Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Scribe, Griot, and Novelist  iv I pit Jan  Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire followed by The Epic of Askia Mohammed recounted by Nouhou Malio Thomas A. Hale University of Florida Press / Center for African Studies Gainesville Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire followed by The Epic of Askia Mohammed recounted by Nouhou Malio Thomas A. Hale University of Florida Press / Center for African Studies Gainesville Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire followed by The Epic of Askia Mohammed recounted by Nouhou Malio Thomas A. Hale University of Florida Press / Center for African Studies Gainesville  The University of Florida Press is a member of University Presses of Florida, the scholarly publishing agency of the State University System of Florida. Books are selected for publi- cation by faculty editorial committees at each of Florida's nine public universities: Florida A&M University (Tallahassee), Florida Atlantic University (Boca Raton), Florida Inter- national University (Miami), Florida State University (Tallahassee), University of Central Florida (Orlando), University of Florida (Gainesville), University of North Florida (Jack- sonville), University of South Florida (Tampa), University of West Florida (Pensacola). Orders for books published by all member Presses should be addressed to University Presses of Florida, 15 NW 15th St., Gainesville, FL 32603. Copyright 1990 by the Board of Regents of the State of Florida Printed in the U.S.A. on acid-free paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hale, Thomas A. Scribe, griot, and novelist: narrative interpreters of the Songhay Empire / Thomas A. Hale: followed by The epic of Askia Mohammed / recounted by Nouhou Malio. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8130-0981-2 (alk. paper) 1. Mohammed I, Askia of Songhai, 1443?-1538. 2. Songhai (African people)-Kings and rulers-Biogaphy. 3. Songhai Empire. 1. Malio, Nouhou, d. 1986- Epic of Askia Mohammed. II Title. DT532.27.M63H35 1990 966.2'018'092-dc20 89-20664 CIP [B] The University of Florida Press is a member of University Presses of Florida, the scholarly publishing agency of the State University System of Florida. Books are selected for publi- cation by faculty editorial committees at each of Florida's nine public universities: Florida A&M University (Tallahassee), Florida Atlantic University (Boca Raton), Florida Inter- national University (Miami), Florida State University (Tallahassee), University of Central Florida (Orlando), University of Florida (Gainesville), University of North Florida (Jack- sonville), University of South Florida (Tampa), University of West Florida (Pensacola). Orders for books published by all member presses should be addressed to University Presses of Florida, 15 NW 15th St., Gainesville, FL 32603. Copyright 1990 by the Board of Regents of the State of Florida Printed in the U.S.A. on acid-free paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hale, Thomas A. Scribe, griot, and novelist: narrative interpreters of the Songhay Empire / Thomas A. Hale: followed by The epic of Askia Mohammed / recounted by Nouhou Malin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8130-0981-2 (alk. paper) 1. Mohammed I, Askia of Songhai, 1443?-1538. 2. Songhai (African people)-Kings and rulers-Biography. 3. Songhai Empire. I. Malio, Nouhou, d. 1986- Epic of Askia Mohammed. II. Title. DT532.27.M63H35 1990 966.2'018'092-dc2O 89-20664 CIP [B] The University of Florida Press is a member of University Presses of Florida, the scholarly publishing agency of the State University System of Florida. Books are selected for publi- cation by faculty editorial committees at each of Florida's nine public universities: Florida A&M University (Tallahassee), Florida Atlantic University (Boca Raton), Florida Inter- national University (Miami), Florida State University (Tallahassee), University of Central Florida (Orlando), University of Florida (Gainesville), University of North Florida (Jack- sonville), University of South Florida (Tampa), University of West Florida (Pensacola). Orders for books published by all member presses should be addressed to University Presses of Florida, 15 NW 15th St., Gainesville, FL 32603. Copyright 1990 by the Board of Regents of the State of Florida Printed in the U.S.A. on acid-free paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hale, Thomas A. Scribe, griot, and novelist: narrative interpreters of the Songbay Empire / Thomas A. Hale: followed by The epic of Askia Mohammed / recounted by Nouhou Malio. p. cmn. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8130-0981-2 (alk. paper) 1. Mohammed I, Askia of Songhai, 1443?-1538. 2. Songhai (African people)-Kings and ruters-Biography. 3. Songhai Empire. I. Malio, Nouhou, d. 1986- Epic of Askia Mohammed. II. Title. DT532.27.M63H35 1990 966.2'018'092-dc2O 89-20664 CIP [B]  Contents Contents Contents Acknowledgments, ix Introduction, 1 Literature, History, and Verbal Art, 1. African Literature Today, 5. Scribe, Griot, and Novelist, 7. Verbal Art and Sahelian Societies: For an Interdisciplinary Approach, 13. Notes to the Reader on Documentation and Orthography, 15. 1. Askia Mohammed in Context, 17 The Ghana Empire, 19. The Mali Empire, 20. The Songhay Em- pire, 22. From Sonni Ali Ber to Askia Mohammed: The Change in Dynasties According to the Chronicles, 24. Nobles, Freemen, and Captives: The Structure of Songhay Society at the Time of Askia Mohammed, 25. The Family Coup d'Etat: The Songhay Empire after Askia Mohammed, 26. Muskets Versus Arrows: The Moroccan Invasion and Songhay Resistance, 27. 2. Scribes, Bards, and Griots, 30 Scribes and Literacy in Arabic, 30. The Symbiotic Rapport be- tween Griots and Kings, 34. The Uneasy Relationship between Scribes and Griots, 45. Acknowledgments, ix Introduction, 1 Literature, History, and Verbal Art, 1. African Literature Today, 5. Scribe, Griot, and Novelist, 7. Verbal Art and Sahelian Societies: For an Interdisciplinary Approach, 13. Notes to the Reader on Documentation and Orthography, 15. 1. Askia Mohammed in Context, 17 The Ghana Empire, 19. The Mali Empire, 20. The Songhay Em- pire, 22. From Sonni Ali Ber to Askia Mohammed: The Change in Dynasties According to the Chronicles, 24. Nobles, Freemen, and Captives: The Structure of Songhay Society at the Time of Askia Mohammed, 25. The Family Coup d'Etat: The Songhay Empire after Askia Mohammed, 26. Muskets Versus Arrows: The Moroccan Invasion and Songhay Resistance, 27. 2. Scribes, Bards, and Griots, 30 Scribes and Literacy in Arabic, 30. The Symbiotic Rapport be- tween Griots and Kings, 34. The Uneasy Relationship between Scribes and Griots, 45. Acknowledgments, ix Introduction, 1 Literature, History, and Verbal Art, 1. African Literature Today, 5. Scribe, Griot, and Novelist, 7. Verbal Art and Sahelian Societies: For an Interdisciplinary Approach, 13. Notes to the Reader on Documentation and Orthography, 15. 1. Askia Mohammed in Context, 17 The Ghana Empire, 19. The Mali Empire, 20. The Songhay Em- pire, 22. From Sonni Ali Ber to Askia Mohammed: The Change in Dynasties According to the Chronicles, 24. Nobles, Freemen, and Captives: The Structure of Songhay Society at the Time of Askia Mohammed, 25. The Family Coup d'Etat: The Songhay Empire after Askia Mohammed, 26. Muskets Versus Arrows: The Moroccan Invasion and Songhay Resistance, 27. 2. Scribes, Bards, and Griots, 30 Scribes and Literacy in Arabic, 30. The Symbiotic Rapport be- tween Griots and Kings, 34. The Uneasy Relationship between Scribes and Griots, 45.  vi Contents 3. Sources, 47 The Chronicles: Itineraries of the Written Word, 48. The Oral Narratives: Contemporary Windows on the Past, 54. Literary and Performance Considerations, 58. 4. The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed in the Chron- icles and the Epic, 68 Ancestry: The Sonink6 Heritage, 69. Birth: The Intercession of the Spirit World, 74. Childhood: The Suspect Toddler, 75. Ado- lescence: In Search of a Father, 75. Rise to Power: Coup d'Etat against the Devil, 76. 5. The Reign of Askia Mohammed: From Gao to Mecca and Back According to the Scribes and the Griot, 82 Askia Mohammed's Piety and His Pilgrimage to Mecca, 82. The Spread of Islam by Military Conquest, 90. The Overthrow of Askia Mohammed by His Children, 94. 6. The Famous and the Infamous: Literal and Symbolic Portrayals of Rulers Descended from Askia Mohammed, 1528-1591, 97 Askia Moussa, 1528/29-1531, 98. Mohammed Bounkan, 1531- 1537, 102. Askia Ismail, 1537-1539, 104. Askia Ishaq, 1539- 1549, 105. Askia Daoud, 1549-1582/83, 107. Askia el-Hadj, 1582/83-1586/87, 110. Askia Mohammed BAni, 1586/87-1588, 111. 7. The Fall of the Songhay Empire: Two Explanations for Deca- dence and Decline from the Scribes and the Griot, 115 Sibling Rivalry and Immorality as Causes of Decline According to the Chroniclers, 116. Disrespect for the Social Hierarchy as a Cause of the Fall According to the Griot, 123. 8. Challenging the Past: A Modern Interpretation of the Songhay Empire in Yambo Ouologuem's Le Devoir de violence, 135 Africa and the West: Close Encounters of a Literary Kind, 136. Links between the Novel and the Songhay Empire, 139. Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, Models of Evil and Good, 140. The Chronicles as Sources of Sex, Violence, and Decadence for the Novelist, 143. The Dynqsty and the Jews: Traces of the Dias- vi Contents 3. Sources, 47 The Chronicles: Itineraries of the Written Word, 48. The Oral Narratives: Contemporary Windows on the Past, 54. Literary and Performance Considerations, 58. 4. The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed in the Chron- icles and the Epic, 68 Ancestry: The Sonink6 Heritage, 69. Birth: The Intercession of the Spirit World, 74. Childhood: The Suspect Toddler, 75. Ado- lescence: In Search of a Father, 75. Rise to Power: Coup d'Etat against the Devil, 76. 5. The Reign of Askia Mohammed: From Gao to Mecca and Back According to the Scribes and the Griot, 82 Askia Mohammed's Piety and His Pilgrimage to Mecca, 82. The Spread of Islam by Military Conquest, 90. The Overthrow of Askia Mohammed by His Children, 94. 6. The Famous and the Infamous: Literal and Symbolic Portrayals of Rulers Descended from Askia Mohammed, 1528-1591, 97 Askia Moussa, 1528/29-1531, 98. Mohammed Bounkan, 1531- 1537, 102. Askia Ismail, 1537-1539, 104. Askia IshAq, 1539- 1549, 105. Askia Daoud, 1549-1582/83, 107. Askia el-Hadj, 1582/83-1586/87, 110. Askia Mohammed Bini, 1586/87-1588, 111. 7. The Fall of the Songhay Empire: Two Explanations for Deca- dence and Decline from the Scribes and the Griot, 115 Sibling Rivalry and Immorality as Causes of Decline According to the Chroniclers, 116. Disrespect for the Social Hierarchy as a Cause of the Fall According to the Griot, 123. 8. Challenging the Past: A Modern Interpretation of the Songhay Empire in Yambo Ouologuem's Le Devoir de violence, 135 Africa and the West: Close Encounters of a Literary Kind, 136. Links between the Novel and the Songhay Empire, 139. Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, Models of Evil and Good, 140. The Chronicles as Sources of Sex, Violence, and Decadence for the Novelist, 143. The Dynqsty and the Jews: Traces of the Dias- vi Contents 3. Sources, 47 The Chronicles: Itineraries of the Written Word, 48. The Oral Narratives: Contemporary Windows on the Past, 54. Literary and Performance Considerations, 58. 4. The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed in the Chron- icles and the Epic, 68 Ancestry: The Sonink6 Heritage, 69. Birth: The Intercession of the Spirit World, 74. Childhood: The Suspect Toddler, 75. Ado- lescence: In Search of a Father, 75. Rise to Power: Coup d'Etat against the Devil, 76. 5. The Reign of Askia Mohammed: From Gao to Mecca and Back According to the Scribes and the Griot, 82 Askia Mohammed's Piety and His Pilgrimage to Mecca, 82. The Spread of Islam by Military Conquest, 90. The Overthrow of Askia Mohammed by His Children, 94. 6. The Famous and the Infamous: Literal and Symbolic Portrayals of Rulers Descended from Askia Mohammed, 1528-1591, 97 Askia Moussa, 1528/29-1531, 98. Mohammed Bounkan, 1531- 1537, 102. Askia Ismail, 1537-1539, 104. Askia Ishaq, 1539- 1549, 105. Askia Daoud, 1549-1582/83, 107. Askia el-Hadj, 1582/83-1586/87, 110. Askia Mohammed Bini, 1586/87-1588, 111. 7. The Fall of the Songhay Empire: Two Explanations for Deca- dence and Decline from the Scribes and the Griot, 115 Sibling Rivalry and Inunorality as Causes of Decline According to the Chroniclers, 116. Disrespect for the Social Hierarchy as a Cause of the Fall According to the Griot, 123. 8. Challenging the Past: A Modern Interpretation of the Songhay Empire in Yambo Ouologuem's Le Devoir de violence, 135 Africa and the West: Close Encounters of a Literary Kind, 136. Links between the Novel and the Songhay Empire, 139. Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, Models of Evil and Good, 140. The Chronicles as Sources of Sex, Violence, and Decadence for the Novelist, 143. The Dynqsty and the Jews: Traces of the Dias-  Contents vii Contents vii Contents vii pora in the Sahel, 148. Political Revisionism and the Novelist: Ouologuem's Use of the Nineteenth-Century Modifications to the Tarfkh el-Fettdch, 151. Manipulation of the French by Afri- can Rulers, 152. The Multiple Voices of Ouologuem's Narrator, 154. The Attack against Islam and the Social Hierarchy, 156. Vi- olence and Humanity, 157. 9. Literature, Orality, History, and Society, 160 Complementary Views of the Past, 160. Medium and Message: Evidence for the Ideological Theory of Social Communication, 163. Epic, Genre, and Geography, 166. The Dynamic Nature of the Sources, 167. Belief as Social Fact, 170. The Survival of the Social Hierarchy, 173. Ethnicity and Cultural Diffusion, 175. Verbal Art and Human Values, 176. The Epic of Askia Mohammed, Recounted by Nouhou Malio, 178 Introduction, 178. The Transcription: Mamar Kassaye Deeda, and the Translation: The Epic of Askia Mohammed, 184. Notes, 281. Works Cited, 293 Index, 301 pora in the Sahel, 148. Political Revisionism and the Novelist: Ouologuem's Use of the Nineteenth-Century Modifications to the Tarfkh el-Fettdch, 151. Manipulation of the French by Afri- can Rulers, 152. The Multiple Voices of Ouologuem's Narrator, 154. The Attack against Islam and the Social Hierarchy, 156. Vi- olence and Humanity, 157. 9. Literature, Orality, History, and Society, 160 Complementary Views of the Past, 160. Medium and Message: Evidence for the Ideological Theory of Social Communication, 163. Epic, Genre, and Geography, 166. The Dynamic Nature of the Sources, 167. Belief as Social Fact, 170. The Survival of the Social Hierarchy, 173. Ethnicity and Cultural Diffusion, 175. Verbal Art and Human Values, 176. The Epic of Askia Mohammed, Recounted by Nouhou Malin, 178 Introduction, 178. The Transcription: Mamar Kassaye Deeda, and the Translation: The Epic of Askia Mohammed, 184. Notes, 281. Works Cited, 293 Index, 301 pora in the Sahel, 148. Political Revisionism and the Novelist: Ouologuem's Use of the Nineteenth-Century Modifications to the Tarfkh el-Fettach, 151. Manipulation of the French by Afri- can Rulers, 152. The Multiple Voices of Ouologuem's Narrator, 154. The Attack against Islam and the Social Hierarchy, 156. Vi- olence and Humanity, 157. 9. Literature, Orality, History, and Society, 160 Complementary Views of the Past, 160. Medium and Message: Evidence for the Ideological Theory of Social Communication, 163. Epic, Genre, and Geography, 166. The Dynamic Nature of the Sources, 167. Belief as Social Fact, 170. The Survival of the Social Hierarchy, 173. Ethnicity and Cultural Diffusion, 175. Verbal Art and Human Values, 176. The Epic of Askia Mohammed, Recounted by Nouhou Malio, 178 Introduction, 178. The Transcription: Mamar Kassaye Deeda, and the Translation: The Epic of Askia Mohammed, 184. Notes, 281. Works Cited, 293 Index, 301 Map of the Songhay Empire, ii Map of the Niger River Bend, xvi Map of the Songhay Empire, ii Map of the Niger River Bend, xvi Map of the Songhay Empire, ii Map of the Niger River Bend, xvi   Acknowledgments Anyone who has worked on a project involving the oral traditions of another people quickly discovers that the task of collecting and processing texts takes much longer than anticipated and requires a variety of assistance from those who grew up in that culture. For this study, which draws not only on oral performances but also a distant written tradition and information from a variety of disciplines out- side of literature, my debt is considerable. If the acknowledgments and thanks that follow seem overlong, it is because I have had to call upon specialists and assistants in so many areas. Without their help, I could not have completed this project. This list of thanks will also give the reader some idea of the lengthy itinerary that the oral text of Nouhou Malio has taken from the performances in his com- pound to the printed page. I begin by thanking the late Seyni Kountchd, the former presi- dent of the Republic of Niger, who signed the research authorization enabling me to carry out my work in his country in 1980-81. Presi- dent Kountchd, by his example, served as a model of administrative efficiency that I found emulated at many levels of the Nigerien bu- reaucracy. At the University of Niamey, many people contributed directly or indirectly to my research: Gaston Kaba, former head of the En- glish Department, and Robert Nicolai, former head of the Linguis- tics Department and author of the definitive study on Songhay dia- lects (1981), along with Mary White Kaba, a former professor of linguistics who continues to work on the Songhay language, sup- ported my requests for funds to carry out fieldwork. Abdou ix Acknowledgments Anyone who has worked on a project involving the oral traditions of another people quickly discovers that the task of collecting and processing texts takes much longer than anticipated and requires a variety of assistance from those who grew up in that culture. For this study, which draws not only on oral performances but also a distant written tradition and information from a variety of disciplines out- side of literature, my debt is considerable. If the acknowledgments and thanks that follow seem overlong, it is because I have had to call upon specialists and assistants in so many areas. Without their help, I could not have completed this project. This list of thanks will also give the reader some idea of the lengthy itinerary that the oral text of Nouhou Malio has taken from the performances in his com- pound to the printed page. I begin by thanking the late Seyni Kountch6, the former presi- dent of the Republic of Niger, who signed the research authorization enabling me to carry out my work in his country in 1980-81. Presi- dent Kountchs, by his example, served as a model of administrative efficiency that I found emulated at many levels of the Nigdrien bu- reaucracy. At the University of Niamey, many people contributed directly or indirectly to my research: Gaston Kaba, former head of the En- glish Department, and Robert Nicolal, former head of the Linguis- tics Department and author of the definitive study on Songhay dia- lects (1981), along with Mary White Kaba, a former professor of linguistics who continues to work on the Songhay language, sup- ported my requests for funds to carry out fieldwork. Abdou ix Acknowledgments Anyone who has worked on a project involving the oral traditions of another people quickly discovers that the task of collecting and processing texts takes much longer than anticipated and requires a variety of assistance from those who grew up in that culture. For this study, which draws not only on oral performances but also a distant written tradition and information from a variety of disciplines out- side of literature, my debt is considerable. If the acknowledgments and thanks that follow seem overlong, it is because I have had to call upon specialists and assistants in so many areas. Without their help, I could not have completed this project. This list of thanks will also give the reader some idea of the lengthy itinerary that the oral text of Nouhou Malio has taken from the performances in his com- pound to the printed page. I begin by thanking the late Seyni Kountchd, the former presi- dent of the Republic of Niger, who signed the research authorization enabling me to carry out my work in his country in 1980-81. Presi- dent Kountch6, by his example, served as a model of administrative efficiency that I found emulated at many levels of the Nigdrien bu- reaucracy. At the University of Niamey, many people contributed directly or indirectly to my research: Gaston Kaba, former head of the En- glish Department, and Robert Nicolai, former head of the Linguis- tics Department and author of the definitive study on Songhay dia- lects (1981), along with Mary White Kaba, a former professor of linguistics who continues to work on the Songhay language, sup- ported my requests for funds to carry out fieldwork. Abdou ix  x Acknowledgments Hamani, then dean of the Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, gave these requests the further approval necessary for acceptance from higher authorities. The responsiveness I found in his office at that time and later when he became rector of the University of Nia- mey, along with his own scholarship on the Zarma dialect of the Songhay language, contributed significantly to the success of my work. In the field, Souley Zanga, diesel mechanic at the National Office for Administration of Hydroagricultural Projects, Yacouba Nouhou, then driver at the American Embassy and a man who has a deep interest in the preservation of his culture, Hamadou Adamou, an old friend then employed at the Sonni Ali Ber Pharmacy, and Zakary Hamani, a molo player and apprentice bard from Ouallam, assisted me in making contacts with griots, arranging for recording sessions, and many other details. Janet Beik, at the time a graduate student from the University of Wisconsin completing fieldwork for her doctoral dissertation on Hausa theater, provided invaluable advice on recording procedures and assisted with the first recording session I had with a griot in Niger. Diould6 Laya, director of the Center for the Study of Linguistics and History by Oral Tradition, known by its French acronym as the CELHTO, a regional agency of the Organization of African Unity, offered a cordial welcome, use of the CELHTO library, introduc- tions to other scholars, invitations to attend meetings of oral litera- ture specialists, permission to copy and study recordings by griots he had known many years ago, and a variety of other services too numerous to mention. Boub6 Gado, director of the Institute for Research in Social Sci- ences of the University of Niamey, also provided a warm welcome, access to oral and written archives, advice, and encouragement. Oumarou Issa, Songhay-Zarma transcriber and translator at the CELHTO, accompanied me on several field trips, transcribed some texts, and helped draft a list of questions for interviews with griots. Nouhou Hassane Inti, international telephone operator at the Central Post Office in Niamey, also transcribed and translated a se- ries of interviews and other texts. Mounkaila Saidou Boulhassane Maiga, former transcriber/ translator at the Lexicography Laboratory, Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, University of Niamey, transcribed many of the re- cordings I made in 1980-81 and, in particular, did a preliminary x Acknowledgments Hamani, then dean of the Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, gave these requests the further approval necessary for acceptance from higher authorities. The responsiveness I found in his office at that time and later when he became rector of the University of Nia- mey, along with his own scholarship on the Zarma dialect of the Songhay language, contributed significantly to the success of my work. In the field, Souley Zanga, diesel mechanic at the National Office for Administration of Hydroagricultural Projects, Yacouba Nouhou, then driver at the American Embassy and a man who has a deep interest in the preservation of his culture, Hamadou Adamou, an old friend then employed at the Sonni Ali Ber Pharmacy, and Zakary Hamani, a molo player and apprentice bard from Ouallam, assisted me in making contacts with griots, arranging for recording sessions, and many other details. Janet Beik, at the time a graduate student from the University of Wisconsin completing fieldwork for her doctoral dissertation on Hausa theater, provided invaluable advice on recording procedures and assisted with the first recording session I had with a griot in Niger. Diouldd Laya, director of the Center for the Study of Linguistics and History by Oral Tradition, known by its French acronym as the CELHTO, a regional agency of the Organization of African Unity, offered a cordial welcome, use of the CELHTO library, introduc- tions to other scholars, invitations to attend meetings of oral litera- ture specialists, permission to copy and study recordings by griots he had known many years ago, and a variety of other services too numerous to mention. Boubd Gado, director of the Institute for Research in Social Sci- ences of the University of Niamey, also provided a warm welcome, access to oral and written archives, advice, and encouragement. Oumarou Issa, Songhay-Zarma transcriber and translator at the CELHTO, accompanied me on several field trips, transcribed some texts, and helped draft a list of questions for interviews with griots. Nouhou Hassane Inti, international telephone operator at the Central Post Office in Niamey, also transcribed and translated a se- ries of interviews and other texts. Mounkaila Saidou Boulhassane Maiga, former transcriber/ translator at the Lexicography Laboratory, Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, University of Niamey, transcribed many of the re- cordings I made in 1980-81 and, in particular, did a preliminary x Acknowledgments Hamani, then dean of the Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, gave these requests the further approval necessary for acceptance from higher authorities. The responsiveness I found in his office at that time and later when he became rector of the University of Nia- mey, along with his own scholarship on the Zarma dialect of the Songhay language, contributed significantly to the success of my work. In the field, Souley Zanga, diesel mechanic at the National Office for Administration of Hydroagricultural Projects, Yacouba Nouhou, then driver at the American Embassy and a man who has a deep interest in the preservation of his culture, Hamadou Adamou, an old friend then employed at the Sonni Ali Ber Pharmacy, and Zakary Hamani, a molo player and apprentice bard from Ouallam, assisted me in making contacts with griots, arranging for recording sessions, and many other details. Janet Beik, at the time a graduate student from the University of Wisconsin completing fieldwork for her doctoral dissertation on Hausa theater, provided invaluable advice on recording procedures and assisted with the first recording session I had with a griot in Niger. Diould6 Laya, director of the Center for the Study of Linguistics and History by Oral Tradition, known by its French acronym as the CELHTO, a regional agency of the Organization of African Unity, offered a cordial welcome, use of the CELHTO library, introduc- tions to other scholars, invitations to attend meetings of oral litera- ture specialists, permission to copy and study recordings by griots he had known many years ago, and a variety of other services too numerous to mention. Boubd Gado, director of the Institute for Research in Social Sci- ences of the University of Niamey, also provided a warm welcome, access to oral and written archives, advice, and encouragement. Oumarou Issa, Songhay-Zarma transcriber and translator at the CELHTO, accompanied me on several field trips, transcribed some texts, and helped draft a list of questions for interviews with griots. Nouhou Hassane Inti, international telephone operator at the Central Post Office in Niamey, also transcribed and translated a se- ries of interviews and other texts. Mounkaila Saidou Boulhassane Maiga, former transcriber/ translator at the Lexicography Laboratory, Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences, University of Niamey, transcribed many of the re- cordings I made in 1980-81 and, in particular, did a preliminary  Acknowledgments xi transcription and translation into French of The Epic of Askia Mo- hammed by Nouhou Malio published in this volume. A working group sponsored by the Linguistics Department at the University of Niamey assisted me in spring 1981 with polishing the French translation of the first draft of the oral narrative. Meeting weekly with me, Fatima Mounkaila, then censeur at the Lyc6e Kassai and now a professor in the Department of Modern Literature at the University of Niamey, Abdoulaye Dan Louma, then professor of modern literature and now censeur at the Lyc6e Issa Koromb6 in Niamey, and Djibo Moussa, then a student in English at the Uni- versity of Niamey and now an instructor at the Lycde Kassai in Nia- mey as well as the American Cultural Center, helped me to focus more clearly on many of the problem areas of the narrative. After my return to the United States in July 1981, Glen Kreider, director of the Liberal Arts Data Laboratory, designed a program that permitted entry of each line of the epic in four versions- Songhay, word-for-word French, literary French, and English. Rina Searfass typed the first version of the text into the mainframe com- puter at Penn State. As I began to compare the oral narrative with the written chroni- cles and the novel, scholars in literature and many other disciplines contributed comments and suggestions after reading part or all of the manuscript. Paul Stoller, professor of anthropology at West Chester Univer- sity, provided early drafts of his manuscripts on the Songhay belief system as well as a variety of advice from his twenty years of experi- ence in Niger. John Hunwick, professor of the history and literature of religions at Northwestern University, was especially helpful with many lin- guistic problems in the French translation from the original Arabic of the chronicles as well as with questions on the history of the Sahel. David Robinson, professor of history and African studies at Michigan State University, and Daniel McCall, professor emeritus of history at Boston University, offered a long list of useful sugges- tions based on their deep knowledge of Sahelian history. John William Johnson, associate professor of folklore at Indiana University, contributed much expertise in folklore, especially from his work with griots in Mali. He helped me to avoid several pitfalls and to place my work in a broader regional context. George Lang, Canada Research Fellow of the Social Sciences and the Humanities Research Council and assistant professor of Acknowledgments xi transcription and translation into French of The Epic of Askia Mo- hammed by Nouhou Maio published in this volume. A working group sponsored by the Linguistics Department at the University of Niamey assisted me in spring 1981 with polishing the French translation of the first draft of the oral narrative. Meeting weekly with me, Fatima Mounkaila, then censeur at the Lycde Kassai and now a professor in the Department of Modern Literature at the University of Niamey, Abdoulaye Dan Louma, then professor of modern literature and now censeur at the Lyce Issa Koromb6 in Niamey, and Djibo Moussa, then a student in English at the Uni- versity of Niamey and now an instructor at the Lyc6e Kassai in Nia- mey as well as the American Cultural Center, helped me to focus more clearly on many of the problem areas of the narrative. After my return to the United States in July 1981, Glen Kreider, director of the Liberal Arts Data Laboratory, designed a program that permitted entry of each line of the epic in four versions- Songhay, word-for-word French, literary French, and English. Rina Searfass typed the first version of the text into the mainframe com- puter at Penn State. As I began to compare the oral narrative with the written chroni- cles and the novel, scholars in literature and many other disciplines contributed comments and suggestions after reading part or all of the manuscript. Paul Stoller, professor of anthropology at West Chester Univer- sity, provided early drafts of his manuscripts on the Songhay belief system as well as a variety of advice from his twenty years of experi- ence in Niger. John Hunwick, professor of the history and literature of religions at Northwestern University, was especially helpful with many lin- guistic problems in the French translation from the original Arabic of the chronicles as well as with questions on the history of the Sahel. David Robinson, professor of history and African studies at Michigan State University, and Daniel McCall, professor emeritus of history at Boston University, offered a long list of useful sugges- tions based on their deep knowledge of Sahelian history. John William Johnson, associate professor of folklore at Indiana University, contributed much expertise in folklore, especially from his work with griots in Mali. He helped me to avoid several pitfalls and to place my work in a broader regional context. George Lang, Canada Research Fellow of the Social Sciences and the Humanities Research Council and assistant professor of Acknowledgments xi transcription and translation into French of The Epic of Askia Mo- hammed by Nouhou Malio published in this volume. A working group sponsored by the Linguistics Department at the University of Niamey assisted me in spring 1981 with polishing the French translation of the first draft of the oral narrative. Meeting weekly with me, Fatima Mounkaila, then censeur at the Lyc6e Kassai and now a professor in the Department of Modern Literature at the University of Niamey, Abdoulaye Dan Louma, then professor of modern literature and now censeur at the Lycde Issa Koromb6 in Niamey, and Djibo Moussa, then a student in English at the Uni- versity of Niamey and now an instructor at the Lycde Kassai in Nia- mey as well as the American Cultural Center, helped me to focus more clearly on many of the problem areas of the narrative. After my return to the United States in July 1981, Glen Kreider, director of the Liberal Arts Data Laboratory, designed a program that permitted entry of each line of the epic in four versions- Songhay, word-for-word French, literary French, and English. Rina Searfass typed the first version of the text into the mainframe com- puter at Penn State. As I began to compare the oral narrative with the written chroni- cles and the novel, scholars in literature and many other disciplines contributed comments and suggestions after reading part or all of the manuscript. Paul Stoller, professor of anthropology at West Chester Univer- sity, provided early drafts of his manuscripts on the Songhay belief system as well as a variety of advice from his twenty years of experi- ence in Niger. John Hunwick, professor of the history and literature of religions at Northwestern University, was especially helpful with many lin- guistic problems in the French translation from the original Arabic of the chronicles as well as with questions on the history of the Sahel. David Robinson, professor of history and African studies at Michigan State University, and Daniel McCall, professor emeritus of history at Boston University, offered a long list of useful sugges- tions based on their deep knowledge of Sahelian history. John William Johnson, associate professor of folklore at Indiana University, contributed much expertise in folklore, especially from his work with griots in Mali. He helped me to avoid several pitfalls and to place my work in a broader regional context. George Lang, Canada Research Fellow of the Social Sciences and the Humanities Research Council and assistant professor of  xii Acknowledgments comparative literature in the Comparative Literature Department at the University of Alberta, made a series of suggestions on the link between Le Devoir de violence and the two other texts analyzed in this study. As the project neared completion, a considerable number of problems remained in the oral narrative. By comparing the original recording to the first draft translation, I discovered that there were many, many lines missing from the version on which I was working- nearly 300 out of an eventual total of 1,602. Many of them were in Soninke, or combinations of Sonink6 with Songhay and other languages. During a month in Niamey in Febru- ary 1987, I was able to identify and translate some of these difficult lines with the aid of Djibo Moussa. The fall of the same year, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, assistant professor in the Depart- ment of Modern Literature at the University of Niamey and a spe- cialist in the oral tradition of the Songhay and Zarma, came to Penn State for a semester and was able to spend many hours with me lis- tening to the tape and making corrections. His help, at this stage, was essential. Without it, the narrative would have suffered from a considerably higher number of undecipherable lines and incorrect readings. In February 1988 a Mandinka griot from Gambia, Papa Bunka Susso, visited Penn State for two days to lecture in my courses on African literature and to perform. During a brief break, he was able to go over the narrative, confirm my reading of some Sonink:6 terms, and propose readings of others based on his knowledge of the lan- guage acquired when he grew up in a Soninkd village in eastern Gambia. Manthia Diawara, assistant professor of French and a knowledgeable African literature specialist at the University of Cali- fornia at Santa Barbara, who also happens to be of Sonink6 origin, assisted too with deciphering some of the Soninke terms. In April 1988, after I had processed many of the corrections, I was able to pinpoint a short list of remaining problem areas and for- ward it to Professor Tandina. He and Soumana Abdou, the former molo accompanist for the late Nouhou Malio, were able to decipher a few more of these enigmatic lines by reviewing the tape and con- sulting with other griots. Soumana Abdou, I should add, has also helped broaden my understanding of the griot profession by arrang- ing meetings with other bards. During the fall semester 1988, Oumarou Watta, former assistant professor of English at the University of Niamey and a scholar of xii Acknowledgments comparative literature in the Comparative Literature Department at the University of Alberta, made a series of suggestions on the link between Le Devoir de violence and the two other texts analyzed in this study. As the project neared completion, a considerable number of problems remained in the oral narrative. By comparing the original recording to the first draft translation, I discovered that there were many, many lines missing from the version on which I was working- nearly 300 out of an eventual total of 1,602. Many of them were in Soninkd, or combinations of Sonink6 with Songhay and other languages. During a month in Niamey in Febru- ary 1987, I was able to identify and translate some of these difficult lines with the aid of Djibo Moussa. The fall of the same year, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, assistant professor in the Depart- ment of Modern Literature at the University of Niamey and a spe- cialist in the oral tradition of the Songhay and Zarma, came to Penn State for a semester and was able to spend many hours with me lis- tening to the tape and making corrections. His help, at this stage, was essential. Without it, the narrative would have suffered from a considerably higher number of undecipherable lines and incorrect readings. In February 1988 a Mandinka griot from Gambia, Papa Bunka Susso, visited Penn State for two days to lecture in my courses on African literature and to perform. During a brief break, he was able to go over the narrative, confirm my reading of some Soninkd terms, and propose readings of others based on his knowledge of the lan- guage acquired when he grew up in a Sonink6 village in eastern Gambia. Manthia Diawara, assistant professor of French and a knowledgeable African literature specialist at the University of Cali- fornia at Santa Barbara, who also happens to be of Sonink6 origin, assisted too with deciphering some of the Soninkd terms. In April 1988, after I had processed many of the corrections, I was able to pinpoint a short list of remaining problem areas and for- ward it to Professor Tandina. He and Soumana Abdou, the former molo accompanist for the late Nouhou Malio, were able to decipher a few more of these enigmatic lines by reviewing the tape and con- sulting with other griots. Soumana Abdou, I should add, has also helped broaden my understanding of the griot profession by arrang- ing meetings with other bards. During the fall semester 1988, Oumarou Watta, former assistant professor of English at the University of Niamey and a scholar of xii Acknowledgments comparative literature in the Comparative Literature Department at the University of Alberta, made a series of suggestions on the link between Le Devoir de violence and the two other texts analyzed in this study. As the project neared completion, a considerable number of problems remained in the oral narrative. By comparing the original recording to the first draft translation, I discovered that there were many, many lines missing from the version on which I was working- nearly 300 out of an eventual total of 1,602. Many of them were in Sonink6, or combinations of Soninkd with Songhay and other languages. During a month in Niamey in Febru- ary 1987, I was able to identify and translate some of these difficult lines with the aid of Djibo Moussa. The fall of the same year, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, assistant professor in the Depart- ment of Modern Literature at the University of Niamey and a spe- cialist in the oral tradition of the Songhay and Zarma, came to Penn State for a semester and was able to spend many hours with me lis- tening to the tape and making corrections. His help, at this stage, was essential. Without it, the narrative would have suffered from a considerably higher number of undecipherable lines and incorrect readings. In February 1988 a Mandinka griot from Gambia, Papa Bunka Susso, visited Penn State for two days to lecture in my courses on African literature and to perform. During a brief break, he was able to go over the narrative, confirm my reading of some Sonink6 terms, and propose readings of others based on his knowledge of the lan- guage acquired when he grew up in a Sonink6 village in eastern Gambia. Manthia Diawara, assistant professor of French and a knowledgeable African literature specialist at the University of Cali- fornia at Santa Barbara, who also happens to be of Soninkd origin, assisted too with deciphering some of the Soninkd terms. In April 1988, after I had processed many of the corrections, I was able to pinpoint a short list of remaining problem areas and for- ward it to Professor Tandina. He and Soumana Abdou, the former molo accompanist for the late Nouhou Malio, were able to decipher a few more of these enigmatic lines by reviewing the tape and con- sulting with other griots. Soumana Abdou, I should add, has also helped broaden my understanding of the griot profession by arrang- ing meetings with other bards. During the fall semester 1988, Oumarou Watta, former assistant professor of English at the University of Niamey and a scholar of  Acknowledgments xiii the oral tradition in Niger, contributed several ideas about the mean- ing of some terms and shared the results of his own fieldwork on the Songhay-Zarma oral tradition while in residence at Penn State. In February 1989 1 returned to Niger to reexamine the entire nar- rative with Diouldd Laya at the CELHTO. He confirmed the signifi- cance of the text I had recorded from Nouhou Malio and, during a line-by-line analysis, offered a variety of refinements in both the translation and the interpretation. Fatima Mounkaila, the most assiduous member of the group that worked with me at Niamey in 1981, came to Penn State in August- September 1989 for a visit that happened to coincide with the last stage in my handling of the manuscript. She was able to clear up some minor problems in the transcription and translation of the epic as well as contribute a series of insights to my analysis of social rela- tionships in the Songhay-Zarma world. I am indebted to several other people for their assistance in solv- ing particular problems that seemed to arise at the most unexpected times: Abdoulaye Harouna, a Nigdrien graduate student in compar- ative literature at Penn State, helped to clear up a several ambigui- ties in the English translation; Chester Smith, assistant professor of computer science and a consultant at the Penn State Computation Center, resolved a difficulty in downloading the transcription from the mainframe computer to my own equipment; John Hale, an eighth-grade wizard with computers, more than once came up with quick solutions to time-consuming problems facing his father. Tamara Mistrick, cartographer at the Deasy GeoGraphics Labora- tory of the Geography Department, was able to make sense out of often conflicting information from a wide variety of maps that I sup- plied to her. Several institutions merit special thanks. The United States Government, through the Fulbright-Hays Pro- gram administered by the United States Information Agency, ena- bled me to return to Niger in 1980-81 to conduct my fieldwork. The USIA University Affiliation grant linking the Pennsylvania State University and the University of Niamey also supported my return trips to Niger in 1987 and 1989 as well as the residencies here of scholars from Niger who work on the oral tradition: Ousmane Mahamane Tandina in 1987, Oumarou Watta and Chaibou Dan- Inna in 1988, and Fatima Mounkaila in 1989. The Pennsylvania State University provided assistance in a vari- ety of forms. Sabbatical leaves in 1980-81 and 1989 enabled me to Acknowledgments xiii the oral tradition in Niger, contributed several ideas about the mean- ing of some terms and shared the results of his own fieldwork on the Songhay-Zarma oral tradition while in residence at Penn State. In February 1989 1 returned to Niger to reexamine the entire nar- rative with Diouldd Laya at the CELHTO. He confirmed the signifi- cance of the text I had recorded from Nouhou Malio and, during a line-by-line analysis, offered a variety of refinements in both the translation and the interpretation. Fatima Mounkaila, the most assiduous member of the group that worked with me at Niamey in 1981, came to Penn State in August- September 1989 for a visit that happened to coincide with the last stage in my handling of the manuscript. She was able to clear up some minor problems in the transcription and translation of the epic as well as contribute a series of insights to my analysis of social rela- tionships in the Songhay-Zarma world. I am indebted to several other people for their assistance in solv- ing particular problems that seemed to arise at the most unexpected times: Abdoulaye Harouna, a Nigdrien graduate student in compar- ative literature at Penn State, helped to clear up a several ambigui- ties in the English translation; Chester Smith, assistant professor of computer science and a consultant at the Penn State Computation Center, resolved a difficulty in downloading the transcription from the mainframe computer to my own equipment; John Hale, an eighth-grade wizard with computers, more than once came up with quick solutions to time-consuming problems facing his father. Tamara Mistrick, cartographer at the Deasy GeoGraphics Labora- tory of the Geography Department, was able to make sense out of often conflicting information from a wide variety of maps that I sup- plied to her. Several institutions merit special thanks. The United States Government, through the Fulbright-Hays Pro- gram administered by the United States Information Agency, ena- bled me to return to Niger in 1980-81 to conduct my fieldwork. The USIA University Affiliation grant linking the Pennsylvania State University and the University of Niamey also supported my return trips to Niger in 1987 and 1989 as well as the residencies here of scholars from Niger who work on the oral tradition: Ousmane Mahamane Tandina in 1987, Oumarou Watta and Chaibou Dan- Inna in 1988, and Fatima Mounkaila in 1989. The Pennsylvania State University provided assistance in a vari- ety of forms. Sabbatical leaves in 1980-81 and 1989 enabled me to Acknowledgments xiii the oral tradition in Niger, contributed several ideas about the mean- ing of some terms and shared the results of his own fieldwork on the Songhay-Zarma oral tradition while in residence at Penn State. In February 1989 1 returned to Niger to reexamine the entire nar- rative with Diould6 Laya at the CELHTO. He confirmed the signifi- cance of the text I had recorded from Nouhou Malio and, during a line-by-line analysis, offered a variety of refinements in both the translation and the interpretation. Fatima Mounkaila, the most assiduous member of the group that worked with me at Niamey in 1981, came to Penn State in August- September 1989 for a visit that happened to coincide with the last stage in my handling of the manuscript. She was able to clear up some minor problems in the transcription and translation of the epic as well as contribute a series of insights to my analysis of social rela- tionships in the Songhay-Zarma world. I am indebted to several other people for their assistance in solv- ing particular problems that seemed to arise at the most unexpected times: Abdoulaye Harouna, a Nigdrien graduate student in compar- ative literature at Penn State, helped to clear up a several ambigui- ties in the English translation; Chester Smith, assistant professor of computer science and a consultant at the Penn State Computation Center, resolved a difficulty in downloading the transcription from the mainframe computer to my own equipment; John Hale, an eighth-grade wizard with computers, more than once came up with quick solutions to time-consuming problems facing his father. Tamara Mistrick, cartographer at the Deasy GeoGraphics Labora- tory of the Geography Department, was able to make sense out of often conflicting information from a wide variety of maps that I sup- plied to her. Several institutions merit special thanks. The United States Government, through the Fulbright-Hays Pro- gram administered by the United States Information Agency, ena- bled me to return to Niger in 1980-81 to conduct my fieldwork. The USIA University Affiliation grant linking the Pennsylvania State University and the University of Niamey also supported my return trips to Niger in 1987 and 1989 as well as the residencies here of scholars from Niger who work on the oral tradition: Ousmane Mahamane Tandina in 1987, Oumarou Watta and Chaibou Dan- Inna in 1988, and Fatima Mounkaila in 1989. The Pennsylvania State University provided assistance in a vari- ety of forms. Sabbatical leaves in 1980-81 and 1989 enabled me to  xiv Acknowledgments xiv Acknowledgments xiv Acknowledgments conduct the initial fieldwork and the necessary follow-up as the study approached completion. The Institute for the Arts and Humanistic Studies granted a Faculty Fellowship in fall 1986, which lightened my teaching load and enabled me to concentrate on this project. The Liberal Arts Research Office provided a grant to have the maps pre- pared. Finally, the University of Florida Press and the Center for Afri- can Studies of the University of Florida deserve thanks for their will- ingness to follow the advice of one of their readers who recom- mended that the Songhay transcription of The Epic of Askia Mohammed accompany the translation. At a time when American university presses appear to be drifting farther away from their orig- inal mission of publishing scholarly works, Florida's effort to meet the highest international standards merits both praise and emulation. conduct the initial fieldwork and the necessary follow-up as the study approached completion. The Institute for the Arts and Humanistic Studies granted a Faculty Fellowship in fall 1986, which lightened my teaching load and enabled me to concentrate on this project. The Liberal Arts Research Office provided a grant to have the maps pre- pared. Finally, the University of Florida Press and the Center for Afri- can Studies of the University of Florida deserve thanks for their will- ingness to follow the advice of one of their readers who recom- mended that the Songhay transcription of The Epic of Askia Mohammed accompany the translation. At a time when American university presses appear to be drifting farther away from their orig- inal mission of publishing scholarly works, Florida's effort to meet the highest international standards merits both praise and emulation. conduct the initial fieldwork and the necessary follow-up as the study approached completion. The Institute for the Arts and Humanistic Studies granted a Faculty Fellowship in fall 1986, which lightened my teaching load and enabled me to concentrate on this project. The Liberal Arts Research Office provided a grant to have the maps pre- pared. Finally, the University of Florida Press and the Center for Afri- can Studies of the University of Florida deserve thanks for their will- ingness to follow the advice of one of their readers who recom- mended that the Songhay transcription of The Epic of Askia Mohammed accompany the translation. At a time when American university presses appear to be drifting farther away from their orig- inal mission of publishing scholarly works, Florida's effort to meet the highest international standards merits both praise and emulation.  This book is dedicated to three people: my grandfather, Ralph Tracy Hale, whose career as a publisher and writer was marked by an unending fascination for the many forms of narrative and for those who produced them my father, Albert Greenleaf Hale, whose love of literature and history continues to enrich both his life and that of his family and Nouhou Malio, jeseredunka, a master griot who made the Songhay past come alive for me. This book is dedicated to three people: my grandfather, Ralph Tracy Hale, whose career as a publisher and writer was marked by an unending fascination for the many forms of narrative and for those who produced them my father, Albert Greenleaf Hale, whose love of literature and history continues to enrich both his life and that of his family and Nouhou Malio, jeseredunka, a master griot who made the Songhay past come alive for me. This book is dedicated to three people: my grandfather, Ralph Tracy Hale, whose career as a publisher and writer was marked by an unending fascination for the many forms of narrative and for those who produced them my father, Albert Greenleaf Hale, whose love of literature and history continues to enrich both his life and that of his family and Nouhou Malio, jeseredunka, a master griot who made the Songhay past come alive for me.  Th  Introduction The subject of this study is African literature and what it can reveal about Sahelian peoples in both the past and the present. To under- stand the approach here based on three rather diverse texts, several basic concerns must first be discussed: how I view the relationship among literature, history, and oral art; what I mean by African liter- ature today; who are the sources-scribes, a griot, and a novelist- we shall read; and what I see as the significance of verbal art for understanding Sahelian societies today. Literature, History, and Verbal Art Until fairly recently in the twentieth century, the words "African lit- erature" as well as "African civilization" did not often appear to- gether in works by writers from the world outside the Dark Conti- nent, the common term for sub-Saharan Africa. One reason is that literature calls to mind written products of the imagination. Few people had ever heard of literature from any part of Black Africa. In the last quarter century, however, scholars from many parts of the world have begun to learn about the many different literatures of Africa. The award of the 1986 Nobel Prize for Literature to the Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka promises to awaken an even broader range of readers to the fact that Africans do, indeed, write. The notion of literature, however, defined here in broad terms for the purposes of this study, will take us, author and readers, a few steps outside the traditional boundaries of text and imagination to include material from history and other disciplines. From this ex- panded view of literature, we shall learn more about peoples of the Introduction The subject of this study is African literature and what it can reveal about Sahelian peoples in both the past and the present. To under- stand the approach here based on three rather diverse texts, several basic concerns must first be discussed: how I view the relationship among literature, history, and oral art; what I mean by African liter- ature today; who are the sources-scribes, a griot, and a novelist- we shall read; and what I see as the significance of verbal art for understanding Sahelian societies today. Literature, History, and Verbal Art Until fairly recently in the twentieth century, the words "African lit- erature" as well as "African civilization" did not often appear to- gether in works by writers from the world outside the Dark Conti- nent, the common term for sub-Saharan Africa. One reason is that literature calls to mind written products of the imagination. Few people had ever heard of literature from any part of Black Africa. In the last quarter century, however, scholars from many parts of the world have begun to learn about the many different literatures of Africa. The award of the 1986 Nobel Prize for Literature to the Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka promises to awaken an even broader range of readers to the fact that Africans do, indeed, write. The notion of literature, however, defined here in broad terms for the purposes of this study, will take us, author and readers, a few steps outside the traditional boundaries of text and imagination to include material from history and other disciplines. From this ex- panded view of literature, we shall learn more about peoples of the 1 Introduction The subject of this study is African literature and what it can reveal about Sahelian peoples in both the past and the present. To under- stand the approach here based on three rather diverse texts, several basic concerns must first be discussed: how I view the relationship among literature, history, and oral art; what I mean by African liter- ature today; who are the sources-scribes, a griot, and a novelist- we shall read; and what I see as the significance of verbal art for understanding Sahelian societies today. Literature, History, and Verbal Art Until fairly recently in the twentieth century, the words "African lit- erature" as well as "African civilization" did not often appear to- gether in works by writers from the world outside the Dark Conti- nent, the common term for sub-Saharan Africa. One reason is that literature calls to mind written products of the imagination. Few people had ever heard of literature from any part of Black Africa. In the last quarter century, however, scholars from many parts of the world have begun to learn about the many different literatures of Africa. The award of the 1986 Nobel Prize for Literature to the Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka promises to awaken an even broader range of readers to the fact that Africans do, indeed, write. The notion of literature, however, defined here in broad terms for the purposes of this study, will take us, author and readers, a few steps outside the traditional boundaries of text and imagination to include material from history and other disciplines. From this ex- panded view of literature, we shall learn more about peoples of the  2 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist West African Sahel, in particular those from the Songhay-speaking areas of Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, and Nigeria. The idea that literature, as much as history, sociology, anthropol- ogy, and archaeology, can serve as a source of information about a people is hardly new. To understand the evolution of nineteenth- century French society, one can learn much from the novels of Sten- dhal, Flaubert, and Zola. But when we consider the resources avail- able to us about African peoples, we tend to revert to descriptions sketched by anthropologists. An African novel, however, no less than its Western counterpart, may reveal as much about its creator and his or her culture as it does about the main character. For ex- ample, Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart (1958) portrays with re- markable economy and clarity the rise and fall of a pillar of a small Nigerian community on the eve of colonial occupation. This widely studied work also provides the reader with a key to the values of an Ibo-speaking people. Finally, Achebe's first novel stands as one of his earliest responses to another well-known fictional account set in Africa, Heart of Darkness (1902) by Joseph Conrad. Part of Achebe's success in reaching a large and diverse audience lies in the fact that he wrote in a Western literary genre, the novel, and used an international language, English, as the vehicle for his creative imagination. Although his work is fictional, he portrays as skillfully as any historian of the colonial era what Russel B. Nye de- scribes in his essay "History and Literature: Branches of the Same Tree": "human actions, passions, motives, and conduct so complex and variable that they cannot be precisely measured, predicted, or manipulated" (Bremner 1966, 152). For Nye, the writer and the historian share a common approach to the past in their use of selectivity, imagination, and interpreta- tion. Both are committed, commented George F. Kennan in his 1986 address to the American Academy and Institute of Arts and Letters, "to the task of helping contemporary man to see himself: the one through the searching prism of personal experience, the other through the revealing footprints that his ancestors-men, after all like himself-can be shown to have left on the sands of time" (Ken- nan 1986, 42). Both Nye and Kennan were referring to the written literary tradi- tion of the West, but both would agree with many scholars who have studied Achebe that the Nigerian writer, working in a different cul- tural context, was highly successful in demonstrating to his non- African readers that Africans are, indeed, as human as Europeans. 2 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist West African Sahel, in particular those from the Songhay-speaking areas of Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, and Nigeria. The idea that literature, as much as history, sociology, anthropol- ogy, and archaeology, can serve as a source of information about a people is hardly new. To understand the evolution of nineteenth- century French society, one can learn much from the novels of Sten- dhal, Flaubert, and Zola. But when we consider the resources avail- able to us about African peoples, we tend to revert to descriptions sketched by anthropologists. An African novel, however, no less than its Western counterpart, may reveal as much about its creator and his or her culture as it does about the main character. For ex- ample, Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart (1958) portrays with re- markable economy and clarity the rise and fall of a pillar of a small Nigerian community on the eve of colonial occupation. This widely studied work also provides the reader with a key to the values of an Ibo-speaking people. Finally, Achebe's first novel stands as one of his earliest responses to another well-known fictional account set in Africa, Heart of Darkness (1902) by Joseph Conrad. Part of Achebe's success in reaching a large and diverse audience lies in the fact that he wrote in a Western literary genre, the novel, and used an international language, English, as the vehicle for his creative imagination. Although his work is fictional, he portrays as skillfully as any historian of the colonial era what Russel B. Nye de- scribes in his essay "History and Literature: Branches of the Same Tree": "human actions, passions, motives, and conduct so complex and variable that they cannot be precisely measured, predicted, or manipulated" (Bremner 1966, 152). For Nye, the writer and the historian share a common approach to the past in their use of selectivity, imagination, and interpreta- tion. Both are committed, commented George F. Kennan in his 1986 address to the American Academy and Institute of Arts and Letters, "to the task of helping contemporary man to see himself: the one through the searching prism of personal experience, the other through the revealing footprints that his ancestors-men, after all like himself-can be shown to have left on the sands of time" (Ken- nan 1986, 42). Both Nye and Kennan were referring to the written literary tradi- tion of the West, but both would agree with many scholars who have studied Achebe that the Nigerian writer, working in a different cul- tural context, was highly successful in demonstrating to his non- African readers that Africans are, indeed, as human as Europeans. 2 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist West African Sahel, in particular those from the Songhay-speaking areas of Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, and Nigeria. The idea that literature, as much as history, sociology, anthropol- ogy, and archaeology, can serve as a source of information about a people is hardly new. To understand the evolution of nineteenth- century French society, one can learn much from the novels of Sten- dhal, Flaubert, and Zola. But when we consider the resources avail- able to us about African peoples, we tend to revert to descriptions sketched by anthropologists. An African novel, however, no less than its Western counterpart, may reveal as much about its creator and his or her culture as it does about the main character. For ex- ample, Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart (1958) portrays with re- markable economy and clarity the rise and fall of a pillar of a small Nigerian community on the eve of colonial occupation. This widely studied work also provides the reader with a key to the values of an Ibo-speaking people. Finally, Achebe's first novel stands as one of his earliest responses to another well-known fictional account set in Africa, Heart of Darkness (1902) by Joseph Conrad. Part of Achebe's success in reaching a large and diverse audience lies in the fact that he wrote in a Western literary genre, the novel, and used an international language, English, as the vehicle for his creative imagination. Although his work is fictional, he portrays as skillfully as any historian of the colonial era what Russel B. Nye de- scribes in his essay "History and Literature: Branches of the Same Tree": "human actions, passions, motives, and conduct so complex and variable that they cannot be precisely measured, predicted, or manipulated" (Bremner 1966, 152). For Nye, the writer and the historian share a common approach to the past in their use of selectivity, imagination, and interpreta- tion. Both are committed, commented George F. Kennan in his 1986 address to the American Academy and Institute of Arts and Letters, "to the task of helping contemporary man to see himself: the one through the searching prism of personal experience, the other through the revealing footprints that his ancestors-men, after all like himself-can be shown to have left on the sands of time" (Ken- nan 1986, 42). Both Nye and Kennan were referring to the written literary tradi- tion of the West, but both would agree with many scholars who have studied Achebe that the Nigerian writer, working in a different cul- tural context, was highly successful in demonstrating to his non- African readers that Africans are, indeed, as human as Europeans.  Introduction 3 If, now, we shift our focus not simply from the West to Africa, but also from the written to the oral tradition, the frontier between liter- ature and history begins to blur. African audiences may hear the oral narrative as both literature and history, or what Paul Zumthor has described in reference to the African epic as "a truth perpetually recreated by song" (1983, 109). Western historians who rely on docu- ments may find it difficult, however, to draw any conclusions from such apparently ephemeral evidence. Yet Jan Vansina, in his study Oral Tradition as History as well as in his earlier writings, makes a strong case for the use of oral information by historians. In his chapter "The Testimony as Mirage of Reality," he emphasizes both the limitations of the oral source, influenced by social, cultural, and personal factors, and its significance. "Every testimony and every tradition has a purpose and fulfills a function," he argues (1985, 76). "Whatever the private interests may be which one is ana- lyzing, it has to be remembered that they are always socially condi- tioned" (78). Vansina's definition of oral tradition covers a variety of genres from proverbs and riddles to kinglists, personal testimony, praise poetry, and long narratives. But much of his argument in favor of oral traditions as sources applies to the larger world of what Walter J. Ong calls "verbal art." We usually associate the term with mate- rial recorded from the oral tradition. In his study Orality and Liter- acy: The Technologizing of the Word, however, Ong argues persua- sively for a view of verbal art that includes "both oral forms and those composed in writing, and everything in between" (1982, 14). For our purposes, what comes in between depends on how we view a text. As Terry Eagleton points out in Literary Theory: An Intro- duction, "A piece of writing may start off life as history or philoso- phy and then come to be valued for its archaeological significance. Some texts are born literary, some achieve literariness, and some have literariness thrust upon them. . . . What matters may not be where you came from but how people treat you" (1983, 9). Drawing on Ong's wide-ranging concept of verbal art and Eagleton's interpretive notion of what constitutes literature, our purpose in this study is to compare three narratives that portray Askia Mohammed, a great fifteenth- and sixteenth-century ruler from the West African Sahel region, as well as the events that led to the decline of his empire after he was overthrown by one of his sons in 1528. We shall see Askia Mohammed and his successors through the eyes of scribes who served as some of the ruler's most Introduction 3 If, now, we shift our focus not simply from the West to Africa, but also from the written to the oral tradition, the frontier between liter- ature and history begins to blur. African audiences may hear the oral narrative as both literature and history, or what Paul Zumthor has described in reference to the African epic as "a truth perpetually recreated by song" (1983, 109). Western historians who rely on docu- ments may find it difficult, however, to draw any conclusions from such apparently ephemeral evidence. Yet Jan Vansina, in his study Oral Tradition as History as well as in his earlier writings, makes a strong case for the use of oral information by historians. In his chapter "The Testimony as Mirage of Reality," he emphasizes both the limitations of the oral source, influenced by social, cultural, and personal factors, and its significance. "Every testimony and every tradition has a purpose and fulfills a function," he argues (1985, 76). "Whatever the private interests may be which one is ana- lyzing, it has to be remembered that they are always socially condi- tioned" (78). Vansina's definition of oral tradition covers a variety of genres from proverbs and riddles to kinglists, personal testimony, praise poetry, and long narratives. But much of his argument in favor of oral traditions as sources applies to the larger world of what Walter J. Ong calls "verbal art." We usually associate the term with mate- rial recorded from the oral tradition. In his study Orality and Liter- acy: The Technologizing of the Word, however, Ong argues persua- sively for a view of verbal art that includes "both oral forms and those composed in writing, and everything in between" (1982, 14). For our purposes, what comes in between depends on how we view a text. As Terry Eagleton points out in Literary Theory: An Intro- duction, "A piece of writing may start off life as history or philoso- phy and then come to be valued for its archaeological significance. Some texts are born literary, some achieve literariness, and some have literariness thrust upon them. . . . What matters may not be where you came from but how people treat you" (1983, 9). Drawing on Ong's wide-ranging concept of verbal art and Eagleton's interpretive notion of what constitutes literature, our purpose in this study is to compare three narratives that portray Askia Mohammed, a great fifteenth- and sixteenth-century ruler from the West African Sahel region, as well as the events that led to the decline of his empire after he was overthrown by one of his sons in 1528. We shall see Askia Mohammed and his successors through the eyes of scribes who served as some of the ruler's most Introduction 3 If, now, we shift our focus not simply from the West to Africa, but also from the written to the oral tradition, the frontier between liter- ature and history begins to blur. African audiences may hear the oral narrative as both literature and history, or what Paul Zumthor has described in reference to the African epic as "a truth perpetually recreated by song" (1983, 109). Western historians who rely on docu- ments may find it difficult, however, to draw any conclusions from such apparently ephemeral evidence. Yet Jan Vansina, in his study Oral Tradition as History as well as in his earlier writings, makes a strong case for the use of oral information by historians. In his chapter "The Testimony as Mirage of Reality," he emphasizes both the limitations of the oral source, influenced by social, cultural, and personal factors, and its significance. "Every testimony and every tradition has a purpose and fulfills a function," he argues (1985, 76). "Whatever the private interests may be which one is ana- lyzing, it has to be remembered that they are always socially condi- tioned" (78). Vansina's definition of oral tradition covers a variety of genres from proverbs and riddles to kinglists, personal testimony, praise poetry, and long narratives. But much of his argument in favor of oral traditions as sources applies to the larger world of what Walter J. Ong calls "verbal art." We usually associate the term with mate- rial recorded from the oral tradition. In his study Orality and Liter- acy: The Technologizing of the Word, however, Ong argues persua- sively for a view of verbal art that includes "both oral forms and those composed in writing, and everything in between" (1982, 14). For our purposes, what comes in between depends on how we view a text. As Terry Eagleton points out in Literary Theory: An Intro- duction, "A piece of writing may start off life as history or philoso- phy and then come to be valued for its archaeological significance. Some texts are born literary, some achieve literariness, and some have literariness thrust upon them. . . . What matters may not be where you came from but how people treat you" (1983, 9). Drawing on Ong's wide-ranging concept of verbal art and Eagleton's interpretive notion of what constitutes literature, our purpose in this study is to compare three narratives that portray Askia Mohammed, a great fifteenth- and sixteenth-century ruler from the West African Sahel region, as well as the events that led to the decline of his empire after he was overthrown by one of his sons in 1528. We shall see Askia Mohammed and his successors through the eyes of scribes who served as some of the ruler's most  4 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist trusted servants; hear about this dynasty from bards, known region- ally as griots, whose profession is to recount the past; and, finally, read about a close fictional copy of the internationally recognized ruler in the prose of a modern African novelist. Each picture of Askia Mohammed and his time conveys a different message to its audience, and each links the past to the present. Today historians view the Tarikh el-Feadch and the Tarikh es- Soudan, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Arabic-language ac- counts of medieval Sahelian empires, as the building blocks on which rests our knowledge of the early Sudanic empires, Ghana, Mali, and, above all, Songhay. The Songhay Epic of Askia Mohammed, which I recorded in many versions from griots in Niger in 1980-81, counts as one of the most important chapters in the oral tradition of many different peoples whi claim roots in the Songhay empire. Finally, Le Devoir de violence, published in English as Bound to Violence (1968, 1971), by the Malian author Yambo Ouologuem, focuses a highly critical gaze on the political and social structure of the region. Since winning high literary honors in Paris and New York in 1968 and 1971, the novel has generated without doubt more controversy about its composition and content than any other piece of African fiction appearing in the last quarter century. The immediate-goal in juxtaposing three generically unrelated West African narratives is to examine the literary and historical link- ages between them. But through our "interpretations," in the Foucaldian sense of the term, of African verbal art, we shall arrive at some new insights about the cultures that produced these texts as well as the relationship between the literate and oral ways of viewing the world. These diverse narratives appear as a series of strata, each related to the other, each revealing facets of the past. For example, the oral narrative will show more clearly the limitations of the Islamic-oriented chronicles in conveying the cultural values of the Songhay-speaking peoples. At the same time, the extremely detailed chronology of the early written accounts will give new support for a symbolic interpretation of the oral version. The novel, which draws upon the chronicles for its introductory chapters and on the author's familiarity with a region dominated by the Songhay empire, will il- lustrate the existence of many aspects of the social structure evident in the oral narrative and criticize the modern survival of these ele- ments in Sahelian society today. These comparisons will provide keys to understanding how the 4 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist trusted servants; hear about this dynasty from bards, known region- ally as griots, whose profession is to recount the past; and, finally, read about a close fictional copy of the internationally recognized ruler in the prose of a modern African novelist. Each picture of Askia Mohammed and his time conveys a different message to its audience, and each links the past to the present. Today historians view the Tarikh el-Ferttdch and the Tarikh es- Soudan, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Arabic-language ac- counts of medieval Sahelian empires, as the building blocks on which rests our knowledge of the early Sudanic empires, Ghana, Mali, and, above all, Songhay. The Songhay Epic of Askia Mohammed, which I recorded in many versions from griots in Niger in 1980-81, counts as one of the most important chapters in the oral tradition of many different peoples whi claim roots in the Songhay empire. Finally, Le Devoir de violence, published in English as Bound to Violence (1968, 1971), by the Malian author Yambo Ouologuem, focuses a highly critical gaze on the political and social structure of the region. Since winning high literary honors in Paris and New York in 1968 and 1971, the novel has generated without doubt more controversy about its composition and content than any other piece of African fiction appearing in the last quarter century. The immediate-goal in juxtaposing three generically unrelated West African narratives is to examine the literary and historical link- ages between them. But through our "interpretations," in the Foucaldian sense of the term, of African verbal art, we shall arrive at some new insights about the cultures that produced these texts as well as the relationship between the literate and oral ways of viewing the world. These diverse narratives appear as a series of strata, each related to the other, each revealing facets of the past. For example, the oral narrative will show more clearly the limitations of the Islamic-oriented chronicles in conveying the cultural values of the Songhay-speaking peoples. At the same time, the extremely detailed chronology of the early written accounts will give new support for a symbolic interpretation of the oral version. The novel, which draws upon the chronicles for its introductory chapters and on the author's familiarity with a region dominated by the Songhay empire, will il- lustrate the existence of many aspects of the social structure evident in the oral narrative and criticize the modern survival of these ele- ments in Sahelian society today. These comparisons will provide keys to understanding how the 4 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist trusted servants; hear about this dynasty from bards, known region- ally as griots, whose profession is to recount the past; and, finally, read about a close fictional copy of the internationally recognized ruler in the prose of a modern African novelist. Each picture of Askia Mohammed and his time conveys a different message to its audience, and each links the past to the present. Today historians view the Tarfkh el-Fettdch and the Tarikh es- Soudan, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Arabic-language ac- counts of medieval Sahelian empires, as the building blocks on which rests our knowledge of the early Sudanic empires, Ghana, Mali, and, above all, Songhay. The Songhay Epic of Askia Mohammed, which I recorded in many versions from griots in Niger in 1980-81, counts as one of the most important chapters in the oral tradition of many different peoples whi claim roots in the Songhay empire. Finally, Le Devoir de violence, published in English as Bound to Violence (1968, 1971), by the Malian author Yambo Ouologuem, focuses a highly critical gaze on the political and social structure of the region. Since winning high literary honors in Paris and New York in 1968 and 1971, the novel has generated without doubt more controversy about its composition and content than any other piece of African fiction appearing in the last quarter century. The immediate-goal in juxtaposing three generically unrelated West African narratives is to examine the literary and historical link- ages between them. But through our "interpretations," in the Foucaldian sense of the term, of African verbal art, we shall arrive at some new insights about the cultures that produced these texts as well as the relationship between the literate and oral ways of viewing the world. These diverse narratives appear as a series of strata, each related to the other, each revealing facets of the past. For example, the oral narrative will show more clearly the limitations of the Islamic-oriented chronicles in conveying the cultural values of the Songhay-speaking peoples. At the same time, the extremely detailed chronology of the early written accounts will give new support for a symbolic interpretation of the oral version. The novel, which draws upon the chronicles for its introductory chapters and on the author's familiarity with a region dominated by the Songhay empire, will il- lustrate the existence of many aspects of the social structure evident in the oral narrative and criticize the modern survival of these ele- ments in Sahelian society today. These comparisons will provide keys to understanding how the  Introduction 5 Songhay-speaking peoples in the Sahel see the past and how that past influences the social and spiritual beliefs of some segments of society today. The insights gained will contribute to a new historical paradigm now taking shape for the region, thanks to the research of a generation of scholars best exemplified in the imaginative and exciting work of archaeologists Roderick and Susan McIntosh in the Middle Niger. Finally, the dialogue between the written and oral tra- ditions will offer support for a new "ideological" theory of literacy as a phenomenon imbedded in social institutions (Street 1984). Brian Street's view counters that of Jack Goody and others who have viewed literacy as an autonomous phenomenon that distinguishes in a variety of ways literate from nonliterate societies. But before we can explore the texts on which these comparisons are based to see how they may fit into a coherent matrix, we need first to step back for a moment to view African literature today in a broader context. African Literature Today When scholars speak of African literature, they usually refer to fic- tion in European languages by Africans. There are many reasons for such a Euro-centered approach to contemporary African literature. Most African writers choose to compose their verbal art in Euro- pean languages because they want to reach national, pan-African, or global audiences. The majority of their literature is published in Paris, London, Lisbon, or New York. Few researchers working on African literature today are familiar with texts in African languages, either written or recorded from the oral tradition. More material is available in Western languages. Only during the last decade have scholars produced useful surveys of the lesser-known literatures (G6rard 1981; Andrzejewski, Pilaszewicz, and 'Tyloch 1985). Those interested in a particular African literature developing in a European language, such as French, could afford to ignore African-language works as long as writers answered in the narrative or in footnotes those questions about local customs and terms that the reader, especially the Western reader, might ask. This was the case with Camara Laye's landmark autobiographical novel (or ro- manced autobiography) L'Enfant noir, published in Paris in 1953. But in the last two decades, as novelists, dramatists, and poets have Introduction 5 Songhay-speaking peoples in the Sahel see the past and how that past influences the social and spiritual beliefs of some segments of society today. The insights gained will contribute to a new historical paradigm now taking shape for the region, thanks to the research of a generation of scholars best exemplified in the imaginative and exciting work of archaeologists Roderick and Susan McIntosh in the Middle Niger. Finally, the dialogue between the written and oral tra- ditions will offer support for a new "ideological" theory of literacy as a phenomenon imbedded in social institutions (Street 1984). Brian Street's view counters that of Jack Goody and others who have viewed literacy as an autonomous phenomenon that distinguishes in a variety of ways literate from nonliterate societies. But before we can explore the texts on which these comparisons are based to see how they may fit into a coherent matrix, we need first to step back for a moment to view African literature today in a broader context. African Literature Today When scholars speak of African literature, they usually refer to fic- tion in European languages by Africans. There are many reasons for such a Euro-centered approach to contemporary African literature. Most African writers choose to compose their verbal art in Euro- pean languages because they want to reach national, pan-African, or global audiences. The majority of their literature is published in Paris, London, Lisbon, or New York. Few researchers working on African literature today are familiar with texts in African languages, either written or recorded from the oral tradition. More material is available in Western languages. Only during the last decade have scholars produced useful surveys of the lesser-known literatures (Gdrard 1981; Andrzejewski, Pilaszewicz, and Tyloch 1985). Those interested in a particular African literature developing in a European language, such as French, could afford to ignore African-language works as long as writers answered in the narrative or in footnotes those questions about local customs and terms that the reader, especially the Western reader, might ask. This was the case with Camara Laye's landmark autobiographical novel (or ro- manced autobiography) L'Enfant noir, published in Paris in 1953. But in the last two decades, as novelists, dramatists, and poets have Introduction 5 Songhay-speaking peoples in the Sahel see the past and how that past influences the social and spiritual beliefs of some segments of society today. The insights gained will contribute to a new historical paradigm now taking shape for the region, thanks to the research of a generation of scholars best exemplified in the imaginative and exciting work of archaeologists Roderick and Susan McIntosh in the Middle Niger. Finally, the dialogue between the written and oral tra- ditions will offer support for a new "ideological" theory of literacy as a phenomenon imbedded in social institutions (Street 1984). Brian Street's view counters that of Jack Goody and others who have viewed literacy as an autonomous phenomenon that distinguishes in a variety of ways literate from nonliterate societies. But before we can explore the texts on which these comparisons are based to see how they may fit into a coherent matrix, we need first to step back for a moment to view African literature today in a broader context. African Literature Today When scholars speak of African literature, they usually refer to fic- tion in European languages by Africans. There are many reasons for such a Euro-centered approach to contemporary African literature. Most African writers choose to compose their verbal art in Euro- pean languages because they want to reach national, pan-African, or global audiences. The majority of their literature is published in Paris, London, Lisbon, or New York. Few researchers working on African literature today are familiar with texts in African languages, either written or recorded from the oral tradition. More material is available in Western languages. Only during the last decade have scholars produced useful surveys of the lesser-known literatures (G6rard 1981; Andrzejewski, Pilaszewicz, and Tyloch 1985). Those interested in a particular African literature developing in a European language, such as French, could afford to ignore African-language works as long as writers answered in the narrative or in footnotes those questions about local customs and terms that the reader, especially the Western reader, might ask. This was the case with Camara Laye's landmark autobiographical novel (or ro- manced autobiography) L'Enfant noir, published in Paris in 1953. But in the last two decades, as novelists, dramatists, and poets have  6 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist begun to experiment with new forms, and as they have drawn on ele- ments of verbal art that are more firmly rooted in their own culture, students of African literature have had to probe more deeply in order to understand the works they are reading. It is at this point, then, that we find the literary scholar seeking out the historian, the anthropologist, and the linguist in an attempt to grasp more fully the meaning of a piece of fiction about Africa composed in a European language and in a European form. The interdisciplinary encounter need not, however, be a one-way transaction, for the student of literature seeks, in a broad sense, the same goal as those from other disciplines: greater knowledge of the people who are the creators in a culture, people who ultimately may reveal to us something about ourselves. In other words, African lit- erature may illuminate some aspect of culture that a more scientific study cannot convey so effectively. To paraphrase an anthropologist colleague who has routinely recommended Achebe's first novel to his students, Things Fall Apart provides the single most effective por- trayal of catastrophic cultural change in an African village. If my primary concern in this study is literature, I come to the subject from an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective. I am interested in the texts and their contexts, or what critic Jerome K. McGann terms the "referentiality of communicative action" (1985, 15). Edward Said, a comparatist whose concerns include both litera- ture and culture, put the matter in simpler terms: "My position is that texts are worldly, to some degree they are events, and, even when they appear to deny it, they are nevertheless a part of the so- cial world, human life, and of course the historical moments in which they are located and interpreted" (1983, 4). If I shall draw on existing information about Askia Mohammed and his time, my concern is not so much with history as it is simply with story, and in particular the way a dynasty of Songhay leaders appears in several forms of verbal art, medieval and modern, oral and written, during the last five centuries. The narratives of three different kinds of Sahelian wordsmiths, the chronicler, the griot, and the novelist, remain the starting point of the venture. I am interested in their texts as the creations of individuals or groups who wrote, revised, translated, or spoke them. My goal is neither to rewrite the history of the Sahel nor to provide a line-by-line analysis of these narratives. Instead, I want to explain what the texts say to each other and to the peoples who produced them. 6 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist begun to experiment with new forms, and as they have drawn on ele- ments of verbal art that are more firmly rooted in their own culture, students of African literature have had to probe more deeply in order to understand the works they are reading. It is at this point, then, that we find the literary scholar seeking out the historian, the anthropologist, and the linguist in an attempt to grasp more fully the meaning of a piece of fiction about Africa composed in a European language and in a European form. The interdisciplinary encounter need not, however, be a one-way transaction, for the student of literature seeks, in a broad sense, the same goal as those from other disciplines: greater knowledge of the people who are the creators in a culture, people who ultimately may reveal to us something about ourselves. In other words, African lit- erature may illuminate some aspect of culture that a more scientific study cannot convey so effectively. To paraphrase an anthropologist colleague who has routinely recommended Achebe's first novel to his students, Things Fall Apart provides the single most effective por- trayal of catastrophic cultural change in an African village. If my primary concern in this study is literature, I come to the subject from an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective. I am interested in the texts and their contexts, or what critic Jerome K. McGann terms the "referentiality of communicative action" (1985, 15). Edward Said, a comparatist whose concerns include both litera- ture and culture, put the matter in simpler terms: "My position is that texts are worldly, to some degree they are events, and, even when they appear to deny it, they are nevertheless a part of the so- cial world, human life, and of course the historical moments in which they are located and interpreted" (1983, 4). If I shall draw on existing information about Askia Mohammed and his time, my concern is not so much with history as it is simply with story, and in particular the way a dynasty of Songhay leaders appears in several forms of verbal art, medieval and modern, oral and written, during the last five centuries. The narratives of three different kinds of Sahelian wordsmiths, the chronicler, the griot, and the novelist, remain the starting point of the venture. I am interested in their texts as the creations of individuals or groups who wrote, revised, translated, or spoke them. My goal is neither to rewrite the history of the Sahel nor to provide a line-by-line analysis of these narratives. Instead, I want to explain what the texts say to each other and to the peoples who produced them. 6 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist begun to experiment with new forms, and as they have drawn on ele- ments of verbal art that are more firmly rooted in their own culture, students of African literature have had to probe more deeply in order to understand the works they are reading. It is at this point, then, that we find the literary scholar seeking out the historian, the anthropologist, and the linguist in an attempt to grasp more fully the meaning of a piece of fiction about Africa composed in a European language and in a European form. The interdisciplinary encounter need not, however, be a one-way transaction, for the student of literature seeks, in a broad sense, the same goal as those from other disciplines: greater knowledge of the people who are the creators in a culture, people who ultimately may reveal to us something about ourselves. In other words, African lit- erature may illuminate some aspect of culture that a more scientific study cannot convey so effectively. To paraphrase an anthropologist colleague who has routinely recommended Achebe's first novel to his students, Things Fall Apart provides the single most effective por- trayal of catastrophic cultural change in an African village. If my primary concern in this study is literature, I come to the subject from an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective. I am interested in the texts and their contexts, or what critic Jerome K. McGann terms the "referentiality of communicative action" (1985, 15). Edward Said, a comparatist whose concerns include both litera- ture and culture, put the matter in simpler terms: "My position is that texts are worldly, to some degree they are events, and, even when they appear to deny it, they are nevertheless a part of the so- cial world, human life, and of course the historical moments in which they are located and interpreted" (1983, 4). If I shall draw on existing information about Askia Mohammed and his time, my concern is not so much with history as it is simply with story, and in particular the way a dynasty of Songhay leaders appears in several forms of verbal art, medieval and modern, oral and written, during the last five centuries. The narratives of three different kinds of Sahelian wordsmiths, the chronicler, the griot, and the novelist, remain the starting point of the venture. I am interested in their texts as the creations of individuals or groups who wrote, revised, translated, or spoke them. My goal is neither to rewrite the history of the Sahel nor to provide a line-by-line analysis of these narratives. Instead, I want to explain what the texts say to each other and to the peoples who produced them.  