch and Felicia the Fortune Teller lived. And also there were the houses, the unmentionable houses, filled with white and Negro girls, frequented by young blades, er- rant husbands, and visiting seamen.10 The prosperity of Fernandina was then assured by its location. Ships from distant ports brought in goods which could easily be smuggled over the long and sparsely guarded Georgia border. Negro slaves, imported directly from Africa and seasoned in Florida or brought in from Spanish Caribbean Islands, were sneaked across the St. Marys River by profit-hungry traders in human flesh, willing to break American laws. Sizeable plantations owned by Americans over- 12. Clinch to Gaines, November 10, December 18, 18, Letters Received. 13. D. E. Burch to Major J. Bankhead, with enclosure of a general order of J. M. Glassell, December 29, 1818, Letters Received. 14. For a description of Fernandina, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 46-48. 42 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dina. Almost immediately he faced the difficulty of an inadequate supply of fresh beef and a lack of whiskey because the contractor's agent had not been paid for supplies recently furnished and there were no funds available to advance him. On December 29 Lieutenant Colonel Clinch was placed in com- mand of the Eastern Section of the Seventh Military Department of the United States.s As commander of the area he would have two headquarters, one in occupied Fernandina and the other at Point Petre, the army post near St. Marys, Georgia. Fernandina lay on the northwest side of Amelia Island, facing the Amelia River that sep- arated the island from the mainland of Spanish Florida. The town was Spanish in little more than name. Only the rusty guns of Fort San Carlos and the sand-blown battery nearby remained as mute symbols of Spanish authority. On Marine Street stood the ware- houses of Forbes and Company and of other merchants and traders; on Estrada Street, which faced the Plaza de la Constitution, the Hotel de Salas could accommodate twenty guests, and four saloons catered to thirsty, hungry patrons. Doctor Karl Santage's hospital stood on Commander Street, and here and there throughout the town were the homes of merchants and planters, and the huts of artisans and unskilled laborers. Sandwiched among more impressive houses, with no pattern of real estate segregation, were the cabins of free Negroes, where Felipa the Witch and Felicia the Fortune Teller lived. And also there were the houses, the unmentionable houses, filled with white and Negro girls, frequented by young blades, er- rant husbands, and visiting seamen.00 The prosperity of Fernandina was then assured by its location. Ships from distant ports brought in goods which could easily be smuggled over the long and sparsely guarded Georgia border. Negro slaves, imported directly from Africa and seasoned in Florida or brought in from Spanish Caribbean Islands, were sneaked across the St. Marys River by profit-hungry traders in human flesh, willing to break American laws. Sizeable plantations owned by Americans over- 12. Clinch to Gaines, November 10, December 18, 1819, Letters Received. 13. D. E. Burch to Major J. Bankhead, with enclosure of a general order of J. M. Glassell, December 29, 1818, Letters Received. 14. For a description of Fernandina, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 4648. 42 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dina.12 Almost immediately he faced the difficulty of an inadequate supply of fresh beef and a lack of whiskey because the contractor's agent had not been paid for supplies recently furnished and there were no funds available to advance him. On December 29 Lieutenant Colonel Clinch was placed in com- mand of the Eastern Section of the Seventh Military Department of the United States.1 As commander of the area he would have two headquarters, one in occupied Fernandina and the other at Point Petre, the army post near St. Marys, Georgia. Fernandina lay on the northwest side of Amelia Island, facing the Amelia River that sep- arated the island from the mainland of Spanish Florida. The town was Spanish in little more than name. Only the rusty guns of Fort San Carlos and the sand-blown battery nearby remained as mute symbols of Spanish authority. On Marine Street stood the ware- houses of Forbes and Company and of other merchants and traders; on Estrada Street, which faced the Plaza de la Constitution, the Hotel de Salas could accommodate twenty guests, and four saloons catered to thirsty, hungry patrons. Doctor Karl Santage's hospital stood on Commander Street, and here and there throughout the town were the homes of merchants and planters, and the huts of artisans and unskilled laborers. Sandwiched among more impressive houses, with no pattern of real estate segregation, were the cabins of free Negroes, where Felipa the Witch and Felicia the Fortune Teller lived. And also there were the houses, the unmentionable houses, filled with white and Negro girls, frequented by young blades, er- rant husbands, and visiting seamen.a The prosperity of Fernandina was then assured by its location. Ships from distant ports brought in goods which could easily be smuggled over the long and sparsely guarded Georgia border. Negro slaves, imported directly from Africa and seasoned in Florida or brought in from Spanish Caribbean Islands, were sneaked across the St. Marys River by profit-hungry traders in human flesh, willing to break American laws. Sizeable plantations owned by Americans over- 12. Clinch to Gaines, November 10, December 18, 1819, Letters Received. 13. D. E. Burch to Major J. Bankhead, with enclosure of a general order of J. M. Glassell, December 29, 1818, Letters Received. 14. For a description of Fernandina, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 4648. 42  Settling Down looked the inlets and lagoons of Amelia Island. John Houstoun Mc- Intosh of St. Marys had more than $28,000 invested in land on the island. Only seven miles distant by water from Fernandina, St. Marys was a thriving seaport of almost 600 inhabitants, the sixth largest town in Georgia. Once a mecca for fugitives from justice, deserters, smugglers, slave traders, and robbers, the little settlement had gradu- ally put on the mantle of respectability as planters and merchants built their homes and the spires of churches pointed heavenward. But even as late as 1819 it was a rmugh town of sailors on leave, houses of prostitution, and shady characters in search of easy money. In the back country of Camden County tidewater lands produced heavy harvests of rice, and sugar cane flourished in the fertile soil and warm climate. John Houstoun McIntosh owned one of Georgia's most productive rice plantations-"The Refuge" on the Satilla River -and from his beautiful Marianna home on a bluff overlooking a languid river also named Marianna he managed acres of sugar cane and an efficient sugar mill. Other men of wealth had plantations in Camden County; and merchants, governmental officials, and lumber operators owned comfortable homes in St. Marys. Just below the town lay Point Petre, the American army base, and in the waters protected by long, low-lying Cumberland Island, United States naval ships lay at anchor. On the island slaves worked on plantations- there it was that Nathaniel Greene, the gentle Quaker general of American Revolutionary fame, had lived; there his widow had hired Eli Whitney of Connecticut to tutor her children, and there the Yankee had invented the cotton gin. Duncan Lamont Clinch knew something of the region and would rapidly learn more. He had been serving in Louisiana in 1812 when John Houstoun McIntosh and United States Army Colonel Adam Smith had fallen under the magnetic spell of former Governor George Mathews of Georgia and had joined him in an abortive at- tempt to take East Florida from Spaina5 When Clinch arrived in Fernandina, almost a decade of intermittent strife had left several widows and their children, and the bereft mothers possessed no 15. St. Marys and the border strife of 1810-15 are described by Patrick, passim.4 43 Settling Down looked the inlets and lagoons of Amelia Island. John Houstoun Mc- Intosh of St. Marys had more than $28,000 invested in land on the island. Only seven miles distant by water from Fernandina, St. Marys was a thriving seaport of almost 600 inhabitants, the sixth largest town in Georgia. Once a mecca for fugitives from justice, deserters, smugglers, slave traders, and robbers, the little settlement had gradu- ally put on the mantle of respectability as planters and merchants built their homes and the spires of churches pointed heavenward. But even as late as 1819 it was a rough town of sailors on leave, houses of prostitution, and shady characters in search of easy money. In the back country of Camden County tidewater lands produced heavy harvests of rice, and sugar cane flourished in the fertile soil and warm climate. John Houstoun McIntosh owned one of Georgia's most productive rice plantations-"The Refuge" on the Satilla River -and from his beautiful Marianna home on a bluff overlooking a languid river also named Marianna he managed acres of sugar cane and an efficient sugar mill. Other men of wealth had plantations in Camden County; and merchants, governmental officials, and lumber operators owned comfortable homes in St. Marys. Just below the town lay Point Petre, the American army base, and in the waters protected by long, low-lying Cumberland Island, United States naval ships lay at anchor. On the island slaves worked on plantations- there it was that Nathaniel Greene, the gentle Quaker general of American Revolutionary fame, had lived; there his widow had hired Eli Whitney of Connecticut to tutor her children, and there the Yankee had invented the cotton gin. Duncan Lamont Clinch knew something of the region and would rapidly learn more. He had been serving in Louisiana in 1812 when John Houstoun McIntosh and United States Army Colonel Adam Smith had fallen under the magnetic spell of former Governor George Mathews of Georgia and had joined him in an abortive at- tempt to take East Florida from Spain.15 When Clinch arrived in Fernandina, almost a decade of intermittent strife had left several widows and their children, and the bereft mothers possessed no 15. St. Marys and the border strife of 1810-15 are described by Patrick, passim.4 43 Settling Down looked the inlets and lagoons of Amelia Island. John Houstoun Mc- Intosh of St. Marys had more than $28,000 invested in land on the island. Only seven miles distant by water from Fernandina, St. Marys was a thriving seaport of almost 600 inhabitants, the sixth largest town in Georgia. Once a mecca for fugitives from justice, deserters, smugglers, slave traders, and robbers, the little settlement had gradu- ally put on the mantle of respectability as planters and merchants built their homes and the spires of churches pointed heavenward. But even as late as 1819 it was a rough town of sailors on leave, houses of prostitution, and shady characters in search of easy money. In the back country of Camden County tidewater lands produced heavy harvests of rice, and sugar cane flourished in the fertile soil and warm climate. John Houstoun McIntosh owned one of Georgia's most productive rice plantations-"The Refuge" on the Satilla River -and from his beautiful Marianna home on a bluff overlooking a languid river also named Marianna he managed acres of sugar cane and an efficient sugar mill. Other men of wealth had plantations in Camden County; and merchants, governmental officials, and lumber operators owned comfortable homes in St. Marys. Just below the town lay Point Petre, the American army base, and in the waters protected by long, low-lying Cumberland Island, United States naval ships lay at anchor. On the island slaves worked on plantations- there it was that Nathaniel Greene, the gentle Quaker general of American Revolutionary fame, had lived; there his widow had hired Eli Whitney of Connecticut to tutor her children, and there the Yankee had invented the cotton gin. Duncan Lamont Clinch knew something of the region and would rapidly learn more. He had been serving in Louisiana in 1812 when John Houstoun McIntosh and United States Army Colonel Adam Smith had fallen under the magnetic spell of former Governor George Mathews of Georgia and bad joined him in an abortive at- tempt to take East Florida from Spain.15 When Clinch arrived in Fernandina, almost a decade of intermittent strife had left several widows and their children, and the bereft mothers possessed no 15. St. Marys and the border strife of 1810-15 are described by Patrick, passim. 43  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM means of feeding their hungry broods. Touched by their plight, Clinch issued them army rations. Before the end of December, 1818, he had given 500 rations of flour and pork to five widows of Fer- nandina, and their fourteen children, and reported his distribution of American property to his superior. General Gaines forwarded Clinch's letter to the Secretary of War, and stated: Considering the helplessness and poverty of these people, as resulting principally from the changes of gov't and the abuses which preceded our occupation, they appear to have claims on the charity of our country to which they now look for protection. I, therefore, on their behalf, ask instructions and sanction for what has already been done, that it may continue to a moderate extent during the present state of suspense in which every inhabitant is more or less a sufferer, from the want of employment and the scarcity and high prices of all the necessities of life. Most of the widows and children who have re- ceived rations are unable to move to a place of plenty, being without money or property and some of them in bad health. Secretary of War John C. Calhoun replied at once. He approved of the kindness of Lieutenant Colonel Clinch and authorized con- tinued issuance of rations to widows, their children, and orphans, re- quiring no more than reports to the War Department of the food given to the destitute Floridians.1 The Secretary of War was never again to refer to Clinch as a lieutenant colonel, for on April 20, 1819, Clinch was promoted to full colonel in command of the Eighth United States Infantry.O The change in rank did not alter his duties and responsibilities. He supervised the construction of a hospital at Point Petre. It was not a large building: one story in height, with four sixteen-foot-square rooms arranged with twelve-foot passages running from east to west and north to south, all under one roof covered by hand-hewn cypress shingles. The chimneys, floors, and passages were laid of sea shell cemented together with lime, and a square sixteen-foot kitchen stood some forty feet from the main building. The hospital was erected 16. For these acts of American kindness, see Clinch to Gaines, January 2; Gaines to Calhoun, January 5, and Calhoun to Gaines, January 18, 1819, Letters Received. 17. The record of Clinch's changes in ranks are in Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310; Clinch Papers. 44 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM means of feeding their hungry broods. Touched by their plight, Clinch issued them army rations. Before the end of December, 1818, he had given 500 rations of flour and pork to five widows of Fer- nandina, and their fourteen children, and reported his distribution of American property to his superior. General Gaines forwarded Clinch's letter to the Secretary of War, and stated: Considering the helplessness and poverty of these people, as resulting principally from the changes of gov't and the abuses which preceded our occupation, they appear to have claims on the charity of our country to which they now look for protection. I, therefore, on their behalf, ask instructions and sanction for what has already been done, that it may continue to a moderate extent during the present state of suspense in which every inhabitant is more or less a sufferer, from the want of employment and the scarcity and high prices of all the necessities of life. Most of the widows and children who have re- ceived rations are unable to move to a place of plenty, being without money or property and some of them in bad health. Secretary of War John C. Calhoun replied at once. He approved of the kindness of Lieutenant Colonel Clinch and authorized con- tinued issuance of rations to widows, their children, and orphans, re- quiring no more than reports to the War Department of the food given to the destitute Floridians.1n The Secretary of War was never again to refer to Clinch as a lieutenant colonel, for on April 20, 1819, Clinch was promoted to full colonel in command of the Eighth United States Infantryso The change in rank did not alter his duties and responsibilities. He supervised the construction of a hospital at Point Petre. It was not a large building: one story in height, with four sixteen-foot-square rooms arranged with twelve-foot passages running from east to west and north to south, all under one roof covered by hand-hewn cypress shingles. The chimneys, floors, and passages were laid of sea shell cemented together with lime, and a square sixteen-foot kitchen stood some forty feet from the main building. The hospital was erected 16. For these acts of American kindness, see Clinch to Gaines, January 2; Gaines to Calhoun, January 5, and Calhoun to Gaines, January 18, 1819, Letters Received. 17. The record of Clinch's changes in ranks are in Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310; Clinch Papers. 44 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM means of feeding their hungry broods. Touched by their plight, Clinch issued them army rations. Before the end of December, 1818, he had given 500 rations of flour and pork to five widows of Fer- nandina, and their fourteen children, and reported his distribution of American property to his superior. General Gaines forwarded Clinch's letter to the Secretary of War, and stated: Considering the helplessness and poverty of these people, as resulting principally from the changes of gov't and the abuses which preceded our occupation, they appear to have claims on the charity of our country to which they now look for protection. I, therefore, on their behalf, ask instructions and sanction for what has already been done, that it may continue to a moderate extent during the present state of suspense in which every inhabitant is more or less a sufferer, from the want of employment and the scarcity and high prices of all the necessities of life. Most of the widows and children who have re- ceived rations are unable to move to a place of plenty, being without money or property and some of them in bad health. Secretary of War John C. Calhoun replied at once. He approved of the kindness of Lieutenant Colonel Clinch and authorized con- tinued issuance of rations to widows, their children, and orphans, re- quiring no more than reports to the War Department of the food given to the destitute FloridiansO The Secretary of War was never again to refer to Clinch as a lieutenant colonel, for on April 20, 1819, Clinch was promoted to full colonel in command of the Eighth United States Infantry The change in rank did not alter his duties and responsibilities. He supervised the construction of a hospital at Point Petre. It was not a large building: one story in height, with four sixteen-foot-square rooms arranged with twelve-foot passages running from east to west and north to south, all under one roof covered by hand-hewn cypress shingles. The chimneys, floors, and passages were laid of sea shell cemented together with lime, and a square sixteen-foot kitchen stood some forty feet from the main building. The hospital was erected 16. For these acts of American kindness, see Clinch to Gaines, January 2; Gaines to Calhoun, January 5, and Calhoun to Gaines, January 18, 1819, Letters Received. 17. The record of Clinch's changes in ranks are in Francis B. Heitnan, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1789-1903, I, 310; Clinch Papers. 44  Settling Down near a tremendous oak tree whose green leaves and thick Spanish moss afforded cooling shade from the hot sun.a Being chief in command under General Gaines gave Colonel Clinch opportunity to attend important political and social functions. Early in April the General and his wife boarded ship for Savannah, and Clinch accompanied them. At Savannah the city officials wel- comed General Gaines and his party, and the Chatham Light Artil- lery paraded in his honor.sn The General's entourage proceeded to Charleston for ceremonies in honor of President James Monroe who was visiting there. Late in April the President, accompanied by Gen- eral Gaines and Colonel Clinch, boarded the steamboat Charleston to inspect the defenses of the harbor, dined with the commander at Fort Jackson, and returned to Charleston to watch the brilliant dis- play of fireworks set off in the yard of the Orphans' House. The fol- lowing evening Colonel Clinch accompanied the presidential party to the theater where Julius Caesar and the farce of the Sleeping Draught were performed with spirit by the actors. More than 1,700 tickets were sold for the performance, and the good-fellowship of the eve- ning was disturbed only by a false fire alarm,20 which, however, gave opportunity for many of the fair sex to fall into the waiting and willing arms of their escorts. After this pleasant interlude Colonel Clinch returned to St. Marys. There the same old problems of military command confronted him: the failure of contractors to supply sufficient edible food and the an- noying antics of subordinate officers and enlisted men. In June a court-martial assembled to try wayward officers and deserters. The regimental commander made periodic visits to an encampment at Traders Hill on the Georgia side of the St. Marys River and to the occupational forces stationed at Fernandina. Notwithstanding the seven miles between Fernandina and St. Marys, it took sailing mas- ters from three to four days to make the round trip, much to the dis- gust of the commanding colonel. Until summer came, the troops enjoyed good health, but then the dreaded, death-dealing "yellow jack" struck the men on Amelia Island. Yellow fever, the cause of which was unknown in 1819, proved more powerful than the armies 18. Order of General Gaines, February 18, 1819, Letters Received. 19. Savannah Georgian, April 7, 21, 1819. 20. Savannah Georgian, May 3, 1819. 45 Settling Down near a tremendous oak tree whose green leaves and thick Spanish moss afforded cooling shade from the hot sun.1 Being chief in command under General Gaines gave Colonel Clinch opportunity to attend important political and social functions. Early in April the General and his wife boarded ship for Savannah, and Clinch accompanied them. At Savannah the city officials wel- comed General Gaines and his party, and the Chatham Light Artil- lery paraded in his honor.19 The General's entourage proceeded to Charleston for ceremonies in honor of President James Monroe who was visiting there. Late in April the President, accompanied by Gen- eral Gaines and Colonel Clinch, boarded the steamboat Charleston to inspect the defenses of the harbor, dined with the commander at Fort Jackson, and returned to Charleston to watch the brilliant dis- play of fireworks set off in the yard of the Orphans' House. The fol- lowing evening Colonel Clinch accompanied the presidential party to the theater where Julius Caesar and the farce of the Sleeping Draught were performed with spirit by the actors. More than 1,700 tickets were sold for the performance, and the good-fellowship of the eve- ning was disturbed only by a false fire alarm,20 which, however, gave opportunity for many of the fair sex to fall into the waiting and willing arms of their escorts. After this pleasant interlude Colonel Clinch returned to St. Marys. There the same old problems of military command confronted him: the failure of contractors to supply sufficient edible food and the an- noying antics of subordinate officers and enlisted men. In June a court-martial assembled to try wayward officers and deserters. The regimental commander made periodic visits to an encampment at Traders Hill on the Georgia side of the St. Marys River and to the occupational forces stationed at Fernandina. Notwithstanding the seven miles between Fernandina and St. Marys, it took sailing mas- ters from three to four days to make the round trip, much to the dis- gust of the commanding colonel. Until summer came, the troops enjoyed good health, but then the dreaded, death-dealing "yellow jack" struck the men on Amelia Island. Yellow fever, the cause of which was unknown in 1819, proved more powerful than the armies 18. Order of General Gaines, February 18, 1819, Letters Received. 19. Savannah Georgian, April 7, 21, 1819. 20. Savannah Georgian, May 3, 1819. 45 Settling Down near a tremendous oak tree whose green leaves and thick Spanish moss afforded cooling shade from the hot sun.18 Being chief in command under General Gaines gave Colonel Clinch opportunity to attend important political and social functions. Early in April the General and his wife boarded ship for Savannah, and Clinch accompanied them. At Savannah the city officials wel- comed General Gaines and his party, and the Chatham Light Artil- lery paraded in his honoron The General's entourage proceeded to Charleston for ceremonies in honor of President James Monroe who was visiting there. Late in April the President, accompanied by Gen- eral Gaines and Colonel Clinch, boarded the steamboat Charleston to inspect the defenses of the harbor, dined with the commander at Fort Jackson, and returned to Charleston to watch the brilliant dis- play of fireworks set off in the yard of the Orphans' House. The fol- lowing evening Colonel Clinch accompanied the presidential party to the theater where Julius Caesar and the farce of the Sleeping Draught were performed with spirit by the actors. More than 1,700 tickets were sold for the performance, and the good-fellowship of the eve- ning was disturbed only by a false fire alarm,20 which, however, gave opportunity for many of the fair sex to fall into the waiting and willing arms of their escorts. After this pleasant interlude Colonel Clinch returned to St. Marys. There the same old problems of military command confronted him: the failure of contractors to supply sufficient edible food and the an- noying antics of subordinate officers and enlisted men. In June a court-martial assembled to try wayward officers and deserters. The regimental commander made periodic visits to an encampment at Traders Hill on the Georgia side of the St. Marys River and to the occupational forces stationed at Fernandina. Notwithstanding the seven miles between Fernandina and St. Marys, it took sailing mas- ters from three to four days to make the round trip, much to the dis- gust of the commanding colonel. Until summer came, the troops enjoyed good health, but then the dreaded, death-dealing "yellow jack" struck the men on Amelia Island. Yellow fever, the cause of which was unknown in 1819, proved more powerful than the armies 18. Order of General Gaines, February 18, 1819, Letters Received. 19. Savannah Georgian, April 7,i2, 1819. 20. Savannah Georgian, May 3, 1819. 45  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM of Spain: the American troops were withdrawn from Spanish Flor- ida. Time and again there were negotiations with the Spanish gover- nor at St. Augustine about raiders from Georgia who violated the persons and property of Spanish citizens in Florida.21 In the fall of 1819 Clinch heard rumors that he was to be trans- ferred. In a plaintive note the Colonel appealed to General Gaines to use his influence with General Jackson and the War Department to delay any change for three or four months.22 The official reason for the Colonel's request was his desire to complete his mission in Flor- ida, but the real motivation was his courting of a comely lass in the household of John Houstoun McIntosh. The McIntosh daughters and their cousin Elizabeth Houstoun lived at the McIntosh estate on the Marianna River. The mother, Eliza Bayard McIntosh, a former belle of New York City, guarded her daughters and her niece as a con- scientious mother and aunt should, but there were ways, contrived by the girls and abetted by the young men, for a mingling of the sexes. Henry Robinson Ladler had designs on Catherine Ann, the oldest daughter of the McIntosh family, but Clinch's eye lighted up only for the second daughter, the vivacious but at times introspective Eliza Bayard. During the hot and humid summer of 1819 the Colonel evidently visited Marianna at every opportunity. And, perhaps, he who had not professed any religious preference attended the steepled, wooden Presbyterian Church in St. Marys to see and even to say a few words to Eliza. Undoubtedly the wealthy McIntoshes, with three daugh- ters00 and a ward who needed or would need husbands, entertained often. Before the end of the summer eighteen-year-old Eliza said yes to Clinch and the marriage was planned for December. "I take great pleasure in congratulating you on the charming difficulty in which you are involved," General Gaines wrote his colonel. He expressed his delight that the thirty-two-year-old Clinch had given up his old notion of matrimony "as a trap, there's none need doubt it, that he 21. Events in 1819 are reconstructed from Clinch to Gaines, July 24, August 13, November 14; Clinch to Glassell, January 18; and Clinch to Cop- penger, September 25, 1819, Letters Received. 22. Clinch to Gaines, November 14, 1819, Letters Received. 23. Joseph Gaston Baillie Bullock, A History and Genealogy of the Fami- lies of Bayard, Houston of Georgia, and Descent of the Bolton Family ... (Washington, 1919), 15-16. 46 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM of Spain: the American troops were withdrawn from Spanish Flor- ida. Time and again there were negotiations with the Spanish gover- nor at St. Augustine about raiders from Georgia who violated the persons and property of Spanish citizens in Florida.21 In the fall of 1819 Clinch heard rumors that he was to be trans- ferred. In a plaintive note the Colonel appealed to General Gaines to use his influence with General Jackson and the War Department to delay any change for three or four months.22 The official reason for the Colonel's request was his desire to complete his mission in Flor- ida, but the real motivation was his courting of a comely lass in the household of John Houstoun McIntosh. The McIntosh daughters and their cousin Elizabeth Houstoun lived at the McIntosh estate on the Marianna River. The mother, Eliza Bayard McIntosh, a former belle of New York City, guarded her daughters and her niece as a con- scientious mother and aunt should, but there were ways, contrived by the girls and abetted by the young men, for a mingling of the sexes. Henry Robinson Ladler had designs on Catherine Ann, the oldest daughter of the McIntosh family, but Clinch's eye lighted up only for the second daughter, the vivacious but at times introspective Eliza Bayard. During the hot and humid summer of 1819 the Colonel evidently visited Marianna at every opportunity. And, perhaps, he who had not professed any religious preference attended the steepled, wooden Presbyterian Church in St. Marys to see and even to say a few words to Eliza. Undoubtedly the wealthy McIntoshes, with three daugh- ters23 and a ward who needed or would need husbands, entertained often. Before the end of the summer eighteen-year-old Eliza said yes to Clinch and the marriage was planned for December. "I take great pleasure in congratulating you on the charming dificulty in which you are involved," General Gaines wrote his colonel. He expressed his delight that the thirty-two-year-old Clinch had given up his old notion of matrimony "as a trap, there's none need doubt it, that he 21. Events in 1819 are reconstructed from Clinch to Gaines, July 24, August 13, November 14; Clinch to Glassell, January 18; and Clinch to Cop- penger, September 25, 1819, Letters Received. 22. Clinch to Gaines, November 14, 1819, Letters Received. 23. Joseph Gaston Baillie Bullock, A History and Genealogy of the Fami- lies of Bayard, Houstoun of Georgia, and Descent of the Bolton Family ... (Washington, 1919), 15-16. 46 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM of Spain: the American troops were withdrawn from Spanish Flor- ida. Time and again there were negotiations with the Spanish gover- nor at St. Augustine about raiders from Georgia who violated the persons and property of Spanish citizens in Florida.21 In the fall of 1819 Clinch heard rumors that he was to be trans- ferred. In a plaintive note the Colonel appealed to General Gaines to use his influence with General Jackson and the War Department to delay any change for three or four months.22 The official reason for the Colonel's request was his desire to complete his mission in Flor- ida, but the real motivation was his courting of a comely lass in the household of John Houstoun McIntosh. The McIntosh daughters and their cousin Elizabeth Houstoun lived at the McIntosh estate on the Marianna River. The mother, Eliza Bayard McIntosh, a former belle of New York City, guarded her daughters and her niece as a con- scientious mother and aunt should, but there were ways, contrived by the girls and abetted by the young men, for a mingling of the sexes. Henry Robinson Ladler had designs on Catherine Ann, the oldest daughter of the McIntosh family, but Clinch's eye lighted up only for the second daughter, the vivacious but at times introspective Eliza Bayard. During the hot and humid summer of 1819 the Colonel evidently visited Marianna at every opportunity. And, perhaps, he who had not professed any religious preference attended the steepled, wooden Presbyterian Church in St. Marys to see and even to say a few words to Eliza. Undoubtedly the wealthy McIntoshes, with three daugh- ters00 and a ward who needed or would need husbands, entertained often. Before the end of the summer eighteen-year-old Eliza said yes to Clinch and the marriage was planned for December. "I take great pleasure in congratulating you on the charming difficulty in which you are involved," General Gaines wrote his colonel. He expressed his delight that the thirty-two-year-old Clinch had given up his old notion of matrimony "as a trap, there's none need doubt it, that he 21. Events in 1819 are reconstructed from Clinch to Gaines, July 24, August 13, November 14; Clinch to Glassell, January 18; and Clinch to Cop- penger, September 25, 1819, Letters Received. 22. Clinch to Gaines, November 14, 1819, Letters Received. 23. Joseph Gaston Baillie Bullock, A History and Genealogy of the Fami- lies of Bayard, Houstoun of Georgia, and Descent of the Bolton Family .. . (Washington, 1919), 15-16. 46  Settling Down that's in it, would fain get out of it," and tendered his best wishes to the fair Eliza and the Colonel.24 On December 8, 1819, Catherine Ann and Eliza Bayard gave their vows to their respective loves, Henry Ladler and Duncan Clinch. The Reverend Raphael Bell of St. Marys Presbyterian Church officiated at the weddings which were held at the Marianna home of the brides, and General John Floyd, his wife, and other guests witnessed the double ceremony.25 But Eliza and her military groom enjoyed no more than a brief honeymoon. Even before their marriage, orders had been written which would send the Colonel away. Because it would give him great pain to shorten the period of Clinch's felicity, General Gaines wrote the Colonel to decide whether he would accompany the regiment in an overland march westward to Alabama or wait a few days and speed to overtake his command. The General did not forget to tender "Your amiable lady my best wishes for your mutual happiness."2 The Colonel knew that military duty obligated him to lead his regiment. The situation along the eastern borders of Georgia and Florida was satisfactory, and no need existed for a sizeable military force at Point Petre. Almost a year earlier, John Quincy Adams and Spanish Minister Luis de Onis had signed a treaty and, although the Spanish Cortes had not ratified it as had the United States Sen- ate, American leaders believed the acquisition of Florida would not be delayed for long. Perhaps unwilling to profit from his friendship with General Gaines, Clinch wrote directly to the War Department, but the Adju- tant General replied that the department granted no furloughs "in cases such as yours," and all applications must be made to the com- manding general.2 The Colonel left his bride and moved westward with his troops. Within a few months, however, he applied for leave. Nonetheless, for more than six months he had to remain at Mobile, 24. Gaines To Clinch, September 28, 1819, in Letters in Possession of Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia, South Carolina. 25. Marriage Certificates, December 8, 1819, Marriage Records of Cam- den County, 1819-1831, Book A; Certificate showing performance of the mar- riage, collection of R. Lee Russell, both on microfilm in Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta, Georgia. 26. Gaines to Clinch, December 7, 1819, Clinch Papers. 27. Letter of January 1, 1820, Letters Sent. 47 Settling Down that's in it, would fain get out of it," and tendered his best wishes to the fair Eliza and the Colonel.24 On December 8, 1819, Catherine Ann and Eliza Bayard gave their vows to their respective loves, Henry Ladler and Duncan Clinch. The Reverend Raphael Bell of St. Marys Presbyterian Church officiated at the weddings which were held at the Marianna home of the brides, and General John Floyd, his wife, and other guests witnessed the double ceremony.25 But Eliza and her military groom enjoyed no more than a brief honeymoon. Even before their marriage, orders had been written which would send the Colonel away. Because it would give him great pain to shorten the period of Clinch's felicity, General Gaines wrote the Colonel to decide whether he would accompany the regiment in an overland march westward to Alabama or wait a few days and speed to overtake his command. The General did not forget to tender "Your amiable lady my best wishes for your mutual happiness."5 The Colonel knew that military duty obligated him to lead his regiment. The situation along the eastern borders of Georgia and Florida was satisfactory, and no need existed for a sizeable military force at Point Petre. Almost a year earlier, John Quincy Adams and Spanish Minister Luis de Onis had signed a treaty and, although the Spanish Cortds had not ratified it as had the United States Sen- ate, American leaders believed the acquisition of Florida would not be delayed for long. Perhaps unwilling to profit from his friendship with General Gaines, Clinch wrote directly to the War Department, but the Adju- tant General replied that the department granted no furloughs "in cases such as yours," and all applications must be made to the com- manding general.27 The Colonel left his bride and moved westward with his troops. Within a few months, however, he applied for leave. Nonetheless, for more than six months he had to remain at Mobile, 24. Gaines To Clinch, September 28, 1819, in Letters in Possession of Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia, South Carolina. 25. Marriage Certificates, December 8, 1819, Marriage Records of Cam- den County, 1819-1831, Book A; Certificate showing performance of the mar- riage, collection of R. Lee Russell, both on microfilm in Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta, Georgia. 26. Gaines to Clinch, December 7, 1819, Clinch Papers. 27. Letter of January 1, 1820, Letters Sent. 47 Settling Down that's in it, would fain get out of it," and tendered his best wishes to the fair Eliza and the Colonel.24 On December 8, 1819, Catherine Ann and Eliza Bayard gave their vows to their respective loves, Henry Ladler and Duncan Clinch. The Reverend Raphael Bell of St. Marys Presbyterian Church officiated at the weddings which were held at the Marianna home of the brides, and General John Floyd, his wife, and other guests witnessed the double ceremony.25 But Eliza and her military groom enjoyed no more than a brief honeymoon. Even before their marriage, orders had been written which would send the Colonel away. Because it would give him great pain to shorten the period of Clinch's felicity, General Gaines wrote the Colonel to decide whether he would accompany the regiment in an overland march westward to Alabama or wait a few days and speed to overtake his command. The General did not forget to tender "Your amiable lady my best wishes for your mutual happiness."aO The Colonel knew that military duty obligated him to lead his regiment. The situation along the eastern borders of Georgia and Florida was satisfactory, and no need existed for a sizeable military force at Point Petre. Almost a year earlier, John Quincy Adams and Spanish Minister Luis de Onis had signed a treaty and, although the Spanish Cortes had not ratified it as had the United States Sen- ate, American leaders believed the acquisition of Florida would not be delayed for long. Perhaps unwilling to profit from his friendship with General Gaines, Clinch wrote directly to the War Department, but the Adju- tant General replied that the department granted no furloughs "in cases such as yours," and all applications must be made to the com- manding general.27 The Colonel left his bride and moved westward with his troops. Within a few months, however, he applied for leave. Nonetheless, for more than six months he had to remain at Mobile, 24. Gaines To Clinch, September 28, 1819, in Letters in Possession of Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia, South Carolina. 25. Marriage Certificates, December 8, 1819, Marriage Records of Cam- den County, 1819-1831, Book A; Certificate showing performance of the mar- riage, collection of R. Lee Russell, both on microfilm in Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta, Georgia. 26. Gaines to Clinch, December 7, 1819, Clinch Papers. 27. Letter of January 1, 1820, Letters Sent. 47  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM at the Choctaw Indian Agency, and at other places in Alabama.2s After the hot summer he returned on leave to Camden County, where he and his bride probably lived at Refuge Plantation on the Satilla River. 29 For a year or more the Colonel enjoyed an almost idyllic life. The only cloud hanging over the household was the date on which his furlough would terminate, but his leave was extended in December, 1820, and he was at home to observe his wife's twentieth birthday on February 1, 1821. In March of the latter year the United States Congress enacted legislation to reduce the military establishment of the country, and this money-saving law allowed Clinch to remain in Georgia while the army underwent reorganization. The War De- partment required all commanders to rate their subordinate officers on intelligence, habits, and military skills, and to list all of those who were "clearly inferior and should not be retained" and the medi- ocrities in order from the best to the poorest.30 In the forced drastic reduction of the military forces, the army was determined to retain its quality officers. Perhaps Colonel Clinch and his wife talked at length about the best possible action for themselves. The tremendous land holdings and the large number of slaves possessed by her father assured the couple land and laborers to work it. But the final decision favored the Colonel's continuation in the army, and evidently his superiors gave him excellent ratings, for the War Department never suggested his resignation. By 1821 Clinch had settled down and was ready to extend his and his family's roots in the pleasant climate and fertile soil of Cam- den County, Georgia. He used this hiatus in his military career to transfer his personal belongings and slaves to his adopted state. In compliance with Georgia law, on January 29, 1821, he appeared before John Bailey, the clerk of the superior court of Camden County at the county seat of Jefferson, gave his oath that his intention was to reside in the county, and listed the five slaves which he was to bring into the state with no intention to sell, barter, lend, hire, or 28. Clinch to Adjutant General, April 6, 1820, Letters Received; Ad- jutant General to Clinch, July 13, 1820, Letters Sent. 29. At some date, perhaps as a wedding present, John Houstoun McIn- tosh apparently gave the rice-producing Refuge Plantation to his daughter. 30. Circular of John C. Calhoun to all commanders, March 10, 1821, Letters Sent. 48 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM at the Choctaw Indian Agency, and at other places in Alabama.2o After the hot summer he returned on leave to Camden County, where he and his bride probably lived at Refuge Plantation on the Satilla River. 29 For a year or more the Colonel enjoyed an almost idyllic life. The only cloud hanging over the household was the date on which his furlough would terminate, but his leave was extended in December, 1820, and he was at home to observe his wife's twentieth birthday on February 1, 1821. In March of the latter year the United States Congress enacted legislation to reduce the military establishment of the country, and this money-saving law allowed Clinch to remain in Georgia while the army underwent reorganization. The War De- partment required all commanders to rate their subordinate officers on intelligence, habits, and military skills, and to list all of those who were "clearly inferior and should not be retained" and the medi- ocrities in order from the best to the poorest.to In the forced drastic reduction of the military forces, the army was determined to retain its quality officers. Perhaps Colonel Clinch and his wife talked at length about the best possible action for themselves. The tremendous land holdings and the large number of slaves possessed by her father assured the couple land and laborers to work it. But the final decision favored the Colonel's continuation in the army, and evidently his superiors gave him excellent ratings, for the War Department never suggested his resignation. By 1821 Clinch had settled down and was ready to extend his and his family's roots in the pleasant climate and fertile soil of Cam- den County, Georgia. He used this hiatus in his military career to transfer his personal belongings and slaves to his adopted state. In compliance with Georgia law, on January 29, 1821, he appeared before John Bailey, the clerk of the superior court of Camden County at the county seat of Jefferson, gave his oath that his intention was to reside in the county, and listed the five slaves which he was to bring into the state with no intention to sell, barter, lend, hire, or 28. Clinch to Adjutant General, April 6, 1820, Letters Received; Ad- jutant General to Clinch, July 13, 1820, Letters Sent. 29. At some date, perhaps as a wedding present, John Houstoun McIn- tosh apparently gave the rice-producing Refuge Plantation to his daughter. 30. Circular of John C. Calhoun to all commanders, March 10, 1821, Letters Sent. 48 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM at the Choctaw Indian Agency, and at other places in Alabama.s After the hot summer he returned on leave to Camden County, where he and his bride probably lived at Refuge Plantation on the Satilla River.29 For a year or more the Colonel enjoyed an almost idyllic life. The only cloud hanging over the household was the date on which his furlough would terminate, but his leave was extended in December, 1820, and he was at home to observe his wife's twentieth birthday on February 1, 1821. In March of the latter year the United States Congress enacted legislation to reduce the military establishment of the country, and this money-saving law allowed Clinch to remain in Georgia while the army underwent reorganization. The War De- partment required all commanders to rate their subordinate officers on intelligence, habits, and military skills, and to list all of those who were "clearly inferior and should not be retained" and the medi- ocrities in order from the best to the poorest.O In the forced drastic reduction of the military forces, the army was determined to retain its quality officers. Perhaps Colonel Clinch and his wife talked at length about the best possible action for themselves. The tremendous land holdings and the large number of slaves possessed by her father assured the couple land and laborers to work it. But the final decision favored the Colonel's continuation in the army, and evidently his superiors gave him excellent ratings, for the War Department never suggested his resignation. By 1821 Clinch had settled down and was ready to extend his and his family's roots in the pleasant climate and fertile soil of Cam- den County, Georgia. He used this hiatus in his military career to transfer his personal belongings and slaves to his adopted state. In compliance with Georgia law, on January 29, 1821, he appeared before John Bailey, the clerk of the superior court of Camden County at the county seat of Jefferson, gave his oath that his intention was to reside in the county, and listed the five slaves which he was to bring into the state with no intention to sell, barter, lend, hire, or 28. Clinch to Adjutant General, April 6, 1820, Letters Received; Ad- jutant General to Clinch, July 13, 1820, Letters Sent. 29. At some date, perhaps as a wedding present, John Houstoun McIn- tosh apparently gave the rice-producing Refuge Plantation to his daughter. 30. Circular of John C. Calhoun to all commanders, March 10, 1821, Letters Sent. 48  Settling Down mortgage them. These were: Daniel, yellow complexion, twenty-eight years of age; Wallace, yellow complexion, nineteen; Alfred, yellow complexion, seven; Delphi, black complexion, thirty-three; and Sar- ah, black complexion, fourteen.31 Other than an unrecorded amount of personal property, cash or investments, and land, the value of which was evidently not high, these slaves represented in 1821 the fortune of a man who in later life would have holdings valued at more than a million dollars. The Colonel, however, did have a secure position in the army with its assured but small income and family allowances. At the age of thirty-four and a half the former North Carolinian had found a home in Georgia, and was married to a lovely lady, who was about to present him with his first child, Eliza Bayard Clinch. 31. Affidavits for slaves, 181840, Camden County, Georgia, Superior Court, microfilm in Georgia Department of Archives and History. Settling Down mortgage them. These were: Daniel, yellow complexion, twenty-eight years of age; Wallace, yellow complexion, nineteen; Alfred, yellow complexion, seven; Delphi, black complexion, thirty-three; and Sar- ah, black complexion, fourteena1 Other than an unrecorded amount of personal property, cash or investments, and land, the value of which was evidently not high, these slaves represented in 1821 the fortune of a man who in later life would have holdings valued at more than a million dollars. The Colonel, however, did have a secure position in the army with its assured but small income and family allowances. At the age of thirty-four and a half the former North Carolinian had found a home in Georgia, and was married to a lovely lady, who was about to present him with his first child, Eliza Bayard Clinch. 31. Affidavits for slaves, 1818-40, Camden County, Georgia, Superior Court, microfilm in Georgia Department of Archives and History. Settling Down mortgage them. These were: Daniel, yellow complexion, twenty-eight years of age; Wallace, yellow complexion, nineteen; Alfred, yellow complexion, seven; Delphi, black complexion, thirty-three; and Sar- ah, black complexion, fourteen.aO Other than an unrecorded amount of personal property, cash or investments, and land, the value of which was evidently not high, these slaves represented in 1821 the fortune of a man who in later life would have holdings valued at more than a million dollars. The Colonel, however, did have a secure position in the army with its assured but small income and family allowances. At the age of thirty-four and a half the former North Carolinian had found a home in Georgia, and was married to a lovely lady, who was about to present him with his first child, Eliza Bayard Clinch. 31. Affidavits for slaves, 1818-40, Camden County, Georgia, Superior Court, microfilm in Georgia Department of Archives and History. 49 49 49  FIVE FIVE FIVE Peaceful Years OR OVER THREE HUNDRED YEARS Florida had been claimed and held by European states whose colonial interests had centered in some other New World possession. In 1821, however, the province finally became American. After delaying for almost two years, the Spanish Cortns ratified the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819, the United States Senate again confirmed the treaty, and plans were completed for the official transfer of Florida. The United States paid a high price for the geographically desirable territory: she assumed all of Spain's legal obligations to American claimants up to $5,000,000 for damage to their shipping, and ceded Spain the American rights to the Texas region. In return the United States acquired clear title to the Floridas and the claims of Spain to all the area north of California in the Pacific Northwest. Forced by the military retrenchment act of 1821 to reduce the number of ranking army officers, President Monroe dreaded the duty of demoting or asking the resignation of the popular and hot- tempered Andrew Jackson of Tennessee. The President solved his problem by offering the Tennesseean the governorship of Florida. On July 17, 1821, Andrew Jackson met Spanish Governor Jose Callava at Pensacola, listened while a band played the relatively new Star- Spangled Banner, and watched the Spanish flag descend as the Stars and Stripes ascended to symbolize American ownership of the territory. In a similar ceremony one week before, Colonel Robert Butler had occupied St. Augustine, and within a few months the other Spanish posts in Florida were taken under the jurisdiction of the United States. During this historic summer Colonel Clinch remained at St. Marys on furlough, perturbed at times by thoughts of what his as- 50 Peaceful Years FOR OVER THREE HUNDRED YEARS Florida had been claimed and held by European states whose colonial interests had centered in some other New World possession. In 1821, however, the province finally became American. After delaying for almost two years, the Spanish Cortes ratified the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819, the United States Senate again confirmed the treaty, and plans were completed for the official transfer of Florida. The United States paid a high price for the geographically desirable territory: she assumed all of Spain's legal obligations to American claimants up to $5,000,000 for damage to their shipping, and ceded Spain the American rights to the Texas region. In return the United States acquired clear title to the Floridas and the claims of Spain to all the area north of California in the Pacific Northwest. Forced by the military retrenchment act of 1821 to reduce the number of ranking army officers, President Monroe dreaded the duty of demoting or asking the resignation of the popular and hot- tempered Andrew Jackson of Tennessee. The President solved his problem by offering the Tennesseean the governorship of Florida. On July 17, 1821, Andrew Jackson met Spanish Governor Jose Callava at Pensacola, listened while a band played the relatively new Star- Spangled Banner, and watched the Spanish flag descend as the Stars and Stripes ascended to symbolize American ownership of the territory. In a similar ceremony one week before, Colonel Robert Butler had occupied St. Augustine, and within a few months the other Spanish posts in Florida were taken under the jurisdiction of the United States. During this historic summer Colonel Clinch remained at St. Marys on furlough, perturbed at times by thoughts of what his as- 50 Peaceful Years FOR OVER THREE HUNDRED YEARS Florida had been claimed and held by European states whose colonial interests had centered in some other New World possession. In 1821, however, the province finally became American. After delaying for almost two years, the Spanish Cortes ratified the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819, the United States Senate again confirmed the treaty, and plans were completed for the official transfer of Florida. The United States paid a high price for the geographically desirable territory: she assumed all of Spain's legal obligations to American claimants up to $5,000,000 for damage to their shipping, and ceded Spain the American rights to the Texas region. In return the United States acquired clear title to the Floridas and the claims of Spain to all the area north of California in the Pacific Northwest. Forced by the military retrenchment act of 1821 to reduce the number of ranking army officers, President Monroe dreaded the duty of demoting or asking the resignation of the popular and hot- tempered Andrew Jackson of Tennessee. The President solved his problem by offering the Tennesseean the governorship of Florida. On July 17, 1821, Andrew Jackson met Spanish Governor Jose Callava at Pensacola, listened while a band played the relatively new Star- Spangled Banner, and watched the Spanish flag descend as the Stars and Stripes ascended to symbolize American ownership of the territory. In a similar ceremony one week before, Colonel Robert Butler had occupied St. Augustine, and within a few months the other Spanish posts in Florida were taken under the jurisdiction of the United States. During this historic summer Colonel Clinch remained at St. Marys on furlough, perturbed at times by thoughts of what his as- 50  Peaceful Years signment would be in the reorganized army., His future duty would be either on the frontier west of the Mississippi or command of the federal troops in Florida, and the decision lay with another officer with more seniority than Clinch. Fortunately for the Colonel, the other man chose the western front, and Clinch received the Florida assignment with headquarters at Pensacola. On September 25 he left St. Marys and traveled by way of Fort Hawkins towards his desti- nation. Mrs. Clinch, now ready to follow her husband wherever duty called, accompanied the Colonel. Before reaching Fort Hawkins, the hardships of overland travel and her pregnancy overcame her. For fifteen days the journey westward was halted while the mother- to-be recovered.2 Before the Colonel reached Pensacola, Andrew Jackson had de- parted from Florida and later resigned from his position. Clinch and other officers of the Fourth Infantry sent a recommendation to Presi- dent Monroe for the appointment of William King, a former colonel in the army, to the governorship of the territory of Florida.a The area, however, remained under the direction of secretaries stationed in Pensacola and St. Augustine until the American Congress created the Territory of Florida on March 30, 1822, and William P. DuVal, a native of Virginia and former United States Representative from Kentucky, was appointed territorial governor.4 In 1822 the Florida Territorial Council met at Pensacola, shifted to St. Augustine for its 1823 session, and in 1824 Tallahassee, almost midway between the two principal settlements in Florida, was laid out as the capital city of the territory. Throughout this time the headquarters of Colonel Clinch re- mained at Pensacola. In reality his duties were the routine ones of a commander at a small military post on the frontier. For a time the Indians of Florida remained quiet, some of them consenting to re- 1. Letters to the War Department, June 5, 17, August 25, requesting in- formation as to his status, Letters Received; when not otherwise located, let- ters are in the War Records Office, National Archives, 2. Clinch to Colonel Gadsden, October 20, 1821, Letters Received. 3. Clinch, James E. Dinkins, and other offcers of the Fourth Infantry to the President, undated letter, probably written in November, 1821, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, The Territory of Florida, (Washing- ton, 1957-), XXII, 469n. Hereinafter referred to as Territorial Papers. 4. See Renbert W. Patrick, Florida Under Five Flags (3rd ed.; Gaines- ville, Florida., 1960), 31, 136. 51 Peaceful Years signment would be in the reorganized army.t His future duty would be either on the frontier west of the Mississippi or command of the federal troops in Florida, and the decision lay with another officer with more seniority than Clinch. Fortunately for the Colonel, the other man chose the western front, and Clinch received the Florida assignment with headquarters at Pensacola. On September 25 he left St. Marys and traveled by way of Fort Hawkins towards his desti- nation. Mrs. Clinch, now ready to follow her husband wherever duty called, accompanied the Colonel. Before reaching Fort Hawkins, the hardships of overland travel and her pregnancy overcame her. For fifteen days the journey westward was halted while the mother- to-be recovered.2 Before the Colonel reached Pensacola, Andrew Jackson had de- parted from Florida and later resigned from his position. Clinch and other officers of the Fourth Infantry sent a recommendation to Presi- dent Monroe for the appointment of William King, a former colonel in the army, to the governorship of the territory of Florida.a The area, however, remained under the direction of secretaries stationed in Pensacola and St. Augustine until the American Congress created the Territory of Florida on March 30, 1822, and William P. DuVal, a native of Virginia and former United States Representative from Kentucky, was appointed territorial governor.4 In 1822 the Florida Territorial Council met at Pensacola, shifted to St. Augustine for its 1823 session, and in 1824 Tallahassee, almost midway between the two principal settlements in Florida, was laid out as the capital city of the territory. Throughout this time the headquarters of Colonel Clinch re- mained at Pensacola. In reality his duties were the routine ones of a commander at a small military post on the frontier. For a time the Indians of Florida remained quiet, some of them consenting to re- 1. Letters to the War Department, June 5, 17, August 25, requesting in- formation as to his status, Letters Received; when not otherwise located, let- ters are in the War Records Offce, National Archives. 2. Clinch to Colonel Gadsden, October 20, 1821, Letters Received. 3. Clinch, James E. Dinkins, and other oficers of the Fourth Infantry to the President, undated letter, probably written in November, 1821, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, The Territory of Florida, (Washing- ton, 1957-), XXII, 469n. Hereinafter referred to as Territorial Papers. 4. See Rembert W. Patrick, Florida Under Five Flags (3rd ed.; Gaines- ville, Florida., 1960), 31, 136. 51 Peaceful Years signment would be in the reorganized army.0 His future duty would be either on the frontier west of the Mississippi or command of the federal troops in Florida, and the decision lay with another officer with more seniority than Clinch. Fortunately for the Colonel, the other man chose the western front, and Clinch received the Florida assignment with headquarters at Pensacola. On September 25 he left St. Marys and traveled by way of Fort Hawkins towards his desti- nation. Mrs. Clinch, now ready to follow her husband wherever duty called, accompanied the Colonel. Before reaching Fort Hawkins, the hardships of overland travel and her pregnancy overcame her. For fifteen days the journey westward was halted while the mother- to-be recovered.2 Before the Colonel reached Pensacola, Andrew Jackson had de- parted from Florida and later resigned from his position. Clinch and other officers of the Fourth Infantry sent a recommendation to Presi- dent Monroe for the appointment of William King, a former colonel in the army, to the governorship of the territory of Florida.a The area, however, remained under the direction of secretaries stationed in Pensacola and St. Augustine until the American Congress created the Territory of Florida on March 30, 1822, and William P. DuVal, a native of Virginia and former United States Representative from Kentucky, was appointed territorial governor.4 In 1822 the Florida Territorial Council met at Pensacola, shifted to St. Augustine for its 1823 session, and in 1824 Tallahassee, almost midway between the two principal settlements in Florida, was laid out as the capital city of the territory. Throughout this time the headquarters of Colonel Clinch re- mained at Pensacola. In reality his duties were the routine ones of a commander at a small military post on the frontier. For a time the Indians of Florida remained quiet, some of them consenting to re- 1. Letters to the War Department, June 5, 17, August 25, requesting in- formation as to his status, Letters Received; when not otherwise located, let- tee are in the War Records Office, National Archives. 2. Clinch to Colonel Gadsden, October 20, 1821, Letters Received. 3. Clinch, James E. Dinkins, and other officers of the Fourth Infantry to the President, undated letter, probably written in November, 1821, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, The Territory of Florida, (Washing- ton, 1957-), XXII, 469n. Hereinafter referred to as Territorial Papers. 4. See Rembert W. Patrick, Florida Under Five Flags (3rd ed.; Gaines- ville, Florida., 1960), 31, 136. 51  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM linquish sufficient land for the capital site at Tallahassee. Removal of Spanish and British agents from Florida left the Seminole Indians without allies or sources of military supplies. American control of the territory reduced the number of slaves escaping from older re- gions into the frontier, stopped all but the chance-taking, surrepti- tious smuggler and slave trader, and virtually ended the raids and counterraids between Florida and Georgia. In the sparsely populated Florida territory, ambitious real estate agents sought a sufficient number of voters to speed the election of a territorial delegate to the United States Congress, a locally selected assembly, and admission as a state to the American Union. If these optimistic developers could get the vote for the soldiers stationed in Florida, they would have a substantial electorate, and they evidently approached Clinch on the subject. In too flattering language he wrote to President Monroe: In addressing you on a subject that I conceive to be of vital impor- tance to the tranquility, prosperity and happiness, of this young but interesting section of our country which has been newly acquired by, and will at no distant period of time, form the brightest epoch in yours, or any other administration--I do so, with confidence, knowing that I am not only addressing the Chief Magistrate of the greatest, and freest republic on earth-but am addressing a man eminent for his devotedness to true republican principles-the best interest of our happy country, and to the Constitution of the United States and at the same time one who is preeminently qualified, to give to that ark of American liberty, a fair clear and sound interpre- tation.5 Believing that this flowery introduction was sufficient apology for bothering the President, Clinch continued with some questions. Did the officers and soldiers of the United States Army have a right to vote in any state or territory, other than that of their residence, for a representative or delegate to Congress? How far would the true in- terest of the military service and the country justify a commanding officer of a post preventing his camp from becoming the locale for electioneering and general political activity? The Colonel pointed out 5. Clinch to James Monroe, June 22, 1822, Clinch Papers. This letter, with some differences in capitalization and punctuation, is in Territorial Pa- pers, XXII, 473. 52 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM linquish sufficient land for the capital site at Tallahassee. Removal of Spanish and British agents from Florida left the Seminole Indians without allies or sources of military supplies. American control of the territory reduced the number of slaves escaping from older re- gions into the frontier, stopped all but the chance-taking, surrepti- tious smuggler and slave trader, and virtually ended the raids and counterraids between Florida and Georgia. In the sparsely populated Florida territory, ambitious real estate agents sought a sufficient number of voters to speed the election of a territorial delegate to the United States Congress, a locally selected assembly, and admission as a state to the American Union. If these optimistic developers could get the vote for the soldiers stationed in Florida, they would have a substantial electorate, and they evidently approached Clinch on the subject. In too flattering language he wrote to President Monroe: In addressing you on a subject that I conceive to be of vital impor- tance to the tranquility, prosperity and happiness, of this young but interesting section of our country which has been newly acquired by, and will at no distant period of time, form the brightest epoch in yours, or any other administration-I do so, with confidence, knowing that I am not only addressing the Chief Magistrate of the greatest, and freest republic on earth-but am addressing a man eminent for his devotedness to true republican principles-the best interest of our happy country, and to the Constitution of the United States and at the same time one who is preeminently qualified, to give to that ark of American liberty, a fair clear and sound interpre- tation.5 Believing that this flowery introduction was sufficient apology for bothering the President, Clinch continued with some questions. Did the officers and soldiers of the United States Army have a right to vote in any state or territory, other than that of their residence, for a representative or delegate to Congress? How far would the true in- terest of the military service and the country justify a commanding officer of a post preventing his camp from becoming the locale for electioneering and general political activity? The Colonel pointed out 5. Clinch to James Monroe, June 22, 1822, Clinch Papers. This letter, with some differences in capitalization and punctuation, is in Territorial Pa- pers, XXII, 473. 52 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM linquish sufficient land for the capital site at Tallahassee. Removal of Spanish and British agents from Florida left the Seminole Indians without allies or sources of military supplies. American control of the territory reduced the number of slaves escaping from older re- gions into the frontier, stopped all but the chance-taking, surrepti- tious smuggler and slave trader, and virtually ended the raids and counterraids between Florida and Georgia. In the sparsely populated Florida territory, ambitious real estate agents sought a sufficient number of voters to speed the election of a territorial delegate to the United States Congress, a locally selected assembly, and admission as a state to the American Union. If these optimistic developers could get the vote for the soldiers stationed in Florida, they would have a substantial electorate, and they evidently approached Clinch on the subject. In too flattering language he wrote to President Monroe: In addressing you on a subject that I conceive to be of vital impor- tance to the tranquility, prosperity and happiness, of this young but interesting section of our country which has been newly acquired by, and will at no distant period of time, form the brightest epoch in yours, or any other administration--I do so, with confidence, knowing that I am not only addressing the Chief Magistrate of the greatest, and freest republic on earth-but am addressing a man eminent for his devotedness to true republican principles-the best interest of our happy country, and to the Constitution of the United States and at the same time one who is preeminently qualified, to give to that ark of American liberty, a fair clear and sound interpre- tation.5 Believing that this flowery introduction was sufficient apology for bothering the President, Clinch continued with some questions. Did the officers and soldiers of the United States Army have a right to vote in any state or territory, other than that of their residence, for a representative or delegate to Congress? How far would the true in- terest of the military service and the country justify a commanding officer of a post preventing his camp from becoming the locale for electioneering and general political activity? The Colonel pointed out 5. Clinch to James Monroe, June 22, 1822, Clinch Papers. This letter, with some differences in capitalization and punctuation, is in Territorial Pa- pers, XXII, 473. 52  Peaceful Years that army men were stationed in thinly settled Florida in such num- bers that they could, if so disposed, elect a territorial delegate to Con- gress, but a soldier with no ties to the land would have no sincere interest in the future advancement and prosperity of the territory. One week after an election the enlisted man or officer might be trans- ferred to New York or Green Bay, and might never again be inter- ested in the area. Suppose, the Colonel asked, that the soldiers elected one of their most popular sergeapts or privates to represent the terri- tory as a delegate to Congress. Would the selected individual be sub- ject to trial and punishment as a deserter if, without permission, he left camp to fulfill his legislative responsibilities? Clinch concluded his letter by stating that he had been in the army for fourteen years and had never intentionally deviated from his conception of the true spirit and meaning of the Constitution or from the orders of his su- periors, and he could not approve the voting of enlisted men without direct authorization from the President, The Colonel had expressed basic reasons for denying the franchise to soldiers temporarily stationed in a state or territory. The President made a notation on the letter that soldiers should not be permitted to vote, and this executive confirmation of the Colonel's point of view was forwarded to Clinch.O This decision defeated the ambitions of promoters, but civilian residents of Florida did gain the right to elect their territorial delegate, and in the 1830's began to select the mem- bers of their territorial legislature. At times official duties forced the Colonel from his home base and his young wife would be left alone with her infant daughter. She, like women of all ages, was troubled by fear for her husband's safety while he was traveling through dangerous sections, subject to attack by real and imaginary foes. And the bride that he left? What needs it to say H er doom was woman's,-to watch, wait, and pray. The heat of struggle nerves man for the strife, But bitter at home is her battle for life, When far from the conflict, unheeded, alone, Her brain aflame, but her heart like stone, She patiently waits to hear one life's won, Or silently prays to say-His will be done! 6. Endorsements, August 10 and 20, on Clinch's letter of June 22. 53 Peaceful Years that army men were stationed in thinly settled Florida in such num- bers that they could, if so disposed, elect a territorial delegate to Con- gress, but a soldier with no ties to the land would have no sincere interest in the future advancement and prosperity of the territory. One week after an election the enlisted man or officer might be trans- ferred to New York or Green Bay, and might never again be inter- ested in the area. Suppose, the Colonel asked, that the soldiers elected one of their most popular sergeapts or privates to represent the terri- tory as a delegate to Congress. Would the selected individual be sub- ject to trial and punishment as a deserter if, without permission, he left camp to fulfill his legislative responsibilities? Clinch concluded his letter by stating that he had been in the army for fourteen years and had never intentionally deviated from his conception of the true spirit and meaning of the Constitution or from the orders of his su- periors, and he could not approve the voting of enlisted men without direct authorization from the President. The Colonel had expressed basic reasons for denying the franchise to soldiers temporarily stationed in a state or territory. The President made a notation on the letter that soldiers should not be permitted to vote, and this executive confirmation of the Colonel's point of view was forwarded to Clinch.e This decision defeated the ambitions of promoters, but civilian residents of Florida did gain the right to elect their territorial delegate, and in the 1830's began to select the mem- bers of their territorial legislature. At times official duties forced the Colonel from his home base and his young wife would be left alone with her infant daughter. She, like women of all ages, was troubled by fear for her husband's safety while he was traveling through dangerous sections, subject to attack by real and imaginary foes. And the bride that he left? What needs it to say Her doom was woman's,-to watch, wait, and pray. The heat of struggle nerves man for the strife, But bitter at home is her battle for life, When far from the conflict, unheeded, alone, Her brain aflame, but her heart like stone, She patiently waits to hear one life's won, Or silently prays to say-His will be done! 6. Endorsements, August 10 and 20, on Clinch's letter of June 22. 53 Peaceful Years that army men were stationed in thinly settled Florida in such num- bers that they could, if so disposed, elect a territorial delegate to Con- gress, but a soldier with no ties to the land would have no sincere interest in the future advancement and prosperity of the territory. One week after an election the enlisted man or officer might be trans- ferred to New York or Green Bay, and might never again be inter- ested in the area. Suppose, the Colonel asked, that the soldiers elected one of their most popular sergeapts or privates to represent the terri- tory as a delegate to Congress. Would the selected individual be sub- ject to trial and punishment as a deserter if, without permission, he left camp to fulfill his legislative responsibilities? Clinch concluded his letter by stating that he had been in the army for fourteen years and had never intentionally deviated from his conception of the true spirit and meaning of the Constitution or from the orders of his su- periors, and he could not approve the voting of enlisted men without direct authorization from the President. The Colonel had expressed basic reasons for denying the franchise to soldiers temporarily stationed in a state or territory. The President made a notation on the letter that soldiers should not be permitted to vote, and this executive confirmation of the Colonel's point of view was forwarded to Cinch. This decision defeated the ambitions of promoters, but civilian residents of Florida did gain the right to elect their territorial delegate, and in the 1830's began to select the mem- bers of their territorial legislature. At times official duties forced the Colonel from his home base and his young wife would be left alone with her infant daughter. She, like women of all ages, was troubled by fear for her husband's safety while he was traveling through dangerous sections, subject to attack by real and imaginary foes. And the bride that he left? What needs it to say Her doom was woman's,-to watch, wait, and pray. The heat of struggle nerves man for the strife, But bitter at home is her battle for life, When far from the conflict, unheeded, alone, Her brain aflame, but her heart like stone, She patiently waits to hear one life's won, Or silently prays to say-His will be done! 6. Endorsements, August 10 and 20, on Clinch's letter of June 22. 53  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The roughness of an army post and its many inconveniences were trials to the gentle Eliza, brought ip in the lap of luxury. The crude- ness of military life, the absence of a religious atmosphere troubled her, but rather than return to her father's plantation in Georgia with her daughter Eliza, who had been born in the fall of 1821, she chose to remain on the military post, a faithful and comforting wife. On January 7, 1823, she presented her husband with a son, christened John Houstoun for his grandfather, and her duties to two infants now occupied most of her time. Meanwhile the proud father attended to the trivial and important duties of his command. The most pressing need in Florida was a road to connect the territory's two principal settlements, Pensacola and St. Augustine. Council members who had made the long voyage from the east coast around the Florida Keys to Pensacola Bay for the first terri- torlal council meeting in 1822 were determined never again to suffer those hardships. Only the expert woodsman or the foolhardy had at- tempted the overland journey through an unmarked wilderness. Council members from St. Augustine insisted that the 1823 council meeting be held in their town, and they won, but then Pensacolans had to make the dreaded trip. Council members discussed the feasibility of a military road from Pensacola to St. Augustine, and Colonel Clinch gave them his sup- port. Territorial Governor DuVal emphasized the military importance of the proposed road in any future war, and also pointed out that it would increase the value of public lands, owned by the United States, through which it passed." Secretary of War John C. Calhoun was sympathetic: in his opinion the road would not be too expensive and he promised to give the project immediate attention upon receipt of cost estimates.8 In cutting a military road through the forest, the soldiers under Clinch's command would do the work, but they would be paid extra salary for their labor and receive additional allowances. The task of estimating the costs of the road was assigned to Daniel E. Burch, an assistant quartermaster of the army. For almost half a year he calcu- 7. DuVal to Secretary of War, August 3, 1822, Territorial Papers, XXII, 502. 8. Calhoun to DuVal, August 28, 1822, Territorial Papers, XXII, 519. 54 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The roughness of an army post and its many inconveniences were trials to the gentle Eliza, brought up in the lap of luxury. The crude- ness of military life, the absence of a religious atmosphere troubled her, but rather than return to her father's plantation in Georgia with her daughter Eliza, who had been born in the fall of 1821, she chose to remain on the military post, a faithful and comforting wife. On January 7, 1823, she presented her husband with a son, christened John Houstoun for his grandfather, and her duties to two infants now occupied most of her time. Meanwhile the proud father attended to the trivial and important duties of his command. The most pressing need in Florida was a road to connect the territory's two principal settlements, Pensacola and St. Augustine. Council members who had made the long voyage from the east coast around the Florida Keys to Pensacola Bay for the first terri- torial council meeting in 1822 were determined never again to suffer those hardships. Only the expert woodsman or the foolhardy had at- tempted the overland journey through an unmarked wilderness. Council members from St. Augustine insisted that the 1823 council meeting be held in their town, and they won, but then Pensacolans had to make the dreaded trip. Council members discussed the feasibility of a military road from Pensacola to St. Augustine, and Colonel Clinch gave them his sup- port. Territorial Governor DuVal emphasized the military importance of the proposed road in any future war, and also pointed out that it would increase the value of public lands, owned by the United States, through which it passed.? Secretary of War John C. Calhoun was sympathetic: in his opinion the road would not be too expensive and he promised to give the project immediate attention upon receipt of cost estimates.8 In cutting a military road through the forest, the soldiers under Clinch's command would do the work, but they would be paid extra salary for their labor and receive additional allowances. The task of estimating the costs of the road was assigned to Daniel E. Burch, an assistant quartermaster of the army. For almost half a year he calcu- 7. DuVal to Secretary of War, August 3, 1822, Territorial Papers, XXII, 502. 8. Calhoun to DuVal, August 28, 1822, Territorial Papers, XXII, 519. 54 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The roughness of an army post and its many inconveniences were trials to the gentle Eliza, brought sip in the lap of luxury. The crude- ness of military life, the absence of a religious atmosphere troubled her, but rather than return to her father's plantation in Georgia with her daughter Eliza, who had been born in the fall of 1821, she chose to remain on the military post, a faithful and comforting wife. On January 7, 1823, she presented her husband with a son, christened John Houstoun for his grandfather, and her duties to two infants now occupied most of her time. Meanwhile the proud father attended to the trivial and important duties of his command. The most pressing need in Florida was a road to connect the territory's two principal settlements, Pensacola and St. Augustine. Council members who had made the long voyage from the east coast around the Florida Keys to Pensacola Bay for the first terri- forial council meeting in 1822 were determined never again to suffer those hardships. Only the expert woodsman or the foolhardy had at- tempted the overland journey through an unmarked wilderness. Council members from St. Augustine insisted that the 1823 council meeting be held in their town, and they won, but then Pensacolans had to make the dreaded trip. Council members discussed the feasibility of a military road from Pensacola to St. Augustine, and Colonel Clinch gave them his sup- port. Territorial Governor DuVal emphasized the military importance of the proposed road in any future war, and also pointed out that it would increase the value of public lands, owned by the United States, through which it passed. Secretary of War John C. Calhoun was sympathetic: in his opinion the road would not be too expensive and he promised to give the project immediate attention upon receipt of cost estimates.8 In cutting a military road through the forest, the soldiers under Clinch's command would do the work, but they would be paid extra salary for their labor and receive additional allowances. The task of estimating the costs of the road was assigned to Daniel E. Burch, an assistant quartermaster of the army. For almost half a year he calcu- 7. DuVal to Secretary of War, August 3, 1822, Territorial Papers, XXII, 502. 8. Calhoun to DuVal, August 28, 1822, Territorial Papers, XXII, 519. 54  Peaceful Years lated and then reported that the total cost would be almost $19,000. Included in his estimate was $6,930 in extra pay for soldiers at 15p per day, ahnost $1,000 for additional allowances of whiskey, $4,000 for teams of horses and mules, and $7,000 for the transport of pro- visions and supplies to points of deposit along the proposed route of the road. The road would extend for approximately 462 miles be- tween Pensacola and St. Augustine. The highway would be suffi- ciently wide for two wagons to pass with ease, and bridges or ferries would be the means of crossing the larger creeks and rivers. Acting Governor George Walton believed the estimated costs of Burch excessively high. But he informed the Secretary of War that the road should be built, whatever the expense, for such a highway would unify Florida. "The union harmony and intercourse of East and West Florida would be sensibly promoted by the accomplishment of such an important undertaking; it would greatly contribute to the wealth and population of the intervening territory and by the en- hanced value of the public land save the government more than it will have expended."n In the end, however, Colonel Clinch's men did not build the en- tire road. Congress authorized the highway in 1824, but military personnel constructed only that section of it extending east from Pensacola to ten miles beyond the Apalachicola River, and a wealthy planter of East Florida, John Bellamy, used his slaves to cut a rough wagon-way from St. Augustine to the west.0 This internal improve- ment and the establishment of Tallahassee as the capital of the terri- tory in 1824 opened Middle Florida, between the Suwannee River to the east and the Apalachicola to the west, for settlement. Through the next decades Middle Florida received a large number of settlers, and its population helped to mold the two extremes of the territory into a political unit. Compared with the importance of the highway, the question of 9. For correspondence with regard to the military road, see Walton to Burch (and enclosures), January 30, 1823; Burch to Walton January 30, 1823; Walton to Secretary of War, January 30, 1823, Territorial Papers, XXII, 606-8. 10. Kathryn Abbey Hanna, Florida: Land of Change (2nd ed.; Chapel Hill, N. C., 1948), 179-82. For a detailed study of the Bellamy Road, see Eleanor Hortense Grenelle, "The Bellamys of Territorial Florida" (M.A. the- sis, University of Florida, 1953). 55 Peaceful Years lated and then reported that the total cost would be almost $19,000. Included in his estimate was $6,930 in extra pay for soldiers at 15 per day, almost $1,000 for additional allowances of whiskey, $4,000 for teams of horses and mules, and $7,000 for the transport of pro- visions and supplies to points of deposit along the proposed route of the road. The road would extend for approximately 462 miles be- tween Pensacola and St. Augustine. The highway would be suffi- ciently wide for two wagons to pass with ease, and bridges or ferries would be the means of crossing the larger creeks and rivers. Acting Governor George Walton believed the estimated costs of Burch excessively high. But he informed the Secretary of War that the road should be built, whatever the expense, for such a highway would unify Florida. "The union harmony and intercourse of East and West Florida would be sensibly promoted by the accomplishment of such an important undertaking; it would greatly contribute to the wealth and population of the intervening territory and by the en- hanced value of the public land save the government more than it will have expended."9 In the end, however, Colonel Clinch's men did not build the en- tire road. Congress authorized the highway in 1824, but military personnel constructed only that section of it extending east from Pensacola to ten miles beyond the Apalachicola River, and a wealthy planter of East Florida, John Bellamy, used his slaves to cut a rough wagon-way from St. Augustine to the west.l This internal improve- ment and the establishment of Tallahassee as the capital of the terri- tory in 1824 opened Middle Florida, between the Suwannee River to the east and the Apalachicola to the west, for settlement. Through the next decades Middle Florida received a large number of settlers, and its population helped to mold the two extremes of the territory into a political unit. Compared with the importance of the highway, the question of 9. For correspondence with regard to the military road, see Walton to Burch (and enclosures), January 30, 1823; Burch to Walton January 30, 1823; Walton to Secretary of War, January 30, 1823, Territorial Papers, XXII, 606-8. 10. Kathryn Abbey Hanna, Florida: Land of Change (2nd ed.; Chapel Hill, N. C., 1948), 179-82. For a detailed study of the Bellamy Road, see Eleanor Hortense Grenelle, "The Bellamys of Territorial Florida" (M.A. the- sis, University of Florida, 1953). 55 Peaceful Years lated and then reported that the total cost would be almost $19,000. Included in his estimate was $6,930 in extra pay for soldiers at 15p per day, alnost $1,000 for additional allowances of whiskey, $4,000 for teams of horses and mules, and $7,000 for the transport of pro- visions and supplies to points of deposit along the proposed route of the road. The road would extend for approximately 462 miles be- tween Pensacola and St. Augustine. The highway would be suffi- ciently wide for two wagons to pass with ease, and bridges or ferries would be the means of crossing the larger creeks and rivers. Acting Governor George Walton believed the estimated costs of Burch excessively high. But he informed the Secretary of War that the road should be built, whatever the expense, for such a highway would unify Florida. "The union harmony and intercourse of East and West Florida would be sensibly promoted by the accomplishment of such an important undertaking; it would greatly contribute to the wealth and population of the intervening territory and by the en- hanced value of the public land save the government more than it will have expended."o In the end, however, Colonel Clinch's men did not build the en- tire road. Congress authorized the highway in 1824, but military personnel constructed only that section of it extending east from Pensacola to ten miles beyond the Apalachicola River, and a wealthy planter of East Florida, John Bellamy, used his slaves to cut a rough wagon-way from St. Augustine to the west.l This internal improve- ment and the establishment of Tallahassee as the capital of the terri- tory in 1824 opened Middle Florida, between the Suwannee River to the east and the Apalachicola to the west, for settlement. Through the next decades Middle Florida received a large number of settlers, and its population helped to mold the two extremes of the territory into a political unit. Compared with the importance of the highway, the question of 9. For correspondence with regard to the military road, see Walton to Burch (and enclosures), January 30, 1823; Burch to Walton January 30, 1823; Walton to Secretary of War, January 30, 1823, Territorial Papers, XXII, 606-8. 10. Kathryn Abbey Hanna, Florida: Land of Change (2nd ed.; Chapel Hill, N. C., 1948), 179-82. For a detailed study of the Bellamy Road, see Eleanor Hortense Grenelle, "The Bellamys of Territorial Florida" (M.A. the- sis, University of Florida, 1953). 55  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM military or civilian occupation of certain buildings in Pensacola was minor. Upon the authorization of the Secretary of War, Clinch turned over to the civil authority the prison, the Government House, a blockhouse for the customs officials, and another blockhouse for the use of the mayor of Pensacola. The old Spanish hospital was occu- pied by an agent of a citizen who claimed it under a British grant that dated back more than forty years, but the military ejected him from the premises. A few other blockhouses of the Spanish period were used as storehouses." Many of the Spanish buildings had been vacated by the military forces because of Colonel Clinch's desire to have an encampment and barracks at a more healthful location than low-lying Pensacola. In October, 1822, he moved most of the men to an outlying area named Camp Hope, where he had the soldiers quartered in temporary sheds and had erected a building to house the ill. By June of the next year the encampment was a relatively complete military post, and on July 4 the American flag was raised over Cantonment Clinch, named in honor of the man who had planned it.sa Before this event Colonel Clinch had obtained a leave of absence for six months to attend to private business in the east.13 With his wife and children he made the arduous trip back to Camden County where Eliza's parents were anxious to see their granddaughter and grandson. Before the middle of June, 1823, the families were re- united at Marianna near St. Marys, and except for a trip to St. Au- gustine in August and September, Clinch evidently remained in Cam- den County throughout his furlough. Late in September he wrote Gales and Seaton, publishers of the National Intelligencer (Wash- ington), complaining of a printed attack on Major Archibald Clark, collector of customs at St. Marys, made by "a Mr. Henry" in the New York Patriot. Clinch stated that he had known Clark for years and 11. Calhoun to Clinch, July 17, 1822; Walton to Clinch, October 18, 1822; Clinch to Walton, October 19, 1822; Walton to Calhoun, November 4, 1822; Arthur Thornton to Thomas S. Jesup, n.d., Territorial Papers, XXIL 448, 550, 551, 556, 600. 12. Clinch to Adjutant General, October 5, 1822; George M. Brooke to Acting Adjutant General (with enclosures), June 17, 1823, Territorial Pa- pers, XXII, 538, 702. 13. Brooke to Acting Adjutant General (with enclosures), May 13, 1823, Territorial Papers, XXII, 722; Clinch to Adjutant General, March 10, 1823, Letters Received. 56 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM military or civilian occupation of certain buildings in Pensacola was minor. Upon the authorization of the Secretary of War, Clinch turned over to the civil authority the prison, the Government House, a blockhouse for the customs officials, and another blockhouse for the use of the mayor of Pensacola. The old Spanish hospital was occu- pied by an agent of a citizen who claimed it under a British grant that dated back more than forty years, but the military ejected him from the premises. A few other blockhouses of the Spanish period were used as storehouses.n Many of the Spanish buildings had been vacated by the military forces because of Colonel Clinch's desire to have an encampment and barracks at a more healthful location than low-lying Pensacola. In October, 1822, he moved most of the men to an outlying area named Camp Hope, where he had the soldiers quartered in temporary sheds and had erected a building to house the ill. By June of the next year the encampment was a relatively complete military post, and on July 4 the American flag was raised over Cantonment Clinch, named in honor of the man who had planned it.12 Before this event Colonel Clinch had obtained a leave of absence for six months to attend to private business in the east."5 With his wife and children he made the arduous trip back to Camden County where Eliza's parents were anxious to see their granddaughter and grandson. Before the middle of June, 1823, the families were re- united at Marianna near St. Marys, and except for a trip to St. Au- gustine in August and September, Clinch evidently remained in Cam- den County throughout his furlough. Late in September he wrote Gales and Seaton, publishers of the National Intelligencer (Wash- ington), complaining of a printed attack on Major Archibald Clark, collector of customs at St. Marys, made by "a Mr. Henry" in the New York Patriot. Clinch stated that he had known Clark for years and 11. Calhoun to Clinch, July 17, 1822; Walton to Clinch, October 18, 1822; Clinch to Walton, October 19, 1822; Walton to Calhoun, November 4, 1822; Arthur Thornton to Thomas S. Jesup, n.d., Territorial Papers, XXII 448, 550, 551, 556, 600. 12. Clinch to Adjutant General, October 5, 1822; George M. Brooke to Acting Adjutant General (with enclosures), June 17, 1823, Territorial Pa- pers, XXII, 538, 702. 13. Brooke to Acting Adjutant General (with enclosures), May 13, 1823, Territorial Papers, XXII, 722; Clinch to Adjutant General, March 10, 1823, Letters Received. 56 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM military or civilian occupation of certain buildings in Pensacola was minor. Upon the authorization of the Secretary of War, Clinch turned over to the civil authority the prison, the Government House, a blockhouse for the customs officials, and another blockhouse for the use of the mayor of Pensacola. The old Spanish hospital was occu- pied by an agent of a citizen who claimed it under a British grant that dated back more than forty years, but the military ejected him from the premises. A few other blockhouses of the Spanish period were used as storehouses.' Many of the Spanish buildings had been vacated by the military forces because of Colonel Clinch's desire to have an encampment and barracks at a more healthful location than low-lying Pensacola. In October, 1822, he moved most of the men to an outlying area named Camp Hope, where he had the soldiers quartered in temporary sheds and had erected a building to house the ill. By June of the next year the encampment was a relatively complete military post, and on July 4 the American flag was raised over Cantonment Clinch, named in honor of the man who had planned it.12 Before this event Colonel Clinch had obtained a leave of absence for six months to attend to private business in the east.la With his wife and children he made the arduous trip back to Camden County where Eliza's parents were anxious to see their granddaughter and grandson. Before the middle of June, 1823, the families were re- united at Marianna near St. Marys, and except for a trip to St. Au- gustine in August and September, Clinch evidently remained in Cam- den County throughout his furlough. Late in September he wrote Gales and Seaton, publishers of the National Intelligencer (Wash- ington), complaining of a printed attack on Major Archibald Clark, collector of customs at St. Marys, made by "a Mr. Henry" in the New York Patriot. Clinch stated that he had known Clark for years and 11. Calhoun to Clinch, July 17, 1822; Walton to Clinch, October 18, 1822; Clinch to Walton, October 19, 1822; Walton to Calhoun, November 4, 1822; Arthur Thornton to Thomas S. Jesup, n.d., Territorial Papers, XXII, 448, 550, 551, 556, 600. 12. Clinch to Adjutant General, October 5, 1822; George M. Brooke to Acting Adjutant General (with enclosures), June 17, 1823, Territorial Pa- pers, XXII, 538, 702. 13. Brooke to Acting Adjutant General (with enclosures), May 13, 1823, Territorial Papers, XXII, 722; Clinch to Adjutant General, March 10, 1823, Letters Received. 56  Peaceful Years believed "him to be a gentleman of honor and integrity." Since the major knew neither Gales nor Seaton, Clinch enclosed a reply, writ- ten by Clark, to the vicious attack and hoped it would be printed in the National Intelligencer. In addition, the Colonel reminded the publishers that he had months before sent them, as his agents, ten dollars to pay for his subscription to the Patriot; he now wanted his name removed from its subscription list, for he had no desire to pay an editor "to abuse my friends."1a All too rapidly the months of furlough passed and the Clinch fami- ly returned to Pensacola. For five years that town and Cantonment Clinch would be home to Eliza and the children. Vacations would be brief ones, but the Colonel's duty would seldom require his ab- sence from the post.15 A mass of papers crossed his desk: reports of accounts, estimates of expenses for recruiting, sick lists, monthly re- turns, deaths from illness, disciplinary actions, punishments of de- serters, and other evidences of routine military activity. Before Clinch's return from St. Marys a part of his command had been ordered to Tampa Bay. The detachment's commander, Lieu- tenant Colonel George Mercer Brooke, was instructed to select a high and healthful spot near the bay and to erect there a military post. The Treaty of Moultrie Creek of 1823, by which the Seminole Indi- ans had agreed to settle on a large area between Lake Okeechobee and the west coast of peninsular Florida, necessitated construction of a camp near Tampa Bay. Named Fort Brooke in honor of its build- er and manned by four companies of regulars, the post became both a point to control the Indians and a center for issuing supplies to them. Cantonment Clinch remained the headquarters of the Fourth Infantry.so This concentration of the Seminoles into a definite territory an- gered many of the discontented Indians. On December 6, 1826, a rebellious band of them killed a Mr. Carr, four of his children, and a Negro slave by burning them in a family dwelling located on the 14. Clinch to Gales and Seaton, September 26, 1823, in Charles Colcock Jones, Jr., Papers, 1763-1865, Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. 15. See his many returns and reports, 1824-29, written from Cantonment Clinch, in Letters Received. 16. This paragraph is based on a general order, signed by E. Dirby, Ter- ritorial Papers, XXII, 784. 57 Peaceful Years believed "him to be a gentleman of honor and integrity." Since the major knew neither Gales nor Seaton, Clinch enclosed a reply, writ- ten by Clark, to the vicious attack and hoped it would be printed in the National Intelligencer. In addition, the Colonel reminded the publishers that he had months before sent them, as his agents, ten dollars to pay for his subseription to the Patriot; he now wanted his name removed from its subscription list, for he had no desire to pay an editor "to abuse my friends."a All too rapidly the months of furlough passed and the Clinch fami- ly returned to Pensacola. For five years that town and Cantonment Clinch would be home to Eliza and the children. Vacations would be brief ones, but the Colonel's duty would seldom require his ab- sence from the post.15 A mass of papers crossed his desk: reports of accounts, estimates of expenses for recruiting, sick lists, monthly re- turns, deaths from illness, disciplinary actions, punishments of de- serters, and other evidences of routine military activity. Before Clinch's return from St. Marys a part of his command had been ordered to Tampa Bay. The detachment's commander, Lieu- tenant Colonel George Mercer Brooke, was instructed to select a high and healthful spot near the bay and to erect there a military post, The Treaty of Moultrie Creek of 1823, by which the Seminole Indi- ans had agreed to settle on a large area between Lake Okeechobee and the west coast of peninsular Florida, necessitated construction of a camp near Tampa Bay. Named Fort Brooke in honor of its build- er and manned by four companies of regulars, the post became both a point to control the Indians and a center for issuing supplies to them. Cantonment Clinch remained the headquarters of the Fourth Infantry.1 This concentration of the Seminoles into a definite territory an- gered many of the discontented Indians. On December 6, 1826, a rebellious band of them killed a Mr. Carr, four of his children, and a Negro slave by burning them in a family dwelling located on the 14. Clinch to Gales and Seaton, September 26, 1823, in Charles Colcock Jones, Jr., Papers, 1763-1865, Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. 15. See his many returns and reports, 1824-29, written from Cantonment Clinch, in Letters Received. 16. This paragraph is based on a general order, signed by E. Dirby, Ter- ritorial Papers, XXII, 784. 57 Peaceful Years believed "him to be a gentleman of honor and integrity." Since the major knew neither Gales nor Seaton, Clinch enclosed a reply, writ- ten by Clark, to the vicious attack and hoped it would be printed in the National Intelligencer. In addition, the Colonel reminded the publishers that he had months before sent them, as his agents, ten dollars to pay for his subseription to the Patriot; he now wanted his name removed from its subscription list, for he had no desire to pay an editor "to abuse my friends."1a All too rapidly the months of furlough passed and the Clinch fami- ly returned to Pensacola. For five years that town and Cantonment Clinch would be home to Eliza and the children. Vacations would be brief ones, but the Colonel's duty would seldom require his ab- sence from the post.15 A mass of papers crossed his desk: reports of accounts, estimates of expenses for recruiting, sick lists, monthly re- turns, deaths from illness, disciplinary actions, punishments of de- serters, and other evidences of routine military activity. Before Clinch's return from St. Marys a part of his command had been ordered to Tampa Bay. The detachment's commander, Lieu- tenant Colonel George Mercer Brooke, was instructed to select a high and healthful spot near the bay and to erect there a military post. The Treaty of Moultrie Creek of 1823, by which the Seminole Indi- ans had agreed to settle on a large area between Lake Okeechobee and the west coast of peninsular Florida, necessitated construction of a camp near Tampa Bay. Named Fort Brooke in honor of its build- er and manned by four companies of regulars, the post became both a point to control the Indians and a center for issuing supplies to them. Cantonment Clinch remained the headquarters of the Fourth Infantry.16 This concentration of the Seminoles into a definite territory an- gered many of the discontented Indians. On December 6, 1826, a rebellious band of them killed a Mr. Carr, four of his children, and a Negro slave by burning them in a family dwelling located on the 14. Clinch to Gales and Seaton, September 26, 1823, in Charles Colcock Jones, Jr., Papers, 1763-1865, Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. 15. See his many returns and reports, 1824-29, written from Cantonment Clinch, in Letters Received. 16. This paragraph is based on a general order, signed by E. Dirby, Ter- ritorial Papers, XXII, 784. 57  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM west side of the Aucilla River, not more than fifty miles from Talla- hassee. Governor DuVal mustered the militia under General Richard Keith Call to pursue the marauding Indians. In addition, the gover- nor ordered Alachua, Duval, and Nassau counties placed on a war footing, and ordered sixty mounted men from Duval and Nassau to Alachua. Jackson County promised another sixty-man force, Gadsden County citizens volunteered for service, and militiamen in and near Tallahassee flocked to join General Call's force. Pessimistic Governor DuVal was convinced that the Mikasuki tribe with two hundred warriors was determined to fight. He sent a rider to Pensacola requesting three companies of regulars from Colo- nel Clinch, and another agent to Fort Brooke to ask that Colonel Brooke march the greater part of his force to the mouth of the Su- wannee River. Captain Francis Langhorne Dade with one company of regulars had been patrolling the Suwannee area and was arresting and disarming Indians, many of whom were painted for war and dis- played hostility toward the troops and settlers. The governor did not have authority over Colonel Clinch, but he expressed confidence in that officer and in the ability of the regulars, joined by the state mili- tia, to defend Floridians and to carry the war into the enemy's ter- ritory. He urged the territorial council to authorize fifty mounted rangers to patrol and protect frontier regions.17 From the War Department Clinch received orders to act calmly and not use the state militia in dealing with the Indians unless the situation in Florida became worse. "In all your work," he was told, "never lose sight of the great objective of the Department of War, the defense and security of the inhabitants from hostile aggression .. . [but] make proper allowance of the agitated temper of the public mind with regard to the Indians."1 Clinch was advised to consider the deplorable straits of many Indians that may have driven some of them to violence and trespass for which the main body of the tribes might be accountable, and, although the United States would make the Indians feel the nation's power, it was also hoped that they would receive the country's justice. 17. The acities of the Indians and the steps taken by the governor are reported in DuVal to President of Legislative Council, December 12, 1826, Niles' Weekly Register, XXXI, 312. 18. To Clinch, January 4, 1827, Letters Sent. 58 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM west side of the Aucilla River, not more than fifty miles from Talla- hassee. Governor DuVal mustered the militia under General Richard Keith Call to pursue the marauding Indians. In addition, the gover- nor ordered Alachua, Duval, and Nassau counties placed on a war footing, and ordered sixty mounted men from Duval and Nassau to Alachua. Jackson County promised another sixty-man force, Gadsden County citizens volunteered for service, and militiamen in and near Tallahassee flocked to join General Call's force. Pessimistic Governor DuVal was convinced that the Mikasuki tribe with two hundred warriors was determined to fight. He sent a rider to Pensacola requesting three companies of regulars from Colo- nel Clinch, and another agent to Fort Brooke to ask that Colonel Brooke march the greater part of his force to the mouth of the Su- wannee River. Captain Francis Langhorne Dade with one company of regulars had been patrolling the Suwannee area and was arresting and disarming Indians, many of whom were painted for war and dis- played hostility toward the troops and settlers. The governor did not have authority over Colonel Clinch, but he expressed confidence in that officer and in the ability of the regulars, joined by the state mili- tia, to defend Floridians and to carry the war into the enemy's ter- ritory. He urged the territorial council to authorize fifty mounted rangers to patrol and protect frontier regions.17 From the War Department Clinch received orders to act calmly and not use the state militia in dealing with the Indians unless the situation in Florida became worse. "In all your work," he was told, "never lose sight of the great objective of the Department of War, the defense and security of the inhabitants from hostile aggression .. . [but] make proper allowance of the agitated temper of the public mind with regard to the Indians."la Clinch was advised to consider the deplorable straits of many Indians that may have driven some of them to violence and trespass for which the main body of the tribes might be accountable, and, although the United States would make the Indians feel the nation's power, it was also hoped that they would receive the country's justice. 17. The activities of the Indians and the steps taken by the governor are reported in DuVal to President of Legislative Council, December 12, 1826, Niles' Weekly Register, XXXI, 312. 18. To Clinch, January 4, 1827, Letters Sent. 58 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM west side of the Aucilla River, not more than fifty miles from Talla- hassee. Governor DuVal mustered the militia under General Richard Keith Call to pursue the marauding Indians. In addition, the gover- nor ordered Alachua, Duval, and Nassau counties placed on a war footing, and ordered sixty mounted men from Duval and Nassau to Alachua. Jackson County promised another sixty-man force, Gadsden County citizens volunteered for service, and militiamen in and near Tallahassee flocked to join General Call's force. Pessimistic Governor DuVal was convinced that the Mikasuki tribe with two hundred warriors was determined to fight. He sent a rider to Pensacola requesting three companies of regulars from Colo- nel Clinch, and another agent to Fort Brooke to ask that Colonel Brooke march the greater part of his force to the mouth of the Su- wannee River. Captain Francis Langhorne Dade with one company of regulars had been patrolling the Suwannee area and was arresting and disarming Indians, many of whom were painted for war and dis- played hostility toward the troops and settlers. The governor did not have authority over Colonel Clinch, but he expressed confidence in that officer and in the ability of the regulars, joined by the state mili- tia, to defend Floridians and to carry the war into the enemy's ter- ritory. He urged the territorial council to authorize fifty mounted rangers to patrol and protect frontier regions.17 From the War Department Clinch received orders to act calmly and not use the state militia in dealing with the Indians unless the situation in Florida became worse. "In all your work," he was told, "never lose sight of the great objective of the Department of War, the defense and security of the inhabitants from hostile aggression . . . [but] make proper allowance of the agitated temper of the public mind with regard to the Indians."18 Clinch was advised to consider the deplorable straits of many Indians that may have driven some of them to violence and trespass for which the main body of the tribes might be accountable, and, although the United States would make the Indians feel the nation's power, it was also hoped that they would receive the country's justice. 17. The activities of the Indians and the steps taken by the governor are reported in DuVal to President of Legislative Council, December 12, 1826, Niles' Weekly Register, XXXI, 312. 18. To Clinch, January 4, 1827, Letters Sent. 58  Peaceful Years The Colonel left Pensacola for a tour through the Indian country, and on it talked with many of the Seminole chiefs. In contrast to the fears of Governor DuVal, Clinch reported that the Indians were peacefully moving toward their assigned territory. The Seminoles, he was convinced, had nothing to do with the murder of the Carr fami- ly, and there was no indication that the Creeks of Georgia and Ala- bama were in concert with the Indians of Florida. Three of the out- law warriors who had committed the crime had already paid for their act, and the others involved in it would be quickly brought to justice. With few exceptions the Indians wandering through the regions of white settlement in Florida had been apprehended and sent to their territory. The Colonel anticipated no general warfare, but had seven companies of regulars placed at strategic points and four companies in reserve at Pensacola, ready to march to any point in Georgia or Florida whenever they should be needed to protect Americans.19 Clinch's appraisal of the situation was correct, and that of the governor of territorial Florida, undoubtedly influenced by settlers who always expected the worst from the Indians and wanted them removed from Florida, was wrong. The various tribes with all their local chiefs were moving to Indian lands, and only the rebels, driven by hunger, made forays into white settlements. The Seminoles were attempting to live on the land assigned them by treaty with the United States. As yet no leader of stature had appeared among them, and the United States had not decided to remove the Indians from Florida. During this period of possible Indian warfare, Eliza Clinch was managing her household at Cantonment Clinch. Another daughter, Mary Lamont Clinch, had appeared and then came Duncan Lamont Junior. In December, 1826, she wrote one of her frequent letters to her parents: In a long and affectionate letter from my beloved Mother last week, she wishes that I may have a son, and call him Duncan, and so it is. We are blessed, my dear Father, with the largest, and finest child I ever saw. All who see him say they never saw so large a child, and was anxious for us to weigh him, but I had not curiosity enough to 19. Clinch to George M. Troup (governor of Georgia), February 13, 1827, in Clinch Folder, Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta. 59 Peaceful Years The Colonel left Pensacola for a tour through the Indian country, and on it talked with many of the Seminole chiefs. In contrast to the fears of Governor DuVal, Clinch reported that the Indians were peacefully moving toward their assigned territory. The Seminoles, he was convinced, had nothing to do with the murder of the Carr fami- ly, and there was no indication that the Creeks of Georgia and Ala- bama were in concert with the Indians of Florida. Three of the out- law warriors who had committed the crime had already paid for their act, and the others involved in it would be quickly brought to justice. With few exceptions the Indians wandering through the regions of white settlement in Florida had been apprehended and sent to their territory. The Colonel anticipated no general warfare, but had seven companies of regulars placed at strategic points and four companies in reserve at Pensacola, ready to march to any point in Georgia or Florida whenever they should be needed to protect Americans.- Clinch's appraisal of the situation was correct, and that of the governor of territorial Florida, undoubtedly influenced by settlers who always expected the worst from the Indians and wanted them removed from Florida, was wrong. The various tribes with all their local chiefs were moving to Indian lands, and only the rebels, driven by hunger, made forays into white settlements. The Seminoles were attempting to live on the land assigned them by treaty with the United States. As yet no leader of stature had appeared among them, and the United States had not decided to remove the Indians from Florida. During this period of possible Indian warfare, Eliza Clinch was managing her household at Cantonment Clinch. Another daughter, Mary Lamont Clinch, had appeared and then came Duncan Lamont Junior. In December, 1826, she wrote one of her frequent letters to her parents: In a long and affectionate letter from my beloved Mother last week, she wishes that I may have a son, and call him Duncan, and so it is. We are blessed, my dear Father, with the largest, and finest child I ever saw. All who see him say they never saw so large a child, and was anxious for us to weigh him, but I had not curiosity enough to 19. Clinch to George M. Troup (governor of Georgia), February 13, 1827, in Clinch Folder, Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta. 59 Peaceful Years The Colonel left Pensacola for a tour through the Indian country, and on it talked with many of the Seminole chiefs. In contrast to the fears of Governor DuVal, Clinch reported that the Indians were peacefully moving toward their assigned territory. The Seminoles, he was convinced, had nothing to do with the murder of the Carr fami- ly, and there was no indication that the Creeks of Georgia and Ala- bama were in concert with the Indians of Florida. Three of the out- law warriors who had committed the crime had already paid for their act, and the others involved in it would be quickly brought to justice. With few exceptions the Indians wandering through the regions of white settlement in Florida had been apprehended and sent to their territory. The Colonel anticipated no general warfare, but had seven companies of regulars placed at strategic points and four companies in reserve at Pensacola, ready to march to any point in Georgia or Florida whenever they should be needed to protect Americans.10 Clinch's appraisal of the situation was correct, and that of the governor of territorial Florida, undoubtedly influenced by settlers who always expected the worst from the Indians and wanted them removed from Florida, was wrong. The various tribes with all their local chiefs were moving to Indian lands, and only the rebels, driven by hunger, made forays into white settlements. The Seminoles were attempting to live on the land assigned them by treaty with the United States. As yet no leader of stature had appeared among them, and the United States had not decided to remove the Indians from Florida. During this period of possible Indian warfare, Eliza Clinch was managing her household at Cantonment Clinch. Another daughter, Mary Lamont Clinch, had appeared and then came Duncan Lamont Junior. In December, 1826, she wrote one of her frequent letters to her parents: In a long and affectionate letter from my beloved Mother last week, she wishes that I may have a son, and call him Duncan, and so it is. We are blessed, my dear Father, with the largest, and finest child I ever saw. All who see him say they never saw so large a child, and was anxious for us to weigh him, but I had not curiosity enough to 19. Clinch to George M. Troup (governor of Georgia), February 13, 1827, in Clinch Folder, Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta. 59  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM do so-his features are all larger than the Houstouns, and his eyes darker-I think more like his Father than the others-he has never had a moments sickness since his birth. I myself was very well the first week after his birth, when I took cold in my breast, and for three weeks suffered the greatest agony from it. I do not know if my dear Mother ever experienced the suffering of a raised breast, if she has, she can form some idea of the excruciating pain it occasions. I have not yet quite recovered from it, being only within a day or two that I have been able to use my arm, or go out in the parlour.20 Eliza continued the letter to her parents with details of a woman's world. She was at a loss for a nurse-Sarah, who was an excellent nurse, was "expecting" and entirely unfit for duty because of constant illness; Fanny, who sewed very neatly and was capable of being the smartest slave in the world, could not be trusted with the children, and a reliable servant could not be hired in Pensacola. Eliza really wanted her brother's Peggy, an elderly slave without children and most dependable, and would give him any slave she possessed in ex- change for Peggy. She sent her love to her first born, Eliza, who was with her grandparents at Marianna and who had written in her childish hand of her delight in seeing Grandpa and Grandma. Tell her, the mother wrote, that "Houstoun, and Mary are both well, and two more noisy children I think I never knew." The cold of Pensa- cola forced Eliza to keep the children in her room by the fire, and their boisterous play made it difficult to write, for she had to watch them constantly; and Fanny could not be trusted with children be- cause of her fascination by fire. "Tell our dear Eliza that her Brother Duncan is one of the best children she ever knew," the fond mother continued, "and I wish I could say as much for his Sister Mary, who has been completely spoilt since I have been sick-her uncle is de- voted to her, and indulges her in the extreme."aa She wrote only a few lines about her husband. He had sent two more companies toward the east at the request of the governor, and he thought the outrages were the work of straggling Indians and did not expect a general uprising. After the arrival of General Gaines, 20. Eliza B. Clinch to John Houstoun McIntosh, December 27, 1826, Clinch Papers. 21. The uncle referred to in Eliza B. Clinch's letter may have been her brother-in-law, Joseph John Clinch, Jr. 60 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM do so-his features are all larger than the Houstouns, and his eyes darker-I think more like his Father than the others-he has never had a moments sickness since his birth. I myself was very well the first week after his birth, when I took cold in my breast, and for three weeks suffered the greatest agony from it. I do not know if my dear Mother ever experienced the suffering of a raised breast, if she has, she can form some idea of the excruciating pain it occasions. I have not yet quite recovered from it, being only within a day or two that I have been able to use my arm, or go out in the parlour.20 Eliza continued the letter to her parents with details of a woman's world. She was at a loss for a nurse-Sarah, who was an excellent nurse, was "expecting" and entirely unfit for duty because of constant illness; Fanny, who sewed very neatly and was capable of being the smartest slave in the world, could not be trusted with the children, and a reliable servant could not be hired in Pensacola. Eliza really wanted her brother's Peggy, an elderly slave without children and most dependable, and would give him any slave she possessed in ex- change for Peggy. She sent her love to her first born, Eliza, who was with her grandparents at Marianna and who had written in her childish hand of her delight in seeing Grandpa and Grandma. Tell her, the mother wrote, that "Houstoun, and Mary are both well, and two more noisy children I think I never knew." The cold of Pensa- cola forced Eliza to keep the children in her room by the fire, and their boisterous play made it difficult to write, for she had to watch them constantly; and Fanny could not be trusted with children be- cause of her fascination by fire. "Tell our dear Eliza that her Brother Duncan is one of the best children she ever knew," the fond mother continued, "and I wish I could say as much for his Sister Mary, who has been completely spoilt since I have been sick-her uncle is de- voted to her, and indulges her in the extreme."21 She wrote only a few lines about her husband. He had sent two more companies toward the east at the request of the governor, and he thought the outrages were the work of straggling Indians and did not expect a general uprising. After the arrival of General Gaines, 20. Eliza B. Clinch to John Houstoun McIntosh, December 27, 1826, Clinch Papers. 21. The uncle referred to in Eliza B. Clinch's letter may have been her brother-in-law, Joseph John Clinch, Jr. 60 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM do so-his features are all larger than the Houstouns, and his eyes darker-I think more like his Father than the others-he has never had a moments sickness since his birth. I myself was very well the first week after his birth, when I took cold in my breast, and for three weeks suffered the greatest agony from it. I do not know if my dear Mother ever experienced the suffering of a raised breast, if she has, she can form some idea of the excruciating pain it occasions. I have not yet quite recovered from it, being only within a day or two that I have been able to use my arm, or go out in the parlour.20 Eliza continued the letter to her parents with details of a woman's world. She was at a loss for a nurse-Sarah, who was an excellent nurse, was "expecting" and entirely unfit for duty because of constant illness; Fanny, who sewed very neatly and was capable of being the smartest slave in the world, could not be trusted with the children, and a reliable servant could not be hired in Pensacola. Eliza really wanted her brother's Peggy, an elderly slave without children and most dependable, and would give him any slave she possessed in ex- change for Peggy. She sent her love to her first born, Eliza, who was with her grandparents at Marianna and who had written in her childish hand of her delight in seeing Grandpa and Grandma. Tell her, the mother wrote, that "Houstoun, and Mary are both well, and two more noisy children I think I never knew." The cold of Pensa- cola forced Eliza to keep the children in her room by the fire, and their boisterous play made it difficult to write, for she had to watch them constantly; and Fanny could not be trusted with children be- cause of her fascination by fire. "Tell our dear Eliza that her Brother Duncan is one of the best children she ever knew," the fond mother continued, "and I wish I could say as much for his Sister Mary, who has been completely spoilt since I have been sick-her uncle is de- voted to her, and indulges her in the extreme."21 She wrote only a few lines about her husband. He had sent two more companies toward the east at the request of the governor, and he thought the outrages were the work of straggling Indians and did not expect a general uprising. After the arrival of General Gaines, 20. Eliza B. Clinch to John Houstoun McIntosh, December 27, 1826, Clinch Papers. 21. The uncle referred to in Eliza B. Clinch's letter may have been her brother-in-law, Joseph John Clinch, Jr. 60  Peaceful Years whom Eliza expected any day, her husband planned an eastward trip, and she hoped would see her brother, John McIntosh, at his planta- tion in Alachua County. During these relatively peaceful times Colonel Clinch evidently acquired 3,000 acres of land in Alachua, located not far from his brother-in-law's holdings about ten miles below the small settlement of Micanopy.22 This plantation, called by the Colonel "Auld Lang Syne," was equipped with grinding mills, furnaces, and vats for the production of sugar from the cane planted in its fertile soil. The Clinch family needed more income than that from the father's army pay and allowances. In April, 1828, another child, Catherine Maria, arrived to give the household three girls and two boys.23 At the end of 1828 the Colonel commanded a scattered force in Florida. One company was stationed at St. Augustine, four at Fort Brooke, one in Alachua County, and one at Cantonment Clinch in Pensacola.24 In all, 355 officers and men comprised the regular army in Florida, but with the Indians quiet, no need existed for a large military establishment. On April 20, 1829, Colonel Clinch was bre- veted brigadier general for ten years of faithful service in one rank. In the decades of peace following the War of 1812 and small con- gressional appropriations for the army, there were few promotions for military personnel; and one had to be a good officer to keep his place in the army. Although 1829 began on the happy note of promotion, it proved to be a difficult one for the General. In March Andrew Jackson en- tered the White House, and a host of his supporters looked to him for preferment and jobs. A Mr. Fitzgerald appeared in Pensacola, posing 22. In the tax returns required by the state of Florida in 1846, Clinch listed 2,000 acres of first-rate land and 1,000 of second-rate land. In addi- tion he held 1,500 acres as executor of his father-in-law's estate. (State of Florida, Tax Returns, 1846, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee.) Eloise R. Ott of Oklawaha, Florida, who has completed but not published her manu- script on the history of Marion County, Florida, has found the following: in 1823 Clinch paid $2,000 in cash to George J. F. Clarke for 2,000 acres and on August 17, 1825, he petitioned the Territorial Land Commissioners for 1,000 acres at the same time that John H. McIntosh asked for 800 acres. 23. The Clinch children and the exact date or month of their births are listed in The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record (April, 1881), XII, 70. 24. Report of the Secretary of War for 1828, Niles' Weekly Register, XXXV, 383. 61 Peaceful Years whom Eliza expected any day, her husband planned an eastward trip, and she hoped would see her brother, John McIntosh, at his planta- tion in Alachua County. During these relatively peaceful times Colonel Clinch evidently acquired 3,000 acres of land in Alachua, located not far from his brother-in-law's holdings about ten miles below the small settlement of Micanopy.22 This plantation, called by the Colonel "Auld Lang Syne," was equipped with grinding mills, furnaces, and vats for the production of sugar from the cane planted in its fertile soil. The Clinch family needed more income than that from the father's army pay and allowances. In April, 1828, another child, Catherine Maria, arrived to give the household three girls and two boys.23 At the end of 1828 the Colonel commanded a scattered force in Florida. One company was stationed at St. Augustine, four at Fort Brooke, one in Alachua County, and one at Cantonment Clinch in Pensacola.24 In all, 355 officers and men comprised the regular army in Florida, but with the Indians quiet, no need existed for a large military establishment. On April 20, 1829, Colonel Clinch was bre- veted brigadier general for ten years of faithful service in one rank. In the decades of peace following the War of 1812 and small con- gressional appropriations for the army, there were few promotions for military personnel; and one had to be a good officer to keep his place in the army. Although 1829 began on the happy note of promotion, it proved to be a difficult one for the General. In March Andrew Jackson en- tered the White House, and a host of his supporters looked to him for preferment and jobs. A Mr. Fitzgerald appeared in Pensacola, posing 22. In the tax returns required by the state of Florida in 1846, Clinch listed 2,000 acres of frst-rate land and 1,000 of second-rate land. In addi- tion he held 1,500 acres as executor of his father-in-law's estate. (State of Florida, Tax Returns, 1846, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee.) Eloise R. Ott of Oklawaba, Florida, who has completed but not published her manu- script on the history of Marion County, Florida, has found the following: in 1823 Clinch paid $2,000 in cash to George J. F. Clarke for 2,000 acres and on August 17, 1825, he petitioned the Territorial Land Commissioners for 1,000 acres at the same time that John H. McIntosh asked for 800 acres. 23. The Clinch children and the exact date or month of their births are listed in The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record (April, 1881), XII, 70. 24. Report of the Secretary of War for 1828, Niles' Weekly Register, XXXV, 383. 61 Peaceful Years whom Eliza expected any day, her husband planned an eastward trip, and she hoped would see her brother, John McIntosh, at his planta- tion in Alachua County. During these relatively peaceful times Colonel Clinch evidently acquired 3,000 acres of land in Alachua, located not far from his brother-in-law's holdings about ten miles below the small settlement of Micanopy.22 This plantation, called by the Colonel "Auld Lang Syne," was equipped with grinding mills, furnaces, and vats for the production of sugar from the cane planted in its fertile soil. The Clinch family needed more income than that from the father's army pay and allowances. In April, 1828, another child, Catherine Maria, arrived to give the household three girls and two boys.2 At the end of 1828 the Colonel commanded a scattered force in Florida. One company was stationed at St. Augustine, four at Fort Brooke, one in Alachua County, and one at Cantonment Clinch in Pensacola.24 In all, 355 officers and men comprised the regular army in Florida, but with the Indians quiet, no need existed for a large military establishment. On April 20, 1829, Colonel Clinch was bre- veted brigadier general-for ten years of faithful service in one rank. In the decades of peace following the War of 1812 and small con- gressional appropriations for the army, there were few promotions for military personnel; and one had to be a good officer to keep his place in the army. Although 1829 began on the happy note of promotion, it proved to be a difficult one for the General. In March Andrew Jackson en- tered the White House, and a host of his supporters looked to him for preferment and jobs. A Mr. Fitzgerald appeared in Pensacola, posing 22. In the tax returns required by the state of Florida in 1846, Clinch listed 2,000 acres of frast-rate land and 1,000 of second-rate land. In addi- tion he held 1,500 acres as executor of his father-in-law's estate. (State of Florida, Tax Returns, 1846, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee.) Eloise R. Ott of Oklawaha, Florida, who has completed but not published her manu- script on the history of Marion County, Florida, has found the following: in 1823 Clinch paid $2,000 in cash to George J. F. Clarke for 2,000 acres and on August 17, 1825, he petitioned the Territorial Land Commissioners for 1,000 acres at the same time that John H. McIntosh asked for 800 acres. 23. The Clinch children and the exact date or month of their births are listed in The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record (April, 1881), XII, 70. 24. Report of the Secretary of War for 1828, Niles' Weekly Register, XXXV, 383. 61  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM as the friend and confidant of the President and the Secretary of War. The rumor spread that he represented high officials in Wash- ington, and that he was authorized to spy on government employees and report "all those who do not come up to his standard, both as re- lates to morals and politics...." Clinch informed the Secretary of War that he had not the slightest contact with the man, and would have none with a person of his bad habits and questionable associ- ates. The General, however, was troubled by the removal of many highly respected and honest men from office in Florida, and believed conniving politicians had the ear of the President. Clinch admitted that he had supported William H. Crawford in the election of 1824 because of a long friendship with him and the conviction that he represented true Jeffersonian principles. Even at that time, though, Clinch's second choice had been Jackson. With the late Administration [of John Quincy Adams], I had no tie, or connection of any kind, not having a single political friend con- nected with it in any way whatever. With the present Administra- tion, I believe, I have many warm and strong friends-at least all of my connections are with it. I have always depreciated the practice of officers of the Army interfering in elections, either of a general or lo- cal character, except so far as respects an honest and moderate ex- pression of their opinions-and have never approached the polls, or given a vote, since I have been in the Army. As respects my private and social intercourse in life, I have never for a moment permitted politics to interfere in the least, and I hope I never may.00 As for the reported spy Fitzgerald, "in some of his drunken orgies, he has been heard, both in and out of the streets, to say that he had, or would report, or prefer charges against me. I have been upwards of twenty-one years in the service of my country, and should feel more self degradation than I have ever yet felt, if I believed any re- port coming from such a source, could affect my character." Clinch added that he was willing for every official act of his life, and every private transaction connected with his official duties, to be known to the world. Evidently some attempt was being made to remove the General from the army. Joseph M. White, Florida's territorial delegate, dis- 25. Clinch to J. H. Eaton, Secretary of War, August 1, 1829, Clinch Papers. 62 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM as the friend and confidant of the President and the Secretary of War. The rumor spread that he represented high officials in Wash- ington, and that he was authorized to spy on government employees and report "all those who do not come up to his standard, both as re- lates to morals and politics...." Clinch informed the Secretary of War that he had not the slightest contact with the man, and would have none with a person of his bad habits and questionable associ- ates. The General, however, was troubled by the removal of many highly respected and honest men from office in Florida, and believed conniving politicians had the ear of the President. Clinch admitted that he had supported William H. Crawford in the election of 1824 because of a long friendship with him and the conviction that he represented true Jeffersonian principles. Even at that time, though, Clinch's second choice had been Jackson. With the late Administration [of John Quincy Adams], I had no tie, or connection of any kind, not having a single political friend con- nected with it in any way whatever. With the present Administra- tion, I believe, I have many warm and strong friends-at least all of my connections are with it. I have always depreciated the practice of officers of the Army interfering in elections, either of a general or lo- cal character, except so far as respects an honest and moderate ex- pression of their opinions-and have never approached the polls, or given a vote, since I have been in the Army. As respects my private and social intercourse in life, I have never for a moment permitted politics to interfere in the least, and I hope I never may.00 As for the reported spy Fitzgerald, "in some of his drunken orgies, he has been heard, both in and out of the streets, to say that he had, or would report, or prefer charges against me. I have been upwards of twenty-one years in the service of my country, and should feel more self degradation than I have ever yet felt, if I believed any re- port coming from such a source, could affect my character." Clinch added that he was willing for every official act of his life, and every private transaction connected with his official duties, to be known to the world. Evidently some attempt was being made to remove the General from the army. Joseph M. White, Florida's territorial delegate, dis- 25. Clinch to J. H. Eaton, Secretary of War, August 1, 1829, Clinch Papers. 62 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM as the friend and confidant of the President and the Secretary of War. The rumor spread that he represented high officials in Wash- ington, and that he was authorized to spy on government employees and report "all those who do not come up to his standard, both as re- lates to morals and politics...." Clinch informed the Secretary of War that he had not the slightest contact with the man, and would have none with a person of his bad habits and questionable associ- ates. The General, however, was troubled by the removal of many highly respected and honest men from office in Florida, and believed conniving politicians had the ear of the President. Clinch admitted that he had supported William H. Crawford in the election of 1824 because of a long friendship with him and the conviction that he represented true Jeffersonian principles. Even at that time, though, Clinch's second choice had been Jackson. With the late Administration [of John Quincy Adams], I had no tie, or connection of any kind, not having a single political friend con- nected with it in any way whatever. With the present Administra- tion, I believe, I have many warm and strong friends-at least all of my connections are with it. I have always depreciated the practice of officers of the Army interfering in elections, either of a general or lo- cal character, except so far as respects an honest and moderate ex- pression of their opinions-and have never approached the polls, or given a vote, since I have been in the Army. As respects my private and social intercourse in life, I have never for a moment permitted politics to interfere in the least, and I hope I never may.2 As for the reported spy Fitzgerald, "in some of his drunken orgies, he has been heard, both in and out of the streets, to say that he had, or would report, or prefer charges against me. I have been upwards of twenty-one years in the service of my country, and should feel more self degradation than I have ever yet felt, if I believed any re- port coming from such a source, could affect my character." Clinch added that he was willing for every official act of his life, and every private transaction connected with his official duties, to be known to the world. Evidently some attempt was being made to remove the General from the army. Joseph M. White, Florida's territorial delegate, dis- 25. Clinch to J. H. Eaton, Secretary of War, August 1, 1829, Clinch Papers. 62  Peaceful Years covered "underhand intrigue and despicable chicanery" in Washing- ton, and assured General Clinch that the order for his removal was being opposed by his friends. The "President has some prejudice ... against you," White wrote, but advised Clinch "by all means hold on, we shall live to see better times."as Clinch retained his army position and the Senate confirmed his promotion to brevet brigadier general. His headquarters, however, were shifted from populous Pensacola to almost desolate Tampa Bay. In November, 1829, the citizens of Pensacola feted the General at a dinner as a mark of their respect for his public and private worth and his seven years of command in their city. In reply to one complimen- tary toast, Clinch intimated he would soon retire from the army after almost twenty-two years of service.27 The Clinch family found Fort Brooke situated on the water's edge near a beautiful grove of orange trees and moss-covered live oaks. Brooke was a picket fort with two blockhouses, surrounded except at the gates by an eight-foot-deep dry moat. Stakes dotted the center of the ditch, their sharpened ends covered by straw. One observer thought Fort Brooke impregnable to any Indian attack.as A number of families lived in the area, one of which had "four or five buxom daughters, who however possess but little of those accomplishments, either natural or artificial, for which 'Angels left their heavenly bow- ers, to wander mid this world of ours.'" The sulphur and iron in the water forced housewives to add molasses to cover its foul smell and bad taste. Residents blamed the prevalence of colds and stomach up- sets on the unpalatable drinking water. Eliza Clinch and the children remained at Fort Brooke for little more than a month. On February 3, 1830, they boarded a revenue cutter and made the voyage to St. Marys in eight daysas Happy weeks flowed past at the McIntosh home, Marianna, and there were frequent trips to St. Marys and to Refuge Plantation with the chil- dren. A third boy, Henry, had joined Eliza Clinch's ever-increasing 26. White to Clinch, December 6, 1830 [1829], Clinch Papers. 27. Savannah Georgian, December 4, 1829. 28. The description of the fort, its surroundings, and the people living nearby is based on Alexander Beaufort Meek, "Journal of the Florida Expe- dition, 1836, Feb. 21-April 23," Manuscripts Division, Duke University. Meek was describing Fort Brooke in 1836, but it changed little in six years. 29. Savannah Georgian, February 18, 1830. 63 Peaceful Years covered "underhand intrigue and despicable chicanery" in Washing- ton, and assured General Clinch that the order for his removal was being opposed by his friends. The "President has some prejudice ... against you," White wrote, but advised Clinch "by all means hold on, we shall live to see better times."-6 Clinch retained his army position and the Senate confirmed his promotion to brevet brigadier general. His headquarters, however, were shifted from populous Pensacola to almost desolate Tampa Bay. In November, 1829, the citizens of Pensacola feted the General at a dinner as a mark of their respect for his public and private worth and his seven years of command in their city. In reply to one complimen- tary toast, Clinch intimated he would soon retire from the army after almost twenty-two years of service.27 The Clinch family found Fort Brooke situated on the water's edge near a beautiful grove of orange trees and moss-covered live oaks. Brooke was a picket fort with two blockhouses, surrounded except at the gates by an eight-foot-deep dry moat. Stakes dotted the center of the ditch, their sharpened ends covered by straw. One observer thought Fort Brooke impregnable to any Indian attack.2s A number of families lived in the area, one of which had "four or five buxom daughters, who however possess but little of those accomplishments, either natural or artificial, for which 'Angels left their heavenly bow- ers, to wander mid this world of ours.'" The sulphur and iron in the water forced housewives to add molasses to cover its foul smell and bad taste. Residents blamed the prevalence of colds and stomach up- sets on the unpalatable drinking water. Eliza Clinch and the children remained at Fort Brooke for little more than a month. On February 3, 1830, they boarded a revenue cutter and made the voyage to St. Marys in eight daysa9 Happy weeks flowed past at the McIntosh home, Marianna, and there were frequent trips to St. Marys and to Refuge Plantation with the chil- dren. A third boy, Henry, had joined Eliza Clinch's ever-increasing 26. White to Clinch, December 6, 1830 [1829], Clinch Papers. 27. Savannah Georgian, December 4, 1829. 28. The description of the fort, its surroundings, and the people living nearby is based on Alexander Beaufort Meek, "Journal of the Florida Expe- dition, 1836, Feb. 21-April 23," Manuscripts Division, Duke University. Meek was describing Fort Brooke in 1836, but it changed little in six years. 29. Savannah Georgian, February 18, 1830. 63 Peaceful Years covered "underhand intrigue and despicable chicanery" in Washing- ton, and assured General Clinch that the order for his removal was being opposed by his friends. The "President has some prejudice ... against you," White wrote, but advised Clinch "by all means hold on, we shall live to see better times."as Clinch retained his army position and the Senate confirmed his promotion to brevet brigadier general. His headquarters, however, were shifted from populous Pensacola to almost desolate Tampa Bay. In November, 1829, the citizens of Pensacola feted the General at a dinner as a mark of their respect for his public and private worth and his seven years of command in their city. In reply to one complimen- tary toast, Clinch intimated he would soon retire from the army after almost twenty-two years of service.27 The Clinch family found Fort Brooke situated on the water's edge near a beautiful grove of orange trees and moss-covered live oaks. Brooke was a picket fort with two blockhouses, surrounded except at the gates by an eight-foot-deep dry moat. Stakes dotted the center of the ditch, their sharpened ends covered by straw. One observer thought Fort Brooke impregnable to any Indian attack.2s A number of families lived in the area, one of which had "four or five buxom daughters, who however possess but little of those accomplishments, either natural or artificial, for which 'Angels left their heavenly bow- ers, to wander mid this world of ours.' " The sulphur and iron in the water forced housewives to add molasses to cover its foul smell and bad taste. Residents blamed the prevalence of colds and stomach up- sets on the unpalatable drinking water. Eliza Clinch and the children remained at Fort Brooke for little more than a month. On February 3, 1830, they boarded a revenue cutter and made the voyage to St. Marys in eight daysa9 Happy weeks flowed past at the McIntosh home, Marianna, and there were frequent trips to St. Marys and to Refuge Plantation with the chil- dren. A third boy, Henry, had joined Eliza Clinch's ever-increasing 26. White to Clinch, December 6, 1830 [1829], Clinch Papers. 27. Savannah Georgian, December 4, 1829. 28. The description of the fort, its surroundings, and the people living nearby is based on Alexander Beaufort Meek, "Journal of the F1orida Expe- dition, 1836, Feb. 21-April 23," Manuscripts Division, Duke University. Meek was describing Fort Brooke in 1836, but it changed little in six years. 29. Savannah Georgian, February 18, 1830. 63  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM family, but Grandfather McIntosh favored the first-born, little Eliza, who had spent much time in the past with her grandparents. The grandchildren and their mother soon returned to Fort Brooke, and from there little Eliza wrote her grandfather of her illness and recovery. In response he said, "I never my [grand] daughter received a letter with more pleasure than I did yours which came by last mail." He complimented her on her choice of words and penman- ship, which he attributed to her study and her tutors, but was most grateful for her sentiments that recalled happy days with her romp- ing about the house. Grandfather McIntosh told of the gout which had left his feet and settled in his arms, and feared that he would never live to see his grandchildren again.0 This letter, with its information about the declining health of both of her parents, must have made Mrs. Clinch long to be with them and for the comforts of Marianna in which to bring up her brood of six. She remained, however, with her husband and followed him when the army again transferred him. This time he was sent to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, the locale of his first command as a young and inexperienced officer. For almost a year he commanded the regu- lars in Louisiana, but was evidently also in charge of operations in Florida. In the attempt to protect his troops from the fevers and other diseases of summer in Baton Rouge, he desired to buy land for summer quarters; but the War Department was not sympathetic.31 During the summer of 1831 the General was confronted by that most dreaded of all possibilities to the Southerner-a slave uprising. Respectable citizens of Louisiana feared a rebellion by their slaves, but had no definite proof. These citizens did not want the governor of Louisiana to call out the militia, for "doing so would in our opin- ion only show to that Class of our population [the slaves] that we feared them and would consequently be the best means that could be devised of letting them know their own strength of which it is our obvious policy to keep them ignorant."ao The vague rumors were that New Orleans and Baton Rouge would be attacked simultaneous- 30. John Houstoun McIntosh to Eliza Bayard Clinch, September 30, 1830, in D. C. Heyward Papers, Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 31. Adjutant General to Clinch, April 4, 1831, Letters Sent. 32. H. H. Gurley and others to Clinch, August 19, 1831, Ietters Re- ceived. 64 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM family, but Grandfather McIntosh favored the first-born, little Eliza, who had spent much time in the past with her grandparents. The grandchildren and their mother soon returned to Fort Brooke, and from there little Eliza wrote her grandfather of her illness and recovery. In response he said, "I never my [grand] daughter received a letter with more pleasure than I did yours which came by last mail." He complimented her on her choice of words and penman- ship, which he attributed to her study and her tutors, but was most grateful for her sentiments that recalled happy days with her romp- ing about the house. Grandfather McIntosh told of the gout which had left his feet and settled in his arms, and feared that he would never live to see his grandchildren again.0 This letter, with its information about the declining health of both of her parents, must have made Mrs. Clinch long to be with them and for the comforts of Marianna in which to bring up her brood of six. She remained, however, with her husband and followed him when the army again transferred him. This time he was sent to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, the locale of his first command as a young and inexperienced officer. For almost a year he commanded the regu- lars in Louisiana, but was evidently also in charge of operations in Florida. In the attempt to protect his troops from the fevers and other diseases of summer in Baton Rouge, he desired to buy land for summer quarters; but the War Department was not sympathetic.31 During the summer of 1831 the General was confronted by that most dreaded of all possibilities to the Southerner-a slave uprising. Respectable citizens of Louisiana feared a rebellion by their slaves, but had no definite proof. These citizens did not want the governor of Louisiana to call out the militia, for "doing so would in our opin- ion only show to that Class of our population [the slaves] that we feared them and would consequently be the best means that could be devised of letting them know their own strength of which it is our obvious policy to keep them ignorant."O The vague rumors were that New Orleans and Baton Rouge would be attacked simultaneous- 30. John Houstoun McIntosh to Eliza Bayard Clinch, September 30, 1830, in D. C. Heyward Papers, Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 31. Adjutant General to Clinch, April 4, 1831, Letters Sent. 32. H. H. Gurley and others to Clinch, August 19, 1831, Letters Re- ceived. 64 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM family, but Grandfather McIntosh favored the first-born, little Eliza, who had spent much time in the past with her grandparents. The grandchildren and their mother soon returned to Fort Brooke, and from there little Eliza wrote her grandfather of her illness and recovery. In response he said, "I never my [grand] daughter received a letter with more pleasure than I did yours which came by last mail." He complimented her on her choice of words and penman- ship, which he attributed to her study and her tutors, but was most grateful for her sentiments that recalled happy days with her romp- ing about the house. Grandfather McIntosh told of the gout which had left his feet and settled in his arms, and feared that he would never live to see his grandchildren again.0o This letter, with its information about the declining health of both of her parents, must have made Mrs. Clinch long to be with them and for the comforts of Marianna in which to bring up her brood of six. She remained, however, with her husband and followed him when the army again transferred him. This time he was sent to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, the locale of his first command as a young and inexperienced officer. For ahnost a year he commanded the regu- lars in Louisiana, but was evidently also in charge of operations in Florida. In the attempt to protect his troops from the fevers and other diseases of summer in Baton Rouge, he desired to buy land for summer quarters; but the War Department was not sympathetica During the summer of 1831 the General was confronted by that most dreaded of all possibilities to the Southerner-a slave uprising. Respectable citizens of Louisiana feared a rebellion by their slaves, but had no definite proof. These citizens did not want the governor of Louisiana to call out the militia, for "doing so would in our opin- ion only show to that Class of our population [the slaves] that we feared them and would consequently be the best means that could be devised of letting them know their own strength of which it is our obvious policy to keep them ignorant."32 The vague rumors were that New Orleans and Baton Rouge would be attacked simultaneous- 30. John Houstoun McIntosh to Eliza Bayard Clinch, September 30, 1830, in D. C. Heyward Papers, Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 31. Adjutant General to Clinch, April 4, 1831, Letters Sent. 32. H. H. Gurley and others to Clinch, August 19, 1831, Letters Re- ceived. 