Introduction Introduction Introduction Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Chapters 1 and 2 describe in detail both Askia Mohammed and the kinds of people who created verbal images of him through the cen- turies. But before going any farther, I need to introduce briefly both him and our sources. Askia Mohammed was a lieutenant for Sonni Ali Ber, a powerful and combative Songhay ruler who laid the foundations of an exten- sive empire during his reign from 1463 to 1492. After Sonni Ali Ber's death, Askia Mohammed defeated the former ruler's son in 1493, took control of the government, and brought the Songhay empire to its apogee during an administration that lasted until 1528. We owe much of what we know about these rulers and their suc- cessors to African writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These men were Moslems who at some point lived at or close to the Songhay court in Gao, a town on the left bank of the Niger River in eastern Mali, 424 kilometers downriver from Timbuktu and 443 kilometers upriver from Niamey, the capital of Niger. In the Tarikh el-Fettdch, the Tarfkh es-Soudan, and other manuscripts from the pe- riod, we see Askia Mohammed assume the leadership of the Songhay empire, make the pilgrimage to Mecca, return home as the caliph (or Islamic governor) of the Sudan, and then set out to con- quer vast areas of the region. He spreads Islam to the peoples who owe him fealty and produces a line of descendants who maintain the empire until 1591, when the Moroccans send an army to defeat the Songhay. As men of the written word-the word of Islam-those who wrote these chronicles held a respected place in society. They helped diffuse Islam and administer the empire through the practices of the religion and the written language in which it was conveyed. Their writings carried a triple religious significance. Not only did they de- scribe in positive terms the growth of Islam in the region, but they used the language of Islam, Arabic, to record their observations, and they frequently invoked the name of Allah. These texts symbo- lized the power of Islam to communicate, not only between their au- thors and their eventual readers but also between the authors and Allah. The language was not that of the people but that of an outside culture which had gained a firm foothold among the elite in the Sahel. To peoples who did not distinguish clearly between religious and secular authority, the intruding system of belief and literacy was far more than a religion. It represented a new way of apprehending Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Chapters 1 and 2 describe in detail both Askia Mohammed and the kinds of people who created verbal images of him through the cen- turies. But before going any farther, I need to introduce briefly both him and our sources. Askia Mohammed was a lieutenant for Sonni Ali Ber, a powerful and combative Songhay ruler who laid the foundations of an exten- sive empire during his reign from 1463 to 1492. After Sonni Ali Ber's death, Askia Mohammed defeated the former ruler's son in 1493, took control of the government, and brought the Songhay empire to its apogee during an administration that lasted until 1528. We owe much of what we know about these rulers and their suc- cessors to African writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These men were Moslems who at some point lived at or close to the Songhay court in Gao, a town on the left bank of the Niger River in eastern Mali, 424 kilometers downriver from Timbuktu and 443 kilometers upriver from Niamey, the capital of Niger. In the Tarfkh el-Fettdch, the Tarfkh es-Soudan, and other manuscripts from the pe- riod, we see Askia Mohammed assume the leadership of the Songhay empire, make the pilgrimage to Mecca, return home as the caliph (or Islamic governor) of the Sudan, and then set out to con- quer vast areas of the region. He spreads Islam to the peoples who owe him fealty and produces a line of descendants who maintain the empire until 1591, when the Moroccans send an army to defeat the Songhay. As men of the written word-the word of Islam-those who wrote these chronicles held a respected place in society. They helped diffuse Islam and administer the empire through the practices of the religion and the written language in which it was conveyed. Their writings carried a triple religious significance. Not only did they de- scribe in positive terms the growth of Islam in the region, but they used the language of Islam, Arabic, to record their observations, and they frequently invoked the name of Allah. These texts symbo- lized the power of Islam to communicate, not only between their au- thors and their eventual readers but also between the authors and Allah. The language was not that of the people but that of an outside culture which had gained a firm foothold among the elite in the Sahel. To peoples who did not distinguish clearly between religious and secular authority, the intruding system of belief and literacy was far more than a religion. It represented a new way of apprehending Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Chapters 1 and 2 describe in detail both Askia Mohammed and the kinds of people who created verbal images of him through the cen- turies. But before going any farther, I need to introduce briefly both him and our sources. Askia Mohammed was a lieutenant for Sonni Ali Ber, a powerful and combative Songhay ruler who laid the foundations of an exten- sive empire during his reign from 1463 to 1492. After Sonni Ali Ber's death, Askia Mohammed defeated the former ruler's son in 1493, took control of the government, and brought the Songhay empire to its apogee during an administration that lasted until 1528. We owe much of what we know about these rulers and their suc- cessors to African writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These men were Moslems who at some point lived at or close to the Songhay court in Gao, a town on the left bank of the Niger River in eastern Mali, 424 kilometers downriver from Timbuktu and 443 kilometers upriver from Niamey, the capital of Niger. In the Tarikh el-Fettdch, the Tarfkh es-Soudan, and other manuscripts from the pe- riod, we see Askia Mohammed assume the leadership of the Songhay empire, make the pilgrimage to Mecca, return home as the caliph (or Islamic governor) of the Sudan, and then set out to con- quer vast areas of the region. He spreads Islam to the peoples who owe him fealty and produces a line of descendants who maintain the empire until 1591, when the Moroccans send an army to defeat the Songhay. As men of the written word-the word of Islam-those who wrote these chronicles held a respected place in society. They helped diffuse Islam and administer the empire through the practices of the religion and the written language in which it was conveyed. Their writings carried a triple religious significance. Not only did they de- scribe in positive terms the growth of Islam in the region, but they used the language of Islam, Arabic, to record their observations, and they frequently invoked the name of Allah. These texts symbo- lized the power of Islam to communicate, not only between their au- thors and their eventual readers but also between the authors and Allah. The language was not that of the people but that of an outside culture which had gained a firm foothold among the elite in the Sahel. To peoples who did not distinguish clearly between religious and secular authority, the intruding system of belief and literacy was far more than a religion. It represented a new way of apprehending  8 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the world that, through prayer, writing, reading, religious practices, and pilgrimages, could strengthen the power of the adherent. The two most significant texts by these scribes to come to the at- tention of modern scholars are the Tarikh el-Feadch, initially attrib- uted to Mahmoud KAti, and the Tarfkh es-Soudan, attributed to Abderrahman es-Sa'di (referred to from here on as TF and TS). They were translated into French nearly a century ago by Octave Houdas, a French orientalist. In translating the TF, Houdas was as- sisted by Maurice Delafosse, a French administrator, ethnologist, and linguist. Since then a growing corps of historians has been focus- ing on other, less well-known manuscripts written in Arabic. Ad- vances in understanding the Arabic and the cultures portrayed, the discovery of other fragments, and new insights about nineteenth- century revisions of the TF by a Fulani ruler, S6kou Amadou, who decided to write himself into history, have caused these later schol- ars to be increasingly aware of the limitations of the French transla- tions. In the scholarly discourse among Arabists there is still debate over the authorship of different parts of the TF. The complex issue of who wrote which chapters at which times does not concern us di- rectly. I shall therefore refer to the creators of this text as simply "the authors" or "the narrators." I shall return in more detail to the texts as sources in chapter 3. Although this study is based on the French translations, I have sought the guidance of scholars familiar with the original Arabic for more precise versions of key terms such as that for griot, which Houdas and Delafosse rendered simply as "singer." John Hunwick, one of the world's most knowledgeable specialists on the Arabic texts of the Sahel, has been particularly helpful in this respect. He expects to complete and publish the first English translation of one of these texts, the TS, by the mid-1990s. In the meantime, however, the first French versions provide a basis from which we may make our comparisons. I have translated into English all the excerpts from the French versions of these texts with the exception of those provided by John Hunwick. The TS and TF amount to 850 pages in published translation. One reason for the great detail is that the earliest authors held a vari- ety of positions in the society of their day. They were religious lead- ers, teachers, secretaries to rulers, and administrators. These func- tions often overlapped. But the scribes-this term will be defined in more detail in chapter 2-were not the only specialists of the word 8 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the world that, through prayer, writing, reading, religious practices, and pilgrimages, could strengthen the power of the adherent. The two most significant texts by these scribes to come to the at- tention of modern scholars are the Tarikh el-1ttdch, initially attrib- uted to Mahmoud Kati, and the Tarikh es-Soudan, attributed to Abderrahman es-Sa'di (referred to from here on as TF and TS). They were translated into French nearly a century ago by Octave Houdas, a French orientalist. In translating the TF, Houdas was as- sisted by Maurice Delafosse, a French administrator, ethnologist, and linguist. Since then a growing corps of historians has been focus- ing on other, less well-known manuscripts written in Arabic. Ad- vances in understanding the Arabic and the cultures portrayed, the discovery of other fragments, and new insights about nineteenth- century revisions of the TF by a Fulani ruler, S6kou Amadou, who decided to write himself into history, have caused these later schol- ars to be increasingly aware of the limitations of the French transla- tions. In the scholarly discourse among Arabists there is still debate over the authorship of different parts of the TF. The complex issue of who wrote which chapters at which times does not concern us di- rectly. I shall therefore refer to the creators of this text as simply "the authors" or "the narrators." I shall return in more detail to the texts as sources in chapter 3. Although this study is based on the French translations, I have sought the guidance of scholars familiar with the original Arabic for more precise versions of key terms such as that for griot, which Houdas and Delafosse rendered simply as "singer." John Hunwick, one of the world's most knowledgeable specialists on the Arabic texts of the Sahel, has been particularly helpful in this respect. He expects to complete and publish the first English translation of one of these texts, the TS, by the mid-1990s. In the meantime, however, the first French versions provide a basis from which we may make our comparisons. I have translated into English all the excerpts from the French versions of these texts with the exception of those provided by John Hunwick. The TS and TF amount to 850 pages in published translation. One reason for the great detail is that the earliest authors held a vari- ety of positions in the society of their day. They were religious lead- ers, teachers, secretaries to rulers, and administrators. These func- tions often overlapped. But the scribes-this term will be defined in more detail in chapter 2-were not the only specialists of the word 8 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the world that, through prayer, writing, reading, religious practices, and pilgrimages, could strengthen the power of the adherent. The two most significant texts by these scribes to come to the at- tention of modern scholars are the Tarikh el-Fettdch, initially attrib- uted to Mahmoud Kiti, and the Tarfkh es-Soudan, attributed to Abderrahman es-Sa'di (referred to from here on as TF and TS). They were translated into French nearly a century ago by Octave Houdas, a French orientalist. In translating the TF, Houdas was as- sisted by Maurice Delafosse, a French administrator, ethnologist, and linguist. Since then a growing corps of historians has been focus- ing on other, less well-known manuscripts written in Arabic. Ad- vances in understanding the Arabic and the cultures portrayed, the discovery of other fragments, and new insights about nineteenth- century revisions of the TF by a Fulani ruler, Sdkou Amadou, who decided to write himself into history, have caused these later schol- ars to be increasingly aware of the limitations of the French transla- tions. In the scholarly discourse among Arabists there is still debate over the authorship of different parts of the TF. The complex issue of who wrote which chapters at which times does not concern us di- rectly. I shall therefore refer to the creators of this text as simply "the authors" or "the narrators." I shall return in more detail to the texts as sources in chapter 3. Although this study is based on the French translations, I have sought the guidance of scholars familiar with the original Arabic for more precise versions of key terms such as that for griot, which Houdas and Delafosse rendered simply as "singer." John Hunwick, one of the world's most knowledgeable specialists on the Arabic texts of the Sahel, has been particularly helpful in this respect. He expects to complete and publish the first English translation of one of these texts, the TS, by the mid-1990s. In the meantime, however, the first French versions provide a basis from which we may make our comparisons. I have translated into English all the excerpts from the French versions of these texts with the exception of those provided by John Hunwick. The TS and TF amount to 850 pages in published translation. One reason for the great detail is that the earliest authors held a vari- ety of positions in the society of their day. They were religious lead- ers, teachers, secretaries to rulers, and administrators. These func- tions often overlapped. But the scribes-this term will be defined in more detail in chapter 2-were not the only specialists of the word  Introduction 9 among the peoples who built the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay em- pires. Bards, known today as griots, a term of uncertain origin, or among their own peoples in the singular form as jali, jesere, mabo, nyamakala, and others, held a special place too. But they conveyed their words by voice, not by writing. They too witnessed the events marking the rise and fall of their rulers. Their words have survived many centuries, passed on to modern descendants of the peoples of the empires. In the last two decades scholars have begun to study the verbal art of griots and the information that these keepers of the oral tradition have received from preceding generations. At the same time, governments of Sahelian countries have shown new in- terest in the social status of griots. For example, in Niger there is now an officially sponsored organization of three thousand bards. The griots constitute, then, another rather distinct class of timebinders. But today, if civil servants in ministries of foreign af- fairs, information, and culture have supplanted the diplomatic, record-keeping, and communications functions of the scribes, the griots continue to perform many of the activities on which they built their reputations as a specialized group many centuries ago. During the last decade, however, they have expanded enormously the di- mensions of their oral performance context. They may recount or chant their narratives of the past via a variety of modern media- radio, tape cassettes, and even television. If it appears that griots are prospering-and that is discussed fur- ther in chapter 2-there is a tendency among scholars, especially his- torians, to refer to information from them as simply "the oral tradi- tion," with no identification of a particular bard or a version of a narrative. From the diverse writings of the late Nigdrien scholar Bonbon Hama to the more rigorously documented studies by the younger generation, represented so capably by the Malian historian Adam Konard Ba, rarely is there a reference to a particular text from a named source. Hama, in fact, in a mimeographed account entitled Askia Mohammed Aboubacar d travers la tradition et Le Fettach and published in 1980, did not mention any of his oral sources. Yet the oral tradition is no more than the sum of those who convey it. Each griot, each teller of tales, puts his or her own mark on the narrative recounted. Although the Western reader may not understand an African language, he or she can appreciate the rich- ness of this diversity in the many versions of one particular Sahelian epic, the Mand6 story of the founder of the Mali empire, Sundiata Introduction 9 among the peoples who built the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay em- pires. Bards, known today as griots, a term of uncertain origin, or among their own peoples in the singular form as jali, jesere, mabo, nyamakala, and others, held a special place too. But they conveyed their words by voice, not by writing. They too witnessed the events marking the rise and fall of their rulers. Their words have survived many centuries, passed on to modern descendants of the peoples of the empires. In the last two decades scholars have begun to study the verbal art of griots and the information that these keepers of the oral tradition have received from preceding generations. At the same time, governments of Sahelian countries have shown new in- terest in the social status of griots. For example, in Niger there is now an officially sponsored organization of three thousand bards. The griots constitute, then, another rather distinct class of timebinders. But today, if civil servants in ministries of foreign af- fairs, information, and culture have supplanted the diplomatic, record-keeping, and communications functions of the scribes, the griots continue to perform many of the activities on which they built their reputations as a specialized group many centuries ago. During the last decade, however, they have expanded enormously the di- mensions of their oral performance context. They may recount or chant their narratives of the past via a variety of modern media- radio, tape cassettes, and even television. If it appears that griots are prospering-and that is discussed fur- ther in chapter 2-there is a tendency among scholars, especially his- torians, to refer to information from them as simply "the oral tradi- tion," with no identification of a particular bard or a version of a narrative. From the diverse writings of the late Nigdrien scholar Bonbon Hama to the more rigorously documented studies by the younger generation, represented so capably by the Malian historian Adam Konar6 Ba, rarely is there a reference to a particular text from a named source. Hama, in fact, in a mimeographed account entitled Askia Mohammed Aboubacar d travers la tradition et Le Fettach and published in 1980, did not mention any of his oral sources. Yet the oral tradition is no more than the sum of those who convey it. Each griot, each teller of tales, puts his or her own mark on the narrative recounted. Although the Western reader may not understand an African language, he or she can appreciate the rich- ness of this diversity in the many versions of one particular Sahelian epic, the Mand6 story of the founder of the Mali empire, Sundiata Introduction 9 among the peoples who built the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay em- pires. Bards, known today as griots, a term of uncertain origin, or among their own peoples in the singular form as jali, jesere, mabo, nyamakala, and others, held a special place too. But they conveyed their words by voice, not by writing. They too witnessed the events marking the rise and fall of their rulers. Their words have survived many centuries, passed on to modern descendants of the peoples of the empires. In the last two decades scholars have begun to study the verbal art of griots and the information that these keepers of the oral tradition have received from preceding generations. At the same time, governments of Sahelian countries have shown new in- terest in the social status of griots. For example, in Niger there is now an officially sponsored organization of three thousand bards. The griots constitute, then, another rather distinct class of timebinders. But today, if civil servants in ministries of foreign af- fairs, information, and culture have supplanted the diplomatic, record-keeping, and communications functions of the scribes, the griots continue to perform many of the activities on which they built their reputations as a specialized group many centuries ago. During the last decade, however, they have expanded enormously the di- mensions of their oral performance context. They may recount or chant their narratives of the past via a variety of modern media- radio, tape cassettes, and even television. If it appears that griots are prospering-and that is discussed fur- ther in chapter 2-there is a tendency among scholars, especially his- torians, to refer to information from them as simply "the oral tradi- tion," with no identification of a particular bard or a version of a narrative. From the diverse writings of the late Nig6rien scholar Bonbon Hama to the more rigorously documented studies by the younger generation, represented so capably by the Malian historian Adam Konard Ba, rarely is there a reference to a particular text from a named source. Hama, in fact, in a mimeographed account entitled Askia Mohammed Aboubacar d travers la tradition et Le Fettach and published in 1980, did not mention any of his oral sources. Yet the oral tradition is no more than the sum of those who convey it. Each griot, each teller of tales, puts his or her own mark on the narrative recounted. Although the Western reader may not understand an African language, he or she can appreciate the rich- ness of this diversity in the many versions of one particular Sahelian epic, the Mand6 story of the founder of the Mali empire, Sundiata  10 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 10 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 10 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Keita. John Johnson (1986) lists nearly two dozen editions that have appeared to date. The number of published narratives from the Mand6 led me to ask if the Mandd-speaking peoples, descended from the Mali em- pire, represent a uniquely endowed Sahelian culture, or if other eth- nic groups linked to later empires also produced stories that recount the rise and exploits of their leaders. Inspired by the work of John Johnson, Charles Bird, Lilyan Kesteloot, and Djibril Tamsir Niane, as well as by visits to my university by griots from Gambia and Mali in 1978 and 1980, I decided to go back to the Songhay-speaking peo- ples for an answer to this question. In a broader sense, my goal was also to deepen my knowledge of written African literature by learn- ing more about the oral narrative form that influenced writers as di- verse as Ahmadou Kourouma from the Ivory Coast and Ayi Kwei Armah from Ghana. For this reason, I returned to Niger in 1980-81 after a fourteen-year absence to see if, in fact, the griots I had en- countered there during service as a Peace Corps Volunteer were still practicing their art, to find out what sort of portrayals of the past they conveyed to their modern listeners, and to record a particularly detailed version of an epic about the rulers of the Songhay empire. During a year while serving as a Fulbright senior lecturer in Afri- can literature and American civilization at the University of Nia- mey, I traveled throughout the 90,000-square-kilometer Songhay- speaking area of western Niger, from Ouallam and Ayorou in the north, near the border with Mali, to T6ra in the west, not far from the border with Burkina Faso, to Say in the south, north of the Benin border, and Dosso, the crossroads town to the east near the border with Nigeria. This region included the heartland of those Songhay who fled south after the fall of Gao in 1591 to an invading force directed by the Moroccans. The Zarma, a people who speak a dialect of Songhay, occupy a large part of this region, mainly on the left bank from Ouallam south to Dosso. Although their history is distinct from that of the Songhay, griots today claim that the Zarma participated in the Songhay resistance against the Moroccan occupiers of the region. My goal was to locate griots who could recount the story of Askia Mohammed and also, if possible, the epic of Mali Bero, the legen- dary leader who led the Zarma to their current location in a migra- tion that many scholars believe took place during the sixteenth or seventeenth century. I encountered over twenty griots and recorded ten versions of each story. By comparing these different versions Keita. John Johnson (1986) lists nearly two dozen editions that have appeared to date. The number of published narratives from the Mand6 led me to ask if the Mand6-speaking peoples, descended from the Mali em- pire, represent a uniquely endowed Sahelian culture, or if other eth- nic groups linked to later empires also produced stories that recount the rise and exploits of their leaders. Inspired by the work of John Johnson, Charles Bird, Lilyan Kesteloot, and Djibril Tamsir Niane, as well as by visits to my university by griots from Gambia and Mali in 1978 and 1980, I decided to go back to the Songhay-speaking peo- ples for an answer to this question. In a broader sense, my goal was also to deepen my knowledge of written African literature by learn- ing more about the oral narrative form that influenced writers as di- verse as Ahmadou Kourouma from the Ivory Coast and Ayi Kwei Armah from Ghana. For this reason, I returned to Niger in 1980-81 after a fourteen-year absence to see if, in fact, the griots I had en- countered there during service as a Peace Corps Volunteer were still practicing their art, to find out what sort of portrayals of the past they conveyed to their modern listeners, and to record a particularly detailed version of an epic about the rulers of the Songhay empire. During a year while serving as a Fulbright senior lecturer in Afri- can literature and American civilization at the University of Nia- mey, I traveled throughout the 90,000-square-kilometer Songhay- speaking area of western Niger, from Ouallam and Ayorou in the north, near the border with Mali, to Tera in the west, not far from the border with Burkina Faso, to Say in the south, north of the Benin border, and Dosso, the crossroads town to the east near the border with Nigeria. This region included the heartland of those Songhay who fled south after the fall of Gao in 1591 to an invading force directed by the Moroccans. The Zarma, a people who speak a dialect of Songhay, occupy a large part of this region, mainly on the left bank from Ouallam south to Dosso. Although their history is distinct from that of the Songhay, griots today claim that the Zarma participated in the Songhay resistance against the Moroccan occupiers of the region. My goal was to locate griots who could recount the story of Askia Mohammed and also, if possible, the epic of Mali Bero, the legen- dary leader who led the Zarma to their current location in a migra- tion that many scholars believe took place during the sixteenth or seventeenth century. I encountered over twenty griots and recorded ten versions of each story. By comparing these different versions Keita. John Johnson (1986) lists nearly two dozen editions that have appeared to date. The number of published narratives from the Mand6 led me to ask if the Mandd-speaking peoples, descended from the Mali em- pire, represent a uniquely endowed Sahelian culture, or if other eth- nic groups linked to later empires also produced stories that recount the rise and exploits of their leaders. Inspired by the work of John Johnson, Charles Bird, Lilyan Kesteloot, and Djibril Tamsir Niane, as well as by visits to my university by griots from Gambia and Mali in 1978 and 1980, I decided to go back to the Songhay-speaking peo- ples for an answer to this question. In a broader sense, my goal was also to deepen my knowledge of written African literature by learn- ing more about the oral narrative form that influenced writers as di- verse as Ahmadou Kourouma from the Ivory Coast and Ayi Kwei Armah from Ghana. For this reason, I returned to Niger in 1980-81 after a fourteen-year absence to see if, in fact, the griots I had en- countered there during service as a Peace Corps Volunteer were still practicing their art, to find out what sort of portrayals of the past they conveyed to their modern listeners, and to record a particularly detailed version of an epic about the rulers of the Songhay empire. During a year while serving as a Fulbright senior lecturer in Afri- can literature and American civilization at the University of Nia- mey, I traveled throughout the 90,000-square-kilometer Songhay- speaking area of western Niger, from Ouallam and Ayorou in the north, near the border with Mali, to Tera in the west, not far from the border with Burkina Faso, to Say in the south, north of the Benin border, and Dosso, the crossroads town to the east near the border with Nigeria. This region included the heartland of those Songhay who fled south after the fall of Gao in 1591 to an invading force directed by the Moroccans. The Zarma, a people who speak a dialect of Songhay, occupy a large part of this region, mainly on the left bank from Ouallam south to Dosso. Although their history is distinct from that of the Songhay, griots today claim that the Zarma participated in the Songhay resistance against the Moroccan occupiers of the region. My goal was to locate griots who could recount the story of Askia Mohammed and also, if possible, the epic of Mali Bero, the legen- dary leader who led the Zarma to their current location in a migra- tion that many scholars believe took place during the sixteenth or seventeenth century. I encountered over twenty griots and recorded ten versions of each story. By comparing these different versions  Introduction 11 Introduction 11t Introduction 11 with each other and with narratives recorded by Jean Rouch and Diould6 Laya from the late griot Badi6 Bagna in Niamey during the 1960s, I chose to focus my efforts on the longest and most detailed account of Askia Mohammed, that by Nouhou Malio, a professional bard from Saga who died in 1986. He narrated this version to me and a small audience in his hometown, three kilometers downriver from Niamey, during two recording sessions in December 1980 and January 1981. It is his version, published at the end of this study, that provides the basis for the comparisons presented here. In the introduction to the text, I shall provide more information on him and the circumstances of the recording. But it is important to note here that the griot's narrative in the Songhay language, like the chronicles in Arabic, represents a special form of speech. As we shall see later, words have power, especially those of griots, healers, magicians and others whose ritual language is often marked with vocabulary from Sonink6, another, secret tongue used by the Songhay. In this sense, the griot's language stands in counterpoint to that of the scribes. Each represents a distinct tradition and system of beliefs. During the years after my first recording sessions with Songhay griots, many colleagues assisted me in the difficult and time- consuming task of transcribing, translating, and analyzing the narra- tive. As the text emerged from the recorded blend of Songhay and archaic Soninkd, I began to see a variety of similarities and differ- ences between the image of Askia Mohammed in the chronicles and that appearing in the oral narrative. At this point I had to choose between a more narrowly focused project (an edition of The Epic of Askia Mohammed following the model of John Johnson and Fa- Digi Sisokb with The Epic of Son-Jara: A West African Tradition) and a comparative study of broader scope that would make the kinds of connections which scholars in different disciplines might take years to discover. The decision to opt for a comparative, diachronic approach stemmed from two concerns. The first is that Askia Mohammed, un- like Sundiata, the founder of the earlier Mali empire, appears in some detail in the Arabic-language chronicles as well as in a modern novel. The obvious links between past and present, oral and written, need to be explored now, at a time when scholars from Africa, Eu- rope, and North America are beginning to understand more clearly the cultural linkages across the Sahel, rather than later. The second is that very few of my colleagues in folklore, history, anthropology, linguistics, and literature have ever read the chronicles. They are fa- with each other and with narratives recorded by Jean Rouch and Diould6 Laya from the late griot Badie Bagna in Niamey during the 1960s, I chose to focus my efforts on the longest and most detailed account of Askia Mohammed, that by Nouhou Malio, a professional bard from Saga who died in 1986. He narrated this version to me and a small audience in his hometown, three kilometers downriver from Niamey, during two recording sessions in December 1980 and January 1981. It is his version, published at the end of this study, that provides the basis for the comparisons presented here. In the introduction to the text, I shall provide more information on him and the circumstances of the recording. But it is important to note here that the griot's narrative in the Songhay language, like the chronicles in Arabic, represents a special form of speech. As we shall see later, words have power, especially those of griots, healers, magicians and others whose ritual language is often marked with vocabulary from Sonink6, another, secret tongue used by the Songhay. In this sense, the griot's language stands in counterpoint to that of the scribes. Each represents a distinct tradition and system of beliefs. During the years after my first recording sessions with Songhay griots, many colleagues assisted me in the difficult and time- consuming task of transcribing, translating, and analyzing the narra- tive. As the text emerged from the recorded blend of Songhay and archaic Sonink6, I began to see a variety of similarities and differ- ences between the image of Askia Mohammed in the chronicles and that appearing in the oral narrative. At this point I had to choose between a more narrowly focused project (an edition of The Epic of Askia Mohammed following the model of John Johnson and Fa- Digi Sisokb with The Epic of Son-Jara: A West African Tradition) and a comparative study of broader scope that would make the kinds of connections which scholars in different disciplines might take years to discover. The decision to opt for a comparative, diachronic approach stemmed from two concerns. The first is that Askia Mohammed, un- like Sundiata, the founder of the earlier Mali empire, appears in some detail in the Arabic-language chronicles as well as in a modern novel. The obvious links between past and present, oral and written, need to be explored now, at a time when scholars from Africa, Eu- rope, and North America are beginning to understand more clearly the cultural linkages across the Sahel, rather than later. The second is that very few of my colleagues in folklore, history, anthropology, linguistics, and literature have ever read the chronicles. They are fa- with each other and with narratives recorded by Jean Rouch and Diould6 Laya from the late griot Badi6 Bagna in Niamey during the 1960s, I chose to focus my efforts on the longest and most detailed account of Askia Mohammed, that by Nouhou Malio, a professional bard from Saga who died in 1986. He narrated this version to me and a small audience in his hometown, three kilometers downriver from Niamey, during two recording sessions in December 1980 and January 1981. It is his version, published at the end of this study, that provides the basis for the comparisons presented here. In the introduction to the text, I shall provide more information on him and the circumstances of the recording. But it is important to note here that the griot's narrative in the Songhay language, like the chronicles in Arabic, represents a special form of speech. As we shall see later, words have power, especially those of griots, healers, magicians and others whose ritual language is often marked with vocabulary from Soninkd, another, secret tongue used by the Songhay. In this sense, the griot's language stands in counterpoint to that of the scribes. Each represents a distinct tradition and system of beliefs. During the years after my first recording sessions with Songhay griots, many colleagues assisted me in the difficult and time- consuming task of transcribing, translating, and analyzing the narra- tive. As the text emerged from the recorded blend of Songhay and archaic Soninkd, I began to see a variety of similarities and differ- ences between the image of Askia Mohammed in the chronicles and that appearing in the oral narrative. At this point I had to choose between a more narrowly focused project (an edition of The Epic of Askia Mohammed following the model of John Johnson and Fa- Digi Sis6kb with The Epic of Son-Jara: A West African Tradition) and a comparative study of broader scope that would make the kinds of connections which scholars in different disciplines might take years to discover. The decision to opt for a comparative, diachronic approach stemmed from two concerns. The first is that Askia Mohammed, un- like Sundiata, the founder of the earlier Mali empire, appears in some detail in the Arabic-language chronicles as well as in a modern novel. The obvious links between past and present, oral and written, need to be explored now, at a time when scholars from Africa, Eu- rope, and North America are beginning to understand more clearly the cultural linkages across the Sahel, rather than later. The second is that very few of my colleagues in folklore, history, anthropology, linguistics, and literature have ever read the chronicles. They are fa-  12 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist miliar with the broad outlines as conveyed in historical surveys, but, aside from the Arabists and an occasional West African scholar with more than the usual year or two of Koranic education, very few can read the Arabic and rare is the individual who has been able to digest the 850 pages of French translation. Situating the oral narrative in a broader literary perspective that reveals more about both the heroes, the society that produced them, and the peoples who remember them today, however, raises two other concerns. First, there is a danger in relying on dated transla- tions of texts that have undergone modifications over the centuries. By viewing the chronicles more as story than as history, and by drawing on the assistance of Arabists familiar with these texts, this problem is diminished, at least in part. Second, there is a risk of dis- appointing colleagues in other disciplines, each of whom seeks some- thing different from a text. But for our more limited purposes, the opportunity to establish a dialogue across the centuries between these diverse narrative forms promises to reveal more about the subject-the view of the Askias and Songhay society in the Sahel today-than we can find in any single text. At the same time, such an approach should provide the inspiration for more detailed studies by scholars in different disciplines. The two portrayals of Askia Mohammed and his descendants that are linked directly or indirectly to his contemporaries, the scribes and the ancestors of the griots I recorded, raise an obvious question about the relations between these two kinds of sources, to be addressed in more detail in chapter 2. It is worth noting from the outset, however, that there are few references to griots in the scribes' writings. But from those rare comments it is clear that the scribes drew upon the knowledge of the bards for some past infor- mation. On the other hand, I cannot say to what extent the narra- tives of the bards today have been indirectly influenced by the scribes' written accounts. But the existence of the Arabic manu- scripts was fairly well known among the intellectual elite of these peoples in the centuries following the fall of the Songhay empire. The situation there illustrates Paul Zumthor's observation that in many cultures, "in each period co-exist and collaborate men of orality and men of writing" (1983, 35). In both cases, the narratives that they created evolved over time. I have already mentioned briefly S6kou Amadou's efforts to have himself written into the history of the Sahel. The bards' narratives were also subject to a revisionist view of the past. If it is difficult, 12 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist miliar with the broad outlines as conveyed in historical surveys, but, aside from the Arabists and an occasional West African scholar with more than the usual year or two of Koranic education, very few can read the Arabic and rare is the individual who has been able to digest the 850 pages of French translation. Situating the oral narrative in a broader literary perspective that reveals more about both the heroes, the society that produced them, and the peoples who remember them today, however, raises two other concerns. First, there is a danger in relying on dated transla- tions of texts that have undergone modifications over the centuries. By viewing the chronicles more as story than as history, and by drawing on the assistance of Arabists familiar with these texts, this problem is diminished, at least in part. Second, there is a risk of dis- appointing colleagues in other disciplines, each of whom seeks some- thing different from a text. But for our more limited purposes, the opportunity to establish a dialogue across the centuries between these diverse narrative forms promises to reveal more about the subject-the view of the Askias and Songhay society in the Sahel today-than we can find in any single text. At the same time, such an approach should provide the inspiration for more detailed studies by scholars in different disciplines. The two portrayals of Askia Mohammed and his descendants that are linked directly or indirectly to his contemporaries, the scribes and the ancestors of the griots I recorded, raise an obvious question about the relations between these two kinds of sources, to be addressed in more detail in chapter 2. It is worth noting from the outset, however, that there are few references to griots in the scribes' writings. But from those rare comments it is clear that the scribes drew upon the knowledge of the bards for some past infor- mation. On the other hand, I cannot say to what extent the narra- tives of the bards today have been indirectly influenced by the scribes' written accounts. But the existence of the Arabic manu- scripts was fairly well known among the intellectual elite of these peoples in the centuries following the fall of the Songhay empire. The situation there illustrates Paul Zumthor's observation that in many cultures, "in each period co-exist and collaborate men of orality and men of writing" (1983, 35). In both cases, the narratives that they created evolved over time. I have already mentioned briefly Sdkou Amadou's efforts to have himself written into the history of the Sahel. The bards' narratives were also subject to a revisionist view of the past. If it is difficult, 12 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist miliar with the broad outlines as conveyed in historical surveys, but, aside from the Arabists and an occasional West African scholar with more than the usual year or two of Koranic education, very few can read the Arabic and rare is the individual who has been able to digest the 850 pages of French translation. Situating the oral narrative in a broader literary perspective that reveals more about both the heroes, the society that produced them, and the peoples who remember them today, however, raises two other concerns. First, there is a danger in relying on dated transla- tions of texts that have undergone modifications over the centuries. By viewing the chronicles more as story than as history, and by drawing on the assistance of Arabists familiar with these texts, this problem is diminished, at least in part. Second, there is a risk of dis- appointing colleagues in other disciplines, each of whom seeks some- thing different from a text. But for our more limited purposes, the opportunity to establish a dialogue across the centuries between these diverse narrative forms promises to reveal more about the subject-the view of the Askias and Songhay society in the Sahel today-than we can find in any single text. At the same time, such an approach should provide the inspiration for more detailed studies by scholars in different disciplines. The two portrayals of Askia Mohammed and his descendants that are linked directly or indirectly to his contemporaries, the scribes and the ancestors of the griots I recorded, raise an obvious question about the relations between these two kinds of sources, to be addressed in more detail in chapter 2. It is worth noting from the outset, however, that there are few references to griots in the scribes' writings. But from those rare comments it is clear that the scribes drew upon the knowledge of the bards for some past infor- mation. On the other hand, I cannot say to what extent the narra- tives of the bards today have been indirectly influenced by the scribes' written accounts. But the existence of the Arabic manu- scripts was fairly well known among the intellectual elite of these peoples in the centuries following the fall of the Songhay empire. The situation there illustrates Paul Zumthor's observation that in many cultures, "in each period co-exist and collaborate men of orality and men of writing" (1983, 35). In both cases, the narratives that they created evolved over time. I have already mentioned briefly S6kou Amadou's efforts to have himself written into the history of the Sahel. The bards' narratives were also subject to a revisionist view of the past. If it is difficult,  Introduction 13 Introduction 13 Introduction 13 however, to measure with any great precision the extent to which the oral tradition of today varies from that of the past, we may never- theless conclude that both the written and the oral traditions reflect the forces of history and the fortunes of their creators during the last four centuries. Finally, both the written and oral traditions have served directly or indirectly as sources for modern writers. The most striking and controversial example of this phenomenon is Le Devoir de violence, a novel published in 1968 by the Malian author Yambo Ouologuem. In the last chapter I shall examine the way Ouologuem has drawn upon both the content and the form of the chronicles to create char- acters based on Sonni Ali Ber, Askia Mohammed, Askia Moussa, and others of the period in order to criticize today's Sahelian aristoc- racy and Islamic religion. His evident knowledge of the oral tradition of a region once dominated by the Songhay and his use of the chroni- cles enabled him to respond in a modern European literary genre to narratives rooted in other times, other languages, and other forms. It is from the blend of information available in this range of Sahelian verbal art that we may arrive at a more complex and bal- anced view of the man who extended the frontiers of the Songhay empire at the turn of the sixteenth century. In the process, we should also develop a keener sensitivity to the deepest stratum in the archaeology of belief systems that the Songhay-speaking peoples maintain today. Beneath the relatively recent layer of French culture and the many centuries of Islamic customs lies an aquifer of tradi- tional beliefs that continues to sustain the roots of life in the Sahel today. In the conclusion, I shall give examples of just how some of these beliefs are flourishing in a society dominated by Islam and the West. In so doing, I shall also contribute to a recent debate over the significance of that belief system for the everyday lives of the Songhay. Verbal Art and Sahelian Societies: For an Interdisciplinary Approach Knowledge of this multilayered world view serves not just the inter- ests of the long-term scholar of the Sahel but also those of expatri- ates assigned to work there on a more short-term basis, especially diplomats and aid administrators who want to learn how their Afri- can interlocutors understand their cultural heritage. For example, if however, to measure with any great precision the extent to which the oral tradition of today varies from that of the past, we may never- theless conclude that both the written and the oral traditions reflect the forces of history and the fortunes of their creators during the last four centuries. Finally, both the written and oral traditions have served directly or indirectly as sources for modern writers. The most striking and controversial example of this phenomenon is Le Devoir de violence, a novel published in 1968 by the Malian author Yambo Ouologuem. In the last chapter I shall examine the way Ouologuem has drawn upon both the content and the form of the chronicles to create char- acters based on Sonni Ali Ber, Askia Mohammed, Askia Moussa, and others of the period in order to criticize today's Sahelian aristoc- racy and Islamic religion. His evident knowledge of the oral tradition of a region once dominated by the Songhay and his use of the chroni- cles enabled him to respond in a modern European literary genre to narratives rooted in other times, other languages, and other forms. It is from the blend of information available in this range of Sahelian verbal art that we may arrive at a more complex and bal- anced view of the man who extended the frontiers of the Songhay empire at the turn of the sixteenth century. In the process, we should also develop a keener sensitivity to the deepest stratum in the archaeology of belief systems that the Songhay-speaking peoples maintain today. Beneath the relatively recent layer of French culture and the many centuries of Islamic customs lies an aquifer of tradi- tional beliefs that continues to sustain the roots of life in the Sahel today. In the conclusion, I shall give examples of just how some of these beliefs are flourishing in a society dominated by Islam and the West. In so doing, I shall also contribute to a recent debate over the significance of that belief system for the everyday lives of the Songhay. Verbal Art and Sahelian Societies: For an Interdisciplinary Approach Knowledge of this multilayered world view serves not just the inter- ests of the long-term scholar of the Sahel but also those of expatri- ates assigned to work there on a more short-term basis, especially diplomats and aid administrators who want to learn how their Afri- can interlocutors understand their cultural heritage. For example, if however, to measure with any great precision the extent to which the oral tradition of today varies from that of the past, we may never- theless conclude that both the written and the oral traditions reflect the forces of history and the fortunes of their creators during the last four centuries. Finally, both the written and oral traditions have served directly or indirectly as sources for modern writers. The most striking and controversial example of this phenomenon is Le Devoir de violence, a novel published in 1968 by the Malian author Yambo Ouologuem. In the last chapter I shall examine the way Ouologuem has drawn upon both the content and the form of the chronicles to create char- acters based on Sonni Ali Ber, Askia Mohammed, Askia Moussa, and others of the period in order to criticize today's Sahelian aristoc- racy and Islamic religion. His evident knowledge of the oral tradition of a region once dominated by the Songhay and his use of the chroni- cles enabled him to respond in a modern European literary genre to narratives rooted in other times, other languages, and other forms. It is from the blend of information available in this range of Sahelian verbal art that we may arrive at a more complex and bal- anced view of the man who extended the frontiers of the Songhay empire at the turn of the sixteenth century. In the process, we should also develop a keener sensitivity to the deepest stratum in the archaeology of belief systems that the Songhay-speaking peoples maintain today. Beneath the relatively recent layer of French culture and the many centuries of Islamic customs lies an aquifer of tradi- tional beliefs that continues to sustain the roots of life in the Sahel today. In the conclusion, I shall give examples of just how some of these beliefs are flourishing in a society dominated by Islam and the West. In so doing, I shall also contribute to a recent debate over the significance of that belief system for the everyday lives of the Songhay. Verbal Art and Sahelian Societies: For an Interdisciplinary Approach Knowledge of this multilayered world view serves not just the inter- ests of the long-term scholar of the Sahel but also those of expatri- ates assigned to work there on a more short-term basis, especially diplomats and aid administrators who want to learn how their Afri- can interlocutors understand their cultural heritage. For example, if  14 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist representatives of foreign countries posted in Mali sought to uncover the deeper meanings of the 1968 coup d'6tat that replaced Modibo Keita with Moussa Traor6, they needed only to begin with a reading of a narrative about the thirteenth-century founder of the Mali em- pire, Sundiata Keita, whom the Malian president claimed as an an- cestor, before moving on to the story of Tira Maghan Traord, one of the generals who rebelled against Sundiata. From a broader scholarly and professional perspective, one les- son of recent scholarship on the region is the necessity of viewing the area as a whole both in the diachronic and in the synchronic senses. To understand one piece of the puzzle, many others must be examined. One ethnic group may be related to another in a rather mysterious way. Such is the case of the Songhay-speaking peoples and the Sonink6. The language, geography, and history of the Soninkd are far removed from that of the Songhay-two empires away in time and space. Yet today Soninkd is still the secret language of the Songhay. Songhay bards, as well as healers and magicians, sprinkle their verbal art with an archaic form of Soninkd overlaid with Bambara or Fulani. The literary scholar who seeks an answer to this and other mysteries must draw upon the expertise of the linguistic anthropolo- gist, the ethnologist, the historian, the Arabist, the sociologist, and representatives of many other specialties. As readers shall see from the many undecipherable lines in the text of the epic at the end of this study, we have only begun to understand this particular linguistic phenomenon. We need, then, to build new bridges across disciplines if we are to understand the Sahel. Nowhere is this more true than in the area of verbal art. When the texts that fascinate scholars in literature, his- tory, anthropology, or folklore are viewed in a comparative perspec- tive and analyzed with information from recent work by archaeolo- gists, climatologists, and other scientists, they promise to give us a clearer contemporary portrait of the peoples in the Sahel. This com- parative literary analysis may serve, then, to contribute a small piece to the vast Sahelian puzzle on which researchers from many disci- plines are working today. By examining and reinterpreting the vari- ous images of Askia Mohammed that we find in the literature of the Sahel, I hope to provide a more informed view of peoples who have migrated during the centuries from west to east and from north to south as the result of changing political, economic, and ecological conditions. 14 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist representatives of foreign countries posted in Mali sought to uncover the deeper meanings of the 1968 coup d'etat that replaced Modibo Keita with Moussa Traor6, they needed only to begin with a reading of a narrative about the thirteenth-century founder of the Mali em- pire, Sundiata Keita, whom the Malian president claimed as an an- cestor, before moving on to the story of Tira Maghan Traord, one of the generals who rebelled against Sundiata. From a broader scholarly and professional perspective, one les- son of recent scholarship on the region is the necessity of viewing the area as a whole both in the diachronic and in the synchronic senses. To understand one piece of the puzzle, many others must be examined. One ethnic group may be related to another in a rather mysterious way. Such is the case of the Songhay-speaking peoples and the Sonink6. The language, geography, and history of the Soninkd are far removed from that of the Songhay-two empires away in time and space. Yet today Soninkd is still the secret language of the Songhay. Songhay bards, as well as healers and magicians, sprinkle their verbal art with an archaic form of Sonink6 overlaid with Bambara or Fulani. The literary scholar who seeks an answer to this and other mysteries must draw upon the expertise of the linguistic anthropolo- gist, the ethnologist, the historian, the Arabist, the sociologist, and representatives of many other specialties. As readers shall see from the many undecipherable lines in the text of the epic at the end of this study, we have only begun to understand this particular linguistic phenomenon. We need, then, to build new bridges across disciplines if we are to understand the Sahel. Nowhere is this more true than in the area of verbal art. When the texts that fascinate scholars in literature, his- tory, anthropology, or folklore are viewed in a comparative perspec- tive and analyzed with information from recent work by archaeolo- gists, climatologists, and other scientists, they promise to give us a clearer contemporary portrait of the peoples in the Sahel. This com- parative literary analysis may serve, then, to contribute a small piece to the vast Sahelian puzzle on which researchers from many disci- plines are working today. By examining and reinterpreting the vari- ous images of Askia Mohammed that we find in the literature of the Sahel, I hope to provide a more informed view of peoples who have migrated during the centuries from west to east and from north to south as the result of changing political, economic, and ecological conditions. 14 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist representatives of foreign countries posted in Mali sought to uncover the deeper meanings of the 1968 coup d'dtat that replaced Modibo Keita with Moussa Traord, they needed only to begin with a reading of a narrative about the thirteenth-century founder of the Mali em- pire, Sundiata Keita, whom the Malian president claimed as an an- cestor, before moving on to the story of Tira Maghan Traore, one of the generals who rebelled against Sundiata. From a broader scholarly and professional perspective, one les- son of recent scholarship on the region is the necessity of viewing the area as a whole both in the diachronic and in the synchronic senses. To understand one piece of the puzzle, many others must be examined. One ethnic group may be related to another in a rather mysterious way. Such is the case of the Songhay-speaking peoples and the Soninke. The language, geography, and history of the Sonink6 are far removed from that of the Songhay-two empires away in time and space. Yet today Sonink6 is still the secret language of the Songhay. Songhay bards, as well as healers and magicians, sprinkle their verbal art with an archaic form of Sonink6 overlaid with Bambara or Fulani. The literary scholar who seeks an answer to this and other mysteries must draw upon the expertise of the linguistic anthropolo- gist, the ethnologist, the historian, the Arabist, the sociologist, and representatives of many other specialties. As readers shall see from the many undecipherable lines in the text of the epic at the end of this study, we have only begun to understand this particular linguistic phenomenon. We need, then, to build new bridges across disciplines if we are to understand the Sahel. Nowhere is this more true than in the area of verbal art. When the texts that fascinate scholars in literature, his- tory, anthropology, or folklore are viewed in a comparative perspec- tive and analyzed with information from recent work by archaeolo- gists, climatologists, and other scientists, they promise to give us a clearer contemporary portrait of the peoples in the Sahel. This com- parative literary analysis may serve, then, to contribute a small piece to the vast Sahelian puzzle on which researchers from many disci- plines are working today. By examining and reinterpreting the vari- ous images of Askia Mohammed that we find in the literature of the Sahel, I hope to provide a more informed view of peoples who have migrated during the centuries from west to east and from north to south as the result of changing political, economic, and ecological conditions.  Introduction 15 To begin, I shall situate Askia Mohammed in the context of his own time, the development of the empires of the western Sahel dur- ing the first half of the second millennium. Notes to the Reader on Documentation and Orthography Throughout the text there are neither footnotes nor endnotes. All references appear in the narrative, and they direct the reader to the list of works cited at the end of the study. While this format offers a simpler, more immediate, and in some ways more convenient method of identifying sources, it requires a compromise on paren- thetical information that might normally be shifted to a note. At sev- eral points-for example, in the discussion about ethnic terminology for griots-I indicate in the narrative that the rapid or nonspecialist reader may want to skim or skip a particularly detailed section. The reader will also discover some variation in the spelling of personal names, toponyms, and ethnonyms. The problem stems from the fact that the diverse texts compared here convey informa- tion in different systems of orthography: English, French, and Songhay-Zarma. Although logic suggests that names and places be spelled according to English orthography, for two reasons I have adopted the French version in the body of this study. First, one of our major sources is the French translation of the chronicles. With few exceptions (the draft excerpts that Hunwick communicated to me), in my translations into English of citations from the chronicles I have kept the original French spelling in order to avoid creating any confusion about the identity of people and places. The French versions from the original Arabic have posed enough difficulties, and it would be risky for me to attempt to con- vert them into English, especially since some of them are little known. Also, many of my secondary sources are in French and use the French orthography. One of the exceptions is "Timbuktu." The French spell it "Tom- bouctou." Pascal James Imperato, the American author of the excel- lent Historical Dictionary of Mali, argues for "Timbuctoo" as a form that reflects both local pronunciation and usage by many anglophone authors. "Timbuktu," he adds, however, is a "German spelling" and "has been widely used in English in recent years especially in popu- lar and journalistic stories about the city" (1977, 1986, ix). Two of the sources on which I rely heavily for information, Hunwick and Introduction 15 To begin, I shall situate Askia Mohammed in the context of his own time, the development of the empires of the western Sahel dur- ing the first half of the second millennium. Notes to the Reader on Documentation and Orthography Throughout the text there are neither footnotes nor endnotes. All references appear in the narrative, and they direct the reader to the list of works cited at the end of the study. While this format offers a simpler, more immediate, and in some ways more convenient method of identifying sources, it requires a compromise on paren- thetical information that might normally be shifted to a note. At sev- eral points-for example, in the discussion about ethnic terminology for griots-I indicate in the narrative that the rapid or nonspecialist reader may want to skim or skip a particularly detailed section. The reader will also discover some variation in the spelling of personal names, toponyms, and ethnonyms. The problem stems from the fact that the diverse texts compared here convey informa- tion in different systems of orthography: English, French, and Songhay-Zarma. Although logic suggests that names and places be spelled according to English orthography, for two reasons I have adopted the French version in the body of this study. First, one of our major sources is the French translation of the chronicles. With few exceptions (the draft excerpts that Hunwick communicated to me), in my translations into English of citations from the chronicles I have kept the original French spelling in order to avoid creating any confusion about the identity of people and places. The French versions from the original Arabic have posed enough difficulties, and it would be risky for me to attempt to con- vert them into English, especially since some of them are little known. Also, many of my secondary sources are in French and use the French orthography. One of the exceptions is "Timbuktu." The French spell it "Tom- bouctou." Pascal James Imperato, the American author of the excel- lent Historical Dictionary of Mali, argues for "Timbuctoo" as a form that reflects both local pronunciation and usage by many anglophone authors. "Timbuktu," he adds, however, is a "German spelling" and "has been widely used in English in recent years especially in popu- lar and journalistic stories about the city" (1977, 1986, ix). Two of the sources on which I rely heavily for information, Hunwick and Introduction 15 To begin, I shall situate Askia Mohammed in the context of his own time, the development of the empires of the western Sahel dur- ing the first half of the second millennium. Notes to the Reader on Documentation and Orthography Throughout the text there are neither footnotes nor endnotes. All references appear in the narrative, and they direct the reader to the list of works cited at the end of the study. While this format offers a simpler, more immediate, and in some ways more convenient method of identifying sources, it requires a compromise on paren- thetical information that might normally be shifted to a note. At sev- eral points-for example, in the discussion about ethnic terminology for griots-I indicate in the narrative that the rapid or nonspecialist reader may want to skim or skip a particularly detailed section. The reader will also discover some variation in the spelling of personal names, toponyms, and ethnonyms. The problem stems from the fact that the diverse texts compared here convey informa- tion in different systems of orthography: English, French, and Songhay-Zarma. Although logic suggests that names and places be spelled according to English orthography, for two reasons I have adopted the French version in the body of this study. First, one of our major sources is the French translation of the chronicles. With few exceptions (the draft excerpts that Hunwick communicated to me), in my translations into English of citations from the chronicles I have kept the original French spelling in order to avoid creating any confusion about the identity of people and places. The French versions from the original Arabic have posed enough difficulties, and it would be risky for me to attempt to con- vert them into English, especially since some of them are little known. Also, many of my secondary sources are in French and use the French orthography. One of the exceptions is "Timbuktu." The French spell it "Tom- bouctou." Pascal James Imperato, the American author of the excel- lent Historical Dictionary of Mali, argues for "Timbuctoo" as a form that reflects both local pronunciation and usage by many anglophone authors. "Timbuktu," he adds, however, is a "German spelling" and "has been widely used in English in recent years especially in popu- lar and journalistic stories about the city" (1977, 1986, ix). Two of the sources on which I rely heavily for information, Hunwick and  16 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 16 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 16 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Saad, use this widespread form. To avoid confusion here I have also adopted it. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English from the secondary sources are mine. Second, countries in the geographical area covered by these texts are almost entirely francophone. I would prefer therefore to main- tain the identity, including the orthography, of people and places in this region in forms that do not conflict with local ways. Any such attempt at conformity leads inevitably to ambiguity at some point. Hence the reader will note that Askia Daoud in the chronicles is called Daouda in the epic. The reference to Sora Musa, the Gambian name and spelling for Mali's most famous pilgrim, re- fers us to Mansa Moussa. Another ambiguity appears in the spelling of koy. The chroni- clers use both koy and koi. The transcription of the epic text raises another set of ambigui- ties, but they should not cause insurmountable problems for the reader. I have attempted to follow closely the orthography estab- lished by the Literacy Service of the Ministry of Education in Niger. There, for example, we find Muusa. In the English translation on facing pages, I give the name in the form in which it is most com- monly spelled throughout the Sahel: Moussa. More details on this system of orthography appear at the beginning of the epic. Saad, use this widespread form. To avoid confusion here I have also adopted it. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English from the secondary sources are mine. Second, countries in the geographical area covered by these texts are almost entirely francophone. I would prefer therefore to main- tain the identity, including the orthography, of people and places in this region in forms that do not conflict with local ways. Any such attempt at conformity leads inevitably to ambiguity at some point. Hence the reader will note that Askia Daoud in the chronicles is called Daouda in the epic. The reference to Sora Musa, the Gambian name and spelling for Mali's most famous pilgrim, re- fers us to Mansa Moussa. Another ambiguity appears in the spelling of koy. The chroni- clers use both koy and kof. The transcription of the epic text raises another set of ambigui- ties, but they should not cause insurmountable problems for the reader. I have attempted to follow closely the orthography estab- lished by the Literacy Service of the Ministry of Education in Niger. There, for example, we find Muusa. In the English translation on facing pages, I give the name in the form in which it is most com- monly spelled throughout the Sahel: Moussa. More details on this system of orthography appear at the beginning of the epic. Saad, use this widespread form. To avoid confusion here I have also adopted it. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English from the secondary sources are mine. Second, countries in the geographical area covered by these texts are almost entirely francophone. I would prefer therefore to main- tain the identity, including the orthography, of people and places in this region in forms that do not conflict with local ways. Any such attempt at conformity leads inevitably to ambiguity at some point. Hence the reader will note that Askia Daoud in the chronicles is called Daouda in the epic. The reference to Sora Musa, the Gambian name and spelling for Mali's most famous pilgrim, re- fers us to Mansa Moussa. Another ambiguity appears in the spelling of koy. The chroni- clers use both koy and kof. The transcription of the epic text raises another set of ambigui- ties, but they should not cause insurmountable problems for the reader. I have attempted to follow closely the orthography estab- lished by the Literacy Service of the Ministry of Education in Niger. There, for example, we find Muusa. In the English translation on facing pages, I give the name in the form in which it is most com- monly spelled throughout the Sahel: Moussa. More details on this system of orthography appear at the beginning of the epic.  Chapter 1 Askia Mohammed in Context Askia Mohammed's achievements are the culmination of many cen- turies in the development of what Paul Stoller has called "deep Sahelian civilization" (Hale and Stoller 1985, 164), rather than the creation ex nihilo of a kingdom by one extraordinarily talented leader. The notion of depth in Stoller's term takes on both figurative and literal connotations when we consider the variety of new evidence indicating that the cultures of the Sahel were more interconnected and much older than we have thought previously. The history and archaeology of the region in both the prehistoric and precolonial pe- riods offers much evidence of widespread cultural diffusion (Clark 1970; Levtzion 1980). Philip Curtin (1975) has written convinc- ingly of the migration and cultural impact of those Soninkd who established communities in the Senegambian basin more than four centuries ago, while Boub6 Gado (1980) described the migra- tion in the Songhay and Zarma areas of Mali and Niger during the same period. But more recently Susan McIntosh and Roderick McIntosh (1980; 1981; 1983; 1986) have uncovered archaeological evidence to show that there has been significant sociocultural diffu- sion along the Niger from Djenn6 to south of Gao before the time of Christ. According to the McIntoshes, the long-respected historical para- digm that bases development of cities in the Sahel on Islamic influ- ences must now give way to a historical view that sees the Moslem influence as just one of many different cultural forces in an already flourishing region marked by many cities and much commerce. Re- Chapter 1 Askia Mohammed in Context Askia Mohammed's achievements are the culmination of many cen- turies in the development of what Paul Stoller has called "deep Sahelian civilization" (Hale and Stoller 1985, 164), rather than the creation ex nihilo of a kingdom by one extraordinarily talented leader. The notion of depth in Stoller's term takes on both figurative and literal connotations when we consider the variety of new evidence indicating that the cultures of the Sahel were more interconnected and much older than we have thought previously. The history and archaeology of the region in both the prehistoric and precolonial pe- riods offers much evidence of widespread cultural diffusion (Clark 1970; Levtzion 1980). Philip Curtin (1975) has written convinc- ingly of the migration and cultural impact of those Soninkd who established communities in the Senegambian basin more than four centuries ago, while Boub6 Gado (1980) described the migra- tion in the Songhay and Zarma areas of Mali and Niger during the same period. But more recently Susan McIntosh and Roderick McIntosh (1980; 1981; 1983; 1986) have uncovered archaeological evidence to show that there has been significant sociocultural diffu- sion along the Niger from Djenn6 to south of Gao before the time of Christ. According to the Mclntoshes, the long-respected historical para- digm that bases development of cities in the Sahel on Islamic influ- ences must now give way to a historical view that sees the Moslem influence as just one of many different cultural forces in an already flourishing region marked by many cities and much commerce. Re- Chapter 1 Askia Mohammed in Context Askia Mohammed's achievements are the culmination of many cen- turies in the development of what Paul Stoller has called "deep Sahelian civilization" (Hale and Stoller 1985, 164), rather than the creation ex nihilo of a kingdom by one extraordinarily talented leader. The notion of depth in Stoller's term takes on both figurative and literal connotations when we consider the variety of new evidence indicating that the cultures of the Sahel were more interconnected and much older than we have thought previously. The history and archaeology of the region in both the prehistoric and precolonial pe- riods offers much evidence of widespread cultural diffusion (Clark 1970; Levtzion 1980). Philip Curtin (1975) has written convinc- ingly of the migration and cultural impact of those Soninkd who established communities in the Senegambian basin more than four centuries ago, while Boubd Gado (1980) described the migra- tion in the Songhay and Zarma areas of Mali and Niger during the same period. But more recently Susan McIntosh and Roderick McIntosh (1980; 1981; 1983; 1986) have uncovered archaeological evidence to show that there has been significant sociocultural diffu- sion along the Niger from Djennd to south of Gao before the time of Christ. According to the McIntoshes, the long-respected historical para- digm that bases development of cities in the Sahel on Islamic influ- ences must now give way to a historical view that sees the Moslem influence as just one of many different cultural forces in an already flourishing region marked by many cities and much commerce. Re- 17 17 17  18 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist viewing the evidence from a variety of sources, art historian Werner Gillon argues that the "similarities in style, iconography and decora- tive motifs point to a close relationship between conquerors and con- quered, traders from closely related tribes and nations, and with itin- erant artists. This brought about an acculturation which makes it possible to speak of a common heritage in the art of the Western Sudanic peoples" (1984, 103). From Senegal to Niger during the last millennium, common social, economic, political, and linguistic structures developed as the result of trade, wars, changes in climate, and other causes. It was common to find a social hierarchy composed of three basic classes, the aristoc- racy, freemen, and those of captive origin. The feudal system of larger political units exacting tribute and fealty from smaller units prevailed in many areas. Complex relations between clans were rooted in interpretations of past events by elders and also by profes- sional keepers of the oral tradition whom we call griots. Even the customary way of addressing the ruler appears similar from Ghana to Songhay: A person demonstrated respect by pouring dust on his or her head. The evidence suggests that amid the great ethnic diversity in the region there was, and still is, much cultural uniformity. But we are just beginning to learn about the deepest roots of the peoples in the Sahel. The three largest empires we know anything about during the period from the second half of the first millennium to 1591 represent the best-known and most complex social organizations in the Sahel. Thanks to the chronicles of the Middle Ages and accounts by Arabs, we have some idea of the nature of these empires. Of the three, the last, Songhay, was probably the most elaborate. Against this back- drop, it appears that Askia Mohammed ruled at the apogee not only of the Songhay empire, but of a Sahelian civilization whose origins we are still in the process of discovering. In this chapter, the goal is not to rewrite the early history of the region. I shall leave that task to those scholars who have already con- tributed much to our knowledge there, among them Michel Abitbol, Adam Konard Ba, David Conrad, Philip Curtin, John Hunwick, Ne- hemiah Levtzion, Roderick McIntosh, Susan McIntosh, Jean Rouch, Elias Saad, and Sdk6n6 Mody Cissoko. Instead, my purpose is to offer a brief overview of the three empires. The focus will be on sev- eral features that will interest us later on in the study. 18 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist viewing the evidence from a variety of sources, art historian Werner Gillon argues that the "similarities in style, iconography and decora- tive motifs point to a close relationship between conquerors and con- quered, traders from closely related tribes and nations, and with itin- erant artists. This brought about an acculturation which makes it possible to speak of a common heritage in the art of the Western Sudanic peoples" (1984, 103). From Senegal to Niger during the last millennium, common social, economic, political, and linguistic structures developed as the result of trade, wars, changes in climate, and other causes. It was common to find a social hierarchy composed of three basic classes, the aristoc- racy, freemen, and those of captive origin. The feudal system of larger political units exacting tribute and fealty from smaller units prevailed in many areas. Complex relations between clans were rooted in interpretations of past events by elders and also by profes- sional keepers of the oral tradition whom we call griots. Even the customary way of addressing the ruler appears similar from Ghana to Songhay: A person demonstrated respect by pouring dust on his or her head. The evidence suggests that amid the great ethnic diversity in the region there was, and still is, much cultural uniformity. But we are just beginning to learn about the deepest roots of the peoples in the Sahel. The three largest empires we know anything about during the period from the second half of the first millennium to 1591 represent the best-known and most complex social organizations in the Sahel. Thanks to the chronicles of the Middle Ages and accounts by Arabs, we have some idea of the nature of these empires. Of the three, the last, Songhay, was probably the most elaborate. Against this back- drop, it appears that Askia Mohammed ruled at the apogee not only of the Songhay empire, but of a Sahelian civilization whose origins we are still in the process of discovering. In this chapter, the goal is not to rewrite the early history of the region. I shall leave that task to those scholars who have already con- tributed much to our knowledge there, among them Michel Abitbol, Adam Konard Ba, David Conrad, Philip Curtin, John Hunwick, Ne- hemiah Levtzion, Roderick McIntosh, Susan McIntosh, Jean Rouch, Elias Saad, and Sdkdn6 Mody Cissoko. Instead, my purpose is to offer a brief overview of the three empires. The focus will be on sev- eral features that will interest us later on in the study. 18 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist viewing the evidence from a variety of sources, art historian Werner Gillon argues that the "similarities in style, iconography and decora- tive motifs point to a close relationship between conquerors and con- quered, traders from closely related tribes and nations, and with itin- erant artists. This brought about an acculturation which makes it possible to speak of a common heritage in the art of the Western Sudanic peoples" (1984, 103). From Senegal to Niger during the last millennium, common social, economic, political, and linguistic structures developed as the result of trade, wars, changes in climate, and other causes. It was common to find a social hierarchy composed of three basic classes, the aristoc- racy, freemen, and those of captive origin. The feudal system of larger political units exacting tribute and fealty from smaller units prevailed in many areas. Complex relations between clans were rooted in interpretations of past events by elders and also by profes- sional keepers of the oral tradition whom we call griots. Even the customary way of addressing the ruler appears similar from Ghana to Songhay: A person demonstrated respect by pouring dust on his or her head. The evidence suggests that amid the great ethnic diversity in the region there was, and still is, much cultural uniformity. But we are just beginning to learn about the deepest roots of the peoples in the Sahel. The three largest empires we know anything about during the period from the second half of the first millennium to 1591 represent the best-known and most complex social organizations in the Sahel. Thanks to the chronicles of the Middle Ages and accounts by Arabs, we have some idea of the nature of these empires. Of the three, the last, Songhay, was probably the most elaborate. Against this back- drop, it appears that Askia Mohammed ruled at the apogee not only of the Songhay empire, but of a Sahelian civilization whose origins we are still in the process of discovering. In this chapter, the goal is not to rewrite the early history of the region. I shall leave that task to those scholars who have already con- tributed much to our knowledge there, among them Michel Abitbol, Adam Konard Ba, David Conrad, Philip Curtin, John Hunwick, Ne- hemiah Levtzion, Roderick McIntosh, Susan McIntosh, Jean Rouch, Elias Saad, and Sdkdnd Mody Cissoko. Instead, my purpose is to offer a brief overview of the three empires. The focus will be on sev- eral features that will interest us later on in the study.  Askia Mohammed in Context 19 Askia Mohammed in Context 19 Askia Mohammed in Context 19 The Ghana Empire What, then, are the ties that link Askia Mohammed and the court of Gao at the end of the fifteenth century to the empire of Ghana in Kumbi Saleh, six hundred years earlier and 1,500 kilometers to the West? To understand this linkage, we need to look more closely at the rise and fall of Ghana, the first of two powerful political units preceding the Songhay empire. Drawing on both oral and written sources, Nehemiah Levtzion (1980) dates the origins of the Ghana empire to the first millennium A.D. "By the end of the eighth century, Ghana was known in the Muslim world as 'the land of Gold.' Al-Ya'qiibi, a widely-traveled official in the service of the Abbasid caliphs during the 9th century, described the Kingdom of Ghana 'whose king is also very powerful. In his country are the gold mines, and under his authority are a num- ber of kings. Among them are the kingdom of 'Am and the kingdom of Sama. Gold is found in the whole of this country"' (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981, 21). According to the written sources, in the second half of the ninth century Kawkaw (an early version of the term for modern Gao) and Ghana were the two powerful kingdoms of the western Sudan, each with vassal chiefdoms under its dominion (Levtzion 1980, 22). In 1067-68 the Arab geographer al-Bekri, drawing on accounts by trav- elers and other written sources, wrote an oft-cited description of the capital of Ghana. The city was divided into two towns, one for the Moslems, the other, ten kilometers away, for the ruler and his en- tourage. Archaeological work begun in 1913-14 by A. Bonnel de Mdzieres and continued later by Lazartigues, Thomassey, Mauny, and Szumowski points toward the remains of Ghana at Kumbi Saleh in southeastern Mauritania. Although we must await more information from the continued excavation of Kumbi Saleh and other sites in the region, several fea- tures of culture from the Ghana empire should be mentioned here. The first is its location. Ghana lay far inland from the west coast of West Africa. Its main cities were Awdaghost, situated almost 500 kilometers from the ocean, and Kumbi Saleh, the capital, 300 kilometers farther east. It sat astride the trade routes for gold shipped from the sources of the Senegal and Niger northward via Walata to the Maghreb and for salt from Teghazza, a city 600 kilometers to the north, which was transported throughout the region. The Ghana Empire What, then, are the ties that link Askia Mohammed and the court of Gao at the end of the fifteenth century to the empire of Ghana in Kumbi Saleh, six hundred years earlier and 1,500 kilometers to the West? To understand this linkage, we need to look more closely at the rise and fall of Ghana, the first of two powerful political units preceding the Songhay empire. Drawing on both oral and written sources, Nehemiah Levtzion (1980) dates the origins of the Ghana empire to the first millennium A.D. "By tile end of the eighth century, Ghana was known in the Muslim world as 'the land of Gold.' Al-Ya'qabi, a widely-traveled official in the service of the Abbasid caliphs during the 9th century, described the Kingdom of Ghana 'whose king is also very powerful. In his country are the gold mines, and under his authority are a num- ber of kings. Among them are the kingdom of 'Am and the kingdom of Sama. Gold is found in the whole of this country"' (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981, 21). According to the written sources, in the second half of the ninth century Kawkaw (an early version of the term for modern Gao) and Ghana were the two powerful kingdoms of the western Sudan, each with vassal chiefdoms under its dominion (Levtzion 1980, 22). In 1067-68 the Arab geographer al-Bekri, drawing on accounts by trav- elers and other written sources, wrote an oft-cited description of the capital of Ghana. The city was divided into two towns, one for the Moslems, the other, ten kilometers away, for the ruler and his en- tourage. Archaeological work begun in 1913-14 by A. Bonnel de Mdzieres and continued later by Lazartigues, Thomassey, Mauny, and Szumowski points toward the remains of Ghana at Kumbi Saleh in southeastern Mauritania. Although we must await more information from the continued excavation of Kumbi Saleh and other sites in the region, several fea- tures of culture from the Ghana empire should be mentioned here. The first is its location. Ghana lay far inland from the west coast of West Africa. Its main cities were Awdaghost, situated almost 500 kilometers from the ocean, and Kumbi Saleh, the capital, 300 kilometers farther east. It sat astride the trade routes for gold shipped from the sources of the Senegal and Niger northward via Walata to the Maghreb and for salt from Teghazza, a city 600 kilometers to the north, which was transported throughout the region. The Ghana Empire What, then, are the ties that link Askia Mohammed and the court of Gao at the end of the fifteenth century to the empire of Ghana in Kumbi Saleh, six hundred years earlier and 1,500 kilometers to the West? To understand this linkage, we need to look more closely at the rise and fall of Ghana, the first of two powerful political units preceding the Songhay empire. Drawing on both oral and written sources, Nehemiah Levtzion (1980) dates the origins of the Ghana empire to the first millennium A.D. "By tile end of the eighth century, Ghana was known in the Muslim world as 'the land of Gold.' Al-Ya'qiibi, a widely-traveled official in the service of the Abbasid caliphs during the 9th century, described the Kingdom of Ghana 'whose king is also very powerful. In his country are the gold mines, and under his authority are a num- ber of kings. Among them are the kingdom of 'Am and the kingdom of Sama. Gold is found in the whole of this country"' (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981, 21). According to the written sources, in the second half of the ninth century Kawkaw (an early version of the term for modern Gao) and Ghana were the two powerful kingdoms of the western Sudan, each with vassal chiefdoms under its dominion (Levtzion 1980, 22). In 1067-68 the Arab geographer al-Bekri, drawing on accounts by trav- elers and other written sources, wrote an oft-cited description of the capital of Ghana. The city was divided into two towns, one for the Moslems, the other, ten kilometers away, for the ruler and his en- tourage. Archaeological work begun in 1913-14 by A. Bonnel de Mdzibres and continued later by Lazartigues, Thomassey, Mauny, and Szumowski points toward the remains of Ghana at Kumbi Saleh in southeastern Mauritania. Although we must await more information from the continued excavation of Kumbi Saleh and other sites in the region, several fea- tures of culture from the Ghana empire should be mentioned here. The first is its location. Ghana lay far inland from the west coast of West Africa. Its main cities were Awdaghost, situated almost 500 kilometers from the ocean, and Kumbi Saleh, the capital, 300 kilometers farther east. It sat astride the trade routes for gold shipped from the sources of the Senegal and Niger northward via Walata to the Maghreb and for salt from Teghazza, a city 600 kilometers to the north, which was transported throughout the region.  20 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Because of its location and its powerful army, Ghana was able to remain outside of the wars and social dislocation generated by the migrations and conquests of the nomadic Almoravids in northwest- ern Africa until the middle of the eleventh century. By controlling trade in the region, the empire developed a reputation for prosperity throughout the Sahel and the larger Islamic world. Moreover, the rulers of Ghana were able to maintain their own belief system while allowing that of Islam to develop in their cities. In his description of the two towns that make up the capital, al-Bekri underscores the freedom allowed to believers of Islam and those of the local religion. When the Moslems came to greet the Tounka, or ruler, they were allowed to do so in their own manner. If, after the apparent fall of Kumbi Saleh in 1076, the ruler was required to con- vert to Islam and pay material tribute to the Moslem invaders from the north, the degree of Islamization in the region remained minimal until the nineteenth century (Pollet and Winter 1971, chap. 10). Re- cent scholarship based on readings of newly discovered Arabic texts and reinterpretations of the oral tradition reject the entire notion of a conquest and argue instead for a more gradual Islamization of the leadership of Ghana (Conrad and Fisher 1983; Hiskett 1984). With the decline of Ghana, the Sonink6-speaking peoples began to disperse eastward until the nineteenth century. Today pockets of Soninkd speakers can be found as far east as Niger-for example, in Birni n'Gaour6, 150 kilometers east of Niamey. This dispersion, which parallels in some ways that of the Fulani, although for differ- ent reasons, stands as one of many cultural bridges across empires and centuries to the present. Whatever the cause of the decline of Ghana, by the late twelfth or early thirteenth century the remaining dependencies of the em- pire fell under partial control of the Sosso kingdom from the south. Under the leadership of Soumaoro (or Sumanguru) Kani6, this rem- nant of the Ghana empire sacked Kumbi Saleh in 1203. Eventually the Sossos' brief rise was cut short by the development of the second great empire of the Sahel, Mali, led by Sundiata Keita. The Mali Empire Early written sources provide limited information about the origins of the Mali empire. Levtzion (1980, 53-54) cites two writers, al- Bekri (1067-68) and al-Idrisi (1154), who refer to the land of the Malinkd when describing peoples who were early converts to Islam. 20 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Because of its location and its powerful army, Ghana was able to remain outside of the wars and social dislocation generated by the migrations and conquests of the nomadic Almoravids in northwest- ern Africa until the middle of the eleventh century. By controlling trade in the region, the empire developed a reputation for prosperity throughout the Sahel and the larger Islamic world. Moreover, the rulers of Ghana were able to maintain their own belief system while allowing that of Islam to develop in their cities. In his description of the two towns that make up the capital, al-Bekri underscores the freedom allowed to believers of Islam and those of the local religion. When the Moslems came to greet the Tounka, or ruler, they were allowed to do so in their own manner. If, after the apparent fall of Kumbi Saleh in 1076, the ruler was required to con- vert to Islam and pay material tribute to the Moslem invaders from the north, the degree of Islamization in the region remained minimal until the nineteenth century (Pollet and Winter 1971, chap. 10). Re- cent scholarship based on readings of newly discovered Arabic texts and reinterpretations of the oral tradition reject the entire notion of a conquest and argue instead for a more gradual Islamization of the leadership of Ghana (Conrad and Fisher 1983; Hiskett 1984). With the decline of Ghana, the Sonink6-speaking peoples began to disperse eastward until the nineteenth century. Today pockets of Soninkd speakers can be found as far east as Niger-for example, in Birni n'Gaour6, 150 kilometers east of Niamey. This dispersion, which parallels in some ways that of the Fulani, although for differ- ent reasons, stands as one of many cultural bridges across empires and centuries to the present. Whatever the cause of the decline of Ghana, by the late twelfth or early thirteenth century the remaining dependencies of the em- pire fell under partial control of the Sosso kingdom from the south. Under the leadership of Soumaoro (or Sumanguru) Kantd, this rem- nant of the Ghana empire sacked Kumbi Saleh in 1203. Eventually the Sossos' brief rise was cut short by the development of the second great empire of the Sahel, Mali, led by Sundiata Keita. The Mali Empire Early written sources provide limited information about the origins of the Mali empire. Levtzion (1980, 53-54) cites two writers, al- Bekri (1067-68) and al-Idrisi (1154), who refer to the land of the Malinke when describing peoples who were early converts to Islam. 20 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Because of its location and its powerful army, Ghana was able to remain outside of the wars and social dislocation generated by the migrations and conquests of the nomadic Almoravids in northwest- ern Africa until the middle of the eleventh century. By controlling trade in the region, the empire developed a reputation for prosperity throughout the Sabel and the larger Islamic world. Moreover, the rulers of Ghana were able to maintain their own belief system while allowing that of Islam to develop in their cities. In his description of the two towns that make up the capital, al-Bekri underscores the freedom allowed to believers of Islam and those of the local religion. When the Moslems came to greet the Tounka, or ruler, they were allowed to do so in their own manner. If, after the apparent fall of Kumbi Saleh in 1076, the ruler was required to con- vert to Islam and pay material tribute to the Moslem invaders from the north, the degree of Islamization in the region remained minimal until the nineteenth century (Pollet and Winter 1971, chap. 10). Re- cent scholarship based on readings of newly discovered Arabic texts and reinterpretations of the oral tradition reject the entire notion of a conquest and argue instead for a more gradual Islamization of the leadership of Ghana (Conrad and Fisher 1983; Hiskett 1984). With the decline of Ghana, the Sonink6-speaking peoples began to disperse eastward until the nineteenth century. Today pockets of Sonink6 speakers can be found as far east as Niger-for example, in Birn n'Gaourd, 150 kilometers east of Niamey. This dispersion, which parallels in some ways that of the Fulani, although for differ- ent reasons, stands as one of many cultural bridges across empires and centuries to the present. Whatever the cause of the decline of Ghana, by the late twelfth or early thirteenth century the remaining dependencies of the em- pire fell under partial control of the Sosso kingdom from the south. Under the leadership of Soumaoro (or Sumanguru) Kantd, this rem- nant of the Ghana empire sacked Kumbi Saleh in 1203. Eventually the Sossos' brief rise was cut short by the development of the second great empire of the Sahel, Mali, led by Sundiata Keita. The Mali Empire Early written sources provide limited information about the origins of the Mali empire. Levtzion (1980, 53-54) cites two writers, al- Bekri (1067-68) and al-Idrisi (1154), who refer to the land of the Malink6 when describing peoples who were early converts to Islam.  