64  Peaceful Years ly and the women and children slaughtered. The only way the slaves could hope to capture New Orleans, the frightened white citizens of Baton Rouge told Clinch, would be to capture the military supplies of their town and arm themselves for the assault on New Orleans. The perturbed Louisianians requested that a force be concentrated in Baton Rouge to nip the insurrection in the bud. General Clinch forwarded their letter to his superior, General Gaines, who commanded the Western Department of the Army. But the commander at Baton Rouge also reported that additional troops had recently arrived in New Orleans and that everything appeared quiet in that city.aa The slave insurrection, if it had been planned, never materialized. With Louisiana under control, Clinch renewed his application for a long furlough. As far back as 1827 he had requested leave, but it had not been granted. This time, however, he received permission for a six months' vacation from the army and spent part of it traveling through the Old Northwest. Mrs. Clinch did not accompany her husband, for during 1832, the year of his travels, she gave birth to a seventh child, Nicholas Bayard Clinch. In Springfield, Ohio, Gen- eral Clinch heard that the Fourth Infantry was to be ordered to the western Indian front across the Mississippi River. While joining his regiment in the West would be a personal hardship, he informed the Adjutant General that he was ready, if the need existed, to give up the remaining months of his furlough and obey orders.34 In Septem- ber, 1832, Clinch wrote from Lexington, Kentucky, that private business in East Florida made it necessary for him to return there and remain until the end of the year; therefore, he requested the extension of his furlough until January 17, 1833.35 In addition, the General requested that the headquarters of the Fourth Infantry be shifted from Baton Rouge to Mobile, Alabama. The latter place, he stated, was more central to his geographical area which extended from the east coast of Florida through Louisiana and, furthermore, his stay in the terrible climate at Baton Rouge had given him so many ills that his doctors had advised him to seek a residence near the seashore. 33. Clinch to Gaines, August 22, 1831, Letters Received. 34. Clinch to R. Jones, June 28, 1832, Letters Received. 35. Idem to idem, September 8, 1832, Letters Received. 65 Peaceful Years ly and the women and children slaughtered. The only way the slaves could hope to capture New Orleans, the frightened white citizens of Baton Rouge told Clinch, would be to capture the military supplies of their town and arm themselves for the assault on New Orleans. The perturbed Louisianians requested that a force be concentrated in Baton Rouge to nip the insurrection in the bud. General Clinch forwarded their letter to his superior, General Gaines, who commanded the Western Department of the Army. But the commander at Baton Rouge also reported that additional troops had recently arrived in New Orleans and that everything appeared quiet in that city.a5 The slave insurrection, if it had been planned, never materialized. With Louisiana under control, Clinch renewed his application for a long furlough. As far back as 1827 he had requested leave, but it had not been granted. This time, however, he received permission for a six months' vacation from the army and spent part of it traveling through the Old Northwest. Mrs. Clinch did not accompany her husband, for during 1832, the year of his travels, she gave birth to a seventh child, Nicholas Bayard Clinch. In Springfield, Ohio, Gen- eral Clinch heard that the Fourth Infantry was to be ordered to the western Indian front across the Mississippi River. While joining his regiment in the West would be a personal hardship, he informed the Adjutant General that he was ready, if the need existed, to give up the remaining months of his furlough and obey orders3s In Septem- ber, 1832, Clinch wrote from Lexington, Kentucky, that private business in East Florida made it necessary for him to return there and remain until the end of the year; therefore, he requested the extension of his furlough until January 17, 1833.35 In addition, the General requested that the headquarters of the Fourth Infantry be shifted from Baton Rouge to Mobile, Alabama. The latter place, he stated, was more central to his geographical area which extended from the east coast of Florida through Louisiana and, furthermore, his stay in the terrible climate at Baton Rouge had given him so many ills that his doctors had advised him to seek a residence near the seashore. 33. Clinch to Gaines, August 22, 1831, Letters Received. 34. Clinch to R. Jones, June 28, 1832, Letters Received. 35. Idem to idem, September 8, 1832, Letters Received. 65 Peaceful Years ly and the women and children slaughtered. The only way the slaves could hope to capture New Orleans, the frightened white citizens of Baton Rouge told Clinch, would be to capture the military supplies of their town and arm themselves for the assault on New Orleans. The perturbed Louisianians requested that a force be concentrated in Baton Rouge to nip the insurrection in the bud. General Clinch forwarded their letter to his superior, General Gaines, who commanded the Western Department of the Army. But the commander at Baton Rouge also reported that additional troops had recently arrived in New Orleans and that everything appeared quiet in that city.00 The slave insurrection, if it had been planned, never materialized. With Louisiana under control, Clinch renewed his application for a long furlough. As far back as 1827 he had requested leave, but it had not been granted. This time, however, he received permission for a six months' vacation from the army and spent part of it traveling through the Old Northwest. Mrs. Clinch did not accompany her husband, for during 1832, the year of his travels, she gave birth to a seventh child, Nicholas Bayard Clinch. In Springfield, Ohio, Gen- eral Clinch heard that the Fourth Infantry was to be ordered to the western Indian front across the Mississippi River. While joining his regiment in the West would be a personal hardship, he informed the Adjutant General that he was ready, if the need existed, to give up the remaining months of his furlough and obey orders.34 In Septem- ber, 1832, Clinch wrote from Lexington, Kentucky, that private business in East Florida made it necessary for him to return there and remain until the end of the year; therefore, he requested the extension of his furlough until January 17, 1833.35 In addition, the General requested that the headquarters of the Fourth Infantry be shifted from Baton Rouge to Mobile, Alabama. The latter place, he stated, was more central to his geographical area which extended from the east coast of Florida through Louisiana and, furthermore, his stay in the terrible climate at Baton Rouge had given him so many ills that his doctors had advised him to seek a residence near the seashore. 33. Clinch to Gaines, August 22, 1831, Letters Received. 34. Clinch to R. Jones, June 28, 1832, Letters Received. 35. Idem to idem, September 8, 1832, Letters Received. 65  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Fortunately the army did not need him in the West,00 and his re- quest for the establishment of headquarters at Mobile received ap- proval. Early in 1833 the General moved his family into a house in that city while he directed the Fourth Infantry from nearby Mobile Point. In Mobile his wife produced her eighth and last child, George W. Clinch. For the first time in over a decade Mrs. Clinch lived in a city rather than on an army post. In Mobile were friendly house- wives for company, playmates for her children, and churches to at- tend. Ever since the late summer of 1831 the rearing of her boys and girls in the rough and non-religious environments of army camps had more than ever before preyed on the mind of the sensitive wom- an and conscientious mother. In Mobile she enrolled them in the Presbyterian Sunday School, made secret confession of her "sins," and joined the church.3v Also disturbed by his family's situation, her husband decided to retire from the army to devote his time to his wife and children and to the management of the rice-producing Refuge Plantation in Cam- den County and the sugar-producing Lang Syne in Alachua County. He requested from his superiors a ninety-day leave of absence and sent his resignation to the War Department. The request was granted, but the resignation was not acceptedan The increasing unwillingness of the Florida Seminole Indians to move from their beloved homeland to an area, assigned by treaty, west of the Mississippi River required the presence of an experienced commander in the territory of Florida. During the last two months of 1834, the almost forty-eight-year- old general enjoyed the company of his children who ranged in years from teen-aged Eliza to infant George. Then, called to service in Florida before his leave had expired, he left them in their comfort- able home in Mobile and departed for frontier forts located near the Seminole Indians. Had duty allowed, he would have lingered to cele- brate the approaching thirty-fourth birthday of his still attractive wife, but he left her with the pleasant thought of retiring as soon as the Indians were pacified, and the promise of a happy reunion. He would never see her again. 36. Adjutant General to Clinch, July 3, 1832, Letters Sent. 37. See Chapter 6, p. 82. 38. Adjutant General to Clinch, October 10, 20, 1834, Letters Sent. 66 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Fortunately the army did not need him in the West,36 and his re- quest for the establishment of headquarters at Mobile received ap- proval. Early in 1833 the General moved his family into a house in that city while he directed the Fourth Infantry from nearby Mobile Point. In Mobile his wife produced her eighth and last child, George W. Clinch. For the first time in over a decade Mrs. Clinch lived in a city rather than on an army post. In Mobile were friendly house- wives for company, playmates for her children, and churches to at- tend. Ever since the late summer of 1831 the rearing of her boys and girls in the rough and non-religious environments of army camps had more than ever before preyed on the mind of the sensitive wom- an and conscientious mother. In Mobile she enrolled them in the Presbyterian Sunday School, made secret confession of her "sins," and joined the churchav Also disturbed by his family's situation, her husband decided to retire from the army to devote his time to his wife and children and to the management of the rice-producing Refuge Plantation in Cam- den County and the sugar-producing Lang Syne in Alachua County. He requested from his superiors a ninety-day leave of absence and sent his resignation to the War Department. The request was granted, but the resignation was not accepted3a The increasing unwillingness of the Florida Seminole Indians to move from their beloved homeland to an area, assigned by treaty, west of the Mississippi River required the presence of an experienced commander in the territory of Florida. During the last two months of 1834, the almost forty-eight-year- old general enjoyed the company of his children who ranged in years from teen-aged Eliza to infant George. Then, called to service in Florida before his leave had expired, he left them in their comfort- able home in Mobile and departed for frontier forts located near the Seminole Indians. Had duty allowed, he would have lingered to cele- brate the approaching thirty-fourth birthday of his still attractive wife, but he left her with the pleasant thought of retiring as soon as the Indians were pacified, and the promise of a happy reunion. He would never see her again. 36. Adjutant General to Clinch, July 3, 1832, Letters Sent. 37. See Chapter 6, p. 82. 38. Adjutant General to Clinch, October 10, 20, 1834, Letters Sent. 66 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Fortunately the army did not need him in the Westo and his re- quest for the establishment of headquarters at Mobile received ap- proval. Early in 1833 the General moved his family into a house in that city while he directed the Fourth Infantry from nearby Mobile Point. In Mobile his wife produced her eighth and last child, George W. Clinch. For the first time in over a decade Mrs. Clinch lived in a city rather than on an army post. In Mobile were friendly house- wives for company, playmates for her children, and churches to at- tend. Ever since the late summer of 1831 the rearing of her boys and girls in the rough and non-religious environments of army camps had more than ever before preyed on the mind of the sensitive wom- an and conscientious mother. In Mobile she enrolled them in the Presbyterian Sunday School, made secret confession of her "sins," and joined the churchar Also disturbed by his family's situation, her husband decided to retire from the army to devote his time to his wife and children and to the management of the rice-producing Refuge Plantation in Cam- den County and the sugar-producing Lang Syne in Alachua County. He requested from his superiors a ninety-day leave of absence and sent his resignation to the War Department. The request was granted, but the resignation was not accepted.an The increasing unwillingness of the Florida Seminole Indians to move from their beloved homeland to an area, assigned by treaty, west of the Mississippi River required the presence of an experienced commander in the territory of Florida. During the last two months of 1834, the almost forty-eight-year- old general enjoyed the company of his children who ranged in years from teen-aged Eliza to infant George. Then, called to service in Florida before his leave had expired, he left them in their comfort- able home in Mobile and departed for frontier forts located near the Seminole Indians. Had duty allowed, he would have lingered to cele- brate the approaching thirty-fourth birthday of his still attractive wife, but he left her with the pleasant thought of retiring as soon as the Indians were pacified, and the promise of a happy reunion. He would never see her again. 36. Adjutant General to Clinch, July 3, 1832, Letters Sent. 37. See Chapter 6, p. 82. 38. Adjutant General to Clinch, October 10, 20, 1834, Letters Sent. 66  SIX SIX SIX Negotiating with the Seminoles IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY Spanish conquistadors and colonizers met both friendly and hostile Indians in Florida. The Calusa, the most antagonistic of these natives, occupied the southwestern coast of peninsular Florida; and the Tekesta, Jeaga, and Ais on the east coast seldom welcomed the Spaniards. Even the friendly Timucan tribes who inhabited most of the colony eventually turned against the invader. Within two centuries these original na- tives had disappeared. In contrast to her Mexican and South Ameri- can policy, Spain handled the Florida natives with the same iron fist used on the Caribbean Indians. Rebellious natives were enslaved and put to hard labor, and European diseases wreaked havoc among the people. Domestication of the Indians in Florida by means of missions was attempted; but the freedom-loving natives did not flock into these agricultural and religious communities, and those who did were killed or scattered by English invaders from South Carolina. Other English colonials raided Florida to destroy both the means of liveli- hood and the lives of the aboriginal Indians. Before Great Britain acquired Florida in 1763, other Indians had moved into the place of those who had disappeared. These newcom- ers had separated from the Yamassees of South Carolina, the Creeks of Georgia, and other less well known tribes, and received the name of Seminole or "runaway" Indians. Hating the English colonists but anxious for British goods, these Indians responded favorably to Great Britain's policy of making treaties to define white and Indian terri- tory, annual grants, and favorable trade. On returning to Florida in 1783, the Spaniards never succeeded in winning the Seminoles from their British ties, and the Indians longed for the restoration of Eng- lish rule in Florida. Acquisition of the province by the United States 67 Negotiating with the Seminoles IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY Spanish conquistadors and colonizers met both friendly and hostile Indians in Florida. The Calusa, the most antagonistic of these natives, occupied the southwestern coast of peninsular Florida; and the Tekesta, Jeaga, and Ais on the east coast seldom welcomed the Spaniards. Even the friendly Timucan tribes who inhabited most of the colony eventually turned against the invader. Within two centuries these original na- tives had disappeared. In contrast to her Mexican and South Ameri- can policy, Spain handled the Florida natives with the same iron fist used on the Caribbean Indians. Rebellious natives were enslaved and put to hard labor, and European diseases wreaked havoc among the people. Domestication of the Indians in Florida by means of missions was attempted; but the freedom-loving natives did not flock into these agricultural and religious communities, and those who did were killed or scattered by English invaders from South Carolina. Other English colonials raided Florida to destroy both the means of liveli- hood and the lives of the aboriginal Indians. Before Great Britain acquired Florida in 1763, other Indians had moved into the place of those who had disappeared. These newcom- ers had separated from the Yamassees of South Carolina, the Creeks of Georgia, and other less well known tribes, and received the name of Seminole or "runaway" Indians. Hating the English colonists but anxious for British goods, these Indians responded favorably to Great Britain's policy of making treaties to define white and Indian terri- tory, annual grants, and favorable trade. On returning to Florida in 1783, the Spaniards never succeeded in winning the Seminoles from their British ties, and the Indians longed for the restoration of Eng- lish rule in Florida. Acquisition of the province by the United States 67 Negotiating with the Seminoles IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY Spanish conquistadors and colonizers met both friendly and hostile Indians in Florida. The Calusa, the most antagonistic of these natives, occupied the southwestern coast of peninsular Florida; and the Tekesta, Jeaga, and Ais on the east coast seldom welcomed the Spaniards. Even the friendly Timucan tribes who inhabited most of the colony eventually turned against the invader. Within two centuries these original na- tives had disappeared. In contrast to her Mexican and South Ameri- can policy, Spain handled the Florida natives with the same iron fist used on the Caribbean Indians. Rebellious natives were enslaved and put to hard labor, and European diseases wreaked havoc among the people. Domestication of the Indians in Florida by means of missions was attempted; but the freedom-loving natives did not flock into these agricultural and religious communities, and those who did were killed or scattered by English invaders from South Carolina. Other English colonials raided Florida to destroy both the means of liveli- hood and the lives of the aboriginal Indians. Before Great Britain acquired Florida in 1763, other Indians had moved into the place of those who had disappeared. These newcom- ers had separated from the Yamassees of South Carolina, the Creeks of Georgia, and other less well known tribes, and received the name of Seminole or "runaway" Indians. Hating the English colonists but anxious for British goods, these Indians responded favorably to Great Britain's policy of making treaties to define white and Indian terri- tory, annual grants, and favorable trade. On returning to Florida in 1783, the Spaniards never succeeded in winning the Seminoles from their British ties, and the Indians longed for the restoration of Eng- lish rule in Florida. Acquisition of the province by the United States 67  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM confronted the Seminoles with a more dangerous enemy than Spain. Land-hungry American settlers pushing into Indian lands inevitably clashed with the native owners; these clashes in turn brought the United States Army, and Indian concessions in treaties were often gained by force and fraud. In 1821 the Seminole Indians were composed of many separate and autonomous tribes, generally referred to by the whites as the Seminoles and Mikasuki. These owners of the land populated the river valleys-the Apalachicola and the Suwannee-the rolling hills of the Tallahassee area, and the fertile plains of Alachua. In one re- spect they had imitated their white neighbors. Realizing the impor- tance that ownership of slaves gave to Georgians, Seminole chiefs had also acquired Negroes for themselves and then had discovered that control of other human beings created responsibilities not de- sired by the Indians. Thus the slaves became nominal property, and were even allowed to furnish warriors for their owners. This arming of Negroes, and the fact that slaves ran away from American terri- tory to find a haven of relative freedom with the Indians, angered those Americans who believed in white supremacy. But the most potent forces operating against the rights of the Indi- ans were the American desire for land and the American belief that Indians and whites could not live together in peace. In the second and third decades of the nineteenth century the Americans were de- termined to move the natives from their eastern homelands to the vast, unsettled regions beyond the Mississippi River. The election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency in 1828 and the increased influ- ence of western thought in the nation hardened the already deter- mined American policy of Indian removal. In 1823 American commissioners had bribed and intimidated the Seminoles into the Treaty of Moultrie Creek. By its provisions the majority of the Indians were to move into a four-million-acre reserve, located on land between Lake Okeechobee and the Gulf coast, in re- turn for American payment of the cost of removal and annual grants of approximately $11,000 for tools and subsistence. To placate the six Indian chiefs and save the treaty, reservations were granted to some Indians in the Apalachicola region. Removal of the main body of natives to their assigned territory was not accomplished without 68 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM confronted the Seminoles with a more dangerous enemy than Spain. Land-hungry American settlers pushing into Indian lands inevitably clashed with the native owners; these clashes in turn brought the United States Army, and Indian concessions in treaties were often gained by force and fraud. In 1821 the Seminole Indians were composed of many separate and autonomous tribes, generally referred to by the whites as the Seminoles and Mikasuki. These owners of the land populated the river valleys-the Apalachicola and the Suwannee-the rolling hills of the Tallahassee area, and the fertile plains of Alachua. In one re- spect they had imitated their white neighbors. Realizing the impor- tance that ownership of slaves gave to Georgians, Seminole chiefs had also acquired Negroes for themselves and then had discovered that control of other human beings created responsibilities not de- sired by the Indians. Thus the slaves became nominal property, and were even allowed to furnish warriors for their owners. This arming of Negroes, and the fact that slaves ran away from American terri- tory to find a haven of relative freedom with the Indians, angered those Americans who believed in white supremacy. But the most potent forces operating against the rights of the Indi- ans were the American desire for land and the American belief that Indians and whites could not live together in peace. In the second and third decades of the nineteenth century the Americans were de- termined to move the natives from their eastern homelands to the vast, unsettled regions beyond the Mississippi River. The election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency in 1828 and the increased influ- ence of western thought in the nation hardened the already deter- mined American policy of Indian removal. In 1823 American commissioners had bribed and intimidated the Seminoles into the Treaty of Moultrie Creek. By its provisions the majority of the Indians weere to move into a four-million-acre reserve, located on land between Lake Okeechobee and the Gulf coast, in re- turn for American payment of the cost of removal and annual grants of approximately $11,000 for tools and subsistence. To placate the six Indian chiefs and save the treaty, reservations were granted to some Indians in the Apalachicola region. Removal of the main body of natives to their assigned territory was not accomplished without 68 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM confronted the Seminoles with a more dangerous enemy than Spain. Land-hungry American settlers pushing into Indian lands inevitably clashed with the native owners; these clashes in turn brought the United States Army, and Indian concessions in treaties were often gained by force and fraud. In 1821 the Seminole Indians were composed of many separate and autonomous tribes, generally referred to by the whites as the Seminoles and Mikasuki. These owners of the land populated the river valleys-the Apalachicola and the Suwannee-the rolling hills of the Tallahassee area, and the fertile plains of Alachua. In one re- spect they had imitated their white neighbors. Realizing the impor- tance that ownership of slaves gave to Georgians, Seminole chiefs had also acquired Negroes for themselves and then had discovered that control of other human beings created responsibilities not de- sired by the Indians. Thus the slaves became nominal property, and were even allowed to furnish warriors for their owners. This arming of Negroes, and the fact that slaves ran away from American terri- tory to find a haven of relative freedom with the Indians, angered those Americans who believed in white supremacy. But the most potent forces operating against the rights of the Indi- ans were the American desire for land and the American belief that Indians and whites could not live together in peace. In the second and third decades of the nineteenth century the Americans were de- termined to move the natives from their eastern homelands to the vast, unsettled regions beyond the Mississippi River. The election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency in 1828 and the increased influ- ence of western thought in the nation hardened the already deter- mined American policy of Indian removal. In 1823 American commissioners had bribed and intimidated the Seminoles into the Treaty of Moultrie Creek. By its provisions the majority of the Indians were to move into a four-million-acre reserve, located on land between Lake Okeechobee and the Gulf coast, in re- turn for American payment of the cost of removal and annual grants of approximately $11,000 for tools and subsistence. To placate the six Indian chiefs and save the treaty, reservations were granted to some Indians in the Apalachicola region. Removal of the main body of natives to their assigned territory was not accomplished without 68  Negotiating with the Seminoles incident, but gradually the recalcitrant ones were rounded up and sent to their assigned lands. The soil in the Indian territory was poor, severe droughts reduced agricultural production, and a considerable portion of the federal grants appropriated for the Indians remained in the pockets of white agents. Realizing the dire plight of the Semi- noles, the United States government twice extended the boundaries of the Indian lands; but hungry, resentful, and bewildered, the Semi- noles wandered beyond their limits to grab corn and cattle to ease the hunger pangs of their women and children. White settlers responded with forays into Indian territory to avenge their compatriots and to kidnap Negroes. This critical situation made it imperative that the government either provide adequately for the Seminoles or move them to reserva- tions in the West. Floridians demanded the latter solution, and this demand fitted into the national policy of Indian removal. In 1828 exploratory talks were initiated and the Seminoles were assured that migration from Florida would not be forced upon them. Then for four years the United States did nothing, and the Indians became more and more attached to their Florida homeland. In May, 1832, James Gadsden, United States Commissioner, per- suaded the most influential chiefs to sign the Treaty of Payne's Land- ing. By its terms they agreed to cede their Florida holdings to the United States and migrate west, with the American government paying all the costs of the removal and furnishing annuities to the tribes. Before final acceptance of the western reservation, the Indians sent seven chiefs to Fort Gibson, Arkansas, to see the assigned land and confirm the treaty. At Fort Gibson they signed the confirmation treaty in 1833, but some of the chiefs claimed that they never signed or signed under duress or under the influence of the white man's firewater. At any rate their agreement was repudiated by the Semi- nole chiefs in Florida. The United States, however, claimed that the treaties were binding and stated that the Indians would be removed, one-third of them in 1833 and the others in 1834 and 1835. In 1834 the Indians of the Apalachicola region did leave for the west, but dilatory tactics left those in peninsular Florida undisturbed. In 1835 the United States made belated but determined efforts to send the Seminoles to western lands. Arrangements were entrusted 69 Negotiating with the Seminoles incident, but gradually the recalcitrant ones were rounded up and sent to their assigned lands. The soil in the Indian territory was poor, severe droughts reduced agricultural production, and a considerable portion of the federal grants appropriated for the Indians remained in the pockets of white agents. Realizing the dire plight of the Semi- noles, the United States government twice extended the boundaries of the Indian lands; but hungry, resentful, and bewildered, the Semi- noles wandered beyond their limits to grab corn and cattle to ease the hunger pangs of their women and children. White settlers responded with forays into Indian territory to avenge their compatriots and to kidnap Negroes. This critical situation made it imperative that the government either provide adequately for the Seminoles or move them to reserva- tions in the West. Floridians demanded the latter solution, and this demand fitted into the national policy of Indian removal. In 1828 exploratory talks were initiated and the Seminoles were assured that migration from Florida would not be forced upon them. Then for four years the United States did nothing, and the Indians became more and more attached to their Florida homeland. In May, 1832, James Gadsden, United States Commissioner, per- suaded the most influential chiefs to sign the Treaty of Payne's Land- ing. By its terms they agreed to cede their Florida holdings to the United States and migrate west, with the American government paying all the costs of the removal and furnishing annuities to the tribes. Before final acceptance of the western reservation, the Indians sent seven chiefs to Fort Gibson, Arkansas, to see the assigned land and confirm the treaty. At Fort Gibson they signed the confirmation treaty in 1833, but some of the chiefs claimed that they never signed or signed under duress or under the influence of the white man's firewater. At any rate their agreement was repudiated by the Semi- nole chiefs in Florida. The United States, however, claimed that the treaties were binding and stated that the Indians would be removed, one-third of them in 1833 and the others in 1834 and 1835. In 1834 the Indians of the Apalachicola region did leave for the west, but dilatory tactics left those in peninsular Florida undisturbed. In 1835 the United States made belated but determined efforts to send the Seminoles to western lands. Arrangements were entrusted 69 Negotiating with the Seminoles incident, but gradually the recalcitrant ones were rounded up and sent to their assigned lands. The soil in the Indian territory was poor, severe droughts reduced agricultural production, and a considerable portion of the federal grants appropriated for the Indians remained in the pockets of white agents. Realizing the dire plight of the Semi- noles, the United States government twice extended the boundaries of the Indian lands; but hungry, resentful, and bewildered, the Semi- noles wandered beyond their limits to grab corn and cattle to ease the hunger pangs of their women and children. White settlers responded with forays into Indian territory to avenge their compatriots and to kidnap Negroes. This critical situation made it imperative that the government either provide adequately for the Seminoles or move them to reserva- tions in the West. Floridians demanded the latter solution, and this demand fitted into the national policy of Indian removal. In 1828 exploratory talks were initiated and the Seminoles were assured that migration from Florida would not be forced upon them. Then for four years the United States did nothing, and the Indians became more and more attached to their Florida homeland. In May, 1832, James Gadsden, United States Commissioner, per- suaded the most influential chiefs to sign the Treaty of Payne's Land- ing. By its terms they agreed to cede their Florida holdings to the United States and migrate west, with the American government paying all the costs of the removal and furnishing annuities to the tribes. Before final acceptance of the western reservation, the Indians sent seven chiefs to Fort Gibson, Arkansas, to see the assigned land and confirm the treaty. At Fort Gibson they signed the confirmation treaty in 1833, but some of the chiefs claimed that they never signed or signed under duress or under the influence of the white man's firewater. At any rate their agreement was repudiated by the Semi- nole chiefs in Florida. The United States, however, claimed that the treaties were binding and stated that the Indians would be removed, one-third of them in 1833 and the others in 1834 and 1835. In 1834 the Indians of the Apalachicola region did leave for the west, but dilatory tactics left those in peninsular Florida undisturbed. In 1835 the United States made belated but determined efforts to send the Seminoles to western lands. Arrangements were entrusted 69  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM to Wiley Thompson, the Indian agent, and to General Duncan La- mont Clinch and his companies of regulars. In that year the United States had three principal forts in Florida. Fort King was situated on high land among pine trees some three miles from Silver Springs on the road toward present-day Ocala. Fort Drane was located about ten miles below Micanopy on the plantation owned by General Clinch. The fort had been constructed by and named for Augustus S. Drane, and encompassed a rectangle, one hundred fsfty yards in length and eighty in width, enclosed by a twelve-foot-high wall of upright logs. One blockhouse on the east contained one small can- non, and mounted on the northern blockhouse were two fieldpieces. Cut into the log walls were three hundred loopholes for riflemen. Within the fort a two-story former plantation house provided accom- modations for officers, while enlisted men occupied tents. Whenever the military force reached unusual numbers, tents dotted the slightly rolling terrain outside the fort's walls. More than a hundred miles to the south stood Fort Brooke near Tampa Bay. These fortifications gave the United States control points near the perimeters of the Seminole lands. In limiting General Clinch to the command of all troops in Flor- ida, the War Department instructed him to confer frequently and co- operate fully with Indian Agent Thompson in order to accomplish "the peaceful and harmonious removal of the Indians, according to their treaty with the U. States."1 Before reaching Fort King, Clinch complained that the force assigned him was inadequate for the in- tended purpose and too small for an officer of his rank to command. The Adjutant General replied that the importance of a command de- pended on the objective of a campaign rather than numbers of sol- diers, and that the removal of the Indians required the presence of a brigadier general. He assured Clinch that the department believed "the duties could not be intrusted to better hands." Furthermore, the General could attend to his private interest while in Florida, the tour of duty would be of short duration, and he would be able to resume and to enjoy his leave.2 1. Adjutant General tAlexander Macomb] to Clinch, November 24, 1834, Letters Sent; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, Na- tional Archives. 2. Macomb to Clinch, February 7, 1835, Letters Sent. 70 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM to Wiley Thompson, the Indian agent, and to General Duncan La- mont Clinch and his companies of regulars. In that year the United States had three principal forts in Florida. Fort King was situated on high land among pine trees some three miles from Silver Springs on the road toward present-day Ocala. Fort Drane was located about ten miles below Micanopy on the plantation owned by General Clinch. The fort had been constructed by and named for Augustus S. Drane, and encompassed a rectangle, one hundred fifty yards in length and eighty in width, enclosed by a twelve-foot-high wall of upright logs. One blockhouse on the east contained one small can- non, and mounted on the northern blockhouse were two fieldpieces. Cut into the log walls were three hundred loopholes for riflemen. Within the fort a two-story former plantation house provided accom- modations for officers, while enlisted men occupied tents. Whenever the military force reached unusual numbers, tents dotted the slightly rolling terrain outside the fort's walls. More than a hundred miles to the south stood Fort Brooke near Tampa Bay. These fortifications gave the United States control points near the perimeters of the Seminole lands. In limiting General Clinch to the command of all troops in Flor- ida, the War Department instructed him to confer frequently and co- operate fully with Indian Agent Thompson in order to accomplish "the peaceful and harmonious removal of the Indians, according to their treaty with the U. States."1 Before reaching Fort King, Clinch complained that the force assigned him was inadequate for the in- tended purpose and too small for an officer of his rank to command. The Adjutant General replied that the importance of a command de- pended on the objective of a campaign rather than numbers of sol- diers, and that the removal of the Indians required the presence of a brigadier general. He assured Clinch that the department believed "the duties could not be intrusted to better hands." Furthermore, the General could attend to his private interest while in Florida, the tour of duty would be of short duration, and he would be able to resume and to enjoy his leave.2 1. Adjutant General {Alexander Macomb] to Clinch, November 24, 1834, Letters Sent; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, Na- tional Archives. 2. Macomb to Clinch, February 7, 1835, Letters Sent. 70 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM to Wiley Thompson, the Indian agent, and to General Duncan La- mont Clinch and his companies of regulars. In that year the United States had three principal forts in Florida. Fort King was situated on high land among pine trees some three miles from Silver Springs on the road toward present-day Ocala. Fort Drane was located about ten miles below Micanopy on the plantation owned by General Clinch. The fort had been constructed by and named for Augustus S. Drane, and encompassed a rectangle, one hundred fifty yards in length and eighty in width, enclosed by a twelve-foot-high wall of upright logs. One blockhouse on the east contained one small can- non, and mounted on the northern blockhouse were two fieldpieces. Cut into the log walls were three hundred loopholes for riflemen. Within the fort a two-story former plantation house provided accom- modations for officers, while enlisted men occupied tents. Whenever the military force reached unusual numbers, tents dotted the slightly rolling terrain outside the fort's walls. More than a hundred miles to the south stood Fort Brooke near Tampa Bay. These fortifications gave the United States control points near the perimeters of the Seminole lands. In limiting General Clinch to the command of all troops in Flor- ida, the War Department instructed him to confer frequently and co- operate fully with Indian Agent Thompson in order to accomplish "the peaceful and harmonious removal of the Indians, according to their treaty with the U. States."r Before reaching Fort King, Clinch complained that the force assigned him was inadequate for the in- tended purpose and too small for an officer of his rank to command. The Adjutant General replied that the importance of a command de- pended on the objective of a campaign rather than numbers of sol- diers, and that the removal of the Indians required the presence of a brigadier general. He assured Clinch that the department believed "the duties could not be intrusted to better hands." Furthermore, the General could attend to his private interest while in Florida, the tour of duty would be of short duration, and he would be able to resume and to enjoy his leave.2 1. Adjutant General {Alexander Macomb to Clinch, November 24, 1834, Letters Sent; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, Na- tional Archives. 2. Macomb to Clinch, February 7, 1835, Letters Sent. 70  Negotiating with the Seminoles Officials in distant Washington were naively optimistic about the willingness of the Seminoles to leave Florida. The War Department did order four additional companies to Fort King and authorized Clinch to bring up another company from Key West. In the opinion of the War Department, two or three officers assisting the Indian agent for three weeks could accomplish the removal of the Indians.s A few weeks at Fort King convinced Clinch of the abysmal igno- rance of officials in Washington concerning the Seminoles. "The more I see of this tribe of Indians," he wrote, "the more fully am I convinced that they have not the least intention of fulfilling their treaty stipulations, unless compelled to do so by a stronger force than mere words."4 Neither reason nor argument "except the argument of force," he continued, would have the slightest influence; unless suf- ficient troops were sent to Florida, the Seminoles could not be re- moved; and feeble attempts to move them would cause the entire frontier to be laid waste "by a combination of the Indians, Indian Negroes and the Negroes on the plantations." The General's observations were prophetic. By 1835 young lead- ers of the Seminoles, who were determined to retain their Florida homeland, had won the loyalty of a majority of their fellow tribes- men. Incipient objection to removal had hardened into unyielding resistance: only military might could make the Indians leave Flor- ida, and many of the Seminoles preferred death in battle to supine acquiescence to American demands. Many reasons had contributed to this decision. In the first place, there was the deep fear that removal to the West would place the Seminoles under the Creeks and undermine the authority of tribal chiefs. Secondly, the "traders, whiskey dealers, and swindlers, hov- ering on, and all around the Indian border," acquired a tremen- dous control over the poor Indian, who would exchange his last grain of corn for whiskey; and some of the traders encouraged the Indians "to steal, by purchasing from him cowhides with the brands cut out; and to swell [the traders'] disgraceful profits, their grasping avarice, and the convenience of pond water, tempts them to make two bar- rels of whiskey out of one. They are thus reaping a golden harvest; 3. Idem to idem, February 17, March 12, 1835, Letters Sent. 4. Clinch to Adjutant General, January 22, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 71 Negotiating with the Seminoles Officials in distant Washington were naively optimistic about the willingness of the Seminoles to leave Florida. The War Department did order four additional companies to Fort King and authorized Clinch to bring up another company from Key West. In the opinion of the War Department, two or three officers assisting the Indian agent for three weeks could accomplish the removal of the Indians.s A few weeks at Fort King convinced Clinch of the abysmal igno- rance of officials in Washington concerning the Seminoles. "The more I see of this tribe of Indians," he wrote, "the more fully am I convinced that they have not the least intention of fulfilling their treaty stipulations, unless compelled to do so by a stronger force than mere words."4 Neither reason nor argument "except the argument of force," he continued, would have the slightest influence; unless suf- ficient troops were sent to Florida, the Seminoles could not be re- moved; and feeble attempts to move them would cause the entire frontier to be laid waste "by a combination of the Indians, Indian Negroes and the Negroes on the plantations." The General's observations were prophetic. By 1835 young lead- ers of the Seminoles, who were determined to retain their Florida homeland, had won the loyalty of a majority of their fellow tribes- men. Incipient objection to removal had hardened into unyielding resistance: only military might could make the Indians leave Flor- ida, and many of the Seminoles preferred death in battle to supine acquiescence to American demands. Many reasons bad contributed to this decision. In the first place, there was the deep fear that removal to the West would place the Seminoles under the Creeks and undermine the authority of tribal chiefs. Secondly, the "traders, whiskey dealers, and swindlers, hov- ering on, and all around the Indian border," acquired a tremen- dous control over the poor Indian, who would exchange his last grain of corn for whiskey; and some of the traders encouraged the Indians "to steal, by purchasing from him cowhides with the brands cut out; and to swell [the traders'] disgraceful profits, their grasping avarice, and the convenience of pond water, tempts them to make two bar- rels of whiskey out of one. They are thus reaping a golden harvest; 3. Idem to idem, February 17, March 12, 1835, Letters Sent. 4. Clinch to Adjutant General, January 22, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 71 Negotiating with the Seminoles Officials in distant Washington were naively optimistic about the willingness of the Seminoles to leave Florida. The War Department did order four additional companies to Fort King and authorized Clinch to bring up another company from Key West. In the opinion of the War Department, two or three offiers assisting the Indian agent for three weeks could accomplish the removal of the Indians. A few weeks at Fort King convinced Clinch of the abysmal igno- rance of officials in Washington concerning the Seminoles. "The more I see of this tribe of Indians," he wrote, "the more fully am I convinced that they have not the least intention of fulfilling their treaty stipulations, unless compelled to do so by a stronger force than mere words."a Neither reason nor argument "except the argument of force," he continued, would have the slightest influence; unless suf- ficient troops were sent to Florida, the Seminoles could not be re- moved; and feeble attempts to move them would cause the entire frontier to be laid waste "by a combination of the Indians, Indian Negroes and the Negroes on the plantations." The General's observations were prophetic. By 1835 young lead- ers of the Seminoles, who were determined to retain their Florida homeland, had won the loyalty of a majority of their fellow tribes- men. Incipient objection to removal had hardened into unyielding resistance: only military might could make the Indians leave Flor- ida, and many of the Seminoles preferred death in battle to supine acquiescence to American demands. Many reasons had contributed to this decision. In the first place, there was the deep fear that removal to the West would place the Seminoles under the Creeks and undermine the authority of tribal chiefs. Secondly, the "traders, whiskey dealers, and swindlers, hov- ering on, and all around the Indian border," acquired a tremen- dous control over the poor Indian, who would exchange his last grain of corn for whiskey; and some of the traders encouraged the Indians "to steal, by purchasing from him cowhides with the brands cut out; and to swell [the traders'] disgraceful profits, their grasping avarice, and the convenience of pond water, tempts them to make two bar- rels of whiskey out of one. They are thus reaping a golden harvest; 3. Idem to idem, February 17, March 12, 1835, Letters Sent. 4. Clinch to Adjutant General, January 22, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 71  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM which will be blasted by the removal of the Indians. Hence, their efforts . . . to excite Indian hostility to emigration."5 General Clinch realized the effect of whiskey upon the Indians and ordered a sub- ordinate to place guards by all the liquor traders who operated near Indian territory to prevent trade between the whiskey dealers and the natives, and to seize all the firewater intended for sale to the Semi- noles. A third factor in the Indian objection to removal was the Negroes in their midst. These Negroes were better agriculturists than the Seminoles, more conversant with the white man's civilization, and better fighters. Many of them had escaped from their Creek Indian masters and feared that removal to the West would restore them to former owners.7 The Negroes also realized that their congregation at Tampa Bay for the westward migration would bring agents of their former masters in Georgia and other American states to claim run- away slaves. Even the free Negroes had no real defense against un- scrupulous agents who would demonstrate faked evidence of owner- ship of human beings, which was, nevertheless, acceptable to a jus- tice sympathetic to American slaveholders. The Negroes, therefore, used all their considerable influence in Seminole councils to support those who would resist removal. Above all, many Indians objected to leaving their Florida home. Even though their lands were poor and the securing of food always a problem, they clung to their sandy soil, their tree-covered hammocks, and their languid waters. All of these were home, and the West was distant and unknown. Furthermore, the more intelligent Indians knew that they had valid title to their lands and believed the agre- ment for removal had been forced on them. Men of any race of any period in history have always been willing to face disadvantageous odds to retain their homeland and to protect their women and chil- dren. The Seminoles were to confirm this generalization. 5. Wiley Thompson to William P. DuVal, January 1, 1834, in House of Representatives Document No. 271, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, 1838), 7-11. Hereinafter referred to as House Document 271. 6. Clinch to R. A. Zanzinger (commander at Fort Brooke), January 18, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35. 7. For the past played by the Negroes in the Seminole War, see Kenneth W. Porter, "Florida Slaves and Free Negroes in the Seminole War," Journal of Negro History, XXVtIt, 390-96. 72 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM which will be blasted by the removal of the Indians. Hence, their efforts . . . to excite Indian hostility to emigration."5 General Clinch realized the effect of whiskey upon the Indians and ordered a sub- ordinate to place guards by all the liquor traders who operated near Indian territory to prevent trade between the whiskey dealers and the natives, and to seize all the firewater intended for sale to the Semi- noles.e A third factor in the Indian objection to removal was the Negroes in their midst. These Negroes were better agriculturists than the Seminoles, more conversant with the white man's civilization, and better fighters. Many of them had escaped from their Creek Indian masters and feared that removal to the West would restore them to former owners.0 The Negroes also realized that their congregation at Tampa Bay for the westward migration would bring agents of their former masters in Georgia and other American states to claim run- away slaves. Even the free Negroes had no real defense against un- scrupulous agents who would demonstrate faked evidence of owner- ship of human beings, which was, nevertheless, acceptable to a jus- tice sympathetic to American slaveholders. The Negroes, therefore, used all their considerable influence in Seminole councils to support those who would resist removal. Above all, many Indians objected to leaving their Florida home. Even though their lands were poor and the securing of food always a problem, they clung to their sandy soil, their tree-covered hammocks, and their languid waters. All of these were home, and the West was distant and unknown. Furthermore, the more intelligent Indians knew that they had valid title to their lands and believed the agree- ment for removal had been forced on them. Men of any race of any period in history have always been willing to face disadvantageous odds to retain their homeland and to protect their women and chil- dren. The Seminoles were to confirm this generalization. 5. Wiley Thompson to William P. DuVal, January 1, 1834, in House of Representatives Document No. 271, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, 1838), 7-11. Hereinafter referred to as House Document 271. 6. Clinch to R. A. Zanzinger (commander at Fort Brooke), January 18, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35. 7. For the part played by the Negroes in the Seminole War, see Kenneth W. Porter, "Florida Slaves and Free Negroes in the Seminole War," Journal of Negro History, XXVIII, 390-96. 72 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM which will be blasted by the removal of the Indians. Hence, their efforts ... to excite Indian hostility to emigration."5 General Clinch realized the effect of whiskey upon the Indians and ordered a sub- ordinate to place guards by all the liquor traders who operated near Indian territory to prevent trade between the whiskey dealers and the natives, and to seize all the firewater intended for sale to the Semi- noles.s A third factor in the Indian objection to removal was the Negroes in their midst. These Negroes were better agriculturists than the Seminoles, more conversant with the white man's civilization, and better fighters. Many of them had escaped from their Creek Indian masters and feared that removal to the West would restore them to former owners.7 The Negroes also realized that their congregation at Tampa Bay for the westward migration would bring agents of their former masters in Georgia and other American states to claim run- away slaves. Even the free Negroes had no real defense against un- scrupulous agents who would demonstrate faked evidence of owner- ship of human beings, which was, nevertheless, acceptable to a jus- tice sympathetic to American slaveholders. The Negroes, therefore, used all their considerable influence in Seminole councils to support those who would resist removal. Above all, many Indians objected to leaving their Florida home. Even though their lands were poor and the securing of food always a problem, they clung to their sandy soil, their tree-covered hammocks, and their languid waters. All of these were home, and the West was distant and unknown. Furthermore, the more intelligent Indians knew that they had valid title to their lands and believed the agre- ment for removal had been forced on them. Men of any race of any period in history have always been willing to face disadvantageous odds to retain their homeland and to protect their women and chil- dren. The Seminoles were to confirm this generalization. 5. Wiley Thompson to William P. DuVal, January 1, 1834, in House of Representatives Document No. 271, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, 1838), 7-11. Hereinafter referred to as House Document 271. 6. Clinch to R. A. Zanzinger (commander at Fort Brooke), January 18, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35. 7. For the part played by the Negroes in the Seminole War, see Kenneth W. Porter, "Florida Slaves and Free Negroes in the Seminole War," Journal of Negro History, XXVIII, 390-96. 72  Negotiating with the Seminoles The American War Department, however, remained naive and op- timistic. It rejected General Clinch's theory of Indian resistance and consequent frontier warfare. Secretary of War Lewis Cass wrote Clinch that President Jackson was set on removal and the fulfillment of all treaty obligations by the Indians. Explain to them the entire subject, he advised, hold out the inducements for compliance with their treaties, reason with them, let every measure short of force be used, and if they remain recalcitrant after being treated with kind- ness, then resort to force.8 The Secretary directed his commanding general to call the Indians into conference and to impress them with the determination of the United States government to insist on treaty compliance. Instead of calling a general conference, Clinch talked with indi- vidual Seminole chiefs whom he invited to Fort King. With the ex- ception of Micanopy, all the principal chiefs conferred with the Gen- eral, and the latter sent word that Micanopy's presence in person was essential. The Indians met at Micanopy's town and agreed to assem- ble for talks at the fort. In individual conversations and later in con- ferences with the Indians, Clinch emphasized that they must agree to movement in mass during the spring of 1836. The General real- ized that this removal of all the Seminoles at one time was not in ac- cord with military policy of sending one-third of them in successive migrations. He pointed out, however, that by treaty the date for re- moval of all the Indians had been reached, and that to transport some but not all of the Indians would leave those remaining in Flor- ida with no agent to watch over and protect them. Their Negroes, cattle, and other property would "fall prey to the cupidity of the de- signing white man, who is lying concealed with his false title to pounce on their Negroes, and, with whiskey, to defraud them of their cattle." Clinch also believed that a single movement of all the Seminoles would reduce their resistance. He thought that after Chief Micanopy knew the determined stand of the President, the Indian, "of but little talent or energy of character" but of tremendous influ- ence, would accept the inevitable. Clinch showed compassion: It is impossible not to feel a deep interest and much sympathy for this people; but at the same time, every humane and benevolent man 8. Cass to Clinch, February 16, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 162-63. 73 Negotiating with the Seminoles The American War Department, however, remained naive and op- timistic. It rejected General Clinch's theory of Indian resistance and consequent frontier warfare. Secretary of War Lewis Cass wrote Clinch that President Jackson was set on removal and the fulfillment of all treaty obligations by the Indians. Explain to them the entire subject, he advised, hold out the inducements for compliance with their treaties, reason with them, let every measure short of force be used, and if they remain recalcitrant after being treated with kind- ness, then resort to force.8 The Secretary directed his commanding general to call the Indians into conference and to impress them with the determination of the United States government to insist on treaty compliance. Instead of calling a general conference, Clinch talked with indi- vidual Seminole chiefs whom he invited to Fort King. With the ex- ception of Micanopy, all the principal chiefs conferred with the Gen- eral, and the latter sent word that Micanopy's presence in person was essential. The Indians met at Micanopy's town and agreed to assem- ble for talks at the fort. In individual conversations and later in con- ferences with the Indians, Clinch emphasized that they must agree to movement in mass during the spring of 1836. The General real- ized that this removal of all the Seminoles at one time was not in ac- cord with military policy of sending one-third of them in successive migrations. He pointed out, however, that by treaty the date for re- moval of all the Indians had been reached, and that to transport some but not all of the Indians would leave those remaining in Flor- ida with no agent to watch over and protect them. Their Negroes, cattle, and other property would "fall prey to the cupidity of the de- signing white man, who is lying concealed with his false title to pounce on their Negroes, and, with whiskey, to defraud them of their cattle." Clinch also believed that a single movement of all the Seminoles would reduce their resistance. He thought that after Chief Micanopy knew the determined stand of the President, the Indian, "of but little talent or energy of character" but of tremendous influ- ence, would accept the inevitable. Clinch showed compassion: It is impossible not to feel a deep interest and much sympathy for this people; but at the same time, every humane and benevolent man 8. Cass to Clinch, February 16, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 162-63. 73 Negotiating with the Seminoles The American War Department, however, remained naive and op- timistic. It rejected General Clinch's theory of Indian resistance and consequent frontier warfare. Secretary of War Lewis Cass wrote Clinch that President Jackson was set on removal and the fulfillment of all treaty obligations by the Indians. Explain to them the entire subject, he advised, hold out the inducements for compliance with their treaties, reason with them, let every measure short of force be used, and if they remain recalcitrant after being treated with kind- ness, then resort to force.8 The Secretary directed his commanding general to call the Indians into conference and to impress them with the determination of the United States government to insist on treaty compliance. Instead of calling a general conference, Clinch talked with indi- vidual Seminole chiefs whom he invited to Fort King. With the ex- ception of Micanopy, all the principal chiefs conferred with the Gen- eral, and the latter sent word that Micanopy's presence in person was essential. The Indians met at Micanopy's town and agreed to assem- ble for talks at the fort. In individual conversations and later in con- ferences with the Indians, Clinch emphasized that they must agree to movement in mass during the spring of 1836. The General real- ized that this removal of all the Seminoles at one time was not in ac- cord with military policy of sending one-third of them in successive migrations. He pointed out, however, that by treaty the date for re- moval of all the Indians had been reached, and that to transport some but not all of the Indians would leave those remaining in Flor- ida with no agent to watch over and protect them. Their Negroes, cattle, and other property would "fall prey to the cupidity of the de- signing white man, who is lying concealed with his false title to pounce on their Negroes, and, with whiskey, to defraud them of their cattle." Clinch also believed that a single movement of all the Seminoles would reduce their resistance. He thought that after Chief Micanopy knew the determined stand of the President, the Indian, "of but little talent or energy of character" but of tremendous influ- ence, would accept the inevitable. Clinch showed compassion: It is impossible not to feel a deep interest and much sympathy for this people; but at the same time, every humane and benevolent man 8. Cass to Clinch, February 16, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 162-63. 73  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM at all acquainted with their character must acknowledge, that the wise and benevolent course adopted by the Government is the only one that can save them from utter destruction. And when all other plans fail, then it is humanity to compel the refractory to conform to the measures that have been wisely adopted for the general good of the whole nation.a The General's plan to allow the Indians to remain until March 1, 1836, and then to move them in one body to the West was approved by the War Department.lo This approval was transmitted to Clinch, but long before the assigned date violent Indian resistance was to turn Florida into a shambles. But at the time Clinch and Wiley Thompson continued their negotiations with the Seminoles. On March 27, 1835, approximately 150 Indians with many of their leading chiefs appeared at Fort King. Micanopy, Jumper," and the other chiefs listened to Agent Thompson read the President's message on the absolute necessity of removal; the agent then ex- plained in detail the provisions of treaties made by the Seminoles, and emphasized the President's friendship for those who kept their promises. After deliberating, the assembled chiefs stated that they could not make a binding and important decision without confer- ring with their brother chiefs and requested a delay of thirty days. After some haggling, Thompson agreed to give them twenty-two days from March 29, and the chiefs promised a general council of the Nation on April 20 at Fort King.12 Throughout the three-day conference Clinch did not participate in the general talks, but he did parade his six companies of soldiers to impress the Indians. He fervently wished that he had two six- pounders to thunder away a few times. In personal meetings with the individual chiefs he used every possible argument to convince them "of the utter folly of attempting to resist by force the fulfillment of their solemn treaties; as it would certainly bring misery and ruin upon their wives and children and on their Nation." The General 9. Clinch to R. Jones, March 19, 1835, Letters Received. 10. Endorsement, April 13, 1835, on Clinch to Jones, March 19, 1835. 11. Indian Agent Wiley Thompson considered Jumper and not Micanopy the most influential Seminole. "Jumper, who is the principal chief, law mak- er, and (as he is sometimes called) sense keeper.. ." Thompson to Lewis Cass, March 31, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 79-80. 12. Ibid.; Clinch to R. Jones, April 1, 1835, Letters Received. 74 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM at all acquainted with their character must acknowledge, that the wise and benevolent course adopted by the Government is the only one that can save them from utter destruction. And when all other plans fail, then it is humanity to compel the refractory to conform to the measures that have been wisely adopted for the general good of the whole nation.n The General's plan to allow the Indians to remain until March 1, 1836, and then to move them in one body to the West was approved by the War Department.o This approval was transmitted to Clinch, but long before the assigned date violent Indian resistance was to turn Florida into a shambles. But at the time Clinch and Wiley Thompson continued their negotiations with the Seminoles. On March 27, 1835, approximately 150 Indians with many of their leading chiefs appeared at Fort King. Micanopy, Jumper," and the other chiefs listened to Agent Thompson read the President's message on the absolute necessity of removal; the agent then ex- plained in detail the provisions of treaties made by the Seminoles, and emphasized the President's friendship for those who kept their promises. After deliberating, the assembled chiefs stated that they could not make a binding and important decision without confer- ring with their brother chiefs and requested a delay of thirty days. After some haggling, Thompson agreed to give them twenty-two days from March 29, and the chiefs promised a general council of the Nation on April 20 at Fort King.12 Throughout the three-day conference Clinch did not participate in the general talks, but he did parade his six companies of soldiers to impress the Indians. He fervently wished that he had two six- pounders to thunder away a few times. In personal meetings with the individual chiefs he used every possible argument to convince them "of the utter folly of attempting to resist by force the fulfillment of their solemn treaties; as it would certainly bring misery and ruin upon their wives and children and on their Nation." The General 9. Clinch to R. Jones, March 19, 1835, Letters Received. 10. Endorsement, April 13, 1835, on Clinch to Jones, March 19, 1835. 11. Indian Agent Wiley Thompson considered Jumper and not Micanopy the most influential Seminole. "Jumper, who is the principal chief, law mak- er, and (as he is sometimes called) sense keeper.. ." Thompson to Lewis Cass, March 31, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 79-80. 12. Ibid.; Clinch to R. Jones, April 1, 1835, Letters Received. 74 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM at all acquainted with their character must acknowledge, that the wise and benevolent course adopted by the Government is the only one that can save them from utter destruction. And when all other plans fail, then it is humanity to compel the refractory to conform to the measures that have been wisely adopted for the general good of the whole nation.0 The General's plan to allow the Indians to remain until March 1, 1836, and then to move them in one body to the West was approved by the War Department.lo This approval was transmitted to Clinch, but long before the assigned date violent Indian resistance was to turn Florida into a shambles. But at the time Clinch and Wiley Thompson continued their negotiations with the Seminoles. On March 27, 1835, approximately 150 Indians with many of their leading chiefs appeared at Fort King. Micanopy, Jumpern and the other chiefs listened to Agent Thompson read the President's message on the absolute necessity of removal; the agent then ex- plained in detail the provisions of treaties made by the Seminoles, and emphasized the President's friendship for those who kept their promises. After deliberating, the assembled chiefs stated that they could not make a binding and important decision without confer- ring with their brother chiefs and requested a delay of thirty days. After some haggling, Thompson agreed to give them twenty-two days from March 29, and the chiefs promised a general council of the Nation on April 20 at Fort King.12 Throughout the three-day conference Clinch did not participate in the general talks, but he did parade his six companies of soldiers to impress the Indians. He fervently wished that he had two six- pounders to thunder away a few times. In personal meetings with the individual chiefs he used every possible argument to convince them "of the utter folly of attempting to resist by force the fulfillment of their solemn treaties; as it would certainly bring misery and ruin upon their wives and children and on their Nation." The General 9. Clinch to R. Jones, March 19, 1835, Letters Received. 10. Endorsement, April 13, 1835, on Clinch to Jones, March 19, 1835. 11. Indian Agent Wiley Thompson considered Jumper and not Micanopy the most influential Seminole. "Jumper, who is the principal chief, law mak- er, and (as he is sometimes called) sense keeper.. ." Thompson to Lewis Cass, March 31, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 79-80. 12. Ibid.; Clinch to R. Jones, April 1, 1835, Letters Received. 74  Negotiating with the Seminoles was heartened by the apparent attitude of the Indians. In his opin- ion few of them had ever given serious thought to removal and had made no preparation for it. He reported that they would ask for an extension of time to arrange for the nigration.13 The council meeting was not without its moments of relief. It was held on a raised platform in the barracks at Fort King. The chiefs sat on benches on one side, opposite them sat General Clinch and his officers in dress uniform, and Wiley Thompson presided. During the talks the platform gave away, sending chiefs and soldiers plunging downward. One observer recorded: "I could not help laughing to see fat and lusty Gen. Clinch, agent, officers and Indians mixed up into a medley of humanity. The officers, and some of the Indians, took their sudden downfall in high glee. But there were other Indians, who did not fully comprehend the situation, and these rushed out from the supposed trap, screaming most awfully." Thompson quickly took charge, and by his "fatherly manner" calmed the fears of the Indians.00 One night at eleven the Indians put on a war dance for their white friends. Selecting a spacious clearing surrounded by drooping willow and ash trees, they built large fires at regular intervals to form a large circle. A throng of warriors and a number of women and children, all dressed in picturesque costumes, squatted around the circle. At midnight, a solitary warrior sprang from his squatting po- sition into the center of the circle, uttered a shrill cry, whirled around three times while making a low, moaning sound, and con- cluded his final gyration with a piercing whoop that seemed to cur- dle the spectators' blood and echoed and re-echoed through the out- lying black forests. Other Indians joined the dance, beginning with their low, melancholy song and ending with their terrifying war whoop. The flickering glare from the flres gave the woods the eerie look of a fairyland; but the screeching of the dancing redmen did not sound like make-believe. There was, an observer recorded, "some- thing so cruel in the sound of the war whoop, something that tells of murder and bloody deeds in the melancholy wails or songs that precede the blood curdling whoops!" Near the conclusion of the 13. Clinch to Jones, April 1, 1835. 14. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 20. 75 Negotiating with the Seminoles was heartened by the apparent attitude of the Indians. In his opin- ion few of them had ever given serious thought to removal and had made no preparation for it. He reported that they would ask for an extension of time to arrange for the migration.13 The council meeting was not without its moments of relief. It was held on a raised platform in the barracks at Fort King. The chiefs sat on benches on one side, opposite them sat General Clinch and his officers in dress uniform, and Wiley Thompson presided. During the talks the platform gave away, sending chiefs and soldiers plunging downward. One observer recorded: "I could not help laughing to see fat and lusty Gen. Clinch, agent, officers and Indians mixed up into a medley of humanity. The officers, and some of the Indians, took their sudden downfall in high glee. But there were other Indians, who did not fully comprehend the situation, and these rushed out from the supposed trap, screaming most awfully." Thompson quickly took charge, and by his "fatherly manner" calmed the fears of the Indians." One night at eleven the Indians put on a war dance for their white friends. Selecting a spacious clearing surrounded by drooping willow and ash trees, they built large fires at regular intervals to form a large circle. A throng of warriors and a number of women and children, all dressed in picturesque costumes, squatted around the circle. At midnight, a solitary warrior sprang from his squatting po- sition into the center of the circle, uttered a shrill cry, whirled around three times while making a low, moaning sound, and con- cluded his final gyration with a piercing whoop that seemed to cur- dle the spectators' blood and echoed and re-echoed through the out- lying black forests. Other Indians joined the dance, beginning with their low, melancholy song and ending with their terrifying war whoop. The flickering glare from the fires gave the woods the eerie look of a fairyland; but the screeching of the dancing redmen did not sound like make-believe. There was, an observer recorded, "some- thing so cruel in the sound of the war whoop, something that tells of murder and bloody deeds in the melancholy wails or songs that precede the blood curdling whoops!" Near the conclusion of the 13. Clinch to Jones, April 1, 1835, 14. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 20. 75 Negotiating with the Seminoles was heartened by the apparent attitude of the Indians. In his opin- ion few of them had ever given serious thought to removal and had made no preparation for it. He reported that they would ask for an extension of time to arrange for the migration.13 The council meeting was not without its moments of relief. It was held on a raised platform in the barracks at Fort King. The chiefs sat on benches on one side, opposite them sat General Clinch and his officers in dress uniform, and Wiley Thompson presided. During the talks the platform gave away, sending chiefs and soldiers plunging downward. One observer recorded: "I could not help laughing to see fat and lusty Gen. Clinch, agent, officers and Indians mixed up into a medley of humanity. The officers, and some of the Indians, took their sudden downfall in high glee. But there were other Indians, who did not fully comprehend the situation, and these rushed out from the supposed trap, screaming most awfully." Thompson quickly took charge, and by his "fatherly manner" calmed the fears of the Indians.O One night at eleven the Indians put on a war dance for their white friends. Selecting a spacious clearing surrounded by drooping willow and ash trees, they built large fires at regular intervals to form a large circle. A throng of warriors and a number of women and children, all dressed in picturesque costumes, squatted around the circle. At midnight, a solitary warrior sprang from his squatting po- sition into the center of the circle, uttered a shrill cry, whirled around three times while making a low, moaning sound, and con- cluded his final gyration with a piercing whoop that seemed to cur- dle the spectators' blood and echoed and re-echoed through the out- lying black forests. Other Indians joined the dance, beginning with their low, melancholy song and ending with their terrifying war whoop. The flickering glare from the fires gave the woods the eerie look of a fairyland; but the screeching of the dancing redmen did not sound like make-believe. There was, an observer recorded, "some- thing so cruel in the sound of the war whoop, something that tells of murder and bloody deeds in the melancholy wails or songs that precede the blood curdling whoops!" Near the conclusion of the 13. Clinch to Jones, April 1, 1835. 14. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 20. 75  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dance the American officers joined hands with the Indians and danced around until perspiration flowed from their faces. But the Indians, after two hours of songs and war dances, appeared fresh while the Americans, after a quarter of an hour of exertion, threw themselves panting to the ground. The assembly broke up with offi- cers and chiefs shaking hands in friendship.15 Perhaps this war dance was the Indian response to General Clinch's demonstration of American military power. Secretary of War Lewis Cass knew nothing of these conference sidelights, but he complimented Clinch for his judicious dealing with and humane ideas about the Indians. "Certainly," he told Clinch, "there is not the slightest wish to oppress the unhappy Semi- noles, who have stipulated for their own removal. But their continu- ance where they are now, for any length of time, is absolutely im- possible; and the sooner they are satisfied of this fact, the better it will be for them." Since the United States preferred to suffer tempo- rary inconvenience rather than hurt the sensibilities of the Indians, Clinch was authorized to delay transporting them until March 1, 1836, or even a while longer, if they agreed to migrate in peace. The Secretary of War demanded that Clinch and Thompson secure from all the chiefs signed statements of their willingness and readiness to move and to travel by a route most economical to the American gov- ernment. But the Secretary hedged even on this latter requirement. Although he favored a water route, if the Indians demanded an over- land march, General Clinch could yield to their desire. Finally, Sec- retary Cass commanded the General to follow prior orders should the Seminoles refuse to pledge a peaceable movement in 1836.16 The dilatory tactics of several chiefs delayed the promised general council until April 22. On that day several hundred Indians watched as their leaders sat on a specially erected pavilion to confer with the American representatives. Agent Thompson opened the meeting with a long "talk." He reviewed the friendly attitude of the United States government and its desire to promote the welfare of the Seminoles; expressed the hope that they had assembled to fulfill their promises and act the part of honest men; and read them the Treaty of Payne's 15. Ibid., 23. Bemrose described the Indians' dance on pp. 7-11. 16. Cass to Clinch, April 14, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 179-80. 76 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dance the American officers joined hands with the Indians and danced around until perspiration flowed from their faces. But the Indians, after two hours of songs and war dances, appeared fresh while the Americans, after a quarter of an hour of exertion, threw themselves panting to the ground. The assembly broke up with offi- cers and chiefs shaking hands in friendship.15 Perhaps this war dance was the Indian response to General Clinch's demonstration of American military power. Secretary of War Lewis Cass knew nothing of these conference sidelights, but he complimented Clinch for his judicious dealing with and humane ideas about the Indians. "Certainly," he told Clinch, "there is not the slightest wish to oppress the unhappy Semi- noles, who have stipulated for their own removal. But their continu- ance where they are now, for any length of time, is absolutely im- possible; and the sooner they are satisfied of this fact, the better it will be for them." Since the United States preferred to suffer tempo- rary inconvenience rather than hurt the sensibilities of the Indians, Clinch was authorized to delay transporting them until March 1, 1836, or even a while longer, if they agreed to migrate in peace. The Secretary of War demanded that Clinch and Thompson secure from all the chiefs signed statements of their willingness and readiness to move and to travel by a route most economical to the American gov- ernment. But the Secretary hedged even on this latter requirement. Although he favored a water route, if the Indians demanded an over- land march, General Clinch could yield to their desire. Finally, Sec- retary Cass commanded the General to follow prior orders should the Seminoles refuse to pledge a peaceable movement in 1836.16 The dilatory tactics of several chiefs delayed the promised general council until April 22. On that day several hundred Indians watched as their leaders sat on a specially erected pavilion to confer with the American representatives. Agent Thompson opened the meeting with a long "talk." He reviewed the friendly attitude of the United States government and its desire to promote the welfare of the Seminoles; expressed the hope that they had assembled to fulfill their promises and act the part of honest men; and read them the Treaty of Payne's 15. Ibid., 23. Bemrose described the Indians' dance on pp. 7-11. 16. Cass to Clinch, April 14, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 179-80. 76 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dance the American officers joined hands with the Indians and danced around until perspiration flowed from their faces. But the Indians, after two hours of songs and war dances, appeared fresh while the Americans, after a quarter of an hour of exertion, threw themselves panting to the ground. The assembly broke up with offi- cers and chiefs shaking hands in friendship.1 Perhaps this war dance was the Indian response to General Clinch's demonstration of American military power. Secretary of War Lewis Cass knew nothing of these conference sidelights, but he complimented Clinch for his judicious dealing with and humane ideas about the Indians. "Certainly," he told Clinch, "there is not the slightest wish to oppress the unhappy Semi- noles, who have stipulated for their own removal. But their continu- ance where they are now, for any length of time, is absolutely im- possible; and the sooner they are satisfied of this fact, the better it will be for them." Since the United States preferred to suffer tempo- rary inconvenience rather than hurt the sensibilities of the Indians, Clinch was authorized to delay transporting them until March 1, 1836, or even a while longer, if they agreed to migrate in peace. The Secretary of War demanded that Clinch and Thompson secure from all the chiefs signed statements of their willingness and readiness to move and to travel by a route most economical to the American gov- ernment. But the Secretary hedged even on this latter requirement. Although he favored a water route, if the Indians demanded an over- land march, General Clinch could yield to their desire. Finally, Sec- retary Cass commanded the General to follow prior orders should the Seminoles refuse to pledge a peaceable movement in 1836.16 The dilatory tactics of several chiefs delayed the promised general council until April 22. On that day several hundred Indians watched as their leaders sat on a specially erected pavilion to confer with the American representatives. Agent Thompson opened the meeting with a long "talk." He reviewed the friendly attitude of the United States government and its desire to promote the welfare of the Seminoles; expressed the hope that they had assembled to fulfill their promises and act the part of honest men; and read them the Treaty of Payne's 15. Ibid., 23. Bemrose described the Indians' dance on pp. 7-11. 16. Cass to Clinch, April 14, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 179-80. 76  Negotiating with the Seminoles Landing and the talk of their "Great Father," the last that the Presi- dent would make to them on the east side of the Mississippi River. He then asked for their decision. A long period of silence was broken by Jumper who spoke for the Nation. He stated his opposition to the treaty and to removal, but solicitous of the friendliness of the Great White Father in Washing- ton, he promised that the Seminoles would not resort to war should force he used against them. One after another the chiefs made their talks. Although some omitted or passed quickly over the idea of no resistance, they all supported Jumper's opposition to the treaty, to moving from the lands of their fathers. Almost the entire day was spent in "unmeaning talk or idle objections."O The inconclusive palaver and the Indian refusal to abide by the treaty angered General Clinch. In his hoarse, whispering voice he declared that the time of expostulation had passed; that already too much had been said, and nothing had been done; that the influence of the agents of Government, their powers of persuasion and of argument had been exhausted, both in public councils and in private interviews, to in- duce them [the Seminoles] to do right; that we had lingered long enough in the performance of our duties to have averted, had they been willing, the evils which threatened their foolish resistance to the fulfillment of pledges solemnly and fairly made by them, and that now it was time to act. He had been sent here to enforce the treaty; he had warriors enough to do it, and he would do it.18 G, Clinch gave the chiefs until the morning to deliberate, and then he would expect an answer. On April 23 Micanopy pleaded illness and refused to attend the meeting. During the course of the morning eight chiefs agreed to abide by the treaty; five refused. Conscious of the influence of Micanopy, Thompson asked Jumper whether the old chief intended to honor the treaty or not. After some evasion, Jumper confessed that Micanopy would not. Thereupon Thompson declared that Micanopy and the other five who refused were no longer chiefs of the Nation, and he dramatically scratched their names from the roll of council members. As representative of the United States, 17. Clinch and others to Cass, April 24, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 188-91. 18. Ibid. 77 Negotiating with the Seminoles Landing and the talk of their "Great Father," the last that the Presi- dent would make to them on the east side of the Mississippi River. He then asked for their decision. A long period of silence was broken by Jumper who spoke for the Nation. He stated his opposition to the treaty and to removal, but solicitous of the friendliness of the Great White Father in Washing- ton, he promised that the Seminoles would not resort to war should force be used against them. One after another the chiefs made their talks. Although some omitted or passed quickly over the idea of no resistance, they all supported Jumper's opposition to the treaty, to moving from the lands of their fathers. Almost the entire day was spent in "unmeaning talk or idle objections."17 The inconclusive palaver and the Indian refusal to abide by the treaty angered General Clinch. In his hoarse, whispering voice he declared that the time of expostulation had passed; that already too much had been said, and nothing had been done; that the influence of the agents of Government, their powers of persuasion and of argument had been exhausted, both in public councils and in private interviews, to in- duce them [the Seminoles] to do right; that we had lingered long enough in the performance of our duties to have averted, had they been willing, the evils which threatened their foolish resistance to the fulfillment of pledges solemnly and fairly made by them, and that now it was time to act. He had been sent here to enforce the treaty; he had warriors enough to do it, and he would do it.18 Clinch gave the chiefs until the morning to deliberate, and then he would expect an answer. On April 23 Micanopy pleaded illness and refused to attend the meeting. During the course of the morning eight chiefs agreed to abide by the treaty; five refused. Conscious of the influence of Micanopy, Thompson asked Jumper whether the old chief intended to honor the treaty or not. After some evasion, Jumper confessed that Micanopy would not. Thereupon Thompson declared that Micanopy and the other five who refused were no longer chiefs of the Nation, and he dramatically scratched their names from the roll of council members. As representative of the United States, 17. Clinch and others to Cass, April 24, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 188-91. 18. Ibid. 77 Negotiating with the Seminoles Landing and the talk of their "Great Father," the last that the Presi- dent would make to them on the east side of the Mississippi River. He then asked for their decision. A long period of silence was broken by Jumper who spoke for the Nation. He stated his opposition to the treaty and to removal, but solicitous of the friendliness of the Great White Father in Washing- ton, he promised that the Seminoles would not resort to war should force be used against them. One after another the chiefs made their talks. Although some omitted or passed quickly over the idea of no resistance, they all supported Jumper's opposition to the treaty, to moving from the lands of their fathers. Almost the entire day was spent in "unmeaning talk or idle objections."17 The inconclusive palaver and the Indian refusal to abide by the treaty angered General Clinch. In his hoarse, whispering voice he declared that the time of expostulation had passed; that already too much had been said, and nothing had been done; that the influence of the agents of Government, their powers of persuasion and of argument had been exhausted, both in public councils and in private interviews, to in- duce them [the Seminoles] to do right; that we had lingered long enough in the performance of our duties to have averted, had they been willing, the evils which threatened their foolish resistance to the fulfillment of pledges solemnly and fairly made by them, and that now it was time to act. He had been sent here to enforce the treaty; he had warriors enough to do it, and he would do it.18 Clinch gave the chiefs until the morning to deliberate, and then he would expect an answer. On April 23 Micanopy pleaded illness and refused to attend the meeting. During the course of the morning eight chiefs agreed to abide by the treaty; five refused. Conscious of the influence of Micanopy, Thompson asked Jumper whether the old chief intended to honor the treaty or not. After some evasion, Jumper confessed that Micanopy would not. Thereupon Thompson declared that Micanopy and the other five who refused were no longer chiefs of the Nation, and he dramatically scratched their names from the roll of council members. As representative of the United States, 17. Clinch and others to Cass, April 24, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 188-91. 18. Ibid. 77  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Thompson announced that he would never again talk to the pro- scribed leaders unless they sent their promises to act honestly and abide by the treaty. His action apparently impressed the eight friendly chiefs, but they begged for delay before they were forced from their homes. "The season was far advanced and they wanted time to make and gather their corn, and settle all their little business."1n Clinch and Thomp- son conferred. Before any sizeable number of Seminoles could be assembled at Tampa Bay, the port of embarkation, it would be sum- mer. That season's heat would endanger the Indians with various diseases. They would also lose the crops already planted in Florida, and would not arrive at their new home in sufficient time to plant seed and reap a harvest. Therefore the Indians were given until December 1, 1835, to gather their corn and complete their prepara- tions for the westward trek. On that date every Indian in Florida would begin to move toward Tampa Bay, and on January 15, 1836, they would board transports destined for New Orleans. This sched- ule would enable them to reach their new lands in time for the plant- ing season. Because 1834 had been a dry year in the Seminole coun- try and the winter severe, Clinch reported intense suffering among the Indians, and requested provisions from the government to relieve the half-starved natives.20 This April council interested Floridians. Judge Robert Raymond Reid, later to become governor of the territory, attended it. He de- scribed Clinch as an individual "who speaks between a croak and a whisper. He is a shrewd, selfish, but energetic and civil man. If I don't mistake, he wants to be Governor of the Territory, and be would make a pretty good Governor. He is inclined to be censori- ous."21 The Secretary of War approved the basic results of the April con- ference. While he questioned Thompson's outlawing of the recalci- trant chiefs, fearing that interference with the internal concerns of the Seminoles might stir them to rebellion, he reported presidential acquiescence in the plan to assemble the Indians at Tampa Bay in 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. "Diary of Robert Raymond Reid," typewritten MS, Florida Historical Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 78 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Thompson announced that he would never again talk to the pro- scribed leaders unless they sent their promises to act honestly and abide by the treaty. His action apparently impressed the eight friendly chiefs, but they begged for delay before they were forced from their homes. "The season was far advanced and they wanted time to make and gather their corn, and settle all their little business."1n Clinch and Thomp- son conferred. Before any sizeable number of Seminoles could be assembled at Tampa Bay, the port of embarkation, it would be sum- mer. That season's heat would endanger the Indians with various diseases. They would also lose the crops already planted in Florida, and would not arrive at their new home in sufficient time to plant seed and reap a harvest. Therefore the Indians were given until December 1, 1835, to gather their corn and complete their prepara- tions for the westward trek. On that date every Indian in Florida would begin to move toward Tampa Bay, and on January 15, 1836, they would board transports destined for New Orleans. This sched- ule would enable them to reach their new lands in time for the plant- ing season. Because 1834 had been a dry year in the Seminole coun- try and the winter severe, Clinch reported intense suffering among the Indians, and requested provisions from the government to relieve the half-starved natives.20 This April council interested Floridians. Judge Robert Raymond Reid, later to become governor of the territory, attended it. He de- scribed Clinch as an individual "who speaks between a croak and a whisper. He is a shrewd, selfish, but energetic and civil man. If I don't mistake, he wants to be Governor of the Territory, and he would make a pretty good Governor. He is inclined to be censori- ous."21 The Secretary of War approved the basic results of the April con- ference. While he questioned Thompson's outlawing of the recalci- trant chiefs, fearing that interference with the internal concerns of the Seminoles might stir them to rebellion, he reported presidential acquiescence in the plan to assemble the Indians at Tampa Bay in 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. "Diary of Robert Raymond Reid," typewritten MS, Florida Historical Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 78 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Thompson announced that he would never again talk to the pro- scribed leaders unless they sent their promises to act honestly and abide by the treaty. His action apparently impressed the eight friendly chiefs, but they begged for delay before they were forced from their homes. "The season was far advanced and they wanted time to make and gather their corn, and settle all their little business."19 Clinch and Thomp- son conferred. Before any sizeable number of Seminoles could be assembled at Tampa Bay, the port of embarkation, it would be sum- mer. That season's heat would endanger the Indians with various diseases. They would also lose the crops already planted in Florida, and would not arrive at their new home in sufficient time to plant seed and reap a harvest. Therefore the Indians were given until December 1, 1835, to gather their corn and complete their prepara- tions for the westward trek. On that date every Indian in Florida would begin to move toward Tampa Bay, and on January 15, 1836, they would board transports destined for New Orleans. This sched- ule would enable them to reach their new lands in time for the plant- ing season. Because 1834 had been a dry year in the Seminole coun- try and the winter severe, Clinch reported intense suffering among the Indians, and requested provisions from the government to relieve the half-starved natives.20 This April council interested Floridians. Judge Robert Raymond Reid, later to become governor of the territory, attended it. He de- scribed Clinch as an individual "who speaks between a croak and a whisper. He is a shrewd, selfish, but energetic and civil man. If I don't mistake, he wants to be Governor of the Territory, and he would make a pretty good Governor. He is inclined to be censori- ous."21 The Secretary of War approved the basic results of the April con- ference. While he questioned Thompson's outlawing of the recalci- trant chiefs, fearing that interference with the internal concerns of the Seminoles might stir them to rebellion, he reported presidential acquiescence in the plan to assemble the Indians at Tampa Bay in 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. "Diary of Robert Raymond Reid," typewritten MS, Florida Historical Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 78  Negotiating with the Seminoles December and to transport them to the West. The Secretary was es- pecially grateful for General Clinch's forceful words, and considered the threat to remove the Indians by force, if necessary, the lever which made the eight chiefs agree to honor the treaties of Payne's Landing and Fort Gibson.22 During these significant negotiations General Clinch also had pri- vate concerns of importance. He failed to recover the cost of Dick and Prince, slaves on his Auld Lang Syne plantation, who were killed by a roving band of Seminoles.2a The loss of slaves, however valua- ble, was of minor importance compared with the health of his family in Mobile. Left alone with her eight children, the temporarily husbandless Eliza worried more and more about them and about her own reli- gious life. For almost seventeen years she had followed wherever duty sent her husband and had accepted with outward cheerfulness the various changes in location. To a girl who had been brought up in all the luxury available on a plantation, the frequent changes of location and the commander's quarters at army posts required con- siderable adaptation. But Mrs. Clinch quickly changed from girl to woman, aided by her native intelligence and common sense; and "the refinement of her manners, and the dignity of her deportment commanded universal respect."24 At slightly less than two-year intervals she bore children. Large families were not unusual in the early nineteenth century, but keep- ing them alive was. Of course she had servants to take care of the chores, but she never relinquished her children to their care. Neither the pomp and ceremony of festive military events nor the crudities of frontier living prevented her from attending to the needs and di- recting the development of her children. In military garrisons, sur- rounded by the impiety of rough men and distant from established churches, she felt a special need for religious observation. Every night 22. C. A. Harris to Clinch and Thompson, May 20, 1835, House Docu- ment 271, pp. 192-93. 23. Depositions of August Forrester, March 28, 1835, John H. McIntosh, Jr., March 27, 1835, Clinch vs. the Seminole Nation (n.d.), statement of Captain William M. Graham, April 8, 1835, and Elbert Herring to Thomp- son, December 7, 1835, all in Clinch Papers. 24. William T. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, on the Death of Mrs. Eliza B. Clinch ... (New York, 1835), 5. 79 Negotiating with the Seminoles December and to transport them to the West. The Secretary was es- pecially grateful for General Clinch's forceful words, and considered the threat to remove the Indians by force, if necessary, the lever which made the eight chiefs agree to honor the treaties of Payne's Landing and Fort Gibson.22 During these significant negotiations General Clinch also had pri- vate concerns of importance. He failed to recover the cost of Dick and Prince, slaves on his Auld Lang Sync plantation, who were killed by a roving band of Seminoles.2a The loss of slaves, however valua- ble, was of minor importance compared with the health of his family in Mobile. Left alone with her eight children, the temporarily husbandless Eliza worried more and more about them and about her own reli- gious life. For almost seventeen years she had followed wherever duty sent her husband and had accepted with outward cheerfulness the various changes in location. To a girl who had been brought up in all the luxury available on a plantation, the frequent changes of location and the commander's quarters at army posts required con- siderable adaptation. But Mrs. Clinch quickly changed from girl to woman, aided by her native intelligence and common sense; and "the refinement of her manners, and the dignity of her deportment commanded universal respect."24 At slightly less than two-year intervals she bore children. Large families were not unusual in the early nineteenth century, but keep- ing them alive was. Of course she had servants to take care of the chores, but she never relinquished her children to their care. Neither the pomp and ceremony of festive military events nor the crudities of frontier living prevented her from attending to the needs and di- recting the development of her children. In military garrisons, sur- rounded by the impiety of rough men and distant from established churches, she felt a special need for religious observation. Every night 22. C. A. Harris to Clinch and Thompson, May 20, 1835, House Docu- ment 271, pp. 192-93. 23. Depositions of August Forrester, March 28, 1835, John H. McIntosh, Jr., March 27, 1835, Clinch vs. the Seminole Nation (n.d.), statement of Captain William M. Graham, April 8, 1835, and Elbert Herring to Thomp- son, December 7, 1835, all in Clinch Papers. 24. William T. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, on the Death of Mrs. Eliza B. Clinch ... (New York, 1835), 5. 79 Negotiating with the Seminoles December and to transport them to the West. The Secretary was es- pecially grateful for General Clinch's forceful words, and considered the threat to remove the Indians by force, if necessary, the lever which made the eight chiefs agree to honor the treaties of Payne's Landing and Fort Gibson.22 During these significant negotiations General Clinch also had pri- vate concerns of importance. He failed to recover the cost of Dick and Prince, slaves on his Auld Lang Sync plantation, who were killed by a roving band of Seminoles.2a The loss of slaves, however valua- ble, was of minor importance compared with the health of his family in Mobile. Left alone with her eight children, the temporarily husbandless Eliza worried more and more about them and about her own reli- gious life. For almost seventeen years she had followed wherever duty sent her husband and had accepted with outward cheerfulness the various changes in location. To a girl who had been brought up in all the luxury available on a plantation, the frequent changes of location and the commander's quarters at army posts required con- siderable adaptation. But Mrs. Clinch quickly changed from girl to woman, aided by her native intelligence and common sense; and "the refinement of her manners, and the dignity of her deportment commanded universal respect."24 At slightly less than two-year intervals she bore children. Large families were not unusual in the early nineteenth century, but keep- ing them alive was. Of course she had servants to take care of the chores, but she never relinquished her children to their care. Neither the pomp and ceremony of festive military events nor the crudities of frontier living prevented her from attending to the needs and di- recting the development of her children. In military garrisons, sur- rounded by the impiety of rough men and distant from established churches, she felt a special need for religious observation. Every night 22. C. A. Harris to Clinch and Thompson, May 20, 1835, House Dacu- ment 271, pp. 192-93. 23. Depositions of August Forrester, March 28, 1835, John H. McIntosh, Jr., March 27, 1835, Clinch vs. the Seminole Nation (n.d.), statement of Captain William M. Graham, April 8, 1835, and Elbert Herring to Thomp- son, December 7, 1835, all in Clinch Papers. 24. William T. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, on the Death of Mrs. Eliza B. Clinch ... (New York, 1835), 5. 79  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM the mother read selections from the Bible to her assembled brood. Whenever her husband was at home, he joined the family circle for these nightly readings. One educated soldier recorded: "I only re- member one man that made even a profession of Christianity and that man was our commander, Gen. D. L. Clinch. All others as far as I saw were heathen like myself."25 Mrs. Clinch, however, missed the regular religious services, and felt that in many ways she was failing in her duties. In September, 1831, she penned in solitude her inner feelings and protested the emptiness of worldly enjoyments. A month later she added: "As I am convinced that a Savior is all-sufficient, I am resolved to sign this paper with an entire dependence upon Him for strength and grace to perform. Upon myself, O God, thou knowest I place no confidence, for I have too often proved my own insufficiency and frailty; but upon thy hand alone may I depend."26 She continued to make a covenant with the Lord and declared that only in His service did she attain the summit of her earthly desires. But because of her often changing residence, no opportunity pre- sented itself to join a church until the winter of 1834. At that time she talked with Reverend William T. Hamilton, minister of the Pres- byterian Church on Government Street in Mobile. In February, 1834, she professed her faith in Christ and became a member of the church. Undoubtedly she participated in church affairs with the in- tensity of a convert and saw that her children attended all the serv- ices available to them. Then in March, 1835, Duncan, her second son, not yet ten years old, was stricken with scarlet fever. She sent the other children to friends at Mobile Point and spent her days and nights ministering to her fever-ridden child. He passed the crisis and started on the slow road to recovery. On Friday, April 10, the tired mother went to her children at Mobile Point and took them into town for shopping. She bought a little stone dog for Duncan-one that the mischievous Bay- ard could not break-and caps and a play set of cups and saucers which the delighted Mary planned to take to school the next week, and candy for all the children. The next morning young Eliza wrote 25. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 72. 26. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 7. 80 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM the mother read selections from the Bible to her assembled brood. Whenever her husband was at home, he joined the family circle for these nightly readings. One educated soldier recorded: "I only re- member one man that made even a profession of Christianity and that man was our commander, Gen. D. L. Clinch. All others as far as I saw were heathen like myself."2S Mrs. Clinch, however, missed the regular religious services, and felt that in many ways she was failing in her duties. In September, 1831, she penned in solitude her inner feelings and protested the emptiness of worldly enjoyments. A month later she added: "As I am convinced that a Savior is all-sufficient, I am resolved to sign this paper with an entire dependence upon Him for strength and grace to perform. Upon myself, O God, thou knowest I place no confidence, for I have too often proved my own insufficiency and frailty; but upon thy hand alone may I depend."as She continued to make a covenant with the Lord and declared that only in His service did she attain the summit of her earthly desires. But because of her often changing residence, no opportunity pre- sented itself to join a church until the winter of 1834. At that time she talked with Reverend William T. Hamilton, minister of the Pres- byterian Church on Government Street in Mobile. In February, 1834, she professed her faith in Christ and became a member of the church. Undoubtedly she participated in church affairs with the in- tensity of a convert and saw that her children attended all the serv- ices available to them. Then in March, 1835, Duncan, her second son, not yet ten years old, was stricken with scarlet fever. She sent the other children to friends at Mobile Point and spent her days and nights ministering to her fever-ridden child. He passed the crisis and started on the slow road to recovery. On Friday, April 10, the tired mother went to her children at Mobile Point and took them into town for shopping. She bought a little stone dog for Duncan-one that the mischievous Bay- ard could not break-and caps and a play set of cups and saucers which the delighted Mary planned to take to school the next week, and candy for all the children. The next morning young Eliza wrote 25. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 72. 26. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 7. 80 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM the mother read selections from the Bible to her assembled brood. Whenever her husband was at home, he joined the family circle for these nightly readings. One educated soldier recorded: "I only re- member one man that made even a profession of Christianity and that man was our commander, Gen. D. L. Clinch. All others as far as I saw were heathen like myself."25 Mrs. Clinch, however, missed the regular religious services, and felt that in many ways she was failing in her duties. In September, 1831, she penned in solitude her inner feelings and protested the emptiness of worldly enjoyments. A month later she added: "As I am convinced that a Savior is all-sufficient, I am resolved to sign this paper with an entire dependence upon Him for strength and grace to perform. Upon myself, O God, thou knowest I place no confidence, for I have too often proved my own insufficiency and frailty; but upon thy hand alone may I depend."26 She continued to make a covenant with the Lord and declared that only in His service did she attain the summit of her earthly desires. But because of her often changing residence, no opportunity pre- sented itself to join a church until the winter of 1834. At that time she talked with Reverend William T. Hamilton, minister of the Pres- byterian Church on Government Street in Mobile. In February, 1834, she professed her faith in Christ and became a member of the church. Undoubtedly she participated in church affairs with the in- tensity of a convert and saw that her children attended all the serv- ices available to them. Then in March, 1835, Duncan, her second son, not yet ten years old, was stricken with scarlet fever. She sent the other children to friends at Mobile Point and spent her days and nights ministering to her fever-ridden child. He passed the crisis and started on the slow road to recovery. On Friday, April 10, the tired mother went to her children at Mobile Point and took them into town for shopping. She bought a little stone dog for Duncan-one that the mischievous Bay- ard could not break-and caps and a play set of cups and saucers which the delighted Mary planned to take to school the next week, and candy for all the children. The next morning young Eliza wrote 25. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 72. 26. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 7. 80  Negotiating with the Seminoles her recuperating and "dearest little brother" that he must be a "dear little son to Mama when we are all gone" and "you are now the gen- tleman of the family."05 Friday evening after her shopping trip with the children Mrs. Clinch wrote a long letter to her husband, telling him of little Dun- can's nearly fatal illness and his recovery.2a Saturday morning she too burned with fever. Fatigued and debilitated from nursing her son, her body was quickly conquered by the terrible disease. The next day the malady affected her mind, and her talk became rambling reminiscences or incoherent mumblings. Despite the ministrations of friends and doctors, she died at noon on April 15. Before the news could get to her husband, Eliza's body was low- ered into a grave in the churchyard. As the coffin descended: The voice of grief burst with irrepressible violence from one solitary bosom. It was the sobbing of a son over his mother-the only one of the eight bereaved children that could be present-the only one that was yet apprised of their loss. His father was far distant-his tender mother was there in her yet unfilled grave: he stood the lonely rep- resentative of a large and affectionate family that had lost its bright- est ornament-the crown of its joys. This solitary wail seemed but the warning, to many absent loved ones. ... But he mourned not alone. Every bosom heaved with strong emotion and the fast falling tears of that motherless son were answered by sympathetic streams that coursed down many a cheek around.29 All the children were united at Mobile Point. Friends wrote in- formative and sympathetic letters to General Clinch.o Upon receipt of the letters with their black seals, the shocked husband hastened to his children. From Refuge Plantation in Georgia, John Houstoun McIntosh sent a message: "I know your fortitude and I know your feelings. It will require all the first to subdue the last." Mrs. Mc- Intosh told her son-in-law that she mourned as a Christian and hoped 27. Eliza Clinch to Master D. L. Clinch, Saturday morning [otherwise undated], Clinch Papers. 28. R. L. Fearn to Clinch, April 15, 1835, Clinch Papers. Fearn de- scribed the activities of Mrs. Clinch in his letter to General Clinch. 29. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 9-10. 30. Letters and other sources on the death of Mrs. Clinch are printed in Hamilton, Funeral Sermon; Savannah Daily Georgian, May 14, 1835; and F. S. Blount to Clinch, April 15, 1835, Letters in Possession of Miss Kather- ine B. Heyward, Columbia. 81 Negotiating with the Seminoles her recuperating and "dearest little brother" that he must be a "dear little son to Mama when we are all gone" and "you are now the gen- tleman of the family."7 Friday evening after her shopping trip with the children Mrs. Clinch wrote a long letter to her husband, telling him of little Dun- can's nearly fatal illness and his recovery.00 Saturday morning she too burned with fever. Fatigued and debilitated from nursing her son, her body was quickly conquered by the terrible disease. The next day the malady affected her mind, and her talk became rambling reminiscences or incoherent mumblings. Despite the ministrations of friends and doctors, she died at noon on April 15. Before the news could get to her husband, Eliza's body was low- ered into a grave in the churchyard. As the coffin descended: The voice of grief burst with irrepressible violence from one solitary bosom. It was the sobbing of a son over his mother-the only one of the eight bereaved children that could be present-the only one that was yet apprised of their loss. His father was far distant-his tender mother was there in her yet unfilled grave: he stood the lonely rep- resentative of a large and affectionate family that had lost its bright- est ornament-the crown of its joys. This solitary wail seemed but the warning, to many absent loved ones. .. But he mourned not alone. Every bosom heaved with strong emotion and the fast falling tears of that motherless son were answered by sympathetic streams that coursed down many a cheek around.29 All the children were united at Mobile Point. Friends wrote in- formative and sympathetic letters to General Clinch.o Upon receipt of the letters with their black seals, the shocked husband hastened to his children. From Refuge Plantation in Georgia, John Houstoun McIntosh sent a message: "I know your fortitude and I know your feelings. It will require all the first to subdue the last." Mrs. Mc- Intosh told her son-in-law that she mourned as a Christian and hoped 27. Eliza Clinch to Master D. L. Clinch, Saturday morning [otherwise undated], Clinch Papers. 28. R. L. Fearn to Clinch, April 15, 1835, Clinch Papers. Fearn de- scribed the activities of Mrs. Clinch in his letter to General Clinch. 29. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 9-10. 30. Letters and other sources on the death of Mrs. Clinch are printed in Hamilton, Funeral Sermon; Savannah Daily Georgian, May 14, 1835; and F. S. Blount to Clinch, April 15, 1835, Letters in Possession of Miss Kather- ine B. Heyward, Columbia. 81 Negotiating with the Seminoles her recuperating and "dearest little brother" that he must be a "dear little son to Mama when we are all gone" and "you are now the gen- tleman of the family."aO Friday evening after her shopping trip with the children Mrs. Clinch wrote a long letter to her husband, telling him of little Dun- can's nearly fatal illness and his recovery.an Saturday morning she too burned with fever. Fatigued and debilitated from nursing her son, her body was quickly conquered by the terrible disease. The next day the malady affected her mind, and her talk became rambling reminiscences or incoherent mumblings. Despite the ministrations of friends and doctors, she died at noon on April 15. Before the news could get to her husband, Eliza's body was low- ered into a grave in the churchyard. As the coffim descended: The voice of grief burst with irrepressible violence from one solitary bosom. It was the sobbing of a son over his mother-the only one of the eight bereaved children that could be present-the only one that was yet apprised of their loss. His father was far distant-his tender mother was there in her yet unfilled grave: he stood the lonely rep- resentative of a large and affectionate family that had lost its bright- est ornament-the crown of its joys. This solitary wail seemed but the warning, to many absent loved ones. . .. But he mourned not alone. Every bosom heaved with strong emotion and the fast falling tears of that motherless son were answered by sympathetic streams that coursed down many a cheek around.29 All the children were united at Mobile Point. Friends wrote in- formative and sympathetic letters to General Clinch.an Upon receipt of the letters with their black seals, the shocked husband hastened to his children. From Refuge Plantation in Georgia, John Houstoun McIntosh sent a message: "I know your fortitude and I know your feelings. It will require all the first to subdue the last." Mrs. Mc- Intosh told her son-in-law that she mourned as a Christian and hoped 27. Eliza Clinch to Master D. L. Clinch, Saturday morning [otherwise undated], Clinch Papers. 28. R. L. Fearn to Clinch, April 15, 1835, Clinch Papers. Fearn de- scribed the activities of Mrs. Clinch in his letter to General Clinch. 29. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 9-10. 30. Letters and other sources on the death of Mrs. Clinch are printed in Hamilton, Funeral Sermon; Savannah Daily Georgian, May 14, 1835; and F. S. Blount to Clinch, April 15, 1835, Letters in Possession of Miss Kather- ine B. Heyward, Columbia. 81  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM that he would "look to God who has smote you, for comfort." Both grandparents wanted the children sent to Georgia. "Never will par- ents love children more," the grandfather stated; they "will remain with us, until they can be sent away to school." Mrs. McIntosh pleaded for them: "It will not be long that their Grandfather and myself will he spared to them. But let me entreat of you, to let us have them with us our few remaining days."01 Fortunately for the children, their grandparents had two planta- tions and numerous servants. General Clinch remained in Mobile sufficiently long to arrange transportation for his eight youthful boys and girls, and to have a memorial service at the Presbyterian Church for his departed wife. Few ministers have had as good an opportunity as did the Reverend William T. Hamilton to dwell on the advantages of a Christian life. Too many people, he told his audience, delay their acceptance of Christ, but not Mrs. Clinch. She had made her confession of sin and united herself with the church before it was too late, and was ready to meet her Maker. With evident satisfaction he read her written confession and pledge: I come, acknowledging myself to have been a great offender, smiting on my breast, and saying with the humble publican, "God Be Merci- ful To Me A Sinner." I come, in the name of thy Son, and wholly trusting in his perfect righteousness, entreating that, for his sake, thou wilt be merciful to my unrighteousness, and will no longer re- member my sins. Receive, I beseech thee, O thou eternal and ever- blessed God, receive thy revolted creature, who is now convinced of thy right to her, and desires nothing so much as that she may be thine. This day [Sept. 11, 1831] do I wish and pray most solemnly to surrender myself up to Thee, to renounce all former lords who have dominion over me, and to consecrate to Thee all that I am, all that I have: the faculties of my mind, the members of my body, my worldly possessions, my time, my influence upon others, to be entire- ly for Thy glory, and resolutely employed in obedience to thy com- mands, as long as thou continuest me in life, with ardent desire and humble resolution to continue thine through all the endless ages of eternity; ever binding myself in an attentive posture, to observe the first intimations of thy will, and ready to spring forward with zeal and joy to the immediate execution of it.32 31. Letters of Mr. and Mrs. McIntosh, May 2, 1835, Clinch Papers. These letters were addressed to Clinch at Mobile. 32. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 16. 82 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM that he would "look to God who has smote you, for comfort." Both grandparents wanted the children sent to Georgia. "Never will par- ents love children more," the grandfather stated; they "will remain with us, until they can be sent away to school." Mrs. McIntosh pleaded for them: "It will not be long that their Grandfather and myself will be spared to them. But let me entreat of you, to let us have them with us our few remaining days."al Fortunately for the children, their grandparents had two planta- tions and numerous servants. General Clinch remained in Mobile sufficiently long to arrange transportation for his eight youthful boys and girls, and to have a memorial service at the Presbyterian Church for his departed wife. Few ministers have had as good an opportunity as did the Reverend William T. Hamilton to dwell on the advantages of a Christian life. Too many people, he told his audience, delay their acceptance of Christ, but not Mrs. Clinch. She had made her confession of sin and united herself with the church before it was too late, and was ready to meet her Maker. With evident satisfaction he read her written confession and pledge: I come, acknowledging myself to have been a great offender, smiting on my breast, and saying with the humble publican, "God Be Merci- ful To Me A Sinner." I come, in the name of thy Son, and wholly trusting in his perfect righteousness, entreating that, for his sake, thou wilt be merciful to my unrighteousness, and will no longer re- member my sins. Receive, I beseech thee, O thou eternal and ever- blessed God, receive thy revolted creature, who is now convinced of thy right to her, and desires nothing so much as that she may be thine. This day [Sept. 11, 1831] do I wish and pray most solemnly to surrender myself up to Thee, to renounce all former lords who have dominion over me, and to consecrate to Thee all that I am, all that I have: the faculties of my mind, the members of my body, my worldly possessions, my time, my influence upon others, to be entire- ly for Thy glory, and resolutely employed in obedience to thy com- mands, as long as thou continuest me in life, with ardent desire and humble resolution to continue thine through all the endless ages of eternity; ever binding myself in an attentive posture, to observe the first intimations of thy will, and ready to spring forward with zeal and joy to the immediate execution of it.32 31. Letters of Mr. and Mrs. McIntosh, May 2, 1835, Clinch Papers. These letters were addressed to Clinch at Mobile. 32. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 16. 82 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM that he would "look to God who has smote you, for comfort." Both grandparents wanted the children sent to Georgia. "Never will par- ents love children more," the grandfather stated; they "will remain with us, until they can be sent away to school." Mrs. McIntosh pleaded for them: "It will not be long that their Grandfather and myself will be spared to them. But let me entreat of you, to let us have them with us our few remaining days."31 Fortunately for the children, their grandparents had two planta- tions and numerous servants. General Clinch remained in Mobile sufficiently long to arrange transportation for his eight youthful boys and girls, and to have a memorial service at the Presbyterian Church for his departed wife. Few ministers have had as good an opportunity as did the Reverend William T. Hamilton to dwell on the advantages of a Christian life. Too many people, he told his audience, delay their acceptance of Christ, but not Mrs. Clinch. She had made her confession of sin and united herself with the church before it was too late, and was ready to meet her Maker. With evident satisfaction he read her written confession and pledge: I come, acknowledging myself to have been a great offender, smiting on my breast, and saying with the humble publican, "God Be Merci- ful To Me A Sinner." I come, in the name of thy Son, and wholly trusting in his perfect righteousness, entreating that, for his sake, thou wilt be merciful to my unrighteousness, and will no longer re- member my sins. Receive, I beseech thee, O thou eternal and ever- blessed God, receive thy revolted creature, who is now convinced of thy right to her, and desires nothing so much as that she may be thine. This day [Sept. 11, 1831] do I wish and pray most solemnly to surrender myself up to Thee, to renounce all former lords who have dominion over me, and to consecrate to Thee all that I am, all that I have: the faculties of my mind, the members of my body, my worldly possessions, my time, my influence upon others, to be entire- ly for Thy glory, and resolutely employed in obedience to thy com- mands, as long as thou continuest me in life, with ardent desire and humble resolution to continue thine through all the endless ages of eternity; ever binding myself in an attentive posture, to observe the first intimations of thy will, and ready to spring forward with zeal and joy to the immediate execution of it.32 31. Letters of Mr. and Mrs. McIntosh, May 2, 1835, Clinch Papers. These letters were addressed to Clinch at Mobile. 32. Hamilton, Funeral Sermon, 16. 82  Negotiating with the Seminoles With the solemn and comforting words of the minister echoing in his heart, General Clinch saw his children off to their grandparents and returned to duty. Undoubtedly he again thought of his often considered plan to resign his commission, but he was needed in Flor- ida and without Eliza planned retirement lost most of its attractive- ness. He did not, however, return to Fort King, but established his headquarters in St. Augustine. This oldest settlement within the United States had not developed with the rapidity of other Atlantic Coast cities. Sheltered from the ocean by Anastasia Island and a sea wall along Matanzas Bay and River, the town consisted of low flat houses lining narrow, sandy streets. Clustered around the square in the center of the town and facing the bay stood the Cathedral and the public buildings, and to the north the old coquina fort (Castillo de San Marcos, renamed Fort Marion by the Americans), "looking as though it had been built in the time of Adam, and so, for that matter, looks the town."as The settlement was divided into two parts, the American and the Minorcan, with the line of separation being a large open space, to the north of which lay the Minorcan quarter. The ancestors of these friendly, simple people, who spoke a broken, soft, and melodious English, had been brought in the late 1760's by the Englishman, Doctor Andrew Turnbull, from the poverty of their Mediterranean homes to a plantation at New Smyrna; they had eventually moved north to St. Augustine. The Minorcan young women were beautiful with their black eyes and long black hair and their smiling, con- tented expression of face showing no anxiety. Approximately one-third of the St. Augustine inhabitants were Minorcan, one-third American, and the rest Spanish, French, and Negro. The people of non-English origin were carefree spirits. Their amusements consisted of dancing, billiards, and serenading, with the latter especially favored by Spanish beaus. A half-dozen musicians, followed by a crowd of onlookers, played their musical instruments and sang their songs near the house of someone's favored girl. After the music ceased, the lover approached the window of his beloved, doffed his straw hat, and wished her "Buenos noches" and received 33. "Sketches of East Florida," pamphlet in P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, University of Florida, assembled from Knickerbocker Magazine (1843-44), 566. 83 Negotiating with the Seminoles With the solemn and comforting words of the minister echoing in his heart, General Clinch saw his children off to their grandparents and returned to duty. Undoubtedly he again thought of his often considered plan to resign his commission, but he was needed in Flor- ida and without Eliza planned retirement lost most of its attractive- ness. He did not, however, return to Fort King, but established his headquarters in St. Augustine. This oldest settlement within the United States had not developed with the rapidity of other Atlantic Coast cities. Sheltered from the ocean by Anastasia Island and a sea wall along Matanzas Bay and River, the town consisted of low flat houses lining narrow, sandy streets. Clustered around the square in the center of the town and facing the bay stood the Cathedral and the public buildings, and to the north the old coquina fort (Castillo de San Marcos, renamed Fort Marion by the Americans), "looking as though it had been built in the time of Adam, and so, for that matter, looks the town."33 The settlement was divided into two parts, the American and the Minorcan, with the line of separation being a large open space, to the north of which lay the Minorcan quarter. The ancestors of these friendly, simple people, who spoke a broken, soft, and melodious English, had been brought in the late 1760's by the Englishman, Doctor Andrew Turnbull, from the poverty of their Mediterranean homes to a plantation at New Smyrna; they had eventually moved north to St. Augustine. The Minorcan young women were beautiful with their black eyes and long black hair and their smiling, con- tented expression of face showing no anxiety. Approximately one-third of the St. Augustine inhabitants were Minorcan, one-third American, and the rest Spanish, French, and Negro. The people of non-English origin were carefree spirits. Their amusements consisted of dancing, billiards, and serenading, with the latter especially favored by Spanish beaus. A half-dozen musicians, followed by a crowd of onlookers, played their musical instruments and sang their songs near the house of someone's favored girl. After the music ceased, the lover approached the window of his beloved, doffed his straw hat, and wished her "Buenos noches" and received 33. "Sketches of East Florida," pamphlet in P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, University of Florida, assembled from Knickerbocker Magazine (184344), 566. 83 Negotiating with the Seminoles With the solemn and comforting words of the minister echoing in his heart, General Clinch saw his children off to their grandparents and returned to duty. Undoubtedly he again thought of his often considered plan to resign his commission, but he was needed in Flor- ida and without Eliza planned retirement lost most of its attractive- ness. He did not, however, return to Fort King, but established his headquarters in St. Augustine. This oldest settlement within the United States had not developed with the rapidity of other Atlantic Coast cities. Sheltered from the ocean by Anastasia Island and a sea wall along Matanzas Bay and River, the town consisted of low flat houses lining narrow, sandy streets. Clustered around the square in the center of the town and facing the bay stood the Cathedral and the public buildings, and to the north the old coquina fort (Castillo de San Marcos, renamed Fort Marion by the Americans), "looking as though it had been built in the time of Adam, and so, for that matter, looks the town."33 The settlement was divided into two parts, the American and the Minorcan, with the line of separation being a large open space, to the north of which lay the Minorcan quarter. The ancestors of these friendly, simple people, who spoke a broken, soft, and melodious English, had been brought in the late 1760's by the Englishman, Doctor Andrew Turnbull, from the poverty of their Mediterranean homes to a plantation at New Smyrna; they had eventually moved north to St. Augustine. The Minorcan young women were beautiful with their black eyes and long black hair and their smiling, con- tented expression of face showing no anxiety. Approximately one-third of the St. Augustine inhabitants were Minorcan, one-third American, and the rest Spanish, French, and Negro. The people of non-English origin were carefree spirits. Their amusements consisted of dancing, billiards, and serenading, with the latter especially favored by Spanish beaus. A half-dozen musicians, followed by a crowd of onlookers, played their musical instruments and sang their songs near the house of someone's favored girl. After the music ceased, the lover approached the window of his beloved, doffed his straw hat, and wished her "Buenos noches" and received 33. "Sketches of East Florida," pamphlet in P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, University of Florida, assembled from Knickerbocker Magazine (184344), 566. 83  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM in return the same words in a plaintive female voice. On the Eve of St. John's the ladies mounted sleek horses to parade through the streets while the masked gentlemen, dressed in the costumes of an- cient times, attended them. Here and there throughout the city were altars, placed in recessed nooks and tastefully decorated with flowers and draperies. The costumed men accepted flowers from the mounted senoritas and placed the colorful blooms on the candlelit altars. American residents and visitors found delightful the parties given by government officials and military personnel. After the waltz, the Spanish dance was most popular, and it appeared "all grace and ease, like the floating of down upon the breath of morning." One visitor thought the "St. Augustine ladies certainly danced more gracefully, and kept better time, than any of my fair country women I ever saw in our more northern cities." Yet he was more delighted by the "beautiful Minorcan girls moving through their intricate waltz to the music of violin and tambourine, which discoursed most sweet har- mony under the scientific touch of Marcellini the black fiddler in one of his Spanish tunes, which are very beautiful, and peculiar to this place alone." He found a strange fascination in the Minorcan beau- ties, who cast a fairy spell upon him and made it seem that he was in a dreamy trance at their balls. All too quickly the hours sped through the night; the ball ended at three or four in the morning. But all in St. Augustine was not gaiety and beauty. In the Negro quarters the passerby saw slaves chained and ironed to the walls like wild beasts. In the "hot bed of slavery" one Englishman was cau- tioned not to criticize the living conditions of Negroes, for "if one of the planters heard you, possibly you might he found tomorrow lying stabbed in the gutter." This same overly critical observer re- corded that in St. Augustine white people seldom worked. "One day," he wrote in his diary, "I purchased a trunk and was carrying it on my shoulders when a fine fellow accosted me saying: 'Massa, me carry dat fo' yo' and he was quite astonished when I refused his service, saying: 'Ah, buctra man, Nigger only work here.' And in truth he was right. All soon learn a sad lesson from slavery, viz: to be idle, licentious, and useless."a4 34. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 156. The description of St. Augustine is based on Bemrose, pp. 9-11, 156, and Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wil- derness, ed. James F. Sunderman (Gainesville, Fla., 1953), 110-13. 84 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM in return the same words in a plaintive female voice. On the Eve of St. John's the ladies mounted sleek horses to parade through the streets while the masked gentlemen, dressed in the costumes of an- cient times, attended them. Here and there throughout the city were altars, placed in recessed nooks and tastefully decorated with flowers and draperies. The costumed men accepted flowers from the mounted sefnoritas and placed the colorful blooms on the candlelit altars. American residents and visitors found delightful the parties given by government officials and military personnel. After the waltz, the Spanish dance was most popular, and it appeared "all grace and ease, like the floating of down upon the breath of morning." One visitor thought the "St. Augustine ladies certainly danced more gracefully, and kept better time, than any of my fair country women I ever saw in our more northern cities." Yet he was more delighted by the "beautiful Minorcan girls moving through their intricate waltz to the music of violin and tambourine, which discoursed most sweet har- mony under the scientific touch of Marcellini the black fiddler in one of his Spanish tunes, which are very beautiful, and peculiar to this place alone." He found a strange fascination in the Minorcan beau- ties, who cast a fairy spell upon him and made it seem that he was in a dreamy trance at their balls. All too quickly the hours sped through the night; the ball ended at three or four in the morning. But all in St. Augustine was not gaiety and beauty. In the Negro quarters the passerby saw slaves chained and ironed to the walls like wild beasts. In the "hot bed of slavery" one Englishman was cau- tioned not to criticize the living conditions of Negroes, for "if one of the planters heard you, possibly you might he found tomorrow lying stabbed in the gutter." This same overly critical observer re- corded that in St. Augustine white people seldom worked. "One day," he wrote in his diary, "I purchased a trunk and was carrying it on my shoulders when a fine fellow accosted me saying: 'Massa, me carry dat fo' yo' and he was quite astonished when I refused his service, saying: 'Ah, buccra man, Nigger only work here.' And in truth he was right. All soon learn a sad lesson from slavery, viz: to be idle, licentious, and useless."34 34. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 156. The description of St. Augustine is based on Bemrose, pp. 9-11, 156, and Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wi- derness, ed. James F. Sunderman (Gainesville, Fla., 1953), 110-13. 84 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM in return the same words in a plaintive female voice. On the Eve of St. John's the ladies mounted sleek horses to parade through the streets while the masked gentlemen, dressed in the costumes of an- cient times, attended them. Here and there throughout the city were altars, placed in recessed nooks and tastefully decorated with flowers and draperies. The costumed men accepted flowers from the mounted senoritas and placed the colorful blooms on the candlelit altars. American residents and visitors found delightful the parties given by government officials and military personnel. After the waltz, the Spanish dance was most popular, and it appeared "all grace and ease, like the floating of down upon the breath of morning." One visitor thought the "St. Augustine ladies certainly danced more gracefully, and kept better time, than any of my fair country women I ever saw in our more northern cities." Yet he was more delighted by the "beautiful Minorcan girls moving through their intricate waltz to the music of violin and tambourine, which discoursed most sweet har- mony under the scientific touch of Marcellini the black fiddler in one of his Spanish tunes, which are very beautiful, and peculiar to this place alone." He found a strange fascination in the Minorcan beau- ties, who cast a fairy spell upon him and made it seem that he was in a dreamy trance at their balls. All too quickly the hours sped through the night; the ball ended at three or four in the morning. But all in St. Augustine was not gaiety and beauty. In the Negro quarters the passerby saw slaves chained and ironed to the walls like wild beasts. In the "hot bed of slavery" one Englishman was cau- tioned not to criticize the living conditions of Negroes, for "if one of the planters heard you, possibly you might be found tomorrow lying stabbed in the gutter." This same overly critical observer re- corded that in St. Augustine white people seldom worked. "One day," he wrote in his diary, "I purchased a trunk and was carrying it on my shoulders when a fine fellow accosted me saying: 'Massa, me carry dat Is' yo' and he was quite astonished when I refused his service, saying: 'Ah, buctra man, Nigger only work here.' And in truth he was right. All soon learn a sad lesson from slavery, viz: to be idle, licentious, and useless."4 34. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 156. The description of St. Augustine is based on Bemrose, pp. 9-11, 156, and Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wil- derness, ed. James F. Sunderman (Gainesville, Fla., 1953), 110-13. 84  Negotiating with the Seminoles General Clinch would have vociferously disagreed with this criti- cism of slavery, but his duty was not to defend the institution of slavery. He established his headquarters at St. Francis Barracks in the southern part of St. Augustine, and applied himself to the task of removing the Seminoles from Florida. Originally constructed as a nunnery, the barracks afforded plain but comfortable quarters. From June until December, 1835, Clinch remained in the east-coast city to evaluate dispatches from his subalterns in the interior of penin- sular Florida. They contained forebodings of Indian resistance, and Clinch sent orders for alertness and caution to commanders stationed at the forts.3a As occasion demanded, he moved from St. Augustine to Fort King to confer with his lieutenants or with the Seminole chiefs. Late in May, 1835, Osceola, a half-white Seminole whose real name was Powell, the proudest, boldest, and most intractable of the Indians, entered Agent Thompson's office at Fort King. No chief himself by hereditary right, Osceola had won a place in Seminole councils by merit and by his influence over the lethargic Micanopy. Osceola had opposed emigration and had caused Thompson more trouble than any of the other Indians. The agent reacted to Osceola's insults by placing him in chains. After one day's confinement, Osce- ola promised in gratitude for his release to return to the fort within five days with many chiefs, and to agree to removal. He kept his pledge, appearing with seventy-nine warriors, women, and children, and admitted that resistance to American authority would bring ruin to his people. The gullible agent saw submission, not the actual craftiness in Osceola's black eyes; and convinced of the Indian's sin- cerity, he believed the greatest individual harrier to removal had been surmounted.3s A few weeks later seven white men of Alachua County overtook five Indians who had been hunting outside their lands and occasion- ally taking cattle belonging to the settlers. The whites took the guns from four of them and flogged the Indians with cow whips. They 35. See letters of Clinch to the War Department in Washington and to post commanders in Florida, June 12 through December 1, 1835, Letters Re- ceived. 36. Thompson to George Gibson, June 3, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 197-98. 85 Negotiating with the Seminoles General Clinch would have vociferously disagreed with this criti- cism of slavery, but his duty was not to defend the institution of slavery. He established his headquarters at St. Francis Barracks in the southern part of St. Augustine, and applied himself to the task of removing the Seminoles from Florida. Originally constructed as a nunnery, the barracks afforded plain but comfortable quarters. From June until December, 1835, Clinch remained in the east-coast city to evaluate dispatches from his subalterns in the interior of penin- sular Florida. They contained forebodings of Indian resistance, and Clinch sent orders for alertness and caution to commanders stationed at the forts.O As occasion demanded, he moved from St. Augustine to Fort King to confer with his lieutenants or with the Seminole chiefs. Late in May, 1835, Osceola, a half-white Seminole whose real name was Powell, the proudest, boldest, and most intractable of the Indians, entered Agent Thompson's office at Fort King. No chief himself by hereditary right, Osceola had won a place in Seminole councils by merit and by his influence over the lethargic Micanopy. Osceola had opposed emigration and had caused Thompson more trouble than any of the other Indians. The agent reacted to Osceola's insults by placing him in chains. After one day's confinement, Osce- ola promised in gratitude for his release to return to the fort within five days with many chiefs, and to agree to removal. He kept his pledge, appearing with seventy-nine warriors, women, and children, and admitted that resistance to American authority would bring ruin to his people. The gullible agent saw submission, not the actual craftiness in Osceola's black eyes; and convinced of the Indian's sin- cerity, he believed the greatest individual barrier to removal had been surmounted.u A few weeks later seven white men of Alachua County overtook five Indians who had been hunting outside their lands and occasion- ally taking cattle belonging to the settlers. The whites took the guns from four of them and flogged the Indians with cow whips. They 35. See letters of Clinch to the War Department in Washington and to post commanders in Florida, June 12 through December 1835, Letters Re- ceived. 36. Thompson to George Gibson, June 3, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 197-98. 85 Negotiating with the Seminoles General Clinch would have vociferously disagreed with this criti- cism of slavery, but his duty was not to defend the institution of slavery. He established his headquarters at St. Francis Barracks in the southern part of St. Augustine, and applied himself to the task of removing the Seminoles from Florida. Originally constructed as a nunnery, the barracks afforded plain but comfortable quarters. From June until December, 1835, Clinch remained in the east-coast city to evaluate dispatches from his subalterns in the interior of penin- sular Florida. They contained forebodings of Indian resistance, and Clinch sent orders for alertness and caution to commanders stationed at the forts.aO As occasion demanded, he moved from St. Augustine to Fort King to confer with his lieutenants or with the Seminole chiefs. Late in May, 1835, Osceola, a half-white Seminole whose real name was Powell, the proudest, boldest, and most intractable of the Indians, entered Agent Thompson's office at Fort King. No chief himself by hereditary right, Osceola had won a place in Seminole councils by merit and by his influence over the lethargic Micanopy. Osceola had opposed emigration and had caused Thompson more trouble than any of the other Indians. The agent reacted to Osceola's insults by placing him in chains. After one day's confinement, Osce- ola promised in gratitude for his release to return to the fort within five days with many chiefs, and to agree to removal. He kept his pledge, appearing with seventy-nine warriors, women, and children, and admitted that resistance to American authority would bring ruin to his people. The gullible agent saw submission, not the actual craftiness in Osceola's black eyes; and convinced of the Indian's sin- cerity, he believed the greatest individual barrier to removal had been surmounted.Ou A few weeks later seven white men of Alachua County overtook five Indians who had been hunting outside their lands and occasion- ally taking cattle belonging to the settlers. The whites took the guns from four of them and flogged the Indians with cow whips. They 35. See letters of Clinch to the War Department in Washington and to post commanders in Florida, June 12 through December 1, 1835, Letters Re- ceived. 36. Thompson to George Gibson, June 3, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 197-98. 85  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM were struggling to take a gun from the fifth in order to beat him when two more armed Indians appeared and wounded three of the white men. A return of shots killed one Indian and wounded the other. When General Clinch arrived at Newnansville, then the coun- ty seat of Alachua County, the seven Indians involved in the skirmish had been exaggerated up to twenty, and the settlers were in a state of alarm. His assurance that every arrangement had been made for their protection calmed the people, who returned to their usual occupa- tions. On his arrival at Fort King, Clinch found that Thompson had already called the chiefs into council. The General demanded the immediate surrender of the trespassing Indians, and the Indian lead- ers complied. The unfortunate braves were imprisoned at Fort King to await trial in the Alachua court. Chiefs from various tribes of the Nation attended the council and General Clinch was pleased to find them evincing "much promptness, good sense and feeling on the occasion."a7 Clinch went back to St. Augustine but returned to Fort King on August 10 for another meeting with the chiefs. Speaking for the Seminoles, Holata Amathla requested a separate Indian agency for them after removal to the West, rather than a single agent for his people and the Creeks. In his report transmitting and explaining to the War Department the Seminoles' concern, the sympathy and un- derstanding of Clinch was apparent. These children of the forest, he wrote, are from circumstance and custom suspicious of the white man. Although pains had been taken to convince them that the agent for the Creeks west of the Mississippi would also take adequate care of them, the Seminoles in the council of April and again in August had petitioned for a separate agent, and had requested the President to appoint Wiley Thompson to the post. Clinch admitted his inability to change the attitude of the Seminoles on the issue. "It is a law of nature for the weak to be suspicious of the strong," he wrote. "They say that the Creeks are much more numerous and powerful than they are; that there is a question of property, involving the right to a great many Negroes, to be settled between them and the Creeks; and they are afraid that justice will not be done them, unless they can have a 37. Clinch to R. Jones, June 30, 1835, Florida Historical Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 86 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM were struggling to take a gun from the fifth in order to beat him when two more armed Indians appeared and wounded three of the white men. A return of shots killed one Indian and wounded the other. When General Clinch arrived at Newnansville, then the coun- ty seat of Alachua County, the seven Indians involved in the skirmish had been exaggerated up to twenty, and the settlers were in a state of alarm. His assurance that every arrangement had been made for their protection calmed the people, who returned to their usual occupa- tions. On his arrival at Fort King, Clinch found that Thompson had already called the chiefs into council. The General demanded the immediate surrender of the trespassing Indians, and the Indian lead- ers complied. The unfortunate braves were imprisoned at Fort King to await trial in the Alachua court. Chiefs from various tribes of the Nation attended the council and General Clinch was pleased to find them evincing "much promptness, good sense and feeling on the occasion."3 0 Clinch went back to St. Augustine but returned to Fort King on August 10 for another meeting with the chiefs. Speaking for the Seminoles, Holata Amathla requested a separate Indian agency for them after removal to the West, rather than a single agent for his people and the Creeks. In his report transmitting and explaining to the War Department the Seminoles' concern, the sympathy and un- derstanding of Clinch was apparent. These children of the forest, he wrote, are from circumstance and custom suspicious of the white man. Although pains had been taken to convince them that the agent for the Creeks west of the Mississippi would also take adequate care of them, the Seminoles in the council of April and again in August had petitioned for a separate agent, and had requested the President to appoint Wiley Thompson to the post. Clinch admitted his inability to change the attitude of the Seminoles on the issue. "It is a law of nature for the weak to be suspicious of the strong," he wrote. "They say that the Creeks are much more numerous and powerful than they are; that there is a question of property, involving the right to a great many Negroes, to be settled between them and the Creeks; and they are afraid that justice will not be done them, unless they can have a 37. Clinch to R. Jones, June 30, 1835, Florida Historical Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 86 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM were struggling to take a gun from the fifth in order to beat him when two more armed Indians appeared and wounded three of the white men. A return of shots killed one Indian and wounded the other. When General Clinch arrived at Newnansville, then the coun- ty seat of Alachua County, the seven Indians involved in the skirmish had been exaggerated up to twenty, and the settlers were in a state of alarm. His assurance that every arrangement had been made for their protection calmed the people, who returned to their usual occupa- tions. On his arrival at Fort King, Clinch found that Thompson had already called the chiefs into council. The General demanded the immediate surrender of the trespassing Indians, and the Indian lead- ers complied. The unfortunate braves were imprisoned at Fort King to await trial in the Alachua court. Chiefs from various tribes of the Nation attended the council and General Clinch was pleased to find them evincing "much promptness, good sense and feeling on the occasion."a Clinch went back to St. Augustine but returned to Fort King on August 10 for another meeting with the chiefs. Speaking for the Seminoles, Holata Amathla requested a separate Indian agency for them after removal to the West, rather than a single agent for his people and the Creeks. In his report transmitting and explaining to the War Department the Seminoles' concern, the sympathy and un- derstanding of Clinch was apparent. These children of the forest, he wrote, are from circumstance and custom suspicious of the white man. Although pains had been taken to convince them that the agent for the Creeks west of the Mississippi would also take adequate care of them, the Seminoles in the council of April and again in August had petitioned for a separate agent, and had requested the President to appoint Wiley Thompson to the post. Clinch admitted his inability to change the attitude of the Seminoles on the issue. "It is a law of nature for the weak to be suspicious of the strong," he wrote. "They say that the Creeks are much more numerous and powerful than they are; that there is a question of property, involving the right to a great many Negroes, to be settled between them and the Creeks; and they are afraid that justice will not be done them, unless they can have a 37. Clinch to R. Jones, June 30, 1835, Florida Historical Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 86  Negotiating with the Seminoles separate agent to watch over and protect their interests." The Gen- eral advised giving them an agent, for as he stated: "The experiment they are about to make is one of deep interest to them. They are leav- ing the birth place of their wives and children, and many of them the graves of those they hold most dear; and is it not natural that they should feel, and feel deeply, on such a trying occasion, and wish to have some one ;that they have previously known, whom they could lean on, and look up to for protection?"3s Through the hot summer months of 1835 the Indian agent worked on plans for the removal. The Indians who agreed to leave Florida were to be concentrated at Fort King and other posts; they would then proceed to Tampa Bay from where transports would car- ry them to New Orleans. Almost immediately problems arose con- cerning the sale of cattle, ponies, and hogs. The United States guaranteed fair prices for the cattle but not for the hogs and ponies. The Indians knew that relatively few civilians lived near Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay, and most of those who did were too poor to buy the horses or hogs at fair prices. Wherever a number of Indians assem- bled with their livestock and Negro slaves, white men appeared to claim ownership of slaves or cattle. The realization that much of their property would be taken from them or sold at a fraction of its value made many of the Seminoles change their minds about leaving Florida. Another problem was clothing. Frocks for the men, wrappers and petticoats for the women were demanded by the Indians in place of the frocks for women and the other types of clothing for the men which the government planned to furnish. Agent Thompson esti- mated that slightly more than 3,000 Indians lived in Florida,39 and most of them needed clothes. During the late summer and fall chiefs moved to and from Fort King for consultation with Thompson. Charley Amathla, always fol- lowed by his neatly dressed daughters, often appeared at the fort. 38. Clinch to War Department, August 10, 1835, Army and Navy Chron- icle, New Series, III, 266; Clinch to Cass, August 24, 1835, House Document 271, p. 104. 