Askia Mohammed in Context 21 On the other hand, Mand6 griots provide detailed accounts of the rise of Soumaoro Kant6 and the rebellion of Sundiata Keita to the south of Ghana. The Epic of Son-Jara: A West African Tradition, chanted by Fa-Digi Sisbkb and translated by John William Johnson (1986), appears as the most recent of two dozen variants now in print. But Johnson correctly notes in his introduction that the oral version must be viewed not as history but as a portrait of how people today view their culture hero. By the fourteenth century, when the empire reached its peak under the rule of Mansa Moussa, Mali's reputation had spread throughout the Moslem world, not only because of commerce in gold, slaves, and other commodities but also because of the ruler's impressive pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324-25. Ibn Battuta visited the court of Mali inr)352-53. He described the reigning sultan, Mansa Suleiman, and reported on the pilgrimage of the ruler's more illus- trious predecessor. The writers of the sixteenth- and seventeenth- century chronicles that we shall study in more detail in subsequent chapters drew on Ibn Battuta, as well as oral sources, for their por- trayals of the Mali empire and its leaders. But as is the case with the Ghana empire, the conversion to Islam in the Mali empire did not extend to the masses until the colonial era. The traditional belief system apparently survived nearly intact until then. Today, as Johnson points out in the introduction to The Epic of Son-Jara, many elements of that system remain in place. In Ghana, the traditional system of belief of the Sonink6- speaking peoples who trace their heritage to the beginnings of the empire legitimized relations beween clans. This belief system was strong enough to maintain some distance, physical and cultural, be- tween the Moslem traders and the rulers-at least until the rulers' apparent conversion to Sunni Islam in 1076 (Hiskett 1984, 26). In Mali, the founder of the empire, Sundiata, appears to combine at least a nominal belief in Islam (Hiskett 1984, 29) with strong attach- ment to the traditional system of beliefs. Johnson explains the rela- tionship between the Mandd hero and these beliefs. The local Mand6 version of occult power, called nyama, is con- ferred upon the hero in the traditional Mand6 method through his mother's ancestry, and is accomplished in the epic through geneal- ogy. . . . Thus he is viewed as the one culture hero of the Mand6 destined to have more occult power than any other hero before or after his time. Significantly, he is not the founder of the country Askia Mohammed in Context 21 On the other hand, Mande griots provide detailed accounts of the rise of Soumaoro Kant6 and the rebellion of Sundiata Keita to the south of Ghana. The Epic of Son-Jara: A West African Tradition, chanted by Fa-Digi Sisbko and translated by John William Johnson (1986), appears as the most recent of two dozen variants now in print. But Johnson correctly notes in his introduction that the oral version must be viewed not as history but as a portrait of how people today view their culture hero. By the fourteenth century, when the empire reached its peak under the rule of Mansa Moussa, Mali's reputation had spread throughout the Moslem world, not only because of commerce in gold, slaves, and other commodities but also because of the ruler's impressive pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324-25. Ibn Battuta visited the court of Mali in4352-53. He described the reigning sultan, Mansa Suleiman, and reported on the pilgrimage of the ruler's more illus- trious predecessor. The writers of the sixteenth- and seventeenth- century chronicles that we shall study in more detail in subsequent chapters drew on Ibn Battuta, as well as oral sources, for their por- trayals of the Mali empire and its leaders. But as is the case with the Ghana empire, the conversion to Islam in the Mali empire did not extend to the masses until the colonial era. The traditional belief system apparently survived nearly intact until then. Today, as Johnson points out in the introduction to The Epic of Son-Jara, many elements of that system remain in place. In Ghana, the traditional system of belief of the Soninke- speaking peoples who trace their heritage to the beginnings of the empire legitimized relations beween clans. This belief system was strong enough to maintain some distance, physical and cultural, be- tween the Moslem traders and the rulers-at least until the rulers' apparent conversion to Sunni Islam in 1076 (Hiskett 1984, 26). In Mali, the founder of the empire, Sundiata, appears to combine at least a nominal belief in Islam (Hiskett 1984, 29) with strong attach- ment to the traditional system of beliefs. Johnson explains the rela- tionship between the Mand6 hero and these beliefs. The local Mand6 version of occult power, called nyama, is con- ferred upon the hero in the traditional Mand6 method through his mother's ancestry, and is accomplished in the epic through geneal- ogy. . . . Thus he is viewed as the one culture hero of the Mand6 destined to have more occult power than any other hero before or after his time. Significantly, he is not the founder of the country Askia Mohammed in Context 21 On the other hand, Mand6 griots provide detailed accounts of the rise of Soumaoro Kant6 and the rebellion of Sundiata Keita to the south of Ghana. The Epic of Son-Jara: A West African Tradition, chanted by Fa-Digi Sisbka and translated by John William Johnson (1986), appears as the most recent of two dozen variants now in print. But Johnson correctly notes in his introduction that the oral version must be viewed not as history but as a portrait of how people today view their culture hero. By the fourteenth century, when the empire reached its peak under the rule of Mansa Moussa, Mali's reputation had spread throughout the Moslem world, not only because of commerce in gold, slaves, and other commodities but also because of the ruler's impressive pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324-25. Ibn Battuta visited the court of Mali ifig352-53. He described the reigning sultan, Mansa Suleiman, and reported on the pilgrimage of the ruler's more illus- trious predecessor. The writers of the sixteenth- and seventeenth- century chronicles that we shall study in more detail in subsequent chapters drew on Ibn Battuta, as well as oral sources, for their por- trayals of the Mali empire and its leaders. But as is the case with the Ghana empire, the conversion to Islam in the Mali empire did not extend to the masses until the colonial era. The traditional belief system apparently survived nearly intact until then. Today, as Johnson points out in the introduction to The Epic of Son-Jara, many elements of that system remain in place. In Ghana, the traditional system of belief of the Sonink6- speaking peoples who trace their heritage to the beginnings of the empire legitimized relations beween clans. This belief system was strong enough to maintain some distance, physical and cultural, be- tween the Moslem traders and the rulers-at least until the rulers' apparent conversion to Sunni Islam in 1076 (Hiskett 1984, 26). In Mali, the founder of the empire, Sundiata, appears to combine at least a nominal belief in Islam (Hiskett 1984, 29) with strong attach- ment to the traditional system of beliefs. Johnson explains the rela- tionship between the Mand6 hero and these beliefs. The local Mand6 version of occult power, called nyama, is con- ferred upon the hero in the traditional Mandd method through his mother's ancestry, and is accomplished in the epic through geneal- ogy. . . . Thus he is viewed as the one culture hero of the Mand6 destined to have more occult power than any other hero before or after his time. Significantly, he is not the founder of the country  22 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist of the Manden or of the Mand6 peoples, but he is their greatest culture hero, for he is believed to have harnessed great occult power. . . . Kankan Musa [Mansa Moussa], who ruled Mali from 1312 to 1327, is probably better known than Son-Jara outside Mali. . . . Yet no epic amongst Mandekan speakers celebrates Musa's exploits. (1986, 5) I shall return to a discussion of nyama as it affects Mand6 bards in chapter 2. For now, it need only be noted that by 1375 the rulers of Mali began to lose whatever power they had over peoples on the eastern fringes of the empire. With the rise of the Sonni dynasty in Gao, which survived until 1493, Songhay began to overshadow Mali. The Songhay Empire The writings of an Arab geographer, al-Khuwarizmi, who lived in Baghdad in the early ninth century, provide one of the earliest refer- ences to Gao, capital of the Songhay empire (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981, 7). John Hunwick (1985, chap. 1) suggests that the original town of Gao, located in a zone too arid for agriculture, developed as a commercial center in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The in- habitants of a small fishing village on the right bank of the Niger began to trade grain, obtained from more fertile areas downriver, for salt brought in from the desert. Gao developed a close relation- ship with Koukiya, 150 kilometers downriver and the capital of the Za dynasty, according to the TS. Eventually Koukiya extended its control to Gao, and trade expanded to include slaves captured by the army of the growing Songhay state. Al Ya'qfnbi, writing in the late ninth century, described Kawkaw, an early name for Gao used by Arab travelers, in the following way: Then there is the kingdom of the Kawkaw, which is the greatest of the realms of the Sudan, the most important and the most pow- erful. All the kingdoms obey its king. Al-Kawkaw is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms of which the rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands. (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981,21) References to Gao by the Egyptian geographer al-Muhallabi in the late tenth century indicate that the city's ruler pretended to be 22 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist of the Manden or of the Mand6 peoples, but he is their greatest culture hero, for he is believed to have harnessed great occult power. . . . Kankan Musa [Mansa Moussa], who ruled Mali from 1312 to 1327, is probably better known than Son-Jara outside Mali. . . . Yet no epic amongst Mandekan speakers celebrates Musa's exploits. (1986, 5) I shall return to a discussion of nyama as it affects Mand6 bards in chapter 2. For now, it need only be noted that by 1375 the rulers of Mali began to lose whatever power they had over peoples on the eastern fringes of the empire. With the rise of the Sonni dynasty in Gao, which survived until 1493, Songhay began to overshadow Mali. The Songhay Empire The writings of an Arab geographer, al-Khuwarizmi, who lived in Baghdad in the early ninth century, provide one of the earliest refer- ences to Gao, capital of the Songhay empire (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981, 7). John Hunwick (1985, chap. 1) suggests that the original town of Gao, located in a zone too arid for agriculture, developed as a commercial center in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The in- habitants of a small fishing village on the right bank of the Niger began to trade grain, obtained from more fertile areas downriver, for salt brought in from the desert. Gao developed a close relation- ship with Koukiya, 150 kilometers downriver and the capital of the Za dynasty, according to the TS. Eventually Koukiya extended its control to Gao, and trade expanded to include slaves captured by the army of the growing Songhay state. Al Ya'qfibi, writing in the late ninth century, described Kawkaw, an early name for Gao used by Arab travelers, in the following way: Then there is the kingdom of the Kawkaw, which is the greatest of the realms of the Sudan, the most important and the most pow- erful. All the kingdoms obey its king. Al-Kawkaw is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms of which the rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands. (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981,21) References to Gao by the Egyptian geographer al-Muhallabi in the late tenth century indicate that the city's ruler pretended to be 22 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist of the Manden or of the Mand6 peoples, but he is their greatest culture hero, for he is believed to have harnessed great occult power. . . . Kankan Musa [Mansa Moussa], who ruled Mali from 1312 to 1327, is probably better known than Son-Jara outside Mali. . . . Yet no epic amongst Mandekan speakers celebrates Musa's exploits. (1986, 5) I shall return to a discussion of nyama as it affects Mand6 bards in chapter 2. For now, it need only be noted that by 1375 the rulers of Mali began to lose whatever power they had over peoples on the eastern fringes of the empire. With the rise of the Sonni dynasty in Gao, which survived until 1493, Songhay began to overshadow Mali. The Songhay Empire The writings of an Arab geographer, al-Khuwarizmi, who lived in Baghdad in the early ninth century, provide one of the earliest refer- ences to Gao, capital of the Songhay empire (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981, 7). John Hunwick (1985, chap. 1) suggests that the original town of Gao, located in a zone too arid for agriculture, developed as a commercial center in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The in- habitants of a small fishing village on the right bank of the Niger began to trade grain, obtained from more fertile areas downriver, for salt brought in from the desert. Gao developed a close relation- ship with Koukiya, 150 kilometers downriver and the capital of the Za dynasty, according to the TS. Eventually Koukiya extended its control to Gao, and trade expanded to include slaves captured by the army of the growing Songhay state. Al Ya'qfibi, writing in the late ninth century, described Kawkaw, an early name for Gao used by Arab travelers, in the following way: Then there is the kingdom of the Kawkaw, which is the greatest of the realms of the Sudan, the most important and the most pow- erful. All the kingdoms obey its king. Al-Kawkaw is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms of which the rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands. (Hopkins and Levtzion 1981,21) References to Gao by the Egyptian geographer al-Muhallabi in the late tenth century indicate that the city's ruler pretended to be  Askia Mohammed in Context 23 a Moslem. Al-Bekri, the Andalusian geographer, adds in the late eleventh century that traditional customs continued to play an im- portant role in court life. Although the narrator of the TS reports that rulers of Gao converted to Islam during the reign of Kossoi in 1009-10, Hunwick, citing another Andalusian geographer, Ibn Sa'id, suggests that the degree of Islamization was probably minimal at least until the end of the dynasty in the thirteenth century (1985, 9-11). During this period of Malian dominance in the region, the state rulers probably retreated downriver to Koukiya. Hunwick notes that other Arabic sources (Ibn Battuta and Ibn Khaldun) un- derscore the links between Gao and North Africa. The discovery by Georges de Gironcourt of Arabic inscriptions on tombstones at Bentia, thought to be the site of Koukiya, suggests that the Islamic influence extended farther south in the late fourteenth and early fif- teenth centuries (1985, 12). Hunwick judges the "thinness of the Islamic veneer" by the ex- tensive material on local religions collected by Jean Rouch in the 1940s and 1950s. But David Robinson questions if the low level of Islamic activity can be equated to the maintenance of traditional practices (letter to the author, February 26, 1988). As we shall see in the conclusion, Paul Stoller has continued Rouch's work and pro- vides still further evidence for the maintenance of traditional sys- tems of belief even as Islam spreads more widely in Sahelian socie- ties today. In the thirteenth century, Mali extended its sovereignty to in- clude the Songhay area and, according to the chronicles, took two noble hostages. One of them, Ali Kolon, escaped and returned to found the Sonni dynasty. Between this ruler and the apogee of the Sonnis under Sonni Ali Ber in the fifteenth century, it is difficult to pinpoint the shift in regional power from Mali to Songhay, or the reversal that led the people of one area to hold greater sway over weaker groups in the region. There may even have been a temporary power vacuum at some time. But by the mid-fifteenth century, the Malians had withdrawn from the relatively independent city of Tim- buktu, leaving it to the Islamic Sanhaja, a nomadic Berber group with roots in Awdaghost. With the apparent return of the Songhay court to Gao (Hunwick 1985, 21), and the installation of Sonni Ali Ber as the new ruler in 1463, the Songhay empire began to command much greater attention in the region while Mali's power continued to wane. Islam's influence in the area, with a flourishing base in Timbuktu, Askia Mohammed in Context 23 a Moslem. Al-Bekri, the Andalusian geographer, adds in the late eleventh century that traditional customs continued to play an im- portant role in court life. Although the narrator of the TS reports that rulers of Gao converted to Islam during the reign of Kossoi in 1009-10, Hunwick, citing another Andalusian geographer, Ibn Sa'id, suggests that the degree of Islamization was probably minimal at least until the end of the dynasty in the thirteenth century (1985, 9-11). During this period of Mallan dominance in the region, the state rulers probably retreated downriver to Koukiya. Hunwick notes that other Arabic sources (Ibn Battuta and Ibn Khaldun) un- derscore the links between Gao and North Africa. The discovery by Georges de Gironcourt of Arabic inscriptions on tombstones at Bentia, thought to be the site of Koukiya, suggests that the Islamic influence extended farther south in the late fourteenth and early fif- teenth centuries (1985, 12). Hunwick judges the "thinness of the Islamic veneer" by the ex- tensive material on local religions collected by Jean Rouch in the 1940s and 1950s. But David Robinson questions if the low level of Islamic activity can be equated to the maintenance of traditional practices (letter to the author, February 26, 1988). As we shall see in the conclusion, Paul Stoller has continued Rouch's work and pro- vides still further evidence for the maintenance of traditional sys- tems of belief even as Islam spreads more widely in Sahelian socie- ties today. In the thirteenth century, Mali extended its sovereignty to in- clude the Songhay area and, according to the chronicles, took two noble hostages. One of them, Ali Kolon, escaped and returned to found the Sonni dynasty. Between this ruler and the apogee of the Somis under Sonni Ali Ber in the fifteenth century, it is difficult to pinpoint the shift in regional power from Mali to Songhay, or the reversal that led the people of one area to hold greater sway over weaker groups in the region. There may even have been a temporary power vacuum at some time. But by the mid-fifteenth century, the Malians had withdrawn from the relatively independent city of Tim- buktu, leaving it to the Islamic Sanhaja, a nomadic Berber groupl with roots in Awdaghost. With the apparent return of the Songhay court to Gao (Hunwick 1985, 21), and the installation of Sonni Ali Ber as the new ruler in 1463, the Songhay empire began to command much greater attention in the region while Mali's power continued to wane. Islam's influence in the area, with a flourishing base in Timbuktu, Askia Mohammed in Context 23 a Moslem. Al-Bekri, the Andalusian geographer, adds in the late eleventh century that traditional customs continued to play an im- portant role in court life. Although the narrator of the TS reports that rulers of Gao converted to Islam during the reign of Kossoi in 1009-10, Hunwick, citing another Andalusian geographer, Ibn Sa'id, suggests that the degree of Islamization was probably minimal at least until the end of the dynasty in the thirteenth century (1985, 9-11). During this period of Malian dominance in the region, the state rulers probably retreated downriver to Koukiya. Hunwick notes that other Arabic sources (Ibn Battuta and Ibn Khaldun) un- derscore the links between Gao and North Africa. The discovery by Georges de Gironcourt of Arabic inscriptions on tombstones at Bentia, thought to be the site of Koukiya, suggests that the Islamic influence extended farther south in the late fourteenth and early fif- teenth centuries (1985, 12). Hunwick judges the "thinness of the Islamic veneer" by the ex- tensive material on local religions collected by Jean Rouch in the 1940s and 1950s. But David Robinson questions if the low level of Islamic activity can be equated to the maintenance of traditional practices (letter to the author, February 26, 1988). As we shall see in the conclusion, Paul Stoller has continued Rouch's work and pro- vides still further evidence for the maintenance of traditional sys- tems of belief even as Islam spreads more widely in Sahelian socie- ties today. In the thirteenth century, Mali extended its sovereignty to in- clude the Songhay area and, according to the chronicles, took two noble hostages. One of them, Ali Kolon, escaped and returned to found the Sonni dynasty. Between this ruler and the apogee of the Sonnis under Sonni Ali Ber in the fifteenth century, it is difficult to pinpoint the shift in regional power from Mali to Songhay, or the reversal that led the people of one area to hold greater sway over weaker groups in the region. There may even have been a temporary power vacuum at some time. But by the mid-fifteenth century, the Malians had withdrawn from the relatively independent city of Tim- buktu, leaving it to the Islamic Sanhaja, a nomadic Berber groups with roots in Awdaghost. With the apparent return of the Songhay court to Gao (Hunwick 1985, 21), and the installation of Sonni Ali Ber as the new ruler in 1463, the Songhay empire began to command much greater attention in the region while Mali's power continued to wane. Islam's influence in the area, with a flourishing base in Timbuktu,  24 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist appeared as an obstacle to Sonni Ali Ber's plans to exert more com- plete control over the entire region. According to the chronicles, Sonni Ali Ber was a lukewarm Moslem at best. He delighted in mis- treating the intellectual and religious elite of the city. The recent portrayal by Ba (1977) suggests that Sonni Ali Ber was as devout a Moslem as one might expect and that his differences with the rulers of Timbuktu were simply a matter of politics involving the leader- ship there, the growing Tuareg influence in the region, and a variety of other factors. Hiskett observes that The Sanhaja 'ulamd' of Timbuktu and Walata-the descendants of the Almoravids and their Ghanaian allies-had long been strengthening their influence in these two centres. As their com- mercial prosperity and power increased, they become aware of their own strength and were thus tempted to interfere in the poli- tics of the Songhay state. They were also reluctant to submit to the authority of a ruler whose Islam was suspect. Moreover, their close and growing links with Islamic North Africa and their ever- widening command of Islamic literacy served to stiffen their oppo- sition to the mixed Islam with which they were surrounded. Per- haps these links also helped to sow in their minds the conviction that political power belonged by right to them and not to a mere illiterate magician.... Clearly, these 'ulamd' presented a chal- lenge to Sonni Ali's authority, the more so since they had close links with and supported the Tuareg, who were his enemies. (1984, 33-34) Sonni Ali Ber is discussed in more detail in chapter 4. The debate over his reputation will take on great significance for our under- standing of Askia Mohammed because the succession from one dy- nasty to another was marked by violence and a new period of Islamic evangelism. From Sonni Ali Ber to Askia Mohammed: The Change in Dynasties According to the Chronicles According to the chronicles, Askia Mohammed was the governor, or koy, of the Hombori mountains region, 300 kilometers southwest of Gao, just north of the border between Mali and Burkina Faso. Askia Mohammed was one of Sonni Ali Ber's most trusted aides. The narrators of the TF state that Sonni Ali Ber died in mysterious 24 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist appeared as an obstacle to Sonni Ali Ber's plans to exert more com- plete control over the entire region. According to the chronicles, Sonni Ali Ber was a lukewarm Moslem at best. He delighted in mis- treating the intellectual and religious elite of the city. The recent portrayal by Ba (1977) suggests that Sonni Ali Ber was as devout a Moslem as one might expect and that his differences with the rulers of Timbuktu were simply a matter of politics involving the leader- ship there, the growing Tuareg influence in the region, and a variety of other factors. Hiskett observes that The Sanhaja 'ulamd' of Timbuktu and Walata-the descendants of the Almoravids and their Ghanaian allies-had long been strengthening their influence in these two centres. As their com- mercial prosperity and power increased, they become aware of their own strength and were thus tempted to interfere in the poli- tics of the Songhay state. They were also reluctant to submit to the authority of a ruler whose Islam was suspect. Moreover, their close and growing links with Islamic North Africa and their ever- widening command of Islamic literacy served to stiffen their oppo- sition to the mixed Islam with which they were surrounded. Per- haps these links also helped to sow in their minds the conviction that political power belonged by right to them and not to a mere illiterate magician. . . . Clearly, these 'ufama' presented a chal- lenge to Sonni Ali's authority, the more so since they had close links with and supported the Tuareg, who were his enemies. (1984, 33-34) Sonni Ali Ber is discussed in more detail in chapter 4. The debate over his reputation will take on great significance for our under- standing of Askia Mohammed because the succession from one dy- nasty to another was marked by violence and a new period of Islamic evangelism. From Sonni Ali Ber to Askia Mohammed: The Change in Dynasties According to the Chronicles According to the chronicles, Askia Mohammed was the governor, or koy, of the Hombori mountains region, 300 kilometers southwest of Gao, just north of the border between Mali and Burkina Faso. Askia Mohammed was one of Sonni Ali Ber's most trusted aides. The narrators of the TF state that Sonni Ali Ber died in mysterious 24 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist appeared as an obstacle to Sonni Ali Ber's plans to exert more com- plete control over the entire region. According to the chronicles, Sonni Ali Ber was a lukewarm Moslem at best. He delighted in mis- treating the intellectual and religious elite of the city. The recent portrayal by Ba (1977) suggests that Sonni Ali Ber was as devout a Moslem as one might expect and that his differences with the rulers of Timbuktu were simply a matter of politics involving the leader- ship there, the growing Tuareg influence in the region, and a variety of other factors. Hiskett observes that The Sanhaja 'ulamd' of Timbuktu and Walata-the descendants of the Almoravids and their Ghanaian allies-had long been strengthening their influence in these two centres. As their com- mercial prosperity and power increased, they become aware of their own strength and were thus tempted to interfere in the poli- tics of the Songhay state. They were also reluctant to submit to the authority of a ruler whose Islam was suspect. Moreover, their close and growing links with Islamic North Africa and their ever- widening command of Islamic literacy served to stiffen their oppo- sition to the mixed Islam with which they were surrounded. Per- haps these links also helped to sow in their minds the conviction that political power belonged by right to them and not to a mere illiterate magician. . . . Clearly, these 'ulamd' presented a chal- lenge to Sonni Ali's authority, the more so since they had close links with and supported the Tuareg, who were his enemies. (1984, 33-34) Sonni Ali Ber is discussed in more detail in chapter 4. The debate over his reputation will take on great significance for our under- standing of Askia Mohammed because the succession from one dy- nasty to another was marked by violence and a new period of Islamic evangelism. From Sonni Ali Ber to Askia Mohammed: The Change in Dynasties According to the Chronicles According to the chronicles, Askia Mohammed was the governor, or koy, of the Hombori mountains region, 300 kilometers southwest of Gao, just north of the border between Mali and Burkina Faso. Askia Mohammed was one of Sonni Ali Ber's most trusted aides. The narrators of the TF state that Sonni Ali Ber died in mysterious  Askia Mohammed in Context 25 circumstances on the way home from a war somewhere in the vast Gourma region, which extends down the right bank of the Niger River from eastern Mali to western Niger. Askia Mohammed chal- lenged Chi BAro, Sonni Ali Ber's son and successor, to embrace Islam more fervently than his father had. Chi BAro reportedly re- fused, and Askia Mohammed attacked and took over as ruler of the Songhay empire. He then went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, launched a series of military campaigns to expand the empire, and spread the word of Islam throughout the region. His only failure was against the Bargantchd, downriver from Niger in northern Benin. Accord- ing to the chronicles, he showed exemplary devotion to the Moslem religious leaders in Timbuktu and corresponded with Islamic schol- ars and holy men throughout the Maghreb. His most notable achievement, many scholars believe, was the establishment, on the foundation created by Sonni Ali Ber, of a system of administration for the empire that seems to have functioned with some effective- ness. Nobles, Freemen, and Captives: The Structure of Songhay Society at the Time of Askia Mohammed I shall give examples to illustrate the complex relationship among no- bles, freemen, and captives in chapter 7, on the end of the empire, where, for the oral version, these distinctions will play a significant role. But it is useful at this point to sketch what most historians be- lieve are the broad outlines of Songhay social structure at Askia Mo- hammed's time. Songhay society, particularly in the urban context, was patriarchal and communal, notes S6k6n6 Mody Cissoko (1975). Citing examples of the Askias described in the chronicles, Cissoko explains that hus- bands in the ruling class had both wives and concubines, a system that produced hundreds of children. Younger brothers inherited the goods and wives of older brothers. The eldest son inherited family leadership from the father. From the correspondence between Askia Mohammed and the North African scholar al-Maghili, we learn that other peoples maintained a matrilinear system and that al-Maghili I: condemned this form as anti-Islamic (Cissoko 1975, 167-68). (For the full text of al-Maghili's responses on this issue, see Hunwick 1985, 87-88.) From the same sources, Cissoko cites two other kinds of families: first, those of the marabouts, such as the Aqit family in Timbuktu, Askia Mohammed in Context 25 circumstances on the way home from a war somewhere in the vast ,Gourma region, which extends down the right bank of the Niger River from eastern Mali to western Niger. Askia Mohammed chal- lenged Chi Baro, Sonni Ali Ber's son and successor, to embrace Islam more fervently than his father had. Chf BAro reportedly re- fused, and Askia Mohammed attacked and took over as ruler of the Songhay empire. He then went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, launched a series of military campaigns to expand the empire, and spread the word of Islam throughout the region. His only failure was against the Bargantch6, downriver from Niger in northern Benin. Accord- ing to the chronicles, he showed exemplary devotion to the Moslem religious leaders in Timbuktu and corresponded with Islamic schol- ars and holy men throughout the Maghreb. His most notable achievement, many scholars believe, was the establishment, on the foundation created by Sonni Ali Ber, of a system of administration for the empire that seems to have functioned with some effective- ness. Nobles, Freemen, and Captives: The Structure of Songhay Society at the Time of Askia Mohammed I shall give examples to illustrate the complex relationship among no- bles, freemen, and captives in chapter 7, on the end of the empire, where, for the oral version, these distinctions will play a significant role. But it is useful at this point to sketch what most historians be- lieve are the broad outlines of Songhay social structure at Askia Mo- hammed's time. Songhay society, particularly in the urban context, was patriarchal and communal, notes Sdkdn6 Mody Cissoko (1975). Citing examples of the Askias described in the chronicles, Cissoko explains that hus- bands in the ruling class had both wives and concubines, a system that produced hundreds of children. Younger brothers inherited the goods and wives of older brothers. The eldest son inherited family leadership from the father. From the correspondence between Askia Mohammed and the North African scholar al-Maghili, we learn that other peoples maintained a matrilinear system and that al-Maghili condemned this form as anti-Islamic (Cissoko 1975, 167-68). (For the full text of al-Maghili's responses on this issue, see Hunwick 1985, 87-88.) From the same sources, Cissoko cites two other kinds of families: first, those of the marabouts, such as the Aqit family in Timbuktu, Askia Mohammed in Context 25 circumstances on the way home from a war somewhere in the vast ,-Gourma region, which extends down the right bank of the Niger River from eastern Mali to western Niger. Askia Mohammed chal- lenged Chi BAro, Sonni Ali Ber's son and successor, to embrace Islam more fervently than his father had. Chi Baro reportedly re- fused, and Askia Mohammed attacked and took over as ruler of the Songhay empire. He then went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, launched a series of military campaigns to expand the empire, and spread the word of Islam throughout the region. His only failure was against the Bargantch6, downriver from Niger in northern Benin. Accord- ing to the chronicles, he showed exemplary devotion to the Moslem religious leaders in Timbuktu and corresponded with Islamic schol- ars and holy men throughout the Maghreb. His most notable achievement, many scholars believe, was the establishment, on the foundation created by Sonni Ali Ber, of a system of administration for the empire that seems to have functioned with some effective- ness. Nobles, Freemen, and Captives: The Structure of Songhay Society at the Time of Askia Mohammed I shall give examples to illustrate the complex relationship among no- bles, freemen, and captives in chapter 7, on the end of the empire, where, for the oral version, these distinctions will play a significant role. But it is useful at this point to sketch what most historians be- lieve are the broad outlines of Songhay social structure at Askia Mo- hammed's time. Songhay society, particularly in the urban context, was patriarchal and communal, notes Sek6n6 Mody Cissoko (1975). Citing examples of the Askias described in the chronicles, Cissoko explains that hus- bands in the ruling class had both wives and concubines, a system that produced hundreds of children. Younger brothers inherited the goods and wives of older brothers. The eldest son inherited family leadership from the father. From the correspondence between Askia Mohammed and the North African scholar al-Maghili, we learn that other peoples maintained a matrilinear system and that al-Maghili condemned this form as anti-Islamic (Cissoko 1975, 167-68). (For the full text of al-Maghili's responses on this issue, see Hunwick 1985, 87-88.) From the same sources, Cissoko cites two other kinds of families: first, those of the marabouts, such as the Aqit family in Timbuktu,  26 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist who held a near monopoly on the most important religious posts, and second, those of captive origin, who owed subservience to indi- viduals or clans of higher social status. These servile families ranked at the bottom of a hierarchical social system that survives in much of the region today. At the top, among the Songhay and elsewhere, we find a noble class based, as Cissoko (1975, 167) points out, on birth or on liberty. If captured during battle, one could lose one's nobility. Cissoko dis- tinguishes between the imperial nobility, which governed and main- tained its economic position by large slaveholdings, and the local no- bility, which carried out the government's policies. One notch below the nobles were the freemen, loosely defined as all those who were neither of noble nor captive origin. By their rights and privileges they were much closer to the noble class than to those of captive origin. Below the freemen came those of captive origin. Their condition and status varied widely. One might be a farmer who was a member of a captive clan that paid an annual tribute in the form of goods and services. Another might be a servant in the home of a noble, often nearly indistinguishable from the masters. Finally, a captive might be simply a laborer who worked in a master's fields. A separate category, the traditional artisans (griots, weavers, smiths, carpenters) is more difficult to define. Long considered as lower in status than freemen (Vaughan 1970), they are now viewed by some scholars as a separate element of society that held a monop- oly on certain kinds of activities. As we shall see later in all three narratives, the matter of social hierarchy is somewhat more complex than this brief sketch sug- gests, especially the permutations resulting from marriage between groups. The Family Coup d'Etat: The Songhay after Askia Mohammed Chapters 6 and 7 compare the written and oral accounts describing those who succeeded Askia Mohammed in the leadership of the em- pire. But to understand the broader context of events in the region as reported by the narrators of the chronicles, here I shall sketch briefly the succession until the fall of the empire in 1591 and the sub- sequent rule by the Moroccans. Askia Mohammed ruled until 1528, when his eldest son, Moussa, 26 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist who held a near monopoly on the most important religious posts, and second, those of captive origin, who owed subservience to indi- viduals or clans of higher social status. These servile families ranked at the bottom of a hierarchical social system that survives in much of the region today. At the top, among the Songhay and elsewhere, we find a noble class based, as Cissoko (1975, 167) points out, on birth or on liberty. If captured during battle, one could lose one's nobility. Cissoko dis- tinguishes between the imperial nobility, which governed and main- tained its economic position by large slaveholdings, and the local no- bility, which carried out the government's policies. One notch below the nobles were the freemen, loosely defined as all those who were neither of noble nor captive origin. By their rights and privileges they were much closer to the noble class than to those of captive origin. Below the freemen came those of captive origin. Their condition and status varied widely. One might be a farmer who was a member of a captive clan that paid an annual tribute in the form of goods and services. Another might be a servant in the home of a noble, often nearly indistinguishable from the masters. Finally, a captive might be simply a laborer who worked in a master's fields. A separate category, the traditional artisans (griots, weavers, smiths, carpenters) is more difficult to define. Long considered as lower in status than freemen (Vaughan 1970), they are now viewed by some scholars as a separate element of society that held a monop- oly on certain kinds of activities. As we shall see later in all three narratives, the matter of social hierarchy is somewhat more complex than this brief sketch sug- gests, especially the permutations resulting from marriage between groups. The Family Coup d'Etat: The Songhay after Askia Mohammed Chapters 6 and 7 compare the written and oral accounts describing those who succeeded Askia Mohammed in the leadership of the em- pire. But to understand the broader context of events in the region as reported by the narrators of the chronicles, here I shall sketch briefly the succession until the fall of the empire in 1591 and the sub- sequent rule by the Moroccans. Askia Mohammed ruled until 1528, when his eldest son, Moussa, 26 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist who held a near monopoly on the most important religious posts, and second, those of captive origin, who owed subservience to indi- viduals or clans of higher social status. These servile families ranked at the bottom of a hierarchical social system that survives in much of the region today. At the top, among the Songhay and elsewhere, we find a noble class based, as Cissoko (1975, 167) points out, on birth or on liberty. If captured during battle, one could lose one's nobility. Cissoko dis- tinguishes between the imperial nobility, which governed and main- tained its economic position by large slaveholdings, and the local no- bility, which carried out the government's policies. One notch below the nobles were the freemen, loosely defined as all those who were neither of noble nor captive origin. By their rights and privileges they were much closer to the noble class than to those of captive origin. Below the freemen came those of captive origin. Their condition and status varied widely. One might be a farmer who was a member of a captive clan that paid an annual tribute in the form of goods and services. Another might be a servant in the home of a noble, often nearly indistinguishable from the masters. Finally, a captive might be simply a laborer who worked in a master's fields. A separate category, the traditional artisans (griots, weavers, smiths, carpenters) is more difficult to define. Long considered as lower in status than freemen (Vaughan 1970), they are now viewed by some scholars as a separate element of society that held a monop- oly on certain kinds of activities. As we shall see later in all three narratives, the matter of social hierarchy is somewhat more complex than this brief sketch sug- gests, especially the permutations resulting from marriage between groups. The Family Coup d'Etat: The Songhay after Askia Mohammed Chapters 6 and 7 compare the written and oral accounts describing those who succeeded Askia Mohammed in the leadership of the em- pire. But to understand the broader context of events in the region as reported by the narrators of the chronicles, here I shall sketch briefly the succession until the fall of the empire in 1591 and the sub- sequent rule by the Moroccans. Askia Mohammed ruled until 1528, when his eldest son, Moussa,  Askia Mohammed in Context 27 Askia Mohammed in Context 27 Askia Mohammed in Context 27 seized power and exiled him to an island in the Niger River. After Moussa's assassination in 1531, Bounkoun Korei, known as Askia Mohammed Bounkan II, assumed leadership. He lasted until 1537, when he was forced by his brothers to abdicate. He was replaced by another son, Askia Ismfail, who governed until 1539. The chief of the plotters against Askia Mohammed, he nevertheless agreed to allow the exiled former ruler to return to Gao in exchange for more official recognition of his own regime. Askia Ismafil's reign was marked by severe famine. Askia Ishiq followed him and extended the empire as far as Niani, the capital of Mali. In 1546 he refused demands of the Sultan of Morocco to cede control of the salt mines at Teghazza, and in 1549 he died. Askia Daoud, viewed by the chroniclers as one of the most talented rulers since Askia Mohammed, took over and was successful in cam- paigns against the Mossi and the Malians. After his death in 1583, a series of weak rulers governed: Askia el-Hadj for four years, until he was overthrown by Askia Mohammed Bani, who lasted for little more than a year before dying in 1588. Askia Ishiq II served for three years. Muskets Versus Arrows: The Moroccan Invasion and Songhay Resistance On April 12, 1591, a Moroccan-led army of three to four thousand soldiers equipped with muskets attacked and defeated the Songhay near Tondibi, 95 kilometers upriver from the capital at Gao. The re- treating troops replaced Askia Ishaq It with Askia Gao, but he was captured and assassinated by the Moroccan forces. This event marked the end of the independent Songhay empire. Some of the remaining Songhay fled south into what is known today as western Niger, while the Moroccan governor established his headquarters in Timbuktu. Although the Songhay were able to wear down the Moroccan-directed forces by sustained campaigns of resistance, especially that led by Askia Nouhou, they were unable to reestablish a strong presence. In the century following the battle of Tondibi, the population of Timbuktu gradually absorbed the Mo- roccans and their colonial army. During this time two Songhay re- gions evolved: the rural Dendi in the southeast, under the leadership of Askia Nouhou, and the more urban Moroccan regime in Tim- buktu under the rule of a pasha. Nouhou was finally defeated in 1595. The link between Timbuktu and Morocco weakened over seized power and exiled him to an island in the Niger River. After Moussa's assassination in 1531, Bounkoun Korei, known as Askia Mohammed Bounkan It, assumed leadership. He lasted until 1537, when he was forced by his brothers to abdicate. He was replaced by another son, Askia Ismafil, who governed until 1539. The chief of the plotters against Askia Mohammed, he nevertheless agreed to allow the exiled former ruler to return to Gao in exchange for more official recognition of his own regime. Askia Ismail's reign was marked by severe famine. Askia Ishaq followed him and extended the empire as far as Niani, the capital of Mali. In 1546 he refused demands of the Sultan of Morocco to cede control of the salt mines at Teghazza, and in 1549 he died. Askia Daoud, viewed by the chroniclers as one of the most talented rulers since Askia Mohammed, took over and was successful in cam- paigns against the Mossi and the Malians. After his death in 1583, a series of weak rulers governed: Askia el-Hadj for four years, until he was overthrown by Askia Mohammed Bani, who lasted for little more than a year before dying in 1588. Askia Ishfiq II served for three years. Muskets Versus Arrows: The Moroccan Invasion and Songhay Resistance On April 12, 1591, a Moroccan-led army of three to four thousand soldiers equipped with muskets attacked and defeated the Songhay near Tondibi, 95 kilometers upriver from the capital at Gao. The re- treating troops replaced Askia Ishaq II with Askia Gao, but he was captured and assassinated by the Moroccan forces. This event marked the end of the independent Songhay empire. Some of the remaining Songhay fled south into what is known today as western Niger, while the Moroccan governor established his headquarters in Timbuktu. Although the Songhay were able to wear down the Moroccan-directed forces by sustained campaigns of resistance, especially that led by Askia Nouhou, they were unable to reestablish a strong presence. In the century following the battle of Tondibi, the population of Timbuktu gradually absorbed the Mo- roccans and their colonial army. During this time two Songhay re- gions evolved: the rural Dendi in the southeast, under the leadership of Askia Nouhou, and the more urban Moroccan regime in Tim- buktu under the rule of a pasha. Nouhou was finally defeated in 1595. The link between Timbuktu and Morocco weakened over seized power and exiled him to an island in the Niger River. After Moussa's assassination in 1531, Bounkoun Korei, known as Askia Mohammed Bounkan II, assumed leadership. He lasted until 1537, when he was forced by his brothers to abdicate. He was replaced by another son, Askia Ismail, who governed until 1539. The chief of the plotters against Askia Mohammed, he nevertheless agreed to allow the exiled former ruler to return to Gao in exchange for more official recognition of his own regime. Askia Ismlil's reign was marked by severe famine. Askia Ishaq followed him and extended the empire as far as Niani, the capital of Mali. In 1546 he refused demands of the Sultan of Morocco to cede control of the salt mines at Teghazza, and in 1549 he died. Askia Daoud, viewed by the chroniclers as one of the most talented rulers since Askia Mohammed, took over and was successful in cam- paigns against the Mossi and the Malians. After his death in 1583, a series of weak rulers governed: Askia el-Hadj for four years, until he was overthrown by Askia Mohammed Bani, who lasted for little more than a year before dying in 1588. Askia Ishaq It served for three years. Muskets Versus Arrows: The Moroccan Invasion and Songhay Resistance On April 12, 1591, a Moroccan-led army of three to four thousand soldiers equipped with muskets attacked and defeated the Songhay near Tondibi, 95 kilometers upriver from the capital at Gao. The re- treating troops replaced Askia IshAq II with Askia Gao, but he was captured and assassinated by the Moroccan forces. This event marked the end of the independent Songhay empire. Some of the remaining Songhay fled south into what is known today as western Niger, while the Moroccan governor established his headquarters in Timbuktu. Although the Songhay were able to wear down the Moroccan-directed forces by sustained campaigns of resistance, especially that led by Askia Nouhou, they were unable to reestablish a strong presence. In the century following the battle of Tondibi, the population of Timbuktu gradually absorbed the Mo- roccans and their colonial army. During this time two Songhay re- gions evolved: the rural Dendi in the southeast, under the leadership of Askia Nouhou, and the more urban Moroccan regime in Tim- buktu under the rule of a pasha. Nouhou was finally defeated in 1595. The link between Timbuktu and Morocco weakened over  28 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 28 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 28 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist time, with the result that the ruler of the city, supported by descen- dants of the Moroccans and their soldiers, changed 128 times in ninety years. In the meantime, the two halves of the empire began to divide into smaller principalities. It is likely that the oral tradition in the Dendi region developed relatively independently from the written tradition flourishing in Timbuktu. From this brief overview of Askia Mohammed and his context reported by the chroniclers, several themes emerge that will concern us later on. First, in all three empires, and especially the Songhay empire, Islam played an increasingly important role. But the spread of that religion generated a series of paradoxes in the relations between those who practiced it within the Sahel, those who promoted it from outside, and those who, though conquered, refused to accept the new dispensation. We shall examine these paradoxes later in more detail. In the meantime, it must be remembered that the most de- tailed sources for this period, the chronicles and other Arabic- language texts, bear a marked Islamic perspective. Second, because only the elite practiced Islam, we learn rela- tively little about the masses and the social structure that stands be- tween the rulers and their people. We shall see later a striking differ- ence between the way the chroniclers define social standing and the way the griots portray the subtle differences between people of dif- ferent origins. Third, the Islamic view also excludes, quite naturally, much de- scription of the traditional system of beliefs and of the keepers of those beliefs. Although the chroniclers do cite magical occurrences, we shall discover in the oral tradition a much greater variety of fan- tastic events rooted in a pre-Islamic world view that survives today. Finally, in both the written and oral sources the notion of ethnic identity becomes at times very fluid. Peoples in the region migrate as the result of wars, trade, and other factors. The Soninkd dispersal to the east and the constant movements up and down the Niger River during the reign of the Askias are just two examples. Although the sources distinguish between the Mossi and the Gourma, the Tha- reg and the Songhay, and other groups, ethnic identity within a group may depend on where one is located at a particular time. Elias N. Saad, author of the most detailed study of Timbuktu (1983, 32), comments on the remarkable ethnic diversity in the city, which de- veloped as diverse groups moved into the area at different times. Askia Mohammed, ruler of the Songhay, appears to be of time, with the result that the ruler of the city, supported by descen- dants of the Moroccans and their soldiers, changed 128 times in ninety years. In the meantime, the two halves of the empire began to divide into smaller principalities. It is likely that the oral tradition in the Dendi region developed relatively independently from the written tradition flourishing in Timbuktu. From this brief overview of Askia Mohammed and his context reported by the chroniclers, several themes emerge that will concern us later on. First, in all three empires, and especially the Songhay empire, Islam played an increasingly important role. But the spread of that religion generated a series of paradoxes in the relations between those who practiced it within the Sahel, those who promoted it from outside, and those who, though conquered, refused to accept the new dispensation. We shall examine these paradoxes later in more detail. In the meantime, it must be remembered that the most de- tailed sources for this period, the chronicles and other Arabic- language texts, bear a marked Islamic perspective. Second, because only the elite practiced Islam, we learn rela- tively little about the masses and the social structure that stands be- tween the rulers and their people. We shall see later a striking differ- ence between the way the chroniclers define social standing and the way the griots portray the subtle differences between people of dif- ferent origins. Third, the Islamic view also excludes, quite naturally, much de- scription of the traditional system of beliefs and of the keepers of those beliefs. Although the chroniclers do cite magical occurrences, we shall discover in the oral tradition a much greater variety of fan- tastic events rooted in a pre-Islamic world view that survives today. Finally, in both the written and oral sources the notion of ethnic identity becomes at times very fluid. Peoples in the region migrate as the result of wars, trade, and other factors. The Sonink6 dispersal to the east and the constant movements up and down the Niger River during the reign of the Askias are just two examples. Although the sources distinguish between the Mossi and the Gourma, the Tha- reg and the Songhay, and other groups, ethnic identity within a group may depend on where one is located at a particular time. Elias N. Saad, author of the most detailed study of Timbuktu (1983, 32), comments on the remarkable ethnic diversity in the city, which de- veloped as diverse groups moved into the area at different times. Askia Mohammed, ruler of the Songhay, appears to be of time, with the result that the ruler of the city, supported by descen- dants of the Moroccans and their soldiers, changed 128 times in ninety years. In the meantime, the two halves of the empire began to divide into smaller principalities. It is likely that the oral tradition in the Dendi region developed relatively independently from the written tradition flourishing in Timbuktu. From this brief overview of Askia Mohammed and his context reported by the chroniclers, several themes emerge that will concern us later on. First, in all three empires, and especially the Songhay empire, Islam played an increasingly important role. But the spread of that religion generated a series of paradoxes in the relations between those who practiced it within the Sahel, those who promoted it from outside, and those who, though conquered, refused to accept the new dispensation. We shall examine these paradoxes later in more detail. In the meantime, it must be remembered that the most de- tailed sources for this period, the chronicles and other Arabic- language texts, bear a marked Islamic perspective. Second, because only the elite practiced Islam, we learn rela- tively little about the masses and the social structure that stands be- tween the rulers and their people. We shall see later a striking differ- ence between the way the chroniclers define social standing and the way the griots portray the subtle differences between people of dif- ferent origins. Third, the Islamic view also excludes, quite naturally, much de- scription of the traditional system of beliefs and of the keepers of those beliefs. Although the chroniclers do cite magical occurrences, we shall discover in the oral tradition a much greater variety of fan- tastic events rooted in a pre-Islamic world view that survives today. Finally, in both the written and oral sources the notion of ethnic identity becomes at times very fluid. Peoples in the region migrate as the result of wars, trade, and other factors. The Sonink6 dispersal to the east and the constant movements up and down the Niger River during the reign of the Askias are just two examples. Although the sources distinguish between the Mossi and the Gourma, the Tha- reg and the Songhay, and other groups, ethnic identity within a group may depend on where one is located at a particular time. Elias N. Saad, author of the most detailed study of Timbuktu (1983, 32), comments on the remarkable ethnic diversity in the city, which de- veloped as diverse groups moved into the area at different times. Askia Mohammed, ruler of the Songhay, appears to be of  Askia Mohammed in Context 29 Askia Mohammed in Context 29 Askia Mohammed in Context 29 Sonink6 origin, and thus may trace his origins to the founders of the Ghana empire, although it is more likely that he is from a nonroyal but probably noble family. Sonink6, however, is one of the Mandd languages spoken by a variety of peoples who consider either Ghana or Mali to be the source of their heritage. Askia Mohammed's ethnic identity, I should add, is more than just a personal feature, the prod- uct of a Sonink6 couple isolated or dispersed from a larger group. The chroniclers Mahmoud Kati and his descendants are Sonink6, the griots are Sonink6, and Sonink6 is the secret language of these keep- ers of the oral tradition as well as that of magicians and healers. When conducting expeditions ranging across the Sahel, Askia Mo- hammed and his followers took wives from each region they con- quered and thus contributed further to the area's ethnic mixing. We shall return to these themes as we examine both the written and oral sources for this study. But we must first look more closely at the professional artisans of the word who drew the portraits of Askia Mohammed and the Songhay empire. Sonink6 origin, and thus may trace his origins to the founders of the Ghana empire, although it is more likely that he is from a nonroyal but probably noble family. Soninkd, however, is one of the Mand6 languages spoken by a variety of peoples who consider either Ghana or Mali to be the source of their heritage. Askia Mohammed's ethnic identity, I should add, is more than just a personal feature, the prod- uct of a Sonink6 couple isolated or dispersed from a larger group. The chroniclers Mahmoud Khti and his descendants are Sonink6, the griots are Sonink6, and Sonink6 is the secret language of these keep- ers of the oral tradition as well as that of magicians and healers. When conducting expeditions ranging across the Sahel, Askia Mo- hammed and his followers took wives from each region they con- quered and thus contributed further to the area's ethnic mixing. We shall return to these themes as we examine both the written and oral sources for this study. But we must first look more closely at the professional artisans of the word who drew the portraits of Askia Mohammed and the Songhay empire. Soninkd origin, and thus may trace his origins to the founders of the Ghana empire, although it is more likely that he is from a nonroyal but probably noble family. Soninkd, however, is one of the Mand6 languages spoken by a variety of peoples who consider either Ghana or Mali to be the source of their heritage. Askia Mohammed's ethnic identity, I should add, is more than just a personal feature, the prod- uct of a Sonink6 couple isolated or dispersed from a larger group. The chroniclers Mahmoud Kati and his descendants are Sonink6, the griots are Soninkd, and Sonink6 is the secret language of these keep- ers of the oral tradition as well as that of magicians and healers. When conducting expeditions ranging across the Sahel, Askia Mo- hammed and his followers took wives from each region they con- quered and thus contributed further to the area's ethnic mixing. We shall return to these themes as we examine both the written and oral sources for this study. But we must first look more closely at the professional artisans of the word who drew the portraits of Askia Mohammed and the Songhay empire.  Chapter 2 Scribes, Bards, and Griots When I use the words scribes and bards to designate those who wrote or recounted stories about the past, I need to qualify consider- ably these Western terms. In English, a scribe is someone who makes copies or serves as a public clerk. The religious connotations of the term appear in the fifth century B.C. with sophers, Palestinian scholars and teachers of Jewish law who transcribed, edited, and in- terpreted the Bible. A bard was a member of an ancient Celtic order of poets or, in a more general sense, a person who composed and recited epic or heroic poems, often accompanying himself on the harp. If these terms are applied to wordsmiths in the West African context, we find a variety of matching characteristics, but also some variations that require explanation. Scribes and Literacy in Arabic I have chosen to use the term scribe rather than chronicler because those who wrote the Timbuktu chronicles held many other positions, which depended to some extent on their ability to write. Egyptolo- gists have long used the term scribe for a class of literate function- aries. In many parts of the Sahel today, and in other Islamic parts of the world, a scribe is someone who has acquired literacy in Arabic and who earns a living by copying manuscripts and by writing and reading letters. In some post offices in West Africa today one may still find professional scribes who write and read letters in French, English, Arabic, or Portuguese for illiterate clients. In Ousmane Sembene's novella Le Mandat (1966) as well as in his film of the same title, we witness a violent confrontation between an indignant 30 Chapter 2 Scribes, Bards, and Griots When I use the words scribes and bards to designate those who wrote or recounted stories about the past, I need to qualify consider- ably these Western terms. In English, a scribe is someone who makes copies or serves as a public clerk. The religious connotations of the term appear in the fifth century B.c. with sophers, Palestinian scholars and teachers of Jewish law who transcribed, edited, and in- terpreted the Bible. A bard was a member of an ancient Celtic order of poets or, in a more general sense, a person who composed and recited epic or heroic poems, often accompanying himself on the harp. If these terms are applied to wordsmiths in the West African context, we find a variety of matching characteristics, but also some variations that require explanation. Scribes and Literacy in Arabic I have chosen to use the term scribe rather than chronicler because those who wrote the Timbuktu chronicles held many other positions, which depended to some extent on their ability to write. Egyptolo- gists have long used the term scribe for a class of literate function- aries. In many parts of the Sahel today, and in other Islamic parts of the world, a scribe is someone who has acquired literacy in Arabic and who earns a living by copying manuscripts and by writing and reading letters. In some post offices in West Africa today one may still find professional scribes who write and read letters in French, English, Arabic, or Portuguese for illiterate clients. In Ousmane Sembene's novella Le Mandat (1966) as well as in his film of the same title, we witness a violent confrontation between an indignant 30 Chapter 2 Scribes, Bards, and Griots When I use the words scribes and bards to designate those who wrote or recounted stories about the past, I need to qualify consider- ably these Western terms. In English, a scribe is someone who makes copies or serves as a public clerk. The religious connotations of the term appear in the fifth century B.C. with sophers, Palestinian scholars and teachers of Jewish law who transcribed, edited, and in- terpreted the Bible. A bard was a member of an ancient Celtic order of poets or, in a more general sense, a person who composed and recited epic or heroic poems, often accompanying himself on the harp. If these terms are applied to wordsmiths in the West African context, we find a variety of matching characteristics, but also some variations that require explanation. Scribes and Literacy in Arabic I have chosen to use the term scribe rather than chronicler because those who wrote the Timbuktu chronicles held many other positions, which depended to some extent on their ability to write. Egyptolo- gists have long used the term scribe for a class of literate function- aries. In many parts of the Sahel today, and in other Islamic parts of the world, a scribe is someone who has acquired literacy in Arabic and who earns a living by copying manuscripts and by writing and reading letters. In some post offices in West Africa today one may still find professional scribes who write and read letters in French, English, Arabic, or Portuguese for illiterate clients. In Ousmane Sembene's novella Le Mandat (1966) as well as in his film of the same title, we witness a violent confrontation between an indignant 30  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 31 Scribes, Bards, and Grints 31 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 31 scribe and the main character, Ibrahima Dieng, a man who fails to pay for having a letter in French read to him. But the notion of scribe, one who can write, may also include the 'ulamd', or religious scholar of some distinction who directs the work of other scribes. The task of writing is simply a means toward the end of administer- ing and spreading Islam in a given area. In his Social History of Tim- buktu, Saad lists some of the many kinds of literate people in that intellectual capital of the Sahel at the time of the Askias. A key to understanding the position of scholars in Timbuktu lies in the existence of a pyramidal socio-educational order in which the criteria of respectability and status ranged from mere com- mand of literacy at the base to full erudition at the pinnacle. To begin with, there were great distinctions in prestige among the learned themselves including the possibility already mentioned that full-fledged jurists (fuqahd') were more highly honored than the main body of scholars ('ulamd'). Secondly, there was another socio-educational stratum comprising elementary school teachers (mu'allims), mosque functionaries (especially mu'adhdhins), scribes and governmental secretaries (katibs) besides a horde of Alfas whose livelihood was partly enhanced by their education. (1983, 81-82) The author of the Tarikh es-Soudan, Abderrahman es-Sa'di, ap- pears himself as a striking example of 'ulamd' who serve a variety of roles. In the 1630s he was a religious leader for Djenn6, a major city 300 kilometers upriver from Timbuktu, until he was fired by the local governor. In 1646 Pasha Mohammed-ben-Otsman, ruler of Timbuktu and of the northwestern half of the former Songhay em- pire, named him secretary. In this position he was obliged, much against his better judgment, to write a less-than-accurate letter dated August 3, 1647, from the succeeding Pasha, Ahmed-ben- Abderrahman-El-Hayyouni, to the people of Gao to report on an expedition against the Hombori-Koy, governor of the Hombori mountains, (TS, 432-37). Finally, as a chronicler, his written ac- count of events and people in the region stands as a major contribu- tion to our understanding of the history of the Sahel. All three of these roles depended on his ability to write. But if we call him a scribe, we must understand that this term connotes far more than simply a copyist of manuscripts. The chronicles reveal that writing was used for a wide variety of scribe and the main character, Ibrahima Dieng, a man who fails to pay for having a letter in French read to him. But the notion of scribe, one who can write, may also include the 'ulama', or religious scholar of some distinction who directs the work of other scribes. The task of writing is simply a means toward the end of administer- ing and spreading Islam in a given area. In his Social History of Tim- buktu, Saad lists some of the many kinds of literate people in that intellectual capital of the Sahel at the time of the Askias. A key to understanding the position of scholars in Timbuktu lies in the existence of a pyramidal socio-educational order in which the criteria of respectability and status ranged from mere com- mand of literacy at the base to full erudition at the pinnacle. To begin with, there were great distinctions in prestige among the learned themselves including the possibility already mentioned that full-fledged jurists (fuqahd) were more highly honored than the main body of scholars ('ulamd'). Secondly, there was another socio-educational stratum comprising elementary school teachers (mu'allims), mosque functionaries (especially mu'adhdhins), scribes and governmental secretaries (katibs) besides a horde of Alfas whose livelihood was partly enhanced by their education. (1983, 81-82) The author of the Tarfkh es-Soudan, Abderrahman es-Sa'di, ap- pears himself as a striking example of 'ulama' who serve a variety of roles. In the 1630s he was a religious leader for Djennd, a major city 300 kilometers upriver from Timbuktu, until he was fired by the local governor. In 1646 Pasha Mohammed-ben-Otsman, ruler of Timbuktu and of the northwestern half of the former Songhay em- pire, named him secretary. In this position he was obliged, much against his better judgment, to write a less-than-accurate letter dated August 3, 1647, from the succeeding Pasha, Ahmed-ben- Abderrahman-El-Hayyouni, to the people of Gao to report on an expedition against the Hombori-Koy, governor of the Hombori mountains, (TS, 432-37). Finally, as a chronicler, his written ac- count of events and people in the region stands as a major contribu- tion to our understanding of the history of the Sahel. All three of these roles depended on his ability to write. But if we call him a scribe, we must understand that this term connotes far more than simply a copyist of manuscripts. The chronicles reveal that writing was used for a wide variety of scribe and the main character, Ibrahima Dieng, a man who fails to pay for having a letter in French read to him. But the notion of scribe, one who can write, may also include the 'ulamd', or religious scholar of some distinction who directs the work of other scribes. The task of writing is simply a means toward the end of administer- ing and spreading Islam in a given area. In his Social History of Tim- buktu, Saad lists some of the many kinds of literate people in that intellectual capital of the Sahel at the time of the Askias. A key to understanding the position of scholars in Timbuktu lies in the existence of a pyramidal socio-educational order in which the criteria of respectability and status ranged from mere com- mand of literacy at the base to full erudition at the pinnacle. To begin with, there were great distinctions in prestige among the learned themselves including the possibility already mentioned that full-fledged jurists (fuqahd) were more highly honored than the main body of scholars ('ulamd'). Secondly, there was another socio-educational stratum comprising elementary school teachers (mu'allims), mosque functionaries (especially mu'adhdhins), scribes and governmental secretaries (katibs) besides a horde of Alfas whose livelihood was partly enhanced by their education. (1983, 81-82) The author of the Tarfkh es-Soudan, Abderrahman es-Sa'di, ap- pears himself as a striking example of 'ulama' who serve a variety of roles. In the 1630s he was a religious leader for Djennd, a major city 300 kilometers upriver from Timbuktu, until he was fired by the local governor. In 1646 Pasha Mohammed-ben-Otsman, ruler of Timbuktu and of the northwestern half of the former Songhay em- pire, named him secretary. In this position he was obliged, much against his better judgment, to write a less-than-accurate letter dated August 3, 1647, from the succeeding Pasha, Ahmed-ben- Abderrahman-El-Hayyouni, to the people of Gao to report on an expedition against the Hombori-Koy, governor of the Hombori mountains, (TS, 432-37). Finally, as a chronicler, his written ac- count of events and people in the region stands as a major contribu- tion to our understanding of the history of the Sahel. All three of these roles depended on his ability to write. But if we call him a scribe, we must understand that this term connotes far more than simply a copyist of manuscripts. The chronicles reveal that writing was used for a wide variety of  32 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 32 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 32 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist purposes: issuing safe conduct passes (TF 27, 138), keeping genealo- gies (TF 30), preparing manumission papers (TF 192), transmitting requests for favors (TF 200), conducting diplomacy (TF chap. 15, TS chaps. 16, 38), prayer (TF 297), drawing up contracts (TS 51), requesting the hand of a woman (TS 52), composing religious poetry (TS 61, 332), keeping inventories (TS 360), and drafting wills (TS 378). The ability to read and write was not limited to a small circle of Moslem scholars, though we may assume that those who served as scribes had a particular talent. Saad gives some sense of the degree of literacy in Timbuktu during the rise of the Songhay empire. Ac- cording to him, the majority of citizens were literate to some extent, largely in order to conduct business of one kind or another. Those who combined literacy with scholarship in the Moslem religion were accorded special status, with a variety of gradations in ranking. He estimates that there were between two and three hundred of these scholars in Timbuktu during the sixteenth century (1983, 82). They owed their loyalty, he points out, to the city and to their colleagues, not to a particular regime or ruler. For this reason they represented a power base that kings respected. Some served as advi- sors to kings. For example, Mahoud Kati, the apparent narrator of part of the TF, portrayed himself (or was portrayed by later narra- tors) as very close to Askia Mohammed. He appears as one of the ruler's representatives in negotiations with Chi Baro. Later Kati de- scribes his trip with Askia Mohammed to Mecca. The scribes, in my broad definition of the term, supported them- selves from a wide variety of activities, ranging from teaching to farming and tailoring. The TF indicates that Timbuktu had 150 to 180 Koranic schools in 1591. The most prestigious were supported by Askia Mohammed, and, as Saad notes, "contributed to the suste- nance of a large number of needy students and Alfas" (1983, 88). Saad defines alfas as belonging to "an intermediate rank between fully qualified scholars and the whole range of literate persons in the city" (1983, 85). The environment in Timbuktu that fostered the growth of such an important class of literate people was in many ways unique to the region. Gao, 424 kilometers downriver, also had a variety of con- tacts outside the Sahel. But as Hunwick points out, the Islamic and scholarly tradition was much weaker there, and hence, one may as- sume, there was a comparatively lower rate of Arabic literacy than in Timbuktu. purposes: issuing safe conduct passes (TF 27, 138), keeping genealo- gies (TF 30), preparing manumission papers (TF 192), transmitting requests for favors (TF 200), conducting diplomacy (TF chap. 15, TS chaps. 16, 38), prayer (TF 297), drawing up contracts (TS 51), requesting the hand of a woman (TS 52), composing religious poetry (TS 61, 332), keeping inventories (TS 360), and drafting wills (TS 378). The ability to read and write was not limited to a small circle of Moslem scholars, though we may assume that those who served as scribes had a particular talent. Saad gives some sense of the degree of literacy in Timbuktu during the rise of the Songhay empire. Ac- cording to him, the majority of citizens were literate to some extent, largely in order to conduct business of one kind or another. Those who combined literacy with scholarship in the Moslem religion were accorded special status, with a variety of gradations in ranking. He estimates that there were between two and three hundred of these scholars in Timbuktu during the sixteenth century (1983, 82). They owed their loyalty, he points out, to the city and to their colleagues, not to a particular regime or ruler. For this reason they represented a power base that kings respected. Some served as advi- sors to kings. For example, Mahoud Kati, the apparent narrator of part of the TF, portrayed himself (or was portrayed by later narra- tors) as very close to Askia Mohammed. He appears as one of the ruler's representatives in negotiations with Chi BAro. Later KAti de- scribes his trip with Askia Mohammed to Mecca. The scribes, in my broad definition of the term, supported them- selves from a wide variety of activities, ranging from teaching to farming and tailoring. The TF indicates that Timbuktu had 150 to 180 Koranic schools in 1591. The most prestigious were supported by Askia Mohammed, and, as Saad notes, "contributed to the suste- nance of a large number of needy students and Alfas" (1983, 88). Saad defines alfas as belonging to "an intermediate rank between fully qualified scholars and the whole range of literate persons in the city" (1983, 85). The environment in Timbuktu that fostered the growth of such an important class of literate people was in many ways unique to the region. Gao, 424 kilometers downriver, also had a variety of con- tacts outside the Sahel. But as Hunwick points out, the Islamic and scholarly tradition was much weaker there, and hence, one may as- sume, there was a comparatively lower rate of Arabic literacy than in Timbuktu. purposes: issuing safe conduct passes (TF 27, 138), keeping genealo- gies (TF 30), preparing manumission papers (TF 192), transmitting requests for favors (TF 200), conducting diplomacy (TF chap. 15, TS chaps. 16, 38), prayer (TF 297), drawing up contracts (TS 51), requesting the hand of a woman (TS 52), composing religious poetry (TS 61, 332), keeping inventories (TS 360), and drafting wills (TS 378). The ability to read and write was not limited to a small circle of Moslem scholars, though we may assume that those who served as scribes had a particular talent. Saad gives some sense of the degree of literacy in Timbuktu during the rise of the Songhay empire. Ac- cording to him, the majority of citizens were literate to some extent, largely in order to conduct business of one kind or another. Those who combined literacy with scholarship in the Moslem religion were accorded special status, with a variety of gradations in ranking. He estimates that there were between two and three hundred of these scholars in Timbuktu during the sixteenth century (1983, 82). They owed their loyalty, he points out, to the city and to their colleagues, not to a particular regime or ruler. For this reason they represented a power base that kings respected. Some served as advi- sors to kings. For example, Mahoud Kati, the apparent narrator of part of the TF, portrayed himself (or was portrayed by later narra- tors) as very close to Askia Mohammed. He appears as one of the ruler's representatives in negotiations with Chf Biro. Later KAti de- scribes his trip with Askia Mohammed to Mecca. The scribes, in my broad definition of the term, supported them- selves from a wide variety of activities, ranging from teaching to farming and tailoring. The TF indicates that Timbuktu had 150 to 180 Koranic schools in 1591. The most prestigious were supported by Askia Mohammed, and, as Saad notes, "contributed to the suste- nance of a large number of needy students and Alfas" (1983, 88). Saad defines alfas as belonging to "an intermediate rank between fully qualified scholars and the whole range of literate persons in the city" (1983, 85). The environment in Timbuktu that fostered the growth of such an important class of literate people was in many ways unique to the region. Gao, 424 kilometers downriver, also had a variety of con- tacts outside the Sahel. But as Hunwick points out, the Islamic and scholarly tradition was much weaker there, and hence, one may as- sume, there was a comparatively lower rate of Arabic literacy than in Timbuktu.  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 33 North African sources ... throw some light on Moroccan partici- pation in religious life at Gao. Ibn Battuta, who visited the city in 1353, mentions Muhammad al-Filali (i.e. of Tafilalt) who was imam of the mosque of the Whites (al-bidan-Arabo-Berbers), so there was presumably a "mosque of the Blacks" with a Sudanic imam. Judicial functions were also in the hands of a southern Mo- roccan. . . . Even if Gao were, by the fifteenth century, essentially a Muslim town, it does not seem at this time, or even later under the askias, to have had any reputation as a place of learning .... We hear of no scholar or teacher who was regularly resident in Gao other than the khatibs. Gao was essentially a political centre, and the scholars and ascetics preferred to keep aloof from the po- tentially corrupting influence of politics. This they were largely able to do in Timbuktu. . . . (1985, 11-13) If Gao lacked the intellectual and scholarly tradition of Tim- buktu, its rulers did rely on secretaries, or khatibs, for the conduct of state business. Sonni Ali Ber, the last major figure of the dynasty that preceded Askia Mohammed, depended on Ibrahim-El Khidr, his secretary, for a variety of services. After ordering that the man be killed because of some failing, the ruler later regretted his deci- sion. He revealed that he needed the Moroccan to read the Rissala, a text that explains the basic elements of Islamic belief. (In this case, add the translators in a note on page 178 of the TF, the text is proba- bly by a tenth-century religious writer, "the Rissdla of Abou-Zeid El-Qairouini, who shows the agreement between the four orthodox rites by emphasizing above all the malekite rite." See Al-Qayrawani for a 1975 edition of this text.) Fortunately, Sonni Ali Ber's aides were accustomed to his whims and had spared the secretary (TS 110). One of the ironies in this incident is that it was Askia Moham- med, one of Sonni Ali Ber's lieutenants, who played a key role in saving the secretary's life. Although it is not clear why the ruler at- tempted to take such action against a key servant, the incident seems to reflect in a broader sense the distrust Sonni Ali Ber manifested toward the 'ulama', and particularly those of Timbuktu, whose alle- giance rested with their city, their religion, and the cultures of the Maghreb. The question of the relationship between Sonni Ali Ber and the scholars raises the larger matter of the world outlook of these men of the written word. If both they and their rulers were able to de- velop a world view that extended far beyond the confines of the em- Scribes, Bards, and Griots 33 North African sources . .. throw some light on Moroccan partici- pation in religious life at Gao. Ibn Battuta, who visited the city in 1353, mentions Muhammad al-Filili (i.e. of Tafflalt) who was imam of the mosque of the Whites (al-biddn-Arabo-Berbers), so there was presumably a "mosque of the Blacks" with a Sudanic imam. Judicial functions were also in the hands of a southern Mo- roccan. . . . Even if Gao were, by the fifteenth century, essentially a Muslim town, it does not seem at this time, or even later under the askias, to have had any reputation as a place of learning .... We hear of no scholar or teacher who was regularly resident in Gao other than the khatibs. Gao was essentially a political centre, and the scholars and ascetics preferred to keep aloof from the po- tentially corrupting influence of politics. This they were largely able to do in Timbuktu. . . . (1985, 11-13) If Gao lacked the intellectual and scholarly tradition of Tim- buktu, its rulers did rely on secretaries, or khatfbs, for the conduct of state business. Sonni Ali Ber, the last major figure of the dynasty that preceded Askia Mohammed, depended on Ibrahim-El Khidr, his secretary, for a variety of services. After ordering that the man be killed because of some failing, the ruler later regretted his deci- sion. He revealed that he needed the Moroccan to read the Rissala, a text that explains the basic elements of Islamic belief. (In this case, add the translators in a note on page 178 of the TF, the text is proba- bly by a tenth-century religious writer, "the Rissdlla of Abou-Zeid El-Qairouini, who shows the agreement between the four orthodox rites by emphasizing above all the malekite rite." See Al-QayrawAni for a 1975 edition of this text.) Fortunately, Sonni Ali Ber's aides were accustomed to his whims and had spared the secretary (TS 110). One of the ironies in this incident is that it was Askia Moham- med, one of Sonni Ali Ber's lieutenants, who played a key role in saving the secretary's life. Although it is not clear why the ruler at- tempted to take such action against a key servant, the incident seems to reflect in a broader sense the distrust Sonni Ali Ber manifested toward the 'ulamd', and particularly those of Timbuktu, whose alle- giance rested with their city, their religion, and the cultures of the Maghreb. The question of the relationship between Sonni Ali Ber and the scholars raises the larger matter of the world outlook of these men of the written word. If both they and their rulers were able to de- velop a world view that extended far beyond the confines of the em- Scribes, Bards, and Griots 33 North African sources . .. throw some light on Moroccan partici- pation in religious life at Gao. Ibn Battuta, who visited the city in 1353, mentions Muhammad al-Filali (i.e. of Tafilalt) who was imam of the mosque of the Whites (af-bddn-Arabo-Berbers), so there was presumably a "mosque of the Blacks" with a Sudanic imam. Judicial functions were also in the hands of a southern Mo- roccan. . . . Even if Gao were, by the fifteenth century, essentially a Muslim town, it does not seem at this time, or even later under the askias, to have had any reputation as a place of learning .... We hear of no scholar or teacher who was regularly resident in Gao other than the khatibs. Gao was essentially a political centre, and the scholars and ascetics preferred to keep aloof from the po- tentially corrupting influence of politics. This they were largely able to do in Timbuktu. . . . (1985, 11-13) If Gao lacked the intellectual and scholarly tradition of Tim- buktu, its rulers did rely on secretaries, or khatibs, for the conduct of state business. Sonni Ali Ber, the last major figure of the dynasty that preceded Askia Mohammed, depended on Ibrahim-EI Khidr, his secretary, for a variety of services. After ordering that the man be killed because of some failing, the ruler later regretted his deci- sion. He revealed that he needed the Moroccan to read the Rissala, a text that explains the basic elements of Islamic belief. (In this case, add the translators in a note on page 178 of the TF, the text is proba- bly by a tenth-century religious writer, "the Rissdla of Abou-Zeid EI-Qairouani, who shows the agreement between the four orthodox rites by emphasizing above all the malekite rite." See Al-Qayrawini for a 1975 edition of this text.) Fortunately, Sonni Ali Ber's aides were accustomed to his whims and had spared the secretary (TS 110). One of the ironies in this incident is that it was Askia Moham- med, one of Sonni Ali Ber's lieutenants, who played a key role in saving the secretary's life. Although it is not clear why the ruler at- tempted to take such action against a key servant, the incident seems to reflect in a broader sense the distrust Sonni Ali Ber manifested toward the 'amd', and particularly those of Timbuktu, whose alle- giance rested with their city, their religion, and the cultures of the Maghreb. The question of the relationship between Sonni Ali Ber and the scholars raises the larger matter of the world outlook of these men of the written word. If both they and their rulers were able to de- velop a world view that extended far beyond the confines of the em-  34 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist pire, this vision modified also their perspective on their own people. The notions of ethnicity, social standing, and ideology appear some- what blurred in their broader, Islamic view of the world. In his study of the diffusion of Islam in West Africa, John Ralph Willis explains that the acceptance of the religion in some ethnic groups "served to break the distance between the social classes of these Sudanic peo- ples. Membership in Islamic communities, in theory, was open to individuals from all levels of society-slaves, artisans, the poor, and the rich" (1979, 14). Whether or not this was entirely true then or today remains open to question. But in the chronicles we do tend to see people and events through a lens polarized by the two con- cerns that mark the narrators' view: all that supports Islam is good, that which militates against it is bad. In the multi-ethnic environment of the region, especially in sixteenth-century Timbuktu, the origin of those in power, those close to the rulers, and others is not always clear. People who have not embraced Islam are simply branded as "pagans" and "fetishists," terms charged with negative connotations. Thus the chronicles afford little information on elements of tradi- tional culture in their account of everyday life. This is particularly true for healers, magicians, bards, and other specialists concerned with the customs of particular ethnic groups. One cannot say, of course, that Islam rejected outright witchcraft, magic, oracles, and divination at the time these texts were written. We shall come upon examples of some of these activities later in the chronicles. But as I. M. Lewis points out, these forms of metaphysical intervention de- pend for their validity on Moslem sources and goals (1966, 65). The Symbiotic Rapport between Griots and Kings Important as the scribes were for the functioning of society at Askia Mohammed's time, they drew in part on the talents of those other artisans of the word, the bards or griots, for one role that inter- ests us here, that of recording events. Before discussing this relation- ship, however, we need to examine more closely the two terms, bard and griot. According to the dictionary, bards produce poetry. Poetry is the creation of verbal art, written or oral, patterned according to a sys- tem of prosody. While no one now contests the assertion that Afri- cans create poetry, it was scarcely more than a decade ago that scholars of oral literature still debated the existence of the kind of long narrative poetry in Africa that the Western world calls epic. 34 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist pire, this vision modified also their perspective on their own people. The notions of ethnicity, social standing, and ideology appear some- what blurred in their broader, Islamic view of the world. In his study of the diffusion of Islam in West Africa, John Ralph Willis explains that the acceptance of the religion in some ethnic groups "served to break the distance between the social classes of these Sudanic peo- ples. Membership in Islamic communities, in theory, was open to individuals from all levels of society-slaves, artisans, the poor, and the rich" (1979, 14). Whether or not this was entirely true then or today remains open to question. But in the chronicles we do tend to see people and events through a lens polarized by the two con- cerns that mark the narrators' view: all that supports Islam is good, that which militates against it is bad. In the multi-ethnic environment of the region, especially in sixteenth-century Timbuktu, the origin of those in power, those close to the rulers, and others is not always clear. People who have not embraced Islam are simply branded as "pagans" and "fetishists," terms charged with negative connotations. Thus the chronicles afford little information on elements of tradi- tional culture in their account of everyday life. This is particularly true for healers, magicians, bards, and other specialists concerned with the customs of particular ethnic groups. One cannot say, of course, that Islam rejected outright witchcraft, magic, oracles, and divination at the time these texts were written. We shall come upon examples of some of these activities later in the chronicles. But as . M. Lewis points out, these forms of metaphysical intervention de- pend for their validity on Moslem sources and goals (1966, 65). The Symbiotic Rapport between Griots and Kings Important as the scribes were for the functioning of society at Askia Mohammed's time, they drew in part on the talents of those other artisans of the word, the bards or griots, for one role that inter- ests us here, that of recording events. Before discussing this relation- ship, however, we need to examine more closely the two terms, bard and griot. According to the dictionary, bards produce poetry. Poetry is the creation of verbal art, written or oral, patterned according to a sys- tem of prosody. While no one now contests the assertion that Afri- cans create poetry, it was scarcely more than a decade ago that scholars of oral literature still debated the existence of the kind of long narrative poetry in Africa that the Western world calls epic. 34 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist pire, this vision modified also their perspective on their own people. The notions of ethnicity, social standing, and ideology appear some- what blurred in their broader, Islamic view of the world. In his study of the diffusion of Islam in West Africa, John Ralph Willis explains that the acceptance of the religion in some ethnic groups "served to ,break the distance between the social classes of these Sudanic peo- ples. Membership in Islamic communities, in theory, was open to individuals from all levels of society-slaves, artisans, the poor, and the rich" (1979, 14). Whether or not this was entirely true then or today remains open to question. But in the chronicles we do tend to see people and events through a lens polarized by the two con- cerns that mark the narrators' view: all that supports Islam is good, that which militates against it is bad. In the multi-ethnic environment of the region, especially in sixteenth-century Timbuktu, the origin of those in power, those close to the rulers, and others is not always clear. People who have not embraced Islam are simply branded as "pagans" and "fetishists," terms charged with negative connotations. Thus the chronicles afford little information on elements of tradi- tional culture in their account of everyday life. This is particularly true for healers, magicians, bards, and other specialists concerned with the customs of particular ethnic groups. One cannot say, of course, that Islam rejected outright witchcraft, magic, oracles, and divination at the time these texts were written. We shall come upon examples of some of these activities later in the chronicles. But as I. M. Lewis points out, these forms of metaphysical intervention de- pend for their validity on Moslem sources and goals (1966, 65). The Symbiotic Rapport between Griots and Kings Important as the scribes were for the functioning of society at Askia Mohammed's time, they drew in part on the talents of those other artisans of the word, the bards or griots, for one role that inter- ests us here, that of recording events. Before discussing this relation- ship, however, we need to examine more closely the two terms, bard and griot. According to the dictionary, bards produce poetry. Poetry is the creation of verbal art, written or oral, patterned according to a sys- tem of prosody. While no one now contests the assertion that Afri- cans create poetry, it was scarcely more than a decade ago that scholars of oral literature still debated the existence of the kind of long narrative poetry in Africa that the Western world calls epic.  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 35 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 35 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 35 For Lilyan Kesteloot, in the Sahel it is the griot who transforms long narratives into poetry by his singing (1971, 3). With Charles Bird's discovery of complex systems of prosody in some long Mandd narra- tives (1972, 1976), as well as more recent work by other scholars, the question has now been settled. Isidore Okpewho's Epic in Af- rica (1979) and, in a more detailed way, John William Johnson's "Yes, Virginia, There Is an Epic in Africa" (1980) offer comments on the issue. Even if most students of long African narratives accompanied by music agree that the texts are poetic, we still have some distance to go in defining the nature of these systems of prosody, which are quite different from those at the roots of Western poetry. Johnson has de- fined eight characteristics of Mand6 oral poetry (1986, chap. 3) and his current work in progress on scansion systems of Somali verbal art reveals enormous complexity in the way an African people hear poetry. As we shall see later, in the Songhay world, a collection of terms for telling history, reciting genealogy, and chanting praises gives us the equivalent of what we know as epic. Although the term epic is Western in origin, it does seem to de- scribe fairly well the long African narratives that interest us here. What, then, of the appellation griot, another foreign term used here as a synonym for bard? No one knows the origin of the word griot. In a seventy-page glossary of African terms that he published in 1952, the French scholar Raymond Mauny offered a definition in the form of a ques- tion: "Griot (Ouolof, guewel, Toucouleur, gaul? or Port. Criado- servant of the master, client?). Member of a despised but feared caste of musician-genealogist-sorceror parasites existing in a large number of West African peoples, living at the expense of chiefs for whom they sing praises and recite genealogies" (40). Sory Camara, who has written the most detailed study of griots in a particular eth- nic group, the Malinkd, notes that the term first appears in late seventeenth-century travel accounts under the spelling guiriot (1976, 5). Vincent Monteil, a French scholar of Islam with a long interest in Africa, provides a more detailed listing of early references to griots in his excellent article, "Un cas d'6conomie ostentatoire: les griots d'Afrique noire" (1968). More recently, the Nigdrien re- searcher Oumarou Watta has suggested in his doctoral dissertation that the term griot is a French deformation of the Fulani term gawfo, which, as we shall see shortly, appears in a variety of ethnic groups to designate different kinds of bards. He points to the g, j, and o For Lilyan Kesteloot, in the Sahel it is the griot who transforms long narratives into poetry by his singing (1971, 3). With Charles Bird's discovery of complex systems of prosody in some long Mand6 narra- tives (1972, 1976), as well as more recent work by other scholars, the question has now been settled. Isidore Okpewho's Epic in Af- rica (1979) and, in a more detailed way, John William Johnson's "Yes, Virginia, There Is an Epic in Africa" (1980) offer comments on the issue. Even if most students of long African narratives accompanied by music agree that the texts are poetic, we still have some distance to go in defining the nature of these systems of prosody, which are quite different from those at the roots of Western poetry. Johnson has de- fined eight characteristics of Mand6 oral poetry (1986, chap. 3) and his current work in progress on scansion systems of Somali verbal art reveals enormous complexity in the way an African people hear poetry. As we shall see later, in the Songhay world, a collection of terms for telling history, reciting genealogy, and chanting praises gives us the equivalent of what we know as epic. Although the term epic is Western in origin, it does seem to de- scribe fairly well the long African narratives that interest us here. What, then, of the appellation griot, another foreign term used here as a synonym for bard? No one knows the origin of the word griot. In a seventy-page glossary of African terms that he published in 1952, the French scholar Raymond Mauny offered a definition in the form of a ques- tion: "Griot (Ouolof, guewel, Toucouleur, gaul? or Port. Criado- servant of the master, client?). Member of a despised but feared caste of musician-genealogist-sorceror parasites existing in a large number of West African peoples, living at the expense of chiefs for whom they sing praises and recite genealogies" (40). Sory Camara, who has written the most detailed study of griots in a particular eth- nic group, the Malink6, notes that the term first appears in late seventeenth-century travel accounts under the spelling guiriot (1976, 5). Vincent Monteil, a French scholar of Islam with a long interest in Africa, provides a more detailed listing of early references to griots in his excellent article, "Un cas d'6conomie ostentatoire: les griots d'Afrique noire" (1968). More recently, the Nigdrien re- searcher Oumarou Watta has suggested in his doctoral dissertation that the term griot is a French deformation of the Fulani term gawfo, which, as we shall see shortly, appears in a variety of ethnic groups to designate different kinds of bards. He points to the g, j, and o For Lilyan Kesteloot, in the Sahel it is the griot who transforms long narratives into poetry by his singing (1971, 3). With Charles Bird's discovery of complex systems of prosody in some long Mand6 narra- tives (1972, 1976), as well as more recent work by other scholars, the question has now been settled. Isidore Okpewho's Epic in Af- rica (1979) and, in a more detailed way, John William Johnson's "Yes, Virginia, There Is an Epic in Africa" (1980) offer comments on the issue. Even if most students of long African narratives accompanied by music agree that the texts are poetic, we still have some distance to go in defining the nature of these systems of prosody, which are quite different from those at the roots of Western poetry. Johnson has de- fined eight characteristics of Mande oral poetry (1986, chap. 3) and his current work in progress on scansion systems of Somali verbal art reveals enormous complexity in the way an African people hear poetry. As we shall see later, in the Songhay world, a collection of terms for telling history, reciting genealogy, and chanting praises gives us the equivalent of what we know as epic. Although the term epic is Western in origin, it does seem to de- scribe fairly well the long African narratives that interest us here. What, then, of the appellation griot, another foreign term used here as a synonym for bard? No one knows the origin of the word griot. In a seventy-page glossary of African terms that he published in 1952, the French scholar Raymond Mauny offered a definition in the form of a ques- tion: "Griot (Ouolof, guewel, Toucouleur, gaul? or Port. Criado- servant of the master, client?). Member of a despised but feared caste of musician-genealogist-sorceror parasites existing in a large number of West African peoples, living at the expense of chiefs for whom they sing praises and recite genealogies" (40). Sory Camara, who has written the most detailed study of griots in a particular eth- nic group, the Malinkd, notes that the term first appears in late seventeenth-century travel accounts under the spelling guiriot (1976, 5). Vincent Monteil, a French scholar of Islam with a long interest in Africa, provides a more detailed listing of early references to griots in his excellent article, "Un cas d'dconomie ostentatoire: les griots d'Afrique noire" (1968). More recently, the Nigdrien re- searcher Oumarou Watta has suggested in his doctoral dissertation that the term griot is a French deformation of the Fulani term gawlo, which, as we shall see shortly, appears in a variety of ethnic groups to designate different kinds of bards. He points to the g, j, and o  36 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 36 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 36 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist sounds that survive in the term griot as evidence for an African root to the term (1985, 86). But each ethnic group in the Sahel has one or more words for people who carry out the functions associated with the term griot: entertainer, musician, singer, genealogist, spokesman, historian, and teacher. The term griot, as Watta sug- gests, "is a French rendering of a cluster of conceptual referents" (1985, 85). A more detailed listing follows for those who are particu- larly interested in the complex nomenclature one finds across the Sahel. Among the Wolof gewel is the term for praise singers, while rabb designates a griot subgroup that has given up secular praise-singing (Irvine 1973, 483). Among most of the Mandd-speaking peoples it is jeli or gawio, the term for the lowest class of griots who insult peo- ple to obtain rewards (Delafosse, cited in Seydou 1972, 21). The Gambian Mandinka, according to Gordon Innes (1974, 3-4), use the term jalo for griot, but qualify it several ways to indicate certain spe- cial classes: danna jalo for hunters' griot, mbo jalo for itinerant en- tertainer, and fino jalo for griots whose perspective is more deeply rooted in Islamic studies. For the Soninkd, the term for griot is jesere or kusatage, ("smith of the Kusa," according to Meillassoux, Doucourd, and Simagha 1967, 13), depending on which clan the griot represents. Jesere-dunka, master griot, timme, descendant of master griots, and simply jesere, ordinary griot, are terms the Songhay have adopted, along with the generic Mand6 term for arti- sans who must possess occult power to carry out their work, nyamakala. In my interviews with more than a score of Songhay bards in Niger, I could not find one who differentiated between jesere and nyamakala, although Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan (1982), a French anthropologist who draws on a wide range of infor- mants, reports that the latter term is used primarily in the Zarma area. For the Songhay, the word gawle indicates the lower-class griot who seeks only to make money with his songs (157). Among the Fu- lani in the Fouta Toro region, the generic term for bard is gawio or, less often, mabo, butfarba designates master griot, while the awlube knows the genealogy and praises for a particular family and the nyamakala is simply a wandering singer and instrumentalist (Seydou 1972, 15-24). The same terms take on slightly different meanings farther east, with the mabo speaking to nobles and the gawlo inter- acting with other classes. But Christiane Seydou, quoting Henri Gaden (both scholars with considerable experience studying the Fu- lani), suggests that the mabo is actually of Mand6 origin. Moving sounds that survive in the term griot as evidence for an African root to the term (1985, 86). But each ethnic group in the Sahel has one or more words for people who carry out the functions associated with the term griot: entertainer, musician, singer, genealogist, spokesman, historian, and teacher. The term griot, as Watta sug- gests, "is a French rendering of a cluster of conceptual referents" (1985, 85). A more detailed listing follows for those who are particu- larly interested in the complex nomenclature one finds across the Sahel. Among the Wolof gewel is the term for praise singers, while rabb designates a griot subgroup that has given up secular praise-singing (Irvine 1973, 483). Among most of the Mande-speaking peoples it is jeli or gawio, the term for the lowest class of griots who insult peo- ple to obtain rewards (Delafosse, cited in Seydou 1972, 21). The Gambian Mandinka, according to Gordon Innes (1974, 3-4), use the term jalo for griot, but qualify it several ways to indicate certain spe- cial classes: danna jalo for hunters' griot, mbo jalo for itinerant en- tertainer, and fino jalo for griots whose perspective is more deeply rooted in Islamic studies. For the Soninkd, the term for griot is jesere or kusatage, ("smith of the Kusa," according to Meillassoux, Doucourd, and Simagha 1967, 13), depending on which clan the griot represents. Jesere-dunka, master griot, timme, descendant of master griots, and simply jesere, ordinary griot, are terms the Songhay have adopted, along with the generic Mand6 term for arti- sans who must possess occult power to carry out their work, nyamakala. In my interviews with more than a score of Songhay bards in Niger, I could not find one who differentiated between jesere and nyamakala, although Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan (1982), a French anthropologist who draws on a wide range of infor- mants, reports that the latter term is used primarily in the Zarma area. For the Songhay, the word gawle indicates the lower-class griot who seeks only to make money with his songs (157). Among the Fu- lani in the Fouta Toro region, the generic term for bard is gawio or, less often, mabo, but farba designates master griot, while the awlube knows the genealogy and praises for a particular family and the nyamakala is simply a wandering singer and instrumentalist (Seydou 1972, 15-24). The same terms take on slightly different meanings farther east, with the mabo speaking to nobles and the gawlo inter- acting with other classes. But Christiane Seydou, quoting Henri Gaden (both scholars with considerable experience studying the Fu- lani), suggests that the mabo is actually of Mand6 origin. Moving sounds that survive in the term griot as evidence for an African root to the term (1985, 86). But each ethnic group in the Sahel has one or more words for people who carry out the functions associated with the term griot: entertainer, musician, singer, genealogist, spokesman, historian, and teacher. The term griot, as Watta sug- gests, "is a French rendering of a cluster of conceptual referents" (1985, 85). A more detailed listing follows for those who are particu- larly interested in the complex nomenclature one finds across the Sahel. Among the Wolof gewel is the term for praise singers, while rabb designates a griot subgroup that has given up secular praise-singing (Irvine 1973, 483). Among most of the Mandd-speaking peoples it is jeli or gawio, the term for the lowest class of griots who insult peo- ple to obtain rewards (Delafosse, cited in Seydou 1972, 21). The Gambian Mandinka, according to Gordon Innes (1974, 3-4), use the term jalo for griot, but qualify it several ways to indicate certain spe- cial classes: danna jalo for hunters' griot, mbo jalo for itinerant en- tertainer, and fino jalo for griots whose perspective is more deeply rooted in Islamic studies. For the Sonink6, the term for griot is jesere or kusatage, ("smith of the Kusa," according to Meillassoux, Doucourd, and Simagha 1967, 13), depending on which clan the griot represents. Jesere-dunka, master griot, timme, descendant of master griots, and simply jesere, ordinary griot, are terms the Songhay have adopted, along with the generic Mand6 term for arti- sans who must possess occult power to carry out their work, nyamakala. In my interviews with more than a score of Songhay bards in Niger, I could not find one who differentiated between jesere and nyamakala, although Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan (1982), a French anthropologist who draws on a wide range of infor- mants, reports that the latter term is used primarily in the Zarma area. For the Songhay, the word gawle indicates the lower-class griot who seeks only to make money with his songs (157). Among the Fu- lani in the Fouta Toro region, the generic term for bard is gawio or, less often, mabo, but farba designates master griot, while the awlube knows the genealogy and praises for a particular family and the nyamakala is simply a wandering singer and instrumentalist (Seydou 1972, 15-24). The same terms take on slightly different meanings farther east, with the mabo speaking to nobles and the gawlo inter- acting with other classes. But Christiane Seydou, quoting Henri Gaden (both scholars with considerable experience studying the Fu- lani), suggests that the mabo is actually of Mand6 origin. Moving  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 37 more to the east, we find that the Mossi use the term bendere for griot, while the Hausa term is marok'a (Irvine 1973, 10). David W. Ames and Anthony V. King, in their Glossary of Hausa Music and Its Social Contexts (1971), list a variety of specialized functions des- ignated by particular terms within this broader category. Although the local word for bard may differ from one ethnic group to another, and a comparison of the roles of bards may un- cover a variety of functional differences, the griots seem to consti- tute a significant human element common to diverse peoples from Senegal eastward at least to Lake Chad. The earliest written refer- ence to griots I have managed to locate dates back to the account of Ibn Battuta's visit to the court of Mali in 1352-53. Battuta was amused by what he viewed as the griots' bizarre behavior. When it is a festival day . . . the poets called the juld' (and the singular is jdli) come. Each one of them has got inside a costume made of feathers to look like a thrush with a wooden head made for it and a red beak as if it were the head of a bird. They stand before the sultan in that ridiculous attire and recite their poetry. It was mentioned to me that their poetry is a kind of preaching. In it they tell the sultan that this banbT (described by the translators as a sort of platform) on which he is, such and such of the kings of Malli sat on it, and such and such were the good deeds of one, and such and such another's. "So do good, that good will be re- counted after you." Then the archpoet mounts the steps of the banbf and places his head on the sultan's lap. Then he climbs to the top of the banbi and places it on his right shoulder, then on the left, meanwhile speaking in their tongue; thereupon he comes down. I was informed that this performance is old amongst them; they continued it from before Islam. (Hamdun and King 1975, 42-43) If Ibn Battuta did not understand much of what went on in this ceremony, his report contains a brief example of one of the least- known functions of the griot, that of inciting listeners to action. In this case, the call is for the ruler to measure up to-hispredecessors. In the epic of Sundiata, we find a more striking example of this hor- tatory phenomenon when, on the night before a battle of Krina, the griot Balla Fasseke reminds Sundiata and his warriors of their place in history and asks them what he will be able to tell future genera- tions about their deeds (Niane 1965, 114-116). In the version of the Scribes, Bards, and Griots 37 more to the east, we find that the Mossi use the term bendere for griot, while the Hausa term is marok'a (Irvine 1973, 10). David W. Ames and Anthony V. King, in their Glossary of Hausa Music and Its Social Contexts (1971), list a variety of specialized functions des- ignated by particular terms within this broader category. Although the local word for bard may differ from one ethnic