39. There may have been as many as 7,000 Seminoles and Negroes in Florida. The planning for the removal of the Seminoles is not the purpose of this volume. The problems faced by Wiley Thompson are shown in his letters written to the War Department during August and September, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 204-44. 87 Negotiating with the Seminoles separate agent to watch over and protect their interests." The Gen- eral advised giving them an agent, for as he stated: "The experiment they are about to make is one of deep interest to them. They are leav- ing the birth place of their wives and children, and many of them the graves of those they hold most dear; and is it not natural that they should feel, and feel deeply, on such a trying occasion, and wish to have some one that they have previously known, whom they could lean on, and look up to for protection?"38 Through the hot summer months of 1835 the Indian agent worked on plans for the removal. The Indians who agreed to leave Florida were to be concentrated at Fort King and other posts; they would then proceed to Tampa Bay from where transports would car- ry them to New Orleans. Almost immediately problems arose con- cerning the sale of cattle, ponies, and hogs. The United States guaranteed fair prices for the cattle but not for the hogs and ponies. The Indians knew that relatively few civilians lived near Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay, and most of those who did were too poor to buy the horses or hogs at fair prices. Wherever a number of Indians assem- bled with their livestock and Negro slaves, white men appeared to claim ownership of slaves or cattle. The realization that much of their property would be taken from them or sold at a fraction of its value made many of the Seminoles change their minds about leaving Florida. Another problem was clothing. Frocks for the men, wrappers and petticoats for the women were demanded by the Indians in place of the frocks for women and the other types of clothing for the men which the government planned to furnish. Agent Thompson esti- mated that slightly more than 3,000 Indians lived in Florida,39 and most of them needed clothes. During the late summer and fall chiefs moved to and from Fort King for consultation with Thompson. Charley Amathla, always fol- lowed by his neatly dressed daughters, often appeared at the fort. 38. Clinch to War Department, August 10, 1835, Army and Navy Chron- icle, New Series, III, 266; Clinch to Cass, August 24, 1835, House Document 271, p. 104. 39. There may have been as many as 7,000 Seminoles and Negroes in Florida. The planning for the removal of the Seminoles is not the purpose of this volume. The problems faced by Wiley Thompson are shown in his letters written to the War Department during August and September, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 204-44. 87 Negotiating with the Seminoles separate agent to watch over and protect their interests." The Gen- eral advised giving them an agent, for as he stated: "The experiment they are about to make is one of deep interest to them. They are leav- ing the birth place of their wives and children, and many of them the graves of those they hold most dear; and is it not natural that they should feel, and feel deeply, on such a trying occasion, and wish to have some one that they have previously known, whom they could lean on, and look up to for protection?"3s Through the hot summer months of 1835 the Indian agent worked on plans for the removal. The Indians who agreed to leave Florida were to be concentrated at Fort King and other posts; they would then proceed to Tampa Bay from where transports would car- ry them to New Orleans. Almost immediately problems arose con- cerning the sale of cattle, ponies, and hogs. The United States guaranteed fair prices for the cattle but not for the hogs and ponies. The Indians knew that relatively few civilians lived near Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay, and most of those who did were too poor to buy the horses or hogs at fair prices. Wherever a number of Indians assem- bled with their livestock and Negro slaves, white men appeared to claim ownership of slaves or cattle. The realization that much of their property would be taken from them or sold at a fraction of its value made many of the Seminoles change their minds about leaving Florida. Another problem was clothing. Frocks for the men, wrappers and petticoats for the women were demanded by the Indians in place of the frocks for women and the other types of clothing for the men which the government planned to furnish. Agent Thompson esti- mated that slightly more than 3,000 Indians lived in Florida,39 and most of them needed clothes. During the late summer and fall chiefs moved to and from Fort King for consultation with Thompson. Charley Amathla, always fol- lowed by his neatly dressed daughters, often appeared at the fort. 38. Clinch to War Department, August 10, 1835, Army and Navy Chron- icle, New Series, III, 266; Clinch to Cass, August 24, 1835, House Document 271, p. 104. 39. There may have been as many as 7,000 Seminoles and Negroes in Florida. The planning for the removal of the Seminoles is not the purpose of this volume. The problems faced by Wiley Thompson are shown in his letters written to the War Department during August and September, 1835, House Document 271, pp. 204-44. 87  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM One of the chiefs who had been sent to examine the land in the west, Charley was a finrm and faithful advocate of emigration. This large- framed, muscular Indian of about fifty years spoke broken English and was always amiable and courteous in manner. The fifty-five-year- old Jumper, the most influential and intelligent chief of the Nation, was the spokesman in council for the chiefs. Stupid, fat, lumbering Micanopy, the nominal head of the Seminoles, was almost always ac- companied by his "sense bearer," the intelligent and crafty Negro Abraham. On those rare instances of Abraham's absence, Osceola hovered around the stupid chief to give him the proper cue. When- ever Micanopy was in conference with Thompson or Clinch, Osceola would stand at the door of the council room, eavesdropping or peep- ing into this or that window, displaying an uncontrolled curiosity and an increasing impatience at being excluded from the talks. Oc- casionally exuberance overcame him. Then he would enter the room, jerk out his hunting knife, and flourish it in circular movements around his head in savage vehemence. Osceola was a striking figure of a man. Almost six feet in height, spare of frame with a "lean and hungry" look on his face, he was not impressive at a distance but a closer look showed his strength of body and force of character. When not under the influence of liquor, he was respectful in his greetings, smiling, courteous, with hearty handshakes. Usually he wore a turban garnished with two long, drooping feathers, and his glossy black hair fell in thick profusion around his face which alternately changed from expressions of sub- mission and kindness to unconquerable recalcitrance and hatred. Al- though excluded from councils, this half-white Indian, who had once been employed by the United States government to keep other Indi- ans within their lands, had a potent anti-American influence among the Seminoles and had been made subordinate chief of the Mikasuhi Indians.4O While many Indians in promise and act demonstrated a willing- ness to move, others whose numbers seemed to be increasing were de- termined to remain in Florida. By October General Clinch was con- 40. The descriptions of the Indian leaders in this and the preceding para- graph were taken from an account by "Viator," a resident of Florida, pub- lished in the Newbern, N. C., Spectator, February 26, 1836, and reprinted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 197-99. 88 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM One of the chiefs who had been sent to examine the land in the west, Charley was a fur and faithful advocate of emigration. This large- framed, muscular Indian of about fifty years spoke broken English and was always amiable and courteous in manner. The fifty-five-year- old Jumper, the most influential and intelligent chief of the Nation, was the spokesman in council for the chiefs. Stupid, fat, lumbering Micanopy, the nominal head of the Seminoles, was almost always ac- companied by his "sense bearer," the intelligent and crafty Negro Abraham. On those rare instances of Abraham's absence, Osceola hovered around the stupid chief to give him the proper cue. When- ever Micanopy was in conference with Thompson or Clinch, Osceola would stand at the door of the council room, eavesdropping or peep- ing into this or that window, displaying an uncontrolled curiosity and an increasing impatience at being excluded from the talks. Oc- casionally exuberance overcame him. Then he would enter the room, jerk out his hunting knife, and flourish it in circular movements around his head in savage vehemence. Osceola was a striking figure of a man. Almost six feet in height, spare of frame with a "lean and hungry" look on his face, he was not impressive at a distance but a closer look showed his strength of body and force of character. When not under the influence of liquor, he was respectful in his greetings, smiling, courteous, with hearty handshakes. Usually he wore a turban garnished with two long, drooping feathers, and his glossy black hair fell in thick profusion around his face which alternately changed from expressions of sub- mission and kindness to unconquerable recalcitrance and hatred. Al- though excluded from councils, this half-white Indian, who had once been employed by the United States government to keep other Indi- ans within their lands, had a potent anti-American influence among the Seminoles and had been made subordinate chief of the Mikasuki Indians.4 While many Indians in promise and act demonstrated a willing- ness to move, others whose numbers seemed to be increasing were de- termined to remain in Florida. By October General Clinch was con- 40. The descriptions of the Indian leaders in this and the preceding para- graph were taken from an account by "Viator," a resident of Florida, pub- lished in the Newbern, N. C., Spectator, February 26, 1836, and reprinted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 197-99. 88 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM One of the chiefs who had been sent to examine the land in the west, Charley was a firm and faithful advocate of emigration. This large- framed, muscular Indian of about fifty years spoke broken English and was always amiable and courteous in manner. The fifty-five-year- old Jumper, the most influential and intelligent chief of the Nation, was the spokesman in council for the chiefs. Stupid, fat, lumbering Micanopy, the nominal head of the Seminoles, was almost always ac- companied by his "sense bearer," the intelligent and crafty Negro Abraham. On those rare instances of Abraham's absence, Osceola hovered around the stupid chief to give him the proper cue. When- ever Micanopy was in conference with Thompson or Clinch, Osceola would stand at the door of the council room, eavesdropping or peep- ing into this or that window, displaying an uncontrolled curiosity and an increasing impatience at being excluded from the talks. Oc- casionally exuberance overcame him. Then he would enter the room, jerk out his hunting knife, and flourish it in circular movements around his head in savage vehemence. Osceola was a striking figure of a man. Almost six feet in height, spare of frame with a "lean and hungry" look on his face, he was not impressive at a distance but a closer look showed his strength of body and force of character. When not under the influence of liquor, he was respectful in his greetings, smiling, courteous, with hearty handshakes. Usually he wore a turban garnished with two long, drooping feathers, and his glossy black hair fell in thick profusion around his face which alternately changed from expressions of sub- mission and kindness to unconquerable recalcitrance and hatred. Al- though excluded from councils, this half-white Indian, who had once been employed by the United States government to keep other Indi- ans within their lands, had a potent anti-American influence among the Seminoles and had been made subordinate chief of the Mikasuki Indians.4O While many Indians in promise and act demonstrated a willing- ness to move, others whose numbers seemed to be increasing were de- termined to remain in Florida. By October General Clinch was con- 40. The descriptions of the Indian leaders in this and the preceding para- graph were taken from an account by "Vistor," a resident of Florida, pub- lished in the Newbern, N. C., Spectator, February 26, 1836, and reprinted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 197-99. 88  Negotiating with the Seminoles vinced that war was imminent. Floridians, too, feared warfare and begged for protection. They reported evidence of secret communi- cations between Indian-owned Negroes and plantation slaves and plans for an insurrection of the latter, the most feared by the whites of all violence. Traders reported again and again that Indians de- manded powder and guns in exchange for their corn, cattle, and furs. In October Clinch requested the War Department to call 150 mounted volunteers for three months of service to protect the white settlements. He believed the regulars already in Florida sufficient to control the Indians, if all of the latter agreed to emigrate or if the hostile ones could be met in a pitched battle. The General, however, foresaw neither of these possibilities. In his opinion those Indians determined on resistance would kill the leaders who were cooperating with the whites, and use their natural allies, the forests, streams, and swamps, to fight the Americans in skirmishes rather than bat- tles. Believing this, he repeatedly asked for additional troops and materiel. The War Department sent him more companies, and even the revenue cutter that he demanded for service at Tampa Bay; but the soldiers moved into Florida were insufficient to flush the In- dians from their natural surroundings, and the various maladies of the subtropical climate removed many from the effective force.r On October 17, 1835, the General ordered Major Francis L. Dade to leave only one trustworthy noncommissioned officer and three pri- vates at Key West and proceed with his remaining men to Fort Brooke. He warned the Major that the wish of the government was to use force against the Indians only as a final resort, and, therefore, while being prepared to repel an attack, never to begin one.42 The following month Clinch described the critical situation to General Joseph M. Hernandez of the territorial militia. The regulars could not fight the Indians and protect the settled areas, he told the militia officer, and Clinch had no authority to call for local volunteers. Therefore, Floridians would have to arm themselves or suffer the de- struction of their property and loss of their livessa 41. Many letters of Clinch written in October, November, and Decem- ber, 1835, and replies to them by the War Department officials are in Letters Received and Letters Sent. ' 42. Clinch to Dade, October 17, 1835, in the private collection of Mr. Lucius Ruder, Clearwater, Florida. 43. Clinch to Hernandez, November, 1835, Clinch Papers. 89 Negotiating with the Seminoles vinced that war was imminent. Floridians, too, feared warfare and begged for protection. They reported evidence of secret communi- cations between Indian-owned Negroes and plantation slaves and plans for an insurrection of the latter, the most feared by the whites of all violence. Traders reported again and again that Indians de- manded powder and guns in exchange for their corn, cattle, and furs. In October Clinch requested the War Department to call 150 mounted volunteers for three months of service to protect the white settlements. He believed the regulars already in Florida sufficient to control the Indians, if all of the latter agreed to emigrate or if the hostile ones could be met in a pitched battle. The General, however, foresaw neither of these possibilities. In his opinion those Indians determined on resistance would kill the leaders who were cooperating with the whites, and use their natural allies, the forests, streams, and swamps, to fight the Americans in skirmishes rather than bat- tles. Believing this, he repeatedly asked for additional troops and materiel. The War Department sent him more companies, and even the revenue cutter that he demanded for service at Tampa Bay; but the soldiers moved into Florida were insufficient to flush the In- dians from their natural surroundings, and the various maladies of the subtropical climate removed many from the effective force.4 On October 17, 1835, the General ordered Major Francis L. Dade to leave only one trustworthy noncommissioned officer and three pri- vates at Key West and proceed with his remaining men to Fort Brooke. He warned the Major that the wish of the government was to use foce against the Indians only as a final resort, and, therefore, while being prepared to repel an attack, never to begin oneA0 The following month Clinch described the critical situation to General Joseph M. Hernandez of the territorial militia. The regulars could not fight the Indians and protect the settled areas, he told the militia officer, and Clinch had no authority to call for local volunteers. Therefore, Floridians would have to arm themselves or suffer the de- struction of their property and loss of their livessa 41. Many letters of Clinch written in October, November, and Decem- ber, 1835, and replies to them by the War Department officials are in Letters Received and Letters Sent. * 42. Clinch to Dade, October 17, 1835, in the private collection of Mr. Lucius Ruder, Clearwater, Florida. 43. Clinch to Hernandez, November, 1835, Clinch Papers. 89 Negotiating with the Seminoles vinced that war was imminent. Floridians, too, feared warfare and begged for protection. They reported evidence of secret communi- cations between Indian-owned Negroes and plantation slaves and plans for an insurrection of the latter, the most feared by the whites of all violence. Traders reported again and again that Indians de- manded powder and guns in exchange for their corn, cattle, and furs. In October Clinch requested the War Department to call 150 mounted volunteers for three months of service to protect the white settlements. He believed the regulars already in Florida sufficient to control the Indians, if all of the latter agreed to emigrate or if the hostile ones could be met in a pitched battle. The General, however, foresaw neither of these possibilities. In his opinion those Indians determined on resistance would kill the leaders who were cooperating with the whites, and use their natural allies, the forests, streams, and swamps, to fight the Americans in skirmishes rather than bat- tles. Believing this, he repeatedly asked for additional troops and materiel. The War Department sent him more companies, and even the revenue cutter that he demanded for service at Tampa Bay; but the soldiers moved into Florida were insufficient to flush the In- dians from their natural surroundings, and the various maladies of the subtropical climate removed many from the effective force.4r On October 17, 1835, the General ordered Major Francis L. Dade to leave only one trustworthy noncommissioned officer and three pri- vates at Key West and proceed with his remaining men to Fort Brooke. He warned the Major that the wish of the government was to use force against the Indians only as a final resort, and, therefore, while being prepared to repel an attack, never to begin one.40 The following month Clinch described the critical situation to General Joseph M. Hernandez of the territorial militia. The regulars could not fight the Indians and protect the settled areas, he told the militia officer, and Clinch had no authority to call for local volunteers. Therefore, Floridians would have to arm themselves or suffer the de- struction of their property and loss of their lives.4a 41. Many letters of Clinch written in October, November, and Decem- ber, 1835, and replies to them by the War Department officials are in Letters Received and Letters Sent. 42. Clinch to Dade, October 17, 1835, in the private collection of Mr. Lucius Ruder, Clearwater, Florida. 43. Clinch to Hernandez, November, 1835, Clinch Papers. 89  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The General's forebodings of war were substantiated by Indian outrages. The Seminoles murdered Private Dalton, the mailman who carried dispatches between Forts Brooke and King, and mutilated his body. Osceola and his followers killed Charley Amathla, who was on his way to sell his cattle as a preparatory act for movement to the West. They left his body lying on a trail, his money bag filled with gold beside his corpse to demonstrate their opposition to his cooper- ation with the white man. Blame for the forthcoming, terrible, and long-drawn-out Seminole War cannot be easily ascribed. Florida was the homeland of the Indi- ans. By the Fort Moultrie Treaty of 1823 they had relinquished their claims to all territory other than an area of approximately 4,000,000 acres. The infertility of their lands and severe droughts had forced many half-starved Indians to forage and steal outside their assigned lands, but the chiefs had demonstrated commendable cooperation in punishing offenders. Had the American government been more liberal in providing for the Indians and more strict in punishing its own nationals who invaded Seminole territory, trouble might have been avoided for the decades necessary to work out mutually satis- factory solutions to problems. But the American government demand- ed the removal of all the Indians who lived east of the Mississippi. As a consequence the United States won the Treaty of Payne's Land- ing and its confirmation in the Fort Gibson agreement. While the Indians maintained that these agreements were obtained by a combi- nation of duress and fraud and therefore did not bind the Nation, the United States held that treaties, however secured, must be ob- served. In reality the clash stemmed from two conflicting civilizations- two differing ways of life. The "Seminole was a wide and scattered race, he swam the streams and leaped over logs of the wide forest in pursuit of game, and was like the whooping crane that made its nest at night far from the spot where it dashed the dew from the grass and flower in the morning."44 In 1835 the Seminole had been al- most a hundred years "reposing undisturbed under the shade of his oak and pine in Florida, and the suns of many winters had risen on his ardent pursuit of the buck and the bear, with none to question 44. Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 181-82. 90 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The General's forebodings of war were substantiated by Indian outrages. The Seminoles murdered Private Dalton, the mailman who carried dispatches between Forts Brooke and King, and mutilated his body. Osceola and his followers killed Charley Amathla, who was on his way to sell his cattle as a preparatory act for movement to the West. They left his body lying on a trail, his money bag filled with gold beside his corpse to demonstrate their opposition to his cooper- ation with the white man. 'Blame for the forthcoming, terrible, and long-drawn-out Seminole War cannot be easily ascribed. Florida was the homeland of the Indi- ans. By the Fort Moultrie Treaty of 1823 they had relinquished their claims to all territory other than an area of approximately 4,000,000 acres. The infertility of their lands and severe droughts had forced many half-starved Indians to forage and steal outside their assigned lands, but the chiefs had demonstrated commendable cooperation in punishing offenders. Had the American government been more liberal in providing for the Indians and more strict in punishing its own nationals who invaded Seminole territory, trouble might have been avoided for the decades necessary to work out mutually satis- factory solutions to problems. But the American government demand- ed the removal of all the Indians who lived east of the Mississippi. As a consequence the United States won the Treaty of Payne's Land- ing and its confirmation in the Fort Gibson agreement. While the Indians maintained that these agreements were obtained by a combi- nation of duress and fraud and therefore did not bind the Nation, the United States held that treaties, however secured, must be ob- served. In reality the clash stemmed from two conflicting civilizations- two differing ways of life. The "Seminole was a wide and scattered race, he swam the streams and leaped over logs of the wide forest in pursuit of game, and was like the whooping crane that made its nest at night far from the spot where it dashed the dew from the grass and flower in the morning."44 In 1835 the Seminole had been al- most a hundred years "reposing undisturbed under the shade of his oak and pine in Florida, and the suns of many winters had risen on his ardent pursuit of the buck and the bear, with none to question 44. Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 181-82. 90 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The General's forebodings of war were substantiated by Indian outrages. The Seminoles murdered Private Dalton, the mailman who carried dispatches between Forts Brooke and King, and mutilated his body. Osceola and his followers killed Charley Amathla, who was on his way to sell his cattle as a preparatory act for movement to the West. They left his body lying on a trail, his money bag filled with gold beside his corpse to demonstrate their opposition to his cooper- ation with the white man. 'Blame for the forthcoming, terrible, and long-drawn-out Seminole War cannot be easily ascribed. Florida was the homeland of the Indi- ans. By the Fort Moultrie Treaty of 1823 they had relinquished their claims to all territory other than an area of approximately 4,000,000 acres. The infertility of their lands and severe droughts had forced many half-starved Indians to forage and steal outside their assigned lands, but the chiefs had demonstrated commendable cooperation in punishing offenders. Had the American government been more liberal in providing for the Indians and more strict in punishing its own nationals who invaded Seminole territory, trouble might have been avoided for the decades necessary to work out mutually satis- factory solutions to problems. But the American government demand- ed the removal of all the Indians who lived east of the Mississippi. As a consequence the United States won the Treaty of Payne's Land- ing and its confirmation in the Fort Gibson agreement. While the Indians maintained that these agreements were obtained by a combi- nation of duress and fraud and therefore did not bind the Nation, the United States held that treaties, however secured, must be ob- served. 'In reality the clash stemmed from two conflicting civilizations- two differing ways of life. The "Seminole was a wide and scattered race, he swam the streams and leaped over logs of the wide forest in pursuit of game, and was like the whooping crane that made its nest at night far from the spot where it dashed the dew from the grass and flower in the morning."44 In 1835 the Seminole had been al- most a hundred years "reposing undisturbed under the shade of his oak and pine in Florida, and the suns of many winters had risen on his ardent pursuit of the buck and the bear, with none to question 44. Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 181-82. 90  Negotiating with the Seminoles his bounds or dispute his range."45 He needed vast acreages for his way of life, but the white American, before the industrial revolution, also required extensive lands for his farming. The latter, unlike the Indian, demanded individual ownership of real estate and, in com- parison with the Seminole, cultivated it intensively. Perhaps a more astute and compassionate American leadership could have prevented the Seminole War. Had government officials acted quickly after the Treaty of Fort Gibson to remove the Indian from Florida, had they not been so niggardly in providing for pay- ment of Seminole cattle, hogs, ponies, and other property, or had they really restrained whites from searching for a relatively few escaped slaves, a majority of the Seminoles might have moved in peace to the trans-Mississippi region. Failure in all these respects could have been erased by sending an overwhelming force into Florida. But American leaders underestimated the number of Seminoles living in the terri- tory and believed a show of force would cow the Indians into sub- mission; they utterly failed to comprehend what a determined band -even a band of actually poor fighters-could accomplish with the protection of a rugged natural terrain. By December, 1835, war was inevitable. General Clinch left his comfortable quarters in St. Augustine to command his troops in battle. 45. Ibid., 182. Negotiating with the Seminoles his bounds or dispute his range."a He needed vast acreages for his way of life, but the white American, before the industrial revolution, also required extensive lands for his farming. The latter, unlike the Indian, demanded individual ownership of real estate and, in com- parison with the Seminole, cultivated it intensively. Perhaps a more astute and compassionate American leadership could have prevented the Seminole War. Had government officials acted quickly after the Treaty of Fort Gibson to remove the Indian from Florida, had they not been so niggardly in providing for pay- ment of Seminole cattle, hogs, ponies, and other property, or had they really restrained whites from searching for a relatively few escaped slaves, a majority of the Seminoles might have moved in peace to the trans-Mississippi region. Failure in all these respects could have been erased by sending an overwhelming force into Florida. But American leaders underestimated the number of Seminoles living in the terri- tory and believed a show of force would cow the Indians into sub- mission; they utterly failed to comprehend what a determined band -even a band of actually poor fighters-could accomplish with the protection of a rugged natural terrain. By December, 1835, war was inevitable. General Clinch left his comfortable quarters in St. Augustine to command his troops in battle. 45. Ibid., 182. Negotiating with the Seminoles his bounds or dispute his range."45 He needed vast acreages for his way of life, but the white American, before the industrial revolution, also required extensive lands for his farming. The latter, unlike the Indian, demanded individual ownership of real estate and, in com- parison with the Seminole, cultivated it intensively. Perhaps a more astute and compassionate American leadership could have prevented the Seminole War. Had government officials acted quickly after the Treaty of Fort Gibson to remove the Indian from Florida, had they not been so niggardly in providing for pay- ment of Seminole cattle, hogs, ponies, and other property, or had they really restrained whites from searching for a relatively few escaped slaves, a majority of the Seminoles might have moved in peace to the trans-Mississippi region. Failure in all these respects could have been erased by sending an overwhelming force into Florida. But American leaders underestimated the number of Seminoles living in the terri- tory and believed a show of force would cow the Indians into sub- mission; they utterly failed to comprehend what a determined band -even a band of actually poor fighters-could accomplish with the protection of a rugged natural terrain. By December, 1835, war was inevitable. General Clinch left his comfortable quarters in St. Augustine to command his troops in battle. 45. Ibid., 182. 9]1 91 9]  A Map of the Seat of War in Florida 1836 A Map of the Seat of War in Florida 1836 A Map of the Seat of War in Florida 1836  SEVEN SEVEN SEVEN The Battle of Withlacoochee WAR ADDED A NEW DIMENSION TO the work of General Clinch. For a year he had been working for the removal of the Seminoles from Florida, and now the protection of white settlements and farms within the territory also became a military problem. Frequent raids in the thinly settled pen- insula made farming a hazardous occupation, and as always the civil- ians looked to the army for the punishment and extinction of the raiding Indians. Military posts existed at St. Augustine and Fort King, and now Clinch scattered detachments to points along the St. Johns River, to Middleburg, to Fort Defiance near Micanopy, and to Fort Drane, located on Clinch's plantation some ten miles below Micanopy. The main defensive line ran from St. Augustine to Fort King to Fort Drane; it was planned to protect East and Middle Florida, the latter being the most thickly populated area of the territory. In November, 1835, the General began to concentrate his forces at Fort Drane. The first detachment from St. Augustine marched westward, crossed the St. Johns, stopped at Fort Heilman (Middle- burg) on Black Creek, and stopped again at Fort King before pro- ceeding approximately twenty-six miles in a northwesterly direction to Fort Drane. During the march Captain Gustavus S. Drane boasted of taking his company of 60 men through the Seminole Nation with- out a man suffering a scratch other than from brambles and palmetto fronds. Officers and men held the Indians in low esteem as fighters. Their commander's Auld Lang Syne Plantation interested the soldiers. They entered it on a road lined with Negro huts, "most abominable places, mud floors, roofs thatched with reeds, no win- 1. The story of the mrch and the description of Clinch's plantation are taken from Bemrose, Reminiscences, 3844. 93 The Battle of Withlacoochee WAR ADDED A NEW DIMENSION TO the work of General Clinch. For a year he had been working for the removal of the Seminoles from Florida, and now the protection of white settlements and farms within the territory also became a military problem. Frequent raids in the thinly settled pen- insula made farming a hazardous occupation, and as always the civil- ians looked to the army for the punishment and extinction of the raiding Indians. Military posts existed at St. Augustine and Fort King, and now Clinch scattered detachments to points along the St. Johns River, to Middleburg, to Fort Defiance near Micanopy, and to Fort Drane, located on Clinch's plantation some ten miles below Micanopy. The main defensive line ran from St. Augustine to Fort King to Fort Drane; it was planned to protect East and Middle Florida, the latter being the most thickly populated area of the territory. In November, 1835, the General began to concentrate his forces at Fort Drane. The first detachment from St. Augustine marched westward, crossed the St. Johns, stopped at Fort Heilman (Middle- burg) on Black Creek, and stopped again at Fort King before pro- ceeding approximately twenty-six miles in a northwesterly direction to Fort Drane. During the march Captain Gustavus S. Drane boasted of taking his company of 60 men through the Seminole Nation with- out a man suffering a scratch other than from brambles and palmetto fronds., Officers and men held the Indians in low esteem as fighters. Their commander's Auld Lang Syne Plantation interested the soldiers. They entered it on a road lined with Negro huts, "most abominable places, mud floors, roofs thatched with reeds, no win- 1. The story of the march and the description of Clinch's plantation are taken from Bemrose, Reminiscences, 38-44. 93 The Battle of Withlacoochee W AR ADDED A NEW DIMENSION TO the work of General Clinch. For a year he had been working for the removal of the Seminoles from Florida, and now the protection of white settlements and farms within the territory also became a military problem. Frequent raids in the thinly settled pen- insula made farming a hazardous occupation, and as always the civil- ians looked to the army for the punishment and extinction of the raiding Indians. Military posts existed at St. Augustine and Fort King, and now Clinch scattered detachments to points along the St. Johns River, to Middleburg, to Fort Defiance near Micanopy, and to Fort Drane, located on Clinch's plantation some ten miles below Micanopy. The main defensive line ran from St. Augustine to Fort King to Fort Drane; it was planned to protect East and Middle Florida, the latter being the most thickly populated area of the territory. In November, 1835, the General began to concentrate his forces at Fort Drane. The first detachment from St. Augustine marched westward, crossed the St. Johns, stopped at Fort Heilman (Middle- burg) on Black Creek, and stopped again at Fort King before pro- ceeding approximately twenty-six miles in a northwesterly direction to Fort Drane. During the march Captain Gustavus S. Drane boasted of taking his company of 60 men through the Seminole Nation with- out a man suffering a scratch other than from brambles and palmetto fronds., Officers and men held the Indians in low esteem as fighters. Their commander's Auld Lang Syne Plantation interested the soldiers. They entered it on a road lined with Negro huts, "most abominable places, mud floors, roofs thatched with reeds, no win- 1. The story of the march and the description of Clinch's plantation are taken from Bemrose, Reminiscences, 3844. 93  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dows but openings left between logs, leaving the poor inmates at the mercy of snakes and other reptiles."a The slave quarters bordered a pond, about a mile in circumference, and marshy ground dotted with large trees that covered dense undergrowth extended to within fifty yards of the slave driver's shack. Two miles by the "bullock- road" from the center of the plantation was the sugar works consist- ing of the mill, treacle warehouse, and rum distillery. The sugar mill stood on a slight hill. Cane stalks, transported in bullock carts, were thrown down the incline to be thrust into the rollers and crushed, the cane juice flowing into a reservoir until it was ready to be boiled in the vats. All the dirty juice and the skimmings from the boiling liquid were diverted into troughs which led to the rum distillery. For three months every year an Englishman from Jamaica supervised the making of sugar and the distilling of rum. The plantation was almost a self-sufficient unit. Besides the sugar works, there were corn cribs, barns, and storage sheds for the rela- tively small crop of cotton. A blacksmith's shop and other outbuild- ings housed artisans during their working hours. The overseer was a tall muscular Yankee, a blacksmith by trade, who cracked his whip frequently in affirmation of his authority. His house was little more than a decaying log cabin, four small rooms, each lighted by one glassless, shutterless window. For almost two weeks the hospital staff of stewards, attendants, cooks, and bakers slept close to the north side of a building not far from the ever-glowing open fire used by company cooks. When a night's rain did not penetrate their blankets, they arose to shake off wood ashes and compared their lot to that of "ash cats."3 In De- cember the rain and cold drove the men into the corn cribs, the four-foot-high, dark, windowless storage bins of the plantation where one could not see his hand before his face even during daylight. Their beds consisted of corn shucks made lumpy by intermingled cobs. Tossing, sleepless men comforted themselves with the thought that at least they did not, as slaves evidently did, have to work in the cribs on all fours during Florida's summer heat to stack ears of corn into these infernos. Soldiers also knew that their housing was little inferior to the ac- 2. Ibid., 40. 3. Ibid., 42. 94 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dows but openings left between logs, leaving the poor inmates at the mercy of snakes and other reptiles."2 The slave quarters bordered a pond, about a mile in circumference, and marshy ground dotted with large trees that covered dense undergrowth extended to within fifty yards of the slave driver's shack. Two miles by the "bullock- road" from the center of the plantation was the sugar works consist- ing of the mill, treacle warehouse, and rum distillery. The sugar mill stood on a slight hill. Cane stalks, transported in bullock carts, were thrown down the incline to be thrust into the rollers and crushed, the cane juice flowing into a reservoir until it was ready to be boiled in the vats. All the dirty juice and the skimmings from the boiling liquid were diverted into troughs which led to the rum distillery. For three months every year an Englishman from Jamaica supervised the making of sugar and the distilling of rum. The plantation was almost a self-sufficient unit. Besides the sugar works, there were corn cribs, barns, and storage sheds for the rela- tively small crop of cotton. A blacksmith's shop and other outbuild- ings housed artisans during their working hours. The overseer was a tall muscular Yankee, a blacksmith by trade, who cracked his whip frequently in affirmation of his authority. His house was little more than a decaying log cabin, four small rooms, each lighted by one glassless, shutterless window. For almost two weeks the hospital staff of stewards, attendants, cooks, and bakers slept close to the north side of a building not far from the ever-glowing open fire used by company cooks. When a night's rain did not penetrate their blankets, they arose to shake off wood ashes and compared their lot to that of "ash cats."3 In De- cember the rain and cold drove the men into the corn cribs, the four-foot-high, dark, windowless storage bins of the plantation where one could not see his hand before his face even during daylight. Their beds consisted of corn shucks made lumpy by intermingled cobs. Tossing, sleepless men comforted themselves with the thought that at least they did not, as slaves evidently did, have to work in the cribs on all fours during Florida's summer heat to stack ears of corn into these infernos. Soldiers also knew that their housing was little inferior to the ac- 2. Ibid., 40. 3. Ibid., 42. 94 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dows but openings left between logs, leaving the poor inmates at the mercy of snakes and other reptiles."a The slave quarters bordered a pond, about a mile in circumference, and marshy ground dotted with large trees that covered dense undergrowth extended to within fifty yards of the slave driver's shack. Two miles by the "bullock- road" from the center of the plantation was the sugar works consist- ing of the mill, treacle warehouse, and rum distillery. The sugar mill stood on a slight hill. Cane stalks, transported in bullock carts, were thrown down the incline to be thrust into the rollers and crushed, the cane juice flowing into a reservoir until it was ready to be boiled in the vats. All the dirty juice and the skimmings from the boiling liquid were diverted into troughs which led to the rum distillery. For three months every year an Englishman from Jamaica supervised the making of sugar and the distilling of rum. The plantation was almost a self-sufficient unit. Besides the sugar works, there were corn cribs, barns, and storage sheds for the rela- tively small crop of cotton. A blacksmith's shop and other outbuild- ings housed artisans during their working hours. The overseer was a tall muscular Yankee, a blacksmith by trade, who cracked his whip frequently in affirmation of his authority. His house was little more than a decaying log cabin, four small rooms, each lighted by one glassless, shutterless window. For almost two weeks the hospital staff of stewards, attendants, cooks, and bakers slept close to the north side of a building not far from the ever-glowing open fire used by company cooks. When a night's rain did not penetrate their blankets, they arose to shake off wood ashes and compared their lot to that of "ash cats."a In De- cember the rain and cold drove the men into the corn cribs, the four-foot-high, dark, windowless storage bins of the plantation where one could not see his hand before his face even during daylight. Their beds consisted of corn shucks made lumpy by intermingled cobs. Tossing, sleepless men comforted themselves with the thought that at least they did not, as slaves evidently did, have to work in the cribs on all fours during Florida's summer heat to stack ears of corn into these infernos. Soldiers also knew that their housing was little inferior to the ac- 2. Ibid., 40. 3. Ibid., 42. 94  The Battle of Withlacoochee commodations of the officers. General Clinch, and later Generals Gaines and Scott, occupied a room similar to "a pig-stye."4 On December 9 Clinch was at Fort Defiance. He requested from the War Department four additional companies equipped for immedi- ate fighting. All information from spies, he wrote, indicated that the Seminoles were gathering in considerable force, and the troops or- dered from Louisiana and Key West would have to march through enemy country to join his command. He also reported that the Ne- groes living in the Indian area supported the Seminoles, and planters feared an insurrection by slaves to aid their racial brothers." All re- inforcements, he advised, should be landed opposite Picolata on the west bank of the St. Johns River and marched overland to Fort King. A week later he wrote from his headquarters at Fort Drane that Indi- an bands had cut all communications between the various forts in Florida; hence, reinforcements sent to Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay would be of little use to him unless they could march 100 miles through Indian country to unite with his forces. Provisions were short at all military posts in Florida.6 The lack of supplies created a serious situation at military estab- lishments. At Fort King underpaid or unpaid soldiers were refusing offers of three dollars from civilians for a single biscuit, but were willing to pay a dollar for a small drink of whiskey, bidding the price of liquor up to a hundred dollars per gallon. One soldier re- fused twenty-five cents offered by a civilian for his cup of coffee, and then with the characteristic American spirit of generosity divided it with the coffee-thirsting man.t While General Clinch gathered his forces for the coming battles, the civilian authorities of the Territory of Florida called for volun- teers. These were placed under command of Richard Keith Call of Tallahassee, a brigadier general of militia. A native of Virginia and a participant with Andrew Jackson in the Battle of New Orleans dur- ing the War of 1812, Call had moved to Florida in 1822, had served as a member of the Territorial Council, and had represented 4. Ibid. 5. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 9, 1835, in American State Papers, Military Affairs (Washington, 1861), VI, 308. 6. Idem to idem, December 16, 1835, Military Affairs, VI, 308. 7. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 199. 95 The Battle of Withlacoochee commodations of the officers. General Clinch, and later Generals Gaines and Scott, occupied a room similar to "a pig-stye."4 On December 9 Clinch was at Fort Defiance. He requested from the War Department four additional companies equipped for immedi- ate fighting. All information from spies, he wrote, indicated that the Seminoles were gathering in considerable force, and the troops or- dered from Louisiana and Key West would have to march through enemy country to join his command. He also reported that the Ne- groes living in the Indian area supported the Seminoles, and planters feared an insurrection by slaves to aid their racial brothers.5 All re- inforcements, he advised, should be landed opposite Picolata on the west bank of the St. Johns River and marched overland to Fort King. A week later he wrote from his headquarters at Fort Drane that Indi- an bands had cut all communications between the various forts in Florida; hence, reinforcements sent to Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay would be of little use to him unless they could march 100 miles through Indian country to unite with his forces. Provisions were short at all military posts in Florida. The lack of supplies created a serious situation at military estab- lishments. At Fort King underpaid or unpaid soldiers were refusing offers of three dollars from civilians for a single biscuit, but were willing to pay a dollar for a small drink of whiskey, bidding the price of liquor up to a hundred dollars per gallon. One soldier re- fused twenty-five cents offered by a civilian for his cup of coffee, and then with the characteristic American spirit of generosity divided it with the coffee-thirsting man.7 While General Clinch gathered his forces for the coming battles, the civilian authorities of the Territory of Florida called for volun- teers. These were placed under command of Richard Keith Call of Tallahassee, a brigadier general of militia. A native of Virginia and a participant with Andrew Jackson in the Battle of New Orleans dur- ing the War of 1812, Call had moved to Florida in 1822, had served as a member of the Territorial Council, and had represented 4. Ibid. 5. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 9, 1835, in American State Papers, Military Affairs (Washington, 1861), VI, 308. 6. Idem to idem, December 16, 1835, Military Affairs, VI, 308. 7. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 199. 95 The Battle of Withlacoochee commodations of the officers. General Clinch, and later Generals Gaines and Scott, occupied a room similar to "a pig-stye."4 On December 9 Clinch was at Fort Defiance. He requested from the War Department four additional companies equipped for immedi- ate fighting. All information from spies, he wrote, indicated that the Seminoles were gathering in considerable force, and the troops or- dered from Louisiana and Key West would have to march through enemy country to join his command. He also reported that the Ne- groes living in the Indian area supported the Seminoles, and planters feared an insurrection by slaves to aid their racial brothers.s All re- inforcements, he advised, should be landed opposite Picolata on the west bank of the St. Johns River and marched overland to Fort King. A week later he wrote from his headquarters at Fort Drane that Indi- an bands had cut all communications between the various forts in Florida; hence, reinforcements sent to Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay would be of little use to him unless they could march 100 miles through Indian country to unite with his forces. Provisions were short at all military posts in Florida.o The lack of supplies created a serious situation at military estab- lishments. At Fort King underpaid or unpaid soldiers were refusing offers of three dollars from civilians for a single biscuit, but were willing to pay a dollar for a small drink of whiskey, bidding the price of liquor up to a hundred dollars per gallon. One soldier re- fused twenty-five cents offered by a civilian for his cup of coffee, and then with the characteristic American spirit of generosity divided it with the coffee-thirsting man.7 While General Clinch gathered his forces for the coming battles, the civilian authorities of the Territory of Florida called for volun- teers. These were placed under command of Richard Keith Call of Tallahassee, a brigadier general of militia. A native of Virginia and a participant with Andrew Jackson in the Battle of New Orleans dur- ing the War of 1812, Call had moved to Florida in 1822, had served as a member of the Territorial Council, and had represented 4. Ibid. 5. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 9, 1835, in American State Papers, Military Affairs (Washington, 1861), VI, 308. 6. Idem to idem, December 16, 1835, Military Affairs, VI, 308. 7. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, , 199. 95  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Florida for two years as its delegate to the United States House of Representatives. In 1835 he was a candidate for the governorship of the territory, and was looked upon with favor by his friend Presi- dent Andrew Jackson.8 On December 6, "one of those genial days of a Florida winter that seems to rejuvenate and make glad the heart of man," a messen- ger found Call riding on his horse in the vicinity of Tallahassee. The dispatch bearer brought from St. Augustine the ominous news that the Indians were on the verge of revolt. Call arranged for several meetings and 250 men volunteered for one campaign against the Seminoles. A few Indians resided in the Tallahassee area, but these were supposed to be friendly to the white people. Tiger Tail, for in- stance, supplied Tallahassee housewives with wild turkeys at twelve and a half cents each. No one questioned his being at all the meet- ings or his avid interest in the call for volunteers and in the dis- cussion of campaigns. But then Tiger Tail disappeared and was the first Indian that Call saw at the Battle of Withlacoochee.9 Other volunteers from the settled regions of Florida joined Call's forces or occupied towns which were within striking distance of the Indians. Before the end of December more than 400 refugees over- flowed the little town of Newnansville, where they existed in the greatest distress. Twenty-two houses in other sections of Alachua County had burnt to the ground.lO One militia major told a friend: "I have but little hope of the regular troops doing anything."1s With the boastfulness of a militiaman he described how the courageous volunteers had saved General Clinch's wagon train loaded with sup- plies and bound for Fort Defiance at Micanopy. In the first attack the Indians had killed all the wagon horses, plundered the supplies, and sent the regulars into hiding in the middle of Payne's Prairie; but the militia arrived and saved the soldiers from the desperate situation. Eventually General Call came into the area with almost 600 mounted 8. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., Richard Keith Call: Southern Unionist (Gaines- ville, Fla., 1961), passim. 9. Call's activities are recorded by his daughter Ellen Call Long, "Flor- ida," MS in Richard Keith Call Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Uni- versity of North Carolina. Hereinafter referred to as Long, Florida. 10. Louis Fleming to R. B. Gregory, December 28, 1835, Florida Histori- cal Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 11. Ibid. 96 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Florida for two years as its delegate to the United States House of Representatives. In 1835 he was a candidate for the governorship of the territory, and was looked upon with favor by his friend Presi- dent Andrew Jackson.$ On December 6, "one of those genial days of a Florida winter that seems to rejuvenate and make glad the heart of man," a messen- ger found Call riding on his horse in the vicinity of Tallahassee. The dispatch bearer brought from St. Augustine the ominous news that the Indians were on the verge of revolt. Call arranged for several meetings and 250 men volunteered for one campaign against the Seminoles. A few Indians resided in the Tallahassee area, but these were supposed to be friendly to the white people. Tiger Tail, for in- stance, supplied Tallahassee housewives with wild turkeys at twelve and a half cents each. No one questioned his being at all the meet- ings or his avid interest in the call for volunteers and in the dis- cussion of campaigns. But then Tiger Tail disappeared and was the first Indian that Call saw at the Battle of Withlacoochee. Other volunteers from the settled regions of Florida joined Call's forces or occupied towns which were within striking distance of the Indians. Before the end of December more than 400 refugees over- flowed the little town of Newnansville, where they existed in the greatest distress. Twenty-two houses in other sections of Alachua County had burnt to the ground.lO One militia major told a friend: "I have but little hope of the regular troops doing anything."" With the boastfulness of a militiaman he described how the courageous volunteers had saved General Clinch's wagon train loaded with sup- plies and bound for Fort Defiance at Micanopy. In the first attack the Indians had killed all the wagon horses, plundered the supplies, and sent the regulars into hiding in the middle of Payne's Prairie; but the militia arrived and saved the soldiers from the desperate situation. Eventually General Call came into the area with almost 600 mounted 8. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., Richard Keith Call: Southern Unionist (Gaines- ville, Fla., 1961), passim. 9. Call's activities are recorded by his daughter Ellen Call Long, "Flor- ida," MS in Richard Keith Call Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Uni- versity of North Carolina. Hereinafter referred to as Long, Florida. 10. Louis Fleming to R. B. Gregory, December 28, 1835, Florida Histori- cal Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 11. Ibid. 96 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Florida for two years as its delegate to the United States House of Representatives. In 1835 he was a candidate for the governorship of the territory, and was looked upon with favor by his friend Presi- dent Andrew Jackson.g On December 6, "one of those genial days of a Florida winter that seems to rejuvenate and make glad the heart of man," a messen- ger found Call riding on his horse in the vicinity of Tallahassee. The dispatch bearer brought from St. Augustine the ominous news that the Indians were on the verge of revolt. Call arranged for several meetings and 250 men volunteered for one campaign against the Seminoles. A few Indians resided in the Tallahassee area, but these were supposed to be friendly to the white people. Tiger Tail, for in- stance, supplied Tallahassee housewives with wild turkeys at twelve and a half cents each. No one questioned his being at all the meet- ings or his avid interest in the call for volunteers and in the dis- cussion of campaigns. But then Tiger Tail disappeared and was the first Indian that Call saw at the Battle of Withlacoochee? Other volunteers from the settled regions of Florida joined Call's forces or occupied towns which were within striking distance of the Indians. Before the end of December more than 400 refugees over- flowed the little town of Newnansville, where they existed in the greatest distress. Twenty-two houses in other sections of Alachua County had burnt to the groundo One militia major told a friend: "I have but little hope of the regular troops doing anything."" With the boastfulness of a militiaman he described how the courageous volunteers had saved General Clinch's wagon train loaded with sup- plies and bound for Fort Defiance at Micanopy. In the first attack the Indians had killed all the wagon horses, plundered the supplies, and sent the regulars into hiding in the middle of Payne's Prairie; but the militia arrived and saved the soldiers from the desperate situation. Eventually General Call came into the area with almost 600 mounted 8. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., Richard Keith Call: Southern Unionist (Gaines- ville, Fla., 1961), passim. 9. Call's activities are recorded by his daughter Ellen Call Long, "Flor- ida," MS in Richard Keith Call Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Uni- versity of North Carolina. Hereinafter referred to as Long, Florida. 10. Louis Fleming to R. B. Gregory, December 28, 1835, Florida Histori- cal Society Library, Tampa, Fla. 11. Ibid. 96  The Battle of Withlacoochee volunteer's. As they approached Micanopy on December 20, the ad- vance guard was fired on by seven warriors. The militia dismounted, charged into a swamp, and killed six of the attackers.12 In the meantime General Clinch continued to concentrate his forces at Fort Drane. As authorized by the War Department, he moved to organize volunteers to protect the frontier settlements. Ex- cept for one company, all the troops at Fort King were ordered to Fort Drane, and a messenger rode toward Fort Brooke with orders for Major Dade to march two companies to Fort King. As soon as Call's volunteers joined the regulars, Clinch planned an expedition against the Indians. In his opinion the Seminoles possessed little fighting ability, and he spoke of them with "pity or distain."13 He was anx- ious to meet the "incendiary and murderous wretches" in battle, and vowed to teach them that "altho' the Government has here to fore been mild and indulgent to them . . . it knows when and how to punish them for their treachery and bad faith."14 The prospects of a union of his forces with the cavalry of General Call made Clinch write with enthusiasm of the Florida militia. After meeting Call at Fort Defiance on December 21, Clinch reported: "the utmost confidence is placed in the long experience, skill and firmness of Brigr. Gent. Call and in the patriotism and bravery of the officers and soldiers under his command."er On December 24 the volunteers joined the regulars at Fort Drane, and Clinch de- clared: "Much credit is due to General Call and the gallant volun- teers composing the 1st and 2nd Regts. for their promptness in marching at the shortest possible notice, to the defense of their suf- fering fellow-citizens."e 12. Ibid. 13. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 47. At this time Bemrose was writing dis- patches for General Clinch. 14. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 9, in Clinch Letterbook, 1834- 35, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 15. Idem to idem, December 21, 1835, Clinch Letterbook. For more on Clinch's plans, and the union with Call's forces, see Clinch to Adjutant Gen- eral, December 9, 16, 21, 1835, January 4, 1836; Call to Adjutant General, December 22, 1835, all in Letters Received, War Records Office, National Archives; and Clinch to Adjutant General, January 4, 1836 (official report of the Battle of Withlacoochee), in Tomlinson Fort Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. 16. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 26, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35. 97 The Battle of Withlacoochee volunteers. As they approached Micanopy on December 20, the ad- vance guard was fired on by seven warriors. The militia dismounted, charged into a swamp, and killed six of the attackers.12 In the meantime General Clinch continued to concentrate his forces at Fort Drane. As authorized by the War Department, he moved to organize volunteers to protect the frontier settlements. Ex- cept for one company, all the troops at Fort King were ordered to Fort Drane, and a messenger rode toward Fort Brooke with orders for Major Dade to march two companies to Fort King. As soon as Call's volunteers joined the regulars, Clinch planned an expedition against the Indians. In his opinion the Seminoles possessed little fighting ability, and he spoke of them with "pity or distain."13 He was anx- ious to meet the "incendiary and murderous wretches" in battle, and vowed to teach them that "altho' the Government has here to fore been mild and indulgent to them . . . it knows when and how to punish them for their treachery and bad faith."1 The prospects of a union of his forces with the cavalry of General Call made Clinch write with enthusiasm of the Florida militia. After meeting Call at Fort Defiance on December 21, Clinch reported: "the utmost confidence is placed in the long experience, skill and firmness of Brige. Gent. Call and in the patriotism and bravery of the officers and soldiers under his command."15 On December 24 the volunteers joined the regulars at Fort Drane, and Clinch de- clared: "Much credit is due to General Call and the gallant volun- teers composing the 1st and 2nd Regts. for their promptness in marching at the shortest possible notice, to the defense of their suf- fering fellow-citizens."tn 12. Ibid. 13. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 47. At this time Bemrose was writing dis- patches for General Clinch. 14. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 9, in Clinch Letterbook, 1834- 35, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 15. Idem to idem, December 21, 1835, Clinch Letterbook. For more on Clinch's plans, and the union with Call's forces, see Clinch to Adjutant Gen- eral, December 9, 16, 21, 1835, January 4, 1836; Call to Adjutant General, December 22, 1835, all in Letters Received, War Records Office, National Archives; and Clinch to Adjutant General, January 4, 1836 (official report of the Battle of Withlacoochee), in Tomlinson Fort Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. 16. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 26, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35. 97 The Battle of Withlacoochee volunteer's. As they approached Micanopy on December 20, the ad- vance guard was fired on by seven warriors. The militia dismounted, charged into a swamp, and killed six of the attackers.12 In the meantime General Clinch continued to concentrate his forces at Fort Drane. As authorized by the War Department, he moved to organize volunteers to protect the frontier settlements. Ex- cept for one company, all the troops at Fort King were ordered to Fort Drane, and a messenger rode toward Fort Brooke with orders for Major Dade to march two companies to Fort King. As soon as Call's volunteers joined the regulars, Clinch planned an expedition against the Indians. In his opinion the Seminoles possessed little fighting ability, and he spoke of them with "pity or distain."13 He was anx- ious to meet the "incendiary and murderous wretches" in battle, and vowed to teach them that "altho' the Government has here to fore been mild and indulgent to them . . . it knows when and how to punish them for their treachery and bad faith."4 The prospects of a union of his forces with the cavalry of General Call made Clinch write with enthusiasm of the Florida militia. After meeting Call at Fort Defiance on December 21, Clinch reported: "the utmost confidence is placed in the long experience, skill and firmness of Brig. Gent. Call and in the patriotism and bravery of the officers and soldiers under his command." On December 24 the volunteers joined the regulars at Fort Drane, and Clinch de- clared: "Much credit is due to General Call and the gallant volun- teers composing the 1st and 2nd Regts. for their promptness in marching at the shortest possible notice, to the defense of their suf- fering fellow-citizens."n 12. Ibid. 13. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 47. At this time Bemrose was writing dis- patches for General Clinch. 14. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 9, in Clinch Letterbook, 1834- 35, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 15. Idem to idem, December 21, 1835, Clinch Letterbook. For more on Clinch's plans, and the union with Call's forces, see Clinch to Adjutant Gen- eral, December 9, 16, 21, 1835, January 4, 1836; Call to Adjutant General, December 22, 1835, all in Letters Received, War Records Office, National Archives; and Clinch to Adjutant General, January 4, 1836 (official report of the Battle of Withlacoochee), in Tomlinson Fort Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. 16. Clinch to Adjutant General, December 26, 1835, Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35. 97  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The manpower situation was not nearly as good as the optimistic general believed. The Florida militia had signed for a single cam- paign, some of the men volunteering for two weeks and others for three. They had furnished their own horses and equipment, and did not know whether either the territorial government of Florida or the United States would pay them for their "sacrifice." With the novelty of campaigning already gone, with additional hardships and possible battles ahead, the volunteers were ready to return to the comforts of home. Call appealed to their patriotism, pleaded with them to con- tinue the noble impulse to protect women and children, and won their consent for ten more days in the service. By Call's account he found General Clinch little alarmed at the situation, but Call himself was aghast at the plan to have Major Dade march from Fort Brooke to Fort King. "All that can save Major Dade's command," he later claimed he had told Clinch, "is that he has disobeyed orders, dis- turbed as the country is through which he must pass; he can never reach you."17 An Indian scout reported a large force of warriors at a town some thirty-five miles south of Fort Drane. The Indian village lay south of the Withlacoochee River, but guides assured the generals that the troops could without difficulty cross the stream at a ford. Since the volunteers had only four more days of service, and would turn home- ward at sundown on December 31, Call urged a speedy campaign to destroy the Indian town. To achieve the essential speed, he offered to share his horses with the regulars and suggested that every man carry a four-day supply of rations; all wagons and baggage would be left at Fort Drane and the soldiers would pack the necessary matdriel on their backs or those of their mounts.18 The very day on which Clinch and Call made plans to invade the Indian territory, the Seminoles struck with dramatic effect at other places in Florida. Near Fort King Wiley Thompson spent the morn- ing of December 28 working in his Indian Agency office, located about 100 yards from the fort. Some 500 yards from the Agency office Sutler Erastus Rogers supervised his two clerks and servants 17. Long, Florida. 18. Ibid.; R. K. Call to Editor, Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837. Call's account of the march and battle was written to defend Call and criticize Clnch. 98 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The manpower situation was not nearly as good as the optimistic general believed. The Florida militia had signed for a single cam- paign, some of the men volunteering for two weeks and others for three. They had furnished their own horses and equipment, and did not know whether either the territorial government of Florida or the United States would pay them for their "sacrifice." With the novelty of campaigning already gone, with additional hardships and possible battles ahead, the volunteers were ready to return to the comforts of home. Call appealed to their patriotism, pleaded with them to con- tinue the noble impulse to protect women and children, and won their consent for ten more days in the service. By Call's account he found General Clinch little alarmed at the situation, but Call himself was aghast at the plan to have Major Dade march from Fort Brooke to Fort King. "All that can save Major Dade's command," he later claimed he had told Clinch, "is that he has disobeyed orders, dis- turbed as the country is through which he must pass; he can never reach you."17 An Indian scout reported a large force of warriors at a town some thirty-five miles south of Fort Drane. The Indian village lay south of the Withlacoochee River, but guides assured the generals that the troops could without difficulty cross the stream at a ford. Since the volunteers had only four more days of service, and would turn home- ward at sundown on December 31, Call urged a speedy campaign to destroy the Indian town. To achieve the essential speed, he offered to share his horses with the regulars and suggested that everv man carry a four-day supply of rations; all wagons and baggage would be left at Fort Drane and the soldiers would pack the necessary materiel on their backs or those of their mounts.18 The very day on which Clinch and Call made plans to invade the Indian territory, the Seminoles struck with dramatic effect at other places in Florida. Near Fort King Wiley Thompson spent the morn- ing of December 28 working in his Indian Agency office, located about 100 yards from the fort. Some 500 yards from the Agency office Sutler Erastus Rogers supervised his two clerks and servants 17. Long, Florida. 18. Ibid.; R. K. Call to Editor, Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837. Call's account of the much and battle was written to defend Call and criticize Clinch. 98 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The manpower situation was not nearly as good as the optimistic general believed. The Florida militia had signed for a single cam- paign, some of the men volunteering for two weeks and others for three. They had furnished their own horses and equipment, and did not know whether either the territorial government of Florida or the United States would pay them for their "sacrifice." With the novelty of campaigning already gone, with additional hardships and possible battles ahead, the volunteers were ready to return to the comforts of home. Call appealed to their patriotism, pleaded with them to con- tinue the noble impulse to protect women and children, and won their consent for ten more days in the service. By Call's account he found General Clinch little alarmed at the situation, but Call himself was aghast at the plan to have Major Dade march from Fort Brooke to Fort King. "All that can save Major Dade's command," he later claimed he had told Clinch, "is that he has disobeyed orders, dis- turbed as the country is through which he must pass; he can never reach you."17 An Indian scout reported a large force of warriors at a town some thirty-five miles south of Fort Drane. The Indian village lay south of the Withlacoochee River, but guides assured the generals that the troops could without difficulty cross the stream at a ford. Since the volunteers had only four more days of service, and would turn home- ward at sundown on December 31, Call urged a speedy campaign to destroy the Indian town. To achieve the essential speed, he offered to share his horses with the regulars and suggested that every man carry a four-day supply of rations; all wagons and baggage would be left at Fort Drane and the soldiers would pack the necessary materiel on their backs or those of their mounts.1 The very day on which Clinch and Call made plans to invade the Indian territory, the Seminoles struck with dramatic effect at other places in Florida. Near Fort King Wiley Thompson spent the morn- ing of December 28 working in his Indian Agency office, located about 100 yards from the fort. Some 500 yards from the Agency office Sutler Erastus Rogers supervised his two clerks and servants 17. Long, Florida. 18. Ibid.; R. K. Call to Editor, Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837. Cal's account of the march and battle was written to defend Call and criticize Clnch. 98  The Battle of Withlacoochee as they prepared to transfer the remaining goods in his store for safe- keeping in Fort King. Lieutenant Constantine Smith invited Thomp- son to an early dinner, and after dining they walked outside the fort through the pine-scented forest toward the sutler's house. They passed the small Indian Agency and continued 300 yards beyond it. The time was approximately three-thirty. From the woods burst the sound of musket fire, and the strollers fell dead. At the sutler's combined home and store Rogers and his clerks were enjoying a hearty meal. Without warning, tens of bullets sped through the open door and window of the store. The force of the missiles threw dying men to the floor. Some of the household serv- ants leaped through the window and sped toward the fort's protect- ing walls, but two of them were slain within sight of the soldiers. The Negro cook hid under a counter and witnessed the savagery of the Indians. Led by Osceola, they rushed into the store, overturned the dining table, raked off the scalps of the dead men, and bashed in their bloody skulls. A detachment from the fort moved quickly to the scene of the murders, but before its arrival the Indians had dis- appeared into the forests. Soldiers counted fourteen bullet holes in Thompson's body and seventeen in Roger's.19 On the same day, December 28, Major Francis Dade led his two companies of 100 men and 8 officers through the forests and grassy plains about sixty miles from Fort Brooke on the way to Fort King. Suddenly the woods and grass seemed to explode, and the Indians attacked from ambush. Major Dade was among the first casualties, but other officers rallied the remaining soldiers. They built a breast- work of logs about three feet in height and fought valiantly, but the surprise had been effective and they were outnumbered. Lieutenant William E. Basinger, the last of the commissioned officers, yelled: "Come boys, let us sell our lives as dearly as possible." The next In- dian volley cut him down. Only two seriously wounded men were able to get back to Fort Brooke. They reported that the Negro war- riors were most active in scalping the slain men, while the Indians seemed anxious to be off to other parts of Florida. The quantity of 19. There are many accounts of the incident at Fort King. See Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70; By a Late Staff Officer, The War in Florida: Being an Exposition of Its Causes, and an Accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Clinch, Gaines, and Scott (Baltimore, 1836), 109-10. 99 The Battle of Withlacoochee as they prepared to transfer the remaining goods in his store for safe- keeping in Fort King. Lieutenant Constantine Smith invited Thomp- son to an early dinner, and after dining they walked outside the fort through the pine-scented forest toward the sutler's house. They passed the small Indian Agency and continued 300 yards beyond it. The time was approximately three-thirty. From the woods burst the sound of musket fire, and the strollers fell dead. At the sutler's combined home and store Rogers and his clerks were enjoying a hearty meal. Without warning, tens of bullets sped through the open door and window of the store. The force of the missiles threw dying men to the floor. Some of the household serv- ants leaped through the window and sped toward the fort's protect- ing walls, but two of them were slain within sight of the soldiers. The Negro cook hid under a counter and witnessed the savagery of the Indians. Led by Osceola, they rushed into the store, overturned the dining table, raked off the scalps of the dead men, and bashed in their bloody skulls. A detachment from the fort moved quickly to the scene of the murders, but before its arrival the Indians had dis- appeared into the forests. Soldiers counted fourteen bullet holes in Thompson's body and seventeen in Roger's.m On the same day, December 28, Major Francis Dade led his two companies of 100 men and 8 officers through the forests and grassy plains about sixty miles from Fort Brooke on the way to Fort King. Suddenly the woods and grass seemed to explode, and the Indians attacked from ambush. Major Dade was among the first casualties, but other officers rallied the remaining soldiers. They built a breast- work of logs about three feet in height and fought valiantly, but the surprise had been effective and they were outnumbered. Lieutenant William E. Basinger, the last of the commissioned officers, yelled: "Come boys, let us sell our lives as dearly as possible." The next In- dian volley cut him down. Only two seriously wounded men were able to get back to Fort Brooke. They reported that the Negro war- riors were most active in scalping the slain men, while the Indians seemed anxious to be off to other parts of Florida. The quantity of 19. There see many accounts of the incident at Fort King. See Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70; By a Late Staff Officer, The War in Florida: Being an Exposition of Its Causes, and an Accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Clinch, Gaines, and Scott (Baltimore, 1836), 109-10. 99 The Battle of Withlacoochee as they prepared to transfer the remaining goods in his store for safe- keeping in Fort King. Lieutenant Constantine Smith invited Thomp- son to an early dinner, and after dining they walked outside the fort through the pine-scented forest toward the sutler's house. They passed the small Indian Agency and continued 300 yards beyond it. The time was approximately three-thirty. From the woods burst the sound of musket fire, and the strollers fell dead. At the sutler's combined home and store Rogers and his clerks were enjoying a hearty meal. Without warning, tens of bullets sped through the open door and window of the store. The force of the missiles threw dying men to the floor. Some of the household serv- ants leaped through the window and sped toward the fort's protect- ing walls, but two of them were slain within sight of the soldiers. The Negro cook hid under a counter and witnessed the savagery of the Indians. Led by Osceola, they rushed into the store, overturned the dining table, raked off the scalps of the dead men, and bashed in their bloody skulls. A detachment from the fort moved quickly to the scene of the murders, but before its arrival the Indians had dis- appeared into the forests. Soldiers counted fourteen bullet holes in Thompson's body and seventeen in Roger's.19 On the same day, December 28, Major Francis Dade led his two companies of 100 men and 8 officers through the forests and grassy plains about sixty miles from Fort Brooke on the way to Fort King. Suddenly the woods and grass seemed to explode, and the Indians attacked from ambush. Major Dade was among the first casualties, but other officers rallied the remaining soldiers. They built a breast- work of logs about three feet in height and fought valiantly, but the surprise had been effective and they were outnumbered. Lieutenant William E. Basinger, the last of the commissioned officers, yelled: "Come boys, let us sell our lives as dearly as possible." The next In- dian volley cut him down. Only two seriously wounded men were able to get back to Fort Brooke. They reported that the Negro war- riors were most active in scalping the slain men, while the Indians seemed anxious to be off to other parts of Florida. The quantity of 19. There are many accounts of the incident at Fort King. See Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70; By a Late Staff Officer, The War in Florida: Being an Exposition of Its Causes, and an Accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Clinch, Gaines, and Scott (Baltimore, 1836), 109-10. 99  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ornamental pins and brooches, gold watches, and gold and silver coin left on the bodies indicated the hasty departure of the Indians. They even failed to lift the scalp of Lieutenant Basinger.an The murders near Fort King and the massacre of Dade's soldiers were the most ruthless acts of the general Indian uprising. About the same time a party of Seminoles and Negro warriors struck the outly- ing plantations near New Smyrna on the Atlantic coast. Another In- dian band raided some farms located near the St. Johns River and west of St. Augustine. Dispatch riders and mail carriers met death in the lonely forests of Florida. From the east coast through the central peninsula to the west coast the evidently planned attacks sent prop- erty owners scurrying to the safety of military posts or towns and their property went up in smoke as the frenzied Indians emitted ex- ultant war whoops. At Fort Drane on December 29 General Clinch knew nothing of these disasters as he began the march toward the Withlacoochee. His military situation was ambiguous. With approximately 280 infantry, he had to leave a sufficient force to hold the fort, and the weary, dis- abled, and ill soldiers were left at Drane. The General was also in command of the more than 500 mounted volunteers, and General Call gave every indication of cooperating and making himself subor- dinate to the regular army brigadier general. Much to the disgust of Call, or so he later declared, General Clinch refused to travel fast for a swift, hard campaign. Instead, "he set out with every cart and wagon, mule and horse, he could raise on his plantation, or among his troops."as It seemed to Call that every man in the regular army had a dog. The animals ran hither and yon, constantly flushing game from swamp and forest, and their barks and yelps resounded into a medley of sound.O0 About 8:00 A.M. on December 29, the movement began. The regulars were flanked on either side by the mounted volunteers. Clinch and his staff kept approximately fifty yards behind the right flank of the marching infantry. All the men, whether on foot or on 20. The reports of the Dade Massacre are numerous. This one is based on the account in the Amy and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 197. See also Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70, for accounts of Indian attacks at the beginning of the Seminole War. 21. Call to Editor, Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837. 22. Long, Florida. 100 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ornamental pins and brooches, gold watches, and gold and silver coin left on the bodies indicated the hasty departure of the Indians. They even failed to lift the scalp of Lieutenant Basinger.o The murders near Fort King and the massacre of Dade's soldiers were the most ruthless acts of the general Indian uprising. About the same time a party of Seminoles and Negro warriors struck the outly- ing plantations near New Smyrna on the Atlantic coast. Another In- dian band raided some farms located near the St. Johns River and west of St. Augustine. Dispatch riders and mail carriers met death in the lonely forests of Florida. From the east coast through the central peninsula to the west coast the evidently planned attacks sent prop- erty owners scurrying to the safety of military posts or towns and their property went up in smoke as the frenzied Indians emitted ex- ultant war whoops. At Fort Drane on December 29 General Clinch knew nothing of these disasters as he began the march toward the Withlacoochee. His military situation was ambiguous. With approximately 280 infantry, he had to leave a sufficient force to hold the fort, and the weary, dis- abled, and ill soldiers were left at Drane. The General was also in command of the more than 500 mounted volunteers, and General Call gave every indication of cooperating and making himself subor- dinate to the regular army brigadier general. Much to the disgust of Call, or so he later declared, General Clinch refused to travel fast for a swift, hard campaign. Instead, "he set out with every cart and wagon, mule and horse, he could raise on his plantation, or among his troops."21 It seemed to Call that every man in the regular army had a dog. The animals ran hither and yon, constantly flushing game from swamp and forest, and their barks and yelps resounded into a medley of sound.aa About 8:00 A.M. on December 29, the movement began. The regulars were flanked on either side by the mounted volunteers. Clinch and his staff kept approximately fifty yards behind the right flank of the marching infantry. All the men, whether on foot or on 20. The reports of the Dade Massacre are numerous. This one is based on the account in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 197. See also Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70, for accounts of Indian attacks at the beginning of the Seminole War. 21. Call to Editor, Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837. 22. Long, Florida. 100 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ornamental pins and brooches, gold watches, and gold and silver coin left on the bodies indicated the hasty departure of the Indians. They even failed to lift the scalp of Lieutenant Basinger.2o The murders near Fort King and the massacre of Dade's soldiers were the most ruthless acts of the general Indian uprising. About the same time a party of Seminoles and Negro warriors struck the outly- ing plantations near New Smyrna on the Atlantic coast. Another In- dian band raided some farms located near the St. Johns River and west of St. Augustine. Dispatch riders and mail carriers met death in the lonely forests of Florida. From the east coast through the central peninsula to the west coast the evidently planned attacks sent prop- erty owners scurrying to the safety of military posts or towns and their property went up in smoke as the frenzied Indians emitted ex- ultant war whoops. At Fort Drane on December 29 General Clinch knew nothing of these disasters as he began the march toward the Withlacoochee. His military situation was ambiguous. With approximately 280 infantry, he had to leave a sufficient force to hold the fort, and the wearv, dis- abled, and ill soldiers were left at Drane. The General was also in command of the more than 500 mounted volunteers, and General Call gave every indication of cooperating and making himself subor- dinate to the regular army brigadier general. Much to the disgust of Call, or so he later declared, General Clinch refused to travel fast for a swift, hard campaign. Instead, "he set out with every cart and wagon, mule and horse, he could raise on his plantation, or among his troops."2i It seemed to Call that every man in the regular army had a dog. The animals ran hither and yon, constantly flushing game from swamp and forest, and their barks and yelps resounded into a medley of sound.ue About 8:00 A.M. on December 29, the movement began. The regulars were flanked on either side by the mounted volunteers. Clinch and his staff kept approximately fifty yards behind the right flank of the marching infantry. All the men, whether on foot or on 20. The reports of the Dade Massacre are numerous. This one is based on the account in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 197. See also Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70, for accounts of Indian attacks at the beginning of the Seminole War. 21. Call to Editor, Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837. 22. Long, Florida. 100  The Battle of Withlacoochee horseback, went two abreast, for it was the easiest method of moving through the Florida terrain. At times the troops waded through mo- rasses which extended for half a mile. Repeatedly the wagon wheels sank axle-deep in the muck, and soldiers lifted and pushed the lum- bering vehicles to firm ground. Only twelve miles were made during the first day's march.2 That night the bivouac covered half a square mile, and the flicker- ing lights of many camp fires outlined the dark, frightening forests surrounding the encampment. Before bedtime the officers and men busied themselves with plans, cleaning, and eating. The Florida vol- unteers seemed at home in the wilderness. The securing of water for coffee and tea was a problem. The horses seeking drink muddied the numerous ponds, and men had to wade through weeds to dip up the clear water in the deeper parts of the sinkholes. At times moccasins and alligators splashed away in fear and made the equally frightened men retreat. Although the shallow water of the ponds extended a considerable distance from their tree-lined borders, soldiers suddenly fell into apparently bottomless depths, and made frantic yells for help from their comrades. On the second day the country changed, and the expedition marched for twelve miles through a barren of stunted pine trees. The hot sun bore down upon foot-soldier and horseman, burning man and beast, and the dust rose in layers to choke the marchers. Twenty miles were covered that day. The Indian summer night was brightened by a full moon. That night the soldiers snuggled into their bed rolls on nature's grassy mattress and listened to the whip- poorwills make their melancholy calls. As yet no Indians had been sighted, and men began to banter the guides. "Wait a bit, Massas," a Negro scout said, "you will find yet you no have walked for nuttin'." "What do you think of the forthcoming battle?" a tall Yankee asked Tweedy, a cocky little Irishman, who had served in the British army. "Begorra," Tweedy replied, "the Battle of Waterloo will be a cock- fight to it." The three friendly Indian guides came in for consider- able teasing, but they upheld the prowess of their race by declaring that the Seminoles would give the "Big Knives" a fierce battle. The soldiers were a medley of nationalities. Georgia and Florida 23. Description of the march is based on Bemrose, Reminiscences, 50-55. 101 The Battle of Withlacoochee horseback, went two abreast, for it was the easiest method of moving through the Florida terrain. At times the troops waded through mo- rasses which extended for half a mile. Repeatedly the wagon wheels sank axle-deep in the muck, and soldiers lifted and pushed the lum- bering vehicles to firm ground. Only twelve miles were made during the first day's march.2 That night the bivouac covered half a square mile, and the flicker- ing lights of many camp fires outlined the dark, frightening forests surrounding the encampment. Before bedtime the officers and men busied themselves with plans, cleaning, and eating. The Florida vol- unteers seemed at home in the wilderness. The securing of water for coffee and tea was a problem. The horses seeking drink muddied the numerous ponds, and men had to wade through weeds to dip up the clear water in the deeper parts of the sinkholes. At times moccasins and alligators splashed away in fear and made the equally frightened men retreat. Although the shallow water of the ponds extended a considerable distance from their tree-lined borders, soldiers suddenly fell into apparently bottomless depths, and made frantic yells for help from their comrades. On the second day the country changed, and the expedition marched for twelve miles through a barren of stunted pine trees. The hot sun bore down upon foot-soldier and horseman, burning man and beast, and the dust rose in layers to choke the marchers. Twenty miles were covered that day. The Indian summer night was brightened by a full moon. That night the soldiers snuggled into their bed rolls on nature's grassy mattress and listened to the whip- poorwills make their melancholy calls. As yet no Indians had been sighted, and men began to banter the guides. "Wait a bit, Massas," a Negro scout said, "you will find yet you no have walked for nuttin'." "What do you think of the forthcoming battle?" a tall Yankee asked Tweedy, a cocky little Irishman, who had served in the British army. "Begorra," Tweedy replied, "the Battle of Waterloo will be a cock- fight to it." The three friendly Indian guides came in for consider- able teasing, but they upheld the prowess of their race by declaring that the Seminoles would give the "Big Knives" a fierce battle. The soldiers were a medley of nationalities. Georgia and Florida 23. Description of the march is based on Bemrose, Reminiscences, 50-55. 101 The Battle of Withlacoochee horseback, went two abreast, for it was the easiest method of moving through the Florida terrain. At times the troops waded through mo- rasses which extended for half a mile. Repeatedly the wagon wheels sank axle-deep in the muck, and soldiers lifted and pushed the lum- bering vehicles to firm ground. Only twelve miles were made during the first day's march.23 That night the bivouac covered half a square mile, and the flicker- ing lights of many camp fires outlined the dark, frightening forests surrounding the encampment. Before bedtime the officers and men busied themselves with plans, cleaning, and eating. The Florida vol- unteers seemed at home in the wilderness. The securing of water for coffee and tea was a problem. The horses seeking drink muddied the numerous ponds, and men had to wade through weeds to dip up the clear water in the deeper parts of the sinkholes. At times moccasins and alligators splashed away in fear and made the equally frightened men retreat. Although the shallow water of the ponds extended a considerable distance from their tree-lined borders, soldiers suddenly fell into apparently bottomless depths, and made frantic yells for help from their comrades. On the second day the country changed, and the expedition marched for twelve miles through a barren of stunted pine trees. The hot sun bore down upon foot-soldier and horseman, burning man and beast, and the dust rose in layers to choke the marchers. Twenty miles were covered that day. The Indian summer night was brightened by a full moon. That night the soldiers snuggled into their bed rolls on nature's grassy mattress and listened to the whip- poorwills make their melancholy calls. As yet no Indians had been sighted, and men began to banter the guides. "Wait a bit, Massas," a Negro scout said, "you will find yet you no have walked for nuttin'." "What do you think of the forthcoming battle?" a tall Yankee asked Tweedy, a cocky little Irishman, who had served in the British army. "Begorra," Tweedy replied, "the Battle of Waterloo will be a cock- fight to it." The three friendly Indian guides came in for consider- able teasing, but they upheld the prowess of their race by declaring that the Seminoles would give the "Big Knives" a fierce battle. The soldiers were a medley of nationalities. Georgia and Florida 23. Description of the mooch is based on Bemrose, Reminiscences, 50-55. 101  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM crackers lay side by side with Yankees and Indians. German nationals spluttered their guttural language in "high and low Dutch"; Irishmen swore by their "Holy Spoon" and their patron saints with St. Patrick being most often mentioned; Scotsmen praised their former land of lakes; and Britons omitted "the letter h" in all their talk, and here and there a Frenchman raised his shrill voice. "Spanish, Minorcans, Poles, Swedes, Canadians, Nova Scotians, with here and there a South American helped to swell the babel" as the diversity of peoples, already on their way to being Americans, joked and made merry at the expense of the Seminoles. "Ah, le pauvre Indian! He be one grande coward. He non like disciplinaire," a Frenchman declared. "The baists," Pat shouted, "and shan't we have a rap at them for our pains? By the Holy Spoon, and are we not to have some divarsion for the honor of ault Ireland, boys?"24 One by one the exhausted men fell into the oblivion of sleep, but their rest was short. The night's encampment lay only a short dis- tance from the Withlacoochee and a brilliant moon lighted forests and swamp. Commands aroused the sleeping soldiers who found the always unpredictable Florida climate had made the shift from Indian summer warmth to frosty cold. They shivered in the moonlit air, partly from the cold, partly from rumor that Indians were near. Engagement in actual battle always brought a spine-tingling fear to the courageous. They knew that comrades would fall, but the indi- vidual with the optimism of youth always thought that Indian bullets would pass him by, and that somehow he would emerge from battle heroic and victorious. At four o'clock on the morning of December 31 the final march began. The lowering moon now lengthened tree shadows along the way. Then the moonlight vanished, and guides wandered ahead, searching for the best route to the banks of the Withlacoochee. The dogs, left with Lieutenant Francis Littleberry Dancy and forty men who were to guard the baggage and provisions, broke loose and came bounding through the forest with their yelps and barks echoing through the woodland. After two hours of snake-like progress, the force was halted at a hammock while scouts investigated the country ahead. They returned with information that the river flowed a few 24. Ibid., 54. 102 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM crackers lay side by side with Yankees and Indians. German nationals spluttered their guttural language in "high and low Dutch"; Irishmen swore by their "Holy Spoon" and their patron saints with St. Patrick being most often mentioned; Scotsmen praised their former land of lakes; and Britons omitted "the letter h" in all their talk, and here and there a Frenchman raised his shrill voice. "Spanish, Minorecans, Poles, Swedes, Canadians, Nova Scotians, with here and there a South American helped to swell the babel" as the diversity of peoples, already on their way to being Americans, joked and made merry at the expense of the Seminoles. "Ah, le pauvre Indian! He be one grande coward. He non like disciplinaire," a Frenchman declared. "The baists," Pat shouted, "and shan't we have a rap at them for our pains? By the Holy Spoon, and are we not to have some divarsion for the honor of ault Ireland, boys?"aa One by one the exhausted men fell into the oblivion of sleep, but their rest was short. The night's encampment lay only a short dis- tance from the Withlacoochee and a brilliant moon lighted forests and swamp. Commands aroused the sleeping soldiers who found the always unpredictable Florida climate had made the shift from Indian summer warmth to frosty cold. They shivered in the moonlit air, partly from the cold, partly from rumor that Indians were near. Engagement in actual battle always brought a spine-tingling fear to the courageous. They knew that comrades would fall, but the indi- vidual with the optimism of youth always thought that Indian bullets would pass him by, and that somehow he would emerge from battle heroic and victorious. At four o'clock on the morning of December 31 the final march began. The lowering moon now lengthened tree shadows along the way. Then the moonlight vanished, and guides wandered ahead, searching for the best route to the banks of the Withlacoochee. The dogs, left with Lieutenant Francis Littleberry Dancy and forty men who were to guard the baggage and provisions, broke loose and came bounding through the forest with their yelps and barks echoing through the woodland. After two hours of snake-like progress, the force was halted at a hammock while scouts investigated the country ahead. They returned with information that the river flowed a few 24. Ibid., 54. 102 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM crackers lay side by side with Yankees and Indians. German nationals spluttered their guttural language in "high and low Dutch"; Irishmen swore by 'their "Holy Spoon" and their patron saints with St. Patrick being most often mentioned; Scotsmen praised their former land of lakes; and Britons omitted "the letter h" in all their talk, and heere and there a Frenchman raised his shrill voice. "Spanish, Minorecans, Poles, Swedes, Canadians, Nova Scotians, with heere and there a South American helped to swell the babel" as the diversity of peoples, already on their way to being Americans, joked and made merry at the expense of the Seminoles. "Ah, le pauvre Indian! He be one grande coward. He non like disciplinaire," a Frenchman declared. "The baists," Pat shouted, "and shan't we have a rap at them for our pains? By the Holy Spoon, and are we not to have some divarsion for the honor of ault Ireland, boys?"24 One by one the exhausted men fell into the oblivion of sleep, but their rest was short. The night's encampment lay only a short dis- tance from the Withlacoochee and a brilliant moon lighted forests and swamp. Commands aroused the sleeping soldiers who found the always unpredictable Florida climate had made the shift from Indian summer warmth to frosty cold. They shivered in the moonlit air, partly from the cold, partly from rumor that Indians were near. Engagement in actual battle always brought a spine-tingling fear to the courageous. They knew that comrades would fall, but the indi- vidual with the optimism of youth always thought that Indian bullets would pass him by, and that somehow he would emerge from battle heroic and victorious. At four o'clock on the morning of December 31 the final march began. The lowering moon now lengthened tree shadows along the way. Then the moonlight vanished, and guides wandered ahead, searching for the best route to the banks of the Withlacoochee. The dogs, left with Lieutenant Francis Littleberry Dancy and forty men who were to guard the baggage and provisions, broke loose and came bounding through the forest with their yelps and barks echoing through the woodland. After two hours of snake-like progress, the force was halted at a hammock while scouts investigated the country ahead. They returned with information that the river flowed a few 24. Ibid., 54. 102  The Battle of Withlacoochee rods below, but it was not fordable; it was deep, dark, and 150 feet wide. The soldiers moved forward and reached the Withlacoochee as the sun cast its first rays of the morning through moss-covered trees. There they halted while General Clinch debated in his mind what should be done. The only visible means of crossing the river was a half-sunken canoe on the opposite bank. An officer began to strip in preparation for swimming the stream, but Clinch ordered him to desist. Unobserved, a private took off his clothes and then plunged into the water. The men watched as he swam at an angle with the current, reached the opposite shore, and bailed out the canoe. They cheered his triumphant return. The General faced the most important military decision of his more than 27 years of military service. With the necessary paddlers at bow and stern, no more than five men and their weapons could be ferried across the river at a time. It would require hours for the regulars to cross the deep, swift water. With more than 200 soldiers and 500 militia the General thought he had an invincible force, and he had a distain for the fighting ability of the Seminoles. A quick foray, the destruction of a village, and the defeat of a sizeable force of warriors could teach the recalcitrant Indians a lesson which might make them adhere to treaties and agree to peaceable migration. To hesitate, to turn back to Fort Drane would strengthen Indian resist- ance. Furthermore, any help from the volunteers demanded immedi- ate action, for their determination to head for home at sundown had not waned. He could use them for one engagement-no more. Their departure would leave his regulars overwhelmingly outnum- bered by Indian and Negro warriors, and make retreat to the log walls of Fort Drane a necessity. Although he realized the danger of dividing his forces from those of Call and the possibility of an In- dian attack when only some of the men had crossed the Withlacoo- chee, the campaign would end in inglorious failure unless he took a chance. Frightened though they were, the soldiers clamored for action. None would question a command to advance. The General made his decision. Canoe-load after canoe-load of regulars moved across the river carrying men in readiness for action. Once on the opposite shore the men marched forward 400 or more yards and, sighting no Indians, stacked their guns and rested while 103 The Battle of Withlacoochee rods below, but it was not fordable; it was deep, dark, and 150 feet wide. The soldiers moved forward and reached the Withlacoochee as the sun cast its first rays of the morning through moss-covered trees. There they halted while General Clinch debated in his mind what should be done. The only visible means of crossing the river was a half-sunken canoe on the opposite bank. An officer began to strip in preparation for swimming the stream, but Clinch ordered him to desist. Unobserved, a private took off his clothes and then plunged into the water. The men watched as he swam at an angle with the current, reached the opposite shore, and bailed out the canoe. They cheered his triumphant return. The General faced the most important military decision of his more than 27 years of military service. With the necessary paddlers at bow and stern, no more than five men and their weapons could be ferried across the river at a time. It would require hours for the regulars to cross the deep, swift water. With more than 200 soldiers and 500 militia the General thought he had an invincible force, and he had a distain for the fighting ability of the Seminoles. A quick foray, the destruction of a village, and the defeat of a sizeable force of warriors could teach the recalcitrant Indians a lesson which might make them adhere to treaties and agree to peaceable migration. To hesitate, to turn back to Fort Drane would strengthen Indian resist- ance. Furthermore, any help from the volunteers demanded immedi- ate action, for their determination to head for home at sundown had not waned. He could use them for one engagement-no more. Their departure would leave his regulars overwhelmingly outnum- bered by Indian and Negro warriors, and make retreat to the log walls of Fort Drane a necessity. Although he realized the danger of dividing his forces from those of Call and the possibility of an In- dian attack when only some of the men had crossed the Withlacoo- chee, the campaign would end in inglorious failure unless he took a chance. Frightened though they were, the soldiers clamored for action. None would question a command to advance. The General made his decision. Canoe-load after canoe-load of regulars moved across the river carrying men in readiness for action. Once on the opposite shore the men marched forward 400 or more yards and, sighting no Indians, stacked their guns and rested while 103 The Battle of Withlacoochee rods below, but it was not fordable; it was deep, dark, and 150 feet wide. The soldiers moved forward and reached the Withlacoochee as the sun cast its first rays of the morning through moss-covered trees. There they halted while General Clinch debated in his mind what should be done. The only visible means of crossing the river was a half-sunken canoe on the opposite bank. An officer began to strip in preparation for swimming the stream, but Clinch ordered him to desist. Unobserved, a private took off his clothes and then plunged into the water. The men watched as he swam at an angle with the current, reached the opposite shore, and bailed out the canoe. They cheered his triumphant return. The General faced the most important military decision of his more than 27 years of military service. With the necessary paddlers at bow and stern, no more than five men and their weapons could be ferried across the river at a time. It would require hours for the regulars to cross the deep, swift water. With more than 200 soldiers and 500 militia the General thought he had an invincible force, and he had a distain for the fighting ability of the Seminoles. A quick foray, the destruction of a village, and the defeat of a sizeable force of warriors could teach the recalcitrant Indians a lesson which might make them adhere to treaties and agree to peaceable migration. To hesitate, to turn back to Fort Drane would strengthen Indian resist- ance. Furthermore, any help from the volunteers demanded immedi- ate action, for their determination to head for home at sundown had not waned. He could use them for one engagement-no more. Their departure would leave his regulars overwhelmingly outnum- bered by Indian and Negro warriors, and make retreat to the log walls of Fort Drane a necessity. Although he realized the danger of dividing his forces from those of Call and the possibility of an In- dian attack when only some of the men had crossed the Withlacoo- chee, the campaign would end in inglorious failure unless he took a chance. Frightened though they were, the soldiers clamored for action. None would question a command to advance. The General made his decision. Canoe-load after canoe-load of regulars moved across the river carrying men in readiness for action. Once on the opposite shore the men marched forward 400 or more yards and, sighting no Indians, stacked their guns and rested while 103  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ever-busy paddlers brought comrades to join them. Scouts pointed to signs that an Indian band of fairly large size had recently been near the river, but the ferrying continued. Actually the Indian warriors lay in hiding miles upstream at the ford where they had anticipated a crossing by the troops. Before the painted warriors could shift their base, all the regulars had crossed the river and were at ease in an open field enclosed on three sides by hammock and swamp. Horses for Clinch and his officers were driven into the water and most of the animals reached the south shore of the river. B. M. Dill, one of the volunteers from Alachua County, gave his musket and powder to the ferrymen, and horse and rider swam the river. General Clinch led the cheers for the courageous horseman. Twenty-six other riders followed. By twelve-thirty all the regulars and 27 of the volunteers were safely on the south side of the Withlacoochee. General Call, who was still on the north side, called Clinch's at- tention to a promontory jutting into the river from the south bank and the number of logs on and near it. With a few of his officers Clinch set men to putting the cypress logs into place for a rough bridge. Then a frantic warning rang through woodland and over wa- ter: "The Indians are coming!" No one knew where the silent-treading warriors were, but the crv of "Indians" rang out again and again. Fearing the enemy might ap- pear at his rear, General Call ordered his volunteers into formation with their faces to the forest, their backs to the river. On the other side of the stream Clinch ran for his horse. A few overanxious volun- teers fired their muskets at imaginary foes. The noise of the guns triggered the Indian attack. On the south side of the river the woods seemed to belch shot and sound. Officers barked commands; soldiers grabbed their guns and quickly formed a two-man-deep line of battle. Soldiers fell, killed or wounded, as Indian bullets found their intended mark, but the regulars returned a devastating fire that drove the attackers back among the protecting trees. Lieutenant Colonel Alexander C. W. Fanning ordered a charge, but the four center companies, formed in double ranks, met such a concentrated fire that they fell back in confusion. At this moment General Clinch arrived on the scene. He immediately yelled, "Extend 104 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ever-busy paddlers brought comrades to join them. Scouts pointed to signs that an Indian band of fairly large size had recently been near the river, but the ferrying continued. Actually the Indian warriors lay in hiding miles upstream at the ford where they had anticipated a crossing by the troops. Before the painted warriors could shift their base, all the regulars had crossed the river and were at ease in an open field enclosed on three sides by hammock and swamp. Horses for Clinch and his officers were driven into the water and most of the animals reached the south shore of the river. B. M. Dill, one of the volunteers from Alachua County, gave his musket and powder to the ferrymen, and horse and rider swam the river. General Clinch led the cheers for the courageous horseman. Twenty-six other riders followed. By twelve-thirty all the regulars and 27 of the volunteers were safely on the south side of the Withlacoochee. General Call, who was still on the north side, called Clinch's at- tention to a promontory jutting into the river from the south bank and the number of logs on and near it. With a few of his officers Clinch set men to putting the cypress logs into place for a rough bridge. Then a frantic warning rang through woodland and over wa- ter: "The Indians are coming!" No one knew where the silent-treading warriors were, but the cry of "Indians" rang out again and again. Fearing the enemy might ap- pear at his rear, General Call ordered his volunteers into formation with their faces to the forest, their backs to the river. On the other side of the stream Clinch ran for his horse. A few overanxious volun- teers fired their muskets at imaginary foes. The noise of the guns triggered the Indian attack. On the south side of the river the woods seemed to belch shot and sound. Officers barked commands; soldiers grabbed their guns and quickly formed a two-man-deep line of battle. Soldiers fell, killed or wounded, as Indian bullets found their intended mark, but the regulars returned a devastating fire that drove the attackers back among the protecting trees. Lieutenant Colonel Alexander C. W. Fanning ordered a charge, but the four center companies, formed in double ranks, met such a concentrated fire that they fell back in confusion. At this moment General Clinch arrived on the scene. He immediately yelled, "Extend 104 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ever-busy paddlers brought comrades to join them. Scouts pointed to signs that an Indian band of fairly large size had recently been near the river, but the ferrying continued. Actually the Indian warriors lay in hiding miles upstream at the ford where they had anticipated a crossing by the troops. Before the painted warriors could shift their base, all the regulars had crossed the river and were at ease in an open field enclosed on three sides by hammock and swamp. Horses for Clinch and his officers were driven into the water and most of the animals reached the south shore of the river. B. M. Dill, one of the volunteers from Alachua County, gave his musket and powder to the ferrymen, and horse and rider swam the river. General Clinch led the cheers for the courageous horseman. Twenty-six other riders followed. By twelve-thirty all the regulars and 27 of the volunteers were safely on the south side of the Withlacoochee. General Call, who was still on the north side, called Clinch's at- tention to a promontory jutting into the river from the south bank and the number of logs on and near it. With a few of his officers Clinch set men to putting the cypress logs into place for a rough bridge. Then a frantic warning rang through woodland and over wa- ter: "The Indians are coming!" No one knew where the silent-treading warriors were, but the cry of "Indians" rang out again and again. Fearing the enemy might ap- pear at his rear, General Call ordered his volunteers into formation with their faces to the forest, their backs to the river. On the other side of the stream Clinch ran for his horse. A few overanxious volun- teers fired their muskets at imaginary foes. The noise of the guns triggered the Indian attack. On the south side of the river the woods seemed to belch shot and sound. Officers barked commands; soldiers grabbed their guns and quickly formed a two-man-deep line of battle. Soldiers fell, killed or wounded, as Indian bullets found their intended mark, but the regulars returned a devastating fire that drove the attackers back among the protecting trees. Lieutenant Colonel Alexander C. W. Fanning ordered a charge, but the four center companies, formed in double ranks, met such a concentrated fire that they fell back in confusion. At this moment General Clinch arrived on the scene. He immediately yelled, "Extend 104  The Battle of Withlacoochee and charge the enemy!" The battle line was extended left and right from the center, the men moved in single file and charged the enemy in swamp and hammock. As this maneuver proceeded, many Semi- noles were seen advancing from the swamp, on their left, intent on turning the American right flank and attacking the rear. Two com- panies struck the Indians and drove them back; another Seminole party attacked the left flank of regulars and were sent into retreat by a quick charge. During these actions Clinch had ridden his horse along the lines, shouting orders and encouragement to his soldiers. A bullet whizzed through his cap, and his horse began to stagger from many wounds. Dismounting, the General continued to lead his men, walking back and forth along the line. After checking the attempts to turn his flanks, Clinch sent the soldiers forward in another charge. Again the Indians met them with a withering fire. Someone shouted "Retire!" the troops broke ranks and ran. To stem the retreat, Clinch urged the soldiers to hold their line: "Men, I am ready to die on the spot, if necessary, but not to retreat." Alternately he cajoled his troops to greater effort and threatened to shoot any man who turned back. A third and final charge of the engagement pushed the Indians well back into the protective covering of the trees or the swamp. Although severely battered, the American troops had strongly held their position. They had stabilized their lines-the limited number of volunteers had formed the left flank-and their countercharges had dispersed the Indians among the sheltering trees. The regulars had fought valiantly, thereby winning the respect of the militia. During the heat of the contest, which lasted little more than an hour, several other officers of the volunteers had crossed the river and participated in the action. At the darkest moment of the battle, Clinch probably sent word to General Call to bring over his forces to save the day. But mass crossing of the Withlacoochee by the volun- teers was impossible. The militia commander had been forced to check the desertion of a considerable segment of the volunteers from Middle Florida, after the smoke and sound of battle had frightened them into thoughts of returning home. The savages, a name applied to the Indians by the soldiers, made a most terrifying picture; their ahoost naked bodies painted in brilliant colors of war, their heads 105 The Battle of Withlacoochee and charge the enemy!" The battle line was extended left and right from the center, the men moved in single file and charged the enemy in swamp and hammock. As this maneuver proceeded, many Semi- noles were seen advancing from the swamp, on their left, intent on turning the American right flank and attacking the rear. Two com- panies struck the Indians and drove them back; another Seminole party attacked the left flank of regulars and were sent into retreat by a quick charge. During these actions Clinch had ridden his horse along the lines, shouting orders and encouragement to his soldiers. A bullet whizzed through his cap, and his horse began to stagger from many wounds. Dismounting, the General continued to lead his men, walking back and forth along the line. After checking the attempts to turn his flanks, Clinch sent the soldiers forward in another charge. Again the Indians met them with a withering fire. Someone shouted "Retire!" the troops broke ranks and ran. To stem the retreat, Clinch urged the soldiers to hold their line: "Men, I am ready to die on the spot, if necessary, but not to retreat." Alternately he cajoled his troops to greater effort and threatened to shoot any man who turned back. A third and final charge of the engagement pushed the Indians well back into the protective covering of the trees or the swamp. Although severely battered, the American troops had strongly held their position. They had stabilized their lines-the limited number of volunteers had formed the left flank-and their countercharges had dispersed the Indians among the sheltering trees. The regulars had fought valiantly, thereby winning the respect of the militia. During the heat of the contest, which lasted little more than an hour, several other officers of the volunteers had crossed the river and participated in the action. At the darkest moment of the battle, Clinch probably sent word to General Call to bring over his forces to save the day. But mass crossing of the Withlacoochee by the volun- teers was impossible. The militia commander had been forced to check the desertion of a considerable segment of the volunteers from Middle Florida, after the smoke and sound of battle had frightened them into thoughts of returning home. The savages, a name applied to the Indians by the soldiers, made a most terrifying picture; their ahoost naked bodies painted in brilliant colors of war, their heads 105 The Battle of Withlacoochee and charge the enemy!" The battle line was extended left and right from the center, the men moved in single file and charged the enemy in swamp and hammock. As this maneuver proceeded, many Semi- noles were seen advancing from the swamp, on their left, intent on turning the American right flank and attacking the rear. Two com- panies struck the Indians and drove them back; another Seminole party attacked the left flank of regulars and were sent into retreat by a quick charge. During these actions Clinch had ridden his horse along the lines, shouting orders and encouragement to his soldiers. A bullet whizzed through his cap, and his horse began to stagger from many wounds. Dismounting, the General continued to lead his men, walking back and forth along the line. After checking the attempts to turn his flanks, Clinch sent the soldiers forward in another charge. Again the Indians met them with a withering fire. Someone shouted "Retire!" the troops broke ranks and ran. To stem the retreat, Clinch urged the soldiers to hold their line: "Men, I am ready to die on the spot, if necessary, but not to retreat." Alternately he cajoled his troops to greater effort and threatened to shoot any man who turned back. A third and final charge of the engagement pushed the Indians well back into the protective covering of the trees or the swamp. Although severely battered, the American troops had strongly held their position. They had stabilized their lines-the limited number of volunteers had formed the left flank-and their countercharges had dispersed the Indians among the sheltering trees. The regulars had fought valiantly, thereby winning the respect of the militia. During the heat of the contest, which lasted little more than an hour, several other officers of the volunteers had crossed the river and participated in the action. At the darkest moment of the battle, Clinch probably sent word to General Call to bring over his forces to save the day. But mass crossing of the Withlacoochee by the volun- teers was impossible. The militia commander had been forced to check the desertion of a considerable segment of the volunteers from Middle Florida, after the smoke and sound of battle had frightened them into thoughts of returning home. The savages, a name applied to the Indians by the soldiers, made a most terrifying picture; their ahnost naked bodies painted in brilliant colors of war, their heads 105  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM shaved except for a tuft of hair on top (which seemed to indicate both their willingness to be scalped and their desire to take souvenirs from the heads of soldiers), and their bloodcurdling yells that echoed through the forests. General Call did not cross the river until the battle was over. By Call's own claim, the tired General Clinch then authorized him to supervise the recrossing of the river. The log bridge had been almost completed. Placing the canoe in the middle of the structure and lashing it to the ends of logs extending from both banks of the stream, the men constructed a crude bridge and it afforded passage for the able and wounded. The latter, 59 in number, limped or were carried to the north shore where doctors ministered to their needs. Before the shadows of dusk darkened the river and forest, every man, wounded or unscathed, was safe on the north side of the river. In the haste of retreat some horses and many guns were left behind and fell to the Indians as spoils of war. No officer or soldier actually knew how many Indians were in- volved in the skirmish. In the telling and the retelling of the battle, the number of Seminoles increased to as many as a thousand to sub- stantiate the bravery and prowess of the Americans. In all probability no more than a few hundred Seminoles, led by shrewd Osceola, had participated in the skirmish. Nor did anyone know how many In- dians suffered death or injury. One observer counted nine dead war- riors near a cypress tree on the margin of the swamp, and suspected that, except for a few corpses scattered in the scrubs, the nine were all the Indians killed. Because of the more accurate aim of the regu- lars compared with the absence of marksmanship among the Semi- noles, it was believed that the Indians suffered more casualties from immediate death and fewer wounded than did the Americans. Four of the latter died in battle and fifty-nine suffered wounds, varying in degree from a mortal one to scratches. Many soldiers, among them General Clinch, had almost-spent balls penetrate their outer clothing but do no real harm to their bodies.25 25. Sources for the battle are: Clinch's official report to the Adjutant General, January 4, 1836; Call to Editor of Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837; letters from men under Clinch's command, written in August, 1837, Army and Navy Chnroicle, New Series, V, 385-92; Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70; "Extracts from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers; and Bemrose, Reminiscences, 56 ff. 106 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM shaved except for a tuft of hair on top (which seemed to indicate both their willingness to be scalped and their desire to take souvenirs from the heads of soldiers), and their bloodcurdling yells that echoed through the forests. General Call did not cross the river until the battle was over. By Call's own claim, the tired General Clinch then authorized him to supervise the recrossing of the river. The log bridge had been almost completed. Placing the canoe in the middle of the structure and lashing it to the ends of logs extending from both banks of the stream, the men constructed a crude bridge and it afforded passage for the able and wounded. The latter, 59 in number, limped or were carried to the north shore where doctors ministered to their needs. Before the shadows of dusk darkened the river and forest, every man, wounded or unscathed, was safe on the north side of the river. In the haste of retreat some horses and many guns were left behind and fell to the Indians as spoils of war. No officer or soldier actually knew how many Indians were in- volved in the skirmish. In the telling and the retelling of the battle, the number of Seminoles increased to as many as a thousand to sub- stantiate the bravery and prowess of the Americans. In all probability no more than a few hundred Seminoles, led by shrewd Osceola, had participated in the skirmish. Nor did anyone know how many In- dians suffered death or injury. One observer counted nine dead war- riors near a cypress tree on the margin of the swamp, and suspected that, except for a few corpses scattered in the scrubs, the nine were all the Indians killed. Because of the more accurate aim of the regu- lars compared with the absence of marksmanship among the Semi- noles, it was believed that the Indians suffered more casualties from immediate death and fewer wounded than did the Americans. Four of the latter died in battle and fifty-nine suffered wounds, varying in degree from a mortal one to scratches. Many soldiers, among them General Clinch, had almost-spent balls penetrate their outer clothing but do no real harm to their bodies.25 25. Sources for the battle are: Clinch's official report to the Adjutant General, January 4, 1836; Call to Editor of Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837; letters from men under Clinch's command, written in August, 1837, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, V, 385-92; Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70; "Extracts from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers; and Bemrose, Reminiscences, 56 ff. 106 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM shaved except for a tuft of hair on top (which seemed to indicate both their willingness to be scalped and their desire to take souvenirs from the heads of soldiers), and their bloodcurdling yells that echoed through the forests. General Call did not cross the river until the battle was over. By Call's own claim, the tired General Clinch then authorized him to supervise the recrossing of the river. The log bridge had been almost completed. Placing the canoe in the middle of the structure and lashing it to the ends of logs extending from both banks of the stream, the men constructed a crude bridge and it afforded passage for the able and wounded. The latter, 59 in number, limped or were carried to the north shore where doctors ministered to their needs. Before the shadows of dusk darkened the river and forest, every man, wounded or unscathed, was safe on the north side of the river. In the haste of retreat some horses and many guns were left behind and fell to the Indians as spoils of war. No officer or soldier actually knew how many Indians were in- volved in the skirmish. In the telling and the retelling of the battle, the number of Seminoles increased to as many as a thousand to sub- stantiate the bravery and prowess of the Americans. In all probability no more than a few hundred Seminoles, led by shrewd Osceola, had participated in the skirmish. Nor did anyone know how many In- dians suffered death or injury. One observer counted nine dead war- riors near a cypress tree on the margin of the swamp, and suspected that, except for a few corpses scattered in the scrubs, the nine were all the Indians killed. Because of the more accurate aim of the regu- lars compared with the absence of marksmanship among the Semi- noles, it was believed that the Indians suffered more casualties from immediate death and fewer wounded than did the Americans. Four of the latter died in battle and fifty-nine suffered wounds, varying in degree from a mortal one to scratches. Many soldiers, among them General Clinch, had almost-spent balls penetrate their outer clothing but do no real harm to their bodies.as 25. Sources for the battle are: Clinch's official report to the Adjutant General, January 4, 1836; Call to Editor of Floridian (Tallahassee), July 20, 1837; letters from men under Clinch's command, written in August, 1837, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, V, 385-92; Niles' Weekly Register, XLIX, 365-70; "Extracts from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers; and Bemrose, Reminiscences, 56 ff. 106  The Battle of Withlacoochee Neither volunteer nor regular shied from the Indian practice of taking scalps. A Lieutenant Chubb pulled two bloody scalps from his pocket to display to assembled men. He explained that his wife was not the most "credulus of wimen" and, therefore, he would like to return home with evidence to prove his fighting ability both to his dubious mate and to his equally doubting neighbors.a5 The weary regulars re-established their camp on the north side of the Withlacoochee, and the sad and unpleasant duties of caring for the wounded and burying the dead fell to doctors and men. "The militia were now of some use," a critical regular reported. "If they had no stomach for fighting they were anxious to assist in caring for the wounded." On the following morning the dead bodies were buried under the campfires of the preceding night; their shallow graves were scooped out of the loose sand with tin cups, and the mules and horses were walked repeatedly over the places to hide the graves from the prying eyes of the Indians. This stratagem proved useless. Later American expeditions found the disinterred skeletons of the four men bleaching in the sun.2 The march, or retreat, to Fort Drane began on January 1, 1836. Along the way soldiers reminisced about the events of the battle. Deeply etched in their memories were the continual screeching and yelling of the Indians in battle. Their war cries began with a low growling noise and rose to a final crescendo that burst into a fiendish, nerve-shattering yell. After each shot the Indian uttered his frightful whoop, threw himself leftward to the ground (to confuse the soldier who often fired directly at the flash of the Indian's musket), and in his prone position hastily reloaded his gun. The men talked also of their commanders. Of Lieutenant Colonel Fanning, the diminutive, one-armed officer who temporarily lost all control of his troops, and with tears in his eyes begged General Clinch: "My men will all be cut down. Oh! let me charge and my life for it, they [the Indians] will run." Given permission, the little hero cried: "Men, charge bayonets and follow me!" His soldiers fol- lowed him, and they drove the Seminoles deep into the forest.us 26. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers. 27. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 70. 28. This paragraph and the preceding one ae based on Bemrose, Remi- niscences, 66. 107 The Battle of Withlacoochee Neither volunteer nor regular shied from the Indian practice of taking scalps. A Lieutenant Chubb pulled two bloody scalps from his pocket to display to assembled men. He explained that his wife was not the most "credulus of wimen" and, therefore, he would like to return home with evidence to prove his fighting ability both to his dubious mate and to his equally doubting neighbors.2o The weary regulars re-established their camp on the north side of the Withlacoochee, and the sad and unpleasant duties of caring for the wounded and burying the dead fell to doctors and men. "The militia were now of some use," a critical regular reported. "If they had no stomach for fighting they were anxious to assist in caring for the wounded." On the following morning the dead bodies were buried under the campfires of the preceding night; their shallow graves were scooped out of the loose sand with tin cups, and the mules and horses were walked repeatedly over the places to hide the graves from the prying eyes of the Indians. This stratagem proved useless. Later American expeditions found the disinterred skeletons of the four men bleaching in the sun.20 The march, or retreat, to Fort Drane began on January 1, 1836. Along the way soldiers reminisced about the events of the battle. Deeply etched in their memories were the continual screeching and yelling of the Indians in battle. Their war cries began with a low growling noise and rose to a final crescendo that burst into a fiendish, nerve-shattering yell. After each shot the Indian uttered his frightful whoop, threw himself leftward to the ground (to confuse the soldier who often fired directly at the flash of the Indian's musket), and in his prone position hastily reloaded his gun. The men talked also of their commanders. Of Lieutenant Colonel Fanning, the diminutive, one-armed officer who temporarily lost all control of his troops, and with tears in his eyes begged General Clinch: "My men will all be cut down. Oh! let me charge and my life for it, they [the Indians] will run." Given permission, the little hero cried: "Men, charge bayonets and follow me!" His soldiers fol- lowed him, and they drove the Seminoles deep into the forest.s 26. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers. 27. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 70. 28. This paragraph and the preceding one are based on Bemrose, Remi- niscences, 66. 107 The Battle of Withlacoochee Neither volunteer nor regular shied from the Indian practice of taking scalps. A Lieutenant Chubb pulled two bloody scalps from his pocket to display to assembled men. He explained that his wife was not the most "credulus of wimen" and, therefore, he would like to return home with evidence to prove his fighting ability both to his dubious mate and to his equally doubting neighbors.a5 The weary regulars re-established their camp on the north side of the Withlacoochee, and the sad and unpleasant duties of caring for the wounded and burying the dead fell to doctors and men. "The militia were now of some use," a critical regular reported. "If they had no stomach for fighting they were anxious to assist in caring for the wounded." On the following morning the dead bodies were buried under the campfires of the preceding night; their shallow graves were scooped out of the loose sand with tin cups, and the mules and horses were walked repeatedly over the places to hide the graves from the prying eyes of the Indians. This stratagem proved useless. Later American expeditions found the disinterred skeletons of the four men bleaching in the sun.2v The march, or retreat, to Fort Drane began on January 1, 1836. Along the way soldiers reminisced about the events of the battle. Deeply etched in their memories were the continual screeching and yelling of the Indians in battle. Their war cries began with a low growling noise and rose to a final crescendo that burst into a fiendish, nerve-shattering yell. After each shot the Indian uttered his frightful whoop, threw himself leftward to the ground (to confuse the soldier who often fired directly at the flash of the Indian's musket), and in his prone position hastily reloaded his gun. The men talked also of their commanders. Of Lieutenant Colonel Fanning, the diminutive, one-armed officer who temporarily lost all control of his troops, and with tears in his eyes begged General Clinch: "My men will all be cut down. Oh! let me charge and my life for it, they [the Indians] will run." Given permission, the little hero cried: "Men, charge bayonets and follow me!" His soldiers fol- lowed him, and they drove the Seminoles deep into the forest.2s 26. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers. 27. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 70. 28. This paaraph and the preceding one ae based on Bemrose, Remi- niscences, 66. 107  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM General Clinch came in for considerable praise. The men recalled his courage under fire, his heartening words, his threats when they wanted to run, and his activities on foot, like a common soldier, in directing the battle. Repeatedly the reminiscent troopers emphasized his interest and care for the wounded. Before he retired on the night of January 1, he visited the injured and lent a hand in securing tarpaulins from the wagons to cover the wounded and protect them from the dew or the frost of night.2 At a later date the body of a dead private lay untended in the morning sun. Clinch ordered the remains moved. "General," an orderly asked, "where can I place him? My hospital tents are full to overflowing with the wounded." "Take him to my tent," Clinch replied.an Little incidents such as these en- deared the commander to his men. On the march back to Fort Drane regular and volunteer engaged in heated argument. If, said the former, the volunteers had been courageous, they would have crossed the river; and with their aid the army would have completely defeated the Seminoles. How, replied the militia, could anyone expect them to cross the deep, swift With- lacoochee in time to participate in the fighting. More than five hours had been required for the regulars to cross the stream, and the only means of transportation-the canoe-could carry only five fighting men a trip. Furthermore, the volunteers claimed, with truth sup- porting their argument, without their presence, which made the In- dians withdraw, the engagement could have resulted in another Dade Massacre. Also the militia support enabled General Clinch to protect his wounded and recross the river in safety. Arguments between volunteers and regulars almost reached the point of physical strife. The retreating forces found haven within the log walls of Fort Drane. On January 6 Call's volunteers from Middle Florida left for home, and the other militia departed the following day. Clinch's companies reinforced the fort to meet a feared Indian attack, doctors nursed the injured back to health, and soldiers buried the man who succumbed from a wound and those who died from disease. General Clinch penned his oficial report of the engagement for his superiors in Washington. On January 11 he sent a supplementary account in which he pointed out that five of his six field and staff officers had 29. Ibid., 73. 30. Ibid., 108. 108 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM General Clinch came in for considerable praise. The men recalled his courage under fire, his heartening words, his threats when they wanted to run, and his activities on foot, like a common soldier, in directing the battle. Repeatedly the reminiscent troopers emphasized his interest and care for the wounded. Before he retired on the night of January 1, he visited the injured and lent a hand in securing tarpaulins from the wagons to cover the wounded and protect them from the dew or the frost of night.2 At a later date the body of a dead private lay untended in the morning sun. Clinch ordered the remains moved. "General," an orderly asked, "where can I place him? My hospital tents are full to overflowing with the wounded." "Take him to my tent," Clinch replied.an Little incidents such as these en- deared the commander to his men. On the march back to Fort Drane regular and volunteer engaged in heated argument. If, said the former, the volunteers had been courageous, they would have crossed the river; and with their aid the army would have completely defeated the Seminoles. How, replied the militia, could anyone expect them to cross the deep, swift With- lacoochee in time to participate in the fighting. More than five hours had been required for the regulars to cass the stream, and the only means of transportation-the canoe-could carry only five fighting men a trip. Furthermore, the volunteers claimed, with truth sup- porting their argument, without their presence, which made the In- dians withdraw, the engagement could have resulted in another Dade Massacre. Also the militia support enabled General Clinch to protect his wounded and recross the river in safety. Arguments between volunteers and regulars almost reached the point of physical strife. The retreating forces found haven within the log walls of Fort Deane. On January 6 Call's volunteers from Middle Florida left for home, and the other militia departed the following day. Clinch's companies reinforced the fort to meet a feared Indian attack, doctors nursed the injured back to health, and soldiers buried the man who succumbed from a wound and those who died from disease. General Clinch penned his official report of the engagement for his superiors in Washington. On January 11 he sent a supplementary account in which he pointed out that five of his six field and staff officers had 29. Ibid., 73. 30. Ibid., 108. 108 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM General Clinch came in for considerable praise. The men recalled his courage under fire, his heartening words, his threats when they wanted to run, and his activities on foot, like a common soldier, in directing the battle. Repeatedly the reminiscent troopers emphasized his interest and care for the wounded. Before he retired on the night of January 1, he visited the injured and lent a hand in securing tarpaulins from the wagons to cover the wounded and protect them from the dew or the frost of night.2 At a later date the body of a dead private lay untended in the morning sun. Clinch ordered the remains moved. "General," an orderly asked, "where can I place him? My hospital tents are full to overflowing with the wounded." "Take him to my tent," Clinch replied.an Little incidents such as these en- deared the commander to his men. On the march back to Fort Deane regular and volunteer engaged in heated argument. If, said the former, the volunteers had been courageous, they would have crossed the river; and with their aid the army would have completely defeated the Seminoles. How, replied the militia, could anyone expect them to cross the deep, swift With- lacoochee in time to participate in the fighting. More than five hours had been required for the regulars to cross the stream, and the only means of transportation-the canoe-could carry only five fighting men a trip. Furthermore, the volunteers claimed, with truth sup- porting their argument, without their presence, which made the In- dians withdraw, the engagement could have resulted in another Dade Massacre. Also the militia support enabled General Clinch to protect his wounded and recross the river in safety. Arguments between volunteers and regulars almost reached the point of physical strife. The retreating forces found haven within the log walls of Fort Drane. On January 6 Call's volunteers from Middle Florida left for home, and the other militia departed the following day. Clinch's companies reinforced the fort to meet a feared Indian attack, doctors nursed the injured back to health, and soldiers buried the man who succumbed from a wound and those who died from disease. General Clinch penned his oficial report of the engagement for his superiors in Washington. On January 11 he sent a supplementary account in which he pointed out that five of his six field and staff ofieers had 29. Ibid., 73. 30. Ibid., 108. 108  The Battle of Withlacoochee been wounded in the battle. Because of the thick scrub and the mucky swamp, the precise number of Indians killed and wounded was impossible to ascertain, but he estimated their total casualties to be at least one hundred.l1 One and all, the American newspapers spread the story of the great victory of Withlacoochee. With that characteristic braggadocio of the press which had been in evidence since the abortive American attempt to acquire Florida in 1812 and 1813, editors reported a glorious victory with the Indians subdued and convinced of the use- lessness of resistance. Some participants in the battle, who wrote let- ters to newspapers, criticized bluff, fat General Clinch for dividing his forces and fighting in the open in regular formation rather than dispersing his men for tree-to-tree combat. But Call's volunteers re- ceived the most vitriolic criticism. Without knowing the terrain, editors and other commentators could not resist critical comments on the militia, who shook with fright on one side of the river while the regulars fought for their lives only a few hundred yards to the south. Neither the public nor the War Department, generally critical of the volunteer who quickly responded to crisis and as quickly longed for home once the fighting began, treated the Florida militia with understanding or generosity. In truth, as one astute observer reported, the "affair instead of being a great and glorious battle was simply a skirmish." Somewhat short of being beaten into submission, the Indians "manifested by sub- sequent maneuvers that they were far from being flogged, or even intimidated."a More than a fourth of General Clinch's regulars had suffered death or wounds,as and had it not been for the presence of the volunteers, his entire force might have suffered a fate similar to that of Major Dade's luckless troops. In his one relatively large battle during almost twenty-eight years of military service, the Gen- eral had taken a chance, and as generals so often do in war, he had made the wrong decision. By underestimating the fighting ability of 31. Clinch to Adjutant General, January 11, 1836, Letters Received, War Records Office, National Archives. 32. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers. 33. The casualties were: four killed and fifty-two wounded regulars (one of the latter died at Fort Drane), and seven wounded volunteers out of ap- proximately 277 men engaged in the battle. The North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), January 21, 1836, printed a full account of the battle. 109 The Battle of Withlacoochee been wounded in the battle. Because of the thick scrub and the mucky swamp, the precise number of Indians killed and wounded was impossible to ascertain, but he estimated their total casualties to be at least one hundred.ai One and all, the American newspapers spread the story of the great victory of Withlacoochee. With that characteristic braggadocio of the press which had been in evidence since the abortive American attempt to acquire Florida in 1812 and 1813, editors reported a glorious victory with the Indians subdued and convinced of the use- lessness of resistance. Some participants in the battle, who wrote let- ters to newspapers, criticized bluff, fat General Clinch for dividing his forces and fighting in the open in regular formation rather than dispersing his men for tree-to-tree combat. But Call's volunteers re- ceived the most vitriolic criticism. Without knowing the terrain, editors and other commentators could not resist critical comments on the militia, who shook with fright on one side of the river while the regulars fought for their lives only a few hundred yards to the south. Neither the public nor the War Department, generally critical of the volunteer who quickly responded to crisis and as quickly longed for home once the fighting began, treated the Florida militia with understanding or generosity. In truth, as one astute observer reported, the "affair instead of being a great and glorious battle was simply a skirmish." Somewhat short of being beaten into submission, the Indians "manifested by sub- sequent maneuvers that they were far from being flogged, or even intimidated."2 More than a fourth of General Clinch's regulars had suffered death or wounds,3a and had it not been for the presence of the volunteers, his entire force might have suffered a fate similar to that of Major Dade's luckless troops. In his one relatively large battle during almost twenty-eight years of military service, the Gen- eral had taken a chance, and as generals so often do in war, he had made the wrong decision. By underestimating the fighting ability of 31. Clinch to Adjutant General, January 11, 1836, Letters Received, War Records Office, National Archives. 32. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers. 33. The casualties were: four killed and fifty-two wounded regulars (one of the latter died at Fort Drane), and seven wounded volunteers out of ap- proximately 277 men engaged in the battle. The North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), January 21, 1836, printed a full account of the battle. 109 The Battle of Withlacoochee been wounded in the battle. Because of the thick scrub and the mucky swamp, the precise number of Indians killed and wounded was impossible to ascertain, but he estimated their total casualties to be at least one hundredas One and all, the American newspapers spread the story of the great victory of Withlacoochee. With that characteristic braggadocio of the press which had been in evidence since the abortive American attempt to acquire Florida in 1812 and 1813, editors reported a glorious victory with the Indians subdued and convinced of the use- lessness of resistance. Some participants in the battle, who wrote let- ters to newspapers, criticized bluff, fat General Clinch for dividing his forces and fighting in the open in regular formation rather than dispersing his men for tree-to-tree combat. But Call's volunteers re- ceived the most vitriolic criticism. Without knowing the terrain, editors and other commentators could not resist critical comments on the militia, who shook with fright on one side of the river while the regulars fought for their lives only a few hundred yards to the south. Neither the public nor the War Department, generally critical of the volunteer who quickly responded to crisis and as quickly longed for home once the fighting began, treated the Florida militia with understanding or generosity. In truth, as one astute observer reported, the "affair instead of being a great and glorious battle was simply a skirmish." Somewhat short of being beaten into submission, the Indians "manifested by sub- sequent maneuvers that they were far from being flogged, or even intimidated."32 More than a fourth of General Clinch's regulars had suffered death or wounds,a and had it not been for the presence of the volunteers, his entire force might have suffered a fate similar to that of Major Dade's luckless troops. In his one relatively large battle during almost twenty-eight years of military service, the Gen- eral had taken a chance, and as generals so often do in war, he had made the wrong decision. By underestimating the fighting ability of 31. Clinch to Adjutant General, January 11, 1836, Letters Received, War Records Office, National Archives. 32. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," Clinch Papers. 33. The casualties were: four killed and fifty-two wounded regulars (one of the latter died at Fort Drane), and seven wounded volunteers out of ap- proximately 277 men engaged in the battle. The North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), January 21, 1836, printed a full account of the battle. 109  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM the Seminoles in the protection of their forests and swamps and by dividing his forces, he had suffered a minor defeat. On the other hand his personal bravery and the rallying of his wavering troops were tributes to his character and leadership. Whereas Major Dade with approximately half the number of Clinch's troops had led his men into a massacre, the latter had saved his endangered command, and had returned to Fort Drane mourning only four dead men. After the inconclusive skirmish near the Withla- coochee, Osceola sent a message to Clinch: "You have guns and so have we; you have powder and lead and so have we; you have men and so have we; your men will fight, and so will ours until the last drop of Seminoles' blood has moistened the dust of his hunting- grounds."a4 The battle in Florida was joined, and the resulting seven years of conflict would be the costliest and bloodiest Indian war of United States history. Before the Seminoles were subdued, more than 1,500 Americans would suffer death from battle and disease, and victory would require the expenditure of $40,000,000, or al- most ten times the slightly more than $4,100,000 paid in claims to United States citizens by the Adams-Onis Treaty for the entire ter- ritory of Florida. General Clinch won an excellent press in the South and the North. One private wrote his New Hampshire hometown paper: General Clinch received several balls in his clothes, and one through his cap, passing not an inch above his head. While in the engage- ment an individual near the General informed me that he narrowly watched his countenance, and when the balls poured like hail around him, not a muscle of his face moved-his situation was perilous to the extreme; a majority of the Indians present, probably, knew him personally; and it is evident from the balls in his dress, that their fire was directed particularly at him-but he quailed not, calmly giving his orders and attending to their execution. Indeed his con- duct during the whole action, clearly demonstrated that the peculiar expression of concentration and tranquility which beams from his eyes, is truly the emanation of a soul which realizes as nearly as possible, the ideal of intellectual majesty.as 34. Charles H. Coe, Red Patriots: The Story of the Seminoles (Cincin- nati, 1898), 65-66. 35. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," in the New Hampshire Gazette, July 20, 1837. This account may be the same as the unidentified clipping in the Clinch Papers heretofore cited. 110 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM the Seminoles in the protection of their forests and swamps and by dividing his forces, he had suffered a minor defeat. On the other hand his personal bravery and the rallying of his wavering troops were tributes to his character and leadership. Whereas Major Dade with approximately half the number of Clinch's troops had led his men into a massacre, the latter had saved his endangered command, and had returned to Fort Drane mourning only four dead men. After the inconclusive skirmish near the Withla- coochee, Osceola sent a message to Clinch: "You have guns and so have we; you have powder and lead and so have we; you have men and so have we; your men will fight, and so will ours until the last drop of Seminoles' blood has moistened the dust of his hunting- grounds."a a The battle in Florida was joined, and the resulting seven years of conflict would be the costliest and bloodiest Indian war of United States history. Before the Seminoles were subdued, more than 1,500 Americans would suffer death from battle and disease, and victory would require the expenditure of $40,000,000, or al- most ten times the slightly more than $4,100,000 paid in claims to United States citizens by the Adams-Onis Treaty for the entire ter- ritory of Florida. General Clinch won an excellent press in the South and the North. One private wrote his New Hampshire hometown paper: General Clinch received several balls in his clothes, and one through his cap, passing not an inch above his head. While in the engage- ment an individual near the General informed me that he narrowly watched his countenance, and when the balls poured like hail around him, not a muscle of his face moved-his situation was perilous to the extreme; a majority of the Indians present, probably, knew him personally; and it is evident from the balls in his dress, that their fire was directed particularly at him-but he quailed not, calmly giving his orders and attending to their execution. Indeed his con- duct during the whole action, clearly demonstrated that the peculiar expression of concentration and tranquility which beams from his eyes, is truly the emanation of a soul which realizes as nearly as possible, the ideal of intellectual majesty.ou 34. Charles H. Coe, Red Patriots: The Story of the Seminoles (Cincin- nai, 1898), 65-66. 35. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," in the New Hampshire Gazette, July 20, 1837. This account may be the same as the unidentified clipping in the Clinch Papers heretofore cited. 110 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM the Seminoles in the protection of their forests and swamps and by dividing his forces, he had suffered a minor defeat. On the other hand his personal bravery and the rallying of his wavering troops were tributes to his character and leadership. Whereas Major Dade with approximately half the number of Clinch's troops had led his men into a massacre, the latter had saved his endangered command, and had returned to Fort Drane mourning only four dead men. After the inconclusive skirmish near the Withla- coochee, Osceola sent a message to Clinch: "You have guns and so have we; you have powder and lead and so have we; you have men and so have we; your men will fight, and so will ours until the last drop of Seminoles' blood has moistened the dust of his hunting- grounds."a4 The battle in Florida was joined, and the resulting seven years of conflict would be the costliest and bloodiest Indian war of United States history. Before the Seminoles were subdued, more than 1,500 Americans would suffer death from battle and disease, and victory would require the expenditure of $40,000,000, or al- most ten times the slightly more than $4,100,000 paid in claims to United States citizens by the Adams-Onis Treaty for the entire ter- ritory of Florida. General Clinch won an excellent press in the South and the North. One private wrote his New Hampshire hometown paper: General Clinch received several balls in his clothes, and one through his cap, passing not an inch above his head. While in the engage- ment an individual near the General informed me that he narrowly watched his countenance, and when the balls poured like hail around him, not a muscle of his face moved-his situation was perilous to the extreme; a majority of the Indians present, probably, knew him personally; and it is evident from the balls in his dress, that their fire was directed particularly at him-but he quailed not, calmly giving his orders and attending to their execution. Indeed his con- duct during the whole action, clearly demonstrated that the peculiar expression of concentration and tranquility which beams from his eyes, is truly the emanation of a soul which realizes as nearly as possible, the ideal of intellectual majesty.as 34. Charles H. Coe, Red Patriots: The Story of the Seminoles (Cincin- nai, 1898), 65-66. 35. "Extract from the Journal of a Private," in the New Hampshire Gazette, July 20, 1837. This account may be the same as the unidentified clipping in the Clinch Papers heretofore cited. 110  The Battle of Withlacoochee Not all the newspaper reports were as laudatory as this one, but most editors and letter-to-the-editor writers praised the General. Within a few years, he became the "Hero of Withlacoochee" and "Old Withlacoochee," who had won a glorious victory for America in the dismal swamps and dense forests of Florida. On the other hand Call and the volunteers were criticized repeatedly for their failure to participate in the battle, and even for their cowardice, until the militia general felt compelled to defend both his leadership and his men. The Battle of Withlacoochee Not all the newspaper reports were as laudatory as this one, but most editors and letter-to-the-editor writers praised the General. Within a few years, he became the "Hero of Withlacoochee" and "Old Withlacoochee," who had won a glorious victory for America in the dismal swamps and dense forests of Florida. On the other hand Call and the volunteers were criticized repeatedly for their failure to participate in the battle, and even for their cowardice, until the militia general felt compelled to defend both his leadership and his men. The Battle of Withlacoochee Not all the newspaper reports were as laudatory as this one, but most editors and letter-to-the-editor writers praised the General. Within a few years, he became the "Hero of Withlacoochee" and "Old Withlacoochee," who had won a glorious victory for America in the dismal swamps and dense forests of Florida. On the other hand Call and the volunteers were criticized repeatedly for their failure to participate in the battle, and even for their cowardice, until the militia general felt compelled to defend both his leadership and his men. 111 1III 111  EIGHT EIGHT EIGHT A Frustrating War IRE A WOUNDED ANIMAL seeking haven in its lair, the small force of General Clinch licked its wounds at Fort Drane. The Florida volunteers remained only a few days before leaving for their homes in Middle Florida. "Their departure was a boon to us all," a soldier wrote in his journal, "and not much loss to the govern- ment as they were apparently a strength when in reality they were a weakness, taking up the time and room of more useful men.", General Call, however, held a different opinion of his men. On arriving in Tallahassee on January 8, 1836, he reported to Terri- torial Governor John H. Eaton that the volunteers had "made a most active and fatiguing expedition," and "rendered faithful and impor- tant services" to their country, and their "gallant intrepidity" had saved the regulars from massacre at the Battle of Withlacoochee. He and his men, Call wrote, experienced feelings of "deep mortification and regret" because it had been physically impossible to cross the river and, as they had planned and had so much desired, "to partici- pate in the danger and glory of the day."2 The volunteers were safe in their homes, but Clinch knew his sick and wounded regulars might be attacked by an overwhelming force of Indians. While guards watched day and night for signs of the Seminoles, doctors and orderlies ministered to the wounded. The poor North Carolinian, who had been shot in the side during the battle and knew he was dying, was suffering both physical and men- tal anguish. Frequently General Clinch visited him and sat on the 1. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 82. 2. Call to John H. Eaton, January 8, 1836, in House Document No. 78, 24th Congress, Ist Session (Washington, 1836), 324-25. Hereinafter e- ferred to as House Document 78. 112 A Frustrating War IKE A WOUNDED ANIMAL seeking haven in its lair, the small force of General Clinch licked its wounds at Fort Drane. The Florida volunteers remained only a few days before leaving for their homes in Middle Florida. "Their departure was a boon to us all," a soldier wrote in his journal, "and not much loss to the govern- ment as they were apparently a strength when in reality they were a weakness, taking up the time and room of more useful men.", General Call, however, held a different opinion of his men. On arriving in Tallahassee on January 8, 1836, he reported to Terri- torial Governor John H. Eaton that the volunteers had "made a most active and fatiguing expedition," and "rendered faithful and impor- tant services" to their country, and their "gallant intrepidity" had saved the regulars from massacre at the Battle of Withlacoochee. He and his men, Call wrote, experienced feelings of "deep mortification and regret" because it had been physically impossible to cross the river and, as they had planned and had so much desired, "to partici- pate in the danger and glory of the day."2 The volunteers were safe in their homes, but Clinch knew his sick and wounded regulars might be attacked by an overwhelming force of Indians. While guards watched day and night for signs of the Seminoles, doctors and orderlies ministered to the wounded. The poor North Carolinian, who had been shot in the side during the battle and knew he was dying, was suffering both physical and men- tal anguish. Frequently General Clinch visited him and sat on the 1. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 82. 2. Call to John H. Eaton, January 8, 1836, in House Document No. 78, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, 1836), 324-25. Hereinafter re- ferred to as House Document 78. 112 A Frustrating War IKE A WOUNDED ANIMAL seeking haven in its lair, the small force of General Clinch licked its wounds at Fort Drane. The Florida volunteers remained only a few days before leaving for their homes in Middle Florida. "Their departure was a boon to us all," a soldier wrote in his journal, "and not much loss to the govern- ment as they were apparently a strength when in reality they were a weakness, taking up the time and room of more useful men.", General Call, however, held a different opinion of his men. On arriving in Tallahassee on January 8, 1836, he reported to Terri- torial Governor John H. Eaton that the volunteers had "made a most active and fatiguing expedition," and "rendered faithful and impor- tant services" to their country, and their "gallant intrepidity" had saved the regulars from massacre at the Battle of Withlacoochee. He and his men, Call wrote, experienced feelings of "deep mortification and regret" because it had been physically impossible to cross the river and, as they had planned and had so much desired, "to partici- pate in the danger and glory of the day."2 The volunteers were safe in their homes, but Clinch knew his sick and wounded regulars might be attacked by an overwhelming force of Indians. While guards watched day and night for signs of the Seminoles, doctors and orderlies ministered to the wounded. The poor North Carolinian, who had been shot in the side during the battle and knew he was dying, was suffering both physical and men- tal anguish. Frequently General Clinch visited him and sat on the 1. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 82. 2. Call to John H. Eaton, January 8, 1836, in House Document No. 78, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, 1836), 324-25. Hereinafter re- ferred to as House Document 78. 112  A Frustrating War dirt floor to be near the mortally wounded man. "My poor man!" the general whispered. "Bear your sufferings as a soldier, and you must now become a soldier of Christ. Put your trust in Him. He is your commander, and He only is your salvation."a The North Carolinian found a grave in the wilderness of Florida. The solicitude of their general for the wounded won the admira- tion of his men. "Fancy," one soldier wrote, "a fine grey-haired old man of muscular build and weighing 18 stone, the possessor of a fine open countenance beaming with kindness sitting upon the earth floor, giving counsel and comfort to a poor dying private sol- dier. In that figure you have Gen. D. L. Clinch, called by his brother officers 'The Spartan General.' "4 He was plain in his dress and fre- quently lived in a simple tent like the other regulars. Often he shared his meal of pork and beans, with an occasional extra dish of Indian corn, with his subordinate officers at the dining table in the slave driver's house of Lang Syne Plantation. Water was his only beverage and he repeatedly requested a pitcher full of it from the large round pond outside the fort. "So plain were his habits that he was no clog to the army. A camp stool was all he required when on the move, whereas other generals, such as Scott, required a band of musicians, with a company of professed cooks and servants to attend them."5 The Spartan General's tenure as commander of the forces in Florida was to be short-lived. The murders at Fort King, the Dade Massacre, and the Battle of Withlacoochee threw residents of terri- torial Florida into panic. They flooded Washington with letters of protest and appeal; they demanded help to save them from destruc- tion by the savage Seminoles. Many residents of plantation and farm fled from their semi-isolated homes and, without the necessities of life, became refugees in Tallahassee, Newnansville, and St. Augus- tine. In January, 1836, sixteen plantations were burned in East Florida. Families who remained on their acres existed in constant fear of the sudden appearance of bands of Indians. Every musket shot or unusual noise made the homesteaders quake; women, chil- dren, and slaves were killed in cruel, brutal ways; and sorrow and poverty replaced happiness and prosperity in the areas of Florida 3. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 80-81. 4. Ibid., 81. 5. Ibid. 113 A Frustrating War dirt floor to be near the mortally wounded man. "My poor man!" the general whispered. "Bear your sufferings as a soldier, and you must now become a soldier of Christ. Put your trust in Him. He is your commander, and He only is your salvation."a The North Carolinian found a grave in the wilderness of Florida. The solicitude of their general for the wounded won the admira- tion of his men. "Fancy," one soldier wrote, "a fine grey-haired old man of muscular build and weighing 18 stone, the possessor of a fine open countenance beaming with kindness sitting upon the earth floor, giving counsel and comfort to a poor dying private sol- dier. In that figure you have Gen. D. L. Clinch, called by his brother officers 'The Spartan General.' ", He was plain in his dress and fre- quently lived in a simple tent like the other regulars. Often he shared his meal of pork and beans, with an occasional extra dish of Indian corn, with his subordinate officers at the dining table in the slave driver's house of Lang Sync Plantation. Water was his only beverage and he repeatedly requested a pitcher full of it from the large round pond outside the fort. "So plain were his habits that he was no clog to the army. A camp stool was all he required when on the move, whereas other generals, such as Scott, required a band of musicians, with a company of professed cooks and servants to attend them."' The Spartan General's tenure as commander of the forces in Florida was to be short-lived. The murders at Fort King, the Dade Massacre, and the Battle of Withlacoochee threw residents of terri- torial Florida into panic. They flooded Washington with letters of protest and appeal; they demanded help to save them from destruc- tion by the savage Seminoles. Many residents of plantation and farm fled from their semi-isolated homes and, without the necessities of life, became refugees in Tallahassee, Newnansville, and St. Augus- tine. In January, 1836, sixteen plantations were burned in East Florida. Families who remained on their acres existed in constant fear of the sudden appearance of bands of Indians. Every musket shot or unusual noise made the homesteaders quake; women, chil- dren, and slaves were killed in cruel, brutal ways; and sorrow and poverty replaced happiness and prosperity in the areas of Florida 3. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 80-81. 4. Ibid., 81. 5. Ibid. 113 A Frustrating War dirt floor to be near the mortally wounded man. "My poor man!" the general whispered. "Bear your sufferings as a soldier, and you must now become a soldier of Christ. Put your trust in Him. He is your commander, and He only is your salvation."a The North Carolinian found a grave in the wilderness of Florida. The solicitude of their general for the wounded won the admira- tion of his men. "Fancy," one soldier wrote, "a fine grey-haired old man of muscular build and weighing 18 stone, the possessor of a fine open countenance beaming with kindness sitting upon the earth floor, giving counsel and comfort to a poor dying private sol- dier. In that figure you have Gen. D. L. Clinch, called by his brother officers 'The Spartan General.' "4 He was plain in his dress and fre- quently lived in a simple tent like the other regulars. Often he shared his meal of pork and beans, with an occasional extra dish of Indian corn, with his subordinate officers at the dining table in the slave driver's house of Lang Syne Plantation. Water was his only beverage and he repeatedly requested a pitcher full of it from the large round pond outside the fort. "So plain were his habits that he was no clog to the army. A camp stool was all he required when on the move, whereas other generals, such as Scott, required a band of musicians, with a company of professed cooks and servants to attend them.", The Spartan General's tenure as commander of the forces in Florida was to be short-lived. The murders at Fort King, the Dade Massacre, and the Battle of Withlacoochee threw residents of terri- torial Florida into panic. They flooded Washington with letters of protest and appeal; they demanded help to save them from destruc- tion by the savage Seminoles. Many residents of plantation and farm fled from their semi-isolated homes and, without the necessities of life, became refugees in Tallahassee, Newnansville, and St. Augus- tine. In January, 1836, sixteen plantations were burned in East Florida. Families who remained on their acres existed in constant fear of the sudden appearance of bands of Indians. Every musket shot or unusual noise made the homesteaders quake; women, chil- dren, and slaves were killed in cruel, brutal ways; and sorrow and poverty replaced happiness and prosperity in the areas of Florida 3. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 80-81. 4. Ibid., 81. 5. Ibid. 113  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM which lay within striking distance of Seminole raiding parties.g The flaming frontier slowly aroused the lethargic War Department in Washington. During the first weeks of January, 1836, before complete reports of hostilities had been received by the department, Secretary Lewis Cass did little more than reiterate earlier orders. Clinch was in- formed that President Jackson had authorized the governors of South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama to issue calls for volunteers and to send those who responded to Florida. Secretary Cass believed the governor of Florida could supply all the troops necessary to defeat the Seminoles. But he emphasized the President's desire for Clinch to push operations against the Indians with the greatest possible vigor. The former Indian fighter, now in the White House, urged Clinch not to "wait to be attacked by the Indians, nor unnecessarily divide your forces and allow yourself to be cut in detail. But embody your whole strength and attack the Indians wherever you may find them." The Secretary of War told Clinch to spend whatever sums of money were essential to the success of his campaigns but urged him to practice "all just and reasonable economy." On order of the President no peace was to be granted the Seminoles except on terms of complete submission and unconditional surrender, with a firm commitment to "embark immediately on board the vessels that have been provided, and proceed, without delay, to the country that has been set apart for them west of the Mississippi River."9 Evidently Secretary of War Cass believed that Clinch needed no additional troops or materiel to conquer the Indians, and he forwarded detailed instructions for the transportation of the Seminoles from Florida to the West. Full reports of the atrocities in Florida forced the administration into vigorous action. It was hoped, Secretary Cass wrote Brigadier General Abram Eustis at Charleston, South Carolina, that sufficient measures had been taken to subdue the Seminoles and protect the 6. John T. Sprague, The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War ... (New York, 1848), 106. Hereinafter referred to as Sprague, Florida War. 7. Cass to Clinch, January 8, 1836, Letters Sent; letters not specifically located are in War Records Ofice, National Archives. 8. Ibid. 9. Cass to Clinch, January 11, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 325-26. 114 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM which lay within striking distance of Seminole raiding parties.0 The flaming frontier slowly aroused the lethargic War Department in Washington. During the first weeks of January, 1836, before complete reports of hostilities had been received by the department, Secretary Lewis Cass did little more than reiterate earlier orders. Clinch was in- formed that President Jackson had authorized the governors of South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama to issue calls for volunteers and to send those who responded to Florida. Secretary Cass believed the governor of Florida could supply all the troops necessary to defeat the Seminoles. But he emphasized the President's desire for Clinch to push operations against the Indians with the greatest possible vigor. The former Indian fighter, now in the White House, urged Clinch not to "wait to be attacked by the Indians, nor unnecessarily divide your forces and allow yourself to be cut in detail. But embody your whole strength and attack the Indians wherever you may find them."7 The Secretary of War told Clinch to spend whatever sums of money were essential to the success of his campaigns but urged him to practice "all just and reasonable economy."8 On order of the President no peace was to be granted the Seminoles except on terms of complete submission and unconditional surrender, with a firm commitment to "embark immediately on board the vessels that have been provided, and proceed, without delay, to the country that has been set apart for them west of the Mississippi River."e Evidently Secretary of War Cass believed that Clinch needed no additional troops or materiel to conquer the Indians, and he forwarded detailed instructions for the transportation of the Seminoles from Florida to the West. Full reports of the atrocities in Florida forced the administration into vigorous action. It was hoped, Secretary Cass wrote Brigadier General Abram Eustis at Charleston, South Carolina, that sufficient measures had been taken to subdue the Seminoles and protect the 6. John T. Sprague, The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War ... (New York, 1848), 106. Hereinafter referred to as Sprague, Florida War. 7. Cass to Clinch, January 8, 1836, Letters Sent; letters not specifically located are in War Records Offce, National Archives. 8. Ibid. 9. Cass to Clinch, January 11, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 325-26. 114 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM which lay within striking distance of Seminole raiding parties. The flaming frontier slowly aroused the lethargic War Department in Washington. During the first weeks of January, 1836, before complete reports of hostilities had been received by the department, Secretary Lewis Cass did little more than reiterate earlier orders. Clinch was in- formed that President Jackson had authorized the governors of South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama to issue calls for volunteers and to send those who responded to Florida. Secretary Cass believed the governor of Florida could supply all the troops necessary to defeat the Seminoles. But he emphasized the President's desire for Clinch to push operations against the Indians with the greatest possible vigor. The former Indian fighter, now in the White House, urged Clinch not to "wait to be attacked by the Indians, nor unnecessarily divide your forces and allow yourself to be cut in detail. But embody your whole strength and attack the Indians wherever you may find them."7 The Secretary of War told Clinch to spend whatever sums of money were essential to the success of his campaigns but urged him to practice "all just and reasonable economy."8 On order of the President no peace was to be granted the Seminoles except on terms of complete submission and unconditional surrender, with a firm commitment to "embark immediately on board the vessels that have been provided, and proceed, without delay, to the country that has been set apart for them west of the Mississippi River."9 Evidently Secretary of War Cass believed that Clinch needed no additional troops or materiel to conquer the Indians, and he forwarded detailed instructions for the transportation of the Seminoles from Florida to the West. Full reports of the atrocities in Florida forced the administration into vigorous action. It was hoped, Secretary Cass wrote Brigadier General Abram Eustis at Charleston, South Carolina, that sufficient measures had been taken to subdue the Seminoles and protect the 6. John T. Sprague, The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War ... (New York, 1848), 106. Hereinafter referred to as Sprague, Florida War. 7. Cass to Clinch, January 8, 1836, Letters Sent; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, National Archives. 8. Ibid. 9. Cass to Clinch, January 11, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 325-26. 114  A Frustrating War inhabitants of Florida, but the power of the Indians had been under- estimated. He authorized Eustis to call on the governor of South Carolina for militia and ordered the General to proceed immediately with the troops under his jurisdiction at Charleston and Savannah to St. Augustine and to take command of operations along the east coast of Florida. After establishing communications with Clinch, Eustis was to follow the instructions of that commander. The Secre- tary of War also enumerated other reinforcements and materiel des- tined for Florida: 14 companies of regular troops; authority for Clinch to ask the governors of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida for all troops he deemed necessary; a war sloop and 3 revenue cutters; 500 muskets from the arsenal at Augusta, Georgia, for the Florida militia of General Hernandez; and 120,000 rations bought in New York and already on the way to St. Augustine. "You must act at once," Cass declared, and he informed Eustis that a copy of the letter was on its way to Clincho Almost simultaneously with the forwarding of reinforcements and supplies, the Jackson administration appointed General Winfield Scott to overall command in Florida. "Old Fuss and Feathers," as he was later called, moved south by way of Columbia, South Camolina, and Milledgeville, Georgia. At Savannah he wrote Clinch: "You will have been advised of my approach for the purpose of taking upon myself the general direction of the war in Florida. No mortification ought to be felt by you because the command has been given to me. I am your senior, and it was known that I am your friend."" To ease the possible disappointment of the supplanted general, Scott praised Clinch for fighting a battle with honor and maintaining his position with a handful of brave men. In contrast to the small num- ber of troops commanded by Clinch, Scott reported that he would have regiments from South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. With at least 3,800 soldiers, ample supplies and transports, Clinch's knowledge of the Florida terrain, and Clinch's experience with the Indians, Scott believed they would overwhelm the Seminoles and force them to unconditional surrender. 10. Cass to Eustis, January 17, 1836 (see also Cass to John H. Eaton, January 20, 1836), Letters Sent; see also Sprague, Florida War, 106. 11. Scott to Clinch, February 12, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 355-56; Clinch Papers. 115 A Frustrating War inhabitants of Florida, but the power of the Indians had been under- estimated. He authorized Eustis to call on the governor of South Carolina for militia and ordered the General to proceed immediately with the troops under his jurisdiction at Charleston and Savannah to St. Augustine and to take command of operations along the east coast of Florida. After establishing communications with Clinch, Eustis was to follow the instructions of that commander. The Secre- tary of War also enumerated other reinforcements and materiel des- tined for Florida: 14 companies of regular troops; authority for Clinch to ask the governors of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida for all troops he deemed necessary; a war sloop and 3 revenue cutters; 500 muskets from the arsenal at Augusta, Georgia, for the Florida militia of General Hernandez; and 120,000 rations bought in New York and already on the way to St. Augustine. "You must act at once," Cass declared, and he informed Eustis that a copy of the letter was on its way to Clinch?0 Almost simultaneously with the forwarding of reinforcements and supplies, the Jackson administration appointed General Winfield Scott to overall command in Florida. "Old Fuss and Feathers," as he was later called, moved south by way of Columbia, South Carolina, and Milledgeville, Georgia. At Savannah he wrote Clinch: "You will have been advised of my approach for the purpose of taking upon myself the general direction of the war in Florida. No mortification ought to be felt by you because the command has been given to me. I am your senior, and it was known that I am your friendu"" To ease the possible disappointment of the supplanted general, Scott praised Clinch for fighting a battle with honor and maintaining his position with a handful of brave men. In contrast to the small num- ber of troops commanded by Clinch, Scott reported that he would have regiments from South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. With at least 3,800 soldiers, ample supplies and transports, Clinch's knowledge of the Florida terrain, and Clinch's experience with the Indians, Scott believed they would overwhelm the Seminoles and force them to unconditional surrender. 10. Cass to Eustis, January 17, 1836 (see also Cass to John H. Eaton, January 20, 1836), Letters Sent; see also Sprague, Florida War, 106. 11. Scott to Clinch, February 12, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 355-56; Clinch Papers. 115 A Frustrating War inhabitants of Florida, but the power of the Indians had been under- estimated. He authorized Eustis to call on the governor of South Carolina for militia and ordered the General to proceed immediately with the troops under his jurisdiction at Charleston and Savannah to St. Augustine and to take command of operations along the east coast of Florida. After establishing communications with Clinch, Eustis was to follow the instructions of that commander. The Secre- tary of War also enumerated other reinforcements and matiriel des- tined for Florida: 14 companies of regular troops; authority for Clinch to ask the governors of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida for all troops he deemed necessary; a war sloop and 3 revenue cutters; 500 muskets from the arsenal at Augusta, Georgia, for the Florida militia of General Hernandez; and 120,000 rations bought in New York and already on the way to St. Augustine. "You must act at once," Cass declared, and he informed Eustis that a copy of the letter was on its way to Clinch.l1 Almost simultaneously with the forwarding of reinforcements and supplies, the Jackson administration appointed General Winfield Scott to overall command in Florida. "Old Fuss and Feathers," as he was later called, moved south by way of Columbia, South Carolina, and Milledgeville, Georgia. At Savannah he wrote Clinch: "You will have been advised of my approach for the purpose of taking upon myself the general direction of the war in Florida. No mortification ought to be felt by you because the command has been given to me. I am your senior, and it was known that I am your friend.s To ease the possible disappointment of the supplanted general, Scott praised Clinch for fighting a battle with honor and maintaining his position with a handful of brave men. In contrast to the small num- ber of troops commanded by Clinch, Scott reported that he would have regiments from South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. With at least 3,800 soldiers, ample supplies and transports, Clinch's knowledge of the Florida terrain, and Clinch's experience with the Indians, Scott believed they would overwhelm the Seminoles and force them to unconditional surrender. 10. Cass to Eustis, January 17, 1836 (see also Cass to John H. Eaton, January 20, 1836), Letters Sent; see also Sprague, Florida War, 106. 11. Scott to Clinch, February 12, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 355-56; Clinch Papers. 115  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Writing on February 12, 1836, General Scott outlined his plan of campaign. The 740 volunteers from Alabama under the command of Colonel William Lindsay would board ship at Mobile and sail to Tampa Bay. The 2,960 men from Georgia and South Carolina and a few companies of regulars from other parts of the United States would rendezvous at St. Augustine and Picolata, to be organized and prepared by Brigadier General Eustis for movement to Fort Drane and Fort King. From these forts, the forces would march southward to meet the Alabama volunteers marching north from Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay. General Eustis, Scott reported, was to arrive at St. Augustine on February 15 and would immediately open communi- cations with Clinch at Fort King to work out details of the envel- oping movement. Scott admitted the inadequacy of his knowledge of Florida topog- raphy. For this reason his plans were tentative ones and subject to change. Even while composing his letter, Scott learned that only 960 Georgia militiamen could reach Florida before the end of Febru- ary, but this reduction in the number of Georgia volunteers would not, he told Clinch, delay the movement which was planned to begin about February 25. The recently appointed commander requested .a report on the number of regulars, volunteers, and Indians under the command of Clinch; the means of subsistence available for men and horses; and the wagons, horses, and mules for transporting sup- plies. Scott also demanded the latest information on the location and strength of the Seminoles, the number of their Negro allies, and the ratio of foot to mounted warriors in the Indian forces. Evidently thinking of conquering the enemy by taking his women and children, the General asked for the location of places where the Seminoles concealed their families. He reported that he needed guides and in- terpreters, and reaffirmed his "entire confidence" in the abilities of Clinch.n While General Scott was traveling to Florida, Clinch met the im- mediate problems of his own command. His entire force in central Florida was composed of two companies at Fort Drane, many of whom were ill or recovering from wounds; two companies stationed 12. This paragraph and the one preceding it were based on the contents of Scott's letter. 116 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Writing on February 12, 1836, General Scott outlined his plan of campaign. The 740 volunteers from Alabama under the command of Colonel William Lindsay would board ship at Mobile and sail to Tampa Bay. The 2,960 men from Georgia and South Carolina and a few companies of regulars from other parts of the United States would rendezvous at St. Augustine and Picolata, to be organized and prepared by Brigadier General Eustis for movement to Fort Drane and Fort King. From these forts, the forces would march southward to meet the Alabama volunteers marching north from Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay. General Eustis, Scott reported, was to arrive at St. Augustine on February 15 and would immediately open communi- cations with Clinch at Fort King to work out details of the envel- oping movement. Scott admitted the inadequacy of his knowledge of Florida topog- raphy. For this reason his plans were tentative ones and subject to change. Even while composing his letter, Scott learned that only 960 Georgia militiamen could reach Florida before the end of Febru- ary, but this reduction in the number of Georgia volunteers would not, he told Clinch, delay the movement which was planned to begin about February 25. The recently appointed commander requested a report on the number of regulars, volunteers, and Indians under the command of Clinch; the means of subsistence available for men and horses; and the wagons, horses, and mules for transporting sup- plies. Scott also demanded the latest information on the location and strength of the Seminoles, the number of their Negro allies, and the ratio of foot to mounted warriors in the Indian forces. Evidently thinking of conquering the enemy by taking his women and children, the General asked for the location of places where the Seminoles concealed their families. He reported that he needed guides and in- terpreters, and reaffirmed his "entire confidence" in the abilities of Clinchan While General Scott was traveling to Florida, Clinch met the im- mediate problems of his own command. His entire force in central Florida was composed of two companies at Fort Drane, many of whom were ill or recovering from wounds; two companies stationed 12. This paragraph and the one preceding it were based on the contents of Scott's letter. 116 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Writing on February 12, 1836, General Scott outlined his plan of campaign. The 740 volunteers from Alabama under the command of Colonel William Lindsay would board ship at Mobile and sail to Tampa Bay. The 2,960 men from Georgia and South Carolina and a few companies of regulars from other parts of the United States would rendezvous at St. Augustine and Picolata, to be organized and prepared by Brigadier General Eustis for movement to Fort Drane and Fort King. From these forts, the forces would march southward to meet the Alabama volunteers marching north from Fort Brooke at Tampa Bay. General Eustis, Scott reported, was to arrive at St. Augustine on February 15 and would immediately open communi- cations with Clinch at Fort King to work out details of the envel- oping movement. Scott admitted the inadequacy of his knowledge of Florida topog- raphy. For this reason his plans were tentative ones and subject to change. Even while composing his letter, Scott learned that only 960 Georgia militiamen could reach Florida before the end of Febru- ary, but this reduction in the number of Georgia volunteers would not, he told Clinch, delay the movement which was planned to begin about February 25. The recently appointed commander requested a report on the number of regulars, volunteers, and Indians under the command of Clinch; the means of subsistence available for men and horses; and the wagons, horses, and mules for transporting sup- plies. Scott also demanded the latest information on the location and strength of the Seminoles, the number of their Negro allies, and the ratio of foot to mounted warriors in the Indian forces. Evidently thinking of conquering the enemy by taking his women and children, the General asked for the location of places where the Seminoles concealed their families. He reported that he needed guides and in- terpreters, and reaffirmed his "entire confidence" in the abilities of Clinchan While General Scott was traveling to Florida, Clinch met the im- mediate problems of his own command. His entire force in central Florida was composed of two companies at Fort Drane, many of whom were ill or recovering from wounds; two companies stationed 12. This paragraph and the one preceding it were based on the contents of Scott's letter. 116  A Frustrating War at his Lang Syne Plantation around Drane; one company camped nearby on the plantation of John H. McIntosh, Jr., General Clinch's brother-in-law; and a sixth company at Fort King.S0 Late in January the Richmond Blues from Augusta and the Savannah Volunteers arrived in Florida. Lieutenant Dancy of the regulars and 100 volun- teers from Alachua County, Florida, accompanied the Georgia militia on their march to Fort Drane. Taking into account his sick and wounded, and the men necessary to hold the forts, the General could spare approximately 100 regulars for a campaign against the enemy.14 The individualistic volunteers, unaccustomed to military disci- pline, brought problems as well as reinforcement to the regular army commander. At Fort King Volunteer Colonel B. D. Parish had the unpleasant duty of ordering the arrest of Lieutenant William Ward of the Florida volunteers. The lieutenant resisted, armed himself with three pistols, and threatened to shoot the first man who at- tempted to make the arrest. No other volunteer would face the angry lieutenant, and the Colonel himself stepped forward. He proved him- self an excellent marksman. Lieutenant Ward had been a popular young man in Tallahassee and was a brother of influential George Ward of that city. Condem- nations of Colonel Parish poured into General Clinch's headquarters. A court of inquiry investigated the unhappy incident and examined every witness to the shooting. In a unanimous opinion the court found it impossible to conceive of a "case which would more entirely justify an officer in command taking the law into his own hands." The legal and necessary authority of Colonel Parish had been defied and resisted, the court concluded; he had repeatedly ordered the dis- arming and arrest of Lieutenant Ward, but no one would obey the orders; as commander of the volunteers he was forced to execute the order himself, and in doing so his conduct was fully justified1s In reporting the affair, a newspaper correspondent added that the facts would make the citizens of Tallahassee approve of Colonel Parish's 13. Letter to the editor, January 30, 1836, Savannah Georgian, February 3, 1836, reprinted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 87. 14. Ibid. 15. The findings of the court of inquiry were published in the Pensacola Gazette, February 20, 1836. 117 A Frustrating War at his Lang Syne Plantation around Drane; one company camped nearby on the plantation of John H. McIntosh, Jr., General Clinch's brother-in-law; and a sixth company at Fort King.1a Late in January the Richmond Blues from Augusta and the Savannah Volunteers arrived in Florida. Lieutenant Dancy of the regulars and 100 volun- teers from Alachua County, Florida, accompanied the Georgia militia on their march to Fort Drane. Taking into account his sick and wounded, and the men necessary to hold the forts, the General could spare approximately 100 regulars for a campaign against the enemy.14 The individualistic volunteers, unaccustomed to military disci- pline, brought problems as well as reinforcement to the regular army commander. At Fort King Volunteer Colonel B. D. Parish had the unpleasant duty of ordering the arrest of Lieutenant William Ward of the Florida volunteers. The lieutenant resisted, armed himself with three pistols, and threatened to shoot the first man who at- tempted to make the arrest. No other volunteer would face the angry lieutenant, and the Colonel himself stepped forward. He proved him- self an excellent marksman. Lieutenant Ward had been a popular young man in Tallahassee and was a brother of influential George Ward of that city. Condem- nations of Colonel Parish poured into General Clinch's headquarters. A court of inquiry investigated the unhappy incident and examined every witness to the shooting. In a unanimous opinion the court found it impossible to conceive of a "case which would more entirely justify an officer in command taking the law into his own hands." The legal and necessary authority of Colonel Parish had been defied and resisted, the court concluded; he had repeatedly ordered the dis- arming and arrest of Lieutenant Ward, but no one would obey the orders; as commander of the volunteers he was forced to execute the order himself, and in doing so his conduct was fully justified1S In reporting the affair, a newspaper correspondent added that the facts would make the citizens of Tallahassee approve of Colonel Parish's 13. Letter to the editor, January 30, 1836, Savannah Georgian, February 3, 1836, reprinted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 87. 14. Ibid. 15. The findings of the court of inquiry were published in the Pensacola Gazette, February 20, 1836. 117 A Frustrating War at his Lang Syne Plantation around Drane; one company camped nearby on the plantation of John H. McIntosh, Jr., General Clinch's brother-in-law; and a sixth company at Fort King.1o Late in January the Richmond Blues from Augusta and the Savannah Volunteers arrived in Florida. Lieutenant Dancy of the regulars and 100 volun- teers from Alachua County, Florida, accompanied the Georgia militia on their march to Fort Drane. Taking into account his sick and wounded, and the men necessary to hold the forts, the General could spare approximately 100 regulars for a campaign against the enemy1a The individualistic volunteers, unaccustomed to military disci- pline, brought problems as well as reinforcement to the regular army commander. At Fort King Volunteer Colonel B. D. Parish had the unpleasant duty of ordering the arrest of Lieutenant William Ward of the Florida volunteers. The lieutenant resisted, armed himself with three pistols, and threatened to shoot the first man who at- tempted to make the arrest. No other volunteer would face the angry lieutenant, and the Colonel himself stepped forward. He proved him- self an excellent marksman. Lieutenant Ward had been a popular young man in Tallahassee and was a brother of influential George Ward of that city. Condem- nations of Colonel Parish poured into General Clinch's headquarters. A court of inquiry investigated the unhappy incident and examined every witness to the shooting. In a unanimous opinion the court found it impossible to conceive of a "case which would more entirely justify an officer in command taking the law into his own hands." The legal and necessary authority of Colonel Parish had been defied and resisted, the court concluded; he had repeatedly ordered the dis- arming and arrest of Lieutenant Ward, but no one would obey the orders; as commander of the volunteers he was forced to execute the order himself, and in doing so his conduct was fully justified15 In reporting the affair, a newspaper correspondent added that the facts would make the citizens of Tallahassee approve of Colonel Parish's 13. Letter to the editor, January 30, 1836, Savannah Georgian, February 3, 1836, reprinted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 87. 14. Ibid. 15. The findings of the court of inquiry were published in the Pensacola Gazette, February 20, 1836. 117  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM conduct, and the unhappy Colonel, who was also a resident of Tal- lahassee, would be exonerated by his townsmen 0 The incident sup- ported the regular army man's contention that the trouble caused by volunteers was often greater than their contribution to a military campaign. Clinch turned from this unhappy event to the task of removing the Seminoles from Florida. On learning of the murder of Wiley Thompson, the Secretary of War requested Clinch to assign someone to perform the duties of the Indian agent in order to prevent delay in removing the Seminoles. But, the Secretary added, the department could not offer any army officer selected for extra duty any compen- sation other than actual traveling expenses.17 Clinch had anticipated the need, and a few days after the death of Thompson, had intrusted the duties of the former Indian agent to David M. Sheffield. The new Acting Superintendent of Seminole Removal faced many obsta- cles. He had to go to the Apalachicola River region and persuade eleven Indians in that area to join the militia of Florida in the hope that they would be influential in persuading the Seminoles to mi- grate. Sheffield also consulted with Governor Eaton and planned on moving on to Tampa to supervise the embarkation of Indians from that port. But on February 9 he was still in Tallahassee-held there by the hostility of the Seminoles which made it necessary for a white man to move by water rather than ride through the Indian territory.so In truth the United States had to conquer the Seminoles to bring peace to Florida, and by February, 1836, the responsibility for sub- duing the Indians had been shifted from Clinch to General Scott. On the evening of February 21 Scott arrived at Picolata and as- sumed command of the military campaigns in Florida.o He digested the report of Clinch which showed that 523 men, including volun- teers at Fort Drane, faced 1,500 Seminole warriors and 200 to 300 16. Ibid. 17. Cass to Clinch, January 16, 1836, House Document 271, p. 253. 18. Sheffield to Cass, February 9, 1836, House Document 271, pp. 259- 60. 19. A. Van Buren (aide-de-camp to Scott) to Adjutant General, February 22, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 359-60; Scott, however, reported that he reached Picolata on February 22, see Scott to Clinch, February 25, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 371-72. 118 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM conduct, and the unhappy Colonel, who was also a resident of Tal- lahassee, would be exonerated by his townsment The incident sup- ported the regular army man's contention that the trouble caused by volunteers was often greater than their contribution to a military campaign. Clinch turned from this unhappy event to the task of removing the Seminoles from Florida. On learning of the murder of Wiley Thompson, the Secretary of War requested Clinch to assign someone to perform the duties of the Indian agent in order to prevent delay in removing the Seminoles. But, the Secretary added, the department could not offer any army officer selected for extra duty any compen- sation other than actual traveling expenses.17 Clinch had anticipated the need, and a few days after the death of Thompson, had intrusted the duties of the former Indian agent to David M. Sheffield. The new Acting Superintendent of Seminole Removal faced many obsta- cles. He had to go to the Apalachicola River region and persuade eleven Indians in that area to join the militia of Florida in the hope that they would be influential in persuading the Seminoles to mi- grate. Sheffield also consulted with Governor Eaton and planned on moving on to Tampa to supervise the embarkation of Indians from that port. But on February 9 he was still in Tallahassee-held there by the hostility of the Seminoles which made it necessary for a white man to move by water rather than ride through the Indian territory00 In truth the United States had to conquer the Seminoles to bring peace to Florida, and by February, 1836, the responsibility for sub- duing the Indians had been shifted from Clinch to General Scott. On the evening of February 21 Scott arrived at Picolata and as- sumed command of the military campaigns in Floridat9 He digested the report of Clinch which showed that 523 men, including volun- teers at Fort Drane, faced 1,500 Seminole warriors and 200 to 300 16. Ibid. 17. Cass to Clinch, January 16, 1836, House Document 271, p. 253. 18. Sheffield to Cass, February 9, 1836, House Document 271, pp. 259- 60. 19. A. Van Buren (aide-de-camp to Scott) to Adjutant General, February 22, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 359-60; Scott, however, reported that he reached Picolata on February 22, see Scott to Clinch, February 25, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 371-72. 118 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM conduct, and the unhappy Colonel, who was also a resident of Tal- lahassee, would be exonerated by his townsment The incident sup- ported the regular army man's contention that the trouble caused by volunteers was often greater than their contribution to a military campaign. Clinch turned from this unhappy event to the task of removing the Seminoles from Florida. On learning of the murder of Wiley Thompson, the Secretary of War requested Clinch to assign someone to perform the duties of the Indian agent in order to prevent delay in removing the Seminoles. But, the Secretary added, the department could not offer any army officer selected for extra duty any compen- sation other than actual traveling expenses.17 Clinch had anticipated the need, and a few days after the death of Thompson, had intrusted the duties of the former Indian agent to David M. Sheffield. The new Acting Superintendent of Seminole Removal faced many obsta- eles. He had to go to the Apalachicola River region and persuade eleven Indians in that area to join the militia of Florida in the hope that they would be influential in persuading the Seminoles to mi- grate. Sheffield also consulted with Governor Eaton and planned on moving on to Tampa to supervise the embarkation of Indians from that port. But on February 9 he was still in Tallahassee-held there by the hostility of the Seminoles which made it necessarv for a white man to move by water rather than ride through the Indian territory.08 In truth the United States had to conquer the Seminoles to bring peace to Florida, and by February, 1836, the responsibility for sub- duing the Indians had been shifted from Clinch to General Scott. On the evening of February 21 Scott arrived at Picolata and as- sumed command of the military campaigns in Florida.1t He digested the report of Clinch which showed that 523 men, including volun- teers at Fort Drane, faced 1,500 Seminole warriors and 200 to 300 16. Ibid. 17. Cass to Clinch, January 16, 1836, House Document 271, p. 253. 18. Sheffield to Cass, February 9, 1836, House Document 271, pp. 259- 60. 19. A. Van Buren (aide-decamp to Scott) to Adjutant General, February 22, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 359-60; Scott, however, reported that he reached Picolata on February 22, see Scott to Clinch, February 25, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 371-72. 118  A Frustrating War Negro fighters, the larger part of whom were concentrated near the Withlacoochee River, some thirty-five miles south of Fort Drane.20 General Scott planned a triple offensive against the Indians: one wing of his army would move west from Volusia near the east coast; another would start from Fort Drane and go south; and the third would assemble at Fort Brooke and from there march north. The three units would converge at the Seminole stronghold near the Withlacoochee River, surround the Indians, and force them to sur- render.2 These plans were excellent on paper. They did not, how- ever, take into account the long distances involved in Florida, the difficulty of the terrain, the mobility of the Seminoles, or the unex- pected action of another American military commander, whose mili- tary department included a part of Florida. On February 26 Scott wrote Clinch: "I have heard with equal astonishment and regret, that Major General Gaines, without refer- ence to my arrangements, perhaps in ignorance, possibly in defiance of them, should have made a premature movement from Tampa Bay. . . ."22 This letter with its unjustified implication referred to the arrival in Florida of Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Commander of the Western Department of the Army, at the head of approximately 1,100 Louisiana Volunteers. Gaines and Scott, Commander of the Eastern Department of the Army, had neither regard nor respect for each other. They were ambitious men, rivals for promotion in the army hierarchy, and mutually jealous, but both of them were friends of General Clinch. The latter was more intimate with Gaines than with Scott, and had been a subordinate of Gaines for almost two decades. This friendship for Clinch, in addition to his military duty as he conceived it, motivated Gaines to leave his headquarters in the Mis- sissippi Valley to attack the Indians in Florida. Rumors reaching the then western area of the United States in January, 1836, indicated that territorial Florida was aflame, and almost all of the settlements and military posts there were in grave danger. For all Gaines knew, Clinch had been abandoned by the volunteers and was surrounded at 20. A. Van Buren to Adjutant General, February 22, 1836, House Docu- ment 78, pp. 359-60. 21. Scott outlined his plans in Scott to Clinch, February 25, 1836. 22. Idem to idem, February 26, 1836, House Document 78, p. 373. 119 A Frustrating War Negro fighters, the larger part of whom were concentrated near the Withlacoochee River, some thirty-five miles south of Fart Drane.20 General Scott planned a triple offensive against the Indians: one wing of his army would move west from Volusia near the east coast; another would start from Fort Drane and go south; and the third would assemble at Fort Brooke and from there march north. The three units would converge at the Seminole stronghold near the Withlacoochee River, surround the Indians, and force them to sur- render.21 These plans were excellent on paper. They did not, how- ever, take into account the long distances involved in Florida, the difficulty of the terrain, the mobility of the Seminoles, or the unex- pected action of another American military commander, whose mili- tary department included a part of Florida. On February 26 Scott wrote Clinch: "I have heard with equal astonishment and regret, that Major General Gaines, without refer- ence to my arrangements, perhaps in ignorance, possibly in defiance of them, should have made a premature movement from Tampa Bay. 22 This letter with its unjustified implication referred to the arrival in Florida of Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Commander of the Western Department of the Army, at the head of approximately 1,100 Louisiana Volunteers. Gaines and Scott, Commander of the Eastern Department of the Army, had neither regard nor respect for each other. They were ambitious men, rivals for promotion in the army hierarchy, and mutually jealous, but both of them were friends of General Clinch. The latter was more intimate with Gaines than with Scott, and had been a subordinate of Gaines for almost two decades. This friendship for Clinch, in addition to his military duty as he conceived it, motivated Gaines to leave his headquarters in the Mis- sissippi Valley to attack the Indians in Florida. Rumors reaching the then western area of the United States in January, 1836, indicated that territorial Florida was aflame, and almost all of the settlements and military posts there were in grave danger. For all Gaines knew, Clinch had been abandoned by the volunteers and was surrounded at 20. A. Van Buren to Adjutant General, February 22, 1836, House Docu- ment 78, pp. 359-60. 21. Scott outlined his plans in Scott to Clinch, February 25, 1836. 22. Idem to idem, February 26, 1836, House Document 78, p. 373. 119 A Frustrating War Negro fighters, the larger part of whom were concentrated near the Withlacoochee River, some thirty-five miles south of Fort Drane.2 General Scott planned a triple offensive against the Indians: one wing of his army would move west from Volusia near the east coast; another would start from Fort Drane and go south; and the third would assemble at Fort Brooke and from there march north. The three units would converge at the Seminole stronghold near the Withlacoochee River, surround the Indians, and force them to sur- render.21 These plans were excellent on paper. They did not, how- ever, take into account the long distances involved in Florida, the difficulty of the terrain, the mobility of the Seminoles, or the unex- pected action of another American military commander, whose mili- tary department included a part of Florida. On February 26 Scott wrote Clinch: "I have heard with equal astonishment and regret, that Major General Gaines, without refer- ence to my arrangements, perhaps in ignorance, possibly in defiance of them, should have made a premature movement from Tampa Bay. . . ."22 This letter with its unjustified implication referred to the arrival in Florida of Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Commander of the Western Department of the Army, at the head of approximately 1,100 Louisiana Volunteers. Gaines and Scott, Commander of the Eastern Department of the Army, had neither regard nor respect for each other. They were ambitious men, rivals for promotion in the army hierarchy, and mutually jealous, but both of them were friends of General Clinch. The latter was more intimate with Gaines than with Scott, and had been a subordinate of Gaines for almost two decades. This friendship for Clinch, in addition to his military duty as he conceived it, motivated Gaines to leave his headquarters in the Mis- sissippi Valley to attack the Indians in Florida. Rumors reaching the then western area of the United States in January, 1836, indicated that territorial Florida was aflame, and almost all of the settlements and military posts there were in grave danger. For all Gaines knew, Clinch had been abandoned by the volunteers and was surrounded at 20. A. Van Buren to Adjutant General, February 22, 1836, House Docu- ment 78, pp. 359-60. 21. Scott outlined his plans in Scott to Clinch, February 25, 1836. 22. Idem to idem, February 26, 1836, House Document 78, p. 373. 119  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Fort Drane or Fort King by the merciless Seminoles. Unless aid reached him immediately, he and his men might suffer a fate simi- lar to that of Dade's command.O Perhaps in the back of Gaines's mind lay the thought that success in Florida would give him competitive advantage over Scott, but his immediate impulse was to act without waiting for official orders, for a considerable part of Florida was in the Western Department of the Army. In January, 1836, Gaines was in New Orleans on a tour of inspection of the southern part of his command. On hearing rumors of Clinch's plight, Gaines requested Governor Edward D. White of Louisiana to hold a regiment of eight companies in readiness for im- mediate movement to Florida. The General hastened to Pensacola to secure the cooperation of a naval force and from that city advised Clinch that help was on the way. By February 3 Gaines was again in New Orleans, this time to supervise the embarkation of six com- panies of the Fourth Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel David E. Twiggs, and a regiment of Louisiana volunteers, led by General Persifor F. Smith. The more than 1,100 men sailed in three ships and, after a stormy voyage, disembarked on February 10 at Fort Brooke. Three days later the small army, the men carrying most of their provisions for ten days in their haversacks, began to trace the march of the unfortunate Major Dade. The advance guard moved to War- ren's Landing on the Alafia River and then along the "Military Road" toward Fort King. On February 20 General Gaines and his staff were sickened by the sight of the remains of Dade's Massacre. Broken wagons and scattered boxes, the bones of two oxen lying as if the animals had fallen asleep with their yokes around their necks, and the skeletons of a few horses were preliminaries to the battlefield. Within a small triangular breastwork of logs were about thirty bodies, mostly skeletons with uniforms on them. The remains lay in position with heads close to the breastworks-the soldiers had been shot at 23. Gaines's reasons for going to Florida and his activities there are in James W. Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines: Frontier General (Baton Rouge, La., 1949), 167-90. The dividing line in Florida between the Eastern and Western Departments of the Army was not clearly defined, and Gaines did not know that the Secretary of War had made Scott commander of the armed forces in Florida. Gaines was on his way to Fort Brooke before he learned of the appointment of Scott. 120 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Fort Drane or Fort King by the merciless Seminoles. Unless aid reached him immediately, he and his men might suffer a fate simi- lar to that of Dade's command.a Perhaps in the back of Gaines's mind lay the thought that success in Florida would give him competitive advantage over Scott, but his immediate impulse was to act without waiting for official orders, for a considerable part of Florida was in the Western Department of the Army. In January, 1836, Gaines was in New Orleans on a tour of inspection of the southern part of his command. On hearing rumors of Clinch's plight, Gaines requested Governor Edward D. White of Louisiana to hold a regiment of eight companies in readiness for im- mediate movement to Florida. The General hastened to Pensacola to secure the cooperation of a naval force and from that city advised Clinch that help was on the way. By February 3 Gaines was again in New Orleans, this time to supervise the embarkation of six com- panies of the Fourth Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel David E. Twiggs, and a regiment of Louisiana volunteers, led by General Persifor F. Smith. The more than 1,100 men sailed in three ships and, after a stormy voyage, disembarked on February 10 at Fort Brooke. Three days later the small army, the men carrying most of their provisions for ten days in their haversacks, began to trace the march of the unfortunate Major Dade. The advance guard moved to War- ren's Landing on the Alafia River and then along the "Military Road" toward Fort King. On February 20 General Gaines and his staff were sickened by the sight of the remains of Dade's Massacre. Broken wagons and scattered boxes, the bones of two oxen lying as if the animals had fallen asleep with their yokes around their necks, and the skeletons of a few horses were preliminaries to the battlefield. Within a small triangular breastwork of logs were about thirty bodies, mostly skeletons with uniforms on them. The remains lay in position with heads close to the breastworks-the soldiers had been shot at 23. Gaines's reasons for going to Florida and his activities there are in James W. Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines: Frontier General (Baton Rouge, La., 1949), 167-90. The dividing line in Florida between the Eastern and Western Departments of the Army was not clearly defined, and Gaines did not know that the Secretary of War had made Scott commander of the armed forces in Florida. Gaines was on his way to Fort Brooke before he learned of the appointment of Scott. 120 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Fort Drane or Fort King by the merciless Seminoles. Unless aid reached him immediately, he and his men might suffer a fate simi- lar to that of Dade's command.a Perhaps in the back of Gaines's mind lay the thought that success in Florida would give him competitive advantage over Scott, but his immediate impulse was to act without waiting for official orders, for a considerable part of Florida was in the Western Department of the Army. In January, 1836, Gaines was in New Orleans on a tour of inspection of the southern part of his command. On hearing rumors of Clinch's plight, Gaines requested Governor Edward D. White of Louisiana to hold a regiment of eight companies in readiness for im- mediate movement to Florida. The General hastened to Pensacola to secure the cooperation of a naval force and from that city advised Clinch that help was on the way. By February 3 Gaines was again in New Orleans, this time to supervise the embarkation of six com- panies of the Fourth Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel David E. Twiggs, and a regiment of Louisiana volunteers, led by General Persifor F. Smith. The more than 1,100 men sailed in three ships and, after a stormy voyage, disembarked on February 10 at Fort Brooke. Three days later the small army, the men carrying most of their provisions for ten days in their haversacks, began to trace the march of the unfortunate Major Dade. The advance guard moved to War- ren's Landing on the Alafia River and then along the "Military Road" toward Fort King. On February 20 General Gaines and his staff were sickened by the sight of the remains of Dade's Massacre. Broken wagons and scattered boxes, the bones of two oxen lying as if the animals had fallen asleep with their yokes around their necks, and the skeletons of a few horses were preliminaries to the battlefield. Within a small triangular breastwork of logs were about thirty bodies, mostly skeletons with uniforms on them. The remains lay in position with heads close to the breastworks-the soldiers had been shot at 23. Gaines's reasons for going to Florida and his activities there are in James W. Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines: Frontier General (Baton Rouge, La., 1949), 167-90. The dividing line in Florida between the Eastern and Western Departments of the Army was not clearly defined, and Gaines did not know that the Secretary of War had made Scott commander of the armed forces in Florida. Gaines was on his way to Fort Brooke before he learned of the appointment of Scott. 120  A Frustrating War their posts and their bones lay parallel to one another. Evidently the Indians had not disturbed the fallen except to lift a few scalps. For two hundred yards along the road from the defensive position the road was littered with human remains, more lay behind trees near the roadside, and then in the middle of the roadway, among a clus- ter of the dead, was the skeleton of Major Dade.24 A day was spent in burying the massacred. Then, as he had done days before, General Gaines debated turning back to Fort Brooke. He had already advanced farther than originally planned, but his desire to protect civilian settlements to the north and his need for provisions made him push forward. The 120,000 rations sent from New York were supposed to have arrived at Fort King, and Gaines thought they would be ready for his use.25 On the afternoon of February 22 he arrived at Fort King, to find only 20,000 of the rations. However, he was not discouraged; he immediately dispatched a letter to General Clinch at Fort Drane. Other than soldiers suffering the discomforts of chills and colds, Gaines reported, his men were in good physical condition. He was optimistic-information from Clinch as to the location of the Indi- ans and a concerted movement, in which Gaines offered cordial co- operation to Clinch, might bring a speedy and honorable termination of hostilities. Gaines outlined his plans of operation: he would march from Fort King to the lower Withlacoochee River, there he would follow any trace of the Indians, and he would finally return to Fort Brooke. After supplying his army there, he would scour the country as far south as Charlotte Harbor. If Clinch would mop up the areas north and east of Fort King, then follow an interior route south to Peace Creek and turn west to Charlotte Harbor, Gaines as- sured him of a supply of ammunition and subsistence at the latter place and additional supplies at Fort Brooke. Clinch could remain there or return to the Fort Drane-Fort King region. Gaines admitted that his plans were neither perfect nor final. The margin of error was always great, he stated, when dealing with ene- 24. Gaines to Clinch, February 22, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 363- 64; W. A. Croffut (ed.), Fifty Years in Camp and Field, Diary of Ethan Allan Hitchcock, U.S.A. (New York, 1909), 189-91. 25. Gaines was informed by the quartermaster on January 19, 1836, that the 120,000 rations had been ordered. See House Document 78, pp. 620-40. 121 A Frustrating War their posts and their bones lay parallel to one another. Evidently the Indians had not disturbed the fallen except to lift a few scalps. For two hundred yards along the road from the defensive position the road was littered with human remains, more lay behind trees near the roadside, and then in the middle of the roadway, among a clus- ter of the dead, was the skeleton of Major Dade.24 A day was spent in burying the massacred. Then, as he had done days before, General Gaines debated turning back to Fort Brooke. He had already advanced farther than originally planned, but his desire to protect civilian settlements to the north and his need for provisions made him push forward. The 120,000 rations sent from New York were supposed to have arrived at Fort King, and Gaines thought they would be ready for his use.0 0 On the afternoon of February 22 he arrived at Fort King, to find only 20,000 of the rations. However, he was not discouraged; he immediately dispatched a letter to General Clinch at Fort Drane. Other than soldiers suffering the discomforts of chills and colds, Gaines reported, his men were in good physical condition. He was optimistic-information from Clinch as to the location of the Indi- ans and a concerted movement, in which Gaines offered cordial co- operation to Clinch, might bring a speedy and honorable termination of hostilities. Gaines outlined his plans of operation: he would march from Fort King to the lower Withlacoachee River, there he would follow any trace of the Indians, and he would finally return to Fort Brooke. After supplying his army there, he would scour the country as far south as Charlotte Harbor. If Clinch would mop up the areas north and east of Fort King, then follow an interior route south to Peace Creek and turn west to Charlotte Harbor, Gaines as- sured him of a supply of ammunition and subsistence at the latter place and additional supplies at Fort Brooke. Clinch could remain there or return to the Fort Drane-Fort King region. Gaines admitted that his plans were neither perfect nor final. The margin of error was always great, he stated, when dealing with ene- 24. Gaines to Clinch, February 22, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 363- 64; W. A. Croffut (ed.), Fifty Years in Camp and Field, Diary of Ethan Allan Hitchcock, U.S.A. (New York, 1909), 189-91. 25. Gaines was informed by the quartermaster on January 19, 1836, that the 120,000 rations had been ordered. See House Document 78, pp. 620-40. 121 A Frustrating War their posts and their bones lay parallel to one another. Evidently the Indians had not disturbed the fallen except to lift a few scalps. For two hundred yards along the road from the defensive position the road was littered with human remains, more lay behind trees near the roadside, and then in the middle of the roadway, among a clus- ter of the dead, was the skeleton of Major Dade.24 A day was spent in burying the massacred. Then, as he had done days before, General Gaines debated turning back to Fort Brooke. He had already advanced farther than originally planned, but his desire to protect civilian settlements to the north and his need for provisions made him push forward. The 120,000 rations sent from New York were supposed to have arrived at Fort King, and Gaines thought they would be ready for his use.25 On the afternoon of February 22 he arrived at Fort King, to find only 20,000 of the rations. However, he was not discouraged; he immediately dispatched a letter to General Clinch at Fort Drane. Other than soldiers suffering the discomforts of chills and colds, Gaines reported, his men were in good physical condition. He was optimistic-information from Clinch as to the location of the Indi- ans and a concerted movement, in which Gaines offered cordial co- operation to Clinch, might bring a speedy and honorable termination of hostilities. Gaines outlined his plans of operation: he would march from Fort King to the lower Withlacoochee River, there he would follow any trace of the Indians, and he would finally return to Fort Brooke. After supplying his army there, he would scour the country as far south as Charlotte Harbor. If Clinch would mop up the areas north and east of Fort King, then follow an interior route south to Peace Creek and turn west to Charlotte Harbor, Gaines as- sured him of a supply of ammunition and subsistence at the latter place and additional supplies at Fort Brooke. Clinch could remain there or return to the Fort Drane-Fort King region. Gaines admitted that his plans were neither perfect nor final. The margin of error was always great, he stated, when dealing with ene- 24. Gaines to Clinch, February 22, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 363- 64; W. A. Croffut (ed.), Fifty Years in Camp and Field, Diary of Ethan Allan Hitchcock, U.S.A. (New York, 1909), 189-91. 25. Gaines was informed by the quartermaster on January 19, 1836, that the 120,000 rations had been ordered. See House Document 78, pp. 620-40. 121  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM mies "who take no prisoners; who have no fortifications, no inter- course with any other part of the human family; no newspapers, or any post office or intelligence department.... " Under these circum- stances Clinch should always act according to his best judgment based on the best and latest information. "I shall proceed," Gaines concluded, "upon the principle that, to find the enemy, we must search for him; and when we find him, we must take or destroy him or he will assuredly destroy us." Since during his northward expedi- tion he had sighted no Indians, he decided to cover as much terri- tory as possible, and on the return trip would march through the heart of the Indian country. He sent a small part of his force to Clinch at Fort Drane, requisitioned 12,000 of the 20,000 rations at Fort King, and headed his troops toward Tampa Bay. The Indian and Negro guides promised to lead him to a fordable place on the Withlacoochee River.2O As had been the case with General Clinch on December 31, 1835, the guides, either through ignorance or by design, directed Gaines to a spot where the river was deep and swift. When he tried to cross the water barrier on February 27, Indians on the south bank stopped Gaines's troops with a withering musket fire. At sunrise the following morning Gaines moved approximately two and one-half miles down- stream, but the promised ford was not found. The Seminoles, who had paralleled the Americans, again prevented them from crossing. Gaines withdrew his force half a mile from the river to a defensible pine-covered hammock and there threw up a log breastwork. He dis- patched a rider to Clinch: "I have reason to believe that I have now near me the principal force of the Seminole Indians, with their black vassals and allies." He requested 6,000 rations of pork, flour, and sugar, a considerable number of tools, and guns and ammuni- tion. If Clinch could rapidly move in force to the Withlacoochee, cross it about ten miles above Gaines's position, and hit the Indians from the rear, the war might be won within ten days. Gaines re- ported the death of two Louisiana volunteers in the fighting, and the wounding of ten volunteers and regulars.27 Among the latter was Lieutenant James F. Izard, who succumbed, and in memory of the 26. Gaines to Clinch, February 22, 1836. 27. Idem to idem, February 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 375-76. 122 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM mies "who take no prisoners; who have no fortifications, no inter- course with any other part of the human family; no newspapers, or any post office or intelligence department.... " Under these circum- stances Clinch should always act according to his best judgment based on the best and latest information. "I shall proceed," Gaines concluded, "upon the principle that, to find the enemy, we must search for him; and when we find him, we must take or destroy him or he will assuredly destroy us." Since during his northward expedi- tion he had sighted no Indians, he decided to cover as much terri- tory as possible, and on the return trip would march through the heart of the Indian country. He sent a small part of his force to Clinch at Fort Drane, requisitioned 12,000 of the 20,000 rations at Fort King, and headed his troops toward Tampa Bay. The Indian and Negro guides promised to lead him to a fordable place on the Withlacoochee River.as As had been the case with General Clinch on December 31, 1835, the guides, either through ignorance or by design, directed Gaines to a spot where the river was deep and swift. When he tried to cross the water barrier on February 27, Indians on the south bank stopped Gaines's troops with a withering musket fire. At sunrise the following morning Gaines moved approximately two and one-half miles down- stream, but the promised ford was not found. The Seminoles, who had paralleled the Americans, again prevented them from crossing. Gaines withdrew his force half a mile from the river to a defensible pine-covered hammock and there threw up a log breastwork. He dis- patched a rider to Clinch: "I have reason to believe that I have now near me the principal force of the Seminole Indians, with their black vassals and allies." He requested 6,000 rations of pork, flour, and sugar, a considerable number of tools, and guns and ammuni- tion. If Clinch could rapidly move in force to the Withlacoochee, cross it about ten miles above Gaines's position, and hit the Indians from the rear, the war might be won within ten days. Gaines re- ported the death of two Louisiana volunteers in the fighting, and the wounding of ten volunteers and regulars.27 Among the latter was Lieutenant James F. Izard, who succumbed, and in memory of the 26. Gaines to Clinch, February 22, 1836. 27. Idem to idem, February 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 375-76. 122 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM mies "who take no prisoners; who have no fortifications, no inter- course with any other part of the human family; no newspapers, or any post office or intelligence department.... " Under these circum- stances Clinch should always act according to his best judgment based on the best and latest information. "I shall proceed," Gaines concluded, "upon the principle that, to find the enemy, we must search for him; and when we find him, we must take or destroy him or he will assuredly destroy us." Since during his northward expedi- tion he had sighted no Indians, he decided to cover as much terri- tory as possible, and on the return trip would march through the heart of the Indian country. He sent a small part of his force to Clinch at Fort Drane, requisitioned 12,000 of the 20,000 rations at Fort King, and headed his troops toward Tampa Bay. The Indian and Negro guides promised to lead him to a fordable place on the Withlacoochee River.as As had been the case with General Clinch on December 31, 1835, the guides, either through ignorance or by design, directed Gaines to a spot where the river was deep and swift. When he tried to cross the water barrier on February 27, Indians on the south bank stopped Gaines's troops with a withering musket fire. At sunrise the following morning Gaines moved approximately two and one-half miles down- stream, but the promised ford was not found. The Seminoles, who had paralleled the Americans, again prevented them from crossing. Gaines withdrew his force half a mile from the river to a defensible pine-covered hammock and there threw up a log breastwork. He dis- patched a rider to Clinch: "I have reason to believe that I have now near me the principal force of the Seminole Indians, with their black vassals and allies." He requested 6,000 rations of pork, flour, and sugar, a considerable number of tools, and guns and ammuni- tion. If Clinch could rapidly move in force to the Withlacoochee, cross it about ten miles above Gaines's position, and hit the Indians from the rear, the war might be won within ten days. Gaines re- ported the death of two Louisiana volunteers in the fighting, and the wounding of ten volunteers and regulars.27 Among the latter was Lieutenant James F. Izard, who succumbed, and in memory of the 26. Gaines to Clinch, February 22, 1836. 27. Idem to idem, February 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 375-76. 122  A Frustrating War lieutenant, General Gaines named the hastily built breastwork "Camp Izard." The numbers and mobility of the Seminoles caused Gaines to change his plans. Believing himself confronted by 1,000 to 1,500 Indians, he urged Clinch on February 29 to march directly to Camp Izard with every available soldier and the maximum in rations and materiel.aa But General Gaines remained hopeful of victory. "I have abstained, and shall abstain, from a sortie until I hear from you, in the expectation that this course will keep them together, whilst a sortie might disperse them."n If the Indians remained concentrated, it might be possible for Gaines and Clinch to surround and conquer them. From February 29 through March 5 the Indians continued their sporadic but daily attacks. In reality Gaines's command was besieged in its encampment, and food was becoming more and more of a prob- lem. The General found a portion of horse liver tender and well- flavored. From the community storehouse one pint of corn per day per man was issued; a soldier stole a dog and sold a quarter of its meat for $5.00; another man paid $6.00 for a piece of horse's en- trails; and a hungry soldier gave $5.00 for one biscuit.an General Scott learned of Gaines's plight on March 1 and wrote Clinch a strange letter. The responsibility for Gaines's movements rested solely with that officer, Scott stated, for he was an interloper, and even if Clinch had sufficient stores and transportation, he was to send no supplies to Gaines unless necessary to prevent the starva- tion of the soldiers. Let Gaines extricate himself from an embarrass- ment of his own making, Scott declared.31 General Clinch, however, had not awaited orders from the new commander of the army in Florida. With 450 infantry and 150 cav- alry he moved quickly from Fort Drane to aid his fellow officer. On the afternoon of March 6 he approached Camp Izard and his ad- vance guard fired at and dispersed hundreds of painted warriors as- sembled to the rear of the encampment. During the preceding night, the beleaguered American troops had 28. Idem to idem, February 29, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 377. 29. Ibid. 30. Silver, Gaines, 175-76. 31. Scott to Clinch, March 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 373-75. 123 A Frustrating War lieutenant, General Gaines named the hastily built breastwork "Camp Izard." The numbers and mobility of the Seminoles caused Gaines to change his plans. Believing himself confronted by 1,000 to 1,500 Indians, he urged Clinch on February 29 to march directly to Camp Izard with every available soldier and the maximum in rations and matdriel.as But General Gaines remained hopeful of victory. "I have abstained, and shall abstain, from a sortie until I hear from you, in the expectation that this course will keep them together, whilst a sortie might disperse them." If the Indians remained concentrated, it might be possible for Gaines and Clinch to surround and conquer them. From February 29 through March 5 the Indians continued their sporadic but daily attacks. In reality Gaines's command was besieged in its encampment, and food was becoming more and more of a prob- lem. The General found a portion of horse liver tender and well- flavored. From the community storehouse one pint of corn per day per man was issued; a soldier stole a dog and sold a quarter of its meat for $5.00; another man paid $6.00 for a piece of horse's en- trails; and a hungry soldier gave $5.00 for one biscuit.ao General Scott learned of Gaines's plight on March 1 and wrote Clinch a strange letter. The responsibility for Gaines's movements rested solely with that officer, Scott stated, for he was an interloper, and even if Clinch had sufficient stores and transportation, he was to send no supplies to Gaines unless necessary to prevent the starva- tion of the soldiers. Let Gaines extricate himself from an embarrass- ment of his own making, Scott declared.31 General Clinch, however, had not awaited orders from the new commander of the army in Florida. With 450 infantry and 150 cav- alry he moved quickly from Fort Drane to aid his fellow officer. On the afternoon of March 6 he approached Camp hzard and his ad- vance guard fired at and dispersed hundreds of painted warriors as- sembled to the rear of the encampment. During the preceding night, the beleaguered American troops had 28. Idem to idem, February 29, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 377. 29. Ibid. 30. Silver, Gaines, 175-76. 31. Scott to Clinch, March 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 373-75. 123 A Frustrating War lieutenant, General Gaines named the hastily built breastwork "Camp Izard." The numbers and mobility of the Seminoles caused Gaines to change his plans. Believing himself confronted by 1,000 to 1,500 Indians, he urged Clinch on February 29 to march directly to Camp Izard with every available soldier and the maximum in rations and materiel.as But General Gaines remained hopeful of victory. "I have abstained, and shall abstain, from a sortie until I hear from you, in the expectation that this course will keep them together, whilst a sortie might disperse them."29 If the Indians remained concentrated, it might be possible for Gaines and Clinch to surround and conquer them. From February 29 through March 5 the Indians continued their sporadic but daily attacks. In reality Gaines's command was besieged in its encampment, and food was becoming more and more of a prob- lem. The General found a portion of horse liver tender and well- flavored. From the community storehouse one pint of corn per day per man was issued; a soldier stole a dog and sold a quarter of its meat for $5.00; another man paid $6.00 for a piece of horse's en- trails; and a hungry soldier gave $5.00 for one biscuit.a General Scott learned of Gaines's plight on March 1 and wrote Clinch a strange letter. The responsibility for Gaines's movements rested solely with that officer, Scott stated, for he was an interloper, and even if Clinch had sufficient stores and transportation, he was to send no supplies to Gaines unless necessary to prevent the starva- tion of the soldiers. Let Gaines extricate himself from an embarrass- ment of his own making, Scott declared.a1 General Clinch, however, had not awaited orders from the new commander of the army in Florida. With 450 infantry and 150 cav- alry he moved quickly from Fort Drane to aid his fellow officer. On the afternoon of March 6 he approached Camp Izard and his ad- vance guard fired at and dispersed hundreds of painted warriors as- sembled to the rear of the encampment. During the preceding night, the beleaguered American troops had 28. Idem to idem, February 29, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 377. 29. Ibid. 30. Silver, Gaines, 175-76. 31. Scott to Clinch, March 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 373-75. 123  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM been surprised to hear a voice from the south side of the Withla- coochee calling for a peace conference. General Gaines responded and arranged for a talk in the morning. Apparently there had been division in the Seminole council, and the influential Negro named Caesar, who favored peace, barely escaped injury or death before be persuaded the Indians to negotiate.32 On the morning of the sixth, Osceola, Alligator, and Jumper (the latter speaking for the Indians) told a subaltern that the Seminoles wanted peace and an end to the needless killing. It was agreed that the Indians would return in the afternoon, and at four o'clock some 300 warriors appeared in forma- tion about 400 yards to the rear of the improvised fortification. This time Osceola was the spokesman. He said that the Indians still de- sired peace, but General Gaines declared that he had no authority to treat with him. If, however, the Indians would retire to the south side of the river and remain peaceful, Gaines promised that an au- thorized agent of the United States, who would arrive in a short time, would conduct talks with them. At this moment the advance guard of General Clinch's troops ar- rived and fired at the assembled Indians. The latter fled precipitately to the wooded cover of nearby hammocks. In all probability the Indi- ans were not sincere in their request for peace. Responsible officers in Gaines's command believed they were, however, and later stated that the Seminoles molested neither troops nor settlers in the area for three weeks after their meeting with Gaines.a The timely arrival of Clinch with his 600 men did save Gaines from a precarious situation. His force was on the defensive, sur- rounded by Indians and reduced to eating what the average Ameri- can considered inedible. Had the Seminoles been using delaying tac- tics with the intention to attack at a later day, and had Clinch not arrived, the consequence might have been a massacre more terrible than that inflicted on Dade's command. For three days the Indians made no hostile move, and on 'March 9 Gaines, though remaining with the troops, turned over his command to Clinch. In doing so, Gaines claimed that he had defeated the In- dians. He was, therefore, placing Clinch in charge until the arrival 32. Joshua R. Giddings, The Florida Exiles and the War for Slavery (New York, 1863), 123. 33. Silver, Gaines, 180-81; Sprague, Florida War, 109-12. 124 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM been surprised to hear a voice from the south side of the Withla- coochee calling for a peace conference. General Gaines responded and arranged for a talk in the morning. Apparently there had been division in the Seminole council, and the influential Negro named Caesar, who favored peace, barely escaped injury or death before be persuaded the Indians to negotiate.32 On the morning of the sixth, Osceola, Alligator, and Jumper (the latter speaking for the Indians) told a subaltern that the Seminoles wanted peace and an end to the needless killing. It was agreed that the Indians would return in the afternoon, and at four o'clock some 300 warriors appeared in forma- tion about 400 yards to the rear of the improvised fortification. This time Osceola was the spokesman. He said that the Indians still de- sired peace, but General Gaines declared that he had no authority to treat with him. If, however, the Indians would retire to the south side of the river and remain peaceful, Gaines promised that an au- thorized agent of the United States, who would arrive in a short time, would conduct talks with them. At this moment the advance guard of General Clinch's troops ar- rived and fired at the assembled Indians. The latter fled precipitately to the wooded cover of nearby hammocks. In all probability the Indi- ans were not sincere in their request for peace. Responsible officers in Gaines's command believed they were, however, and later stated that the Seminoles molested neither troops nor settlers in the area for three weeks after their meeting with Gaines.as The timely arrival of Clinch with his 600 men did save Gaines from a precarious situation. His force was on the defensive, sur- rounded by Indians and reduced to eating what the average Ameri- can considered inedible. Had the Seminoles been using delaying tac- tics with the intention to attack at a later day, and had Clinch not arrived, the consequence might have been a massacre more terrible than that inflicted on Dade's command. For three days the Indians made no hostile move, and on March 9 Gaines, though remaining with the trops, turned over his command to Clinch. In doing so, Gaines claimed that he had defeated the In- dians. He was, therefore, placing Clinch in charge until the arrival 32. Joshua R. Giddings, The Florida Exiles and the War for Slavery (New York, 1863), 123. 33. Silver, Gaines, 180-81; Sprague, Florida War, 109-12. 124 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM been surprised to hear a voice from the south side of the WXithla- coochee calling for a peace conference. General Gaines responded and arranged for a talk in the morning. Apparently there had been division in the Seminole council, and the influential Negro named Caesar, who favored peace, barely escaped injury or death before he persuaded the Indians to negotiate.32 On the morning of the sixth, Osceola, Alligator, and Jumper (the latter speaking for the Indians) told a subaltern that the Seminoles wanted peace and an end to the needless killing. It was agreed that the Indians would return in the afternoon, and at four o'clock some 300 warriors appeared in forma- tion about 400 yards to the rear of the improvised fortification. This time Osceola was the spokesman. He said that the Indians still de- sired peace, but General Gaines declared that he had no authority to treat with him. If, however, the Indians would retire to the south side of the river and remain peaceful, Gaines promised that an au- thorized agent of the United States, who would arrive in a short time, would conduct talks with them. At this moment the advance guard of General Clinch's troops ar- rived and fired at the assembled Indians. The latter fled precipitately to the wooded cover of nearby hammocks. In all probability the Indi- ans were not sincere in their request for peace. Responsible officers in Gaines's command believed they were, however, and later stated that the Seminoles molested neither troops nor settlers in the area for three weeks after their meeting with Gaines.3 The timely arrival of Clinch with his 600 men did save Gaines from a precarious situation. His force was on the defensive, sur- rounded by Indians and reduced to eating what the average Ameri- can considered inedible. Had the Seminoles been using delasing tac- tics with the intention to attack at a later day, and had Clinch not arrived, the consequence might have been a massacre more terrible than that inflicted on Dade's command. For three days the Indians made no hostile move, and on March 9 Gaines, though remaining with the troops, turned over his command to Clinch. In doing so, Gaines claimed that he had defeated the In- dians. He was, therefore, placing Clinch in charge until the arrival 32. Joshua R. Giddings, The Florida Exiles and the War for Slavery (New York, 1863), 123. 33. Silver, Gaines, 180-81; Sprague, Florida War, 109-12. 124  A Frustrating War of forces under the command of an officer with authority to complete diplomatic arrangements with the Seminoles.O These statements in- terpreted the military activities of General Gaines in the best possible light. At best the number of his men had convinced the Indians that they had better negotiate; at worst his troops had been saved by Clinch from starvation or massacre. On March 10 the combined armies of Clinch and Gaines marched toward Fort Drane. The Indians did not attack the retreating force; they sent word of their pacific intention and their desire to reach an agreement with the white man. General Gaines later emphasized this peacefulness and sincerity of the Seminoles. It was not, he stated, until General Scott threatened to exterminate them and began his grand march against them that the Indians again resorted to war.as In an official order General Gaines praised the Louisiana troops who "in the short space of thirty-six days, have marched by land and water nearly eight hundred miles, one hundred and forty of which was through the country occupied by the enemy, whose principal force they have met, beaten, and forced to sue for peace."as While praising the sound judgment and cordial cooperation of General Clinch, Gaines could not resist throwing a dart at Scott. The Louisi- ana troops were placed under command of Clinch until "the arrival of the forces under the officer charged with the diplomatic arrange- ments of the War Department. Whenever and as soon as that officer shall mature his plan of operations, and accomplish the duties as- signed to him, the forces from Louisiana will return to New Or- leans."37 Throughout the campaign five Americans had been killed and forty-six wounded. During the fiasco of Gaines, General Scott seethed with anger. But for the unauthorized expedition of General Gaines, Scott de- clared on February 28, General Clinch would have had sufficient rations for the troops to begin offensive operations early in March. By using the four to six sugar-lighters (boats which belonged to Clinch, built especially for navigating the Oklawaha River), Scott 34. Silver, Gaines, 181. 35. Some time during the summer or fall of 1836 Gaines added this caus- tic comment to his copy of Order No. 7. Silver, Gaines, 181, and footnote 42. 36. Order No. 7, March 9, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 394-96. 37. Ibid. 125 A Frustrating War of forces under the command of an officer with authority to complete diplomatic arrangements with the Seminolesra These statements in- terpreted the military activities of General Gaines in the best possible light. At best the number of his men had convinced the Indians that they had better negotiate; at worst his troops had been saved by Clinch from starvation or massacre. On March 10 the combined armies of Clinch and Gaines marched toward Fort Drane. The Indians did not attack the retreating force; they sent word of their pacific intention and their desire to reach an agreement with the white man. General Gaines later emphasized this peacefulness and sincerity of the Seminoles. It was not, he stated, until General Scott threatened to exterminate them and began his grand march against them that the Indians again resorted to war.05 In an official order General Gaines praised the Louisiana troops who "in the short space of thirty-six days, have marched by land and water nearly eight hundred miles, one hundred and forty of which was through the country occupied by the enemy, whose principal force they have met, beaten, and forced to sue for peace."s While praising the sound judgment and cordial cooperation of General Clinch, Gaines could not resist throwing a dart at Scott. The Louisi- ana troops were placed under command of Clinch until "the arrival of the forces under the officer charged with the diplomatic arrange- ments of the War Department. Whenever and as soon as that officer shall mature his plan of operations, and accomplish the duties as- signed to him, the forces from Louisiana will return to New Or- leans."a7 Throughout the campaign five Americans had been killed and forty-six wounded. During the fiasco of Gaines, General Scott seethed with anger. But for the unauthorized expedition of General Gaines, Scott de- clared on February 28, General Clinch would have had sufficient rations for the troops to begin offensive operations early in March. By using the four to six sugar-lighters (boats which belonged to Clinch, built especially for navigating the Oklawaha River), Scott 34. Silver, Gaines, 181. 35. Some time during the summer or fall of 1836 Gaines added this caus- tic comment to his copy of Order No. 7. Silver, Gaines, 181, and footnote 42. 36. Order No. 7, March 9, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 394-96. 37. Ibid. 125 A Frustrating War of forces under the command of an officer with authority to complete diplomatic arrangements with the Seminoles.a These statements in- terpreted the military activities of General Gaines in the best possible light. At best the number of his men had convinced the Indians that they had better negotiate; at worst his troops had been saved by Clinch from starvation or massacre. On March 10 the combined armies of Clinch and Gaines marched toward Fort Drane. The Indians did not attack the retreating force; they sent word of their pacific intention and their desire to reach an agreement with the white man. General Gaines later emphasized this peacefulness and sincerity of the Seminoles. It was not, he stated, until General Scott threatened to exterminate them and began his grand march against them that the Indians again resorted to war.as In an official order General Gaines praised the Louisiana troops who "in the short space of thirty-six days, have marched by land and water nearly eight hundred miles, one hundred and forty of which was through the country occupied by the enemy, whose principal force they have met, beaten, and forced to sue for peace."a6 While praising the sound judgment and cordial cooperation of General Clinch, Gaines could not resist throwing a dart at Scott. The Louisi- ana troops were placed under command of Clinch until "the arrival of the forces under the officer charged with the diplomatic arrange- ments of the War Department. Whenever and as soon as that officer shall mature his plan of operations, and accomplish the duties as- signed to him, the forces from Louisiana will return to New Or- leans."37 Throughout the campaign five Americans had been killed and forty-six wounded. During the fiasco of Gaines, General Scott seethed with anger. But for the unauthorized expedition of General Gaines, Scott de- clared on February 28, General Clinch would have had sufficient rations for the troops to begin offensive operations early in March. By using the four to six sugar-lighters (boats which belonged to Clinch, built especially for navigating the Oklawaha River), Scott 34. Silver, Gaines, 181. 35. Some time during the summer or fall of 1836 Gaines added this caus- tic comment to his copy of Order No. 7. Silver, Gaines, 181, and footnote 42. 36. Order No. 7, March 9, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 394-96. 37. Ibid. 125  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM was certain that he could maintain a constant supply of 20,000 ra- tions at Fort King and Fort Drane. Gaines not only appeared with 1,140 men but also brought no supplies; he requisitioned nearly all of the available rations, called for all the baggage trains, and took General Clinch out of his position. Although Scott had issued orders to overcome the evils caused by Gaines, it would be most difficult to restore the reserve of rations at Fort King to supply Fort Drane. Sup- plies had to be moved over sixty-five miles of poor roads from Pico- lata on the St. Johns River to Fort Drane, and the heavy rains that had been falling continuously for forty-six hours made such move- ment very difficult. In Scott's opinion, however, it was the stupid action of Gaines, and not poor roads or heavy rains, which would de- lay an offensive against the Seminoles.38 Clinch, accompanied by Gaines, returned to Fort Drane on the night of March 11 with his men. The troops formerly commanded by Gaines encamped about four miles from the fort, and Clinch re- ported that they, after resting, would be an efficient force against the Seminoles who remained in number along the Withlacoochee.39 "These poor creatures," a diarist described Gaines's troops; "such was their state of famine that they represented living skeletons." Most of them could scarcely stand upright, the observer recorded; they cried piteously for food and voraciously devoured the biscuits thrown to them.40 On March 13 Scott arrived at Fort Drane with a wagon train of supplies and camp equipment, and Clinch's soldiers marveled at the entourage. "He had three large wagons, loaded with superb furniture and all things comfortable for himself and staff. There were wines and other luxuries in profusion.... " He brought "a band of choice musicians, with appurtenances to match, marques of furniture, some- thing beyond what ever entered this wilderness before, giving our surroundings the appearance of sudden refinement." Although he decked everything with the grand panoply of war, it seemed becoming to Scott, "who certainly was one of nature's finest specimens of genus homo . . . the finest man I ever saw. He stood six feet four inches 38. Scott gave his views in "Notes for the Secretary of Woo and General- in-chief," February 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 369-70. 39. Clinch to Scott, March 12, 1836, House Document 78, p. 396. 40. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 109. 126 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM was certain that he could maintain a constant supply of 20,000 ra- tions at Fort King and Fort Drane. Gaines not only appeared with 1,140 men but also brought no supplies; he requisitioned nearly all of the available rations, called for all the baggage trains, and took General Clinch out of his position. Although Scott had issued orders to overcome the evils caused by Gaines, it would be most difficult to restore the reserve of rations at Fort King to supply Fort Drane. Sup- plies had to be moved over sixty-five miles of poor roads from Pico- lata on the St. Johns River to Fort Drane, and the heavy rains that had been falling continuously for forty-six hours made such move- ment very difficult. In Scott's opinion, however, it was the stupid action of Gaines, and not poor roads or heavy rains, which would de- lay an offensive against the Seminoles.3s Clinch, accompanied by Gaines, returned to Fort Drane on the night of March 11 with his men. The troops formerly commanded by Gaines encamped about four miles from the fort, and Clinch re- ported that they, after resting, would be an efficient force against the Seminoles who remained in number along the Withlacoochee.39 "These poor creatures," a diarist described Gaines's troops; "such was their state of famine that they represented living skeletons." Most of them could scarcely stand upright, the observer recorded; they cried piteously for food and voraciously devoured the biscuits thrown to them.40 On March 13 Scott arrived at Fort Drane with a wagon train of supplies and camp equipment, and Clinch's soldiers marveled at the entourage. "He had three large wagons, loaded with superb furniture and all things comfortable for himself and staff. There were wines and other luxuries in profusion.... " He brought "a band of choice musicians, with appurtenances to match, marques of furniture, some- thing beyond what ever entered this wilderness before, giving our surroundings the appearance of sudden refinement." Although he decked everything with the grand panoply of war, it seemed becoming to Scott, "who certainly was one of nature's finest specimens of genus homo . . . the finest man I ever saw. He stood six feet four inches 38. Scott gave his views in "Notes for the Secretary of War and General- in-chief," February 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 369-70. 39. Clinch to Scott, March 12, 1836, House Document 78, p. 396. 40. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 109. 126 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM was certain that he could maintain a constant supply of 20,000 ra- tions at Fort King and Fort Drane. Gaines not only appeared with 1,140 men but also brought no supplies; he requisitioned nearly all of the available rations, called for all the baggage trains, and took General Clinch out of his position. Although Scott had issued orders to overcome the evils caused by Gaines, it would be most difficult to restore the reserve of rations at Fort King to supply Fort Drane. Sup- plies had to be moved over sixty-five miles of poor roads from Pico- lata on the St. Johns River to Fort Drane, and the heavy rains that had been falling continuously for forty-six hours made such move- ment very difficult. In Scott's opinion, however, it was the stupid action of Gaines, and not poor roads or heavy rains, which would de- lay an offensive against the Seminoles.3s Clinch, accompanied by Gaines, returned to Fort Drane on the night of March 11 with his men. The troops formerly commanded by Gaines encamped about four miles from the fort, and Clinch re- ported that they, after resting, would be an efficient force against the Seminoles who remained in number along the Withlacoochee.a9 "These poor creatures," a diarist described Gaines's troops; "such was their state of famine that they represented living skeletons." Most of them could scarcely stand upright, the observer recorded; they cried piteously for food and voraciously devoured the biscuits thrown to them.40 On March 13 Scott arrived at Fort Drane with a wagon train of supplies and camp equipment, and Clinch's soldiers marveled at the entourage. "He had three large wagons, loaded with superb furniture and all things comfortable for himself and staff. There were wines and other luxuries in profusion.... " He brought "a band of choice musicians, with appurtenances to match, marques of furniture, some- thing beyond what ever entered this wilderness before, giving our surroundings the appearance of sudden refinement." Although he decked everything with the grand panoply of war, it seemed becoming to Scott, "who certainly was one of nature's finest specimens of genus homo . .. the finest man I ever saw. He stood six feet four inches 38. Scott gave his views in "Notes for the Secretary of War and General- in-chief," February 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 369-70. 39. Clinch to Scott, March 12, 1836, House Document 78, p. 396. 40. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 109. 126  A Frustrating War high. There was a slight stoop to one shoulder owing to a shot re- ceived at the Battle of Lundy's Lane where he was the hero of the day...." The arrival of Scott reminded an English volunteer in the American army rather more of an Indian nabob on tour than of a general of a republic arriving in the wilderness to fight a savage foe.41 When Scott met Gaines a cold salutation passed between them. "There was no companionship and evidently there existed distaste, a repelling power proving that when interests clash two of a trade sel- dom agree."2 During the one day they were both at Fort Drone the two men showed "as much courtesy to each other ... as two men can, who take no notice of each other... . No civilities passed be- tween them. They sat opposite to each other at the table without salutations on either side."4a This tense situation was relieved by the departure of General Gaines the next day, and Scott was free to give vent to his feelings. In a long letter to ]the War Department he reviewed the Gaines ex- pedition and enclosed a copy of that general's order of March 9 in which he yielded his command to General Clinch. "This extraordi- nary paper I have but little time to comment upon," Scott wrote. "The poor sneer against me, as the Diplomatic agent of the War De- partment, is in character with all his recent acts. ...." At the mo- ment he was saved from defeat by the arrival of Clinch, Scott con- tinued, Gaines was on the point of giving Osceola all the land below the Withlacoochee. "But for Brigadier General Clinch, I have no doubt some treaty . .. would have been formed between the parties. ... Not a sortie was made from the entrenched camp [of General Gaines], from the time of its formation up to the retreat, and on the approach of the succor, a large detachment of the enemy had taken a position to intercept the retreat. .. . How, under such circum- stances, it can be alleged that the enemy has been beaten, it would be difficult to reconcile with facts." Scott attributed Gaines's turning over his command to Clinch as an act of a higher ranking officer to 41. The description of Scott and his arrival at Fort Drane are based on Bemrose, Reminiscences, 111-12. 42. Ibid., 112. 43. Croffut, Fifty Years in Camp and Field, 95-96, quoted in Silver, Gaines, 182. 127 A Frustrating War high. There was a slight stoop to one shoulder owing to a shot re- ceived at the Battle of Lundy's Lane where he was the hero of the day...." The arrival of Scott reminded an English volunteer in the American army rather more of an Indian nabob on tour than of a general of a republic arriving in the wilderness to fight a savage foe.4t When Scott met Gaines a cold salutation passed between them. "There was no companionship and evidently there existed distaste, a repelling power proving that when interests clash two of a trade sel- dom agree."42 During the one day they were both at Fort Drane the two men showed "as much courtesy to each other ... as two men can, who take no notice of each other... . No civilities passed be- tween them. They sat opposite to each other at the table without salutations on either side."4a This tense situation was relieved by the departure of General Gaines the next day, and Scott was free to give vent to his feelings. In a long letter to the War Department he reviewed the Gaines ex- pedition and enclosed a copy of that general's order of March 9 in which he yielded his command to General Clinch. "This extraordi- nary paper I have but little time to comment upon," Scott wrote. "The poor sneer against me, as the Diplomatic agent of the War De- partment, is in character with all his recent acts. ...." At the mo- ment he was saved from defeat by the arrival of Clinch, Scott con- tinued, Gaines was on the point of giving Osceola all the land below the Withlacoochee. "But for Brigadier General Clinch, I have no doubt some treaty ... would have been formed between the parties. ... Not a sortie was made from the entrenched camp [of General Gaines], from the time of its formation up to the retreat, and on the approach of the succor, a large detachment of the enemy had taken a position to intercept the retreat.... How, under such circum- stances, it can be alleged that the enemy has been beaten, it would be difficult to reconcile with facts." Scott attributed Gaines's turning over his command to Clinch as an act of a higher ranking officer to 41. The description of Scott and his arrival at Fort Drane are based on Bemrose, Reminiscences, 111-12. 42. Ibid., 112. 43. Croifut, Fifty Years in Camp and Field, 95-96, quoted in Silver, Gaines, 182. 127 A Frustrating War high. There was a slight stoop to one shoulder owing to a shot re- ceived at the Battle of Lundy's Lane where he was the hero of the day...." The arrival of Scott reminded an English volunteer in the American army rather more of an Indian nabob on tour than of a general of a republic arriving in the wilderness to fight a savage foe.41 When Scott met Gaines a cold salutation passed between them. "There was no companionship and evidently there existed distaste, a repelling power proving that when interests clash two of a trade sel- dom agree."42 During the one day they were both at Fort Drane the two men showed "as much courtesy to each other ... as two men can, who take no notice of each other. ... No civilities passed be- tween them. They sat opposite to each other at the table without salutations on either side."43 This tense situation was relieved by the departure of General Gaines the next day, and Scott was free to give vent to his feelings. In a long letter to ]the War Department he reviewed the Gaines ex- pedition and enclosed a copy of that general's order of March 9 in which he yielded his command to General Clinch. "This extraordi- nary paper I have but little time to comment upon," Scott wrote. "The poor sneer against me, as the Diplomatic agent of the War De- partment, is in character with all his recent acts....." At the mo- ment he was saved from defeat by the arrival of Clinch, Scott con- tinued, Gaines was on the point of giving Osceola all the land below the Withlacoochee. "But for Brigadier General Clinch, I have no doubt some treaty ... would have been formed between the parties. . . . Not a sortie was made from the entrenched camp [of General Gaines], from the time of its formation up to the retreat, and on the approach of the succor, a large detachment of the enemy had taken a position to intercept the retreat.... How, under such circum- stances, it can be alleged that the enemy has been beaten, it would be difficult to reconcile with facts." Scott attributed Gaines's turning over his command to Clinch as an act of a higher ranking officer to 41. The description of Scott and his arrival at Fort Drane are based on Bemrose, Reminiscences, 111-12. 42. Ibid., 112. 43. Croffut, Fifty Years in Camp and Field, 95-96, quoted in Silver, Gaines, 182. 127  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM save his pride by forcing the officer lower in rank to give the order for a retreat.44 In spite of his dislike for Gaines, which was not generally known by the soldiers in the ranks, and of his ostentation, General Scott possessed admirable characteristics. Almost every day he visited the sick at Fort Drane and took them gifts of limes and oranges.00 Most of the soldiers pictured him as a kind, patriotic, brave officer who had the interests of the nation at heart. Perhaps they gained a vicari- ous enjoyment from his luxurious surroundings on the frontier. Scott's love of good food and comfortable housing did not interfere with energetic planning. By March 16 his plan of campaign was de- termined. He rejected a proposed council with the Indians, assum- ing that they remained hostile to migration, and concentrated on re- ducing the enemy to unconditional submission. The right wing of the army under the command of General Clinch and accompanied by Scott was to march within ten days south from Fort Drane to the former battlefield on the Withlacoochee River, and in that area drive the Indians from the swamp. Meanwhile the left wing commanded by General Eustis was to move southwestward from Volusia toward Pilaklakaha. Chief Micanopy with many of his Seminoles and Ne- groes was supposedly encamped at Pilaklakaha, located approximately forty miles south of Fort King.4 Clinch was to flush the main force of Indians from their hiding place along the Withlacoochee, the left wing of the army would be ready to hit the fleeing Seminoles, and Colonel Lindsay's troops at Fort Brooke would move north to com- plete the encirclement of the Indians, or at least to prevent them from escaping south into the Everglades. At Fort Drane Clinch made careful preparation for his part in the campaign. To avoid depending on fords or leaky canoes, he had 44. Scott to Adjutant General, March 14, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 393-94. There is no valid evidence that Gaines contemplated a treaty which would have given the Seminoles the territory south of the Withlacoochee River. General Gaines left Fort Drane on Mach 14 and arrived in Tallahas- see six days later. He continued on to New Orleans and then to the Texas border. Scott later accused Gaines of holding up supplies at New Orleans destined for Florida. The evidence, however, supports the claim of Gaines that he expedited shipments. Silver, Gaines, 182. 45. Berose, Reminiscences, 112. 46. Scott's plans were reported in James Gadsden to Eustis, March 16, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 406-408. 128 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM save his pride by forcing the officer lower in rank to give the order for a retreat.44 In spite of his dislike for Gaines, which was not generally known by the soldiers in the ranks, and of his ostentation, General Scott possessed admirable characteristics. Almost every day he visited the sick at Fort Deane and took them gifts of limes and oranges.45 Moost of the soldiers pictured him as a kind, patriotic, brave officer who had the interests of the nation at heart. Perhaps they gained a vicari- ous enjoyment from his luxurious surroundings on the frontier. Scott's love of good food and comfortable housing did not interfere with energetic planning. By March 16 his plan of campaign was de- termined. He rejected a proposed council with the Indians, assum- ing that they remained hostile to migration, and concentrated on re- ducing the enemy to unconditional submission. The right wing of the army under the command of General Clinch and accompanied by Scott was to march within ten days south from Fort Drane to the former battlefield on the Withlacoochee River, and in that area drive the Indians from the swamp. Meanwhile the left wing commanded by General Eustis was to move southwestward from Volusia toward Pilaklakaha. Chief Micanopy with many of his Seminoles and Ne- groes was supposedly encamped at Pilaklakaha, located approximately forty miles south of Fort King.46 Clinch was to flush the main force of Indians from their hiding place along the Withlacoochee, the left wing of the army would be ready to hit the fleeing Seminoles, and Colonel Lindsay's troops at Fort Brooke would move north to com- plete the encirclement of the Indians, or at least to prevent them from escaping south into the Everglades. At Fort Drane Clinch made careful preparation for his part in the campaign. To avoid depending on fords or leaky canoes, he had 44. Scott to Adjutant General, March 14, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 393-94. There is no valid evidence that Gaines contemplated a treaty which would have given the Seminoles the territory south of the Withlacochee River. General Gaines left Fort Drane on March 14 and arrived in Tallahas- see six days later. He continued on to New Orleans and then to the Texas border. Scott later accused Gaines of holding up supplies at New Orleans destined for Florida. The evidence, however, supports the claim of Gaines that he expedited shipments. Silver, Gaines, 182. 45. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 112. 46. Scott's plans were reported in James Gadsden to Eustis, March 16, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 406-408. 128 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM save his pride by forcing the officer lower in rank to give the order for a retreat.44 In spite of his dislike for Gaines, which was not generally known by the soldiers in the ranks, and of his ostentation, General Scott possessed admirable characteristics. Almost every day he visited the sick at Fort Drane and took them gifts of limes and oranges.45 Most of the soldiers pictured him as a kind, patriotic, brave officer who had the interests of the nation at heart. Perhaps they gained a vicari- ous enjoyment from his luxurious surroundings on the frontier. Scott's love of good food and comfortable housing did not interfere with energetic planning. By March 16 his plan of campaign was de- termined. He rejected a proposed council with the Indians, assum- ing that they remained hostile to migration, and concentrated on re- ducing the enemy to unconditional submission. The right wing of the army under the command of General Clinch and accompanied by Scott was to march within ten days south from Fort Drane to the former battlefield on the Withlacoochee River, and in that area drive the Indians from the swamp. Meanwhile the left wing commanded by General Eustis was to move southwestward from Volusia toward Pilaklakaha. Chief Micanopy with many of his Seminoles and Ne- groes was supposedly encamped at Pilaklakaha, located approximately forty miles south of Fort King.4r Clinch was to flush the main force of Indians from their hiding place along the Withlacoochee, the left wing of the army would be ready to hit the fleeing Seminoles, and Colonel Lindsay's troops at Fort Brooke would move north to com- plete the encirclement of the Indians, or at least to prevent them from escaping south into the Everglades. At Fort Drane Clinch made careful preparation for his part in the campaign. To avoid depending on fords or leaky canoes, he had 44. Scott to Adjutant General, March 14, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 393-94. There is no valid evidence that Gaines contemplated a treaty which would have given the Seminoles the territory south of the Withlaeoochee River. General Gaines left Fort Drane on Mrch 14 and arrived in Tallahas- see six days later. He continued on to New Orleans and then to the Texas border. Scott later accused Gaines of holding up supplies at New Orleans destined for Florida. The evidence, however, supports the claim of Gaines that he expedited shipments. Silver, Gaines, 182. 45. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 112. 46. Scott's plans were reported in James Gadsden to Eustis, March 16, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 406-408. 128  A Frustrating War sturdy boats built and tied onto carriages at Drane. Pack horses and a wagon train hauled rations to feed 2,000 soldiers for fifteen days, and every man carried a three-day supply of provisions in his haver- sack. To limit the amount of equipment, a maximum of three tents was allowed for a company. Ample powder and shot were issued the soldiers, and two cannon (six-pounders) were mounted on carriages. In total, 1,968 men-regulars of the United States Army, Georgia and Louisiana volunteers, cavalry and infantry-were readied for the campaign. Early on the morning of March 26 the army headed south toward Camp Izard. Wagons mired deep in the muck on the new, narrow, and wet military road. Frequently the soldiers had to lay logs to form a corduroy pavement, and pushing and pulling was the order of every day. Despite the great exertion, the army made excellent headway. Camp Izard was sighted in less than two days, and at 4:00 A.M. on March 29 the army occupied the north bank of the Withlacoochee. Almost immediately the Indians on the south bank began firing at the troops. Covered by sharpshooters and the two cannon, men launched the boats. Two companies of artillery crossed the stream. Volunteer Foster Blodget of the Augusta Blues expedited the crossing by swim- ming the river and attaching a rope to a tree on the south bank. Using this guide line, a regiment of regulars and the Louisiana volun- teers were ferried across in a few hours. Meanwhile two companies of cavalry found a ford about a mile and a half down-river, and an- other company swam their horses across the river. As the final com- panies were moving over the water, Indians who had moved to the north bank of the river made a feeble attack; but the thunder of the two cannon and a volley from the rear guard drove the Seminoles into hiding. All was quiet during the night. The next morning a detachment advanced up the river searching for the enemy and discovered a small number of Indians on an island in a chain of lakes which paralleled the Withlacoochee. The Indians, however, fled before the soldiers could get within range. Pursuit continued for four miles, but the wily natives seemed to vanish. Activity on March 31 almost dupli- cated that of the previous day. A large number of Indians were sighted on an island. It was surrounded by a broad and deep swamp 129 A Frustrating War sturdy boats built and tied onto carriages at Drane. Pack horses and a wagon train hauled rations to feed 2,000 soldiers for fifteen days, and every man carried a three-day supply of provisions in his haver- sack. To limit the amount of equipment, a maximum of three tents was allowed for a company. Ample powder and shot were issued the soldiers, and two cannon (six-pounders) were mounted on carriages. In total, 1,968 men-regulars of the United States Army, Georgia and Louisiana volunteers, cavalry and infantry-were readied for the campaign. Early on the morning of March 26 the army headed south toward Camp Izard. Wagons mired deep in the muck on the new, narrow, and wet military road. Frequently the soldiers had to lay logs to form a corduroy pavement, and pushing and pulling was the order of every day. Despite the great exertion, the army made excellent headway. Camp Izard was sighted in less than two days, and at 4:00 A.M. on March 29 the army occupied the north bank of the Withlacoochee. Almost immediately the Indians on the south bank began fring at the troops. Covered by sharpshooters and the two cannon, men launched the boats. Two companies of artillery crossed the stream. Volunteer Foster Blodget of the Augusta Blues expedited the crossing by swim- ming the river and attaching a rope to a tree on the south bank. Using this guide line, a regiment of regulars and the Louisiana volun- teers were ferried across in a few hours. Meanwhile two companies of cavalry found a ford about a mile and a half down-river, and an- other company swam their horses across the river. As the final com- panies were moving over the water, Indians who had moved to the north bank of the river made a feeble attack; but the thunder of the two cannon and a volley from the rear guard drove the Seminoles into hiding. All was quiet during the night. The next morning a detachment advanced up the river searching for the enemy and discovered a small number of Indians on an island in a chain of lakes which paralleled the Withlacoochee. The Indians, however, fled before the soldiers could get within range. Pursuit continued for four miles, but the wily natives seemed to vanish. Activity on March 31 almost dupli- cated that of the previous day. A large number of Indians were sighted on an island. It was surrounded by a broad and deep swamp 129 A Frustrating War sturdy boats built and tied onto carriages at Drane. Pack horses and a wagon train hauled rations to feed 2,000 soldiers for fifteen days, and every man carried a three-day supply of provisions in his haver- sack. To limit the amount of equipment, a maximum of three tents was allowed for a company. Ample powder and shot were issued the soldiers, and two cannon (six-pounders) were mounted on carriages. In total, 1,968 men-regulars of the United States Army, Georgia and Louisiana volunteers, cavalry and infantry-were readied for the campaign. Early on the morning of March 26 the army headed south toward Camp Izard. Wagons mired deep in the muck on the new, narrow, and wet military road. Frequently the soldiers had to lay logs to form a corduroy pavement, and pushing and pulling was the order of every day. Despite the great exertion, the army made excellent headway. Camp Izard was sighted in less than two days, and at 4:00 A.M. on March 29 the army occupied the north bank of the Withlacoochee. Almost immediately the Indians on the south bank began firing at the troops. Covered by sharpshooters and the two cannon, men launched the boats. Two companies of artillery crossed the stream. Volunteer Foster Blodget of the Augusta Blues expedited the crossing by swim- ming the river and attaching a rope to a tree on the south bank. Using this guide line, a regiment of regulars and the Louisiana volun- teers were ferried across in a few hours. Meanwhile two companies of cavalry found a ford about a mile and a half down-river, and an- other company swam their horses across the river. As the final com- panies were moving over the water, Indians who had moved to the north bank of the river made a feeble attack; but the thunder of the two cannon and a volley from the rear guard drove the Seminoles into hiding. All was quiet during the night. The next morning a detachment advanced up the river searching for the enemy and discovered a small number of Indians on an island in a chain of lakes which paralleled the Withlacoochee. The Indians, however, fled before the soldiers could get within range. Pursuit continued for four miles, but the wily natives seemed to vanish. Activity on March 31 almost dupli- cated that of the previous day. A large number of Indians were sighted on an island. It was surrounded by a broad and deep swamp 129  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM so boggy that horses could not pass through it. The infantry succeed- ed in struggling through it and as they reached the firmer ground near the island, the Indians fired and then ran to the cover of cypress trees. Although again pursued for four miles, the Seminoles escaped by crossing to the north bank of the Withlacoochee. Swamps, dense hammocks, and a highly mobile foe at home among his protective surroundings frustrated every sally of the American troops. In the fighting Clinch lost four men and had nine wounded. After a further march of one day, the commander stationed a de- tachment at a defensible point, left it all the rations except a five- day supply for the remainder of the troops, and moved in force to- ward Fort Brooke. Soldiers cut a road during most of the march and 150 of them were on the sick list when the army reached Fort Brooke on April 547 The center and left wings of the army commanded respectively by Lindsay and Eustis had followed Scott's plan and reached Tampa Bay on April 4 and 5. Their experience had been similar to that of Clinch, with whom General Scott had traveled. In his report Scott declared that the ahnost simultaneous arrival of the three columns of the army at Fort Brooke had not been planned; each commander had been compelled to come in for provisions. Scott could not refrain from taking a dig at General Gaines. The boast that Gaines "had beaten the enemy, and compelled him to sue for peace was but a vain imagination; and ... although he told the chiefs, who held him en- closed in a log pen until relieved by Brigadier General Clinch, that the diplomatic agent of the War Department would soon arrive to settle (amicably) all differences, not a white flag has been seen by this army, and not an overture of submission or peace heard of. On the contrary, the small parties which have been met with almost everywhere, have fiercely resisted, until put in danger of the bayonet. The war, on our part, is, in fact, scarcely begun."s According to Scott, the retreat of the Indians, and not the tactics of Clinch, Eustis, or Lindsay, prevented the fighting of decisive bat- 47. The expedition was described by Clinch to Scott, April 8, 1836, Let- ters Received. 48. Scott to Adjutant General, April 12, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 417-23. Gaines later described Scott as "a favorite of the War Department {who] after uselessly marching large armies over the ashes of our murdered countrymen, and then going into summer quarters, [began] to insult and lec- 130 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM so boggy that horses could not pass through it. The infantry succeed- ed in struggling through it and as they reached the firmer ground near the island, the Indians fired and then ran to the cover of repress trees. Although again pursued for four miles, the Seminoles escaped by crossing to the north bank of the Withlacoochee. Swamps, dense hammocks, and a highly mobile foe at home among his protective surroundings frustrated every sally of the American troops. In the fighting Clinch lost four men and had nine wounded. After a further march of one day, the commander stationed a de- tachment at a defensible point, left it all the rations except a five- day supply for the remainder of the troops, and moved in force to- ward Fort Brooke. Soldiers cut a road during most of the march and 150 of them were on the sick list when the army reached Fort Brooke on April 5.47 The center and left wings of the army commanded respectively by Lindsay and Eustis had followed Scott's plan and reached Tampa Bay on April 4 and 5. Their experience had been similar to that of Clinch, with whom General Scott had traveled. In his report Scott declared that the almost simultaneous arrival of the three columns of the army at Fort Brooke had not been planned; each commander had been compelled to come in for provisions. Scott could not refrain from taking a dig at General Gaines. The boast that Gaines "had beaten the enemy, and compelled him to sue for peace was but a vain imagination; and . . . although he told the chiefs, who held him en- closed in a log pen until relieved by Brigadier General Clinch, that the diplomatic agent of the War Department would soon arrive to settle (amicably) all differences, not a white flag has been seen by this army, and not an overture of submission or peace heard of. On the contrary, the small parties which have been met with almost everywhere, have fiercely resisted, until put in danger of the bayonet. The war, on our part, is, in fact, scarcely begun."4s According to Scott, the retreat of the Indians, and not the tactics of Clinch, Eustis, or Lindsay, prevented the fighting of decisive bat- 47. The expedition was described by Clinch to Scott, April 8, 1836, Let- ters Received. 48. Scott to Adjutant General, April 12, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 417-23. Gaines later described Scott as "a favorite of the War Department [who] after uselessly marching large armies over the ashes of our murdered countrymen, and then going into summer quarters, [began] to insult and lec- 130 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM so boggy that horses could not pass through it. The infantry succeed- ed in struggling through it and as they reached the firmer ground near the island, the Indians fired and then ran to the cover of cypress trees. Although again pursued for four miles, the Seminoles escaped by crossing to the north bank of the Withlacoochee. Swamps, dense hammocks, and a highly mobile foe at home among his protective surroundings frustrated every sally of the American troops. In the fighting Clinch lost four men and had nine wounded. After a further march of one day, the commander stationed a de- tachment at a defensible point, left it all the rations except a five- day supply for the remainder of the troops, and moved in force to- ward Fort Brooke. Soldiers cut a road during most of the march and 150 of them were on the sick list when the army reached Fort Brooke on April 5.47 The center and left wings of the army commanded respectively by Lindsay and Eustis had followed Scott's plan and reached Tampa Bay on April 4 and 5. Their experience had been similar to that of Clinch, with whom General Scott had traveled. In his report Scott declared that the almost simultaneous arrival of the three columns of the army at Fort Brooke had not been planned; each commander had been compelled to come in for provisions. Scott could not refrain from taking a dig at General Gaines. The boast that Gaines "had beaten the enemy, and compelled him to sue for peace was but a vain imagination; and ... although he told the chiefs, who held him en- closed in a log pen until relieved by Brigadier General Clinch, that the diplomatic agent of the War Department would soon arrive to settle (amicably) all differences, not a white flag has been seen by this army, and not an overture of submission or peace heard of. On the contrary, the small parties which have been met with almost everywhere, have fiercely resisted, until put in danger of the bayonet. The war, on our part, is, in fact, scarcely begun."48 According to Scott, the retreat of the Indians, and not the tactics of Clinch, Eustis, or Lindsay, prevented the fighting of decisive bat- 47. The expedition was described by Clinch to Scott, April 8, 1836, Let- ters Received. 48. Scott to Adjutant General, April 12, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 417-23. Gaines later described Scott as "a favorite of the War Department [who] after uselessly marching large armies over the ashes of our murdered countrymen, and then going into summer quarters, [began] to insult and lec- 130  A Frustrating War ties. The commanding general-he accompanied Clinch's troops- knew that General Clinch maneuvered to make the Seminoles fight. He purposely returned to the scenes of the earlier battles near the Withlacoochee, scoured the swampy wilderness known as the Cove of the Withlacoochee (probably the strongest natural defensive po- sition in Florida for the Seminoles), and marched through the ene- my's favorite settlements. Several abandoned towns, formerly occu- pied by friendly Indians, were left intact, but many other towns were burned. Not more than 60 Seminoles were killed, Scott report- ed, by the expeditions; no recent trails of men, women, children, or cattle were sighted; and no more than 150 warriors were encoun- tered. Every interpretable sign indicated to Scott and his commanders the dispersal of the Seminoles into war or observation parties, rang- ing from 60 to 200 in size, but these units possessed great mobility and could quickly concentrate at a desired location. Around Pilakla- kaha and in a few other sections, General Eustis found many cattle, some of which were slaughtered for immediate use and the rest left on their grazing lands for the future use of the army. The other commanders saw a few cattle, and altogether the three columns did not locate "three bushels of corn." Evidently, Scott concluded, the Seminole women and children were concealed and were planting, fishing, and hunting to supply their warriors with food.49 General Clinch received warm praise from his commanding gen- eral. "He, throughout the march, commanded his column with judg- ment and ability; and at the principal combat [on March 31] he bravely dismounted, and followed his troops above the knees in mud."5O The "admirable movement" of the right wing-crossing the Withlacoochee, chasing the Indians from island to island, march- ing from the river to Tampa Bay-apparently convinced Scott that, ture the living remnant of the frontier citizens (whom it was his duty to protect) for not defending themselves and their families against an enemy that had basted the boasted prowess of that officer at the head of disciplined troops of near ten times the fighting men which that frontier could with propriety bring into service at the point of attack, against an enemy driven by his treachery to a state of desperation." Gaines to Secretary of War, August 22, 1837, quoted in Silver, Gaines, 184, note 55. 49. Scott to Adjutant General, April 12, 1836. 50. Ibid. 131 A Frustrating War tles. The commanding general-he accompanied Clinch's troops- knew that General Clinch maneuvered to make the Seminoles fight. He purposely returned to the scenes of the earlier battles near the Withlacoochee, scoured the swampy wilderness known as the Cove of the Withlacoochee (probably the strongest natural defensive po- sition in Florida for the Seminoles), and marched through the ene- my's favorite settlements. Several abandoned towns, formerly occu- pied by friendly Indians, were left intact, but many other towns were burned. Net more than 60 Seminoles were killed, Scott report- ed, by the expeditions; no recent trails of men, women, children, or cattle were sighted; and no more than 150 warriors were encoun- tered. Every interpretable sign indicated to Scott and his commanders the dispersal of the Seminoles into war or observation parties, rang- ing from 60 to 200 in size, but these units possessed great mobility and could quickly concentrate at a desired location. Around Pilakla- kaha and in a few other sections, General Eustis found many cattle, some of which were slaughtered for immediate use and the rest left on their grazing lands for the future use of the army. The other commanders saw a few cattle, and altogether the three columns did not locate "three bushels of corn." Evidently, Scott concluded, the Seminole women and children were concealed and were planting, fishing, and hunting to supply their warriors with food.a9 General Clinch received warm praise from his commanding gen- eral. "He, throughout the march, commanded his column with judg- ment and ability; and at the principal combat [on March 31] he bravely dismounted, and followed his troops above the knees in mud."5O The "admirable movement" of the right wing-crossing the Withlacoochee, chasing the Indians from island to island, march- ing from the river to Tampa Bay-apparently convinced Scott that, ture the living remnant of the frontier citizens (whom it was his duty to protect) for not defending themselves and their families against an enemy that had baffled the boasted prowess of that officer at the head of disciplined troops of near ten times the fighting men which that frontier could with propriety bring into service at the point of attack, against an enemy driven by his treachery to a state of desperation." Gaines to Secretary of War, August 22, 1837, quoted in Silver, Gaines, 184, note 55. 49. Scott to Adjutant General, April 12, 1836. 50. Ibid. 131 A Frustrating War ties. The commanding general-he accompanied Clinch's troops- knew that General Clinch maneuvered to make the Seminoles fight. He purposely returned to the scenes of the earlier battles near the Withlacoochee, scoured the swampy wilderness known as the Cove of the Withlacoochee (probably the strongest natural defensive po- sition in Florida for the Seminoles), and marched through the ene- my's favorite settlements. Several abandoned towns, formerly occu- pied by friendly Indians, were left intact, but many other towns were burned. Not more than 60 Seminoles were killed, Scott report- ed, by the expeditions; no recent trails of men, women, children, or cattle were sighted; and no more than 150 warriors were encoun- tered. Every interpretable sign indicated to Scott and his commanders the dispersal of the Seminoles into war or observation parties, rang- ing from 60 to 200 in size, but these units possessed great mobility and could quickly concentrate at a desired location. Around Pilakla- kaha and in a few other sections, General Eustis found many cattle, some of which were slaughtered for immediate use and the rest left on their grazing lands for the future use of the army. The other commanders saw a few cattle, and altogether the three columns did not locate "three bushels of corn." Evidently, Scott concluded, the Seminole women and children were concealed and were planting, fishing, and hunting to supply their warriors with food.49 General Clinch received warm praise from his commanding gen- eral. "He, throughout the march, commanded his column with judg- ment and ability; and at the principal combat [on March 31] he bravely dismounted, and followed his troops above the knees in mud."O The "admirable movement" of the right wing-crossing the Withlacoochee, chasing the Indians from island to island, march- ing from the river to Tampa Bay-apparently convinced Scott that, ture the living remnant of the frontier citizens (whom it was his duty to protect) for not defending themselves and their families against an enemy that had basted the boasted prowess of that officer at the head of disciplined troops of near ten times the fighting men which that frontier could with propriety bring into service at the point of attack, against an enemy driven by his treachery to a state of desperation." Gaines to Secretary of War, August 22, 1837, quoted in Silver, Gaines, 184, note 55. 49. Scott to Adjutant General, April 12, 1836. 50. Ibid. 131  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM should the need arise, Clinch would be the officer to command the entire army in Florida. Probably Scott was already thinking of removing himself from the scene, but he continued to direct minor expeditions trying to capture the elusive Seminoles. On April 11 General Smith of the Louisiana volunteers led 500 men toward Charlotte Harbor, and 200 cavalry rode to support Smith and drive the natives into his hands. Ap- proximately 400 Seminoles were rounded up and shipped from Tampa Bay to the West. 5 Concentration of more than 4,000 troops at Fort Brooke and the increasing heat of spring forced a reconsideration of plans. By mid- April more than 400 soldiers were ill and the number increased daily. The hot rainy season of Florida was not a propitious time for an extended campaign. The loss of life from heat and disease would be tremendous, and the Seminoles would have the advantage of lush semitropical growth for cover. Scott decided to release the volun- teers and station his regulars at those places which best combined healthfulness of location and need for the protection of Floridians. Since the civilian settlements lay mostly in northern Florida, troop concentration was planned at Fort Drane and Fort King. From these posts the regulars would hold the Indians in check throughout the hot summer, and extensive offensive action would await cooler weather.s 0 On April 14 Clinch led his command in an arduous but un- eventful return to Fort Drane, and on April 27 he reported to Scott his activities since leaving Fort Brooke.So Two days later Clinch convened a council of his officers to discuss a letter from Richard Keith Call, then territorial governor of Florida. According to the governor, a detachment of Florida militia had ascended the Withla- coochee River for nine miles from its mouth, had built a blockhouse on the south bank of the river, had manned it with 40 men, and had supplied it with several hundred bushels of corn and a large supply of salted beef. Call had received reports in Tallahassee that the men in the blockhouse had been massacred by the Indians, and 51. Mobile Mercantile Advertiser, April 23, 1836, quoted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 293. 52. Ibid. 53. Clinch to Scott, April 27, 1836, Niles' Weekly Register, L, 146. 132 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM should the need arise, Clinch would be the officer to command the entire army in Florida. Probably Scott was already thinking of removing himself from the scene, but he continued to direct minor expeditions trying to capture the elusive Seminoles. On April 11 General Smith of the Louisiana volunteers led 500 men toward Charlotte Harbor, and 200 cavalry rode to support Smith and drive the natives into his hands. Ap- proximately 400 Seminoles were rounded up and shipped from Tampa Bay to the West.51 Concentration of more than 4,000 troops at Fort Brooke and the increasing heat of spring forced a reconsideration of plans. By mid- April more than 400 soldiers were ill and the number increased daily. The hot rainy season of Florida was not a propitious time for an extended campaign. The loss of life from heat and disease would be tremendous, and the Seminoles would have the advantage of lush semitropical growth for cover. Scott decided to release the volun- teers and station his regulars at those places which best combined healthfulness of location and need for the protection of Floridians. Since the civilian settlements lay mostly in northern Florida, troop concentration was planned at Fort Drane and Fort King. From these posts the regulars would hold the Indians in check throughout the hot summer, and extensive offensive action would await cooler weather.5so On April 14 Clinch led his command in an arduous but un- eventful return to Fort Drane, and on April 27 he reported to Scott his activities since leaving Fort Brooke.so Two days later Clinch convened a council of his officers to discuss a letter from Richard Keith Call, then territorial governor of Florida. According to the governor, a detachment of Florida militia had ascended the Withla- coochee River for nine miles from its mouth, had built a blockhouse on the south bank of the river, had manned it with 40 men, and had supplied it with several hundred bushels of corn and a large supply of salted beef. Call had received reports in Tallahassee that the men in the blockhouse had been massacred by the Indians, and 51. Mobile Mercantile Advertiser, April 23, 1836, quoted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 293. 52. Ibid. 53. Clinch to Scott, April 27, 1836, Niles' Weekly Register, L, 146. 132 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM should the need arise, Clinch would be the officer to command the entire army in Florida. Probably Scott was already thinking of removing himself from the scene, but he continued to direct minor expeditions trying to capture the elusive Seminoles. On April 11 General Smith of the Louisiana volunteers led 500 men toward Charlotte Harbor, and 200 cavalry rode to support Smith and drive the natives into his hands. Ap- proximately 400 Seminoles were rounded up and shipped from Tampa Bay to the West.s Concentration of more than 4,000 troops at Fort Brooke and the increasing heat of spring forced a reconsideration of plans. By mid- April more than 400 soldiers were ill and the number increased daily. The hot rainy season of Florida was not a propitious time for an extended campaign. The loss of life from heat and disease would be tremendous, and the Seminoles would have the advantage of lush semitropical growth for cover. Scott decided to release the volun- teers and station his regulars at those places which best combined healthfulness of location and need for the protection of Floridians. Since the civilian settlements lay mostly in northern Florida, troop concentration was planned at Fort Drane and Fort King. From these posts the regulars would hold the Indians in check throughout the hot summer, and extensive offensive action would await cooler weather.5s On April 14 Clinch led his command in an arduous but un- eventful return to Fort Drane, and on April 27 he reported to Scott his activities since leaving Fort Brooke.sa Two days later Clinch convened a council of his officers to discuss a letter from Richard Keith Call, then territorial governor of Florida. According to the governor, a detachment of Florida militia had ascended the Withla- coochee River for nine miles from its mouth, had built a blockhouse on the south bank of the river, had manned it with 40 men, and had supplied it with several hundred bushels of corn and a large supply of salted beef. Call had received reports in Tallahassee that the men in the blockhouse had been massacred by the Indians, and 51. Mobile Mercantile Advertiser, April 23, 1836, quoted in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, II, 293. 52. Ibid. 53. Clinch to Scott, April 27, 1836, Niles' Weekly Register, L, 146. 132  A Frustrating War he urged Clinch to send an expedition from Fort Drane to investi- gate. For stated reasons, the council of officeers rejected the gover- nor's appeal: not more than 300 men were available at Fort Drane; they were too enfeebled by exposure, hard marching, and sickness to undertake a new expedition of 100 miles; so small a force of in- fantry would be at the mercy of the Indians in the Withlacoochee area; and sending the troops would leave the Alachua frontier de- fenseless. Fortunately Call himself had given the regular army still another reason for inaction: if Clinch could not spare a relief force, militiamen from Suwannee Old Town would sail in a fortified boat to learn the fate of the garrison at the blockhouse.54 Nonetheless compassion spurred Clinch to plan some action. Al- though the spread of illness at Fort Drane and the frequent Indian forays justified the council's refusal to authorize an expedition, he asked General Scott for volunteer cavalry to join a detachment of regulars. Within a day or two he hoped to send aid to the blockhouse or at least to learn the fate of the garrison.55 Clinch sent a complete report to General Scott who had gone from Fort Brooke to St. Augustine and was planning to leave Florida for duty in the Creek Indian country. Scott approved Clinch's action and outlined expedients to hold the Seminoles in check. All availa- ble horses in the neighborhood of Fort Drane were to be used to mount as many men as possible. And Scott promised to forward to the War Department Clinch's suggestion for the enrollment of 150 to 200 volunteer cavalry. The regular dragoons and the volunteers would defend the Alachua settlements during the summer and fall. All feeble horses and mules should be sent to the best grazing areas where they could grow strong and be available for renewal of active operations against the Seminoles the next winter. Scott planned to remain in St. Augustine for several weeks.56 The General did not anticipate the wave of criticism aroused by his failure to conquer the Seminoles. Newspaper editors throughout the country denounced the "Scientific General" with his "three grand divisions" which "marched up the hill and then-marched back 54. Call's letter and the action of the council were reported in House Document 78, pp. 451-52. 55. Clinch to Scott, May 5, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 454-56. 56. Scott to Clinch, May 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 452-53. 133 A Frustrating War he urged Clinch to send an expedition from Fort Dmne to investi- gate. For stated reasons, the council of officers rejected the gover- nor's appeal: not more than 300 men were available at Fort Drane; they were too enfeebled by exposure, hard marching, and sickness to undertake a new expedition of 100 miles; so small a force of in- fantry would be at the mercy of the Indians in the Withlacoochee area; and sending the troops would leave the Alachua frontier de- fenseless. Fortunately Call himself had given the regular army still another reason for inaction: if Clinch could not spare a relief force, militiamen from Suwannee Old Town would sail in a fortified boat to learn the fate of the garrison at the blockhouse.54 Nonetheless compassion spurred Clinch to plan some action. Al- though the spread of illness at Fort Drane and the frequent Indian forays justified the council's refusal to authorize an expedition, he asked General Scott for volunteer cavalry to join a detachment of regulars. Within a day or two he hoped to send aid to the blockhouse or at least to learn the fate of the garrison.tt Clinch sent a complete report to General Scott who had gone from Fort Brooke to St. Augustine and was planning to leave Florida for duty in the Creek Indian country. Scott approved Clinch's action and outlined expedients to hold the Seminoles in check. All availa- ble horses in the neighborhood of Fort Drane were to be used to mount as many men as possible. And Scott promised to forward to the War Department Clinch's suggestion for the enrollment of 150 to 200 volunteer cavalry. The regular dragoons and the volunteers would defend the Alachua settlements during the summer and fall. All feeble horses and mules should be sent to the best grazing areas where they could grow strong and be available for renewal of active operations against the Seminoles the next winter. Scott planned to remain in St. Augustine for several weeks.5o The General did not anticipate the wave of criticism aroused by his failure to conquer the Seminoles. Newspaper editors throughout the country denounced the "Scientific General" with his "three grand divisions" which "marched up the hill and then-marched back 54. Call's letter and the action of the council were reported in House Document 78, pp. 451-52. 