group to another, and a comparison of the roles of bards may un- cover a variety of functional differences, the griots seem to consti- tute a significant human element common to diverse peoples from Senegal eastward at least to Lake Chad. The earliest written refer- ence to griots I have managed to locate dates back to the account of Ibn Battuta's visit to the court of Mali in 1352-53. Battuta was amused by what he viewed as the griots' bizarre behavior. When it is a festival day ... the poets called the juld' (and the singular is jdlt) come. Each one of them has got inside a costume made of feathers to look like a thrush with a wooden head made for it and a red beak as if it were the head of a bird. They stand before the sultan in that ridiculous attire and recite their poetry. It was mentioned to me that their poetry is a kind of preaching. In it they tell the sultan that this banbi (described by the translators as a sort of platform) on which he is, such and such of the kings of Malli sat on it, and such and such were the good deeds of one, and such and such another's. "So do good, that good will be re- counted after you." Then the archpoet mounts the steps of the banbif and places his head on the sultan's lap. Then he climbs to the top of the banbi and places it on his right shoulder, then on the left, meanwhile speaking in their tongue; thereupon he comes down. I was informed that this performance is old amongst them; they continued it from before Islam. (Hamdun and King 1975, 42-43) If Ibn Battuta did not understand much of what went on in this ceremony, his report contains a brief example of one of the least- known functions of the griot, that of inciting listeners to action. In this case, the call is for the ruler to measure up to his predecessors. In the epic of Sundiata, we find a more striking example of this hor- tatory phenomenon when, on the night before a battle of Krina, the griot Balla Fasseke reminds Sundiata and his warriors of their place in history and asks them what he will be able to tell future genera- tions about their deeds (Niane 1965, 114-116). In the version of the Scribes, Bards, and Griots 37 more to the east, we find that the Mossi use the term bendere for griot, while the Hausa term is marok'a (Irvine 1973, 10). David W. Ames and Anthony V. King, in their Glossary of Hausa Music and Its Social Contexts (1971), list a variety of specialized functions des- ignated by particular terms within this broader category. Although the local word for bard may differ from one ethnic group to another, and a comparison of the roles of bards may un- cover a variety of functional differences, the griots seem to consti- tute a significant human element common to diverse peoples from Senegal eastward at least to Lake Chad. The earliest written refer- ence to griots I have managed to locate dates back to the account of Ibn Battuta's visit to the court of Mali in 1352-53. Battuta was amused by what he viewed as the griots' bizarre behavior. When it is a festival day . . . the poets called the juld' (and the singular is jdli) come. Each one of them has got inside a costume made of feathers to look like a thrush with a wooden head made for it and a red beak as if it were the head of a bird. They stand before the sultan in that ridiculous attire and recite their poetry. It was mentioned to me that their poetry is a kind of preaching. In it they tell the sultan that this banbT (described by the translators as a sort of platform) on which he is, such and such of the kings of Malli sat on it, and such and such were the good deeds of one, and such and such another's. "So do good, that good will be re- counted after you." Then the archpoet mounts the steps of the banbi and places his head on the sultan's lap. Then he climbs to the top of the banbi and places it on his right shoulder, then on the left, meanwhile speaking in their tongue; thereupon he comes down. I was informed that this performance is old amongst them; they continued it from before Islam. (Hamdun and King 1975, 42-43) If Ibn Battuta did not understand much of what went on in this ceremony, his report contains a brief example of one of the least- known functions of the griot, that of inciting listeners to action. In this case, the call is for the ruler to measure up to his predecessors. In the epic of Sundiata, we find a more striking example of this hor- tatory phenomenon when, on the night before a battle of Krina, the griot Balla Fasseke reminds Sundiata and his warriors of their place in history and asks them what he will be able to tell future genera- tions about their deeds (Niane 1965, 114-116). In the version of the  38 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist epic chanted by Fa-Digi Sisok6, we see a similar situation when the griots incite Sundiata to respond to an insult from the Jolof king (Johnson and Sisok6 1986, 179). The bard, then, is a master of the spoken word, a phenomenon that may be both ephemeral but also is quite powerful. One reason for verbal power stems no doubt from the ancient Sahelian tradition that words, like many other materials worked by man, are endowed with an occult power, known as nyama among the Mand6-speaking peoples. In chapter 1 we saw that Sundiata built his reputation on his nyama. The nyamakala possess or deal with great nyama. But this power extends to many other kinds of people and materials in the Mande world. A smith, for example, when working with gold, may go to great precautions, including special incantations, absti- nence from sexual activity, and anointment with powerful unguents, to ensure that he has sufficient protection from the nyama that will be unleashed when he smelts the precious metal. In L'Enfant noir, the Guinean author Camara Laye (1953) offers a detailed portrait of his father taking just such precautions before working gold. Pat- rick McNaughton, in his recent study The Mande Blacksmiths: Knowledge, Power, and Art in West Africa (1988), provides a wide- ranging discussion of the subject. When the Mandd bard chants and plays the twenty-one-stringed kora, he generates nyama that could, according to traditional belief, kill an ordinary mortal. Johnson notes that "many people believe the power of the occult is conveyed in the bard's words, demon- strated vividly by the formula people often recite when giving gifts to the bard after a performance: 'May the occult power be taken away!' " (Johnson and Sis6k6 1986, 23). Among the Songhay, the word, as spoken by griots as well as healers, diviners, and other specialists in the practice of their arts, also conveys power. Jean Rouch points out that the Songhay re- ceived considerable religious influence from Mali (1960, 12). Rouch (1960), Paul Stoller (1980, 1989), Stoller and Olkes (1987), and Oliv- ier de Sardan (1982) give a variety of examples of the powerful use of the word among the Songhay, particularly the jindiize, or magic formula. Boubou Hama, the late dean of scholars on the peoples of Niger, refers to the importance of the word in many different forms in almost every one of his diverse works. I shall return to this topic in more detail in chapter 4. Two centuries after Ibn Battuta described griots, we find in the chronicles several references to griots and to the power of the spo- 38 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist epic chanted by Fa-Digi Sisbkb, we see a similar situation when the griots incite Sundiata to respond to an insult from the Jolof king (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 179). The bard, then, is a master of the spoken word, a phenomenon that may be both ephemeral but also is quite powerful. One reason for verbal power stems no doubt from the ancient Sahelian tradition that words, like many other materials worked by man, are endowed with an occult power, known as nyama among the Mand6-speaking peoples. In chapter 1 we saw that Sundiata built his reputation on his nyama. The nyamakala possess or deal with great nyama. But this power extends to many other kinds of people and materials in the Mandd world. A smith, for example, when working with gold, may go to great precautions, including special incantations, absti- nence from sexual activity, and anointment with powerful unguents, to ensure that he has sufficient protection from the nyama that will be unleashed when he smelts the precious metal. In L'Enfant noir, the Guinean author Camara Laye (1953) offers a detailed portrait of his father taking just such precautions before working gold. Pat- rick McNaughton, in his recent study The Mande Blacksmiths: Knowledge, Power, and Art in West Africa (1988), provides a wide- ranging discussion of the subject. When the Mand6 bard chants and plays the twenty-one-stringed kora, he generates nyama that could, according to traditional belief, kill an ordinary mortal. Johnson notes that "many people believe the power of the occult is conveyed in the bard's words, demon- strated vividly by the formula people often recite when giving gifts to the bard after a performance: 'May the occult power be taken away!' " (Johnson and Sis6ko 1986, 23). Among the Songhay, the word, as spoken by griots as well as healers, diviners, and other specialists in the practice of their arts, also conveys power. Jean Rouch points out that the Songhay re- ceived considerable religious influence from Mali (1960, 12). Rouch (1960), Paul Stoller (1980, 1989), Stoller and Olkes (1987), and Oliv- ier de Sardan (1982) give a variety of examples of the powerful use of the word among the Songhay, particularly the jindiize, or magic formula. Boubou Hama, the late dean of scholars on the peoples of Niger, refers to the importance of the word in many different forms in almost every one of his diverse works. I shall return to this topic in more detail in chapter 4. Two centuries after Ibn Battuta described griots, we find in the chronicles several references to griots and to the power of the spo- 38 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist epic chanted by Fa-Digi Sisbk6, we see a similar situation when the griots incite Sundiata to respond to an insult from the Jolof king (Johnson and Sisoko 1986, 179). The bard, then, is a master of the spoken word, a phenomenon that may be both ephemeral but also is quite powerful. One reason for verbal power stems no doubt from the ancient Sahelian tradition that words, like many other materials worked by man, are endowed with an occult power, known as nyama among the Mand6-speaking peoples. In chapter 1 we saw that Sundiata built his reputation on his nyama. The nyamakala possess or deal with great nyama. But this power extends to many other kinds of people and materials in the Mand6 world. A smith, for example, when working with gold, may go to great precautions, including special incantations, absti- nence from sexual activity, and anointment with powerful unguents, to ensure that he has sufficient protection from the nyama that will be unleashed when he smelts the precious metal. In L'Enfant noir, the Guinean author Camara Laye (1953) offers a detailed portrait of his father taking just such precautions before working gold. Pat- rick McNaughton, in his recent study The Mande Blacksmiths: Knowledge, Power, and Art in West Africa (1988), provides a wide- ranging discussion of the subject. When the Mand6 bard chants and plays the twenty-one-stringed kora, he generates nyama that could, according to traditional belief, kill an ordinary mortal. Johnson notes that "many people believe the power of the occult is conveyed in the bard's words, demon- strated vividly by the formula people often recite when giving gifts to the bard after a performance: 'May the occult power be taken away!' " (Johnson and Sis6kb 1986, 23). Among the Songhay, the word, as spoken by griots as well as healers, diviners, and other specialists in the practice of their arts, also conveys power. Jean Rouch points out that the Songhay re- ceived considerable religious influence from Mali (1960, 12). Rouch (1960), Paul Stoller (1980, 1989), Stoller and Olkes (1987), and Oliv- ier de Sardan (1982) give a variety of examples of the powerful use of the word among the Songhay, particularly the jindiize, or magic formula. Bonbon Hama, the late dean of scholars on the peoples of Niger, refers to the importance of the word in many different forms in almost every one of his diverse works. I shall return to this topic in more detail in chapter 4. Two centuries after Ibn Battuta described griots, we find in the chronicles several references to griots and to the power of the spo-  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 39 ken word. In the TS, when Askia Ismall comes to the throne, Houdas translates as "chanteur" a word for a man who proclaims the importance of the event in such glowing terms that Ismall suffers a violent emotion and begins to bleed from the anus. In a striking linkage of the oral and the written, the ruler blames the sudden mal- ady on the Koran. "It happened only because of the Koran on which I had sworn fidelity to Askia Mohammed Benkan. The holy book exercises thus its punishment against me" (TS 171). In response to my query about the basis for the French transla- tion of the Arabic into "singer," Hunwick explained that the term Houdas translated and that appears frequently in the TS is qayn, which in Arabic means blacksmith, artisan, or by extension slave. He adds, "I think al-Sa'di chose this word as a translation of gyesere-'griot' since semantically it contains both the notions of so- cial inferiority and (at least in the masculine) singing" (letter to the author, June 17, 1987). Hunwick's interpretation fits the popular no- tion of griots as members of the caste of artisans, nyamakala, and in particular the griots who are often considered to be of lower social status. I shall return to the matter of the social standing of griots later in this chapter. But it is worth noting here, thanks to Hunwick's new reading of the text, that this reference to the Sonink6 and Songhay term for griot recurs in other contexts in the TS. See, for example, an earlier reference to Askia Mohammed Benkan (chap. 14, p. 145) who likes fancy clothes, music, and "singers." There are also references in chapter 16 to the "former singers," Mahmoud Yaza and El-Amin Yaza. In chapter 17, where the booty of an expe- dition includes Fulani bards, the narrator refers to them correctly in the plural as mabi. In the same section he also mentions "chanteurs and chanteuses." Another example of the power of griots in the TS links the word of the griot to the death of a ruler. When Daoud asks the musicians to salute Askia Mohammed Bounkan, "upon hearing the cries of these people, Askia Mohammed had a ruptured aneurism which led to his sudden death" (171). Hunwick offers a slightly modified read- ing of the original Arabic as follows: ". . . he ordered all the musi- cians to greet Askia Muhammad Bunkan [Hunwick's spelling] by playing their instruments. When he heard the sounds the veins of his heart were severed and he died instantly" (letter to the author, June 17, 1987). The ruler's griot held a special relationship to his master. The translators of the TF were puzzled by the term guissiridonki, used Scribes, Bards, and Griots 39 ken word. In the TS, when Askia IsmIl comes to the throne, Houdas translates as "chanteur" a word for a man who proclaims the importance of the event in such glowing terms that Ismail suffers a violent emotion and begins to bleed from the anus. In a striking linkage of the oral and the written, the ruler blames the sudden mal- ady on the Koran. "It happened only because of the Koran on which I had sworn fidelity to Askia Mohammed Benkan. The holy book exercises thus its punishment against me" (TS 171). In response to my query about the basis for the French transla- tion of the Arabic into "singer," Hunwick explained that the term Houdas translated and that appears frequently in the TS is qayn, which in Arabic means blacksmith, artisan, or by extension slave. He adds, "I think al-Sa'di chose this word as a translation of gyesere-'griot' since semantically it contains both the notions of so- cial inferiority and (at least in the masculine) singing" (letter to the author, June 17, 1987). Hunwick's interpretation fits the popular no- tion of griots as members of the caste of artisans, nyamakala, and in particular the griots who are often considered to be of lower social status. I shall return to the matter of the social standing of griots later in this chapter. But it is worth noting here, thanks to Hunwick's new reading of the text, that this reference to the Sonink6 and Songhay term for griot recurs in other contexts in the TS. See, for example, an earlier reference to Askia Mohammed Benkan (chap. 14, p. 145) who likes fancy clothes, music, and "singers." There are also references in chapter 16 to the "former singers," Mahmoud Yaza and El-Amin Yaza. In chapter 17, where the booty of an expe- dition includes Fulani bards, the narrator refers to them correctly in the plural as mabi. In the same section he also mentions "chanteurs and chanteuses." Another example of the power of griots in the TS links the word of the griot to the death of a ruler. When Daoud asks the musicians to salute Askia Mohammed Bounkan, "upon hearing the cries of these people, Askia Mohammed had a ruptured aneurism which led to his sudden death" (171). Hunwick offers a slightly modified read- ing of the original Arabic as follows: ". . . he ordered all the musi- cians to greet Askia Muhammad Bunkan [Hunwick's spelling] by playing their instruments. When he heard the sounds the veins of his heart were severed and he died instantly" (letter to the author, June 17, 1987). The ruler's griot held a special relationship to his master. The translators of the TF were puzzled by the term guissiridonkd, used Scribes, Bards, and Griots 39 ken word. In the TS, when Askia Ismail comes to the throne, Houdas translates as "chanteur" a word for a man who proclaims the importance of the event in such glowing terms that IsmAll suffers a violent emotion and begins to bleed from the anus. In a striking linkage of the oral and the written, the ruler blames the sudden mal- ady on the Koran. "It happened only because of the Koran on which I had sworn fidelity to Askia Mohammed Benkan. The holy book exercises thus its punishment against me" (TS 171). In response to my query about the basis for the French transla- tion of the Arabic into "singer," Hunwick explained that the term Houdas translated and that appears frequently in the TS is qayn, which in Arabic means blacksmith, artisan, or by extension slave. He adds, "I think al-Sa'di chose this word as a translation of gyesere-'griot' since semantically it contains both the notions of so- cial inferiority and (at least in the masculine) singing" (letter to the author, June 17, 1987). Hunwick's interpretation fits the popular no- tion of griots as members of the caste of artisans, nyamakala, and in particular the griots who are often considered to be of lower social status. I shall return to the matter of the social standing of griots later in this chapter. But it is worth noting here, thanks to Hunwick's new reading of the text, that this reference to the Soninkd and Songhay term for griot recurs in other contexts in the TS. See, for example, an earlier reference to Askia Mohammed Benkan (chap. 14, p. 145) who likes fancy clothes, music, and "singers." There are also references in chapter 16 to the "former singers," Mahmoud Yaza and EI-Amin Yaza. In chapter 17, where the booty of an expe- dition includes Fulani bards, the narrator refers to them correctly in the plural as mabi. In the same section he also mentions "chanteurs and chanteuses." Another example of the power of griots in the TS links the word of the griot to the death of a ruler. When Daoud asks the musicians to salute Askia Mohammed Bounkan, "upon hearing the cries of these people, Askia Mohammed had a ruptured aneurism which led to his sudden death" (171). Hunwick offers a slightly modified read- ing of the original Arabic as follows: ". . . he ordered all the musi- cians to greet Askia Muhammad Bunkan [Hunwick's spelling] by playing their instruments. When he heard the sounds the veins of his heart were severed and he died instantly" (letter to the author, June 17, 1987). The ruler's griot held a special relationship to his master. The translators of the TF were puzzled by the term guissiridonkd, used  40 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist by both the Soninkd and the Songhay to mean chief griot, and there- fore included it in the original without translation. The sentence on page 14 states that the head griot is the only one who may address Askia Mohammed by his name. In the account of the reign of Askia Mohammed's most respected son, Askia Daoud, who took power in 1549, one of the authors of the TF observes that "Guissiridonkd Dako, son of Bounkan Fata, told me that this prince knew the Koran by heart." Finally, the role of the griot as advisor appears in chapter 14 of the TS where the personal griot ("his singer") persuaded one of Askia Mohammed's sons, Otsman, to reverse his decision to sub- mit to another son, Askia Moussa, and thus saved his patron from imminent death. The story of the griot's life-saving role is worth a brief summary here. In order to carry out a plan to strengthen his position, Moussa, who had overthrown his father, Askia Mohammed, planned to kill as many of his brothers as he could. Some of them fled upriver to the Tendirma region and the protection of their brother Otsman Youbabo, who held the next highest position in the government, that of Kourmina-Mri, governor of the western provinces. Moussa sent letters both to Otsman and to the brother's mother requesting that the Kourmina-Mri come to Gao to demonstrate his loyalty to the new ruler. Otsman ignored the first letter but was persuaded by his mother to submit to Moussa. En route to the port on the Niger where he would embark for the trip downriver to Gao, Otsman heard his griot protest loudly: "Have the boats unloaded," he cried, "everything in the boats. By my head, the one who speaks to you will never place dust on his head for anyone." Convinced by the griot that he should not make the trip, Otsman returned home and prepared to demonstrate his rebellion against the new ruler in such a way that one could no longer doubt what was happening. The messenger of ruling prince Moussa returned to Gao. He told his master what had happened, and the ruler prepared to march on the Tendirma region (TS 136). From the chronicles, then, we have a mixed picture of the social standing of griots. The authors tell us that griots had very good ac- cess to rulers, provided advice, and could even address their patrons by their first names. But there are also references to the unreliability of the oral tradition, which is discussed in the section entitled "The Uneasy Relationship of Scribes and Bards." In other words, griots, according to the authors of the chronicles, had much knowledge, but it had to be verified. When this view is juxtaposed with the modern 40 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist by both the Sonink6 and the Songhay to mean chief griot, and there- fore included it in the original without translation. The sentence on page 14 states that the head griot is the only one who may address Askia Mohammed by his name. In the account of the reign of Askia Mohammed's most respected son, Askia Daoud, who took power in 1549, one of the authors of the TF observes that "Guissiridonk6 Dako, son of Bounkan Fata, told me that this prince knew the Koran by heart." Finally, the role of the griot as advisor appears in chapter 14 of the TS where the personal griot ("his singer") persuaded one of Askia Mohammed's sons, OtsmAn, to reverse his decision to sub- mit to another son, Askia Moussa, and thus saved his patron from imminent death. The story of the griot's life-saving role is worth a brief summary here. In order to carry out a plan to strengthen his position, Moussa, who had overthrown his father, Askia Mohammed, planned to kill as many of his brothers as he could. Some of them fled upriver to the Tendirma region and the protection of their brother Otsman Youbabo, who held the next highest position in the government, that of Kourmina-Fari, governor of the western provinces. Moussa sent letters both to Otsman and to the brother's mother requesting that the Kourmina-lri come to Gao to demonstrate his loyalty to the new ruler. Otsman ignored the first letter but was persuaded by his mother to submit to Moussa. En route to the port on the Niger where he would embark for the trip downriver to Gao, OtsmAn heard his griot protest loudly: "Have the boats unloaded," he cried, "everything in the boats. By my head, the one who speaks to you will never place dust on his head for anyone." Convinced by the griot that he should not make the trip, Otsman returned home and prepared to demonstrate his rebellion against the new ruler in such a way that one could no longer doubt what was happening. The messenger of ruling prince Moussa returned to Gao. He told his master what had happened, and the ruler prepared to march on the Tendirma region (TS 136). From the chronicles, then, we have a mixed picture of the social standing of griots. The authors tell us that griots had very good ac- cess to rulers, provided advice, and could even address their patrons by their first names. But there are also references to the unreliability of the oral tradition, which is discussed in the section entitled "The Uneasy Relationship of Scribes and Bards." In other words, griots, according to the authors of the chronicles, had much knowledge, but it had to be verified. When this view is juxtaposed with the modern 40 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist by both the Soninkd and the Songhay to mean chief griot, and there- fore included it in the original without translation. The sentence on page 14 states that the head griot is the only one who may address Askia Mohammed by his name. In the account of the reign of Askia Mohammed's most respected son, Askia Daoud, who took power in 1549, one of the authors of the TF observes that "Guissiridonkd Dako, son of Bounkan Fata, told me that this prince knew the Koran by heart." Finally, the role of the griot as advisor appears in chapter 14 of the TS where the personal griot ("his singer") persuaded one of Askia Mohammed's sons, Otsman, to reverse his decision to sub- mit to another son, Askia Moussa, and thus saved his patron from imminent death. The story of the griot's life-saving role is worth a brief summary here. In order to carry out a plan to strengthen his position, Moussa, who had overthrown his father, Askia Mohammed, planned to kill as many of his brothers as he could. Some of them fled upriver to the Tendirma region and the protection of their brother Otsman Youbabo, who held the next highest position in the government, that of Kourmina-Fari, governor of the western provinces. Moussa sent letters both to Otsman and to the brother's mother requesting that the Kourmina-Mri come to Gao to demonstrate his loyalty to the new ruler. OtsmAn ignored the first letter but was persuaded by his mother to submit to Moussa. En route to the port on the Niger where he would embark for the trip downriver to Gao, Otsman heard his griot protest loudly: "Have the boats unloaded," he cried, "everything in the boats. By my head, the one who speaks to you will never place dust on his head for anyone." Convinced by the griot that he should not make the trip, Otsman returned home and prepared to demonstrate his rebellion against the new ruler in such a way that one could no longer doubt what was happening. The messenger of ruling prince Moussa returned to Gao. He told his master what had happened, and the ruler prepared to march on the Tendirma region (TS 136). From the chronicles, then, we have a mixed picture of the social standing of griots. The authors tell us that griots had very good ac- cess to rulers, provided advice, and could even address their patrons by their first names. But there are also references to the unreliability of the oral tradition, which is discussed in the section entitled "The Uneasy Relationship of Scribes and Bards." In other words, griots, according to the authors of the chronicles, had much knowledge, but it had to be verified. When this view is juxtaposed with the modern  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 41 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 41 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 41 urban attitude that the griot is a social parasite, it is difficult to un- derstand just where the griot sits in the hierarchy of Sahelian society. The confusion about the griots' status stems from two problems: a misunderstanding about the meaning of caste in West Africa and the modern economics of griotage. The notion of caste, borrowed from India, implies the existence of social hierarchy. Scholarship on West African castes has empha- sized the low status of certain groups. Fatima Mounkaila points out one widely held view that people of caste were originally of captive origin. They raised their standing in society by acquiring skills that were essential for the survival of the collectivity (interview with the author September 11, 1989). Several paradoxes remained unex- plained, however. For example, if griots were of such low status, why, asks Bonnie L. Wright, an American researcher who has stud- ied Wolof society, do people of ostensibly higher standing fear them so much? In "The Power of Articulation," she responds: "It is my contention that the West African caste system, rather than being composed of hierarchically ranked groups, is really best understood as a set of groups differentiated by innate capacity-or power- sources. The inequalities of the system are less ones of rank than of culturally defined realms of power, the conjunction of all these realms constituting the social universe" (Wright, 1989, 42). Although Wright's research was limited largely to the Wolof of Senegal, Johnson draws the same conclusion when discussing the Mandd world. The endogamous groups that control certain occupa- tions (weaving, metalworking, leatherworking, praise singing, etc.) "are not 'despised,' as is the case in areas of the world such as India. In Mali, they are more correctly described as socio-economic family monopolies, and not hierarchical pecking orders" (Johnson and Sisok6 1986, 22). Sory Camara points out that the nyamakala among the Malinke, known popularly as people of caste, are neither noble nor captive. He explains that the view of griots as inferior comes from the obser- vation that they lack the social mobility of members of the noble and captive classes. But in fact they share some traits of both of these groups. It is for this reason that he places them in a separate cate- gory, outside of the hierarchy composed of nobles and captives (1976, 65-66). In his analyses of Songhay society, Olivier de Sardan concerns himself more with the matter of class than with caste (1982, 1984). But he does distinguish between ordinary griots and master griots. urban attitude that the griot is a social parasite, it is difficult to un- derstand just where the griot sits in the hierarchy of Sahelian society. The confusion about the griots' status stems from two problems: a misunderstanding about the meaning of caste in West Africa and the modern economics of griotage. The notion of caste, borrowed from India, implies the existence of social hierarchy. Scholarship on West African castes has empha- sized the low status of certain groups. Fatima Mounkaila points out one widely held view that people of caste were originally of captive origin. They raised their standing in society by acquiring skills that were essential for the survival of the collectivity (interview with the author September 11, 1989). Several paradoxes remained unex- plained, however. For example, if griots were of such low status, why, asks Bonnie L. Wright, an American researcher who has stud- ied Wolof society, do people of ostensibly higher standing fear them so much? In "The Power of Articulation," she responds: "It is my contention that the West African caste system, rather than being composed of hierarchically ranked groups, is really best understood as a set of groups differentiated by innate capacity-or power- sources. The inequalities of the system are less ones of rank than of culturally defined realms of power, the conjunction of all these realms constituting the social universe" (Wright, 1989, 42). Although Wright's research was limited largely to the Wolof of Senegal, Johnson draws the same conclusion when discussing the Mand6 world. The endogamous groups that control certain occupa- tions (weaving, metalworking, leatherworking, praise singing, etc.) "are not 'despised,' as is the case in areas of the world such as India. In Mali, they are more correctly described as socio-economic family monopolies, and not hierarchical pecking orders" (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 22). Sory Camara points out that the nyamakala among the Malink6, known popularly as people of caste, are neither noble nor captive. He explains that the view of griots as inferior comes from the obser- vation that they lack the social mobility of members of the noble and captive classes. But in fact they share some traits of both of these groups. It is for this reason that he places them in a separate cate- gory, outside of the hierarchy composed of nobles and captives (1976, 65-66). In his analyses of Songhay society, Olivier de Sardan concerns himself more with the matter of class than with caste (1982, 1984). But he does distinguish between ordinary griots and master griots. urban attitude that the griot is a social parasite, it is difficult to un- derstand just where the griot sits in the hierarchy of Sahelian society. The confusion about the griots' status stems from two problems: a misunderstanding about the meaning of caste in West Africa and the modern economics of griotage. The notion of caste, borrowed from India, implies the existence of social hierarchy. Scholarship on West African castes has empha- sized the low status of certain groups. Fatima Mounkaila points out one widely held view that people of caste were originally of captive origin. They raised their standing in society by acquiring skills that were essential for the survival of the collectivity (interview with the author September 11, 1989). Several paradoxes remained unex- plained, however. For example, if griots were of such low status, why, asks Bonnie L. Wright, an American researcher who has stud- ied Wolof society, do people of ostensibly higher standing fear them so much? In "The Power of Articulation," she responds: "It is my contention that the West African caste system, rather than being composed of hierarchically ranked groups, is really best understood as a set of groups differentiated by innate capacity-or power- sources. The inequalities of the system are less ones of rank than of culturally defined realms of power, the conjunction of all these realms constituting the social universe" (Wright, 1989, 42). Although Wright's research was limited largely to the Wolof of Senegal, Johnson draws the same conclusion when discussing the Mand6 world. The endogamous groups that control certain occupa- tions (weaving, metalworking, leatherworking, praise singing, etc.) "are not 'despised,' as is the case in areas of the world such as India. In Mali, they are more correctly described as socio-economic family monopolies, and not hierarchical pecking orders" (Johnson and Sisbk6 1986, 22). Sory Camara points out that the nyamakala among the Malinkd, known popularly as people of caste, are neither noble nor captive. He explains that the view of griots as inferior comes from the obser- vation that they lack the social mobility of members of the noble and captive classes. But in fact they share some traits of both of these groups. It is for this reason that he places them in a separate cate- gory, outside of the hierarchy composed of nobles and captives (1976, 65-66). In his analyses of Songhay society, Olivier de Sardan concerns himself more with the matter of class than with caste (1982, 1984). But he does distinguish between ordinary griots and master griots.  42 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist His sources term the ordinary griot, or jesere, a parasite, but place the master griot, or jesere-dunka, in a much higher category. These, they report, come from Mali (1982, 224-25). As Olivier de Sardan points out, however, the distinction is quickly disappearing because the conditions are no longer what they were centuries ago when war- riors and kings directed the course of events. Caste, then, appears to be a less useful concept for determining the status of griots today than the social conditions in which they operate. From my research in Niger and a survey of others who have worked with griots, it is apparent that the social status of these word- smiths depends to a large extent on their talent, their relationships with others who have high status, and their income. Society provides great rewards for highly qualified griots. From my recent survey of the economic situation of griots, based on my contacts and those of other scholars who have worked with bards in Senegal, Mali, and Niger, it is clear that many talented griots have done extremely well financially from their performances. This success has, in some mea- sure, attracted new recruits to the profession. People who have power-either from birth into the traditional aristocracy or from ed- ucation and position in the newer business and administrative hierarchy-seek to legitimize their status by calling upon the ser- vices of the best griots. Modern technology, from the airplane to tel- evision, radio, the cassette tape recorder, and the video camera ena- bles griots to reach not only these people, who have relatively great financial resources, but much larger audiences in their own countries and abroad. One consequence of these rapidly changing conditions is that a large class of fake or second-rate griots has emerged in urban areas, eager to help people celebrate the special events of life and, of course, anxious to share in the rewards these occasions generate. Al- though I have not been able to document this apparent increase, the situation became so bad that, in Niger, the late President Seyni Kountch6 expressed his concern about griots as sources of economic waste in his annual message to the nation on December 17, 1979. Three months after his speech, four scholars from different disci- plines produced a series of recommendations in a mimeographed document entitled "Rdflexions sur l'int6gration des griots dans le processus de d6veloppement 6conomique, social, et culturel du Niger." The proposals of K616tigui Mariko, Ousseini Abdou, Andr6 Salifou, and Diould6 Laya were discussed at a weeklong seminar in January 1981, presided over by the Minister of Youth, Sports, and 42 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist His sources term the ordinary griot, or jesere, a parasite, but place the master griot, or jesere-dunka, in a much higher category. These, they report, come from Mali (1982, 224-25). As Olivier de Sardan points out, however, the distinction is quickly disappearing because the conditions are no longer what they were centuries ago when war- riors and kings directed the course of events. Caste, then, appears to be a less useful concept for determining the status of griots today than the social conditions in which they operate. From my research in Niger and a survey of others who have worked with griots, it is apparent that the social status of these word- smiths depends to a large extent on their talent, their relationships with others who have high status, and their income. Society provides great rewards for highly qualified griots. From my recent survey of the economic situation of griots, based on my contacts and those of other scholars who have worked with bards in Senegal, Mali, and Niger, it is clear that many talented griots have done extremely well financially from their performances. This success has, in some mea- sure, attracted new recruits to the profession. People who have power-either from birth into the traditional aristocracy or from ed- ucation and position in the newer business and administrative hierarchy-seek to legitimize their status by calling upon the ser- vices of the best griots. Modern technology, from the airplane to tel- evision, radio, the cassette tape recorder, and the video camera ena- bles griots to reach not only these people, who have relatively great financial resources, but much larger audiences in their own countries and abroad. One consequence of these rapidly changing conditions is that a large class of fake or second-rate griots has emerged in urban areas, eager to help people celebrate the special events of life and, of course, anxious to share in the rewards these occasions generate. Al- though I have not been able to document this apparent increase, the situation became so bad that, in Niger, the late President Seyni Kountchd expressed his concern about griots as sources of economic waste in his annual message to the nation on December 17, 1979. Three months after his speech, four scholars from different disci- plines produced a series of recommendations in a mimeographed document entitled "R6flexions sur l'int6gration des griots dans le processus de d6veloppement dconomique, social, et culturel du Niger." The proposals of K616tigui Mariko, Ousseini Abdou, Andrd Salifou, and Diouldd Laya were discussed at a weeklong seminar in January 1981, presided over by the Minister of Youth, Sports, and 42 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist His sources term the ordinary griot, or jesere, a parasite, but place the master griot, or jesere-dunka, in a much higher category. These, they report, come from Mali (1982, 224-25). As Olivier de Sardan points out, however, the distinction is quickly disappearing because the conditions are no longer what they were centuries ago when war- riors and kings directed the course of events. Caste, then, appears to be a less useful concept for determining the status of griots today than the social conditions in which they operate. From my research in Niger and a survey of others who have worked with griots, it is apparent that the social status of these word- smiths depends to a large extent on their talent, their relationships with others who have high status, and their income. Society provides great rewards for highly qualified griots. From my recent survey of the economic situation of griots, based on my contacts and those of other scholars who have worked with bards in Senegal, Mali, and Niger, it is clear that many talented griots have done extremely well financially from their performances. This success has, in some mea- sure, attracted new recruits to the profession. People who have power-either from birth into the traditional aristocracy or from ed- ucation and position in the newer business and administrative hierarchy-seek to legitimize their status by calling upon the ser- vices of the best griots. Modern technology, from the airplane to tel- evision, radio, the cassette tape recorder, and the video camera ena- bles griots to reach not only these people, who have relatively great financial resources, but much larger audiences in their own countries and abroad. One consequence of these rapidly changing conditions is that a large class of fake or second-rate griots has emerged in urban areas, eager to help people celebrate the special events of life and, of course, anxious to share in the rewards these occasions generate. Al- though I have not been able to document this apparent increase, the situation became so bad that, in Niger, the late President Seyni Kountch6 expressed his concern about griots as sources of economic waste in his annual message to the nation on December 17, 1979. Three months after his speech, four scholars from different disci- plines produced a series of recommendations in a mimeographed document entitled "Reflexions sur l'intdgration des griots dans le processus de developpement 6conomique, social, et culturel du Niger." The proposals of K616tigui Mariko, Ousseini Abdou, Andr6 Salifou, and Diould6 Laya were discussed at a weeklong seminar in January 1981, presided over by the Minister of Youth, Sports, and  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 43 Culture, then Commander Moumouni Adamou Djermakoye, and including representatives of the government, the griots, and other interested groups. The first proposal approved was to replace the term griot with three words: artist, singer, and musician. Other rec- ommendations adopted included the establishment of an association for these professionals of the word; a school to train them; a medal to recompense the best performers; departments of national lan- guages, African literature and philosophy, and ethnomusicology at the University of Niamey; and a national conservatory of arts and culture. The reputations of some of the great bards who perform for pres- idents, travel abroad, and make recordings has been untarnished by the increase in the number of urban griots. Djibo Badid, known pop- ularly as Djeliba, and before him his late father, Badi6 Bagna, per- formed for and traveled with the leaders of Niger during the last four decades. In Mali, Ban Soumana Sis6kb and other griots were in- vited to chant and play at the presidential palace. Griots now appear frequently in Europe. Malian master griot Batourou Sekou Kouyate made a highly successful tour of the United States in 1978, thanks in large part to the efforts of Charles Bird. He visited many univer- sity campuses and offered an extraordinarily successful performance in Washington at the American Museum of Natural History of the Smithsonian Institution. In 1979 Gambian griot Al Haji Bai Konte was the subject of a short film shot in his hometown of Brikama by Oliver Franklin and Marc Pevar. The following year Konte and his entourage performed throughout the United States and made re- cordings. In fall 1986 Gambian griot Amadou Djobate taught at Washington State University, and today one of his compatriots, Foday Musa Suso, has established himself in Chicago. One reads often in the entertainment pages of American newspapers reviews of performances by griots as well as other kinds of African musi- cians. The difference in audiences, of course, is enormous. When these bards perform for their own people, they convey a cultural heritage that their listeners can understand. In Europe or North America, it is the delicate sound of the kora that attracts the atten- tion of listeners interested in new forms of instrumental music. One exception to the usual monolingual performance is the Gam- bian griot Papa Bunka Susso, Foday Musa Suso's cousin. Papa Susso was born in 1947 and grew up in Sotuma Sere, a village 360 kilome- ters upriver from Banjul, the capital of The Gambia. The son of Bunka Susso and nephew of Bamba Suso, whose version of the Scribes, Bards, and Griots 43 Culture, then Commander Moumouni Adamou Djermakoye, and including representatives of the government, the griots, and other interested groups. The first proposal approved was to replace the term griot with three words: artist, singer, and musician. Other rec- ommendations adopted included the establishment of an association for these professionals of the word; a school to train them; a medal to recompense the best performers; departments of national lan- guages, African literature and philosophy, and ethnomusicology at the University of Niamey; and a national conservatory of arts and culture. The reputations of some of the great bards who perform for pres- idents, travel abroad, and make recordings has been untarnished by the increase in the number of urban griots. Djibo Badid, known pop- ularly as Djeliba, and before him his late father, Badid Bagna, per- formed for and traveled with the leaders of Niger during the last four decades. In Mali, Ban Soumana Sisoko and other griots were in- vited to chant and play at the presidential palace. Griots now appear frequently in Europe. Malian master griot Batourou Sekou Kouyate made a highly successful tour of the United States in 1978, thanks in large part to the efforts of Charles Bird. He visited many univer- sity campuses and offered an extraordinarily successful performance in Washington at the American Museum of Natural History of the Smithsonian Institution. In 1979 Gambian griot Al Haji Bai Konte was the subject of a short film shot in his hometown of Brikama by Oliver Franklin and Marc Pevar. The following year Konte and his entourage performed throughout the United States and made re- cordings. In fall 1986 Gambian griot Amadou Djobate taught at Washington State University, and today one of his compatriots, Foday Musa Suso, has established himself in Chicago. One reads often in the entertainment pages of American newspapers reviews of performances by griots as well as other kinds of African musi- cians. The difference in audiences, of course, is enormous. When these bards perform for their own people, they convey a cultural heritage that their listeners can understand. In Europe or North America, it is the delicate sound of the kora that attracts the atten- tion of listeners interested in new forms of instrumental music. One exception to the usual monolingual performance is the Gam- bian griot Papa Bunka Susso, Foday Musa Suso's cousin. Papa Susso was born in 1947 and grew up in Sotuma Sere, a village 360 kilome- ters upriver from Banjul, the capital of The Gambia. The son of Bunka Susso and nephew of Bamba Suso, whose version of the Scribes, Bards, and Griots 43 Culture, then Commander Moumouni Adamou Djermakoye, and including representatives of the government, the griots, and other interested groups. The first proposal approved was to replace the term griot with three words: artist, singer, and musician. Other rec- ommendations adopted included the establishment of an association for these professionals of the word; a school to train them; a medal to recompense the best performers; departments of national lan- guages, African literature and philosophy, and ethnomusicology at the University of Niamey; and a national conservatory of arts and culture. The reputations of some of the great bards who perform for pres- idents, travel abroad, and make recordings has been untarnished by the increase in the number of urban griots. Djibo Badid, known pop- ularly as Djeliba, and before him his late father, Badid Bagna, per- formed for and traveled with the leaders of Niger during the last four decades. In Mali, Ban Soumana Sisokb and other griots were in- vited to chant and play at the presidential palace. Griots now appear frequently in Europe. Malian master griot Batourou Sekou Kouyate made a highly successful tour of the United States in 1978, thanks in large part to the efforts of Charles Bird. He visited many univer- sity campuses and offered an extraordinarily successful performance in Washington at the American Museum of Natural History of the Smithsonian Institution. In 1979 Gambian griot Al Haji Bai Konte was the subject of a short film shot in his hometown of Brikama by Oliver Franklin and Marc Pevar. The following year Konte and his entourage performed throughout the United States and made re- cordings. In fall 1986 Gambian griot Amadou Djobate taught at Washington State University, and today one of his compatriots, Foday Musa Suso, has established himself in Chicago. One reads often in the entertainment pages of American newspapers reviews of performances by griots as well as other kinds of African musi- cians. The difference in audiences, of course, is enormous. When these bards perform for their own people, they convey a cultural heritage that their listeners can understand. In Europe or North America, it is the delicate sound of the kora that attracts the atten- tion of listeners interested in new forms of instrumental music. One exception to the usual monolingual performance is the Gam- bian griot Papa Bunka Susso, Foday Musa Suso's cousin. Papa Susso was born in 1947 and grew up in Sotuma Sere, a village 360 kilome- ters upriver from Banjul, the capital of The Gambia. The son of Bunka Susso and nephew of Bamba Suso, whose version of the  44 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Sundiata epic was published by Gordon Innes in 1974, Papa Susso attended local primary and secondary schools and then earned a scholarship to study accounting at Cuttington College in Liberia. After returning to The Gambia in 1977 with a college diploma, he worked as an accountant for seven years in the Ministry of Finance and Trade. Dissatisfied with a civil servant's low pay, he returned to his father's home to become a full-time griot, a profession for which he had already qualified. He worked first for two years as chief kora player with The Gambian National Troupe and then went off to establish his own group, the Sora Musa Troupe, named after Mansa Moussa, the Malian ruler who traveled to Mecca. Performing at hotels, weddings, naming ceremonies, and other events, he has prospered and now has a studio in The Gambia. What distinguishes Papa Susso from every other griot I have encountered is that he is the most capable of bridging the linguistic gulf between his tradition and anglophone audiences. During a brief visit to the Pennsylvania State University in Feb- ruary 1988, he gave a public performance in Mandekan but paused between songs to explain in English what he was singing. He demon- strated the workings of the kora, described his training, and com- mented on the art of the griot. In addition to the performance, he gave two radio interviews and lectured in five courses in literature, mythology, and history. A weeklong return visit in January 1989 allowed him to meet with many administrators at Penn State. He also conducted lecture/ performances in classes at the university, the local secondary schools, and a nursery school. Finally, he participated in a ninety- minute interactive performance and interview via satellite with stu- dents from six other campuses of Penn State in other parts of Penn- sylvania. Of the three griots who have visited Penn State in the last decade, Papa Susso was the most effective in educating his audiences about his verbal art. Papa Susso, a modern griot who can be reached by direct-dial telephone from almost any point on the globe, appears to operate in a world far removed from his ancestors. His verbal art may often be "mediatisd," to use the French term Paul Zumthor prefers for oral art that reaches its audience through another medium (1983, 62). But he still builds his own instruments and sings songs that con- vey the Mandd oral tradition. In spite of the differences in communi- cations, transportation, rewards, and performance context, we may 44 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Sundiata epic was published by Gordon Innes in 1974, Papa Susso attended local primary and secondary schools and then earned a scholarship to study accounting at Cuttington College in Liberia. After returning to The Gambia in 1977 with a college diploma, he worked as an accountant for seven years in the Ministry of Finance and Trade. Dissatisfied with a civil servant's low pay, he returned to his father's home to become a full-time griot, a profession for which he had already qualified. He worked first for two years as chief kora player with The Gambian National Troupe and then went off to establish his own group, the Sora Musa Troupe, named after Mansa Moussa, the Malian ruler who traveled to Mecca. Performing at hotels, weddings, naming ceremonies, and other events, he has prospered and now has a studio in The Gambia. What distinguishes Papa Susso from every other griot I have encountered is that he is the most capable of bridging the linguistic gulf between his tradition and anglophone audiences. During a brief visit to the Pennsylvania State University in Feb- ruary 1988, he gave a public performance in Mandekan but paused between songs to explain in English what he was singing. He demon- strated the workings of the kora, described his training, and com- mented on the art of the griot. In addition to the performance, he gave two radio interviews and lectured in five courses in literature, mythology, and history. A weeklong return visit in January 1989 allowed him to meet with many administrators at Penn State. He also conducted lecture/ performances in classes at the university, the local secondary schools, and a nursery school. Finally, he participated in a ninety- minute interactive performance and interview via satellite with stu- dents from six other campuses of Penn State in other parts of Penn- sylvania. Of the three griots who have visited Penn State in the last decade, Papa Susso was the most effective in educating his audiences about his verbal art. Papa Susso, a modern griot who can be reached by direct-dial telephone from almost any point on the globe, appears to operate in a world far removed from his ancestors. His verbal art may often be "mediatis6," to use the French term Paul Zumthor prefers for oral art that reaches its audience through another medium (1983, 62). But he still builds his own instruments and sings songs that con- vey the Mand6 oral tradition. In spite of the differences in communi- cations, transportation, rewards, and performance context, we may 44 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Sundiata epic was published by Gordon Innes in 1974, Papa Susso attended local primary and secondary schools and then earned a scholarship to study accounting at Cuttington College in Liberia. After returning to The Gambia in 1977 with a college diploma, he worked as an accountant for seven years in the Ministry of Finance and Trade. Dissatisfied with a civil servant's low pay, he returned to his father's home to become a full-time griot, a profession for which he had already qualified. He worked first for two years as chief kora player with The Gambian National Troupe and then went off to establish his own group, the Sora Musa Troupe, named after Mansa Moussa, the Malian ruler who traveled to Mecca. Performing at hotels, weddings, naming ceremonies, and other events, he has prospered and now has a studio in The Gambia. What distinguishes Papa Susso from every other griot I have encountered is that he is the most capable of bridging the linguistic gulf between his tradition and anglophone audiences. During a brief visit to the Pennsylvania State University in Feb- ruary 1988, he gave a public performance in Mandekan but paused between songs to explain in English what he was singing. He demon- strated the workings of the kora, described his training, and com- mented on the art of the griot. In addition to the performance, he gave two radio interviews and lectured in five courses in literature, mythology, and history. A weeklong return visit in January 1989 allowed him to meet with many administrators at Penn State. He also conducted lecture/ performances in classes at the university, the local secondary schools, and a nursery school. Finally, he participated in a ninety- minute interactive performance and interview via satellite with stu- dents from six other campuses of Penn State in other parts of Penn- sylvania. Of the three griots who have visited Penn State in the last decade, Papa Susso was the most effective in educating his audiences about his verbal art. Papa Susso, a modern griot who can be reached by direct-dial telephone from almost any point on the globe, appears to operate in a world far removed from his ancestors. His verbal art may often be "m6diatis6," to use the French term Paul Zumthor prefers for oral art that reaches its audience through another medium (1983, 62). But he still builds his own instruments and sings songs that con- vey the Mand6 oral tradition. In spite of the differences in communi- cations, transportation, rewards, and performance context, we may  Scribes, Bards, and Griots 45 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 45 Scribes, Bards, and Griots 45 conclude that in the sixteenth century, as now, master griots com- manded great respect in society. The Uneasy Relationship between Scribes and Griots The two types of masters of the word offered services that some- times overlapped. For example, according to the authors of the TF, Askia Mohammed is supposed to have sent Mahmoud Kati, one of the narrators of the chronicle, to Chi Biro three times to convey a demand. But he might well have sent a griot instead, just as, at the end of the nineteenth century, the last Mande rebel, Samory Tourd, sent a griot to France to negotiate with the French (Camara 1976, 208-11). A scribe might know the genealogy of a family as well as a griot, but, of course, the public recounting or singing of that line- age would have a much broader and more immediate impact than a mere listing in Arabic on paper. One might well ask, then, if there was competition between the scribes and bards for the favors of their patrons and just what was the relationship between the two kinds of wordsmiths. On several occasions, the narrators of the chronicles acknowl- edge bards as sources of information. For example, in chapter 1 of the TF, the author announces that he will describe Sonni Ali Ber by drawing upon both written and oral sources. Although there is little doubt that this first chapter is a nineteenth-century addition to the original seventeenth-century version, this pattern of reliance on a variety of sources, written and oral, is maintained throughout the parts of the document that appear to have been written earlier. But we also encounter reservations about oral sources. For example, in chapter 5, devoted to Sonni Ali Ber, the author distinguishes clearly between what he is about to report of the Songhay era and accounts of the earlier empires, Ghana and Mali, which come exclusively from the oral tradition (TF 80). Later, in relating the loss of Askia Mo- hammed's sword during the reign of Askia Ismail (1537-38), he re- ports what he considers to be an untrue legend about the origin of the sword. He also cites three versions of its loss. Even when he re- lates an account provided by a griot-whether it is about Daoud's ability to read the Koran (TF 177) or the lengthy and tragic story of Ishaq It, the ruler defeated by the Moroccans in 1591-the narra- tor points out that he has corroborated the story from other sources. conclude that in the sixteenth century, as now, master griots com- manded great respect in society. The Uneasy Relationship between Scribes and Griots The two types of masters of the word offered services that some- times overlapped. For example, according to the authors of the TF, Askia Mohammed is supposed to have sent Mahmoud Kati, one of the narrators of the chronicle, to Chi Baro three times to convey a demand. But he might well have sent a griot instead, just as, at the end of the nineteenth century, the last Mand6 rebel, Samory Tourd, sent a griot to France to negotiate with the French (Camara 1976, 208-11). A scribe might know the genealogy of a family as well as a griot, but, of course, the public recounting or singing of that line- age would have a much broader and more immediate impact than a mere listing in Arabic on paper. One might well ask, then, if there was competition between the scribes and bards for the favors of their patrons and just what was the relationship between the two kinds of wordsmiths. On several occasions, the narrators of the chronicles acknowl- edge bards as sources of information. For example, in chapter 1 of the TF, the author announces that he will describe Sonni Ali Ber by drawing upon both written and oral sources. Although there is little doubt that this first chapter is a nineteenth-century addition to the original seventeenth-century version, this pattern of reliance on a variety of sources, written and oral, is maintained throughout the parts of the document that appear to have been written earlier. But we also encounter reservations about oral sources. For example, in chapter 5, devoted to Sonni Ali Ber, the author distinguishes clearly between what he is about to report of the Songhay era and accounts of the earlier empires, Ghana and Mali, which come exclusively from the oral tradition (TF 80). Later, in relating the loss of Askia Mo- hammed's sword during the reign of Askia Ismail (1537-38), he re- ports what he considers to be an untrue legend about the origin of the sword. He also cites three versions of its loss. Even when he re- lates an account provided by a griot-whether it is about Daoud's ability to read the Koran (TF 177) or the lengthy and tragic story of Ishaq II, the ruler defeated by the Moroccans in 1591-the narra- tor points out that he has corroborated the story from other sources. conclude that in the sixteenth century, as now, master griots com- manded great respect in society. The Uneasy Relationship between Scribes and Griots The two types of masters of the word offered services that some- times overlapped. For example, according to the authors of the TF, Askia Mohammed is supposed to have sent Mahmoud KAti, one of the narrators of the chronicle, to Chi Biro three times to convey a demand. But he might well have sent a griot instead, just as, at the end of the nineteenth century, the last Mandd rebel, Samory Tourd, sent a griot to France to negotiate with the French (Camara 1976, 208-11). A scribe might know the genealogy of a family as well as a griot, but, of course, the public recounting or singing of that line- age would have a much broader and more immediate impact than a mere listing in Arabic on paper. One might well ask, then, if there was competition between the scribes and bards for the favors of their patrons and just what was the relationship between the two kinds of wordsmiths. On several occasions, the narrators of the chronicles acknowl- edge bards as sources of information. For example, in chapter 1 of the TF, the author announces that he will describe Sonni Ali Ber by drawing upon both written and oral sources. Although there is little doubt that this first chapter is a nineteenth-century addition to the original seventeenth-century version, this pattern of reliance on a variety of sources, written and oral, is maintained throughout the parts of the document that appear to have been written earlier. But we also encounter reservations about oral sources. For example, in chapter 5, devoted to Sonni Ali Ber, the author distinguishes clearly between what he is about to report of the Songhay era and accounts of the earlier empires, Ghana and Mali, which come exclusively from the oral tradition (TF 80). Later, in relating the loss of Askia Mo- hammed's sword during the reign of Askia Ismail (1537-38), he re- ports what he considers to be an untrue legend about the origin of the sword. He also cites three versions of its loss. Even when he re- lates an account provided by a griot-whether it is about Daoud's ability to read the Koran (TF 177) or the lengthy and tragic story of Ishaq It, the ruler defeated by the Moroccans in 1591-the narra- tor points out that he has corroborated the story from other sources.  46 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 46 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 46 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist In the case of IshAq II, the narrator explains: "I report these details from the chief griot Boukari, who gave me the account of these events; others in whom I have complete confidence have also told me the same story" (TF 276). The message appears to be that a chief griot is a worthy source primarily because of his relationship with the ruler, but between the lines the scribe seems to hint that one cannot rely solely on such a person. These two specialists of the word, scribes and bards, carried out different but related functions in the service of the empire's leaders. Neither one was obliged to focus entirely on the maintenance of his- tory. Those scribes who happened to have used the written word to record events of the day played many other roles. Both appear to have enjoyed considerable respect from their patrons, the rulers. We find numerous examples of kings coming to visit scholars, rather than vice versa, in the chronicles. And, as I have mentioned earlier, a nar- rator of the TF reports that the griot is the only man who is allowed to address the ruler by his first name. What links the two, then, is their service to the elite and their reliance upon the word to describe the world in which they and their leaders lived. There are some similarities and a variety of fundamental differ- ences between the two kinds of media the chroniclers and the griot employ to describe the Songhay and their leaders. In chapter 3, 1 shall compare the sources, the chronicles and the oral epic, before pro- ceeding, in chapter 4, to a closer examination of just how each por- trays the Songhay. In the case of IshAq II, the narrator explains: "I report these details from the chief griot Boukari, who gave me the account of these events; others in whom I have complete confidence have also told me the same story" (TF 276). The message appears to be that a chief griot is a worthy source primarily because of his relationship with the ruler, but between the lines the scribe seems to hint that one cannot rely solely on such a person. These two specialists of the word, scribes and bards, carried out different but related functions in the service of the empire's leaders. Neither one was obliged to focus entirely on the maintenance of his- tory. Those scribes who happened to have used the written word to record events of the day played many other roles. Both appear to have enjoyed considerable respect from their patrons, the rulers. We find numerous examples of kings coming to visit scholars, rather than vice versa, in the chronicles. And, as I have mentioned earlier, a nar- rator of the TF reports that the griot is the only man who is allowed to address the ruler by his first name. What links the two, then, is their service to the elite and their reliance upon the word to describe the world in which they and their leaders lived. There are some similarities and a variety of fundamental differ- ences between the two kinds of media the chroniclers and the griot employ to describe the Songhay and their leaders. In chapter 3, 1 shall compare the sources, the chronicles and the oral epic, before pro- ceeding, in chapter 4, to a closer examination of just how each por- trays the Songhay. In the case of IshAq II, the narrator explains: "I report these details from the chief griot Boukari, who gave me the account of these events; others in whom I have complete confidence have also told me the same story" (TF 276). The message appears to be that a chief griot is a worthy source primarily because of his relationship with the ruler, but between the lines the scribe seems to hint that one cannot rely solely on such a person. These two specialists of the word, scribes and bards, carried out different but related functions in the service of the empire's leaders. Neither one was obliged to focus entirely on the maintenance of his- tory. Those scribes who happened to have used the written word to record events of the day played many other roles. Both appear to have enjoyed considerable respect from their patrons, the rulers. We find numerous examples of kings coming to visit scholars, rather than vice versa, in the chronicles. And, as I have mentioned earlier, a nar- rator of the TF reports that the griot is the only man who is allowed to address the ruler by his first name. What links the two, then, is their service to the elite and their reliance upon the word to describe the world in which they and their leaders lived. There are some similarities and a variety of fundamental differ- ences between the two kinds of media the chroniclers and the griot employ to describe the Songhay and their leaders. In chapter 3, 1 shall compare the sources, the chronicles and the oral epic, before pro- ceeding, in chapter 4, to a closer examination of just how each por- trays the Songhay.  Chapter 3 Sources The description of Askia Mohammed and his time in the first chapter came from written and, to a lesser extent, oral sources that historians have examined in order to reconstruct the Sahelian past. Scholars who contributed to this description had to weigh carefully the infor- mation available from these diverse accounts in order to establish the most plausible version of events and descriptions of people. Given the limited number of texts from the region in comparison with what is available in, for example, Europe, this formidable task could be likened to assembling a very large puzzle for which nearly all the pieces have disappeared. If, however, we view our sources from a literary instead of hist- orical perspective, the question of the missing pieces is no longer rel- evant. We shift from an incomplete portrait of the past to complete tableaux in different styles that have survived to the present. One feature of the chronicles that encourages us to make this shift from a historical to a literary interpretation is their multigeneric nature. When we look more closely at them, we discover a great variety of verbal forms: eyewitness accounts of some events; stories and leg- ends obtained from griots, relatives, and friends; excerpts and sum- maries from written sources of many kinds; genealogies and dates; texts of letters, passes, and other documents; prayers; and prophe- cies. Each invites a different type of interpretation. As might be expected, the chronicles, especially the TF, also con- tain numerous internal contradictions. They come to us in the form of many layers of verbal strata. We find words in African languages that the scribes have transcribed directly into Arabic. Copyists, in turn, have made revisions and inserted marginal notes. A 47 Chapter 3 Sources The description of Askia Mohammed and his time in the first chapter came from written and, to a lesser extent, oral sources that historians have examined in order to reconstruct the Sahelian past. Scholars who contributed to this description had to weigh carefully the infor- mation available from these diverse accounts in order to establish the most plausible version of events and descriptions of people. Given the limited number of texts from the region in comparison with what is available in, for example, Europe, this formidable task could be likened to assembling a very large puzzle for which nearly all the pieces have disappeared. If, however, we view our sources from a literary instead of hist- orical perspective, the question of the missing pieces is no longer rel- evant. We shift from an incomplete portrait of the past to complete tableaux in different styles that have survived to the present. One feature of the chronicles that encourages us to make this shift from a historical to a literary interpretation is their multigeneric nature. When we look more closely at them, we discover a great variety of verbal forms: eyewitness accounts of some events; stories and leg- ends obtained from griots, relatives, and friends; excerpts and sum- maries from written sources of many kinds; genealogies and dates; texts of letters, passes, and other documents; prayers; and prophe- cies. Each invites a different type of interpretation. As might be expected, the chronicles, especially the TF, also con- tain numerous internal contradictions. They come to us in the form of many layers of verbal strata. We find words in African languages that the scribes have transcribed directly into Arabic. Copyists, in turn, have made revisions and inserted marginal notes. A 47 Chapter 3 Sources The description of Askia Mohammed and his time in the first chapter came from written and, to a lesser extent, oral sources that historians have examined in order to reconstruct the Sahelian past. Scholars who contributed to this description had to weigh carefully the infor- mation available from these diverse accounts in order to establish the most plausible version of events and descriptions of people. Given the limited number of texts from the region in comparison with what is available in, for example, Europe, this formidable task could be likened to assembling a very large puzzle for which nearly all the pieces have disappeared. If, however, we view our sources from a literary instead of hist- orical perspective, the question of the missing pieces is no longer rel- evant. We shift from an incomplete portrait of the past to complete tableaux in different styles that have survived to the present. One feature of the chronicles that encourages us to make this shift from a historical to a literary interpretation is their multigeneric nature. When we look more closely at them, we discover a great variety of verbal forms: eyewitness accounts of some events; stories and leg- ends obtained from griots, relatives, and friends; excerpts and sum- maries from written sources of many kinds; genealogies and dates; texts of letters, passes, and other documents; prayers; and prophe- cies. Each invites a different type of interpretation. As might be expected, the chronicles, especially the TF, also con- tain numerous internal contradictions. They come to us in the form of many layers of verbal strata. We find words in African languages that the scribes have transcribed directly into Arabic. Copyists, in turn, have made revisions and inserted marginal notes. A 47  48 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist nineteenth-century ruler has added a layer of politically motivated modifications. The French translators have included these revisions but skipped other parts of the texts. What we find before us, then, are several centuries of textual readings, each calling for a new inter- pretation. It is for this reason that when I quote from the TF it is difficult to distinguish between the authors of the text-authors from the sixteenth through the nineteenth century-and the narrator who may be either a real or a fictive eyewitness to events. My purpose here, then, is not to deny the historian the challenge of sifting this heterogeneous mass of material for new insights on Sahelian history. Instead, it is worthwhile to step back from the text in order to view the whole as a collective interpretation of the past with a significance that does not depend entirely on what the West- ern world would interpret as historical verity. My concern here in discussing sources stems from the way they reflect the past through the prism of time to the present. I shall trace briefly what little is known about the transformations the chronicles have undergone over the centuries and explain how they came into the hands of Eu- ropean scholars. Then I shall situate the narrative by Nouhou Malio, which I recorded in 1980-81, in the context of others collected and published to date. The Chronicles: Itineraries of the Written Word Although scholars know much about the particular manuscripts that serve as the basis for the French translations used today by most his- torians, information about the path from the seventeenth century to the turn of the twentieth century, when these texts were collected and sent to Paris for publication, is much less clear. Here I shall re- port what is known about the way these texts came into European hands. The generalist as well as those who have read the French in- troductions to these texts may want to skip ahead to the next section on oral sources. The TS bears the name of Abderrahman es-Sa'di, a religious leader and, later, chief secretary in the Moroccan-controlled admin- istration of Timbuktu. He was born in that city in 1596 and appar- ently wrote his account during the mid-seventeenth century. Histori- ans view the TS as the most detailed and accurate account of the Songhay empire and the Moroccan protectorate that followed. Heinrich Barth, a German scholar, discovered a copy of the manu- script in Gwandu, located in the northwestern corner of Nigeria, in 48 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist nineteenth-century ruler has added a layer of politically motivated modifications. The French translators have included these revisions but skipped other parts of the texts. What we find before us, then, are several centuries of textual readings, each calling for a new inter- pretation. It is for this reason that when I quote from the TF it is difficult to distinguish between the authors of the text-authors from the sixteenth through the nineteenth century-and the narrator who may be either a real or a fictive eyewitness to events. My purpose here, then, is not to deny the historian the challenge of sifting this heterogeneous mass of material for new insights on Sahelian history. Instead, it is worthwhile to step back from the text in order to view the whole as a collective interpretation of the past with a significance that does not depend entirely on what the West- ern world would interpret as historical verity. My concern here in discussing sources stems from the way they reflect the past through the prism of time to the present. I shall trace briefly what little is known about the transformations the chronicles have undergone over the centuries and explain how they came into the hands of Eu- ropean scholars. Then I shall situate the narrative by Nouhou Malin, which I recorded in 1980-81, in the context of others collected and published to date. The Chronicles: Itineraries of the Written Word Although scholars know much about the particular manuscripts that serve as the basis for the French translations used today by most his- torians, information about the path from the seventeenth century to the turn of the twentieth century, when these texts were collected and sent to Paris for publication, is much less clear. Here I shall re- port what is known about the way these texts came into European hands. The generalist as well as those who have read the French in- troductions to these texts may want to skip ahead to the next section on oral sources. The TS bears the name of Abderrahman es-Sa'di, a religious leader and, later, chief secretary in the Moroccan-controlled admin- istration of Timbuktu. He was born in that city in 1596 and appar- ently wrote his account during the mid-seventeenth century. Histori- ans view the TS as the most detailed and accurate account of the Songhay empire and the Moroccan protectorate that followed. Heinrich Barth, a German scholar, discovered a copy of the manu- script in Gwandu, located in the northwestern corner of Nigeria, in 48 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist nineteenth-century ruler has added a layer of politically motivated modifications. The French translators have included these revisions but skipped other parts of the texts. What we find before us, then, are several centuries of textual readings, each calling for a new inter- pretation. It is for this reason that when I quote from the TF it is difficult to distinguish between the authors of the text-authors from the sixteenth through the nineteenth century-and the narrator who may be either a real or a fictive eyewitness to events. My purpose here, then, is not to deny the historian the challenge of sifting this heterogeneous mass of material for new insights on Sahelian history. Instead, it is worthwhile to step back from the text in order to view the whole as a collective interpretation of the past with a significance that does not depend entirely on what the West- ern world would interpret as historical verity. My concern here in discussing sources stems from the way they reflect the past through the prism of time to the present. I shall trace briefly what little is known about the transformations the chronicles have undergone over the centuries and explain how they came into the hands of Eu- ropean scholars. Then I shall situate the narrative by Nouhou Malin, which I recorded in 1980-81, in the context of others collected and published to date. The Chronicles: Itineraries of the Written Word Although scholars know much about the particular manuscripts that serve as the basis for the French translations used today by most his- torians, information about the path from the seventeenth century to the turn of the twentieth century, when these texts were collected and sent to Paris for publication, is much less clear. Here I shall re- port what is known about the way these texts came into European hands. The generalist as well as those who have read the French in- troductions to these texts may want to skip ahead to the next section on oral sources. The TS bears the name of Abderrahman es-Sa'di, a religious leader and, later, chief secretary in the Moroccan-controlled admin- istration of Timbuktu. He was born in that city in 1596 and appar- ently wrote his account during the mid-seventeenth century. Histori- ans view the TS as the most detailed and accurate account of the Songhay empire and the Moroccan protectorate that followed. Heinrich Barth, a German scholar, discovered a copy of the manu- script in Gwandu, located in the northwestern corner of Nigeria, in  Sources 49 1852 during a wide-ranging trip in West Africa that lasted for five years. Gwandu, less than 100 kilometers from the current border with Niger, is in an area that was once influenced, if not controlled, by Songhay-speaking peoples. The evidence comes in part from the Songhay place names in the region, notably Argungu ("Island in the water" in Songhay), a town on the Sokoto River 40 kilometers to the northwest of Gwandu. Barth was able to draw much information from the manuscript, as well as copy excerpts for his Travels and Dis- coveries in North and Central Africa (1857-58). Fdlix Dubois, a French traveler to Timbuktu at the end of the nineteenth century, was the first European to obtain a copy of the narrative. Octave Houdas published a translation in French, dated 1898-1900 and based on three manuscripts, the oldest of which, notes Hunwick (1973), was copied in 1792. This French version, then, is based on a copy of the Arabic text. We do not know how faithful was the copy brought back by Dubois, nor if the original was a copy of an earlier version. The TF has a somewhat more complicated origin rooted in sev- eral manuscripts. Houdas, a professor at the Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris, and his collaborator Maurice Delafosse, listed as an instructor at the same institution but who is better known as a former colonial governor and professor at the Ecole Coloniale, explain in the introduction to the French edition that Dubois encountered many references to this chronicle in the course of his travels in the late nineteenth century but had been un- able to locate a copy. A. Bonnel de Mdzieres, a French scholar sent on a mission to Timbuktu and Taodeni in 1911 by Governor Frangois Clozel, admin- istrator for the Upper Senegal-Niger region, managed to locate a copy of the TF in Timbuktu, reputedly the only one remaining in the city. The manuscript, however, was lacking a cover page and what the translators later termed the first chapter. Bonnel de Mdziees persuaded the owner of the manuscript, a Moslem scholar named Sidi Mohammed EI-Imam ben es-Soyouti, to allow a copy to be made. Houdas and Delafosse explain that this copy was sent by Governor Clozel to the Ecole des Langues Vivantes Orientales in Paris for possible translation and publication before being deposited in the Bibliotheque Nationale. The translators describe this as manu- script B. Houdas and Delafosse, seeking a second copy to compare with B, requested via Bonnel de Mdzibres that Sidi Mohammed El-ImAm Sources 49 1852 during a wide-ranging trip in West Africa that lasted for five years. Gwandu, less than 100 kilometers from the current border with Niger, is in an area that was once influenced, if not controlled, by Songhay-speaking peoples. The evidence comes in part from the Songhay place names in the region, notably Argungu ("Island in the water" in Songhay), a town on the Sokoto River 40 kilometers to the northwest of Gwandu. Barth was able to draw much information from the manuscript, as well as copy excerpts for his Travels and Dis- coveries in North and Central Africa (1857-58). Felix Dubois, a French traveler to Timbuktu at the end of the nineteenth century, was the first European to obtain a copy of the narrative. Octave Houdas published a translation in French, dated 1898-1900 and based on three manuscripts, the oldest of which, notes Hunwick (1973), was copied in 1792. This French version, then, is based on a copy of the Arabic text. We do not know how faithful was the copy brought back by Dubois, nor if the original was a copy of an earlier version. The TF has a somewhat more complicated origin rooted in sev- eral manuscripts. Houdas, a professor at the Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris, and his collaborator Maurice Delafosse, listed as an instructor at the same institution but who is better known as a former colonial governor and professor at the Ecole Coloniale, explain in the introduction to the French edition that Dubois encountered many references to this chronicle in the course of his travels in the late nineteenth century but had been un- able to locate a copy. A. Bonnel de M~zieres, a French scholar sent on a mission to Timbuktu and Taod6ni in 1911 by Governor Frangois Clozel, admin- istrator for the Upper Senegal-Niger region, managed to locate a copy of the TF in Timbuktu, reputedly the only one remaining in the city. The manuscript, however, was lacking a cover page and what the translators later termed the first chapter. Bonnel de Mdzieres persuaded the owner of the manuscript, a Moslem scholar named Sidi Mohammed El-ImAm ben es-Soyofuti, to allow a copy to be made. Houdas and Delafosse explain that this copy was sent by Governor Clozel to the Ecole des Langues Vivantes Orientales in Paris for possible translation and publication before being deposited in the Bibliothkque Nationale. The translators describe this as manu- script B. Houdas and Delafosse, seeking a second copy to compare with B, requested via Bonnel de Mdzieres that Sidi Mohammed El-Imam Sources 49 1852 during a wide-ranging trip in West Africa that lasted for five years. Gwandu, less than 100 kilometers from the current border with Niger, is in an area that was once influenced, if not controlled, by Songhay-speaking peoples. The evidence comes in part from the Songhay place names in the region, notably Argungu ("Island in the water" in Songhay), a town on the Sokoto River 40 kilometers to the northwest of Gwandu. Barth was able to draw much information from the manuscript, as well as copy excerpts for his Travels and Dis- coveries in North and Central Africa (1857-58). F6lix Dubois, a French traveler to Timbuktu at the end of the nineteenth century, was the first European to obtain a copy of the narrative. Octave Houdas published a translation in French, dated 1898-1900 and based on three manuscripts, the oldest of which, notes Hunwick (1973), was copied in 1792. This French version, then, is based on a copy of the Arabic text. We do not know how faithful was the copy brought back by Dubois, nor if the original was a copy of an earlier version. The TF has a somewhat more complicated origin rooted in sev- eral manuscripts. Houdas, a professor at the Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris, and his collaborator Maurice Delafosse, listed as an instructor at the same institution but who is better known as a former colonial governor and professor at the Ecole Coloniale, explain in the introduction to the French edition that Dubois encountered many references to this chronicle in the course of his travels in the late nineteenth century but had been un- able to locate a copy. A. Bonnel de Mdzieres, a French scholar sent on a mission to Timbuktu and Taoddni in 1911 by Governor Frangois Clozel, admin- istrator for the Upper Senegal-Niger region, managed to locate a copy of the TF in Timbuktu, reputedly the only one remaining in the city. The manuscript, however, was lacking a cover page and what the translators later termed the first chapter. Bonnel de Mdzieres persuaded the owner of the manuscript, a Moslem scholar named Sidi Mohammed El-Imam ben es-Soyofuti, to allow a copy to be made. Houdas and Delafosse explain that this copy was sent by Governor Clozel to the Ecole des Langues Vivantes Orientales in Paris for possible translation and publication before being deposited in the Bibliothbque Nationale. The translators describe this as manu- script B. Houdas and Delafosse, seeking a second copy to compare with B, requested via Bonnel de Mdzibres that Sidi Mohammed El-ImAm  50 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 50 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 50 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist ben es-Soyoflti locate another manuscript. Es-Soyofti was unable to find another, so he sent his own to Paris. Houdas and Delafosse note, however, that this rare copy, the oldest they were able to ob- tain, "is certainly not the original manuscript of the author, but it constitutes a copy which is assuredly quite old, if one can judge from the state of the paper and the color of the ink" (TF, viii-x). Manuscript A revealed two kinds of new information. First, re- ported Houdas and Delafosse, it showed that copy B contained a number of omissions and errors. Moreover, A had numerous mar- ginal notes of great value for the translators. Finally, although the translators do not mention it, these differences between the two copies-the second made from the first under the supervision of the first's owner-demonstrate just how much a manuscript could change from one copying to another. In 1912 the translators obtained a third manuscript, C, from an- other colonial administrator, Jules Brdvid, who had had it made from a very old manuscript in Kayes, a town in Mali 1,000 kilometers west of Timbuktu near the border with Senegal. Dated May 29, 1912, this version was a copy of an old and deteriorating example. The task of copying was supervised by Abdoulaye Waly Bah, a mem- ber of the local Moslem elite. This text, similar in many ways to A and B, contained the entire manuscript, including additional parts not included in A and B, especially an introductory chapter on Askia Mohammed, as well as a chapter on Sonni Ali Ber apparently copied from the TS or vice versa. The additional sections, suggest the trans- lators, are those inserted or modified by the Fulani cleric Sdkou Am- adou (1755-1844), who ruled the Macina area of Mali from the mid-1820s to 1844. Having heard about the prophecies contained in the TF, he no doubt wanted to modify them slightly so that they could be applied to him without any doubt and it is quite possible that he had all the unmodified copies destroyed or at the least the parts of those copies which could be compromising for him. This would explain why the manuscript of El-Imam ben es-Soyoiti appeared without its first chapter and how all the passages of the Fettdssi which we had heard about until now were only those dealing with the arrival in the Macina, at the beginning of the 19th century of our time, of a caliph named Ahmed, these passages having been distributed widely by S6kou Hamadou for his own interests. If this is the case, it is highly probable that the copy acquired in Kayes by Mr. Brdvid ben es-Soyouti locate another manuscript. Es-Soyofiti was unable to find another, so he sent his own to Paris. Houdas and Delafosse note, however, that this rare copy, the oldest they were able to ob- tain, "is certainly not the original manuscript of the author, but it constitutes a copy which is assuredly quite old, if one can judge from the state of the paper and the color of the ink" (TF, viii-x). Manuscript A revealed two kinds of new information. First, re- ported Houdas and Delafosse, it showed that copy B contained a number of omissions and errors. Moreover, A had numerous mar- ginal notes of great value for the translators. Finally, although the translators do not mention it, these differences between the two copies-the second made from the first under the supervision of the first's owner-demonstrate just how much a manuscript could change from one copying to another. In 1912 the translators obtained a third manuscript, C, from an- other colonial administrator, Jules Brdvie, who had had it made from a very old manuscript in Kayes, a town in Mali 1,000 kilometers west of Timbuktu near the border with Senegal. Dated May 29, 1912, this version was a copy of an old and deteriorating example. The task of copying was supervised by Abdoulaye Waly Bah, a mem- ber of the local Moslem elite. This text, similar in many ways to A and B, contained the entire manuscript, including additional parts not included in A and B, especially an introductory chapter on Askia Mohammed, as well as a chapter on Sonni Ali Ber apparently copied from the TS or vice versa. The additional sections, suggest the trans- lators, are those inserted or modified by the Fulani cleric Sdkou Am- adou (1755-1844), who ruled the Macina area of Mali from the mid-1820s to 1844. Having heard about the prophecies contained in the TF, he no doubt wanted to modify them slightly so that they could be applied to him without any doubt and it is quite possible that he had all the unmodified copies destroyed or at the least the parts of those copies which could be compromising for him. This would explain why the manuscript of El-Imim ben es-Soyofiti appeared without its first chapter and how all the passages of the Fettdssi which we had heard about until now were only those dealing with the arrival in the Macina, at the beginning of the 19th century of our time, of a caliph named Ahmed, these passages having been distributed widely by Sdkou Hamadou for his own interests. If this is the case, it is highly probable that the copy acquired in Kayes by Mr. Brdvid ben es-Soyoti locate another manuscript. Es-Soyoti was unable to find another, so he sent his own to Paris. Houdas and Delafosse note, however, that this rare copy, the oldest they were able to ob- tain, "is certainly not the original manuscript of the author, but it constitutes a copy which is assuredly quite old, if one can judge from the state of the paper and the color of the ink" (TF, viii-x). Manuscript A revealed two kinds of new information. First, re- ported Houdas and Delafosse, it showed that copy B contained a number of omissions and errors. Moreover, A had numerous mar- ginal notes of great value for the translators. Finally, although the translators do not mention it, these differences between the two copies-the second made from the first under the supervision of the first's owner-demonstrate just how much a manuscript could change from one copying to another. In 1912 the translators obtained a third manuscript, C, from an- other colonial administrator, Jules Brdvi6, who had had it made from a very old manuscript in Kayes, a town in Mali 1,000 kilometers west of Timbuktu near the border with Senegal. Dated May 29, 1912, this version was a copy of an old and deteriorating example. The task of copying was supervised by Abdoulaye Waly Bah, a mem- ber of the local Moslem elite. This text, similar in many ways to A and B, contained the entire manuscript, including additional parts not included in A and B, especially an introductory chapter on Askia Mohammed, as well as a chapter on Sonni Ali Ber apparently copied from the TS or vice versa. The additional sections, suggest the trans- lators, are those inserted or modified by the Fulani cleric S6kou Am- adou (1755-1844), who ruled the Macina area of Mali from the mid-1820s to 1844. Having heard about the prophecies contained in the TF, he no doubt wanted to modify them slightly so that they could be applied to him without any doubt and it is quite possible that he had all the unmodified copies destroyed or at the least the parts of those copies which could be compromising for him. This would explain why the manuscript of El-Imfim ben es-Soyofiti appeared without its first chapter and how all the passages of the Fetassi which we had heard about until now were only those dealing with the arrival in the Macina, at the beginning of the 19th century of our time, of a caliph named Ahmed, these passages having been distributed widely by S6kou Hamadou for his own interests. If this is the case, it is highly probable that the copy acquired in Kayes by Mr. Br6vid  Sources 51 is from a copy modified by S6kou Hamadou, which renders credi- ble the perfect exactness of the prophecy going back several cen- turies. This thing, moreover, has very little importance from a historical perspective, the prophecy being, in the work which con- cerns us here, an appetizer which is more of a curiosity than some- thing which really interests us. (TF, xii) David Robinson (n.d.) refers to this incident as "the most ambi- tious forgery in African history." He explains that the revision of history "contained two parts, both placed in the words of the impor- tant Egyptian scholar, al-Suyuti (d. 1505), to Askia Mohammed dur- ing the latter's pilgrimage to Mecca in 1495-97. The better known prophesy established the Askia as the eleventh caliph of the Islamic world and Seku Amadu as the twelfth and last. The lesser known but equally important declaration gave the Askia and Amadu con- trol of 12 'servile tribes'; groups of artisans and other producers es- sential to the economy of the Middle Niger." There is some debate over the extent of the modification to man- uscript C. Levtzion, notes Robinson, has discounted all of manu- script C as contaminated. But Robinson (n.d.) suggests that "some of the material is almost certainly authentic and may even once have been part of the original Ta'rikh al-Fattash." The Beninois historian Zakari Dramani-Issifou argues that the editor/translators should have given much more attention to this introductory modification because it is here that we find the only reference to the servile castes in the Sudan, "one of the basic elements of the social and economic life in the Songhay empire" (1982, 29). According to Houdas and Delafosse, the French version of the Tarikh e-llettdch is based on the three different manuscripts, A, B, and C. They describe the procedure they followed in comparing each manuscript. Although C was signed by a Mahmoud Kati, inter- nal evidence reveals that probably his grandson edited notes Kati had left. In fact, the manuscript begins in 1519 and includes events that took place as late as 1665-ten years after the last date cited in the TS. Hunwick and Levtzion, two scholars who are among the most familiar with these texts, argue that the Kati listed as author in C is not a contemporary of Askia Mohammed but rather a man born in 1525 who served as an advisor to Askia Daoud, the best- known son of Askia Mohammed, who ruled from 1549 to 1582. The text that has come down to us today was apparently edited by Ibn al-Mokhtar, one of Kati's grandsons, who brought together informa- Sources 51 is from a copy modified by S6kou Hamadou, which renders credi- ble the perfect exactness of the prophecy going back several cen- turies. This thing, moreover, has very little importance from a historical perspective, the prophecy being, in the work which con- cerns us here, an appetizer which is more of a curiosity than some- thing which really interests us. (TF, xii) David Robinson (n.d.) refers to this incident as "the most ambi- tious forgery in African history." He explains that the revision of history "contained two parts, both placed in the words of the impor- tant Egyptian scholar, al-Suyuti (d. 1505), to Askia Mohammed dur- ing the latter's pilgrimage to Mecca in 1495-97. The better known prophesy established the Askia as the eleventh caliph of the Islamic world and Seku Amadu as the twelfth and last. The lesser known but equally important declaration gave the Askia and Amadu con- trol of 12 'servile tribes'; groups of artisans and other producers es- sential to the economy of the Middle Niger." There is some debate over the extent of the modification to man- uscript C. Levtzion, notes Robinson, has discounted all of manu- script C as contaminated. But Robinson (n.d.) suggests that "some of the material is almost certainly authentic and may even once have been part of the original Ta'rikh al-Fattash." The Beninois historian Zakari Dramani-Issifou argues that the editor/translators should have given much more attention to this introductory modification because it is here that we find the only reference to the servile castes in the Sudan, "one of the basic elements of the social and economic life in the Songhay empire" (1982, 29). According to Houdas and Delafosse, the French version of the Tarfkh el-Fettdch is based on the three different manuscripts, A, B, and C. They describe the procedure they followed in comparing each manuscript. Although C was signed by a Mahmoud Kati, inter- nal evidence reveals that probably his grandson edited notes Kati had left. In fact, the manuscript begins in 1519 and includes events that took place as late as 1665-ten years after the last date cited in the TS. Hunwick and Levtzion, two scholars who are among the most familiar with these texts, argue that the Kati listed as author in C is not a contemporary of Askia Mohammed but rather a man born in 1525 who served as an advisor to Askia Daoud, the best- known son of Askia Mohammed, who ruled from 1549 to 1582. The text that has come down to us today was apparently edited by Ibn al-Mokhtar, one of Kati's grandsons, who brought together informa- Sources 51 is from a copy modified by Sdkou Hamadou, which renders credi- ble the perfect exactness of the prophecy going back several cen- turies. This thing, moreover, has very little importance from a historical perspective, the