55. Clinch to Scott, May 5, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 454-56. 56. Scott to Clinch, May 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 452-53. 133 A Frustrating War he urged Clinch to send an expedition from Fort Drane to investi- gate. For stated reasons, the council of officers rejected the gover- nor's appeal: not more than 300 men were available at Fort Drane; they were too enfeebled by exposure, hard marching, and sickness to undertake a new expedition of 100 miles; so small a force of in- fantry would be at the mercy of the Indians in the Withlacoochee area; and sending the troops would leave the Alachua frontier de- fenseless. Fortunately Call himself had given the regular army still another reason for inaction: if Clinch could not spare a relief force, militiamen from Suwannee Old Town would sail in a fortified boat to learn the fate of the garrison at the blockhouse.54 Nonetheless compassion spurred Clinch to plan some action. Al- though the spread of illness at Fort Drane and the frequent Indian forays justified the council's refusal to authorize an expedition, he asked General Scott for volunteer cavalry to join a detachment of regulars. Within a day or two he hoped to send aid to the blockhouse or at least to learn the fate of the garrison.tt Clinch sent a complete report to General Scott who had gone from Fort Brooke to St. Augustine and was planning to leave Florida for duty in the Creek Indian country. Scott approved Clinch's action and outlined expedients to hold the Seminoles in check. All availa- ble horses in the neighborhood of Fort Drane were to be used to mount as many men as possible. And Scott promised to forward to the War Department Clinch's suggestion for the enrollment of 150 to 200 volunteer cavalry. The regular dragoons and the volunteers would defend the Alachua settlements during the summer and fall. All feeble horses and mules should be sent to the best grazing areas where they could grow strong and be available for renewal of active operations against the Seminoles the next winter. Scott planned to remain in St. Augustine for several weeks. 5 The General did not anticipate the wave of criticism aroused by his failure to conquer the Seminoles. Newspaper editors throughout the country denounced the "Scientific General" with his "three grand divisions" which "marched up the hill and then-marched back 54. Call's letter and the action of the council were reported in House Document 78, pp. 451-52. 55. Clinch to Scott, May 5, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 454-56. 56. Scott to Clinch, May 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 452-53. 133  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM again."00 Florida editors were vitriolic, and Scott answered in kind. Old Fuss and Feathers described Floridians as "wild with fear," possessed with the general and degrading disease of cowardice, and he classified them as "definitely humiliating" to the American people. Territorial Delegate Joseph M. White requested President Jackson to order an inquiry into the late campaign in Florida and into Scott's going into "summer quarters the last of April, leaving the country without defense, and the inhabitants at the mercy of the Indians." The delegate condemned the burning of Scott in effigy at Tallahas- see, but he thought that the "infamous proceeding" did not justify the "degrading epithets and insults" Scott threw at Floridians. White undoubtedly expressed the majority opinion of his countrymen in stating that Scott had "produced a state of feeling that forbids all harmony or concert with the local authorities, or people of the coun- try; and the public interests imperiously require his immediate with- drawal."58 The record at first indicts Scott with failure in Florida. He was bountifully supplied with men and materiel, but his major activities were marching thousands of regulars and volunteers through a wil- derness and spending the taxpayers' dollars. Among his accomplish- ments were burning several Indian villages, capturing some cattle, killing or wounding a small, indeterminate number of Seminoles, and shipping hundreds of Seminoles, most of them friendly, to the West. While some of the enemy's resources had been destroyed, that enemy remained unconquered in his homeland, still capable of in- flicting severe damage on frontier settlements, still ready to defend his rights. But the Seminole War did present difficulties never before en- countered by American commanders. "Much was expected from Gen. Scott, from his long, well-tried, and faithful services; and con- fident in the belief that he could surmount every obstacle, and pun- ish the Seminoles, the public lost sight of the embarrassments in- cident to operations against a foe occupying forty-seven thousand square miles, as yet unnumbered, in a country unexplored, without 57. Silver, Gaines, 184. 58. White to Jackson, May 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 476-77. 134 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM again."7 Florida editors were vitriolic, and Scott answered in kind. Old Fuss and Feathers described Floridians as "wild with fear," possessed with the general and degrading disease of cowardice, and he classified them as "definitely humiliating" to the American people. Territorial Delegate Joseph M. White requested President Jackson to order an inquiry into the late campaign in Florida and into Scott's going into "summer quarters the last of April, leaving the country without defense, and the inhabitants at the mercy of the Indians." The delegate condemned the burning of Scott in effigy at Tallahas- see, but he thought that the "infamous proceeding" did not justify the "degrading epithets and insults" Scott threw at Floridians. White undoubtedly expressed the majority opinion of his countrymen in stating that Scott had "produced a state of feeling that forbids all harmony or concert with the local authorities, or people of the coun- try; and the public interests imperiously require his immediate with- drawal."58 The record at first indicts Scott with failure in Florida. He was bountifully supplied with men and matdriel, but his major activities were marching thousands of regulars and volunteers through a wil- derness and spending the taxpayers' dollars. Among his accomplish- ments were burning several Indian villages, capturing some cattle, killing or wounding a small, indeterminate number of Seminoles, and shipping hundreds of Seminoles, most of them friendly, to the West. While some of the enemy's resources had been destroyed, that enemy remained unconquered in his homeland, still capable of in- flicting severe damage on frontier settlements, still ready to defend his rights. But the Seminole War did present difficulties never before en- countered by American commanders. "Much was expected from Gen. Scott, from his long, well-tried, and faithful services; and con- fident in the belief that he could surmount every obstacle, and pun- ish the Seminoles, the public lost sight of the embarrassments in- cident to operations against a foe occupying forty-seven thousand square miles, as yet unnumbered, in a country unexplored, without 57. Silver, Gaines, 184. 58. White to Jackson, May 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 476-77. 134 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM again."37 Florida editors were vitriolic, and Scott answered in kind. Old Fuss and Feathers described Floridians as "wild with fear," possessed with the general and degrading disease of cowardice, and he classified them as "definitely humiliating" to the American people. Territorial Delegate Joseph M. White requested President Jackson to order an inquiry into the late campaign in Florida and into Scott's going into "summer quarters the last of April, leaving the country without defense, and the inhabitants at the mercy of the Indians." The delegate condemned the burning of Scott in effigy at Tallahas- see, but he thought that the "infamous proceeding" did not justify the "degrading epithets and insults" Scott threw at Floridians. White undoubtedly expressed the majority opinion of his countrymen in stating that Scott had "produced a state of feeling that forbids all harmony or concert with the local authorities, or people of the coun- try; and the public interests imperiously require his immediate with- drawal."5 The record at first indicts Scott with failure in Florida. He was bountifully supplied with men and materiel, but his major activities were marching thousands of regulars and volunteers through a wil- derness and spending the taxpayers' dollars. Among his accomplish- ments were burning several Indian villages, capturing some cattle, killing or wounding a small, indeterminate number of Seminoles, and shipping hundreds of Seminoles, most of them friendly, to the West. While some of the enemy's resources had been destroyed, that enemy remained unconquered in his homeland, still capable of in- flicting severe damage on frontier settlements, still ready to defend his rights. But the Seminole War did present difficulties never before en- countered by American commanders. "Much was expected from Gen. Scott, from his long, well-tried, and faithful services; and con- fident in the belief that he could surmount every obstacle, and pun- ish the Seminoles, the public lost sight of the embarrassments in- cident to operations against a foe occupying forty-seven thousand square miles, as yet unnumbered, in a country unexplored, without 57. Silver, Gaines, 184. 58. White to Jackson, May 28, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 476-77. 134  A Frustrating War roads, bridges, guides, subsistence, or transportation."59 The theater of military operations in Florida consisted of swamps, rivers, lakes, and hammocks. Dense semitropical growth provided cover for the Indians and checked the advance of organized troops. From this nat- ural shelter Seminole warriors could attack day or night, and then with "the fleetness of the deer retire to a more secluded spot." In the vastness of Florida Seminole women and children planted corn with little fear of being discovered. And even the destruction of their crops and the killing of their cattle left the Seminoles with the still limitless resources of the forest, lake, and river. Although he was neither an expert marksman nor a good tactician in a major battle, the Seminole utilized his surroundings adroitly. As long as he re- frained from assembling in force and meeting the American in bat- tle, only an overpowering army engaged in a continuous campaign and costing tremendous sums of money could by attrition conquer the Indian. In five months of warfare the American record was a dismal one. Dade's massacre, Clinch's defeat at the Battle of Withlacoochee, Gaines's ineffectual campaign, and Scott's useless marching all re- flected the prowess of the Seminoles. The plans and generalship of Scott were the strategy to be employed against a well-disciplined army, not against swift-moving small parties of Indians harassing the fringes of his troops in a "low cunning and unchivalrous system of warfare"-apparently Scott thought he could frighten the Indi- ans into surrender by the weight and sight of his army.60 General Clinch himself at first underrated the power of the Seminoles. But very soon he did call again and again for troops and supplies which were not sent by a War Department that did not recognize the po- tential of the Seminoles. At the Battle of Withlacoochee his basic failure was in tactics. Close-order fighting offered his men as targets for warriors using the natural defense of tree trunks and the cover of jungle-like growth. The war was scarcely begun in May, 1836, but Scott and Clinch planned to leave its completion to other commanders. For similar and different reasons they were both ready to shake the sands of 59. Sprague, Florida War, 114. 60. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 130. 135 A Frustrating War roads, bridges, guides, subsistence, or transportation."O The theater of military operations in Florida consisted of swamps, rivers, lakes, and hammocks. Dense semitropical growth provided cover for the Indians and checked the advance of organized troops. From this nat- ural shelter Seminole warriors could attack day or night, and then with "the fleetness of the deer retire to a more secluded spot." In the vastness of Florida Seminole women and children planted corn with little fear of being discovered. And even the destruction of their crops and the killing of their cattle left the Seminoles with the still limitless resources of the forest, lake, and river. Although he was neither an expert marksman nor a good tactician in a major battle, the Seminole utilized his surroundings adroitly. As long as he re- frained from assembling in force and meeting the American in bat- tle, only an overpowering army engaged in a continuous campaign and costing tremendous sums of money could by attrition conquer the Indian. In five months of warfare the American record was a dismal one. Dade's massacre, Clinch's defeat at the Battle of Withlacoochee, Gaines's ineffectual campaign, and Scott's useless marching all re- flected the prowess of the Seminoles. The plans and generalship of Scott were the strategy to be employed against a well-disciplined army, not against swift-moving small parties of Indians harassing the fringes of his troops in a "low cunning and unchivalrous system of warfare"-apparently Scott thought he could frighten the Indi- ans into surrender by the weight and sight of his army.60 General Clinch himself at first underrated the power of the Seminoles. But very soon he did call again and again for troops and supplies which were not sent by a War Department that did not recognize the po- tential of the Seminoles. At the Battle of Withlacoochee his basic failure was in tactics. Close-order fighting offered his men as targets for warriors using the natural defense of tree trunks and the cover of jungle-like growth. The war was scarcely begun in May, 1836, but Scott and Clinch planned to leave its completion to other commanders. For similar and different reasons they were both ready to shake the sands of 59. Sprague, Florida War, 114. 60. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 130. 135 A Frustrating War roads, bridges, guides, subsistence, or transportation."59 The theater of military operations in Florida consisted of swamps, rivers, lakes, and hammocks. Dense semitropical growth provided cover for the Indians and checked the advance of organized troops. From this nat- ural shelter Seminole warriors could attack day or night, and then with "the fleetness of the deer retire to a more secluded spot." In the vastness of Florida Seminole women and children planted corn with little fear of being discovered. And even the destruction of their crops and the killing of their cattle left the Seminoles with the still limitless resources of the forest, lake, and river. Although he was neither an expert marksman nor a good tactician in a major battle, the Seminole utilized his surroundings adroitly. As long as he re- frained from assembling in force and meeting the American in bat- tle, only an overpowering army engaged in a continuous campaign and costing tremendous sums of money could by attrition conquer the Indian. In five months of warfare the American record was a dismal one. Dade's massacre, Clinch's defeat at the Battle of Withlacoochee, Gaines's ineffectual campaign, and Scott's useless marching all re- flected the prowess of the Seminoles. The plans and generalship of Scott were the strategy to be employed against a well-disciplined army, not against swift-moving small parties of Indians harassing the fringes of his troops in a "low cunning and unchivalrous system of warfare"-apparently Scott thought he could frighten the Indi- ans into surrender by the weight and sight of his army.80 General Clinch himself at first underrated the power of the Seminoles. But very soon he did call again and again for troops and supplies which were not sent by a War Department that did not recognize the po- tential of the Seminoles. At the Battle of Withlacoochee his basic failure was in tactics. Close-order fighting offered his men as targets for warriors using the natural defense of tree trunks and the cover of jungle-like growth. The war was scarcely begun in May, 1836, but Scott and Clinch planned to leave its completion to other commanders. For similar and different reasons they were both ready to shake the sands of 59. Sprague, Florida War, 114. 60. Bemrose, Reminiscences, 130. 135  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Florida from their shoes. Neither wished to command any longer in a difficult terrain against a cunning enemy. Scott went on to achieve military fame in the Mexican War, but Clinch wanted no further association with the army. On April 26 he sent his resignation to President Jackson, and with the permission of Scott left Florida in May. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Florida from their shoes. Neither wished to command any longer in a difficult terrain against a cunning enemy. Scott went on to achieve military fame in the Mexican War, but Clinch wanted no further association with the army. On April 26 he sent his resignation to President Jackson, and with the permission of Scott left Florida in May. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Florida from their shoes. Neither wished to command any longer in a difficult terrain against a cunning enemy. Scott went on to achieve military fame in the Mexican War, but Clinch wanted no further association with the army. On April 26 he sent his resignation to President Jackson, and with the permission of Scott left Florida in May. 136 136 136  NINE NINE NINE Retirement and Controversy DELEGATE JOSEPH M. WHITE mulled over the Seminole War on his trip to Washington in May, 1836, where he was going to represent territorial Florida at the second ses- sion of the Twenty-Fourth Congress. In the capital he found "uni- versal dissatisfaction with the conduct of Scott." White "remonstra- ted furiously" against the attempts being made by Governor Richard Keith Call to win command of all the forces, regular and militia, in Florida. The territorial delegate was gratified by the unwillingness of the War Department to grant Call's wish as well as by orders be- ing prepared to relieve Scott of command. White gave no serious consideration to Clinch's leaving the army: "The manner of refusing your resignation was a very handsome thing and will be communi- cated amongst the papers to Congress." The Secretary of War "is your friend," White wrote, and the delegate sent news of the ap- pointment of Clinch to overall command of the military forces in Florida. "In fact your friends could not desire that you should stand on a better footing than you now do. As to the future-your pru- dence and gallantry give assurance that there is nothing to fear."t On April 26 General Clinch had tendered the President his resig- nation as colonel and brevet brigadier general.2 Secretary of War Lewis Cass replied: "I have observed and appreciated the difficulties you have had to contend with, and I estimate highly the efforts you have made to overcome them. The President is satisfied that your services would be useful to the country and is therefore unwilling at any rate until the difficulties in Florida are over to dispense with 1. White to Clinch, May 25, 1836, Clinch Papers. 2. Clinch to President Jackson, April 26, 1836, Letters Received; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, National Archives. 137 Retirement and Controversy DELEGATE JOSEPH M. WHITE mulled over the Seminole War on his trip to Washington in May, 1836, where he was going to represent territorial Florida at the second ses- sion of the Twenty-Fourth Congress. In the capital he found "uni- versal dissatisfaction with the conduct of Scott." White "remonstra- ted furiously" against the attempts being made by Governor Richard Keith Call to win command of all the forces, regular and militia, in Florida. The territorial delegate was gratified by the unwillingness of the War Department to grant Call's wish as well as by orders be- ing prepared to relieve Scott of command. White gave no serious consideration to Clinch's leaving the army: "The manner of refusing your resignation was a very handsome thing and will be communi- cated amongst the papers to Congress." The Secretary of War "is your friend," White wrote, and the delegate sent news of the ap- pointment of Clinch to overall command of the military forces in Florida. "In fact your friends could not desire that you should stand on a better footing than you now do. As to the future-your pru- dence and gallantry give assurance that there is nothing to fear."t On April 26 General Clinch had tendered the President his resig- nation as colonel and brevet brigadier general.2 Secretary of War Lewis Cass replied: "I have observed and appreciated the difficulties you have had to contend with, and I estimate highly the efforts you have made to overcome them. The President is satisfied that your services would be useful to the country and is therefore unwilling at any rate until the difficulties in Florida are over to dispense with 1. White to Clinch, May 25, 1836, Clinch Papers. 2. Clinch to President Jackson, April 26, 1836, Letters Received; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, National Archives. 137 Retirement and Controversy DELEGATE JOSEPH M. WHITE mulled over the Seminole War on his trip to Washington in May, 1836, where he was going to represent territorial Florida at the second ses- sion of the Twenty-Fourth Congress. In the capital he found "uni- versal dissatisfaction with the conduct of Scott." White "remonstra- ted furiously" against the attempts being made by Governor Richard Keith Call to win command of all the forces, regular and militia, in Florida. The territorial delegate was gratified by the unwillingness of the War Department to grant Call's wish as well as by orders be- ing prepared to relieve Scott of command. White gave no serious consideration to Clinch's leaving the army: "The manner of refusing your resignation was a very handsome thing and will be communi- cated amongst the papers to Congress." The Secretary of War "is your friend," White wrote, and the delegate sent news of the ap- pointment of Clinch to overall command of the military forces in Florida. "In fact your friends could not desire that you should stand on a better footing than you now do. As to the future-your pru- dence and gallantry give assurance that there is nothing to fear."t On April 26 General Clinch had tendered the President his resig- nation as colonel and brevet brigadier general.2 Secretary of War Lewis Cass replied: "I have observed and appreciated the difficulties you have had to contend with, and I estimate highly the efforts you have made to overcome them. The President is satisfied that your services would be useful to the country and is therefore unwilling at any rate until the difficulties in Florida are over to dispense with 1. White to Clinch, May 25, 1836, Clinch Papers. 2. Clinch to President Jackson, April 26, 1836, Letters Received; letters not specifically located are in War Records Office, National Archives. 137  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM them."a Neither Cass nor White believed Clinch sincere in his de- sire to leave the army, and White particularly thought the lure of entire direction of the Seminole War would be sufficient to hold Clinch in the service. The Secretary of War did indeed issue and forward instructions to Clinch as if he were the newly appointed commander. If Major General Scott had left Florida, Clinch was to assume command of the regular army, the volunteers, and the militia in the territory to protect the settlers and reduce the Indians to submission. Secretary Cass instructed Clinch that first consideration should be given to protection of the settled areas of the territory. The health and wel- fare of the soldiers should of course always be considered, and the decision as to a summer offensive rested entirely with Clinch. Gover- nor Call was to raise 500 mounted and 500 foot soldiers, and they would be under Clinch's command. Cass urged the General to fol- low the Indians whenever possible and to erect blockhouses for both defensive and offensive purposes.0 In the opinion of Governor Call, the Secretary reported, a successful campaign could be launched immediately against the Seminoles. This statement probably strength- ened Clinch's will to stand by his resignation. He not only disliked Gall but also believed a summer campaign in torrid Florida the height of folly. President Jackson's support of Call's plan widened the breech between Clinch and the administration in Washington. Careful reading by Clinch of the Secretary's letter certainly would have raised doubt of its intent. Was Clinch being offered permanent or temporary command in Florida? Along with plans to secure 2,500 volunteers from Tennessee, Cass reported that Major General Thom- as Jesup had been instructed, the moment affairs in the Creek coun- try permitted, to move into Florida, and Clinch was to establish and maintain communications with Jesup. Perhaps Clinch's appointment was a stopgap measure until Jesup could make arrangements to as- sume direction of the war effort. Evidently Territorial Delegate White, at least, believed the President and Secretary of War sincere in their offer of command to Clinch. Before he received the offer of overall command, Clinch assumed 3. Cass to Clinch, May 16, 1836, Clinch Papers. 4. Idem to idem, May 25, 1836, Clinch Papers. A copy of this letter was sent to Scott. 138 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM them."a Neither Cass nor White believed Clinch sincere in his de- sire to leave the army, and White particularly thought the lure of entire direction of the Seminole War would be sufficient to hold Clinch in the service. The Secretary of War did indeed issue and forward instructions to Clinch as if he were the newly appointed commander. If Major General Scott had left Florida, Clinch was to assume command of the regular army, the volunteers, and the militia in the territory to protect the settlers and reduce the Indians to submission. Secretary Cass instructed Clinch that first consideration should be given to protection of the settled areas of the territory. The health and wel- fare of the soldiers should of course always be considered, and the decision as to a summer offensive rested entirely with Clinch. Gover- nor Call was to raise 500 mounted and 500 foot soldiers, and they would be under Clinch's command. Cass urged the General to fol- low the Indians whenever possible and to erect blockhouses for both defensive and offensive purposes.4 In the opinion of Governor Call, the Secretary reported, a successful campaign could be launched immediately against the Seminoles. This statement probably strength- ened Clinch's will to stand by his resignation. He not only disliked Call but also believed a summer campaign in torrid Florida the height of folly. President Jackson's support of Call's plan widened the breech between Clinch and the administration in Washington. Careful reading by Clinch of the Secretary's letter certainly would have raised doubt of its intent. Was Clinch being offered permanent or temporary command in Florida? Along with plans to secure 2,500 volunteers from Tennessee, Cass reported that Major General Thom- as Jesup had been instructed, the moment affairs in the Creek coun- try permitted, to move into Florida, and Clinch was to establish and maintain communications with Jesup. Perhaps Clinch's appointment was a stopgap measure until Jesup could make arrangements to as- sume direction of the war effort. Evidently Territorial Delegate White, at least, believed the President and Secretary of War sincere in their offer of command to Clinch. Before he received the offer of overall command, Clinch assumed 3. Cass to Clinch, May 16, 1836, Clinch Papers. 4. Idem to idem, May 25, 1836, Clinch Papers. A copy of this letter was sent to Scott. 138 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM them."3 Neither Cass nor White believed Clinch sincere in his de- sire to leave the army, and White particularly thought the lure of entire direction of the Seminole War would be sufficient to hold Clinch in the service. The Secretary of War did indeed issue and forward instructions to Clinch as if he were the newly appointed commander. If Major General Scott had left Florida, Clinch was to assume command of the regular army, the volunteers, and the militia in the territory to protect the settlers and reduce the Indians to submission. Secretary Cass instructed Clinch that first consideration should be given to protection of the settled areas of the territory. The health and wel- fare of the soldiers should of course always be considered, and the decision as to a summer offensive rested entirely with Clinch. Gover- nor Call was to raise 500 mounted and 500 foot soldiers, and they would be under Clinch's command. Cass urged the General to fol- low the Indians whenever possible and to erect blockhouses for both defensive and offensive purposes.4 In the opinion of Governor Call, the Secretary reported, a successful campaign could be launched immediately against the Seminoles. This statement probably strength- ened Clinch's will to stand by his resignation. He not only disliked Call but also believed a summer campaign in torrid Florida the height of folly. President Jackson's support of Call's plan widened the breech between Clinch and the administration in Washington. Careful reading by Clinch of the Secretary's letter certainly would have raised doubt of its intent. Was Clinch being offered permanent or temporary command in Florida? Along with plans to secure 2,500 volunteers from Tennessee, Cass reported that Major General Thom- as Jesup had been instructed, the moment affairs in the Creek coun- try permitted, to move into Florida, and Clinch was to establish and maintain communications with Jesup. Perhaps Clinch's appointment was a stopgap measure until Jesup could make arrangements to as- sume direction of the war effort. Evidently Territorial Delegate White, at least, believed the President and Secretary of War sincere in their offer of command to Clinch. Before he received the offer of overall command, Clinch assumed 3. Cass to Clinch, May 16, 1836, Clinch Papers. 4. Idem to idem, May 25, 1836, Clinch Papers. A copy of this letter was sent to Scott. 138  Retirement and Controversy his resignation would be accepted. So did his fellow officers. On May 1, 1836, General Scott received the resignation and with "sincere regret" forwarded it to the War Department. "The army," he as- sured Clinch, "will lose in you one of its best commanders."s As soon as he had made suitable arrangements for the defense of the Alachua frontier, General Clinch could deliver his command to his ranking subordinate at Fort Drane and be at liberty to retire. Before he left, Clinch received a warm letter from the officers at Drane. Since they could not be accused of seeking personal preferment, they wanted to express their admiration and esteem for his high military qualifications and his urbane, kind, and friendly treatment of his subordinates. The officers would regret a temporary absence, even more a permanent professional separation; and they deplored the nation's loss of a valuable and efficient officer. They assured Clinch that he would carry into retirement the admiration and gratitude of his country. And the officers expressed their hope for his happiness in civilian hfe.o The commander of the Georgia volun- teers declared that his esteem for Clinch both as a man and as a general ripened with association, and the resignation of the General was the only regrettable incident of the campaign against the Semi- noles.e Clinch left Fort Drane in mid-May for Picolata where he boarded the schooner George and Mary. Sailing down the St. Johns River to the ocean and then north along the coast, the ship touched at St. Marys to land the retired General.s Before leaving Florida he had ar- ranged transportation for an undisclosed number of his slaves from Lang Syne Plantation, and these had reached St. Marys before he did.9 5. Scott to Clinch, May 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 453-54. 6. James Bankhead and other officers to Clinch, May 10, 1836, Clinch Papers. 7. Based on a fragment of a letter, dated May 17, 1836, Clinch Papers. 8. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 12. According to Bemrose, Clinch left Fort Drane on April 26 accompanied by a guard of Jacksonville volunteers (Bemrose, Reminiscences, 137). The diarist made a mistake. On April 28 Clinch met in a council with the oficers at Drane, he wrote letters to Scott from the fort on April 27 and May 5, and he received a letter from the officers on May 10. See footnotes 53 and 55 of chapter 8 and footnote 6 of this chapter. 9. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 12. 139 Retirement and Controversy his resignation would be accepted. So did his fellow officers. On May 1, 1836, General Scott received the resignation and with "sincere regret" forwarded it to the War Department. "The army," he as- sured Clinch, "will lose in you one of its best commanders."s As soon as he had made suitable arrangements for the defense of the Alachua frontier, General Clinch could deliver his command to his ranking subordinate at Fort Drane and be at liberty to retire. Before he left, Clinch received a warm letter from the officers at Drane. Since they could not be accused of seeking personal preferment, they wanted to express their admiration and esteem for his high military qualifications and his urbane, kind, and friendly treatment of his subordinates. The officers would regret a temporary absence, even more a permanent professional separation; and they deplored the nation's loss of a valuable and efficient officer. They assured Clinch that he would carry into retirement the admiration and gratitude of his country. And the officers expressed their hope for his happiness in civilian life.e The commander of the Georgia volun- teers declared that his esteem for Clinch both as a man and as a general ripened with association, and the resignation of the General was the only regrettable incident of the campaign against the Semi- noles.7 Clinch left Fort Drane in mid-May for Picolata where he boarded the schooner George and Mary. Sailing down the St. Johns River to the ocean and then north along the coast, the ship touched at St. Marys to land the retired General.s Before leaving Florida he had ar- ranged transportation for an undisclosed number of his slaves from Lang Syne Plantation, and these had reached St. Marys before he did.e 5. Scott to Clinch, May 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 453-54. 6. James Bankhead and other ofBeers to Clinch, May 10, 1836, Clinch Papers. 7. Based on a fragment of a letter, dated May 17, 1836, Clinch Papers. 8. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 12. According to Bemrose, Clinch left Fort Drane on April 26 accompanied by a guard of Jacksonville volunteers (Bemrose, Reminiscences, 137). The diarist made a mistake. On April 28 Clinch met in a council with the offcers at Drane, he wrote letters to Scott from the fort on April 27 and May 5, and he received a letter from the officers on May 10. See footnotes 53 and 55 of chapter 8 and footnote 6 of this chapter. 9. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 12. 139 Retirement and Controversy his resignation would be accepted. So did his fellow officers. On May 1, 1836, General Scott received the resignation and with "sincere regret" forwarded it to the War Department. "The army," he as- sumed Clinch, "will lose in you one of its best commanders."5 As soon as he had made suitable arrangements for the defense of the Alachua frontier, General Clinch could deliver his command to his ranking subordinate at Fort Drane and be at liberty to retire. Before he left, Clinch received a warm letter from the officers at Drane. Since they could not be accused of seeking personal preferment, they wanted to express their admiration and esteem for his high military qualifications and his urbane, kind, and friendly treatment of his subordinates. The officers would regret a temporary absence, even more a permanent professional separation; and they deplored the nation's loss of a valuable and efficient officer. They assured Clinch that he would carry into retirement the admiration and gratitude of his country. And the officers expressed their hope for his happiness in civilian life.u The commander of the Georgia volun- teers declared that his esteem for Clinch both as a man and as a general ripened with association, and the resignation of the General was the only regrettable incident of the campaign against the Semi- noles. Clinch left Fort Drane in mid-May for Picolata where he boarded the schooner George and Mary. Sailing down the St. Johns River to the ocean and then north along the coast, the ship touched at St. Marys to land the retired General.s Before leaving Florida he had ar- ranged transportation for an undisclosed number of his slaves from Lang Syne Plantation, and these had reached St. Marys before he did.9 5. Scott to Clinch, May 1, 1836, House Document 78, pp. 453-54. 6. James Bankhead and other officers to Clinch, May 10, 1836, Clinch Papers. 7. Based on a fragment of a letter, dated May 17, 1836, Clinch Papers. 8. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 12. According to Bemrose, Clinch left Fort Drane on April 26 accompanied by a guard of Jacksonville volunteers (Bemrose, Reminiscences, 137). The diarist made a mistake. On April 28 Clinch met in a council with the officers at Drane, he wrote letters to Scott from the fort on April 27 and May 5, and he received a letter from the officers on May 10. See footnotes 53 and 55 of chapter 8 and footnote 6 of this chapter. 9. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 12. 139  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM At the small Georgia seaport, and later at nearby Refuge Planta- tion, Clinch enjoyed the reunion with his eight children and the re- ceipt of complimentary letters from friends. William P. DuVal, for- mer territorial governor of Florida, regretted that the recent campaign against the Seminoles had not been entrusted to Clinch, for the Battle of Withlacoochee was the only action worth naming. DuVal expressed confidence in Clinch's judgment and knowledge of the Indian character, and he knew that no officer could fight the Semi- noles as well as Clinch. The former governor promised to raise 1,000 volunteers in Kentucky for an autumn campaign in Florida, and desired no commander other than Clinch to lead them into battle. 10 From Augusta, F. M. Robertson, an officer who had served with Clinch, described the dinner welcoming the Georgia volunteers on their return from Florida. The major part of his speech, Robertson wrote Clinch, "was in defense of your conduct at the commence- ment of hostilities, and while you were labouring under the unjust censure of the Department and the press, that vile and contemptible weathercock which shifts with the slightest breeze. When I uttered the name of Clinch the air was rent with shouts of applause, and your name was borne to the heavens from every tongue."', The writer reported other interesting tidbits. The people of Sa- vannah received General Scott with marked indifference and guards were required to prevent his being mobbed at Augusta. Robertson had never "seen a man who bore more visibly the marks of disap- pointment and mortification. . . . This is a cruel world we live in. To a military man mere success is glory, but a want of success is condemnation at once, without benefit of jury or clergy, for the world never inquires into circumstances; and former services are counted as but dust. .. ." Scott left Augusta with General Jesup on May 27 for Columbus and a campaign against the Creek In- dians.12 Jesup told Robertson that the War Department had refused Clinch's resignation, but the General did not know the facts. At St. Marys Clinch received and evidently enjoyed the contents of several 10. DuVal to Clinch, April 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 11. Robertson to Clinch, May 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 12. Ibid. 140 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM At the small Georgia seaport, and later at nearby Refuge Planta- tion, Clinch enjoyed the reunion with his eight children and the re- ceipt of complimentary letters from friends. William P. DuVal, for- mer territorial governor of Florida, regretted that the recent campaign against the Seminoles had not been entrusted to Clinch, for the Battle of Withlacoochee was the only action worth naming. DuVal expressed confidence in Clinch's judgment and knowledge of the Indian character, and he knew that no officer could fight the Semi- noles as well as Clinch. The former governor promised to raise 1,000 volunteers in Kentucky for an autumn campaign in Florida, and desired no commander other than Clinch to lead them into battle.O From Augusta, F. M. Robertson, an officer who had served with Clinch, described the dinner welcoming the Georgia volunteers on their return from Florida. The major part of his speech, Robertson wrote Clinch, "was in defense of your conduct at the commence- ment of hostilities, and while you were labouring under the unjust censure of the Department and the press, that vile and contemptible weatherock which shifts with the slightest breeze. When I uttered the name of Clinch the air was rent with shouts of applause, and your name was borne to the heavens from every tongue." The writer reported other interesting tidbits. The people of Sa- vannah received General Scott with marked indifference and guards were required to prevent his being mobbed at Augusta. Robertson had never "seen a man who bore more visibly the marks of disap- pointment and mortification. . . . This is a cruel world we live in. To a military man mere success is glory, but a want of success is condemnation at once, without benefit of jury or clergy, for the world never inquires into circumstances; and former services are counted as but dust. .. ." Scott left Augusta with General Jesup on May 27 for Columbus and a campaign against the Creek In- dians.12 Jesup told Robertson that the War Department had refused Clinch's resignation, but the General did not know the facts. At St. Marys Clinch received and evidently enjoyed the contents of several 10. DuVal to Clinch, April 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 11. Robertson to Clinch, May 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 12. Ibid. 140 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM At the small Georgia seaport, and later at nearby Refuge Planta- tion, Clinch enjoyed the reunion with his eight children and the re- ceipt of complimentary letters from friends. William P. DuVal, for- mer territorial governor of Florida, regretted that the recent campaign against the Seminoles had not been entrusted to Clinch, for the Battle of Withlacoochee was the only action worth naming. DuVal expressed confidence in Clinch's judgment and knowledge of the Indian character, and he knew that no officer could fight the Semi- noles as well as Clinch. The former governor promised to raise 1,000 volunteers in Kentucky for an autumn campaign in Florida, and desired no commander other than Clinch to lead them into battle. 10 From Augusta, F. M. Robertson, an officer who had served with Clinch, described the dinner welcoming the Georgia volunteers on their return from Florida. The major part of his speech, Robertson wrote Clinch, "was in defense of your conduct at the commence- ment of hostilities, and while you were labouring under the unjust censure of the Department and the press, that vile and contemptible weathercock which shifts with the slightest breeze. When I uttered the name of Clinch the air was rent with shouts of applause, and your name was borne to the heavens from every tongue."5 The writer reported other interesting tidbits. The people of Sa- vannah received General Scott with marked indifference and guards were required to prevent his being mobbed at Augusta. Robertson had never "seen a man who bore more visibly the marks of disap- pointment and mortification. . . . This is a cruel world we live in. To a military man mere success is glory, but a want of success is condemnation at once, without benefit of jury or clergy, for the world never inquires into circumstances; and former services are counted as but dust. .. ." Scott left Augusta with General Jesup on May 27 for Columbus and a campaign against the Creek In- dians.12 Jesup told Robertson that the War Department had refused Clinch's resignation, but the General did not know the facts. At St. Marys Clinch received and evidently enjoyed the contents of several 10. DuVal to Clinch, April 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 11. Robertson to Clinch, May 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 12. Ibid. 140  Retirement and Controversy letters from Secretary Lewis Cass. "That the feeble efforts made by me whilst in command of the troops in Florida, should have met the approbation of the President, who is considered the most able and successful Genl, of the day," Clinch replied, "and of yourself ... is to me a source of high gratification." The General had not thought his reasons for resigning sufficiently important to bother the Presi- dent with them; but since the Executive requested the withdrawal of the resignation and a continuation in the service, at least until the difficulties in Florida were concluded, he would give a few reasons for his action. In the first place, it was necessary for Clinch to be with his chil- dren and to provide for their support and education. Even before the passing of his wife, he had planned and looked forward to retire- ment, and after her death it became imperative for him to assume his fatherly duty in raising a large family. Secondly, on February 9, 1836, his father-in-law and "highly valued" friend, John Houstoun McIntosh, had died, leaving a large and involved estate. Years be- fore, Clinch had made a solemn promise to his father-in-law to settle the latter's estate. Recently Clinch had "entered into bonds in the amount of $300,000" and had taken "an oath for the faithful per- formance of the trust confided to my care." It would require from six to eight months, Clinch estimated, to settle the estate. Though he described these family reasons, Clinch did not shun the fundamental cause of his resignation. Only the understanding that he would command the forces in Florida until the Seminoles were conquered and moved to the West had prevented his leaving the service eighteen months before. Notwithstanding privation and domestic grief, so long as he remained in command he would have gladly sacrificed personal needs for the good of the country. But when the War Department assigned an officer of "higher rank, brilliant talents, and reputation, and great experience" to fight the Seminole War, Clinch decided to give General Scott, for whom he had "a very high respect and personal friendship," all information relating to Florida and the Indians, to render him every aid in defeating the Seminoles, and then to retire to the "quiet walks of private life." This determination, Clinch told Secretary Cass, had been often ex- plained and discussed with Scott as well as with other officers, and 141 Retirement and Controversy letters from Secretary Lewis Cass. "That the feeble efforts made by me whilst in command of the troops in Florida, should have met the approbation of the President, who is considered the most able and successful Genl. of the day," Clinch replied, "and of yourself . .. is to me a source of high gratification." The General had not thought his reasons for resigning sufficiently important to bother the Presi- dent with them; but since the Executive requested the withdrawal of the resignation and a continuation in the service, at least until the difficulties in Florida were concluded, he would give a few reasons for his action. In the first place, it was necessary for Clinch to be with his chil- dren and to provide for their support and education. Even before the passing of his wife, he had planned and looked forward to retire- ment, and after her death it became imperative for him to assume his fatherly duty in raising a large family. Secondly, on February 9, 1836, his father-in-law and "highly valued" friend, John Houstoun McIntosh, had died, leaving a large and involved estate. Years be- fore, Clinch had made a solemn promise to his father-in-law to settle the latter's estate. Recently Clinch had "entered into bonds in the amount of $300,000" and had taken "an oath for the faithful per- formance of the trust confided to my care." It would require from six to eight months, Clinch estimated, to settle the estate. Though he described these family reasons, Clinch did not shun the fundamental cause of his resignation. Only the understanding that he would command the forces in Florida until the Seminoles were conquered and moved to the West had prevented his leaving the service eighteen months before. Notwithstanding privation and domestic grief, so long as he remained in command he would have gladly sacrificed personal needs for the good of the country. But when the War Department assigned an officer of "higher rank, brilliant talents, and reputation, and great experience" to fight the Seminole War, Clinch decided to give General Scott, for whom he had "a very high respect and personal friendship," all information relating to Florida and the Indians, to render him every aid in defeating the Seminoles, and then to retire to the "quiet walks of private life." This determination, Clinch told Secretary Cass, had been often ex- plained and discussed with Scott as well as with other officers, and 141 Retirement and Controversy letters from Secretary Lewis Cass. "That the feeble efforts made by me whilst in command of the troops in Florida, should have met the approbation of the President, who is considered the most able and successful Genl. of the day," Clinch replied, "and of yourself ... is to me a source of high gratification." The General had not thought his reasons for resigning sufficiently important to bother the Presi- dent with them; but since the Executive requested the withdrawal of the resignation and a continuation in the service, at least until the difficulties in Florida were concluded, he would give a few reasons for his action. In the first place, it was necessary for Clinch to be with his chil- dren and to provide for their support and education. Even before the passing of his wife, he had planned and looked forward to retire- ment, and after her death it became imperative for him to assume his fatherly duty in raising a large family. Secondly, on February 9, 1836, his father-in-law and "highly valued" friend, John Houstoun McIntosh, had died, leaving a large and involved estate. Years be- fore, Clinch had made a solemn promise to his father-in-law to settle the latter's estate. Recently Clinch had "entered into bonds in the amount of $300,000" and had taken "an oath for the faithful per- formance of the trust confided to my care." It would require from six to eight months, Clinch estimated, to settle the estate. Though he described these family reasons, Clinch did not shun the fundamental cause of his resignation. Only the understanding that he would command the forces in Florida until the Seminoles were conquered and moved to the West had prevented his leaving the service eighteen months before. Notwithstanding privation and domestic grief, so long as he remained in command he would have gladly sacrificed personal needs for the good of the country. But when the War Department assigned an officer of "higher rank, brilliant talents, and reputation, and great experience" to fight the Seminole War, Clinch decided to give General Scott, for whom he had "a very high respect and personal friendship," all information relating to Florida and the Indians, to render him every aid in defeating the Seminoles, and then to retire to the "quiet walks of private life." This determination, Clinch told Secretary Cass, had been often ex- plained and discussed with Scott as well as with other officers, and 141  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM had been understood and approved by them. Finally, he sincerely believed he could contribute little under existing circumstances to success in Florida; he hoped the President understood that the resig- nation came from "deep necessity" and "mature deliberation," and respectfully requested the Executive to accept it.13 The belated offer of overall command in Florida did not tempt Clinch. "I feel confident that I could not under the existing state of things in Florida, meet the expectations of the President and the people of the U. S. as the exhausted resources of the country, the small number of officers and men at present in Florida, will not in my humble opinion, justify the commencement of a vigorous cam- paign against the Seminoles this summer, and I shall, therefore, by retiring from the army leave the military affairs of Florida in other hands."" Clinch promised to send a message by express to Governor Call, informing him of the resignation, to enable him to take advan- tage of the contingency contained in the Secretary of War's letter of May 25 and in place of Clinch to assume control of the forces in Florida. Clinch emphatically rejected the opportunity to redeem himself by taking command in Florida. By June, 1836, the belief was strong in him that his original failure to subdue the Seminoles lay not with him but with the War Department. The Secretary of War's failure to assess correctly the number and strength of the Indians and the insufficient number of troops and meager supplies sent to Florida were, in the General's opinion, reasons for the misfortunes in the territory. Even assurance of complete support from the department in June probably would not have enticed Clinch into a campaign; he was involved in family concerns which would require his full ener- gy. He had been in the army for twenty-eight years, he knew the Seminoles would be difficult to conquer, and, as he approached the age of fifty, he longed for comfort. The General thus gave President Jackson and Secretary Cass no alternative. His resignation was accepted on June 21, to become ef- fective on June 30, 1837, with a leave of absence for the inter- 13. Clinch to Cass, June 6, 1836, Letters Received; Benrose, Reminis- cences, 136. 14. Clinch to R. Jones (Adjutant General), June 13, 1836, Letters Received. 142 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM had been understood and approved by them. Finally, he sincerely believed he could contribute little under existing circumstances to success in Florida; he hoped the President understood that the resig- nation came from "deep necessity" and "mature deliberation," and respectfully requested the Executive to accept it.13 The belated offer of overall command in Florida did not tempt Clinch. "I feel confident that I could not under the existing state of things in Florida, meet the expectations of the President and the people of the U. S. as the exhausted resources of the country, the small number of officers and men at present in Florida, will not in my humble opinion, justify the commencement of a vigorous cam- paign against the Seminoles this summer, and I shall, therefore, by retiring from the army leave the military affairs of Florida in other hands."14 Clinch promised to send a message by express to Governor Call, informing him of the resignation, to enable him to take advan- tage of the contingency contained in the Secretary of War's letter of May 25 and in place of Clinch to assume control of the forces in Florida. Clinch emphatically rejected the opportunity to redeem himself by taking command in Florida. By June, 1836, the belief was strong in him that his original failure to subdue the Seminoles lay not with him but with the War Department. The Secretary of War's failure to assess correctly the number and strength of the Indians and the insufficient number of troops and meager supplies sent to Florida were, in the General's opinion, reasons for the misfortunes in the territory. Even assurance of complete support from the department in June probably would not have enticed Clinch into a campaign; he was involved in family concerns which would require his full ener- gy. He had been in the army for twenty-eight years, he knew the Seminoles would be difficult to conquer, and, as he approached the age of fifty, he longed for comfort. The General thus gave President Jackson and Secretary Cass no alternative. His resignation was accepted on June 21, to become ef- fective on June 30, 1837, with a leave of absence for the inter- 13. Clinch to Cass, June 6, 1836, Letters Received; Bemrose, Reminis- cences, 136. 14. Clinch to R. Jones (Adjutant General), June 13, 1836, Letters Received. 142 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM had been understood and approved by them. Finally, he sincerely believed he could contribute little under existing circumstances to success in Florida; he hoped the President understood that the resig- nation came from "deep necessity" and "mature deliberation," and respectfully requested the Executive to accept it.1 The belated offer of overall command in Florida did not tempt Clinch. "I feel confident that I could not under the existing state of things in Florida, meet the expectations of the President and the people of the U. S. as the exhausted resources of the country, the small number of officers and men at present in Florida, will not in my humble opinion, justify the commencement of a vigorous cam- paign against the Seminoles this summer, and I shall, therefore, by retiring from the army leave the military affairs of Florida in other hands."14 Clinch promised to send a message by express to Governor Call, informing him of the resignation, to enable him to take advan- tage of the contingency contained in the Secretary of War's letter of May 25 and in place of Clinch to assume control of the forces in Florida. Clinch emphatically rejected the opportunity to redeem himself by taking command in Florida. By June, 1836, the belief was strong in him that his original failure to subdue the Seminoles lay not with him but with the War Department. The Secretary of War's failure to assess correctly the number and strength of the Indians and the insufficient number of troops and meager supplies sent to Florida were, in the General's opinion, reasons for the misfortunes in the territory. Even assurance of complete support from the department in June probably would not have enticed Clinch into a campaign; he was involved in family concerns which would require his full ener- gy. He had been in the army for twenty-eight years, he knew the Seminoles would be difficult to conquer, and, as he approached the age of fifty, he longed for comfort. The General thus gave President Jackson and Secretary Cass no alternative. His resignation was accepted on June 21, to become ef- fective on June 30, 1837, with a leave of absence for the inter- 13. Clinch to Cass, June 6, 1836, Letters Received; Bemrose, Reminis- cences, 136. 14. Clinch to R. Jones (Adjutant General), June 13, 1836, Letters Received. 142  Retirement and Controversy vening year.15 Officially the War Department never recognized the basic reason for his retirement. The Secretary of War cited "the gal- lantry and good conduct of Brigadier General Clinch, who com- manded in Florida on the breaking out of hostilities in that quarter. ... The merits of that officer were so highly appreciated by this Department, that his resignation has not been accepted until it has been ascertained to have been rendered necessary by important pri- vate affairs. "16 A week after accepting the resignation the Adjutant General noti- fied Clinch of an error. General Order 43 limited the leave of ab- sence of a retiring officer to three months, and Clinch was informed of the substitution of September 21, 1836, for June 30, 1837, as the official date of his resignation. This change gave the Adjutant General opportunity to invite the General to return to the army. When terminal leaves of absence were curtailed by this order, he wrote Clinch, an officer could accept the abbreviated leave or with- draw his resignation. Although the letters of the General left no doubt of his final intentions, the Adjutant General refused to an- nounce the resignation until he had heard from Clinch7 In July the General accepted the terminal date of September and his retire- ment became official.18 For more than a year Clinch traveled up and down the Atlantic seaboard and received the plaudits of admirers. In Augusta a militia company, recruited mainly of individuals who had served under the General in Florida, took the name of "The Clinch Riflemen" to hon- or him, and elected him the first honorary member. Captain Eben- ezer Starnes wrote: You told me General, the evening that we parted [in Florida], that you 'felt as though your children were leaving you.' And I felt that it was not intended by you as an empty compliment, merely. I felt, that the declaration came from your kind and benevolent heart. You per- ceive Genl. 'your children' have not forgotten you but that they re- ciprocate . .. in the highest degree your kind feelings. And believe me it is no empty compliment, on my part, when I assure you that it 15. Adjutant General to Clinch, June 21, 1836, Letters Sent. 16. "Report of the Secretary of War," December 3, 1836, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 104. 17. Adjutant General to Clinch, June 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 18. Clinch to Adjutant General, July 17, 1836, Letters Received. 143 Retirement and Controversy vening year.15 Officially the War Department never recognized the basic reason for his retirement. The Secretary of War cited "the gal- lantry and good conduct of Brigadier General Clinch, who com- manded in Florida on the breaking out of hostilities in that quarter. ... The merits of that officer were so highly appreciated by this Department, that his resignation has not been accepted until it has been ascertained to have been rendered necessary by important pri- vate affairs."16 A week after accepting the resignation the Adjutant General noti- fied Clinch of an error. General Order 43 limited the leave of ab- sence of a retiring officer to three months, and Clinch was informed of the substitution of September 21, 1836, for June 30, 1837, as the official date of his resignation. This change gave the Adjutant General opportunity to invite the General to return to the army. When terminal leaves of absence were curtailed by this order, he wrote Clinch, an officer could accept the abbreviated leave or with- draw his resignation. Although the letters of the General left no doubt of his final intentions, the Adjutant General refused to an- nounce the resignation until he had heard from Clinchyr In July the General accepted the terminal date of September and his retire- ment became official.18 For more than a year Clinch traveled up and down the Atlantic seaboard and received the plaudits of admirers. In Augusta a militia company, recruited mainly of individuals who had served under the General in Florida, took the name of "The Clinch Riflemen" to hon- or him, and elected him the first honorary member. Captain Eben- ezer Starnes wrote: You told me General, the evening that we parted [in Florida], that you 'felt as though your children were leaving you.' And I felt that it was not intended by you as an empty compliment, merely. I felt, that the declaration came from your kind and benevolent heart. You per- ceive Gen. 'your children' have not forgotten you but that they re- ciprocate ... in the highest degree your kind feelings. And believe me it is no empty compliment, on my part, when I assure you that it 15. Adjutant General to Clinch, June 21, 1836, Letters Sent. 16. "Report of the Secretary of War," December 3, 1836, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 104. 17. Adjutant General to Clinch, June 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 18. Clinch to Adjutant General, July 17, 1836, Letters Received. 143 Retirement and Controversy vening year.15 Officially the War Department never recognized the basic reason for his retirement. The Secretary of War cited "the gal- lantry and good conduct of Brigadier General Clinch, who com- manded in Florida on the breaking out of hostilities in that quarter. ... The merits of that officer were so highly appreciated by this Department, that his resignation has not been accepted until it has been ascertained to have been rendered necessary by important pri- vate affairs."16 A week after accepting the resignation the Adjutant General noti- fied Clinch of an error. General Order 43 limited the leave of ab- sence of a retiring officer to three months, and Clinch was informed of the substitution of September 21, 1836, for June 30, 1837, as the official date of his resignation. This change gave the Adjutant General opportunity to invite the General to return to the army. When terminal leaves of absence were curtailed by this order, he wrote Clinch, an officer could accept the abbreviated leave or with- draw his resignation. Although the letters of the General left no doubt of his final intentions, the Adjutant General refused to an- nounce the resignation until he had heard from Clinch7 In July the General accepted the terminal date of September and his retire- ment became official.l8 For more than a year Clinch traveled up and down the Atlantic seaboard and received the plaudits of admirers. In Augusta a militia company, recruited mainly of individuals who had served under the General in Florida, took the name of "The Clinch Riflemen" to hon- or him, and elected him the first honorary member. Captain Eben- ezer Starnes wrote: You told me General, the evening that we parted [in Florida], that you 'felt as though your children were leaving you.' And I felt that it was not intended by you as an empty compliment, merely. I felt, that the declaration came from your kind and benevolent heart. You per- ceive Genl. 'your children' have not forgotten you but that they re- ciprocate .. .in the highest degree your kind feelings. And believe me it is no empty compliment, on my part, when I assure you that it 15. Adjutant General to Clinch, June 21, 1836, Letters Sent. 16. "Report of the Secretary of War," December 3, 1836, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 104. 17. Adjutant General to Clinch, June 28, 1836, Clinch Papers. 18. Clinch to Adjutant General, July 17, 1836, Letters Received. 143  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM gives me more pleasure on my return from Florida to see and hear such ample justice done your services and character among my fellow citizens, than it could have given me, to have worn away laurels from the campaign. I must express my regret that you have retired from the army of the U. S. I feel that regret because I had hoped the com- mand in Florida in the next campaign would be given you and I could have no doubt about the success of our troops against the Seminoles. . . . I had some vague hope that under your auspices I might yet be enabled myself to get some little revenge out of those savages. I have no doubt, however, you have chosen the wiser part... 19 Clinch evidently did not travel to Augusta in August, but he did find it necessary to visit Florida in the fall. On November 26 John Drysdale chaired a meeting of St. Augustine citizens who decided to tender the General a public dinner. Clinch accepted, but felt that the "partiality of my fellow citizens of St. Augustine has in- duced them greatly to overrate my public services, still the approba- tion of a community, possessing so much intelligence and worth ... is to me a source of the highest gratification...." At his request the dinner was scheduled for the following Monday night.20 Meanwhile the ladies of St. Augustine evidently demanded a change of plans-the dinner was to have been a stag affair. A sec- ond invitation went to Clinch: "A number of your friends desire that the ladies of St. Augustine should share in the public demon- stration of respect alike due to you as their esteemed fellow citizen and able defender. Respectfully ask your acceptance of an invitation to a Ball to be given at the courthouse this evening at 7 o'clock."a1 The invitation "is doubly prized," the cavalier Clinch responded, "in consideration of the allusion to the fair and lovely daughters of St. Augustine. ..."22 The ladies enjoyed the evening, and on Monday the men ate and drank at the Florida House. Judge Joseph L. Smith presided with the assistance of General Joseph M. Hernandez of the militia. After the 19. Ebenezer Starnes to Clinch, August 10, -836, Clinch Papers. 20. Judge Joseph L. Smith and others to Clinch, November 26, 1836, and Clinch to Smith and others, November 26, 1836, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 51-53. 21. Joseph S. Sanchez and others to Clinch, November 29, 1836, Clinch Papers. 22. Clinch to Sanchez and others, November 29, 1836, Clinch Papers. 144 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM gives me more pleasure on my return from Florida to see and hear such ample justice done your services and character among my fellow citizens, than it could have given me, to have worn away laurels from the campaign. I must express my regret that you have retired from the army of the U. S. I feel that regret because I had hoped the com- mand in Florida in the next campaign would be given you and I could have no doubt about the success of our troops against the Seminoles. . . . I had some vague hope that under your auspices I might yet be enabled myself to get some little revenge out of those savages. I have no doubt, however, you have chosen the wiser part....s Clinch evidently did not travel to Augusta in August, but he did find it necessary to visit Florida in the fall. On November 26 John Drysdale chaired a meeting of St. Augustine citizens who decided to tender the General a public dinner. Clinch accepted, but felt that the "partiality of my fellow citizens of St. Augustine has in- duced them greatly to overrate my public services, still the approba- tion of a community, possessing so much intelligence and worth. . . is to me a source of the highest gratification...." At his request the dinner was scheduled for the following Monday night.20 Meanwhile the ladies of St. Augustine evidently demanded a change of plans-the dinner was to have been a stag affair. A sec- ond invitation went to Clinch: "A number of your friends desire that the ladies of St. Augustine should share in the public demon- stration of respect alike due to you as their esteemed fellow citizen and able defender. Respectfully ask your acceptance of an invitation to a Ball to be given at the courthouse this evening at 7 o'clock."21 The invitation "is doubly prized," the cavalier Clinch responded, "in consideration of the allusion to the fair and lovely daughters of St. Augustine. . . ."0 The ladies enjoyed the evening, and on Monday the men ate and drank at the Florida House. Judge Joseph L. Smith presided with the assistance of General Joseph M. Hernandez of the militia. After the 19. Ebenezer Starnes to Clinch, August 10, -836, Clinch Papers. 20. Judge Joseph L. Smith and others to Clinch, November 26, 1836, and Clinch to Smith and others, November 26, 1836, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 51-53. 21. Joseph S. Sanchez and others to Clinch, November 29, 1836, Clinch Papers. 22. Clinch to Sanchez and others, November 29, 1836, Clinch Papers. 144 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM gives me more pleasure on my return from Florida to see and hear such ample justice done your services and character among my fellow citizens, than it could have given me, to have worn away laurels from the campaign. I must express my regret that you have retired from the army of the U. S. I feel that regret because I had hoped the com- mand in Florida in the next campaign would be given you and I could have no doubt about the success of our troops against the Seminoles. . . . I had some vague hope that under your auspices I might yet be enabled myself to get some little revenge out of those savages. I have no doubt, however, you have chosen the wiser part. . ..19 Clinch evidently did not travel to Augusta in August, but he did find it necessary to visit Florida in the fall. On November 26 John Drysdale chaired a meeting of St. Augustine citizens who decided to tender the General a public dinner. Clinch accepted, but felt that the "partiality of my fellow citizens of St. Augustine has in- duced them greatly to overrate my public services, still the approba- tion of a community, possessing so much intelligence and worth ... is to me a source of the highest gratification...." At his request the dinner was scheduled for the following Monday night.20 Meanwhile the ladies of St. Augustine evidently demanded a change of plans-the dinner was to have been a stag affair. A sec- ond invitation went to Clinch: "A number of your friends desire that the ladies of St. Augustine should share in the public demon- stration of respect alike due to you as their esteemed fellow citizen and able defender. Respectfully ask your acceptance of an invitation to a Ball to be given at the courthouse this evening at 7 o'clock."21 The invitation "is doubly prized," the cavalier Clinch responded, "in consideration of the allusion to the fair and lovely daughters of St. Augustine. ..."22 The ladies enjoyed the evening, and on Monday the men ate and drank at the Florida House. Judge Joseph L. Smith presided with the assistance of General Joseph M. Hernandez of the militia. After the 19. Ebenezer Starnes to Clinch, August 10, -836, Clinch Papers. 20. Judge Joseph L. Smith and others to Clinch, November 26, 1836, and Clinch to Smith and others, November 26, 1836, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 51-53. 21. Joseph S. Sanchez and others to Clinch, November 29, 1836, Clinch Papers. 22. Clinch to Sanchez and others, November 29, 1836, Clinch Papers. 144  Retirement and Controversy banquet, planned and spontaneous toasts came one after the other- "Our common country," "Our Revolutionary Heroes," and similar expressions. The seventh regular toast was to Clinch: "Our worthy, fellow citizen, and respected guest, a good soldier, a good planter and a good fellow, may he never lose a crop, a battle, or a friend." The general responded with the longest recorded speech of his career: Gentlemen: I rise with much diffidence, but with great good feeling and gratitude for the compliment conveyed in the sentiment just expressed. Conscious of my defects as a public speaker, I will not obtrude long on your patience. Identified both in feeling and interest with my fellow citizens of Florida, I have felt, and felt deeply for their losses, privations, and sufferings, but great and serious as they have been, as growing out of the savage and incendiary war of the Seminoles, I feel conscious, while commanding in Florida, of having used every effort in my power, with the limited means placed within my control by the Department of War, to give protection to their lives and property. It was my fixed determination when the command in Florida was (unsolicited on my part) conferred on me, to remain in the service, until our Indian difficulties were brought to a close; and lost no time in informing the Department of War, of the true state of the country, and in pointing out the means best calculated for its defense and protection; but, at a time when I least expected it, and on the eve of extending my plan of oper- ations, the head of that Department thought proper, for reasons best known to himself, to supersede me in the command, by an officer of high rank and still higher reputation. (Cries of no, no.) Still I would not retire from the field as long as I thought I could be of service to my country; nor could I separate myself from the gallant regulars, who had served so long with me, nor from the high-minded and gallant volunteers, who at all times so cheerfully placed them- selves under my command. But the campaign was brought to a close, and I determined to retire to the walks of private life. Tis true that the President of the United States, feeling conscious that injustice had been done me, with his usual magnanimity, urged me to resume the command of the army in Florida, but it was then too late; my plan of operations had been changed, the troops sick and under all these disadvantages, it was expected that I should open a summer campaign. Gentlemen, you are all too well acquainted with the incidents of the present war, to require any further re- marks from me; but I will assert, and that without the fear of con- tradiction, that whenever our troops, either regulars or volunteers, 145 Retirement and Controversy banquet, planned and spontaneous toasts came one after the other- "Our common country," "Our Revolutionary Heroes," and similar expressions. The seventh regular toast was to Clinch: "Our worthy, fellow citizen, and respected guest, a good soldier, a good planter and a good fellow, may he never lose a crop, a battle, or a friend." The general responded with the longest recorded speech of his career: Gentlemen: I rise with much diffidence, but with great good feeling and gratitude for the compliment conveyed in the sentiment just expressed. Conscious of my defects as a public speaker, I will not obtrude long on your patience. Identified both in feeling and interest with my fellow citizens of Florida, I have felt, and felt deeply for their losses, privations, and sufferings, but great and serious as they have been, as growing out of the savage and incendiary war of the Seminoles, I feel conscious, while commanding in Florida, of having used every effort in my power, with the limited means placed within my control by the Department of War, to give protection to their lives and property. It was my fixed determination when the command in Florida was (unsolicited on my part) conferred on me, to remain in the service, until our Indian difficulties were brought to a close; and lost no time in informing the Department of War, of the true state of the country, and in pointing out the means best calculated for its defense and protection; but, at a time when I least expected it, and on the eve of extending my plan of oper- ations, the head of that Department thought proper, for reasons best known to himself, to supersede me in the command, by an officer of high rank and still higher reputation. (Cries of no, no.) Still I would not retire from the field as long as I thought I could be of service to my country; nor could I separate myself from the gallant regulars, who had served so long with me, nor from the high-minded and gallant volunteers, who at all times so cheerfully placed them- selves under my command. But the campaign was brought to a close, and I determined to retire to the walks of private life. Tis true that the President of the United States, feeling conscious that injustice had been done me, with his usual magnanimity, urged me to resume the command of the army in Florida, but it was then too late; my plan of operations had been changed, the troops sick and under all these disadvantages, it was expected that I should open a summer campaign. Gentlemen, you are all too well acquainted with the incidents of the present war, to require any further re- marks from me; but I will assert, and that without the fear of con- tradiction, that whenever our troops, either regulars or volunteers, 145 Retirement and Controversy banquet, planned and spontaneous toasts came one after the other- "Our common country," "Our Revolutionary Heroes," and similar expressions. The seventh regular toast was to Clinch: "Our worthy, fellow citizen, and respected guest, a good soldier, a good planter and a good fellow, may he never lose a crop, a battle, or a friend." The general responded with the longest recorded speech of his career: Gentlemen: I rise with much diffidence, but with great good feeling and gratitude for the compliment conveyed in the sentiment just expressed. Conscious of my defects as a public speaker, I will not obtrude long on your patience. Identified both in feeling and interest with my fellow citizens of Florida, I have felt, and felt deeply for their losses, privations, and sufferings, but great and serious as they have been, as growing out of the savage and incendiary war of the Seminoles, I feel conscious, while commanding in Florida, of having used every effort in my power, with the limited means placed within my control by the Department of War, to give protection to their lives and property. It was my fixed determination when the command in Florida was (unsolicited on my part) conferred on me, to remain in the service, until our Indian difficulties were brought to a close; and lost no time in informing the Department of War, of the true state of the country, and in pointing out the means best calculated for its defense and protection; but, at a time when I least expected it, and on the eve of extending my plan of oper- ations, the head of that Department thought proper, for reasons best known to himself, to supersede me in the command, by an officer of high rank and still higher reputation. (Cries of no, no.) Still I would not retire from the field as long as I thought I could be of service to my country; nor could I separate myself from the gallant regulars, who had served so long with me, nor from the high-minded and gallant volunteers, who at all times so cheerfully placed them- selves under my command. But the campaign was brought to a close, and I determined to retire to the walks of private life. Tis true that the President of the United States, feeling conscious that injustice had been done me, with his usual magnanimity, urged me to resume the command of the army in Florida, but it was then too late; my plan of operations had been changed, the troops sick and under all these disadvantages, it was expected that I should open a summer campaign. Gentlemen, you are all too well acquainted with the incidents of the present war, to require any further re- marks from me; but I will assert, and that without the fear of con- tradiction, that whenever our troops, either regulars or volunteers, 145  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM have met the enemy, with anything like half their numbers, they have been successful, and have sustained the honor and high charac- ter of their country. I will propose a toast, Florida-May the cloud that now overshadows prosperity, soon pass away, and may ample justice be measured out to her suffering citizens, by the representa- tives of a great and magnanimous state. Probably many of the assembled diners heard few of the General's words, for his voice was weak and hoarse, but they cheered wildly for whatever he said. He exhibited the best of spirits and basked in an atmosphere of approval and friendship and praise for his military prowess. One after another the men rose to offer more toasts. The territory of Florida was repeatedly praised. "The Fair-First and foremost in our affections," though absent by plan, were admired for their beauty, without mention of their hard work and their endurance of the male. Judge Smith brought the unique fiscal situation of the nation into the picture by toasting the "Surplus Revenue" of the country, and asking that it be distributed to the states, but after just compensation had been made to Floridians for their losses in the Seminole War. One man wanted General Clinch appointed governor of the territory and another declared, "As a General we ne'er shall look upon his like again." Captain Drane, for whom Fort Drane had been named, complimented the militia of East Florida. A citizen drank to "the cove of the Withlacoochee. Let it be well Drand; bridged over with nails well Clinch'd and then our army may pass over." This toast convinced the most enthusiastic that the celebration bad progressed to the point of drunkenness. The event ended with cheers, handshaking, and more compliments to Clinch by thick-tongued well-wishers.23 Residents of no other city matched the enthusiasm and efferves- cence of the St. Augustinians. In February, 1837, a committee of Fredericksburg, Virginia, citizens prevailed upon Clinch to linger a day in their town and they tendered him a dinner at the Rappahan- nock House on a Monday evening. A reporter described the occasion as a pleasant one: "The impression made in our society, by the gen- tlemanly and soldier-like bearing of Gen. Clinch will not soon be 23. The dinner was reported in the St. Augustine Florida Herald, Decem- ber t, 1836, and Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 51-53. 146 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM have met the enemy, with anything like half their numbers, they have been successful, and have sustained the honor and high charac- ter of their country. I will propose a toast, Florida-May the cloud that now overshadows prosperity, soon pass away, and may ample justice be measured out to her suffering citizens, by the representa- tives of a great and magnanimous state. Probably many of the assembled diners heard few of the General's words, for his voice was weak and hoarse, but they cheered wildly for whatever he said. He exhibited the best of spirits and basked in an atmosphere of approval and friendship and praise for his military prowess. One after another the men rose to offer more toasts. The territory of Florida was repeatedly praised. "The Fair-First and foremost in our affections," though absent by plan, were admired for their beauty, without mention of their hard work and their endurance of the male. Judge Smith brought the unique fiscal situation of the nation into the picture by toasting the "Surplus Revenue" of the country, and asking that it be distributed to the states, but after just compensation had been made to Floridians for their losses in the Seminole War. One man wanted General Clinch appointed governor of the territory and another declared, "As a General we ne'er shall look upon his like again." Captain Drane, for whom Fort Drane had been named, complimented the militia of East Florida. A citizen drank to "the cove of the Withlacoochee. Let it be well Dran'd; bridged over with nails well Clinch'd and then our army may pass over." This toast convinced the most enthusiastic that the celebration had progressed to the point of drunkenness. The event ended with cheers, handshaking, and more compliments to Clinch by thick-tongued well-wishers.23 Residents of no other city matched the enthusiasm and efferves- cence of the St. Augustinians. In February, 1837, a committee of Fredericksburg, Virginia, citizens prevailed upon Clinch to linger a day in their town and they tendered him a dinner at the Rappahan- nock House on a Monday evening. A reporter described the occasion as a pleasant one: "The impression made in our society, by the gen- tlemanly and soldier-like bearing of Gen. Clinch will not soon be 23. The dinner was reported in the St. Augustine Florida Herald, Decem- ber 1, 1836, and Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 51-53. 146 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM have met the enemy, with anything like half their numbers, they have been successful, and have sustained the honor and high charac- ter of their country. I will propose a toast, Florida-May the cloud that now overshadows prosperity, soon pass away, and may ample justice be measured out to her suffering citizens, by the representa- tives of a great and magnanimous state. Probably many of the assembled diners heard few of the General's words, for his voice was weak and hoarse, but they cheered wildly for whatever he said. He exhibited the best of spirits and basked in an atmosphere of approval and friendship and praise for his military prowess. One after another the men rose to offer more toasts. The territory of Florida was repeatedly praised. "The Fair-First and foremost in our affections," though absent by plan, were admired for their beauty, without mention of their hard work and their endurance of the male. Judge Smith brought the unique fiscal situation of the nation into the picture by toasting the "Surplus Revenue" of the country, and asking that it be distributed to the states, but after just compensation had been made to Floridians for their losses in the Seminole War. One man wanted General Clinch appointed governor of the territory and another declared, "As a General we ne'er shall look upon his like again." Captain Drane, for whom Fort Drane had been named, complimented the militia of East Florida. A citizen drank to "the cove of the Withlacoochee. Let it be well Drand; bridged over with nails well Clinch'd and then our army may pass over." This toast convinced the most enthusiastic that the celebration had progressed to the point of drunkenness. The event ended with cheers, handshaking, and more compliments to Clinch by thick-tongued well-wishers.o Residents of no other city matched the enthusiasm and efferves- cence of the St. Augustinians. In February, 1837, a committee of Fredericksburg, Virginia, citizens prevailed upon Clinch to linger a day in their town and they tendered him a dinner at the Rappahan- nock House on a Monday evening. A reporter described the occasion as a pleasant one: "The impression made in our society, by the gen- tlemanly and soldier-like bearing of Gen. Clinch will not soon be 23. The dinner was reported in the St. Augustine Florida Herald, Derem- ber 1, 1836, and Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 51-53. 146  Retirement and Controversy forgotten. No one can cease to regret that any circumstances should have deprived the army of such a man."24 The retired General went south to Augusta where, before his ar- rival, friends had met to plan a reception. On February 7, William W. Holt had called the meeting to order in the Masonic Hall and declared the purpose was to find some means to honor "the gallant Clinch." Captain Robertson of "The Clinch Riflemen" proposed the appointment of a committee of thirteen to plan a public dinner. All residents who wished to have tickets were urged to secure them at the Eagle and Phoenix, the United States, or the Planters' hotels on February 8 between the daytime hours of ten and three.as Clinch arrived by train from Charleston the same day. The Rich- mond Blues and the Augusta Guards crossed the river to Hamburg in South Carolina and then escorted the General into Augusta. Gentlemen on horseback, including the mayor, joined the parade through the wide streets of the river city as guns thundered from both sides of the Savannah River. "The respect paid to General Clinch would be shown to but few men living, for he seems to be the favorite with everybody, and the volunteers who went from this city to Florida all look upon him almost as a father."26 After deliv- ering their visitor to the Planters' Hotel, he accepted the public din- ner invitation and named Friday, February 10, as the time. On Friday evening at six two hundred guests assembled in the dining room of the Eagle and Phoenix Hotel. The room was deco- rated with festoons of evergreens, the flags of volunteer companies, and the Withlacoochee Banner-the latter to honor those who had known danger in Florida. "We have never witnessed such a dinner," a reporter declared, "and we do not mean the food, good as it was ... but we mean the feeling which animated the entire assembly, the enthusiasm which pervaded every bosom, and gratification visi- ble on every countenance." Mayor Samuel Hale presided. After the third toast, Clinch rose, but emotion conquered him; in a feeble voice he praised the volun- teers from Augusta and sat down. The happy audience gave him 24. "Arena," Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV., 95. 25. Unidentified newspaper clipping, February 8, 1837, Clinch Papers. 26. Savannah Georgian, February 11, 1837; Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 125. 147 Retirement and Controversy forgotten. No one can cease to regret that any circumstances should have deprived the army of such a man."24 The retired General went south to Augusta where, before his ar- rival, friends had met to plan a reception. On February 7, William W. Holt had called the meeting to order in the Masonic Hall and declared the purpose was to find some means to honor "the gallant Clinch." Captain Robertson of "The Clinch Riflemen" proposed the appointment of a committee of thirteen to plan a public dinner. All residents who wished to have tickets were urged to secure them at the Eagle and Phoenix, the United States, or the Planters' hotels on February 8 between the daytime hours of ten and three.2s Clinch arrived by train from Charleston the same day. The Rich- mond Blues and the Augusta Guards crossed the river to Hamburg in South Carolina and then escorted the General into Augusta. Gentlemen on horseback, including the mayor, joined the parade through the wide streets of the river city as guns thundered from both sides of the Savannah River. "The respect paid to General Clinch would be shown to but few men living, for be seems to be the favorite with everybody, and the volunteers who went from this city to Florida all look upon him almost as a father."26 After deliv- ering their visitor to the Planters' Hotel, he accepted the public din- ner invitation and named Friday, February 10, as the time. On Friday evening at six two hundred guests assembled in the dining room of the Eagle and Phoenix Hotel. The room was deco- rated with festoons of evergreens, the flags of volunteer companies, and the Withlacoochee Banner-the latter to honor those who had known danger in Florida. "We have never witnessed such a dinner," a reporter declared, "and we do not mean the food, good as it was ... but we mean the feeling which animated the entire assembly, the enthusiasm which pervaded every bosom, and gratification visi- ble on every countenance." Mayor Samuel Hale presided. After the third toast, Clinch rose, but emotion conquered him; in a feeble voice he praised the volun- teers from Augusta and sat down. The happy audience gave him 24. "Arena," Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV., 95. 25. Unidentified newspaper clipping, February 8, 1837, Clinch Papers. 26. Savannah Georgian, February 11, 1837; Army and Nary Chronicle, New Series, IV, 125. 147 Retirement and Controversy forgotten. No one can cease to regret that any circumstances should have deprived the army of such a man."24 The retired General went south to Augusta where, before his ar- rival, friends had met to plan a reception. On February 7, William W. Holt had caled the meeting to order in the Masonic Hall and declared the purpose was to find some means to honor "the gallant Clinch." Captain Robertson of "The Clinch Riflemen" proposed the appointment of a committee of thirteen to plan a public dinner. All residents who wished to have tickets were urged to secure them at the Eagle and Phoenix, the United States, or the Planters' hotels on February 8 between the daytime hours of ten and three.2s Clinch arrived by train from Charleston the same day. The Rich- mond Blues and the Augusta Guards crossed the river to Hamburg in South Carolina and then escorted the General into Augusta. Gentlemen on horseback, including the mayor, joined the parade through the wide streets of the river city as guns thundered from both sides of the Savannah River. "The respect paid to General Clinch would be shown to but few men living, for he seems to be the favorite with everybody, and the volunteers who went from this city to Florida all look upon him ahnost as a father."a After deliv- ering their visitor to the Planters' Hotel, he accepted the public din- ner invitation and named Friday, February 10, as the time. On Friday evening at six two hundred guests assembled in the dining room of the Eagle and Phoenix Hotel. The room was deco- rated with festoons of evergreens, the flags of volunteer companies, and the Withlacoachee Banner-the latter to honor those who had known danger in Florida. "We have never witnessed such a dinner," a reporter declared, "and we do not mean the food, good as it was ... but we mean the feeling which animated the entire assembly, the enthusiasm which pervaded every bosom, and gratification visi- ble on every countenance." Mayor Samuel Hale presided. After the third toast, Clinch rose, but emotion conquered him; in a feeble voice he praised the volun- teers from Augusta and sat down. The happy audience gave him 24. "Arena," Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV., 95. 25. Unidentified newspaper clipping, February 8, 1837, Clinch Papers. 26. Savannah Georgian, February II, 1837; Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 125. 147  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM thundering applause, and an alert guest offered a toast: "He don't talk much, but where fighting is to he done, he is always found on the right side of the fence." Another guest commemorated the "mem- ory of the gallant Dade and his brave companions," and the audi- ence stood to drink in silence; the pianist played "Oft in the Still of the Night," as emotional men wiped tears from their eyes. A slightly inebriated guest offered a toast to "The Land of Flow- ers. Her native flowers are beautiful but not more so, than those which have been transplanted from Virginia." A companion pulled his coattails and reminded him that Clinch was a native of North Carolina. The speaker apologized, substituted North Carolina for Virginia, and resumed his seat amid loud cheering. By this hour the inevitable happened: a guest toasted Clinch with "a nail driven in a sure place, and well clinched." On signal, a prepared parody of Robert Bums's "Old Lang Syne" was sung, to recall service in Florida near Clinch's Lang Syne Plantation. We two have run about the swamps, And through the hammock fine; And we've wandered many a weary foot, Round "Camp Lang Sync." The song continued for many stanzas, interspersed with a rollicking chorus. With this outburst of song the dinner came to an end and the merry diners presumably went home.27 Not all public appearances were as happy for Clinch as these enjoyable dinners. The military fiasco in Florida, the caustic com- ments of General Scott on the character of Floridians, and Floridians' criticism of Scott caused politicians to demand an official investiga- tion of the Seminole War. A Tallahassee newspaper, for instance, claimed General Clinch could have ended the war in short order, had he not been "fettered and harassed with aspirants, whose prowess consists more in words than in deeds. ..."2 This barb directed at General Scott undoubtedly won praise from General Gaines who smarted from Scott's pointed pen and sharp tongue. By order of the Secretary of War a court of inquiry assembled in November, 1836, 27. Augusta Chronicle and States Rights Sentinel, February 11, 1837; Savannah Georgian, February 17, 1837. 28. Tallahassee Floridian, July 8, 1836. 148 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM thundering applause, and an alert guest offered a toast: "He don't talk much, but where fighting is to he done, he is always found on the right side of the fence." Another guest commemorated the "mem- ory of the gallant Dade and his brave companions," and the audi- ence stood to drink in silence; the pianist played "Oft in the Still of the Night," as emotional men wiped tears from their eyes. A slightly inebriated guest offered a toast to "The Land of Flow- ers. Her native flowers are beautiful but not more so, than those which have been transplanted from Virginia." A companion pulled his coattails and reminded him that Clinch was a native of North Carolina. The speaker apologized, substituted North Carolina for Virginia, and resumed his seat amid loud cheering. By this hour the inevitable happened: a guest toasted Clinch with "a nail driven in a sure place, and well clinched." On signal, a prepared parody of Robert Burns's "Old Lang Syne" was sung, to recall service in Florida near Clinch's Lang Syne Plantation. We two have run about the swamps, And through the hammock fine; And we've wandered many a weary foot, Round "Camp Lang Syne." The song continued for many stanzas, interspersed with a rollicking chorus. With this outburst of song the dinner came to an end and the merry diners presumably went home27 Not all public appearances were as happy for Clinch as these enjoyable dinners. The military fiasco in Florida, the caustic com- ments of General Scott on the character of Floridians, and Floridians' criticism of Scott caused politicians to demand an official investiga- tion of the Seminole War. A Tallahassee newspaper, for instance, claimed General Clinch could have ended the war in short order, had he not been "fettered and harassed with aspirants, whose prowess consists more in words than in deeds. ..."as This barb directed at General Scott undoubtedly won praise from General Gaines who smarted from Scott's pointed pen and sharp tongue. By order of the Secretary of War a court of inquiry assembled in November, 1836, 27. Augusta Chronicle and States Rights Sentinel, February 11, 1837; Savannah Georgian, February 17, 1837. 28. Tallahassee Floridian, July 8, 1836. 148 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM thundering applause, and an alert guest offered a toast: "He don't talk much, but where fighting is to be done, he is always found on the right side of the fence." Another guest commemorated the "mem- ory of the gallant Dade and his brave companions," and the audi- ence stood to drink in silence; the pianist played "Oft in the Still of the Night," as emotional men wiped tears from their eyes. A slightly inebriated guest offered a toast to "The Land of Flow- ers. Her native flowers are beautiful but not more so, than those which have been transplanted from Virginia." A companion pulled his coattails and reminded him that Clinch was a native of North Carolina. The speaker apologized, substituted North Carolina for Virginia, and resumed his seat amid loud cheering. By this hour the inevitable happened: a guest toasted Clinch with "a nail driven in a sure place, and well clinched." On signal, a prepared parody of Robert Burns's "Old Lang Syne" was sung, to recall service in Florida near Clinch's Lang Syne Plantation. We two have run about the swamps, And through the hammock fine; And we've wandered many a weary foot, Round "Camp Lang Syne." The song continued for many stanzas, interspersed with a rollicking chorus. With this outburst of song the dinner came to an end and the merry diners presumably went home.27 Not all public appearances were as happy for Clinch as these enjoyable dinners. The military fiasco in Florida, the caustic com- ments of General Scott on the character of Floridians, and Floridians' criticism of Scott caused politicians to demand an official investiga- tion of the Seminole War. A Tallahassee newspaper, for instance, claimed General Clinch could have ended the war in short order, had he not been "fettered and harassed with aspirants, whose prowess consists more in words than in deeds. ..."an This barb directed at General Scott undoubtedly won praise from General Gaines who smarted from Scott's pointed pen and sharp tongue. By order of the Secretary of War a court of inquiry assembled in November, 1836, 27. Augusta Chronicle and States Rights Sentinel, February 11, 1837; Savannah Georgian, February 17, 1837. 28. Tallahassee Floridian, July 8, 1836. 148  Retirement and Controversy at Frederick, Maryland, to investigate the failures of Scott and Gaines in Florida. General Scott was close by in Washington, but Gaines was in Mobile, Alabama, by the bedside of his dying wife. He protested the holding of the inquiry at a distant point, and by letter hit at Scott, in effect accusing him of turning his back on the fighting in Florida to pass indolent days in the interior of the United States.an The court convened without Gaines, and continued its investigations for months. The most damaging accusations against both generals were their own use in letters of invective and vituperation. General Gaines compared Scott to Benedict Arnold, and Scott was equally offensive in his description of Gaines. Duncan L. Clinch became an unwilling witness before the court. Summoned from Refuge Plantation in Georgia, it was almost the end of the year before he reached Frederick. Their long friendship forced him to shy away from criticizing Gaines. But Scott was a friend too, and had characterized Clinch as "a man of singular ex- cellence" who "fought a battle with honor to yourself and the hand- ful of brave men under you."3o Both the men under fire were Clinch's fellow officers of the army, and professionals of all fields have an aversion to criticizing their colleagues. Clinch was no ex- ception to this generalization. He entered the court and saluted the judges in a soldier-like manner. "Every eye was riveted upon him ... athletic, erect, and military in his mien, with a firm open countenance, an eye of genu- ine courage, he impressed the beholder with a conviction that in the hour of battle he was cool, self-possessed, and fearless. . . . He swore with uplifted hand, and detailed in an energetic and clear manner the facts which bore on the matter before the court. He evi- dently showed an intimate knowledge of the events of the war, and of the causes of its lamentable failure."a1 But Clinch condemned neither general. In his opinion the un- authorized expedition of General Gaines into Florida did not materi- 29. Silver, Gaines, 184. 30. Winfield Scott, Memoirs, 2 vols. (New York, 1864), I, 261; Charles Winslow Elliot, Winfield Scott: The Soldier and the Man (New York, 1937), 293. 31. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 411. 149 Retirement and Controversy at Frederick, Maryland, to investigate the failures of Scott and Gaines in Florida. General Scott was close by in Washington, but Gaines was in Mobile, Alabama, by the bedside of his dying wife. He protested the holding of the inquiry at a distant point, and by letter hit at Scott, in effect accusing him of turning his back on the fighting in Florida to pass indolent days in the interior of the United States.29 The court convened without Gaines, and continued its investigations for months. The most damaging accusations against both generals were their own use in letters of invective and vituperation. General Gaines compared Scott to Benedict Arnold, and Scott was equally offensive in his description of Gaines. Duncan L. Clinch became an unwilling witness before the court. Summoned from Refuge Plantation in Georgia, it was almost the end of the year before he reached Frederick. Their long friendship forced him to shy away from criticizing Gaines. But Scott was a friend too, and had characterized Clinch as "a man of singular ex- cellence" who "fought a battle with honor to yourself and the hand- ful of brave men under you."0 Both the men under fire were Clinch's fellow officers of the army, and professionals of all fields have an aversion to criticizing their colleagues. Clinch was no ex- ception to this generalization. He entered the court and saluted the judges in a soldier-like manner. "Every eye was riveted upon him ... athletic, erect, and military in his mien, with a firm open countenance, an eye of genu- ine courage, he impressed the beholder with a conviction that in the hour of battle he was cool, self-possessed, and fearless. . . . He swore with uplifted hand, and detailed in an energetic and clear manner the facts which bore on the matter before the court. He evi- dently showed an intimate knowledge of the events of the war, and of the causes of its lamentable failure."31 But Clinch condemned neither general. In his opinion the un- authorized expedition of General Gaines into Florida did not materi- 29. Silver, Gaines, 184. 30. Winfield Scott, Memoirs, 2 vols. (New York, 1864), I, 261; Charles Winslow Elliot, Winield Scott: The Soldier and the Man (New York, 1937), 293. 31. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 411. 149 Retirement and Controversy at Frederick, Maryland, to investigate the failures of Scott and Gaines in Florida. General Scott was close by in Washington, but Gaines was in Mobile, Alabama, by the bedside of his dying wife. He protested the holding of the inquiry at a distant point, and by letter hit at Scott, in effect accusing him of turning his back on the fighting in Florida to pass indolent days in the interior of the United States.a The court convened without Gaines, and continued its investigations for months. The most damaging accusations against both generals were their own use in letters of invective and vituperation. General Gaines compared Scott to Benedict Arnold, and Scott was equally offensive in his description of Gaines. Duncan L. Clinch became an unwilling witness before the court. Summoned from Refuge Plantation in Georgia, it was almost the end of the year before he reached Frederick. Their long friendship forced him to shy away from criticizing Gaines. But Scott was a friend too, and had characterized Clinch as "a man of singular ex- cellence" who "fought a battle with honor to yourself and the hand- ful of brave men under you."0 Both the men under fire were Clinch's fellow officers of the army, and professionals of all fields have an aversion to criticizing their colleagues. Clinch was no ex- ception to this generalization. He entered the court and saluted the judges in a soldier-like manner. "Every eye was riveted upon him ... athletic, erect, and military in his mien, with a firm open countenance, an eye of genu- ine courage, he impressed the beholder with a conviction that in the hour of battle he was cool, self-possessed, and fearless. . . . He swore with uplifted hand, and detailed in an energetic and clear manner the facts which bore on the matter before the court. He evi- dently showed an intimate knowledge of the events of the war, and of the causes of its lamentable failure."31 But Clinch condemned neither general. In his opinion the un- authorized expedition of General Gaines into Florida did not materi- 29. Silver, Gaines, 184. 30. Winfield Scott, Memoirs, 2 vols. (New York, 1864), I, 261; Charles Winslow Elliot, Winfield Scott: The Soldier and the Man (New York, 1937), 293. 31. Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, III, 411. 149  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ally affect the operations of Scott, and the troops Gaines brought more than offset their consumption of rations. On the other hand, Clinch approved the offensive plans of General Scott and found no fault with his execution of them, nor in the zeal, activity, or judg- ment of the commanding general. Clinch passed the blame to a civilian politician. "I am compelled to state, that I am of the opinion that the failures of, and the disas- ters attending the operations in Florida were mainly to be attributed to the want of energy and military forecast in the late head of the War Department [Lewis Cass]; and in failing to order a larger force, and a greater quantity of military supplies . . . into that country in 1835, and early in the year of 1836." In support of this contention, the retired General quoted extracts from several of his letters re- questing troops and materiel in 1835. "When, at last, the late hon- orable Secretary awoke from his dreams of political preferment," Clinch declared, "and turned his attention to bleeding and suffering Florida, it was too late, owing to the peculiar nature of the country, to effect a great deal before the hot and sickly months set in: hence, in a great measure, may be attributed the failure, as it has been termed, of the campaign conducted by Major General Scott in Flori- da."a The court exonerated both Scott and Gaines, but rapped them sharply for carrying on their personal feud and writing their intem- perate letters. Clinch's testimony initiated an acrimonious debate with former Secretary of War Cass. In a letter Cass defended himself by citing the number of companies transferred to Clinch's command in 1835, and claimed that the department met every demand of the General. This defense angered Clinch, and he responded with a long letter from Refuge Plantation in May, 1837, copies of which were distri- buted to and printed by many newspapers.ou His opinions of Cass, Clinch wrote, were given in answer to a question at a court of inquiry; they were not gratuitously stated to praise himself or to condemn Cass. "The opinion I expressed before the court in reference to his want of energy and militarv forecast 32. Testimony of Clinch, court of inquiry, House Document 78, p. 182. 33. "D. L. Clinch's Reply to Governor Cass, Refuge, Camden County, Georgia," May 13, 1837, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 285-91. The letter of Cass was printed in the Washington Globe, April 15, 1837. 150 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ally affect the operations of Scott, and the troops Gaines brought more than offset their consumption of rations. On the other hand, Clinch approved the offensive plans of General Scott and found no fault with his execution of them, nor in the zeal, activity, or judg- ment of the commanding general. Clinch passed the blame to a civilian politician. "I am compelled to state, that I am of the opinion that the failures of, and the disas- ters attending the operations in Florida were mainly to be attributed to the want of energy and military forecast in the late head of the War Department [Lewis Cass]; and in failing to order a larger force, and a greater quantity of military supplies . . . into that country in 1835, and early in the year of 1836." In support of this contention, the retired General quoted extracts from several of his letters re- questing troops and matdriel in 1835. "When, at last, the late hon- orable Secretary awoke from his dreams of political preferment," Clinch declared, "and turned his attention to bleeding and suffering Florida, it was too late, owing to the peculiar nature of the country, to effect a great deal before the hot and ,sickly months set in: hence, in a great measure, may be attributed the failure, as it has been termed, of the campaign conducted by Major General Scott in Fori- da."2 The court exonerated both Scott and Gaines, but rapped them sharply for carrying on their personal feud and writing their intem- perate letters, Clinch's testimony initiated an acrimonious debate with former Secretary of War Cass. In a letter Cass defended himself by citing the number of companies transferred to Clinch's command in 1835, and claimed that the department met every demand of the General. This defense angered Clinch, and he responded with a long letter from Refuge Plantation in May, 1837, copies of which were distri- buted to and printed by many newspapers.aa His opinions of Cass, Clinch wrote, were given in answer to a question at a court of inquiry; they were not gratuitously stated to praise himself or to condemn Cass. "The opinion I expressed before the court in reference to his want of energy and militarv forecast 32. Testimony of Clinch, court of inquiry, House Document 78, p. 182. 33. "D. L. Clinch's Reply to Governor Cass, Refuge, Camden County, Georgia," May 13, 1837, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 285-91. The letter of Cass was printed in the Washington Globe, April 15, 1837. 150 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ally affect the operations of Scott, and the troops Gaines brought more than offset their consumption of rations. On the other hand, Clinch approved the offensive plans of General Scott and found no fault with his execution of them, nor in the zeal, activity, or judg- ment of the commanding general. Clinch passed the blame to a civilian politician. "I am compelled to state, that I am of the opinion that the failures of, and the disas- ters attending the operations in Florida were mainly to be attributed to the want of energy and military forecast in the late head of the War Department [Lewis Cass]; and in failing to order a larger force, and a greater quantity of military supplies ... into that country in 1835, and early in the year of 1836." In support of this contention, the retired General quoted extracts from several of his letters re- questing troops and materiel in 1835. "When, at last, the late hon- orable Secretary awoke from his dreams of political preferment," Clinch declared, "and turned his attention to bleeding and suffering Florida, it was too late, owing to the peculiar nature of the country, to effect a great deal before the hot and sickly months set in: hence, in a great measure, may be attributed the failure, as it has been termed, of the campaign conducted by Major General Scott in Flori- da."32 The court exonerated both Scott and Gaines, but rapped them sharply for carrying on their personal feud and writing their intem- perate letters. Clinch's testimony initiated an acrimonious debate with former Secretary of War Cass. In a letter Cass defended himself by citing the number of companies transferred to Clinch's command in 1835, and claimed that the department met every demand of the General. This defense angered Clinch, and he responded with a long letter from Refuge Plantation in May, 1837, copies of which were distri- buted to and printed by many newspapers.ra His opinions of Cass, Clinch wrote, were given in answer to a question at a court of inquiry; they were not gratuitously stated to praise himself or to condemn Cass. "The opinion I expressed before the court in reference to his want of energy and military forecast 32. Testimony of Clinch, court of inquiry, House Document 78, p. 182. 33. "D. L. Clinch's Reply to Governor Cass, Refuge, Camden County, Georgia," May 13, 1837, Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, IV, 285-91. The letter of Cass was printed in the Washington Globe, April 15, 1837. 150  Retirement and Controversy in the management of the War Department, was elicited by a ques- tion of the court. . . . If I have been mistaken as to the political dreams and aspirations of Governor Cass, and should have said any- thing that injured his feelings, I regret it, and freely ask his for- giveness...." He did not know Cass personally, Clinch continued; he had no unkind feelings toward him, and would not attempt to take the smallest honor from him or throw a straw in his political path. "I have long held his high literary attainments in much re- spect, and feel conscious of the many difficulties under which I labor in being forced before the public by a gentleman of such acquirements, and surrounded as he is by the glitter of high official station, and shielded as he still appears to feel himself by the mantle of the late President." Following this sarcastic introduction, Clinch detailed the events in Florida from October, 1834, until the Battle of Withlacoochee. He quoted freely from his official correspondence with the Adjutant General's office in the attempt to prove that he, but not the Secretary of War, foresaw the approaching difficulties with the Seminoles. Great emphasis was placed on the General's belated demand for more troops. In effect Clinch claimed that the failure to conquer the Seminoles rested on the shoulders of Cass. Even the negligence of the Secretary of War might have been overcome and a decisive victory won at Withlacoochee, the General declared, with the full cooperation of General Richard K. Call and his militia; but that officer kept all but a handful of his troops on the north side of the river while the battle raged on the south side. This jibe at the often criticized Call was more than Call could stand. From the territorial governor's office in Tallahassee he wrote for public consumption an intemperate, satiric letter. The fictitious reputation and vainglorious boasting of this individual [Clinch] has frequently excited my mirth; and so long as his self- commendation was administered without reflection on me, or the volunteers of Florida, I felt no disposition to disturb the happiness he seemed to derive from the sound of his own trumpet. I was will- ing, too, that he should have enjoyed the renown, not only that which was won on the far-famed battlefield of Withlacoochee, but that which a generous community has bestowed for his services, on his own garbled and faithless representation of them. I will not at- 151 Retirement and Controversy in the management of the War Department, was elicited by a ques- tion of the court. . . . If I have been mistaken as to the political dreams and aspirations of Governor Cass, and should have said any- thing that injured his feelings, I regret it, and freely ask his for- giveness...." He did not know Cass personally, Clinch continued; he had no unkind feelings toward him, and would not attempt to take the smallest honor from him or throw a straw in his political path. "I have long held his high literary attainments in much re- spect, and feel conscious of the many difficulties under which I labor in being forced before the public by a gentleman of such acquirements, and surrounded as he is by the glitter of high official station, and shielded as he still appears to feel himself by the mantle of the late President." Following this sarcastic introduction, Clinch detailed the events in Florida from October, 1834, until the Battle of Withlacoochee. He quoted freely from his official correspondence with the Adjutant General's office in the attempt to prove that he, but not the Secretary of War, foresaw the approaching difficulties with the Seminoles. Great emphasis was placed on the General's belated demand for more troops. In effect Clinch claimed that the failure to conquer the Seminoles rested on the shoulders of Cass. Even the negligence of the Secretary of War might have been overcome and a decisive victory won at Withlacooehee, the General declared, with the full cooperation of General Richard K. Call and his militia; but that officer kept all but a handful of his troops on the north side of the river while the battle raged on the south side. This jibe at the often criticized Call was more than Call could stand. From the territorial governor's office in Tallahassee he wrote for public consumption an intemperate, satiric letter. The fictitious reputation and vainglorious boasting of this individual [Clinch] has frequently excited my mirth; and so long as his self- commendation was administered without reflection on me, or the volunteers of Florida, I felt no disposition to disturb the happiness he seemed to derive from the sound of his own trumpet. I was will- ing, too, that he should have enjoyed the renown, not only that which was won on the far-famed battlefield of Withlacoochee, but that which a generous community has bestowed for his services, on his own garbled and faithless representation of them. I will not at- 151 Retirement and Controversy in the management of the War Department, was elicited by a ques- tion of the court. . . . If I have been mistaken as to the political dreams and aspirations of Governor Cass, and should have said any- thing that injured his feelings, I regret it, and freely ask his for- giveness...." He did not know Cass personally, Clinch continued; he had no unkind feelings toward him, and would not attempt to take the smallest honor from him or throw a straw in his political path. "I have long held his high literary attainments in much re- spect, and feel conscious of the many difficulties under which I labor in being forced before the public by a gentleman of such acquirements, and surrounded as he is by the glitter of high official station, and shielded as he still appears to feel himself by the mantle of the late President." Following this sarcastic introduction, Clinch detailed the events in Florida from October, 1834, until the Battle of Withlacoochee. He quoted freely from his official correspondence with the Adjutant General's office in the attempt to prove that he, but not the Secretary of War, foresaw the approaching difficulties with the Seminoles. Great emphasis was placed on the General's belated demand for more troops. In effect Clinch claimed that the failure to conquer the Seminoles rested on the shoulders of Cass. Even the negligence of the Secretary of War might have been overcome and a decisive victory won at Withlacoochee, the General declared, with the full cooperation of General Richard K. Call and his militia; but that officer kept all but a handful of his troops on the north side of the river while the battle raged on the south side. This jibe at the often criticized Call was more than Call could stand. From the territorial governor's office in Tallahassee he wrote for public consumption an intemperate, satiric letter. The fictitious reputation and vainglorious boasting of this individual [Clinch] has frequently excited my mirth; and so long as his self- commendation was administered without reflection on me, or the volunteers of Florida, I felt no disposition to disturb the happiness he seemed to derive from the sound of his own trumpet. I was will- ing, too, that he should have enjoyed the renown, not only that which was won on the far-famed battlefield of Withlacoochee, but that which a generous community has bestowed for his services, on his own garbled and faithless representation of them. I will not at- 151  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM tempt to assign cause for the manifold errors he has committed, both in his official report of the battle of the 31st of December, 1835, and in his reply to Gov. Cass. Charity would say, they are the errors of the head, and not the heart; but while she thus covers him with her mantle to save him from the deep reproach of malicious representation, candor must admit, when the facts are known, that he had less knowledge of what occurred on that field, than any gen- eral who ever made report of battle.os Call proceeded with an elaborate defense of his work and gen- eralship and a detailing of the errors of Clinch. The Florida volun- teers, Call declared, were raised by him, and Clinch had not "the least agency in drawing them to the field." At the beginning of the march from Fort Drane to the Withlacoochee, Call claimed he urged traveling with a minimum of equipment and was shocked by the wagons, tents, supplies, and numerous dogs authorized by the com- manding general; the troops and the yelping dogs made sufficient noise to warn all the Seminoles in Florida. As for the battle, Call continued, the volunteers could not cross the river-it had taken the regulars all morning-and their aid and presence saved Clinch's troops from massacre. In fact, Call concluded, General Clinch was so bewildered after the battle that he really delivered over his com- mand to Call who saved the regulars by a masterful direction of their recrossing of the Withlacoochee and making camp at a defensi- ble location. These charges brought an even more intemperate reply from a supporter of Clinch. An anonymous correspondent from Camden County, Georgia, declared: "The whole of this fabrication has burst forth from a mind long since overcharged with malice and envy. ... Who ever before heard of the 'fictitious reputation' and 'vain- glorious boasting' of Gen. Clinch? He is too intelligent to boast, however gallant his deeds may be.... Where was Call during the battle? On the north side of the Withlacoochee with his five hun- dred cavalry volunteers, faced in an opposite direction from the scene of conflict; and giving peremptory orders 'that not a man should cross the stream.' It is perhaps not generally known that Gov. 34. "R. K. Call to Editor of the (Tallahassee) Floridian," July 20, 1837, reprinted in Jacksonville Courier, August 10, 1837. Call read Clinch's reply to Cass in the Augusta Chronicle and States Rights Sentinel, June 29, 1837. 152 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM tempt to assign cause for the manifold errors he has committed, both in his official report of the battle of the 31st of December, 1835, and in his reply to Gov. Cass. Charity would say, they are the errors of the head, and not the heart; but while she thus covers him with her mantle to save him from the deep reproach of malicious representation, candor must admit, when the facts are known, that he had less knowledge of what occurred on that field, than any gen- eral who ever made report of battle.oa Call proceeded with an elaborate defense of his work and gen- eralship and a detailing of the errors of Clinch. The Florida volun- teers, Call declared, were raised by him, and Clinch had not "the least agency in drawing them to the field." At the beginning of the march from Fort Drane to the Withlacoochee, Call claimed he urged traveling with a minimum of equipment and was shocked by the wagons, tents, supplies, and numerous dogs authorized by the com- manding general; the troops and the yelping dogs made sufficient noise to warn all the Seminoles in Florida. As for the battle, Call continued, the volunteers could not cross the river-it had taken the regulars all morning-and their aid and presence saved Clinch's troops from massacre. In fact, Call concluded, General Clinch was so bewildered after the battle that he really delivered over his com- mand to Call who saved the regulars by a masterful direction of their recrossing of the Withlacoochee and making camp at a defensi- ble location. These charges brought an even more intemperate reply from a supporter of Clinch. An anonymous correspondent from Camden County, Georgia, declared: "The whole of this fabrication has burst forth from a mind long since overcharged with malice and envy. ... Who ever before heard of the 'fictitious reputation' and 'vain- glorious boasting' of Gen. Clinch? He is too intelligent to boast, however gallant his deeds may be.... Where was Call during the battle? On the north side of the Withlacoochee with his five hun- dred cavalry volunteers, faced in an opposite direction from the scene of conflict; and giving peremptory orders 'that not a man should cross the stream.' It is perhaps not generally known that Gov. 34. "R. K. Call to Editor of the (Tallahassee) Floridian," July 20, 1837, reprinted in Jacksonville Courier, August 10, 1837. Call read Clinch's reply to Cass in the Augusta Chronicle and States Rights Sentinel, Jne 29, 1837. 152 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM tempt to assign cause for the manifold errors he has committed, both in his official report of the battle of the 31st of December, 1835, and in his reply to Gov. Cass. Charity would say, they are the errors of the head, and not the heart; but while she thus covers him with her mantle to save him from the deep reproach of malicious representation, candor must admit, when the facts are known, that he had less knowledge of what occurred on that field, than any gen- eral who ever made report of battle.a4 Call proceeded with an elaborate defense of his work and gen- eralship and a detailing of the errors of Clinch. The Florida volun- teers, Call declared, were raised by him, and Clinch had not "the least agency in drawing them to the field." At the beginning of the march from Fort Drane to the Withlacoochee, Call claimed he urged traveling with a minimum of equipment and was shocked by the wagons, tents, supplies, and numerous dogs authorized by the com- manding general; the troops and the yelping dogs made sufficient noise to warn all the Seminoles in Florida. As for the battle, Call continued, the volunteers could not cross the river-it had taken the regulars all morning-and their aid and presence saved Clinch's troops from massacre. In fact, Call concluded, General Clinch was so bewildered after the battle that he really delivered over his com- mand to Call who saved the regulars by a masterful direction of their recrossing of the Withlacoochee and making camp at a defensi- ble location. These charges brought an even more intemperate reply from a supporter of Clinch. An anonymous correspondent from Camden County, Georgia, declared: "The whole of this fabrication has burst forth from a mind long since overcharged with malice and envy. ... Who ever before heard of the 'fictitious reputation' and 'vain- glorious boasting' of Gen. Clinch? He is too intelligent to boast, however gallant his deeds may be.... Where was Call during the battle? On the north side of the Withlacoochee with his five hun- dred cavalry volunteers, faced in an opposite direction from the scene of conflict; and giving peremptory orders 'that not a man should cross the stream.' It is perhaps not generally known that Gov. 34. "R. K. Call to Editor of the (Tallahassee) Floridian," July 20, 1837, reprinted in Jacksonville Courier, August 10, 1837. Call read Clinch's reply to Cass in the Augusta Chronicle and States Rights Sentinel, June 29, 1837. 152  Retirement and Controversy Call is one of the greatest cowards that ever commanded an army."an Although the Savannah Georgian printed the letter because of the "respectability" of the writer, the editor deemed the language used indefensible. The epithet "coward" was too harsh to apply to anyone, the editor wrote, and ample justice could be given Clinch without calling names. The Georgian decided to withhold any opin- ion relative to the controversy until General Clinch made a reply to Call. Evidently from his first reading of Call's letter, Clinch began to collect letters from his subordinates at the Battle of Withlacoochee. He assembled twenty of these and put them together to defend him- self against the diatribe of Call.sa The General's defense and accu- sations were more adroitly done than Call's attack; Clinch allowed others to speak for him and by their supposedly factual reports, and by implication, condemned Call. But Clinch was also intemperate in his own writings, and they reflected no magnanimity or honor on him as a person. A Floridian rose to the defense of Clinch and added a plea for harmony. As an officer endeared to his brother officers and men, as a citizen beloved by all his acquaintances, as a gentle and under- standing father, Clinch, the writer declared, had no peer; Floridians would prefer him to any other man for governorship of the terri- tory, if Call should decide to resign. The correspondent "deeply lamented" the "intemperance," the "violence and want of moder- ation" in Call's letter; it was unjust to himself as well as to Clinch. "Let us not fan the fire between these two, but use every means to extinguish it," he concluded, "they both are Southerners-have both rendered services to the Territory, in which they each have warm and devoted friends. The reputation of each, should be cherished by all. ..."7 The controversies cast a shadow over the reputations of Cass, Call, and Clinch. All were important men in American history, and each had that strange but alnmost universal combination of boy and 35. "H," Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837. 36. Clinch's reply was written in August and printed, with letters from his subordinate officers, in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, V, 385-92. 37. "A Citizen to the Editor of the Watchman," unidentified newspaper clipping, n.d., Clinch Papers. 153 Retirement and Controversy Call is one of the greatest cowards that ever commanded an army."tt Although the Savannah Georgian printed the letter because of the "respectability" of the writer, the editor deemed the language used indefensible. The epithet "coward" was too harsh to apply to anyone, the editor wrote, and ample justice could be given Clinch without calling names. The Georgian decided to withhold any opin- ion relative to the controversy until General Clinch made a reply to Call. Evidently from his first reading of Call's letter, Clinch began to collect letters from his subordinates at the Battle of Withlacoochee. He assembled twenty of these and put them together to defend him- self against the diatribe of Call.6 The General's defense and accu- sations were more adroitly done than Call's attack; Clinch allowed others to speak for him and by their supposedly factual reports, and by implication, condemned Call. But Clinch was also intemperate in his own writings, and they reflected no magnanimity or honor on him as a person. A Floridian rose to the defense of Clinch and added a plea for harmony. As an officer endeared to his brother officers and men, as a citizen beloved by all his acquaintances, as a gentle and under- standing father, Clinch, the writer declared, had no peer; Floridians would prefer him to any other man for governorship of the terri- tory, if Call should decide to resign. The correspondent "deeply lamented" the "intemperance," the "violence and want of moder- ation" in Call's tetter; it was unjust to himself as well as to Clinch. "Let us not fan the fire between these two, but use every means to extinguish it," he concluded, "they both are Southerners-have both rendered services to the Territory, in which they each have warm and devoted friends. The reputation of each, should be cherished by all. ..."37 The controversies cast a shadow over the reputations of Cass, Call, and Clinch. All were important men in American history, and each had that strange but almost universal combination of boy and 35. "H," Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837. 36. Clinch's reply was written in August and printed, with letters from his subordinate officers, in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, V, 385-92. 37. "A Citizen to the Editor of the Watchman," unidentified newspaper clipping, n.d., Clinch Papers. 153 Retirement and Controversy Call is one of the greatest cowards that ever commanded an army."35 Although the Savannah Georgian printed the letter because of the "respectability" of the writer, the editor deemed the language used indefensible. The epithet "coward" was too harsh to apply to anyone, the editor wrote, and ample justice could be given Clinch without calling names. The Georgian decided to withhold any opin- ion relative to the controversy until General Clinch made a reply to Call. Evidently from his first reading of Call's letter, Clinch began to collect letters from his subordinates at the Battle of Withlacoochee. He assembled twenty of these and put them together to defend him- self against the diatribe of Call.at The General's defense and accu- sations were more adroitly done than Call's attack; Clinch allowed others to speak for him and by their supposedly factual reports, and by implication, condemned Call. But Clinch was also intemperate in his own writings, and they reflected no magnanimity or honor on him as a person. A Floridian rose to the defense of Clinch and added a plea for harmony. As an officer endeared to his brother officers and men, as a citizen beloved by all his acquaintances, as a gentle and under- standing father, Clinch, the writer declared, had no peer; Floridians would prefer him to any other man for governorship of the terri- tory, if Call should decide to resign. The correspondent "deeply lamented" the "intemperance," the "violence and want of moder- ation" in Call's letter; it was unjust to himself as well as to Clinch. "Let us not fan the fire between these two, but use every means to extinguish it," he concluded, "they both are Southerners-have both rendered services to the Territory, in which they each have warm and devoted friends. The reputation of each, should be cherished by all... ."37 The controversies cast a shadow over the reputations of Cass, Call, and Clinch. All were important men in American history, and each had that strange but almost universal combination of boy and 35. "H," Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837. 36. Clinch's reply was written in August and printed, with letters from his subordinate officers, in the Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, V, 385-92. 37. "A Citizen to the Editor of the Watchman," unidentified newspaper clipping, n.d., Clinch Papers. 153  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM man in his character. These grown men still recalled juvenile threats not to cross a line marked in the sand, and thought manhood de- manded an exhibition of courage. The Cass-Clinch controversy died almost with its birth, but the acrimonious Clinch-Call debate lived on. The two men never forgave each other, and arguments over their respective roles in the Seminole War dogged the heels of Clinch in his political endeavors at a later date. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM man in his character. These grown men still recalled juvenile threats not to cross a line marked in the sand, and thought manhood de- manded an exhibition of courage. The Cass-Clinch controversy died almost with its birth, but the acrimonious Clinch-Call debate lived on. The two men never forgave each other, and arguments over their respective roles in the Seminole War dogged the heels of Clinch in his political endeavors at a later date. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM man in his character. These grown men still recalled juvenile threats not to cross a line marked in the sand, and thought manhood de- manded an exhibition of courage. The Cass-Clinch controversy died almost with its birth, but the acrimonious Clinch-Call debate lived on. The two men never forgave each other, and arguments over their respective roles in the Seminole War dogged the heels of Clinch in his political endeavors at a later date. 154 154 154  TEN TEN TEN Planter and Politician THE MODERN ARMY OFFICER who retires after twenty or more years of service to begin another career or to study for a new profession has a common bond with Duncan L. Clinch. In 1836, a few months past his forty-ninth birthday, the for- mer general began a new and involved life. Settling the estate of his father-in-law, operating a rice plantation in Georgia, managing ex- tensive property holdings in Florida, and caring for his children transformed retirement into work. Unknown to him in 1836 was a future involving marriages and both success and failure in politics. The army officer retired in 1836 to an active life which made the word "retirement" a misnomer. His most pressing duty was to settle the estate of John Houstoun McIntosh. Unfortunately the will of Clinch's friend and father-in- law has been destroyed by fire or the ravages of time.r His estate, however, included Refuge, Marianna, and New Canaan plantations in Camden County, other plantations located on Amelia Island and in Duval and Alachua counties in Florida, hundreds of'slaves, bonds and stocks, and other personal property.2 McIntosh's widow Eliza, his son John, and Clinch and his eight children shared the inherit- ance, the latter through Eliza McIntosh Clinch. Marianna and New Canaan along with slaves and securities probably went to Mrs. Mc- Intosh; son John received the plantations in Alachua and Duval 1. The records of Camden County, Georgia, which should contain the will of John Houstoun McIntosh are not extant. John Houstoan McIntosh, Jr., and Clinch were administrators of the estate (Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837), but McIntosh was not active. 2. For a description of McIntosh's holdings, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, passim, and the Florida Tax Returns of 1846, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. 155 Planter and Politician THE MODERN ARMY OFFICER who retires after twenty or more years of service to begin another career or to study for a new profession has a common bond with Duncan L. Clinch. In 1836, a few months past his forty-ninth birthday, the for- mer general began a new and involved life. Settling the estate of his father-in-law, operating a rice plantation in Georgia, managing ex- tensive property holdings in Florida, and caring for his children transformed retirement into work. Unknown to him in 1836 was a future involving marriages and both success and failure in politics. The army officer retired in 1836 to an active life which made the word "retirement" a misnomer. His most pressing duty was to settle the estate of John Houstoun McIntosh. Unfortunately the will of Clinch's friend and father-in- law has been destroyed by fire or the ravages of time.r His estate, however, included Refuge, Marianna, and New Canaan plantations in Camden County, other plantations located on Amelia Island and in Duval and Alachua counties in Florida, hundreds of'slaves, bonds and stocks, and other personal property.2 McIntosh's widow Eliza, his son John, and Clinch and his eight children shared the inherit- ance, the latter through Eliza McIntosh Clinch. Marianna and New Canaan along with slaves and securities probably went to Mrs. Mc- Intosh; son John received the plantations in Alachua and Duval 1. The records of Camden County, Georgia, which should contain the will of John Houstoun McIntosh are not extant. John Houstoun McIntosh, Jr., and Clinch were administrators of the estate (Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837), but McIntosh was not active. 2. For a description of McIntosh's holdings, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, passim, and the Florida Tax Returns of 1846, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. 155 Planter and Politician THE MODERN ARMY OFFICER who retires after twenty or more years of service to begin another career or to study for a new profession has a common bond with Duncan L. Clinch. In 1836, a few months past his forty-ninth birthday, the for- mer general began a new and involved life. Settling the estate of his father-in-law, operating a rice plantation in Georgia, managing ex- tensive property holdings in Florida, and caring for his children transformed retirement into work. Unknown to him in 1836 was a future involving marriages and both success and failure in poliies. The army officer retired in 1836 to an active life which made the word "retirement" a misnomer. His most pressing duty was to settle the estate of John Houstoun McIntosh. Unfortunately the will of Clinch's friend and father-in- law has been destroyed by fire or the ravages of time.0 His estate, however, included Refuge, Marianna, and New Canaan plantations in Camden County, other plantations located on Amelia Island and in Duval and Alachua counties in Florida, hundreds of'slaves, bonds and stocks, and other personal property.2 McIntosh's widow Eliza, his son John, and Clinch and his eight children shared the inherit- ance, the latter through Eliza McIntosh Clinch. Marianna and New Canaan along with slaves and securities probably went to Mrs. Mc- Intosh; son John received the plantations in Alachua and Duval 1. The records of Camden County, Georgia, which should contain the will of John Houstoun McIntosh are not extant. John Houstoun McIntosh, Jr., and Clinch were administrators of the estate (Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837), but McIntosh was not active. 2. For a description of McIntosh's holdings, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, passim, and the Florida Tax Returns of 1846, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. 155  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM counties with more than 100 slaves;a and Refuge Plantation in Camden County, more than 100 slaves, an unknown number of stocks and bonds, and most of the undeveloped land in Florida be- came the property of Clinch. Except for individual bequests to his daughter's children, McIntosh left his daughter's share of his prop- erty to Clinch, confident that he would care for the grandchildren.' Few records remain of his trusteeship. In 1837 he advertised the sale of two undivided ninths of the land belonging to his children.n Two years later he paid $35.75 in taxes for first, second, and third rate pine, scrub, and swamp lands in Camden County belonging to the heirs of McIntosh.' Clinch's most detailed extant accounting cov- ered the period from January to November, 1842, and included more than $7,000 in legal fees for lawyers representing the estate in attempts to win damages for losses sustained by McIntosh in the Florida revolution of 1812 and 1813.7 Almost $70,000 was awarded by the decree of Judge Isaac A. Bronson of the federal district court of East Florida. The total funds accounted for by Clinch in 1842 was more than $79,000, but he charged the estate only $50 for the expense of two trips to Savannah.8 Mrs. McIntosh requested that $10,400, or her life interest in the claims award, be delivered to her son, and he received it in November, 1842.9 Personally the former commander suffered considerable loss from Seminole raids in Florida. On June 8, 1836, after being repulsed in an attack on Fort Defiance at Micanopy, the Indians overran Lang Syne Plantation, burned its entire sugar works, and took seventy hogsheads of stored sugar.ln The plantation was abandoned and two months later federal soldiers found it and Fort Drane occupied 3. These were listed as belonging to John H. McIntosh, Jr., in the Flor- ida Tax Returns of 1846. 4. McIntosh had three daughters, but there is no evidence of bequests to any of them other than to the children and husband of Eliza. Perhaps the other daughters had died without issue. 5. Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837. 6. Superior Court Digest, Camden County, Georgia, 1839 Tax Digest, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 7. For John Houstoun McIntosh's role in the American attempt to annex Florida, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, passim. 8. McIntosh Estate Records, Clinch Papers. 9. E. McIntosh to Clinch, November 23, 1842, and John H. McIntosh, Jr., to Clinch, December 1, 1842, Clinch Papers. 10. Savannah Georgian, June 21, 1836. 156 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM counties with more than 100 slaves;a and Refuge Plantation in Camden County, more than 100 slaves, an unknown number of stocks and bonds, and most of the undeveloped land in Florida be- came the property of Clinch. Except for individual bequests to his daughter's children, McIntosh left his daughter's share of his prop- erty to Clinch, confident that he would care for the grandchildren.4 Few records remain of his trusteeship. In 1837 he advertised the sale of two undivided ninths of the land belonging to his children.5 Two years later he paid $35.75 in taxes for first, second, and third rate pine, scrub, and swamp lands in Camden County belonging to the heirs of McIntosh.n Clinch's most detailed extant accounting cov- ered the period from January to November, 1842, and included more than $7,000 in legal fees for lawyers representing the estate in attempts to win damages for losses sustained by McIntosh in the Florida revolution of 1812 and 1813.7 Almost $70,000 was awarded by the decree of Judge Isaac A. Bronson of the federal district court of East Florida. The total funds accounted for by Clinch in 1842 was more than $79,000, but he charged the estate only $50 for the expense of two trips to Savannah.s Mrs. Mlcntosh requested that $10,400, or her life interest in the claims award, be delivered to her son, and he received it in November, 1842.9 Personally the former commander suffered considerable loss from Seminole raids in Florida. On June 8, 1836, after being repulsed in an attack on Fort Defiance at Micanopy, the Indians overran Lang Syne Plantation, burned its entire sugar works, and took seventy hogsheads of stored sugar.'0 The plantation was abandoned and two months later federal soldiers found it and Fort Drane occupied 3. These were listed as belonging to John H. McIntosh, Jr., in the Flor- ida Tax Returns of 1846. 4. McIntosh had three daughters, but there is no evidence of bequests to any of them other than to the children and husband of Eliza. Perhaps the other daughters had died without issue. 5. Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837. 6. Superior Court Digest, Camden County, Georgia, 1839 Tax Digest, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 7. For John Houstoun McIntosh's role in the American attempt to annex Florida, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, passim. 8. McIntosh Estate Records, Clinch Papers. 9. E. McIntosh to Clinch, November 23, 1842, and John H. McIntosh, Jr., to Clinch, December 1, 1842, Clinch Papers. 10. Savannah Georgian, June 21, 1836. 156 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM counties with more than 100 slaves;a and Refuge Plantation in Camden County, more than 100 slaves, an unknown number of stocks and bonds, and most of the undeveloped land in Florida be- came the property of Clinch. Except for individual bequests to his daughter's children, McIntosh left his daughter's share of his prop- erty to Clinch, confident that he would care for the grandchildren.4 Few records remain of his trusteeship. In 1837 he advertised the sale of two undivided ninths of the land belonging to his children.5 Two years later he paid $35.75 in taxes for first, second, and third rate pine, scrub, and swamp lands in Camden County belonging to the heirs of McIntosh. Clinch's most detailed extant accounting cov- ered the period from January to November, 1842, and included more than $7,000 in legal fees for lawyers representing the estate in attempts to win damages for losses sustained by McIntosh in the Florida revolution of 1812 and 1813.7 Ahnost $70,000 was awarded by the decree of Judge Isaac A. Bronson of the federal district court of East Florida. The total funds accounted for by Clinch in 1842 was more than $79,000, but he charged the estate only $50 for the expense of two trips to Savannah. Mrs. McIntosh requested that $10,400, or her life interest in the claims award, be delivered to her son, and he received it in November, 1842.9 Personally the former commander suffered considerable loss from Seminole raids in Florida. On June 8, 1836, after being repulsed in an attack on Fort Defiance at Micanopy, the Indians overran Lang Syne Plantation, burned its entire sugar works, and took seventy hogsheads of stored sugar.o The plantation was abandoned and two months later federal soldiers found it and Fort Drane occupied 3. These were listed as belonging to John H. McIntosh, Jr., in the Flor- ida Tax Returns of 1846. 4. McIntosh had three daughters, but there is no evidence of bequests to any of them other than to the children and husband of Eliza. Perhaps the other daughters had died without issue. 5. Savannah Georgian, August 31, 1837. 6. Superior Court Digest, Camden County, Georgia, 1839 Tax Digest, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 7. For John Houstoun McIntosh's role in the American attempt to annex Florida, see Patrick, Florida Fiasco, passim. 8. McIntosh Estate Records, Clinch Papers. 9. E. McIntosh to Clinch, November 23, 1842, and John H. McIntosh, Jr., to Clinch, December 1, 1842, Clinch Papers. 10. Savannah Georgian, June 21, 1836. 156  Planter and Politician by 300 Indians with 100 horses and 300 head of cattle. In an hour- long battle 10 Seminoles were slain, 16 soldiers were wounded, and one man, whose horse bolted into the midst of the enemy, was killed. The Indians counterattacked after regrouping in a nearby hammock, and chased the troops almost to Micanopy.1" Lang Syne Plantation was left in desolation and natural growth eventually cov- ered its once productive acres. Fortunately Clinch owned in Refuge Plantation some of the best rice acreage along the Georgia coast. Notwithstanding his many years of residence in Florida, isolated Lang Syne Plantation, located ten miles below primitive Micanopy with its few inhabitants, did not meet the needs of the retired General. In addition to the danger from Seminole raiders, the inadequate travel and transportation fa- cilities from central peninsular Florida to the coast made Lang Syne unsuitable for a home. With his eldest child in her middle teens and seven other children ranging in age from four to fourteen, the family required a settled community with a primary school for the younger children and access by stage coach and boat to more ad- vanced educational institutions. Camden County with its port at St. Marys was not an ideal place to raise and educate a family, but its advantages over central Florida were obvious. Furthermore, since the death of their mother the Clinch children had lived with their grandparents at Marianna Plantation. They knew and felt at home in the area near St. Marys. The house on Refuge Plantation was an unpretentious building in rectangular form with a wide veranda across the feont.12 The four downstairs rooms opened from a central hall, and a stairway led to the upstairs hallway and four smaller rooms. Sills ten inches square supported the pine flooring; the hand-hewn floor planks varied from a few to ten inches in width. The doors, stair rail, and mantels were of mahogany, the latter hand carved in simple, pleasing designs. Interior walls were paneled with pine boards, some less than half an inch in thickness and ten inches wide. Two tall chimneys of extra-large, handmade bricks enclosed flues for the fireplaces in the rooms on the first floor and two of the upstairs rooms. The outside 11. Ibid., August 30, 1836. 12. The drawing of the floor plan of the house (page 158) was made in 1961. The house is now almost torn down. 157 Planter and Politician by 300 Indians with 100 horses and 300 head of cattle. In an hour- long battle 10 Seminoles were slain, 16 soldiers were wounded, and one man, whose horse bolted into the midst of the enemy, was killed. The Indians counterattacked after regrouping in a nearby hammock, and chased the troops aknost to Micanopy."1 Lang Syne Plantation was left in desolation and natural growth eventually cov- ered its once productive acres. Fortunately Clinch owned in Refuge Plantation some of the best rice acreage along the Georgia coast. Notwithstanding his many years of residence in Florida, isolated Lang Syne Plantation, located ten miles below primitive Micanopy with its few inhabitants, did not meet the needs of the retired General. In addition to the danger from Seminole raiders, the inadequate travel and transportation fa- cilities from central peninsular Florida to the coast made Lang Syne unsuitable for a home. With his eldest child in her middle teens and seven other children ranging in age from four to fourteen, the family required a settled community with a primary school for the younger children and access by stage coach and boat to more ad- vanced educational institutions. Camden County with its port at St. Marys was not an ideal place to raise and educate a family, but its advantages over central Florida were obvious. Furthermore, since the death of their mother the Clinch children had lived with their grandparents at Marianna Plantation. They knew and felt at home in the area near St. Marys. The house on Refuge Plantation was an unpretentious building in rectangular form with a wide veranda across the front.12 The four downstairs rooms opened from a central hall, and a stairway led to the upstairs hallway and four smaller rooms. Sills ten inches square supported the pine flooring; the hand-hewn floor planks varied from a few to ten inches in width. The doors, stair rail, and mantels were of mahogany, the latter hand carved in simple, pleasing designs. Interior walls were paneled with pine boards, some less than half an inch in thickness and ten inches wide. Two tall chimneys of extra-large, handmade bricks enclosed flues for the fireplaces in the rooms on the first floor and two of the upstairs rooms. The outside 11. Ibid., August 30, 1836. 