prophecy being, in the work which con- cerns us here, an appetizer which is more of a curiosity than some- thing which really interests us. (TF, xii) David Robinson (n.d.) refers to this incident as "the most ambi- tious forgery in African history." He explains that the revision of history "contained two parts, both placed in the words of the impor- tant Egyptian scholar, al-Suyuti (d. 1505), to Askia Mohammed dur- ing the latter's pilgrimage to Mecca in 1495-97. The better known prophesy established the Askia as the eleventh caliph of the Islamic world and Seku Amadu as the twelfth and last. The lesser known but equally important declaration gave the Askia and Amadu con- trol of 12 'servile tribes'; groups of artisans and other producers es- sential to the economy of the Middle Niger." There is some debate over the extent of the modification to man- uscript C. Levtzion, notes Robinson, has discounted all of manu- script C as contaminated. But Robinson (n.d.) suggests that "some of the material is almost certainly authentic and may even once have been part of the original Ta'rikh al-Fattash." The Beninois historian Zakari Dramani-Issifou argues that the editor/translators should have given much more attention to this introductory modification because it is here that we find the only reference to the servile castes in the Sudan, "one of the basic elements of the social and economic life in the Songhay empire" (1982, 29). According to Houdas and Delafosse, the French version of the Tarfkh el-Fettdch is based on the three different manuscripts, A, B, and C. They describe the procedure they followed in comparing each manuscript. Although C was signed by a Mahmoud Kati, inter- nal evidence reveals that probably his grandson edited notes Kati had left. In fact, the manuscript begins in 1519 and includes events that took place as late as 1665-ten years after the last date cited in the TS. Hunwick and Levtzion, two scholars who are among the most familiar with these texts, argue that the Kati listed as author in C is not a contemporary of Askia Mohammed but rather a man born in 1525 who served as an advisor to Askia Daoud, the best- known son of Askia Mohammed, who ruled from 1549 to 1582. The text that has come down to us today was apparently edited by Ibn al-Mokhtar, one of Kati's grandsons, who brought together informa-  52 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist tion from many other members of the Kati family (Hunwick 1969; Levtzion 1971; Dramani-Issifou 1982). Houdas and Delafosse's impact on the TF appears in two layers. First, these scholars established a printed Arabic version of the text by selecting from all three manuscripts. This version, then, is a distil- lation, in one sense, of manuscripts A, B, and C. Their translation of this text into French constitutes another layer of interpretation, marked by the limitations of contemporary Western knowledge about this form of Arabic writing and the peoples they described. The TF appears, then, as a product of many people over the cen- turies, from Ksti to his grandson, the copyists, the scribes of Sdkou Amadou (the S6kou Hamadou listed earler), and, finally, Houdas and Delafosse. But in spite of inevitable changes produced by such a lengthy itinerary, both the TF and the TS have acquired great value for historians of West Africa precisely because they offer some of the earliest and most detailed portrayals of life in the Songhay empire five centuries ago. Dramani-Issifou argues that these texts, in spite of the problems in them that we are beginning to discern more clearly, "have constituted the essential of our authentically Af- rican sources of information about the internal and external history of the countries in the Niger River region of the Sudan" (1982, 27). But only a handful of scholars with the specialized training necessary to decipher Arabic from the medieval period can read them in the original. The French translations thus provide the only access for the vast majority of researchers in the world today. For this reason, Ar- abists who work with the original versions usually take pains to in- clude page references to both the Arabic and the translation. The French versions constitute, then, the most recent "interpre- tation" of the West African past and cannot be dismissed because of the presumed political ideology of the translators or because of their errors. It is true that the French colonial policy toward Islam at the time these translations were being made was to favor tradi- tional Islamic tendencies as well as to counter both African belief systems and those who sought to bring what were termed radical or reactionary interpretations of Islam to the people. In this context, Dramani-Issifou (1982) has argued that the efforts of French admin- istrators to collect and forward these texts contributed in a small way to the broader colonial policies of France. These policies were out- lined by Robert Arnaud, chief of the Moslem Affairs Section for French West Africa, in a 1912 publication, L'Islam et la politique musulmane frangaise en Afrique occidentale frangaise. Dramani- 52 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist tion from many other members of the Kati family (Hunwick 1969; Levtzion 1971; Dramani-Issifou 1982). Houdas and Delafosse's impact on the TF appears in two layers. First, these scholars established a printed Arabic version of the text by selecting from all three manuscripts. This version, then, is a distil- lation, in one sense, of manuscripts A, B, and C. Their translation of this text into French constitutes another layer of interpretation, marked by the limitations of contemporary Western knowledge about this form of Arabic writing and the peoples they described. The TF appears, then, as a product of many people over the cen- turies, from Kftti to his grandson, the copyists, the scribes of S6kou Amadou (the Sdkou Hamadou listed earler), and, finally, Houdas and Delafosse. But in spite of inevitable changes produced by such a lengthy itinerary, both the TF and the TS have acquired great value for historians of West Africa precisely because they offer some of the earliest and most detailed portrayals of life in the Songhay empire five centuries ago. Dramani-Issifou argues that these texts, in spite of the problems in them that we are beginning to discern more clearly, "have constituted the essential of our authentically Af- rican sources of information about the internal and external history of the countries in the Niger River region of the Sudan" (1982, 27). But only a handful of scholars with the specialized training necessary to decipher Arabic from the medieval period can read them in the original. The French translations thus provide the only access for the vast majority of researchers in the world today. For this reason, Ar- abists who work with the original versions usually take pains to in- clude page references to both the Arabic and the translation. The French versions constitute, then, the most recent "interpre- tation" of the West African past and cannot be dismissed because of the presumed political ideology of the translators or because of their errors. It is true that the French colonial policy toward Islam at the time these translations were being made was to favor tradi- tional Islamic tendencies as well as to counter both African belief systems and those who sought to bring what were termed radical or reactionary interpretations of Islam to the people. In this context, Dramani-Issifou (1982) has argued that the efforts of French admin- istrators to collect and forward these texts contributed in a small way to the broader colonial policies of France. These policies were out- lined by Robert Arnaud, chief of the Moslem Affairs Section for French West Africa, in a 1912 publication, L'Islam et la politique musulmane frangaise en Afrique occidentale frangaise. Dramani- 52 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist tion from many other members of the Kati family (Hunwick 1969; Levtzion 1971; Dramani-Issifou 1982). Houdas and Delafosse's impact on the TF appears in two layers. First, these scholars established a printed Arabic version of the text by selecting from all three manuscripts. This version, then, is a distil- lation, in one sense, of manuscripts A, B, and C. Their translation of this text into French constitutes another layer of interpretation, marked by the limitations of contemporary Western knowledge about this form of Arabic writing and the peoples they described. The TF appears, then, as a product of many people over the cen- turies, from KAti to his grandson, the copyists, the scribes of S6kou Amadou (the S6kou Hamadou listed earler), and, finally, Houdas and Delafosse. But in spite of inevitable changes produced by such a lengthy itinerary, both the TF and the TS have acquired great value for historians of West Africa precisely because they offer some of the earliest and most detailed portrayals of life in the Songhay empire five centuries ago. Dramani-Issifou argues that these texts, in spite of the problems in them that we are beginning to discern more clearly, "have constituted the essential of our authentically Af- rican sources of information about the internal and external history of the countries in the Niger River region of the Sudan" (1982, 27). But only a handful of scholars with the specialized training necessary to decipher Arabic from the medieval period can read them in the original. The French translations thus provide the only access for the vast majority of researchers in the world today. For this reason, Ar- abists who work with the original versions usually take pains to in- clude page references to both the Arabic and the translation. The French versions constitute, then, the most recent "interpre- tation" of the West African past and cannot be dismissed because of the presumed political ideology of the translators or because of their errors. It is true that the French colonial policy toward Islam at the time these translations were being made was to favor tradi- tional Islamic tendencies as well as to counter both African belief systems and those who sought to bring what were termed radical or reactionary interpretations of Islam to the people. In this context, Dramani-Issifou (1982) has argued that the efforts of French admin- istrators to collect and forward these texts contributed in a small way to the broader colonial policies of France. These poficies were out- lined by Robert Arnaud, chief of the Moslem Affairs Section for French West Africa, in a 1912 publication, L'Islam et la politique musulmane frangaise en Afrique occidentale frangaise. Dramani-  Sources 53 Issifou links the inclusion of the nineteenth-century revisions to the TF to this policy by pointing out that the short-term goal of the French, when confronted with the difficulties posed by resistance from Moslem leaders such as Samory Tourd, was to gain the support of more conservative local Moslem leaders who might believe in the prophecy inserted by S6kou Amadou that announced the arrival of a new caliph of the Sudan in the nineteenth century who would rule over certain "servile" peoples. We think . . . that to deal tactfully with the concerns of these Mos- lem chiefs, 0. Houdas and above all M. Delafosse did not seek to stigmatise the contradictions and the fraudulent character of the prophecies contained in manuscript C. It is in this spirit that one must quite certainly understand the dilemma which the French co- lonial administration encountered in the middle of the 19th cen- tury, confronted with the widespread practice of slavery in West Africa and which is underscored in the letter of Governor of Sene- gal [Louis] Faidherbe to his minister, April 30, 1865: "Should we have, as we were annexing territory since 1848, enforced the emancipation decree? ... Rigorously, it is what the spirit of the law requires." But "this measure which would have produced a great disruption" was not, alas, taken. (1982, 30) One could argue that French control over the area was minimal in 1865 and that the manuscripts were the most interesting artifacts these isolated colonial administrators encountered at the time. Whether or not one agrees with Dramani-Issifou's interpretation of the inclusion of the Sdkou Amadou fragment in the TF, we cannot deny that the French editors and translators left their mark on the manuscripts that passed through their hands. But as Arabists begin to understand the manuscripts themselves and compare them with more recently discovered texts, we are reminded that the French translations are only one part of a much broader range of problems inherent in these chronicles, beginning with the transliteration of Af- rican terms. Hunwick (1973) lists a variety of phonetic, orthographic, and se- mantic obstacles in the texts. Among them are the deformation of words by copyists, missing vowel markings, and integration of mar- ginal comments into the body of subsequent copies. With advances in our knowledge of the Arabic used in the region at the time the chronicles were composed, the discovery of new manuscripts, and Sources 53 Issifou links the inclusion of the nineteenth-century revisions to the TF to this policy by pointing out that the short-term goal of the French, when confronted with the difficulties posed by resistance from Moslem leaders such as Samory Tour6, was to gain the support of more conservative local Moslem leaders who might believe in the prophecy inserted by S6kou Amadou that announced the arrival of a new caliph of the Sudan in the nineteenth century who would rule over certain "servile" peoples. We think . . .that to deal tactfully with the concerns of these Mos- lem chiefs, 0. Houdas and above all M. Delafosse did not seek to stigmatise the contradictions and the fraudulent character of the prophecies contained in manuscript C. It is in this spirit that one must quite certainly understand the dilemma which the French co- lonial administration encountered in the middle of the 19th cen- tury, confronted with the widespread practice of slavery in West Africa and which is underscored in the letter of Governor of Sene- gal [Louis] Faidherbe to his minister, April 30, 1865: "Should we have, as we were annexing territory since 1848, enforced the emancipation decree? . . . Rigorously, it is what the spirit of the law requires." But "this measure which would have produced a great disruption" was not, alas, taken. (1982, 30) One could argue that French control over the area was minimal in 1865 and that the manuscripts were the most interesting artifacts these isolated colonial administrators encountered at the time. Whether or not one agrees with Dramani-Issifou's interpretation of the inclusion of the Sdkou Amadou fragment in the TF, we cannot deny that the French editors and translators left their mark on the manuscripts that passed through their hands. But as Arabists begin to understand the manuscripts themselves and compare them with more recently discovered texts, we are reminded that the French translations are only one part of a much broader range of problems inherent in these chronicles, beginning with the transliteration of Af- rican terms. Hunwick (1973) lists a variety of phonetic, orthographic, and se- mantic obstacles in the texts. Among them are the deformation of words by copyists, missing vowel markings, and integration of mar- ginal comments into the body of subsequent copies. With advances in our knowledge of the Arabic used in the region at the time the chronicles were composed, the discovery of new manuscripts, and Sources 53 Issifou links the inclusion of the nineteenth-century revisions to the TF to this policy by pointing out that the short-term goal of the French, when confronted with the difficulties posed by resistance from Moslem leaders such as Samory Tourd, was to gain the support of more conservative local Moslem leaders who might believe in the prophecy inserted by S6kou Amadou that announced the arrival of a new caliph of the Sudan in the nineteenth century who would rule over certain "servile" peoples. We think . .. that to deal tactfully with the concerns of these Mos- lem chiefs, 0. Houdas and above all M. Delafosse did not seek to stigmatise the contradictions and the fraudulent character of the prophecies contained in manuscript C. It is in this spirit that one must quite certainly understand the dilemma which the French co- lonial administration encountered in the middle of the 19th cen- tury, confronted with the widespread practice of slavery in West Africa and which is underscored in the letter of Governor of Sene- gal [Louis] Faidherbe to his minister, April 30, 1865: "Should we have, as we were annexing territory since 1848, enforced the emancipation decree? . . . Rigorously, it is what the spirit of the law requires." But "this measure which would have produced a great disruption" was not, alas, taken. (1982, 30) One could argue that French control over the area was minimal in 1865 and that the manuscripts were the most interesting artifacts these isolated colonial administrators encountered at the time. Whether or not one agrees with Dramani-Issifou's interpretation of the inclusion of the S6kou Amadou fragment in the TF, we cannot deny that the French editors and translators left their mark on the manuscripts that passed through their hands. But as Arabists begin to understand the manuscripts themselves and compare them with more recently discovered texts, we are reminded that the French translations are only one part of a much broader range of problems inherent in these chronicles, beginning with the transliteration of Af- rican terms. Hunwick (1973) lists a variety of phonetic, orthographic, and se- mantic obstacles in the texts. Among them are the deformation of words by copyists, missing vowel markings, and integration of mar- ginal comments into the body of subsequent copies. With advances in our knowledge of the Arabic used in the region at the time the chronicles were composed, the discovery of new manuscripts, and  54 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the reexamination of those that have served as the basis for the cur- rent translations, we can expect the resolution of a number of ambi- guities in the intepretation of these texts. For example, Hunwick reports the existence of an Arabic history of the Askias in the de Gironcourt collection at the Bibliothque de lInstitut de France. It was collected in 1910-11. This version includes the names of some rulers not listed in the two major chronicles on which I have based this study (letter to the author, February 18, 1988). Although I look forward to more information about these lesser-known texts and the publication of new translations of the more familiar ones before the year 2000, we must make do with what African and French interpreters of the past have left us, the aging but still valuable editions of the TS and the TF. The Oral Narratives: Contemporary Windows on the Past The story of Askia Mohammed is well known in Mali and Niger, but unlike the epic of Sundiata, for which we have many, many pub- lished versions today, there are no long published narrative accounts of the ruler of the Songhay empire. There are numerous references to Askia Mohammed and a handful of much shorter versions. What- ever the form or length, each represents an interpretation of the past. For the people claiming Songhay ancestry who settled in the region of T6ra and along the Niger River, known as Maamar hamey, or descendants of Askia Mohammed, the text stands as more than their own link with the past. Olivier de Sardan suggests that these people "constitute the dominant class in pre-colonial society. . . and have therefore oriented the oral tradition in their direction and for their benefit, confusing the history of the country with the history of their own group" (1982, 285). If, then, we seek the truth about the past via the oral tradition, following Olivier de Sardan's view, one would expect to encounter the same kind of evolution or modification over time-although per- haps more gradually-as we saw in the chronicles. As we shall see later in the different portrayals of the Songhay past, the griots, in fact, do telescope history to reveal a view of the aristocracy that glosses over the major catastrophe in Songhay history, the fall of Gao. Instead of focusing on a defeat that, according to the chroni- cles, was the fault of the ruling class, the griots prefer to emphasize 54 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the reexamination of those that have served as the basis for the cur- rent translations, we can expect the resolution of a number of ambi- guities in the intepretation of these texts. For example, Hunwick reports the existence of an Arabic history of the Askias in the de Gironcourt collection at the Bibliotheque de l'Institut de France. It was collected in 1910-11. This version includes the names of some rulers not listed in the two major chronicles on which I have based this study (letter to the author, February 18, 1988). Although I look forward to more information about these lesser-known texts and the publication of new translations of the more familiar ones before the year 2000, we must make do with what African and French interpreters of the past have left us, the aging but still valuable editions of the TS and the TF. The Oral Narratives: Contemporary Windows on the Past The story of Askia Mohammed is well known in Mali and Niger, but unlike the epic of Sundiata, for which we have many, many pub- lished versions today, there are no long published narrative accounts of the ruler of the Songhay empire. There are numerous references to Askia Mohammed and a handful of much shorter versions. What- ever the form or length, each represents an interpretation of the past. For the people claiming Songhay ancestry who settled in the region of Tdra and along the Niger River, known as Maamar hamey, or descendants of Askia Mohammed, the text stands as more than their own link with the past. Olivier de Sardan suggests that these people "constitute the dominant class in pre-colonial society ... and have therefore oriented the oral tradition in their direction and for their benefit, confusing the history of the country with the history of their own group" (1982, 285). If, then, we seek the truth about the past via the oral tradition, following Olivier de Sardan's view, one would expect to encounter the same kind of evolution or modification over time-although per- haps more gradually-as we saw in the chronicles. As we shall see later in the different portrayals of the Songhay past, the griots, in fact, do telescope history to reveal a view of the aristocracy that glosses over the major catastrophe in Songhay history, the fall of Gao. Instead of focusing on a defeat that, according to the chroni- cles, was the fault of the ruling class, the griots prefer to emphasize 54 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the reexamination of those that have served as the basis for the cur- rent translations, we can expect the resolution of a number of ambi- guities in the intepretation of these texts. For example, Hunwick reports the existence of an Arabic history of the Askias in the de Gironcourt collection at the Bibliotheque de Institut de France. It was collected in 1910-11. This version includes the names of some rulers not listed in the two major chronicles on which I have based this study (letter to the author, February 18, 1988). Although I look forward to more information about these lesser-known texts and the publication of new translations of the more familiar ones before the year 2000, we must make do with what African and French interpreters of the past have left us, the aging but still valuable editions of the TS and the TF. The Oral Narratives: Contemporary Windows on the Past The story of Askia Mohammed is well known in Mali and Niger, but unlike the epic of Sundiata, for which we have many, many pub- lished versions today, there are no long published narrative accounts of the ruler of the Songhay empire. There are numerous references to Askia Mohammed and a handful of much shorter versions. What- ever the form or length, each represents an interpretation of the past. For the people claiming Songhay ancestry who settled in the region of Tdra and along the Niger River, known as Maamar hamey, or descendants of Askia Mohammed, the text stands as more than their own link with the past. Olivier de Sardan suggests that these people "constitute the dominant class in pre-colonial society ... and have therefore oriented the oral tradition in their direction and for their benefit, confusing the history of the country with the history of their own group" (1982, 285). If, then, we seek the truth about the past via the oral tradition, following Olivier de Sardan's view, one would expect to encounter the same kind of evolution or modification over time-although per- haps more gradually-as we saw in the chronicles. As we shall see later in the different portrayals of the Songhay past, the griots, in fact, do telescope history to reveal a view of the aristocracy that glosses over the major catastrophe in Songhay history, the fall of Gao. Instead of focusing on a defeat that, according to the chroni- cles, was the fault of the ruling class, the griots prefer to emphasize  Sources 55 Sources 55 Sources 55 the valor of those Songhay who mounted a stiff resistance to the in- vaders after 1591. In Niger, one of the earliest published versions appeared in brief form in the reports produced by the Tilho Mission to West Africa between 1906 and 1909. A primary goal of the trip was to define the frontier between Niger and Nigeria. But in the course of the mission, the leaders collected a variety of information on the local people. Volume 2 of Documents scientifiques de la mission Tilho (1911) con- tains a section on the history of local peoples written by the inter- preting officer for the mission, Moise Landeroin. We learn that in the Dendi region the chiefs claim descent from Askia Mohammed and that they are able to recount their history as far back as Sonni Ali Ber. The two-page summary of the life of Askia Mohammed re- corded from local informants includes the trip to Mecca but omits any other information on the ruler's reign. The only published oral narrative account of Askia Mohammed from an identifiable source was chanted by the late griot Badid Bagna, patriarch of a family of griots from Libor6, a small town 15 kilometers south of Niamey. Recorded by Jean Rouch in 1962, it covers Askia Mohammed's birth and rise to power in a little over four pages of prose (Laya 1978, 28-34). There are also numerous references to the oral tradition in the works of the late Boubou Hama. With few exceptions, however, there are no indications as to the date, location, and informant. One of those exceptions is an account of three trips by Askia Mohammed told by Diori Binga, a businessman in Bouakd, Ivory Coast. He comes from the town of Kokoro in the Tdra region of western Niger, a postempire principality, but grew up in the Boboye area east of Niamey. He describes Askia Mohammed's expedition to the Bargou region in northern Benin, a second expedition to northern Nigeria, and a third south toward the Dendi region and then east toward Bornou (Hama 1968, 157-62). Another exception is a long excerpt from a version recorded in T6ra by a French administrator named Larue which matches that recounted by Nouhou Malio. I shall re- turn to this version in chapter 7. Hama also composed a series of poetic dialogues about Askia Mohammed, Askia Daoud, and other figures of the Songhay past in Manta Mantaari, a fifty-four-page mimeographed text entirely in Songhay published in 1969. He later wrote two long poems, "Kassey ou la femme au destin tragique" and "La Force du lait et la guerre du Bargou," (1972, 165-86). In 1980, the valor of those Songhay who mounted a stiff resistance to the in- vaders after 1591. In Niger, one of the earliest published versions appeared in brief form in the reports produced by the Tilho Mission to West Africa between 1906 and 1909. A primary goal of the trip was to define the frontier between Niger and Nigeria. But in the course of the mission, the leaders collected a variety of information on the local people. Volume 2 of Documents scientifiques de la mission Tilho (1911) con- tains a section on the history of local peoples written by the inter- preting officer for the mission, Moise Landeroin. We learn that in the Dendi region the chiefs claim descent from Askia Mohammed and that they are able to recount their history as far back as Sonni Ali Ber. The two-page summary of the life of Askia Mohammed re- corded from local informants includes the trip to Mecca but omits any other information on the ruler's reign. The only published oral narrative account of Askia Mohammed from an identifiable source was chanted by the late griot Badid Bagna, patriarch of a family of griots from Libord, a small town 15 kilometers south of Niamey. Recorded by Jean Rouch in 1962, it covers Askia Mohammed's birth and rise to power in a little over four pages of prose (Laya 1978, 28-34). There are also numerous references to the oral tradition in the works of the late Boubou Hama. With few exceptions, however, there are no indications as to the date, location, and informant. One of those exceptions is an account of three trips by Askia Mohammed told by Diori Binga, a businessman in Bouakd, Ivory Coast. He comes from the town of Kokoro in the Tdra region of western Niger, a postempire principality, but grew up in the Boboye area east of Niamey. He describes Askia Mohammed's expedition to the Bargou region in northern Benin, a second expedition to northern Nigeria, and a third south toward the Dendi region and then east toward Bornou (Hama 1968, 157-62). Another exception is a long excerpt from a version recorded in Tdra by a French administrator named Larue which matches that recounted by Nouhou Malio. I shall re- turn to this version in chapter 7. Hama also composed a series of poetic dialogues about Askia Mohammed, Askia Daoud, and other figures of the Songhay past in Manta Mantaari, a fifty-four-page mimeographed text entirely in Songhay published in 1969. He later wrote two long poems, "Kassey ou la femme au destin tragique" and "La Force du lait et la guerre du Bargou," (1972, 165-86). In 1980, the valor of those Songhay who mounted a stiff resistance to the in- vaders after 1591. In Niger, one of the earliest published versions appeared in brief form in the reports produced by the Tilho Mission to West Africa between 1906 and 1909. A primary goal of the trip was to define the frontier between Niger and Nigeria. But in the course of the mission, the leaders collected a variety of information on the local people. Volume 2 of Documents scientifiques de la mission Tilho (1911) con- tains a section on the history of local peoples written by the inter- preting officer for the mission, Moise Landeroin. We learn that in the Dendi region the chiefs claim descent from Askia Mohammed and that they are able to recount their history as far back as Sonni Ali Ber. The two-page summary of the life of Askia Mohammed re- corded from local informants includes the trip to Mecca but omits any other information on the ruler's reign. The only published oral narrative account of Askia Mohammed from an identifiable source was chanted by the late griot Badi6 Bagna, patriarch of a family of griots from Libord, a small town 15 kilometers south of Niamey. Recorded by Jean Rouch in 1962, it covers Askia Mohammed's birth and rise to power in a little over four pages of prose (Laya 1978, 28-34). There are also numerous references to the oral tradition in the works of the late Boubou Hama. With few exceptions, however, there are no indications as to the date, location, and informant. One of those exceptions is an account of three trips by Askia Mohammed told by Diori Binga, a businessman in Bouakd, Ivory Coast. He comes from the town of Kokoro in the T6ra region of western Niger, a postempire principality, but grew up in the Boboye area east of Niamey. He describes Askia Mohammed's expedition to the Bargou region in northern Benin, a second expedition to northern Nigeria, and a third south toward the Dendi region and then east toward Bornou (Hama 1968, 157-62). Another exception is a long excerpt from a version recorded in Tdra by a French administrator named Larue which matches that recounted by Nouhou Malio. I shall re- turn to this version in chapter 7. Hama also composed a series of poetic dialogues about Askia Mohammed, Askia Daoud, and other figures of the Songhay past in Manta Mantaari, a fifty-four-page mimeographed text entirely in Songhay published in 1969. He later wrote two long poems, "Kassey ou la femme au destin tragique" and "La Force du lait et la guerre du Bargou," (1972, 165-86). In 1980,  56 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist with Andrde Clair, he published a fifteen-page narrative in dramatic form that recounts the birth of Askia Mohammed and takes the reader to the battle against the Bargantchd. The title reflects the text's emphasis on the ruler's mother Kassaye and her magic power: "Kassey et le secret des Soniank6s." In 1977, according to Hunwick, a version of the epic of Askia Mo- hammed was presented in mimeographed form at the Socitd Commerciale de l'Ouest Africain (SCOA) Foundation colloquium in Niamey. He believes that it was recently collected and little more than a reworking of information from the chronicles (letter to the author, February 18, 1988). I have not yet consulted this text. In 1982 Zakari Dramani-Issifou cited several oral traditions from T6ra concerning the birth of Askia Mohammed, including informa- tion collected apparently by Alou Himadou in 1947 under the title "Traditions orales du Tdra sur l'empire Songhai par Alou Himadou (1947)." This information was reported by French scholar Rend Dutel to F6lix Iroko, author of a doctoral thesis entitled Gao des origines d 1591 (cited in Dramani-Issifou 1982, 52). Iroko also in- cludes a description of the fall of Gao he recorded in that city from an informant listed as Ganda Naiga, probably a misspelling of Maiga, a common Songhay name of those who claim descent from Askia Mohammed (cited in Dramani-Issifou 1982, 52). In 1983 Malian scholar Mahmoud Abdou Zouber published a se- ries of short Songhay texts recorded in 1981 in Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham, and Die6, upriver from Timbuktu in the region that re- mained under Moroccan control or influence for the longest period of time. The sources are not griots, but local elders and others famil- iar with the history of the region. The focus in several of the conver- sations is on Askia Mohammed's brother Amar Komdiago, his teacher and cousin Mori Hawgarou, and the ruler's pilgrimage to Mecca. The versions I collected in 1980-81 vary greatly in length, from ten minutes to two hours. The location of the sources varies too, from several griots in Niamey as well as from their counterparts in Say (50 kilometers south of Niamey), Saga (3 kilometers downriver from Niamey), Karma (40 kilometers upriver), Kwarey-Haoussa (55 kilometers upriver from Niamey), Garbey Kourou (62 kilometers upriver, then 5 kilometers east along the Sirba River), Darkind6 (15 kilometers east of Gotheye on the road to Tdra), Dibilo (20 kilome- ters north of Tdra), and Firgoun (200 kilometers upriver from Nia- mey). In my search for griots capable of recounting the story of the 56 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist with Andrde Clair, he published a fifteen-page narrative in dramatic form that recounts the birth of Askia Mohammed and takes the reader to the battle against the Bargantchd. The title reflects the text's emphasis on the ruler's mother Kassaye and her magic power: "Kassey et le secret des Soniank6s." In 1977, according to Hunwick, a version of the epic of Askia Mo- hammed was presented in mimeographed form at the Soci6t6 Commerciale de l'Ouest Africain (SCOA) Foundation colloquium in Niamey. He believes that it was recently collected and little more than a reworking of information from the chronicles (letter to the author, February 18, 1988). I have not yet consulted this text. In 1982 Zakari Dramani-Issifou cited several oral traditions from Tera concerning the birth of Askia Mohammed, including informa- tion collected apparently by Alou Himadou in 1947 under the title "Traditions orales du Tdra sur l'empire Songhai par Alou Himadou (1947)." This information was reported by French scholar Rend Dutel to F6lix Iroko, author of a doctoral thesis entitled Gao des origines d 1591 (cited in Dramani-Issifou 1982, 52). Iroko also in- cludes a description of the fall of Gao he recorded in that city from an informant listed as Ganda Naiga, probably a misspelling of Maiga, a common Songhay name of those who claim descent from Askia Mohammed (cited in Dramani-Issifou 1982, 52). In 1983 Malian scholar Mahmoud Abdou Zouber published a se- ries of short Songhay texts recorded in 1981 in Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham, and Dird, upriver from Timbuktu in the region that re- mained under Moroccan control or influence for the longest period of time. The sources are not griots, but local elders and others famil- iar with the history of the region. The focus in several of the conver- sations is on Askia Mohammed's brother Amar Komdiago, his teacher and cousin Mori Hawgarou, and the ruler's pilgrimage to Mecca. The versions I collected in 1980-81 vary greatly in length, from ten minutes to two hours. The location of the sources varies too, from several griots in Niamey as well as from their counterparts in Say (50 kilometers south of Niamey), Saga (3 kilometers downriver from Niamey), Karma (40 kilometers upriver), Kwarey-Haoussa (55 kilometers upriver from Niamey), Garbey Kourou (62 kilometers upriver, then 5 kilometers east along the Sirba River), Darkindd (15 kilometers east of Gotheye on the road to Tdra), Dibilo (20 kilome- ters north of Tdra), and Firgoun (200 kilometers upriver from Nia- mey). In my search for griots capable of recounting the story of the 56 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist with Andrde Clair, he published a fifteen-page narrative in dramatic form that recounts the birth of Askia Mohammed and takes the reader to the battle against the Bargantch6. The title reflects the text's emphasis on the ruler's mother Kassaye and her magic power: "Kassey et le secret des Soniankds." In 1977, according to Hunwick, a version of the epic of Askia Mo- hammed was presented in mimeographed form at the Socidtd Commerciale de l'Ouest Africain (SCOA) Foundation colloquium in Niamey. He believes that it was recently collected and little more than a reworking of information from the chronicles (letter to the author, February 18, 1988). I have not yet consulted this text. In 1982 Zakari Dramani-Issifou cited several oral traditions from Tdra concerning the birth of Askia Mohammed, including informa- tion collected apparently by Alou Himadou in 1947 under the title "Traditions orales du T6ra sur l'empire Songhai par Alou Himadou (1947)." This information was reported by French scholar Rend Dutel to Fdlix Iroko, author of a doctoral thesis entitled Gao des origines d 1591 (cited in Dramani-Issifou 1982, 52). Iroko also in- cludes a description of the fall of Gao he recorded in that city from an informant listed as Ganda Naiga, probably a misspelling of Maiga, a common Songhay name of those who claim descent from Askia Mohammed (cited in Dramani-Issifou 1982, 52). In 1983 Malian scholar Mahmoud Abdou Zouber published a se- ries of short Songhay texts recorded in 1981 in Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham, and Dird, upriver from Timbuktu in the region that re- mained under Moroccan control or influence for the longest period of time. The sources are not griots, but local elders and others famil- iar with the history of the region. The focus in several of the conver- sations is on Askia Mohammed's brother Amar Komdiago, his teacher and cousin Mori Hawgarou, and the ruler's pilgrimage to Mecca. The versions I collected in 1980-81 vary greatly in length, from ten minutes to two hours. The location of the sources varies too, from several griots in Niamey as well as from their counterparts in Say (50 kilometers south of Niamey), Saga (3 kilometers downriver from Niamey), Karma (40 kilometers upriver), Kwarey-Haoussa (55 kilometers upriver from Niamey), Garbey Kourou (62 kilometers upriver, then 5 kilometers east along the Sirba River), Darkindd (15 kilometers east of Gotheye on the road to T6ra), Dibilo (20 kilome- ters north of Tdra), and Firgoun (200 kilometers upriver from Nia- mey). In my search for griots capable of recounting the story of the  Sources 57 Songhay ruler, I found that not all admitted to knowing it. In several cases a griot of apparently modest talents referred me to a master griot who, more often than not, knew a version of the story of Askia Mohammed. This was the case for Nouhou Malio. A griot in Niamey to whom I had been referred said that he did not know the story of Askia Mohammed well and that I should therefore see the master griot in Saga, Nouhou Malio, for a more complete version. While it is possible that some of these griots simply did not want to chant the epic for me, an outsider in their society, my impression was that those who knew the text were proud of their knowledge and seemed eager to reap whatever rewards they could from narrat- ing a version of it for a visitor. At no time did I approach a griot directly. A third party, nearly always a Songhay or a Zarma with a strong interest in the oral tradition of his people, served as an in- termediary. Some of the episodes are found in all versions-for example, the story of Askia Daoud killing the lions. But Nouhou Malio was the only one to provide a detailed account of the story of Askia Mohammed's birth. Other griots-such as the brother of the late Badid Bagna, Garba Bagna from Libord-listed more peoples con- quered and emphasized to a greater extent the violence of Askia Mo- hammed in spreading Islam. Garba Bagna also included the alliance with the Zarma and the defeat of the invading Arma. Other griots used a higher percentage of Sonink6 in their narratives, especially Ayouba Tessa in Garbey Kourou and Tahirou Mossi from Darkind6. But Nouhou Malio was the only one to recount a relatively coherent series of episodes beginning with the birth of the ruler and continu- ing down to the death of Yefarma Issaka. The only griot to come close to the version narrated by Nouhou Malio was the late Badi6 Bagna in the version published in the collection Textes Songhay- Zarmas (Laya 1978). While I cannot claim to have contacted all the griots in western Niger who might know the epic, Nouhou Malio's version was the most detailed available to me at the time. This impression comes from a combination of factors: my travels over a wide area of Songhay-speaking peoples during a yearlong period of research; comparisons not only between those versions I collected but also with two recorded from Badi6 Bagna, the master griot cited above (the first the version published in 1978 and the second a recording made by Diould6 Laya in July 1969, a copy of which was provided to me by the Institute for Research in Social Sciences at the Univer- Sources 57 Songhay ruler, I found that not all admitted to knowing it. In several cases a griot of apparently modest talents referred me to a master griot who, more often than not, knew a version of the story of Askia Mohammed. This was the case for Nouhou Malio. A griot in Niamey to whom I had been referred said that he did not know the story of Askia Mohammed well and that I should therefore see the master griot in Saga, Nouhou Malio, for a more complete version. While it is possible that some of these griots simply did not want to chant the epic for me, an outsider in their society, my impression was that those who knew the text were proud of their knowledge and seemed eager to reap whatever rewards they could from narrat- ing a version of it for a visitor. At no time did I approach a griot directly. A third party, nearly always a Songhay or a Zarma with a strong interest in the oral tradition of his people, served as an in- termediary. Some of the episodes are found in all versions-for example, the story of Askia Daoud killing the lions. But Nouhou Malio was the only one to provide a detailed account of the story of Askia Mohammed's birth. Other griots-such as the brother of the late Badid Bagna, Garba Bagna from Libor&-listed more peoples con- quered and emphasized to a greater extent the violence of Askia Mo- hammed in spreading Islam. Garba Bagna also included the alliance with the Zarma and the defeat of the invading Arma. Other griots used a higher percentage of Sonink6 in their narratives, especially Ayouba Tessa in Garbey Kourou and Tahirou Mossi from Darkind6. But Nouhou Malio was the only one to recount a relatively coherent series of episodes beginning with the birth of the ruler and continu- ing down to the death of Yefarma Issaka. The only griot to come close to the version narrated by Nouhou Malio was the late Badi6 Bagna in the version published in the collection Textes Songhay- Zarmas (Laya 1978). While I cannot claim to have contacted all the griots in western Niger who might know the epic, Nouhou Malio's version was the most detailed available to me at the time. This impression comes from a combination of factors: my travels over a wide area of Songhay-speaking peoples during a yearlong period of research; comparisons not only between those versions I collected but also with two recorded from Badi6 Bagna, the master griot cited above (the first the version published in 1978 and the second a recording made by Diould6 Laya in July 1969, a copy of which was provided to me by the Institute for Research in Social Sciences at the Univer- Sources 57 Songhay ruler, I found that not all admitted to knowing it. In several cases a griot of apparently modest talents referred me to a master griot who, more often than not, knew a version of the story of Askia Mohammed. This was the case for Nouhou Malio. A griot in Niamey to whom I had been referred said that he did not know the story of Askia Mohammed well and that I should therefore see the master griot in Saga, Nouhou Malio, for a more complete version. While it is possible that some of these griots simply did not want to chant the epic for me, an outsider in their society, my impression was that those who knew the text were proud of their knowledge and seemed eager to reap whatever rewards they could from narrat- ing a version of it for a visitor. At no time did I approach a griot directly. A third party, nearly always a Songhay or a Zarma with a strong interest in the oral tradition of his people, served as an in- termediary. Some of the episodes are found in all versions-for example, the story of Askia Daoud killing the lions. But Nouhou Malio was the only one to provide a detailed account of the story of Askia Mohammed's birth. Other griots-such as the brother of the late Badi6 Bagna, Garba Bagna from Libord-listed more peoples con- quered and emphasized to a greater extent the violence of Askia Mo- hammed in spreading Islam. Garba Bagna also included the alliance with the Zarma and the defeat of the invading Arma. Other griots used a higher percentage of Sonink6 in their narratives, especially Ayouba Tessa in Garbey Kourou and Tahirou Mossi from Darkind6. But Nouhou Malio was the only one to recount a relatively coherent series of episodes beginning with the birth of the ruler and continu- ing down to the death of Yefarma Issaka. The only griot to come close to the version narrated by Nouhou Malio was the late Badi6 Bagna in the version published in the collection Textes Songhay- Zarmas (Laya 1978). While I cannot claim to have contacted all the griots in western Niger who might know the epic, Nouhou Malio's version was the most detailed available to me at the time. This impression comes from a combination of factors: my travels over a wide area of Songhay-speaking peoples during a yearlong period of research; comparisons not only between those versions I collected but also with two recorded from Badi6 Bagna, the master griot cited above (the first the version published in 1978 and the second a recording made by Dioulde Laya in July 1969, a copy of which was provided to me by the Institute for Research in Social Sciences at the Univer-  58 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist sity of Niamey); and discussions with griots about their colleagues. As the result of these sessions, by May 1981 t had developed a sharper awareness of the difference between master and apprentice griots in western Niger. Finally, my sense that I had chosen for closer analysis the most appropriate recording of the many I had made in 1980-81 was confirmed by Diouldd Laya, the scholar with the broadest background in the oral tradition of Niger. Literary and Performance Considerations Orality in the chronicles. Until now I have distinguished between the terms oral and written to designate two rather different forms of communication. But in fact, as Zumthor reminds us, they simply represent extremes on the same spectrum (1983, 35). It is useful to point out here, however, several similarities as well as differences between the two forms. First, the written nature of the chronicles should not obscure the fact that they stem from a tradition that combines both the written and the oral in the recitation of texts. In her recent study entitled The Art of Reciting the Qur'an, Kristina Nelson points out that "the transmission of the Qur'an and its social existence are essentially oral. Qur'anic rhythm and assonance alone confirm that is is meant to be heard. But the oral nature of the Qur'an goes beyond euphony: the significance of the revelation is carried as much by the sound as by its semantic information. In other words, the Qur'an is not the Qur'an unless it is heard" (1985, xiv). Although there is no evidence that the chronicles were recited, given the limited number of manuscripts and the low level of Arabic literacy in the Sahel, it is highly likely that, at least on some occa- sions, these texts were read aloud to small groups. The European tradition offers a parallel that invites further analysis of the West Af- rican manuscript tradition. Zumthor observes that in Europe the ev- idence "of this practice [of reading aloud] is uninterrupted, from the 5th to the 16th centuries" (1987, 117). Certainly the narrators, espe- cially es-Sa'di, Imam of the Mosque of Sankord in Timbuktu and holder of many other religious offices, were well versed in the art of religious recitation. In a broader sense, as Harold Scheub emphasizes in a major arti- cle entitled "A Review of African Oral Traditions and Literature" (1985), the link between the written and oral tradition in the Islamic African world was very strong. Although Scheub refers primarily to 58 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist sity of Niamey); and discussions with griots about their colleagues. As the result of these sessions, by May 1981 I had developed a sharper awareness of the difference between master and apprentice griots in western Niger. Finally, my sense that I had chosen for closer analysis the most appropriate recording of the many I had made in 1980-81 was confirmed by Diould6 Laya, the scholar with the broadest background in the oral tradition of Niger. Literary and Performance Considerations Orality in the chronicles. Until now I have distinguished between the terms oral and written to designate two rather different forms of communication. But in fact, as Zumthor reminds us, they simply represent extremes on the same spectrum (1983, 35). It is useful to point out here, however, several similarities as well as differences between the two forms. First, the written nature of the chronicles should not obscure the fact that they stem from a tradition that combines both the written and the oral in the recitation of texts. In her recent study entitled The Art of Reciting the Qur'an, Kristina Nelson points out that "the transmission of the Qur'an and its social existence are essentially oral. Qur'anic rhythm and assonance alone confirm that is is meant to be heard. But the oral nature of the Qur'an goes beyond euphony: the significance of the revelation is carried as much by the sound as by its semantic information. In other words, the Qur'an is not the Qur'an unless it is heard" (1985, xiv). Although there is no evidence that the chronicles were recited, given the limited number of manuscripts and the low level of Arabic literacy in the Sahel, it is highly likely that, at least on some occa- sions, these texts were read aloud to small groups. The European tradition offers a parallel that invites further analysis of the West Af- rican manuscript tradition. Zumthor observes that in Europe the ev- idence "of this practice [of reading aloud] is uninterrupted, from the 5th to the 16th centuries" (1987, 117). Certainly the narrators, espe- cially es-Sa'di, Imam of the Mosque of Sankor6 in Timbuktu and holder of many other religious offices, were well versed in the art of religious recitation. In a broader sense, as Harold Scheub emphasizes in a major arti- cle entitled "A Review of African Oral Traditions and Literature" (1985), the link between the written and oral tradition in the Islamic African world was very strong. Although Scheub refers primarily to 58 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist sity of Niamey); and discussions with griots about their colleagues. As the result of these sessions, by May 1981 I had developed a sharper awareness of the difference between master and apprentice griots in western Niger. Finally, my sense that I had chosen for closer analysis the most appropriate recording of the many I had made in 1980-81 was confirmed by Diould6 Laya, the scholar with the broadest background in the oral tradition of Niger. Literary and Performance Considerations Orality in the chronicles. Until now I have distinguished between the terms oral and written to designate two rather different forms of communication. But in fact, as Zumthor reminds us, they simply represent extremes on the same spectrum (1983, 35). It is useful to point out here, however, several similarities as well as differences between the two forms. First, the written nature of the chronicles should not obscure the fact that they stem from a tradition that combines both the written and the oral in the recitation of texts. In her recent study entitled The Art of Reciting the Qur'an, Kristina Nelson points out that "the transmission of the Qur'an and its social existence are essentially oral. Qur'anic rhythm and assonance alone confirm that is is meant to be heard. But the oral nature of the Qur'an goes beyond euphony: the significance of the revelation is carried as much by the sound as by its semantic information. In other words, the Qur'an is not the Qur'an unless it is heard" (1985, xiv). Although there is no evidence that the chronicles were recited, given the limited number of manuscripts and the low level of Arabic literacy in the Sahel, it is highly likely that, at least on some occa- sions, these texts were read aloud to small groups. The European tradition offers a parallel that invites further analysis of the West Af- rican manuscript tradition. Zumthor observes that in Europe the ev- idence "of this practice [of reading aloud] is uninterrupted, from the 5th to the 16th centuries" (1987, 117). Certainly the narrators, espe- cially es-Sa'di, Imam of the Mosque of Sankore in Timbuktu and holder of many other religious offices, were well versed in the art of religious recitation. In a broader sense, as Harold Scheub emphasizes in a major arti- cle entitled "A Review of African Oral Traditions and Literature" (1985), the link between the written and oral tradition in the Islamic African world was very strong. Although Scheub refers primarily to  Sources 59 the poetic tradition in his discussion, many aspects of the chronicles would fit his notion of the relationship between the oral and the writ- ten tradition. The chronicles reflect a high degree of piety on the part of the narrators, which they express frequently in forms with strong oral connotations, particularly the exclamations and prayers to Allah. It is the oral style of the narrators that gives an aura of sanctity to their accounts. From the many "indices of orality" (Zumthor 1987, 37), we may make what Zumthor terms a "presump- tion of orality" (46) and hypothesize that the chronicles were read aloud. One of these indices appears in the occasional addresses to the reader. In the first chapter of the TF, the narrator refers to "our lan- guage," as if addressing those of other ethnic groups. At the begin- ning of chapter 5, the narrator speaks both to his audience and to Allah in a manner that is both informal and pious. We, the readers, are, as it were, at his feet listening both to the narrator and to his prayer: It is time now that we return to our subject which is the biography of the Askias. We went on about all these important people, fol- lowing a path which we had not planned to take; probably no good will come from it because it is likely that most of the tales re- counted earlier are untrue. We ask the pardon of God the most high. Lord, be praised and glorified! I declare that there is no di- vinity other than you, I ask pardon, and I return to you. (TF 80) Later in the chapter, the reader is told in an aside, presumably by KAti's grandson, that the entire story has been transcribed to that point from his grandfather's book, which was written following di- rections by one of the elder's students (TF 92). The purpose of the aside appears to be to emphasize the veracity of the account, but it also brings the narrator closer to the reader. The TS contains many of the prayers and exclamations also found in the TF. But Houdas, translator of the TS, describes the style of the first part of this chronicle as "a bit dry and laconic" (TS ii). The second part is "quite lively and appears with a certain abundance of details" (TS iii). He attributes the stylistic variation to the sources. The first part draws on rarely identified oral accounts, while the second relies on what the author and his sources have seen. Com- menting on the lack of form and plan for the narrative, the translator notes finally that "one gets the impression from time to time that Sources 59 the poetic tradition in his discussion, many aspects of the chronicles would fit his notion of the relationship between the oral and the writ- ten tradition. The chronicles reflect a high degree of piety on the part of the narrators, which they express frequently in forms with strong oral connotations, particularly the exclamations and prayers to Allah. It is the oral style of the narrators that gives an aura of sanctity to their accounts. From the many "indices of orality" (Zumthor 1987, 37), we may make what Zumthor terms a "presump- tion of orality" (46) and hypothesize that the chronicles were read aloud. One of these indices appears in the occasional addresses to the reader. In the first chapter of the TF, the narrator refers to "our lan- guage," as if addressing those of other ethnic groups. At the begin- ning of chapter 5, the narrator speaks both to his audience and to Allah in a manner that is both informal and pious. We, the readers, are, as it were, at his feet listening both to the narrator and to his prayer: It is time now that we return to our subject which is the biography of the Askias. We went on about all these important people, fol- lowing a path which we had not planned to take; probably no good will come from it because it is likely that most of the tales re- counted earlier are untrue. We ask the pardon of God the most high. Lord, be praised and glorified! I declare that there is no di- vinity other than you, I ask pardon, and I return to you. (TF 80) Later in the chapter, the reader is told in an aside, presumably by Kiti's grandson, that the entire story has been transcribed to that point from his grandfather's book, which was written following di- rections by one of the elder's students (TF 92). The purpose of the aside appears to be to emphasize the veracity of the account, but it also brings the narrator closer to the reader. The TS contains many of the prayers and exclamations also found in the TF. But Houdas, translator of the TS, describes the style of the first part of this chronicle as "a bit dry and laconic" (TS ii). The second part is "quite lively and appears with a certain abundance of details" (TS iii). He attributes the stylistic variation to the sources. The first part draws on rarely identified oral accounts, while the second relies on what the author and his sources have seen. Com- menting on the lack of form and plan for the narrative, the translator notes finally that "one gets the impression from time to time that Sources 59 the poetic tradition in his discussion, many aspects of the chronicles would fit his notion of the relationship between the oral and the writ- ten tradition. The chronicles reflect a high degree of piety on the part of the narrators, which they express frequently in forms with strong oral connotations, particularly the exclamations and prayers to Allah. It is the oral style of the narrators that gives an aura of sanctity to their accounts. From the many "indices of orality" (Zumthor 1987, 37), we may make what Zumthor terms a "presump- tion of orality" (46) and hypothesize that the chronicles were read aloud. One of these indices appears in the occasional addresses to the reader. In the first chapter of the TF, the narrator refers to "our lan- guage," as if addressing those of other ethnic groups. At the begin- ning of chapter 5, the narrator speaks both to his audience and to Allah in a manner that is both informal and pious. We, the readers, are, as it were, at his feet listening both to the narrator and to his prayer: It is time now that we return to our subject which is the biography of the Askias. We went on about all these important people, fol- lowing a path which we had not planned to take; probably no good will come from it because it is likely that most of the tales re- counted earlier are untrue. We ask the pardon of God the most high. Lord, be praised and glorified! I declare that there is no di- vinity other than you, I ask pardon, and I return to you. (TF 80) Later in the chapter, the reader is told in an aside, presumably by Kiti's grandson, that the entire story has been transcribed to that point from his grandfather's book, which was written following di- rections by one of the elder's students (TF 92). The purpose of the aside appears to be to emphasize the veracity of the account, but it also brings the narrator closer to the reader. The TS contains many of the prayers and exclamations also found in the TF. But Houdas, translator of the TS, describes the style of the first part of this chronicle as "a bit dry and laconic" (TS ii). The second part is "quite lively and appears with a certain abundance of details" (TS iii). He attributes the stylistic variation to the sources. The first part draws on rarely identified oral accounts, while the second relies on what the author and his sources have seen. Com- menting on the lack of form and plan for the narrative, the translator notes finally that "one gets the impression from time to time that  60 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist he thinks in the idiom of the Sudan and that he is not writing in his maternal language" (TS iv). Zumthor explains how this phenome- non operates in cultures where the oral coexists with the written: "In a culture of mixed orality, the subjects read-and conceive-texts through a grid supplied by the oral tradition, interpreting the writing in terms of the values attached to the voice" (1987, 243). In spite of these examples of orality in the chronicles, the narra- tors are writing for unknown audiences. They are links among a dis- tant and ill-defined past, a present that they are most skillful at re- porting, and a future that remains unclear. In another sense, by their prayers, they serve as an intermediary between their unknown read- ers and Allah. Oral artist and audience. Several features distinguish the oral narrative from the orality of the chronicles. The most obvious differ- ence was the musical accompaniment. Nouhou Malio's performance was typical of many I witnessed by Songhay griots. Soumana Abdou, the molo player, accompanied the griot with a form of background music that, though it did not often appear to match in any regular pattern the delivery of the lines, lent an aura of performance to the narrative. The molo is a three stringed guitarlike instrument similar to the Mand6 ngoni. It has a hollow, oblong wooden body covered with cowhide and fitted with a wooden neck 50 centimeters long topped by a rattle made of a piece of sheet metal fringed with small wire rings. Two ethnomusicologists, Roderic Knight, professor of ethnomu- sicology at Oberlin University who has done extensive work on Mande music, and Samuel Bayard, professor emeritus of English and comparative literature at the Pennsylvania State University, lis- tened to samples of the recording and drew a preliminary conclusion that the griot's performance was what one would call spoken narra- tive with musical accompaniment. Further ethnomusicological stud- ies of both the words and the music are needed before we can arrive any final conclusions about the relationship between these two basic elements of the performance. The griot remained in his chair, declaiming the lines of the narra- tive in a style somewhere between what Zumthor terms the "dit" or "spoken" and the "chantd" or "sung" (1983, 178). This difference, for Zumthor, defines the notion of performance. But such a dichot- omy does not take into account a variety of other features that, to- 60 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist he thinks in the idiom of the Sudan and that he is not writing in his maternal language" (TS iv). Zumthor explains how this phenome- non operates in cultures where the oral coexists with the written: "In a culture of mixed orality, the subjects read-and conceive-texts through a grid supplied by the oral tradition, interpreting the writing in terms of the values attached to the voice" (1987, 243). In spite of these examples of orality in the chronicles, the narra- tors are writing for unknown audiences. They are links among a dis- tant and ill-defined past, a present that they are most skillful at re- porting, and a future that remains unclear. In another sense, by their prayers, they serve as an intermediary between their unknown read- ers and Allah. Oral artist and audience. Several features distinguish the oral narrative from the orality of the chronicles. The most obvious differ- ence was the musical accompaniment. Nouhou Malio's performance was typical of many I witnessed by Songhay griots. Soumana Abdou, the molo player, accompanied the griot with a form of background music that, though it did not often appear to match in any regular pattern the delivery of the lines, lent an aura of performance to the narrative. The molo is a three stringed guitarlike instrument similar to the Mand6 ngoni. It has a hollow, oblong wooden body covered with cowhide and fitted with a wooden neck 50 centimeters long topped by a rattle made of a piece of sheet metal fringed with small wire rings. Two ethnomusicologists, Roderic Knight, professor of ethnomu- sicology at Oberlin University who has done extensive work on Mand6 music, and Samuel Bayard, professor emeritus of English and comparative literature at the Pennsylvania State University, lis- tened to samples of the recording and drew a preliminary conclusion that the griot's performance was what one would call spoken narra- tive with musical accompaniment. Further ethnomusicological stud- ies of both the words and the music are needed before we can arrive any final conclusions about the relationship between these two basic elements of the performance. The griot remained in his chair, declaiming the lines of the narra- tive in a style somewhere between what Zumthor terms the "dit" or "spoken" and the "chant6" or "sung" (1983, 178). This difference, for Zumthor, defines the notion of performance. But such a dichot- omy does not take into account a variety of other features that, to- 60 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist he thinks in the idiom of the Sudan and that he is not writing in his maternal language" (TS iv). Zumthor explains how this phenome- non operates in cultures where the oral coexists with the written: "In a culture of mixed orality, the subjects read-and conceive-texts through a grid supplied by the oral tradition, interpreting the writing in terms of the values attached to the voice" (1987, 243). In spite of these examples of orality in the chronicles, the narra- tors are writing for unknown audiences. They are links among a dis- tant and ill-defined past, a present that they are most skillful at re- porting, and a future that remains unclear. In another sense, by their prayers, they serve as an intermediary between their unknown read- ers and Allah. Oral artist and audience. Several features distinguish the oral narrative from the orality of the chronicles. The most obvious differ- ence was the musical accompaniment. Nouhou Malio's performance was typical of many I witnessed by Songhay griots. Soumana Abdou, the molo player, accompanied the griot with a form of background music that, though it did not often appear to match in any regular pattern the delivery of the lines, lent an aura of performance to the narrative. The molo is a three stringed guitarlike instrument similar to the Mandd ngoni. It has a hollow, oblong wooden body covered with cowhide and fitted with a wooden neck 50 centimeters long topped by a rattle made of a piece of sheet metal fringed with small wire rings. Two ethnomusicologists, Roderic Knight, professor of ethnomu- sicology at Oberlin University who has done extensive work on Mand6 music, and Samuel Bayard, professor emeritus of English and comparative literature at the Pennsylvania State University, lis- tened to samples of the recording and drew a preliminary conclusion that the griot's performance was what one would call spoken narra- tive with musical accompaniment. Further ethnomusicological stud- ies of both the words and the music are needed before we can arrive any final conclusions about the relationship between these two basic elements of the performance. The griot remained in his chair, declaiming the lines of the narra- tive in a style somewhere between what Zumthor terms the "dit" or "spoken" and the "chantd" or "sung" (1983, 178). This difference, for Zumthor, defines the notion of performance. But such a dichot- omy does not take into account a variety of other features that, to-  Sources 61 Sources 61 Sources 61 gether, contribute to the impression that we are witnessing a perfor- mance, not simply a telling of a story. Nouhou Malio varied his rate of delivery considerably, some- times running several lines together, sometimes repeating them slowly and rhythmically, especially where he was describing events occurring in parallel-for example, the birth of Kassaye's child, Askia Mohammed, and that of her Bargantch6 servant, lines 43-49. For the linguist Roman Jakobson and R. Schwab, notes Zumthor, these kinds of recurrences and repetitions are the basis of poetry: "Jakobson saw in them the basis of all poetic language. R. Schwab takes them as characteristics of non-European poetry" (1983, 141). During his performance, Nouhou Malio used gesture only once, when he described Askia Mohammed at the tomb of Mohammed. The lack of other gestures does not seem to stem from any taboo such as we find for performers in other cultures in particular con- texts. Other Songhay griots used gestures freely to underscore names in genealogies. Often a griot employed gestures only toward the lat- ter part of a session when he had become totally immersed in verbal expression and wanted to emphasize a point. Here, however, the griot appeared to want to let the words themselves do the job. His physical strength was no longer as great as when he was younger and could accompany himself on the molo while recounting an epic. The choice of the one notable gesture to portray how Askia Mohammed put his hands down into the tomb of Mohammed appears to reflect the need to explain and to underscore the bizarre nature of the event. This gesture brought the past to the present in a way that words could not. In the epic, however, it is the griot's use of a variety of verbal devices typical of oral narratives that, more than any particular as- pect of the performance itself, helps his listeners to bridge the gap between the present and the events described, which took place many centuries earlier. Of the diverse techniques used, the most ef- fective in capturing the audience's attention appears to be the fre- quent changes in narrative voice. Nouhou Malio recounts the story in the third person, but slips occasionally into other voices. At one highly signficant point he assumes the role of a character in the crowd, taking his listeners back to the scene. This occurs when Askia Mohammed approaches the prayer ground to kill his uncle. We are there, so to speak, because the griot, now playing the role of a bystander, remarks in the present tense that he too has noted gether, contribute to the impression that we are witnessing a perfor- mance, not simply a telling of a story. Nouhou Malio varied his rate of delivery considerably, some- times running several lines together, sometimes repeating them slowly and rhythmically, especially where he was describing events occurring in parallel-for example, the birth of Kassaye's child, Askia Mohammed, and that of her Bargantch6 servant, lines 43-49. For the linguist Roman Jakobson and R. Schwab, notes Zumthor, these kinds of recurrences and repetitions are the basis of poetry: "Jakobson saw in them the basis of all poetic language. R. Schwab takes them as characteristics of non-European poetry" (1983, 141). During his performance, Nouhou Malio used gesture only once, when he described Askia Mohammed at the tomb of Mohammed. The lack of other gestures does not seem to stem from any taboo such as we find for performers in other cultures in particular con- texts. Other Songhay griots used gestures freely to underscore names in genealogies. Often a griot employed gestures only toward the lat- ter part of a session when he had become totally immersed in verbal expression and wanted to emphasize a point. Here, however, the griot appeared to want to let the words themselves do the job. His physical strength was no longer as great as when he was younger and could accompany himself on the molo while recounting an epic. The choice of the one notable gesture to portray how Askia Mohammed put his hands down into the tomb of Mohammed appears to reflect the need to explain and to underscore the bizarre nature of the event. This gesture brought the past to the present in a way that words could not. In the epic, however, it is the griot's use of a variety of verbal devices typical of oral narratives that, more than any particular as- pect of the performance itself, helps his listeners to bridge the gap between the present and the events described, which took place many centuries earlier. Of the diverse techniques used, the most ef- fective in capturing the audience's attention appears to be the fre- quent changes in narrative voice. Nouhou Malio recounts the story in the third person, but slips occasionally into other voices. At one highly signficant point he assumes the role of a character in the crowd, taking his listeners back to the scene. This occurs when Askia Mohammed approaches the prayer ground to kill his uncle. We are there, so to speak, because the griot, now playing the role of a bystander, remarks in the present tense that he too has noted gether, contribute to the impression that we are witnessing a perfor- mance, not simply a telling of a story. Nouhou Malio varied his rate of delivery considerably, some- times running several lines together, sometimes repeating them slowly and rhythmically, especially where he was describing events occurring in parallel-for example, the birth of Kassaye's child, Askia Mohammed, and that of her Bargantchd servant, lines 43-49. For the linguist Roman Jakobson and R. Schwab, notes Zumthor, these kinds of recurrences and repetitions are the basis of poetry: "Jakobson saw in them the basis of all poetic language. R. Schwab takes them as characteristics of non-European poetry" (1983, 141). During his performance, Nouhou Malio used gesture only once, when he described Askia Mohammed at the tomb of Mohammed. The lack of other gestures does not seem to stem from any taboo such as we find for performers in other cultures in particular con- texts. Other Songhay griots used gestures freely to underscore names in genealogies. Often a griot employed gestures only toward the lat- ter part of a session when he had become totally immersed in verbal expression and wanted to emphasize a point. Here, however, the griot appeared to want to let the words themselves do the job. His physical strength was no longer as great as when he was younger and could accompany himself on the molo while recounting an epic. The choice of the one notable gesture to portray how Askia Mohammed put his hands down into the tomb of Mohammed appears to reflect the need to explain and to underscore the bizarre nature of the event. This gesture brought the past to the present in a way that words could not. In the epic, however, it is the griot's use of a variety of verbal devices typical of oral narratives that, more than any particular as- pect of the performance itself, helps his listeners to bridge the gap between the present and the events described, which took place many centuries earlier. Of the diverse techniques used, the most ef- fective in capturing the audience's attention appears to be the fre- quent changes in narrative voice. Nouhou Malio recounts the story in the third person, but slips occasionally into other voices. At one highly signficant point he assumes the role of a character in the crowd, taking his listeners back to the scene. This occurs when Askia Mohammed approaches the prayer ground to kill his uncle. We are there, so to speak, because the griot, now playing the role of a bystander, remarks in the present tense that he too has noted  62 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the resemblance between the unknown visitor and the ruler's groom. Occasionally he shifts out of the straight narrative mode to ad- dress directly his listeners, as if to drive home a point with what Zumthor terms a "dialogic intervention" (1987, 249). When he asks his listeners if they have understood a key element of dialogue be- tween Amar Zoubani and his father toward the end of the narrative, he is really asking a much larger question: Have we understood the complex lesson about the social structure in the Sahel, a lesson for- mulated by the griot in a carefully drawn case study? At other, less momentous occasions, he simply switches back and forth from the past of the dialogue to the present of the audience-for example, when he is reporting the etiological tales of how sorkos, sohancis, and griots came into being. After lines 216-18, which contain re- ported dialogue by one of Sonni Ali Ber's sons explaining why he now praises Askia Mohammed, Nouhou Malin turns from the character to his audience to add that this incident shows why he and others like him are griots. The narrator also shifts constantly between the past and the present by simply changing tenses. In the English trans- lation, these variations make for a somewhat choppy style. Rather than attempt to smooth out his tense patterns by keeping the narra- tive in the past tense, however, I have chosen to follow his shifts as closely as possible because they appear to fit into the larger pattern of bringing the listener to the event. Finally, Nouhou Malio often blurs the line between direct and indirect discourse. For example, there are many lines in which the speaker and what is spoken appear clear-a distinction noted by quotation marks. At other times, from the griot's tone of voice I have translated the line as indirect discourse and left out the quota- tion marks. But often, in the original, the distinction is not always clear from the context. On a few occasions the griot appears, then, to be slipping into a form of free indirect discourse that, again, brings the listener closer to the character in question. In addition to these variations in narrative voice, all of which di- minish the distance among the audience, the narrator, and the story, the griot employs a variety of other rhetorical techniques to give life to his account. Among them we find repetition, metonymy, compari- sons, metaphors, ideophones, vocabulary from other languages, ge- nealogies, and etiological tales. Repetition is used both for emphasis and to indicate the passage 62 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the resemblance between the unknown visitor and the ruler's groom. Occasionally he shifts out of the straight narrative mode to ad- dress directly his listeners, as if to drive home a point with what Zumthor terms a "dialogic intervention" (1987, 249). When he asks his listeners if they have understood a key element of dialogue be- tween Amar Zoubani and his father toward the end of the narrative, he is really asking a much larger question: Have we understood the complex lesson about the social structure in the Sahel, a lesson for- mulated by the griot in a carefully drawn case study? At other, less momentous occasions, he simply switches back and forth from the past of the dialogue to the present of the audience-for example, when he is reporting the etiological tales of how sorkos, sohancis, and griots came into being. After lines 216-18, which contain re- ported dialogue by one of Sonni Ali Ber's sons explaining why he now praises Askia Mohammed, Nouhou Malio turns from the character to his audience to add that this incident shows why he and others like him are griots. The narrator also shifts constantly between the past and the present by simply changing tenses. In the English trans- lation, these variations make for a somewhat choppy style. Rather than attempt to smooth out his tense patterns by keeping the narra- tive in the past tense, however, I have chosen to follow his shifts as closely as possible because they appear to fit into the larger pattern of bringing the listener to the event. Finally, Nouhou Malio often blurs the line between direct and indirect discourse. For example, there are many lines in which the speaker and what is spoken appear clear-a distinction noted by quotation marks. At other times, from the griot's tone of voice I have translated the line as indirect discourse and left out the quota- tion marks. But often, in the original, the distinction is not always clear from the context. On a few occasions the griot appears, then, to be slipping into a form of free indirect discourse that, again, brings the listener closer to the character in question. In addition to these variations in narrative voice, all of which di- minish the distance among the audience, the narrator, and the story, the griot employs a variety of other rhetorical techniques to give life to his account. Among them we find repetition, metonymy, compari- sons, metaphors, ideophones, vocabulary from other languages, ge- nealogies, and etiological tales. Repetition is used both for emphasis and to indicate the passage 62 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the resemblance between the unknown visitor and the ruler's groom. Occasionally he shifts out of the straight narrative mode to ad- dress directly his listeners, as if to drive home a point with what Zumthor terms a "dialogic intervention" (1987, 249). When he asks his listeners if they have understood a key element of dialogue be- tween Amar Zoubani and his father toward the end of the narrative, he is really asking a much larger question: Have we understood the complex lesson about the social structure in the Sahel, a lesson for- mulated by the griot in a carefully drawn case study? At other, less momentous occasions, he simply switches back and forth from the past of the dialogue to the present of the audience-for example, when he is reporting the etiological tales of how sorkos, sohancis, and griots came into being. After lines 216-18, which contain re- ported dialogue by one of Sonni Ali Ber's sons explaining why he now praises Askia Mohammed, Nouhou Malio turns from the character to his audience to add that this incident shows why he and others like him are griots. The narrator also shifts constantly between the past and the present by simply changing tenses. In the English trans- lation, these variations make for a somewhat choppy style. Rather than attempt to smooth out his tense patterns by keeping the narra- tive in the past tense, however, I have chosen to follow his shifts as closely as possible because they appear to fit into the larger pattern of bringing the listener to the event. Finally, Nouhou Malio often blurs the line between direct and indirect discourse. For example, there are many lines in which the speaker and what is spoken appear clear-a distinction noted by quotation marks. At other times, from the griot's tone of voice I have translated the line as indirect discourse and left out the quota- tion marks. But often, in the original, the distinction is not always clear from the context. On a few occasions the griot appears, then, to be slipping into a form of free indirect discourse that, again, brings the listener closer to the character in question. In addition to these variations in narrative voice, all of which di- minish the distance among the audience, the narrator, and the story, the griot employs a variety of other rhetorical techniques to give life to his account. Among them we find repetition, metonymy, compari- sons, metaphors, ideophones, vocabulary from other languages, ge- nealogies, and etiological tales. Repetition is used both for emphasis and to indicate the passage  Sources 63 of time. Where in the translation I have given six or eight repetitions of "until" or "quickly," the goal is to reflect more accurately, in a word-for-word manner, the griot's own repetitions to emphasize his point. On line 173, the griot uses "bal" six times to emphasize the swiftness of a horse. Earlier, in lines 101-3, the same line is repeated over and over to point out the passage of time during which Askia Mohammed works as a groom for his uncle. Metonymy is used to emphasize the subject's qualities. For ex- ample, during the fall of Gao, the griot often refers to the cavalry as horsemen, but at certain points, to stress the sheer power of so many men on horseback-a power that comes from the fact that they are mounted and not on foot-he refers simply to horses even though he means both horses and their riders. Comparisons are used to show more clearly how an action takes place, particularly an unusual action. One striking example occurs in lines 406-8 when the griot compares the flight of the sohanci with both modern and traditional referents-the first an airplane, the sec- ond a hawk swooping down to seize its prey. Metaphors are used to emphasize a particular quality, but only in the context of the zamu type of praise poem. After Askia Mohammed's death, the griot shifts to this symbolic shorthand to describe Moussa, a man of apparently great strength and power who did not hesitate to use these abilities (11. 482-89; 638-82). We find an- other example of this device in the description of Daoud (11. 507-90). The confusion here in the chronology, with a brief reference to Moussa (11. 482-89) followed by Daoud (11. 507-90) and then a return to Moussa (11. 638-82), is explained by the fact that Nouhou Malio used Moussa as a starting point for the second recording session. After listening to the end of the first tape to remind himself where he had stopped during the first session a month earlier, he returned to the metaphoric description of Moussa, but this time with much greater emphasis. In chapter 6, 1 shall discuss in more detail the zamu praise poems that serve as the model for this form of description. Ideophones, or "sound-ideas," untranslatable sounds that convey in adverbial form the impression of an action, are also used. In line 173, "bal" conveys the movement of a horse. In line 190, "Yooo!" expresses the movement of a group all at once. In line 1002, "jip" signifies the motion of jumping off a horse. In line 1038, "urufo" ech- oes the sound of falling into a hole. Ideophones appear to be a fea- ture of African languages. Zumthor suggests that "the density of the Sources 63 of time. Where in the translation I have given six or eight repetitions of "until" or "quickly," the goal is to reflect more accurately, in a word-for-word manner, the griot's own repetitions to emphasize his point. On line 173, the griot uses "bal" six times to emphasize the swiftness of a horse. Earlier, in lines 101-3, the same line is repeated over and over to point out the passage of time during which Askia Mohammed works as a groom for his uncle. Metonymy is used to emphasize the subject's qualities. For ex- ample, during the fall of Gao, the griot often refers to the cavalry as horsemen, but at certain points, to stress the sheer power of so many men on horseback-a power that comes from the fact that they are mounted and not on foot-he refers simply to horses even though he means both horses and their riders. Comparisons are used to show more clearly how an action takes place, particularly an unusual action. One striking example occurs in lines 406-8 when the griot compares the flight of the sohanci with both modern and traditional referents-the first an airplane, the sec- ond a hawk swooping down to seize its prey. Metaphors are used to emphasize a particular quality, but only in the context of the zamu type of praise poem. After Askia Mohammed's death, the griot shifts to this symbolic shorthand to describe Moussa, a man of apparently great strength and power who did not hesitate to use these abilities (11. 482-89; 638-82). We find an- other example of this device in the description of Daoud (11. 507-90). The confusion here in the chronology, with a brief reference to Moussa (11. 482-89) followed by Daoud (11. 507-90) and then a return to Moussa (11. 638-82), is explained by the fact that Nouhou Malio used Moussa as a starting point for the second recording session. After listening to the end of the first tape to remind himself where he had stopped during the first session a month earlier, he returned to the metaphoric description of Moussa, but this time with much greater emphasis. In chapter 6, 1 shall discuss in more detail the zamu praise poems that serve as the model for this form of description. Ideophones, or "sound-ideas," untranslatable sounds that convey in adverbial form the impression of an action, are also used. In line 173, "bal" conveys the movement of a horse. In line 190, "Yooo!" expresses the movement of a group all at once. In line 1002, "jip" signifies the motion of jumping off a horse. In line 1038, "urufo" ech- oes the sound of falling into a hole. Ideophones appear to be a fea- ture of African languages. Zumthor suggests that "the density of the Sources 63 of time. Where in the translation I have given six or eight repetitions of "until" or "quickly," the goal is to reflect more accurately, in a word-for-word manner, the griot's own repetitions to emphasize his point. On line 173, the griot uses "bal" six times to emphasize the swiftness of a horse. Earlier, in lines 101-3, the same line is repeated over and over to point out the passage of time during which Askia Mohammed works as a groom for his uncle. Metonymy is used to emphasize the subject's qualities. For ex- ample, during the fall of Gao, the griot often refers to the cavalry as horsemen, but at certain points, to stress the sheer power of so many men on horseback-a power that comes from the fact that they are mounted and not on foot-he refers simply to horses even though he means both horses and their riders. Comparisons are used to show more clearly how an action takes place, particularly an unusual action. One striking example occurs in lines 406-8 when the griot compares the flight of the sohanci with both modern and traditional referents-the first an airplane, the sec- ond a hawk swooping down to seize its prey. Metaphors are used to emphasize a particular quality, but only in the context of the zamu type of praise poem. After Askia Mohammed's death, the griot shifts to this symbolic shorthand to describe Moussa, a man of apparently great strength and power who did not hesitate to use these abilities (11. 482-89; 638-82). We find an- other example of this device in the description of Daoud (11. 507-90). The confusion here in the chronology, with a brief reference to Moussa (11. 482-89) followed by Daoud (11. 507-90) and then a return to Moussa (11. 638-82), is explained by the fact that Nouhou Malio used Moussa as a starting point for the second recording session. After listening to the end of the first tape to remind himself where he had stopped during the first session a month earlier, he returned to the metaphoric description of Moussa, but this time with much greater emphasis. In chapter 6, 1 shall discuss in more detail the zamu praise poems that serve as the model for this form of description. Ideophones, or "sound-ideas," untranslatable sounds that convey in adverbial form the impression of an action, are also used. In line 173, "bal" conveys the movement of a horse. In line 190, "Yooo/" expresses the movement of a group all at once. In line 1002, "jip" signifies the motion of jumping off a horse. In line 1038, "urufo" ech- oes the sound of falling into a hole. Ideophones appear to be a fea- ture of African languages. Zumthor suggests that "the density of the  64 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 64 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 64 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist ideophone network is one of the characteristics of African poetic language" (1983, 131). Vocabulary from other languages serves a variety of purposes for the griot. As Oumarou Watta points out, "the epic is poly- glot" (1985, 65). The evidence from the version recounted by Nouhou Malio here as well as from others in the region certainly supports this view. Imbedded in the Songhay we find bits of French, Sonink6, and other, less easily identifiable words from other lan- guages. French: The use of the expression lerfo represents a combination of French (heure, meaning "hour") and Songhay (ifo, meaning "what," 1. 395). It reflects the influence of Western culture, in partic- ular the notion of time in a more precise sense. Other examples in- clude finetro from the French "fenfetre" for window and gufernena from the French "gouvernement" for government. Soninkt: A much more significant linguistic borrowing appears in the frequent insertion of Sonink6 words, which provide consider- able difficulty when translating the narrative. According to Songhay griots, their ancestors were originally of Soninkd origin. The term gesere, pronouned with a hard g, is the Soninkd word for griot. Among the Songhay from the T6ra region of western Niger, it is jasare, while the Zarma pronounce it jesere (Bonbon Hama, cited in Rapport du Moyen Niger aver le Ghana ancien 1984, 7). In sev- eral instances in the narrative griots take advantage of this language to communicate secretly with their masters. Over time, griots have come to convey the oral narrative in alternating verses of Soninkd and Songhay. But in the process, the Sonink6 has become archaic and overlain with other languages-Bambara and Fulani. The result is that comprehension remains quite limited between modern Sonink6 speakers and griots from the fringe of the Mandd diaspora who use older forms of the language for occult purposes. At the 1981 SCOA Foundation seminar on relations between the middle Niger and ancient Ghana, two griots, one a Soninkd, Diarra Sylla, the other a Songhay from Niamey, Djeliba Badid, managed to exchange a few words in Sonink6, but it was clear that communication between them was quite limited. In Nouhou Malio's narrative, some Sonink6 words are used in alternation with Songhay. For example, when he recites genealogies, he shifts back and forth between saara, the Soninkd verb "to give birth" or "to father" and hay, the Songhay equivalent. The noun ideophone network is one of the characteristics of African poetic language" (1983, 131). Vocabulary from other languages serves a variety of purposes for the griot. As Oumarou Watta points out, "the epic is poly- glot" (1985, 65). The evidence from the version recounted by Nouhou Malio here as well as from others in the region certainly supports this view. Imbedded in the Songhay we find bits of French, Soninkd, and other, less easily identifiable words from other lan- guages. French: The use of the expression lerfo represents a combination of French (heure, meaning "hour") and Songhay (tfo, meaning "what," 1. 395). It reflects the influence of Western culture, in partic- ular the notion of time in a more precise sense. Other examples in- clude finetro from the French "fenetre" for window and gufernema from the French "gouvernement" for government. Soninkd: A much more significant linguistic borrowing appears in the frequent insertion of Soninkd words, which provide consider- able difficulty when translating the narrative. According to Songhay griots, their ancestors were originally of Soninkd origin. The term gesere, pronouned with a hard g, is the Soninkd word for griot. Among the Songhay from the Tdra region of western Niger, it is jasare, while the Zarma pronounce it jesere (Boubon Hama, cited in Rapport du Moyen Niger avec le Ghana ancien 1984, 7). In sev- eral instances in the narrative griots take advantage of this language to communicate secretly with their masters. Over time, griots have come to convey the oral narrative in alternating verses of Sonink6 and Songhay. But in the process, the Sonink6 has become archaic and overlain with other languages-Bambara and Fulani. The result is that comprehension remains quite limited between modern Sonink6 speakers and griots from the fringe of the Mandd diaspora who use older forms of the language for occult purposes. At the 1981 SCOA Foundation seminar on relations between the middle Niger and ancient Ghana, two griots, one a Sonink6, Diarra Sylla, the other a Songhay from Niamey, Djeliba Badid, managed to exchange a few words in Soninkd, but it was clear that communication between them was quite limited. In Nouhou Malio's narrative, some Sonink6 words are used in alternation with Songhay. For example, when he recites genealogies, he shifts back and forth between saara, the Sonink6 verb "to give birth" or "to father" and hay, the Songhay equivalent. The noun ideophone network is one of the characteristics of African poetic language" (1983, 131). Vocabulary from other languages serves a variety of purposes for the griot. As Oumarou Watta points out, "the epic is poly- glot" (1985, 65). The evidence from the version recounted by Nouhou Malio here as well as from others in the region certainly supports this view. Imbedded in the Songhay we find bits of French, Sonink6, and other, less easily identifiable words from other lan- guages. French: The use of the expression lerfo represents a combination of French (heure, meaning "hour") and Songhay (tfo, meaning "what," 1. 