12. The drawing of the floor plan of the house (page 158) was made in 1961. The house is now almost torn down. 157 Planter and Politician by 300 Indians with 100 horses and 300 head of cattle. In an hour- long battle 10 Seminoles were slain, 16 soldiers were wounded, and one man, whose horse bolted into the midst of the enemy, was killed. The Indians counterattacked after regrouping in a nearby hammock, and chased the troops aknost to Micanopy.11 Lang Syne Plantation was left in desolation and natural growth eventually cov- ered its once productive acres. Fortunately Clinch owned in Refuge Plantation some of the best rice acreage along the Georgia coast. Notwithstanding his many years of residence in Florida, isolated Lang Syne Plantation, located ten miles below primitive Micanopy with its few inhabitants, did not meet the needs of the retired General. In addition to the danger from Seminole raiders, the inadequate travel and transportation fa- cilities from central peninsular Florida to the coast made Lang Syne unsuitable for a home. With his eldest child in her middle teens and seven other children ranging in age from four to fourteen, the family required a settled community with a primary school for the younger children and access by stage coach and boat to more ad- vanced educational institutions. Camden County with its port at St. Marys was not an ideal place to raise and educate a family, but its advantages over central Florida were obvious. Furthermore, since the death of their mother the Clinch children had lived with their grandparents at Marianna Plantation. They knew and felt at home in the area near St. Marys. The house on Refuge Plantation was an unpretentious building in rectangular form with a wide veranda across the front.12 The four downstairs rooms opened from a central hall, and a stairway led to the upstairs hallway and four smaller rooms. Sills ten inches square supported the pine flooring; the hand-hewn floor planks varied from a few to ten inches in width. The doors, stair rail, and mantels were of mahogany, the latter hand carved in simple, pleasing designs. Interior walls were paneled with pine boards, some less than half an inch in thickness and ten inches wide. Two tall chimneys of extra-large, handmade bricks enclosed flues for the fireplaces in the rooms on the first floor and two of the upstairs rooms. The outside 11. Ibid., August 30, 1836. 12. The drawing of the floor plan of the house (page 158) was made in 1961. The house is now almost torn down. 157  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM walls were clapboarded with pine, and dormers relieved the lines of the shingled roof. Altogether the house was an excellent example of Georgia coastal architecture.13 In 1843 Henry Benjamin Whipple was impressed by the gardens surrounding the house with their roses blooming at Christmas. This self-styled rational abolitionist from the North found the plantation ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM walls were clapboarded with pine, and dormers relieved the lines of the shingled roof. Altogether the house was an excellent example of Georgia coastal architecture.to In 1843 Henry Benjamin Whipple was impressed by the gardens surrounding the house with their roses blooming at Christmas. This self-styled rational abolitionist from the North found the plantation ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM walls were clapboarded with pine, and dormers relieved the lines of the shingled roof. Altogether the house was an excellent example of Georgia coastal architecture.- In 1843 Henry Benjamin Whipple was impressed by the gardens surrounding the house with their roses blooming at Christmas. This self-styled rational abolitionist from the North found the plantation Floor Plan of the Refuge slaves enjoying the holiday season. While visiting the Refuge he saw the Negroes dancing on the house's broad veranda to the music of fiddles and tambourines from dawn until midnight. During his one- day visit he was gratified by the warm relationship between Clinch and his slaves. "On breaking up the dance," he recorded, "each slave came in and bade his 'Massa good night' and all seemed to feel as if he were their dearest and best friend. There was none of that fear, that servile fear, that is the offspring of tyranny and cruelty." Bish- 13. Thomas Coree Little to Mary G. Bryan, November 28, 1961, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 158 Floor Plan of the Refuge slaves enjoying the holiday season. While visiting the Refuge he saw the Negroes dancing on the house's broad veranda to the music of fiddles and tambourines from dawn until midnight. During his one- day visit he was gratified by the warm relationship between Clinch and his slaves. "On breaking up the dance," he recorded, "each slave came in and bade his 'Massa good night' and all seemed to feel as if he were their dearest and best friend. There was none of that fear, that servile fear, that is the offspring of tyranny and cruelty." Bish- 13. Thomas Coree Little to Mary G. Bryan, November 28, 1961, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 158 Floor Plan of the Refuge slaves enjoying the holiday season. While visiting the Refuge he saw the Negroes dancing on the house's broad veranda to the music of fiddles and tambourines from dawn until midnight. During his one- day visit he was gratified by the warm relationship between Clinch and his slaves. "On breaking up the dance," he recorded, "each slave came in and bade his 'Massa good night' and all seemed to feel as if he were their dearest and best friend. There was none of that fear, that servile fear, that is the offspring of tyranny and cruelty." Bish- 13. Thomas Coree little to Mary G. Bryan, November 28, 1961, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 158  Planter and Politician op Whipple admired the rose garden but did not describe the planta- tion house.', If it was characteristic of other southern homes, it had a semidetached kitchen. Whatever remodeling of, or addition to, the original structure was made by General Clinch to accommodate his eight children is unknown. Perhaps the roominess of nearby Marianna and the pres- ence of a grandmother anxious to keep some of the children with her, and the boarding of the older ones at schools, left the father and remaining children with ample space for their comfort. Certain- ly Clinch never built an imposing fagade with tall white columns to his rectangular home, as did so many Southerners after they had been made affluent by the income from staple crops produced on fertile soil by slave labor. In 1836 Refuge Plantation needed a woman to transform it into a home for the children and their father, and Clinch quickly found a wife. For more than twenty years Elizabeth Bayard Houstoun had lived at Marianna as the ward of her relatives, John Houstoun and Eliza Bayard McIntosh. Her father, William Houstoun, had been a wealthy, prominent Georgian, one of the founders of the University of Georgia; and her mother, Maria Bayard of New York, had pos- sessed beauty, talent, and considerable property.15 Elizabeth was far from penniless, but for some reason she remained a "jewel unclaimed by man." She was in her mid-thirties in 1836 and apparently des- tined to continue her life as an old maid. For two years, however, she had been something of a nurse and companion to the Clinch children. After Clinch's retirement, the common home of their mother-in-law and foster mother at Marianna brought the General and Elizabeth together. Late in October Clinch secured a marriage license and on November 3, 1836, he married Elizabeth at Mari- anna with the Reverend Horace L. Pratt of the St. Marys Presby- terian Church conducting the ceremony.0' The bride and bridegroom immediately began to refurbish the Refuge. From J. and C. Lawton of Charleston, importers of British 14. Bishop Whipple's Southern Diary, 1843-1844, edited with an intro- duction by Lester B. Shippee (Minneapolis, 1937), 52. Hereinafter referred to as Bishop Whipple's Diary. 15. Eppes-Houstoun Family Chart, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah. 16. Court of Ordinary Records, Marriages, Book B, 1831-1886, Camden County, Georgia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 159 Planter and Politician op Whipple admired the rose garden but did not describe the planta- tion house.s If it was characteristic of other southern homes, it had a semidetached kitchen. Whatever remodeling of, or addition to, the original structure was made by General Clinch to accommodate his eight children is unknown. Perhaps the roominess of nearby Marianna and the pres- ence of a grandmother anxious to keep some of the children with her, and the boarding of the older ones at schools, left the father and remaining children with ample space for their comfort. Certain- ly Clinch never built an imposing fagade with tall white columns to his rectangular home, as did so many Southerners after they had been made affluent by the income from staple crops produced on fertile soil by slave labor. In 1836 Refuge Plantation needed a woman to transform it into a home for the children and their father, and Clinch quickly found a wife. For more than twenty years Elizabeth Bayard Houstoun had lived at Marianna as the ward of her relatives, John Houstoun and Eliza Bayard McIntosh. Her father, William Houstoun, had been a wealthy, prominent Georgian, one of the founders of the University of Georgia; and her mother, Maria Bayard of New York, had pos- sessed beauty, talent, and considerable property.15 Elizabeth was far from penniless, but for some reason she remained a "jewel unclaimed by man." She was in her mid-thirties in 1836 and apparently des- tined to continue her life as an old maid. For two years, however, she had been something of a nurse and companion to the Clinch children. After Clinch's retirement, the common home of their mother-in-law and foster mother at Marianna brought the General and Elizabeth together. Late in October Clinch secured a marriage license and on November 3, 1836, he married Elizabeth at Mari- anna with the Reverend Horace L. Pratt of the St. Marys Presby- terian Church conducting the ceremony.16 The bride and bridegroom immediately began to refurbish the Refuge. From J. and C. Lawton of Charleston, importers of British 14. Bishop Whipple's Southern Diary, 1843-1844, edited with an intro- duction by Lester B. Shippee (Minneapolis, 1937), 52. Hereinafter referred to as Bishop Whipple's Diary. 15. Eppes-Houstoun Family Chart, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah. 16. Court of Ordinary Records, Marriages, Book B, 1831-1886, Camden County, Georgia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 159 Planter and Politician op Whipple admired the rose garden but did not describe the planta- tion house.a If it was characteristic of other southern homes, it had a semidetached kitchen. Whatever remodeling of, or addition to, the original structure was made by General Clinch to accommodate his eight children is unknown. Perhaps the roominess of nearby Marianna and the pres- ence of a grandmother anxious to keep some of the children with her, and the boarding of the older ones at schools, left the father and remaining children with ample space for their comfort. Certain- ly Clinch never built an imposing fagade with tall white columns to his rectangular home, as did so many Southerners after they had been made affluent by the income from staple crops produced on fertile soil by slave labor. In 1836 Refuge Plantation needed a woman to transform it into a home for the children and their father, and Clinch quickly found a wife. For more than twenty years Elizabeth Bayard Houstoun had lived at Marianna as the ward of her relatives, John Houstoun and Eliza Bayard McIntosh. Her father, William Houstoun, had been a wealthy, prominent Georgian, one of the founders of the University of Georgia; and her mother, Maria Bayard of New York, had pos- sessed beauty, talent, and considerable property.15 Elizabeth was far from penniless, but for some reason she remained a "jewel unclaimed by man." She was in her mid-thirties in 1836 and apparently des- tined to continue her life as an old maid. For two years, however, she had been something of a nurse and companion to the Clinch children. After Clinch's retirement, the common home of their mother-in-law and foster mother at Marianna brought the General and Elizabeth together. Late in October Clinch secured a marriage license and on November 3, 1836, he married Elizabeth at Mari- anna with the Reverend Horace L. Pratt of the St. Marys Presby- terian Church conducting the ceremony.10 The bride and bridegroom immediately began to refurbish the Refuge. From J. and C. Lawton of Charleston, importers of British 14. Bishop Whipple's Southern Diary, 1843-1844, edited with an intro- duction by tester B. Shippee (Minneapolis, 1937), 52. Hereinafter referred to as Bishop Whipple's Diary. 15. Eppes-Houstoun Family Chart, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah. 16. Court of Ordinary Records, Marriages, Book B, 1831-1886, Camden County, Georgia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 159  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dry goods, they ordered expensive furnishings for their home. A pair of brass andirons for one fireplace cost $26; a mahogany buffet and table for the dining room and mahogany bedsteads came to more than $300. There were also fluted tumblers and decanters, china tea sets and glasses, silverware and dinnerware, and many items for bedrooms and fireplaces. There were food supplies: sugar, butter, dried beef, fish, tea, and wine; and there were candles, blankets, and bolts of cloth.m By the standards of the early nineteenth century, the Refuge was superbly furnished, its larder well stocked. Established as a civilian in his plantation home, Clinch could appreciate his new environment. The land on which the Refuge stood had been granted to George McIntosh in 1765, early in the reign of King George III of England, and the name "Refuge" had been given the house by travelers on their way from Savannah to St. Marys. From George McIntosh and his wife, "Lady Houstoun," daughter of Sir Patrick Houstoun, the Refuge went to John Hous- toun McIntosh, who in turn gave it to Duncan L. Clinch.1s It was located on the north side of the Satilla River, 2.8 miles west of present-day United States Highway 17 and not much farther from Woodbine, Georgia. In 1805 Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gaa- tin stated that the road between Savannah and St. Marys was one of the seven principal routes of great importance to United States de- fense and postal service.19 Camden County, in the southeastern corner of Georgia, took its name from Charles Pratt, Earl of Camden, and friend of the Ameri- can colonists. Created in 1777, Camden by 1845 contained 5,482 inhabitants, more than two-thirds of whom were Negro slaves. Its county seat, Jefferson on the south side of the Satilla River, was a village of three stores, a courthouse, a jail, and a few residences. Set amidst the swampy rice lands of the area, Jefferson was considered an unhealthy spot and avoided by all except those with legal or busi- ness affairs. Three other villages in Camden County enjoyed postoffices, and 17. Account Records, Clinch Papers. 18. Southeastern Georgian, March 20, 1914, clipping in Georgia Depart- ment of Archives and History. 19. Historical marker, United States Highway 17, north of the town of Woodbine. 160 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dry goods, they ordered expensive furnishings for their home. A pair of brass andirons for one fireplace cost $26; a mahogany buffet and table for the dining room and mahogany bedsteads came to more than $300. There were also fluted tumblers and decanters, china tea sets and glasses, silverware and dinnerware, and many items for bedrooms and fireplaces. There were food supplies: sugar, butter, dried beef, fish, tea, and wine; and there were candles, blankets, and bolts of cloth.m By the standards of the early nineteenth century, the Refuge was superbly furnished, its larder well stocked. Established as a civilian in his plantation home, Clinch could appreciate his new environment. The land on which the Refuge stood had been granted to George McIntosh in 1765, early in the reign of King George III of England, and the name "Refuge" had been given the house by travelers on their way from Savannah to St. Marys. From George McIntosh and his wife, "Lady Houstoun," daughter of Sir Patrick Houstoun, the Refuge went to John Hous- toun McIntosh, who in turn gave it to Duncan L. Clinch.1s It was located on the north side of the Satilla River, 2.8 miles west of present-day United States Highway 17 and not much farther from Woodbine, Georgia. In 1805 Secretary of the Treasury Albert Galla- tin stated that the road between Savannah and St. Marys was one of the seven principal routes of great importance to United States de- fense and postal service.19 Camden County, in the southeastern corner of Georgia, took its name from Charles Pratt, Earl of Camden, and friend of the Ameri- can colonists. Created in 1777, Camden by 1845 contained 5,482 inhabitants, more than two-thirds of whom were Negro slaves. Its county seat, Jefferson on the south side of the Satilla River, was a village of three stores, a courthouse, a jail, and a few residences. Set amidst the swampy rice lands of the area, Jefferson was considered an unhealthy spot and avoided by all except those with legal or busi- ness affairs. Three other villages in Camden County enjoyed postoffices, and 17. Account Records, Clinch Papers, 18. Southeastern Georgian, March 20, 1914, clipping in Georgia Depart- ment of Archives and History. 19. Historical marker, United States Highway 17, north of the town of Woodbine. 160 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM dry goods, they ordered expensive furnishings for their home. A pair of brass andirons for one fireplace cost $26; a mahogany buffet and table for the dining room and mahogany bedsteads came to more than $300. There were also fluted tumblers and decanters, china tea sets and glasses, silverware and dinnerware, and many items for bedrooms and fireplaces. Theere were food supplies: sugar, butter, dried beef, fish, tea, and wine; and there were candles, blankets, and bolts of cloth.e By the standards of the early nineteenth century, the Refuge was superbly furnished, its larder well stocked. Established as a civilian in his plantation home, Clinch could appreciate his new environment. The land on which the Refuge stood had been granted to George McIntosh in 1765, early in the reign of King George III of England, and the name "Refuge" had been given the house by travelers on their way from Savannah to St. Marys. From George McIntosh and his wife, "Lady Houstoun," daughter of Sir Patrick Houstoun, the Refuge went to John Hous- toun McIntosh, who in turn gave it to Duncan L. Clinch.1n It was located on the north side of the Satilla River, 2.8 miles west of present-day United States Highway 17 and not much farther from Woodbine, Georgia. In 1805 Secretary of the Treasury Albert Galla- tin stated that the road between Savannah and St. Marys was one of the seven principal routes of great importance to United States de- fense and postal service.19 Camden County, in the southeastern corner of Georgia, took its name from Charles Pratt, Earl of Camden, and friend of the Ameri- can colonists. Created in 1777, Camden by 1845 contained 5,482 inhabitants, more than two-thirds of whom were Negro slaves. Its county seat, Jefferson on the south side of the Satilla River, was a village of three stores, a courthouse, a jail, and a few residences. Set amidst the swampy rice lands of the area, Jefferson was considered an unhealthy spot and avoided by all except those with legal or busi- ness affairs. Three other villages in Camden County enjoyed postoffices, and 17. Account Records, Clinch Papers. 18. Southeastern Georgian, Mooch 20, 1914, clipping in Georgia Depart- ment of Archives and History. 19. Historical marker, United States Highway 17, north of the town of Woodbine. 160  Planter and Politician the most important of these towns was St. Marys.2O It nestled on the north side of the dark, slow-moving waters of the St. Marys River and overlooked a spacious harbor. Toward the Atlantic Ocean, six miles away, low-lying Cumberland Island protected the harbor from high winds and violent storms. Seven miles distant by river and bay was Fernandina, and the St. Marys River afforded a short waterway in a westerly direction between Georgia and Florida. A line of packet steamers, operating twice a week between Savannah and Palatka, Florida, put in at St. Marys for passengers and freight. From Savan- nah other vessels provided daily service to Charleston, made semi- weekly trips up the Savannah River to Augusta, and the 1,200-ton Cherokee sailed to and from New York City on an irregular schedule. In 1837 St. Marys possessed almost 1,000 inhabitants and a thriving trade. Some of her merchants made annual trips to New York to secure goods and claimed their customers could secure a wider variety of merchandise at less expense than in any other Geor- gia port. In 1845 nine combination grocery, hardware, and drygoods stores, an apothecary shop, a bank, three schools, and five churches lined St. Marys wide main street and busy bayfront. In the back country sawmills operating at capacity could turn out 15,000 board feet of lumber daily, and shipyards led the state in number of ves- sels constructed. Cleared swamps and pinelands produced 50 bush- els of rice, 200 pounds of Sea Island (long-staple) cotton, 70 bush- els of sweet potatoes, or 12 bushels of corn per acre. Plantation own- er and farmer could buy 12 large fish for 100, a dozen fat hens for $1.15, superior fresh beef for 3%/p a pound (jerked or smoked beef sold for half a cent less), and fresh pork or bacon for 60 or 7e. The severe cold of 1835 had destroyed most of the orange trees, particularly those on Cumberland Island, but a variety of other fruits and many vegetables thrived in the St. Marys area. Citizens of St. Marys took pride in their little seaport town. They claimed that the first pecans of Georgia grew in their community. The trees came from nuts found floating in the bay by Captain Samuel Flood and planted in 1840 or 1842 by his wife, Rebecca. 20. George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia . . (Savannah, 1849), 139. Jefferson or Jeffersonton was the county seat from 1801 to 1871, St. Marys from 1871 to 1923, and Woodbine since 1923. Camden County Tribune, July 10, 1953. 161 Planter and Politician the most important of these towns was St. Marys.o It nestled on the north side of the dark, slow-moving waters of the St. Marys River and overlooked a spacious harbor. Toward the Atlantic Ocean, six miles away, low-lying Cumberland Island protected the harbor from high winds and violent storms. Seven miles distant by river and bay was Fernandina, and the St. Marys River afforded a short waterway in a westerly direction between Georgia and Florida. A line of packet steamers, operating twice a week between Savannah and Palatka, Florida, put in at St. Marys for passengers and freight. From Savan- nah other vessels provided daily service to Charleston, made semi- weekly trips up the Savannah River to Augusta, and the 1,200-ton Cherokee sailed to and from New York City on an irregular schedule. In 1837 St. Marys possessed almost 1,000 inhabitants and a thriving trade. Some of her merchants made annual trips to New York to secure goods and claimed their customers could secure a wider variety of merchandise at less expense than in any other Geor- gia port. In 1845 nine combination grocery, hardware, and drygoods stores, an apothecary shop, a bank, three schools, and five churches lined St. Marys wide main street and busy bayfront. In the back country sawmills operating at capacity could turn out 15,000 board feet of lumber daily, and shipyards led the state in number of ves- sels constructed. Cleared swamps and pinclands produced 50 bush- els of rice, 200 pounds of Sea Island (long-staple) cotton, 70 bush- els of sweet potatoes, or 12 bushels of corn per acre. Plantation own- er and farmer could buy 12 large fish for 100, a dozen fat hens for $1.15, superior fresh beef for 3%/p a pound (jerked or smoked beef sold for half a cent less), and fresh pork or bacon for 6g or 70. The severe cold of 1835 had destroyed most of the orange trees, particularly those on Cumberland Island, but a variety of other fruits and many vegetables thrived in the St. Marys area. Citizens of St. Marys took pride in their little seaport town. They claimed that the first pecans of Georgia grew in their community. The trees came from nuts found floating in the bay by Captain Samuel Flood and planted in 1840 or 1842 by his wife, Rebecca. 20. George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia . (Savannah, 1849), 139. Jefferson or Jeffersonton was the county seat from 1801 to 1871, St. Marys from 1871 to 1923, and Woodbine since 1923. Camden County Tribune, July 10, 1953. 161 Planter and Politician the most important of these towns was St. Marys.2O It nestled on the north side of the dark, slow-moving waters of the St. Marys River and overlooked a spacious harbor. Toward the Atlantic Ocean, six miles away, low-lying Cumberland Island protected the harbor from high winds and violent storms. Seven miles distant by river and bay was Fernandina, and the St. Marys River afforded a short waterway in a westerly direction between Georgia and Florida. A line of packet steamers, operating twice a week between Savannah and Palatka, Florida, put in at St. Marys for passengers and freight. From Savan- nah other vessels provided daily service to Charleston, made semi- weekly trips up the Savannah River to Augusta, and the 1,200-ton Cherokee sailed to and from New York City on an irregular schedule. In 1837 St. Marys possessed almost 1,000 inhabitants and a thriving trade. Some of her merchants made annual trips to New York to secure goods and claimed their customers could secure a wider variety of merchandise at less expense than in any other Geor- gia port. In 1845 nine combination grocery, hardware, and drygoods stores, an apothecary shop, a bank, three schools, and five churches lined St. Marys wide main street and busy bayfront. In the back country sawmills operating at capacity could turn out 15,000 board feet of lumber daily, and shipyards led the state in number of ves- sels constructed. Cleared swamps and pinelands produced 50 bush- els of rice, 200 pounds of Sea Island (long-staple) cotton, 70 bush- els of sweet potatoes, or 12 bushels of corn per acre. Plantation own- er and farmer could buy 12 large fish for 10c, a dozen fat hens for $1.15, superior fresh beef for 3%/2 a pound (jerked or smoked beef sold for half a cent less), and fresh pork or bacon for 6e or 70. The severe cold of 1835 had destroyed most of the orange trees, particularly those on Cumberland Island, but a variety of other fruits and many vegetables thrived in the St. Marys area. Citizens of St. Marys took pride in their little seaport town. They claimed that the first pecans of Georgia grew in their community. The trees came from nuts found floating in the bay by Captain Samuel Flood and planted in 1840 or 1842 by his wife, Rebecca. 20. George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia . . (Savannah, 1849), 139. Jefferson or Jefferonton was the county seat from 1801 to 1871, St. Marys from 1871 to 1923, and Woodbine since 1923. Camden County Tribune, July 10, 1953. 161  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The seedling trees were loaded with nut clusters, and the harvested pecans were shipped to distant points long before Texas pecans ap- peared in the markets. For the enjoyment of a pleasant, healthful winter climate, no seaport in the southern states compared with St. Marys, residents proclaimed, where "Malignant and Bilious Fevers" were almost unknown. They promised that Northerners "afflicted with pulmonary consumption" would find a haven for rest and re- covery in the town, but regretted the absence of a hotel to accom- modate tourists.21 General Clinch participated in the activities of his adopted com- munity. By boat he could move from his plantation down the Satilla River into St. Andrews Sound and cruise in the protected waters between Cumberland Island and the mainland to St. Marys. By car- riage or horseback the twenty-seven miles from the Refuge to town could be covered in a morning. Evidently friends in the village al- ways kept rooms available for the General and his children, and Marianna Plantation was no more than a two-hour ride from the seaport town. Clinch often supported or led movements for the cultural ad- vancement of St. Marys. Although never a member of the Presby- terian Church, he paid a yearly pew rent which ranged from $38.66 to $59.00, and was among the largest contributors to the church. Pew rents not only paid the minister's salary, but also provided $12.00 a year in salary for the bellringer, 75g a week for cleaning and scouring the building, and occasional expenditures for repairing the front steps (50f), supplying candles for a year (43¢), buying a large lock for the front door ($2.75), and painting the tables under the pulpit ($3.00).22 On July 4, 1838, townspeople assembled in the Presbyterian Church to discuss the community's need for a new academy. Having himself many children to educate, Clinch attended and was elected chairman of the meeting. After he explained the purpose of the gathering, attenders responded with pledges of $4,000 and an offi- 21. The descriptions of St. Marys in 1837 and 1845 are based on White, Statistics of Georgia, 139-41, 156; Savannah Georgian, reprinted in Camden County Tribune (Woodbine), May 1, 1953; and the Camden County Trib- une, July 10 and August 28, 1953, February 25, 1955, and June 12, 1958. 22. Records of the First Presbyterian Church, St. Marys, Camden County, Georgia, 1808-1919, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 162 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The seedling trees were loaded with nut clusters, and the harvested pecans were shipped to distant points long before Texas pecans ap- peared in the markets. For the enjoyment of a pleasant, healthful winter climate, no seaport in the southern states compared with St. Marys, residents proclaimed, where "Malignant and Bilious Fevers" were almost unknown. They promised that Northerners "afflicted with pulnonary consumption" would find a haven for rest and re- covery in the town, but regretted the absence of a hotel to accom- modate tourists.21 General Clinch participated in the activities of his adopted com- munity. By boat he could move from his plantation down the Satilla River into St. Andrews Sound and cruise in the protected waters between Cumberland Island and the mainland to St. Marys. By car- riage or horseback the twenty-seven miles from the Refuge to town could be covered in a morning. Evidently friends in the village al- ways kept rooms available for the General and his children, and Marianna Plantation was no more than a two-hour ride from the seaport town. Clinch often supported or led movements for the cultural ad- vancement of St. Marys. Although never a member of the Presby- terian Church, he paid a yearly pew rent which ranged from $38.66 to $59.00, and was among the largest contributors to the church. Pew rents not only paid the minister's salary, but also provided $12.00 a year in salary for the bellringer, 75g a week for cleaning and scouring the building, and occasional expenditures for repairing the front steps (50g), supplying candles for a year (43g), buying a large lock for the front door ($2.75), and painting the tables under the pulpit ($3.00).22 On July 4, 1838, townspeople assembled in the Presbyterian Church to discuss the community's need for a new academy. Having himself many children to educate, Clinch attended and was elected chairman of the meeting. After he explained the purpose of the gathering, attenders responded with pledges of $4,000 and an offi- 21. The descriptions of St. Marys in 1837 and 1845 are based on White, Statistics of Georgia, 139-41, 156; Savannah Georgian, reprinted in Camden County Tribune (Woodbine), May 1, 1953; and the Camden County Trib- une, July 10 and August 28, 1953, February 25, 1955, and June 12, 1958. 22. Records of the First Presbyterian Church, St. Marys, Camden County, Georgia, 1808-1919, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 162 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM The seedling trees were loaded with nut clusters, and the harvested pecans were shipped to distant points long before Texas pecans ap- peared in the markets. For the enjoyment of a pleasant, healthful winter climate, no seaport in the southern states compared with St. Marys, residents proclaimed, where "Malignant and Bilious Fevers" were almost unknown. They promised that Northerners "afflicted with puhnonary consumption" would find a haven for rest and re- covery in the town, but regretted the absence of a hotel to accom- modate tourists.21 General Clinch participated in the activities of his adopted com- munity. By boat he could move from his plantation down the Satilla River into St. Andrews Sound and cruise in the protected waters between Cumberland Island and the mainland to St. Marys. By car- riage or horseback the twenty-seven miles from the Refuge to town could be covered in a morning. Evidently friends in the village al- ways kept rooms available for the General and his children, and Marianna Plantation was no more than a two-hour ride from the seaport town. Clinch often supported or led movements for the cultural ad- vancement of St. Marys. Although never a member of the Presby- terian Church, he paid a yearly pew rent which ranged from $38.66 to $59.00, and was among the largest contributors to the church. Pew rents not only paid the minister's salary, but also provided $12.00 a year in salary for the bellringer, 75g a week for cleaning and scouring the building, and occasional expenditures for repairing the front steps (50), supplying candles for a year (43g), buying a large lock for the front door ($2.75), and painting the tables under the pulpit ($3.00).22 On July 4, 1838, townspeople assembled in the Presbyterian Church to discuss the community's need for a new academy. Having himself many children to educate, Clinch attended and was elected chairman of the meeting. After he explained the purpose of the gathering, attenders responded with pledges of $4,000 and an offi- 21. The descriptions of St. Marys in 1837 and 1845 are based on White, Statistics of Georgia, 139-41, 156; Savannah Georgian, reprinted in Camden County Tribune (Woodbine), May 1, 1953; and the Camden County Trib- une, July 10 and August 28, 1953, February 25, 1955, and June 12, 1958. 22. Records of the First Presbyterian Church, St. Marys, Camden County, Georgia, 1808-1919, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 162  Planter and Politician cial of St. Marys guaranteed an additional $500 from town funds. This was short by $5,500 of the desired amount. The meeting sched- uled another for Jefferson, and sent a letter of solicitation to resi- dents of southeastern Georgia and Amelia Island, Florida. The pro- spectus included a diagram of the proposed brick building of "New Academy" and a description of the school's plan of operation. Pro- vision was made for separate male and female departments; the "Pre- ceptor" was to have a separate room with his own class; and the en- tire academy would be under the supervision of a principal who would occupy the largest room "where the pupils will all first enter, hang up their hats, cloaks, umbrellas-where examinations will be held, morning prayers attended to, classes called out and heard by the Principal, scientific lectures delivered, experiments made with- out interfering with any other teacher or recitation."o The prospec- tus also emphasized the need of the South for an educated younger generation which could assume leadership in constructing railroads and canals to increase the region's trade with other sections of the nation and the world. The total amount finally subscribed is unknown, but New Acade- my became a reality and continued for at least a decade.24 Undoubt- edly many of the Clinch children attended the school, and their father later sent them to distant institutions for more rigorous ele- mentary training. Among the children enrolled at the Alexandria Boarding School of the District of Columbia prior to September, 1840, were children of Duncan L. Clinch, Henry R. Sadler, and Louis Dufour of St. Marys.25 Catherine Maria Clinch attended Miss English's School at Georgetown, South Carolina, in 1844. Other daughters and sons of Clinch studied at boarding schools in Georgia, and the boys received collegiate education at the universi- ties of North and South Carolina. The care and education of his children rested entirely on Clinch 23. Brunswick Advocate, July 19, 1838, quoted in the Camden County Tribune, April 27, 1961; Isaac F. Arnow, History of St. Marys and Camden County, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 24. On March 16, 1849, the academy commissioners requested Clinch and others to rent the building. By this date St. Marys had suffered a serious economic decline. Records of the Proceedings of Camden County Academy, reprinted in the Camden County Tribune, May 4, 1961. 25. Savannah Georgian, September 12, 1840. 163 Planter and Politician cial of St. Marys guaranteed an additional $500 from town funds. This was short by $5,500 of the desired amount. The meeting sched- uled another for Jefferson, and sent a letter of solicitation to resi- dents of southeastern Georgia and Amelia Island, Florida. The pro- spectus included a diagram of the proposed brick building of "New Academy" and a description of the school's plan of operation. Pro- vision was made for separate male and female departments; the "Pre- ceptor" was to have a separate room with his own class; and the en- tire academy would be under the supervision of a principal who would occupy the largest room "where the pupils will all first enter, hang up their hats, cloaks, umbrellas-where examinations will be held, morning prayers attended to, classes called out and heard by the Principal, scientific lectures delivered, experiments made with- out interfering with any other teacher or recitation."a The prospec- tus also emphasized the need of the South for an educated younger generation which could assume leadership in constructing railroads and canals to increase the region's trade with other sections of the nation and the world. The total amount finally subscribed is unknown, but New Acade- my became a reality and continued for at least a decade.24 Undoubt- edly many of the Clinch children attended the school, and their father later sent them to distant institutions for more rigorous ele- mentary training. Among the children enrolled at the Alexandria Boarding School of the District of Columbia prior to September, 1840, were children of Duncan L. Clinch, Henry R. Sadler, and Louis Dufour of St. Marys.ts Catherine Maria Clinch attended Miss English's School at Georgetown, South Carolina, in 1844. Other daughters and sons of Clinch studied at boarding schools in Georgia, and the boys received collegiate education at the universi- ties of North and South Carolina. The care and education of his children rested entirely on Clinch 23. Brunswick Advocate, July 19, 1838, quoted in the Camden County Tribune, April 27, 1961; Isaac F. Arnow, History of St. Marys and Camden County, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 24. On March 16, 1849, the academy commissioners requested Clinch and others to rent the building. By this date St. Marys had suffered a serious economic decline. Records of the Proceedings of Camden County Academy, reprinted in the Camden County Tribune, May 4, 1961. 25. Savannah Georgian, September 12, 1840. 163 Planter and Politician cial of St. Marys guaranteed an additional $500 from town funds. This was short by $5,500 of the desired amount. The meeting sched- uled another for Jefferson, and sent a letter of solicitation to resi- dents of southeastern Georgia and Amelia Island, Florida. The pro- spectus included a diagram of the proposed brick building of "New Academy" and a description of the school's plan of operation. Pro- vision was made for separate male and female departments; the "Pre- ceptor" was to have a separate room with his own class; and the en- tire academy would be under the supervision of a principal who would occupy the largest room "where the pupils will all first enter, hang up their hats, cloaks, umbrellas-where examinations will be held, morning prayers attended to, classes called out and heard by the Principal, scientific lectures delivered, experiments made with- out interfering with any other teacher or recitation."a The prospec- tus also emphasized the need of the South for an educated younger generation which could assume leadership in constructing railroads and canals to increase the region's trade with other sections of the nation and the world. The total amount finally subscribed is unknown, but New Acade- my became a reality and continued for at least a decade.24 Undoubt- edly many of the Clinch children attended the school, and their father later sent them to distant institutions for more rigorous ele- mentary training. Among the children enrolled at the Alexandria Boarding School of the District of Columbia prior to September, 1840, were children of Duncan L. Clinch, Henry R. Sadler, and Louis Dufour of St. Marys.as Catherine Maria Clinch attended Miss English's School at Georgetown, South Carolina, in 1844. Other daughters and sons of Clinch studied at boarding schools in Georgia, and the boys received collegiate education at the universi- ties of North and South Carolina. The care and education of his children rested entirely on Clinch 23. Brunswick Advocate, July 19, 1838, quoted in the Camden County Tribune, April 27, 1961; Isaac F. Arnow, History of St. Marys and Camden County, microfiln, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 24. On March 16, 1849, the academy commissioners requested Clinch and others to rent the building. By this date St. Marys bad suffered a serious economic decline. Records of the Proceedings of Camden County Academy, reprinted in the Camden County Tribune, May 4, 1961. 25. Savannah Georgian, September 12, 1840. 163  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM after the summer of 1838. His wife Elizabeth was a "peaceful and unobtrusive" woman, shy in public, but in the "bosom and endear- ments of her family," the "purity and exceeding loveliness of her character" were "developed and fully appreciated." Although the marriage of Clinch and Elizabeth Houstoun may have been no more than a union of convenience, the demure wife presided gracefully over the Refuge and gave love and affection to Clinch's sons and daughters. Elizabeth conceived two children, both stillborn. In August, 1838, Elizabeth was bedridden with an undiagnosed disease, and for fourteen days she endured a "most painful illness" without a murmur.an On August 21 she died. A eulogistic reporter wrote: When in the providence of God she was called to the high and re- sponsible duties of a wife and mother, she proved herself equal to the delicate and difficult duties to which she was appointed. Here, as well as in every other situation, she was characterized by the same gentle and unassuming manners, and by the same consistent and cheerful deportment. And when brought down to a bed of unusual and intense suffering, the strength of her character and the purity of her principles hushed every murmur. With patient resignation to the will of God and a firm reliance on the will of her redeemer, she cahnly awaited the end which she saw approaching. A more unsullied character we believe is rarely found; and, seldom, if ever, had an in- dividual gone to the grave with fewer enemies; and it is presumption to trust that a purer spirit has rarely gone up to God who gave it.27 Elizabeth Houstoun Clinch was in her thirty-eighth year when death called. The youngest of her stepchildren, George, was almost five and the oldest, Eliza, at seventeen was blossoming into young womanhood. For more than seven years the children would remain motherless while their twice-widowed father waited to find himself a wife. His business affairs required frequent trips south to St. Augustine and Palatka and north to Savannah, Augusta, and Charleston; occasionally he went to Washington, Philadelphia, or New York; and often he met the demands of friends and admirers in Georgia communities for personal appearances at public dinners or political rallies. At times the older children accompanied him, but 26. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, in Letters in the Posses- sion of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 27. Savannah Georgian, August 30, 1838. 164 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM after the summer of 1838. His wife Elizabeth was a "peaceful and unobtrusive" woman, shy in public, but in the "bosom and endear- ments of her family," the "purity and exceeding loveliness of her character" were "developed and fully appreciated." Although the marriage of Clinch and Elizabeth Houstoun may have been no more than a union of convenience, the demure wife presided gracefully over the Refuge and gave love and affection to Clinch's sons and daughters. Elizabeth conceived two children, both stillborn. In August, 1838, Elizabeth was bedridden with an undiagnosed disease, and for fourteen days she endured a "most painful illness" without a murmur.00 On August 21 she died. A eulogistic reporter wrote: When in the providence of God she was called to the high and re- sponsible duties of a wife and mother, she proved herself equal to the delicate and difficult duties to which she was appointed. Here, as well as in every other situation, she was characterized by the same gentle and unassuming manners, and by the same consistent and cheerful deportment. And when brought down to a bed of unusual and intense suffering, the strength of her character and the purity of her principles hushed every murmur. With patient resignation to the will of God and a firm reliance on the will of her redeemer, she calmly awaited the end which she saw approaching. A more unsullied character we believe is rarely found; and, seldom, if ever, had an in- dividual gone to the grave with fewer enemies; and it is presumption to trust that a purer spirit has rarely gone up to God who gave it.O7 Elizabeth Houstoun Clinch was in her thirty-eighth year when death called. The youngest of her stepchildren, George, was almost five and the oldest, Eliza, at seventeen was blossoming into young womanhood. For more than seven years the children would remain motherless while their twice-widowed father waited to find himself a wife. His business affairs required frequent trips south to St. Augustine and Palatka and north to Savannah, Augusta, and Charleston; occasionally he went to Washington, Philadelphia, or New York; and often he met the demands of friends and admirers in Georgia communities for personal appearances at public dinners or political rallies. At times the older children accompanied him, but 26. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, in Letters in the Posses- sion of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 27. Savannah Georgian, August 30, 1838. 164 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM after the summer of 1838. His wife Elizabeth was a "peaceful and unobtrusive" woman, shy in public, but in the "bosom and endear- ments of her family," the "purity and exceeding loveliness of her character" were "developed and fully appreciated." Although the marriage of Clinch and Elizabeth Houstoun may have been no more than a union of convenience, the demure wife presided gracefully over the Refuge and gave love and affection to Clinch's sons and daughters. Elizabeth conceived two children, both stillborn. In August, 1838, Elizabeth was bedridden with an undiagnosed disease, and for fourteen days she endured a "most painful illness" without a murmur.26 On August 21 she died. A eulogistic reporter wrote: When in the providence of God she was called to the high and re- sponsible duties of a wife and mother, she proved herself equal to the delicate and difficult duties to which she was appointed. Here, as well as in every other situation, she was characterized by the same gentle and unassuming manners, and by the same consistent and cheerful deportment. And when brought down to a bed of unusual and intense suffering, the strength of her character and the purity of her principles hushed every murmur. With patient resignation to the will of God and a firm reliance on the will of her redeemer, she calmly awaited the end which she saw approaching. A more unsullied character we believe is rarely found; and, seldom, if ever, had an in- dividual gone to the grave with fewer enemies; and it is presumption to trust that a purer spirit has rarely gone up to God who gave it.ae Elizabeth Houstoun Clinch was in her thirty-eighth year when death called. The youngest of her stepchildren, George, was almost five and the oldest, Eliza, at seventeen was blossoming into young womanhood. For more than seven years the children would remain motherless while their twice-widowed father waited to find himself a wife. His business affairs required frequent trips south to St. Augustine and Palatka and north to Savannah, Augusta, and Charleston; occasionally he went to Washington, Philadelphia, or New York; and often he met the demands of friends and admirers in Georgia communities for personal appearances at public dinners or political rallies. At times the older children accompanied him, but 26. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, in Letters in the Posses- sion of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 27. Savannah Georgian, August 30, 1838. 164  Planter and Politician most often they, and always the younger ones, remained at home under the care of servants and the general supervision of their Grandmother McIntosh.s Even before the death of her stepmother, Eliza was attending school in Washington. In March, 1836, she sailed on the South Carolina from Norfolk to Charleston and continued to Savannah on the Wm. Seabrook.29 More than a year later a Savannah newspaper- man gleefully reported "on good authority" that Abraham Van Buren, son of President Martin Van Buren, would soon lead Eliza Clinch to the altar. "Thus will the son of the President become a Southern- er and a slaveholder,"ao but the rumor was a false one; in 1845 Eliza was married to Robert Anderson, a career officer in the army. General Clinch did his best to honor the memory of Eliza's mother and his first wife by having a monument to mark her grave. He paid $763.38, a tremendous sum for the age, to erect a stone of the "neatest style" and in the most "chaste architecture to be found in the Southern country" at her resting place in the Presbyterian Ceme- tery in Mobile.31 But the retired General belonged to the living, and Refuge Planta- tion was the main support of his children. The lands of the Refuge were exceptionally fertile, and were located where the Georgia coast- line curves inland. Tropical storms usually passed east of the planta- tion. With little danger from flooding by the violence of nature, the rich soil yielded an average of sixty bushels of rice per acre.32 The Refuge encompassed more than 5,000 acres, but the three rice fields contained only 642, and the remaining land was covered with trees or planted in crops for the subsistence of the owner's family and his 28. The Savannah Georgian, 1838-44, has many notices of the arrivals and departures of Clinch on the South Carolina, Wm. Seabrook, Florida, William Taylor, Charles Dowling, Forester, and other vessels. Eliza and John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch are frequently listed as his traveling companions. 29. Savannah Georgian, March 9 and 12, 1836. 30. Ibid., May 16, 1837. 31. 1. Perrine to Clinch, July 1, 1842, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 32. Duncan Clinch Heyward, Seed from Madagascar (Chapel Hill, 1937), 149; D. C. Heyward to Alfred W. Jones, November 17, 1937, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia; according to Henry Benjamin Whipple, who was at the Refuge on December 25 and 26, 1843, Clinch made "about 70 bushels to the acre and its weight is about 46 lb. to the bushel" (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50). 165 Planter and Politician most often they, and always the younger ones, remained at home under the care of servants and the general supervision of their Grandmother McIntosh.08 Even before the death of her stepmother, Eliza was attending school in Washington. In March, 1836, she sailed on the South Carolina from Norfolk to Charleston and continued to Savannah on the Wm. Seabrook.as More than a year later a Savannah newspaper- man gleefully reported "on good authority" that Abraham Van Buren, son of President Martin Van Buren, would soon lead Eliza Clinch to the altar. "Thus will the son of the President become a Southern- er and a slaveholder,"30 but the rumor was a false one; in 1845 Eliza was married to Robert Anderson, a career officeer in the army. General Clinch did his best to honor the memory of Eliza's mother and his first wife by having a monument to mark her grave. He paid $763.38, a tremendous sum for the age, to erect a stone of the "neatest style" and in the most "chaste architecture to be found in the Southern country" at her resting place in the Presbyterian Ceme- tery in Mobile.31 But the retired General belonged to the living, and Refuge Planta- tion was the main support of his children. The lands of the Refuge were exceptionally fertile, and were located where the Georgia coast- line curves inland. Tropical storms usually passed east of the planta- tion. With little danger from flooding by the violence of nature, the rich soil yielded an average of sixty bushels of rice per acre.02 The Refuge encompassed more than 5,000 acres, but the three rice fields contained only 642, and the remaining land was covered with trees or planted in crops for the subsistence of the owner's family and his 28. The Savannah Georgian, 1838-44, has many notices of the arrivals and departures of Clinch on the South Carolina, Wm. Seabrook, Florida, William Taylor, Charles Dowling, Forester, and other vessels. Eliza and John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch are frequently listed as his traveling companions. 29. Savannah Georgian, March 9 and 12, 1836. 30. Ibid., May 16, 1837. 31. I. Perrine to Clinch, July 1, 1842, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 32. Duncan Clinch Heyward, Seed from Madagascar (Chapel Hill, 1937), 149; D. C. Heyward to Alfred W. Jones, November 17, 1937, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia; according to Henry Benjamin Whipple, who was at the Refuge on December 25 and 26, 1843, Clinch made "about 70 bushels to the acre and its weight is about 46 lb. to the bushel" (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50). 165 Planter and Politician most often they, and always the younger ones, remained at home under the care of servants and the general supervision of their Grandmother McIntosh.os Even before the death of her stepmother, Eliza was attending school in Washington. In March, 1836, she sailed on the South Carolina from Norfolk to Charleston and continued to Savannah on the Wm. Seabrook.a More than a year later a Savannah newspaper- man gleefully reported "on good authority" that Abraham Van Buren, son of President Martin Van Buren, would soon lead Eliza Clinch to the altar. "Thus will the son of the President become a Southern- er and a slaveholder,"ao but the rumor was a false one; in 1845 Eliza was married to Robert Anderson, a career officeer in the army. General Clinch did his best to honor the memory of Eliza's mother and his first wife by having a monument to mark her grave. He paid $763.38, a tremendous sum for the age, to erect a stone of the "neatest style" and in the most "chaste architecture to be found in the Southern country" at her resting place in the Presbyterian Ceme- tery in Mobile.s1 But the retired General belonged to the living, and Refuge Planta- tion was the main support of his children. The lands of the Refuge were exceptionally fertile, and were located where the Georgia coast- line curves inland. Tropical storms usually passed east of the planta- tion. With little danger from flooding by the violence of nature, the rich soil yielded an average of sixty bushels of rice per acre.32 The Refuge encompassed more than 5,000 acres, but the three rice fields contained only 642, and the remaining land was covered with trees or planted in crops for the subsistence of the owner's family and his 28. The Savannah Georgian, 1838-44, has many notices of the arrivals and departures of Clinch on the South Carolina, Wm. Seabrook, Florida, William Taylor, Charles Dowling, Forester, and other vessels. Eliza and John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch are frequently listed as his traveling companions. 29. Savannah Georgian, March 9 and 12, 1836. 30. Ibid., May 16, 1837. 31. I. Perrine to Clinch, July 1, 1842, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 32. Duncan Clinch Heyward, Seed from Madagascar (Chapel Hill, 1937), 149; D. C. Heyward to Alfred W. Jones, November 17, 1937, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia; according to Henry Benjamin Whipple, who was at the Refuge on December 25 and 26, 1843, Clinch made "about 70 bushels to the acre and its weight is about 46 lb. to the bushel" (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50). 165  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM slaves.as In 1839 a total of 160 slaves worked the plantation, and nine years later the number had increased to 210.34 Real and per- sonal taxes were unbelievably low by modern standards: in 1839 Clinch paid $44.18 and in 1848, $65.62 on 5,045 acres, 210 slaves, 2 four-wheel carriages, and 1 town lot.5s The rice lands of the plantation were probably worth from $50 to ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM slaves.to In 1839 a total of 160 slaves worked the plantation, and nine years later the number had increased to 210.34 Real and per- sonal taxes were unbelievably low by modern standards: in 1839 Clinch paid $44.18 and in 1848, $65.62 on 5,045 acres, 210 slaves, 2 four-wheel carriages, and 1 town lot.as The rice lands of the plantation were probably worth from $50 to ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM slaves.as In 1839 a total of 160 slaves worked the plantation, and nine years later the number had increased to 210.34 Real and per- sonal taxes were unbelievably low by modern standards: in 1839 Clinch paid $44.18 and in 1848, $65.62 on 5,045 acres, 210 slaves, 2 four-wheel carriages, and 1 town lot.3s The rice lands of the plantation were probably worth from $50 to $60 an acre, but reclaiming this soil from the swampy boundaries of the Satilla River was expensive.3o To prevent salt water, or even brackish water, from entering the rice fields, a dam with sluice gates was shoveled up on the lower end of a field, and higher up another strong dam held a reservoir of fresh water. Smaller dams divided the fields into squares, small water ditches crossed these squares, and 33. Plat of Refuge Plantation made in 1850, Caroliniana Library, Univer- sity of South Carolina, Columbia. 34. Superior Court Tax Digest, 1839 and 1848, Camden County, Geor- gia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 35. Ibid. 36. In 1843 Whipple reported that good rice land along the Georgia coast was worth from $100 to $200 per acre and the cost of clearing swampy areas for rice production was $75 an acre (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50). 166 $60 an acre, but reclaiming this soil from the swampy boundaries of the Satilla River was expensive.00 To prevent salt water, or even brackish water, from entering the rice fields, a dam with sluice gates was shoveled up on the lower end of a field, and higher up another strong dam held a reservoir of fresh water. Smaller dams divided the fields into squares, small water ditches crossed these squares, and 33. Plat of Refuge Plantation made in 1850, Caroliniana Library, Univer- sity of South Carolina, Columbia. 34. Superior Court Tax Digest, 1839 and 1848, Camden County, Geor- gia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 35. Ibid. 36. In 1843 Whipple reported that good rice land along the Georgia coast was worth from $100 to $200 per acre and the cost of clearing swampy areas for rice production was $75 an acre (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50). 166 $60 an acre, but reclaiming this soil from the swampy boundaries of the Satilla River was expensive.aO To prevent salt water, or even brackish water, from entering the rice fields, a dam with sluice gates was shoveled up on the lower end of a field, and higher up another strong dam held a reservoir of fresh water. Smaller dams divided the fields into squares, small water ditches crossed these squares, and 33. Plat of Refuge Plantation made in 1850, Caroliniana Library, Univer- sity of South Carolina, Columbia. 34. Superior Court Tax Digest, 1839 and 1848, Camden County, Geor- gia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 35. Ibid. 36. In 1843 Whipple reported that good rice land along the Georgia coast was worth from $100 to $200 per acre and the cost of clearing swampy areas for rice production was $75 an acre (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50). 166  Planter and Politician larger "face" ditches crisscrossed the small ones. After the major dams were built and a high bank piled along the river, the land was cleared of trees and smaller vegetation and the ditches were dug. The clearing of land for rice production was a major problem: the soil was covered with water, or was soft and boggy; numbers of alli- gators showed no more than their beady eyes while swimming in the water, or they lay sunning themselves on mud flats, neither attack- ing the intruder nor running from aggression; and many types of snakes, but mainly poisonous moccasins, thrived in the swamplands. Nature and animals made the clearing of land a costly enterprise. After new land was cleared, or on acres used before for rice culti- vation, the remaining vegetation was destroyed by burning. Then slaves with hoes chopped at assigned tasks of one-fourth of an acre a day, being instructed to dig no deeper than a few inches to avoid mixing the sweet with the sour soil. Female slaves sowed the seed in four-inch-wide trenches about eleven inches apart. Climate and birds set the dates for planting. The first sowing of seed began about March 10, but if delayed until after April 10, the May birds ar- riving in that month would devour the sprouting rice. Another crop could be planted during the first ten days of June, but the major plantings were in March. Rice culture in the lowlands of Georgia required a number of floodings. The sprout flow made the seed sprout and killed the young grass and weeds on the newly planted land. When tender shoots ap- peared, the land was drained. Soon rows of blades glistened in the morning sun, and green strips of color alternated with dark soil. Gradually, carefully, the second flood of water covered the tender plants. After the young rice had been covered a week, the water level was lowered until the green blades showed above it. After ten more days the land was drained again, and the forty days of dry growth began. Negro slaves with tasks of one-half of an acre per day cleared the rows of grass and loosened the soil around the rice. Control of grass and weeds usually required two hoeings. Finally, the harvest flooding supported the rice stalks while the grain developed and the green color slowly gave way to yellow, and as reaping time ap- proached, the color changed again until the rice field took on the appearance of shimmering gold. 167 Planter and Politician larger "face" ditches crisscrossed the small ones. After the major dams were built and a high bank piled along the river, the land was cleared of trees and smaller vegetation and the ditches were dug. The clearing of land for rice production was a major problem: the soil was covered with water, or was soft and boggy; numbers of all- gators showed no more than their beady eyes while swimming in the water, or they lay sunning themselves on mud flats, neither attack- ing the intruder nor running from aggression; and many types of snakes, but mainly poisonous moccasins, thrived in the swamplands. Nature and animals made the clearing of land a costly enterprise. After new land was cleared, or on acres used before for rice culti- vation, the remaining vegetation was destroyed by burning. Then slaves with hoes chopped at assigned tasks of one-fourth of an acre a day, being instructed to dig no deeper than a few inches to avoid mixing the sweet with the sour soil. Female slaves sowed the seed in four-inch-wide trenches about eleven inches apart. Climate and birds set the dates for planting. The first sowing of seed began about March 10, but if delayed until after April 10, the May birds ar- riving in that month would devour the sprouting rice. Another crop could be planted during the first ten days of June, but the major plantings were in March. Rice culture in the lowlands of Georgia required a number of floodings. The sprout flow made the seed sprout and killed the young grass and weeds on the newly planted land. When tender shoots ap- peared, the land was drained. Soon rows of blades glistened in the morning sun, and green strips of color alternated with dark soil. Gradually, carefully, the second flood of water covered the tender plants. After the young rice had been covered a week, the water level was lowered until the green blades showed above it. After ten more days the land was drained again, and the forty days of dry growth began. Negro slaves with tasks of one-half of an acre per day cleared the rows of grass and loosened the soil around the rice. Control of grass and weeds usually required two hoeings. Finally, the harvest flooding supported the rice stalks while the grain developed and the green color slowly gave way to yellow, and as reaping time ap- proached, the color changed again until the rice field took on the appearance of shimmering gold. 167 Planter and Politician larger "face" ditches crisscrossed the small ones. After the major dams were built and a high bank piled along the river, the land was cleared of trees and smaller vegetation and the ditches were dug. The clearing of land for rice production was a major problem: the soil was covered with water, or was soft and boggy; numbers of alli- gators showed no more than their beady eyes while swimming in the water, or they lay sunning themselves on mud flats, neither attack- ing the intruder nor running from aggression; and many types of snakes, but mainly poisonous moccasins, thrived in the swamplands. Nature and animals made the clearing of land a costly enterprise. After new land was cleared, or on acres used before for rice culti- vation, the remaining vegetation was destroyed by burning. Then slaves with hoes chopped at assigned tasks of one-fourth of an acre a day, being instructed to dig no deeper than a few inches to avoid mixing the sweet with the sour soil. Female slaves sowed the seed in four-inch-wide trenches about eleven inches apart. Climate and birds set the dates for planting. The first sowing of seed began about March 10, but if delayed until after April 10, the May birds ar- riving in that month would devour the sprouting rice. Another crop could be planted during the first ten days of June, but the major plantings were in March. Rice culture in the lowlands of Georgia required a number of floodings. The sprout flow made the seed sprout and killed the young grass and weeds on the newly planted land. When tender shoots ap- peared, the land was drained. Soon rows of blades glistened in the morning sun, and green strips of color alternated with dark soil. Gradually, carefully, the second flood of water covered the tender plants. After the young rice had been covered a week, the water level was lowered until the green blades showed above it. After ten more days the land was drained again, and the forty days of dry growth began. Negro slaves with tasks of one-half of an acre per day cleared the rows of grass and loosened the soil around the rice. Control of grass and weeds usually required two hoeings. Finally, the harvest flooding supported the rice stalks while the grain developed and the green color slowly gave way to yellow, and as reaping time ap- proached, the color changed again until the rice field took on the appearance of shimmering gold. 167  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM After the final drainage in the fall, slaves wielding scythes cut three rows at a time; each slave had a quota of one-half of an acre a day. The half-acre of grain could be reaped in two hours, and through the rest of the workday the slaves gathered, sheafed, and shocked the stalks. After the rice had dried, the sheaves were moved to the plantation's two-story mill. From the ground a conveyor cloth lifted the stalks to the second floor, where they fell into the beater, or thresher. The straw dropped down a chute to waiting wagons; the threshed rice was winnowed by air as it fell, lifted again to the second floor to be screened, fell again, and finally lifted to flow into fifty-bushel wooden tubs. These were emptied into a chute which carried the rice to storage in the rice house, there to remain until the grain was bagged for shipment. Since the mill broke some of the rice, seed for the next year's crop was threshed by hand.3 The extant fragmentary records fail to show the total production of Refuge Plantation. From January 23 through April 23, 1839, Clinch delivered 11,516 bushels of rice to the firm of King and DeSaussure at Charleston, and received $5,567.71, or less than 49p per bushel for it.as If the lands of Refuge were as productive before the Civil War as they were afterwards, these sales represented no more than one-third of a year's production. At an estimated individ- ual cost of $25, the care of Clinch's 160 slaves amounted to $4,000 in 1839. If no more than 30,000 bushels of rice were produced, the general had $10,700 left after the housing, feeding, clothing, medical, and other expenses of his labor force. After deducting ex- penditures for costs other than labor, the retired General made a profit of approximately $8,000 in a good year. This return of less than 1 per cent on properties-lands, building, equipment, and slaves-worth at least $1,000,000 indicates that rice production and slave ownership were relatively profitless in comparison to in- dustrial or commercial enterprises. 37. For an excellent account of rice production, see Heyward, Seed from Madagascar, 11-42. 38. Debit and credit records, 1839-40, and receipts, Clinch Papers. Whipple reported Clinch's rice crop in 1843 totaled 25,000 bushels. Whipple, however, claimed the average yield per acre on the Refuge was 70 bushels per acre on 500 acres. (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50.) On this basis the total production in 1843 would have been 35,000 bushels and on the 642% actual acres would have been 44,975. 168 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM After the final drainage in the fall, slaves wielding scythes cut three rows at a time; each slave had a quota of one-half of an acre a day. The half-acre of grain could he reaped in two hours, and through the rest of the workday the slaves gathered, sheafed, and shocked the stalks. After the rice had dried, the sheaves were moved to the plantation's two-story mill. From the ground a conveyor cloth lifted the stalks to the second floor, where they fell into the beater, or thresher. The straw dropped down a chute to waiting wagons; the threshed rice was winnowed by air as it fell, lifted again to the second floor to be screened, fell again, and finally lifted to flow into fifty-bushel wooden tubs. These were emptied into a chute which carried the rice to storage in the rice house, there to remain until the grain was bagged for shipment. Since the mill broke some of the rice, seed for the next year's crop was threshed by hand.37 The extant fragmentary records fail to show the total production of Refuge Plantation. From January 23 through April 23, 1839, Clinch delivered 11,516 bushels of rice to the firm of King and DeSaussure at Charleston, and received $5,567.71, or less than 49 per bushel for it.ne If the lands of Refuge were as productive before the Civil War as they were afterwards, these sales represented no more than one-third of a year's production. At an estimated individ- ual cost of $25, the care of Clinch's 160 slaves amounted to $4,000 in 1839. If no more than 30,000 bushels of rice were produced, the general had $10,700 left after the housing, feeding, clothing, medical, and other expenses of his labor force. After deducting ex- penditures for costs other than labor, the retired General made a profit of approximately $8,000 in a good year. This return of less than 1 per cent on properties-lands, building, equipment, and slaves-worth at least $1,000,000 indicates that rice production and slave ownership were relatively profitless in comparison to in- dustrial or commercial enterprises. 37. For an excellent account of rice production, see Heyward, Seed from Madagascar, 11-42. 38. Debit and credit records, 1839-40, and receipts, Clinch Papers. Whipple reported Clinch's rice crop in 1843 totaled 25,000 bushels. Whipple, however, claimed the average yield per acre on the Refuge was 70 bushels per acre on 500 acres. (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50.) On this basis the total production in 1843 would have been 35,000 bushels and on the 642%t actual acres would have been 44,975. 168 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM After the final drainage in the fall, slaves wielding scythes cut three rows at a time; each slave had a quota of one-half of an acre a day. The half-acre of grain could be reaped in two hours, and through the rest of the workday the slaves gathered, sheafed, and shocked the stalks. After the rice had dried, the sheaves were moved to the plantation's two-story mill. From the ground a conveyor cloth lifted the stalks to the second floor, where they fell into the beater, or thresher. The straw dropped down a chute to waiting wagons; the threshed rice was winnowed by air as it fell, lifted again to the second floor to be screened, fell again, and finally lifted to flow into fifty-bushel wooden tubs. These were emptied into a chute which carried the rice to storage in the rice house, there to remain until the grain was bagged for shipment. Since the mill broke some of the rice, seed for the next year's crop was threshed by hand.37 The extant fragmentary records fail to show the total production of Refuge Plantation. From January 23 through April 23, 1839, Clinch delivered 11,516 bushels of rice to the firm of King and DeSaussure at Charleston, and received $5,567.71, or less than 49 per bushel for it.as If the lands of Refuge were as productive before the Civil War as they were afterwards, these sales represented no more than one-third of a year's production. At an estimated individ- ual cost of $25, the care of Clinch's 160 slaves amounted to $4,000 in 1839. If no more than 30,000 bushels of rice were produced, the general had $10,700 left after the housing, feeding, clothing, medical, and other expenses of his labor force. After deducting ex- penditures for costs other than labor, the retired General made a profit of approximately $8,000 in a good year. This return of less than I per cent on properties-lands, building, equipment, and slaves-worth at least $1,000,000 indicates that rice production and slave ownership were relatively profitless in comparison to in- dustrial or commercial enterprises. 37. For an excellent account of rice production, see Heyward, Seed from Madagascar, 11-42. 38. Debit and credit records, 1839-40, and receipts, Clinch Papers. Whipple reported Clinch's rice crop in 1843 totaled 25,000 bushels. Whipple, however, claimed the average yield per acre on the Refuge was 70 bushels per acre on 500 acres. (Bishop Whipple's Diary, 50.) On this basis the total production in 1843 would have been 35,000 bushels and on the 642% actual acres would have been 44,975. 168  Planter and Politician But an average of fifty to sixty bushels of rice per acre were not produced every year, and the estimated profit of $8,000 may be too high. In 1839 Clinch sent more than $10,000 to King and DeSaus- sure by bank draft and check, and two years later he gave a $10,- 000 mortgage on Refuge Plantation to Robert Stafford. In 1845 the General was still paying $800 annual interest on this mortgage, and had evidently borrowed an additional sum from the same man.so Clinch, however, dealt with many agents-King and DeSaussure, William I. Seton, James Adger and Company, all of Charleston- and in his complicated business affairs also had financial dealings with A. J. Bessent, Robert Stafford, and Henry Sadler of the St. Marys area, and the Bank of Commerce of New York. The names of these individuals and companies all appear in transactions cover- ing a period of little more than one year. Obviously the return from rice production and the financial status of Clinch can only be estimated. Nevertheless, he received sufficient income to live in comfort, educate eight children, and travel at will. Between 1839 and 1848 the number of his slaves at Refuge Planta- tion increased from 160 to 210 and, while the larger number re- flected in part a natural increase, he did buy Negroes from the bor- der slave states.40 Young Lieutenant Clinch, who entered the army in 1808 with an inheritance of $1,200, accumulated in his life- time by economically advantageous marriages, investments in land, operation of plantations, and salaries, an estate which approached $2,000,000 in value. The year before his death a minimum listing of his holdings were: the 5,000-acre Refuge Plantation, 210 slaves, a summer mansion at Clarkesville, Georgia, on 140 acres of land, 2 acres at another location in the state; at least 21,000 acres in Florida; and buildings, farm equipment, draft and meat animals, carriages, wagons, and expensive furnishings for two homes.4' In operating the Refuge, Clinch's concentration on a salable staple crop forced him to buy provisions outside the plantation for his slaves. Records show that he ordered 16 bushels of seed oats in 39. Incomplete debit and credit records, 1839-45, Clinch Papers. 40. On May 2, 1839, he paid $20 for transporting two slaves from Bal- timore to St. Marys, Clinch Papers. 41. Tax Digest, 1848, Camden County, Georgia, Georgia Department of Archives and History; 1846 Florida Tax Returns, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. 169 Planter and Politician But an average of fifty to sixty bushels of rice per acre were not produced every year, and the estimated profit of $8,000 may be too high. In 1839 Clinch sent more than $10,000 to King and DeSaus- sure by hank draft and check, and two years later he gave a $10,- 000 mortgage on Refuge Plantation to Robert Stafford. In 1845 the General was still paying $800 annual interest on this mortgage, and had evidently borrowed an additional sum from the same man.05 Clinch, however, dealt with many agents-King and DeSaussure, William I. Seton, James Adger and Company, all of Charleston- and in his complicated business affairs also had financial dealings with A. J. Bessent, Robert Stafford, and Henry Sadler of the St. Marys area, and the Bank of Commerce of New York. The names of these individuals and companies all appear in transactions cover- ing a period of little more than one year. Obviously the return from rice production and the financial status of Clinch can only be estimated. Nevertheless, he received sufficient income to live in comfort, educate eight children, and travel at will. Between 1839 and 1848 the number of his slaves at Refuge Planta- tion increased from 160 to 210 and, while the larger number re- flected in part a natural increase, he did buy Negroes from the bor- der slave states.4u Young Lieutenant Clinch, who entered the army in 1808 with an inheritance of $1,200, accumulated in his life- time by economically advantageous marriages, investments in land, operation of plantations, and salaries, an estate which approached $2,000,000 in value. The year before his death a minimum listing of his holdings were: the 5,000-acre Refuge Plantation, 210 slaves, a summer mansion at Clarkesville, Georgia, on 140 acres of land, 2 acres at another location in the state; at least 21,000 acres in Florida; and buildings, farm equipment, draft and meat animals, carriages, wagons, and expensive furnishings for two homes.41 In operating the Refuge, Clinch's concentration on a salable staple crop forced him to buy provisions outside the plantation for his slaves. Records show that he ordered 16 bushels of seed oats in 39. Incomplete debit and credit records, 1839-45, Clinch Papers. 40. On May 2, 1839, he paid $20 for transporting two slaves from Bal- timore to St. Marys, Clinch Papers. 41. Tax Digest, 1848, Camden County, Georgia, Georgia Department of Archives and History; 1846 Florida Tax Returns, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. 169 Planter and Politician But an average of fifty to sixty bushels of rice per acre were not produced every year, and the estimated profit of $8,000 may be too high. In 1839 Clinch sent more than $10,000 to King and DeSaus- sure by bank draft and check, and two years later he gave a $10,- 000 mortgage on Refuge Plantation to Robert Stafford. In 1845 the General was still paying $800 annual interest on this mortgage, and had evidently borrowed an additional sum from the same man.39 Clinch, however, dealt with many agents-King and DeSaussure, William I. Seton, James Adger and Company, all of Charleston- and in his complicated business affairs also had financial dealings with A. J. Bessent, Robert Stafford, and Henry Sadler of the St. Marys area, and the Bank of Commerce of New York. The names of these individuals and companies all appear in transactions cover- ing a period of little more than one year. Obviously the return from rice production and the financial status of Clinch can only be estimated. Nevertheless, he received sufficient income to live in comfort, educate eight children, and travel at will. Between 1839 and 1848 the number of his slaves at Refuge Planta- tion increased from 160 to 210 and, while the larger number re- flected in part a natural increase, he did buy Negroes from the bor- der slave states.40 Young Lieutenant Clinch, who entered the army in 1808 with an inheritance of $1,200, accumulated in his life- time by economically advantageous marriages, investments in land, operation of plantations, and salaries, an estate which approached $2,000,000 in value. The year before his death a minimum listing of his holdings were: the 5,000-acre Refuge Plantation, 210 slaves, a summer mansion at Clarkesville, Georgia, on 140 acres of land, 2 acres at another location in the state; at least 21,000 acres in Florida; and buildings, farm equipment, draft and meat animals, carriages, wagons, and expensive furnishings for two homes."1 In operating the Refuge, Clinch's concentration on a salable staple crop forced him to buy provisions outside the plantation for his slaves. Records show that he ordered 16 bushels of seed oats in 39. Incomplete debit and credit records, 1839-45, Clinch Papers. 40. On May 2, 1839, he paid $20 for transporting two slaves from Bal- timore to St. Marys, Clinch Papers. 41. Tax Digest, 1848, Camden County, Georgia, Georgia Department of Archives and History; 1846 Florida Tax Returns, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. 169  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM 1840, but the amount of corn, sweet potatoes, vegetables, and other subsistence crops grown on the plantation is not recorded. His plantings of corn were insufficient to meet the needs of the planta- tion; in 1840 he bought 1,000 bushels and paid more than $600 for them.42 If this amount of corn, added to production on the plantation, was sufficient to supply the stock and slaves, the number of acres planted in corn was large. At the customary ration of a peck of meal per week for each worker, the slaves alone consumed more than 2,000 bushels in a year. Clinch ran second in wealth to Robert Stafford in Camden Coun- ty, but the retired General was evidently considered the community's pre-eminent citizen by his countrymen. They consulted him for ad- vice in minor affairs and major business enterprises. In May, 1837, the appearance of a few Indians in the country frightened residents who were aware of the Seminole War in Florida. A woman and her ten-year-old son were sighted on the north side of the Satilla River, eight miles from Jefferson, near the home of William Hichley. Think- ing them runaway slaves, he set his dogs on them; the squaw was badly bitten and the boy slightly hurt. When covered by Hichley with a gun, the woman held out her hands in mute surrender, but the boy ran. Pursued by a Negro boy, the young Indian grabbed a stick to defend himself. He was captured and shortly thereafter the husband and father appeared, unarmed and unaggressive. No one could understand the Indians' language. Interpretation of sign lan- guage indicated the Indians were Creek stragglers who had lost three or four other children by drowning in the deep water of the river. At the same time the warrior had lost his gun. On recom- mendation of Clinch, the pathetic, stoic Indians were shipped to Florida for disposal by the army.4a More important to Camden residents was the organization of the Bank of St. Marys. The bank was chartered in 1836 by the Georgia legislature, and the organizers opened offices on February 1, 1837, in the towns of Camden and Ware counties, to solicit subscriptions for stock at $100 a share par value. Ten dollars was paid on each share at the time of subscription, and the bank charter called for 42. Debit and credit records, 1839-40, Clinch Papers. 43. Savannah Georgian, May 17, 1837. 170 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM 1840, but the amount of corn, sweet potatoes, vegetables, and other subsistence crops grown on the plantation is not recorded. His plantings of corn were insufficient to meet the needs of the planta- tion; in 1840 he bought 1,000 bushels and paid more than $600 for them.42 If this amount of corn, added to production on the plantation, was sufficient to supply the stock and slaves, the number of acres planted in corn was large. At the customary ration of a peck of meal per week for each worker, the slaves alone consumed more than 2,000 bushels in a year. Clinch ran second in wealth to Robert Stafford in Camden Coun- ty, but the retired General was evidently considered the community's pre-eminent citizen by his countrymen. They consulted him for ad- vice in minor affairs and major business enterprises. In May, 1837, the appearance of a few Indians in the country frightened residents who were aware of the Seminole War in Florida. A woman and her ten-year-old son were sighted on the north side of the Satilla River, eight miles from Jefferson, near the home of William Hichley. Think- ing them runaway slaves, he set his dogs on them; the squaw was badly bitten and the boy slightly hurt. When covered by Hichley with a gun, the woman held out her hands in mute surrender, but the boy ran. Pursued by a Negro boy, the young Indian grabbed a stick to defend himself. He was captured and shortly thereafter the husband and father appeared, unarmed and unaggressive. No one could understand the Indians' language. Interpretation of sign lan- guage indicated the Indians were Creek stragglers who had lost three or four other children by drowning in the deep water of the river. At the same time the warrior had lost his gun. On recom- mendation of Clinch, the pathetic, stoic Indians were shipped to Florida for disposal by the army.4a More important to Camden residents was the organization of the Bank of St. Marys. The bank was chartered in 1836 by the Georgia legislature, and the organizers opened offices on February 1, 1837, in the towns of Camden and Ware counties, to solicit subscriptions for stock at $100 a share par value. Ten dollars was paid on each share at the time of subscription, and the bank charter called for 42. Debit and credit records, 1839-40, Clinch Papers. 43. Savannah Georgian, May 17, 1837. 170 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM 1840, but the amount of corn, sweet potatoes, vegetables, and other subsistence crops grown on the plantation is not recorded. His plantings of corn were insufficient to meet the needs of the planta- tion; in 1840 he bought 1,000 bushels and paid more than $600 for them.42 If this amount of corn, added to production on the plantation, was sufficient to supply the stock and slaves, the number of acres planted in corn was large. At the customary ration of a peck of meal per week for each worker, the slaves alone consumed more than 2,000 bushels in a year. Clinch ran second in wealth to Robert Stafford in Camden Coun- ty, but the retired General was evidently considered the community's pre-eminent citizen by his countrymen. They consulted him for ad- vice in minor affairs and major business enterprises. In May, 1837, the appearance of a few Indians in the country frightened residents who were aware of the Seminole War in Florida. A woman and her ten-year-old son were sighted on the north side of the Satilla River, eight miles from Jefferson, near the home of William Hichley. Think- ing them runaway slaves, he set his dogs on them; the squaw was badly bitten and the boy slightly hurt. When covered by Hichley with a gun, the woman held out her hands in mute surrender, but the boy ran. Pursued by a Negro boy, the young Indian grabbed a stick to defend himself. He was captured and shortly thereafter the husband and father appeared, unarmed and unaggressive. No one could understand the Indians' language. Interpretation of sign lan- guage indicated the Indians were Creek stragglers who had lost three or four other children by drowning in the deep water of the river. At the same time the warrior had lost his gun. On recom- mendation of Clinch, the pathetic, stoic Indians were shipped to Florida for disposal by the army.4a More important to Camden residents was the organization of the Bank of St. Marys. The bank was chartered in 1836 by the Georgia legislature, and the organizers opened offices on February 1, 1837, in the towns of Camden and Ware counties, to solicit subscriptions for stock at $100 a share par value. Ten dollars was paid on each share at the time of subscription, and the bank charter called for 42. Debit and credit records, 1839-40, Clinch Papers. 43. Savannah Georgian, May 17, 1837. 170  Planter and Politician $250,000 in capital. Clinch bought 149 shares for himself and 51 as guardian for the children inheriting rights in the estate of John Houstoun McIntosh. By May, 1839, he had paid $5,500 for his and the estate's holdings. He was elected president of the bank, and A. J. Bessent served as cashier. A report to the governor of the state in April, 1839, showed more than $86,000 in paid-in capital, $52,620 notes in circulation, $23,215.40 in deposits, and $27,- 942.38 in coin. The total assets, including $107,015 in loans, were $193,366.58.44 The bank evidently remained solvent during the depression of these years; it lent money to the state. Floridians also called on the retired General to head a business venture. Realizing that transportation facilities were essential to the development of their territory, they projected many schemes for canals and railroads.45 One was the territorial charter authorizing the Florida Peninsular Railroad and Steamship Company to sell $1,000,000 in stock and to construct a railroad from the St. Johns River to any point between the Suwannee River and Tampa Bay. On January 7, 1839, the stockholders elected Clinch president of their company.4 The president arrived in St. Augustine two days later to direct the enterprise, but nothing materialized in railroad building. Perhaps the company did operate a steamboat on the St. Johns River. At least the General Clinch did ply the waters of the river from Palatka to Jacksonville and on to Savannah.47 In 1841 Clinch was one of the incorporators of the Tampa Bay and St. Johns Railroad, Canal and Steamboat Company, a corporation with $1,- 000,000 authorized in capital stock and chartered to run a railroad from the St. Johns to Tampa Bay, or to the Withlacoochee, or to the Suwannee River.4 A year later the company completed a sur- vey from Palatka on the St. Johns to Clays Landing on the Suwan- nee. The cost of construction on the almost level terrain of Florida was estimated at $4,000 a mile-a total of $320,000 for the eighty 44. Ibid., February 28, 1837, and May 13, 1839. 45. Dorothy Dodd, "Railroad Projects in Territorial Florida" (M.A. thesis, Florida State College for Women, 1929), passim. 46. St. Augustine News, January 12, 1839. Clinch was one of the incor- porators of the company. 47. Savannah Georgian, March 23, 1841, and February 3, 1843. 48. Acts and Resolutions of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida, 183941 (Tallahassee, 1841), 48-53. 171 Planter and Politician $250,000 in capital. Clinch bought 149 shares for himself and 51 as guardian for the children inheriting rights in the estate of John Houstoun McIntosh. By May, 1839, he had paid $5,500 for his and the estate's holdings. He was elected president of the bank, and A. J. Bessent served as cashier. A report to the governor of the state in April, 1839, showed more than $86,000 in paid-in capital, $52,620 notes in circulation, $23,215.40 in deposits, and $27,- 942.38 in coin. The total assets, including $107,015 in loans, were $193,366.58.44 The bank evidently remained solvent during the depression of these years; it lent money to the state. Floridians also called on the retired General to head a business venture. Realizing that transportation facilities were essential to the development of their territory, they projected many schemes for canals and railroads.45 One was the territorial charter authorizing the Florida Peninsular Railroad and Steamship Company to sell $1,000,000 in stock and to construct a railroad from the St. Johns River to any point between the Suwannee River and Tampa Bay. On January 7, 1839, the stockholders elected Clinch president of their company.46 The president arrived in St. Augustine two days later to direct the enterprise, but nothing materialized in railroad building. Perhaps the company did operate a steamboat on the St. Johns River. At least the General Clinch did ply the waters of the river from Palatka to Jacksonville and on to Savannah.47 In 1841 Clinch was one of the incorporators of the Tampa Bay and St. Johns Railroad, Canal and Steamboat Company, a corporation with $1,- 000,000 authorized in capital stock and chartered to run a railroad from the St. Johns to Tampa Bay, or to the Withlacoochee, or to the Suwannee River.48 A year later the company completed a sur- vey from Palatka on the St. Johns to Clays Landing on the Suwan- nee. The cost of construction on the almost level terrain of Florida was estimated at $4,000 a mile-a total of $320,000 for the eighty 44. Ibid., February 28, 1837, and May 13, 1839. 45. Dorothy Dodd, "Railroad Projects in Territorial Florida" (M.A. thesis, Florida State College for Women, 1929), passim. 46. St. Augustine News, January 12, 1839. Clinch was one of the incor- porators of the company. 47. Savannah Georgian, March 23, 1841, and February 3, 1843. 48. Acts and Resolutions of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida, 183941 (Tallahassee, 1841), 48-53. 171 Planter and Politician $250,000 in capital. Clinch bought 149 shares for himself and 51 as guardian for the children inheriting rights in the estate of John Houstoun McIntosh. By May, 1839, he had paid $5,500 for his and the estate's holdings. He was elected president of the bank, and A. J. Bessent served as cashier. A report to the governor of the state in April, 1839, showed more than $86,000 in paid-in capital, $52,620 notes in circulation, $23,215.40 in deposits, and $27,- 942.38 in coin. The total assets, including $107,015 in loans, were $193,366.58.44 The bank evidently remained solvent during the depression of these years; it lent money to the state. Floridians also called on the retired General to head a business venture. Realizing that transportation facilities were essential to the development of their territory, they projected many schemes for canals and railroads.4 One was the territorial charter authorizing the Florida Peninsular Railroad and Steamship Company to sell $1,000,000 in stock and to construct a railroad from the St. Johns River to any point between the Suwannee River and Tampa Bay. On January 7, 1839, the stockholders elected Clinch president of their company.46 The president arrived in St. Augustine two days later to direct the enterprise, but nothing materialized in railroad building. Perhaps the company did operate a steamboat on the St. Johns River. At least the General Clinch did ply the waters of the river from Palatka to Jacksonville and on to Savannah.4 In 1841 Clinch was one of the incorporators of the Tampa Bay and St. Johns Railroad, Canal and Steamboat Company, a corporation with $1,- 000,000 authorized in capital stock and chartered to run a railroad from the St. Johns to Tampa Bay, or to the Withlacoochee, or to the Suwannee River.48 A year later the company completed a sur- vey from Palatka on the St. Johns to Clay's Landing on the Suwan- nee. The cost of construction on the almost level terrain of Florida was estimated at $4,000 a mile-a total of $320,000 for the eighty 44. Ibid., February 28, 1837, and May 13, 1839. 45. Dorothy Dodd, "Railroad Projects in Territorial Florida" (M.A. thesis, Florida State College for Women, 1929), passim. 46. St. Augustine News, January 12, 1839. Clinch was one of the incor- porators of the company. 47. Savannah Georgian, March 23, 1841, and February 3, 1843. 48. Acts and Resolutions of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida, 183941 (Tallahassee, 1841), 48-53. 171  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM miles of roadbed.49 This one, like many other proposed railroads in Florida, never became a reality. Serious purpose rather than simple pleasure accounted for most of Clinch's travel. In 1838 he visited friends in Augusta and posed for artist B. Headden of that city. The completed portrait of the General in full dress uniform was presented to the Augusta city coun- cil and hung in the council room near pictures of Washington and LaFayette.50 The event brought forth ebullient praise from one newspaper. Few people, a reporter claimed, possessed the happy blend of bravery, gallantry, and urbanity that was Clinch's. The volunteers of Augusta who served under him in Florida, the writer continued, recalled the "inflexible fixedness in the execution of the duties of his station" which was necessary in a commander, and also his "strict regard to the feelings of his subordinates" which robbed the army of the harshness traditionally associated with the lower ranks' service in it.5i Property losses caused him by the Seminole War sent Clinch to Washington for extended stays in 1839 and 1840. A few years earlier, Territorial Delegate White had urged the Secretary of War to deduct enough from the annuities paid the Indians to compensate Clinch for his loss of property in Florida.st The War Department, however, held that legislation was the only source of relief, and re- turned the papers substantiating the claims to Clinch for his use in making application to Congress.53 He went to Washington in De- cember, 1839, to push his claims, and remained in the capital for most of the following year. Although he enjoyed visits with friends and attended many dinners, the slow process of legislation irked Clinch. "My friends flatter me by telling me that I am so very popu- Iar that it will not do for me to leave the city for the present at least," he wrote Eliza, his oldest daughter, "but it will take more than flattery to keep me here much longer."54 49. Florida Sentinel (Tallahassee), November 25, 1842. 50. Savannah Georgian, May 23, 1838. 51. Unidentified newspaper clipping, Clinch Papers. 52. Joseph M. White to Secretary of War, January 24, 1837, Clinch Papers. 53. J. R. Poinsett to Clinch, February 8, 1838, Clinch Papers. 54. Clinch to Eliza B. Clinch, February 29, 1840, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 172 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM miles of roadbed.49 This one, like many other proposed railroads in Florida, never became a reality. Serious purpose rather than simple pleasure accounted for most of Clinch's travel. In 1838 he visited friends in Augusta and posed for artist B. Headden of that city. The completed portrait of the General in full dress uniform was presented to the Augusta city coun- cil and hung in the council room near pictures of Washington and LaFayette.SO The event brought forth ebullient praise from one newspaper. Few people, a reporter claimed, possessed the happy blend of bravery, gallantry, and urbanity that was Clinch's. The volunteers of Augusta who served under him in Florida, the writer continued, recalled the "inflexible fixedness in the execution of the duties of his station" which was necessary in a commander, and also his "strict regard to the feelings of his subordinates" which robbed the army of the harshness traditionally associated with the lower ranks' service in it.5i Property losses caused him by the Seminole War sent Clinch to Washington for extended stays in 1839 and 1840. A few years earlier, Territorial Delegate White had urged the Secretary of War to deduct enough from the annuities paid the Indians to compensate Clinch for his loss of property in Florida.O The War Department, however, held that legislation was the only source of relief, and re- turned the papers substantiating the claims to Clinch for his use in making application to Congress.53 He went to Washington in De- cember, 1839, to push his claims, and remained in the capital for most of the following year. Although he enjoyed visits with friends and attended many dinners, the slow process of legislation irked Clinch. "My friends flatter me by telling me that I am so very popu- lar that it will not do for me to leave the city for the present at least," he wrote Eliza, his oldest daughter, "but it will take more than flattery to keep me here much longer."ta 49. Florida Sentinel (Tallahassee), November 25, 1842. 50. Savannah Georgian, May 23, 1838. 51. Unidentified newspaper clipping, Clinch Papers. 52. Joseph M. White to Secretary of War, January 24, 1837, Clinch Papers. 53. J. R. Poinsett to Clinch, February 8, 1838, Clinch Papers. 54. Clinch to Eliza B. Clinch, February 29, 1840, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 172 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM miles of roadbedat This one, like many other proposed railroads in Florida, never became a reality. Serious purpose rather than simple pleasure accounted for most of Clinch's travel. In 1838 be visited friends in Augusta and posed for artist B. Headden of that city. The completed portrait of the General in full dress uniform was presented to the Augusta city coun- cil and hung in the council room near pictures of Washington and LaFayette.5o The event brought forth ebullient praise from one newspaper. Few people, a reporter claimed, possessed the happy blend of bravery, gallantry, and urbanity that was Clinch's. The volunteers of Augusta who served under him in Florida, the writer continued, recalled the "inflexible fixedness in the execution of the duties of his station" which was necessary in a commander, and also his "strict regard to the feelings of his subordinates" which robbed the army of the harshness traditionally associated with the lower ranks' service in it.5i Property losses caused him by the Seminole War sent Clinch to Washington for extended stays in 1839 and 1840. A few years earlier, Territorial Delegate White had urged the Secretary of War to deduct enough from the annuities paid the Indians to compensate Clinch for his loss of property in Florida.O The War Department, however, held that legislation was the only source of relief, and re- turned the papers substantiating the claims to Clinch for his use in making application to Congress.t5 He went to Washington in De- cember, 1839, to push his claims, and remained in the capital for most of the following year. Although he enjoyed visits with friends and attended many dinners, the slow process of legislation irked Clinch. "My friends flatter me by telling me that I am so very popu- lar that it will not do for me to leave the city for the present at least," he wrote Eliza, his oldest daughter, "but it will take more than flattery to keep me here much longer."54 49. Florida Sentinel (Tallahassee), November 25, 1842. 50. Savannah Georgian, May 23, 1838. 51. Unidentified newspaper clipping, Clinch Papers. 52. Joseph M. White to Secretary of War, January 24, 1837, Clinch Papers. 53. J. R. Poinsett to Clinch, February 8, 1838, Clinch Papers. 54. Clinch to Eliza B. Clinch, February 29, 1840, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 172  Planter and Politician Almost six months after writing Eliza, he sent a fatherly letter to his "darling daughter [Catharine Maria who] was suffering under her old complaint of headache...." He longed to be free to take her "to such places as would in all probability restore her precious health." Washington had lost all its charm for him; he was tired of spending his evenings with bachelor friends of army days; he thought only of leaving in a few days for Baltimore, going on to Norfolk, and taking the first boat for Charleston; and he urged his "darling be- loved child" to take care of herself and get strong enough "to run and meet your fond Father at the top of the steps near his room." He was pessimistic with regard to his claims. Although the Congress had provided relief, Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett had not ex- amined the claims but had stated the treasury was empty.00 Clinch was, however, overly depressed by his long stay in Wash- ington. His petition for $25,000 for foraging the horses of Gover- nor Call's volunteers for six weeks in October and November, 1836, was considered by the Committee on Claims of the House of Repre- sentatives. The Committee found the retired General's estimate of the value of the corn and sugar cane on Lang Syne Plantation, eaten or destroyed by the horses, remarkably low, and reported a bill for his relief. On June 19, 1840, legislation required the Secretary of War to adjust the claims of Clinch, and whenever an equitable amount was determined, to order payment by the treasurer.56 On April 24, 1841, a requisition for $25,756.25 was delivered to Clinch-$9,356.25 for 6,237 bushels of corn at $1.50 a bushel and $16,400.00 for 205,000 pounds of sugar at 80 a pound.se Seven years later Clinch would be severely criticized by his politi- cal opponents for requesting and accepting this large payment. His Lang Syne Plantation had been occupied by Seminole Indians during the summer of 1836, and they had destroyed the buildings and sugar works on it and had taken the sugar and corn stored on the plantation. Evidently they had not ruined the corn and cane grow- ing on the fertile land. At least the Committee on Claims of the 55. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, August 11, 1840. 56. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 57. J. C. Spencer (Secretary of War) to John White (Speaker of the House), July 29, 1842; Peter Hagner (Auditor) to Spencer, July 26, 1842; Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 173 Planter and Politician Almost six months after writing Eliza, he sent a fatherly letter to his "darling daughter [Catharine Maria who] was suffering under her old complaint of headache...." He longed to be free to take her "to such places as would in all probability restore her precious health." Washington had lost all its charm for him; he was tired of spending his evenings with bachelor friends of army days; he thought only of leaving in a few days for Baltimore, going on to Norfolk, and taking the first boat for Charleston; and he urged his "darling be- loved child" to take care of herself and get strong enough "to run and meet your fond Father at the top of the steps near his room." He was pessimistic with regard to his claims. Although the Congress had provided relief, Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett had not ex- amined the claims but had stated the treasury was empty.00 Clinch was, however, overly depressed by his long stay in Wash- ington. His petition for $25,000 for foraging the horses of Gover- nor Call's volunteers for six weeks in October and November, 1836, was considered by the Committee on Claims of the House of Repre- sentatives. The Committee found the retired General's estimate of the value of the corn and sugar cane on Lang Syne Plantation, eaten or destroyed by the horses, remarkably low, and reported a bill for his relief. On June 19, 1840, legislation required the Secretary of War to adjust the claims of Clinch, and whenever an equitable amount was determined, to order payment by the treasurer.56 On April 24, 1841, a requisition for $25,756.25 was delivered to Clinch-$9,356.25 for 6,237% bushels of corn at $1.50 a bushel and $16,400.00 for 205,000 pounds of sugar at 80 a pound.o7 Seven years later Clinch would be severely criticized by his politi- cal opponents for requesting and accepting this large payment. His Lang Syne Plantation had been occupied by Seminole Indians during the summer of 1836, and they had destroyed the buildings and sugar works on it and had taken the sugar and corn stored on the plantation. Evidently they had not ruined the corn and cane grow- ing on the fertile land. At least the Committee on Claims of the 55. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, August 11, 1840. 56. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 57. J. C. Spencer (Secretary of War) to John White (Speaker of the House), July 29, 1842; Peter Hagner (Auditor) to Spencer, July 26, 1842; Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 173 Planter and Politician Almost six months after writing Eliza, he sent a fatherly letter to his "darling daughter [Catharine Maria who] was suffering under her old complaint of headache...." He longed to be free to take her "to such places as would in all probability restore her precious health." Washington had lost all its charm for him; he was tired of spending his evenings with bachelor friends of army days; he thought only of leaving in a few days for Baltimore, going on to Norfolk, and taking the first boat for Charleston; and he urged his "darling be- loved child" to take care of herself and get strong enough "to run and meet your fond Father at the top of the steps near his room." He was pessimistic with regard to his claims. Although the Congress had provided relief, Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett had not ex- amined the claims but had stated the treasury was empty.00 Clinch was, however, overly depressed by his long stay in Wash- ington. His petition for $25,000 for foraging the horses of Gover- nor Call's volunteers for six weeks in October and November, 1836, was considered by the Committee on Claims of the House of Repre- sentatives. The Committee found the retired General's estimate of the value of the corn and sugar cane on Lang Sync Plantation, eaten or destroyed by the horses, remarkably low, and reported a bill for his relief. On June 19, 1840, legislation required the Secretary of War to adjust the claims of Clinch, and whenever an equitable amount was determined, to order payment by the treasurer.56 On April 24, 1841, a requisition for $25,756.25 was delivered to Clinch-$9,356.25 for 6,237 bushels of corn at $1.50 a bushel and $16,400.00 for 205,000 pounds of sugar at 8 a pound.c Seven years later Clinch would be severely criticized by his politi- cal opponents for requesting and accepting this large payment. His Lang Syne Plantation had been occupied by Seminole Indians during the summer of 1836, and they had destroyed the buildings and sugar works on it and had taken the sugar and corn stored on the plantation. Evidently they had not ruined the corn and cane grow- ing on the fertile land. At least the Committee on Claims of the 55. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, August 11, 1840. 56. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 57. J. C. Spencer (Secretary of War) to John White (Speaker of the House), July 29, 1842; Peter Hagner (Auditor) to Spencer, July 26, 1842; Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 173  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM House of Representatives heard the testimony of a number of wit- nesses and recommended a substantial payment for the corn and cane consumed in October and November, 1836, by 1,500 horses belonging to the soldiers of Governor Call.5s Fort Drane was situ- ated on the northwest corner of Clinch's plantation (Camp Lang Syne, the tented area adjoining the fort, was also on his land) and during the Seminole War the property of Clinch was destroyed by regular troops, state volunteers, and Indians. These facts gave him the right to claim and receive compensation from the federal govern- ment. After 1842 the government refused to grant the demands contained in petitions of Clinch, and later his heirs, for additional payment to compensate for losses suffered during the Seminole War. In 1840 the promise of an equitable settlement of his claim satisfied Clinch, who was anxious to leave Washington. On returning to Georgia in August, 1840, Clinch became active in politics. His wealth, his associates, and his conservatism threw him into the Whig party. The national election of that year pitted Martin Van Buren against William Henry Harrison, the hero of the Battle of Tippecanoe. Friends of the latter presented their aristo- cratic Whig candidate as a simple farmer and a friend of the com- mon man. A log cabin with a barrel of cider in front of it and a coonskin latch tacked on the door became the symbol of Whig sim- plicity. In contrast self-made, middle-class President Van Buren was 58. Report of the House Committee on Claims on Clinch Petition, House Document No. 303, 26th Congress, Ist Session (Washington: 1840). See also the Report of the House Committee on Claims, House Document No. 276, 27th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, 1843) and Report of the Senate Commit- tee on Claims, Senate Document No. 145, 26th Congress, 1st Session (Wash- ington, 1840). The Senate report stated: "This plantation was taken posses- sion of by United States troops in the spring or summer of 1835 as a military station, and retained as such till August, 1836, when it was found necessary to abandon it, it being no longer tenable against the Indian forces.... Exten- sive depredations had also been previously committed upon it while in posses- sion of the United States troops. Ample evidence has been offered of a large amount of property destroyed in fixtures and personal property, and the com- mittee we of opinion that his claim comes within the rule established in other cases of a similar nature; and they therefore report the accompanying bill." According to the House Report, Clinch's petition was for losses sustained dur- ing the fall of 1836, and the act giving him more than $25,000 was in pay- ment for the corn and cane consumed by the horses of Call's men. If one con- cedes that little corn and cane remained on the plantation in October and November, the award was certainly justified by losses suffered by Clinch be- fore the fall of 1836. 174 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM House of Representatives heard the testimony of a number of wit- nesses and recommended a substantial payment for the corn and cane consumed in October and November, 1836, by 1,500 horses belonging to the soldiers of Governor Call.58 Fort Drane was situ- ated on the northwest corner of Clinch's plantation (Camp Lang Syne, the tented area adjoining the fort, was also on his land) and during the Seminole War the property of Clinch was destroyed by regular troops, state volunteers, and Indians. These facts gave him the right to claim and receive compensation from the federal govern- ment. After 1842 the government refused to grant the demands contained in petitions of Clinch, and later his heirs, for additional payment to compensate for losses suffered during the Seminole War. In 1840 the promise of an equitable settlement of his claim satisfied Clinch, who was anxious to leave Washington. On returning to Georgia in August, 1840, Clinch became active in politics. His wealth, his associates, and his conservatism threw him into the Whig party. The national election of that year pitted Martin Van Buren against William Henry Harrison, the hero of the Battle of Tippecanoe. Friends of the latter presented their aristo- cratic Whig candidate as a simple farmer and a friend of the com- mon man. A log cabin with a barrel of cider in front of it and a coonskin latch tacked on the door became the symbol of Whig sim- plicity. In contrast self-made, middle-class President Van Buren was 58. Report of the House Committee on Claims on Clinch Petition, House Document No. 303, 26th Congress, Ist Session (Washington: 1840). See also the Report of the House Committee on Claims, House Document No. 276, 27th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, 1843) and Report of the Senate Commit- tee on Claims, Senate Document No. 145, 26th Congress, 1st Session (Wash- ington, 1840). The Senate report stated: "This plantation was taken posses- sion of by United States troops in the spring or summer of 1835 as a military station, and retained as such till August, 1836, when it was found necessary to abandon it, it being no longer tenable against the Indian forces.... Exten- sive depredations had also been previously committed upon it while in posses- sion of the United States troops. Ample evidence has been offered of a large amount of property destroyed in fixtures and personal property, and the com- mittee are of opinion that his claim comes within the rule established in other cases of a similar nature; and they therefore report the accompanying bill." According to the House Report, Clinch's petition was for losses sustained dur- ing the fall of 1836, and the act giving him more than $25,000 was in pay- ment for the corn and cane consumed by the horses of Call's men. If one con- cedes that little corn and cane remained on the plantation in October and November, the award was certainly justified by losses suffered by Clinch be- fore the fall of 1836. 174 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM House of Representatives heard the testimony of a number of wit- nesses and recommended a substantial payment for the corn and cane consumed in October and November, 1836, by 1,500 horses belonging to the soldiers of Governor Call.5n Fort Drane was situ- ated on the northwest corner of Clinch's plantation (Camp Lang Syne, the tented area adjoining the fort, was also on his land) and during the Seminole War the property of Clinch was destroyed by regular troops, state volunteers, and Indians. These facts gave him the right to claim and receive compensation from the federal govern- ment. After 1842 the government refused to grant the demands contained in petitions of Clinch, and later his heirs, for additional payment to compensate for losses suffered during the Seminole War. In 1840 the promise of an equitable settlement of his claim satisfied Clinch, who was anxious to leave Washington. On returning to Georgia in August, 1840, Clinch became active in politics. His wealth, his associates, and his conservatism threw him into the Whig party. The national election of that year pitted Martin Van Buren against William Henry Harrison, the hero of the Battle of Tippecanoe. Friends of the latter presented their aristo- cratic Whig candidate as a simple farmer and a friend of the com- mon man. A log cabin with a barrel of cider in front of it and a coonskin latch tacked on the door became the symbol of Whig sim- plicity. In contrast self-made, middle-class President Van Buren was 58. Report of the House Committee on Claims on Clinch Petition, House Document No. 303, 26th Congress, 1st Session (Washington: 1840). See also the Report of the House Committee on Claims, House Document No. 276, 27th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, 1843) and Report of the Senate Commit- tee on Claims, Senate Document No. 145, 26th Congress, 1st Session (Wash- ington, 1840). The Senate report stated: "This plantation was taken posses- sion of by United States troops in the spring or snmmer of 1835 as a military station, and retained as such till August, 1836, when it was found necessary to abandon it, it being no longer tenable against the Indian forces.... Exten- sive depredations had also been previously committed upon it while in posses- sion of the United States troops. Ample evidence has been offered of a large amount of property destroyed in fixtures and personal property, and the com- mittee are of opinion that his claim comes within the rule established in other cases of a similar nature; and they therefore report the accompanying bill." According to the House Report, Clinch's petition was for losses sustained dur- ing the fall of 1836, and the act giving him more than $25,000 was in pay- ment for the corn and cane consumed by the horses of Call's men. If one con- cedes that little corn and cane remained on the plantation in October and November, the award was certainly justified by losses suffered by Clinch be- fore the fall of 1836. 174  Planter and Politician pictured as an aristocratic epicurean, living in luxurious extrava- gance in the "Palace" (White House). Clinch supported these antics of his party in Georgia and became one of the Harrison electors in the state. In November the Whig candidate carried Georgia by a majority of almost 9,000 votes.50 Voters gave Clinch more votes than any of the other Harrison electors in southeastern Georgia, and in the state only one man at- tained a vote equal to his.so This apparent popularity of Clinch immediately gave him prominence in the Whig party of his state. Rising young Whig politicos of Georgia-Alexander H. Stephens, Robert Toombs, and George W. Crawford-welcomed the retired, vote-getting General into the inner circle of the party. Another political opportunity came to Clinch with the death of John Millen of Savannah on October 15, 1843.61 The unexpected passing of Millen-he was only thirty-nine-left a vacancy in the Georgia delegation to the United States House of Representatives. A special election was called for the first Monday in January of the following year. Georgia Democrats selected as their candidate Gen- eral John W. A. Sanford of the militia, a resident of Baldwin Coun- ty, and the Whigs chose Clinch. At that time United States representatives were elected in Geor- gia by statewide elections, rather than district, and Clinch quickly discovered the ruthless criticism received by aspirants to political office. The Democratic press praised the character, services, talents, and abilities of Sanford, a native Georgian who was known through- out the state as a practical farmer, a "gentleman of undoubted quali- fications and unimpeachable character," in the prime of life, well disciplined by education and experience, and honest and patriotic.02 But who is the Whig candidate in opposition to Gen. Sanford for Congress? Why, fellow citizens, they have nominated Gen. Clinch for this responsible office, requiring talents, ability, energy and ca- pacity, to represent your interest in the Congress of the nation. Who ever heard of him as a man of talents? When did it ever occur to any portion of the people of Georgia before, that he was a man of more 59. Savannah Georgian, November 19, 1840. 60. Ibid., November 4, 19, 1840. 60. Ibid., October 23, 1843. 62. Ibid., November 21, December 12, 1843. 175 Planter and Politician pictured as an aristocratic epicurean, living in luxurious extrava- gance in the "Palace" (White House). Clinch supported these antics of his party in Georgia and became one of the Harrison electors in the state. In November the Whig candidate carried Georgia by a majority of almost 9,000 votes.50 Voters gave Clinch more votes than any of the other Harrison electors in southeastern Georgia, and in the state only one man at- tained a vote equal to his.6o This apparent popularity of Clinch immediately gave him prominence in the Whig party of his state. Rising young Whig politicos of Georgia-Alexander H. Stephens, Robert Toombs, and George W. Crawford-welcomed the retired, vote-getting General into the inner circle of the party. Another political opportunity came to Clinch with the death of John Millen of Savannah on October 15, 1843."1 The unexpected passing of Millen-he was only thirty-nine-left a vacancy in the Georgia delegation to the United States House of Representatives. A special election was called for the first Monday in January of the following year. Georgia Democrats selected as their candidate Gen- eral John W. A. Sanford of the militia, a resident of Baldwin Coun- ty, and the Whigs chose Clinch. At that time United States representatives were elected in Geor- gia by statewide elections, rather than district, and Clinch quickly discovered the ruthless criticism received by aspirants to political office. The Democratic press praised the character, services, talents, and abilities of Sanford, a native Georgian who was known through- out the state as a practical farmer, a "gentleman of undoubted quali- fications and unimpeachable character," in the prime of life, well disciplined by education and experience, and honest and patriotic."" But who is the Whig candidate in opposition to Gen. Sanford for Congress? Why, fellow citizens, they have nominated Gen. Clinch for this responsible office, requiring talents, ability, energy and ca- pacity, to represent your interest in the Congress of the nation. Who ever heard of him as a man of talents? When did it ever occur to any portion of the people of Georgia before, that he was a man of more 59. Savannah Georgian, November 19, 1840. 60. Ibid., November 4, 19, 1840. 61. Ibid., October 23, 1843. 62, Ibid., November 21, December 12, 1843. 175 Planter and Politician pictured as an aristocratic epicurean, living in luxurious extrava- gance in the "Palace" (White House). Clinch supported these antics of his party in Georgia and became one of the Harrison electors in the state. In November the Whig candidate carried Georgia by a majority of almost 9,000 votes.59 Voters gave Clinch more votes than any of the other Harrison electors in southeastern Georgia, and in the state only one man at- tained a vote equal to his."" This apparent popularity of Clinch immediately gave him prominence in the Whig party of his state. Rising young Whig politicos of Georgia-Alexander H. Stephens, Robert Toombs, and George W. Crawford-welcomed the retired, vote-getting General into the inner circle of the party. Another political opportunity came to Clinch with the death of John Millen of Savannah on October 15, 1843.t1 The unexpected passing of Millen-he was only thirty-nine-left a vacancy in the Georgia delegation to the United States House of Representatives. A special election was called for the first Monday in January of the following year. Georgia Democrats selected as their candidate Gen- eral John W. A. Sanford of the militia, a resident of Baldwin Coun- ty, and the Whigs chose Clinch. At that time United States representatives were elected in Geor- gia by statewide elections, rather than district, and Clinch quickly discovered the ruthless criticism received by aspirants to political office. The Democratic press praised the character, services, talents, and abilities of Sanford, a native Georgian who was known through- out the state as a practical farmer, a "gentleman of undoubted quali- fications and unimpeachable character," in the prime of life, well disciplined by education and experience, and honest and patriotic.t0 But who is the Whig candidate in opposition to Gen. Sanford for Congress? Why, fellow citizens, they have nominated Gen. Clinch for this responsible office, requiring talents, ability, energy and ca- pacity, to represent your interest in the Congress of the nation. Who ever heard of him as a man of talents? When did it ever occur to any portion of the people of Georgia before, that he was a man of more 59. Savannah Georgian, November 19, 1840. 60. Ibid., November 4, 19, 1840. 61. Ibid., October 23, 1843. 62, Ibid., November 21, December 12, 1843. 175  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM than stupid, dull apprehension? How many of our citizens are there who ever heard of this distinguished General till a few years ago? Whoever heard of any splendid victory or wonderful exploit achieved by this United States General? The report of the battle of Oathlaco- chee, Withlacoochee, or some other Coochee, in Florida, was, per- haps, the first and only notice his name ever had to bring it con- spicuously before the people of Georgia. [In Florida, Osceola] and his few warriors kept the whole country in dread by his victories-Twas there we first heard of the great General-and none ever knew of his renown, we believe, until 1840, when cider barrel headed canes, first made their appearance, and one was presented to this dozy vet- eran at a great Whig convention. . . . His fame is told in the drum- ming and defeat at "Oathlacoochee" .. . and his Whig friends say he must be put upon Georgia for a representative to Congress. Alas for the fate of noble Georgia.... Gen. Clinch is, we believe, a good soldier and a clever old gentleman-poorly suited, however, to a station in Congress, unless it be simply to take his seat, if he gets it, and to keep it without doing or attempting to say anything while he has it.6a Fortunately for General Clinch, who was intensely proud of his military service, there was little time for discussion of his merits or demerits. The brevity of the campaign, a pro-Sanford newspaper ad- mitted, favored the better known Sanford over the lesser known Clinch.4 The latter, however, demonstrated little interest in the political contest. Apparently he never accepted the nomination, made no speeches, and wrote no letters. The Whig press of Geor- gia praised him for his military achievements, but apathy marked the campaigning. The result was surprising, at least to optimistic Democratic news- paper editors. Clinch carried the state by 33,495 to 28,578.6 But his majority in his own Camden County was 9 votes and populous Chatham County, the location of Savannah, gave him 770 ballots to 644 cast for his opponent. Throughout the state he collected 2,212 fewer votes than the successful Whig candidate, George W. Craw- ford, had achieved in the gubernatorial race of the preceding year from almost the same number of voters. The day after the election Governor Crawford congratulated 63. Ibid., December 19, 1843. 64. Ibid., December 12, 1843. 65. Ibid., January 9, 1844. 176 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM than stupid, dull apprehension? How many of our citizens are there who ever heard of this distinguished General till a few years ago? Whoever heard of any splendid victory or wonderful exploit achieved by this United States General? The report of the battle of Oathlacoo- chee, Withlacoochee, or some other Coochee, in Florida, was, per- haps, the first and only notice his name ever had to bring it con- spicuously before the people of Georgia. [In Florida, Osceola] and his few warriors kept the whole country in dread by his victories-Twas there we first heard of the great General-and none ever knew of his renown, we believe, until 1840, when cider barrel headed canes, first made their appearance, and one was presented to this dozy vet- eran at a great Whig convention. . . . His fame is told in the drum- ming and defeat at "Oathlacoochee" ... and his Whig friends say he must be put upon Georgia for a representative to Congress. Alas for the fate of noble Georgia.... Gen. Clinch is, we believe, a good soldier and a clever old gentleman-poorly suited, however, to a station in Congress, unless it be simply to take his seat, if he gets it, and to keep it without doing or attempting to say anything while he has it.6a Fortunately for General Clinch, who was intensely proud of his military service, there was little time for discussion of his merits or demerits. The brevity of the campaign, a pro-Sanford newspaper ad- mitted, favored the better known Sanford over the lesser known Clinch.e The latter, however, demonstrated little interest in the political contest. Apparently he never accepted the nomination, made no speeches, and wrote no letters. The Whig press of Geor- gia praised him for his military achievements, but apathy marked the campaigning. The result was surprising, at least to optimistic Democratic news- paper editors. Clinch carried the state by 33,495 to 28,578.65 But his majority in his own Camden County was 9 votes and populous Chatham County, the location of Savannah, gave him 770 ballots to 644 cast for his opponent. Throughout the state he collected 2,212 fewer votes than the successful Whig candidate, George W. Craw- ford, had achieved in the gubernatorial race of the preceding year from almost the same number of voters, The day after the election Governor Crawford congratulated 63. Ibid., December 19, 1843. 64. Ibid., December 12, 1843. 65. Ibid., January 9, 1844. 176 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM than stupid, dull apprehension? How many of our citizens are there who ever heard of this distinguished General till a few years ago? Whoever heard of any splendid victory or wonderful exploit achieved by this United States General? The report of the battle of Oathlacoo- chee, Withlacoochee, or some other Coochee, in Florida, was, per- haps, the first and only notice his name ever had to bring it con- spicuously before the people of Georgia. [In Florida, Osceola] and his few warriors kept the whole country in dread by his victories-Twas there we first heard of the great General-and none ever knew of his renown, we believe, until 1840, when cider barrel headed canes, first made their appearance, and one was presented to this dozy vet- eran at a great Whig convention. . . . His fame is told in the drum- ming and defeat at "Oathlacoochee" ... and his Whig friends say he must be put upon Georgia for a representative to Congress. Alas for the fate of noble Georgia.... Gen. Clinch is, we believe, a good soldier and a clever old gentleman-poorly suited, however, to a station in Congress, unless it be simply to take his seat, if he gets it, and to keep it without doing or attempting to say anything while he has it83 Fortunately for General Clinch, who was intensely proud of his military service, there was little time for discussion of his merits or demerits. The brevity of the campaign, a pro-Sanford newspaper ad- mitted, favored the better known Sanford over the lesser known Clinch.64 The latter, however, demonstrated little interest in the political contest. Apparently he never accepted the nomination, made no speeches, and wrote no letters. The Whig press of Geor- gia praised him for his military achievements, but apathy marked the campaigning. The result was surprising, at least to optimistic Democratic news- paper editors. Clinch carried the state by 33,495 to 28,578.85 But his majority in his own Camden County was 9 votes and populous Chatham County, the location of Savannah, gave him 770 ballots to 644 cast for his opponent. Throughout the state he collected 2,212 fewer votes than the successful Whig candidate, George W. Craw- ford, had achieved in the gubernatorial race of the preceding year from almost the same number of voters. The day after the election Governor Crawford congratulated 63. Ibid., December 19, 1843. 64. Ibid., December 12, 1843. 65. Ibid., January 9, 1844. 176  Planter and Politician Clinch on the victory which he considered a harbinger of success for "Harry of the West" (Henry Clay) in the forthcoming national presidential election.00 Although gratified to have received a per- sonal letter from Clinch accepting the office, the governor requested a formal letter of acceptance; meanwhile Crawford certified his election, and warned the congressman that in Washington he would 'be greeted by a small minority of Whigs some of whom you will love and others you will not only hate but despise."e7 The governor requested Clinch to travel through Milledgeville on his way to the national capital to discuss the claims of Georgia for compensation from the United States for expenditures relating to the state's volun- teers sent to fight the Seminoles. Milledgeville was off the path for the newly elected congressman rushing to a Congress already in session, but the claims of Georgia was one of the few concerns of Clinch in Washington. Governor Crawford pressed him and other Georgia congressmen until he feared he was worrying them. "But," the governor wrote, "I do want 'them dollars.' Let me have them, and all is safe [politically]. The signs are ominous and glorious. But 'them dollars' how can I get them?" The Democrats, Crawford continued, were organizing for the state and national elections of 1844, but in his "opinion a more satisfactory (I mean to us) demonstration will be made in November next- especially if I can get 'them dollars.'" Joining with his colleagues, Clinch obtained only $13,000 from the government. This result shocked Governor Crawford. The former governor, he reported, esti- mated the Georgia claims at $70,000.09 The governor expressed his gratitude for Clinch's plan to introduce a bill which would authorize proper indemnity to the state, and acknowledged that passage of the bill would help the Whigs of the state as well as give Georgia a just recompense. Other than his efforts to secure payments for Georgia, Clinch as a congressman almost proved the prophecy of the critical Democratic editor in the election campaign by taking his seat, keeping it, and doing and saying nothing. Admittedly a freshman representative 66. George W. Crawford to Clinch, January 5, 1844, Clinch Papers. 67. Idem to idem, January 25, 1844, Clinch Papers. 68. Idem to idem, March 23, 1844, Clinch Papers. 69. Idem to idem, May 5, 1844, Clinch Papers. 177 Planter and Politician Clinch on the victory which he considered a harbinger of success for "Harry of the West" (Henry Clay) in the forthcoming national presidential election.o Although gratified to have received a per- sonal letter from Clinch accepting the office, the governor requested a formal letter of acceptance; meanwhile Crawford certified his election, and warned the congressman that in Washington he would "be greeted by a small minority of Whigs some of whom you will love and others you will not only hate but despise."o7 The governor requested Clinch to travel through Milledgeville on his way to the national capital to discuss the claims of Georgia for compensation from the United States for expenditures relating to the state's volun- teers sent to fight the Seminoles. Milledgeville was off the path for the newly elected congressman rushing to a Congress already in session, but the claims of Georgia was one of the few concerns of Clinch in Washington. Governor Crawford pressed him and other Georgia congressmen until he feared he was worrying them. "But," the governor wrote, "I do want 'them dollars.' Let me have them, and all is safe [politically]. The signs are ominous and glorious. But 'them dollars' how can I get them?" The Democrats, Crawford continued, were organizing for the state and national elections of 1844, but in his "opinion a more satisfactory (I mean to us) demonstration will be made in November next- especially if I can get 'them dollars.' "05 Joining with his colleagues, Clinch obtained only $13,000 from the government. This result shocked Governor Crawford. The former governor, he reported, esti- mated the Georgia claims at $70,000.69 The governor expressed his gratitude for Clinch's plan to introduce a bill which would authorize proper indemnity to the state, and acknowledged that passage of the bill would help the Whigs of the state as well as give Georgia a just recompense. Other than his efforts to secure payments for Georgia, Clinch as a congressman almost proved the prophecy of the critical Democratic editor in the election campaign by taking his seat, keeping it, and doing and saying nothing. Admittedly a freshman representative 66. George W. Crawford to Clinch, January 5, 1844, Clinch Papers. 67. Idem to idem, January 25, 1844, Clinch Papers. 68. Idem to idem, March 23, 1844, Clinch Papers. 69. Idem to idem, May 5, 1844, Clinch Papers. 177 Planter and Politician Clinch on the victory which he considered a harbinger of success for "Harry of the West" (Henry Clay) in the forthcoming national presidential election.o Although gratified to have received a per- sonal letter from Clinch accepting the office, the governor requested a formal letter of acceptance; meanwhile Crawford certified his election, and warned the congressman that in Washington he would "be greeted by a small minority of Whigs some of whom you will love and others you will not only hate but despise."7 The governor requested Clinch to travel through Milledgeville on his way to the national capital to discuss the claims of Georgia for compensation from the United States for expenditures relating to the state's volun- teers sent to fight the Seminoles. Milledgeville was off the path for the newly elected congressman rushing to a Congress already in session, but the claims of Georgia was one of the few concerns of Clinch in Washington. Governor Crawford pressed him and other Georgia congressmen until he feared he was worrying them. "But," the governor wrote, "I do want 'them dollars.' Let me have them, and all is safe [politically]. The signs are ominous and glorious. But 'them dollars' how can I get them?" The Democrats, Crawford continued, were organizing for the state and national elections of 1844, but in his "opinion a more satisfactory (I mean to us) demonstration will be made in November next- especially if I can get 'them dollars.'"5s Joining with his colleagues, Clinch obtained only $13,000 from the government. This result shocked Governor Crawford. The former governor, he reported, esti- mated the Georgia claims at $70,000.69 The governor expressed his gratitude for Clinch's plan to introduce a bill which would authorize proper indemnity to the state, and acknowledged that passage of the bill would help the Whigs of the state as well as give Georgia a just recompense. Other than his efforts to secure payments for Georgia, Clinch as a congressman almost proved the prophecy of the critical Democratic editor in the election campaign by taking his seat, keeping it, and doing and saying nothing. Admittedly a freshman representative 66. George W. Crawford to Clinch, January 5, 1844, Clinch Papers. 67. Idem to idem, January 25, 1844, Clinch Papers. 68. Idem to idem, March 23, 1844, Clinch Papers. 69. Idem to idem, May 5, 1844, Clinch Papers. 177  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM could accomplish little in his first term, and Clinch had the addi- tional handicap of filling out the term of another man. The retired General in the House of Representatives served on one committee, introduced a few inconsequential bills, attended legislative sessions at times, and became disgusted with the legislative process. One day he entered the House at the moment of roll call. "No," he responded to the clerk's calling of his name. "General," Alexander H. Stephens whispered, "say 'here!' It's the roll call." "Damn!" Clinch responded. "I don't care. I'm against all they do anyhow."eo He found the city of Washington scarcely more enticing than the halls of Congress. Pigs foraged for food in the open sewers of the unpaved streets, and few of the thoroughfares were paved in the city of approximately 25,000 people. Except for parts of Pennsyl- vania Avenue, no streets were lighted. The ceremony of the Van Buren administration had been replaced by the social functions adapted from his Virginia plantation by President John Tyler. Mem- bers of Congress, usually without their families, dined together at boarding houses or "messes," with representatives and senators of the same political party eating together. Special club rooms in the numerous gambling houses on Pennsylvania Avenue were reserved for congressmen, but no evidence indicates participation by Clinch in this time-consuming amusement. Undoubtedly he was invited and attended social functions at the home of General Winfield Scott, one of the main centers of hospitality in the capital. General Gaines was also stationed in Washington for a time, and he and Clinch probably spent many an evening with reminiscences of the happen- ings of southeastern Georgia and the Seminole War.es One partial term in Congress was enough for Clinch. Running in 1844 held no interest for him. Whig leaders in Georgia found him unresponsive to offers of anything more than honorary political po- sitions-the chairmanship of the Whig state convention and appear- ances at small dinners. The always politically conscious Governor Crawford had kept him informed of events in Georgia while he was 70. B. Ramsay Richardson, Little Alec: A Life of Alexander H. Stephens (New York, 1932), 100. 71. The description of Washington and activities in the capital was taken from H. P. Caemmerer, Washington, The National Capital (Washington, 1932), 49-51; and Rufus Rockwell Wilson, Washington: The Capital City, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1902), I, 383-94. 178 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM could accomplish little in his first term, and Clinch had the addi- tional handicap of filling out the term of another man. The retired General in the House of Representatives served on one committee, introduced a few inconsequential bills, attended legislative sessions at times, and became disgusted with the legislative process. One day he entered the House at the moment of roll call. "No," he responded to the clerk's calling of his name. "General," Alexander H. Stephens whispered, "say 'here!' It's the roll call." "Damn!" Clinch responded. "I don't care. I'm against all they do anyhow."TO He found the city of Washington scarcely more enticing than the halls of Congress. Pigs foraged for food in the open sewers of the unpaved streets, and few of the thoroughfares were paved in the city of approximately 25,000 people. Except for parts of Pennsyl- vania Avenue, no streets were lighted. The ceremony of the Van Buren administration had been replaced by the social functions adapted from his Virginia plantation by President John Tyler. Mem- bers of Congress, usually without their families, dined together at boarding houses or "messes," with representatives and senators of the same political party eating together. Special club rooms in the numerous gambling houses on Pennsylvania Avenue were reserved for congressmen, but no evidence indicates participation by Clinch in this time-consuming amusement. Undoubtedly he was invited and attended social functions at the home of General Winfield Scott, one of the main centers of hospitality in the capital. General Gaines was also stationed in Washington for a time, and he and Clinch probably spent many an evening with reminiscences of the happen- ings of southeastern Georgia and the Seminole War.n One partial term in Congress was enough for Clinch. Running in 1844 held no interest for him. Whig leaders in Georgia found him unresponsive to offers of anything more than honorary political po- sitions-the chairmanship of the Whig state convention and appear- ances at small dinners. The always politically conscious Governor Crawford had kept him informed of events in Georgia while he was 70. E. Ramsay Richardson, Little Alec: A Life of Alexander H. Stephens (New York, 1932), 100. 71. The description of Washington and activities in the capital was taken from H. P. Caemmerer, Washington, The National Capital (Washington, 1932), 49-51; and Rufus Rockwell Wilson, Washington: The Capital City, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1902), I, 383-94. 178 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM could accomplish little in his first term, and Clinch had the addi- tional handicap of filling out the term of another man. The retired General in the House of Representatives served on one committee, introduced a few inconsequential bills, attended legislative sessions at times, and became disgusted with the legislative process. One day he entered the House at the moment of roll call. "No," he responded to the clerk's calling of his name. "General," Alexander H. Stephens whispered, "say 'here!' It's the roll call." "Damn!" Clinch responded. "I don't care. I'm against all they do anyhow."7O He found the city of Washington scarcely more enticing than the halls of Congress. Pigs foraged for food in the open sewers of the unpaved streets, and few of the thoroughfares were paved in the city of approximately 25,000 people. Except for parts of Pennsyl- vania Avenue, no streets were lighted. The ceremony of the Van Buren administration had been replaced by the social functions adapted from his Virginia plantation by President John Tyler. Mem- bers of Congress, usually without their families, dined together at boarding houses or "messes," with representatives and senators of the same political party eating together. Special club rooms in the numerous gambling houses on Pennsylvania Avenue were reserved for congressmen, but no evidence indicates participation by Clinch in this time-consuming amusement. Undoubtedly he was invited and attended social functions at the home of General Winfield Scott, one of the main centers of hospitality in the capital. General Gaines was also stationed in Washington for a time, and he and Clinch probably spent many an evening with reminiscences of the happen- ings of southeastern Georgia and the Seminole War.9 One partial term in Congress was enough for Clinch. Running in 1844 held no interest for him. Whig leaders in Georgia found him unresponsive to offers of anything more than honorary political po- sitions-the chairmanship of the Whig state convention and appear- ances at small dinners. The always politically conscious Governor Crawford had kept him informed of events in Georgia while he was 70. E. Ramsay Richardson, Little Alec: A Life of Alexander H. Stephens (New York, 1932), too. 71. The description of Washington and activities in the capital was taken from H. P. Caemmerer, Washington, The National Capital (Washington, 1932), 49-51; and Rufus Rockwell Wilson, Washington: The Capital City, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1902), I, 383-94. 178  Planter and Politician in Washington. Henry Clay toured the state in March, 1844, to pro- mote his candidacy on the Whig ticket for President. Clay's recep- tion, the governor reported, was warmer and more enthusiastic than expected, and catching the sympathy around him, Clay gave "a speech of nearly two hours in length, full of information and solid upon all important questions which he touched."2 If the Whig candidate left Georgia with less than a severe case of bronchitis, it would surprise Crawford, who urged local politicians to be consider- ate of Clay's personal comforts. In September, 1844, during the height of the political campaign, Clinch was at Old Point Comfort and New York City.a Alexander H. Stephens regretted the General's absence from the "glorious meet- ing" at Dahlonega, Georgia, and outlined an itinerary of two weeks which would take Stephens to many counties and towns of the state. "The truth is I never saw the Locos [Democrats] so desperate in this state as they are at present," Stephens wrote Clinch, but the realistic politician admitted, "though I find the Whigs everywhere enthusi- astic, yet I cannot but feel some fears for the state."O The fears of the Georgian were justified. Democratic candidate James K. Polk defeated Clay by 170 to 105 electoral votes, although the winner's popular vote in the nation exceeded his opponent by less than 40,000. If Clinch was really concerned over the outcome, no existing records give evidence of it. He desired no additional serv- ice at the national level. His Whig friends, however, believed him a political asset in Georgia, and within a few years they would per- suade him to enter the political arena once more. 72. Crawford to Clinch, March 23, 1844, Clinch Papers. 73. Alexander H. Stephens to Clinch, September 4, 1844, Clinch Papers. 74. Ibid. Planter and Politician in Washington. Henry Clay toured the state in March, 1844, to pro- mote his candidacy on the Whig ticket for President. Clay's recep- tion, the governor reported, was warmer and more enthusiastic than expected, and catching the sympathy around him, Clay gave "a speech of nearly two hours in length, full of information and solid upon all important questions which he touched."72 If the Whig candidate left Georgia with less than a severe case of bronchitis, it would surprise Crawford, who urged local politicians to be consider- ate of Clay's personal comforts. In September, 1844, during the height of the political campaign, Clinch was at Old Point Comfort and New York City.73 Alexander H. Stephens regretted the General's absence from the "glorious meet- ing" at Dahlonega, Georgia, and outlined an itinerary of two weeks which would take Stephens to many counties and towns of the state. "The truth is I never saw the Locos [Democrats] so desperate in this state as they are at present," Stephens wrote Clinch, but the realistic politician admitted, "though I find the Whigs everywhere enthusi- astic, yet I cannot but feel some fears for the state."74 The fears of the Georgian were justified. Democratic candidate James K. Polk defeated Clay by 170 to 105 electoral votes, although the winner's popular vote in the nation exceeded his opponent by less than 40,000. If Clinch was really concerned over the outcome, no existing records give evidence of it. He desired no additional serv- ice at the national level. His Whig friends, however, believed him a political asset in Georgia, and within a few years they would per- suade him to enter the political arena once more. 72. Crawford to Clinch, March 23, 1844, Clinch Papers. 73. Alexander H. Stephens to Clinch, September 4, 1844, Clinch Papers. 74. Ibid. Planter and Politician in Washington. Henry Clay toured the state in March, 1844, to pro- mote his candidacy on the Whig ticket for President. Clay's recep- tion, the governor reported, was warmer and more enthusiastic than expected, and catching the sympathy around him, Clay gave "a speech of nearly two hours in length, full of information and solid upon all important questions which he touched."72 If the Whig candidate left Georgia with less than a severe case of bronchitis, it would surprise Crawford, who urged local politicians to be consider- ate of Clay's personal comforts. In September, 1844, during the height of the political campaign, Clinch was at Old Point Comfort and New York City.73 Alexander H. Stephens regretted the General's absence from the "glorious meet- ing" at Dahlonega, Georgia, and outlined an itinerary of two weeks which would take Stephens to many counties and towns of the state. "The truth is I never saw the Locos [Democrats] so desperate in this state as they are at present," Stephens wrote Clinch, but the realistic politician admitted, "though I find the Whigs everywhere enthusi- astic, yet I cannot but feel some fears for the state."74 The fears of the Georgian were justified. Democratic candidate James K. Polk defeated Clay by 170 to 105 electoral votes, although the winner's popular vote in the nation exceeded his opponent by less than 40,000. If Clinch was really concerned over the outcome, no existing records give evidence of it. He desired no additional serv- ice at the national level. His Whig friends, however, believed him a political asset in Georgia, and within a few years they would per- suade him to enter the political arena once more. 72. Crawford to Clinch, March 23, 1844, Clinch Papers. 73. Alexander H. Stephens to Clinch, September 4, 1844, Clinch Papers. 74. Ibid. 179 179 179  ELEVEN ELEVEN ELEVEN Defeat Defeat Defeat H IS BRIEF SERVICE in the Congress increased the requests received by Clinch for political appearances in Georgia. Illustrative of these attentions was his election to honorary membership in the Bibb County Young Men's Clay Club, and an invitation for Clinch ("a Whig in whose firmness, talent and in- tegrity we repose the highest confidence") to visit Macon and speak at the next meeting of the organization.' Clinch accepted the honor- ary membership and declared himself in complete accord with "the great Whig Party whose principles are so closely identified with all the leading interests of our beloved country.... My humble pow- ers," he continued, Shall at all times and under all circumstances be devoted to the best interest of our common country and in sustaining the sound Ameri- can principles of the great Whig Party of the Union. With such highly gifted Patriots and statesmen as Clay and Frelinghuysen [the Whig candidate for Vice President in 1844] as our leaders and with our own high and firm resolves the Whig cause must be triumphant in November next. A descendant of a firm and determined Whig of '76, I should be recreant to every principle intrusted from a Patriot Father were I not willing to do battle in favor of American Whig principles and in opposing to the death the descendants of the Brit- ish Tories of that era and their principles under whatever govt they may assume.2 The General accepted the opportunity to visit "beautiful and hos- pitable" Macon and looked forward to renewing acquaintance with "her enterprising, patriotic and gallant sons," many of whom he had known as Indian fighters in Florida. 1. H. A. Chandler and others to Clinch, June 25, 1844, Clinch Papers. 2. Clinch to Chandler and others, July 14, 1844, Clinch Papers. 180 HIS BRIEF SERVICE in the Congress increased the requests received by Clinch for political appearances in Georgia. Illustrative of these attentions was his election to honorary membership in the Bibb County Young Men's Clay Club, and an invitation for Clinch ("a Whig in whose firmness, talent and in- tegrity we repose the highest confidence") to visit Macon and speak at the next meeting of the organization.1 Clinch accepted the honor- ary membership and declared himself in complete accord with "the great Whig Party whose principles are so closely identified with all the leading interests of our beloved country.... My humble pow- ers," he continued, Shall at all times and under all circumstances be devoted to the best interest of our common country and in sustaining the sound Ameri- can principles of the great Whig Party of the Union. With such highly gifted Patriots and statesmen as Clay and Frelinghuysen [the Whig candidate for Vice President in 1844] as our leaders and with our own high and firm resolves the Whig cause must be triumphant in November next. A descendant of a firm and determined Whig of '76, I should be recreant to every principle intrusted from a Patriot Father were I not willing to do battle in favor of American Whig principles and in opposing to the death the descendants of the Brit- ish Tories of that era and their principles under whatever gov't they may assume.2 The General accepted the opportunity to visit "beautiful and hos- pitable" Macon and looked forward to renewing acquaintance with "her enterprising, patriotic and gallant sons," many of whom he had known as Indian fighters in Florida. 1. H. A. Chandler and others to Clinch, June 25, 1844, Clinch Papers. 2. Clinch to Chandler and others, July 14, 1844, Clinch Papers. 