395). It reflects the influence of Western culture, in partic- ular the notion of time in a more precise sense. Other examples in- clude finetro from the French "fenetre" for window and gufernema from the French "gouvernement" for government. Soninki: A much more significant linguistic borrowing appears in the frequent insertion of Soninkd words, which provide consider- able difficulty when translating the narrative. According to Songhay griots, their ancestors were originally of Soninkd origin. The term gesere, pronouned with a hard g, is the Soninkd word for griot. Among the Songhay from the T6ra region of western Niger, it is jasare, while the Zarma pronounce it jesere (Boubou Hama, cited in Rapport du Moyen Niger avec le Ghana ancien 1984, 7). In sev- eral instances in the narrative griots take advantage of this language to communicate secretly with their masters. Over time, griots have come to convey the oral narrative in alternating verses of Sonink6 and Songhay. But in the process, the Sonink6 has become archaic and overlain with other languages-Bambara and Fulani. The result is that comprehension remains quite limited between modern Sonink6 speakers and griots from the fringe of the Mand6 diaspora who use older forms of the language for occult purposes. At the 1981 SCOA Foundation seminar on relations between the middle Niger and ancient Ghana, two griots, one a Sonink6, Diarra Sylla, the other a Songhay from Niamey, Djeliba Badid, managed to exchange a few words in Sonink6, but it was clear that communication between them was quite limited. In Nouhou Malio's narrative, some Sonink6 words are used in alternation with Songhay. For example, when he recites genealogies, he shifts back and forth between saara, the Sonink6 verb "to give birth" or "to father" and hay, the Songhay equivalent. The noun  Sources 65 ndaba, a variant of debe, the Soninkd term for village, alternates with its Songhay counterpart, kwaara (Bathily and Meillassoux 1976). The difficulty arises-evident from so many of the undeciphera- ble or partially undecipherable lines-in those mixed verses that contain bits and pieces of Songhay, what may also be Sonink6, and no doubt other languages, such as Bambara and Fulani. The prob- lem occurs especially in what Johnson and Bird would describe as the praise-proverb passages, poems the Songhay call zamu. Where a word is of non-Songhay origin but appears to be translatable, I have underlined it in both the original transcription and the English translation. In all other places, the term undecipherable refers either to words for which I cannot find a meaning or to occasional problems in understanding the griot when his speech is rapid or not sufficiently clear. The deformation of Sonink6 (and apparently terms from other languages) matches a pattern noted by Johnson in some of the dia- lectical differences in the Mand6 world. This is particularly common in praise-poems and praise-names, many of which are from Sonink6 and Khasonke. Bards learning texts, especially when they travel to areas where different dialects are spoken, sometimes maintain an original form of a praise-name they happen to hear. Often, they do not hear a praise-name or understand it clearly, especially when chance does not permit a repetition of the form. A bard sometimes learns a praise-name from another bard who himself does not know its meaning and who may be mispronouncing the original form." (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 92-93) As a stylistic device, the Sonink6, decipherable or not, lends an aura of mystery and magic to the narrative. In addition to the bards, Songhay healers, sorcerers, and magicians use this language, called sillance, sillince, or soniankt. These terms designate the words, the griots themselves, and their clan origin. They are supposed to come from the Silla clan of the Sonink6. Olivier de Sardan reports that the Gourma designate some of the Fulani in the T6ra region, a Songhay area, as Sillince, but adds that they do not seem to have any link with the griots of Silla origin (1982, 331-32). The use of the Sonink6 as a narrative device raises a much deeper Sources 65 ndaba, a variant of debe, the Sonink6 term for village, alternates with its Songhay counterpart, kwaara (Bathily and Meillassoux 1976). The difficulty arises-evident from so many of the undeciphera- ble or partially undecipherable lines-in those mixed verses that contain bits and pieces of Songhay, what may also be Sonink6, and no doubt other languages, such as Bambara and Fulani. The prob- lem occurs especially in what Johnson and Bird would describe as the praise-proverb passages, poems the Songhay call zamu. Where a word is of non-Songhay origin but appears to be translatable, I have underlined it in both the original transcription and the English translation. In all other places, the term undecipherable refers either to words for which I cannot find a meaning or to occasional problems in understanding the griot when his speech is rapid or not sufficiently clear. The deformation of Sonink6 (and apparently terms from other languages) matches a pattern noted by Johnson in some of the dia- lectical differences in the Mand6 world. This is particularly common in praise-poems and praise-names, many of which are from Sonink6 and Khasonke. Bards learning texts, especially when they travel to areas where different dialects are spoken, sometimes maintain an original form of a praise-name they happen to hear. Often, they do not hear a praise-name or understand it clearly, especially when chance does not permit a repetition of the form. A bard sometimes learns a praise-name from another bard who himself does not know its meaning and who may be mispronouncing the original form." (Johnson and Sis6k6 1986, 92-93) As a stylistic device, the Sonink6, decipherable or not, lends an aura of mystery and magic to the narrative. In addition to the bards, Songhay healers, sorcerers, and magicians use this language, called sillance, sillince, or soniankt. These terms designate the words, the griots themselves, and their clan origin. They are supposed to come from the Silla clan of the Sonink6. Olivier de Sardan reports that the Gourma designate some of the Fulani in the T6ra region, a Songhay area, as Sillince, but adds that they do not seem to have any link with the griots of Silla origin (1982, 331-32). The use of the Soninkd as a narrative device raises a much deeper Sources 65 ndaba, a variant of debe, the Sonink6 term for village, alternates with its Songhay counterpart, kwaara (Bathily and Meillassoux 1976). The difficulty arises-evident from so many of the undeciphera- ble or partially undecipherable lines-in those mixed verses that contain bits and pieces of Songhay, what may also be Sonink6, and no doubt other languages, such as Bambara and Fulani. The prob- lem occurs especially in what Johnson and Bird would describe as the praise-proverb passages, poems the Songhay call zamu. Where a word is of non-Songhay origin but appears to be translatable, I have underlined it in both the original transcription and the English translation. In all other places, the term undecipherable refers either to words for which I cannot find a meaning or to occasional problems in understanding the griot when his speech is rapid or not sufficiently clear. The deformation of Sonink6 (and apparently terms from other languages) matches a pattern noted by Johnson in some of the dia- lectical differences in the Mand6 world. This is particularly common in praise-poems and praise-names, many of which are from Sonink6 and Khasonke. Bards learning texts, especially when they travel to areas where different dialects are spoken, sometimes maintain an original form of a praise-name they happen to hear. Often, they do not hear a praise-name or understand it clearly, especially when chance does not permit a repetition of the form. A bard sometimes learns a praise-name from another bard who himself does not know its meaning and who may be mispronouncing the original form." (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 92-93) As a stylistic device, the Sonink6, decipherable or not, lends an aura of mystery and magic to the narrative. In addition to the bards, Songhay healers, sorcerers, and magicians use this language, called sillance, sillince, or soniankt. These terms designate the words, the griots themselves, and their clan origin. They are supposed to come from the Silla clan of the Sonink6. Olivier de Sardan reports that the Gourma designate some of the Fulani in the Tdra region, a Songhay area, as Sillince, but adds that they do not seem to have any link with the griots of Silla origin (1982, 331-32). The use of the Sonink6 as a narrative device raises a much deeper  66 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist question about the reason for the appearance of Sonink6-speaking griots in the Songhay region. In the conclusion to this study, I shall propose an explanation for this phenomenon based on both the texts we are comparing and recent work by Robert Nicolai. Genealogies are used to tie the narrative down to a particular lineage. After his recitation of the fall of Gao, when the Songhay moved south to settle in different parts of western Niger, on several occasions the griot traces a lineage down to a particular town or vil- lage and names the current chief. The genealogy represents a shift in the mode of transmission because each line constitutes only two words: a name and a village. Such a paratactic style allows the griot to develop a more rhythmic, declamatory delivery. Etiological tales, cited earlier, are included to explain the origin of different types of people concerned with the belief system, magic, and history. The most notable examples appear at the beginning of the narrative when the griot recounts the origin of the sorko, the griot, and the sohanci. These tales also provide a momentary break that enables the griot to address his audience directly. The various devices just listed add up to what the Western world calls epic-a long poetic narrative. In the Songhay world, however, the verb to recount the past is deedie. Deedeyan is the narration of a story. Deeda is the noun that describes most closely the kind of long narrative I recorded from Nouhou Malio. But within that form, where the griot is listing a genealogy or chanting a praise, especially a zamu praise poem, he is literally "calling" forth names. The verb "to call" is ce. The epic is a blend, then, of deedeyan and ceyan, re- counting and calling. But as Oumarou Watta and Fatima Mounkaila suggest (interviews November 1988, February 1989), when the griot goes off to recount stories, he says he is going to fakaarey, faajikaarey, orfaajigarey, the verb meaning "to chat," "to make con- versation." He may, however, use the word in a sense that reflects the compound root-fagi, a term for isolation and boredom, and gawey, the verb "to hunt." In this context, the term appears to mean "to chase away or eliminate isolation and boredom." Many of the same devices are found in other narratives from the Sahel and from other parts of the world. A closer comparative study of epics in the region may well reveal a pattern of verbal art that is typical of the Sahel. For now, we may conclude that the griot's diverse techniques add up to a form that is often more allusive than that of the chroniclers. To understand, nevertheless, how that form 66 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist question about the reason for the appearance of Soninkd-speaking griots in the Songhay region. In the conclusion to this study, I shall propose an explanation for this phenomenon based on both the texts we are comparing and recent work by Robert Nicolai. Genealogies are used to tie the narrative down to a particular lineage. After his recitation of the fall of Gao, when the Songhay moved south to settle in different parts of western Niger, on several occasions the griot traces a lineage down to a particular town or vil- lage and names the current chief. The genealogy represents a shift in the mode of transmission because each line constitutes only two words: a name and a village. Such a paratactic style allows the griot to develop a more rhythmic, declamatory delivery. Etiological tales, cited earlier, are included to explain the origin of different types of people concerned with the belief system, magic, and history. The most notable examples appear at the beginning of the narrative when the griot recounts the origin of the sorko, the griot, and the sohanci. These tales also provide a momentary break that enables the griot to address his audience directly. The various devices just listed add up to what the Western world calls epic-a long poetic narrative. In the Songhay world, however, the verb to recount the past is deedie. Deedeyan is the narration of a story. Deeda is the noun that describes most closely the kind of long narrative I recorded from Nouhou Malio. But within that form, where the griot is listing a genealogy or chanting a praise, especially a zamu praise poem, he is literally "calling" forth names. The verb "to call" is ce. The epic is a blend, then, of deedeyan and ceyan, re- counting and calling. But as Oumarou Watta and Fatima Mounkaila suggest (interviews November 1988, February 1989), when the griot goes off to recount stories, he says he is going to fakaarey, faajikaarey, or faajigarey, the verb meaning "to chat," "to make con- versation." He may, however, use the word in a sense that reflects the compound root-fagi, a term for isolation and boredom, and gawey, the verb "to hunt." In this context, the term appears to mean "to chase away or eliminate isolation and boredom." Many of the same devices are found in other narratives from the Sahel and from other parts of the world. A closer comparative study of epics in the region may well reveal a pattern of verbal art that is typical of the Sahel. For now, we may conclude that the griot's diverse techniques add up to a form that is often more allusive than that of the chroniclers. To understand, nevertheless, how that form 66 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist question about the reason for the appearance of Sonink6-speaking griots in the Songhay region. In the conclusion to this study, I shall propose an explanation for this phenomenon based on both the texts we are comparing and recent work by Robert NicolaL. Genealogies are used to tie the narrative down to a particular lineage. After his recitation of the fall of Gao, when the Songhay moved south to settle in different parts of western Niger, on several occasions the griot traces a lineage down to a particular town or vil- lage and names the current chief. The genealogy represents a shift in the mode of transmission because each line constitutes only two words: a name and a village. Such a paratactic style allows the griot to develop a more rhythmic, declamatory delivery. Etiological tales, cited earlier, are included to explain the origin of different types of people concerned with the belief system, magic, and history. The most notable examples appear at the beginning of the narrative when the griot recounts the origin of the sorko, the griot, and the sohanci. These tales also provide a momentary break that enables the griot to address his audience directly. The various devices just listed add up to what the Western world calls epic-a long poetic narrative. In the Songhay world, however, the verb to recount the past is deedie. Deedeyan is the narration of a story. Deeda is the noun that describes most closely the kind of long narrative I recorded from Nouhou Malio. But within that form, where the griot is listing a genealogy or chanting a praise, especially a zamu praise poem, he is literally "calling" forth names. The verb "to call" is ce. The epic is a blend, then, of deedeyan and ceyan, re- counting and calling. But as Oumarou Watta and Fatima Mounkaila suggest (interviews November 1988, February 1989), when the griot goes off to recount stories, he says he is going to fakaarey, faajikaarey, or faajigarey, the verb meaning "to chat," "to make con- versation." He may, however, use the word in a sense that reflects the compound root-fagi, a term for isolation and boredom, and gawey, the verb "to hunt." In this context, the term appears to mean "to chase away or eliminate isolation and boredom." Many of the same devices are found in other narratives from the Sahel and from other parts of the world. A closer comparative study of epics in the region may well reveal a pattern of verbal art that is typical of the Sahel. For now, we may conclude that the griot's diverse techniques add up to a form that is often more allusive than that of the chroniclers. To understand, nevertheless, how that form  Sources 67 Sources 67 Sources 67 and the information it contains complements the chroniclers' much more detailed accounts, in the next chapter we shall compare the portraits that the scribes and griots give us of Askia Mohammed and the Songhay empire. and the information it contains complements the chroniclers' much more detailed accounts, in the next chapter we shall compare the portraits that the scribes and griots give us of Askia Mohammed and the Songhay empire. and the information it contains complements the chroniclers' much more detailed accounts, in the next chapter we shall compare the portraits that the scribes and griots give us of Askia Mohammed and the Songhay empire.  Chapter 4 The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed in the Chronicles and the Epic While both scribes and bards had frequent contact with their pa- trons, there are considerable differences in their portrayals of the people they served. What is important to the griot may be of little significance to the scribe, and vice versa. From these differences emerge a more complex portrait of the man who reigned over a large area of West Africa. But the differences also reveal much about the two aspects of Songhay culture-the Islamic and the traditional- that contributed most to the ruler's education. In this and succeeding chapters I shall compare the ways the two sources describe Askia Mohammed. My goal is to draw insights not only about the ruler, but also about the wordsmiths who convey images of him and the society that produced both. Given the great detail provided by the narrators of the chronicles in comparison with that sketched by the griot, I shall begin with the written source. Although the narrators do refer occasionally to Askia Moham- med in the first five chapters of the TF, they devote chapter 6 entirely to the Songhay leader. "What follows," we learn, "is the biography of the prince of the believers, of the sultan of the Moslems, of Askia Abou-Abdallah-Mohammed ben Aboubakar." While both the TF and the TS are full of small details that give us a fairly well-drawn portrait of Askia Mohammed, the narrators are somewhat reticent about his birth. The keeper of the oral tradition, on the other hand, focuses attention on that extraordinary event. As we shall see later, that difference will explain much about the belief system of the Songhay. 68 Chapter 4 The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed in the Chronicles and the Epic While both scribes and bards had frequent contact with their pa- trons, there are considerable differences in their portrayals of the people they served. What is important to the griot may be of little significance to the scribe, and vice versa. From these differences emerge a more complex portrait of the man who reigned over a large area of West Africa. But the differences also reveal much about the two aspects of Songhay culture-the Islamic and the traditional- that contributed most to the ruler's education. In this and succeeding chapters I shall compare the ways the two sources describe Askia Mohammed. My goal is to draw insights not only about the ruler, but also about the wordsmiths who convey images of him and the society that produced both. Given the great detail provided by the narrators of the chronicles in comparison with that sketched by the griot, I shall begin with the written source. Although the narrators do refer occasionally to Askia Moham- med in the first five chapters of the TF, they devote chapter 6 entirely to the Songhay leader. "What follows," we learn, "is the biography of the prince of the believers, of the sultan of the Moslems, of Askia Abou-Abdallah-Mohammed ben Aboubakar." While both the TF and the TS are full of small details that give us a fairly well-drawn portrait of Askia Mohammed, the narrators are somewhat reticent about his birth. The keeper of the oral tradition, on the other hand, focuses attention on that extraordinary event. As we shall see later, that difference will explain much about the belief system of the Songhay. 68 Chapter 4 The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed in the Chronicles and the Epic While both scribes and bards had frequent contact with their pa- trons, there are considerable differences in their portrayals of the people they served. What is important to the griot may be of little significance to the scribe, and vice versa. From these differences emerge a more complex portrait of the man who reigned over a large area of West Africa. But the differences also reveal much about the two aspects of Songhay culture-the Islamic and the traditional- that contributed most to the ruler's education. In this and succeeding chapters I shall compare the ways the two sources describe Askia Mohammed. My goal is to draw insights not only about the ruler, but also about the wordsmiths who convey images of him and the society that produced both. Given the great detail provided by the narrators of the chronicles in comparison with that sketched by the griot, I shall begin with the written source. Although the narrators do refer occasionally to Askia Moham- med in the first five chapters of the TF, they devote chapter 6 entirely to the Songhay leader. "What follows," we learn, "is the biography of the prince of the believers, of the sultan of the Moslems, of Askia Abou-Abdallah-Mohammed ben Aboubakar." While both the TF and the TS are full of small details that give us a fairly well-drawn portrait of Askia Mohammed, the narrators are somewhat reticent about his birth. The keeper of the oral tradition, on the other hand, focuses attention on that extraordinary event. As we shall see later, that difference will explain much about the belief system of the Songhay. 68  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 69 Ancestry: The Sonink6 Heritage The narrators of the TF do provide a few details about the ruler's origin. On the first page of chapter 6, we learn that Askia Mohammed's father, Arlofum, was of the Sylla clan. The Sylla are Sonink6, as were the members of the Kati family who apparently contributed to the elaboration of the TF over several generations. On the first page we learn that Sidi Mahmoud Kati is a member of a family from the Kourmina region, just upriver from Timbuktu, and is of "Oudkord," or Soninkd, origin. Es-Sa'di, in the TS, says that Askia Mohammed came from a dif- ferent Sonink6 clan, the Tour6, and was called "Mohammed-ben- Abou-Bekr-El-Touri or, according to other authors, Es-Sellenki" (117). In a note, Houdas offers a variant of this last appellation, "Selenki." But there is much debate among historians regarding the ruler's origins. The Burkinabe historian Joseph Ki-Zerbo contests the attribu- tion of Askia Mohammed's ancestry to the Tour6s by arguing that, in translating, Delafosse misinterpreted the Arabic (1978, 145). Yet Houdas was the sole translator credited with working on the TS. He is the first to note in his introduction that the translation of the names presented the greatest obstacle and may need reinterpreta- tion. In the TF, for which Delafosse is listed as cotranslator, there are no references to "Tourd." In his 1974 thesis, Hunwick sums up the debate and offers a new reading of those passages dealing with Askia Mohammed's ancestry: Charles Monteil ("La Ldgende de Wagadou," [1953] 364) and Trimingham (A History of Islam in West Africa, [1962] 95) have proposed that his father Abu Bakr was a Soninke. More recently Person ("Les ancetres de Samori," [1963] 127) and Vincent Monteil (L'Islam noir, [1964177) have both insisted that his origin was from Futa Toro in Senegal. Delafosse, while claiming that he was a Soninke of the Silla clan also suggests that he was from Futa Toro (Haut-Sendgal-Niger, [1912] ii, 83, and note 2 on p. 114 of the translation of the T/F). The Ta'rikh al-Sudan and the Ta'rikh al-Fattash each mention his ancestry in two separate passages. Since the French translations of these passages on which some scholars have based their conclusions are misleading, new transla- tions from the Arabic will now be offered. First the Ta'rikh a1- Fattash: The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 69 Ancestry: The Soninke Heritage The narrators of the TF do provide a few details about the ruler's origin. On the first page of chapter 6, we learn that Askia Mohammed's father, Arloum, was of the Sylla clan. The Sylla are Soninkd, as were the members of the Kati family who apparently contributed to the elaboration of the TF over several generations. On the first page we learn that Sidi Mahmoud Kati is a member of a family from the Kourmina region, just upriver from Timbuktu, and is of "Oudkord," or Soninkd, origin. Es-Sa'di, in the TS, says that Askia Mohammed came from a dif- ferent Soninkd clan, the Tour6, and was called "Mohammed-ben- Abou-Bekr-El-Touri or, according to other authors, Es-Sellenki" (117). In a note, Houdas offers a variant of this last appellation, "Selenki." But there is much debate among historians regarding the ruler's origins. The Burkinabe historian Joseph Ki-Zerbo contests the attribu- tion of Askia Mohammed's ancestry to the Tourds by arguing that, in translating, Delafosse misinterpreted the Arabic (1978, 145). Yet Houdas was the sole translator credited with working on the TS. He is the first to note in his introduction that the translation of the names presented the greatest obstacle and may need reinterpreta- tion. In the TF, for which Delafosse is listed as cotranslator, there are no references to "Tourd." In his 1974 thesis, Hunwick sums up the debate and offers a new reading of those passages dealing with Askia Mohammed's ancestry: Charles Monteil ("La Legende de Wagadou," [1953] 364) and Trimingham (A History of Islam in West Africa, [1962] 95) have proposed that his father Abu Bakr was a Soninke. More recently Person ("Les ancetres de Samori," [1963] 127) and Vincent Monteil (L'Islam noir, [1964] 77) have both insisted that his origin was from Futa Toro in Senegal. Delafosse, while claiming that he was a Soninke of the Silla clan also suggests that he was from Futa Toro (Haut-Sindgal-Niger, [1912] ii, 83, and note 2 on p. 114 of the translation of the T/F). The Ta'rikh al-Sudan and the Ta'rikh al-Fattash each mention his ancestry in two separate passages. Since the French translations of these passages on which some scholars have based their conclusions are misleading, new transla- tions from the Arabic will now be offered. First the Ta'rikh al- Fattash: The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 69 Ancestry: The Soninkd Heritage The narrators of the TF do provide a few details about the ruler's origin. On the first page of chapter 6, we learn that Askia Mohammed's father, Arloftm, was of the Sylla clan. The Sylla are Soninkd, as were the members of the KAti family who apparently contributed to the elaboration of the TF over several generations. On the first page we learn that Sidi Mahmoud KAti is a member of a family from the Kourmina region, just upriver from Timbuktu, and is of "Oudkord," or Sonink6, origin. Es-Sa'di, in the TS, says that Askia Mohammed came from a dif- ferent Sonink6 clan, the Tourd, and was called "Mohammed-ben- Abou-Bekr-El-Touri or, according to other authors, Es-Sellenki" (117). In a note, Houdas offers a variant of this last appellation, "Selenki." But there is much debate among historians regarding the ruler's origins. The Burkinabe historian Joseph Ki-Zerbo contests the attribu- tion of Askia Mohammed's ancestry to the Tourds by arguing that, in translating, Delafosse misinterpreted the Arabic (1978, 145). Yet Houdas was the sole translator credited with working on the TS. He is the first to note in his introduction that the translation of the names presented the greatest obstacle and may need reinterpreta- tion. In the TF, for which Delafosse is listed as cotranslator, there are no references to "Tourd." In his 1974 thesis, Hunwick sums up the debate and offers a new reading of those passages dealing with Askia Mohammed's ancestry: Charles Monteil ("La Legende de Wagadou," [1953] 364) and Trimingham (A History of Islam in West Africa, [1962] 95) have proposed that his father Abu Bakr was a Soninke. More recently Person ("Les ancetres de Samori," [1963] 127) and Vincent Monteil (L'Islam noir, [1964] 77) have both insisted that his origin was from Futa Toro in Senegal. Delafosse, while claiming that he was a Soninke of the Silla clan also suggests that he was from Futa Toro (Haut-Sdndgal-Niger, [1912] ii, 83, and note 2 on p. 114 of the translation of the T/F). The Ta'rikh al-Sudan and the Ta'rikh al-Fattash each mention his ancestry in two separate passages. Since the French translations of these passages on which some scholars have based their conclusions are misleading, new transla- tions from the Arabic will now be offered. First the Ta'rikh al- littash:  70 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist (p. 59) His father was called Barlum/Baru Lum, a clan of the Sila, or it is said of the Jur and his mother was Kasay daughter of Kura-koy Bukar. (p. 71) Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Juri or, it is said, al-Silanki. Ta'rikh al-Sudan: (p. 71) Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Juri or, it is said, al-Silanki. (p. 134) As for his father his name was Abu Bakr and he was called Bar(u). It is said he was of (the) Juranki and it is said he was from (the) Silanki. His mother was Kasay. As will be seen from the above, both sources are in doubt as to his precise origin, but both make him either from the Jure or Sila which are both Soninke patronymics. (103-4) His father, according to the TS, came from the Toro region. If this is a correct reading of the Arabic, it would suggest, as the trans- lators note, that his clan may in fact have come from the Fouta Toro, a region on the border between Senegal and Mauritania, 180 kilom- eters up the Senegal River and over 1,500 kilometers from Gao where there are representatives of the Sylla clan (114). His mother was named Kassaye and was the daughter of Boukar, the Koura-Koi, or governor, of an island 45 kilometers upriver from Kabara, the port for Timbuktu. The narrator notes that "we have seen people who could retrace the genealogy of his mother to de- scendants of DjAbir ben Abdallah, one of the Ansar, but it would divert us from our subject to go into greater detail here." The trans- lators add, however, that manuscript C, which does not include this line, gives a detailed genealogy of Boukar marked by "ben" to indi- cate "son of." "Boukar ben Ali ben Abdallah ben El-Hassan ben Abderrahman ben Idris ben Ya'qoub ben Ishaq ben Yo~ssof ben El- Hassan ben Abdelaziz ben Sofian ben SAlih ben Louai ben Moham- med El-Yemeni ben Aboubekr ben Ali ben Moussa ben Hossein ben Elias ben Abdallah ben Djaber ben Abdallah El-Ansari (que Dieu soit satisfait de lui.')" (114). As Hama points out, the last name in the genealogy links the family to a companion of Mohammed (1982, 13). What interests us here in the information on both parents of Askia Mohammed is the blend of Islamic and traditional beliefs sur- rounding his birth. From the chronicles, we learn nothing about his mother's ethnic background. She could have been Sonink6 too, or Songhay, or of some other group. But today her name links her with the Songhay system of magic, which may have come from the 70 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist (p. 59) His father was called Barlum/Baru Lum, a clan of the Sila, or it is said of the Jur and his mother was Kasay daughter of Kura-koy Bukar. (p. 71) Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Juri or, it is said, al-Silanki. Ta'rikh al-Sudan: (p. 71) Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Juri or, it is said, al-Silanki. (p. 134) As for his father his name was Abu Bakr and he was called Bar(u). It is said he was of (the) Juranki and it is said he was from (the) Silanki. His mother was Kasay. As will be seen from the above, both sources are in doubt as to his precise origin, but both make him either from the Jure or Sila which are both Soninke patronymics. (103-4) His father, according to the TS, came from the Toro region. If this is a correct reading of the Arabic, it would suggest, as the trans- lators note, that his clan may in fact have come from the Fouta Toro, a region on the border between Senegal and Mauritania, 180 kilom- eters up the Senegal River and over 1,500 kilometers from Gao where there are representatives of the Sylla clan (114). His mother was named Kassaye and was the daughter of Boukar, the Koura-Koi, or governor, of an island 45 kilometers upriver from Kabara, the port for Timbuktu. The narrator notes that "we have seen people who could retrace the genealogy of his mother to de- scendants of Djabir ben Abdallah, one of the Ansar, but it would divert us from our subject to go into greater detail here." The trans- lators add, however, that manuscript C, which does not include this line, gives a detailed genealogy of Boukar marked by "ben" to indi- cate "son of." "Boukar ben Ali ben Abdallah ben El-Hassan ben AbderrahmAn ben Idris ben Ya'qoub ben Ishaq ben Yofissof ben El- Hassan ben Abdelaziz ben Sofian ben Salih ben Louai ben Moham- med El-Yemeni ben Aboubekr ben Ali ben Mouissa ben Hossein ben Elias ben Abdallah ben Djaber ben Abdallah El-Anstri (que Dieu soit satisfait de lui.')" (114). As Hama points out, the last name in the genealogy links the family to a companion of Mohammed (1982, 13). What interests us here in the information on both parents of Askia Mohammed is the blend of Islamic and traditional beliefs sur- rounding his birth. From the chronicles, we learn nothing about his mother's ethnic background. She could have been Sonink6 too, or Songhay, or of some other group. But today her name links her with the Songhay system of magic, which may have come from the 70 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist (p. 59) His father was called Barlum/Baru Lum, a clan of the Sila, or it is said of the Jur and his mother was Kasay daughter of Kura-koy Bukar. (p. 71) Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Juri or, it is said, al-Silanki. Ta'rikh al-Sudan: (p. 71) Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Juri or, it is said, al-Silanki. (p. 134) As for his father his name was Abu Bakr and he was called Bar(u). It is said he was of (the) Juranki and it is said he was from (the) Silanki. His mother was Kasay. As will be seen from the above, both sources are in doubt as to his precise origin, but both make him either from the Jure or Sila which are both Soninke patronymics. (103-4) His father, according to the TS, came from the Toro region. If this is a correct reading of the Arabic, it would suggest, as the trans- lators note, that his clan may in fact have come from the Fouta Toro, a region on the border between Senegal and Mauritania, 180 kilom- eters up the Senegal River and over 1,500 kilometers from Gao where there are representatives of the Sylla clan (114). His mother was named Kassaye and was the daughter of Boukar, the Koura-Koi, or governor, of an island 45 kilometers upriver from Kabara, the port for Timbuktu. The narrator notes that "we have seen people who could retrace the genealogy of his mother to de- scendants of Djabir ben Abdallah, one of the Ansar, but it would divert us from our subject to go into greater detail here." The trans- lators add, however, that manuscript C, which does not include this line, gives a detailed genealogy of Boukar marked by "ben" to indi- cate "son of." "Boukar ben Ali ben Abdallah ben El-Hassan ben Abderrahman ben Idris ben Ya'qo b ben Ishaq ben Youssof ben El- Hassan ben Abdelaziz ben Sofian ben Salib ben Louai ben Moham- med El-Yemeni ben Aboubekr ben Ali ben Moussa ben Hossein ben Elias ben Abdallah ben Djaber ben Abdallah El-AnsAri (que Dieu soit satisfait de lui.')" (114). As Hama points out, the last name in the genealogy links the family to a companion of Mohammed (1982, 13). What interests us here in the information on both parents of Askia Mohammed is the blend of Islamic and traditional beliefs sur- rounding his birth. From the chronicles, we learn nothing about his mother's ethnic background. She could have been Sonink6 too, or Songhay, or of some other group. But today her name links her with the Songhay system of magic, which may have come from the  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 71 Soninkd. Hama asks if she is a Songhay woman or more specifically a "Songhantchde" (1980, 11), ("gens du Songhay," or Songhay peo- ple, according to Olivier de Sardan 1982, 335). Today the sohanci are magicians for the Songhay who claim descent from Sonni Ali Ber. I As Hama points out, the cult's priestess is still called Kassaye today in the "capital" of Songhay magicians, Wanzerb6, a small town lo- cated near the intersection of the Nigdrien, Malian, and Burkinabe borders. He adds that a woman who carries the name Kassaye is also called "Maamar Gna," or the mother of Mamar (1980, 11). Stoller's account of his encounters with the current Kassaye (Stoller and Olkes 1987), my recent meeting with her in Wanzerb6 (February 1989) as well as reports about her from people in the region confirm both her existence and her extraordinary reputation as a woman who wields enormous occult power. The name by which Askia Mohammed is known today is Mamar, a regional diminutive of Mohammed. The oral tradition refers to Askia Mohammed as Mamar Kassaye (Hama 1982, 11-12). This cir- cumstantial tie as well as events described in the oral tradition that I shall discuss later suggest that Askia Mohammed's mother was firmly rooted in the traditional belief system of the Songhay. The fact that Askia Mohammed's father was of Soninkd origin lends support to the theory that the ruler is the reason why the out- side language has inserted itself into Songhay culture as a secret me- dium of communication. In the oral tradition, Askia Mohammed's father is not a Sonink6 but a zin (also spelled djinn, gdnie in French, and jinn or genie in English), a spirit who lives under the Niger River. The term zin is rather vague, however, and requires some interpretation here. In the Islamic world, the jinns were "unseen creations of Allah" made from fire (Qazi 1979, 29). In the African context, J. Spencer Trimingham notes that "the word jinn is employed by everyone in contact with Muslims for spirits of all kinds" (1959, 35-36). Rouch describes the cults of the zin as local and concerned mainly with the protection and the free use of the land or the water: The agents of the cult are the former masters of the earth or of the water. . . The cult of these protective genies appears to be quite widespread among the Songhay, but forms only a mosaic of localized cults. These cults are also often integrated into Islam (linking of the sacrifice of Tabaski with the sacrifice to the Zin), to the cult of the Holey (considered as having control over the The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 71 Soninkd. Hama asks if she is a Songhay woman or more specifically a "Songhantchde" (1980, 11), ("gens du Songhay," or Songhay peo- ple, according to Olivier de Sardan 1982, 335). Today the sohanci are magicians for the Songhay who claim descent from Sonni Ali Ber. As Hama points out, the cult's priestess is still called Kassaye today in the "capital" of Songhay magicians, Wanzerb6, a small town lo- cated near the intersection of the Nigdrien, Malian, and Burkinabe borders. He adds that a woman who carries the name Kassaye is also called "Maamar Gna," or the mother of Mamar (1980, 11). Stoller's account of his encounters with the current Kassaye (Stoller and Olkes 1987), my recent meeting with her in Wanzerbd (February 1989) as well as reports about her from people in the region confirm both her existence and her extraordinary reputation as a woman who wields enormous occult power. The name by which Askia Mohammed is known today is Mamar, a regional diminutive of Mohammed. The oral tradition refers to Askia Mohammed as Mamar Kassaye (Hama 1982, 11-12). This cir- cumstantial tie as well as events described in the oral tradition that I shall discuss later suggest that Askia Mohammed's mother was firmly rooted in the traditional belief system of the Songhay. The fact that Askia Mohammed's father was of Sonink6 origin lends support to the theory that the ruler is the reason why the out- side language has inserted itself into Songhay culture as a secret me- dium of communication. In the oral tradition, Askia Mohammed's father is not a Sonink6 but a zin (also spelled djinn, genie in French, and jinn or genie in English), a spirit who lives under the Niger River. The term zin is rather vague, however, and requires some interpretation here. In the Islamic world, the jinns were "unseen creations of Allah" made from fire (Qazi 1979, 29). In the African context, J. Spencer Trimingham notes that "the word jinn is employed by everyone in contact with Muslims for spirits of all kinds" (1959, 35-36). Rouch describes the cults of the zin as local and concerned mainly with the protection and the free use of the land or the water: The agents of the cult are the former masters of the earth or of the water. . . The cult of these protective genies appears to be quite widespread among the Songhay, but forms only a mosaic of localized cults. These cults are also often integrated into Islam (linking of the sacrifice of Tabaski with the sacrifice to the Zin), to the cult of the Holey (considered as having control over the The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 71 Sonink6. Hama asks if she is a Songhay woman or more specifically a "Songhantchde" (1980, 11), ("gens du Songhay," or Songhay peo- ple, according to Olivier de Sardan 1982, 335). Today the sohanci are magicians for the Songhay who claim descent from Sonni Ali Ber. As Hama points out, the cult's priestess is still called Kassaye today in the "capital" of Songhay magicians, Wanzerbd, a small town lo- cated near the intersection of the Nigdrien, Malian, and Burkinabe borders. He adds that a woman who carries the name Kassaye is also called "Maamar Gna," or the mother of Mamar (1980, 11). Stoller's account of his encounters with the current Kassaye (Stoller and Olkes 1987), my recent meeting with her in Wanzerb6 (February 1989) as well as reports about her from people in the region confirm both her existence and her extraordinary reputation as a woman who wields enormous occult power. The name by which Askia Mohammed is known today is Mamar, a regional diminutive of Mohammed. The oral tradition refers to Askia Mohammed as Mamar Kassaye (Hama 1982, 11-12). This cir- cumstantial tie as well as events described in the oral tradition that I shall discuss later suggest that Askia Mohammed's mother was firmly rooted in the traditional belief system of the Songhay. The fact that Askia Mohammed's father was of Sonink6 origin lends support to the theory that the ruler is the reason why the out- side language has inserted itself into Songhay culture as a secret me- dium of communication. In the oral tradition, Askia Mohammed's father is not a Sonink6 but a zin (also spelled djinn, gdnie in French, and jinn or genie in English), a spirit who lives under the Niger River. The term zin is rather vague, however, and requires some interpretation here. In the Islamic world, the jinns were "unseen creations of Allah" made from fire (Qazi 1979, 29). In the African context, J. Spencer Trimingham notes that "the word jinn is employed by everyone in contact with Muslims for spirits of all kinds" (1959, 35-36). Rouch describes the cults of the zin as local and concerned mainly with the protection and the free use of the land or the water: The agents of the cult are the former masters of the earth or of the water. . . The cult of these protective genies appears to be quite widespread among the Songhay, but forms only a mosaic of localized cults. These cults are also often integrated into Islam (linking of the sacrifice of Tabaski with the sacrifice to the Zin), to the cult of the Holey (considered as having control over the  72 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist local Zin), to magic (the Zin serving as guide for the magician). (Rouch 1960, 31) Today, as Olivier de Sardan points out, there is a blurring of the difference between the zin, which is viewed by marabouts as Mos- lem, and the spirits, or ganji, which they view as pagan (1982, 421). That appears to be the situation in Nouhou Malio's oral narrative because the zin who fathers Askia Mohammed appears at the end of the Moslem holy month of Ramadan. But because of the human appearance of Askia Mohammed's father, he fits even more closely the description of someone who is a holey, another group of spirits to be discussed in more detail shortly. The griot portrays him at first as simply a handsome, well-dressed man. 23 . . . one day, much later in the middle of the night, 24 A man came who was wearing beautiful clothes. 25 He was a real man, he was tall, someone who looked good in white clothes, his clothes were really beautiful. 26 One could smell perfume everywhere. Only many years later, when the young Askia Mohammed asks about his father in response to insults from his peers, do we learn that the man is a zin who lives under the river in a town where he serves as chief. The blend of the Islamic/Songhay zin and the more purely Songhay holey here is quite significant because the holey rep- resent a widespread element in the Songhay belief system that con- tinues to evolve today. Rouch (1960) explains that the holey were created either just be- fore or just after man appeared on earth. They appear in human form, and have human qualities, dress, and customs. In other words, they are just like people-with one exception. They are normally in- visible and are able to appear whenever they want in whatever form-human or animal. Above all, Rouch adds, they may appear in the bodies of possession dancers, people whose bodies become inhabited or possessed by spirits during ceremonies to cause rain to fall or to cure a sick person. "The holey have a well defined personal- ity. The character of each one of them, his behavior, appearance, dress, accent or pronunciation, and odor are clearly determined and allow those who are familiar with them to recognize them easily (1960, 47). The holey are organized by families. In the hierarchy, the tooru, 72 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist local Zin), to magic (the Zin serving as guide for the magician). (Rouch 1960, 31) Today, as Olivier de Sardan points out, there is a blurring of the difference between the zin, which is viewed by marabouts as Mos- lem, and the spirits, or ganji, which they view as pagan (1982, 421). That appears to be the situation in Nouhou Malio's oral narrative because the zin who fathers Askia Mohammed appears at the end of the Moslem holy month of Ramadan. But because of the human appearance of Askia Mohammed's father, he fits even more closely the description of someone who is a holey, another group of spirits to be discussed in more detail shortly. The griot portrays him at first as simply a handsome, well-dressed man. 23 . . . one day, much later in the middle of the night, 24 A man came who was wearing beautiful clothes. 25 He was a real man, he was tall, someone who looked good in white clothes, his clothes were really beautiful. 26 One could smell perfume everywhere. Only many years later, when the young Askia Mohammed asks about his father in response to insults from his peers, do we learn that the man is a zin who lives under the river in a town where he serves as chief. The blend of the Islamic/Songhay zin and the more purely Songhay holey here is quite significant because the holey rep- resent a widespread element in the Songhay belief system that con- tinues to evolve today. Rouch (1960) explains that the holey were created either just be- fore or just after man appeared on earth. They appear in human form, and have human qualities, dress, and customs. In other words, they are just like people-with one exception. They are normally in- visible and are able to appear whenever they want in whatever form-human or animal. Above all, Rouch adds, they may appear in the bodies of possession dancers, people whose bodies become inhabited or possessed by spirits during ceremonies to cause rain to fall or to cure a sick person. "The holey have a well defined personal- ity. The character of each one of them, his behavior, appearance, dress, accent or pronunciation, and odor are clearly determined and allow those who are familiar with them to recognize them easily (1960, 47). The holey are organized by families. In the hierarchy, the tooru, 72 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist local Zin), to magic (the Zin serving as guide for the magician). (Rouch 1960, 31) Today, as Olivier de Sardan points out, there is a blurring of the difference between the zin, which is viewed by marabouts as Mos- lem, and the spirits, or ganji, which they view as pagan (1982, 421). That appears to be the situation in Nouhou Malio's oral narrative because the zin who fathers Askia Mohammed appears at the end of the Moslem holy month of Ramadan. But because of the human appearance of Askia Mohammed's father, he fits even more closely the description of someone who is a holey, another group of spirits to be discussed in more detail shortly. The griot portrays him at first as simply a handsome, well-dressed man. 23 . . . one day, much later in the middle of the night, 24 A man came who was wearing beautiful clothes. 25 He was a real man, he was tall, someone who looked good in white clothes, his clothes were really beautiful. 26 One could smell perfume everywhere. Only many years later, when the young Askia Mohammed asks about his father in response to insults from his peers, do we learn that the man is a zin who lives under the river in a town where he serves as chief. The blend of the Islamic/Songhay zin and the more purely Songhay holey here is quite significant because the holey rep- resent a widespread element in the Songhay belief system that con- tinues to evolve today. Rouch (1960) explains that the holey were created either just be- fore or just after man appeared on earth. They appear in human form, and have human qualities, dress, and customs. In other words, they are just like people-with one exception. They are normally in- visible and are able to appear whenever they want in whatever form-human or animal. Above all, Rouch adds, they may appear in the bodies of possession dancers, people whose bodies become inhabited or possessed by spirits during ceremonies to cause rain to fall or to cure a sick person. "The holey have a well defined personal- ity. The character of each one of them, his behavior, appearance, dress, accent or pronunciation, and odor are clearly determined and allow those who are familiar with them to recognize them easily (1960, 47). The holey are organized by families. In the hierarchy, the tooru,  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 73 spirits of the river and the sky, dominate the other families. Stoller refers to them as among "the most ancient of the Songhay spirit 'families"' (1989, 25). One of the most important figures of the tooru is Harakoy Dikko, spirit of water. The holey spirits marry, produce children, and populate the world of the invisible. Boulnois and Hama, in one of the earliest analyses of Songhay mythology, reported that the Niger River be- tween Gao and Say is the home of all kinds of spirits. Harakoy Dikko, they explained, lives under the water and seduces unwary fishermen (1954, 119). "She attracts those she has chosen and leads them under the water into a fabulous world where shine magnificent cities, and where she lets herself go in enjoying her loves to the rhythms of the drums, the Songhay balafons [upturned calabashes], and the violins [godjis]" (115). The existence of a world underwater appears frequently in Songhay mythology. Stoller reports several accounts from Sorkos, or "masters of the river," who have walked beneath the surface and discovered the underwater world. This paradise of the Sorko fisher- men, as Boulnois and Hama describe it (1954, 116), differs slightly from the underground world of Askia Mohammed's father, which the griot portrays as just like any other world, with many cities and people. The griot's emphasis is less on splendor than on quantity and on similitude with the world above the water. In the griot's descrip- tion, the underwater people are like those on dry land-they are good Moslems and celebrate all the Moslem holy days. 149 Under the water there are so many cities, so many cities, so many cities, so many villages, and so many people. 150 It is his father, too, who is the chief. 151 They too get themselves ready, they go out to go to the prayer ground. I shall return to a more detailed discussion of the Songhay belief system later, but we may conclude here that in the oral tradition, his position as chief in an underwater town affords Askia Moham- med's father high social standing. He is a member of the extended family of Harakoy Dikko, spirit of the water and a major figure in the pantheon of the tooru family. But in keeping with the Islamic atmosphere of the Sahel today, he appears also as a good Moslem. From the chronicles and the oral tradition we see, then, two views of Askia Mohammed beginning to emerge. In the chronicles, The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 73 spirits of the river and the sky, dominate the other families. Stoller refers to them as among "the most ancient of the Songhay spirit 'families"' (1989, 25). One of the most important figures of the tooru is Harakoy Dikko, spirit of water. The holey spirits marry, produce children, and populate the world of the invisible. Boulnois and Hama, in one of the earliest analyses of Songhay mythology, reported that the Niger River be- tween Gao and Say is the home of all kinds of spirits. Harakoy Dikko, they explained, lives under the water and seduces unwary fishermen (1954, 119). "She attracts those she has chosen and leads them under the water into a fabulous world where shine magnificent cities, and where she lets herself go in enjoying her loves to the rhythms of the drums, the Songhay balafons [upturned calabashes], and the violins [godjis]" (115). The existence of a world underwater appears frequently in Songhay mythology. Stoller reports several accounts from Sorkos, or "masters of the river," who have walked beneath the surface and discovered the underwater world. This paradise of the Sorko fisher- men, as Boulnois and Hama describe it (1954, 116), differs slightly from the underground world of Askia Mohammed's father, which the griot portrays as just like any other world, with many cities and people. The griot's emphasis is less on splendor than on quantity and on similitude with the world above the water. In the griot's descrip- tion, the underwater people are like those on dry land-they are good Moslems and celebrate all the Moslem holy days. 149 Under the water there are so many cities, so many cities, so many cities, so many villages, and so many people. 150 It is his father, too, who is the chief. 151 They too get themselves ready, they go out to go to the prayer ground. I shall return to a more detailed discussion of the Songhay belief system later, but we may conclude here that in the oral tradition, his position as chief in an underwater town affords Askia Moham- med's father high social standing. He is a member of the extended family of Harakoy Dikko, spirit of the water and a major figure in the pantheon of the tooru family. But in keeping with the Islamic atmosphere of the Sahel today, he appears also as a good Moslem. From the chronicles and the oral tradition we see, then, two views of Askia Mohammed beginning to emerge. In the chronicles, The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 73 spirits of the river and the sky, dominate the other families. Stoller refers to them as among "the most ancient of the Songhay spirit 'families"' (1989, 25). One of the most important figures of the tooru is Harakoy Dikko, spirit of water. The holey spirits marry, produce children, and populate the world of the invisible. Boulnois and Hama, in one of the earliest analyses of Songhay mythology, reported that the Niger River be- tween Gao and Say is the home of all kinds of spirits. Harakoy Dikko, they explained, lives under the water and seduces unwary fishermen (1954, 119). "She attracts those she has chosen and leads them under the water into a fabulous world where shine magnificent cities, and where she lets herself go in enjoying her loves to the rhythms of the drums, the Songhay balafons [upturned calabashes], and the violins [godjis]" (115). The existence of a world underwater appears frequently in Songhay mythology. Stoller reports several accounts from Sorkos, or "masters of the river," who have walked beneath the surface and discovered the underwater world. This paradise of the Sorko fisher- men, as Boulnois and Hama describe it (1954, 116), differs slightly from the underground world of Askia Mohammed's father, which the griot portrays as just like any other world, with many cities and people. The griot's emphasis is less on splendor than on quantity and on similitude with the world above the water. In the griot's descrip- tion, the underwater people are like those on dry land-they are good Moslems and celebrate all the Moslem holy days. 149 Under the water there are so many cities, so many cities, so many cities, so many villages, and so many people. 150 It is his father, too, who is the chief. 151 They too get themselves ready, they go out to go to the prayer ground. I shall return to a more detailed discussion of the Songhay belief system later, but we may conclude here that in the oral tradition, his position as chief in an underwater town affords Askia Moham- med's father high social standing. He is a member of the extended family of Harakoy Dikko, spirit of the water and a major figure in the pantheon of the tooru family. But in keeping with the Islamic atmosphere of the Sahel today, he appears also as a good Moslem. From the chronicles and the oral tradition we see, then, two views of Askia Mohammed beginning to emerge. In the chronicles,  74 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist his father comes from the Sonink6, a people who received early Is- lamic influence. His mother appears at this point without any partic- ular cultural or religious orientation, although her father was some- one of apparently high political status. In the oral tradition, both his mother and his father claim close links to the Songhay belief system, although in his father's case, the griot has added an Islamic overlay that reflects current cultural values. Birth: The Intercession of the Spirit World The chroniclers' reluctance to report on the conditions surround- ing Askia Mohammed's birth is typical of their accounts. They do not concern themselves with the birth of any of the people they de- scribe. The acts of the individual count most. But for the Songhay, both heritage and the event of birth itself, with the ceremonies that surround it, are of great importance, if only to ensure protection against harmful sprits. As in many other parts of the world, in the case of a hero, the circumstances of birth determine his destiny. To portray in full detail the conditions surrounding Askia Mohammed's birth, and thus to reflect the values of Songhay society, the keepers of the oral tradition offer a more compressed version of past events. One result is a more dramatic portrayal of the conflict between Sonni Ali Ber and his lieutenant, Askia Mohammed. In the summary in chapter 1, I reported that Askia Mohammed challenged Sonni Ali Ber's son and successor then defeated the man and assumed leadership of the empire. In the oral tradition, Askia Mohammed appears not as a lieutenant but as a nephew of Si (chi), the title of Sonni Ali Ber. In the version by Nouhou Malio, as well as in many others, Kassaye is a sister of Sonni Ali Ber. They share the same mother and the same father, a distinction in a polyga- mous society that makes them even closer. The Songhay express such a close family link by calling children baaba-ize and nya-ize, children born of the same father and the same mother (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 140), or wafoize, children who have shared the same milk. Kassaye bears seven male children. But Sonni Ali Ber, heeding the diviners' prediction that a male child of Kassaye will kill him and take over Gao, has all of her sons executed. This pattern of infanti- cide agrees with Sonni Ali Ber's bloody reputation in the chronicles. We see echoes of this tendency later in the TF when a child (future ruler Askia Mohammed Bounkan) is born to Omar Komdiago, brother of Askia Mohammed. Sonni Ali Ber does not like the child's 74 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist his father comes from the Sonink6, a people who received early Is- lamic influence. His mother appears at this point without any partic- ular cultural or religious orientation, although her father was some- one of apparently high political status. In the oral tradition, both his mother and his father claim close links to the Songhay belief system, although in his father's case, the griot has added an Islamic overlay that reflects current cultural values. Birth: The Intercession of the Spirit World The chroniclers' reluctance to report on the conditions surround- ing Askia Mohammed's birth is typical of their accounts. They do not concern themselves with the birth of any of the people they de- scribe. The acts of the individual count most. But for the Songhay, both heritage and the event of birth itself, with the ceremonies that surround it, are of great importance, if only to ensure protection against harmful sprits. As in many other parts of the world, in the case of a hero, the circumstances of birth determine his destiny. To portray in full detail the conditions surrounding Askia Mohammed's birth, and thus to reflect the values of Songhay society, the keepers of the oral tradition offer a more compressed version of past events. One result is a more dramatic portrayal of the conflict between Sonni Ali Ber and his lieutenant, Askia Mohammed. In the summary in chapter 1, I reported that Askia Mohammed challenged Sonni Ali Ber's son and successor then defeated the man and assumed leadership of the empire. In the oral tradition, Askia Mohammed appears not as a lieutenant but as a nephew of Si (chi), the title of Sonni Ali Ber. In the version by Nouhou Malio, as well as in many others, Kassaye is a sister of Sonni Ali Ber. They share the same mother and the same father, a distinction in a polyga- mous society that makes them even closer. The Songhay express such a close family link by calling children baaba-ize and nya-ize, children born of the same father and the same mother (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 140), or wafoize, children who have shared the same milk. Kassaye bears seven male children. But Sonni Ali Ber, heeding the diviners' prediction that a male child of Kassaye will kill him and take over Gao, has all of her sons executed. This pattern of infanti- cide agrees with Sonni Ali Ber's bloody reputation in the chronicles. We see echoes of this tendency later in the TF when a child (future ruler Askia Mohammed Bounkan) is born to Omar Komdiago, brother of Askia Mohammed. Sonni Ali Ber does not like the child's 74 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist his father comes from the Sonink6, a people who received early Is- lamic influence. His mother appears at this point without any partic- ular cultural or religious orientation, although her father was some- one of apparently high political status. In the oral tradition, both his mother and his father claim close links to the Songhay belief system, although in his father's case, the griot has added an Islamic overlay that reflects current cultural values. Birth: The Intercession of the Spirit World The chroniclers' reluctance to report on the conditions surround- ing Askia Mohammed's birth is typical of their accounts. They do not concern themselves with the birth of any of the people they de- scribe. The acts of the individual count most. But for the Songhay, both heritage and the event of birth itself, with the ceremonies that surround it, are of great importance, if only to ensure protection against harmful sprits. As in many other parts of the world, in the case of a hero, the circumstances of birth determine his destiny. To portray in full detail the conditions surrounding Askia Mohammed's birth, and thus to reflect the values of Songhay society, the keepers of the oral tradition offer a more compressed version of past events. One result is a more dramatic portrayal of the conflict between Sonni Ali Ber and his lieutenant, Askia Mohammed. In the summary in chapter 1, I reported that Askia Mohammed challenged Sonni Ali Ber's son and successor then defeated the man and assumed leadership of the empire. In the oral tradition, Askia Mohammed appears not as a lieutenant but as a nephew of Si (chi), the title of Sonni Ali Ber. In the version by Nouhou Malio, as well as in many others, Kassaye is a sister of Sonni Ali Ber. They share the same mother and the same father, a distinction in a polyga- mous society that makes them even closer. The Songhay express such a close family link by calling children baaba-ize and nya-ize, children born of the same father and the same mother (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 140), or wafoize, children who have shared the same milk. Kassaye bears seven male children. But Sonni Ali Ber, heeding the diviners' prediction that a male child of Kassaye will kill him and take over Gao, has all of her sons executed. This pattern of infanti- cide agrees with Sonni Ali Ber's bloody reputation in the chronicles. We see echoes of this tendency later in the TF when a child (future ruler Askia Mohammed Bounkan) is born to Omar Komdiago, brother of Askia Mohammed. Sonni Ali Ber does not like the child's  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 75 crying and threatens to kill him (158). In chapter 5, I shall return to this incident in greater detail. In the oral version, when the well-dressed and handsome spirit who lives under the river comes to see Kassaye, he promises that if they make love, she will produce a child whom Si cannot kill. Kassaye accepts his offer, conceives, carries the spirit's child, and, at birth, manages to save the newborn by switching him with that of her Bargantchd servant, who gives birth to a girl. Sonni Ali Ber has the girl child killed. Apparently he does not want to trust the diviners' prediction entirely. The description of Askia Mohammed's birth in the oral tradition fills an important gap in his story as conveyed by the chronicles. It is a gap that will explain much about his future behavior. Childhood: The Suspect Toddler In the chronicles, there are no references to Askia Mohammed's childhood. The oral tradition reports that while under the daytime protection of the servant and the nighttime care of his real mother, the child aroused the suspicions of Sonni Ali Ber. 82 When he crawls, he climbs on the feet of Si. 83 He pulls his beard. 84 Si said, "Hey! This child is suspect." Kassaye taunted Sonni Ali Ber by sarcastically telling him that he should kill the boy child, supposedly the son of his captive, in order to "improve" his reputation as a killer of children. In a more realistic vein, she then proposed that the growing boy be assigned to care for Sonni Ali Ber's horse. This incident foreshadows the close but sometimes difficult relationship that we shall see later between Askia Mohammed the soldier and his superior, Sonni Ali Ber. Adolescence: In Search of a Father The chronicles are silent about Askia Mohammed's adolescence, but the oral tradition lays great stress on this period. Now Askia Mo- hammed learns about his father's origin and acquires the power nec- essary to carry out his destiny of overthrowing Sonni Ali Ber. When other adolescents in the royal compound insult Askia Mohammed by saying that he is the little slave of Sonni Ali Ber and has no father, The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 75 crying and threatens to kill him (158). In chapter 5, I shall return to this incident in greater detail. In the oral version, when the well-dressed and handsome spirit who lives under the river comes to see Kassaye, he promises that if they make love, she will produce a child whom Si cannot kill. Kassaye accepts his offer, conceives, carries the spirit's child, and, at birth, manages to save the newborn by switching him with that of her Bargantchd servant, who gives birth to a girl. Sonni Ali Ber has the girl child killed. Apparently he does not want to trust the diviners' prediction entirely. The description of Askia Mohammed's birth in the oral tradition fills an important gap in his story as conveyed by the chronicles. It is a gap that will explain much about his future behavior. Childhood: The Suspect Toddler In the chronicles, there are no references to Askia Mohammed's childhood. The oral tradition reports that while under the daytime protection of the servant and the nighttime care of his real mother, the child aroused the suspicions of Sonni Ali Ber. 82 When he crawls, he climbs on the feet of Si. 83 He pulls his beard. 84 Si said, "Hey! This child is suspect." Kassaye taunted Sonni Ali Ber by sarcastically telling him that he should kill the boy child, supposedly the son of his captive, in order to "improve" his reputation as a killer of children. In a more realistic vein, she then proposed that the growing boy be assigned to care for Sonni Ali Ber's horse. This incident foreshadows the close but sometimes difficult relationship that we shall see later between Askia Mohammed the soldier and his superior, Sonni Ali Ber. Adolescence: In Search of a Father The chronicles are silent about Askia Mohammed's adolescence, but the oral tradition lays great stress on this period. Now Askia Mo- hammed learns about his father's origin and acquires the power nec- essary to carry out his destiny of overthrowing Sonni Ali Ber. When other adolescents in the royal compound insult Askia Mohammed by saying that he is the little slave of Sonni Ali Ber and has no father, The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 75 crying and threatens to kill him (158). In chapter 5, I shall return to this incident in greater detail. In the oral version, when the well-dressed and handsome spirit who lives under the river comes to see Kassaye, he promises that if they make love, she will produce a child whom Si cannot kill. Kassaye accepts his offer, conceives, carries the spirit's child, and, at birth, manages to save the newborn by switching him with that of her Bargantchd servant, who gives birth to a girl. Sonni Ali Ber has the girl child killed. Apparently he does not want to trust the diviners' prediction entirely. The description of Askia Mohammed's birth in the oral tradition fills an important gap in his story as conveyed by the chronicles. It is a gap that will explain much about his future behavior. Childhood: The Suspect Toddler In the chronicles, there are no references to Askia Mohammed's childhood. The oral tradition reports that while under the daytime protection of the servant and the nighttime care of his real mother, the child aroused the suspicions of Sonni Ali Ber. 82 When he crawls, he climbs on the feet of Si. 83 He pulls his beard. 84 Si said, "Hey! This child is suspect." Kassaye taunted Sonni Ali Ber by sarcastically telling him that he should kill the boy child, supposedly the son of his captive, in order to "improve" his reputation as a killer of children. In a more realistic vein, she then proposed that the growing boy be assigned to care for Sonni Ali Ber's horse. This incident foreshadows the close but sometimes difficult relationship that we shall see later between Askia Mohammed the soldier and his superior, Sonni Ali Ber. Adolescence: In Search of a Father The chronicles are silent about Askia Mohammed's adolescence, but the oral tradition lays great stress on this period. Now Askia Mo- hammed learns about his father's origin and acquires the power nec- essary to carry out his destiny of overthrowing Sonni Ali Ber. When other adolescents in the royal compound insult Askia Mohammed by saying that he is the little slave of Sonni Ali Ber and has no father,  76 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the young man asks his mother for an explanation. It is the eve of the last day of Ramadan, and the mother advises him to wait until the next day for his father's arrival. During the night, the spirit comes, gives Kassaye a ring, and advises her to tell her son to go down to the river the next day and then put it on his middle finger. When the young man follows her instructions, the waters open and he discovers both the underwater world, readying for the Ramadan prayers, and his father, who gives him what he needs to kill Sonni Ali Ber: a horse, two lances, a saber, and a shield. The oral version announces thus in this shortened and symbolic form the conflict that was to pit Askia Mohammed against the dynasty founded by Sonni Ali Ber. Rise to Power: Coup d'Etat against the Devil With Askia Mohammed's rise to power Nouhou Malio begins to re- join the narrators of the chronicles. While the griot portrays Sonni Ali Ber's evilness in personal terms, the written account offers a broader, collective, and Islamic view of the harm the ruler has done to society. The TF narrator describes Sonni Ali Ber as "the tyrant, the debauched, the cursed, the oppressor, the chi Ali, last king of his dynasty. Great victor in all of the campaigns he undertook, he was reputed to have thrown an infant into a mortar and forced its mother to grind it up. He burned some of his victims, immured oth- ers, and even ripped a fetus from the womb of a woman" (82-83). Es-Sa'di in the TS is no less critical when he opens his section on the ruler with the following words: As for this master tyrant, this famous scoundrel, Sonni Ali, whose name is written with an o placed after the s and an i after the dou- ble n, according to the spelling which I found in the Dzeil ed- dibaldj of the very learned scholar Ahmed-Baba (May God on high have mercy on him!), he was a man endowed with great strength and powerful energy. Wicked, licentious, unjust, oppres- sive, bloodthirsty, he had so many men killed that God only knows the number. He persecuted scholars and pious people by attacking their lives, their honor or their esteem. (103) According to es-Sa'di, Sonni Ali Ber invaded and burned Tim- buktu in January 1468. But for the scribe and the populace, the inci- dent that, more than any other, epitomized Sonni Ali Ber's wicked- 76 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the young man asks his mother for an explanation. It is the eve of the last day of Ramadan, and the mother advises him to wait until the next day for his father's arrival. During the night, the spirit comes, gives Kassaye a ring, and advises her to tell her son to go down to the river the next day and then put it on his middle finger. When the young man follows her instructions, the waters open and he discovers both the underwater world, readying for the Ramadan prayers, and his father, who gives him what he needs to kill Sonni Ali Ber: a horse, two lances, a saber, and a shield. The oral version announces thus in this shortened and symbolic form the conflict that was to pit Askia Mohammed against the dynasty founded by Sonni Ali Ber. Rise to Power: Coup d'Etat against the Devil With Askia Mohammed's rise to power Nouhou Malio begins to re- join the narrators of the chronicles. While the griot portrays Sonni Ali Ber's evilness in personal terms, the written account offers a broader, collective, and Islamic view of the harm the ruler has done to society. The TF narrator describes Sonni Ali Ber as "the tyrant, the debauched, the cursed, the oppressor, the chi Ali, last king of his dynasty. Great victor in all of the campaigns he undertook, he was reputed to have thrown an infant into a mortar and forced its mother to grind it up. He burned some of his victims, immured oth- ers, and even ripped a fetus from the womb of a woman" (82-83). Es-Sa'di in the TS is no less critical when he opens his section on the ruler with the following words: As for this master tyrant, this famous scoundrel, Sonni Ali, whose name is written with an o placed after the s and an i after the dou- ble n, according to the spelling which I found in the Dzeit ed- dibaldj of the very learned scholar Ahmed-Baba (May God on high have mercy on him!), he was a man endowed with great strength and powerful energy. Wicked, licentious, unjust, oppres- sive, bloodthirsty, he had so many men killed that God only knows the number. He persecuted scholars and pious people by attacking their lives, their honor or their esteem. (103) According to es-Sa'di, Sonni Ali Ber invaded and burned Tim- buktu in January 1468. But for the scribe and the populace, the inci- dent that, more than any other, epitomized Sonni Ali Ber's wicked- 76 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the young man asks his mother for an explanation. It is the eve of the last day of Ramadan, and the mother advises him to wait until the next day for his father's arrival. During the night, the spirit comes, gives Kassaye a ring, and advises her to tell her son to go down to the river the next day and then put it on his middle finger. When the young man follows her instructions, the waters open and he discovers both the underwater world, readying for the Ramadan prayers, and his father, who gives him what he needs to kill Sonni Ali Ber: a horse, two lances, a saber, and a shield. The oral version announces thus in this shortened and symbolic form the conflict that was to pit Askia Mohammed against the dynasty founded by Sonni Ali Ber. Rise to Power: Coup d'Etat against the Devil With Askia Mohammed's rise to power Nouhou Malio begins to re- join the narrators of the chronicles. While the griot portrays Sonni Ali Ber's evilness in personal terms, the written account offers a broader, collective, and Islamic view of the harm the ruler has done to society. The TF narrator describes Sonni Ali Ber as "the tyrant, the debauched, the cursed, the oppressor, the chi Ali, last king of his dynasty. Great victor in all of the campaigns he undertook, he was reputed to have thrown an infant into a mortar and forced its mother to grind it up. He burned some of his victims, immured oth- ers, and even ripped a fetus from the womb of a woman" (82-83). Es-Sa'di in the TS is no less critical when he opens his section on the ruler with the following words: As for this master tyrant, this famous scoundrel, Sonni Ali, whose name is written with an o placed after the s and an i after the dou- ble n, according to the spelling which I found in the Dzeif ed- dibaldj of the very learned scholar Ahmed-Baba (May God on high have mercy on him!), he was a man endowed with great strength and powerful energy. Wicked, licentious, unjust, oppres- sive, bloodthirsty, he had so many men killed that God only knows the number. He persecuted scholars and pious people by attacking their lives, their honor or their esteem. (103) According to es-Sa'di, Sonni Ali Ber invaded and burned Tim- buktu in January 1468. But for the scribe and the populace, the inci- dent that, more than any other, epitomized Sonni Ali Ber's wicked-  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 77 ness was his order to execute thirty virgin daughters of scholars from the city. In her study of the ruler, however, Adam Konard Ba ar- gues that Sonni Ali Ber was neither anti-Islamic nor fundamentally animist (1977, 120-21). Instead, she perceives him as a patriot who sought greater freedom for the Songhay by achieving control over a region and a people whose loyalties lay elsewhere. In a more fun- damental way, she sees the conflict arising from two different notions of power. One can therefore speak quite rightly of an opposition between two philosophies of power, the philosophy of Islam according to which the king is merely a delegate of God, and that of animism according to which he is an "almost God." .. . The conflict for a ruler like Sonni Ali Ber and at a period which was really his, was inevitable. With Askia Mohammed himself, we arrive at com- pletion. Zealous Moslem, but keeping a soul which was certainly still animist at the time of his pilgrimage, he wanted, himself, to bring together the two principal powers of the traditional king, that is, the temporal and the spiritual, by seeking the title of Ca- liph for the Sudan. There is quite clearly a conflict between animist and Islamic values; and the repressive attitude of Sonni Ali Ber toward the ulamas is definitely an act of self-defense. (Ba, 122-23) I would prefer a different term for "animism" here-adherent to a traditional belief system might be an awkward substitute, but it eliminates the negative connotations of Ba's term. There is no evi- dence, either, that Sonni Ali Ber or Askia Mohammed thought of themselves as gods. However, I would agree that Sonni Ali Ber's acts represented a self-defensive-even offensive-response to the growing powerbase in Timbuktu. The best evidence, of course, is that he spent nearly all of his time directing military campaigns throughout the Sahel. One of his most trusted assistants in this enter- prise was Askia Mohammed. He held the title of Tondi-Farma, (or Tondi-Koy), governor of the mountainous Hombori region south of Timbuktu and west of Gao. Es-Sa'di refers to him as "one of the principal generals of Sonni Ali Ber" (TF 117). But he also reports, as we saw earlier in the incident with the secretary, that Askia Mo- hammed surreptitiously refused to carry out orders if he felt them to be against the ruler's best interests. "How many times, having re- ceived the order to put someone to death or to imprison him, he did the contrary to what he was told. This Askia Mohammed acted The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 77 ness was his order to execute thirty virgin daughters of scholars from the city. In her study of the ruler, however, Adam Konard Ba ar- gues that Sonni Ali Ber was neither anti-Islamic nor fundamentally animist (1977, 120-21). Instead, she perceives him as a patriot who sought greater freedom for the Songhay by achieving control over a region and a people whose loyalties lay elsewhere. In a more fun- damental way, she sees the conflict arising from two different notions of power. One can therefore speak quite rightly of an opposition between two philosophies of power, the philosophy of Islam according to which the king is merely a delegate of God, and that of animism according to which he is an "almost God." . . . The conflict for a ruler like Sonni Ali Ber and at a period which was really his, was inevitable. With Askia Mohammed himself, we arrive at com- pletion. Zealous Moslem, but keeping a soul which was certainly still animist at the time of his pilgrimage, he wanted, himself, to bring together the two principal powers of the traditional king, that is, the temporal and the spiritual, by seeking the title of Ca- liph for the Sudan. There is quite clearly a conflict between animist and Islamic values; and the repressive attitude of Sonni Ali Ber toward the ulamas is definitely an act of self-defense. (Ba, 122-23) I would prefer a different term for "animism" here-adherent to a traditional belief system might be an awkward substitute, but it eliminates the negative connotations of Ba's term. There is no evi- dence, either, that Sonni Ali Ber or Askia Mohammed thought of themselves as gods. However, I would agree that Sonni Ali Ber's acts represented a self-defensive-even offensive-response to the growing powerbase in Timbuktu. The best evidence, of course, is that he spent nearly all of his time directing military campaigns throughout the Sahel. One of his most trusted assistants in this enter- prise was Askia Mohammed. He held the title of Tondi-Farma, (or Tondi-Koy), governor of the mountainous Hombori region south of Timbuktu and west of Gao. Es-Sa'di refers to him as "one of the principal generals of Sonni Ali Ber" (TF 117). But he also reports, as we saw earlier in the incident with the secretary, that Askia Mo- hammed surreptitiously refused to carry out orders if he felt them to be against the ruler's best interests. "How many times, having re- ceived the order to put someone to death or to imprison him, he did the contrary to what he was told. This Askia Mohammed acted The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 77 ness was his order to execute thirty virgin daughters of scholars from the city. In her study of the ruler, however, Adam Konard Ba ar- gues that Sonni Ali Ber was neither anti-Islamic nor fundamentally animist (1977, 120-21). Instead, she perceives him as a patriot who sought greater freedom for the Songhay by achieving control over a region and a people whose loyalties lay elsewhere. In a more fun- damental way, she sees the conflict arising from two different notions of power. One can therefore speak quite rightly of an opposition between two philosophies of power, the philosophy of Islam according to which the king is merely a delegate of God, and that of animism according to which he is an "almost God." . . . The conflict for a ruler like Sonni Ali Ber and at a period which was really his, was inevitable. With Askia Mohammed himself, we arrive at com- pletion. Zealous Moslem, but keeping a soul which was certainly still animist at the time of his pilgrimage, he wanted, himself, to bring together the two principal powers of the traditional king, that is, the temporal and the spiritual, by seeking the title of Ca- liph for the Sudan. There is quite clearly a conflict between animist and Islamic values; and the repressive attitude of Sonni Ali Ber toward the ulamds is definitely an act of self-defense. (Ba, 122-23) I would prefer a different term for "animism" here-adherent to a traditional belief system might be an awkward substitute, but it eliminates the negative connotations of Ba's term. There is no evi- dence, either, that Sonni Ali Ber or Askia Mohammed thought of themselves as gods. However, I would agree that Sonni Ali Ber's acts represented a self-defensive-even offensive-response to the growing powerbase in Timbuktu. The best evidence, of course, is that he spent nearly all of his time directing military campaigns throughout the Sahel. One of his most trusted assistants in this enter- prise was Askia Mohammed. He held the title of Tondi-Farma, (or Tondi-Koy), governor of the mountainous Hombori region south of Timbuktu and west of Gao. Es-Sa'di refers to him as "one of the principal generals of Sonni Ali Ber" (TF 117). But he also reports, as we saw earlier in the incident with the secretary, that Askia Mo- hammed surreptitiously refused to carry out orders if he felt them to be against the ruler's best interests. "How many times, having re- ceived the order to put someone to death or to imprison him, he did the contrary to what he was told. This Askia Mohammed acted  78 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 78 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist thus because he was very energetic and very courageous. God had endowed him with this energy" (TS 111). By countermanding orders from his superior, however, Askia Mohammed often incurred the tempestuous ruler's anger. The situa- tion was so bad that his mother, Kassaye, would travel from Gao to Timbuktu to have prayers said for her son. The following passage offers the only example of Kassaye's practice of Islam. "When he became the object of the prince's wrath, his mother Kassaye used to go to Timbuktu to find Nana-Tinti, the daughter of the scholar Abou-Bekr, son of the cadi El-Hay; She would ask him to pray for God to aid her son against Sonni Ali Ber. 'If God,' she used to say, 'grants your prayers, he will give you, if it please him, all the joys for your children and for loved ones"' (TS 111). Es-Sa'di notes that this promise was carried out when Askia Mo- hammed came to power. As we shall see later in the oral narrative, the closeness of Askia Mohammed to Sonni Ali Ber leads to a very personal, one-against-one conflict that produces the change in dy- nasties. But in the chronicles, the event that touches off the change is Sonni Ali Ber's death by drowning while returning home from a campaign against the Zeghrani and the Fulani in the Gourma region (TS 116). In the TF version of the change in rulers, Sonni Ali Ber died sometime in October or November 1492 after a reign of nearly thirty years. His son Aboubacar, better known as Chi Biro (TF 100) or Abou-Bekr-Da (TS 116), had accompanied him during the final ex- pedition. The army proclaimed the son successor on January 21, 1493. According to the narrator of the TF (self-identified here as Mahmoud Kiti), Askia Mohammed sent Mohammed Toul6, a dis- tinguished religious leader, to invite Chi BAro to embrace Islam more warmly than had his father. In a town near Gao called Anfao, Chi Baro refused, although the narrator suggests that this was a nat- ural response given the politics of the situation. "He feared for his sovereignty, as was natural for a king," notes KAti. Baro considered the possibility of killing Askia Mohammed's messenger. Askia Mo- hammed then sent another respected religious leader, the alfa Salih Diawara, who received an even more obstinate response from the new ruler. At this point, the narrator points out that all but one of Baro's ten ministers, each with a special armed force, had remained loyal to their sovereign. Diawara took back two warnings from BAro. The next messenger might be executed, and Askia Mohammed should prepare to fight. After a meeting with his advisors, Askia Mo- thus because he was very energetic and very courageous. God had endowed him with this energy" (TS 111). By countermanding orders from his superior, however, Askia Mohammed often incurred the tempestuous ruler's anger. The situa- tion was so bad that his mother, Kassaye, would travel from Gao to Timbuktu to have prayers said for her son. The following passage offers the only example of Kassaye's practice of Islam. "When he became the object of the prince's wrath, his mother Kassaye used to go to Timbuktu to find Nana-Tinti, the daughter of the scholar Abou-Bekr, son of the cadi El-Hay; She would ask him to pray for God to aid her son against Sonni Ali Ber. 'If God,' she used to say, 'grants your prayers, he will give you, if it please him, all the joys for your children and for loved ones"' (TS 111). Es-Sa'di notes that this promise was carried out when Askia Mo- hammed came to power. As we shall see later in the oral narrative, the closeness of Askia Mohammed to Sonni Ali Ber leads to a very personal, one-against-one conflict that produces the change in dy- nasties. But in the chronicles, the event that touches off the change is Sonni Ali Ber's death by drowning while returning home from a campaign against the ZeghrAni and the Fulani in the Gourma region (TS 116). In the TF version of the change in rulers, Sonni Ali Ber died sometime in October or November 1492 after a reign of nearly thirty years. His son Aboubacar, better known as Chi BAro (TF 100) or Abou-Bekr-DA (TS 116), had accompanied him during the final ex- pedition. The army proclaimed the son successor on January 21, 1493. According to the narrator of the TF (self-identified here as Mahmoud KAti), Askia Mohammed sent Mohammed Tould, a dis- tinguished religious leader, to invite Chi Baro to embrace Islam more warmly than had his father. In a town near Gao called Anfao, Chi BAro refused, although the narrator suggests that this was a nat- ural response given the politics of the situation. "He feared for his sovereignty, as was natural for a king," notes Kati. BAro considered the possibility of killing Askia Mohammed's messenger. Askia Mo- hammed then sent another respected religious leader, the alfa SAlih Diawara, who received an even more obstinate response from the new ruler. At this point, the narrator points out that all but one of BAro's ten ministers, each with a special armed force, had remained loyal to their sovereign. Diawara took back two warnings from Baro. The next messenger might be executed, and Askia Mohammed should prepare to fight. After a meeting with his advisors, Askia Mo- 78 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist thus because he was very energetic and very courageous. God had endowed him with this energy" (TS 111). By countermanding orders from his superior, however, Askia Mohammed often incurred the tempestuous ruler's anger. The situa- tion was so bad that his mother, Kassaye, would travel from Gao to Timbuktu to have prayers said for her son. The following passage offers the only example of Kassaye's practice of Islam. "When he became the object of the prince's wrath, his mother Kassaye used to go to Timbuktu to find NAna-Tinti, the daughter of the scholar Abou-Bekr, son of the cadi El-Hay; She would ask him to pray for God to aid her son against Sonni Ali Ber. 'If God,' she used to say, 'grants your prayers, he will give you, if it please him, all the joys for your children and for loved ones"' (TS 111). Es-Sa'di notes that this promise was carried out when Askia Mo- hammed came to power. As we shall see later in the oral narrative, the closeness of Askia Mohammed to Sonni Ali Ber leads to a very personal, one-against-one conflict that produces the change in dy- nasties. But in the chronicles, the event that touches off the change is Sonni Ali Ber's death by drowning while returning home from a campaign against the ZeghrAni and the Fulani in the Gourma region (TS 116). In the TF version of the change in rulers, Sonni Ali Ber died sometime in October or November 1492 after a reign of nearly thirty years. His son Aboubacar, better known as Chi BAro (TF 100) or Abou-Bekr-DA (TS 116), had accompanied him during the final ex- pedition. The army proclaimed the son successor on January 21, 1493. According to the narrator of the TF (self-identified here as Mahmoud Kati), Askia Mohammed sent Mohammed Tould, a dis- tinguished religious leader, to invite Chi Baro to embrace Islam more warmly than had his father. In a town near Gao called Anfao, Chi BAro refused, although the narrator suggests that this was a nat- ural response given the politics of the situation. "He feared for his sovereignty, as was natural for a king," notes KAti. BAro considered the possibility of killing Askia Mohammed's messenger. Askia Mo- hammed then sent another respected religious leader, the alfa SAlih Diawara, who received an even more obstinate response from the new ruler. At this point, the narrator points out that all but one of BAro's ten ministers, each with a special armed force, had remained loyal to their sovereign. Diawara took back two warnings from BAro. The next messenger might be executed, and Askia Mohammed should prepare to fight. After a meeting with his advisors, Askia Mo-  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 79 hammed opted for a third attempt at diplomacy. He sent the narra- tor, Kati, who, like his predecessors, was unsuccessful. Biro became enraged and ordered immediate preparations for battle. The battle between the two armies took place April 12, 1493. Both chronicles report that Askia Mohammed won. But the TS de- scribes two battles, the first a defeat for Askia Mohammed on Feb- ruary 18 and the second a victory on March 3. The TF indicates that BAro fled south to Ayorou, a river town just below the border be- tween Mali and Niger. In the oral narrative, the shift in power seems much swifter and more personal. Sonni Ali Ber's son does not appear. Askia Moham- med, still a young man, has just received the weapons he needs from his father at the end of Ramadan. He heads immediately for the people assembling at the prayer ground. 169 Then Mamar went around them and headed directly for them. 170 They were about to start the prayer. 171 They said, "Stop, just stop, a prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 172 "A prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 173 The horse gallops swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly he is approaching. 174 He comes into view suddenly, leaning forward on his mount. 175 Until, until, until, until, until, until, until he touches the prayer skin of his uncle, then he reins his horse there. 176 Those who know him say that he is like the little captive of Si. 177 Actually, he does resemble the little captive of Si, he has the same look as the little captive of Si. 178 Do you see him! When I saw him I thought that it was the little captive of Si. 179 He retraced his path only to return again. 180 Until he brought the horse to the same place, where he reined it again. 181 Now he made it gallop again. 182 As he approaches the prayer skin of his uncle, 183 He reins his horse. 184 He unslung his lance, and pierced his uncle with it until the lance touched the prayer skin. 185 Until the spear went all the way to the prayer skin. The griot charges his description here with drama, irony, and a sense of immediacy. By racing his horse to the spot where Sonni Ali The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 79 hammed opted for a third attempt at diplomacy. He sent the narra- tor, Kati, who, like his predecessors, was unsuccessful. Baro became enraged and ordered immediate preparations for battle. The battle between the two armies took place April 12, 1493. Both chronicles report that Askia Mohammed won. But the TS de- scribes two battles, the first a defeat for Askia Mohammed on Feb- ruary 18 and the second a victory on March 3. The TF indicates that Baro fled south to Ayorou, a river town just below the border be- tween Mali and Niger. In the oral narrative, the shift in power seems much swifter and more personal. Sonni Ali Ber's son does not appear. Askia Moham- med, still a young man, has just received the weapons he needs from his father at the end of Ramadan. He heads immediately for the people assembling at the prayer ground. 169 Then Mamar went around them and headed directly for them. 170 They were about to start the prayer. 171 They said, "Stop, just stop, a prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 172 "A prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 173 The horse gallops swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly he is approaching. 174 He comes into view suddenly, leaning forward on his mount. 175 Until, until, until, until, until, until, until he touches the prayer skin of his uncle, then he reins his horse there. 176 Those who know him say that he is like the little captive of Si. 177 Actually, he does resemble the little captive of Si, he has the same look as the little captive of Si. 178 Do you see him! When I saw him I thought that it was the little captive of Si. 179 He retraced his path only to return again. 180 Until he brought the horse to the same place, where he reined it again. 181 Now he made it gallop again. 182 As he approaches the prayer skin of his uncle, 183 He reins his horse. 184 He unslung his lance, and pierced his uncle with it until the lance touched the prayer skin. 185 Until the spear went all the way to the prayer skin. The griot charges his description here with drama, irony, and a sense of immediacy. By racing his horse to the spot where Sonni Ali The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 79 hammed opted for a third attempt at diplomacy. He sent the narra- tor, KAti, who, like his predecessors, was unsuccessful. BAro became enraged and ordered immediate preparations for battle. The battle between the two armies took place April 12, 1493. Both chronicles report that Askia Mohammed won. But the TS de- scribes two battles, the first a defeat for Askia Mohammed on Feb- ruary 18 and the second a victory on March 3. The TFindicates that BAro fled south to Ayorou, a river town just below the border be- tween Mali and Niger. In the oral narrative, the shift in power seems much swifter and more personal. Sonni Ali Ber's son does not appear. Askia Moham- med, still a young man, has just received the weapons he needs from his father at the end of Ramadan. He heads immediately for the people assembling at the prayer ground. 169 Then Mamar went around them and headed directly for them. 170 They were about to start the prayer. 171 They said, "Stop, just stop, a prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 172 "A prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 173 The horse gallops swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly he is approaching. 174 He comes into view suddenly, leaning forward on his mount. 175 Until, until, until, until, until, until, until he touches the prayer skin of his uncle, then he reins his horse there. 176 Those who know him say that he is like the little captive of Si. 177 Actually, he does resemble the little captive of Si, he has the same look as the little captive of Si. 178 Do you see him! When I saw him I thought that it was the little captive of Si. 179 He retraced his path only to return again. 180 Until he brought the horse to the same place, where he reined it again. 181 Now he made it gallop again. 182 As he approaches the prayer skin of his uncle, 183 He reins his horse. 184 He unslung his lance, and pierced his uncle with it until the lance touched the prayer skin. 185 Until the spear went all the way to the prayer skin. The griot charges his description here with drama, irony, and a sense of immediacy. By racing his horse to the spot where Sonni Ali  80 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Ber is seated, and then stopping at the last second, Askia Moham- med offers a traditional demonstration of princely loyalty to rulers that is still carried out in some parts of the Sahel on ceremonial occa- sions. Each sprint tests the rider's ability to stop his horse and, at the same time, requires the ruler to show his faith in the vassal's horsemanship. The third gallop reverses the meaning of the gesture, providing thus the most dramatic setting for the assassination. The irony in this passage is that Askia Mohammed kills his uncle, the reported enemy of Islam, on the prayer ground while the victim is about to display his adherence to the religion. If this is more than simply a later Islamic overlay, then Nouhou Malio's oral version appears to argue against the chronicles' negative view of Sonni Ali Ber's fidelity to Islam. Finally, the griot manages to bring his listeners to the scene of the event by a rare variation from straight narration. On lines 177-78, Nouhou Malio shifts from the past to the present, playing the role of one of the persons in the crowd, in order to give his listen- ers the feeling of witnessing the event itself. In the lines that follow, Askia Mohammed's mother orders the crowd to release her son, who then demonstrates his piety and his assumption of his uncle's throne by kneeling down on the prayer skin to recite the prayers. When he gets up, the crowd proclaims him ruler. In the response of Sonni Ali Ber's daughters to the change in power, the author of the TS reports an etymology for the title askia: "When they learned the news, the daughters of Sonni Ali cried out: 'Askia!' an expression which, in their language, means 'he is not it!' When the news was brought to Mohammed, he asked that people give him no other title but this expression, and that he be called Askia Mohammed" (TS 118). Hama offers another etymology for the ruler's title from B6chir Alkassoum, who proposes that askia is the diminutive of askou, "captive" in Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg. According to this view, the name stems from the ruler's words when he conquered the mountainous Air region, 750 kilometers east of Gao, between 1500 and 1504: "I am not here to open up the Air region to the little captive, but to Islam" (Hama 1982, 29). The overthrow of Sonni Ali Ber by Askia Mohammed described by Nouhou Malio is all the more striking when we consider his birth, apparent social origin, and his relationship to his uncle. As Fatima Mounkaila has pointed out (interview with the author, September 13, 1989), Askia Mohammed, an apparent slave, has no legitimate 80 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Ber is seated, and then stopping at the last second, Askia Moham- med offers a traditional demonstration of princely loyalty to rulers that is still carried out in some parts of the Sahel on ceremonial occa- sions. Each sprint tests the rider's ability to stop his horse and, at the same time, requires the ruler to show his faith in the vassal's horsemanship. The third gallop reverses the meaning of the gesture, providing thus the most dramatic setting for the assassination. The irony in this passage is that Askia Mohammed kills his uncle, the reported enemy of Islam, on the prayer ground while the victim is about to display his adherence to the religion. If this is more than simply a later Islamic overlay, then Nouhou Malio's oral version appears to argue against the chronicles' negative view of Sonni Ali Ber's fidelity to Islam. Finally, the griot manages to bring his listeners to the scene of the event by a rare variation from straight narration. On lines 177-78, Nouhou Malio shifts from the past to the present, playing the role of one of the persons in the crowd, in order to give his listen- ers the feeling of witnessing the event itself. In the lines that follow, Askia Mohammed's mother orders the crowd to release her son, who then demonstrates his piety and his assumption of his uncle's throne by kneeling down on the prayer skin to recite the prayers. When he gets up, the crowd proclaims him ruler. In the response of Sonni Ali Ber's daughters to the change in power, the author of the TS reports an etymology for the title askia: "When they learned the news, the daughters of Sonni Ali cried out: 'Askia!' an expression which, in their language, means 'he is not it!' When the news was brought to Mohammed, he asked that people give him no other title but this expression, and that he be called Askia Mohammed" (TS 118). Hama offers another etymology for the ruler's title from B6chir Alkassoum, who proposes that askia is the diminutive of askou, "captive" in Tamasheq, the language of the Thareg. According to this view, the name stems from the ruler's words when he conquered the mountainous Air region, 750 kilometers east of Gao, between 1500 and 1504: "I am not here to open up the Air region to the little captive, but to Islam" (Hama 1982, 29). The overthrow of Sonni Ali Ber by Askia Mohammed described by Nouhou Malio is all the more striking when we consider his birth, apparent social origin, and his relationship to his uncle. As Fatima Mounkaila has pointed out (interview with the author, September 13, 1989), Askia Mohammed, an apparent slave, has no legitimate 80 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Ber is seated, and then stopping at the last second, Askia Moham- med offers a traditional demonstration of princely loyalty to rulers that is still carried out in some parts of the Sahel on ceremonial occa- sions. Each sprint tests the rider's ability to stop his horse and, at the same time, requires the ruler to show his faith in the vassal's horsemanship. The third gallop reverses the meaning of the gesture, providing thus the most dramatic setting for the assassination. The irony in this passage is that Askia Mohammed kills his uncle, _the reported enemy of Islam, on the prayer ground while the victim is about to display his adherence to the religion. If this is more than simply a later Islamic overlay, then Nouhou Malio's oral version appears to argue against the chronicles' negative view of Sonni Ali Ber's fidelity to Islam. Finally, the griot manages to bring his listeners to the scene of the event by a rare variation from straight narration. On lines 177-78, Nouhou Malio shifts from the past to the present, playing the role of one of the persons in the crowd, in order to give his listen- ers the feeling of witnessing the event itself. In the lines that follow, Askia Mohammed's mother orders the crowd to release her son, who then demonstrates his piety and his assumption of his uncle's throne by kneeling down on the prayer skin to recite the prayers. When he gets up, the crowd proclaims him ruler. In the response of Sonni Ali Ber's daughters to the change in power, the author of the TS reports an etymology for the title askia: "When they learned the news, the daughters of Sonni Ali cried out: 'Askia!' an expression which, in their language, means 'he is not it!' When the news was brought to Mohammed, he asked that people give him no other title but this expression, and that he be called Askia Mohammed" (TS 118). Hama offers another etymology for the ruler's title from Bdchir Alkassoum, who proposes that askia is the diminutive of askou, "captive" in Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg. According to this view, the name stems from the ruler's words when he conquered the mountainous Air region, 750 kilometers east of Gao, between 1500 and 1504: "I am not here to open up the Air region to the little captive, but to Islam" (Hama 1982, 29). The overthrow of Sonni Ali Ber by Askia Mohammed described by Nouhou Maio is all the more striking when we consider his birth, apparent social origin, and his relationship to his uncle. As Fatima Mounkaila has pointed out (interview with the author, September 13, 1989), Askia Mohammed, an apparent slave, has no legitimate  The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 81 claim to the throne of Sonni Ali Ber. After the assassination and the revelation of his true mother, the people still do not know the name of his father. For the Songhay and Zarma, a child without a father has very low social status, and could not pretend to be the ruler of anything. Finally, as the nephew of Sonni Ali Ber, he cannot make a claim on his uncle. In the narrowest interpretation, the only king- dom which he may demand is that of his father under the river. But even here his status remains ambiguous. His father engaged in sex with his mother but there was no marriage ceremony. From a tradi- tional perspective, he could be viewed as an illegitimate child in each of the worlds which his parents inhabited, the city of Gao and the spirit kingdom under the river. Although he gains his power by the spear, Askia Mohammed cannot hold on to it without the support of those he has conquered. The fact that this power is affirmed by the son of Sonni Ali Ber re- flects both the acquiescence of the family's most significant survivor and-because this man becomes a griot-the traditional tendency of griots to support those in power. The comparison between the written and oral versions of Askia Mohammed's birth and rise to power reveals significant differences in detail, but the broad outlines remain relatively unchanged. First, the oral narrative, as might be expected, demonstrates much greater interest in his birth than does that of the chroniclers. In this sense, it reflects in a variety of ways the survival of pre-Islamic Songhay beliefs. Second, in both versions Askia Mohammed overthrows, directly or indirectly, the regime of Sonni Ali Ber. If the compression of his- tory effected by the griot in the account of this shift leaves out many details found only in the chronicles, the narrative gains a more per- sonal, human dimension. One reason for this difference is the matter of audience. The griot cannot recount in a few evenings the equiva- lent of the lengthy chronicles. But by using the devices of his oral art-for example role playing-he can set the scene and then breathe life into it as an indirect witness to the events. Third, the lack of any reference to Sonni Ali Ber as an enemy of Islam in Nouhou Malio's version supports both the TS view of him as more than simply a lukewarm Moslem and later reevaluations by modern scholars. I shall return to this issue later. In the mean- time, in the next chapter I shall discuss Askia Mohammed's reign, and in particular his efforts to impose Islam over a large part of the Sahel. The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 81 claim to the throne of Sonni Ali Ber. After the assassination and the revelation of his true mother, the people still do not know the name of his father. For the Songhay and Zarma, a child without a father has very low social status, and could not pretend to be the ruler of anything. Finally, as the nephew of Sonni Ali Ber, he cannot make a claim on his uncle. In the narrowest interpretation, the only king- dom which he may demand is that of his father under the river. But even here his status remains ambiguous. His father engaged in sex with his mother but there was no marriage ceremony. From a tradi- tional perspective, he could be viewed as an illegitimate child in each of the worlds which his parents inhabited, the city of Gao and the spirit kingdom under the river. Although he gains his power by the spear, Askia Mohammed cannot hold on to it without the support of those he has conquered. The fact that this power is affirmed by the son of Sonni Ali Ber re- flects both the acquiescence of the family's most significant survivor and-because this man becomes a griot-the traditional tendency of griots to support those in power. The comparison between the written and oral versions of Askia Mohammed's birth and rise to power reveals significant differences in detail, but the broad outlines remain relatively unchanged. First, the oral narrative, as might be expected, demonstrates much greater interest in his birth than does that of the chroniclers. In this sense, it reflects in a variety of ways the survival of pre-Islamic Songhay beliefs. Second, in both versions Askia Mohammed overthrows, directly or indirectly, the regime of Sonni Ali Ber. If the compression of his- tory effected by the griot in the account of this shift leaves out many details found only in the chronicles, the narrative gains a more per- sonal, human dimension. One reason for this difference is the matter of audience. The griot cannot recount in a few evenings the equiva- lent of the lengthy chronicles. But by using the devices of his oral art-for example role playing-he can set the scene and then breathe life into it as an indirect witness to the events. Third, the lack of any reference to Sonni Ali Ber as an enemy of Islam in Nouhou Malio's version supports both the TS view of him as more than simply a lukewarm Moslem and later reevaluations by modern scholars. I shall return to this issue later. In the mean- time, in the next chapter I shall discuss Askia Mohammed's reign, and in particular his efforts to impose Islam over a large part of the Sahel. The Birth and Rise to Power of Askia Mohammed 81 claim to the throne of Sonni Ali Ber. After the assassination and the revelation of his true mother, the people still do not know the name of his father. For the Songhay and Zarma, a child without a father has very low social status, and could not pretend to be the ruler of anything. Finally, as the nephew of Sonni Ali Ber, he cannot make a claim on his uncle. In the narrowest interpretation, the only king- dom which he may demand is that of his father under the river. But even here his status remains ambiguous. His father engaged in sex with his mother but there was no marriage ceremony. From a tradi- tional perspective, he could be viewed as an illegitimate child in each of the worlds which his parents inhabited, the city of Gao and the spirit kingdom under the river. Although he gains his power by the spear, Askia Mohammed cannot hold on to it without the support of those he has conquered. The fact that this power is affirmed by the son of Sonni Ali Ber re- flects both the acquiescence of the family's most significant survivor and-because this man becomes a griot-the traditional tendency of griots to support those in power. The comparison between the written and oral versions of Askia Mohammed's birth and rise to power reveals significant differences in detail, but the broad outlines remain relatively unchanged. First, the oral narrative, as might be expected, demonstrates much greater interest in his birth than does that of the chroniclers. In this sense, it reflects in a variety of ways the survival of pre-Islamic Songhay beliefs. Second, in both versions Askia Mohammed overthrows, directly or indirectly, the regime of Sonni Ali Ber. If the compression of his- tory effected by the griot in the account of this shift leaves out many details found only in the chronicles, the narrative gains a more per- sonal, human dimension. One reason for this difference is the matter of audience. The griot cannot recount in a few evenings the equiva- lent of the lengthy chronicles. But by using the devices of his oral art-for example role playing-he can set the scene and then breathe life into it as an indirect witness to the events. Third, the lack of any reference to Sonni Ali Ber as an enemy of Islam in Nouhou Malio's version supports both the TS view of him as more than simply a lukewarm Moslem and later reevaluations by modern scholars. I shall return to this issue later. In the mean- time, in the next chapter I shall discuss Askia Mohammed's reign, and in particular his efforts to impose Islam over a large part of the Sahel.  Chapter 5 The Reign of Askia Mohammed: From Gao to Mecca and Back According to the Scribes and the Griot Both the written and the oral narratives portray Askia Mohammed's reign as marked by love for war and respect for Islam. The intertwin- ing of these two themes in both texts reveals even more clearly the significance of the traditional belief system that we saw earlier in the descriptions of the ruler's birth and childhood. The juxtaposition of Islam and pre-Islamic Songhay beliefs in the oral version will point toward a basic contradiction that will become clearer during the dis- cussion of the fall of the empire in chapter 7. Askia Mohammed's Piety and His Pilgrimage to Mecca Both the chroniclers and the griot agree on Askia Mohammed's pi- ety, a virtue confirmed by the correspondence between the North African scholar al-Maghili and the ruler (Hunwick 1985) and height- ened by the contrast with Sonni Ali Ber. The latter's bad qualities, as described in the oral narrative, appear in personal, family terms-for example, he kills Kassaye's first seven children-while his portrait in the chronicles concentrates on the collective nature of the harm he did to the Islamic community-in particular, his order to execute the thirty virgin daughters of Timbuktu. Another reason for the emphasis on the collective in the chronicles, of course, Chapter 5 The Reign of Askia Mohammed: From Gao to Mecca and Back According to the Scribes and the Griot Both the written and the oral narratives portray Askia Mohammed's reign as marked by love for war and respect for Islam. The intertwin- ing of these two themes in both texts reveals even more clearly the significance of the traditional belief system that we saw earlier in the descriptions of the ruler's birth and childhood. The juxtaposition of Islam and pre-Islamic Songhay beliefs in the oral version will point toward a basic contradiction that will become clearer during the dis- cussion of the fall of the empire in chapter 7. Askia Mohammed's Piety and His Pilgrimage to Mecca Both the chroniclers and the griot agree on Askia Mohammed's pi- ety, a virtue confirmed by the correspondence between the North African scholar al-Maghili and the ruler (Hunwick 1985) and height- Iened by the contrast with Sonni Ali Ber. The latter's bad qualities, as described in the oral narrative, appear in personal, family terms-for example, he kills Kassaye's first seven children-while his portrait in the chronicles concentrates on the collective nature of the harm he did to the Islamic community-in particular, his order to execute the thirty virgin daughters of Timbuktu. Another reason for the emphasis on the collective in the chronicles, of course, Chapter 5 The Reign of Askia Mohammed: From Gao to Mecca and Back According to the Scribes and the Griot Both the written and the oral narratives portray Askia Mohammed's reign as marked by love for war and respect for Islam. The intertwin- ing of these two themes in both texts reveals even more clearly the significance of the traditional belief system that we saw earlier in the descriptions of the ruler's birth and childhood. The juxtaposition of Islam and pre-Islamic Songhay beliefs in the oral version will point toward a basic contradiction that will become clearer during the dis- cussion of the fall of the empire in chapter 7. Askia Mohammed's Piety and His Pilgrimage to Mecca Both the chroniclers and the griot agree on Askia Mohammed's pi- ety, a virtue confirmed by the correspondence between the North African scholar al-Maghili and the ruler (Hunwick 1985) and height- (&ned by the contrast with Sonni Ali Ber. The latter's bad qualities, as described in the oral narrative, appear in personal, family terms-for example, he kills Kassaye's first seven children-while his portrait in the chronicles concentrates on the collective nature of the harm he did to the Islamic community-in particular, his order to execute the thirty virgin daughters of Timbuktu. Another reason for the emphasis on the collective in the chronicles, of course, 82 82 82  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 83 lies in the fact that the narrators were part of the Islamic elite that suffered at Sonni Ali Ber's hands. By comparison, Askia Moham- med appears saintly in the TF. One couldn't enumerate all his virtues, all his qualities, such as his excellent policies, his concern about his subjects, and his solici- tude toward poor people. One could never find his equal either among those who preceded him or among those who came after him. He had great affection for the ulemas, the holy people, and talebs [students of Islam]. He made many offerings, and carried out, beyond the prescribed duties, supplementary acts of devo- tion. He was one of the most intelligent men and one of the most prudent. Full of regard for the ulemas, he generously distributed to them slaves and riches to assure the interests of Moslems and to help them in their submission to God and in the practice of the religion. He abolished all the evil, cruel, and bloody practices of the Chi [Sonni Ali Ber]. He gave more solid foundations to the religion. He freed from slavery all those who could prove their right to liberty and restored to owners all the property which the Chi had taken. He restored the religion by installing cddis and imams. May God reward him for his zeal in the name of Islam! (TF 114-15) Among the examples cited in some detail is a visit with the cddi, or religious and political leader, Mahmofid ben Omar in Kabara, near Timbuktu. Askia Mohammed asks why the man has not been following the instructions he sent. In the long dialogue that follows, the ruler reveals that he has forgotten his earlier vow of devotion to the cddi for the Timbuktu area. The narrator cites Askia Moham- med's humility toward Mahmonld as proof that the ruler is a man with a pure heart who believes in God and his prophet. The chapter on Askia Mohammed in the TF emphasizes exam- ples of his generosity toward Moslem religious leaders and includes the full text of a safe conduct pass he provided to some holy men who had been the victims of Sonni Ali Ber. The narrator has heard that it is the only decision, of all those made by Askia Mohammed, that remained in effect through the succeeding generations of Askias, including the period during which the Moroccan army con- trolled the region. Despite this, the narrator reports that he himself had seen the descendants of the beneficiaries sold as slaves in the The Reign of Askia Mohammed 83 lies in the fact that the narrators were part of the Islamic elite that suffered at Sonni Ali Ber's hands. By comparison, Askia Moham- med appears saintly in the TF. One couldn't enumerate all his virtues, all his qualities, such as his excellent policies, his concern about his subjects, and his solici- tude toward poor people. One could never find his equal either among those who preceded him or among those who came after him. He had great affection for the ulemis, the holy people, and talebs [students of Islam]. He made many offerings, and carried out, beyond the prescribed duties, supplementary acts of devo- tion. He was one of the most intelligent men and one of the most prudent. Full of regard for the ulemas, he generously distributed to them slaves and riches to assure the interests of Moslems and to help them in their submission to God and in the practice of the religion. He abolished all the evil, cruel, and bloody practices of the Chi [Sonni Ali Ber]. He gave more solid foundations to the religion. He freed from slavery all those who could prove their right to liberty and restored to owners all the property which the Chi had taken. He restored the religion by installing cddis and imams. May God reward him for his zeal in the name of Islam! (TF 114-15) Among the examples cited in some detail is a visit with the cddi, or religious and political leader, Mahmofid ben Omar in Kabara, near Timbuktu. Askia Mohammed asks why the man has not been following the instructions he sent. In the long dialogue that follows, the ruler reveals that he has forgotten his earlier vow of devotion to the cadi for the Timbuktu area. The narrator cites Askia Moham- med's humility toward Mahmofid as proof that the ruler is a man with a pure heart who believes in God and his prophet. The chapter on Askia Mohammed in the TF emphasizes exam- ples of his generosity toward Moslem religious leaders and includes the full text of a safe conduct pass he provided to some holy men who had been the victims of Sonni Ali Ber. The narrator has heard that it is the only decision, of all those made by Askia Mohammed, that remained in effect through the succeeding generations of Askias, including the period during which the Moroccan army con- trolled the region. Despite this, the narrator reports that he himself had seen the descendants of the beneficiaries sold as slaves in the The Reign of Askia Mohammed 83 lies in the fact that the narrators were part of the Islamic elite that suffered at Sonni Ali Ber's hands. By comparison, Askia Moham- med appears saintly in the TF. One couldn't enumerate all his virtues, all his qualities, such as his excellent policies, his concern about his subjects, and his solici- tude toward poor people. One could never find his equal either among those who. preceded him or among those who came after him. He had great affection for the ulemas, the holy people, and talebs [students of Islam]. He made many offerings, and carried out, beyond the prescribed duties, supplementary acts of devo- tion. He was one of the most intelligent men and one of the most prudent. Full of regard for the ulemas, he generously distributed to them slaves and riches to assure the interests of Moslems and to help them in their submission to God and in the practice of the religion. He abolished all the evil, cruel, and bloody practices of the Chi [Sonni Ali Ber]. He gave more solid foundations to the religion. He freed from slavery all those who could prove their right to liberty and restored to owners all the property which the Chi had taken. He restored the religion by installing cddis and imams. May God reward him for his zeal in the name of Islam! (TF 114-15) Among the examples cited in some detail is a visit with the cddi, or religious and political leader, Mahmofid ben Omar in Kabara, near Timbuktu. Askia Mohammed asks why the man has not been following the instructions he sent. In the long dialogue that follows, the ruler reveals that he has forgotten his earlier vow of devotion to the cddi for the Timbuktu area. The narrator cites Askia Moham- med's humility toward Mahmoud as proof that the ruler is a man with a pure heart who believes in God and his prophet. The chapter on Askia Mohammed in the TF emphasizes exam- ples of his generosity toward Moslem religious leaders and includes the full text of a safe conduct pass he provided to some holy men who had been the victims of Sonni Ali Ber. The narrator has heard that it is the only decision, of all those made by Askia Mohammed, that remained in effect through the succeeding generations of Askias, including the period during which the Moroccan army con- trolled the region. Despite this, the narrator reports that he himself had seen the descendants of the beneficiaries sold as slaves in the  84 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 84 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 84 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist market of Timbuktu during the reign of Askia Mohammed Bounkan, who ruled twice, from 1621 to 1635 and from 1635 to 1642, during the Moroccan occupation. The most significant example of Askia Mohammed's piety, how- ever, was his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1497-98. His travels recalled the pilgrimage by the Malian ruler Mansa Moussa two centuries ear- lier. While the written and oral traditions describe the event, many differences illustrate the divergent world views of the two sources. First, the chronicles present the pilgrimage as simply the normal duty of a leader who is a good Moslem. But Nouhou Malio's version portrays the holy voyage as a form of atonement for Askia Moham- med's murder of his uncle. Second, while both versions report on extraordinary and supernatural events that occur en route to Mecca, each interprets them in a manner reflecting the two different belief systems that governed Askia Mohammed's life, the Islamic and the Songhay. Third, while both the oral version and the chronicles tend to focus more on the events of the trip itself than on the activities at Mecca, those events differ considerably. The oral version deals with holy wars, while the written describes incidents. Fourth, after the arrival in the land of Mohammed, each focuses on different kinds of activities. The written accounts emphasize contact with scholars and religious leaders rather than the details of religious ob- servances; the oral version gives an astonishing description of Askia Mohammed's descent into the tomb of the Prophet. Finally, no ver- sion mentions the narrators of the other version of the trip. The TF describes the seven learned men who accompany Askia Mohammed but makes no reference to griots. In Nouhou Malio's narrative, by the time the ruler reaches the Red Sea, he decides to cross with only two companions, a marabout specialized in divination and a griot. The narrator of the TF reports that Askia Mohammed left Gao in September-October 1497, while es-Sa'di gives an earlier date, October-November 1495. Both accounts present the trip as the nor- mal pilgrimage to Mecca that every devout Moslem should make. The pilgrimage was then, as it has been until only a few decades ago, a rather hazardous journey for which many precautions should be taken. The difference here between an ordinary pilgrim and a ruler such as Askia Mohammed is one of scale and cost of those precau- tions. These were no doubt influenced by the history of earlier West African rulers who had traveled to Mecca. Aware of the economic and social impact of Mansa Moussa's pilgrimage in the fourteenth century, the narrators of the chronicles are careful to point out that market of Timbuktu during the reign of Askia Mohammed Bounkan, who ruled twice, from 1621 to 1635 and from 1635 to 1642, during the Moroccan occupation. The most significant example of Askia Mohammed's piety, how- ever, was his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1497-98. His travels recalled the pilgrimage by the Malian ruler Mansa Moussa two centuries ear- lier. While the written and oral traditions describe the event, many differences illustrate the divergent world views of the two sources. First, the chronicles present the pilgrimage as simply the normal duty of a leader who is a good Moslem. But Nouhou Malio's version portrays the holy voyage as a form of atonement for Askia Moham- med's murder of his uncle. Second, while both versions report on extraordinary and supernatural events that occur en route to Mecca, each interprets them in a manner reflecting the two different belief systems that governed Askia Mohammed's life, the Islamic and the Songhay. Third, while both the oral version and the chronicles tend to focus more on the events of the trip itself than on the activities at Mecca, those events differ considerably. The oral version deals with holy wars, while the written describes incidents. Fourth, after the arrival in the land of Mohammed, each focuses on different kinds of activities. The written accounts emphasize contact with scholars and religious leaders rather than the details of religious ob- servances; the oral version gives an astonishing description of Askia Mohammed's descent into the tomb of the Prophet. Finally, no ver- sion mentions the narrators of the other version of the trip. The TF describes the seven learned men who accompany Askia Mohammed but makes no reference to griots. In Nouhou Malio's narrative, by the time the ruler reaches the Red Sea, he decides to cross with only two companions, a marabout specialized in divination and a griot. The narrator of the TF reports that Askia Mohammed left Gao in September-October 1497, while es-Sa'di gives an earlier date, October-November 1495. Both accounts present the trip as the nor- mal pilgrimage to Mecca that every devout Moslem should make. The pilgrimage was then, as it has been until only a few decades ago, a rather hazardous journey for which many precautions should be taken. The difference here between an ordinary pilgrim and a ruler such as Askia Mohammed is one of scale and cost of those precau- tions. These were no doubt influenced by the history of earlier West African rulers who had traveled to Mecca. Aware of the economic and social impact of Mansa Moussa's pilgrimage in the fourteenth century, the narrators of the chronicles are careful to point out that market of Timbuktu during the reign of Askia Mohammed Bounkan, who ruled twice, from 1621 to 1635 and from 1635 to 1642, during the Moroccan occupation. The most significant example of Askia Mohammed's piety, how- ever, was his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1497-98. His travels recalled the pilgrimage by the Malian ruler Mansa Moussa two centuries ear- lier. While the written and oral traditions describe the event, many differences illustrate the divergent world views of the two sources. First, the chronicles present the pilgrimage as simply the normal duty of a leader who is a good Moslem. But Nouhou Malio's version portrays the holy voyage as a form of atonement for Askia Moham- med's murder of his uncle. Second, while both versions report on extraordinary and supernatural events that occur en route to Mecca, each interprets them in a manner reflecting the two different belief systems that governed Askia Mohammed's life, the Islamic and the Songhay. Third, while both the oral version and the chronicles tend to focus more on the events of the trip itself than on the activities at Mecca, those events differ considerably. The oral version deals with holy wars, while the written describes incidents. Fourth, after the arrival in the land of Mohammed, each focuses on different kinds of activities. The written accounts emphasize contact with scholars and religious leaders rather than the details of religious ob- servances; the oral version gives an astonishing description of Askia Mohammed's descent into the tomb of the Prophet. Finally, no ver- sion mentions the narrators of the other version of the trip. The TF describes the seven learned men who accompany Askia Mohammed but makes no reference to griots. In Nouhou Malio's narrative, by the time the ruler reaches the Red Sea, he decides to cross with only two companions, a marabout specialized in divination and a griot. The narrator of the TF reports that Askia Mohammed left Gao in September-October 1497, while es-Sa'di gives an earlier date, October-November 1495. Both accounts present the trip as the nor- mal pilgrimage to Mecca that every devout Moslem should make. The pilgrimage was then, as it has been until only a few decades ago, a rather hazardous journey for which many precautions should be taken. The difference here between an ordinary pilgrim and a ruler such as Askia Mohammed is one of scale and cost of those precau- tions. These were no doubt influenced by the history of earlier West African rulers who had traveled to Mecca. Aware of the economic and social impact of Mansa Moussa's pilgrimage in the fourteenth century, the narrators of the chronicles are careful to point out that  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 85 Askia Mohammed was no less generous. The TF reports that he took eight hundred soldiers, seven scholars, including Mahmoud Kuti, and 300,000 gold pieces (TF 124-25). Es-Sa'di nearly doubles the entourage. He lists five hundred horsemen and one thousand foot soldiers. The TF offers the most detailed description of the pilgrimage, but most of the narrators' attention concentrates on the supernatural events occurring en route. These magical events are portrayed as the favor of God directed at the ruler and the two alfas on the trip, Diawara and Tould. For example, one night, at an oasis between Al- exandria and Cairo, Alfa Diawara encountered the Islamic djinn Chamharouch and his students, who were on the way back from Mecca. The djinn announced that he had heard of Askia Moham- med, and predicted that the ruler would be the eleventh caliph of the Sudan. The twelfth was expected sometime between 1786 and 1883, which was the thirteenth century of the Moslem calendar. Most scholars believe that this prediction is part of the rewritten version made at the request of the nineteenth-century ruler Sdkou Amadou. Later, after a violent and hot wind dried up all of the caravan's water, Alfa Diawara acceded to Askia Mohammed's request to seek divine intervention. No sooner was the prayer completed than rain fell. At about this time during the trip, Askia Mohammed distrib- uted dates to everyone in the caravan, but, for some unexplained reason, failed to offer any to Mohammed Tould and the people in his entourage. As some people began to question the ruler's wis- dom, a white camel loaded with dates came from the east, deposited a load of dates at Alfa Tould's feet, and returned in the direction from which it had come (TF 130-31). According to the narrators, in Cairo Sidi Abderrahman es- Soyouti, whom Hiskett describes as "probably the foremost Muslim literary figure of his day" (1984, 37), predicted the events that would take place in the country of Askia Mohammed. When the pilgrim asked him what lay ahead for Gao, the scholar announced, "I fear that sedition will be the cause of its loss" (TF 131). As for Timbuktu, he expressed his fear that the city would fall victim to famine, while for Djenne he foresaw a flood (TF 132). Of the visit to Mecca itself, the narrators mention Askia Moham- med's purchase of a residence in the city for travelers from the Songhay empire (TF 131). But the most important event, in their eyes, occurred when the Sherif of Mecca conferred upon the ruler the blue turban of sovereignty and the title of imam. This reported The Reign of Askia Mohammed 85 Askia Mohammed was no less generous. The TF reports that he took eight hundred soldiers, seven scholars, including Mahmoud Kati, and 300,000 gold pieces (TF 124-25). Es-Sa'di nearly doubles the entourage. He lists five hundred horsemen and one thousand foot soldiers. The TF offers the most detailed description of the pilgrimage, but most of the narrators' attention concentrates on the supernatural events occurring en route. These magical events are portrayed as the favor of God directed at the ruler and the two alfas on the trip, Diawara and Tould. For example, one night, at an oasis between Al- exandria and Cairo, Alfa Diawara encountered the Islamic djinn Chamharouch and his students, who were on the way back from Mecca. The djinn announced that he had heard of Askia Moham- med, and predicted that the ruler would be the eleventh caliph of the Sudan. The twelfth was expected sometime between 1786 and 1883, which was the thirteenth century of the Moslem calendar. Most scholars believe that this prediction is part of the rewritten version made at the request of the nineteenth-century ruler S6kou Amadou. Later, after a violent and hot wind dried up all of the caravan's water, Alfa Diawara acceded to Askia Mohammed's request to seek divine intervention. No sooner was the prayer completed than rain fell. At about this time during the trip, Askia Mohammed distrib- uted dates to everyone in the caravan, but, for some unexplained reason, failed to offer any to Mohammed Tould and the people in his entourage. As some people began to question the ruler's wis- dom, a white camel loaded with dates came from the east, deposited a load of dates at Alfa Toul6's feet, and returned in the direction from which it had come (TF 130-31). According to the narrators, in Cairo Sidi Abderrahman es- Soyouti, whom Hiskett describes as "probably the foremost Muslim literary figure of his day" (1984, 37), predicted the events that would take place in the country of Askia Mohammed. When the pilgrim asked him what lay ahead for Gao, the scholar announced, "I fear that sedition will be the cause of its loss" (TF 131). As for Timbuktu, he expressed his fear that the city would fall victim to famine, while for Djenn6 he foresaw a flood (TF 132). Of the visit to Mecca itself, the narrators mention Askia Moham- med's purchase of a residence in the city for travelers from the Songhay empire (TF 131). But the most important event, in their eyes, occurred when the Sherif of Mecca conferred upon the ruler the blue turban of sovereignty and the title of imam. This reported The Reign of Askia Mohammed 85 Askia Mohammed was no less generous. The TF reports that he took eight hundred soldiers, seven scholars, including Mahmoud Kati, and 300,000 gold pieces (TF 124-25). Es-Sa'di nearly doubles the entourage. He lists five hundred horsemen and one thousand foot soldiers. The TF offers the most detailed description of the pilgrimage, but most of the narrators' attention concentrates on the supernatural events occurring en route. These magical events are portrayed as the favor of God directed at the ruler and the two alfas on the trip, Diawara and Tould. For example, one night, at an oasis between Al- exandria and Cairo, Alfa Diawara encountered the Islamic djinn Chamharouch and his students, who were on the way back from Mecca. The djinn announced that he had heard of Askia Moham- med, and predicted that the ruler would be the eleventh caliph of the Sudan. The twelfth was expected sometime between 1786 and 1883, which was the thirteenth century of the Moslem calendar. Most scholars believe that this prediction is part of the rewritten version made at the request of the nineteenth-century ruler S6kou Amadou. Later, after a violent and hot wind dried up all of the caravan's water, Alfa Diawara acceded to Askia Mohammed's request to seek divine intervention. No sooner was the prayer completed than rain fell. At about this time during the trip, Askia Mohammed distrib- uted dates to everyone in the caravan, but, for some unexplained reason, failed to offer any to Mohammed Tould and the people in his entourage. As some people began to question the ruler's wis- dom, a white camel loaded with dates came from the east, deposited a load of dates at Alfa Toul6's feet, and returned in the direction from which it had come (TF 130-31). According to the narrators, in Cairo Sidi Abderrahman es- Soyouti, whom Hiskett describes as "probably the foremost Muslim literary figure of his day" (1984, 37), predicted the events that would take place in the country of Askia Mohammed. When the pilgrim asked him what lay ahead for Gao, the scholar announced, "I fear that sedition will be the cause of its loss" (TF 131). As for Timbuktu, he expressed his fear that the city would fall victim to famine, while for Djennd he foresaw a flood (TF 132). Of the visit to Mecca itself, the narrators mention Askia Moham- med's purchase of a residence in the city for travelers from the Songhay empire (TF 131). But the most important event, in their eyes, occurred when the Sherif of Mecca conferred upon the ruler the blue turban of sovereignty and the title of imam. This reported  86 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist elevation of Askia Mohammed to the rank of Islamic leader for much of West Africa served as justification for many wars and con- quests by subsequent rulers through the nineteenth century. Aside from this major event, however, the chronicles provide few details about Askia Mohammed's actual visit to the major religious sites in the region. The narrators do report two stories. The first is how the ruler, while negotiating for the privilege of dipping some hair from Mohammed in water to be used for ablutions, suddenly seized one of the hairs and swallowed it. The second story concerns the visit to Mohammed's tomb. Mansa Kofira, the Bara-Kof, or gov- ernor of Bara province, 150 kilometers southwest of Timbuktu, while embracing one of the columns at the tomb requested that his superior grant him three wishes. One was that Askia Mohammed not take any of the Bara-Koi's daughters except as legitimate wives. The second was that the ruler would follow the Bara-Koi's advice when given. The third was that the ruler should not harm anyone who placed himself under the Bara-Koi's protection. Askia Moham- med is reported to have agreed to all three wishes. One reason for the governor's claim on his ruler was, no doubt, the fact that he had been among the first to join Askia Mohammed's side in the rebellion against Chf Baro. These descriptions in the chronicles contrast with those in the oral version by Nouhou Malio. Here, the pilgrimage stems from both the ruler's guilt for killing his uncle and his need to purify him- self. The griot describes the visit to Mecca more in terms of a per- sonal journey of discovery than as a political and religious expedi- tion. Finally, in the stark portrait of the way in which Askia Mohammed forced his enemies to submit to Islam, we discover a de- gree of violence that almost matches Sonni Ali Ber's. After expressing the wish to go to Mecca, Askia Mohammed is told-one assumes by religious leaders and scholars-that he cannot cross the Red Sea unless he purifies himself of the crime of killing his relative, Sonni Ali Ber. 249 They told him, "There is no path. 250 "Anyone who has killed an ancestor does not have the right to cross to Mecca. 251 "But there are two ways, three ways, so look for one you can take. 252 "Now you will return home. 253 "You must find a hen who has just produced chicks, and drive them from home. 86 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist elevation of Askia Mohammed to the rank of Islamic leader for much of West Africa served as justification for many wars and con- quests by subsequent rulers through the nineteenth century. Aside from this major event, however, the chronicles provide few details about Askia Mohammed's actual visit to the major religious sites in the region. The narrators do report two stories. The first is how the ruler, while negotiating for the privilege of dipping some hair from Mohammed in water to be used for ablutions, suddenly seized one of the hairs and swallowed it. The second story concerns the visit to Mohammed's tomb. Mansa Koira, the Bara-Koi, or gov- ernor of Bara province, 150 kilometers southwest of Timbuktu, while embracing one of the columns at the tomb requested that his superior grant him three wishes. One was that Askia Mohammed not take any of the Bara-Koi's daughters except as legitimate wives. The second was that the ruler would follow the Bara-Koi's advice when given. The third was that the ruler should not harm anyone who placed himself under the Bara-Koi's protection. Askia Moham- med is reported to have agreed to all three wishes. One reason for the governor's claim on his ruler was, no doubt, the fact that he had been among the first to join Askia Mohammed's side in the rebellion against Chf BAro. These descriptions in the chronicles contrast with those in the oral version by Nouhou Malio. Here, the pilgrimage stems from both the ruler's guilt for killing his uncle and his need to purify him- * self. The griot describes the visit to Mecca more in terms of a per- sonal journey of discovery than as a political and religious expedi- tion. Finally, in the stark portrait of the way in which Askia Mohammed forced his enemies to submit to Islam, we discover a de- gree of violence that almost matches Sonni Ali Ber's. After expressing the wish to go to Mecca, Askia Mohammed is told-one assumes by religious leaders and scholars-that he cannot cross the Red Sea unless he purifies himself of the crime of killing his relative, Sonni Ali Ber. 249 They told him, "There is no path. 250 "Anyone who has killed an ancestor does not have the right to cross to Mecca. 251 "But there are two ways, three ways, so look for one you can take. 252 "Now you will return home. 253 "You must find a hen who has just produced chicks, and drive them from home. 86 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist elevation of Askia Mohammed to the rank of Islamic leader for much of West Africa served as justification for many wars and con- quests by subsequent rulers through the nineteenth century. Aside from this major event, however, the chronicles provide few details about Askia Mohammed's actual visit to the major religious sites in the region. The narrators do report two stories. The first is how the ruler, while negotiating for the privilege of dipping some hair from Mohammed in water to be used for ablutions, suddenly seized one of the hairs and swallowed it. The second story concerns the visit to Mohammed's tomb. Mansa Kouira, the Bara-Koi, or gov- ernor of Bara province, 150 kilometers southwest of Timbuktu, while embracing one of the columns at the tomb requested that his superior grant him three wishes. One was that Askia Mohammed not take any of the Bara-Kor's daughters except as legitimate wives. The second was that the ruler would follow the Bara-Koi's advice when given. The third was that the ruler should not harm anyone who placed himself under the Bara-Koi's protection. Askia Moham- med is reported to have agreed to all three wishes. One reason for the governor's claim on his ruler was, no doubt, the fact that he had been among the first to join Askia Mohammed's side in the rebellion against Chi BAro. These descriptions in the chronicles contrast with those in the oral version by Nouhou Malio. Here, the pilgrimage stems from both the ruler's guilt for killing his uncle and his need to purify him- self. The griot describes the visit to Mecca more in terms of a per- sonal journey of discovery than as a political and religious expedi- tion. Finally, in the stark portrait of the way in which Askia Mohammed forced his enemies to submit to Islam, we discover a de- gree of violence that almost matches Sonni Ali Ber's. After expressing the wish to go to Mecca, Askia Mohammed is told-one assumes by religious leaders and scholars-that he cannot cross the Red Sea unless he purifies himself of the crime of killing his relative, Sonni Ali Ber. 249 They told him, "There is no path. 250 "Anyone who has killed an ancestor does not have the right to cross to Mecca. 251 "But there are two ways, three ways, so look for one you can take. 252 "Now you will return home. 253 "You must find a hen who has just produced chicks, and drive them from home.  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 87 254 "You will drive a hen who has just produced chicks and its little ones to the Red Sea. 255 "Then you can cross to go on the pilgrimage." 256 They said, "Either you go home, 257 "Or you go into the distant, uncleared bush. 258 "You clear it with your own hands. 259 "You don't let anyone help with it. 260 "You sow by your own hand without the help of anybody. 261 "You cultivate it and you recultivate it, and you leave the millet so that the birds and the wild animals may eat it. 262 "If you do that, and if you come, you can cross to go on the pilgrim- age. 263 "Or you go home to start a holy war, 264 "So that you can make them submit until you reach the Red Sea. 265 "You will cross." It is not clear why the griot announces that there are two paths and then three paths. It could be a simple misstatement. There are two kinds of options, it is true. One is related to agriculture, and the other is war. Whatever the case, given his training in warfare, it is hardly surprising that Askia Mohammed chooses holy war. He sets off to conquer the Mossi. The griot describes simply and directly the method of forced conversion. 278 Early in the morning, they pillage and they go on to the next vil- lage, for example, Libord. 279 The cavalier who goes there, 280 He traces on the ground for the people the plan for the mosque. 281 Once the plan for the foundation is traced, 282 The people build the mosque. 283 It is at that time, 284 Mamar Kassaye comes to dismount from his horse. 285 He makes the people- 286 They teach them verses from the Koran relating to prayer. 287 They teach them prayers from the Koran. 288 Any villages that refuse, he destroys the village, burns it, and moves on. Askia Mohammed follows this pattern until he arrives at the Red Sea. Leaving behind his cavalry, the dead, and the tired, he crosses to Mecca in the company of the marabout and the griot. The Reign of Askia Mohanmed 87 254 "You will drive a hen who has just produced chicks and its little ones to the Red Sea. 255 "Then you can cross to go on the pilgrimage." 256 They said, "Either you go home, 257 "Or you go into the distant, uncleared bush. 258 "You clear it with your own hands. 259 "You don't let anyone help with it. 260 "You sow by your own hand without the help of anybody. 261 "You cultivate it and you recultivate it, and you leave the millet so that the birds and the wild animals may eat it. 262 "If you do that, and if you come, you can cross to go on the pilgrim- age. 263 "Or you go home to start a holy war, 264 "So that you can make them submit until you reach the Red Sea. 265 "You will cross." It is not clear why the griot announces that there are two paths and then three paths. It could be a simple misstatement. There are two kinds of options, it is true. One is related to agriculture, and the other is war. Whatever the case, given his training in warfare, it is hardly surprising that Askia Mohammed chooses holy war. He sets off to conquer the Mossi. The griot describes simply and directly the method of forced conversion. 278 Early in the morning, they pillage and they go on to the next vil- lage, for example, Libord. 279 The cavalier who goes there, 280 He traces on the ground for the people the plan for the mosque. 281 Once the plan for the foundation is traced, 282 The people build the mosque. 283 It is at that time, 284 Mamar Kassaye comes to dismount from his horse. 285 He makes the people- 286 They teach them verses from the Koran relating to prayer. 287 They teach them prayers from the Koran. 288 Any villages that refuse, he destroys the village, burns it, and moves on. Askia Mohammed follows this pattern until he arrives at the Red Sea. Leaving behind his cavalry, the dead, and the tired, he crosses to Mecca in the company of the marabout and the griot. The Reign of Askia Mohammed 87 254 "You will drive a hen who has just produced chicks and its little ones to the Red Sea. 255 "Then you can cross to go on the pilgrimage." 256 They said, "Either you go home, 257 "Or you go into the distant, uncleared bush. 258 "You clear it with your own hands. 259 "You don't let anyone help with it. 260 "You sow by your own hand without the help of anybody. 261 "You cultivate it and you recultivate it, and you leave the millet so that the birds and the wild animals may eat it. 262 "If you do that, and if you come, you can cross to go on the pilgrim- age. 263 "Or you go home to start a holy war, 264 "So that you can make them submit until you reach the Red Sea. 265 "You will cross." It is not clear why the griot announces that there are two paths and then three paths. It could be a simple misstatement. There are two kinds of options, it is true. One is related to agriculture, and the other is war. Whatever the case, given his training in warfare, it is hardly surprising that Askia Mohammed chooses holy war. He sets off to conquer the Mossi. The griot describes simply and directly the method of forced conversion. 278 Early in the morning, they pillage and they go on to the next vil- lage, for example, Libor6. 279 The cavalier who goes there, 280 He traces on the ground for the people the plan for the mosque. 281 Once the plan for the foundation is traced, 282 The people build the mosque. 283 It is at that time, 284 Mamar Kassaye comes to dismount from his horse. 285 He makes the people- 286 They teach them verses from the Koran relating to prayer. 287 They teach them prayers from the Koran. 288 Any villages that refuse, he destroys the village, burns it, and moves on. Askia Mohammed follows this pattern until he arrives at the Red Sea. Leaving behind his cavalry, the dead, and the tired, he crosses to Mecca in the company of the marabout and the griot.  88 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 309 So they arrived in Mecca. 310 He made the pilgrimage and he said then that he would like to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 311 In those days they had not built it yet. 312 He came, they told him, he said he wanted to see the tomb of the Messenger of Our Lord. 313 They replied to him, "By Allah truly, the tomb, you won't see it. 314 "Because if you peek into this tomb, 315 "The thing that is in there will keep you from getting out." 316 He asked that they let him peek into it. 317 They said, "Fine, on one condition. 318 "Now have them go off to get large pieces of iron chain, 319 "To hook onto his belt. 320 "Some strong men should stay behind him and hold on tightly to the chains. 321 "He too should come to the edge of the hole to peek into it." 322 He said that he would accept that. 323 They brought the iron chains, they attached them to him well. 324 The strong men stood behind and braced themselves to hold onto the chains. 325 He came to the edge of the hole. 326 He peeked into it. 327 What he found there at the bottom of that tomb, 328 It resembled young onion shoots, and it looked very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty. 329 Now, when he stood up quickly, 330 He suddenly dragged the strong men with him. 331 He then dropped into the hole, and his two arms went into the hole like that. 332 Then he grabbed and pulled, he ate, he grabbed and pulled, he ate. 333 Before they pulled him up out of the hole, 334 He grabbed and pulled out two handfuls and came out with them. 335 His cousin was standing at his right hand, he gave that to him. 336 Modi Baja was standing at his left hand, he gave that to him. 337 Modi Baja brought his from Mecca all the way home, he sold it. 338 None of Modi Baja's people suffered. 339 From that day to the present, Our Lord did not make their lives hard. 340 Our ancestor ate his. 341 He left, and he left us in suffering. 88 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 309 So they arrived in Mecca. 310 He made the pilgrimage and he said then that he would like to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 311 In those days they had not built it yet. 312 He came, they told him, he said he wanted to see the tomb of the Messenger of Our Lord. 313 They replied to him, "By Allah truly, the tomb, you won't see it. 314 "Because if you peek into this tomb, 315 "The thing that is in there will keep you from getting out." 316 He asked that they let him peek into it. 317 They said, "Fine, on one condition. 318 "Now have them go off to get large pieces of iron chain, 319 "To hook onto his belt. 320 "Some strong men should stay behind him and hold on tightly to the chains. 321 "He too should come to the edge of the hole to peek into it." 322 He said that he would accept that. 323 They brought the iron chains, they attached them to him well. 324 The strong men stood behind and braced themselves to hold onto the chains. 325 He came to the edge of the hole. 326 He peeked into it. 327 What he found there at the bottom of that tomb, 328 It resembled young onion shoots, and it looked very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty. 329 Now, when he stood up quickly, 330 He suddenly dragged the strong men with him. 331 He then dropped into the hole, and his two arms went into the hole like that. 332 Then he grabbed and pulled, he ate, he grabbed and pulled, he ate. 333 Before they pulled him up out of the hole, 334 He grabbed and pulled out two handfuls and came out with them. 335 His cousin was standing at his right hand, he gave that to him. 336 Modi Baja was standing at his left hand, he gave that to him. 337 Modi Baja brought his from Mecca all the way home, he sold it. 338 None of Modi Baja's people suffered. 339 From that day to the present, Our Lord did not make their lives hard. 340 Our ancestor ate his. 341 He left, and he left us in suffering. 88 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 309 So they arrived in Mecca. 310 He made the pilgrimage and he said then that he would like to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 311 In those days they had not built it yet. 312 He came, they told him, he said he wanted to see the tomb of the Messenger of Our Lord. 313 They replied to him, "By Allah truly, the tomb, you won't see it. 314 "Because if you peek into this tomb, 315 "The thing that is in there will keep you from getting out." 316 He asked that they let him peek into it. 317 They said, "Fine, on one condition. 318 "Now have them go off to get large pieces of iron chain, 319 "To hook onto his belt. 320 "Some strong men should stay behind him and hold on tightly to the chains. 321 "He too should come to the edge of the hole to peek into it." 322 He said that he would accept that. 323 They brought the iron chains, they attached them to him well. 324 The strong men stood behind and braced themselves to hold onto the chains. 325 He came to the edge of the hole. 326 He peeked into it. 327 What he found there at the bottom of that tomb, 328 It resembled young onion shoots, and it looked very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty. 329 Now, when he stood up quickly, 330 He suddenly dragged the strong men with him. 331 He then dropped into the hole, and his two arms went into the hole like that. 332 Then he grabbed and pulled, he ate, he grabbed and pulled, he ate. 333 Before they pulled him up out of the hole, 334 He grabbed and pulled out two handfuls and came out with them. 335 His cousin was standing at his right hand, he gave that to him. 336 Modi Baja was standing at his left hand, he gave that to him. 337 Modi Baja brought his from Mecca all the way home, he sold it. 338 None of Modi Baja's people suffered. 339 From that day to the present, Our Lord did not make their lives hard. 340 Our ancestor ate his. 341 He left, and he left us in suffering.  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 89 One may draw a variety of meanings from the visit to the tomb. By descending into it to pull out the onion shoots, Askia Mohammed appeared to be desecrating the holy place. His act could also be viewed as an attempt to obtain greater spiritual or political power by coming closer to Mohammed. But instead of eating the onion shoots to infuse into himself some mystical essence, as he did in the story about the hair in the chronicles, he gives them away to his fel- low travelers who either profit from them or eat them. One could interpret this incident to mean that Askia Mohammed was holy, am- bitious, or simply generous. Whatever the case, the marabout ap- pears to be greedy and self-serving by selling his share of the onion shoots. The griot seems to be either hungry or pious. The difference between the actions of the two men serves as both an explanation for the material conditions in which their descendants live and as a: comment about how griots view marabouts today. The griot's description of the trip mentions that the ruler prayed at Mecca and Medina, went three times around the tree (which the griot explains is the Kaaba), and then he returned home to marry. At key moments in the oral account-here when Askia Moham- med stands above the tomb of the Prophet-Nouhou Malio shifts to the present tense and turns to his listeners to tell them that they too are now with the ruler at Mecca. To add further emphasis to this part of the story, Nouhou Malio used a gesture (the only time during two evenings of narration) to describe how Askia Moham- med plunged his hands into the vegetation at the bottom of the tomb. Seated in his chair, he bent over and lowered his hands to the concrete floor of the house in which he was performing, imitating Askia Mohammed's gestures. Both the written as well as the oral narratives offer examples of 1 magical or mysterious events with magic during the pilgrimage. But the written version lays greater stress on the scholarly contacts the I predictions, and the new political status that the trip confers upon the ruler. The story of Askia Mohammed swallowing the hair of Mo- hammed is treated as just that-a story. The oral version, on the other hand, places great emphasis on the mystical aura surrounding Mecca and the Prophet's tomb at Medina. There are no references to meeting scholars. Ba's interpretation cited earlier about the dual nature of Askia Mohammed's beliefs at the time of the pilgrimage agrees with the oral tradition if we consider the contrast between the two versions of the trip. Instead of a grandiose expedition, we find a single man, accompanied by two trusted servants, off to discover The Reign of Askia Mohammed 89 One may draw a variety of meanings from the visit to the tomb. By descending into it to pull out the onion shoots, Askia Mohammed appeared to be desecrating the holy place. His act could also be viewed as an attempt to obtain greater spiritual or political power by coming closer to Mohammed. But instead of eating the onion shoots to infuse into himself some mystical essence, as he did in the story about the hair in the chronicles, he gives them away to his fel- low travelers who either profit from them or eat them. One could interpret this incident to mean that Askia Mohammed was holy, am- bitious, or simply generous. Whatever the case, the marabout ap- pears to be greedy and self-serving by selling his share of the onion shoots. The griot seems to be either hungry or pious. The difference between the actions of the two men serves as both an explanation for the material conditions in which their descendants live and as a comment about how griots view marabouts today. The griot's description of the trip mentions that the ruler prayed at Mecca and Medina, went three times around the tree (which the griot explains is the Kaaba), and then he returned home to marry. At key moments in the oral account-here when Askia Moham- med stands above the tomb of the Prophet-Nouhou Malio shifts to the present tense and turns to his listeners to tell them that they too are now with the ruler at Mecca. To add further emphasis to this part of the story, Nouhou Malio used a gesture (the only time during two evenings of narration) to describe how Askia Moham- med plunged his hands into the vegetation at the bottom of the tomb. Seated in his chair, he bent over and lowered his hands to the concrete floor of the house in which he was performing, imitating Askia Mohammed's gestures. Both the written as well as the oral narratives offer examples of magical or mysterious events with magic during the pilgrimage. But the written version lays greater stress on the scholarly contacts, the predictions, and the new political status that the trip confers upon the ruler. The story of Askia Mohammed swallowing the hair of Mo- hammed is treated as just that-a story. The oral version, on the other hand, places great emphasis on the mystical aura surrounding Mecca and the Prophet's tomb at Medina. There are no references to meeting scholars. Ba's interpretation cited earlier about the dual nature of Askia Mohammed's beliefs at the time of the pilgrimage agrees with the oral tradition if we consider the contrast between the two versions of the trip. Instead of a grandiose expedition, we find a single man, accompanied by two trusted servants, off to discover The Reign of Askia Mohammed 89 One may draw a variety of meanings from the visit to the tomb. By descending into it to pull out the onion shoots, Askia Mohammed appeared to be desecrating the holy place. His act could also be viewed as an attempt to obtain greater spiritual or political power by coming closer to Mohammed. But instead of eating the onion shoots to infuse into himself some mystical essence, as he did in the story about the hair in the chronicles, he gives them away to his fel- low travelers who either profit from them or eat them. One could interpret this incident to mean that Askia Mohammed was holy, am- bitious, or simply generous. Whatever the case, the marabout ap- pears to be greedy and self-serving by selling his share of the onion shoots. The griot seems to be either hungry or pious. The difference between the actions of the two men serves as both an explanation for the material conditions in which their descendants live and as a comment about how griots view marabouts today. The griot's description of the trip mentions that the ruler prayed at Mecca and Medina, went three times around the tree (which the griot explains is the Kaaba), and then he returned home to marry. At key moments in the oral account-here when Askia Moham- med stands above the tomb of the Prophet-Nouhou Malio shifts to the present tense and turns to his listeners to tell them that they too are now with the ruler at Mecca. To add further emphasis to this part of the story, Nouhou Malio used a gesture (the only time during two evenings of narration) to describe how Askia Moham- med plunged his hands into the vegetation at the bottom of the tomb. Seated in his chair, he bent over and lowered his hands to the concrete floor of the house in which he was performing, imitating Askia Mohammed's gestures. Both the written as well as the oral narratives offer examples of magical or mysterious events with magic during the pilgrimage. But the written version lays greater stress on the scholarly contacts, the predictions, and the new political status that the trip confers upon the ruler. The story of Askia Mohammed swallowing the hair of Mo- hammed is treated as just that-a story. The oral version, on the other hand, places great emphasis on the mystical aura surrounding Mecca and the Prophet's tomb at Medina. There are no references to meeting scholars. Ba's interpretation cited earlier about the dual nature of Askia Mohammed's beliefs at the time of the pilgrimage agrees with the oral tradition if we consider the contrast between the two versions of the trip. Instead of a grandiose expedition, we find a single man, accompanied by two trusted servants, off to discover  90 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the deepest mysteries of the new religion. The most sacred artifacts and relics of Islam have occult power. Askia Mohammed would like to draw from that power, but, as Ba has emphasized, he does not see it as a replacement for his own traditional beliefs. In the next section, we shall see how the written and oral versions draw on this power to protect the ruler in battle. The Spread of Islam by Military Conquest The battle against the Bargantchs. The chronologies of Askia Mo- hammed's life in both the written and the oral versions match closely at this point. In the TF, the story of the three wishes the ruler plans to grant to the Bara-Koi is followed immediately, with no transition, by an account of his unsuccessful campaign against the Bariba peo- ple in the Bargou region of northern Benin. I cannot determine from the text if this campaign took place in 1505-6 (a campaign against the Bargou is noted for that date on page 137), or if it occurs a few years earlier. In any case, there is a significant link between this diffi- cult battle and the pilgrimage to Mecca, as well as a marked contrast with the oral account of the same conflict. The TS offers little on the battle against the Bargou, but accord- ing to the TF, Askia Mohammed and one hundred of his sons and nephews were cut off from the rest of the army and surrounded by the enemy. Askia Mohammed dismounted and offered a prayer of two rik'as, a group of formulas and gestures that constitutes the ap- propriate prayer for a particular time of day. By turning to the east, referring to his recent trip to Mecca, and praying, Askia Mohammed manages to escape from a very tight situation. "0 my God, I implore you in memory of that day when I stood next to the head of your Messenger in his mausoleum and when I asked you to come to my aid in all the difficulties which I would experience; I beg of you, o my Lord, to help me as well as my children and to make us escape safely from the hands of these people" (TF 133). He then mounts his horse and asks his children to group them- selves in front of him so that he can help them escape. They refuse, arguing that his safety is more important than theirs, and instead as- sault the enemy. The entire group escapes without a casualty. They rejoin the army, and Askia Mohammed offers effulgent praises to the children. The narrators of the written version treat this incident, however, simply as a reported story and make no claims to its validity. 90 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the deepest mysteries of the new religion. The most sacred artifacts and relics of Islam have occult power. Askia Mohammed would like to draw from that power, but, as Ba has emphasized, he does not see it as a replacement for his own traditional beliefs. In the next section, we shall see how the written and oral versions draw on this power to protect the ruler in battle. The Spread of Islam by Military Conquest The battle against the Bargantchs. The chronologies of Askia Mo- hammed's life in both the written and the oral versions match closely at this point. In the TF, the story of the three wishes the ruler plans to grant to the Bara-Koi is followed immediately, with no transition, by an account of his unsuccessful campaign against the Bariba peo- ple in the Bargou region of northern Benin. I cannot determine from the text if this campaign took place in 1505-6 (a campaign against the Bargou is noted for that date on page 137), or if it occurs a few years earlier. In any case, there is a significant link between this diffi- cult battle and the pilgrimage to Mecca, as well as a marked contrast with the oral account of the same conflict. The TS offers little on the battle against the Bargou, but accord- ing to the TF, Askia Mohammed and one hundred of his sons and nephews were cut off from the rest of the army and surrounded by the enemy. Askia Mohammed dismounted and offered a prayer of two rik'as, a group of formulas and gestures that constitutes the ap- propriate prayer for a particular time of day. By turning to the east, referring to his recent trip to Mecca, and praying, Askia Mohammed manages to escape from a very tight situation. "0 my God, I implore you in memory of that day when I stood next to the head of your Messenger in his mausoleum and when I asked you to come to my aid in all the difficulties which I would experience; I beg of you, o my Lord, to help me as well as my children and to make us escape safely from the hands of these people" (TF 133). He then mounts his horse and asks his children to group them- selves in front of him so that he can help them escape. They refuse, arguing that his safety is more important than theirs, and instead as- sault the enemy. The entire group escapes without a casualty. They rejoin the army, and Askia Mohammed offers effulgent praises to the children. The narrators of the written version treat this incident, however, simply as a reported story and make no claims to its validity. 90 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the deepest mysteries of the new religion. The most sacred artifacts and relics of Islam have occult power. Askia Mohammed would like to draw from that power, but, as Ba has emphasized, he does not see it as a replacement for his own traditional beliefs. In the next section, we shall see how the written and oral versions draw on this power to protect the ruler in battle. The Spread of Islam by Military Conquest The battle against the Bargantchs. The chronologies of Askia Mo- hammed's life in both the written and the oral versions match closely at this point. In the TF, the story of the three wishes the ruler plans to grant to the Bara-Kof is followed immediately, with no transition, by an account of his unsuccessful campaign against the Bariba peo- ple in the Bargou region of northern Benin. I cannot determine from the text if this campaign took place in 1505-6 (a campaign against the Bargou is noted for that date on page 137), or if it occurs a few years earlier. In any case, there is a significant link between this diffi- cult battle and the pilgrimage to Mecca, as well as a marked contrast with the oral account of the same conflict. The TS offers little on the battle against the Bargou, but accord- ing to the TF, Askia Mohammed and one hundred of his sons and nephews were cut off from the rest of the army and surrounded by the enemy. Askia Mohammed dismounted and offered a prayer of two rik'as, a group of formulas and gestures that constitutes the ap- propriate prayer for a particular time of day. By turning to the east, referring to his recent trip to Mecca, and praying, Askia Mohammed manages to escape from a very tight situation. "0 my God, I implore you in memory of that day when I stood next to the head of your Messenger in his mausoleum and when I asked you to come to my aid in all the difficulties which I would experience; I beg of you, o my Lord, to help me as well as my children and to make us escape safely from the hands of these people" (TF 133). He then mounts his horse and asks his children to group them- selves in front of him so that he can help them escape. They refuse, arguing that his safety is more important than theirs, and instead as- sault the enemy. The entire group escapes without a casualty. They rejoin the army, and Askia Mohammed offers effulgent praises to the children. The narrators of the written version treat this incident, however, simply as a reported story and make no claims to its validity.  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 91 The Reign of Askia Mohammed 91 The Reign of Askia Mohammed 91 In the oral version, the attack against the Bargou also comes im- mediately after the ruler's return from Mecca. But here the escape has nothing to do with Islam. It stems instead from the ruler's good luck after having made the terrible mistake of attacking the people to whom he is related by milk. When he was born, his mother's Bargantch6 servant nursed him by day in order to maintain the illusion that the child was hers rather that Kassaye's. Thus there is a strong maternal tie to the nurse- maid, whose own child was sacrificed by Sonni Ali Ber. This tie of milk is as strong, if not stronger, than ties of blood. In this case, the milk ties the noble and slave families. Olivier de Sardan ex- plains: The "children of the mother," nya-ize, defined themselves as hav- ing been nursed by the same person, or in a metaphoric sense, as descendants of the same ancestor, as "kin through the women." .... milk became the support of matrilinearity. From this fact, relations of political alliance were set up or were reinforced by kin- ship models, which were often sealed by a "milk pact" . . . The milk, drunk together, created a kinship link of the maternal type, which today is often cited jokingly as a token of relationships be- tween two ethnic groups. (1983, 142) The image of milk takes on another dimension when we consider that the liquid represents a strong link with the world of magic. In the nineteenth century epic of Issa Koromb6, the hero travels to Wanzerbd, town of magicians, to suck milk from the female sohanci, Kassaye, thus gaining the magic charms needed to overcome his ene- mies. It is for this reason that, in the oral version, Kassaye warns her son that he must never attack the Bargantchd. Thanks to her extraordinary magical powers, she is able to help him extricate him- self from a situation marked by the violation of such a fundamental taboo. 379 At the time of his departure, his mother told him, "Whatever bat- tles you undertake, 380 "When you reach the Bargantch6 land, 381 "Watch out for them, because you have the milk of a Bargantch6 woman in your stomach. 382 "You will not be able to conquer the Bargantch6. 383 "You have Bargantch6 milk in your stomach. In the oral version, the attack against the Bargou also comes im- mediately after the ruler's return from Mecca. But here the escape has nothing to do with Islam. It stems instead from the ruler's good luck after having made the terrible mistake of attacking the people to whom he is related by milk. When he was born, his mother's Bargantch6 servant nursed him by day in order to maintain the illusion that the child was hers rather that Kassaye's. Thus there is a strong maternal tie to the nurse- maid, whose own child was sacrificed by Sonni Ali Ber. This tie of milk is as strong, if not stronger, than ties of blood. In this case, the milk ties the noble and slave families. Olivier de Sardan ex- plains: The "children of the mother," nya-ize, defined themselves as hav- ing been nursed by the same person, or in a metaphoric sense, as descendants of the same ancestor, as "kin through the women." .... milk became the support of matrifinearity. From this fact, relations of political alliance were set up or were reinforced by kin- ship models, which were often sealed by a "milk pact" . . . The milk, drunk together, created a kinship link of the maternal type, which today is often cited jokingly as a token of relationships be- tween two ethnic groups. (1983, 142) The image of milk takes on another dimension when we consider that the liquid represents a strong link with the world of magic. In the nineteenth century epic of Issa Koromb6, the hero travels to Wanzerbd, town of magicians, to suck milk from the female sohanci, Kassaye, thus gaining the magic charms needed to overcome his ene- mies. It is for this reason that, in the oral version, Kassaye warns her son that he must never attack the Bargantchd. Thanks to her extraordinary magical powers, she is able to help him extricate him- self from a situation marked by the violation of such a fundamental taboo. 379 At the time of his departure, his mother told him, "Whatever bat- tles you undertake, 380 "When you reach the Bargantch6 land, 381 "Watch out for them, because you have the milk of a Bargantchd woman in your stomach. 382 "You will not be able to conquer the Bargantch6. 383 "You have Bargantch6 milk in your stomach. In the oral version, the attack against the Bargou also comes im- mediately after the ruler's return from Mecca. But here the escape has nothing to do with Islam. It stems instead from the ruler's good luck after having made the terrible mistake of attacking the people to whom he is related by milk. When he was born, his mother's Bargantch6 servant nursed him by day in order to maintain the illusion that the child was hers rather that Kassaye's. Thus there is a strong maternal tie to the nurse- maid, whose own child was sacrificed by Sonni Ali Ber. This tie of milk is as strong, if not stronger, than ties of blood. In this case, the milk ties the noble and slave families. Olivier de Sardan ex- plains: The "children of the mother," nya-ize, defined themselves as hav- ing been nursed by the same person, or in a metaphoric sense, as descendants of the same ancestor, as "kin through the women." .... milk became the support of matrilinearity. From this fact, relations of political alliance were set up or were reinforced by kin- ship models, which were often sealed by a "milk pact" . . . The milk, drunk together, created a kinship link of the maternal type, which today is often cited jokingly as a token of relationships be- tween two ethnic groups. (1983, 142) The image of milk takes on another dimension when we consider that the liquid represents a strong link with the world of magic. In the nineteenth century epic of Issa Koromb,6, the hero travels to Wanzerb6, town of magicians, to suck milk from the female sohanci, Kassaye, thus gaining the magic charms needed to overcome his ene- mies. It is for this reason that, in the oral version, Kassaye warns her son that he must never attack the Bargantchd. Thanks to her extraordinary magical powers, she is able to help him extricate him- self from a situation marked by the violation of such a fundamental taboo. 379 At the time of his departure, his mother told him, "Whatever bat- tles you undertake, 380 "When you reach the Bargantch6 land, 381 "Watch out for them, because you have the milk of a Bargantchd woman in your stomach. 382 "You will not be able to conquer the Bargantch6. 383 "You have Bargantchd milk in your stomach.  92 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 384 "Whatever cleverness you will use, if you reach the Bargantchd, watch out, don't quarrel with them." After an unsuccessful first battle, Askia Mohammed goes to bed, wakes up, says a few holy words, and then asks for someone capable of making a rapid return home to visit Kassaye. A sohanci volunteers to make the trip. Using a form of magic analogous to the power of the fictional American hero Superman, he takes off his clothes, then lifts off through the sky. He lands at Askia Mohammed's home, learns that the ruler's wife Sana has just given birth to a son, advises the mother that the child should be named Daouda, and goes on his way to find Kassaye. She gives him some cotton seeds, a chicken egg, a stone, and detailed instructions on how to use these devices. She says that her son should put all his horses in front of him and should then throw the seeds behind him. They will become a forest between him and the enemy. If the enemy thins out the forest to pursue the ruler, he should put all his horsemen in front of him, throw the stone behind him, and it will become a tall mountain that will separate them from the enemy. If that does not work, he should put all his cavalry in front of him again and should throw the egg behind him. The egg will become a river to hold off the enemy. The sohanci returns to the battlefield, announces the news about the birth of Daouda, and, one presumes, gives the magic devices to Askia Mohammed along with instructions on how to use them. The narrator simply announces that "He escaped from the Bargantch6, the Bargantch6 who live along the river. / He never again fought against them" (11 468-69). Askia Mohammed's use of magic in this instance fits well-at least from the point of view of the oral tradition-with both his ma- ternal and paternal origins. As we have seen, magical or miraculous events such as these are not absent from the written version. In the chronicles, however, these kinds of events are usually linked to Islam. For example, in the TF, following the escape from the Bargantch6, the narrator (here identified as the grandson of Mahmoud KAti because of a reference to the story coming from a father named El-Mokhtar Gombdl6) recounts a frequently cited mir- acle attributed to Askia Mohammed. After having defeated the Mossi during a jihad in 1498-99, Askia Mohammed stopped next to a tree in the Mossi ruler's city. The Mossi revered the tree as an idol. Askia Mohammed made a gesture toward the tree, and suddenly, "thanks to divine intervention, the tree uprooted itself and fell on 92 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 384 "Whatever cleverness you will use, if you reach the Bargantch6, watch out, don't quarrel with them." After an unsuccessful first battle, Askia Mohammed goes to bed, wakes up, says a few holy words, and then asks for someone capable of making a rapid return home to visit Kassaye. A sohanci volunteers to make the trip. Using a form of magic analogous to the power of the fictional American hero Superman, he takes off his clothes, then lifts off through the sky. He lands at Askia Mohammed's home, learns that the ruler's wife Sana has just given birth to a son, advises the mother that the child should be named Daouda, and goes on his way to find Kassaye. She gives him some cotton seeds, a chicken egg, a stone, and detailed instructions on how to use these devices. She says that her son should put all his horses in front of him and should then throw the seeds behind him. They will become a forest between him and the enemy. If the enemy thins out the forest to pursue the ruler, he should put all his horsemen in front of him, throw the stone behind him, and it will become a tall mountain that will separate them from the enemy. If that does not work, he should put all his cavalry in front of him again and should throw the egg behind him. The egg will become a river to hold off the enemy. The sohanci returns to the battlefield, announces the news about the birth of Daouda, and, one presumes, gives the magic devices to Askia Mohammed along with instructions on how to use them. The narrator simply announces that "He escaped from the Bargantchd, the Bargantch6 who live along the river. / He never again fought against them" (11 468-69). Askia Mohammed's use of magic in this instance fits well-at least from the point of view of the oral tradition-with both his ma- ternal and paternal origins. As we have seen, magical or miraculous events such as these are not absent from the written version. In the chronicles, however, these kinds of events are usually linked to Islam. For example, in the TF, following the escape from the Bargantchd, the narrator (here identified as the grandson of Mahmoud Kati because of a reference to the story coming from a father named El-Mokhtar Gomb6l6) recounts a frequently cited mir- acle attributed to Askia Mohammed. After having defeated the Mossi during a jihad in 1498-99, Askia Mohammed stopped next to a tree in the Mossi ruler's city. The Mossi revered the tree as an idol. Askia Mohammed made a gesture toward the tree, and suddenly, "thanks to divine intervention, the tree uprooted itself and fell on 92 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 384 "Whatever cleverness you will use, if you reach the Bargantchd, watch out, don't quarrel with them." After an unsuccessful first battle, Askia Mohammed goes to bed, wakes up, says a few holy words, and then asks for someone capable of making a rapid return home to visit Kassaye. A sohanci volunteers to make the trip. Using a form of magic analogous to the power of the fictional American hero Superman, he takes off his clothes, then lifts off through the sky. He lands at Askia Mohammed's home, learns that the ruler's wife Sana has just given birth to a son, advises the mother that the child should be named Daouda, and goes on his way to find Kassaye. She gives him some cotton seeds, a chicken egg, a stone, and detailed instructions on how to use these devices. She says that her son should put all his horses in front of him and should then throw the seeds behind him. They will become a forest between him and the enemy. If the enemy thins out the forest to pursue the ruler, he should put all his horsemen in front of him, throw the stone behind him, and it will become a tall mountain that will separate them from the enemy. If that does not work, he should put all his cavalry in front of him again and should throw the egg behind him. The egg will become a river to hold off the enemy. The sohanci returns to the battlefield, announces the news about the birth of Daouda, and, one presumes, gives the magic devices to Askia Mohammed along with instructions on how to use them. The narrator simply announces that "He escaped from the Bargantchd, the Bargantch6 who live along the river. / He never again fought against them" (11 468-69). Askia Mohammed's use of magic in this instance fits well-at least from the point of view of the oral tradition-with both his ma- ternal and paternal origins. As we have seen, magical or miraculous events such as these are not absent from the written version. In the chronicles, however, these kinds of events are usually linked to Islam. For example, in the TF, following the escape from the Bargantchd, the narrator (here identified as the grandson of Mahmoud Kati because of a reference to the story coming from a father named El-Mokhtar Gomb616) recounts a frequently cited mir- acle attributed to Askia Mohammed. After having defeated the Mossi during a jihad in 1498-99, Askia Mohammed stopped next to a tree in the Mossi ruler's city. The Mossi revered the tree as an idol. Askia Mohammed made a gesture toward the tree, and suddenly, "thanks to divine intervention, the tree uprooted itself and fell on  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 93 the ground." When asked how he accomplished this feat, Askia Mo- hammed simply replied, "By God, I did nothing more than pro- nounce the formula 'there is no divinity other than God, Moham- med is his Prophet,' without adding another word" (TF 134-35). Other conquests. The written tradition goes into considerable de- tail about the many other peoples "whom Askia Mohammed con- quered by the sword and by force" (TS 120-21). But the campaign against the Mossi in 1497-98 was the only one that, according to es- Sa'di, was "a veritable holy war according to the laws of God" (TS 121). Moslem law required that a combatant warn the enemy before opening hostilities. According to the TS, Askia Mohammed also conquered the Katsina area of northern Nigeria in 1512-13 (1513-14 in the TF) and the Air mountain region of northern Niger in 1514-15. In the version by Nouhou Malio, aside from the battle against the Bargantchd, which was really a defeat, there is little information about Askia Mohammed's conquests. The griot seems to assume that the listeners know Askia Mohammed was a great conqueror. He summarizes briefly these victories by emphasizing the Rolitical ties that they generated. These appear not as treaties but as extended fin-ily relationships that the ruler established by marrying women-J no doubt captives-from the peoples he conquers. 271 You've heard that among the Mossi, there are descendants of Mamar. 272 They say that it is during this conquest that he continued to father them. 274 In each ethnic group you hear about, people say there are descen- dants of Mamar. The griot's apparent reticence to discuss the battle details echoes a similar tendency among the Mande bards who recount the epic of Sundiata. According to Charles Bird and Martha B. Kendall, the lis- teners are not interested in the bloody details because the outcome of a battle is a foregone conclusion. Mandd epic texts "contain no extensive references to warfare and few descriptions of physical prowess, yet they show great attention to detail where the particu- lars of sorcery and its outcome are at issue and where the tokens of power are described" (Bird and Kendall 1980, 19). The ruler with the most powerful nyama, or occult power, will win. Bird and The Reign of Askia Mohammed 93 the ground." When asked how he accomplished this feat, Askia Mo- hammed simply replied, "By God, I did nothing more than pro- nounce the formula 'there is no divinity other than God, Moham- med is his Prophet,' without adding another word" (TF 134-35). Other conquests. The written tradition goes into considerable de- tail about the many other peoples "whom Askia Mohammed con- quered by the sword and by force" (TS 120-21). But the campaign against the Mossi in 1497-98 was the only one that, according to es- Sa'di, was "a veritable holy war according to the laws of God" (TS 121). Moslem law required that a combatant warn the enemy before opening hostilities. According to the TS, Askia Mohammed also conquered the Katsina area of northern Nigeria in 1512-13 (1513-14 in the TF) and the Air mountain region of northern Niger in 1514-15. In the version by Nouhou Malio, aside from the battle against the Bargantchd, which was really a defeat, there is little information about Askia Mohammed's conquests. The griot seems to assume that the listeners know Askia Mohammed was a great conqueror. He summarizes briefly these victories by emphasizing the political ties that they generated. These appear not as treaties but as extended falily relationships that the ruler established by marrying women- no doubt captives-from the peoples he conquers. - 271 You've heard that among the Mossi, there are descendants of Mamar. 272 They say that it is during this conquest that he continued to father them. 274 In each ethnic group you hear about, people say there are descen- dants of Mamar. The griot's apparent reticence to discuss the battle details echoes a similar tendency among the Mand6 bards who recount the epic of Sundiata. According to Charles Bird and Martha B. Kendall, the lis- teners are not interested in the bloody details because the outcome of a battle is a foregone conclusion. Mande epic texts "contain no extensive references to warfare and few descriptions of physical prowess, yet they show great attention to detail where the particu- lars of sorcery and its outcome are at issue and where the tokens of power are described" (Bird and Kendall 1980, 19). The ruler with the most powerful nyama, or occult power, will win. Bird and The Reign of Askia Mohammed 93 the ground." When asked how he accomplished this feat, Askia Mo- hammed simply replied, "By God, I did nothing more than pro- nounce the formula 'there is no divinity other than God, Moham- med is his Prophet,' without adding another word" (TF 134-35). Other conquests. The written tradition goes into considerable de- tail about the many other peoples "whom Askia Mohammed con- quered by the sword and by force" (TS 120-21). But the campaign against the Mossi in 1497-98 was the only one that, according to es- Sa'di, was "a veritable holy war according to the laws of God" (TS 121). Moslem law required that a combatant warn the enemy before opening hostilities. According to the TS, Askia Mohammed also conquered the Katsina area of northern Nigeria in 1512-13 (1513-14 in the TF) and the Air mountain region of northern Niger in 1514-15. In the version by Nouhou Malio, aside from the battle against the Bargantchd, which was really a defeat, there is little information about Askia Mohammed's conquests. The griot seems to assume that the listeners know Askia Mohammed was a great conqueror. He summarizes briefly these victories by emphasizing the political ties that they generated. These appear not as treaties but as extended family relationships that the ruler established by marrying women- no doubt captives-from the peoples he conquers. 271 You've heard that among the Mossi, there are descendants of Mamar. 272 They say that it is during this conquest that he continued to father them. 274 In each ethnic group you hear about, people say there are descen- dants of Mamar. The griot's apparent reticence to discuss the battle details echoes a similar tendency among the Mand6 bards who recount the epic of Sundiata. According to Charles Bird and Martha B. Kendall, the lis- teners are not interested in the bloody details because the outcome of a battle is a foregone conclusion. Mand6 epic texts "contain no extensive references to warfare and few descriptions of physical prowess, yet they show great attention to detail where the particu- lars of sorcery and its outcome are at issue and where the tokens of power are described" (Bird and Kendall 1980, 19). The ruler with the most powerful nyama, or occult power, will win. Bird and  94 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Kendall report what they term the shortest description of the battles between Sundiata and his enemy Sumanguru: The Mande and the Soso came to battle. The laughs went to the Mande. The tears to the Soso. (20) The comparison with the Mand6 world does not prove that the Songhay were influenced, at least in regard to magic, by the Mand6- speaking peoples. But the parallels, along with many others that we shall see later, fit a larger pattern of cultural similarities across the Sahel. The Overthrow of Askia Mohammed by His Children After recounting some of the campaigns led by Askia Mohammed's brother Amar Komdiago, the narrators of the TF tell of the plot against the ruler by his eldest son, Moussa, who held the title of Far- Mondzo. He took power on August 15, 1529 (although the TS dates the coup d'6tat as August 26, 1528). In the next chapter, I shall dis- cuss in greater detail this event, which concentrates more on the son than on the father. But we shall also hear again from Askia Moham- med before his death in 1538. As one might expect, the oral version offers no mention of how Askia Mohammed lost his position as ruler. Instead, the griot simply shifts to a listing of his children and some of their activities. From these and many other differences between the written and oral portraits described in this and the preceding chapter, we may draw several preliminary concusions. First, the eyewitness accounts in the chronicles of two major events in the life of Askia Moham- med, the seizing of power and the trip to Mecca, serve as landmarks for the chronology of the empire, the rise of the ruler, and the spread of Islam in West Africa. The oral tradition confirms these events, but transforms them somewhat by compressing history and tying them more closely to Askia Mohammed's family. The difference re- flects in some ways a fundamental contrast in world view between the scribes and the griots. For the scribe, the significance of Askia Mohammed's rise lies in what he accomplishes in the service of the religion: the demand that 94 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Kendall report what they term the shortest description of the battles between Sundiata and his enemy Sumanguru: The Mande and the Soso came to battle. The laughs went to the Mande. The tears to the Soso. (20) The comparison with the Mand6 world does not prove that the Songhay were influenced, at least in regard to magic, by the Mandd- speaking peoples. But the parallels, along with many others that we shall see later, fit a larger pattern of cultural similarities across the Sahel. The Overthrow of Askia Mohammed by His Children After recounting some of the campaigns led by Askia Mohammed's brother Amar Komdiago, the narrators of the TF tell of the plot against the ruler by his eldest son, Moussa, who held the title of Far- Mondzo. He took power on August 15, 1529 (although the TS dates the coup d'dtat as August 26, 1528). In the next chapter, I shall dis- cuss in greater detail this event, which concentrates more on the son than on the father. But we shall also hear again from Askia Moham- med before his death in 1538. As one might expect, the oral version offers no mention of how Askia Mohammed lost his position as ruler. Instead, the griot simply shifts to a listing of his children and some of their activities. From these and many other differences between the written and oral portraits described in this and the preceding chapter, we may draw several preliminary concusions. First, the eyewitness accounts in the chronicles of two major events in the life of Askia Moham- med, the seizing of power and the trip to Mecca, serve as landmarks for the chronology of the empire, the rise of the ruler, and the spread of Islam in West Africa. The oral tradition confirms these events, but transforms them somewhat by compressing history and tying them more closely to Askia Mohammed's family. The difference re- flects in some ways a fundamental contrast in world view between the scribes and the griots. For the scribe, the significance of Askia Mohammed's rise lies in what he accomplishes in the service of the religion: the demand that 94 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Kendall report what they term the shortest description of the battles between Sundiata and his enemy Sumanguru: The Mande and the Soso came to battle. The laughs went to the Mande. The tears to the Soso. (20) The comparison with the Mand6 world does not prove that the Songhay were influenced, at least in regard to magic, by the Mand6- speaking peoples. But the parallels, along with many others that we shall see later, fit a larger pattern of cultural similarities across the Sahel. The Overthrow of Askia Mohammed by His Children After recounting some of the campaigns led by Askia Mohammed's brother Amar Komditgo, the narrators of the TF tell of the plot against the ruler by his eldest son, Moussa, who held the title of Far- Mondzo. He took power on August 15,1529 (although the TS dates the coup d'dtat as August 26, 1528). In the next chapter, I shall dis- cuss in greater detail this event, which concentrates more on the son than on the father. But we shall also hear again from Askia Moham- med before his death in 1538. As one might expect, the oral version offers no mention of how Askia Mohammed lost his position as ruler. Instead, the griot simply shifts to a listing of his children and some of their activities. From these and many other differences between the written and oral portraits described in this and the preceding chapter, we may draw several preliminary concusions. First, the eyewitness accounts in the chronicles of two major events in the life of Askia Moham- med, the seizing of power and the trip to Mecca, serve as landmarks for the chronology of the empire, the rise of the ruler, and the spread of Islam in West Africa. The oral tradition confirms these events, but transforms them somewhat by compressing history and tying them more closely to Askia Mohammed's family. The difference re- flects in some ways a fundamental contrast in world view between the scribes and the griots. For the scribe, the significance of Askia Mohammed's rise lies in what he accomplishes in the service of the religion: the demand that  The Reign of Askia Mohammed 95 others adopt Islam, the respect demonstrated for holy men, the good works done in Mecca, and so on. For the griot and his listeners, what counts is the rise of the indi- vidual who can conquer others and accomplish great deeds. From this perspective, Askia Mohammed incarnates a value that we find among both the Mand6-speaking and Songhay-speaking peoples: fadenya or baba-izetarey. In each language, the term denotes a link with the father. Both refer the listener to the need for the individual to go out into the world, make his mark, and then return. They also connote rivalry not simply between children of the same father but between other male relatives of the same age who may have a claim on the family heritage. They contrast with badenya or nya-izetarey, expressions that associate the individual with the mother and, by ex- tension, the community. For the griot, the story of the individual's birth, survival in a dangerous environment, and conquest of other peoples stands at the center of the listener's attention. The fact that the hero's activities also benefit Islam appears to be of peripheral significance. Second, the contrast in emphasis on birth and death in the two versions sharpens the distinction between these two ways of appre- hending the world. In the Islamic tradition, life is fully oriented to- ward death. Cheikh Hamidou Kane's novel, L'Aventure ambigue (1961), offers an arresting and perhaps extreme example of this out- look rooted in the Islamic tradition of the Toucouleur, who were among the earliest and most ardent followers of Islam in West Af- rica. In the oral tradition, both here and, for example, in many ver- sions of the Sundiata epic, the hero's death is rarely mentioned. Birth and parentage produce the most significant influences on the individual's life, and it is to these events that the griot turns our at- tention. Third, it is evident that the oral tradition, as it appears in Nouhou Malio's account, reflects the griot's ability to accommodate the om- nipresence of Islamic and traditional beliefs found today in many parts of West Africa. With Askia Mohammed's father, we find a nearly seamless combination of traditional beliefs in the holey and current Islamic practices. Kassaye, his mother, with her ability to provide the necessary magical devices upon request, serves as a model for priestesses of the same name such as can be found in later narratives portraying nineteenth-century leaders and in anthropo- logical accounts. Ousmane Mahamane Tandina's thesis, "Une Epo- The Reign of Askia Mohammed 95 others adopt Islam, the respect demonstrated for holy men, the good works done in Mecca, and so on. For the griot and his listeners, what counts is the rise of the indi- vidual who can conquer others and accomplish great deeds. From this perspective, Askia Mohammed incarnates a value that we find among both the Mand6-speaking and Songhay-speaking peoples: fadenya or baba-izetarey. In each language, the term denotes a link with the father. Both refer the listener to the need for the individual to go out into the world, make his mark, and then return. They also connote rivalry not simply between children of the same father but between other male relatives of the same age who may have a claim on the family heritage. They contrast with badenya or nya-izetarey, expressions that associate the individual with the mother and, by ex- tension, the community. For the griot, the story of the individual's birth, survival in a dangerous environment, and conquest of other peoples stands at the center of the listener's attention. The fact that the hero's activities also benefit Islam appears to be of peripheral significance. Second, the contrast in emphasis on birth and death in the two versions sharpens the distinction between these two ways of appre- hending the world. In the Islamic tradition, life is fully oriented to- ward death. Cheikh Hamidou Kane's novel, L'Aventure ambigui (1961), offers an arresting and perhaps extreme example of this out- look rooted in the Islamic tradition of the Toucouleur, who were among the earliest and most ardent followers of Islam in West Af- rica. In the oral tradition, both here and, for example, in many ver- sions of the Sundiata epic, the hero's death is rarely mentioned. Birth and parentage produce the most significant influences on the individual's life, and it is to these events that the griot turns our at- tention. Third, it is evident that the oral tradition, as it appears in Nouhou Malio's account, reflects the griot's ability to accommodate the om- nipresence of Islamic and traditional beliefs found today in many parts of West Africa. With Askia Mohammed's father, we find a nearly seamiess combination of traditional beliefs in the holey and current Islamic practices. Kassaye, his mother, with her ability to provide the necessary magical devices upon request, serves as a model for priestesses of the same name such as can be found in later narratives portraying nineteenth-century leaders and in anthropo- logical accounts. Ousmane Mahamane Tandina's thesis, "Une Epo- The Reign of Askia Mohammed 95 others adopt Islam, the respect demonstrated for holy men, the good works done in Mecca, and so on. For the griot and his listeners, what counts is the rise of the indi- vidual who can conquer others and accomplish great deeds. From this perspective, Askia Mohammed incarnates a value that we find among both the Mand6-speaking and Songhay-speaking peoples: fadenya or baba-izetarey. In each language, the term denotes a link with the father. Both refer the listener to the need for the individual to go out into the world, make his mark, and then return. They also connote rivalry not simply between children of the same father but between other male relatives of the same age who may have a claim on the family heritage. They contrast with badenya or nya-izetarey, expressions that associate the individual with the mother and, by ex- tension, the community. For the griot, the story of the individual's birth, survival in a dangerous environment, and conquest of other peoples stands at the center of the listener's attention. The fact that the hero's activities also benefit Islam appears to be of peripheral significance. Second, the contrast in emphasis on birth and death in the two versions sharpens the distinction between these two ways of appre- hending the world. In the Islamic tradition, life is fully oriented to- ward death. Cheikh Hamidou Kane's novel, LAventure ambigue (1961), offers an arresting and perhaps extreme example of this out- look rooted in the Islamic tradition of the Toucouleur, who were among the earliest and most ardent followers of Islam in West Af- rica. In the oral tradition, both here and, for example, in many ver- sions of the Sundiata epic, the hero's death is rarely mentioned. Birth and parentage produce the most significant influences on the individual's life, and it is to these events that the griot turns our at- tention. Third, it is evident that the oral tradition, as it appears in Nouhou Malio's account, reflects the griot's ability to accommodate the om- nipresence of Islamic and traditional beliefs found today in many parts of West Africa. With Askia Mohammed's father, we find a nearly seamiess combination of traditional beliefs in the holey and current Islamic practices. Kassaye, his mother, with her ability to provide the necessary magical devices upon request, serves as a model for priestesses of the same name such as can be found in later narratives portraying nineteenth-century leaders and in anthropo- logical accounts. Ousmane Mahamane Tandina's thesis, "Une Epo-  96 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 96 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 96 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist p6e Zarma: Wangougna Issa Korombeizd Modi ou Issa Koygolo, 'Mere de la Science de la guerre"' (1984), and Paul Stoller's narra- tive of his own encounters with the current Kassaye, described in In Sorcery's Shadow: Memoir of an Apprenticeship Among the Songhay of Niger (Stoller and Olkes 1987), offer two examples of the survival of the traditional belief system among Songhay during the last century. In the conclusion to this study, I shall return to these texts in more detail. In spite of the superficial cohabitation of these belief systems, the portrayal of Askia Mohammed in the oral tradition as following two paths, that of Islam and that of the ancients, suggests a cause for the downfall of the empire, at least in the eyes of those Songhay who have maintained contact with the pre-Islamic roots of their culture. They argue in a well-known Songhay proverb, explains Stoller, that one cannot follow two paths, that of the ancients and that of Islam: "Ce follo a si fonda hinka gana." "A single foot cannot follow two paths." (1989, 37) The problem of following two paths, two traditions, will take on new meanings as we explore the fortunes of the empire after Askia Mohammed's overthrow. The TF concludes his biography by a lengthy listing of all of his children and those of his brother Amar. Of the ruler's children, the narrator can cite thirty-five, but he adds that the fist represents only a small part of the male progeny. Nineteen daughters are mentioned. In conclusion, he notes that all of the askias were born of concubines, with the exception of Askia Mohammed. The narrator then provides a list of children's mothers. In the next two chapters, we shall look at how these chil- dren governed-and eventually lost-the empire. As we shall see, what distinguishes the oral portrait from that set down by the scribes is a clear emphasis on the notion of social standing, or what the Western world terms class. p6e Zarma: Wangougna Issa Korombeiz6 Modi on Issa Koygolo, 'M6re de Ia Science de la guerre"' (1984), and Paul Stoller's narra- tive of his own encounters with the current Kassaye, described in In Sorcery's Shadow: Memoir of an Apprenticeship Among the Songhay of Niger (Stoller and Olkes 1987), offer two examples of the survival of the traditional belief system among Songhay during the last century. In the conclusion to this study, I shall return to these texts in more detail. In spite of the superficial cohabitation of these belief systems, the portrayal of Askia Mohammed in the oral tradition as following two paths, that of Islam and that of the ancients, suggests a cause for the downfall of the empire, at least in the eyes of those Songhay who have maintained contact with the pre-Islamic roots of their culture. They argue in a well-known Songhay proverb, explains Stoller, that one cannot follow two paths, that of the ancients and that of Islam: "Ce follo a si fonda hinka gana." "A single foot cannot follow two paths." (1989, 37) The problem of following two paths, two traditions, will take on new meanings as we explore the fortunes of the empire after Askia Mohammed's overthrow. The TF concludes his biography by a lengthy listing of all of his children and those of his brother Amar. Of the ruler's children, the narrator can cite thirty-five, but he adds that the list represents only a small part of the male progeny. Nineteen daughters are mentioned. In conclusion, he notes that all of the askias were born of concubines, with the exception of Askia Mohammed. The narrator then provides a list of children's mothers. In the next two chapters, we shall look at how these chil- dren governed-and eventually lost-the empire. As we shall see, what distinguishes the oral portrait from that set down by the scribes is a clear emphasis on the notion of social standing, or what the Western world terms class. p6e Zarma: Wangougna Issa Korombeiz6 Modi ou Issa Koygolo, 'Mere de la Science de la guerre"' (1984), and Paul Stoller's narra- tive of his own encounters with the current Kassaye, described in In Sorcery's Shadow: Memoir of an Apprenticeship Among the Songhay of Niger (Stoller and Olkes 1987), offer two examples of the survival of the traditional belief system among Songhay during the last century. In the conclusion to this study, I shall return to these texts in more detail. In spite of the superficial cohabitation of these belief systems, the portrayal of Askia Mohammed in the oral tradition as following two paths, that of Islam and that of the ancients, suggests a cause for the downfall of the empire, at least in the eyes of those Songhay who have maintained contact with the pre-Islamic roots of their culture. They argue in a well-known Songhay proverb, explains Stoller, that one cannot follow two paths, that of the ancients and that of Islam: "Ce follo a si fonda hinka gana." "A single foot cannot follow two paths." (1989, 37) The problem of following two paths, two traditions, will take on new meanings as we explore the fortunes of the empire after Askia Mohammed's overthrow. The TF concludes his biography by a lengthy listing of all of his children and those of his brother Amar. Of the ruler's children, the narrator can cite thirty-five, but he adds that the fist represents only a small part of the male progeny. Nineteen daughters are mentioned. In conclusion, he notes that all of the askias were born of concubines, with the exception of Askia Mohammed. The narrator then provides a list of children's mothers. In the next two chapters, we shall look at how these chil- dren governed-and eventually lost-the empire. As we shall see, what distinguishes the oral portrait from that set down by the scribes is a clear emphasis on the notion of social standing, or what the Western world terms class.  