180 HIS BRIEF SERVICE in the Congress increased the requests received by Clinch for political appearances in Georgia. Illustrative of these attentions was his election to honorary membership in the Bibb County Young Men's Clay Club, and an invitation for Clinch ("a Whig in whose firmness, talent and in- tegrity we repose the highest confidence") to visit Macon and speak at the next meeting of the organization.1 Clinch accepted the honor- ary membership and declared himself in complete accord with "the great Whig Party whose principles are so closely identified with all the leading interests of our beloved country.... My humble pow- ers," he continued, Shall at all times and under all circumstances be devoted to the best interest of our common country and in sustaining the sound Ameri- can principles of the great Whig Party of the Union. With such highly gifted Patriots and statesmen as Clay and Frelinghuysen [the Whig candidate for Vice President in 1844] as our leaders and with our own high and firm resolves the Whig cause must be triumphant in November next. A descendant of a firm and determined Whig of '76, I should be recreant to every principle intrusted from a Patriot Father were I not willing to do battle in favor of American Whig principles and in opposing to the death the descendants of the Brit- ish Tories of that era and their principles under whatever gov't they may assume.2 The General accepted the opportunity to visit "beautiful and hos- pitable" Macon and looked forward to renewing acquaintance with "her enterprising, patriotic and gallant sons," many of whom he had known as Indian fighters in Florida. 1. H. A. Chandler and others to Clinch, June 25, 1844, Clinch Papers. 2. Clinch to Chandler and others, July 14, 1844, Clinch Papers. 180  Defeat Because Clinch was a congressman and a former military com- mander, the Secretary of War invited him to visit West Point and, together with the Board of Military Officers, witness and superin- tend the examinations of the cadets on June 10, 1844. In addition to the examinations Clinch was asked to report on the discipline, instruction, fiscal affairs, and usefulness of the Military Academy.o It must have been a relief to return to Refuge Plantation on Octo- ber 14, 1844, and write to his "dear little Kathie" who was at Miss English's School in Georgetown, South Carolina.4 "The dear boys met me at Marianna on Saturday ... such boys as any Father ought to be proud of.... St. Marys looks dull enough and is gradually going down." He found everyone well except Grandmother McIntosh who was rather feeble but improving in health. His eldest son, John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch, had recently won his Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of North Carolina, and the next boy, Duncan Clinch, was studying at the same institution.5 Congressman Clinch planned to remain at the Refuge until it was necessary to re- turn to Washington for his final session in the House of Representa- tives.n Freedom from legislative duties in 1845 allowed the General to attend to his business affairs in Camden County and in Florida. More and more frequently, however, his trips to Jacksonville con- cerned his heart rather than his pocketbook. Living with her rela- tives, Major and Mrs. Kingsley Beatty Gibbs, on Fort George Island was Sophia Hermes Gibbs Couper, an attractive, thirty-three-year- old widow. Born in Brooklyn in 1812, Sophie, as she preferred to be called, had been married to John Cooper, a planter of St. Simon Island, Georgia.a Some time during the late 1830's or early 1840's he had died, leaving a young widow but no children. Sophia Gibbs traced her ancestry back to Robert de Guibe of 3. Secretary of War to Clinch, April 14, June 3, 1844, Clinch Papers. 4. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 5. Daniel Lindsay Grant, Alumni History of the University of North Carolina (2nd ed.; Durham, 1924). John was graduated in 1844 and Dun- can won his degree in 1847. 6. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 7. Letter, dated July 26, 1860, unsigned but probably from a descendant of the Gibbs family, Clinch Papers. 181 Defeat Because Clinch was a congressman and a former military com- mander, the Secretary of War invited him to visit West Point and, together with the Board of Military Officers, witness and superin- tend the examinations of the cadets on June 10, 1844. In addition to the examinations Clinch was asked to report on the discipline, instruction, fiscal affairs, and usefulness of the Military Academy.0 It must have been a relief to return to Refuge Plantation on Octo- ber 14, 1844, and write to his "dear little Kathie" who was at Miss English's School in Georgetown, South Carolina.a "The dear boys met me at Marianna on Saturday ... such boys as any Father ought to be proud of.... St. Marys looks dull enough and is gradually going down." He found everyone well except Grandmother McIntosh who was rather feeble but improving in health. His eldest son, John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch, had recently won his Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of North Carolina, and the next boy, Duncan Clinch, was studying at the same institution.t Congressman Clinch planned to remain at the Refuge until it was necessary to re- turn to Washington for his final session in the House of Representa- tives.0 Freedom from legislative duties in 1845 allowed the General to attend to his business affairs in Camden County and in Florida. More and more frequently, however, his trips to Jacksonville con- cerned his heart rather than his pocketbook. Living with her rela- tives, Major and Mrs. Kingsley Beatty Gibbs, on Fort George Island was Sophia Hermes Gibbs Cooper, an attractive, thirty-three-year- old widow. Born in Brooklyn in 1812, Sophie, as she preferred to be called, had been married to John Couper, a planter of St. Simon Island, Georgia.t Some time during the late 1830's or early 1840's he had died, leaving a young widow but no children. Sophia Gibbs traced her ancestry back to Robert de Guibe of 3. Secretary of War to Clinch, April 14, June 3, 1844, Clinch Papers. 4. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 5. Daniel Lindsay Grant, Alumni History of the University of North Carolina (2nd ed.; Durham, 1924). John was graduated in 1844 and Dun- can won his degree in 1847. 6. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 7. Letter, dated July 26, 1860, unsigned but probably from a descendant of the Gibbs family, Clinch Papers. 181 Defeat Because Clinch was a congressman and a former military com- mander, the Secretary of War invited him to visit West Point and, together with the Board of Military Officers, witness and superin- tend the examinations of the cadets on June 10, 1844. In addition to the examinations Clinch was asked to report on the discipline, instruction, fiscal affairs, and usefulness of the Military Academy. It must have been a relief to return to Refuge Plantation on Octo- ber 14, 1844, and write to his "dear little Kathie" who was at Miss English's School in Georgetown, South Carolina.4 "The dear boys met me at Marianna on Saturday ... such boys as any Father ought to be proud of.... St. Marys looks dull enough and is gradually going down." He found everyone well except Grandmother McIntosh who was rather feeble but improving in health. His eldest son, John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch, had recently won his Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of North Carolina, and the next boy, Duncan Clinch, was studying at the same institution.' Congressman Clinch planned to remain at the Refuge until it was necessary to re- turn to Washington for his final session in the House of Representa- tives.a Freedom from legislative duties in 1845 allowed the General to attend to his business affairs in Camden County and in Florida. More and more frequently, however, his trips to Jacksonville con- cerned his heart rather than his pocketbook. Living with her rela- tives, Major and Mrs. Kingsley Beatty Gibbs, on Fort George Island was Sophia Hermes Gibbs Cooper, an attractive, thirty-three-year- old widow. Born in Brooklyn in 1812, Sophie, as she preferred to be called, had been married to John Cooper, a planter of St. Simon Island, Georgia.? Some time during the late 1830's or early 1840's he had died, leaving a young widow but no children. Sophia Gibbs traced her ancestry back to Robert de Guibe of 3. Secretary of War to Clinch, April 14, June 3, 1844, Clinch Papers. 4. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 5. Daniel Lindsay Grant, Alumni History of the University of North Carolina (2nd ed.; Durham, 1924). John was graduated in 1844 and Dun- can won his degree in 1847. 6. Clinch to C. M. Clinch, October 14, 1844, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 7. Letter, dated July 26, 1860, unsigned but probably from a descendant of the Gibbs family, Clinch Papers. 181  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Normandy who accompanied William the Conqueror to England in 1066. The Guibe name went through twelve changes before it took the Anglo-Saxon form of Gibbs. In 1740 Robert George Gibbs, a man of considerable means, left England to settle temporarily in New Jersey where the city of New Brunswick now stands. He soon moved to the Cape Fear region of North Carolina and settled at Crowfields. Before his death he built a house at Lake Waccamaw about thirty miles west of Wilmington and twenty miles north of the South Carolina line. Two of his sons lived in good homes, about a mile apart, with a tree-lined avenue between them. The elder son, John, left no heirs and his estate went to his brother George. In middle age the lat- ter married fifteen-year-old Margaret Barksdale of a Virginia family. During the preliminaries to the American Revolution, George Gibbs joined the colonists who were opposing England. He died at the age of forty-seven before the outbreak of hostilities, and left a widow less than twenty-five years old with four children-John, George, Rob- ert, and Sophia-the oldest of whom was almost eight. In the in- ternecine warfare of the Revolution Margaret Barksdale Gibbs fled from her plantation home, and it was looted and burned by Tories. Later a Captain Morrison of the British Army married her and took her to England to live. The children remained in North Carolina under the care of their guardian. Near the close of the eighteenth century George Gibbs married Isabella Kingsley. This couple had a large family of sons and daughters, among whom was Sophia Hermes Gibbs. Her Kings- ley grandfather was an English Quaker and a merchant in the East India trade. He and his wife, Isabella Johnstone of Scotland, raised many children. All but two of them, one of which was Isabella, the mother of Sophia Gibbs, were born in England. One son, Zephaniah Kingsley, eventually became a slave trader and wealthy planter of Fort George Island. Thus the widow Sophia Gibbs Cooper was the niece of Zephaniah Kingsley who presided over his plantation aided by a wife from Madagascar.8 8. This genealogical story was taken from a long account written by Sophia Gibbs Cooper in 1842, in Papers Owned by Barnwell Heyward, Clarkesville, Georgia. 182 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Normandy who accompanied William the Conqueror to England in 1066. The Guibe name went through twelve changes before it took the Anglo-Saxon form of Gibbs. In 1740 Robert George Gibbs, a man of considerable means, left England to settle temporarily in New Jersey where the city of New Brunswick now stands. He soon moved to the Cape Fear region of North Carolina and settled at Crowfields. Before his death he built a house at Lake Waccamaw about thirty miles west of Wilmington and twenty miles north of the South Carolina line. Two of his sons lived in good homes, about a mile apart, with a tree-lined avenue between them. The elder son, John, left no heirs and his estate went to his brother George. In middle age the lat- ter married fifteen-year-old Margaret Barksdale of a Virginia family. During the preliminaries to the American Revolution, George Gibbs joined the colonists who were opposing England. He died at the age of forty-seven before the outbreak of hostilities, and left a widow less than twenty-five years old with four children-John, George, Rob- ert, and Sophia-the oldest of whom was almost eight. In the in- ternecine warfare of the Revolution Margaret Barksdale Gibbs fled from her plantation home, and it was looted and burned by Tories. Later a Captain Morrison of the British Army married her and took her to England to live. The children remained in North Carolina under the care of their guardian. Near the close of the eighteenth century George Gibbs married Isabella Kingsley. This couple had a large family of sons and daughters, among whom was Sophia Hermes Gibbs. Her Kings- ley grandfather was an English Quaker and a merchant in the East India trade. He and his wife, Isabella Johnstone of Scotland, raised many children. All but two of them, one of which was Isabella, the mother of Sophia Gibbs, were born in England. One son, Zephaniah Kingsley, eventually became a slave trader and wealthy planter of Fort George Island. Thus the widow Sophia Gibbs Couper was the niece of Zephaniah Kingsley who presided over his plantation aided by a wife from Madagascar.s 8. This genealogical story was taken from a long account written by Sophia Gibbs Couper in 1842, in Papers Owned by Barnwell Heyward, Clarkesville, Georgia. 182 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Normandy who accompanied William the Conqueror to England in 1066. The Guibe name went through twelve changes before it took the Anglo-Saxon form of Gibbs. In 1740 Robert George Gibbs, a man of considerable means, left England to settle temporarily in New Jersey where the city of New Brunswick now stands. He soon moved to the Cape Fear region of North Carolina and settled at Crowfields. Before his death he built a house at Lake Waccamaw about thirty miles west of Wilmington and twenty miles north of the South Carolina line. Two of his sons lived in good homes, about a mile apart, with a tree-lined avenue between them. The elder son, John, left no heirs and his estate went to his brother George. In middle age the lat- ter married fifteen-year-old Margaret Barksdale of a Virginia family. During the preliminaries to the American Revolution, George Gibbs joined the colonists who were opposing England. He died at the age of forty-seven before the outbreak of hostilities, and left a widow less than twenty-five years old with four children-John, George, Rob- ert, and Sophia-the oldest of whom was almost eight. In the in- ternecine warfare of the Revolution Margaret Barksdale Gibbs fled from her plantation home, and it was looted and burned by Tories. Later a Captain Morrison of the British Army married her and took her to England to live. The children remained in North Carolina under the care of their guardian. Near the close of the eighteenth century George Gibbs married Isabella Kingsley. This couple had a large family of sons and daughters, among whom was Sophia Hermes Gibbs. Her Kings- ley grandfather was an English Quaker and a merchant in the East India trade. He and his wife, Isabella Johnstone of Scotland, raised many children. All but two of them, one of which was Isabella, the mother of Sophia Gibbs, were born in England. One son, Zephaniab Kingsley, eventually became a slave trader and wealthy planter of Fort George Island. Thus the widow Sophia Gibbs Couper was the niece of Zephaniah Kingsley who presided over his plantation aided by a wife from Madagascar.8 8. This genealogical story was taken from a long account written by Sophia Gibbs Couper in 1842, in Papers Owned by Barnwell Heyward, Clarkesville, Georgia. 182  Defeat Jacksonville was the nearest sizeable settlement to Fort George Island. From the little Florida town a traveler took a boat to the is- land, which was near the mouth of the St. Johns River, or went overland along the river and then used the ferry service of a Captain Peck. How many times Clinch visited Fort George Island in 1845 is unknown, but a re-creation of his courtship of Sophia Couper is possible from one of her letters written in January, 1846.a His letter, she wrote General Clinch, was a most agreeable sur- prise. When the boat Gaston had passed without bringing her a let- ter, Sophie had resigned herself to waiting for the next mail, but his letter had been delivered by another vessel that had come to the is- land. Failure to receive a note from him by regular mail, she con- fessed, made her suppose and imagine many reasons for his failure to write, and she had exhibited "some childishness which is better imagined than described. . .." This intimation of love and desire for word from a man was all the Victorian Sophie could write. She enjoyed his "flattering genuine love letters," but it was enough for her to read them, and "would not write one for the world-but time will prove perhaps, that though my lips refuse to speak, my heart cher- ishes many sweet and true sentiments, for the friend who ministers to its happiness." The bride-to-be could no more than address her fiance as "My dear friend," and close her letter with an "Adieu." She realized, however, that her words might not appeal to one who acknowledged "a certain degree of 'vanity,' " as "the besetting weak- ness of the 'Lords of Creation.' " But she observed that "ladies are so used to flattery that it makes but a slight impression, and we never believe more than half we hear," and implied to an adoring suitor that her restrained language covered deep feelings of love. Most of Sophie's letter gave details of the forthcoming marriage. John Freeman Young, Rector of St. Johns Episcopal Church in Jack- sonville, would perform the ceremony; Mr. and Mrs. Gibbs had sent only a few invitations, since the facilities of their home were limited, but they would prefer the guests to accept even at the risk of not be- ing able to make them comfortable. All of this appeared "alarming" to Sophie and convinced her that the last six weeks since her accept- 9. Sophie H. Couper to Clinch, January 26, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 183 Defeat Jacksonville was the nearest sizeable settlement to Fort George Island. From the little Florida town a traveler took a boat to the is- land, which was near the mouth of the St. Johns River, or went overland along the river and then used the ferry service of a Captain Peck. How many times Clinch visited Fort George Island in 1845 is unknown, but a re-creation of his courtship of Sophia Cooper is possible from one of her letters written in January, 1846.0 His letter, she wrote General Clinch, was a most agreeable sur- prise. When the boat Gaston had passed without bringing her a let- ter, Sophie had resigned herself to waiting for the next mail, but his letter had been delivered by another vessel that had come to the is- land. Failure to receive a note from him by regular mail, she con- fessed, made her suppose and imagine many reasons for his failure to write, and she had exhibited "some childishness which is better imagined than described. . .." This intimation of love and desire for word from a man was all the Victorian Sophie could write. She enjoyed his "flattering genuine luve letters," but it was enough for her to read them, and "would not write one for the world-but time will prove perhaps, that though my lips refuse to speak, my heart cher- ishes many sweet and true sentiments, for the friend who ministers to its happiness." The bride-to-be could no more than address her fiance as "My dear friend," and close her letter with an "Adieu." She realized, however, that her words might not appeal to one who acknowledged "a certain degree of 'vanity,' " as "the besetting weak- ness of the 'Lords of Creation.' " But she observed that "ladies are so used to flattery that it makes but a slight impression, and we never believe more than half we hear," and implied to an adoring suitor that her restrained language covered deep feelings of love. Most of Sophie's letter gave details of the forthcoming marriage. John Freeman Young, Rector of St. Johns Episcopal Church in Jack- sonville, would perform the ceremony; Mr. and Mrs. Gibbs had sent only a few invitations, since the facilities of their home were limited, but they would prefer the guests to accept even at the risk of not be- ing able to make them comfortable. All of this appeared "alarming" to Sophie and convinced her that the last six weeks since her accept- 9. Sophie H. Couper to Clinch, January 26, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 183 Defeat Jacksonville was the nearest sizeable settlement to Fort George Island. From the little Florida town a traveler took a boat to the is- land, which was near the mouth of the St. Johns River, or went overland along the river and then used the ferry service of a Captain Peck. How many times Clinch visited Fort George Island in 1845 is unknown, but a re-creation of his courtship of Sophia Couper is possible from one of her letters written in January, 1846.0 His letter, she wrote General Clinch, was a most agreeable sur- prise. When the boat Gaston had passed without bringing her a let- ter, Sophie had resigned herself to waiting for the next mail, but his letter had been delivered by another vessel that had come to the is- land. Failure to receive a note from him by regular mail, she con- fessed, made her suppose and imagine many reasons for his failure to write, and she had exhibited "some childishness which is better imagined than described...." This intimation of love and desire for word from a man was all the Victorian Sophie could write. She enjoyed his "flattering genuine love letters," but it was enough for her to read them, and "would not write one for the world-but time will prove perhaps, that though my lips refuse to speak, my heart cher- ishes many sweet and true sentiments, for the friend who ministers to its happiness." The bride-to-be could no more than address her fianc6 as "My dear friend," and close her letter with an "Adieu." She realized, however, that her words might not appeal to one who acknowledged "a certain degree of 'vanity,' " as "the besetting weak- ness of the 'Lords of Creation.' " But she observed that "ladies are so used to flattery that it makes but a slight impression, and we never believe more than half we hear," and implied to an adoring suitor that her restrained language covered deep feelings of love. Most of Sophie's letter gave details of the forthcoming marriage. John Freeman Young, Rector of St. Johns Episcopal Church in Jack- sonville, would perform the ceremony; Mr. and Mrs. Gibbs had sent only a few invitations, since the facilities of their home were limited, but they would prefer the guests to accept even at the risk of not be- ing able to make them comfortable. All of this appeared "alarming" to Sophie and convinced her that the last six weeks since her accept- 9. Sophie H. Couper to Clinch, January 26, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 183  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ance of Clinch's proposal was not all a dream. "It is so strange for me to look forward," the widow wrote. I have lived so entirely in the present and the past, that a future as connected with my own welfare seems indeed, hard to realize. It promises all my heart can desire, and more than its waywardness de- serves. I only fear, my dear Friend, lest you should make my earthly happiness of too much consequence. I should fear to rest satisfied with the dearest joys this world can yield, if this displaced the better hope that ought to temper all comforts. I have been all my life so petted and indulged, that I wonder I am not entirely selfish, and I have not the fortitude to resist what is so very pleasant, it remains for my friends not to be too indulgent, but to admonish, as well as to caress. But I am actually sermonizing.... Womanlike, she asked Clinch to throw her "wandering epistle" into the flre "after or before" he finished it, and would have been hurt and angry had he followed her request. One of her friends in a long letter had written little about the approaching marriage to spare Sophie's blushes, and a niece had closed her letter with a rhap- sodical paragraph on her "angel aunty" and the enviable victory of "that General." Although she was inhibited by Victorian restraints, Sophie's delight shone through her words to give her intended a glimpse of a heart thrilled by thoughts of the coming event and by her love for him. In February, 1846, Duncan L. Clinch went to Fort George Is- land.tt On Thursday, the fifth, the Reverend Mr. Young performed the ceremony at the home of Major Gibbs in the presence of a select number of friends." Unlike his second marriage, his third was a love match for Clinch. Repeatedly he admonished his children to heed the advice of their mother, in whom he had unbounded confidence. Writing to a wid- ower, he stated: "Depend upon it my friend, there is no happiness equal to that we enjoy in the love and devotion of a truthful, warm- 10. In her letter, Sophie expressed her regret because Clinch's daughter could not accompany him. 11. Jacksonville News, February 13, 1846. January 13, 1846, and other dates in 1845 are given for this marriage, but February 5, 1846, is correct. John F. Young became rector of St. Johns on May 23, 1845, a month after his ordination. In 1867 he became bishop of Florida. (Edgar Legare Pennington, "The Episcopal Church in Florida, 1763-1892," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, VII, 38.) 184 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ance of Clinch's proposal was not all a dream. "It is so strange for me to look forward," the widow wrote. I have lived so entirely in the present and the past, that a future as connected with my own welfare seems indeed, hard to realize. It promises all my heart can desire, and more than its waywardness de- serves. I only fear, my dear Friend, lest you should make my earthly happiness of too much consequence. I should fear to rest satisfied with the dearest joys this world can yield, if this displaced the better hope that ought to temper all comforts. I have been all my life so petted and indulged, that I wonder I am not entirely selfish, and I have not the fortitude to resist what is so very pleasant, it remains for my friends not to be too indulgent, but to admonish, as well as to caress. But I am actually sermonizing.... Womanlike, she asked Clinch to throw her "wandering epistle" into the fire "after or before" he finished it, and would have been hurt and angry had he followed her request. One of her friends in a long letter had written little about the approaching marriage to spare Sophie's blushes, and a niece had closed her letter with a rhap- sodical paragraph on her "angel aunty" and the enviable victory of "that General." Although she was inhibited by Victorian restraints, Sophie's delight shone through her words to give her intended a glimpse of a heart thrilled by thoughts of the coming event and by her love for him. In February, 1846, Duncan L. Clinch went to Fort George Is- land.O On Thursday, the fifth, the Reverend Mr. Young performed the ceremony at the home of Major Gibbs in the presence of a select number of friends.tt Unlike his second marriage, his third was a love match for Clinch. Repeatedly he admonished his children to heed the advice of their mother, in whom he had unbounded confidence. Writing to a wid- ower, he stated: "Depend upon it my friend, there is no happiness equal to that we enjoy in the love and devotion of a truthful, warm- 10. In her letter, Sophie expressed her regret because Clinch's daughter could not accompany him. 11. Jacksonville News, February 13, 1846. January 13, 1846, and other dates in 1845 are given for this marriage, but February 5, 1846, is correct. John F. Young became rector of St. Johns on May 23, 1845, a month after his ordination. In 1867 he became bishop of Florida. (Edgar Legare Pennington, "The Episcopal Church in Florida, 1763-1892," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, VII, 38.) 184 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ance of Clinch's proposal was not all a dream. "It is so strange for me to look forward," the widow wrote. I have lived so entirely in the present and the past, that a future as connected with my own welfare seems indeed, hard to realize. It promises all my heart can desire, and more than its waywardness de- serves. I only fear, my dear Friend, lest you should make my earthly happiness of too much consequence. I should fear to rest satisfied with the dearest joys this world can yield, if this displaced the better hope that ought to temper all comforts. I have been all my life so petted and indulged, that I wonder I am not entirely selfish, and I have not the fortitude to resist what is so very pleasant, it remains for my friends not to be too indulgent, but to admonish, as well as to caress. But I am actually sermonizing.... Womanlike, she asked Clinch to throw her "wandering epistle" into the fire "after or before" he finished it, and would have been hurt and angry had he followed her request. One of her friends in a long letter bad written little about the approaching marriage to spare Sophie's blushes, and a niece had closed her letter with a rhap- sodical paragraph on her "angel aunty" and the enviable victory of "that General." Although she was inhibited by Victorian restraints, Sophie's delight shone through her words to give her intended a glimpse of a heart thrilled by thoughts of the coming event and by her love for him. In February, 1846, Duncan L. Clinch went to Fort George Is- land.lo On Thursday, the fifth, the Reverend Mr. Young performed the ceremony at the home of Major Gibbs in the presence of a select number of friends." Unlike his second marriage, his third was a love match for Clinch. Repeatedly he admonished his children to heed the advice of their mother, in whom he had unbounded confidence. Writing to a wid- ower, he stated: "Depend upon it my friend, there is no happiness equal to that we enjoy in the love and devotion of a truthful, warm- 10. In her letter, Sophie expressed her reret because Clinch's daughter could not accompany him. 11. Jacksonville News, February 13, 1846. January 13, 1846, and other dates in 1845 are given for this marriage, but February 5, 1846, is correct. John F. Young became rector of St. Johns on May 23, 1845, a month after his ordination. In 1867 he became bishop of Florida. (Edgar Legare Pennington, "The Episcopal Church in Florida, 1763-1892," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, VII, 38.) 184  Defeat hearted, confiding wife. It would, my dear Sir, give me great pleas- ure to hear that you had shaken off the gloom of single wretched- ness and were again enjoying happiness growing out of a state of double blessedness."12 With the enthusiasm of a youth of twenty anxious to lay the world at the feet of his love, the groom of fifty-nine sought a means to honor his bride. The plain Refuge Plantation home was a comfort- able abode in winter, but the heat and humidity of summer were uncomfortable and debilitating. Many of Clinch's friends in Savan- nah had gained relief from the summer's heat and from the fear of malaria and yellow fever by building summer homes in the moun- tainous region of northeastern Georgia. In 1818 the state had carved Habersham County from a part of the land taken from the Cherokee Indians. Its name came from Jo- seph Habersham, a native of Savannah, a patriot in the American Revolution, a member of the Continental Congress, and Postmaster General in Washington's administration, who had built a summer home north of Clarkesville, which later became the county seat. Lo- cated near the Soque River at an elevation of 1,500 feet in the foot- hills of the Blue Ridge Mountains, Clarkesville boasted one of the "best climates in the world" and freedom from malaria fever. Fifty- four miles almost due north of Athens, the town named for Gover- nor John Clarke was surrounded by tree-covered hills and vistas of inspiring beauty. Ten miles northeast of Clarkesville, where the Tugaloo River cascaded down Tallulah Falls into the deep Tallulah Gorge, lay the most beautiful spot in that section of the country. The discovery of gold along the Soque River and in the Nacooche Valley early in the nineteenth century had brought hundreds of set- tlers into the area that became Habersham County. Relatively little of the precious metal was found, but many prospectors remained to farm the red-clay soil and sandy loam of the county. In time wealthy families of coastal Georgia and South Carolina, discovering the beau- tiful scenery and delightful climate, built summer homes in and near Clarkesville. The county's population in 1845 numbered 8,411 and almost 1,200 of its people were Negroes. Wheat and corn lands brought 12. Clinch to Joel Crawford, July 15, 1847, Clinch Papers. 185 Defeat hearted, confiding wife. It would, my dear Sir, give me great pleas- ure to hear that you had shaken off the gloom of single wretched- ness and were again enjoying happiness growing out of a state of double blessedness."12 With the enthusiasm of a youth of twenty anxious to lay the world at the feet of his love, the groom of fifty-nine sought a means to honor his bride. The plain Refuge Plantation home was a comfort- able abode in winter, but the heat and humidity of summer were uncomfortable and debilitating. Many of Clinch's friends in Savan- nah had gained relief from the summer's heat and from the fear of malaria and yellow fever by building summer homes in the moun- tainous region of northeastern Georgia. In 1818 the state had carved Habersham County from a part of the land taken from the Cherokee Indians. Its name came from Jo- seph Habersham, a native of Savannah, a patriot in the American Revolution, a member of the Continental Congress, and Postmaster General in Washington's administration, who had built a summer home north of Clarkesville, which later became the county seat. Lo- cated near the Soque River at an elevation of 1,500 feet in the foot- hills of the Blue Ridge Mountains, Clarkesville boasted one of the "best climates in the world" and freedom from malaria fever. Fifty- four miles almost due north of Athens, the town named for Gover- nor John Clarke was surrounded by tree-covered hills and vistas of inspiring beauty. Ten miles northeast of Clarkesville, where the Tugaloo River cascaded down Tallulah Falls into the deep Tallulah Gorge, lay the most beautiful spot in that section of the country. The discovery of gold along the Soque River and in the Nacooche Valley early in the nineteenth century had brought hundreds of set- tlers into the area that became Habersham County. Relatively little of the precious metal was found, but many prospectors remained to farm the red-clay soil and sandy loam of the county. In time wealthy families of coastal Georgia and South Carolina, discovering the beau- tiful scenery and delightful climate, built summer homes in and near Clarkesville. The county's population in 1845 numbered 8,411 and almost 1,200 of its people were Negroes. Wheat and corn lands brought 12. Clinch to Joel Crawford, July 15, 1847, Clinch Papers. 185 Defeat hearted, confiding wife. It would, my dear Sir, give me great pleas- ure to hear that you had shaken off the gloom of single wretched- ness and were again enjoying happiness growing out of a state of double blessedness."12 With the enthusiasm of a youth of twenty anxious to lay the world at the feet of his love, the groom of fifty-nine sought a means to honor his bride. The plain Refuge Plantation home was a comfort- able abode in winter, but the heat and humidity of summer were uncomfortable and debilitating. Many of Clinch's friends in Savan- nah had gained relief from the summer's heat and from the fear of malaria and yellow fever by building summer homes in the moun- tainous region of northeastern Georgia. In 1818 the state had carved Habersham County from a part of the land taken from the Cherokee Indians. Its name came from Jo- seph Habersham, a native of Savannah, a patriot in the American Revolution, a member of the Continental Congress, and Postmaster General in Washington's administration, who had built a summer home north of Clarkesville, which later became the county seat. Lo- cated near the Soque River at an elevation of 1,500 feet in the foot- hills of the Blue Ridge Mountains, Clarkesville boasted one of the "best climates in the world" and freedom from malaria fever. Fifty- four miles almost due north of Athens, the town named for Gover- nor John Clarke was surrounded by tree-covered hills and vistas of inspiring beauty. Ten miles northeast of Clarkesville, where the Tugaloo River cascaded down Tallulah Falls into the deep Tallulah Gorge, lay the most beautiful spot in that section of the country. The discovery of gold along the Soque River and in the Nacooche Valley early in the nineteenth century had brought hundreds of set- tlers into the area that became Habersham County. Relatively little of the precious metal was found, but many prospectors remained to farm the red-clay soil and sandy loam of the county. In time wealthy families of coastal Georgia and South Carolina, discovering the beau- tiful scenery and delightful climate, built summer homes in and near Clarkesville. The county's population in 1845 numbered 8,411 and almost 1,200 of its people were Negroes. Wheat and corn lands brought 12. Clinch to Joel Crawford, July 15, 1847, Clinch Papers. 185  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ten dollars an acre, oak- and hickory-covered terrain sold for three dollars, and scenic ridges and mountain tops were available for a pit- tance. In addition to a brick courthouse and a wooden jail, Clarkes- ville possessed a number of stores, three hotels, and three churches: Episcopal, Methodist, and Presbyterian.1o Probably in 1846 Clinch bought a 140-acre hill overlooking a valley and mountain range approximately three miles from the cen- ter of town. There be built a white-columned, two-story house, a wooden structure with spacious living areas and a study on the first floor and bedrooms on the second. A circular driveway leading to the portico was lined with native flowering shrubs and evergreen trees. There were stables, a carriage house, and other outbuildings for a resort home. A well supplied cold, clear water for the house- hold, and in an age without mechanical refrigeration a deep dry well furnished space with an almost constant coolness for milk, but- ter, meat, and other perishable foods. Inside, the house was fur- nished with marbletop tables, four-poster beds, and the uncomforta- ble chairs of the period.5a The Clinch family was living at "Lamont," the name given their summer home, in May, 1847. A neighbor reported them disap- pointed in the house. "It is certainly not well proportioned," she wrote her husband, "and the stable and the outbuildings are passed before you reach the dwelling, a great objection in our eyes."1 The Clinch family, however, enjoyed their new home, the coolness of the North Georgia hills, the views of valleys and mountains in the distance. Usually the family and several slaves arrived at Lamont in May or June and remained until late October. In 1847 the trip from St. Marys to Clarkesville was an exciting 13. Descriptions and historical accounts of Habersham County and Clarkesville are in Habersham County File, Georgia Department of Archives and History; White, Statistics of the State of Georgia, 299-305; Mrs. T. Earle Stribling and Mrs. Ben I. Thornton (compilers), "History of Grace Episcopal Church, Habersham County, Georiga," typewritten MS, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 14. The house is no longer standing. The description of it and its grounds was given the author by Barnwell Heyward of Clarkesville, Georgia, who is a descendant of General Duncan L. Clinch. 15. Mrs. James R. Johnston to her husband, written from "Sleepy Hol- low," Clarkesville, June 14, 1847, in "The Kollock letters, 1799-1850, Part VII," Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXXI, 61-63. 186 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ten dollars an acre, oak- and hickory-covered terrain sold for three dollars, and scenic ridges and mountain tops were available for a pit- tance. In addition to a brick courthouse and a wooden jail, Clarkes- ville possessed a number of stores, three hotels, and three churches: Episcopal, Methodist, and Presbyterian.1- Probably in 1846 Clinch bought a 140-acre hill overlooking a valley and mountain range approximately three miles from the cen- ter of town. There he built a white-columned, two-story house, a wooden structure with spacious living areas and a study on the first floor and bedrooms on the second. A circular driveway leading to the portico was lined with native flowering shrubs and evergreen trees. There were stables, a carriage house, and other outbuildings for a resort home. A well supplied cold, clear water for the house- hold, and in an age without mechanical refrigeration a deep dry well furnished space with an almost constant coolness for milk, but- ter, meat, and other perishable foods. Inside, the house was fur- nished with marbletop tables, four-poster beds, and the uncomforta- ble chairs of the period.14 The Clinch family was living at "Lamont," the name given their summer home, in May, 1847. A neighbor reported them disap- pointed in the house. "It is certainly not well proportioned," she wrote her husband, "and the stable and the outbuildings are passed before you reach the dwelling, a great objection in our eyes."5 The Clinch family, however, enjoyed their new home, the coolness of the North Georgia hills, the views of valleys and mountains in the distance. Usually the family and several slaves arrived at Lamont in May or June and remained until late October. In 1847 the trip from St. Marys to Clarkesville was an exciting 13. Descriptions and historical accounts of Habersham County and Clarkesville are in Habersham County File, Georgia Department of Archives and History; White, Statistics of the State of Georgia, 299-305; Mrs. T. Earle Stribling and Mrs. Ben I. Thornton (compilers), "History of Grace Episcopal Church, Habersham County, Georiga," typewritten MS, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 14. The house is no longer standing. The description of it and its grounds was given the author by Barnwell Heyward of Clarkesville, Georgia, who is a descendant of General Duncan L. Clinch. 15. Mrs. James R. Johnston to her husband, written from "Sleepy Hol- low," Clarkesville, June 14, 1847, in "The Kollock Letters, 1799-1850, Part VII," Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXXII, 61-63. 186 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ten dollars an acre, oak- and hickory-covered terrain sold for three dollars, and scenic ridges and mountain tops were available for a pit- tance. In addition to a brick courthouse and a wooden jail, Clarkes- ville possessed a number of stores, three hotels, and three churches: Episcopal, Methodist, and Presbyterian.1a Probably in 1846 Clinch bought a 140-acre hill overlooking a valley and mountain range approximately three miles from the cen- ter of town. There he built a white-columned, two-story house, a wooden structure with spacious living areas and a study on the first floor and bedrooms on the second. A circular driveway leading to the portico was lined with native flowering shrubs and evergreen trees. There were stables, a carriage house, and other outbuildings for a resort home. A well supplied cold, clear water for the house- hold, and in an age without mechanical refrigeration a deep dry well furnished space with an aboost constant coolness for milk, but- ter, meat, and other perishable foods. Inside, the house was fur- nished with marbletop tables, four-poster beds, and the uncomforta- ble chairs of the period.14 The Clinch family was living at "Lamont," the name given their summer home, in May, 1847. A neighbor reported them disap- pointed in the house. "It is certainly not well proportioned," she wrote her husband, "and the stable and the outbuildings are passed before you reach the dwelling, a great objection in our eyes."15 The Clinch family, however, enjoyed their new home, the coolness of the North Georgia hills, the views of valleys and mountains in the distance. Usually the family and several slaves arrived at Lamont in May or June and remained until late October. In 1847 the trip from St. Marys to Clarkesville was an exciting 13. Descriptions and historical accounts of Habersham County and Clarkesville are in Habersham County File, Georgia Department of Archives and History; White, Statistics of the State of Georgia, 299-305; Mrs. T. Earle Stribling and Mrs. Ben L Thornton (compilers), "History of Grace Episcopal Church, Habersham County, Georiga," typewritten MS, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 14. The house is no longer standing. The description of it and its grounds was given the author by Barnwell Heyward of Clarkesville, Georgia, who is a descendant of General Duncan L. Clinch. 15. Mrs. James R. Johnston to her husband, written from "Sleepy Hol- low," Clarkesville, June 14, 1847, in "The Kollock Letters, 1799-1850, Part VII," Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXXII, 61-63. 186  Defeat but difficult experience. Members of a family seeking haven from the heat of Savannah took a boat (infested with fleas and bedbugs) from Savannah to Augusta. There they boarded the Atlanta train and changed at Union Point for Athens. At the University City they transferred to a stage coach, crowded almost to the point of suffoca- tion and operated by an owner who was "very exorbitant in charges," and continued at three miles an hour to Clarkesville.na It was a week's journey from St. Marys to Clarkesville. Other means of travel were available to the Clinch entourage. The boats from St. Marys placed them in Savannah. After a night at the Pulaski House, they boarded the Central Railroad cars at 7:00 A.M. and arrived in Macon, if the train were on time, at 6:45 P.M. The fare for the 190 miles was $5.75 per person.17 At Macon the trav- elers changed cars for Atlanta, then boarded the train for Union Point where a branch line ran the 39 miles to Athens, and the stage- coach continued to Clarkesville.18 Macon could be bypassed, using the boat to Augusta, the railroad for the 47 miles to Camak, and from there to Union Pointa1 Available sources indicate Duncan Clinch preferred the railroad route from Savannah through Macon to Atlanta, Union Point, and Athens. While building Lamont at Clarkesville, General Clinch took pride in the work and educational careers of his older children. Grand- mother McIntosh was pleased with Grandson Houstoun, saw in him a "likeness to his sainted Mother," and hoped that he would "be all that dear Mother would have strove to have made him, had she been spared."ao Mrs. McIntosh still relied on her son-in-law to help in the operation of Marianna Plantation, and asked him to have two hundred bushels of corn sent immediately from Charleston or Savan- nah. Failure to hear from Granddaughter Eliza troubled her. Clinch's oldest child, who had spent many of her childhood years at Marianna, returned to her grandmother's home for the winters. Eliza's husband, Robert Anderson, was a graduate of the United 16. Ibid., 57-59. 17. Savannah Georgian, December 11, 1849; Ida Young, Julius Gholson, and Clara Nell Hargrove, History of Macon, Georgia (Macon, 1950), 73-80. 18. George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia, 88-89. 19. Ibid., 90 20. Eliza McIntosh to Clinch, April 20, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 187 Defeat but difficult experience. Members of a family seeking haven from the heat of Savannah took a boat (infested with fleas and bedbugs) from Savannah to Augusta. There they boarded the Atlanta train and changed at Union Point for Athens. At the University City they transferred to a stage coach, crowded almost to the point of suffoca- tion and operated by an owner who was "very exorbitant in charges," and continued at three miles an hour to Clarkesville."9 It was a week's journey from St. Marys to Clarkesville. Other means of travel were available to the Clinch entourage. The boats from St. Marys placed them in Savannah. After a night at the Pulaski House, they boarded the Central Railroad cars at 7:00 A.M. and arrived in Macon, if the train were on time, at 6:45 P.M. The fare for the 190 miles was $5.75 per person.x At Macon the trav- elers changed cars for Atlanta, then boarded the train for Union Point where a branch line ran the 39 miles to Athens, and the stage- coach continued to Clarkesville.1s Macon could be bypassed, using the boat to Augusta, the railroad for the 47 miles to Camak, and from there to Union Point19 Available sources indicate Duncan Clinch preferred the railroad route from Savannah through Macon to Atlanta, Union Point, and Athens. While building Lamont at Clarkesville, General Clinch took pride in the work and educational careers of his older children. Grand- mother McIntosh was pleased with Grandson Houstoun, saw in him a "likeness to his sainted Mother," and hoped that he would "be all that dear Mother would have strove to have made him, had she been spared."a Mrs. McIntosh still relied on her son-in-law to help in the operation of Marianna Plantation, and asked him to have two hundred bushels of corn sent immediately from Charleston or Savan- nah. Failure to hear from Granddaughter Eliza troubled her. Clinch's oldest child, who had spent many of her childhood years at Marianna, returned to her grandmother's home for the winters. Eliza's husband, Robert Anderson, was a graduate of the United 16. Ibid., 57-59. 17. Savannah Georgian, December 11, 1849; Ida Young, Julius Gholson, and Clara Nell Hargrove, History of Macon, Georgia (Macon, 1950), 73-80. 18. George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia, 88-89. 19. Ibid., 90 20. Eliza McIntosh to Clinch, April 20, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 187 Defeat but difficult experience. Members of a family seeking haven from the heat of Savannah took a boat (infested with fleas and bedbugs) from Savannah to Augusta. There they boarded the Atlanta train and changed at Union Point for Athens. At the University City they transferred to a stage coach, crowded almost to the point of suffoca- tion and operated by an owner who was "very exorbitant in charges," and continued at three miles an hour to Clarkesville.16 It was a week's journey from St. Marys to Clarkesville. Other means of travel were available to the Clinch entourage. The boats from St. Marys placed them in Savannah. After a night at the Pulaski House, they boarded the Central Railroad cars at 7:00 A.M. and arrived in Macon, if the train were on time, at 6:45 P.M. The fare for the 190 miles was $5.75 per person.a At Macon the trav- elers changed cars for Atlanta, then boarded the train for Union Point where a branch line ran the 39 miles to Athens, and the stage- coach continued to Clarkesville.18 Macon could be bypassed, using the boat to Augusta, the railroad for the 47 miles to Camak, and from there to Union Point19 Available sources indicate Duncan Clinch preferred the railroad route from Savannah through Macon to Atlanta, Union Point, and Athens. While building Lamont at Clarkesville, General Clinch took pride in the work and educational careers of his older children. Grand- mother McIntosh was pleased with Grandson Houstoun, saw in him a "likeness to his sainted Mother," and hoped that he would "be all that dear Mother would have strove to have made him, had she been spared."ao Mrs. McIntosh still relied on her son-in-law to help in the operation of Marianna Plantation, and asked him to have two hundred bushels of corn sent immediately from Charleston or Savan- nah. Failure to hear from Granddaughter Eliza troubled her. Clinch's oldest child, who had spent many of her childhood years at Marianna, returned to her grandmother's home for the winters. Eliza's husband, Robert Anderson, was a graduate of the United 16. Ibid., 57-59. 17. Savannah Georgian, December 11, 1849; Ida Young, Julius Gholson, and Clara Nell Hargrove, History of Macon, Georgia (Macon, 1950), 73-80. 18. George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia, 88-89. 19. Ibid., 90 20. Eliza McIntosh to Clinch, April 20, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 187  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM States Military Academy, and when duty called him in 1846 Eliza made Marianna her home.21 Captain Anderson went to Mexico with the American army of invasion, and reported the progress of the Mexican War in his letters.," He was gratified to know that his wife Eliza had arrived at Lamont about June 1, 1847, and that Father- in-law Clinch's health had allowed him to make the tiresome trip from St. Marys to Clarkesville without distress, but he was disturbed to learn of Grandmother McIntosh's illness. In September, 1847, Anderson received a shot in his shoulder and the minor wound al- lowed him to return to his wife. In 1848 Eliza gave birth to a daughter. Grandfather Clinch cuddled his first grandchild, Little Eba, and their first niece was a source of pleasure to the Clinch children. Before the arrival of Eba, Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., having his degree from the University of North Carolina, applied for and received a captain's commission in the army. In April, 1847, he used the Ref- uge as his headquarters while recruiting men for his company in preparation for service in the Mexican War.nu He later sent home letters, "full of honor and military form," written in the high spirits and adventuresomeness of youth, without an inkling of the difficul- ties to be encountered on the road to military glory."4 He served his term during the Mexican War with the anonymity of most young of- ficers in a war-without special notice, distinction, or injure-and returned home disappointed with the boredom of army life and his failure to win distinction in battle, Houstoun remained a civilian during the war and took over his father's business in Florida. In April, 1846, he went to Alachua County to investigate the condition of once-prosperous Lang Syne Plantation.as The following year he returned to Florida on business for his father.n The most profitable business operation in Florida 21. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 22. Eba Anderson Lawton, An Artillery Officer in the Mexican War, 1846-47: Letters of Robert Anderson, Captain 3rd Artillery, U.S.A. (New York, 1911), 41, 228, 241, 245. 23. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 24. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, October 23, 1846 [1847], Clinch Papers. 25. Eliza McIntosh to Clinch, April 20, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 26. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, February 4, 1847, Clinch Papers. 188 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM States Military Academy, and when duty called him in 1846 Eliza made Marianna her home.21 Captain Anderson went to Mexico with the American army of invasion, and reported the progress of the Mexican War in his letters."2 He was gratified to know that his wife Eliza had arrived at Lamont about June 1, 1847, and that Father- in-law Clinch's health had allowed him to make the tiresome trip from St. Marys to Clarkesville without distress, but he was disturbed to learn of Grandmother McIntosh's illness. In September, 1847, Anderson received a shot in his shoulder and the minor wound al- lowed him to return to his wife. In 1848 Eliza gave birth to a daughter. Grandfather Clinch cuddled his first grandchild, Little Eba, and their first niece was a source of pleasure to the Clinch children. Before the arrival of Eba, Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., having his degree from the University of North Carolina, applied for and received a captain's commission in the army. In April, 1847, he used the Ref- uge as his headquarters while recruiting men for his company in preparation for service in the Mexican War.'3 He later sent home letters, "full of honor and military form," written in the high spirits and adventuresomeness of youth, without an inkling of the diffcul- ties to be encountered on the road to military glory."4 He served his term during the Mexican War with the anonymity of most young of- ficers in a war-without special notice, distinction, or injury-and returned home disappointed with the boredom of army life and his failure to win distinction in battle. Houstoun remained a civilian during the war and took over his father's business in Florida. In April, 1846, he went to Alachua County to investigate the condition of once-prosperous Lang Syne Plantation.'5 The following year he returned to Florida on business for his father.n The most profitable business operation in Florida 21. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 22. Eba Anderson Lawton, An Artillery Officer in the Mexican War, 1846-47: Letters of Robert Anderson, Captain 3rd Artillery, U.S.A. (New York, 1911), 41, 228, 241, 245. 23. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 24. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, October 23, 1846 [1847], Clinch Papers. 25. Eliza McIntosh to Clinch, April 20, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 26. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, February 4, 1847, Clinch Papers. 188 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM States Military Academy, and when duty called him in 1846 Eliza made Marianna her home.21 Captain Anderson went to Mexico with the American army of invasion, and reported the progress of the Mexican War in his letters."2 He was gratified to know that his wife Eliza had arrived at Lamont about June 1, 1847, and that Father- in-law Clinch's health had allowed him to make the tiresome trip from St. Marys to Clarkesville without distress, but he was disturbed to learn of Grandmother McIntosh's illness. In September, 1847, Anderson received a shot in his shoulder and the minor wound al- lowed him to return to his wife. In 1848 Eliza gave birth to a daughter. Grandfather Clinch cuddled his first grandchild, Little Eba, and their first niece was a source of pleasure to the Clinch children. Before the arrival of Eba, Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., having his degree from the University of North Carolina, applied for and received a captain's commission in the army. In April, 1847, he used the Ref- uge as his headquarters while recruiting men for his company in preparation for service in the Mexican War.2o He later sent home letters, "full of honor and military form," written in the high spirits and adventuresomeness of youth, without an inkling of the difficul- ties to be encountered on the road to military glory."2 He served his term during the Mexican War with the anonymity of most young of- ficers in a war-without special notice, distinction, or injury-and returned home disappointed with the boredom of army life and his failure to win distinction in battle. Houstoun remained a civilian during the war and took over his father's business in Florida. In April, 1846, he went to Alachua County to investigate the condition of once-prosperous Lang Syne Plantation.'5 The following year he returned to Florida on business for his father.'s The most profitable business operation in Florida 21. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 22. Eba Anderson Lawton, An Artillery Officer in the Mexican War, 1846-47: Letters of Robert Anderson, Captain 3rd Artillery, U.S.A. (New York, 1911), 41, 228, 241, 245. 23. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 24. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, October 23, 1846 [1847], Clinch Papers. 25. Eliza McIntosh to Clinch, April 20, 1846, Letters in Possession of Miss Katherine B. Heyward, Columbia. 26. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, February 4, 1847, Clinch Papers. 188  Defeat was lumbering. Even then much of Clinch's land was covered with trees for which lumber brokers would pay twelve and one-half cents each, but one operator offered twenty cents.a7 Evidently son Hous- toun thought it inadvisable to resume sugar production at Lang Syne Plantation. During this time Henry A. and Nicholas Bayard Clinch were studying at South Carolina College in Columbia. Their father sent them letters filled with parental admonishments. South Carolina Col- lege was one of the best institutions in the United States in 1846, and Clinch also chose it for his sons because of his respect for and friendship with its president, Colonel William C. Preston. The father, however, was quickly alarmed by his sons' reports of the drinking and card parties at the college. Let me then, my dear Sons [he wrote] as you value the happiness and devotion of your Father and your own future prospects and standing in society to avoid the bottle and cards as you would the most deadly poison. Do not, my dear Sons, be tempted to engage even in Eggnog parties that you allude to in your letter. Resolve, and that firmly, not to taste ardent spirits, until you are 21 years of age, and my word for it you will never regret having done so. If yau have any firmness of character possessed by your now sainted Mother, or your fond Father, you will, I am certain, be able to carry out any resolve you make. A very long experience has fully proven to me that the greatest security against vice of any kind is to keep out of the way of temptation.... Avoid then, my dear Sons, everything like dissipation in whatever shape it may assume, either in Eggnog suppers or anything else. Select your associates from young gentlemen of the best standing for good conduct, religious and moral feeling, and adhere strictly to those principles yourself and you will, notwithstanding the difficul- ties and dangers that now surround you not only go through college with honor and credit to yourselves, but you will gladden the heart of your devoted Father and fond family.as An essential parental contribution to his sons' welfare was money, and like other fathers, Clinch was appalled at the cost of collegiate education. He warned his sons not to be "mean or parsimonious, but there is a great difference between genteel economy and extrava- 27. J. W. C. Loud to Clinch, November 24, 1846, Clinch Papers. 28. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, February 4, 1847, Clinch Papers. 189 Defeat was lumbering. Even then much of Clinch's land was covered with trees for which lumber brokers would pay twelve and one-half cents each, but one operator offered twenty cents.27 Evidently son Hous- toun thought it inadvisable to resume sugar production at Lang Syne Plantation. During this time Henry A. and Nicholas Bayard Clinch were studying at South Carolina College in Columbia. Their father sent them letters filled with parental admonishments. South Carolina Col- lege was one of the best institutions in the United States in 1846, and Clinch also chose it for his sons because of his respect for and friendship with its president, Colonel William C. Preston. The father, however, was quickly alarmed by his sons' reports of the drinking and card parties at the college. Let me then, my dear Sons [he wrote] as you value the happiness and devotion of your Father and your own future prospects and standing in society to avoid the bottle and cards as you would the most deadly poison. Do not, my dear Sons, be tempted to engage even in Eggnog parties that you allude to in your letter. Resolve, and that firmly, not to taste ardent spirits, until you are 21 years of age, and my word for it you will never regret having done so. If you have any firmness of character possessed by your now sainted Mother, or your fond Father, you will, I am certain, be able to carry out any resolve you make. A very long experience has fully proven to me that the greatest security against vice of any kind is to keep out of the way of temptation.... Avoid then, my dear Sons, everything like dissipation in whatever shape it may assume, either in Eggnog suppers or anything else. Select your associates from young gentlemen of the best standing for good conduct, religious and moral feeling, and adhere strictly to those principles yourself and you will, notwithstanding the difficul- ties and dangers that now surround you not only go through college with honor and credit to yourselves, but you will gladden the heart of your devoted Father and fond family.as An essential parental contribution to his sons' welfare was money, and like other fathers, Clinch was appalled at the cost of collegiate education. He warned his sons not to be "mean or parsimonious, but there is a great difference between genteel economy and extrava- 27. J. W. C. Loud to Clinch, November 24, 1846, Clinch Papers. 28. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, February 4, 1847, Clinch Papers. 189 Defeat was lumbering. Even then much of Clinch's land was covered with trees for which lumber brokers would pay twelve and one-half cents each, but one operator offered twenty cents.27 Evidently son Hous- toun thought it inadvisable to resume sugar production at Lang Sync Plantation. During this time Henry A. and Nicholas Bayard Clinch were studying at South Carolina College in Columbia. Their father sent them letters filled with parental admonishments. South Carolina Col- lege was one of the best institutions in the United States in 1846, and Clinch also chose it for his sons because of his respect for and friendship with its president, Colonel William C. Preston. The father, however, was quickly alarmed by his sons' reports of the drinking and card parties at the college. Let me then, my dear Sons [he wrote] as you value the happiness and devotion of your Father and your own future prospects and standing in society to avoid the bottle and cards as you would the most deadly poison. Do not, my dear Sons, be tempted to engage even in Eggnog parties that you allude to in your letter. Resolve, and that firmly, not to taste ardent spirits, until you are 21 years of age, and my word for it you will never regret having done so. If you have any firmness of character possessed by your now sainted Mother, or your fond Father, you will, I am certain, be able to carry out any resolve you make. A very long experience has fully proven to me that the greatest security against vice of any kind is to keep out of the way of temptation.... Avoid then, my dear Sons, everything like dissipation in whatever shape it may assume, either in Eggnog suppers or anything else. Select your associates from young gentlemen of the best standing for good conduct, religious and moral feeling, and adhere strictly to those principles yourself and you will, notwithstanding the difficul- ties and dangers that now surround you not only go through college with honor and credit to yourselves, but you will gladden the heart of your devoted Father and fond family.as An essential parental contribution to his sons' welfare was money, and like other fathers, Clinch was appalled at the cost of collegiate education. He warned his sons not to be "mean or parsimonious, but there is a great difference between genteel economy and extrava- 27. J. W. C. Loud to Clinch, November 24, 1846, Clinch Papers. 28. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, February 4, 1847, Clinch Papers. 189  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM gance and you will invariably find that the student that spends the most money in college is the poorest scholar and the lowest on the list for good conduct."29 Clinch sent Colonel Preston $700 to cover a bill of $575 for college fees, the remainder being for the boys' spending money and their fare to Lamont in July. He wanted an account of their expenditures, for there was "hardly any habit so useful to a student or in fact to anyone as that of keeping an account of every cent they spend."o The father glowed when he received a report from Colonel Preston that he and the professors at the college were satisfied with the conduct and study of the Clinch boys. As long as they continued to study diligently and act with circumspec- tion, the father was glad to pay their expenses without objection. His letters contained few items of news. The father expected the letters of their sisters to supply the boys information and gossip on local events. His information was limited to family affairs. George, the youngest son, was taken to school at nearby Waynesville, Geor- gia, and left there with his spirits low. Although believing the boy would fare better without them, an indulgent father let him keep his puppy and pony at the school. After a term, George returned home for a visit, looking well and anticipating a reunion with his brothers at Lamont in the summer. A father concerned with finance reported the rice crop at the Refuge 5,000 to 6,000 bushels short of the estimated yield. After some study at South Carolina College, Nicholas Bayard Clinch expressed a desire to enter West Point in the summer of 1847. It was his wish, Clinch responded, to aid his son to prepare for a profession or business in which he might make an honest, hon- orable living by his own industry and talent. He cheerfully assented to his son's ambition to attend the Military Academy, but warned him of the political control possessed by the Democratic party. Nev- ertheless, the father promised to contact Thomas B. King, who oc- cupied Clinch's former place in Congress, in an effort to secure an appointment for June, 1848. If this move failed, Clinch would urge his friend, General Scott, to request one of the ten at-large appoint- ments from President Polk. The father warned his son: "Your chance 29. Ibid. 30. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 190 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM gance and you will invariably find that the student that spends the most money in college is the poorest scholar and the lowest on the list for good conduct."29 Clinch sent Colonel Preston $700 to cover a bill of $575 for college fees, the remainder being for the boys' spending money and their fare to Lamont in July. He wanted an account of their expenditures, for there was "hardly any habit so useful to a student or in fact to anyone as that of keeping an account of every cent they spend."3o The father glowed when he received a report from Colonel Preston that he and the professors at the college were satisfied with the conduct and study of the Clinch boys. As long as they continued to study diligently and act with circumspec- tion, the father was glad to pay their expenses without objection. His letters contained few items of news. The father expected the letters of their sisters to supply the boys information and gossip on local events. His information was limited to family affairs. George, the youngest son, was taken to school at nearby Waynesville, Geor- gia, and left there with his spirits low. Although believing the boy would fare better without them, an indulgent father let him keep his puppy and pony at the school. After a term, George returned home for a visit, looking well and anticipating a reunion with his brothers at Lamont in the summer. A father concerned with finance reported the rice crop at the Refuge 5,000 to 6,000 bushels short of the estimated yield. After some study at South Carolina College, Nicholas Bayard Clinch expressed a desire to enter West Point in the summer of 1847. It was his wish, Clinch responded, to aid his son to prepare for a profession or business in which he might make an honest, hon- orable living by his own industry and talent. He cheerfully assented to his son's ambition to attend the Military Academy, but warned him of the political control possessed by the Democratic party. Nev- ertheless, the father promised to contact Thomas B. King, who oc- cupied Clinch's former place in Congress, in an effort to secure an appointment for June, 1848. If this move failed, Clinch would urge his friend, General Scott, to request one of the ten at-large appoint- ments from President Polk. The father warned his son: "Your chance 29. Ibid. 30. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 190 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM gance and you will invariably find that the student that spends the most money in college is the poorest scholar and the lowest on the list for good conduct."29 Clinch sent Colonel Preston $700 to cover a bill of $575 for college fees, the remainder being for the boys' spending money and their fare to Lamont in July. He wanted an account of their expenditures, for there was "hardly any habit so useful to a student or in fact to anyone as that of keeping an account of every cent they spend."3o The father glowed when he received a report from Colonel Preston that he and the professors at the college were satisfied with the conduct and study of the Clinch boys. As long as they continued to study diligently and act with circumspec- tion, the father was glad to pay their expenses without objection. His letters contained few items of news. The father expected the letters of their sisters to supply the boys information and gossip on local events. His information was limited to family affairs. George, the youngest son, was taken to school at nearby Waynesville, Geor- gia, and left there with his spirits low. Although believing the boy would fare better without them, an indulgent father let him keep his puppy and pony at the school. After a term, George returned home for a visit, looking well and anticipating a reunion with his brothers at Lamont in the summer. A father concerned with finance reported the rice crop at the Refuge 5,000 to 6,000 bushels short of the estimated yield. After some study at South Carolina College, Nicholas Bayard Clinch expressed a desire to enter West Point in the summer of 1847. It was his wish, Clinch responded, to aid his son to prepare for a profession or business in which he might make an honest, hon- orable living by his own industry and talent. He cheerfully assented to his son's ambition to attend the Military Academy, but warned him of the political control possessed by the Democratic party. Nev- ertheless, the father promised to contact Thomas B. King, who oc- cupied Clinch's former place in Congress, in an effort to secure an appointment for June, 1848. If this move failed, Clinch would urge his friend, General Scott, to request one of the ten at-large appoint- ments from President Polk. The father warned his son: "Your chance 29. Ibid. 30. Clinch to N. B. Clinch, April 22, 1847, Clinch Papers. 190  Defeat of entering West Point is by no means bright. I will, however, my dear Son, do all in my power to accomplish your wishes and if we cannot succeed we must accept it with becoming firmness and you must think of some other profession. You have my dear Bayard, tal- ent enough with proper energy and industry to take a high and hon- orable stand in any pursuit you may wish to engage in."31 The ego of retired General and former Congressman Clinch must have been bolstered by the interest of a writer in his career. O. M. Dovimass of St. Augustine reported that a history of the Seminole War was in the hands of a publisher, and wished Clinch to review the work after its publication. He requested Clinch to confirm or deny a prevalent rumor that while commanding the troops in 1835 he had written Secretary of War Cass asking for $20,000 to pay the Indians and had promised that wise expenditure of this sum would remove the Seminoles without the firing of a gun. The rumor also related that Cass had refused and ordered the commanding general to drive the Indians from Florida by force. The writer requested duplicate copies of Clinch's correspondence with Cass and Call, and promised to give credit where it was due in the Seminole War, and to expose the vainglorious who had received honor without deserving it.3 2 Clinch's military fame was a potent factor in making and keeping him a public figure. His success in the special election of 1844 for the House of Representatives won him the chairmanship of the Geor- gia Whig convention in 1845. Although he refused to run again for Congress, he remained one of the leaders of his party. The Dem- ocrats had won the presidential election of 1844; the popularity in the South of the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the resulting Mexican War, and the northern Whig support in 1846 of the anti- slavery Wilmot Proviso made Georgia Whigs apprehensive of their chances in the gubernatorial contest of 1847. Adding the vast slave- holding area of Texas to the Union gratified Southerners, and they anticipated the prospect of more territorial gain from the war. Georgia Whigs praised the leadership shown by Zachary Taylor at 31. Ibid. 32. O. M. Dovimass to Clinch, December 28, 1846, Clinch Papers. No book by this author was published. 191 Defeat of entering West Point is by no means bright. I will, however, my dear Son, do all in my power to accomplish your wishes and if we cannot succeed we must accept it with becoming firmness and you must think of some other profession. You have my dear Bayard, tal- ent enough with proper energy and industry to take a high and hon- orable stand in any pursuit you may wish to engage in."31 The ego of retired General and former Congressman Clinch must have been bolstered by the interest of a writer in his career. O. M. Dovimass of St. Augustine reported that a history of the Seminole War was in the hands of a publisher, and wished Clinch to review the work after its publication. He requested Clinch to confirm or deny a prevalent rumor that while commanding the troops in 1835 he had written Secretary of War Cass asking for $20,000 to pay the Indians and had promised that wise expenditure of this sum would remove the Seminoles without the firing of a gun. The rumor also related that Cass had refused and ordered the commanding general to drive the Indians from Florida by force. The writer requested duplicate copies of Clinch's correspondence with Cass and Call, and promised to give credit where it was due in the Seminole War, and to expose the vainglorious who had received honor without deserving it.3 2 Clinch's military fame was a potent factor in making and keeping him a public figure. His success in the special election of 1844 for the House of Representatives won him the chairmanship of the Geor- gia Whig convention in 1845. Although he refused to run again for Congress, he remained one of the leaders of his party. The Dem- ocrats had won the presidential election of 1844; the popularity in the South of the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the resulting Mexican War, and the northern Whig support in 1846 of the anti- slavery Wilmot Proviso made Georgia Whigs apprehensive of their chances in the gubernatorial contest of 1847. Adding the vast slave- holding area of Texas to the Union gratified Southerners, and they anticipated the prospect of more territorial gain from the war. Georgia Whigs praised the leadership shown by Zachary Taylor at 31. Ibid. 32. O. M. Dovimass to Clinch, December 28, 1846, Clinch Papers. No book by this author was published. 191 Defeat of entering West Point is by no means bright. I will, however, my dear Son, do all in my power to accomplish your wishes and if we cannot succeed we must accept it with becoming firmness and you must think of some other profession. You have my dear Bayard, tal- ent enough with proper energy and industry to take a high and hon- orable stand in any pursuit you may wish to engage in."31 The ego of retired General and former Congressman Clinch must have been bolstered by the interest of a writer in his career. O. M. Dovimass of St. Augustine reported that a history of the Seminole War was in the hands of a publisher, and wished Clinch to review the work after its publication. He requested Clinch to confirm or deny a prevalent rumor that while commanding the troops in 1835 he had written Secretary of War Cass asking for $20,000 to pay the Indians and had promised that wise expenditure of this sum would remove the Seminoles without the firing of a gun. The rumor also related that Cass had refused and ordered the commanding general to drive the Indians from Florida by force. The writer requested duplicate copies of Clinch's correspondence with Cass and Call, and promised to give credit where it was due in the Seminole War, and to expose the vainglorious who had received honor without deserving it.3 0 Clinch's military fame was a potent factor in making and keeping him a public figure. His success in the special election of 1844 for the House of Representatives won him the chairmanship of the Geor- gia Whig convention in 1845. Although he refused to run again for Congress, he remained one of the leaders of his party. The Dem- ocrats had won the presidential election of 1844; the popularity in the South of the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the resulting Mexican War, and the northern Whig support in 1846 of the anti- slavery Wilmot Proviso made Georgia Whigs apprehensive of their chances in the gubernatorial contest of 1847. Adding the vast slave- holding area of Texas to the Union gratified Southerners, and they anticipated the prospect of more territorial gain from the war. Georgia Whigs praised the leadership shown by Zachary Taylor at 31. Ibid. 32. O. M. Dovimass to Clinch, December 28, 1846, Clinch Papers. No book by this author was published. 191  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Buena Vista in February, 1847, and began to talk of nominating "Old Rough and Ready" for President in 1848. In keeping with this military theme, many Georgia Whigs who met at Milledgeville on July 1, 1847, thought of the "Hero of the Battle of Withlacoo- chee" as their best gubernatorial candidate. When the Whigs of Habersham County met to select delegates to the state convention, they expressed pride and pleasure in the "brilliant and talented sons of Georgia whose names have been mentioned in connection with the governorship," but "in view of the distinguished services, civil and military, decided ability, and sterling integrity of the Hon. Duncan L. Clinch, we hereby declare our preference for him over all others, as the Whig candidate for Governor."33 This resolution expressed the sentiment of Whigs in many of Georgia's numerous counties. A few days before the Whig convention was to be convened at Milledgeville, the Democrats assembled in the same city to nominate a Democratic candidate. On June 28, after taking two votes in which the delegates failed to give the necessary two-thirds to any candi- date, General Sanford withdrew the name of Herschel V. Johnson from the race. George Towns of Talbot County was then nominated by acclamation and Johnson, "better known as Coon Killer," pledged his support.34 Delegates preparing to attend the Whig convention at Milledge- ville mulled over their possible candidates. In addition to General Clinch there were Colonel William C. Dawson, Colonel Anderson Redding, and a number of prominent judges.os Some of them won- dered whether Clinch, in view of his past unwillingness to run for office, would accept the nomination. The Savannah Republican sup- plied the answer. One of its reporters evidently had interviewed Clinch and was authorized by the General to write, "he will not feel at liberty to decline a nomination if conferred upon him."36 Delegates from sixty-two of Georgia's counties assembled at the state Capitol Building at 10:00 A.M. on Tuesday, July 1. Henry 33. Southern Whig (Athens, Georgia), June 10, 1847. 34. Milledgeville Federal Union, June 29, 1847; Columbus Enquirer, July 6, 1847. 35. Milledgeville Federal Union, June 29, 1847. 36. Southern Whig, June 17, 1847, quoting the Savannah Republican, June 11, 1847. This statement was reprinted by many Georgia Whig news- papers,1 192 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Buena Vista in February, 1847, and began to talk of nominating "Old Rough and Ready" for President in 1848. In keeping with this military theme, many Georgia Whigs who met at Milledgeville on July 1, 1847, thought of the "Hero of the Battle of Withlacoo- thee" as their best gubernatorial candidate. When the Whigs of Habersham County met to select delegates to the state convention, they expressed pride and pleasure in the "brilliant and talented sons of Georgia whose names have been mentioned in connection with the governorship," but "in view of the distinguished services, civil and military, decided ability, and sterling integrity of the Hon. Duncan L. Clinch, we hereby declare our preference for him over all others, as the Whig candidate for Governor."33 This resolution expressed the sentiment of Whigs in many of Georgia's numerous counties. A few days before the Whig convention was to be convened at Milledgeville, the Democrats assembled in the same city to nominate a Democratic candidate. On June 28, after taking two votes in which the delegates failed to give the necessary two-thirds to any candi- date, General Sanford withdrew the name of Herschel V. Johnson from the race. George Towns of Talbot County was then nominated by acclamation and Johnson, "better known as Coon Killer," pledged his support.0 0 Delegates preparing to attend the Whig convention at Milledge- ville mulled over their possible candidates. In addition to General Clinch there were Colonel William C. Dawson, Colonel Anderson Redding, and a number of prominent judges.3n Some of them won- dered whether Clinch, in view of his past unwillingness to run for office, would accept the nomination. The Savannah Republican sup- plied the answer. One of its reporters evidently had interviewed Clinch and was authorized by the General to write, "he will not feel at liberty to decline a nomination if conferred upon him."36 Delegates from sixty-two of Georgia's counties assembled at the state Capitol Building at 10:00 A.M. on Tuesday, July 1. Henry 33. Southern Whig (Athens, Georgia), June 10, 1847. 34. Milledgeville Federal Union, June 29, 1847; Columbus Enquirer, July 6, 1847. 35. Milledgeville Federal Union, June 29, 1847. 36. Southern Whig, June 17, 1847, quoting the Savannah Republican, June 11, 1847. This statement was reprinted by many Georgia Whig news. papers,1 192 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Buena Vista in February, 1847, and began to talk of nominating "Old Rough and Ready" for President in 1848. In keeping with this military theme, many Georgia Whigs who met at Milledgeville on July 1, 1847, thought of the "Hero of the Battle of Withlacoo- chee" as their best gubernatorial candidate. When the Whigs of Habersham County met to select delegates to the state convention, they expressed pride and pleasure in the "brilliant and talented sons of Georgia whose names have been mentioned in connection with the governorship," but "in view of the distinguished services, civil and military, decided ability, and sterling integrity of the Hon. Duncan L. Clinch, we hereby declare our preference for him over all others, as the Whig candidate for Governor."33 This resolution expressed the sentiment of Whigs in many of Georgia's numerous counties. A few days before the Whig convention was to be convened at Milledgeville, the Democrats assembled in the same city to nominate a Democratic candidate. On June 28, after taking two votes in which the delegates failed to give the necessary two-thirds to any candi- date, General Sanford withdrew the name of Herschel V. Johnson from the race. George Towns of Talbot County was then nominated by acclamation and Johnson, "better known as Coon Killer," pledged his support.34 Delegates preparing to attend the Whig convention at Milledge- ville mulled over their possible candidates. In addition to General Clinch there were Colonel William C. Dawson, Colonel Anderson Redding, and a number of prominent judges.os Some of them won- dered whether Clinch, in view of his past unwillingness to run for office, would accept the nomination. The Savannah Republican sup- plied the answer. One of its reporters evidently had interviewed Clinch and was authorized by the General to write, "he will not feel at liberty to decline a nomination if conferred upon him."36 Delegates from sixty-two of Georgia's counties assembled at the state Capitol Building at 10:00 A.M. on Tuesday, July 1. Henry 33. Southern Whig (Athens, Georgia), June 10, 1847. 34. Milledgeville Federal Union, June 29, 1847; Columbus Enquirer, July 6, 1847. 35. Milledgeville Federal Union, June 29, 1847. 36. Southern Whig, June 17, 1847, quoting the Savannah Republican, June 11, 1847. This statement was reprinted by many Georgia Whig news, papers. 192  Defeat Stanford from Greene County called the meeting to order, and George Stapleton of Jefferson was elected temporary chairman. Un- der his direction Charles J. Jenkins of Richmond County was chosen president of the convention and two secretaries were appointed. On a motion, unanimously agreed to, the delegates proceeded to ballot on a candidate for governor. No nominations were allowed and a majority vote would name the choice of the convention. On the first ballot Clinch received 95 votes to Colonel Dawson's 91, with 32 votes cast for five other hopeful men. Clinch won 111 of the 223 votes cast on the second ballot, and received a majority of the votes on the third roll call.a7 The Whigs wrote no real platform. They praised the administra- tion of retiring Governor Crawford and declared it an illustration of the practical benefits resulting from Whig principles, which would be continued under the leadership of Clinch. The officers and sol- diers fighting in Mexico were thanked and Zachary Taylor praised. John C. Calhoun received commendation for his independent and patriotic course in the Senate on foreign policy. The Wilmot Pro- viso was condemned. Since Clinch had not attended the convention, a committee of seven was authorized to inform him of his nomina- tion and to publish his reply.s s The victor had not sought the nomination. He wrote a friend: "I can say with truth, that I was greatly opposed to my name being brought before the convention, and would have much preferred that of Colonel Dawson. . . ."39 The confidence expressed in him by Whig leaders must have pleased him, for he accepted the nomina- tion without delay or quibble. Clinch knew that George Towns was a clever man and popular. The Whig candidate was warned to prepare himself for defeat, but he believed that a united Whig party and the "purity and justice of our cause" would bring victory. The result- ing contest was one of the bitterest in Georgia political history. It also developed an innovation in campaigning-for the first time a candidate for the governorship stumped the state speaking to audi- ences, small and large, in his own behalf. 37. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 6, 1847; Southern Whig, July 8, 1847. 38. Southern Whig, July 8, 1844. 39. Clinch to Joel Crawford, July 15, 1847, Clinch Papers. 193 Defeat Stanford from Greene County called the meeting to order, and George Stapleton of Jefferson was elected temporary chairman. Un- der his direction Charles J. Jenkins of Richmond County was chosen president of the convention and two secretaries were appointed. On a motion, unanimously agreed to, the delegates proceeded to ballot on a candidate for governor. No nominations were allowed and a majority vote would name the choice of the convention. On the first ballot Clinch received 95 votes to Colonel Dawson's 91, with 32 votes cast for five other hopeful men. Clinch won 111 of the 223 votes cast on the second ballot, and received a majority of the votes on the third roll call.y7 The Whigs wrote no real platform. They praised the administra- tion of retiring Governor Crawford and declared it an illustration of the practical benefits resulting from Whig principles, which would be continued under the leadership of Clinch. The officers and sol- diers fighting in Mexico were thanked and Zachary Taylor praised. John C. Calhoun received commendation for his independent and patriotic course in the Senate on foreign policy. The Wilmot Pro- viso was condemned. Since Clinch had not attended the convention, a committee of seven was authorized to inform him of his nomina- tion and to publish his reply. 38 The victor had not sought the nomination. He wrote a friend: "I can say with truth, that I was greatly opposed to my name being brought before the convention, and would have much preferred that of Colonel Dawson. . . ."o The confidence expressed in him by Whig leaders must have pleased him, for he accepted the nomina- tion without delay or quibble. Clinch knew that George Towns was a clever man and popular. The Whig candidate was warned to prepare himself for defeat, but he believed that a united Whig party and the "purity and justice of our cause" would bring victory. The result- ing contest was one of the bitterest in Georgia political history. It also developed an innovation in campaigning-for the first time a candidate for the governorship stumped the state speaking to audi- ences, small and large, in his own behalf. 37. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 6, 1847; Southern Whig, July 8, 1847. 38. Southern Whig, July 8, 1844. 39. Clinch to Joel Crawford, July 15, 1847, Clinch Papers. 193 Defeat Stanford from Greene County called the meeting to order, and George Stapleton of Jefferson was elected temporary chairman. Un- der his direction Charles J. Jenkins of Richmond County was chosen president of the convention and two secretaries were appointed. On a motion, unanimously agreed to, the delegates proceeded to ballot on a candidate for governor. No nominations were allowed and a majority vote would name the choice of the convention. On the first ballot Clinch received 95 votes to Colonel Dawson's 91, with 32 votes cast for five other hopeful men. Clinch won 111 of the 223 votes cast on the second ballot, and received a majority of the votes on the third roll call.37 The Whigs wrote no real platform. They praised the administra- tion of retiring Governor Crawford and declared it an illustration of the practical benefits resulting from Whig principles, which would be continued under the leadership of Clinch. The officers and sol- diers fighting in Mexico were thanked and Zachary Taylor praised. John C. Calhoun received commendation for his independent and patriotic course in the Senate on foreign policy. The Wilmot Pro- viso was condemned. Since Clinch had not attended the convention, a committee of seven was authorized to inform him of his nomina- tion and to publish his reply.s s The victor had not sought the nomination. He wrote a friend: "I can say with truth, that I was greatly opposed to my name being brought before the convention, and would have much preferred that of Colonel Dawson. . . ."39 The confidence expressed in him by Whig leaders must have pleased him, for he accepted the nomina- tion without delay or quibble. Clinch knew that George Towns was a clever man and popular. The Whig candidate was warned to prepare himself for defeat, but he believed that a united Whig party and the "purity and justice of our cause" would bring victory. The result- ing contest was one of the bitterest in Georgia political history. It also developed an innovation in campaigning-for the first time a candidate for the governorship stumped the state speaking to audi- ences, small and large, in his own behalf. 37. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 6, 1847; Southern Whig, July 8, 1847. 38. Southern Whig, July 8, 1844. 39. Clinch to Joel Crawford, July 15, 1847, Clinch Papers. 193  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Whig political tactics coupled Clinch with Zachary Taylor. The "Hero of the Battle of the Withlacoochee" and the Whig general in Mexico were paired, one for the governorship of Georgia and the other for the Presidency of the United States. The fact that Taylor had not been nominated for the Presidency and the election for that office was a year in the future made no difference to the Whigs. "Old Withlacoochee" and "Ole Rough and Ready" were pushed simul- taneously in Georgia. The Columbus Enquirer ran in large type at the top of its editorial column: "For President-Gen'l Zachary Tay- lor. For Governor-Gen'l Duncan L. Clinch."40 Whig editors emphasized the "generous and whole-souled patriot- ism of Old Withlacoochee" and declared Georgia would be safe with "Old Withlacoochee" in the executive mansion.41 Letter after letter appeared with recollections of Clinch's military activities. One correspondent recalled his destruction of the Negro Fort on the Apa- lachicola River and the killing of hundreds of renegade Negroes and Indians. During the campaign one of his subalterns was swept from his horse into the swift, deep water, and the letter writer described the reaction of Clinch, who "leaped into the angry current, [and] buffeting the waves with lusty sinews, bore [the drowning man] to his comrades on shore."42 Another correspondent gave his version of Clinch's rescue of the army of General Gaines in Florida by de- scribing the starving soldiers and their forlorn hope of a peace to be granted by the Indians who surrounded them. I sat upon a log with my wounded arm in a sling, devouring a dog's heart, roasted without salt, while the treaty was going on. I was meditating upon the probable result of the armistice, when I ob- served a sudden commotion among the red gentry, and immediately a loud volley of musketry broke upon my ear. The next moment the woods were red with fiying Indians, shouting "Clinch! Clinch!" as they dashed headlong in the direction of the river. I dashed my dog's heart to the dogs, and threw up my cap with joy as I saw through the smoky woods the blue jacket of the gal- 40. Columbus Enquirer, July 6, 1847. This heading was carried through- out the campaign. Most other Whig newspapers ran similar slogans. 41. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 13, August 17, 1847, quoting from Whig newspapers. The Federal Union was ardently Democratic. 42. "Alapaha," Columbus Enquirer, September 14, 1847, quoting the Florida Sentinel, August 31, 1847. 194 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Whig political tactics coupled Clinch with Zachary Taylor. The "Hero of the Battle of the Withlacoochee" and the Whig general in Mexico were paired, one for the governorship of Georgia and the other for the Presidency of the United States. The fact that Taylor had not been nominated for the Presidency and the election for that office was a year in the future made no difference to the Whigs. "Old Withlacoochee" and "Ole Rough and Ready" were pushed simul- taneously in Georgia. The Columbus Enquirer ran in large type at the top of its editorial column: "For President-Gen'l Zachary Tay- lor. For Governor-Gen'l Duncan L. Clinch."40 Whig editors emphasized the "generous and whole-souled patriot- ism of Old Withlacoochee" and declared Georgia would be safe with "Old Withlacoochee" in the executive mansion.41 Letter after letter appeared with recollections of Clinch's military activities. One correspondent recalled his destruction of the Negro Fort on the Apa- lachicola River and the killing of hundreds of renegade Negroes and Indians. During the campaign one of his subalterns was swept from his horse into the swift, deep water, and the letter writer described the reaction of Clinch, who "leaped into the angry current, [and] buffeting the waves with lusty sinews, bore [the drowning man] to his comrades on shore."42 Another correspondent gave his version of Clinch's rescue of the army of General Gaines in Florida by de- scribing the starving soldiers and their forlorn hope of a peace to be granted by the Indians who surrounded them. I sat upon a log with my wounded arm in a sling, devouring a dog's heart, roasted without salt, while the treaty was going on. I was meditating upon the probable result of the armistice, when I ob- served a sudden commotion among the red gentry, and immediately a loud volley of musketry broke upon my ear. The next moment the woods were red with flying Indians, shouting "Clinch! Clinch!" as they dashed headlong in the direction of the river. I dashed my dog's heart to the dogs, and threw up my cap with joy as I saw through the smoky woods the blue jacket of the gal- 40. Columbus Enquirer, July 6, 1847. This heading was carried through- out the campaign. Most other Whig newspapers ran similar slogans. 41. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 13, August 17, 1847, quoting from Whig newspapers. The Federal Union was ardently Democratic. 42. "Alapaha," Columbus Enquirer, September 14, 1847, quoting the Florida Sentinel, August 31, 1847. 194 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Whig political tactics coupled Clinch with Zachary Taylor. The "Hero of the Battle of the Withlacoochee" and the Whig general in Mexico were paired, one for the governorship of Georgia and the other for the Presidency of the United States. The fact that Taylor had not been nominated for the Presidency and the election for that office was a year in the future made no difference to the Whigs. "Old Withlacoochee" and "Ole Rough and Ready" were pushed simul- taneously in Georgia. The Columbus Enquirer ran in large type at the top of its editorial column: "For President-Gen'l Zachary Tay- lor. For Governor-Gen'l Duncan L. Clinch."4o Whig editors emphasized the "generous and whole-souled patriot- ism of Old Withlacoochee" and declared Georgia would be safe with "Old Withlacoochee" in the executive mansion.41 Letter after letter appeared with recollections of Clinch's military activities. One correspondent recalled his destruction of the Negro Fort on the Apa- lachicola River and the killing of hundreds of renegade Negroes and Indians. During the campaign one of his subalterns was swept from his horse into the swift, deep water, and the letter writer described the reaction of Clinch, who "leaped into the angry current, [and] buffeting the waves with lusty sinews, bore [the drowning man] to his comrades on shore."42 Another correspondent gave his version of Clinch's rescue of the army of General Gaines in Florida by de- scribing the starving soldiers and their forlorn hope of a peace to be granted by the Indians who surrounded them. I sat upon a log with my wounded arm in a sling, devouring a dog's heart, roasted without salt, while the treaty was going on. I was meditating upon the probable result of the armistice, when I ob- served a sudden commotion among the red gentry, and immediately a loud volley of musketry broke upon my ear. The next moment the woods were red with filying Indians, shouting "Clinch! Clinch!" as they dashed headlong in the direction of the river. I dashed my dog's heart to the dogs, and threw up my cap with joy as I saw through the smoky woods the blue jacket of the gal- 40. Columbus Enquirer, July 6, 1847. This heading was carried through- out the campaign. Most other Whig newspapers ran similar slogans. 41. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 13, August 17, 1847, quoting from Whig newspapers. The Federal Union was ardently Democratic. 42. "Alapaha," Columbus Enquirer, September 14, 1847, quoting the Florida Sentinel, August 31, 1847. 194  Defeat lant Clinch at the head of his brave Georgians and Floridians, and knew that relief had come at last; Clinch had indeed rescued us from death. The copper-bellied rascals scampered off-yelling Clinch! Clinch! at every jump as if not particularly anxious to scrape up an old ac- quaintance with him. [We delayed for a few days and then marched back to Fort Drane] where the gallant and warm-hearted Clinch again manifested his liberality, by giving us every thing that could add to the comfort of the men whom he had so generously rescued from death. As long as he had a pound of Pork, Beef or Sugar, a bushel of Corn, or a gal- lon of Molasses, it went freely to the patriotic soldiers who had left their homes to fight for the distressed Floridiansan The Democrats, the editor of the Enquirer wrote, attempted to make sport of Clinch's noble feelings in feeding starving soldiers, and apparently thought no man a patriot unless he had fought in the Mexican War. But the editor believed Clinch did more than the Mexican fighters when "he flung himself, and offered sacrifice, be- tween the uplifted tomahawk and the scalping knife of the savages, and the helpless women and children of Georgia."na When the "war- whoop was raised along the whole extended frontier, the shrieks of women and children mingled in every breeze, the weak perished in their weakness, the strong fell in their strength," Clinch chased the Indians into their gloomy hiding place, charged them in the swamps of the Withlacoochee, and won a victory "as important to the people of Georgia as any that have graced the annals of the country for many a year."45 The Democratic press responded to these laudatory editorial re- marks by deprecating the military service of Clinch. The editor of the Milledgeville Federal Union read Clinch's report of the Battle of the Withlacoochee with care and advised his readers, who had for- gotten the details of the Indian skirmish, that the molehill of an action had been magnified into a mountain, and that scores of battles in Mexico, fought by gallant Southerners, would relegate the "skir- mish at Withlacoochee" into deepest shade.46 "An Indian battle," 43. "Frederick," Southern Whig, August 26, 1847. 44. Columbus Enquirer, August 10, 1847. 45. Ibid. 46. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 195 Defeat lant Clinch at the head of his brave Georgians and Floridians, and knew that relief had come at last; Clinch had indeed rescued us from death. The copper-bellied rascals scampered off-yelling Clinch! Clinch! at every jump as if not particularly anxious to scrape up an old ac- quaintance with him. [We delayed for a few days and then marched back to Fort Drane] where the gallant and warm-hearted Clinch again manifested his liberality, by giving us every thing that could add to the comfort of the men whom he had so generously rescued from death. As long as he had a pound of Pork, Beef or Sugar, a bushel of Corn, or a gal- lon of Molasses, it went freely to the patriotic soldiers who had left their homes to fight for the distressed Floridians.43 The Democrats, the editor of the Enquirer wrote, attempted to make sport of Clinch's noble feelings in feeding starving soldiers, and apparently thought no man a patriot unless he had fought in the Mexican War. But the editor believed Clinch did more than the Mexican fighters when "he flung himself, and offered sacrifice, be- tween the uplifted tomahawk and the scalping knife of the savages, and the helpless women and children of Georgia.""a When the "war- whoop was raised along the whole extended frontier, the shrieks of women and children mingled in every breeze, the weak perished in their weakness, the strong fell in their strength," Clinch chased the Indians into their gloomy hiding place, charged them in the swamps of the Withlacoochee, and won a victory "as important to the people of Georgia as any that have graced the annals of the country for many a year."45 The Democratic press responded to these laudatory editorial re- marks by deprecating the military service of Clinch. The editor of the Milledgeville Federal Union read Clinch's report of the Battle of the Withlacoochee with care and advised his readers, who had for- gotten the details of the Indian skirmish, that the molehill of an action had been magnified into a mountain, and that scores of battles in Mexico, fought by gallant Southerners, would relegate the "skir- mish at Withlacoochee" into deepest shade.46 "An Indian battle," 43. "Frederick," Southern Whig, August 26, 1847. 44. Columbus Enquirer, August 10, 1847. 45. Ibid. 46. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 195 Defeat lant Clinch at the head of his brave Georgians and Floridians, and knew that relief had come at last; Clinch had indeed rescued us from death. The copper-bellied rascals scampered off-yelling Clinch! Clinch! at every jump as if not particularly anxious to scrape up an old ac- quaintance with him. [We delayed for a few days and then marched back to Fort Drane] where the gallant and warm-hearted Clinch again manifested his liberality, by giving us every thing that could add to the comfort of the men whom he had so generously rescued from death. As long as he had a pound of Pork, Beef or Sugar, a bushel of Corn, or a gal- lon of Molasses, it went freely to the patriotic soldiers who had left their homes to fight for the distressed Floridians.43 The Democrats, the editor of the Enquirer wrote, attempted to make sport of Clinch's noble feelings in feeding starving soldiers, and apparently thought no man a patriot unless he had fought in the Mexican War. But the editor believed Clinch did more than the Mexican fighters when "he flung himself, and offered sacrifice, be- tween the uplifted tomahawk and the scalping knife of the savages, and the helpless women and children of Georgia."44 When the "war- whoop was raised along the whole extended frontier, the shrieks of women and children mingled in every breeze, the weak perished in their weakness, the strong fell in their strength," Clinch chased the Indians into their gloomy hiding place, charged them in the swamps of the Withlacoochee, and won a victory "as important to the people of Georgia as any that have graced the annals of the country for many a year."45 The Democratic press responded to these laudatory editorial re- marks by deprecating the military service of Clinch. The editor of the Milledgeville Federal Union read Clinch's report of the Battle of the Withlacoochee with care and advised his readers, who had for- gotten the details of the Indian skirmish, that the molehill of an action had been magnified into a mountain, and that scores of battles in Mexico, fought by gallant Southerners, would relegate the "skir- mish at Withlacoochee" into deepest shade.46 "An Indian battle," 43. "Frederick," Southern Whig, August 26, 1847. 44. Columbus Enquirer, August 10, 1847. 45. Ibid. 46. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 17, 1847. 195  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a correspondent declared, "was no test of generalship; no scientific tactics can be applied to the Seminoles who fight from the cover of impenetrable swamps, only courage was necessary to fight them and every son of Adam has his share of that, and it alone never makes a great general-Gen. Clinch may be a brave man, but I question his skill as a General."47 If General Taylor knew that his name was as- sociated with that of Clinch, the writer continued, he would exclaim with Lady Macbeth, "the raven himself is hoarse, that croaks the fatal entrance of Duncan under my battlements!" A Democratic editor gave Clinch credit for bravery and patriot- ism. But in the name of common sense and justice, would General Clinch never be satisfied? Will he never receive pay for serv- ing his country? In 1844 he was elected to Congress-this was in re- turn for his "generous and whole souled patriotism" in Florida; and so far as honor is concerned it was pretty full pay. In addition to this, he received at the hands of the government, the nice sum of $25,- 756.25 for his corn and sugar cane that were consumed by the sol- diers and their horses. Yet says Gen. Clinch this will not do-I want more pay-going to Congress is not enough-the receipt of twenty- five thousand seven hundred and fifty-six dollars and twenty-five cents in not sufficient-I demand to be elected Governor of Georgia, by the people, and all who object to me, whether I am capable or not, are guilty of foul "detraction."48 How General Clinch, who had from youth to age served in the army, could have qualified himself for the governorship of Georgia was a mystery to one editor. When a person wants a watch mended, the newsman said, he does not go to a shoemakeran "What has he done to prove his fitness for the executive chair of Georgia? Can he speak? If he can where are his speeches? Can he write, where are his productions?" The Milledgeville Federal Union asked these ques- tions and went on to detail the duties and responsibilities of a gov- ernor. The newspaper did not charge Clinch with incompetency, but declared: "We have never seen any evidence to prove his ability. If it exists, let it be produced. Let the people see it, decide and act upon it."5o Clinch, the editor stated, hailed from Camden County 47. Ibid., "Kent." 48. Ibid. 49. Ibid., July 13, 1847. 50. Ibid., July 6, 1847. 196 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a correspondent declared, "was no test of generalship; no scientinfic tactics can be applied to the Seminoles who fight from the cover of impenetrable swamps, only courage was necessary to fight them and every son of Adam has his share of that, and it alone never makes a great general-Gen. Clinch may be a brave man, but I question his skill as a General."47 If General Taylor knew that his name was as- sociated with that of Clinch, the writer continued, he would exclaim with Lady Macbeth, "the raven himself is hoarse, that croaks the fatal entrance of Duncan under my battlements!" A Democratic editor gave Clinch credit for bravery and patriot- ism. But in the name of common sense and justice, would General Clinch never be satisfied? Will be never receive pay for serv- ing his country? In 1844 he was elected to Congress-this was in re- turn for his "generous and whole souled patriotism" in Florida; and so far as honor is concerned it was pretty full pay. In addition to this, he received at the hands of the government, the nice sum of $25,- 756.25 for his corn and sugar cane that were consumed by the sol- diers and their horses. Yet says Gen. Clinch this will not do-I want more pay-going to Congress is not enough-the receipt of twenty- five thousand seven hundred and fifty-six dollars and twenty-five cents in not sufficient-I demand to be elected Governor of Georgia, by the people, and all who object to me, whether I am capable or not, are guilty of foul "detraction."48 How General Clinch, who had from youth to age served in the army, could have qualified himself for the governorship of Georgia was a mystery to one editor. When a person wants a watch mended, the newsman said, he does not go to a shoemakerO5 "What has he done to prove his fitness for the executive chair of Georgia? Can he speak? If he can where are his speeches? Can he write, where are his productions?" The Milledgeville Federal Union asked these ques- tions and went on to detail the duties and responsibilities of a gov- ernor. The newspaper did not charge Clinch with incompetency, but declared: "We have never seen any evidence to prove his ability. If it exists, let it be produced. Let the people see it, decide and act upon it."59 Clinch, the editor stated, hailed from Camden County 47. Ibid., "Kent." 48. Ibid. 49. Ibid., July 13, 1847. 50. Ibid., July 6, 1847. 196 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM a correspondent declared, "was no test of generalship; no scientific tactics can be applied to the Seminoles who fight from the cover of impenetrable swamps, only courage was necessary to fight them and every son of Adam has his share of that, and it alone never makes a great general-Gen. Clinch may he a brave man, but I question his skill as a General."47 If General Taylor knew that his name was as- sociated with that of Clinch, the writer continued, he would exclaim with Lady Macbeth, "the raven himself is hoarse, that croaks the fatal entrance of Duncan under my battlements!" A Democratic editor gave Clinch credit for bravery and patriot- ism. But in the name of common sense and justice, would General Clinch never be satisfied? Will he never receive pay for serv- ing his country? In 1844 he was elected to Congress-this was in re- turn for his "generous and whole souled patriotism" in Florida; and so far as honor is concerned it was pretty full pay. In addition to this, he received at the hands of the government, the nice sum of $25,- 756.25 for his corn and sugar cane that were consumed by the sol- diers and their horses. Yet says Gen. Clinch this will not do-I want more pay-going to Congress is not enough-the receipt of twenty- five thousand seven hundred and fifty-six dollars and twenty-five cents in not sufficient-I demand to be elected Governor of Georgia, by the people, and all who object to me, whether I am capable or not, are guilty of foul "detraction."48 How General Clinch, who had from youth to age served in the army, could have qualified himself for the governorship of Georgia was a mystery to one editor. When a person wants a watch mended, the newsman said, he does not go to a shoemaker.a "What has he done to prove his fitness for the executive chair of Georgia? Can he speak? If he can where are his speeches? Can he write, where are his productions?" The Milledgeville Federal Union asked these ques- tions and went on to detail the duties and responsibilities of a gov- ernor. The newspaper did not charge Clinch with incompetency, but declared: "We have never seen any evidence to prove his ability. If it exists, let it be produced. Let the people see it, decide and act upon it."59 Clinch, the editor stated, hailed from Camden County 47. Ibid., "Kent." 48. Ibid. 49. Ibid., July 13, 1847. 50. Ibid., July 6, 1847. 196  Defeat and his past position "gives him about the same identity of interests and feeling with the people of the rest of the State, as they have with the oysters, the turtle soup and the seafish with which he is familiar."51 Rather than a military hero, the Democrats labeled Clinch a quitter who had dodged out of the army when officers were needed. The accusations of Richard Keith Call were reprinted and elaborated on with glee. Other officers, when superseded in command, an editor wrote, forgot their private griefs and fought the enemy; but Clinch sheathed his sword at a most critical period when the nation needed his knowledge of the Seminoles and their country. Whig editors responded by printing a long letter written by General Scott in 1837. "From the time we met at Fort Drane up to our separation at Tam- pa Bay," Scott told Clinch, "your retirement to civil life was a fre- quent subject of conversation. . . . You not only felt aggrieved by the conduct of the War Department toward you, but you gave me personal and family reasons for resigning your commission. . . . [Your resignation] was every way founded on reasons solid and sufficient.... In my opinion, you were then perfectly at liberty to take that step, both in respect to honor and patriotism, and I have already said that your duties to yourself and family, independent of wounded pride, left you no other course to pursue."2 While on the subject of responsibility, the Columbus Enquirer reported candidate Towns a master of the art of dodging. He had dodged 276 and 124 votes during the first and second sessions of the most recent Congress, the newspaper alleged, and his friends who claimed that he was "hungry and out at the time of voting," were evidently right, for he never refused his eight dollars a day for expenses.ee "Why should not dodging become a science?" let- ter-to-the-editor-writer Dodgologos asked. "The experience of the past might be committed to paper-the various arts and success of eminent adepts [referring to Towns] might be methodized and classified and a beautiful octavo, in embossed Morocco and gilt edges, become the textbook, from which young aspirants might learn 51. Ibid., August 10, 1847. 52. Scott to Clinch, Southern Whig, September 9, 1847 (misdated Sep- tember 2 on editorial page). 53. Columbus Enquirer, September 21, 1847. 197 Defeat and his past position "gives him about the same identity of interests and feeling with the people of the rest of the State, as they have with the oysters, the turtle soup and the seafish with which he is familiar."51 Rather than a military hero, the Democrats labeled Clinch a quitter who had dodged out of the army when officers were needed. The accusations of Richard Keith Call were reprinted and elaborated on with glee. Other officers, when superseded in command, an editor wrote, forgot their private griefs and fought the enemy; but Clinch sheathed his sword at a most critical period when the nation needed his knowledge of the Seminoles and their country. Whig editors responded by printing a long letter written by General Scott in 1837. "From the time we met at Fort Drane up to our separation at Tam- pa Bay," Scott told Clinch, "your retirement to civil life was a fre- quent subject of conversation. . . . You not only felt aggrieved by the conduct of the War Department toward you, but you gave me personal and family reasons for resigning your commission.. . . [Your resignation] was every way founded on reasons solid and sufficient.... In my opinion, you were then perfectly at liberty to take that step, both in respect to honor and patriotism, and I have already said that your duties to yourself and family, independent of wounded pride, left you no other course to pursue."52 While on the subject of responsibility, the Columbus Enquirer reported candidate Towns a master of the art of dodging. He had dodged 276 and 124 votes during the first and second sessions of the most recent Congress, the newspaper alleged, and his friends who claimed that he was "hungry and out at the time of voting," were evidently right, for he never refused his eight dollars a day for expenses.0 "Why should not dodging become a science?" let- ter-to-the-editor-writer Dodgologos asked. "The experience of the past might be committed to paper-the various arts and success of eminent adepts [referring to Towns] might be methodized and classified and a beautiful octavo, in embossed Morocco and gilt edges, become the textbook, from which young aspirants might learn 51. Ibid., August 10, 1847. 52. Scott to Clinch, Southern Whig, September 9, 1847 (misdated Sep' tember 2 on editorial page), 53. Columbus Enquirer, September 21, 1847. 197 Defeat and his past position "gives him about the same identity of interests and feeling with the people of the rest of the State, as they have with the oysters, the turtle soup and the seafish with which he is familiar."51 Rather than a military hero, the Democrats labeled Clinch a quitter who had dodged out of the army when officers were needed. The accusations of Richard Keith Call were reprinted and elaborated on with glee. Other officers, when superseded in command, an editor wrote, forgot their private griefs and fought the enemy; but Clinch sheathed his sword at a most critical period when the nation needed his knowledge of the Seminoles and their country. Whig editors responded by printing a long letter written by General Scott in 1837. "From the time we met at Fort Drane up to our separation at Tam- pa Bay," Scott told Clinch, "your retirement to civil life was a fre- quent subject of conversation. ... You not only felt aggrieved by the conduct of the War Department toward you, but you gave me personal and family reasons for resigning your commission. . . . [Your resignation] was every way founded on reasons solid and sufficient. . . . In my opinion, you were then perfectly at liberty to take that step, both in respect to honor and patriotism, and I have already said that your duties to yourself and family, independent of wounded pride, left you no other course to pursue."2 While on the subject of responsibility, the Columbus Enquirer reported candidate Towns a master of the art of dodging. He had dodged 276 and 124 votes during the first and second sessions of the most recent Congress, the newspaper alleged, and his friends who claimed that he was "hungry and out at the time of voting," were evidently right, for he never refused his eight dollars a day for expenses.e "Why should not dodging become a science?" let- ter-to-the-editor-writer Dodgologos asked. "The experience of the past might be committed to paper-the various arts and success of eminent adepts [referring to Towns] might be metbodized and classified and a beautiful octavo, in embossed Morocco and gilt edges, become the textbook, from which young aspirants might learn 51. Ibid., August 10, 1847. 52. Scott to Clinch, Southern Whig, September 9, 1847 (misdated Sep- tember 2 on editorial page). 53. Columbus Enquirer, September 21, 1847. 197  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM lessons for future usefulness and success. A professorship too might be created with all the adjuncts necessary for perfect organization." Dodgologos advocated Towns for the professorship: "He dodges everything, dodges responsibility, he dodges serving in war [Jefferson Davis and others had resigned from Congress to fight the Mexicans]. ... He is even now dodging about the up-country, blowing his own trumpet and begging votes from door to door."s The last remark was in reference to the innovation in Georgia politics. Early in the campaign Towns took to the stump to "Slang whang his constituents.... This is the first time within the memory of men that such a course has been pursued," and the Columbus En- quirer hoped "for the honor of the state it will have no imitator hereafter."55 At Dalton, Towns addressed an audience of one hun- dred, about half of whom were Whigs, and according to a friend of Clinch did the Democratic ticket no good in an exhibition alto- gether unexampled in Georgia and degrading to the state.0a Early in the campaign a Whig editor had warned: "George W. Towns is hard to beat. When he goes among the boys with his sweet talk he is irresistible. When he gets the swing of his head from side to side and claps his hand on a fellow's shoulder, he will soon find his way to a fellow's heart."- But "What can he do but make speeches and promises?" the Columbus Enquirer asked. "He can't do anything else! He must talk and if he can strike a crowd green enough to take the promises of future good conduct against a public life of 54. Ibid., September 14, 1847. Dodgologos pictured Towns approaching a farmer's door and sing- ing: Pity the sorrows of a poor old man, whose trembling limbs have borne him to yo'r door, whose days are dwindled to the shortest span, Oh! Give your votes-I "sware" I'll dodge no more. "The exact antithesis of the foregoing character [Dodgologos con- tinued] is an old hero I have heard of who never dodges. He did not even try to dodge the Indian bullets. During the last 30 years, what- ever duty called him-mid privations, toils, and dangers, there was he to be found and never known to dodge; eliciting universal commen- dation, not excepting that stern old soldier, General Jackson himself- I say I have heard of such a one, and I think they call him Withla- coochee." 55. Ibid., August 3, 1847. 56. A. J. Miller to Clinch, August 28, 1847, Clinch Papers. 57. Southern Whig, July 15, 1847. 198 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM lessons for future usefulness and success. A professorship too might be created with all the adjuncts necessary for perfect organization." Dodgologos advocated Towns for the professorship: "He dodges everything, dodges responsibility, he dodges serving in war [Jefferson Davis and others had resigned from Congress to fight the Mexicans]. ... He is even now dodging about the up-country, blowing his own trumpet and begging votes from door to door."O The last remark was in reference to the innovation in Georgia politics. Early in the campaign Towns took to the stump to "Slang whang his constituents. . . . This is the first time within the memory of men that such a course has been pursued," and the Columbus En- quirer hoped "for the honor of the state it will have no imitator hereafter."55 At Dalton, Towns addressed an audience of one hun- dred, about half of whom were Whigs, and according to a friend of Clinch did the Democratic ticket no good in an exhibition alto- gether unexampled in Georgia and degrading to the state.56 Early in the campaign a Whig editor had warned: "George W. Towns is hard to beat. When he goes among the boys with his sweet talk he is irresistible. When he gets the swing of his head from side to side and claps his hand on a fellow's shoulder, he will soon find his way to a fellow's heart."57 But "What can he do but make speeches and promises?" the Columbus Enquirer asked. "He can't do anything else! He must talk and if he can strike a crowd green enough to take the promises of future good conduct against a public life of 54. Ibid., September 14, 1847. Dodgologos pictured Towns approaching a farmer's door and sing- ing: Pity the sorrows of a poor old man, whose trembling limbs have borne him to yo'r door, whose days are dwindled to the shortest span, Oh! Give your votes-I "sware" I'll dodge no more. "The exact antithesis of the foregoing character [Dodgologos con- tinued] is an old hero I have heard of who never dodges. He did not even try to dodge the Indian bullets. During the last 30 years, what- ever duty called him-mid privations, toils, and dangers, there was he to be found and never known to dodge; eliciting universal commen- dation, not excepting that stern old soldier, General Jackson himself- I say I have heard of such a one, and I think they call him Withla- coochee." 55. Ibid., August 3, 1847. 56. A. J. Miller to Clinch, August 28, 1847, Clinch Papers. 57. Southern Whig, July 15, 1847. 198 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM lessons for future usefulness and success. A professorship too might be created with all the adjuncts necessary for perfect organization." Dodgologos advocated Towns for the professorship: "He dodges everything, dodges responsibility, he dodges serving in war [Jefferson Davis and others had resigned from Congress to fight the Mexicans]. ... He is even now dodging about the up-country, blowing his own trumpet and begging votes from door to door."54 The last remark was in reference to the innovation in Georgia politics. Early in the campaign Towns took to the stump to "Slang whang his constituents. . . . This is the first time within the memory of men that such a course has been pursued," and the Columbus En- quirer hoped "for the honor of the state it will have no imitator hereafter."55 At Dalton, Towns addressed an audience of one hun- dred, about half of whom were Whigs, and according to a friend of Clinch did the Democratic ticket no good in an exhibition alto- gether unexampled in Georgia and degrading to the state.ts Early in the campaign a Whig editor had warned: "George W. Towns is hard to beat. When he goes among the boys with his sweet talk he is irresistible. When he gets the swing of his head from side to side and claps his hand on a fellow's shoulder, he will soon find his way to a fellow's heart."57 But "What can he do but make speeches and promises?" the Columbus Enquirer asked. "He can't do anything else! He must talk and if he can strike a crowd green enough to take the promises of future good conduct against a public life of 54. Ibid., September 14, 1847. Dodgologos pictured Towns approaching a farmer's door and sing- ing: Pity the sorrows of a poor old man, whose trembling limbs have borne him to yo'r door, whose days are dwindled to the shortest span, Oh! Give your votes-I "sware" I'll dodge no more. "The exact antithesis of the foregoing character [Dodgologos con- tinued] is an old hero I have heard of who never dodges. He did not even try to dodge the Indian bullets. During the last 30 years, what- ever duty called him-mid privations, toils, and dangers, there was he to be found and never known to dodge; eliciting universal commen- dation, not excepting that stern old soldier, General Jackson himself- I say I have heard of such a one, and I think they call him Withla- coochee." 55. Ibid., August 3, 1847. 56. A. J. Miller to Clinch, August 28, 1847, Clinch Papers. 57. Southern Whig, July 15, 1847. 198  Defeat utter uselessness, the chance is that a support, though feeble yet far beyond his merits, may reward the traveling orator."58 The Milledgeville Federal Union asked: "Why are the Whigs sur- prised by Towns's taking the stump? They knew ... that their own standard-bearer, even 'if pushed' cannot sustain or defend the principles of his party."s A writer who signed himself "A School- master" declared: "If a speech could not be pushed out of Clinch when President [of the Georgia Whig convention] merely expressing his thanks for the honor, how hard pushed must he be to secure the delivery of an inaugural address as governor?"6o "Clinch's friends concede," a Whig editor replied, "that he is no orator . . . having a natural impediment in his utterance, it was impossible that he ever become an orator." But Clinch had more important qualifications for the governorship, the editor continued, in a gifted and clear head, a strong and ready hand, and great de- cision and firmness of character.61 His talent is "for doing, not talking," the Milledgeville Recorder declared, and the Federal Un- ion replied, in a sarcastic comment, that the former General claimed, "Speaking is not my fort, but if there is any fighting to be done, I can take a hand at that."62 Fear of Towns's silver tongue forced the Whigs to bring their orators into the contest. Senator John McPherson Berrien delivered a diatribe against the Democrats in general and Towns in particular. This great "I am of Georgia Whiggery," who acted like a Federalist during the War of 1812 and headed the nullifiers of the 1830's, ac- cording to one editor's report, spoke for three hours in Dablonega because Clinch could not make a speech.a The Senator's speech frightened the Democrats and they, ac- cording to a Whig editor, brought the "father, mother and wet nurse of Democracy" in North Georgia (Herschel V. Johnson) to answer Berrien.t Formerly editor of the Milledgeville Federal Union and the man whom Towns defeated for the Democratic nomination, 58. Columbus Enquirer, August 31, 1847. 59. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 3, 1847. 60. Ibid. 61. Southern Whig, September 16, 1847. 62. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 20, 1847. 63. Ibid., September 21, 1861. 64. Southern Whig, September 23, 1847. 199 Defeat utter uselessness, the chance is that a support, though feeble yet far beyond his merits, may reward the traveling orator."n8 The Milledgeville Federal Union asked: "Why are the Whigs sur- prised by Towns's taking the stump? They knew ... that their own standard-bearer, even 'if pushed' cannot sustain or defend the principles of his party."59 A writer who signed himself "A School- master" declared: "If a speech could not be pushed out of Clinch when President [of the Georgia Whig convention] merely expressing his thanks for the honor, how hard pushed must he be to secure the delivery of an inaugural address as governor?"6O "Clinch's friends concede," a Whig editor replied, "that he is no orator . . . having a natural impediment in his utterance, it was impossible that he ever become an orator." But Clinch had more important qualifications for the governorship, the editor continued, in a gifted and clear head, a strong and ready hand, and great de- cision and firmness of character.61 His talent is "for doing, not talking," the Milledgeville Recorder declared, and the Federal Un- ion replied, in a sarcastic comment, that the former General claimed, "Speaking is not my fort, but if there is any fighting to be done, I can take a hand at that."e2 Fear of Towns's silver tongue forced the Whigs to bring their orators into the contest. Senator John McPherson Berrien delivered a diatribe against the Democrats in general and Towns in particular. This great "I am of Georgia Whiggery," who acted like a Federalist during the War of 1812 and headed the nullifiers of the 1830's, ac- cording to one editor's report, spoke for three hours in Dablonega because Clinch could not make a speech.ut The Senator's speech frightened the Democrats and they, ac- cording to a Whig editor, brought the "father, mother and wet nurse of Democracy" in North Georgia (Herschel V. Johnson) to answer Berrien.a Formerly editor of the Milledgeville Federal Union and the man whom Towns defeated for the Democratic nomination, 58. Columbus Enquirer, August 31, 1847. 59. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 3, 1847. 60. Ibid. 61. Southern Whig, September 16, 1847. 62. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 20, 1847. 63. Ibid., September 21, 1861. 64. Southern Whig, September 23, 1847. 199 Defeat utter uselessness, the chance is that a support, though feeble yet far beyond his merits, may reward the traveling orator."58 The Milledgeville Federal Union asked: "Why are the Whigs sur- prised by Towns's taking the stump? They knew ... that their own standard-bearer, even 'if pushed' cannot sustain or defend the principles of his party."e5 A writer who signed himself "A School- master" declared: "If a speech could not be pushed out of Clinch when President [of the Georgia Whig convention] merely expressing his thanks for the honor, how hard pushed must he be to secure the delivery of an inaugural address as governor?"O "Clinch's friends concede," a Whig editor replied, "that he is no orator . . . having a natural impediment in his utterance, it was impossible that he ever become an orator." But Clinch had more important qualifications for the governorship, the editor continued, in a gifted and clear head, a strong and ready hand, and great de- cision and firmness of character.61 His talent is "for doing, not talking," the Milledgeville Recorder declared, and the Federal Un- ion replied, in a sarcastic comment, that the former General claimed, "Speaking is not my fort, but if there is any fighting to be done, I can take a hand at that."62 Fear of Towns's silver tongue forced the Whigs to bring their orators into the contest. Senator John McPherson Berrien delivered a diatribe against the Democrats in general and Towns in particular. This great "I am of Georgia Whiggery," who acted like a Federalist during the War of 1812 and headed the nullifiers of the 1830's, ac- cording to one editor's report, spoke for three hours in Dahlonega because Clinch could not make a speech.et The Senator's speech frightened the Democrats and they, ac- cording to a Whig editor, brought the "father, mother and wet nurse of Democracy" in North Georgia (Herschel V. Johnson) to answer Berrien." Formerly editor of the Milledgeville Federal Union and the man whom Towns defeated for the Democratic nomination, 58. Columbus Enquirer, August 31, 1847. 59. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 3, 1847. 60. Ibid. 61. Southern Whig, September 16, 1847. 62. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 20, 1847. 63. Ibid., September 21, 1861. 64. Southern Whig, September 23, 1847. 199  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Johnson was known as the "Coon Killer," "Koon Killer," or "Varmit Killer" by his detractors. A Whig newspaper reported that his speech began with: "I ax you, feller-citizens what fotch Mr. Berrien, United States Siniter, here to make a speech? Why, to enlighten the igno- rant Democrats."65 A citizen reported: "Johnson made a most abu- sive speech against Clinch; he came down on the 'Old Hero' without mercy. He spoke of Clinch's military career as being nothing; that the General was forced into one battle and killed fifteen Indians; that he fed his corn and sugar cane to the soldiers, and charged one dollar and fifty cents for his corn, and eight cents for his cane; that during his stay in Congress he reported one bill the length of his finger, said three words in its favor, and received his eight dol- lars per day; that the old man could not say more for it was not there to say-he had no mind and he could not speak-he had no brains ... .66 Clinch was being pressed. Whig editors wooed voters with stories. After Johnson's speech, a newspaperman reported, an old soldier walked to the speaker's platform, looked the "Coon Killer" straight in the eyes, and told him that he was a lifelong Democrat but would vote for Clinch in the October election. He knew Clinch to be a capable, patriotic, and deserving man, this veteran of the Seminole War shouted, and he urged his friends to vote for the generous Clinch, a man beloved by all who had served with him. 67 The Whigs decided to emphasize Clinch's generosity in feeding Governor Call's soldiers, for surely no Democrat could condemn a man who told starving volunteers from Florida and Tennessee "Come boys! Help yourselves!" to his corn and cane. But the Whigs underestimated the Democrats. At first Democratic editors claimed Clinch did no more than any American would have done. With his cribs groaning with thousands of bushels of corn, with "100 acres clothed with the luxuriance of growing cane, how could he refuse, if he had a heart, subsistence for his countrymen and friends? They were far from home, in the enemy's country, engaged in a war for their hearthstones and families-destitute of provisions, threat- 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid., September 16, 1847. 67. Ibid. The editor added that the old soldier was known far and wide for his truthfulness and accuracy. 200 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Johnson was known as the "Coon Killer," "Koon Killer," or "Varmit Killer" by his detractors. A Whig newspaper reported that his speech began with: "I ax you, feller-citizens what fotch Mr. Berrien, United States Siniter, here to make a speech? Why, to enlighten the igno- rant Democrats."65 A citizen reported: "Johnson made a most abu- sive speech against Clinch; he came down on the 'Old Hero' without mercy. He spoke of Clinch's military career as being nothing; that the General was forced into one battle and killed fifteen Indians; that he fed his corn and sugar cane to the soldiers, and charged one dollar and fifty cents for his corn, and eight cents for his cane; that during his stay in Congress he reported one bill the length of his finger, said three words in its favor, and received his eight dol- lars per day; that the old man could not say more for it was not there to say-he had no mind and he could not speak-he had no brains ... 66 Clinch was being pressed. Whig editors wooed voters with stories. After Johnson's speech, a newspaperman reported, an old soldier walked to the speaker's platform, looked the "Coon Killer" straight in the eyes, and told him that he was a lifelong Democrat but would vote for Clinch in the October election. He knew Clinch to be a capable, patriotic, and deserving man, this veteran of the Seminole War shouted, and he urged his friends to vote for the generous Clinch, a man beloved by all who had served with him. The Whigs decided to emphasize Clinch's generosity in feeding Governor Call's soldiers, for surely no Democrat could condemn a man who told starving volunteers from Florida and Tennessee "Come boys! Help yourselves!" to his corn and cane. But the Whigs underestimated the Democrats. At first Democratic editors claimed Clinch did no more than any American would have done. With his cribs groaning with thousands of bushels of corn, with "100 acres clothed with the luxuriance of growing cane, how could he refuse, if he had a heart, subsistence for his countrymen and friends? They were far from home, in the enemy's country, engaged in a war for their hearthstones and families-destitute of provisions, threat- 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid., September 16, 1847. 67. Ibid. The editor added that the old soldier was known far and wide for his truthfulness and accuracy. 200 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Johnson was known as the "Coon Killer," "Koon Killer," or "Varmit Killer" by his detractors. A Whig newspaper reported that his speech began with: "I ax you, feller-citizens what fotch Mr. Berrien, United States Siniter, here to make a speech? Why, to enlighten the igno- rant Democrats."65 A citizen reported: "Johnson made a most abu- sive speech against Clinch; he came down on the 'Old Hero' without mercy. He spoke of Clinch's military career as being nothing; that the General was forced into one battle and killed fifteen Indians; that he fed his corn and sugar cane to the soldiers, and charged one dollar and fifty cents for his corn, and eight cents for his cane; that during his stay in Congress he reported one bill the length of his finger, said three words in its favor, and received his eight dol- lars per day; that the old man could not say more for it was not there to say-he had no mind and he could not speak-he had no brains ... .6 Clinch was being pressed. Whig editors wooed voters with stories. After Johnson's speech, a newspaperman reported, an old soldier walked to the speaker's platform, looked the "Coon Killer" straight in the eyes, and told him that he was a lifelong Democrat but would vote for Clinch in the October election. He knew Clinch to be a capable, patriotic, and deserving man, this veteran of the Seminole War shouted, and he urged his friends to vote for the generous Clinch, a man beloved by all who had served with himne The Whigs decided to emphasize Clinch's generosity in feeding Governor Call's soldiers, for surely no Democrat could condemn a man who told starving volunteers from Florida and Tennessee "Come boys! Help yourselves!" to his corn and cane. But the Whigs underestimated the Democrats. At first Democratic editors claimed Clinch did no more than any American would have done. With his cribs groaning with thousands of bushels of corn, with "100 acres clothed with the luxuriance of growing cane, how could he refuse, if he had a heart, subsistence for his countrymen and friends? They were far from home, in the enemy's country, engaged in a war for their hearthstones and families-destitute of provisions, threat- 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid., September 16, 1847. 67. Ibid. The editor added that the old soldier was known far and wide for his truthfulness and accuracy. 200  Defeat ened with starvation, distant from supplies." After all, one editor con- cluded, Clinch was paid; perhaps not the full value of his losses, but he did receive the full amount requested. 61 Then the Democrats made a marvelous discovery for their party. The corn and cane for which Clinch had been paid more than $25,000 had not been used to feed Call's 500 volunteers in Decem- ber, 1835, but to forage 1,500 horses in October and November of 1836. Furthermore they printed an old report from Call, "We were greatly disappointed in finding no corn either at the plantation of Gen. Clinch or McIntosh. Though large crops were made, it had all been destroyed by the Indians and cattle, which had free access to the fields."69 "For the honor of the Army, for the honor of Gen. Clinch, for the honor of Georgia, we regret that this letter has been brought to light," wrote the tongue-in-cheek editor of the Federal Union, "but as it has been, the honest voters of the state should read it, ponder over it, and mark the man who claims their votes for 'generous and whole souled patriotism'" for which he pocketed $25,- 756.25 of their money without any right to it.7o The editor had no doubt of Clinch's kindness to soldiers under his command, but he wanted to hear no more of the "patriotism of Old Withlacoochee evinced by his throwing all his private stores before our destitute soldiers."71 Poor Clinch! Every move of his friends and every claim made by them for him were answered by the ruthless Democrats. Unable because of speech impediment to make a stirring oration, he never- theless made trips to cities and towns in the attempt to gain votes. The Democratic press gave him no peace. "Look for the swelled head," the Cassville Pioneer warned. "You may expect Duncan L. Clinch, the swelled head candidate of the Whig Party, with about as much brains as you could stick in a thimble, in these diggings shortly."7 a The Democrats attempted to strip him of his military honors, ac- cused him of profiting by selling nonexistent corn and sugar cane 68. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 24, 1847. 69. R. K. Call to Secretary of the Treasurer, December 2, 1836, printed in the Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 70. Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 71. Ibid., September 7, 1847. 72. Southern Whig, July 22, 1847, quoting from the Cassville Pioneer. 201 Defeat ened with starvation, distant from supplies." After all, one editor con- cluded, Clinch was paid; perhaps not the full value of his losses, but he did receive the full amount requested. 6 Then the Democrats made a marvelous discovery for their party. The corn and cane for which Clinch had been paid more than $25,000 had not been used to feed Call's 500 volunteers in Decem- ber, 1835, but to forage 1,500 horses in October and November of 1836. Furthermore they printed an old report from Call, "We were greatly disappointed in finding no corn either at the plantation of Gen. Clinch or McIntosh. Though large crops were made, it had all been destroyed by the Indians and cattle, which had free access to the fields."69 "For the honor of the Army, for the honor of Gen. Clinch, for the honor of Georgia, we regret that this letter has been brought to light," wrote the tongue-in-cheek editor of the Federal Union, "but as it has been, the honest voters of the state should read it, ponder over it, and mark the man who claims their votes for 'generous and whole souled patriotism' " for which he pocketed $25,- 756.25 of their money without any right to it.' The editor had no doubt of Clinch's kindness to soldiers under his command, but he wanted to hear no more of the "patriotism of Old Withlacoochee evinced by his throwing all his private stores before our destitute soldiers."71 Poor Clinch! Every move of his friends and every claim made by them for him were answered by the ruthless Democrats. Unable because of speech impediment to make a stirring oration, he never- theless made trips to cities and towns in the attempt to gain votes. The Democratic press gave him no peace. "Look for the swelled head," the Cassville Pioneer warned. "You may expect Duncan L. Clinch, the swelled head candidate of the Whig Party, with about as much brains as you could stick in a thimble, in these diggings shortly."a a The Democrats attempted to strip him of his military honors, ac- cused him of profiting by selling nonexistent corn and sugar cane 68. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 24, 1847. 69. R. K. Call to Secretary of the Treasurer, December 2, 1836, printed in the Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 70. Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 71. Ibid., September 7, 1847. 72. Southern Whig, July 22, 1847, quoting from the Cassville Pioneer. 201 Defeat ened with starvation, distant from supplies." After all, one editor con- cluded, Clinch was paid; perhaps not the full value of his losses, but he did receive the full amount requested. 6 Then the Democrats made a marvelous discovery for their party. The corn and cane for which Clinch had been paid more than $25,000 had not been used to feed Call's 500 volunteers in Decem- ber, 1835, but to forage 1,500 horses in October and November of 1836. Furthermore they printed an old report from Call, "We were greatly disappointed in finding no corn either at the plantation of Gen. Clinch or McIntosh. Though large crops were made, it had all been destroyed by the Indians and cattle, which had free access to the fields."6n "For the honor of the Army, for the honor of Gen. Clinch, for the honor of Georgia, we regret that this letter has been brought to light," wrote the tongue-in-heek editor of the Federal Union, "but as it has been, the honest voters of the state should read it, ponder over it, and mark the man who claims their votes for 'genemus and whole souled patriotism'" for which he pocketed $25,- 756.25 of their money without any right to it.70 The editor had no doubt of Clinch's kindness to soldiers under his command, but he wanted to hear no more of the "patriotism of Old Withlacoochee evinced by his throwing all his private stores before our destitute soldiers."71 Poor Clinch! Every move of his friends and every claim made by them for him were answered by the ruthless Democrats. Unable because of speech impediment to make a stirring oration, he never- theless made trips to cities and towns in the attempt to gain votes. The Democratic press gave him no peace. "Look for the swelled head," the Cassville Pioneer warned. "You may expect Duncan L. Clinch, the swelled head candidate of the Whig Party, with about as much brains as you could stick in a thimble, in these diggings shortly."72 The Democrats attempted to strip him of his military honors, ac- cused him of profiting by selling nonexistent corn and sugar cane 68. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 24, 1847. 69. R. K. Call to Secretary of the Treasurer, December 2, 1836, printed in the Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 70. Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 71. Ibid., September 7, 1847. 72. Southern Whig, July 22, 1847, quoting from the Cassville Pioneer. 201  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM to the government, and delved into his past for other ammunition to use against him. They praised "the gallant and accomplished Dawson" who had "with rude hands" been "snugly stowed away upon the political shelf," even though he had fought battles for the Whigs, stood by them in their defeats and rejoiced in their victories, for a candidate "who has done nothing for his party and who, if he possess a single qualification for the office, the world is yet ignorant of it-[one who has] a little gun-powder reputation, has had a skirmish or two with some Indians in Florida."73 Against this criti- cism it did little good for Colonel Dawson to publish his recom- mendation of his "gallant, noble, high-minded and generous friend, General Clinch," and promise to support his campaign "with all my heart."74 The Democrats went into Clinch's record as president of the Bank of St. Marys. They did not accuse him of fraud, but claimed that he had paid for his shares of capital stock with a promissory note rather than in gold or silver as required by the institution's charter. Later a suit was instituted to force him to honor his notes, the Democrats claimed, but legal action was stopped by the officers of the bank, who moved the headquarters of the institution to Columbus, Georgia.75 The election of 1847 in a sense anticipated the one-party sys- tem in Georgia of a later age. Almost nothing was said about the pro- grams of the candidates or the principles of their respective parties. The campaign resolved itself into back-biting. Both candidates de- nounced the Wilmot Proviso and supported slavery. In his accept- ance of the nomination, Towns declared himself in favor of a tariff for revenue and the Mexican War, and opposed to a national bank, internal improvements by national action, and any modification in the President's veto power.00 He did little, however, to emphasize his platform during the contest. Clinch responded to his nomination with generalities: 73. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 6, 1847. 74. Dawson's certificate of support for Clinch was published in most of the Georgia newspapers. This statement was taken from the Federal Union, August 3, 1847. 75. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 10, 11, 24, 31; September 7, 28, 1847. 76. Ibid., July 19, 1847. 202 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM to the government, and delved into his past for other ammunition to use against him. They praised "the gallant and accomplished Dawson" who had "with rude hands" been "snugly stowed away upon the political shelf," even though he had fought battles for the Whigs, stood by them in their defeats and rejoiced in their victories, for a candidate "who has done nothing for his party and who, if he possess a single qualification for the office, the world is yet ignorant of it-[one who has] a little gun-powder reputation, has had a skirmish or two with some Indians in Florida."73 Against this criti- cism it did little good for Colonel Dawson to publish his recom- mendation of his "gallant, noble, high-minded and generous friend, General Clinch," and promise to support his campaign "with all my heart."74 The Democrats went into Clinch's record as president of the Bank of St. Marys. They did not accuse him of fraud, but claimed that he had paid for his shares of capital stock with a promissory note rather than in gold or silver as required by the institution's charter. Later a suit was instituted to force him to honor his notes, the Democrats claimed, but legal action was stopped by the officers of the bank, who moved the headquarters of the institution to Columbus, Georgia.SO The election of 1847 in a sense anticipated the one-party sys- tem in Georgia of a later age. Almost nothing was said about the pro- grams of the candidates or the principles of their respective parties. The campaign resolved itself into hack-biting. Both candidates de- nounced the Wilmot Proviso and supported slavery. In his accept- ance of the nomination, Towns declared himself in favor of a tariff for revenue and the Mexican War, and opposed to a national bank, internal improvements by national action, and any modification in the President's veto power.00 He did little, however, to emphasize his platform during the contest. Clinch responded to his nomination with generalities: 73. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 6, 1847. 74. Dawson's certificate of support for Clinch was published in most of the Georgia newspapers. This statement was taken from the Federal Union, August 3, 1847. 75. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 10, 11, 24, 31; September 7, 28, 1847. 76. Ibid., July 19, 1847. 202 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM to the government, and delved into his past for other ammunition to use against him. They praised "the gallant and accomplished Dawson" who had "with rude hands" been "snugly stowed away upon the political shelf," even though he had fought battles for the Whigs, stood by them in their defeats and rejoiced in their victories, for a candidate "who has done nothing for his party and who, if he possess a single qualification for the office, the world is yet ignorant of it-[one who has] a little gun-powder reputation, has had a skirmish or two with some Indians in Florida."73 Against this criti- cism it did little good for Colonel Dawson to publish his recom- mendation of his "gallant, noble, high-minded and generous friend, General Clinch," and promise to support his campaign "with all my heart."74 The Democrats went into Clinch's record as president of the Bank of St. Marys. They did not accuse him of fraud, but claimed that he had paid for his shares of capital stock with a promissory note rather than in gold or silver as required by the institution's charter. Later a suit was instituted to force him to honor his notes, the Democrats claimed, but legal action was stopped by the officers of the bank, who moved the headquarters of the institution to Columbus, Georgia.75 The election of 1847 in a sense anticipated the one-party sys- tem in Georgia of a later age. Almost nothing was said about the pro- grams of the candidates or the principles of their respective parties. The campaign resolved itself into back-biting. Both candidates de- nounced the Wilmot Proviso and supported slavery. In his accept- ance of the nomination, Towns declared himself in favor of a tariff for revenue and the Mexican War, and opposed to a national bank, internal improvements by national action, and any modification in the President's veto power.00 He did little, however, to emphasize his platform during the contest. Clinch responded to his nomination with generalities: 73. Milledgeville Federal Union, July 6, 1847. 74. Dawson's certificate of support for Clinch was published in most of the Georgia newspapers. This statement was taken from the Federal Union, August 3, 1847. 75. Milledgeville Federal Union, August 10, 11, 24, 31; September 7, 28, 1847. 76. Ibid., July 19, 1847. 202  Defeat Having spent nearly thirty years in the service of my country, I had hoped to have passed the remnant of my life in the tranquility of my present pursuits.... But honored as I have been by the great Whig Party of the State, in being selected from amongst so many able men to be the nominee for the office of Governor, I feel that no per- sonal sacrifice they could ask of me would be too great to make in compliance with their wishes. I therefore accept with profound re- spect the nomination of the Convention, and if elected by my fellow- citizens to preside over the destinies of this great and growing State, will exert all my energies in administering its laws, and in managing it affairs, fearlessly and without favor."77 In the campaign he never presented a program for Georgia. And the Democrats justly accused the Whigs of having no platform. Both candidates favored an extension of the Western and Atlantic Rail- road to the Tennessee River, but Towns hedged by claiming he would have no right to exert undue influence on the Georgia legis- lature, and Clinch conditioned his approval on the state government's being able to finance construction without having to levy additional taxes.78 Late in August, 1847, a nineteenth century pollster questioned the passengers riding the train from Atlanta to Milledgeville. The 112 Georgia residents in the cars gave Towns 58 and Clinch 54 votes.8 The poll predicted with considerable accuracy the outcome of the contest. On October 12 Georgia newspapers told the story of Clinch's de- feat. Returns from eighty-five counties of Georgia gave Towns a lead of 2,060, and a Democratic editor thought complete returns from all counties would reduce this majority by 200 to 300.80 The official count gave Clinch 41,931 to 43,220 for Towns-the latter winning by 1,289 votes in a close election.81 Clinch failed to carry his home counties of Camden and Habersham, but the Whigs won control of both houses of the state legislature. Perhaps to soothe the losers' feelings a Democrat claimed the Whigs in 1843 had gerry- mandered the senatorial districts to assure their party "a permanent 77. Clinch to Robert V. Hardaman and others, July 5, 1847, Columbus Enquirer, July 20, 1847. 78. Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 79. Ibid., August 24, 1847. 80. Ibid., October 12, 1847. 81. Ibid., October 9, 1849. 203 Defeat Having spent nearly thirty years in the service of my country, I had hoped to have passed the remnant of my life in the tranquility of my present pursuits. .. But honored as I have been by the great Whig Party of the State, in being selected from amongst so many able men to be the nominee for the office of Governor, I feel that no per- sonal sacrifice they could ask of me would be too great to make in compliance with their wishes. I therefore accept with profound re- spect the nomination of the Convention, and if elected by my fellow- citizens to preside over the destinies of this great and growing State, will exert all my energies in administering its laws, and in managing it affairs, fearlessly and without favor."77 In the campaign he never presented a program for Georgia. And the Democrats justly accused the Whigs of having no platform. Both candidates favored an extension of the Western and Atlantic Rail- road to the Tennessee River, but Towns hedged by claiming he would have no right to exert undue influence on the Georgia legis- lature, and Clinch conditioned his approval on the state government's being able to finance construction without having to levy additional taxes.78 Late in August, 1847, a nineteenth century pollster questioned the passengers riding the train from Atlanta to Milledgeville. The 112 Georgia residents in the cars gave Towns 58 and Clinch 54 votes.n The poll predicted with considerable accuracy the outcome of the contest. On October 12 Georgia newspapers told the story of Clinch's de- feat. Returns from eighty-five counties of Georgia gave Towns a lead of 2,060, and a Democratic editor thought complete returns from all counties would reduce this majority by 200 to 300.80 The official count gave Clinch 41,931 to 43,220 for Towns-the latter winning by 1,289 votes in a close election.81 Clinch failed to carry his home counties of Camden and Habersham, but the Whigs won control of both houses of the state legislature. Perhaps to soothe the losers' feelings a Democrat claimed the Whigs in 1843 had gerry- mandered the senatorial districts to assure their party "a permanent 77. Clinch to Robert V. Hardaman and others, July 5, 1847, Columbus Enquirer, July 20, 1847. 78. Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 79. Ibid., August 24, 1847. 00. Ibid., October 12, 1847. 81. Ibid., October 9, 1849. 203 Defeat Having spent nearly thirty years in the service of my country, I had hoped to have passed the remnant of my life in the tranquility of my present pursuits.... But honored as I have been by the great Whig Party of the State, in being selected from amongst so many able men to be the nominee for the office of Governor, I feel that no per- sonal sacrifice they could ask of me would be too great to make in compliance with their wishes. I therefore accept with profound re- spect the nomination of the Convention, and if elected by my fellow- citizens to preside over the destinies of this great and growing State, will exert all my energies in administering its laws, and in managing it affairs, fearlessly and without favor."77 In the campaign he never presented a program for Georgia. And the Democrats justly accused the Whigs of having no platform. Both candidates favored an extension of the Western and Atlantic Rail- road to the Tennessee River, but Towns hedged by claiming he would have no right to exert undue influence on the Georgia legis- lature, and Clinch conditioned his approval on the state government's being able to finance construction without having to levy additional taxes.78 Late in August, 1847, a nineteenth century pollster questioned the passengers riding the train from Atlanta to Milledgeville. The 112 Georgia residents in the cars gave Towns 58 and Clinch 54 votes.n The poll predicted with considerable accuracy the outcome of the contest. On October 12 Georgia newspapers told the story of Clinch's de- feat. Returns from eighty-five counties of Georgia gave Towns a lead of 2,060, and a Democratic editor thought complete returns from all counties would reduce this majority by 200 to 300.80 The official count gave Clinch 41,931 to 43,220 for Towns-the latter winning by 1,289 votes in a close election.si Clinch failed to carry his home counties of Camden and Habersham, but the Whigs won control of both houses of the state legislature. Perhaps to soothe the losers' feelings a Democrat claimed the Whigs in 1843 had gerry- mandered the senatorial districts to assure their party "a permanent 77. Clinch to Robert V. Hardaman and others, July 5, 1847, Columbus Enquirer, July 20, 1847. 78. Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, 1847. 79. Ibid., August 24, 1847. 80. Ibid., October 12, 1847. 81. Ibid., October 9, 1849. 203  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM majority of at least 9 votes."8a This explanation, however, did not account for Towns's success in a number of counties in which Whig candidates won seats in the state house of representatives. The election was over but some of the bitterness remained. "Gen- eral Clinch," the Southern Banner (Athens) proclaimed, "uses a weapon, which is thought by some to be more powerful than any other, viz: 'ball-face whiskey.' Yes, Sir! The Great Hero of the With- lacoochee! ... distributes 'ball-face' by the pint to obtain votes." This statement, the Southern Whig replied, was a ball-faced lie.s If one judged the contest by the assaults made on Clinch by the Democrats, the Whig thought a future generation might think he had run for the state prison rather than the governorship. The editor regretted the defeat of Clinch. Not that we are opposed to being governed by the will of the ma- jority when fairly expressed-by no means-but because we do not believe the will of the people has been fairly expressed. We are mor- tified to find that such numbers of our free citizens can be so easily humbugged by designing men, by the introduction of false issues and the extensive circulation of base slanders. In the recent contest .. . our adversaries have depended upon slander and misrepresentation to effect that which truth and honesty could not accomplish.oa The charges and countercharges forced Herschel V. Johnson to explain his part in the campaign. "Towards Gen. Clinch, personally, I have not, nor ever have had, the first unkind feeling; neither have I ever made any insinuation against his integrity or gallantry. There is no temptation to do so, if I were disposed. There is enough that is vulnerable, inviting to fair and honorable attack, in the political principles which he maintains, without resort to personal detraction." Johnson admitted calling Clinch a politician and thought it sufficient condemnation to mention that he was a Whig, which identified him with a protective tariff, the national bank, modification of the Presi- dential veto power, and internal improvements. He laughed at the linking of Generals Taylor and Clinch together, for "who that has any sense of the ridiculous could suppress a smile at the amazing 82. Ibid., November 2, 1849. In 1849 Towns defeated the Whig candi- date for governor by 3,192 votes (ibid., November 16, 1849). 83. The accusation and reply were printed in the Southern Whig, Sep- tember 23, 1847. 84. Southern Whig, October 14, 1847. 204 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM majority of at least 9 votes."82 This explanation, however, did not account for Towns's success in a number of counties in which Whig candidates won seats in the state house of representatives. The election was over but some of the bitterness remained. "Gen- eral Clinch," the Southern Banner (Athens) proclaimed, "uses a weapon, which is thought by some to be more powerful than any other, viz: 'ball-face whiskey.' Yes, Sir! The Great Hero of the With- lacoochee! . . . distributes 'ball-face' by the pint to obtain votes." This statement, the Southern Whig replied, was a ball-faced lienta If one judged the contest by the assaults made on Clinch by the Democrats, the Whig thought a future generation might think he had run for the state prison rather than the governorship. The editor regretted the defeat of Clinch. Not that we are opposed to being governed by the will of the ma- jority when fairly expressed-by no means-but because we do not believe the will of the people has been fairly expressed. We are mor- tified to find that such numbers of our free citizens can be so easily humbugged by designing men, by the introduction of false issues and the extensive circulation of base slanders. In the recent contest .. . our adversaries have depended upon slander and misrepresentation to effect that which truth and honesty could not accomplish.8* The charges and countercharges forced Herschel V. Johnson to explain his part in the campaign. "Towards Gen. Clinch, personally, I have not, nor ever have had, the first unkind feeling; neither have I ever made any insinuation against his integrity or gallantry. There is no temptation to do so, if I were disposed. There is enough that is vulnerable, inviting to fair and honorable attack, in the political principles which he maintains, without resort to personal detraction." Johnson admitted calling Clinch a politician and thought it sufficient condemnation to mention that he was a Whig, which identified him with a protective tariff, the national bank, modification of the Presi- dential veto power, and internal improvements. He laughed at the linking of Generals Taylor and Clinch together, for "who that has any sense of the ridiculous could suppress a smile at the amazing 82. Ibid., November 2, 1849. In 1849 Towns defeated the Whig candi- date for governor by 3,192 votes (ibid., November 16, 1849). 83. The accusation and reply were printed in the Southern Whig, Sep- tember 23, 1847. 84. Southern Whig, October 14, 1847. 204 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM majority of at least 9 votes."82 This explanation, however, did not account for Towns's success in a number of counties in which Whig candidates won seats in the state house of representatives. The election was over but some of the bitterness remained. "Gen- eral Clinch," the Southern Banner (Athens) proclaimed, "uses a weapon, which is thought by some to be more powerful than any other, viz: 'ball-face whiskey.' Yes, Sir! The Great Hero of the With- lacoochee! . . . distributes 'ball-face' by the pint to obtain votes." This statement, the Southern Whig replied, was a ball-faced lioe. If one judged the contest by the assaults made on Clinch by the Democrats, the Whig thought a future generation might think he had run for the state prison rather than the governorship. The editor regretted the defeat of Clinch. Not that we are opposed to being governed by the will of the ma- jority when fairly expressed-by no means-but because we do not believe the will of the people has been fairly expressed. We are mor- tified to find that such numbers of our free citizens can be so easily humbugged by designing men, by the introduction of false issues and the extensive circulation of base slanders. In the recent contest .. . our adversaries have depended upon slander and misrepresentation to effect that which truth and honesty could not accomplisb.a The charges and countercharges forced Herschel V. Johnson to explain his part in the campaign. "Towards Gen. Clinch, personally, I have not, nor ever have had, the first unkind feeling; neither have I ever made any insinuation against his integrity or gallantry. There is no temptation to do so, if I were disposed. There is enough that is vulnerable, inviting to fair and honorable attack, in the political principles which he maintains, without resort to personal detraction." Johnson admitted calling Clinch a politician and thought it sufficient condemnation to mention that he was a Whig, which identified him with a protective tariff, the national bank, modification of the Presi- dential veto power, and internal improvements. He laughed at the linking of Generals Taylor and Clinch together, for "who that has any sense of the ridiculous could suppress a smile at the amazing 82. Ibid., November 2, 1849. In 1849 Towns defeated the Whig candi- date for governor by 3,192 votes (ibid., November 16, 1849). 83. The accusation and reply were printed in the Southern Whig, Sep- tember 23, 1847. 84. Southern Whig, October 14, 1847. 204  Defeat contrast?" He never questioned the honesty of Clinch in receiving $25,000 for his corn and sugar cane, and mentioned it only to state that the General had been paid and did not merit being paid again with the governorship of Georgia. Neither was Clinch's integrity im- pugned by bringing up the St. Marys Bank, Johnson continued, for that was done "to show his utter destitution of business capacity, and the facility with which he can be used to answer the schemes of others." He had indulged in playful ridicule, but Johnson declared that it was ridicule based on fact and was a legitimate mode of party warfare.s 8 The Savannah Republican stated: "The attempt is made to fasten upon the Whig press the responsibility for all the vituperation that has characterized the canvass. ... It is notorious to every fair minded man, that the vituperation and violence has proceeded from the other side."s6 A Democratic editor indignantly denied the accusa- tion. The Whigs, he asserted, began the name calling; they referred to Towns as "George Washington Napoleon Bonaparte Julius Caesar Towns," the "Artful Dodger," and "Perpetual Dodger," and a "pliant and facile gentleman."87 This editor made no apology for what he had written during the campaign. "We are sorry," he admitted, "that the name of so re- spectable a man as Gen. Clinch should have been lent to a set of scheming politicians, who were disposed to place his fair fame in is- sue to compass their own selfish objects...." He never wished to make Clinch an issue, the editor declared, but the Whigs advocated no program or principles; they only told the voter to "follow Old Withlacoochee," and therefore were responsibile for a campaign based on personalities. 88 In truth, Clinch had brought the trouble on himself. When he accepted the nomination he was past sixty years of age and in poor health. Handicapped by a speech defect, he could not compete with the silver-tongued Towns on the stump. In vain Clinch and his Whig colleagues denounced the innovation of the Democrat in "blowing his own trumpet" at public gatherings. A gentleman candidate, the 85. Milledgeville Federal Union, October 12, 1847. 86. Ibid., October 19, 1847, quoting the Savannah Republican. 87. Milledgeville Federal Union, October 19, 1847. 88. Ibid. 205 Defeat contrast?" He never questioned the honesty of Clinch in receiving $25,000 for his corn and sugar cane, and mentioned it only to state that the General had been paid and did not merit being paid again with the governorship of Georgia. Neither was Clinch's integrity im- pugned by bringing up the St. Marys Bank, Johnson continued, for that was done "to show his utter destitution of business capacity, and the facility with which he can be used to answer the schemes of others." He had indulged in playful ridicule, but Johnson declared that it was ridicule based on fact and was a legitimate mode of party warfare.s 8 The Savannah Republican stated: "The attempt is made to fasten upon the Whig press the responsibility for all the vituperation that has characterized the canvass.... It is notorious to every fair minded man, that the vituperation and violence has proceeded from the other side."s6 A Democratic editor indignantly denied the accusa- tion. The Whigs, he asserted, began the name calling; they referred to Towns as "George Washington Napoleon Bonaparte Julius Caesar Towns," the "Artful Dodger," and "Perpetual Dodger," and a "pliant and facile gentleman."50 This editor made no apology for what he had written during the campaign. "We are sorry," he admitted, "that the name of so re- spectable a man as Gen. Clinch should have been lent to a set of scheming politicians, who were disposed to place his fair fame in is- sue to compass their own selfish objects...." He never wished to make Clinch an issue, the editor declared, but the Whigs advocated no program or principles; they only told the voter to "follow Old Withlacoochee," and therefore were responsibile for a campaign based on personalities.88 In truth, Clinch had brought the trouble on himself. When he accepted the nomination he was past sixty years of age and in poor health. Handicapped by a speech defect, he could not compete with the silver-tongued Towns on the stump. In vain Clinch and his Whig colleagues denounced the innovation of the Democrat in "blowing his own trumpet" at public gatherings. A gentleman candidate, the 85. Milledgeville Federal Union, October 12, 1847. 86. Ibid., October 19, 1847, quoting the Savannah Republican. 87. Milledgeville Federal Union, October 19, 1847. 88. Ibid. 205 Defeat contrast?" He never questioned the honesty of Clinch in receiving $25,000 for his corn and sugar cane, and mentioned it only to state that the General had been paid and did not merit being paid again with the governorship of Georgia. Neither was Clinch's integrity im- pugned by bringing up the St. Marys Bank, Johnson continued, for that was done "to show his utter destitution of business capacity, and the facility with which he can be used to answer the schemes of others." He had indulged in playful ridicule, but Johnson declared that it was ridicule based on fact and was a legitimate mode of party warfare.s The Savannah Republican stated: "The attempt is made to fasten upon the Whig press the responsibility for all the vituperation that has characterized the canvass.... It is notorious to every fair minded man, that the vituperation and violence has proceeded from the other side."s6 A Democratic editor indignantly denied the accusa- tion. The Whigs, he asserted, began the name calling; they referred to Towns as "George Washington Napoleon Bonaparte Julius Caesar Towns," the "Artful Dodger," and "Perpetual Dodger," and a "pliant and facile gentleman."7 This editor made no apology for what he had written during the campaign. "We are sorry," he admitted, "that the name of so re- spectable a man as Gen. Clinch should have been lent to a set of scheming politicians, who were disposed to place his fair fame in is- sue to compass their own selfish objects...." He never wished to make Clinch an issue, the editor declared, but the Whigs advocated no program or principles; they only told the voter to "follow Old Withlacoochee," and therefore were responsibile for a campaign based on personalities.s8 In truth, Clinch had brought the trouble on himself. When he accepted the nomination he was past sixty years of age and in poor health. Handicapped by a speech defect, he could not compete with the silver-tongued Towns on the stump. In vain Clinch and his Whig colleagues denounced the innovation of the Democrat in "blowing his own trumpet" at public gatherings. A gentleman candidate, the 85. Milledgeville Federal Union, October 12, 1847. 86. Ibid., October 19, 1847, quoting the Savannah Republican. 87. Milledgeville Federal Union, October 19, 1847. 88. Ibid. 205  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Whigs asserted, ran on his record, was sufficiently humble to speak to voters through his friends, and depended on reason rather than emotion to sway the electorate. The Whig party knew better. It was unable to adapt its campaign to a new political tactic in Georgia, and it made an unwise decision in selecting Clinch for its standard bear- er.89 After having tasted politics in 1844 and findiog its flavor un- palatable, Clinch should have never allowed his friends to nominate him for the governorship. 89. The nomination of Clinch was a victory for John M. Berrien, an op- ponent of Colonel William C. Dawson's faction within the Whig party of Georgia. After the gubernatorial election the Whig majority in the state senate re-elected Berrien to the United States Senate, but later also sent Daw- son to the same body (Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, November 16, 1847). ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Whigs asserted, ran on his record, was sufficiently humble to speak to voters through his friends, and depended on reason rather than emotion to sway the electorate. The Whig party knew better. It was unable to adapt its campaign to a new political tactic in Georgia, and it made an unwise decision in selecting Clinch for its standard bear- er.89 After having tasted politics in 1844 and fmnding its flavor un- palatable, Clinch should have never allowed his friends to nominate him for the governorship. 89. The nomination of Clinch was a victory for John M. Berrien, an op- ponent of Colonel William C. Dawson's faction within the Whig party of Georgia. After the gubernatorial election the Whig majority in the state senate reelected Berrien to the United States Senate, but later also sent Daw- son to the same body (Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, November 16, 1847). ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Whigs asserted, ran on his record, was sufficiently humble to speak to voters through his friends, and depended on reason rather than emotion to sway the electorate. The Whig party knew better. It was unable to adapt its campaign to a new political tactic in Georgia, and it made an unwise decision in selecting Clinch for its standard bear- er.89 After having tasted politics in 1844 and finding its flavor un- palatable, Clinch should have never allowed his friends to nominate him for the governorship. 89. The nomination of Clinch was a victory for John M. Berrien, an op- ponent of Colonel William C. Dawson's faction within the Whig party of Georgia. After the gubernatorial election the Whig majority in the state senate re-elected Berrien to the United States Senate, but later also sent Daw- son to the same body (Milledgeville Federal Union, September 28, November 16, 1847). 206 206 206  TWELVE Evening and Aftermath HOWEVER MUCH he may have suffered alone in the silence of his study, Clinch publicly expressed no regret over the campaign or over his defeat. He had been at Clarkesville when notified of his nomination, and there he returned after the election. The vitriolic writings of Democratic editors and the harsh words of Democratic orators were no more than weapons of political warfare. His detractors were, after all, only Democrats. The people who really counted-the Whigs-had filled columns of newspapers with praise for Clinch. He wrote his sons at South Carolina College: "You will learn from the papers that I have been defeated, the Whigs say from too much confidence in their party. Be this as it may, as far as my own feelings and interests are concerned, I am perfectly satis- fied and shall be much happier at the Refuge this winter than at Milledgeville." The progress of his boys in college was of paramount concern to the aging man. In October, 1847, he sent them $300 and begged his "dear sons to be economical of your time, health and money so that your great aim in youth be to lay the foundation to become wise, good and useful members of society."a After closing Lamont at Clarkesville for the winter, Clinch evidently traveled south by way of Columbia. On December 6 he went on to Charleston. There he ordered clothing from a tailor for his college students and told them to buy good mattresses, pillows, blankets, and linen for their com- fort. Before boarding ship for Savannah, he wrote the boys: "Let me again and again [tell you], my dear Sons, as you love your Father and as you value your future prosperity and standing in society, to 1. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, October 23, 1846 118471, Clinch Papers. 2. Ibid 207 TWELVE Evening and Aftermath HOWEVER MUCH he may have suffered alone in the silence of his study, Clinch publicly expressed no regret over the campaign or over his defeat. He had been at Clarkesville when notified of his nomination, and there he returned after the election. The vitriolic writings of Democratic editors and the harsh words of Democratic orators were no more than weapons of political warfare. His detractors were, after all, only Democrats. The people who really counted-the Whigs-had filled columns of newspapers with praise for Clinch. He wrote his sons at South Carolina College: "You will learn from the papers that I have been defeated, the Whigs say from too much confidence in their party. Be this as it may, as far as my own feelings and interests are concerned, I am perfectly satis- fied and shall be much happier at the Refuge this winter than at Milledgeville."t The progress of his boys in college was of paramount concern to the aging man. In October, 1847, he sent them $300 and begged his "dear sons to be economical of your time, health and money so that your great aim in youth be to lay the foundation to become wise, good and useful members of soeiety."o After closing Lamont at Clarkesville for the winter, Clinch evidently traveled south by way of Columbia. On December 6 he went on to Charleston. There he ordered clothing from a tailor for his college students and told them to buy good mattresses, pillows, blankets, and linen for their com- fort. Before boarding ship for Savannah, he wrote the boys: "Let me again and again [tell you], my dear Sons, as you love your Father and as you value your future prosperity and standing in society, to 1. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, October 23, 1846 t18471, Clinch Papers. 2. Ibid 207 TWELVE Evening and Aftermath HOWEVER MUCH he may have suffered alone in the silence of his study, Clinch publicly expressed no regret over the campaign or over his defeat. He had been at Clarkesville when notified of his nomination, and there he returned after the election. The vitriolic writings of Democratic editors and the harsh words of Democratic orators were no more than weapons of political warfare. His detractors were, after all, only Democrats. The people who really counted-the Whigs-had filled columns of newspapers with praise for Clinch. He wrote his sons at South Carolina College: "You will learn from the papers that I have been defeated, the Whigs say from too much confidence in their party. Be this as it may, as far as my own feelings and interests are concerned, I am perfectly satis- fied and shall be much happier at the Refuge this winter than at Milledgeville.", The progress of his boys in college was of paramount concern to the aging man. In October, 1847, he sent them $300 and begged his "dear sons to be economical of your time, health and money so that your great aim in youth be to lay the foundation to become wise, good and useful members of society."a After closing Lamont at Clarkesville for the winter, Clinch evidently traveled south by way of Columbia. On December 6 he went on to Charleston. There he ordered clothing from a tailor for his college students and told them to buy good mattresses, pillows, blankets, and linen for their com- fort. Before boarding ship for Savannah, he wrote the boys: "Let me again and again [tell you], my dear Sons, as you love your Father and as you value your future prosperity and standing in society, to 1. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, October 23, 1846 [1847], Clinch Papers. 2. Ibid 207  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM avoid the company of bad and vicious boys, cards, smoking and drinking as you would a rabid animal. Read your Bible regularly and you will find both instruction and comfort. Meet the kind atten- tions of my friends with politeness. .. . Pay great respect to . . . your professors. You will find friends in all my friends."3 Henry and Bayard evidently heeded their father's admonishments. Although neither one was an outstanding student, they apparently avoided the evils of smoking, drinking, card-playing, and the com- pany of disreputable fellow collegians and they met the requirements of the college. In January, 1848, Henry, known to his family as "Hal," suffered a minor but lengthy illness. His father was peeved with Bayard for not writing about his brother's illness, and Clinch asked Hal to tell Bayard that he was a "careless fellow." "Bayard," he added, "is a poor correspondent. I do not believe he has written me since he left Lamont."4 In February, 1849, Clinch and his wife were alone at the Refuge. Houson and Duncan, the latter out of the army, were in Florida looking after family property. Mary Lamont and Catherine Maria were visiting friends in McIntosh County. They had given up all hope of attending the inauguration of Zachary Taylor in Washington on March 4. Their father, evidently no longer interested in politics, commented: "They will only miss a great deal of trouble and annoy- ance and but little pleasure."5 After his failure to win the governorship of Georgia in 1847, Clinch continued to manage his rice plantation, the main source of his income. His overseer, a Mr. Forrester, was "a very intelligent and honest man" who enjoyed the confidence of his employer." Yet the operation of a plantation was always somewhat of a gamble. During the winter of 1848-49 many slaves at the Refuge were ill, and five or six of them died. In addition to losses in production caused by bad weather, the reduced crop of rice brought a low price. These reverses depressed Clinch, but like other ever-optimistic farmers, he planned on a bumper crop in 1849.7 3. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, December 7, 1846 [1847], Clinch Papers. 4. Idem to idem, February 12, 1849, Clinch Papers. 5. Ibid. 6. Idem to idem, February 4, 1846, Clinch Papers. 7. Idem to Idem, February 12, 1849, Clinch Papers. 208 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM avoid the company of bad and vicious boys, cards, smoking and drinking as you would a rabid animal. Read your Bible regularly and you will find both instruction and comfort. Meet the kind atten- tions of my friends with politeness. ... Pay great respect to . . . your professors. You will find friends in all my friends."3 Henry and Bayard evidently heeded their father's admonishments. Although neither one was an outstanding student, they apparently avoided the evils of smoking, drinking, card-playing, and the com- pany of disreputable fellow collegians and they met the requirements of the college. In January, 1848, Henry, known to his family as "Hal," suffered a minor but lengthy illness. His father was peeved with Bayard for not writing about his brother's illness, and Clinch asked Hal to tell Bayard that he was a "careless fellow." "Bayard," he added, "is a poor correspondent. I do not believe he has written me since he left Lamont."4 In February, 1849, Clinch and his wife were alone at the Refuge. Houstoun and Duncan, the latter out of the army, were in Florida looking after family property. Mary Lamont and Catherine Maria were visiting friends in McIntosh County. They had given up all hope of attending the inauguration of Zachary Taylor in Washington on March 4. Their father, evidently no longer interested in politics, commented: "They will only miss a great deal of trouble and annoy- ance and but little pleasure."5 After his failure to win the governorship of Georgia in 1847, Clinch continued to manage his rice plantation, the main source of his income. His overseer, a Mr. Forrester, was "a very intelligent and honest man" who enjoyed the confidence of his employer.s Yet the operation of a plantation was always somewhat of a gamble. During the winter of 1848-49 many slaves at the Refuge were ill, and five or six of them died. In addition to losses in production caused by bad weather, the reduced crop of rice brought a low price. These reverses depressed Clinch, but like other ever-optimistic farmers, he planned on a bumper crop in 1849.7 3. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, December 7, 1846 11847], Clinch Papers. 4. Idem to idem, February 12, 1849, Clinch Papers. 5. Ibid. 6. Idem to idem, February 4, 1846, Clinch Papers. 7. Idem to idem, February 12, 1849, Clinch Papers. 208 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM avoid the company of bad and vicious boys, cards, smoking and drinking as you would a rabid animal. Read your Bible regularly and you will find both instruction and comfort. Meet the kind atten- tions of my friends with politeness. .. . Pay great respect to . . . your professors. You will find friends in all my friends."a Henry and Bayard evidently heeded their father's admonishments. Although neither one was an outstanding student, they apparently avoided the evils of smoking, drinking, card-playing, and the com- pany of disreputable fellow collegians and they met the requirements of the college. In January, 1848, Henry, known to his family as "Hal," suffered a minor but lengthy illness. His father was peeved with Bayard for not writing about his brother's illness, and Clinch asked Hal to tell Bayard that he was a "careless fellow." "Bayard," he added, "is a poor correspondent. I do not believe he has written me since he left Lamont."4 In February, 1849, Clinch and his wife were alone at the Refuge. Houstoun and Duncan, the latter out of the army, were in Florida looking after family property. Mary Lamont and Catherine Maria were visiting friends in McIntosh County. They had given up all hope of attending the inauguration of Zachary Taylor in Washington on March 4. Their father, evidently no longer interested in politics, commented: "They will only miss a great deal of trouble and annoy- ance and but little pleasure."" After his failure to win the governorship of Georgia in 1847, Clinch continued to manage his rice plantation, the main source of his income. His overseer, a Mr. Forrester, was "a very intelligent and honest man" who enjoyed the confidence of his employers Yet the operation of a plantation was always somewhat of a gamble. During the winter of 1848-49 many slaves at the Refuge were ill, and five or six of them died. In addition to losses in production caused by bad weather, the reduced crop of rice brought a low price. These reverses depressed Clinch, but like other ever-optimistic farmers, he planned on a bumper crop in 1849." 3. Clinch to H. A. and N. B. Clinch, December 7, 1846 [1847], Clinch Papers. 4. Idem to idem, February 12, 1849, Clinch Papers. 5. Ibid. 6. Idem to idem, February 4, 1846, Clinch Papers. 7. Idem to idem, February 12, 1849, Clinch Papers. 208  Evening and Aftermath Both in 1848 and in 1849 the Clinch family made its annual pilgrimage from the hot lowlands of Camden County to the cool highlands of Habersham. At Clarkesville families of means, most of whom belonged to the Whig party, were concentrated within a small- er area than were the planters of the St. Marys region. Lamont was evidently the scene of many social events. There, too, the older sons and daughters of the General joined their father, stepmother, and younger brother George. Perhaps the entire family attended services at the Grace Episcopal Church, but only Sophia Clinch became a member of the parish.8 Summer residents referred to their house of worship as "The Snap-Bean Church"-it lived in summer but died in the winter. Eliza Clinch Anderson came with her husband, who had recov- ered from a wound received in the Mexican War. Little Eba, their toddling daughter, with all the sweetness, charm and wide-eyed curi- osity of a little girl, received too much attention from her numerous youthful uncles and aunts, and no doubt completely captivated Grandfather Clinch. There was much at Lamont to show the eager child-the horses eating their hay and grain, the wonders of flower- ing plants and evergreen shrubs, and the distant horizon etched with valleys and mountains. Hal and Bayard were there during the sum- mer of 1848. That fall they returned to Columbia, and in 1849 both of them received Bachelor of Arts degrees from South Carolina College (later the University of South Carolina).5 Little George, who spent nine months at boarding school, roamed the 140 acres of Lamont in the daytime, and as the youngest child of a family of eight, shared the spotlight of attention in the evenings with his niece. These were happy summers for General Clinch. Behind him were his twenty-eight years of army service and his success and failure in Georgia politics. Although he had no ambition for further political endeavor, letters from old friends and requests for his political opin- ion on certain issues interested him. Senator Berrien kept him in- 8. Mrs. T. Earle Stribling and others (compilers), "History of Grace Episcopal Church, Clarkesville, Habersham County, Georgia," typewritten MS, 1953, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 9. Catalogue of the Trustees, Faculty, and Students of South Carolina College (Columbia, 1850). 209 Evening and Aftermath Both in 1848 and in 1849 the Clinch family made its annual pilgrimage from the hot lowlands of Camden County to the cool highlands of Habersham. At Clarkesville families of means, most of whom belonged to the Whig party, were concentrated within a small- er area than were the planters of the St. Marys region. Lamont was evidently the scene of many social events. There, too, the older sons and daughters of the General joined their father, stepmother, and younger brother George. Perhaps the entire family attended services at the Grace Episcopal Church, but only Sophia Clinch became a member of the parish.8 Summer residents referred to their house of worship as "The Snap-Bean Church"-it lived in summer but died in the winter. Eliza Clinch Anderson came with her husband, who had recov- ered from a wound received in the Mexican War. Little Eba, their toddling daughter, with all the sweetness, charm and wide-eyed curi- osity of a little girl, received too much attention from her numerous youthful uncles and aunts, and no doubt completely captivated Grandfather Clinch. There was much at Lamont to show the eager child-the horses eating their hay and grain, the wonders of flower- ing plants and evergreen shrubs, and the distant horizon etched with valleys and mountains. Hal and Bayard were there during the sum- mer of 1848. That fall they returned to Columbia, and in 1849 both of them received Bachelor of Arts degrees from South Carolina College (later the University of South Carolina).5 Little George, who spent nine months at boarding school, roamed the 140 acres of Lamont in the daytime, and as the youngest child of a family of eight, shared the spotlight of attention in the evenings with his niece. These were happy summers for General Clinch. Behind him were his twenty-eight years of army service and his success and failure in Georgia politics. Although he had no ambition for further political endeavor, letters from old friends and requests for his political opin- ion on certain issues interested him. Senator Berrien kept him in- 8. Mrs. T. Earle Stribling and others (compilers), "History of Grace Episcopal Church, Clarkesville, Habersham County, Georgia," typewritten MS, 1953, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 9. Catalogue of the Trustees, Faculty, and Students of South Carolina College (Columbia, 1850). 209 Evening and Aftermath Both in 1848 and in 1849 the Clinch family made its annual pilgrimage from the hot lowlands of Camden County to the cool highlands of Habersham. At Clarkesville families of means, most of whom belonged to the Whig party, were concentrated within a small- er area than were the planters of the St. Marys region. Lamont was evidently the scene of many social events. There, too, the older sons and daughters of the General joined their father, stepmother, and younger brother George. Perhaps the entire family attended services at the Grace Episcopal Church, but only Sophia Clinch became a member of the parish.8 Summer residents referred to their house of worship as "The Snap-Bean Church"-it lived in summer but died in the winter. Eliza Clinch Anderson came with her husband, who had recov- ered from a wound received in the Mexican War. Little Eba, their toddling daughter, with all the sweetness, charm and wide-eyed curi- osity of a little girl, received too much attention from her numerous youthful uncles and aunts, and no doubt completely captivated Grandfather Clinch. There was much at Lamont to show the eager child-the horses eating their hay and grain, the wonders of flower- ing plants and evergreen shrubs, and the distant horizon etched with valleys and mountains. Hal and Bayard were there during the sum- mer of 1848. That fall they returned to Columbia, and in 1849 both of them received Bachelor of Arts degrees from South Carolina College (later the University of South Carolina).9 Little George, who spent nine months at boarding school, roamed the 140 acres of Lamont in the daytime, and as the youngest child of a family of eight, shared the spotlight of attention in the evenings with his niece. These were happy summers for General Clinch. Behind him were his twenty-eight years of army service and his success and failure in Georgia politics. Although he had no ambition for further political endeavor, letters from old friends and requests for his political opin- ion on certain issues interested him. Senator Berrien kept him in- 8. Mrs. T. Earle Stribling and others (compilers), "History of Grace Episcopal Church, Clarkesville, Habersham County, Georgia," typewritten MS, 1953, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 9. Catalogue of the Trustees, Faculty, and Students of South Carolina College (Columbia, 1850). 209  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM formed of legislation in Washington and the course of foreign af- fairs. In February, 1846, the Senator had told of an evening with General Scott and a conversation about using Clinch as a leader in the Whig partyA0 Berrien, like Clinch, was willing to fight Great Britain for America's just share of the Oregon country, but together with his Whig colleague resented the tendency of the Democrats to "swagger and make political capital" for their party out of the dis- pute between the two English-speaking countries. In June, 1849, Senator Berrien urged Clinch to visit Washington and use his influ- ence for the good of the Whig party. He promised to secure a room for him in the crowded city at the Exchange Hotel."1 No evidence indicates that Clinch accepted the invitation, or an earlier one to be a member of the Board of Visitors at the general examination of the cadets at the Military Academy. The inspection was to begin on the first Monday of June, 1849, but the Secretary of War promised no more than expenses for board and lodging while at West Point and eight cents a mile on the trip from and to Geor- gia 2 Once before he had joined others in inspecting the Military Academy. Old, in feeble health but enjoying the prospect of an idyl- lie summer at Lamont, the retired General probably had no desire to make the long trip to New York State. Clinch, however, was concerned for the future of his country. He feared the slavery question was endangering the nation, and his hope lay "in the moderation of Congress and the Wisdom and firm- ness of General Taylor," whom he admired and respected.- For a re- porter Clinch recalled his years of service in a regiment commanded by General Taylor, as well as Taylor's temperament, feelings, and opinions. In Clinch's estimation, President Taylor would never sanc- tion any measure that would endanger the Union. He and Taylor "were both Southern men by birth, by interest, by association, feeling and affection, and he would as soon expect to see a son plunge a dag- ger to the heart of his own mother, as to see General Taylor sanction any Legislative action that would destroy the South."14 10. Berrien to Clinch, February 3, 1846, Clinch Papers. 11. Idem to idem, June 22, 1849, Clinch Papers. 12. Secretary of War to Clinch, April 19, 1849, Clinch Papers. 13. Jacksonville Republican, December 13, 1849. 14. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 210 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM formed of legislation in Washington and the course of foreign af- fairs. In February, 1846, the Senator had told of an evening with General Scott and a conversation about using Clinch as a leader in the Whig partyA0 Berrien, like Clinch, was willing to fight Great Britain for America's just share of the Oregon country, but together with his Whig colleague resented the tendency of the Democrats to "swagger and make political capital" for their parry out of the dis- pute between the two English-speaking countries. In June, 1849, Senator Berrien urged Clinch to visit Washington and use his influ- ence for the good of the Whig party. He promised to secure a room for him in the crowded city at the Exchange Hotel.-t No evidence indicates that Clinch accepted the invitation, or an earlier one to be a member of the Board of Visitors at the general examination of the cadets at the Military Academy. The inspection was to begin on the first Monday of June, 1849, but the Secretary of War promised no more than expenses for board and lodging while at West Point and eight cents a mile on the trip from and to Geor- gia.2 Once before he had joined others in inspecting the Military Academy. Old, in feeble health but enjoying the prospect of an idyl- lic summer at Lamont, the retired General probably had no desire to make the long trip to New York State. Clinch, however, was concerned for the future of his country. He feared the slavery question was endangering the nation, and his hope lay "in the moderation of Congress and the Wisdom and firm- ness of General Taylor," whom he admired and respectedC For a re- porter Clinch recalled his years of service in a regiment commanded by General Taylor, as well as Taylor's temperament, feelings, and opinions. In Clinch's estimation, President Taylor would never sanc- tion any measure that would endanger the Union. He and Taylor "were both Southern men by birth, by interest, by association, feeling and affection, and he would as soon expect to see a son plunge a dag- ger to the heart of his own mother, as to see General Taylor sanction any Legislative action that would destroy the South."" 10. Berrien to Clinch, February 3, 1846, Clinch Papers. 11. Idem to idem, June 22, 1849, Clinch Papers. 12. Secretary of War to Clinch, April 19, 1849, Clinch Papers. 13. Jacksonville Republican, December 13, 1849. 14. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 210 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM formed of legislation in Washington and the course of foreign af- fairs. In February, 1846, the Senator had told of an evening with General Scott and a conversation about using Clinch as a leader in the Whig party.lo Berrien, like Clinch, was willing to fight Great Britain for America's just share of the Oregon country, but together with his Whig colleague resented the tendency of the Democrats to "swagger and make political capital" for their party out of the dis- pute between the two English-speaking countries. In June, 1849, Senator Berrien urged Clinch to visit Washington and use his influ- ence for the good of the Whig party. He promised to secure a mom for him in the crowded city at the Exchange Hotel." No evidence indicates that Clinch accepted the invitation, or an earlier one to be a member of the Board of Visitors at the general examination of the cadets at the Military Academy. The inspection was to begin on the first Monday of June, 1849, but the Secretary of War promised no more than expenses for board and lodging while at West Point and eight cents a mile on the trip from and to Geor- gias2 Once before he had joined others in inspecting the Military Academy. Old, in feeble health but enjoying the prospect of an idyl- lic summer at Lamont, the retired General probably had no desire to make the long trip to New York State. Clinch, however, was concerned for the future of his country. He feared the slavery question was endangering the nation, and his hope lay "in the moderation of Congress and the Wisdom and firm- ness of General Taylor," whom he admired and respected.- For a re- porter Clinch recalled his years of service in a regiment commanded by General Taylor, as well as Taylor's temperament, feelings, and opinions. In Clinch's estimation, President Taylor would never sanc- tion any measure that would endanger the Union. He and Taylor "were both Southern men by birth, by interest, by association, feeling and affection, and he would as soon expect to see a son plunge a dag- ger to the heart of his own mother, as to see General Taylor sanction any Legislative action that would destroy the South."t 10. Berrien to Clinch, February 3, 1846, Clinch Papers. 11. Idem to idem, June 22, 1849, Clinch Papers. 12. Secretary of War to Clinch, April 19, 1849, Clinch Papers. 13. Jacksonville Republican, December 13, 1849. 14. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 210  Evening and Aftermath General Clinch did not live to read of the passing of President Taylor during the summer of 1850, or the compromise of that year which loyal Americans hoped would settle the difference between the slave and free states of the Union. In 1849 the Clinch family stayed at their summer home later than usual to enjoy the colorful foliage of the fall. In November they took the slow stagecoach to Athens, where they boarded the train for Union Point and Atlanta. The General suffered on the difficult trip, but he led his wife and the servants to the cars at Atlanta. When they reached Macon, his illness forced him to rest. Laid low by an attack of erysipelas (a febrile, infectious disease that inflamed his skin and spread quickly to the mucous membranes), he died on Tuesday, November 27, 1849.15 "General Duncan L. Clinch," the Southern Whig reported, "the distinguished patriot and soldier is no more.... Long will Georgia mourn the loss of her distinguished son, the brave old 'hero of With- lacoochee.' . .. Green be his memory in the hearts of the people."16 "He was a gentleman in every sense of the word-a soldier without reproach, and an honest man," the Georgian declared, one who had served with "high distinction in the War of 1812 and led the United States Army against the Seminole Indians in 1835-36."17 Even the Federal Union, his erstwhile scathing critic, praised him for the valu- able service he had rendered his country, and conceded that the death of one so "esteemed in private life" would be mourned by the entire country.'s One editor who had always been friendly toward the General wrote that Clinch "died as be lived-a pure, disinter- ested, warm-hearted devotee to principle."19 On Thursday, November 29, a detachment of the Macon Guards and Floyd Rifles made up a military guard which accompanied the body from Macon to Savannah. At the Central Railroad Station the Savannah Volunteer Guards met the flag-draped coffin and flanked it as it was moved to the Exchange Hotel. These volunteers remained throughout the night as a guard of honor in the long reception room of the hotel. At 8:00 A.M. on Friday the Phoenix Rifles took over. 15. Savannah Georgian, November 29, 1849; Southern Whig, December 6, 1849; Milledgeville Federal Union, November 30, 1849. 16. Southern Whig, December 6, 1849. 17. Savannah Georgian, November 29, 1849. 18. Milledgeville Federal Union, November 30, 1849. 19. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 211 Evening and Aftermath General Clinch did not live to read of the passing of President Taylor during the summer of 1850, or the compromise of that year which loyal Americans hoped would settle the difference between the slave and free states of the Union. In 1849 the Clinch family stayed at their summer home later than usual to enjoy the colorful foliage of the fall. In November they took the slow stagecoach to Athens, where they boarded the train for Union Point and Atlanta. The General suffered on the difficult trip, but he led his wife and the servants to the cars at Atlanta. When they reached Macon, his illness forced him to rest. Laid low by an attack of erysipelas (a febrile, infectious disease that inflamed his skin and spread quickly to the mucous membranes), he died on Tuesday, November 27, 1849.15 "General Duncan L. Clinch," the Southern Whig reported, "the distinguished patriot and soldier is no more.... Long will Georgia mourn the loss of her distinguished son, the brave old 'hero of With- lacoochee.' . .. Green be his memory in the hearts of the people."16 "He was a gentleman in every sense of the word-a soldier without reproach, and an honest man," the Georgian declared, one who had served with "high distinction in the War of 1812 and led the United States Army against the Seminole Indians in 1835-36."17 Even the Federal Union, his erstwhile scathing critic, praised him for the valu- able service he had rendered his country, and conceded that the death of one so "esteemed in private life" would be mourned by the entire country.t5 One editor who had always been friendly toward the General wrote that Clinch "died as he lived-a pure, disinter- ested, warm-hearted devotee to principle."19 On Thursday, November 29, a detachment of the Macon Guards and Floyd Rifles made up a military guard which accompanied the body from Macon to Savannah. At the Central Railroad Station the Savannah Volunteer Guards met the flag-draped coffin and flanked it as it was moved to the Exchange Hotel. These volunteers remained throughout the night as a guard of honor in the long reception room of the hotel. At 8:00 A.M. on Friday the Phoenix Rifles took over. 15. Savannah Georgian, November 29, 1849; Southern Whig, December 6, 1849; Milledgeville Federal Union, November 30, 1849. 16. Southern Whig, December 6, 1849. 17. Savannah Georgian, November 29, 1849. 18. Milledgeville Federal Union, November 30, 1849. 19. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 211 Evening and Aftermath General Clinch did not live to read of the passing of President Taylor during the summer of 1850, or the compromise of that year which loyal Americans hoped would settle the difference between the slave and free states of the Union. In 1849 the Clinch family stayed at their summer home later than usual to enjoy the colorful foliage of the fall. In November they took the slow stagecoach to Athens, where they boarded the train for Union Point and Atlanta. The General suffered on the difficult trip, but he led his wife and the servants to the cars at Atlanta. When they reached Macon, his illness forced him to rest. Laid low by an attack of erysipelas (a febrile, infectious disease that inflamed his skin and spread quickly to the mucous membranes), he died on Tuesday, November 27, 1849.15 "General Duncan L. Clinch," the Southern Whig reported, "the distinguished patriot and soldier is no more.... Long will Georgia mourn the loss of her distinguished son, the brave old 'hero of With- lacoochee' . . . Green be his memory in the hearts of the people."16 "He was a gentleman in every sense of the word-a soldier without reproach, and an honest man," the Georgian declared, one who had served with "high distinction in the War of 1812 and led the United States Army against the Seminole Indians in 1835-36."1v Even the Federal Union, his erstwhile scathing critic, praised him for the valu- able service he had rendered his country, and conceded that the death of one so "esteemed in private life" would be mourned by the entire country.1s One editor who had always been friendly toward the General wrote that Clinch "died as he lived-a pure, disinter- ested, warm-hearted devotee to principle."19 On Thursday, November 29, a detachment of the Macon Guards and Floyd Rifles made up a military guard which accompanied the body from Macon to Savannah. At the Central Railroad Station the Savannah Volunteer Guards met the flag-draped coffin and flanked it as it was moved to the Exchange Hotel. These volunteers remained throughout the night as a guard of honor in the long reception room of the hotel. At 8:00 A.M. on Friday the Phoenix Rifles took over. 15. Savannah Georgian, November 29, 1849; Southern Whig, December 6, 1849; Milledgeville Federal Union, November 30, 1849. 16. Southern Whig, December 6, 1849. 17. Savannah Georgian, November 29, 1849. 18. Milledgeville Federal Union, November 30, 1849. 19. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 211  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Early in the afternoon the combined volunteer corps of Savannah- infantry, artillery, and cavalry-displayed their military form in a parade to honor the memory of the General. The volunteers led the funeral procession as it moved toward the Old Cemetery. Four promi- nent civilians of Savannah, and four military officers who served as pallbearers, followed the hearse. Behind them were four of the Gen- eral's five sons, the volunteers from Macon, and hundreds of citizens of the city. At Bonaventure Cemetery the final services were con- ducted; the artillery fired three resounding charges, and the infantry angled their muskets into the air and shot three rounds. Thus were "conducted to the tomb the remains of a brave and gallant man. His merits are acknowledged by all as a soldier, or as a citizen, he was admired and beloved."2o Family, friends, and militia left the cemetery to return to their homes. The volunteers from Macon were made the official guests of Savannah from the time of their arrival until their departure. On receiving the sad news in the capitol at Milledgeville, the legislature on December 4, 1849, unanimously voted the following resolution: We have heard with pain and regret of the death of General Dun- can L. Clinch, distinguished for many years as an officer of the army. He rendered valuable services on every field of duty to which he was assigned. Honor, gallantry, and a faithful discharge of every trust was his shining virtue-virtues which go far to redeem the infirmities incident to human nature, and gild his character with an imperishable halo. When such a man dies the country mourns. Be it therefore Resolved, by the General Assembly, That while in life Gen. Clinch commanded our esteem, in death we mingle our sympathies with his family, friends, and fellow-citizens. Be it further Resolved, That his Excellency, the Governor, be re- quested to furnish his family with this preamble and resolution.as More than a year later Governor Towns wrote Mrs. Clinch an official letter. He apologized for not sending the resolution of the legislature at an earlier date-the delay had been caused by repeated failures of local printers in producing it in the style desired, and the necessity of sending it "to a distant point" for embossing. The gov- 20. Savannah Georgian, December 1, 1849. 21. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 212 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Early in the afternoon the combined volunteer corps of Savannah- infantry, artillery, and cavalry-displayed their military form in a parade to honor the memory of the General. The volunteers led the funeral procession as it moved toward the Old Cemetery. Four promi- nent civilians of Savannah, and four military officers who served as pallbearers, followed the hearse. Behind them were four of the Gen- eral's five sons, the volunteers from Macon, and hundreds of citizens of the city. At Bonaventure Cemetery the final services were con- ducted; the artillery fired three resounding charges, and the infantry angled their muskets into the air and shot three rounds. Thus were "conducted to the tomb the remains of a brave and gallant man. His merits are acknowledged by all as a soldier, or as a citizen, he was admired and beloved."2O Family, friends, and militia left the cemetery to return to their homes. The volunteers from Macon were made the official guests of Savannah from the time of their arrival until their departure. On receiving the sad news in the capitol at Milledgeville, the legislature on December 4, 1849, unanimously voted the following resolution: We have heard with pain and regret of the death of General Dun- can L. Clinch, distinguished for many years as an officer of the army. He rendered valuable services on every field of duty to which he was assigned. Honor, gallantry, and a faithful discharge of every trust was his shining virtue-virtues which go far to redeem the infirmities incident to human nature, and gild his character with an imperishable halo. When such a man dies the country mourns. Be it therefore Resolved, by the General Assembly, That while in life Gen. Clinch commanded our esteem, in death we mingle our sympathies with his family, friends, and fellow-citizens. Be it further Resolved, That his Excellency, the Governor, be re- quested to furnish his family with this preamble and resolution.os More than a year later Governor Towns wrote Mrs. Clinch an official letter. He apologized for not sending the resolution of the legislature at an earlier date-the delay had been caused by repeated failures of local printers in producing it in the style desired, and the necessity of sending it "to a distant point" for embossing. The gov- 20. Savannah Georgian, December 1, 1849. 21. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 212 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Early in the afternoon the combined volunteer corps of Savannah- infantry, artillery, and cavalry-displayed their military form in a parade to honor the memory of the General. The volunteers led the funeral procession as it moved toward the Old Cemetery. Four promi- nent civilians of Savannah, and four military officers who served as pallbearers, followed the hearse. Behind them were four of the Gen- eral's five sons, the volunteers from Macon, and hundreds of citizens of the city. At Bonaventure Cemetery the final services were con- ducted; the artillery fired three resounding charges, and the infantry angled their muskets into the air and shot three rounds. Thus were "conducted to the tomb the remains of a brave and gallant man. His merits are acknowledged by all as a soldier, or as a citizen, he was admired and beloved."20 Family, friends, and militia left the cemetery to return to their homes. The volunteers from Macon were made the official guests of Savannah from the time of their arrival until their departure. On receiving the sad news in the capitol at Milledgeville, the legislature on December 4, 1849, unanimously voted the following resolution: We have heard with pain and regret of the death of General Dun- can L. Clinch, distinguished for many years as an officer of the army. He rendered valuable services on every field of duty to which he was assigned. Honor, gallantry, and a faithful discharge of every trust was his shining virtue-virtues which go far to redeem the infirmities incident to human nature, and gild his character with an imperishable halo. When such a man dies the country mourns. Be it therefore Resolved, by the General Assembly, That while in life Gen. Clinch commanded our esteem, in death we mingle our sympathies with his family, friends, and fellow-citizens. Be it further Resolved, That his Excellency, the Governor, be re- quested to furnish his family with this preamble and resolution.o More than a year later Governor Towns wrote Mrs. Clinch an official letter. He apologized for not sending the resolution of the legislature at an earlier date-the delay had been caused by repeated failures of local printers in producing it in the style desired, and the necessity of sending it "to a distant point" for embossing. The gov- 20. Savannah Georgian, December 1, 1849. 21. Southern Whig, December 13, 1849. 212  Evening and Aftermath ernor added, "as one of the citizens of the State personally known to your husband under circumstances involving the most delicate rela- tions, I most cheerfully write in the expression of high regard for the great worth and merit of Gen'l Clinch, and deeply deplore the loss which his family and his country has sustained by his death."a Sophia Gibbs Clinch, the General's third wife, survived her hus- band by more than half a century. Her husband's will provided a payment of $1,400.00 a year from Refuge Plantation during her lifetime. On this income and funds from her own property, she found financial security and the means for extensive travel. Although she bore no children, through the decades she was loved and re- spected by her step-children, their children, and their children's children. Sophia made her home at a number of places in the South and died at Charleston in 1903.23 Clinch willed the lifetime use of Refuge Plantation, its furnish- ings and gardens, to his wife, but his son John Houstoun operated the plantation until his death in 1905. Though married, John died without issue and by his will divided the Refuge and holdings in Florida among his brothers and sisters or their children: Eliza Bay- ard Anderson for her children; Mary Lamont Clinch; Henry A. Clinch for his children; Duncan C. Heyward and Bayard C. Hey- ward, the sons of Catherine Clinch Heyward; and the children of Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., Duncan, Nicholas Bayard, John Houstoun, Floyd, and George. The Refuge then passed from Clinch ownership; its once productive lands reverted to nature, and in 1961 the planta- tion house was almost demolished. Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., with his wife Susan Hopkins, operated Incochee Plantation in Georgia before and after the Civil War. Dur- ing that conflict he became a colonel in the Confederate Army and was severely wounded at the Battle of Olustee on February 20, 1864. He recovered from the wound suffered in Florida and later joined the remnant of a southern army attempting to stop General William T. Sherman's march from Atlanta to the sea. Colonel Clinch received another wound, was captured, and placed in a military hos- 22. George W. Towns to Mrs. Gen'l Clinch, April 11, 1851, Letter Book, Governors, January 1847-April 23, 1861, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 23. Unsigned letter, July 26, 1960, Clinch Papers. 213 Evening and Aftermath ernor added, "as one of the citizens of the State personally known to your husband under circumstances involving the most delicate rela- tions, I most cheerfully write in the expression of high regard for the great worth and merit of Gen'l Clinch, and deeply deplore the loss which his family and his country has sustained by his death."22 Sophia Gibbs Clinch, the General's third wife, survived her hus- band by more than half a century. Her husband's will provided a payment of $1,400.00 a year from Refuge Plantation during her lifetime. On this income and funds from her own property, she found financial security and the means for extensive travel. Although she bore no children, through the decades she was loved and re- spected by her step-children, their children, and their children's children. Sophia made her home at a number of places in the South and died at Charleston in 1903.23 Clinch willed the lifetime use of Refuge Plantation, its furnish- ings and gardens, to his wife, but his son John Houstoun operated the plantation until his death in 1905. Though married, John died without issue and by his will divided the Refuge and holdings in Florida among his brothers and sisters or their children: Eliza Bay- ard Anderson for her children; Mary Lamont Clinch; Henry A. Clinch for his children; Duncan C. Heyward and Bayard C. Hey- ward, the sons of Catherine Clinch Heyward; and the children of Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., Duncan, Nicholas Bayard, John Houstoun, Floyd, and George. The Refuge then passed from Clinch ownership; its once productive lands reverted to nature, and in 1961 the planta- tion house was almost demolished. Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., with his wife Susan Hopkins, operated Incochee Plantation in Georgia before and after the Civil War. Dur- ing that conflict he became a colonel in the Confederate Army and was severely wounded at the Battle of Olustee on February 20, 1864. He recovered from the wound suffered in Florida and later joined the remnant of a southern army attempting to stop General William T. Sherman's march from Atlanta to the sea. Colonel Clinch received another wound, was captured, and placed in a military hos- 22. George W. Towns to Mrs. Gen't Clinch, April 11, 1851, Letter Book, Governors, January 1847-April 23, 1861, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 23. Unsigned letter, July 26, 1960, Clinch Papers. 213 Evening and Aftermath ernor added, "as one of the citizens of the State personally known to your husband under circumstances involving the most delicate rela- tions, I most cheerfully write in the expression of high regard for the great worth and merit of Gen'l Clinch, and deeply deplore the loss which his family and his country has sustained by his death."22 Sophia Gibbs Clinch, the General's third wife, survived her hus- band by more than half a century. Her husband's will provided a payment of $1,400.00 a year from Refuge Plantation during her lifetime. On this income and funds from her own property, she found financial security and the means for extensive travel. Although she bore no children, through the decades she was loved and re- spected by her step-children, their children, and their children's children. Sophia made her home at a number of places in the South and died at Charleston in 1903.23 Clinch willed the lifetime use of Refuge Plantation, its furnish- ings and gardens, to his wife, but his son John Houstoun operated the plantation until his death in 1905. Though married, John died without issue and by his will divided the Refuge and holdings in Florida among his brothers and sisters or their children: Eliza Bay- ard Anderson for her children; Mary Lamont Clinch; Henry A. Clinch for his children; Duncan C. Heyward and Bayard C. Hey- ward, the sons of Catherine Clinch Heyward; and the children of Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., Duncan, Nicholas Bayard, John Houstoun, Floyd, and George. The Refuge then passed from Clinch ownership; its once productive lands reverted to nature, and in 1961 the planta- tion house was almost demolished. Duncan L. Clinch, Jr., with his wife Susan Hopkins, operated Incochee Plantation in Georgia before and after the Civil War. Dur- ing that conflict he became a colonel in the Confederate Army and was severely wounded at the Battle of Olustee on February 20, 1864. He recovered from the wound suffered in Florida and later joined the remnant of a southern army attempting to stop General William T. Sherman's march from Atlanta to the sea. Colonel Clinch received another wound, was captured, and placed in a military hos- 22. George W. Towns to Mrs. Gen' Clinch, April 11, 1851, Letter Book, Governors, January 1847-April 23, 1861, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 23. Unsigned letter, July 26, 1960, Clinch Papers. 213  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM pital where General Sherman visited him at the request of Eliza An- derson. The brusque Northerner reported the Confederate colonel on the road to recovery, but made scathing references, in writing to Mrs. Anderson about the condition of her brother. It distressed him, Sherman wrote, to see the son of a loyal American and army officer of repute in the uniform of a rebel. Richard Floyd Clinch, son on Duncan Junior, went to the Middle West where he successfully operated coal, steel, transit, and banking enterprises in Chicago and in Traverse City, Michigan. His son, Duncan Lamont Clinch of Chicago and Miami, now heads a busi- ness in Chicago; he is a world traveler and a patron of historical re- search. Other descendants of Duncan Junior are John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch, former president of the Chicago, North Shore and Milwaukee Railway, and Nicholas Bayard Clinch, president of the Manor Banking Company of Dallas, Texas. Catherine M. Clinch was married to Edward Barnwell Heyward who was a graduate of South Carolina College and became a wealthy rice planter of South Carolina and the owner of Goodwill Plantation. From their union came Duncan Clinch Heyward, who became gov- ernor of South Carolina and wrote a thorough, readable account of rice production along the coastal regions of the South-Seed From Madagascar. Eliza, the oldest child of General Clinch and the first of his chil- dren to be married, followed her husband as he moved from one army post to another. In 1860 Major Robert Anderson arrived at Charleston to command the army forces in and near the city. Be- cause of his Kentucky origin and his Georgian wife with family ties in the South, Southerners expected the major to surrender Fort Sum- ter in 1861. However, he remained faithful to his oath and loyal to his country, and on April 12 the Civil War began with the bombard- ment of Fort Sumter. Anderson later commanded the military depart- ment of Kentucky, achieving the rank of brigadier general, but ill- ness forced him to retire in 1863. A grateful nation breveted him a major general for his gallant but hopeless defense of Fort Sumter. His wife suffered during the war as only one with loved ones fighting for the North and the South would. After her husband's death in 1871, she appealed to the United States for payment of her 214 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM pital where General Sherman visited him at the request of Eliza An- derson. The brusque Northerner reported the Confederate colonel on the road to recovery, but made scathing references, in writing to Mrs. Anderson about the condition of her brother. It distressed him, Sherman wrote, to see the son of a loyal American and army officer of repute in the uniform of a rebel. Richard Floyd Clinch, son on Duncan Junior, went to the Middle West where he successfully operated coal, steel, transit, and banking enterprises in Chicago and in Traverse City, Michigan. His son, Duncan Lamont Clinch of Chicago and Miami, now heads a busi- ness in Chicago; he is a world traveler and a patron of historical re- search. Other descendants of Duncan Junior are John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch, former president of the Chicago, North Shore and Milwaukee Railway, and Nicholas Bayard Clinch, president of the Manor Banking Company of Dallas, Texas. Catherine M. Clinch was married to Edward Barnwell Heyward who was a graduate of South Carolina College and became a wealthy rice planter of South Carolina and the owner of Goodwill Plantation. From their union came Duncan Clinch Heyward, who became gov- ernor of South Carolina and wrote a thorough, readable account of rice production along the coastal regions of the South-Seed From Madagascar. Eliza, the oldest child of General Clinch and the fist of his chil- dren to be married, followed her husband as he moved from one army post to another. In 1860 Major Robert Anderson arrived at Charleston to command the army forces in and near the city. Be- cause of his Kentucky origin and his Georgian wife with family ties in the South, Southerners expected the major to surrender Fort Sum- ter in 1861. However, he remained faithful to his oath and loyal to his country, and on April 12 the Civil War began with the bombard- ment of Fort Sumter. Anderson later commanded the military depart- ment of Kentucky, achieving the rank of brigadier general, but ill- ness forced him to retire in 1863. A grateful nation breveted him a major general for his gallant but hopeless defense of Fort Sumter. His wife suffered during the war as only one with loved ones fighting for the North and the South would. After her husband's death in 1871, she appealed to the United States for payment of her 214 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM pital where General Sherman visited him at the request of Eliza An- derson. The brusque Northerner reported the Confederate colonel on the road to recovery, but made scathing references, in writing to Mrs. Anderson about the condition of her brother. It distressed him, Sherman wrote, to see the son of a loyal American and army officer of repute in the uniform of a rebel. Richard Floyd Clinch, son on Duncan Junior, went to the Middle West where he successfully operated coal, steel, transit, and banking enterprises in Chicago and in Traverse City, Michigan. His son, Duncan Lamont Clinch of Chicago and Miami, now heads a busi- ness in Chicago; he is a world traveler and a patron of historical re- search. Other descendants of Duncan Junior are John Houstoun McIntosh Clinch, former president of the Chicago, North Shore and Milwaukee Railway, and Nicholas Bayard Clinch, president of the Manor Banking Company of Dallas, Texas. Catherine M. Clinch was married to Edward Barnwell Heyward who was a graduate of South Carolina College and became a wealthy rice planter of South Carolina and the owner of Goodwill Plantation. From their union came Duncan Clinch Heyward, who became gov- eroor of South Carolina and wrote a thorough, readable account of rice production along the coastal regions of the South-Seed From Madagascar. Eliza, the oldest child of General Clinch and the first of his chil- dren to ie married, followed her husband as he moved from one army post to another. In 1860 Major Robert Anderson arrived at Charleston to command the army forces in and near the city. Be- cause of his Kentucky origin and his Georgian wife with family ties in the South, Southerners expected the major to surrender Fort Sum- ter in 1861. However, he remained faithful to his oath and loyal to his country, and on April 12 the Civil War began with the bombard- ment of Fort Sumter. Anderson later commanded the military depart- ment of Kentucky, achieving the rank of brigadier general, but ill- ness forced him to retire in 1863. A grateful nation breveted him a major general for his gallant but hopeless defense of Fort Sumter. His wife suffered during the war as only one with loved ones fighting for the North and the South would. After her husband's death in 1871, she appealed to the United States for payment of her 214  Evening and Aftermath father's property destroyed during the latter years of the Seminole War. Her brothers and sisters assigned their claims to her, perhaps thinking the widow of a Northern hero, without the financial ties of relatives tainted with rebellion, would have a better chance for suc- cess, but Eliza Anderson failed in all her appeals. General Clinch left an estate worth more than two million dollars. With an annuity and lifetime occupancy of the Refuge for his widow, he willed the division of his property among eight children.24 In monetary value the larger part of his estate consisted of more than 200 slaves. Although the labor potential of former slaves remained an asset of the nation after 1865, freedom gave them the fruits of their industry, and what had once represented a tremendous invest- ment of capital was lost to the Clinch heirs. There was sufficient in- heritance left in land, however, to prevent the General's children from experiencing acute financial hardship in the poverty-stricken, post-Civil War South. Through three quarters of a century the lands held by General Clinch in 1849 were sold parcel after parcel. (Had his descendants retained the thousands of acres in the vicinity of Cape Canaveral, Florida, the monetary value of these lands would today run into millions of dollars.) Born of upper middle class parents in 1787 and orphaned in youth, Duncan L. Clinch left his native North Carolina to serve on the frontiers of a young nation bent on enlarging its territory. He never attained the military status of his contemporaries-Gaines, Scott, and Taylor. For a few months in 1835 and 1836 national attention was focused on him during the first campaigns of the Semi- nole War. In more than twenty-eight years in the army, he was never in overall command of more than 800 men; and in his largest en- gagement, the Battle of Withlacooechee, more than 500 of those 800 did not participate in the fighting. By every fair standard of compari- son, General Clinch fell into second rank among military command- ers of his era. Fortuitous to his fame, he headed the army forces in Florida when the Indians decided to fight for their homeland, and therein lies his importance to national military history. After he retired from the army, his political career was brief and 24. Duncan L. Clinch Will, Court of Ordinary, Wills, Book C, 207-20, Camden County, Georgia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 215 Evening and Aftermath father's property destroyed during the latter years of the Seminole War. Her brothers and sisters assigned their claims to her, perhaps thinking the widow of a Northern hero, without the financial ties of relatives tainted with rebellion, would have a better chance for suc- cess, but Eliza Anderson failed in all her appeals. General Clinch left an estate worth more than two million dollars. With an annuity and lifetime occupancy of the Refuge for his widow, he willed the division of his property among eight children.24 In monetary value the larger part of his estate consisted of more than 200 slaves. Although the labor potential of former slaves remained an asset of the nation after 1865, freedom gave them the fruits of their industry, and what had once represented a tremendous invest- ment of capital was lost to the Clinch heirs. There was sufficient in- heritance left in land, however, to prevent the General's children from experiencing acute financial hardship in the poverty-stricken, post-Civil War South. Through three quarters of a century the lands held by General Clinch in 1849 were sold parcel after parcel. (Had his descendants retained the thousands of acres in the vicinity of Cape Canaveral, Florida, the monetary value of these lands would today run into millions of dollars.) Born of upper middle class parents in 1787 and orphaned in youth, Duncan L. Clinch left his native North Carolina to serve on the frontiers of a young nation bent on enlarging its territory. He never attained the military status of his contemporaries-Gaines, Scott, and Taylor. For a few months in 1835 and 1836 national attention was focused on him during the first campaigns of the Semi- nole War. In more than twenty-eight years in the army, he was never in overall command of more than 800 men; and in his largest en- gagement, the Battle of Withlacoechee, more than 500 of those 800 did not participate in the fighting. By every fair standard of compari- son, General Clinch fell into second rank among military command- ers of his era. Fortuitous to his fame, he headed the army forces in Florida when the Indians decided to fight for their homeland, and therein lies his importance to national military history. After he retired from the army, his political career was brief and 24. Duncan L. Clinch Will, Court of Ordinary, Wills, Book C, 207-20, Camden County, Georgia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 215 Evening and Aftermath father's property destroyed during the latter years of the Seminole War. Her brothers and sisters assigned their claims to her, perhaps thinking the widow of a Northern hero, without the financial ties of relatives tainted with rebellion, would have a better chance for suc- cess, but Eliza Anderson failed in all her appeals. General Clinch left an estate worth more than two million dollars. With an annuity and lifetime occupancy of the Refuge for his widow, he willed the division of his property among eight children.24 In monetary value the larger part of his estate consisted of more than 200 slaves. Although the labor potential of former slaves remained an asset of the nation after 1865, freedom gave them the fruits of their industry, and what had once represented a tremendous invest- ment of capital was lost to the Clinch heirs. There was sufficient in- heritance left in land, however, to prevent the General's children from experiencing acute financial hardship in the poverty-stricken, post-Civil War South. Through three quarters of a century the lands held by General Clinch in 1849 were sold parcel after parcel. (Had his descendants retained the thousands of acres in the vicinity of Cape Canaveral, Florida, the monetary value of these lands would today run into millions of dollars.) Born of upper middle class parents in 1787 and orphaned in youth, Duncan L. Clinch left his native North Carolina to serve on the frontiers of a young nation bent on enlarging its territory. He never attained the military status of his contemporaries-Gaines, Scott, and Taylor. For a few months in 1835 and 1836 national attention was focused on him during the first campaigns of the Semi- nole War. In more than twenty-eight years in the army, he was never in overall command of more than 800 men; and in his largest en- gagement, the Battle of Withlacoochee, more than 500 of those 800 did not participate in the fighting. By every fair standard of compari- son, General Clinch fell into second rank among military command- ers of his era. Fortuitous to his fame, he headed the army forces in Florida when the Indians decided to fight for their homeland, and therein lies his importance to national military history. After he retired from the army, his political career was brief and 24. Duncan L. Clinch Will, Court of Ordinary, Wills, Book C, 207-20, Camden County, Georgia, microfilm, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 215  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM essentially unsuccessful. A partial term in the national House of Representatives proved his distaste for the legislative role. His mili- tary fame and his success in the special congressional election of 1844 in Georgia thrust him into leadership of the Whig party of his adopted state. In a bitter gubernatorial race he went down to de- feat. In part, responsibility for the loss was his-he could not meet his Democratic opponent in debate. More important reasons for fail- ure lay in the Whig tactics of avoiding issues and running their can- didate on his military record. Dissension within the ranks of Georgia Whigs cost Clinch votes, and the introduction of the Wilmot Pro- viso on the national political level made many Southerners question the wisdom of remaining within the Whig party. In 1847 Clinch lost the governorship by less than 1,300 votes; two years later the Whig candidate for the office was defeated by almost 3,200. Thus when Clinch competed for the governorship, the political tide in Georgia was already coming in for the Democrats. Failures and successes marked the sixty-three years of Clinch's life. He served his nation long and well as an army officer at semi- isolated posts in Georgia, Florida, and Louisiana. For little either in salary or in honor he endured the hardships-tents, shacks, or al- most barren army camps-to give essential protection to frontiers- men who were strengthening the United States by conquering the wilderness. Except for a few successful years spent mainly in direct- ing army recruitment in North Carolina and Virginia, from 1816 to 1836 he had charge of military affairs in Florida and ranked among the most important leaders of the territory. There was nothing of the martinet in General Clinch. His willing- ness to share a spartan existence with his men on campaigns, his interest in and care of the wounded and ill, and his consideration for his subordinates and his fatherly attitude toward them made en- listed soldiers sing his praise. Yet his firmness in command and soundness in military planning won the admiration of his subordi- nate officers. This gentle kindness blossomed into love within his family. It is hard to conceive of a father of his generation more interested in the welfare and education of his children, or in training them to become useful members of society. Although many of the duties of father 216 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM essentially unsuccessful. A partial term in the national House of Representatives proved his distaste for the legislative role. His mili- tary fame and his success in the special congressional election of 1844 in Georgia thrust him into leadership of the Whig party of his adopted state. In a bitter gubernatorial race he went down to de- feat. In part, responsibility for the loss was his-he could not meet his Democratic opponent in debate. More importat reasons for fail- ure lay in the Whig tactics of avoiding issues and running their can- didate on his military record. Dissension within the ranks of Georgia Whigs cost Clinch votes, and the introduction of the Wilmot Pro- viso on the national political level made many Southerners question the wisdom of remaining within the Whig party. In 1847 Clinch lost the governorship by less than 1,300 votes; two years later the Whig candidate for the office was defeated by almost 3,200. Thus when Clinch competed for the governorship, the political tide in Georgia was already coming in for the Democrats. Failures and successes marked the sixty-three years of Clinch's life. He served his nation long and well as an army officer at semi- isolated posts in Georgia, Florida, and Louisiana. For little either in salary or in honor he endured the hardships-tents, shacks, or al- most barren army camps-to give essential protection to frontiers- men who were strengthening the United States by conquering the wilderness. Except for a few successful years spent mainly in direct- ing army recruitment in North Carolina and Virginia, from 1816 to 1836 he had charge of military affairs in Florida and ranked among the most important leaders of the territory. There was nothing of the martinet in General Clinch. His willing- ness to share a spartan existence with his men on campaigns, his interest in and care of the wounded and ill, and his consideration for his subordinates and his fatherly attitude toward them made en- listed soldiers sing his praise. Yet his firmness in command and soundness in military planning won the admiration of his subordi- nate officers. This gentle kindness blossomed into love within his family. It is hard to conceive of a father of his generation more interested in the welfare and education of his children, or in training them to become useful members of society. Although many of the duties of father 216 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM essentially unsuccessful. A partial term in the national House of Representatives proved his distaste for the legislative role. His mili- tary fame and his success in the special congressional election of 1844 in Georgia thrust him into leadership of the Whig party of his adopted state. In a bitter gubernatorial race he went down to de- feat. In part, responsibility for the loss was his-he could not meet his Democratic opponent in debate. More importait reasons for fail- ure lay in the Whig tactics of avoiding issues and running their can- didate on his military record. Dissension within the ranks of Georgia Whigs cost Clinch votes, and the introduction of the Wilmot Pro- viso on the national political level made many Southerners question the wisdom of remaining within the Whig party. In 1847 Clinch lost the governorship by less than 1,300 votes; two years later the Whig candidate for the office was defeated by almost 3,200. Thus when Clinch competed for the governorship, the political tide in Georgia was already coming in for the Democrats. Failures and successes marked the sixty-three years of Clinch's life. He served his nation long and well as an army officer at semi- isolated posts in Georgia, Florida, and Louisiana. For little either in salary or in honor he endured the hardships-tents, shacks, or al- most barren army camps-to give essential protection to frontiers- men who were strengthening the United States by conquering the wilderness. Except for a few successful years spent mainly in direct- ing army recruitment in North Carolina and Virginia, from 1816 to 1836 he had charge of military affairs in Florida and ranked among the most important leaders of the territory. There was nothing of the martinet in General Clinch. His willing- ness to share a spartan existence with his men on campaigns, his interest in and care of the wounded and ill, and his consideration for his subordinates and his fatherly attitude toward them made en- listed soldiers sing his praise. Yet his firmness in command and soundness in military planning won the admiration of his subordi- nate officers. This gentle kindness blossomed into love within his family. It is hard to conceive of a father of his generation more interested in the welfare and education of his children, or in training them to become useful members of society. Although many of the duties of father 216  Evening and Aftermath and mother fell to him during the important formative years of his sons and daughters, the General, twice a widower, met the challenge with a stout heart. All of his children excelled in their chosen pro- fessions-Eliza and Catherine were exemplary wives and mothers; John Houstoun and Duncan distinguished themselves as planters. A man of many careers, Duncan L. Clinch attained the pinnacle of success in various business enterprises. He secured vast acreages in frontier Florida and, while commanding the military forces sta- tioned in that territory, developed productive Lang Syne Plantation. Although many of his holdings came to him by marriage, he raised the Refuge to one of the best rice plantations along the South At- lantic coast. To accumulate an estate worth millions of dollars was no mean achievement for a young man who began adulthood with an inheritance of $1,200. His financial success and his military fame brought businessmen of Georgia and Florida to his door to se- lect him for president of the St. Marys Bank and the head of a transportation company. General Clinch won honor in life and his name lived on in Geor- gia and Florida. Townspeople of Augusta, Macon, and St. Augustine gave him testimonial dinners, named militia companies for him, and hung his portrait among the illustrious leaders of America. A crowd gathered to cheer him at Frederick, Maryland, when he appeared to testify at a court of inquiry in 1836; men stepped forward to touch him and shake his hand and women offered him smiles and flowers; and in Washington congressmen and the representatives of foreign countries paid their respect to him.25 Cantonment Clinch at Pensa- cola, a lake near Frostproof, Florida, and temporary forts erected during the Seminole War were named for him. In 1851 Georgia added to her already numerous counties by establishing Clinch County on the Florida border. The United States government in the 1840's selected the northern tip of Amelia Island, Florida, for one of the defensive fortifications along the Atlantic Coast and there constructed Fort Clinch. Today, tourists cross the bridge over the moat to enter and view the impressive ruins and the few restored buildings of the fort, while vacationers walk in the surrounding spacious state park which bears the name of Duncan L. Clinch. 25. Southern Banner, September 16, 1847. 217 Evening and Aftermath and mother fell to him during the important formative years of his sons and daughters, the General, twice a widower, met the challenge with a stout heart. All of his children excelled in their chosen pro- fessions-Eliza and Catherine were exemplary wives and mothers; John Houstoun and Duncan distinguished themselves as planters. A man of many careers, Duncan L. Clinch attained the pinnacle of success in various business enterprises. He secured vast acreages in frontier Florida and, while commanding the military forces sta- tioned in that territory, developed productive Lang Syne Plantation. Although many of his holdings came to him by marriage, he raised the Refuge to one of the best rice plantations along the South At- lantic coast. To accumulate an estate worth millions of dollars was no mean achievement for a young man who began adulthood with an inheritance of $1,200. His financial success and his military fame brought businessmen of Georgia and Florida to his door to se- lect him for president of the St. Marys Bank and the head of a transportation company. General Clinch won honor in life and his name lived on in Geor- gia and Florida. Townspeople of Augusta, Macon, and St. Augustine gave him testimonial dinners, named militia companies for him, and hung his portrait among the illustrious leaders of America. A crowd gathered to cheer him at Frederick, Maryland, when he appeared to testify at a court of inquiry in 1836; men stepped forward to touch him and shake his hand and women offered him smiles and flowers; and in Washington congressmen and the representatives of foreign countries paid their respect to him.at Cantonment Clinch at Pensa- cola, a lake near Frostproof, Florida, and temporary forts erected during the Seminole War were named for him. In 1851 Georgia added to her already numerous counties by establishing Clinch County on the Florida border. The United States government in the 1840's selected the northern tip of Amelia Island, Florida, for one of the defensive fortifications along the Atlantic Coast and there constructed Fort Clinch. Today, tourists cross the bridge over the moat to enter and view the impressive ruins and the few restored buildings of the fort, while vacationers walk in the surrounding spacious state park which bears the name of Duncan L. Clinch. 25. Southern Banner, September 16, 1847. 217 Evening and Aftermath and mother fell to him during the important formative years of his sons and daughters, the General, twice a widower, met the challenge with a stout heart. All of his children excelled in their chosen pro- fessions-Eliza and Catherine were exemplary wives and mothers; John Houstoun and Duncan distinguished themselves as planters. A man of many careers, Duncan L. Clinch attained the pinnacle of success in various business enterprises. He secured vast acreages in frontier Florida and, while commanding the military forces sta- tioned in that territory, developed productive Lang Syne Plantation. Although many of his holdings came to him by marriage, he raised the Refuge to one of the best rice plantations along the South At- lantic coast. To accumulate an estate worth millions of dollars was no mean achievement for a young man who began adulthood with an inheritance of $1,200. His financial success and his military fame brought businessmen of Georgia and Florida to his door to se- lect him for president of the St. Marys Bank and the head of a transportation company. General Clinch won honor in life and his name lived on in Geor- gia and Florida. Townspeople of Augusta, Macon, and St. Augustine gave him testimonial dinners, named militia companies for him, and hung his portrait among the illustrious leaders of America. A crowd gathered to cheer him at Frederick, Maryland, when he appeared to testify at a court of inquiry in 1836; men stepped forward to touch him and shake his hand and women offered him smiles and flowers; and in Washington congressmen and the representatives of foreign countries paid their respect to him.2 Cantonment Clinch at Pensa- cola, a lake near Frostproof, Florida, and temporary forts erected during the Seminole War were named for him. In 1851 Georgia added to her already numerous counties by establishing Clinch County on the Florida border. The United States government in the 1840's selected the northern tip of Amelia Island, Florida, for one of the defensive fortifications along the Atlantic Coast and there constructed Fort Clinch. Today, tourists cross the bridge over the moat to enter and view the impressive ruins and the few restored buildings of the fort, while vacationers walk in the surrounding spacious state park which bears the name of Duncan L. Clinch. 25. Southern Banner, September 16, 1847. 217  A Note on Sources THE BUILDINGS and army camps used by Duncan L. Clinch have not withstood the changes of more than 100 years. Only pictures and plans remain of his Refuge Plantation house and his summer home at Clarkesville, Georgia. The dams, sluiceways, and ditches of the Refuge Plantation ricefields have been leveled by nature. Marianna, the home of his father-in-law and a second home for Clinch's children, was razed decades ago. Canton- ment Clinch, Fort Brooke, Fort Drane, and Fort King-all in Florida -are now fields, forests, or suburban areas. The face of General Clinch's countryside has been changed and only creeks, rivers, lakes, and bays identify those places where he lived. The most impressive monument to the memory of Clinch is Fort Clinch on Amelia Island, Florida, but the fort's massive walls and brick buildings were being constructed at the time of his death, Unfortunately no large or valuable collections of Clinch papers are held by archives or libraries, and only a small number of books refer to his activities. Since these sources are identified in the foot- notes of this volume, only the most important manuscript and print- ed primary sources are listed here. In quantity and quality the pa- pers owned by Duncan Lamont Clinch (80 East Jackson Boulevard, Chicago) are the most important source for the life of General Clinch. These Clinch Papers contain letters written by Clinch, let- ters written to him, copies of official correspondence with the United States War Department, accounts, estate records, and newspaper clippings. Other descendants of General Clinch who have small but worth-while collections of letters and documents are Katherine B. Heyward (Columbia, South Carolina), Barnwell Heyward (Clarkes- ville, Georgia), Nicholas Bayard Clinch (Dallas), and John Hous- toun McIntosh Clinch (Chicago). The court records of Nash and Edgecombe counties, North Caro- lina, and of Sorry County, Virginia (especially the deed, will, and patent books) have facts on the ancestors and early life of Clinch. The Camden County, Georgia, records contain many references to 218 A Note on Sources THE BUILDINGS and army camps used by Duncan L. Clinch have not withstood the changes of more than 100 years. Only pictures and plans remain of his Refuge Plantation house and his summer home at Clarkesville, Georgia. The dams, sluiceways, and ditches of the Refuge Plantation ricefields have been leveled by nature. Marianna, the home of his father-in-law and a second home for Clinch's children, was razed decades ago. Canton- ment Clinch, Fort Brooke, Fort Drane, and Fort King-all in Florida -are now fields, forests, or suburban areas. The face of General Clinch's countryside has been changed and only creeks, rivers, lakes, and bays identify those places where he lived. The most impressive monument to the memory of Clinch is Fort Clinch on Amelia Island, Florida, but the fort's massive walls and brick buildings were being constructed at the time of his death. Unfortunately no large or valuable collections of Clinch papers are held by archives or libraries, and only a small number of books refer to his activities. Since these sources are identified in the foot- notes of this volume, only the most important manuscript and print- ed primary sources are listed heere. In quantity and quality the pa- pers owned by Duncan Lamont Clinch (80 East Jackson Boulevard, Chicago) are the most important source for the life of General Clinch. These Clinch Papers contain letters written by Clinch, let- ters written to him, copies of official correspondence with the United States War Department, accounts, estate records, and newspaper clippings. Other descendants of General Clinch who have small but worth-while collections of letters and documents are Katherine B. Heyward (Columbia, South Carolina), Barnwell Heyward (Clarkes- ville, Georgia), Nicholas Bayard Clinch (Dallas), and John Hous- toun McIntosh Clinch (Chicago). The court records of Nash and Edgecombe counties, North Caro- lina, and of Sorry County, Virginia (especially the deed, will, and patent books) have facts on the ancestors and early life of Clinch. The Camden County, Georgia, records contain many references to 218 A Note on Sources THE BUILDINGS and army camps used by Duncan L. Clinch have not withstood the changes of more than 100 years. Only pictures and plans remain of his Refuge Plantation house and his summer home at Clarkesville, Georgia. The dams, sluiceways, and ditches of the Refuge Plantation ricefields have been leveled by nature. Marianna, the home of his father-in-law and a second home for Clinch's children, was razed decades ago. Canton- ment Clinch, Fort Brooke, Fort Drane, and Fort King-all in Florida -are now fields, forests, or suburban areas. The face of General Clinch's countryside has been changed and only creeks, rivers, lakes, and bays identify those places where he lived. The most impressive monument to the memory of Clinch is Fort Clinch on Amelia Island, Florida, but the fort's massive walls and brick buildings were being constructed at the time of his death. Unfortunately no large or valuable collections of Clinch papers are held by archives or libraries, and only a small number of books refer to his activities. Since these sources are identified in the foot- notes of this volume, only the most important manuscript and print- ed primary sources are listed here. In quantity and quality the pa- pers owned by Duncan Lamont Clinch (80 East Jackson Boulevard, Chicago) are the most important source for the life of General Clinch. These Clinch Papers contain letters written by Clinch, let- ters written to him, copies of official correspondence with the United States War Department, accounts, estate records, and newspaper clippings. Other descendants of General Clinch who have small but worth-while collections of letters and documents are Katherine B. Heyward (Columbia, South Carolina), Barnwell Heyward (Clarkes- ville, Georgia), Nicholas Bayard Clinch (Dallas), and John Hous- toun McIntosh Clinch (Chicago). The court records of Nash and Edgecombe counties, North Caro- lina, and of Surry County, Virginia (especially the deed, will, and patent books) have facts on the ancestors and early life of Clinch. The Camden County, Georgia, records contain many references to 218  A Note on Sources Clinch's activities from 1819 to 1849. These records were used in microfilm at the Georgia Department of Archives and History (At- lanta), and this depository also has the Clinch Folder, Letterbooks of the Governors of Georgia (1840's), Habersham County Records, and miscellaneous collections. Lists of Taxables, Militia, Magistrates, and Peace Officers, 1754-1806, in the North Carolina Department of Archives and History (Raleigh) give the property holdings and offices held by the Clinch and Lamon families. The Florida Tax Re- turns for 1846 in the State Library of Florida (Tallahassee) list the land and other property held by Clinch, and the McIntosh estate. The War Records Office, National Archives, is a storehouse of in- formation on officers of the United States Army. Particularly perti- nent to the military career of Clinch are Record Group 94, Letters Sent, Letters Received, and Reports to Congress, Adjutant General's Office; and Record Group 107, Letters sent and Reports to Congress, Office of the Secretary of War. The manuscript collections of the Library of Congress, university libraries, and historical societies provided some material. The most important library holdings are the following: "Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35" in the Library of Congress; the Charles Colcock Jones, Jr., Papers and Alexander Beaufort Meek's "Journal of the Florida Ex- pedition, 1836, Feb. 21 - April 23" in the Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library; the Richard Keith Call Papers (especially Ellen Call Long's manuscript "History of Florida") in the Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina; and the Duncan Clinch Heyward Papers in the Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina. The Florida Historical Society (University of South Florida) has some papers of Richard Keith Call, and the typewritten journal--John Bemrose, "Reminiscences of the Seminole War"-in the Society Library is an excellent source. Both the P. K. Yonge Me- morial Library of Florida History (University of Florida) and the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah) have some Clinch material in their holdings. The main newspaper sources for Clinch's life are the Savannah Georgian and Savannah Republican (1816-1849), the Milledge- ville Federal Union, Columbus Enquirer, and Southern Whig (Ath- ens) for the years 1840 through 1849. The University of Georgia has an excellent collection of these papers either in original copies or on microfilm. A less valuable newspaper collection relating to Clinch are those-St. Augustine, Jacksonville, Tallahassee, and Pen- sacola papers of the 1830's and 1840's-in the P. K. Yonge Memori- al Library. The Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, and Niles' Weekly Register reprinted many letters and articles from newspapers and also carried observations from participants in the Seminole War. 219 A Note on Sources Clinch's activities from 1819 to 1849. These records were used in microfilm at the Georgia Department of Archives and History (At- lanta), and this depository also has the Clinch Folder, Letterbooks of the Governors of Georgia (1840's), Habersham County Records, and miscellaneous collections. Lists of Taxables, Militia, Magistrates, and Peace Officers, 1754-1806, in the North Carolina Department of Archives and History (Raleigh) give the property holdings and offices held by the Clinch and Lamon families. The Florida Tax Re- turns for 1846 in the State Library of Florida (Tallahassee) list the land and other property held by Clinch, and the McIntosh estate. The War Records Office, National Archives, is a storehouse of in- formation on officers of the United States Army. Particularly perti- nnet to the military career of Clinch are Record Group 94, Letters Sent, Letters Received, and Reports to Congress, Adjutant General's Office; and Record Group 107, Letters sent and Reports to Congress, Office of the Secretary of War. The manuscript collections of the Library of Congress, university libraries, and historical societies provided some material. The most important library holdings are the following: "Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35" in the Library of Congress; the Charles Colcock Jones, Jr., Papers and Alexander Beaufort Meek's "Journal of the Florida Ex- pedition, 1836, Feb. 21 -April 23" in the Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library; the Richard Keith Call Papers (especially Ellen Call Long's manuscript "History of Florida") in the Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina; and the Duncan Clinch Heyward Papers in the Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina. The Florida Historical Society (University of South Florida) has some papers of Richard Keith Call, and the typewritten journal-John Bemrose, "Reminiscences of the Seminole War"-in the Society Library is an excellent source. Both the P. K. Yonge Me- morial Library of Florida History (University of Florida) and the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah) have some Clinch material in their holdings. The main newspaper sources for Clinch's life are the Savannah Georgian and Savannah Republican (1816-1849), the Milledge- ville Federal Union, Columbus Enquirer, and Southern Whig (Ath- ens) for the years 1840 through 1849. The University of Georgia has an excellent collection of these papers either in original copies or on microfilm. A less valuable newspaper collection relating to Clinch are those-St. Augustine, Jacksonville, Tallahassee, and Pen- sacola papers of the 1830's and 1840's-in the P. K. Yonge Memori- al Library. The Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, and Niles' Weekly Register reprinted many letters and articles from newspapers and also carried observations from participants in the Seminole War. 219 A Note on Sources Clinch's activities from 1819 to 1849. These records were used in microfilm at the Georgia Department of Archives and History (At- lanta), and this depository also has the Clinch Folder, Letterbooks of the Governors of Georgia (1840's), Habersham County Records, and miscellaneous collections. Lists of Taxables, Militia, Magistrates, and Peace Officers, 1754-1806, in the North Carolina Department of Archives and History (Raleigh) give the property holdings and offices held by the Clinch and Lamon families. The Florida Tax Re- turns for 1846 in the State Library of Florida (Tallahassee) list the land and other property held by Clinch, and the McIntosh estate. The War Records Office, National Archives, is a storehouse of in- formation on officers of the United States Army. Particularly perti- nent to the military career of Clinch are Record Group 94, Letters Sent, Letters Received, and Reports to Congress, Adjutant General's Office; and Record Group 107, Letters sent and Reports to Congress, Office of the Secretary of War. The manuscript collections of the Library of Congress, university libraries, and historical societies provided some material. The most important library holdings are the following: "Clinch Letterbook, 1834-35" in the Library of Congress; the Charles Colcock Jones, Jr., Papers and Alexander Beaufort Meek's "Journal of the Florida Ex- pedition, 1836, Feb. 21 -April 23" in the Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library; the Richard Keith Call Papers (especially Ellen Call Long's manuscript "History of Florida") in the Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina; and the Duncan Clinch Heyward Papers in the Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina. The Florida Historical Society (University of South Florida) has some papers of Richard Keith Call, and the typewritten journal-John Bemrose, "Reminiscences of the Seminole War"-in the Society Library is an excellent source. Both the P. K. Yonge Me- morial Library of Florida History (University of Florida) and the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah) have some Clinch material in their holdings. The main newspaper sources for Clinch's life are the Savannah Georgian and Savannah Republican (1816-1849), the Milledge- ville Federal Union, Columbus Enquirer, and Southern Whig (Ath- ens) for the years 1840 through 1849. The University of Georgia has an excellent collection of these papers either in original copies or on microfilm. A less valuable newspaper collection relating to Clinch are those-St. Augustine, Jacksonville, Tallahassee, and Pen- sacola papers of the 1830's and 1840's-in the P. K. Yonge Memori- al Library. The Army and Navy Chronicle, New Series, and Niles' Weekly Register reprinted many letters and articles from newspapers and also carried observations from participants in the Seminole War. 219  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM There are many useful government documents. The best for this study are House Document Number 78, 25th Congress, 2nd Session and House Document Number 271, 24th Congress, 1st Session. Scattered thrmughout the Territorial Papers of the United States, Volumes XXII-XXVI (Florida Territorial Papers), are letters to and from Clinch, petitions, and reports. Few biographies or period studies have references to Clinch, and the paragraph sketches in standard biographical works contain in- accurate statements. The Florida Historical Quarterly, especially articles by Mark F. Boyd, has useful secondary and a few primary accounts relating to the General. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM There are many useful government documents. The best for this study are House Document Number 78, 25th Congress, 2nd Session and House Document Number 271, 24th Congress, 1st Session. Scattered throughout the Territorial Papers of the United States, Volumes XXII-XXVI (Florida Territorial Papers), are letters to and from Clinch, petitions, and reports. Few biographies or period studies have references to Clinch, and the paragraph sketches in standard biographical works contain in- accurate statements. The Florida Historical Quarterly, especially articles by Mark F. Boyd, has useful secondary and a few primary accounts relating to the General. ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM There are many useful government documents. The best for this study are House Document Number 78, 25th Congress, 2nd Session and House Document Number 271, 24th Congress, 1st Session. Scattered throughout the Territorial Papers of the United States, Volumes XXII-XXVI (Florida Territorial Papers), are letters to and from Clinch, petitions, and reports. Few biographies or period studies have references to Clinch, and the paragraph sketches in standard biographical works contain in- accurate statements. The Florida Historical Quarterly, especially articles by Mark F. Boyd, has useful secondary and a few primary accounts relating to the General.  Index Index Index ABAANegro, with Seminoles,, 80 Adams,, J,,hn Quinc4y, 40, 47 Adams4-O,46 Treaty, 50 Ais Indians, 67 Alachua, County, 58, 61; Indian, raids in,, 85, 86, 96 Alligator, Indian chief, 124 Amathla, Charley, 87, 88, 90 Ambrter, Robert, 40 Ame4lia Island, 39, 43 Amria Revolut6,on, 6, 7, 8, 9, 182 An4derson, Eba (granddaughter), 188, 209 Anderson, E1iza Clinch. See Clinch, Eliza Anderson, Ro4bert (son-in-law), 165, 187, 188, 214 Apalachicola:t River, 25, 26, 28; Bay, 27 Arbhnot, Aexader, 40 Armstrong, John4,, 19 Athens, Ca., 187, 211 Atlanta, Ca., 187, 211 Augusta, Gt., 115; Clinch at, 14741; Volunteers4, 117, 129, 147 Atuld Lang Syne, Planttkon, 61, 66, 117, 139, 173, 174, 188, 189; de- script0on 48, 93-94; destruction, of8, 15 6-5 7 Aury, Luis,, 39 Barbary States, 13 Barksdale,, Margaret, 182 Baron,1, James4, 14 Basse, sailing mas4te,31 Baton, Rouge, La,., 17, 18, 64, 65 Bell, Raphael, 47 Berrien, John M., 199, 209-10 Bessent, A. J., 168, 171 0l,,dgd, Foster, 129 Bo1ivar, 8i66,, 39 Bovure Cemeter4y, 212 Bowle6gs, town', of, 40 048t66 Army, 8; in, Florida, 27-28 Bronson,,, Isaac A., 156 Brooke, Fors, 1, 97, 58, 70, 99, 97, 98, 99, 121, 130; desciption, of, Brown4, Jacob6, 20 Buch, Da,,iel F., 94 Butler, Robert, 50 CAESAR44, Seminolek Negr, 124 C6,6,,,,,, John, C., 48, 44, 94, 193 Call, Rihar64d K., 58, 139, 191; cm man4,ds vuteerst, 99-96, 98, 180; opinions4 of8, 98, 198; a1 Ba4816 o8 Withlacooche, 184 if; praises men, 182; attempts8 to wi6 cmmnd 137; contvery with Clinch, 151- 52; acuain o8, 197 Calusa Indians4, 67 Camden, Cot,y, 43, 48, 160 Cam1p: Cool4 Springs, 28; Crawford, 27, 28, 33, 37; Hope,, 56; Izard, 123, 129; Johnton,, 23; Ltake Eri, 22, 37; Lang4 Sync, 174 Canatda, 19, 20 Can1tonmen4,t Cinch6,, 56, 87 Captain Itsaacs, Indian chie8, 29 ABRAHAM41u, Negro4 with Seminolest, 80 Adamst, 3John Quincy, 48, 47 Adamst-086t Tteaty, 50 Ait Indians,, 67 Alachua4 County, 88, 61; Indian raidt in, 85, 86, 96 Alligator, Indian1 chie8, 124 Ama4thla, Charley, 87, 88, 90 A,,brister, Robert, 48 Ameliat Islan~d, 39, 43 American,4, Revoltion, 6, 7, 8, 9, 182 Andersont, Ebt (gra648au468er), 188, Anderson, Eli,, Clincuh. Se, Clinch, Eli,, Anderson44,, Rotbert (son1-in-1aw), 165, 187, 188, 214 Apalachicola:4 River,, 23, 28, 28; Bay, 27 Arbuthnot, Alexan1de, 40 Armtrong, John,, 19 Athens, Ca., 187, 211 Atlant, Gat., 187, 211 Augut, Ct., 115; Clinch 48, 14748; Volunteers, 117, 129, 147 Aul~d Ltag Sync, Plattion, 61, 66, 117, 139, 173, 174, 188, 189; de,- scriptiont 48, 93-94; detrtiont, of, Aur4y, Luis, 39 BAILEY~t, JOHN, 48 Barbary State, 13 Barksdal, Margarett, 182 Barron1, James,,, 14 Basinger, Willa, E.~, 99, 100 Basset, sailngmaster, 31 Baton, Rou44, It., 17, 18, 84, 65 Bel1, Raphael, 47 Bellamy4, John, 55 Berrten, John1 M., 199, 209-10 Besstent, A. J., 168, 171 Blod8get, Foter4, 129 0Blo ut,ghomas,19, 34 olOvar, 8i6,, 39 Bonaveture, Cemetery, 212 Bowlegs, town,~ o,, 40 British Am,,y, 8; 64 Florida, 27-28 Bronson,,, Isaac A., 156 Booke, Ceorge Mercer, 37, 58 Brooke, Fort, 1, 97, 58, 70, 95, 97, 98, 99, 121, 130; descrtption 148, 63 Brown,, Jaco,,b, 20 Burch4, Da4,iel E., 54 CAEStARt, Seminol41 Negro, 124 Calhoun,,, John4, C., 40, 44, 54, 193 Call, Richard48K., 58, 133, 191; 4,,,m- mantds volunteert, 95-90, 98, 100; opinionst of, 98, 138; 41 Battle oft Withl,ut,,,h,,, 104 if; praises1m,4, 112; at44emptsto win commantt,,td, 137; cotrovers4y with Clinch1, 151- 92; acusttons o8, 197 Ca11lav, Jos6, 50 Calua Indians,,, 67 Camden84 Coun,,ty, 43, 48, 160 Cam,,p: Coo1 Springs4, 20; Crawford, 27, 28, 33, 37; 1341e, 56; Itar, 123, 125; Johnsto, 23; Lake Erie, 22, 37; ttang Syne, 174 Ctanada,, 19, 20 Cantonmen,,,t Clinch, 56, 57 Captain Isaacs, Indiat 4148e0, 29 Car,,, Mt., ki1led, 57 Cass, Lewis:4 instrtttons, atd odr ABAANegro with Seminoles6, 88 Adams,, John Qutincy, 40, 47 Adams,,-O,,8 Treaty, 50 Ait Indians, 67 Alachua~ Coun,,ty, 58, 61; Indian, raidt 8n, 85, 88, 96 Alligator, Indian chief8,124 A444thla, Charley, 87, 80, 90 Ambrste, Rober4t, 40 Amelia, Is1la,,d, 39, 43 American, Revuton,,, 6, 7, 8, 9, 182 Anderson,,, Eba, (granddaughter81), 188, Anderson4,, Elizt Clinch. 0ee Cincth, Eliza Anderson,, R4ber1 (son,-in,-law), 165, 187, 188, 214 Apalachicola:, River, 25, 26, 28; 04y, Arbutot,, AIexander,,, 40 Ath,,,s, CGa., 187, 211 Atlanta,, Ca., 187, 211 Attgutt, Ca., 115; Clinc4h 48, 14748; Volun,,teers, 117, 129, 147 Attld La1tg Sytne P1antatio, 61, 66, 117, 139, 173, 174, 188, 189; 48e- tscription 48, 93-94; des1trution4, 48, 156-57 Aury, Luis, 39 BAILEY4, JOHN1, 48 Barbary7 States, 13 Barksdale,, Margaret, 102 Barron,, James4, 14 04164444, Will,,,, E., 99, 100 1,4ton Rouge, 14., 87, 18, 64, 65 Bell, Raphael1, 47 Bel1lamy, John,, 55 04err4,4, 346hn M., 199, 209-10 84,44,44, A. 3., 168, 171 Blodget, 1,41t44, 129 B1lount, Thomas,,, 9, 11 Blue4, CGeorge Lovet1, 34 Boiva, 0i6n,, 39 141444446444 Ceme4tery, 212 Bowlegs,, town 48, 40 06,t114 Army, 8; in Florida, 27-28 B44,4144, Isa44 A., 156 0,4414e, 1,444, 1, 57, 58, 70, 95, 97, 98, 99, 121, 130; descript,0on 48, 63 Brown,, Jacob, 20 044414, Da44iel E., 54 CAESAR4, 54,4i3,4l1 Negro, 124 Calhoun,,, John, C., 48, 44, 54, 193 Call, Richard8 K., 58, 133, 191; com-, mands48 vo414,41444, 95-96, 98, 100; opinions, 48, 98, 138; 41 041tl4 48 Withlacooche, 104 ff;4raiss1m,444 112; attemptsto win comman,,44,,d, 137; controversy78with Clinch, 151- 52; 444,4140,4 ,4,8197 Cal1ava, J416, 50 Calusa Indiant, 67 Cam,,den Coun4,ty, 43, 48, 160 Camp: Coo1 Spring, 20; Crawfo,, 27, 20, 33, 37; Ho4pe, 56; Izard, 123, 129; Johnsto, 23; 1ake Ed4e, 22, 37; La44g 8744, 174 Canada48, 19, 20 Ca41tonment4 Clinch, 56, 57 Captain, Isaac, Indian,, 46448, 29 Carr,, Mr1., ki811ed, 57 Cass, Lewis: ins0tructions a4d orer 221 221 221  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM 60, 15, 76, 114-15; le166rs of, 137- 51, 153-54; defende5d, 153-54; ad5- 38, 141; defends516imse61, 150; mi1n1s16rs estate, 155-56; 1sec615 m166t166ed, 191 marr1ag of, 159; 1n6civi11a6 af- Cassville Pioneer, 201 fairs, 162-63; in business, 168 if; 0ast1l1o6d56566 Marco, 83 portrait of, 172; let1ersof1, to ch15- Cha1les166, S. 0., 23, 24, 45 dren1, 172-73, 185-56, 207-8; in Charlotte1Harbo, Fla., 121, 152 pol1t1cs, 176, 177, 178, 110, 191, Ch6tta1o6ch6e6Rive, 26, 27, 25 193 if, 2034; at West Point, 181; Cherokee Indians, 185 thud marriage of, 181 if; 61ui1ds 06155ewa, Batt1e of, 20 1Lam661, 185-87, 209; fearsof6, Ch61taw6Indians, 30, 52 215; il1nes1 a615 death 61, 211-12; Chu6bb, Lieutena6t, 107 161616t11661on, 212; wi11 a615611616 Clark, Arc6hi6115, 56, 57; of, 215, 215; evalat6o of, 215 016666161116, 06, 165, 209; 156s- if. 6451166 68, 185-86 01inc6, Duncan Lamont1(descendan), Clay, Hery 125, 177, 180 214 0116ch, 0atherine Maria (1566g6166), C1inch, Dunca66, Lamont6 (son), 59, 61, 163, 173, 208, 213, 214 60, 181, 188, 215-14; 1116e11 61, 0li6c6, 06hrist51h66 (a1c6616r), 5 80; 6611156e6 60, 215 011666, 061111676er (grea6-gra61506- 00666h, Edward (6roth66), 7 1666), 5 01in66, Eliza (1566g6116), 54, 63, 64, 06666h, 0666an (grandson), 214 165, 205, 215, 214-15 011666, Duncan1 6616111661e o With- Cl0nc,ElizaBayard(f6s11wife):1mar- 16666666e, 1-5, 93 if; a6estr5 6615 116ge661, 4647; wit666166615, 51; youth1, 4 ff; 661661 army6, 15; at 616115r66 6615 56661lem1 60, 53-54, New 0616661661511166116656e, 17- 59, 65; 1611ers 61, 59-60, 81; re- 11; p66116io66161, 10, 15, 44, 61; 05166n 61, 66, 79 ff; 156a16 1615 16 War 68 1112, 20-25; t For6 1666661 o, 81, 82; monument6 166, 11666161, 24-26; 61661 Negro 0661, 165; me66t166ed 107 27 ff; 6656611 61, 34-35, 133; 01in66, Elizabeth (a66est66), 5 56ra1615, 34, 35, 108, 110-11, 131- 00666h, Elizabeth (si1666), 7 32, 139, 140, 143 ff; 61111616615, 00666h, 01661616h 066156166 (gra6d- 35, 153,2000f; 66666iti65, 31 ff, 1161666), 6 41; 16166 wit6 Monroe, 39, 41, 45; 011666, 50616616h Ho6ustoun (second at 56666615166 6615 P6i61 Petr6, 42 wife)46, 139, 164 ff; 6611t 116661656 61, 4647; 166- 00666h, F16y15(gr6615116), 213 166gh1 61, 4049, 56, 57, 65, 66; 00666h, 0eorge (gra615666), 213 6611ma6615 16 F16., 51 ff; tours C1in66, 0eorge W. (166), 66, 196 16nd166 666616r, 58-59; 56656ert o1, 00666h, He6665 A. (166), 63, 189, 208, 61, 165, 166; 6111161666 Fitzger1ld, 209, 213, 61-62; 116661 of 6611r165, 63, 66; 011666, 3666 1166st666 (gr66dso6), 1666611 61, 65, 143 ff, 164-65; 213 16116 1616 16nd1666, 70 ff, 77-78; 01in66, J666 1166116,6 Mc1ntosh (156- 116666 61, 79, 150-55, 169, 201,- 166615661), 214 6611gi66 61, 80; 66 Mobile, 02; at 01in66, J666 116611666 Mc1ntosh St. Augustine, 85; opinions 61, 06- (s66), 54, 181, 117, 188, 213 07, 88-89, 97; 666666666111161 of, 00666h, J61656 J666 (b161666), 7, 36, 113; 166661 61, 116-17; aids60ai661, 60 123 ff; 6666511g61 16 1036, 129 011666, 366656 J666 (811666), 4, 5, if; resigns, 137-31; r661661 166 66- 6-9 1166165, 14142, 143; re66656661 C1in66, J61656 J6hn (gr661df6ther), 5- 166, 144-46, 147-40; 161t01161, 149- 6 50; 611116iz66 0661 a615 060, 150- 0lin66, Mary (11st66), 7, 9 222 ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM 61, 13, 76, 114-15; 1666666 61, 137- 51, 153-54; d6166nded, 153-54; ad- 38, 141; 156166166661611, 150; 166161661 611616, 150-56; 1666615 1166116661, 191 marr6age668, 159; in civilia af- 0assville Pion6e, 201 111r1, 162-63; 16 66116616, 168 ff; 011110615 566 Sa 8Ma66, 83 po6trai1 61, 172; 1611661 61, 16 666l- 0666161166, S. C., 23, 24,43 15666, 172-73, 109-90, 207-1; i6 Charlotte1Harbor, F1a., 121, 132 5601166, 176, 177, 171, 180, 191, 06attah666666111666, 26, 27, 21 193 if, 2034; at Wet6 56166, 181; 06666666 1616166, 183 third 11arri166 of, 181 if; 6bu3151 Chi556w6, 06161661, 20 16am661, 113-17, 209; fear 61, 066611w6In16661, 30, 32 210; 106616s 6615 156116 61, 211-12; 06666, 066666666, 107 1616161166166n, 212; 161l 6615616116 01666, Archiba1ld, 56, 57; 61, 213, 215; 661161666n 61, 215 016666661516, 06., 163, 209; 1566- ff. cript66 68, 105-06 00666h, Dunc661661661(5616661566), 0166', 1166r6, 129, 177, 180 214 011666, 061616166 Ma1611 (156616166), 06666h, 066666 Lamo666 (son), 59, 61, 163, 173, 208, 213, 214 60, 181, 188, 215-14; il1n611 68, 00666h, 06611165666 (a6666t66), 5 80; 66151566661, 213 011666, 0hr16165666 (6,666-6,661516- 00666h, 015wa661 (6661666), 7 6666), 5 011666, Eliza (1566161r), 54, 63, 64, 00666h, 066616 (grandso66), 214 165, 209, 213, 214-15 011666, 0666661.; 661601661 o With- Cl0666,5Eliza6Bayard(firs wife): 11ar- 166666666, 1-3, 93 ff; 6666666' 1615 r1age 61, 4647; 161666166615, 51; 56616, 4 if; 661661 66666, 15; at 66515666 6615 566616111 61, 53-54, New 0616661661516166166656, 17- 55, 63; 1616661 61, 59-60, 81 re- 18; 5661161166161, 18, 19, 44, 61; l0gion 61, 66, 79 ff; 156616 6615 16 War 68 1012, 20-23; 61 F666 1666661 68, 81, 82; mo6661166 for, 11616i16, 24-26; 61661 N66,6 5661, 165; 6666116661 187 27 10; 665661s 61, 34-35, 133; 06666h, 51666616h (a,6est66), 5 56ra1615, 34, 35, 100, 110-11, 131- 0lin66, 51666616h (111166), 7 32, 139, 140, 143 if; 6r11161ze1, 06666h, 51611616h 066156166 (gra6d- 33, 130, 263 ff; 6666ui1165, 38 ff, 1161666), 6 41; 66(611616 Monroe, 39, 41, 45; 06666h, 501166616 11oustoun (sec615 66 Fernandina 6615 56161 56116, 42 w11)46, 159, 164 if; 1666t 111611656 61, 4647; 166- 00666, F16yd5(6,ra15166), 213 166161 61, 40-49, 56, 57, 65, 66; 06666h, 066656 (gr661666), 213 6611111615 16 F16., 51 ff; 66661 06666h, 066656 W. (166), 66, 190 161511666661r6, 50-99; 5665665661f, 00666h, 116666 A. (166), 63, 189, 201, 61, 165, 166; 661061661s F06z616115, 209, 213, 61-62; 161661 61 retiring, 63, 66; 011666, 3666 116661666 (6,66dso6), 1666611 61, 65, 143 if, 164-65; 213 11161 1616 16nd1661, 70 ff, 77-70; 06666h,66 1166166 Hou616nMctos (de- 116661 61, 79, 151-59, 169, 201,- 166615661), 214 religion 61, 80; at 1866116, 02; at 06666h, J666 116661666 186161os6 St. Aug6stin6, 85; 65161661 61, 16- (166), 54, 181, 117, 188, 213 07, 90-15, 97; 66661616611061s 61, 00666h, 361656 3666 (6661666), 7, 36, 113; 16666161f,116-17; 11156011661, 60 123 ff; 6111511661 16 1036, 129 06666h, Jose56 3666 (011666), 4, 5, if; 6611666, 137-31; 6661661 166 66- 6-9 siging, 14142, 143; 66665t1661 011666, J61656 366hn (6,6615111666), 5- 166, 144-46, 147-41; 16111061s, 149- 6 50; 1611161661 0111 a615 065, 150- 00666h, Mary (116166), 7, 9 222 ARISTOCRAT 61, 13, 76, 114-15; 161666161f, 137- 38, 141; de6166s66161611, 150; 1166066615, 191 061161116 5166616, 201 0611116156066a Marco, 83 0666161166, S. 0., 23, 24, 45 066616tt111ar661, F11., 121, 132 061tt16666666 11i666, 26, 27, 20 06166666 1616161, 105 0Ch556ew6, 06161661, 20 066661111616661, 30, 32 06666, 0116166666, 107 01666, Archibald5, 56, 37; 016666661516, 06., 169, 209; 1566 66151166 68, 1815-86 Clay, 116656, 129, 177, 180 011666, 011666166 Maria (156616166), 61, 163, 173, 200, 213, 214 00666h, 01611165666 (66666166), 5 011666, 06111665666 (grea-gra61df- 6666), 5 06666h, 066616 (6,1615666), 214 011666, 0666661 6616611661e o With- 166666666, 1-3, 93 if; 66661116' 6615 56116, 4 ff; 661661 66116, 15; a1 New 0616161161511166116656, 17- 1015661161166161f, 10, 19, 44, 61; 16 War 68 1012, 20-23; at 5661 Hawkins6, 24-26; 61661 N66,6 5611, 27 if; 6656611 68, 34-35, 133; 56111615, 34, 35, l0t, 110-11, 131- 32, 133, 140, 143 if; 61111cize, 35, 193, 200 ff 6666611165, 38 ff, 41;1talks1withMonroe, 39, 41, 45; at 56666615161 6615 56161 56666, 42 ff; 86611166rr16566, 4647; ft- 166161 61, 49-49, 56, 37, 65, 66; 6611111615 16 F11., 51 if; 66661 16dia666666156, 58-59; 5665666568f, 61, 165, 166; 6611161661 Fitzgera,15 61-62; 116661 61 retiring, 63, 66; 1616616 61, 65, 143 ff, 164-65; 1,161 1616 6616661, 70 if, 77-78; 116661 61, 79, 130-59, 169, 201; 6605166n 61, 80; 66 1866116, 82; at St. August1ne, 85; 6pi61661 of, 16- 17, 00-19, 97; 66661616111866s o8, 113; 16666161f,116-17; 11151011661, 123 if; 6111511661 16 1836, 129 if; 6611661, 137-39; 6661661 166 re- signing, 14142, 143; r666511661 166, 144-46, 147-41; 16111661, 149- 50; cr11161ze1 0611 1615 063l, 150- IN UNIFORM 51, 153-54; defended6, 153-54; td- 166111661 611116, 155-56; seco6nd marria1ge of, 159; in 61615166 61- fair1, 162-63; 16 661111116, 168 ff; 56616616 61, 172; 16t6661 61, 16 chil1 15666, 172-73, 119-96, 207-8; 16 56111161, 176, 177, 171, 10, 191, 193 ff, 2034; t West 56161, 181; t61115 111161666 of, 181 if; 616151 1Lamont, 105-17, 209; 16ar1 61, 210; 1116616 661515ea16 60, 211-12; resol1t0ons 66, 212; 6611 66156111te 61, 213, 215; 6611611166 61, 215 f-. 06666h, Dunca66Lamont1(descenda6), 011666, 1166666 Lamont6 (166), 59, 60, 181, 188, 213-14; 116611s 68, 80; 66151566661, 213 011666, 515wa661 (6661666), 7 06616h, 5116a (151616166), 14, 63, 64, 165, 209, 213, 214-15 111g6 61, 4647; 161666166615, 51; 661115666 66d 566616111 61, 53-54, 59, 63; 1661661 61, 59-60, 81; 6e- 111166 61, 66, 79 if; death 6615 1666661 6f, 81, 92; 1166616666 166, 165; 1166116661 117 011666, 51616616h (66666161), 5 0lin66, 51666616h (111166), 7 011666, 516zabe16 066od6166 (gra6d- 1161666), 6 011666, Eliath61 11666666 (sec6nd 1616, 46, 159, 164 011666, 516y15(6,1615166), 213 011666, 066156 (gra61ds66), 213 06666h, Gor6ge W. (16n), 66, 190 00666h, 116666 A. (166), 63, 189, 201, 209, 213, 011666, 3666 1166st666 (gra6dson), 166615661), 214 011666, 3666 116661ou6 Mc16161sh (166), 54, 181, 107, 188, 213 00666h, 366656 3666 (6661666), 7, 36, 011666, 361ep6 3666 (161666), 4, 5, 06616, J61656 J666 (gra6ndfather), 5- 011666, Mary (111161), 7, 9 222  Index Index Index Clinch, Mary Lamon (mother1), 4-12 214 Clinch, Nicholas Bayard, (gradson), 213 Clinch, Nicholas1 Bayard (son,), 65, 189, 190, 208, 209 Clinch,, Sophia Cibbs (third0 wife), 181 if, 209, 212, 213 1law), 213 Clinchb Cony Ga., 217 Clinch3, Fort, 217 Clinchk Riflemen,,, 143 Clincb State,1Park, 217 Cloud, Geor;ge,, 20 Cochrane,1, Alexander01, 28 Colubia0, S. C., 113 Columbus, Enquirer, 194, 193, 197, Commerce, Bak of, 169 Coper1, John, 181 if, 209, 212, 213 Court4 of6 inquiry, 148 ff Cowers,1, Indians1, 27, 33-34 Crawf11rd, George W., 173, 176, 193 Crawford1,, Wiiam, H., 27, 62 Creek India11s, 26, 29, 67, 71 Cubrln Island,, 43, 161, 162 0DADE, FR~r L., 1,958, 89, 97, 98, 99, 110 Dade Massacre1, 99-300, 113, 120-21, 133 Dahlone1ga, 0Ga., 179 Dalton,, Private, 93 Dawson1,,, WOiliam 0., 192, 193 Defiance1, For-t, 93, 93, 96, 136 Democrats1, 192 ff Drane, Auusu S., 70, 93, 146 Drone, Fort1, 1, 3, 93, 93, 97, 100, 103, 107, 108, 116, 117, 126, 132, 133, 139, 036, 174; descr3p- tion,1 of, 78 Dr1ysdale0, John,, 144 Dufour,, Louis 1, 163 DuVal, William P., 51, 34, 37, 38, 140 Duval Countly, Fla1., 58 EAST1 FLORID, 19, 24 Eaton,, John, H., 112, 118 Edenon, N. C., 18 Edgecom,,be Count,,y, N. C., 4, 7, 10, 11, 37 Episcopal chburches, 183, 186, 289. Estate: of Mcdnoshb, 133-36, 171; of8 Clinch,, 213, 218 Eusis, Abram,, 114, 113, 116, 138 FANIG ALXNE C. W., 104, 187 Fernandina,, Fla, 39, 42 Ftzgerald0, criticized0 by Clinchb, 61- 62 FlOnt River, 26, 27, 21, 09 Plood, Samuel,1, 161 Flor,4da, anarchby in, 24, 20; 1a3qui- si1tion 1,f, 39, 47, 30; Jackson, 0n, 40; ne1goiat6ons for, 40; TeItor,1,1y of, 51; cond1li1,ons in, 52-33; roads01 for,, 54-55; residents, o8 ask blp, propert1,1y in, 169 Floyd, Johbn,, 47 For1bes1,and0Com1pany, 33 PFor01George31I1la1, 181, 182, 183 Freder1,13ck, Md., court1, of8 enquiry a, 148 iff PFrederickburb0g, Va., 146-47 Ga,dden Count,,y, Fla1., 38 CGaines1, Edmun,,,d P., 26, 27, 28, 93, 36, 38, 39, 47; wi3th Presdn,0111 43; campaign of,, in031 Fla., 113 if; enquiry1,, 149 Gaines1, Fort, 26, 28, 37 Gales11, 8nd 1,11,on, 36-87 0Gal1atin, A1lbert, 160 0Garcia, at Negro Fort,1, 30, 32 Gereon S. C., 20, 21, 181 0Georgi: Volunteers11, 116, 140; Uni- 1.11sity of, 139 Gibbs fami3y, 181-84 Cibson,, Fort, 68; Treaty, of8, 69, 79, 90, 91 Clinchb, Nicbolas 8Ba11rd (descen,1dant), Cl,,nch, Nicbholas Bayard0 (gran1dson,), 213 Cinch,, Nicholas,1 81ayard (son,1), 63, 109, 190, 200, 209 Clinch, Richard ,Flyd (grandson,1,), 214 Cl1,ncb, Sopia, Gibbs (tbird wi101), 101 ff, 209, 212, 213 law1), 213 Cinch3 Count1y, Ga., 217 Clinch,, Fort, 217 Clinch Ri8fem1,1, 143 Clicb 88a1e Park, 217 Cloud, George,, 20 Columbia01, S. C., 113 Colu,,,bus1 Enurr 134, 193, 197, Commerce,1,1, 8Ban1 of, 169 Cooper, Jobhn, 181 Cou1per1, 8Sophia Her1,es1 Cibbs, 181 if, 209, 212, 213 Court1,3of inquiry, 148 iff Coweta1 Indians,, 27, 33-34 Crawford1,,, CGeorge1 W., 173, 176, 193 Crawfor1d, Wil,,,, H., 27, 62 Creek1 Inias 26, 29, 67, 71 Cum,,berla,,d Isla,1,, 43, 161, 162 99, 110 Dade Massacre1,1, 99-100, 113, 120-21, 133 Dahlonega, 0Ga., 179 Dalton, Private11, 90 Dasn WOila, C., 192, 193 Defiance1, Fort1, 93, 93, 36, 136 Democrats1,1, 192 if Dra11e, Augustus0 S., 70, 93, 140 Drane, Fort,1, 1, 3, 93, 93, 97, 100, 303, 107, 108, 116, 117, 126, 132, 133, 339, 136, 174; descrip,31- t1,on of, 78 Dr71sda1,, John, 144 Dufour1, Louis0, 163 DuVal, WiliamI, P., 33, 54, 37, 38, 140 Duval County1, Fla., 58 EASTo FLO,,I1.A, 19, 24 Edenton1, N. C., 13 Ed0gecombe County, N. C., 4, 7, 10, 11, 37 p,scopal1 churchbes1, 183, 186, 289. Estate: If McIntosh,, 133-36, 171; of1 Clinch,1, 213, 213 Eust,6s, Abam 114, 113, 116, 130 FANIG ALXNE C. W., 104, Fitgrld,,,, crit01cized, by Clinchb, 61- Plint Rive,1,126, 27, 28, 39 F1lood, 3Samuel1, 161 Fl1or3,da, anarchby in, 24, 23; acqui- si01ion of6, 39, 47, 30; Jackson1 11, 40; negotiations f1,1, 40; Terr1,3tor1, P1, 51;11 211tos n 253 od 113; revoltion Cin111, 33; lnc' property 311 in,1, 1691,,11 Florida1k M0. Peninsular Railroad, ,17 1, 148y Rifls21 Forbes,,0ad Company 111, 38 178; 1G1011 Isa1, 1,81, 18, C1b 36,lt38, 39., 4739 ibP,1130,,, 43;erck Md1,0 cot of enq1iry 119if Fredercksbr, 49 464 0Gaines1, Pdmund 26.2, 36 7, 8 5 0111101, Al91, 160it rsiet 045;11,,, capag C, 20, 21, 119f Cnqbirf1y, 181-8 0Gbines1, For1,1, 269; T28,t 37 ,69 9 90,it 91 ,15 Clic, Mary Lamm1, (mothbe), 4-12 214 213 Clinchb, Nicbolas 87yard (son,1), 63, 189, 190, 208, 209 Cinch,, Richabrd, Floyd (grandson,,1), 214 Clinch,, Sophia 036311 (tbird wife81), 101 ff, 209, 212, 213 Clinch,, Susan,, Hpkins, (daulghter1-in- 111,1), 213 Clinchk Count1y, 0Ga., 217 ClMibc, Fort,1, 217 Clinchb Rif1,emen1, 143 Clinchk 881,te Park, 217 Cloud1, G1,orge,1, 20 Columbia13, S. C., 119 Colum1bus, Enquirer11, 194, 193, 137, 198 01,1,611,1,1,1 Arm1y, 7 Coo1per, Jobhn, 181 if, 209, 212, 213 Court of inquiry, 146 iff Coweta1,1Indians,1, 27, 33-34 Crawford11,,, George1,1 W., 173, 176, 193 Crawford0, WOOliam H., 27, 62 Creek3 India11s, 26, 29, 67, 71 Cum1berland0 Is111,, 43, 161, 162 DADE,, FR~r L.., 1,358, 89,97,98 , 99, 110 Dad Masce 99-100, 113, 120-21, 133 Dablton, Private1,, 90 Dasn WOil,, 0., 192, 193 Def1a1ce, For,1,, 93, 93, 96, 136 Democrats11,1, 192 iff Dovimass11, O.M., 191 Drone1, Augustus1 S., 70, 93, 146 01111,, For,1, 1, 3, 93, 99, 97, 100, 103, 107, 108, 116, 117, 126, 132, 133, 139, 196, 174; desc,1,ip- tion of,,70 Drysdal, Jobhn, 144 Dufour1, Louis0, 163 DuVal, William1 P., 31, 34, 37, 58, 140 EASTo FLORIDA1;, 19, 24 Edenton,,, N. C., 13 Ed0gecom,1be County, N. C., 4, 7, 10, 11, 37 Clinchb, 213, 218 Eust,6, Abram11, 114, 113, 116, 130 Ferna,10din1, Fl1a., 39, 42 Fitzgerald,, cr13t1cized by Clibc, 61- Flint 011e,1,126, 27, 28, 39 Fl1or3,d, 1anar1hy 31,, 24, 23; acqui-1 sit11,1 of3, 39, 47, 90; Jackson1 in, If, 81; co1,1,161,11,3,, 52-53; 1,1,,,01 for1, 54-33; residents1 of8 Isk blp, property13 in, 169 1,0113,0a Peisua ilroad, 171 Ployd0, John,, 47 Ployd0 Rifl1,s, 211 For110George1I1la, 181, 182, 183 148 iff Freder,13cksburg, Va., 146-47 Gaines1, Edmund,,, P., 26, 27, 28, 99, 36, 33, 39, 47; with, Presidn,0,1, enquir,1,, 149 0Gaines1, Fort, 26, 28, 37 01111 and,, Seaton,, 56-57 01111tin, Alber11, 166 011131, at Negro For11, 30, 32 0Georg1,a1 Vlunteers11, 116, 140; Uni,- versity ,1519 0331311 81ami3,181-84 03ibson, Forn, 69; Tr11aty of, 69, 79, 90, 91 223 223 ~22323 223  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Goodrich famil1y, 6 Great Britain, 13, 14, 19, 22; Indian policy of0, 67 Greene,, Natha4iel, 43 HABESHA COUNT, GA.,, 185 Hale, Samue,,l, 147 Ham,,ilton,, William, T., 00, 82 Harper, I. M., 21 1Harrison, William, Hen, 174, 175 Hawkins,, Bejmn 26, 29, 34 Hawkin,Fort,,24, 26, 51 Heilman,,, Fort, 93 Hernande, Joseph M0., 89, 114, 113 Heyward,,, Bayard C. (grandson,,,), 213 Heyward, Dunca C. (grandson), 213, 214 Heyward, Edward (sni-a) 214 1Hic6ley, Willam, 170 Holt, William, W., 147 Ho~pkins, Susan,, 213 Hospitals, 21, 42, 45 Houstoun,.,,, E1izabeth Bayard, 46, 119, 164 Houstoun4,, Sir Patrick, 160 Houstoun4,, Will,,am, 159 Hum4phreys, Gad, 21 Izard, Jamest F., 122 JACASON, ANDR,, 26, 95, 36, 134; approves~ 40 Clinch's campaign,, 33; 6n Fl., 40; gverno of Fla., 90; leaves Fla., 51; Priden,,t, 61-62; faor Call's p1a4s, 131 Jackson, Countly, Fl, 58 Jackson, Fort,,45 Jacksonvil1e, Fla., 113 Jeaga India,,s, 67 JeIffers,,, Thomasi, 13, 14 Jefferson, Count,,1, Ga., 41, 160, 170 Jenkins,, Charle J., 193 Jesup, Thomas,, 136, 140 J4onso, Hersche40l V., 199-200, 204-1 Jumper, India,,, chief, 74, 77,188, 124 111NA,,,,, NOBLEt, 27, 34 Kentucky Volunter, 140 Key West, Fla., 71 King4, Thomas,,B., 196 King, William,, 01 King4 and Deasue 161, 169 King, Fort, 1, 70, 71, 93, 99, 97, 98, 113, 116, 126, 192; confer,- enesa, 74-75 Kingsley 0fami1y, 182 46, 47 Lafarka,, Indian, scout, 29, 30 Lake Okechobee, 47 1Lamon, Dunca,, (gra1fathe), 4 Laot description, 40, 106 14aw4on, J. and C., Company, 160 Leo~p,,d affair, 14 Lindsay, William,, 116, 130 Loomis4, Jaris, 29, 30 LouisiaL,,a, 13; Volunteers, 119, 129, 132 Louisia,,,a Purchase, 13, 18, 19 Lundy's Lane,, Battle 41, 20 MACON, GA~., 180, 107, 211 Mad4 Tiger, 1Ind1ia,, 27, 29 Maianna,, 6home, 40 McIntosh, 43, 96, 63, 190, 162 Marion,, Foro, 03 Marks, Forn, 26 Matbews, George, 43 Macregor,, Gregor, 39 Mcavok, Joseph,, 31 Mc,6ntosh, Indian, chief, 27, 29, 33, 34 Mclntosh, Catheine6 Ann, (sister-in- 144), 46, 47 46, 47, 01-02, 187 law,), 00, 160; property 40, 43; 1etters 40, 64, 81; estate 40, 155- 96, 171 er-in-law), 61, 117, 196, 137 Methodist Church, 9, 116 Mexica44 War, 100, 202 Micano4py, In4044 chief0, 1, 70, 74, 93, 96, 97 Midlburg, Fla., 93 Mikasuki Ind4ians,, 50, 60 Milr posts6in0Fl., 93 Goodric fam,,i1y, 6 Great Brdtain, 13, 14, 19, 22; 644044 polcy 40, 67 Guib6e, Robert de, 101 Hale, Samue,,l, 147 Ham,,ilton,, Willam T., 80, 02 Harrison,,, William, Henry, 174, 171 Hawkins,, Benjin6, 26, 29, 34 Hawkins,, Fort, 24, 26, 51 Henndz Joseph M., 09, 114, 119 He~yward, Bayard C. (grandson4), 213 Heyward, Duncano, C. (grandson), 213, 214 Heyward, Edward (son-in,-aw), 214 lihlOey, Will,,,, 170 nHoit, WillLam W., 147 Hopkins,, 0us44, 210 Hos4pitals, 21, 42, 43 Houstoun,,, Elizabeth Bayard, 46, 139, 164 Houston,, Sir Patik, 160 HI,ostoun, WOO,,,a,, 139 Hubbard, Ruggles, 39 Humphrys, Gid, 21 I,,44,,, GEORGE, 20 Izard,,James ,F., 122 JAKSN ANRW 26, 99, 96, 134; in, Fl, 40; governor, of Fl, 50; leaves, Fl, 51; President,, 61-62; favors, Call's plans, 130 JackonCounty,Fl, 58 Jacksonille,, Fl, 103 Jeaga, Ind4ians,, 67 Jefferson,,, Thomas~, 13, 14 Jef0erson Count1y, Ga.h, 48, 160, 170 Jenkins14, Chales J., 193 Jesup, Thomas4, 130, 140 Johnson,, Herschel V., 199-200, 204-5 Jum,,per, Indian, chief, 74, 77, 10, 124 Kentuck0y Volunteers, 140 Key West, Fl, 71 King,, Thomas4 B., 196 King, William, 51 King and Deaussur, 160, 169 King, Fort, 1, 70, 71, 93, 95, 97, 90, 113, 116, 126, 132; confe- ene1a, 74-75 Kingsley family, 182 46, 47 Lafmka,, Indian, scout, 29, 30 Lake, Okehobe, 47 144,44, Dunca,, (gra,,dfather), 4 1Law, Prentice, 15 1Law4on, J. and, C., Compay, 160 Lepard affair0, 14 Lindsay, WOillam, 116, 130 1Loomis4, Jari0, 29, 30 144is1444, 13; Volunteers,, 119, 129, Lundy's Lane,, Battle 40, 20 MCON,, G., 100, 117, 211 Madison,,, James, 10 Mad4 Tiger, India,,, 27, 29 Maria44na, 6home, 40 Mc,6ntosh, 43, 56, 63, 115, 162 Marks, Fort, 26 Matanzas4 Ba, 03 Ma4crego, 044g44, 39 Mcavok, Josep, 31 Mcnosh, Indian chief, 27, 29, 33, 34 MIntosh, Cat6er1ne A4,, (siste-in- 144w), 46, 47 MInoshb, Eliza B. (mo6,-6,-law), 46, 47, 61-02, 187 law), 30, 160; property o0, 43; let 0so, 64, 81; estate of, 153- 56, 171 er-in-law), 61, 117, 156, 117 Metodist4 Church, 9, 116 Mexican Wa, 188, 202 Micano~py, 64d044 chief, 1, 73, 74, 93, 96, 97 101dd4eb6r, Fla, 93 Mikasuki Indian, 58, 68 Militar posts in1Fl., 90 Goodric1h family, 6 Grea41 Brltain, 13, 14, 19, 22; India,, polcy o0, 67 Greene, Ntha,,ie, 43 Guib6, Robert 4, 181 Hale, Samuel44, 147 Harper4,, I. M., 21 Harrfiso, Will6,4 Heny, 174, 171 Hawkins,, Bejmn 26, 29, 34 HaknFort, 24, 26, 51 Hernadez,, Joseph M., 89, 114, 115 Heyward, Bayard C. (grandson,,), 213 Heywardl, Duca C. (grandson,), 213, Heywar, Edwar4d (son,-in-aw), 214 HihlOy, Willi44,, 170 Hol14, Wilia W., 147 Ho4pkin, 0Susan, 213 Hospital, 21, 42, 45 10440tou, E1izabeth Bayar, 46, 139, 164 Houstoun,,,, Sir, Patrik, 160 H14ust4oun, WOOllam, 159 Hum,,phreys, Gad4, 21 0IZARD,, GEOG, 20 Izard, James4 F., 122 JAKSN ANDREW,, 26, 93, 96, 134; 4FF,,,,,, 40 Clinch's cam,,paign4, 35; inFla., 40; governor, ,oFl, 30; faor CalI's plans4, 138 Jackson, Count,,y, Fla., 58 Jackson, Fort,, 45 Jacksonville0, Fla,., 103 Jeaga Indians, 67 Jefferson,, Thomas, 13, 14 Jefferson, County, Ga.-, 48, 160, 170 Jenkins,, Cbharles J., 193 Jesup, Tomas,,,, 130, 140 Johnon, Herschel V., 199-200, 204-0 Jumper4, 0444444 chief, 74, 77,118, 124 Kentuck,,y Volunteer, 140 Key West, Fl,,., 71 King, Thomas,, B., 196 King,, William,, 51 King and, De5aussur, 168, 169 King,, Fort, 1, 70, 71, 93, 99, 97, 98, 113, 116, 126, 192; confe- encs a, 74-70 Kingsley 0fami1y, 102 46, 47 Lafar,,ka, Indian, scout,,, 29, 30 1Lake Okeechobee6,, 47 1Lamon, Mar444, (other) , 4 Law4,, Pre40,ce106 Law,,ton,, J. a4d C., Company, 160 Leop,,,d afar 14 Lindsay, William, 116, 130 Loomis,1, Jaris, 29, 30 1Louisia,,, 13; Vo1,un1,er4, 119, 129, Louisiana,, Purchase, 15, 18, 19 Lundly's Lane, Batle 40, 20 MACON~,, GA., 100, 107, 211 Mad Tiger, India,,, 27, 29 Marianna,, 6home, 40 McInos, 43, 56, 63, 155, 362 Marks, Fort, 26 Matanzas,, 047, 03 Mac,,rego, 10re4or, 39 MC,,,,,,k, Joseph, 31 Mc,6ntosh, Indian chief, 27, 29, 33, 34 Mc,6ntosh, Cat4herine Ann, (6sste-in- 14aw), 46, 47 McIntosh,, Eliza, B1. (mother,-in-law), 46, 47, 81-82, 107 Mc,6ntosh, John,, 10,,,,o,,, (fath44-i- law,,), 30, 160; property5 40, 43; 1et1ers 40, 64, 01; estate~ of, 155- 56, 171 e-i-,aw), 61, 117, 196, 107 Mthodist0 Church, 9, 106 Mexican,, War, 108, 202 Micainopy, Indian, 46440, 1, 73, 74, 93, 96, 97 Mi0ddleburg, Fla.-, 93 MikasukiL Indians,, 30, 68 Military posts in Fla,., 93 224 224 22422 224  Index Index Index Milledgoolle, Do., 115 Milldgevil1le Poderal Unon,, 196, 195, 201 Milledgeville Reor,,der, 199 Mill11n, Jkhn, 175 Mil111, Billy, 34 Mioooo, in1 St. Augutne, 83 Mitchell, Davdd, 94 Mobile, Alo., Clinch and famitoly ot, 47, 65, 66 Mokilo Point, Ala., 19, 50, 65-66 Monoe,, Jameso, 39, 41, 45, 50 Montgomeroy, Foot, 37 MoultrieCoeek,,Treaty of, 57, 68 M,,blotboog, Peter, 29, 31, 33 NASH, CouNTYo, N. C., 5, 8 Nooto,, Coun~ty, 55 Nationol Intelligencoor, 56, 57 Ngoeos, 24, 25; at Nogo Foot, 27, 30, 32, 33; omiloi, 25; giols, 42; with Seminoles,,72, 99 Negro Foot, 27 if, 36, 37, 40 Noew Aoodoeoy, 162 No,. Coaoaan Ploantatoon, 155 Now Fediciaa, 17 Newo Orleanso, 15, 16, 17, 64-65 New, Smyrnao, Plo., 100 Nooooooodllo, Fla., 16, 96 Niocoolls, Edwaood, 27, 21 North Ca0olina: Unoiversity of, 10, 181, 155; Volounteers, 15 OCALA, FLAo., 70 Olts, Luis do, 47 Osceola, 1, 124; at Fort Kiong, 85; description, of, 00; leads India,ot 99-100; at Battle of Withlaoocheeo, 106; soendt messotgo to Clonch, 110 PA01,ER, DANIEL., 21 Parsh, B. D., 117-10 Payne'o Landiog, Treoty of, 69, 79, 90 Pensaoola, Plo., 24; Clincoh ot, 51, 56, 63 Perry, 0l1ver H., 20 Picoloto, Hla., 95, 116, 126, 135 Polk, Jameso, 179 Praott, Hlorace L., 159 Presbyteroan Churchl, 46, 47, 162, 186 Prettoo, William C., 159, 190 RLOADS,.oo, 171-72, 117, 253 Rleigh, N. C., 25, 22, 38, 41 Reodding, Aodersoo, 192 Reofoge P1antation, 43, 63, 66, 155, 151, 185, 190, 215; desrotion of 157 ff;doicepoducion o, 165 ff Refogoot of war~, 96, 114 Reid, RobertH., 78 Reooal, Indlian, 73 ff, 65, 91, 110 Rice, pooductoon of, 169 ff, 190 Richond Blueoo, 117, 147 Roads in1Fl., 54-55 Rlobero-,,, F. M., 143 R~ogers, Erastus, 98-99 SADLER~o, HoEtoY R., 163, 169 Sadler, Robort, 169 St. Augutine, Fla., 19, 24, 93, 133; descriptdon of, 53-84; recepton ton, 144-4 6 St. Matk, HIa., 40 St. Marys, Co., 42, 43, 139, 140; descr-ipton of, 161-62; sokools, 162-63; Book o0, 171, 202, 217 Soa, Coollos, Fort, 42 Saord, Jolhn W. A., 175, 176 Savanna,0h Ropulioca,, 192, 205 Soaoanoah Voluntoee,,, 117, 2211 Sott, Winofield, 20, 27, 95, 110, 170, 213; oommoooderinPla., 115; ploans of, 116, 119, 132, 133; aotd Gaines, 123, 125-26, 127-28; at Fort Doo,,o, 126-27; repotof, 130- 32; crlit1izd, 133-34, 135, 137, 140; acceptstresignaton of Clinooh, 140; ourl of inquiry, 149; opion- io010f Clonch, 197 Scott, Port, 39, 40 Sood ifrom, Madafgasca, 214 Semin6olo Indioans, 1, 3, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 36, 52; t0e006e with, 57, 68, 69, 79, 90, 91; toveo to loodo, 59; comtposition of, 67-60; laonds of, 65, 69; negotatonof0, 71, if; 01101 of, 71-72; propooty of, 87, 91; outoogot and oad, of, 90, 99, 100, 156-57; remova1 of, 69, 73 if, 118, 132; at Battlo of Withlaoo- ohoo, 104 ff; oataok onodooego- aon, with Gaineoo, 122 if; figho Clincoh, 129 if; loo,,s, 131; diffi- clty of fightiog, 134-35 Soemioolo Wa0, caus01 of, 90-91 Seoo,, Willioam I., 169 Milledgeville, Go., 113 Millodgovlleo Pederol Unono, 196, 190, 201 Milledgeville Reorde, 199 Millen, Joho, 175 Miller, Billy, 34 Miorooot int St. Augustino, 83 Mitokoll, Dodid, 34 Mobilo, Alo., Cliock aod famtily ot, 47, 68, 66 Mobilo Poit, Alo., 19, 50, 65-66 Monoe, Jamoos, 99, 41, 45, 50 Mongomeooy, Foot, 37 Mooltrio Coeek, Toooty of, 57, 68 Moleoboog, Peter, 29, 31, 33 NASA COUNTY, N.C.,5, 8 Naosa County, 58 Ntio,ol Intelliogenooo, 56, 57 Nogoes, 24, 25; 00 Nogoo Poll, 27, 30, 32, 33; omilitio, 29; giolt, 42; witho Somioloso, 72, 99 Nogo Foot, 27 if, 36, 37, 40 Noew Acodoemy, 162 Neo Cooaon Plootto, 139 N,. Foliioo, 17 Noe, Oloaot, 19, 16, 17, 64-63 Noew Somyroa, Plo., 100 Nooooooodllo, Flo., 06, 96 Nichoolls, Edwoood, 27, 28 Northo Ca0olina:; Uoivoosity of, 10, 181, 188; Volootooos, 15 OoALA, FLA., 70 Onio, Lti do, 47 Oscolo, 1, 124; ot Foot Kingo, 88; doscoiptioo of, 88; loods Iodiaot, 99-130; atoBattleoof Wihloo0lo, 006; ooods messago to Clooch, t1O PAoRtKEt, DANItot, 21 Porish, B. D., 117-18 Poyoo'o Loodiog, Tooaty of, 69, 79,890 Poooacolo, Plo., 24; Clinch ot, 51, 56, 63 Poooy, 001100 ., 20 Piooloto, Plo., 95, 116, 126, 138 Pollk, Joooot, 179 Foolt, 0001001L., 159 Foosbytooroan Churoh, 46, 47,0162, 186 Poostoo, Willioto C., 188, 190 RAIOADS~oo, 171-72, 187, 203 Raoleigh, N. C., 25, 22, 38, 41 tRodding, Aodoso, 192 Rofogo Ploototioo, 43, 63, 66, 155, 181, 185, 190, 213; doscrlptlon of 157 ff;driopoduoctionoo, 165 ff Rofogoot ofwar, 96, 114 Rold, Rokoot 00., 78 Reovaol, Iodioo, 73 if, 85, 91, 118 Rico, podukctloo of, 163 ff, 190 RlichondBloot, 137, 147 Rood, lot Flo., 54-55 R~obertson, F. M., 143 Rogoot, Erootus, 98-99 SADLER,., 0EN0000., 163, 369 Sadloo, Roboot, 169 St. Aogutineo, Flo., 19, 24, 53, 133; doocoipton, of, 83-84; rocopton tot, 144-46 St. Marks, Hoa., 40 St. Mays, Co., 42, 43, 138, 140; decroptdon of, 161-62; schoo1s, 162-63; Book of, 171, 202, 217 Soa, Caoloo, Poll, 42 Soofood, Joho W. A., 175, 176 31000001, Ropofoficoo, 152, 205 Soavannoh Volootoors, 117,2-11 Sot, Wiofield, 20, 27, 95, 118, 170, 213; coommoodeoio Plo., 115; plono of, 116, 119, 132, 133; ood 00801, 123, 125-26, 127-28; ot Poot Doooo, 126-27; oopootoof, 130- 32; criticized, 153-34, 139, 157, 140; ooooptooteignotioo of Cinoh, 140; oooo of inqoioy, 149; opio- ioo of Clhock, 197 Sooto, Poll, 35, 40 Sood fomt, Modogaocar, 214 Soominolo Indiooo, 1, 3, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 36, 52; toooeate oth, 57, 68, 69, 79, 90, 91; ovel to lond, 59; cooopostion of, 67-68; loaods of, 68, 69; oogotfions of, 71, if; fea0s of, 71-72; poopooty of, 07, 91; outoages aodoraids of, 90, 99, 100, 156-57; 0010101 of, 69, 73 ff, 118, 132; 00 Botlo of Withlaooo- cloo, 104 ff;oatock on.aodooegoi- aon, with, Goinot, 122 if; fight Cioob, 129 if; 10001s, 131; diffi- oulty of fightlog, 133-35 Soeoioolo Wao, ooosos of, 90-91 Seon,, Willoam I., 169 Millodgodilo, Co., 115 Milldgolle Foderol Uno, 196, 190, 201 Milledgev-ille 000010de0, 199 Mlleoo, Joho, 175 Milloo, Billy, 34 Mioroot tot St. Aogutineo, 83 Mitcholl, Dodid, 34 Mobilo, Alo., Cliook ood famoily 01, 47, 65, 66 Mobilo Poiot, Moa., 19, 50, 65-66 Monoo, Jaomos, 39, 41, 48, 50 Mogomooy, Pol, 37 MoltoieoCrek, Toooty of, 97, 65 Moblooboog, Potor, 29, 31, 33 NASHt COUN, N. C., 5, 8 Nossau Coonty, 58 Notiocol foooffioooooo, 56, 57 Negroes, 24, 25; ot Nogro Foot, 27, 30, 32, 35; olitio, 25; giols, 42; with Soomioolot, 72, 99 Nogro Foot, 27 if, 36, 37, 40 Noew Aoodoomy, 162 Now Cooooo Plaotodoo, 159 N,. Foliciaoo, 17 No,. Oloaot, 15, 16, 17, 64-65 Noew Smoyooo, Flo., 100 Noewoosviloe, Plo., 86, 56 Nickollo, Edwaood, 27, 28 North Caoolino: Uoiversity of, 10, 181, 188; Vol1000100, 15 DOCALA, FtLA., 70 Onio, Lois do, 47 Oooeola, 1, 124; at Foot Kiong, 85; doscodpt0o of, 88; loodo todioaot, 99-100;oatfBatleof Witloooboo, 106; ooodt mesagtto~ 0 Cliook, 110 PARKERot, DAooIEt, 21 Parish, B. D., 117-18 Poone' Looding, Toooty of, 69, 79, 90 Poosaoolo, Flo., 24; Cliook ot, 51, 56, 63 Poooy, Oliver H., 20 Pioolot, Hoa., 99, 116, 126, 159 Polk, Joomot, 179 Poatt, Horacot., 159 Pooobyoooian Chuoch, 46, 47, 162, 186 Poostoo, Williaom C., 189, 190 RAIOo ADS~oo, 171-72, 187, 209 Raldigb, N. C., 20, 22, 38, 41 Reodding, Aoderoon, 152 Rofogo Plaototioo, 43, 63, 66, 155, 181, 185, 190, 213; doocipton of 157 ff;iceopodotionoo, 165 ff Rofogoot of wa10, 96, 114 Reid, 0001,1000., 78 Reoovotl, Iodian,, 73 if, 85, 91, 118 Rioc, proodctoo of, 165 0f,190 Ricond luoo, 107, 147 Rood, io Flo., 54-55 Roooto, P. M., 140 Rogort, Erootuoo, 98-99 SAoDLEo, HENRY, 00., 163, 169 Sodler, Roboot, 169 St. Aogutoo, Flo., 19, 24, 93, 133; doscoiptloo of, 03-04; reoeptdon to, 144-46 St. Marks, Hoa., 43 St. Maopt, Go., 42, 43, 139, 140; doocriptioo of, 161-62; sokoolt, 162-63; Book of, 171, 202, 217 Sao Caolo,, Foot, 42 Soofood, Joko W. A., 175, 176 Soooannoh Repoblico, 192, 235 Savooonob Voluoooors, 117, 311 Soott, Wiofiold, 20, 27, 95, 118, 170, 213; ommanodoo inFlo., 115; ploos of, 116, 119, 132, 133; ood Coln, 123, 125-26, 127-28; ot Foot Doooo, 126-27; oopoot of, 130- 32; odriocizd, 133-34, 135, 137, 140; aooopto resgtonooof Cltc, 140; oooo of inqoioy, 149; opin,- ioo of Cioo, 197 Son, Foot, 39, 40 Sood fromo Modogotsoa, 214 Seminolo Indians, 1, 3, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 36, 52; toootiosth0, 97, 68, 69, 79, 90, 91; 0001000 lands, 59; oopostion of, 67-68; laod, of, 68, 69; negotlotlonso of, 71, if; fooos of, 71-72; poopooty of, 87, 91; ootoagoo ood ooids of, 90, 99, 100, 156-57; 0010101 of, 69, 73 ff, 118, 132; ot Batlo of Witlaooo- choo, 104 ff; oatookoadoogot- aoioo with Coioot, 122 if; fight Clioch, 129 if; lostos, 131; diffi- clty of fightdo, 134-35 Somioolo Wa0, 000001 of, 90-91 Soton,, Willoom 8., 169 225 225 ~22525 225  ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM ARISTOCRAT IN UNIFORM Sheffield, Datid M., 18 Shermantt, William, T., 214-85 Slavot, 24, 25, 33; tof Clotch, 10, 49, 79, 139, 158-59, 166, 169, 208; whites fear tf, 64-65; of It- dians, 68; in St. Atgutitnt, 84 Smsith, Adam, 43 Smith, Costattine, 1, 99 Smsith, Josetph L., 144 OSsith, Poersifor F., 120, 132 Soldtiers, discharge of, 23; votitng, 52- 53; in battle, 101-102; sufoering to, 121 Soth Carolinat, College of, 80, 889, 190, 207 Ssouthern, Bannero,, 204 Soather,, Whig, 204, 211 Sptin, oes so, 24, 25; Inditn p-oi- cy tof, 67 Sttiford, R~obert, 869, 870 Stanford, Henroy, 192-93 Staplton, Coogt, 193 Starneso, Ebeneztt, 843-44 Stephenso, Alextander H., 875, 178, 879 Suwanneett Old Ts~oo, Flt., 133 0,Suwane Rittt, 40 TALLtHSSEt, FLA., 51 Ttampa Bty, 1, 57, 95, 132 Ttampa Sty tod St. Jthott Ratiloato, 871 Taroto,, N. C., 6, 8, 9, 80, 19-20, 22, 37, 38 'TrlRiver,4, 6 Ttylsor, Williatm, 29, 01 Ttyltor, Ztchary, 898, 893, 194, 208, 280, 288 Tekeota Inditato, 67 ITennsseeot Volutetro, 838 Thostton, Witty, 1, 70, 75, 76, 77, 85 if, 98-99 Tiger, Tail, Inditn, 96 Tsstmht, Robert, 175 Toowos, Ceorge, 892-212 pasimt Trasortattiont 27, 868, 871, 872, 887 Turnobull, Atndtret, 83 Twoiggs, David E., 39, 120 Tyler, Johon, 878 UNON~o PtoIs, CA., 187, 288 Utitod Stateto Military Academy, 10, 888, 890; Iondiat psoy tof, 68 if, 88, 98 ff; foettf, ho Flt., 118-89 VANo Boots, ABAAMo, 165 Vtt Bttren, Martin, 168, 874, 878 Vtltsit, Flt., 889 Votitg by solditot, 52-53 WALTtN, COta, 55 Wat Departmet, intrtionst andor dots tof, 78-78, 89, 184-19 War tof 1882, 3, 89-22, 24, 27, 28 Watd, Corogo, 887 Wshingtton, Ctsorgo, 7, 13 Wshingtton, D. C., 28, 39; Clinoch t, 172, 173; descriptiot tof, 178 Wshingtsn, N. C., 6, 9 Wtyneosville, Ct., 19t Wotern, and Atltttdo Railroad, 283 Wttt Fltoidt, 17, 18, 24 Wttt Ftitt, N. YV., 181 Whig patty, 874, 880, 891, iff Whsipple, Benjatint, 858-59 White, Edward D., 820 Whit,, Jsepb M., 62-63, 834, 137- 38, 872 Whitney, Eli, 43 Whit,, Warrior, 27 Widostt aided by Clotch, 43-44 Wilot Poio, 198, 193, 202 Wido, N. C., 85 Withlsoooh, Riot,,, 1, 2, 3, 821, 822, 838; Bttlt of, 93 if, 113, 835; Csovesofthe, 138 Woodbine, C., 860 Wsodbine, Coroge, 27 YAMAtSott IsNtots, 67 Yelot fever,, 48 Yotng, Jsht F., 883, 884 Sheffield, Otvid M., 18 Sbtotma, Willisam T., 214-85 Slsoto, 24, 29, 33; so Clotch, 10, 49, 79, 859, 858-59, 866, 169, 208; whites Ottr of, 64-65; sof In- dliaso, 68; lit St. Autgutinet, 84 Somith, Adamt, 43 Smth~l, Costanttine, 8, 99 Sm~ith, Joseph L., 144 Smtith, Petifsor F., 820, 132 Soldiers, ditshageof, 23; oting, 52- 53; in batttle, 808-802; tstfoering tof, 828 Sooth Carolinas, Collegeof, 80, 889, 890, 287 Sothoro Banner-, 204 outthoert Whig, 204, 288 Spait, fotces tof, 24, 25; Iodist psi- cy sof, 67 Sttfford, R~obert, 869, 870 Sttor~sd, Hetry, 892-93 Stapleos, Corg, 193 Starnet, Ebenezoor, 843-44 Stethes, Alexansder H., 875, 178, Stuoannee Old Tsown, Fit., 833 Stuoatnee Rivo, 40 TALLASoSEEo, FLA., 51 Tampa, Sty, 8, 57, 95, 832 Tattpa Sty tand St. Jshont Raiload, 871 Taooo, N. C., 6, 0, 9, 80, 89-20, 22, 37, 38 TarRiver, 4, 6 Ttylsor, Willis,,, 29, 38 Taylor, Zaobsry, 891, 893, 894, 288, 280, 288 Tekosts Indiaos, 67 Tttttttoo 'Voluntestt, 838 Thomspsot, Wiley, 1, 70, 75, 76, 77, 85 if, 98-99 Tiger Tail, Itdian, 96 Toottbs, Rtohert, 875 Townts, Ceorge, 892-282 Ftttsim Toatsottiost, 27, 868, 878, 872, 887 Turttbull, Andorew, 83 Twtiggs, Datid E., 39, 820 Tyloer, John, 878 UNONo POIso, Ct., 187, 288 Uited Sttes: Military Acadety, 10, 888, 890; Inodiao psoy tof, 68 if, 88, 90if; fors ofs,hinFl., 818-89 VANt BUtREN, Atot,.oAo, 865 'Van Bttoe, Mtn, 165, 174, 875 Volsltit, Flt., 889 Voting by soldiers, 52-53 WALO, Cats,,, 55 War Cepartment, instructions tatd tor- doot tof, 70-71, 89, 184-85 Warof sO882, 3, 89-22, 24, 27, 28 Wtd, Corg, 887 Wtshingts, Corogo, 7, 13 Wathingtst, D. C., 20, 39; Clinch t, 172, 873; description sof, 178 Wshingtont, N. C., 6, 9 Wynooilo, G., 890 Wesottrn and Atlanic Raihroad, 203 Woot Flsorid, 17, 18, 24 Wost Fsit, N. YV., 181 Whit party, 874, 880, 898, If Whipple, Betjamit, 858-59 Whit,, Edwarod C., 820 Whi,,, Jseplh M., 62-63, 834, 137- 38, 872 Whtneoy, El0, 43 Wiote Wariso, 27 Widows aided by Clinth, 43-44 Wiltot Fovoiso, 191, 193, 202 Windsso, N. C., 85 Withlaoochee: Rho,,, 1, 2, 3, 821, 822, 830; Battleof, 93 if, 183, 835; Csoveof sth, 838 Woodito, G., 860 Wssdbine, Corgo, 27 YAMSSEt Isotoos, 67 Yeolsow Ottver, 49 Yossng, Jsohn F., 883, 884 Shffiold, David M., 18 Shootma, Willtat T., 214-85 Slsoot, 24, 28, 33; sof Clinc, 10, 49, 79, 839, 858-59, 866, 169, 208; swhites fear sof, 64-69; sof ho- dis, 68; in St. Augusine, 84 Stmith, Adtam, 43 ,Sith, Costanttist, 8, 99 Smoith, Jseph L., 844 Smoith, Foodsor F., 820, 132 oldieot, dischaogeof, 23; totit, 52- 53; itnlbattle, 808-802; suffeoing sof, 828 Stouth Caosist, Csllegeof, 80, 889, 890, 287 othert Bsanneo, 204 otthern Whig, 204, 288 Sptain, fosroet sof, 24, 25; Inditan psi- cy tof, 67 Staifford, Rlohoot, 869, 870 Stanford, Hotty, 892-93 Sttpleto, Corog, 193 Staroots, Eheteto, 143-44 Stephet, Alexatder, H., 075, 18, tSwanntt Old Town,, Fl., 133 Suwannee Slot,,, 40 TALLAHA.SSEEt, FL., 51 Tamtpt Sty, 8, 57, 95, 132 Tampt Sty ttd St. Johnst Ralroad, Ttroo, N. C., 6, 8, 9, 80, 89-20, 22, 37, 38 Tar River, 4, 6 Ttyls, Willi,,, 29, 31 Taylot, Zachaty, 891, 893, 894, 208, 280, 288 Tekhota Isdiats, 67 Totnnotooe Voluteeos, 138 Thsompson, Wiloy, 1, 70, 75, 76, 77, 85 if, 98-99 Tiger Til, Indis, 96 Tssombo, lRobsrt, 875 Tstnt, Coog, 392-282 pttsitt Tratpottis, 27, 161, 871, 872, 187 Turotbull, Andrsew, 83 Twtiggs, David E., 39, 820 Tyle, Jthn,, 878 UONo POITt, CA, 187, 288 Utitod Stts: Military Academy, 10, 188, 890; bsdian psoy tof, 68 if, 88, 90iff; foscesof, it Flt., 8118-89 VAoNt BoatN, AtBRAHAMo, 865 'Van Btte, Matins, 865, 874, 875 Volusit, Flt., 889 Vting by soldiers, 52-53 WALONss, CORtsE, 55 Wat Deptmenot, instructionso ad tor- doot sof, 70-71, 89, 184-18 War tof 1882, 3, 89-22, 24, 27, 28 Wtod, Cooge, 887 Wsohingto, Coogo, 7, 13 Washingts, C. C., 20, 39; Clitnch tt, 172, 173; descipton tof, 878 Wathingtt, N. C., 6, 9 Waytesillo, Ct., 190 Weotert and Atladsi Ratilroad, 283 Woot Fltoid, 87, 18, 24 Wos ont, N. Y., 881 Whig ptoty, 874, 880, 891, If Whippl, Botnjami, 858-59 Whit, Edtard D., 820 Whit, Jseph Mi., 62-63, 834, 137- 38, 872 Whitney, El0, 43 Whtito Warrioo, 27 Widoto aidod by Clinoch, 43-44 Witost Foviss, 198, 893, 202 Windo, N. C., 15 Withtsaoooe Rivo, 1, 2, 3, 821, 822, 830; Bttl,, sof, 93 if, 883, 830; Csoveof sfh, 838 Woodbino, Ca., 860 Woodbine, Cotge, 27 YAMASoSEE, INDosto, 67 Yelolt,, Otto,,, 45 Ysong, Jsohn F., 883, 884 226 226 22622 226