Chapter 6 The Famous and the Infamous: Literal and Symbolic Portrayals of Rulers Descended from Askia Mohammed, 1528-1591 The story of the Askia dynasty does not end with the overthrow of Mohammed. At times collectively, at times individually, his children and grandchildren were responsible for deposing Askia Mohammed, restoring his dignity toward the end of his life, and governing the empire until they lost it to the Moroccans in 1591. The chronicles offer much detail about the qualities, positive and negative, of the seven princes and future askias who ruled between 1528 and 1591: Moussa, Bounkan, Ismail, Ishlq, Daoud, el-Hadj, and Mohammed Bini. The oral account by Nouhou Malio, on the other hand, provides much less detail and refers to only four of them. Two, Ishaq and Bounkan, earn only passing commentary. But Moussa, who over- threw his father, Askia Mohammed, and Daoud (Daouda in the oral version), whose reign was something of a high point during the six- teenth century, stand out for different reasons. To understand more fully the degree of telescoping in the oral version as well as the atmo- sphere of disorder that developed in the Songhay empire during the sixteenth century, we need to review briefly the accounts from each of the chronicles. In last chapter, I noted the report that all of the askias except for Askia Mohammed were offspring of concubines. Boobou Hama 97 Chapter 6 The Famous and the Infamous: Literal and Symbolic Portrayals of Rulers Descended from Askia Mohammed, 1528-1591 The story of the Askia dynasty does not end with the overthrow of Mohammed. At times collectively, at times individually, his children and grandchildren were responsible for deposing Askia Mohammed, restoring his dignity toward the end of his life, and governing the empire until they lost it to the Moroccans in 1591. The chronicles offer much detail about the qualities, positive and negative, of the seven princes and future askias who ruled between 1528 and 1591: Moussa, Bounkan, Ismill, Ishaq, Daoud, el-Hadj, and Mohammed Bani. The oral account by Nouhou Malio, on the other hand, provides much less detail and refers to only four of them. Two, Ishaq and Bounkan, earn only passing commentary. But Moussa, who over- threw his father, Askia Mohammed, and Daoud (Daouda in the oral version), whose reign was something of a high point during the six- teenth century, stand out for different reasons. To understand more fully the degree of telescoping in the oral version as well as the atmo- sphere of disorder that developed in the Songhay empire during the sixteenth century, we need to review briefly the accounts from each of the chronicles. In last chapter, I noted the report that all of the askias except for Askia Mohammed were offspring of concubines. Boubou Hama 97 Chapter 6 The Famous and the Infamous: Literal and Symbolic Portrayals of Rulers Descended from Askia Mohammed, 1528-1591 The story of the Askia dynasty does not end with the overthrow of Mohammed. At times collectively, at times individually, his children and grandchildren were responsible for deposing Askia Mohammed, restoring his dignity toward the end of his life, and governing the empire until they lost it to the Moroccans in 1591. The chronicles offer much detail about the qualities, positive and negative, of the seven princes and future askias who ruled between 1528 and 1591: Moussa, Bounkan, Ismil, Ishtq, Daoud, el-Hadj, and Mohammed Bani. The oral account by Nouhou Malio, on the other hand, provides much less detail and refers to only four of them. To, Ishaq and Bounkan, earn only passing commentary. But Moussa, who over- threw his father, Askia Mohammed, and Daoud (Daouda in the oral version), whose reign was something of a high point during the six- teenth century, stand out for different reasons. To understand more fully the degree of telescoping in the oral version as well as the atmo- sphere of disorder that developed in the Songhay empire during the sixteenth century, we need to review briefly the accounts from each of the chronicles. In last chapter, I noted the report that all of the askias except for Askia Mohammed were offspring of concubines. Boubou Hama 97  98 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist points out that these children, born of women taken during wars, depended for their status as free people on the patriarchal relation- ship prescribed by the Koran. But in the ancient tradition of the Songhay, status was transmitted via the mother. Hama adds, how- ever, that "it was not the most noble who governed, but the robust sons of slaves taken in combat, hardier and braver. In the settling of successions after Askia Mohammed, power often went to the strongest" (1968, 180). Here I shall summarize what the chronicles tell us about these leaders, compare their portraits to the more sym- bolic images found in the oral version, and then seek an answer to the question of what these differences mean for the narrators and the society in which they are operating. Askia Moussa, 1528/29-1531 According to the TF, Moussa was the first child of Askia Moham- med. His mother was DiAra Korbo. Her clan name, Diara, suggests an origin far to the west of the Songhay among the Malinke, al- though the name could also be a translator's misreading of the Ara- bic. Hunwick reads this line as "Jhra Kurbu" and adds that the area inhabited by the Diara is usually spelled "Zara." "JMra" could be an alternative spelling, he concludes (marginal note on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). Nouhou Malio also lists the first child of Askia Mohammed as Moussa, but adds that he is the son of Zara Almanyauri, a woman from the Gobir region, well to the east of the Songhay and north of Kano. This area, once the home of a small state that declined in the early fourteenth century, fell under Songhay influence between 1506 and 1513, according to Hama (1967, 43-44). Before deposing his father, Moussa held the position of Fari- Mondzo, or minister of agriculture (sometimes spelled Fari- Moundio; there are several other variants in the chronicles). In this role, he was responsible for the ruler's farms; the supervision of the fanfa, or managers of properties; the collection of taxes; and the dis- tribution of grain to the poor. S6kdn6 Mody Cissoko explains that the functions of the Fari-Mondzo were not quite clear, but suggests that the person holding this office probably judged land disputes (1975, 105). The dates of the coup vary by one year in the two writ- ten chronicles. In the TF it is August 15, 1529; in the TS es-Sa'di lists it as August 26, 1528. Askia Moussa announced to his father 98 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist points out that these children, born of women taken during wars, depended for their status as free people on the patriarchal relation- ship prescribed by the Koran. But in the ancient tradition of the Songhay, status was transmitted via the mother. Hama adds, how- ever, that "it was not the most noble who governed, but the robust sons of slaves taken in combat, hardier and braver. In the settling of successions after Askia Mohammed, power often went to the strongest" (1968, 180). Here I shall summarize what the chronicles tell us about these leaders, compare their portraits to the more sym- bolic images found in the oral version, and then seek an answer to the question of what these differences mean for the narrators and the society in which they are operating. Askia Moussa, 1528/29-1531 According to the TF, Moussa was the first child of Askia Moham- med. His mother was Dilra Korbo. Her clan name, Diara, suggests an origin far to the west of the Songhay among the Malink6, al- though the name could also be a translator's misreading of the Ara- bic. Hunwick reads this line as "Jara Kurbu" and adds that the area inhabited by the Diara is usually spelled "Zara." "JIra" could be an alternative spelling, he concludes (marginal note on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). Nouhou Malio also lists the first child of Askia Mohammed as Moussa, but adds that he is the son of Zara Almanyauri, a woman from the Gobir region, well to the east of the Songhay and north of Kano. This area, once the home of a small state that declined in the early fourteenth century, fell under Songhay influence between 1506 and 1513, according to Hama (1967, 43-44). Before deposing his father, Moussa held the position of Fari- Mondzo, or minister of agriculture (sometimes spelled Tori- Moundio; there are several other variants in the chronicles). In this role, he was responsible for the ruler's farms; the supervision of the fanfa, or managers of properties; the collection of taxes; and the dis- tribution of grain to the poor. Sdkdne Mody Cissoko explains that the functions of the Fari-Mondzo were not quite clear, but suggests that the person holding this office probably judged land disputes (1975, 105). The dates of the coup vary by one year in the two writ- ten chronicles. In the TF it is August 15, 1529; in the TS es-Sa'di lists it as August 26, 1528. Askia Moussa announced to his father 98 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist points out that these children, born of women taken during wars, depended for their status as free people on the patriarchal relation- ship prescribed by the Koran. But in the ancient tradition of the Songhay, status was transmitted via the mother. Hama adds, how- ever, that "it was not the most noble who governed, but the robust sons of slaves taken in combat, hardier and braver. In the settling of successions after Askia Mohammed, power often went to the strongest" (1968, 180). Here I shall summarize what the chronicles tell us about these leaders, compare their portraits to the more sym- bolic images found in the oral version, and then seek an answer to the question of what these differences mean for the narrators and the society in which they are operating. Askia Moussa, 1528/29-1531 According to the TF, Moussa was the first child of Askia Moham- med. His mother was Diara Korbo. Her clan name, Diara, suggests an origin far to the west of the Songhay among the Malink6, al- though the name could also be a translator's misreading of the Ara- bic. Hunwick reads this line as "Jhra Kurbu" and adds that the area inhabited by the Diara is usually spelled "Zara." "Jara" could be an alternative spelling, he concludes (marginal note on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). Nouhou Malio also lists the first child of Askia Mohammed as Moussa, but adds that he is the son of Zara Almanyauri, a woman from the Gobir region, well to the east of the Songhay and north of Kano. This area, once the home of a small state that declined in the early fourteenth century, fell under Songhay influence between 1506 and 1513, according to Hama (1967, 43-44). Before deposing his father, Moussa held the position of Fari- Mondzo, or minister of agriculture (sometimes spelled Fari- Moundio; there are several other variants in the chronicles). In this role, he was responsible for the ruler's farms; the supervision of the fanfa, or managers of properties; the collection of taxes; and the dis- tribution of grain to the poor. S6kdn6 Mody Cissoko explains that the functions of the Fari-Mondzo were not quite clear, but suggests that the person holding this office probably judged land disputes (1975, 105). The dates of the coup vary by one year in the two writ- ten chronicles. In the TF it is August 15, 1529; in the TS es-Sa'di lists it as August 26, 1528. Askia Moussa announced to his father  The Famous and the Infamous 99 on the prayer day of the feast of sacrifice, Tabaski, that he would not pray until he had been made ruler. It was at this point that his father resigned. Moussa's assumption of power on a holy day repeats Askia Mohammed's overthrow of Sonni Ali Ber in the oral version. But the conditions that motivated Moussa to act were quite different from those that inspired his father. The TF reports that Yaya, brother or brother-in-law of Askia Mohammed, was named Kourmina-Fdri (governor of the Kourmina region, upriver from Timbuktu) in 1519 after the death of Omar Komdiago, the ruler's brother. As Askia Mohammed's vision began to deteriorate in the 1520s, his son Moussa began to make plans to depose him. Yaya, hearing of the plot, went to Gao to warn Moussa and his co-conspirators not to move against Askia Mohammed. Un- persuaded by Yaya's arguments, they later ambushed and killed him outside of the city. The TS account of the same events goes into slightly more detail. Es-Sa'di explains that YAya (sometimes listed as Faran-Yahya) asked Askia Mohammed to name one of his own sons, Bella, then the Adiki-Farma, as the Binka-Farma, which Hunwick suggests may be read as "Bangou-Farma," or governor of the lake region (mar- ginal note in draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). (I have been unable to find a definition of Adiki-Farma.) Askia Mohammed's elevation of his nephew to the new post caused consid- erable jealousy among the other princes. At the ruler's request, Yaya went to Koukiya, 200 kilometers downriver from Gao, to nego- tiate with the rebellious young men. They wounded him in a fight and took him prisoner. Yaya apparently died of wounds and stress while arguing heatedly with the conspirators. Askia Mohammed then named another son of YAya, OtsmAn-Youbabo, to replace his father as Kourmina-Fdri. While this version of the story is discussed in some detail, the narrator of this section of the TF devotes to Moussa one of the short- est sections in the entire chronicle compared with the descriptions of some subsequent rulers. In the French translation, it comes to lit- tle more than a page. One reason for such brevity is that the narrator had already recounted the revolt briefly in the previous section on the downfall of Askia Mohammed. Another, perhaps, is that Askia Moussa's reign was very short, less than two years. Finally, the bad reputation that he acquired by deposing his father matches an equally bad reputation as an immoral and debauched king. "No one The Famous and the Infamous 99 on the prayer day of the feast of sacrifice, Tabaski, that he would not pray until he had been made ruler. It was at this point that his father resigned. Moussa's assumption of power on a holy day repeats Askia Mohammed's overthrow of Sonni Ali Ber in the oral version. But the conditions that motivated Moussa to act were quite different from those that inspired his father. The TF reports that Yaya, brother or brother-in-law of Askia Mohammed, was named Kourmina-Fdri (governor of the Kourmina region, upriver from Timbuktu) in 1519 after the death of Omar Komdiago, the ruler's brother. As Askia Mohammed's vision began to deteriorate in the 1520s, his son Moussa began to make plans to depose him. YAya, hearing of the plot, went to Gao to warn Moussa and his co-conspirators not to move against Askia Mohammed. Un- persuaded by Yaya's arguments, they later ambushed and killed him outside of the city. The TS account of the same events goes into slightly more detail. Es-Sa'di explains that Yaya (sometimes listed as Faran-Yahya) asked Askia Mohammed to name one of his own sons, Bella, then the Adiki-Farma, as the Binka-Farma, which Hunwick suggests may be read as "Bangou-Farma," or governor of the lake region (mar- ginal note in draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). (I have been unable to find a definition of Adiki-Farma.) Askia Mohammed's elevation of his nephew to the new post caused consid- erable jealousy among the other princes. At the ruler's request, YAya went to Koukiya, 200 kilometers downriver from Gao, to nego- tiate with the rebellious young men. They wounded him in a fight and took him prisoner. Yaya apparently died of wounds and stress while arguing heatedly with the conspirators. Askia Mohammed then named another son of Y&ya, Otsman-Youbabo, to replace his father as Kourmina-Fdri. While this version of the story is discussed in some detail, the narrator of this section of the TF devotes to Moussa one of the short- est sections in the entire chronicle compared with the descriptions of some subsequent rulers. In the French translation, it comes to lit- tle more than a page. One reason for such brevity is that the narrator had already recounted the revolt briefly in the previous section on the downfall of Askia Mohammed. Another, perhaps, is that Askia Moussa's reign was very short, less than two years. Finally, the bad reputation that he acquired by deposing his father matches an equally bad reputation as an immoral and debauched king. "No one The Famous and the Infamous 99 on the prayer day of the feast of sacrifice, Tabaski, that he would not pray until he had been made ruler. It was at this point that his father resigned. Moussa's assumption of power on a holy day repeats Askia Mohammed's overthrow of Sonni Ali Ber in the oral version. But the conditions that motivated Moussa to act were quite different from those that inspired his father. The TF reports that Yaya, brother or brother-in-law of Askia Mohammed, was named Kourmina-Fdri (governor of the Kourmina region, upriver from Timbuktu) in 1519 after the death of Omar KomdiAgo, the ruler's brother. As Askia Mohammed's vision began to deteriorate in the 1520s, his son Moussa began to make plans to depose him. Yaya, hearing of the plot, went to Gao to warn Moussa and his co-conspirators not to move against Askia Mohammed. Un- persuaded by Yaya's arguments, they later ambushed and killed him outside of the city. The TS account of the same events goes into slightly more detail. Es-Sa'di explains that YAya (sometimes listed as Faran-Yahya) asked Askia Mohammed to name one of his own sons, Bella, then the Adiki-Farma, as the Binka-Farma, which Hunwick suggests may be read as "Bangou-Farma," or governor of the lake region (mar- ginal note in draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). (I have been unable to find a definition of Adiki-Farma.) Askia Mohammed's elevation of his nephew to the new post caused consid- erable jealousy among the other princes. At the ruler's request, Yaya went to Koukiya, 200 kilometers downriver from Gao, to nego- tiate with the rebellious young men. They wounded him in a fight and took him prisoner. YAya apparently died of wounds and stress while arguing heatedly with the conspirators. Askia Mohammed then named another son of Yaya, Otsmun-Youbabo, to replace his father as Kourmina-Fdri. While this version of the story is discussed in some detail, the narrator of this section of the TF devotes to Moussa one of the short- est sections in the entire chronicle compared with the descriptions of some subsequent rulers. In the French translation, it comes to lit- tle more than a page. One reason for such brevity is that the narrator had already recounted the revolt briefly in the previous section on the downfall of Askia Mohammed. Another, perhaps, is that Askia Moussa's reign was very short, less than two years. Finally, the bad reputation that he acquired by deposing his father matches an equally bad reputation as an immoral and debauched king. "No one  100 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 100 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 100 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist more despised nor more vile than he occupied the royal throne of the Songhay and the functions of Askia," comments the narrator of the TF (155). Es-Sa'di reports in much greater detail about the refusal of Ots- man, brother (or cousin) of Moussa and holder of the post of gover- nor of the Kourmina region, to accept the new ruler. In a long ac- count of letters from Moussa, warnings of danger from Otsman's griot, already mentioned in chapter 2, and efforts at reconciliation by third parties, we see emerging here the kind of discord that was to mark the remaining generations of the empire. After defeating Otsman, Moussa killed many other opponents including two pater- nal cousins, Alfa Konko and Alfa Donko Omar Komzugho, whom he had buried alive (TS 140). We shall find an example of this form of execution later in the oral version. Three aspects of Moussa's brief but significant rule stand out in the TF and the TS. First, after deposing his father, he violated tradi- tion by refusing to allow the former ruler's wives and concubines to return to their home villages. Instead, he kept them for his own en- joyment. Second, Askia Mohammed, after hearing of the fate of his wives and concubines, is supposed to have cursed his son by declaring "0 my God, shame him by rendering naked his private parts" (TF 155). God is supposed to have answered his wish in the following way. One day Askia Moussa was riding a horse in company with his sol- diers. When he spurred the horse, he fell, lost all of his clothing, and revealed his genitals to the soldiers. Third, he killed between twenty-five and thirty-five children of his late uncle Amar KomdiAgo (sometimes spelled by the translators as Omar Komzagho). According to es-Sa'di, in a much more de- tailed account than one finds in the TF, he also killed many of his brothers. The eldest, Chd'a-Farma Alou, was one of a group of brothers who rebelled against Askia Moussa's efforts to have many more of his relatives executed. To protect his siblings, Chd'a-Farma Alou told them that he would kill Moussa while the ruler was on horseback. If he missed, he wanted his brothers to kill him so that they would be protected from suspicion of plotting. The attempt failed at first. Askia Moussa managed to withdraw a spear in his shoulder, ride home, and prepare for battle against his brothers the next day. But they managed to defeat and kill him at place called Mansofura. We shall see in chapter 8 how the modern novelist Yambo more despised nor more vile than he occupied the royal throne of the Songhay and the functions of Askia," comments the narrator of the TF (155). Es-Sa'di reports in much greater detail about the refusal of Ots- mAn, brother (or cousin) of Moussa and holder of the post of gover- nor of the Kourmina region, to accept the new ruler. In a long ac- count of letters from Moussa, warnings of danger from Otsman's griot, already mentioned in chapter 2, and efforts at reconciliation by third parties, we see emerging here the kind of discord that was to mark the remaining generations of the empire. After defeating Otsman, Moussa killed many other opponents including two pater- nal cousins, Alfa Konko and Alfa Donko Omar Komz&gho, whom he had buried alive (TS 140). We shall find an example of this form of execution later in the oral version. Three aspects of Moussa's brief but significant rule stand out in the TF and the TS. First, after deposing his father, he violated tradi- tion by refusing to allow the former ruler's wives and concubines to return to their home villages. Instead, he kept them for his own en- joyment. Second, Askia Mohammed, after hearing of the fate of his wives and concubines, is supposed to have cursed his son by declaring "0 my God, shame him by rendering naked his private parts" (TF 155). God is supposed to have answered his wish in the following way. One day Askia Moussa was riding a horse in company with his sol- diers. When he spurred the horse, he fell, lost all of his clothing, and revealed his genitals to the soldiers. Third, he killed between twenty-five and thirty-five children of his late uncle Amar Komdiago (sometimes spelled by the translators as Omar Komzagho). According to es-Sa'di, in a much more de- tailed account than one finds in the TF, he also killed many of his brothers. The eldest, Chd'a-Farma Alou, was one of a group of brothers who rebelled against Askia Moussa's efforts to have many more of his relatives executed. To protect his siblings, Chd'a-Farma Alou told them that he would kill Moussa while the ruler was on horseback. If he missed, he wanted his brothers to kill him so that they would be protected from suspicion of plotting. The attempt failed at first. Askia Moussa managed to withdraw a spear in his shoulder, ride home, and prepare for battle against his brothers the next day. But they managed to defeat and kill him at place called Mansoira. We shall see in chapter 8 how the modern novelist Yambo more despised nor more vile than he occupied the royal throne of the Songhay and the functions of Askia," comments the narrator of the TF (155). Es-Sa'di reports in much greater detail about the refusal of Ots- mAn, brother (or cousin) of Moussa and holder of the post of gover- nor of the Kourmina region, to accept the new ruler. In a long ac- count of letters from Moussa, warnings of danger from OtsmAn's griot, already mentioned in chapter 2, and efforts at reconciliation by third parties, we see emerging here the kind of discord that was to mark the remaining generations of the empire. After defeating Otsman, Moussa killed many other opponents including two pater- nal cousins, Alfa Konko and Alfa Donko Omar Komzagho, whom he had buried alive (TS 140). We shall find an example of this form of execution later in the oral version. Three aspects of Moussa's brief but significant rule stand out in the TF and the TS. First, after deposing his father, he violated tradi- tion by refusing to allow the former ruler's wives and concubines to return to their home villages. Instead, he kept them for his own en- joyment. Second, Askia Mohammed, after hearing of the fate of his wives and concubines, is supposed to have cursed his son by declaring "0 my God, shame him by rendering naked his private parts" (TF 155). God is supposed to have answered his wish in the following way. One day Askia Moussa was riding a horse in company with his sol- diers. When he spurred the horse, he fell, lost all of his clothing, and revealed his genitals to the soldiers. Third, he killed between twenty-five and thirty-five children of his late uncle Amar Komdiago (sometimes spelled by the translators as Omar Komzagho). According to es-Sa'di, in a much more de- tailed account than one finds in the TF, he also killed many of his brothers. The eldest, Chd'a-Farma Alou, was one of a group of brothers who rebelled against Askia Moussa's efforts to have many more of his relatives executed. To protect his siblings, Chd'a-Farma Alou told them that he would kill Moussa while the ruler was on horseback. If he missed, he wanted his brothers to kill him so that they would be protected from suspicion of plotting. The attempt failed at first. Askia Moussa managed to withdraw a spear in his shoulder, ride home, and prepare for battle against his brothers the next day. But they managed to defeat and kill him at place called Mansofura. We shall see in chapter 8 how the modern novelist Yambo  The Famous and the Infamous 101 Ouologuem re-created Askia Moussa in the opening section of his novel Le Devoir de violence (1968) to emphasize the decadence and violence that marked certain periods of the Songhay empire. But the griot Nouhou Malio does not dwell on the details of Askia Moussa's debauchery. In his oral portrait he emphasizes the stark power of the man vis-A-vis his rival half brothers. But to communicate the col- lective view of Moussa, he adopts a narrative style here that is re- markably allusive, not realist. He uses a very rare series of meta- phors reflective of the zamu tradition of poetry produced by the Songhay and the Zarma. 644 Moussa, son of Zara, said that he is iron. 648 He said that he, among his rival half-brothers, is the horn of the great ram. 650 It is Our Lord who twisted it, nobody can straighten it out except Our Lord. 658 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the hat of a wild boar. 667 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the grass at the bottom of a well. 668 The cow does not eat it, she does not fear a live coal. 670 Any cow who does eat it, she will be cut up into pieces in broad daylight. 674 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the bit of the grass- hopper. 676 The blacksmith cannot make it in his absence. 678 Except in his presence where his eye can see it. Zanu, poems on a name, not only exalt a name, as Jeanne Bisilliat and Diould6 Laya explain, but also "instill in it force and power. The word gives greater power to the essence of the name, and the name is the person." But since "the expression of an objec- tive reality cannot, most often, be direct, the word must express facts either by a detour or by the contrary" (1972, 15). Thus the griot says in metaphoric terms echoing the zamu form that Moussa was one of the toughest-and, by implication, nastiest-of the rulers who succeeded Askia Mohammed, especially in his attempts to dominate his father's other children and other wives. There is no reference in the oral tradition to his overthrow of Askia Mohammed. But for in- formed listeners who know the past, the meaning of the griot's words appears to be quite clear. The term zamu offers another bit of evidence linking the Songhay The Famous and the Infamous 101 Ouologuem re-created Askia Moussa in the opening section of his novel Le Devoir de violence (1968) to emphasize the decadence and violence that marked certain periods of the Songhay empire. But the griot Nouhou Malio does not dwell on the details of Askia Moussa's debauchery. In his oral portrait he emphasizes the stark power of the man vis-a-vis his rival half brothers. But to communicate the col- lective view of Moussa, he adopts a narrative style here that is re- markably allusive, not realist. He uses a very rare series of meta- phors reflective of the zamu tradition of poetry produced by the Songhay and the Zarma. 644 Moussa, son of Zara, said that he is iron. 648 He said that he, among his rival half-brothers, is the horn of the great ram. 650 It is Our Lord who twisted it, nobody can straighten it out except Our Lord. 658 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the hat of a wild boar. 667 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the grass at the bottom of a well. 668 The cow does not eat it, she does not fear a live coal. 670 Any cow who does eat it, she will be cut up into pieces in broad daylight. 674 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the bit of the grass- hopper. 676 The blacksmith cannot make it in his absence. 678 Except in his presence where his eye can see it. Zamu, poems on a name, not only exalt a name, as Jeanne Bisilliat and Diould6 Laya explain, but also "instill in it force and power. The word gives greater power to the essence of the name, and the name is the person." But since "the expression of an objec- tive reality cannot, most often, be direct, the word must express facts either by a detour or by the contrary" (1972, 15). Thus the griot says in metaphoric terms echoing the zamu form that Moussa was one of the toughest-and, by implication, nastiest-of the rulers who succeeded Askia Mohammed, especially in his attempts to dominate his father's other children and other wives. There is no reference in the oral tradition to his overthrow of Askia Mohammed. But for in- formed listeners who know the past, the meaning of the griot's words appears to be quite clear. The term zamu offers another bit of evidence linking the Songhay The Famous and the Infamous 101 Ouologuem re-created Askia Moussa in the opening section of his novel Le Devoir de violence (1968) to emphasize the decadence and violence that marked certain periods of the Songhay empire. But the griot Nouhou Malio does not dwell on the details of Askia Moussa's debauchery. In his oral portrait he emphasizes the stark power of the man vis-a-vis his rival half brothers. But to communicate the col- lective view of Moussa, he adopts a narrative style here that is re- markably allusive, not realist. He uses a very rare series of meta- phors reflective of the zamu tradition of poetry produced by the Songhay and the Zarma. 644 Moussa, son of Zara, said that he is iron. 648 He said that he, among his rival half-brothers, is the horn of the great ram. 650 It is Our Lord who twisted it, nobody can straighten it out except Our Lord. 658 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the hat of a wild boar. 667 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the grass at the bottom of a well. 668 The cow does not eat it, she does not fear a live coal. 670 Any cow who does eat it, she will be cut up into pieces in broad daylight. 674 He said that he among his rival half brothers is the bit of the grass- hopper. 676 The blacksmith cannot make it in his absence. 678 Except in his presence where his eye can see it. Zamu, poems on a name, not only exalt a name, as Jeanne Bisilliat and Diould6 Laya explain, but also "instill in it force and power. The word gives greater power to the essence of the name, and the name is the person." But since "the expression of an objec- tive reality cannot, most often, be direct, the word must express facts either by a detour or by the contrary" (1972, 15). Thus the griot says in metaphoric terms echoing the zamu form that Moussa was one of the toughest-and, by implication, nastiest-of the rulers who succeeded Askia Mohammed, especially in his attempts to dominate his father's other children and other wives. There is no reference in the oral tradition to his overthrow of Askia Mohammed. But for in- formed listeners who know the past, the meaning of the griot's words appears to be quite clear. The term zamu offers another bit of evidence linking the Songhay  102 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist and other groups farther to the east, especially the Soninkd. The word and the verbal form it represents comes from the Mande family of languages. Bisilliat notes that "the Songhay word zamu or jamu as well, moreover, as the Fulani word jammude have a common Bambara or Malinkd origin. In Bambara, jamu means 'to praise someone, to express recognition"' (Bisilliat and Laya 1972, 8). Oliv- ier de Sardan lists it as a Soninkd word, jamu, conveyed by griots of Sonink6 origin (1982, 401-2). Bathily and Meillassoux (1976) list "praise song" as one of the meanings of jammu and add that it is used in the heartland of the Soninkd, Wagadou. Mohammed Bounkan, 1531-1537 The narrators of the TF are more generous in their accounting of the reign of Mohammed Bounkan than that of Askia Moussa. But again we find differences between this version and that of the TS. Nouhou Malio's oral narrative makes no mention at all of Moham- med Bounkan but does cite a man who wanted to succeed Askia Moussa, Mahamma Damba Bana (11. 491-94). He died before he could assume the throne and is listed as the father of Mohamma Gao. In chapter 4, I mentioned briefly the story from the TF about Askia Mohammed Bounkan's birth and loud crying upsetting Sonni Ali Ber. The purpose there was to illustrate the difficult nature of relations between Askia Mohammed and Sonni Ali Ber. But the in- cident also echoes in some ways the story of the birth of Askia Mo- hammed himself in the oral version. The comparison is close enough to suggest that the incident from Mohammed Bounkan may have been conflated with the birth of his uncle in the griot's general sim- plification of the reporting of events. According to the narrators of the TF, when Mohammed Bounkan, known as MAr-Bounkan, was born, he produced a cry so loud that it was heard by Sonni Ali Ber. When called to the palace to explain what was going on, Askia Mohammed reported that the concubine of his brother Amar (spelled elsewhere as Omar) had just given birth to a son. Sonni Ali Ber stated that Askia Mohammed would have to have the child killed. When Askia Mohammed pro- tested, the ruler asked if the child had teeth. After checking, Mo- hammed and Amar returned to report the existence of teeth in the newborn. Sonni Ali Ber then relented. but warned that the child 102 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist and other groups farther to the east, especially the Sonink6. The word and the verbal form it represents comes from the Mand6 family of languages. Bisilliat notes that "the Songhay word zamu or jamu as well, moreover, as the Fulani word jammude have a common Bambara or Malink6 origin. In Bambara, jamu means 'to praise someone, to express recognition"' (Bisilliat and Laya 1972, 8). Oliv- ier de Sardan lists it as a Sonink6 word, jamu, conveyed by griots of Sonink6 origin (1982, 401-2). Bathily and Meillassoux (1976) list "praise song" as one of the meanings of jammu and add that it is used in the heartland of the Sonink6, Wagadou. Mohammed Bounkan, 1531-1537 The narrators of the TF are more generous in their accounting of the reign of Mohammed Bounkan than that of Askia Moussa. But again we find differences between this version and that of the TS. Nouhou Malio's oral narrative makes no mention at all of Moham- med Bounkan but does cite a man who wanted to succeed Askia Moussa, Mahamma Damba Bana (11. 491-94). He died before he could assume the throne and is listed as the father of Mohamma Gao. In chapter 4, I mentioned briefly the story from the TF about Askia Mohammed Bounkan's birth and loud crying upsetting Sonni Ali Ber. The purpose there was to illustrate the difficult nature of relations between Askia Mohammed and Sonni Ali Ber. But the in- cident also echoes in some ways the story of the birth of Askia Mo- hammed himself in the oral version. The comparison is close enough to suggest that the incident from Mohammed Bounkan may have been conflated with the birth of his uncle in the griot's general sim- plification of the reporting of events. According to the narrators of the TF, when Mohammed Bounkan, known as Mar-Bounkan, was born, he produced a cry so loud that it was heard by Sonni Ali Ber. When called to the palace to explain what was going on, Askia Mohammed reported that the concubine of his brother Amar (spelled elsewhere as Omar) had just given birth to a son. Sonni Ali Ber stated that Askia Mohammed would have to have the child killed. When Askia Mohammed pro- tested, the ruler asked if the child had teeth. After checking, Mo- hammed and Amar returned to report the existence of teeth in the newborn. Sonni Ali Ber then relented. but warned that the child 102 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist and other groups farther to the east, especially the Soninke. The word and the verbal form it represents comes from the Mand6 family of languages. Bisilliat notes that "the Songhay word zamu or jamu as well, moreover, as the Fulani word jammude have a common Bambara or Malinke origin. In Bambara, jamu means 'to praise someone, to express recognition"' (Bisilliat and Laya 1972, 8). Oliv- ier de Sardan lists it as a Soninke word, jamu, conveyed by griots of Soninkd origin (1982, 401-2). Bathily and Meillassoux (1976) list "praise song" as one of the meanings of jammu and add that it is used in the heartland of the Soninkd, Wagadou. Mohammed Bounkan, 1531-1537 The narrators of the TF are more generous in their accounting of the reign of Mohammed Bounkan than that of Askia Moussa. But again we find differences between this version and that of the TS. Nouhou Malio's oral narrative makes no mention at all of Moham- med Bounkan but does cite a man who wanted to succeed Askia Moussa, Mahamma Damba Bana (11. 491-94). He died before he could assume the throne and is listed as the father of Mohamma Gao. In chapter 4, I mentioned briefly the story from the TF about Askia Mohammed Bounkan's birth and loud crying upsetting Sonni Ali Ber. The purpose there was to illustrate the difficult nature of relations between Askia Mohammed and Sonni Ali Ber. But the in- cident also echoes in some ways the story of the birth of Askia Mo- hammed himself in the oral version. The comparison is close enough to suggest that the incident from Mohammed Bounkan may have been conflated with the birth of his uncle in the griot's general sim- plification of the reporting of events. According to the narrators of the TF, when Mohammed Bounkan, known as Mar-Bounkan, was born, he produced a cry so loud that it was heard by Sonni Ali Ber. When called to the palace to explain what was going on, Askia Mohammed reported that the concubine of his brother Amar (spelled elsewhere as Omar) had just given birth to a son. Sonni Ali Ber stated that Askia Mohammed would have to have the child killed. When Askia Mohammed pro- tested, the ruler asked if the child had teeth. After checking, Mo- hammed and Amar returned to report the existence of teeth in the newborn. Sonni Ali Ber then relented. but warned that the child  The Famous and the Infamous 103 The Famous and the Infamous 103 The Famous and the Infamous 103 "will be a worthless, debauched individual," and added that he would do evil against Askia Mohammed and his children (TF 157-58). To underscore his belief in the truth of the account, the narrator of this story in the TF appends a note indicating that it was told to him by his teacher and father. The prayer, "May God have mercy on him," which follows, a traditional rhetorical device in the chronicles, appears here to express not only respect for a deceased parent but also emphasis on the truth of what was related (TF 158). The TS goes into some detail on the circumstances of Bounkan's installation. (In this translation, his named is spelled Benkan.) In the uproar over the attempted assassination, defeat, and killing of Moussa, the remaining brothers had to resort to further violence to settle the issue of a successor. The leader of the revolt against Moussa, Chd'a-Farma Alou, was upset to find that his younger brothers and cousins had installed Mohammed Bounkan as askia. As Kournina-Jdri, Mohammed Bounkan was the second most impor- tant person in the empire. Governor of the largest army after that of Gao, the Kourmina-Fdri's duty was to maintain control over the western provinces and undertake military campaigns in that region and its environs. In spite of the traditional political importance at- tached to the person holding this position, and hence the logic of his succession to the title of askia, Alou complained to his brother OtsmAn-Tinfiran, the man who had persuaded Bounkan to assume the leadership of the empire. Surprised and upset by Alou's appar- ent refusal to accept Bounkan, Otsman-Tinfiran suddenly ordered the ruler-designate to withdraw and asked Alou to sit down on the throne. Otsman then threw a spear at him. The pretender fled, was caught and beheaded. In the meantime, Mohammed Bounkan re- seated himself on the throne. After some time had passed, he or- dered the execution of a large number of people connected with the affair (TS 143-45). According to both chronicles, Bounkan is the one who forced his paternal uncle, Askia Mohammed, from the palace into exile on the island of Kangaga, in the Niger River not far from Gao. Bounkan was known in both accounts for his bravery in battle, his taste for ceremony, and his interest in musical instruments. For example, he introduced the fotorifo, a type of horn used in the Air mountains, and the gabianda, a deep-sounding drum (TF 158). His "will be a worthless, debauched individual," and added that he would do evil against Askia Mohammed and his children (TF 157-58). To underscore his belief in the truth of the account, the narrator of this story in the TF appends a note indicating that it was told to him by his teacher and father. The prayer, "May God have mercy on him," which follows, a traditional rhetorical device in the chronicles, appears here to express not only respect for a deceased parent but also emphasis on the truth of what was related (TF 158). The TS goes into some detail on the circumstances of Bounkan's installation. (In this translation, his named is spelled Benkan.) In the uproar over the attempted assassination, defeat, and killing of Moussa, the remaining brothers had to resort to further violence to settle the issue of a successor. The leader of the revolt against Moussa, Chd'a-Farma Alou, was upset to find that his younger brothers and cousins had installed Mohammed Bounkan as askia. As Kourmina-Eiri, Mohammed Bounkan was the second most impor- tant person in the empire. Governor of the largest army after that of Gao, the Kourmina-Fdri's duty was to maintain control over the western provinces and undertake military campaigns in that region and its environs. In spite of the traditional political importance at- tached to the person holding this position, and hence the logic of his succession to the title of askia, Alou complained to his brother OtsmAn-Tinfiran, the man who had persuaded Bounkan to assume the leadership of the empire. Surprised and upset by Alou's appar- ent refusal to accept Bounkan, Otsmin-Tinfiran suddenly ordered the ruler-designate to withdraw and asked Alou to sit down on the throne. Otsman then threw a spear at him. The pretender fled, was caught and beheaded. In the meantime, Mohammed Bounkan re- seated himself on the throne. After some time had passed, he or- dered the execution of a large number of people connected with the affair (TS 143-45). According to both chronicles, Bounkan is the one who forced his paternal uncle, Askia Mohammed, from the palace into exile on the island of Kangiga, in the Niger River not far from Gao. Bounkan was known in both accounts for his bravery in battle, his taste for ceremony, and his interest in musical instruments. For example, he introduced the fotorifo, a type of horn used in the Air mountains, and the gabtanda, a deep-sounding drum (TF 158). His "will be a worthless, debauched individual," and added that he would do evil against Askia Mohammed and his children (TF 157-58). To underscore his belief in the truth of the account, the narrator of this story in the TF appends a note indicating that it was told to him by his teacher and father. The prayer, "May God have mercy on him," which follows, a traditional rhetorical device in the chronicles, appears here to express not only respect for a deceased parent but also emphasis on the truth of what was related (TF 158). The TS goes into some detail on the circumstances of Bounkan's installation. (In this translation, his named is spelled Benkan.) In the uproar over the attempted assassination, defeat, and killing of Moussa, the remaining brothers had to resort to further violence to settle the issue of a successor. The leader of the revolt against Moussa, Chd'a-Farma Alou, was upset to find that his younger brothers and cousins had installed Mohammed Bounkan as askia. As Kournina-lri, Mohammed Bounkan was the second most impor- tant person in the empire. Governor of the largest army after that of Gao, the Kourmina-Firi's duty was to maintain control over the western provinces and undertake military campaigns in that region and its environs. In spite of the traditional political importance at- tached to the person holding this position, and hence the logic of his succession to the title of askia, Alou complained to his brother Otsman-Tinfiran, the man who had persuaded Bounkan to assume the leadership of the empire. Surprised and upset by Alou's appar- ent refusal to accept Bounkan, Otsmfan-Tinfiran suddenly ordered the ruler-designate to withdraw and asked Alou to sit down on the throne. Otsmin then threw a spear at him. The pretender fled, was caught and beheaded. In the meantime, Mohammed Bounkan re- seated himself on the throne. After some time had passed, he or- dered the execution of a large number of people connected with the affair (TS 143-45). According to both chronicles, Bounkan is the one who forced his paternal uncle, Askia Mohammed, from the palace into exile on the island of Kangaga, in the Niger River not far from Gao. Bounkan was known in both accounts for his bravery in battle, his taste for ceremony, and his interest in musical instruments. For example, he introduced the fotorifo, a type of horn used in the Air mountains, and the gabtanda, a deep-sounding drum (TF 158). His  104 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist people viewed him as a man much given to violence and blessed with little patience. In a dispute with his cousin Ousman, the new Kourmina-Fri, he defeated his challenger and then executed fifteen sons of Askia Mohammed. According to es-Sa'di, Bounkan enjoyed campaigns and fights so much that he wore out the patience of the Songhay. He was badly defeated by the Kanta, or ruler, of Kebbi, a Songhay-speaking re- gion in northwestern Nigeria, just across the border from the south- ern Nigdrien towns of Dosso and Gaya. No Songhay leader ever at- tempted to conquer the Kebbi area again. The expedition against the Gourma was more successful, but only because of Bounkan's great skill and good luck at the last minute. His cousin Ismail replaced him as ruler after a battle at the village of Mansoura between their forces on April 12, 1537. Bounkan survived the conflict but fled westward toward Mali. Askia Ismail, 1537-1539 Askia Ismail appears in the TF as "one of those men of irreproachable conduct who is well suited for the exercise of royal power" (TF 170). His mother was Mariam DAbo, a woman of Wangara origin. The Wangara (also known as Dyula) were the branch of the Malinke who became traders (Levtzion 1980, 56). His brief reign was marred by drought and famine. Before becoming askia, he served as Fdri-Moundio. His most notable action was to free his father, Askia Moham- med, from exile on the island of Kangaga. The TF reports simply that Askia Ismail came to power and immediately freed his father, who then gave him the white bonbon, or long outer robe, the bon- net, the turban, and the saber he had received from the Sherif of Mecca during his pilgrimage to mark his designation as caliph of the Sudan. The narrators of the TF report Askia Mohammed's com- ments on the occasion in the following way: My son Moussa, this rascal, robbed me of the royal power, and then Mohammed Bounkan stole it from Moussa. Both were usurp- ers. But today, I myself am the one who invests you with the sover- eignty and the functions of caliph which the sherif conferred upon me. You are therefore the vicar of the vicar of the sherif, who is himself the vicar of the great Ottoman sultan. (TF 162) 104 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist people viewed him as a man much given to violence and blessed with little patience. In a dispute with his cousin Ousman, the new Kourmina-Fdri, he defeated his challenger and then executed fifteen sons of Askia Mohammed. According to es-Sa'di, Bounkan enjoyed campaigns and fights so much that he wore out the patience of the Songhay. He was badly defeated by the Kanta, or ruler, of Kebbi, a Songhay-speaking re- gion in northwestern Nigeria, just across the border from the south- ern Nigdrien towns of Dosso and Gaya. No Songhay leader ever at- tempted to conquer the Kebbi area again. The expedition against the Gourma was more successful, but only because of Bounkan's great skill and good luck at the last minute. His cousin Ismail replaced him as ruler after a battle at the village of Mansoura between their forces on April 12, 1537. Bounkan survived the conflict but fled westward toward Mali. Askia Ismafil, 1537-1539 Askia Ismail appears in the TF as "one of those men of irreproachable conduct who is well suited for the exercise of royal power" (TF 170). His mother was Mariam Dabo, a woman of Wangara origin. The Wangara (also known as Dyula) were the branch of the Malink6 who became traders (Levtzion 1980, 56). His brief reign was marred by drought and famine. Before becoming askia, he served as Fdri-Moundio. His most notable action was to free his father, Askia Moham- med, from exile on the island of Kangaga. The TF reports simply that Askia Ismail came to power and immediately freed his father, who then gave him the white boubon, or long outer robe, the bon- net, the turban, and the saber he had received from the Sherif of Mecca during his pilgrimage to mark his designation as caliph of the Sudan. The narrators of the TF report Askia Mohammed's com- ments on the occasion in the following way: My son Moussa, this rascal, robbed me of the royal power, and then Mohammed Bounkan stole it from Moussa. Both were usurp- ers. But today, I myself am the one who invests you with the sover- eignty and the functions of caliph which the sherif conferred upon me. You are therefore the vicar of the vicar of the sherif, who is himself the vicar of the great Ottoman sultan. (TF 162) 104 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist people viewed him as a man much given to violence and blessed with little patience. In a dispute with his cousin Ousman, the new Kourmina-Fdri, he defeated his challenger and then executed fifteen sons of Askia Mohammed. According to es-Sa'di, Bounkan enjoyed campaigns and fights so much that he wore out the patience of the Songhay. He was badly defeated by the Kanta, or ruler, of Kebbi, a Songhay-speaking re- gion in northwestern Nigeria, just across the border from the south- ern Nigdrien towns of Dosso and Gaya. No Songhay leader ever at- tempted to conquer the Kebbi area again. The expedition against the Gourma was more successful, but only because of Bounkan's great skill and good luck at the last minute. His cousin Ismail replaced him as ruler after a battle at the village of Mansoura between their forces on April 12, 1537. Bounkan survived the conflict but fled westward toward Mali. Askia Ismifil, 1537-1539 Askia Ismail appears in the TF as "one of those men of irreproachable conduct who is well suited for the exercise of royal power" (TF 170). His mother was Mariam DAbo, a woman of Wangara origin. The Wangara (also known as Dyula) were the branch of the Malink6 who became traders (Levtzion 1980, 56). His brief reign was marred by drought and famine. Before becoming askia, he served as Fdri-Moundio. His most notable action was to free his father, Askia Moham- med, from exile on the island of Kangiga. The TF reports simply that Askia Ismil came to power and immediately freed his father, who then gave him the white booboo, or long outer robe, the bon- net, the turban, and the saber he had received from the Sherif of Mecca during his pilgrimage to mark his designation as caliph of the Sudan. The narrators of the TF report Askia Mohammed's com- ments on the occasion in the following way: My son Moussa, this rascal, robbed me of the royal power, and then Mohammed Bounkan stole it from Moussa. Both were usurp- ers. But today, I myself am the one who invests you with the sover- eignty and the functions of caliph which the sherif conferred upon me. You are therefore the vicar of the vicar of the sherif, who is himself the vicar of the great Ottoman sultan. (TF 162)  The Famous and the Infamous 105 The Famous and the Infamous 105 The Famous and the Infamous 105 The TS goes into somewhat greater detail on the circumstances of Askia Ismail's visit to his father. The former ruler was wasting away on the island in the Niger River and was happy to encourage Bounkan's overthrow. Askia Mohammed arranged to supply his son with gold to purchase the services of men who would assist him. But neither text describes the process by which the future ruler was se- lected. Nouhou Malio's version does not mention Ismail. He refers, in his own sequence, to a Jam Neera, followed by Isaka, and Mallam Koy Yara. The TS does report the anecdote mentioned in chapter 2 about a bleeding episode when the griot announces Ismail's accession to power. We also learn of a successful campaign against the Gourma. But the narrator of the TF finds little else to report about Ismail's reign other than the fact that there are three versions of how the sword was lost several generations later. The only other notable event was the death of Askia Mohammed at the end of Ramadan on March 2, 1538. Ismail himself died the following year, on December 15, 1539. The TS lists his death as oc- curring one month later. Askia Ishiq, 1539-1549 The successor to Askia Ismail, Askia Ishaq, ruled for ten years and was known as "a man who was honorable, virtuous, and blessed by God, one who liked to give alms, one who was assiduous in attend- ance at public prayers. He was of keen intelligence and relaxed per- sonality," according to the TF (165). The narrator offers numerous anecdotes to support this view. All show Ishaq as respectful of Islam. But in the section on him, the nar- rator digresses at some length on the subject of holy tombs that can help grant wishes and returns to Askia Ishfaq only at the end to com- ment on another name for him. "The Askia had received a surname: they called him Ishaq Ked6bin6; the expression keddbind means in Ouakor6 'the black stone."' In a note, the translators confirm this interpretation of the term from Ouakord, another name for Sonink6, and add that "this name, belonging to the Sonink6 language and given to an askia, can be cited as a proof of the Sonink6 origin of the princes of this dynasty, proof confirmed by their clan name (Silla)" (TF 174). The TS goes into somewhat greater detail about Ishaq. Es-Sa'di presents him as "the most famous of the princes who accepted the The TS goes into somewhat greater detail on the circumstances of Askia Ismail's visit to his father. The former ruler was wasting away on the island in the Niger River and was happy to encourage Bounkan's overthrow. Askia Mohammed arranged to supply his son with gold to purchase the services of men who would assist him. But neither text describes the process by which the future ruler was se- lected. Nouhou Malio's version does not mention Ismail. He refers, in his own sequence, to a Jam Neera, followed by Isaka, and Mallam Koy Yara. The TS does report the anecdote mentioned in chapter 2 about a bleeding episode when the griot announces Ismail's accession to power. We also learn of a successful campaign against the Gourma. But the narrator of the TF finds little else to report about Ismail's reign other than the fact that there are three versions of how the sword was lost several generations later. The only other notable event was the death of Askia Mohammed at the end of Ramadan on March 2, 1538. Ismail himself died the following year, on December 15, 1539. The TS lists his death as oc- curring one month later. Askia Ishaq, 1539-1549 The successor to Askia Ismail, Askia IshAq, ruled for ten years and was known as "a man who was honorable, virtuous, and blessed by God, one who liked to give alms, one who was assiduous in attend- ance at public prayers. He was of keen intelligence and relaxed per- sonality," according to the TF (165). The narrator offers numerous anecdotes to support this view. All show Ishaq as respectful of Islam. But in the section on him, the nar- rator digresses at some length on the subject of holy tombs that can help grant wishes and returns to Askia IshAq only at the end to com- ment on another name for him. "The Askia had received a surname: they called him Ishaq Keddbind; the expression keddbind means in OuAkor6 'the black stone."' In a note, the translators confirm this interpretation of the term from Ouakord, another name for Sonink6, and add that "this name, belonging to the Sonink6 language and given to an askia, can be cited as a proof of the Sonink6 origin of the princes of this dynasty, proof confirmed by their clan name (Silla)" (TF 174). The TS goes into somewhat greater detail about Ishiq. Es-Sa'di presents him as "the most famous of the princes who accepted the The TS goes into somewhat greater detail on the circumstances of Askia Ismail's visit to his father. The former ruler was wasting away on the island in the Niger River and was happy to encourage Bounkan's overthrow. Askia Mohammed arranged to supply his son with gold to purchase the services of men who would assist him. But neither text describes the process by which the future ruler was se- lected. Nouhou Malio's version does not mention Ismail. He refers, in his own sequence, to a Jam Neera, followed by Isaka, and Mallam Koy Yara. The TS does report the anecdote mentioned in chapter 2 about a bleeding episode when the griot announces Ismail's accession to power. We also learn of a successful campaign against the Gourma. But the narrator of the TF finds little else to report about Ismail's reign other than the fact that there are three versions of how the sword was lost several generations later. The only other notable event was the death of Askia Mohammed at the end of Ramadan on March 2, 1538. Ismail himself died the following year, on December 15, 1539. The TS lists his death as oc- curring one month later. Askia Ishaq, 1539-1549 The successor to Askia Ismail, Askia Ishaq, ruled for ten years and was known as "a man who was honorable, virtuous, and blessed by God, one who liked to give alms, one who was assiduous in attend- ance at public prayers. He was of keen intelligence and relaxed per- sonality," according to the TF (165). The narrator offers numerous anecdotes to support this view. All show IshAq as respectful of Islam. But in the section on him, the nar- rator digresses at some length on the subject of holy tombs that can help grant wishes and returns to Askia Ishaq only at the end to com- ment on another name for him. "The Askia had received a surname: they called him Ishaq Ked6bind; the expression kedibine means in OuAkor6 'the black stone."' In a note, the translators confirm this interpretation of the term from Ouakor6, another name for Sonink6, and add that "this name, belonging to the Sonink6 language and given to an askia, can be cited as a proof of the Sonink6 origin of the princes of this dynasty, proof confirmed by their clan name (Silla)" (TF 174). The TS goes into somewhat greater detail about IshAq. Es-Sa'di presents him as "the most famous of the princes who accepted the  106 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 106 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 106 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist throne" but adds immediately that he was also the one who inspired the greatest terror and respect. IshAq is supposed to have killed "a considerable number of people belonging to the army" (TS 157). When he suspected someone of rebellious tendencies, he paid an- other officer to kill the first, then arranged to have the executioner executed. During his violent reign, Ishaq received the first hint from Mo- rocco of foreign designs on the Songhay empire. Mouley Ahmed, emperor of Morocco, wrote to ask if Ishaq would give up the mines in Teghazza. Ishaq sent back a tart reply and two thousand Tuareg soldiers on a bold expedition to pillage the region of the Dra valley, 1,500 kilometers northwest of Gao and just 210 kilometers south- west of Marrakesh (TS 163-64). Although the date of this remark- able warning shot in the conflict between the Moroccans and the Songhay is not clear, Zakari Dramani-Issifou believes that it took place in 1542, thirty-nine years before the fall of Gao, and that it encouraged the Moroccans to launch in 1543-44 a failed expedition against Ouadane, a Tuareg outpost under nominal Songhay control 1,300 kilometers northwest of Gao and an equal distance southwest of Marrakech (1982, 106-7). Joseph Cuoq, a scholar who has stud- ied extensively the spread of Islam in Africa, adds that later, in 1556-57, the Moroccans raided the mine at Teghazza, killing the governor and several inhabitants (1984, 191). In 1549-50 Ishatq fell victim to a disease while visiting Koukiya and died there. Es-Sa'di notes in concluding his account of Ishiq's reign that the ruler had extorted 70,000 gold pieces from business- men in Timbuktu via the intermediaries of a "chanteur" named Mahmoud-Yaza. "This Mahmoud went back and forth between Tim- buktu and Gao. Each person, according to his means, was obliged to give him what he asked for and nobody, during the life of the prince, dared to complain, so much did people fear his cruelty" (TS 164). From my earlier interpretation of the comments on the mean- ing of "chanteur," based on Hunwick's translation of qayn (letter to the author June 17, 1987), it appears that Ishuq's agents in this enter- prise were probably griots, men of the word who also served as inter- mediaries in a variety of negotiations. In the oral tradition, we find almost no trace of Ishaq except for an enigmatic and brief reference on lines 496-503: 496 He fathered Jam Neera 497 He fathered Issaka, throne" but adds immediately that he was also the one who inspired the greatest terror and respect. Ishaq is supposed to have killed "a considerable number of people belonging to the army" (TS 157). When he suspected someone of rebellious tendencies, he paid an- other officer to kill the first, then arranged to have the executioner executed. During his violent reign, Ishaq received the first hint from Mo- rocco of foreign designs on the Songhay empire. Mouley Ahmed, emperor of Morocco, wrote to ask if Ishaq would give up the mines in Teghazza. Ishaq sent back a tart reply and two thousand Tuareg soldiers on a bold expedition to pillage the region of the Dra valley, 1,500 kilometers northwest of Gao and just 210 kilometers south- west of Marrakesh (TS 163-64). Although the date of this remark- able warning shot in the conflict between the Moroccans and the Songbay is not clear, Zakari Dramani-Issifou believes that it took place in 1542, thirty-nine years before the fall of Gao, and that it encouraged the Moroccans to launch in 1543-44 a failed expedition against Ouadane, a Tuareg outpost under nominal Songhay control 1,300 kilometers northwest of Gao and an equal distance southwest of Marrakech (1982, 106-7). Joseph Cuoq, a scholar who has stud- ied extensively the spread of Islam in Africa, adds that later, in 1556-57, the Moroccans raided the mine at Teghazza, killing the governor and several inhabitants (1984, 191). In 1549-50 Ishaq fell victim to a disease while visiting Koukiya and died there. Es-Sa'di notes in concluding his account of Ishaq's reign that the ruler had extorted 70,000 gold pieces from business- men in Timbuktu via the intermediaries of a "chanteur" named Mahmoud-Yaza. "This Mahmoud went back and forth between Tim- buktu and Gao. Each person, according to his means, was obliged to give him what he asked for and nobody, during the life of the prince, dared to complain, so much did people fear his cruelty" (TS 164). From my earlier interpretation of the comments on the mean- ing of "chanteur," based on Hunwick's translation of qayn (letter to the author June 17, 1987), it appears that Ishaq's agents in this enter- prise were probably griots, men of the word who also served as inter- mediaries in a variety of negotiations. In the oral tradition, we find almost no trace of IshAq except for an enigmatic and brief reference on lines 496-503: 496 He fathered Jam Neera 497 He fathered Issaka, throne" but adds immediately that he was also the one who inspired the greatest terror and respect. Ishaq is supposed to have killed "a considerable number of people belonging to the army" (TS 157). When he suspected someone of rebellious tendencies, he paid an- other officer to kill the first, then arranged to have the executioner executed. During his violent reign, Ishaq received the first hint from Mo- rocco of foreign designs on the Songhay empire. Mouley Ahmed, emperor of Morocco, wrote to ask if Ishaq would give up the mines in Teghazza. Ishaq sent back a tart reply and two thousand Tuareg soldiers on a bold expedition to pillage the region of the Dra valley, 1,500 kilometers northwest of Gao and just 210 kilometers south- west of Marrakesh (TS 163-64). Although the date of this remark- able warning shot in the conflict between the Moroccans and the Songhay is not clear, Zakari Dramani-Issifou believes that it took place in 1542, thirty-nine years before the fall of Gao, and that it encouraged the Moroccans to launch in 1543-44 a failed expedition against Ouadane, a Tuareg outpost under nominal Songhay control 1,300 kilometers northwest of Gao and an equal distance southwest of Marrakech (1982, 106-7). Joseph Cuoq, a scholar who has stud- ied extensively the spread of Islam in Africa, adds that later, in 1556-57, the Moroccans raided the mine at Teghazza, killing the governor and several inhabitants (1984, 191). In 1549-50 Ishaq fell victim to a disease while visiting Koukiya and died there. Es-Sa'di notes in concluding his account of Ishiq's reign that the ruler had extorted 70,000 gold pieces from business- men in Timbuktu via the intermediaries of a "chanteur" named Mahmoud-Yaza. "This Mahmoud went back and forth between Tim- buktu and Gao. Each person, according to his means, was obliged to give him what he asked for and nobody, during the life of the prince, dared to complain, so much did people fear his cruelty" (TS 164). From my earlier interpretation of the comments on the mean- ing of "chanteur," based on Hunwick's translation of qayn (letter to the author June 17, 1987), it appears that Ishaq's agents in this enter- prise were probably griots, men of the word who also served as inter- mediaries in a variety of negotiations. In the oral tradition, we find almost no trace of Ishaq except for an enigmatic and brief reference on lines 496-503: 496 He fathered Jam Neera 497 He fathered Issaka,  The Famous and the Infamous 107 The Famous and the Infamous 107 The Famous and the Infamous 107 498 Mallam Koy Yara 500 Issaka the good, Issaka the bad, Mallam Koy Yara. 502 He said that if he announces himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 503 He said that if he doesn't announce himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. Although the reference to Ishaq here is brief, line 500 sums up the divergent views of the ruler found in the chronicles: that of the honorable man we find in the TF and the one who inspires terror in the TS. From Askia Moussa to Askia Ishaq, the written narratives de- scribe four rulers who barely appear in the oral tradition. After Askia Ishaq, however, we encounter Askia Daoud, a man who made a considerable impression on both the chroniclers and the keepers of the oral tradition. Askia Daoud, 1549-1582/83 The reign of Askia Daoud stands out as the most notable exception to the long-term decline that characterized the remaining genera- tions of askias. A son of Askia Mohammed, he seemed to be des- tined to lead. But the narrator of the TF, however, leads us to be- lieve that his success was to some extent a matter of good luck. "Fortune was in his favor; he had all the power and authority he could want and obtained great material satisfaction. In effect, his fa- ther and brothers had worked and sowed for him, and when he ar- rived, he had only to harvest" (TF 177). Daoud's mother was Bounkano-Fario, or Sina Fario, according to a translator's footnote (TF 177). As mentioned earlier, Nouhou Malio's oral version reports that Daoud's mother is Sana, and that he was born in Sikiyay while his father was off fighting against the Bargantch6. As discussed, it was the flying sohanci who gave the in- fant the name of Daouda during a stopover while on the mission to obtain magic devices from Kassaye to help Askia Mohammed out of a difficult situation. Daoud's success as ruler was predicted by his father, according to the narrators of the TF. They recount an anecdote that seems to explain why he figures most prominently in the oral tradition. Askia Mohammed announced that the young man will "eclipse all of my children, grandchildren, and descendants, and his renown will 498 Mallam Koy Yara 500 Issaka the good, Issaka the bad, Mallam Koy Yara. 502 He said that if he announces himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 503 He said that if he doesn't announce himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. Although the reference to Ishaq here is brief, line 500 sums up the divergent views of the ruler found in the chronicles: that of the honorable man we find in the TF and the one who inspires terror in the TS. From Askia Moussa to Askia Ishaq, the written narratives de- scribe four rulers who barely appear in the oral tradition. After Askia Ishaq, however, we encounter Askia Daoud, a man who made a considerable impression on both the chroniclers and the keepers of the oral tradition. Askia Daoud, 1549-1582/83 The reign of Askia Daoud stands out as the most notable exception to the long-term decline that characterized the remaining genera- tions of askias. A son of Askia Mohammed, he seemed to be des- tined to lead. But the narrator of the TF, however, leads us to be- lieve that his success was to some extent a matter of good luck. "Fortune was in his favor; he had all the power and authority he could want and obtained great material satisfaction. In effect, his fa- ther and brothers had worked and sowed for him, and when he ar- rived, he had only to harvest" (TF 177). Daoud's mother was Bounkano-FArio, or Sana Fario, according to a translator's footnote (TF 177). As mentioned earlier, Nouhou Malio's oral version reports that Daoud's mother is Sana, and that he was born in Sikiyay while his father was off fighting against the Bargantchd. As discussed, it was the flying sohanci who gave the in- fant the name of Daouda during a stopover while on the mission to obtain magic devices from Kassaye to help Askia Mohammed out of a difficult situation. Daoud's success as ruler was predicted by his father, according to the narrators of the TF. They recount an anecdote that seems to explain why he figures most prominently in the oral tradition. Askia Mohammed announced that the young man will "eclipse all of my children, grandchildren, and descendants, and his renown will 498 Mallam Koy Yara 500 Issaka the good, Issaka the bad, Mallam Koy Yara. 502 He said that if he announces himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 503 He said that if he doesn't announce himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. Although the reference to Ishaq here is brief, line 500 sums up the divergent views of the ruler found in the chronicles: that of the honorable man we find in the TF and the one who inspires terror in the TS. From Askia Moussa to Askia Ishaq, the written narratives de- scribe four rulers who barely appear in the oral tradition. After Askia Ishaq, however, we encounter Askia Daoud, a man who made a considerable impression on both the chroniclers and the keepers of the oral tradition. Askia Daoud, 1549-1582/83 The reign of Askia Daoud stands out as the most notable exception to the long-term decline that characterized the remaining genera- tions of askias. A son of Askia Mohammed, he seemed to be des- tined to lead. But the narrator of the TF, however, leads us to be- lieve that his success was to some extent a matter of good luck. "Fortune was in his favor; he had all the power and authority he could want and obtained great material satisfaction. In effect, his fa- ther and brothers had worked and sowed for him, and when he ar- rived, he had only to harvest" (TF 177). Daoud's mother was Bounkano-Fario, or Sana Fario, according to a translator's footnote (TF 177). As mentioned earlier, Nouhou Malio's oral version reports that Daoud's mother is Sana, and that he was born in Sikiyay while his father was off fighting against the Bargantche. As discussed, it was the flying sohanci who gave the in- fant the name of Daouda during a stopover while on the mission to obtain magic devices from Kassaye to help Askia Mohammed out of a difficult situation. Daoud's success as ruler was predicted by his father, according to the narrators of the TF. They recount an anecdote that seems to explain why he figures most prominently in the oral tradition. Askia Mohammed announced that the young man will "eclipse all of my children, grandchildren, and descendants, and his renown will  108 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist erase theirs, so much so that people will speak only of him and his children, while my other children and their children will be only his servants and those of descendants until the last" (TF 176-77). The circumstances surrounding his rise to power are described in different ways in the written and oral versions. Before Askia Ishaq's death in Koukiya, the dying ruler designated his son Abdelmelek to succeed him. But according to the TF, Abdelmelek "was not accepted by the people of Songhay, who preferred Askia Daoud" (TF 175). The TS simply reports that Daoud was named ruler on March 24, 1549. The oral version by Nouhou Malio portrays Daoud as the small- est of Askia Mohammed's children, and the one who had to prove himself by killing two lions on the road to Gombo before he could take the throne. After he and his horse become angry, pout, and refuse to eat or drink for seven days, the pair sets off to slay the lions. 522 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 523 Anyone who has not killed these lions will not have the paternal throne in the Songhay. 581 Daouda son of Mamar told the people to get up and go out onto the road to Gombo. 582 It is the real men, he said, not any men, not any people, not any men, they should select the real men who should go out onto the Gombo road. 583 If they go there, 584 The one he pierced with a single thrust of a spear, they should make a prayer skin out of it, and have it spread out in the mosque. 585 And the one that he beheaded, they should make a water-skin out of it, to put water in it for the Songhay. The emphasis here on Daoud's small size but great strength con- firms, in symbolic terms, Hama's comment cited earlier that strength and bravery were important factors in the selection of Songhay rul- ers in the sixteenth century. But the chronicles also list some of his many other qualities. Askia Daoud, according to the TF, was "feared, eloquent, skillful in governing, generous, gay, jovial, and enjoyed making jokes" (177). He was the first to have treasuries (lit- erally "wealth stores," observes Hunwick in a marginal note to this manuscript, February 18, 1988) and libraries constructed. He also 108 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist erase theirs, so much so that people will speak only of him and his children, while my other children and their children will be only his servants and those of descendants until the last" (TF 176-77). The circumstances surrounding his rise to power are described in different ways in the written and oral versions. Before Askia Ishaq's death in Koukiya, the dying ruler designated his son Abdelmelek to succeed him. But according to the TF, Abdelmelek "was not accepted by the people of Songhay, who preferred Askia Daoud" (TF 175). The TS simply reports that Daoud was named ruler on March 24, 1549. The oral version by Nouhou Malio portrays Daoud as the small- est of Askia Mohammed's children, and the one who had to prove himself by killing two lions on the road to Gombo before he could take the throne. After he and his horse become angry, pout, and refuse to eat or drink for seven days, the pair sets off to slay the lions. 522 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 523 Anyone who has not killed these lions will not have the paternal throne in the Songhay. 581 Daouda son of Mamar told the people to get up and go out onto the road to Gombo. 582 It is the real men, he said, not any men, not any people, not any men, they should select the real men who should go out onto the Gombo road. 583 If they go there, 584 The one he pierced with a single thrust of a spear, they should make a prayer skin out of it, and have it spread out in the mosque. 585 And the one that he beheaded, they should make a water-skin out of it, to put water in it for the Songhay. The emphasis here on Daoud's small size but great strength con- firms, in symbolic terms, Hama's comment cited earlier that strength and bravery were important factors in the selection of Songhay rul- ers in the sixteenth century. But the chronicles also list some of his many other qualities. Askia Daoud, according to the TF, was "feared, eloquent, skillful in governing, generous, gay, jovial, and enjoyed making jokes" (177). He was the first to have treasuries (lit- erally "wealth stores," observes Hunwick in a marginal note to this manuscript, February 18, 1988) and libraries constructed. He also 108 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist erase theirs, so much so that people will speak only of him and his children, while my other children and their children will be only his servants and those of descendants until the last" (TF 176-77). The circumstances surrounding his rise to power are described in different ways in the written and oral versions. Before Askia Ishaq's death in Koukiya, the dying ruler designated his son Abdelmelek to succeed him. But according to the TF, Abdelmelek "was not accepted by the people of Songhay, who preferred Askia Daoud" (TF 175). The TS simply reports that Daoud was named ruler on March 24, 1549. The oral version by Nouhou Malio portrays Daoud as the small- est of Askia Mohammed's children, and the one who had to prove himself by killing two lions on the road to Gombo before he could take the throne. After he and his horse become angry, pout, and refuse to eat or drink for seven days, the pair sets off to slay the lions. 522 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 523 Anyone who has not killed these lions will not have the paternal throne in the Songhay. 581 Daouda son of Mamar told the people to get up and go out onto the road to Gombo. 582 It is the real men, he said, not any men, not any people, not any men, they should select the real men who should go out onto the Gombo road. 583 If they go there, 584 The one he pierced with a single thrust of a spear, they should make a prayer skin out of it, and have it spread out in the mosque. 585 And the one that he beheaded, they should make a water-skin out of it, to put water in it for the Songhay. The emphasis here on Daoud's small size but great strength con- firms, in symbolic terms, Hama's comment cited earlier that strength and bravery were important factors in the selection of Songhay rul- ers in the sixteenth century. But the chronicles also list some of his many other qualities. Askia Daoud, according to the TF, was "feared, eloquent, skillful in governing, generous, gay, jovial, and enjoyed making jokes" (177). He was the first to have treasuries (lit- erally "wealth stores," observes Hunwick in a marginal note to this manuscript, February 18, 1988) and libraries constructed. He also  The Famous and the Infamous 109 The Famous and the Infamous 109 The Famous and the Infamous 109 employed scribes to copy manuscripts, which he often gave to schol- ars. He knew the Koran by heart and studied the Rissdla, a guide to Moslems, under the direction of a professor. He maintained large, highly productive plantations throughout the empire. In a series of lengthy anecdotes about his slaves, we learn about the social structure of Songhay society as well as Daoud's great con- cern for his workers. Numerous examples are provided of freedom granted to slaves and of Daoud's efforts to keep slave families to- gether. The narrator also gives many examples of his generosity to- ward scholars and holy people. One anecdote about Daoud offers a fascinating insight into the juxtaposition of the two cultures, traditional Songhay and Islamic. When a noted scholar, Ahmed ben Mohammed ben Said, visited Daoud in his palace during a Friday audience, he remarked that the ruler had two forms of behavior, one while his retainers were in the room, the other while the visitor and the ruler were alone. "You greatly astonished me," declared the visitor. "At the time I came in, I thought that you were crazy, vicious, or deranged when I saw you spit on the sleeves of your attendants while the people covered their heads in order to honor you." Referring to this Songhay custom, the ruler replied with a laugh, "I am not crazy, I have all my senses, but I rule over people who are crazy, impious, and proud, and that is the reason why I play the role of crazy man and pretend to be pos- sessed by the demon so that I may frighten them and prevent them thus from doing harm to Moslems" (TF 209-10). The story invites several interpretations, depending on the de- gree of sincerity read into the ruler's responses. He may have adopted two forms of behavior, one to please his distinguished visi- tor and the other to satisfy his subjects, without really believing in either. He may have accepted the significance of both ways or just one of them. It is apparent, in any case, that Askia Daoud under- stood clearly the indissoluble link between tradition and power. But from the Songhay perspective expressed in the proverb cited in the last chapter, his attempt to follow two paths, if indeed that was his goal, could only lead to catastrophe. The TS goes into more detail about Daoud's expeditions against other groups. Es-Sa'di cites several campaigns against neighbors: the Mossi, 400 kilometers southwest of Gao in Burkina Faso; the city of Boussa, 900 kilometers downriver from Gao in western Ni- geria, about 100 kilometers from the Benin border; the Malian city of Souma (unidentified); a man named Bani, the ruler of the Barka employed scribes to copy manuscripts, which he often gave to schol- ars. He knew the Koran by heart and studied the Rissdla, a guide to Moslems, under the direction of a professor. He maintained large, highly productive plantations throughout the empire. In a series of lengthy anecdotes about his slaves, we learn about the social structure of Songhay society as well as Daoud's great con- cern for his workers. Numerous examples are provided of freedom granted to slaves and of Daoud's efforts to keep slave families to- gether. The narrator also gives many examples of his generosity to- ward scholars and holy people. One anecdote about Daoud offers a fascinating insight into the juxtaposition of the two cultures, traditional Songhay and Islamic. When a noted scholar, Ahmed ben Mohammed ben Said, visited Daoud in his palace during a Friday audience, he remarked that the ruler had two forms of behavior, one while his retainers were in the room, the other while the visitor and the ruler were alone. "You greatly astonished me," declared the visitor. "At the time I came in, I thought that you were crazy, vicious, or deranged when I saw you spit on the sleeves of your attendants while the people covered their heads in order to honor you." Referring to this Songhay custom, the ruler replied with a laugh, "I am not crazy, I have all my senses, but I rule over people who are crazy, impious, and proud, and that is the reason why I play the role of crazy man and pretend to be pos- sessed by the demon so that I may frighten them and prevent them thus from doing harm to Moslems" (TF 209-10). The story invites several interpretations, depending on the de- gree of sincerity read into the ruler's responses. He may have adopted two forms of behavior, one to please his distinguished visi- tor and the other to satisfy his subjects, without really believing in either. He may have accepted the significance of both ways or just one of them. It is apparent, in any case, that Askia Daoud under- stood clearly the indissoluble link between tradition and power. But from the Songhay perspective expressed in the proverb cited in the last chapter, his attempt to follow two paths, if indeed that was his goal, could only lead to catastrophe. The TS goes into more detail about Daoud's expeditions against other groups. Es-Sa'di cites several campaigns against neighbors: the Mossi, 400 kilometers southwest of Gao in Burkina Faso; the city of Boussa, 900 kilometers downriver from Gao in western Ni- geria, about 100 kilometers from the Benin border; the Malian city of Souma (unidentified); a man named Bani, the ruler of the Barka employed scribes to copy manuscripts, which he often gave to schol- ars. He knew the Koran by heart and studied the Rissadla, a guide to Moslems, under the direction of a professor. He maintained large, highly productive plantations throughout the empire. In a series of lengthy anecdotes about his slaves, we learn about the social structure of Songhay society as well as Daoud's great con- cern for his workers. Numerous examples are provided of freedom granted to slaves and of Daoud's efforts to keep slave families to- gether. The narrator also gives many examples of his generosity to- ward scholars and holy people. One anecdote about Daoud offers a fascinating insight into the juxtaposition of the two cultures, traditional Songhay and Islamic. When a noted scholar, Ahmed ben Mohammed ben Said, visited Daoud in his palace during a Friday audience, he remarked that the ruler had two forms of behavior, one while his retainers were in the room, the other while the visitor and the ruler were alone. "You greatly astonished me," declared the visitor. "At the time I came in, I thought that you were crazy, vicious, or deranged when I saw you spit on the sleeves of your attendants while the people covered their heads in order to honor you." Referring to this Songhay custom, the ruler replied with a laugh, "I am not crazy, I have all my senses, but I rule over people who are crazy, impious, and proud, and that is the reason why I play the role of crazy man and pretend to be pos- sessed by the demon so that I may frighten them and prevent them thus from doing harm to Moslems" (TF 209-10). The story invites several interpretations, depending on the de- gree of sincerity read into the ruler's responses. He may have adopted two forms of behavior, one to please his distinguished visi- tor and the other to satisfy his subjects, without really believing in either. He may have accepted the significance of both ways or just one of them. It is apparent, in any case, that Askia Daoud under- stood clearly the indissoluble link between tradition and power. But from the Songhay perspective expressed in the proverb cited in the last chapter, his attempt to follow two paths, if indeed that was his goal, could only lead to catastrophe. The TS goes into more detail about Daoud's expeditions against other groups. Es-Sa'di cites several campaigns against neighbors: the Mossi, 400 kilometers southwest of Gao in Burkina Faso; the city of Boussa, 900 kilometers downriver from Gao in western Ni- geria, about 100 kilometers from the Benin border; the Malian city of Souma (unidentified); a man named Bani, the ruler of the Barka  110 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 110 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 110 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist region (west of Djenn6?); and the people of the Gourma region, 400 kilometers south of Gao. Aside from these expeditions, the other notable event, one that announced another chapter in Morocco's interest in the empire, was a gift of 10,000 gold pieces from Sultan Moulay Ahmed, along with a renewed request for the Songhay to give up the mines at Teghazza for one year. Unlike his predecessor IshAq, Daoud interpreted con- tact from Morocco as a positive sign, and he proceeded to cultivate a diplomatic relationship with the Moroccan ruler. In the passage describing this event, which the translators indicate is not at all clear, we do not learn if Daoud granted the request about the mines. Among other details gleaned from the chronicles, we read that Daoud gave away his most valued possessions, founded a plantation in Timbuktu for the poor, and showed great concern for the intellec- tual elite of the empire, especially the well-known scholar Ahmed Baba. The ruler had at least sixty-one children. Ten of the males occupied the throne. Daoud died August 6, 1583, according to the TF, or in the period of July-August 1582, according to the TS, of "uleres de Masar," (TS 178), a term Hunwick reads from the origi- nal as syphilis (interview with the author, April 21, 1988). If the comparison between the detailed written and brief oral de- scriptions of Daoud reveals great differences, one focusing on per- sonality, the other on size and physical prowess, both reinforce the impression that he was an extraordinary man. The chroniclers and the griots accord him the most attention of any ruler between Askia Mohammed and the fall of Gao. The laudatory nature of these two complementary portraits emphasizes, by contrast, the pattern of de- cline that characterized the successors to Askia Mohammed. Askia el-Hadj, 1582/83-1586/87 Askia el-Hadj was the eldest son of Mina-KAya and Askia Daoud. The TF gives no details about his rise to power and very little about his reign. We do learn, however, that his father had hoped that the turban of royal authority would pass to another son, Mohammed Bounkan. The TS offers more details. Askia el-Hadj was a fine war- rior in his youth, and by general agreement of elders and advisors, he was named to replace his father. He took office on August 7, 1582, a year earlier than that listed by the TF. The TS compares him favorably with his grandfather Askia Mohammed. Described as "a handsome man, bearded, elegant, and mascu- region (west of Djennd?); and the people of the Gourma region, 400 kilometers south of Gao. Aside from these expeditions, the other notable event, one that announced another chapter in Morocco's interest in the empire, was a gift of 10,000 gold pieces from Sultan Moulay Ahmed, along with a renewed request for the Songhay to give up the mines at Teghazza for one year. Unlike his predecessor Ishaq, Daoud interpreted con- tact from Morocco as a positive sign, and he proceeded to cultivate a diplomatic relationship with the Moroccan ruler. In the passage describing this event, which the translators indicate is not at all clear, we do not learn if Daoud granted the request about the mines. Among other details gleaned from the chronicles, we read that Daoud gave away his most valued possessions, founded a plantation in Timbuktu for the poor, and showed great concern for the intellec- tual elite of the empire, especially the well-known scholar Ahmed Baba. The ruler had at least sixty-one children. Ten of the males occupied the throne. Daoud died August 6, 1583, according to the TF, or in the period of July-August 1582, according to the TS, of "ulebres de Masar," (TS 178), a term Hunwick reads from the origi- nal as syphilis (interview with the author, April 21, 1988). If the comparison between the detailed written and brief oral de- scriptions of Daoud reveals great differences, one focusing on per- sonality, the other on size and physical prowess, both reinforce the impression that he was an extraordinary man. The chroniclers and the griots accord him the most attention of any ruler between Askia Mohammed and the fall of Gao. The laudatory nature of these two complementary portraits emphasizes, by contrast, the pattern of de- cline that characterized the successors to Askia Mohammed. Askia el-Hadj, 1582/83-1586/87 Askia el-Hadj was the eldest son of Mina-Knya and Askia Daoud. The TF gives no details about his rise to power and very little about his reign. We do learn, however, that his father had hoped that the turban of royal authority would pass to another son, Mohammed Bounkan. The TS offers more details. Askia el-Hadj was a fine war- rior in his youth, and by general agreement of elders and advisors, he was named to replace his father. He took office on August 7, 1582, a year earlier than that listed by the TF. The TS compares him favorably with his grandfather Askia Mohammed. Described as "a handsome man, bearded, elegant, and mascu- region (west of Djennd?); and the people of the Gourma region, 400 kilometers south of Gao. Aside from these expeditions, the other notable event, one that announced another chapter in Morocco's interest in the empire, was a gift of 10,000 gold pieces from Sultan Moulay Ahmed, along with a renewed request for the Songhay to give up the mines at Teghazza for one year. Unlike his predecessor Ishaq, Daoud interpreted con- tact from Morocco as a positive sign, and he proceeded to cultivate a diplomatic relationship with the Moroccan ruler. In the passage describing this event, which the translators indicate is not at all clear, we do not learn if Daoud granted the request about the mines. Among other details gleaned from the chronicles, we read that Daoud gave away his most valued possessions, founded a plantation in Timbuktu for the poor, and showed great concern for the intellec- tual elite of the empire, especially the well-known scholar Ahmed Baba. The ruler had at least sixty-one children. Ten of the males occupied the throne. Daoud died August 6, 1583, according to the TF, or in the period of July-August 1582, according to the TS, of "ulc6res de Masar," (TS 178), a term Hunwick reads from the origi- nal as syphilis (interview with the author, April 21, 1988). If the comparison between the detailed written and brief oral de- scriptions of Daoud reveals great differences, one focusing on per- sonality, the other on size and physical prowess, both reinforce the impression that he was an extraordinary man. The chroniclers and the griots accord him the most attention of any ruler between Askia Mohammed and the fall of Gao. The laudatory nature of these two complementary portraits emphasizes, by contrast, the pattern of de- cline that characterized the successors to Askia Mohammed. Askia el-Hadj, 1582/83-1586/87 Askia el-Hadj was the eldest son of Mina-Kiya and Askia Daoud. The TF gives no details about his rise to power and very little about his reign. We do learn, however, that his father had hoped that the turban of royal authority would pass to another son, Mohammed Bounkan. The TS offers more details. Askia el-Hadj was a fine war- rior in his youth, and by general agreement of elders and advisors, he was named to replace his father. He took office on August 7, 1582, a year earlier than that listed by the TF. The TS compares him favorably with his grandfather Askia Mohammed. Described as "a handsome man, bearded, elegant, and mascu-  The Famous and the Infamous 111l The Famous and the Infamous 111l The Famous and the Infamous 111 line" in the TF, Askia el-Hadj enjoyed a four-year reign of prosper- ity. But there was another side to him. "People claimed that he spoke the language of the diviners, that he predicted the future, and that most of his predictions agreed with what God had decreed" (TF 219). The narrators recount his prediction that his brother, Moham- med Gao, would preside over the destruction of the empire and would reign for only forty-one days. Es-Sa'di explains why there is no information about Askia el-Hadj's military campaigns during his reign: He suffered from what the translators believe was hemor- rhoids, and apparently could not last long in the saddle. Aside from the inevitable intrigues against him by other family members, the most notable event marking Askia el-Hadj's rule was another round of skirmishes with the Moroccans. The Sultan of Morocco sent an ambassador with many gifts to Askia el-Hadj. The real purpose of the mission was to obtain information on the military and political situation in Gao and the empire. Askia el-Hadj sent the envoy back to Morocco with twice as many gifts, including slaves and eighty eu- nuchs. Shortly thereafter, the Moroccan sent an army of twenty thousand men toward Timbuktu. But the troops succumbed to hun- ger and thirst en route, and the survivors returned to Morocco. A subsequent expedition of two hundred soldiers to Teghazza found that the inhabitants had fled. Askia el-Hadj then forbade caravans from going there for salt. On December 15, 1586, Askia el-Hadj's brothers deposed him and named Mohammed Bani in his place, according to the TS. Askia el-Hadj died a few days later. Given Askia el-Hadj's short reign and limited accomplishments, it is not surprising that Nouhou Malio does not mention him in the oral version. Askia Mohammed Bani, 1586/87-1588 The TF differs slightly from the TS on Askia Mohammed BAni's rise to power and the dates of his rule. The narrator of the TF reports that Bani himself overthrew Askia el-Hadj and took over in December/January 1986-87. He adds that Bani lasted for little more than a year and died on April 10, 1588, while en route from Gao to Timbuktu. By es-Sa'di's account, however, Askia el-Hadj's brothers revolted against him, then asked BAni (BAno in the TS) to succeed el-Hadj on December 15, 1588. The TF portrait of BAni shows him as a cruel man who did not respect Moslems. During his reign, food was expensive and there line" in the TF, Askia el-Hadj enjoyed a four-year reign of prosper- ity. But there was another side to him. "People claimed that he spoke the language of the diviners, that he predicted the future, and that most of his predictions agreed with what God had decreed" (TF 219). The narrators recount his prediction that his brother, Moham- med Gao, would preside over the destruction of the empire and would reign for only forty-one days. Es-Sa'di explains why there is no information about Askia el-Hadj's military campaigns during his reign: He suffered from what the translators believe was hemor- rhoids, and apparently could not last long in the saddle. Aside from the inevitable intrigues against him by other family members, the most notable event marking Askia el-Hadj's rule was another round of skirmishes with the Moroccans. The Sultan of Morocco sent an ambassador with many gifts to Askia el-Hadj. The real purpose of the mission was to obtain information on the military and political situation in Gao and the empire. Askia el-Hadj sent the envoy back to Morocco with twice as many gifts, including slaves and eighty eu- nuchs. Shortly thereafter, the Moroccan sent an army of twenty thousand men toward Timbuktu. But the troops succumbed to hun- ger and thirst en route, and the survivors returned to Morocco. A subsequent expedition of two hundred soldiers to Teghazza found that the inhabitants had fled. Askia el-Hadj then forbade caravans from going there for salt. On December 15, 1586, Askia el-Hadj's brothers deposed him and named Mohammed Bani in his place, according to the TS. Askia el-Hadj died a few days later. Given Askia el-Hadj's short reign and limited accomplishments, it is not surprising that Nouhou Malio does not mention him in the oral version. Askia Mohammed BAni, 1586/87-1588 The TF differs slightly from the TS on Askia Mohammed Bani's rise to power and the dates of his rule. The narrator of the TF reports that BAni himself overthrew Askia el-Hadj and took over in December/January 1986-87. He adds that BAni lasted for little more than a year and died on April 10, 1588, while en route from Gao to Timbuktu. By es-Sa'di's account, however, Askia el-Hadj's brothers revolted against him, then asked Bani (BAno in the TS) to succeed el-Hadj on December 15, 1588. The TF portrait of BAni shows him as a cruel man who did not respect Moslems. During his reign, food was expensive and there line" in the TF, Askia el-Hadj enjoyed a four-year reign of prosper- ity. But there was another side to him. "People claimed that he spoke the language of the diviners, that he predicted the future, and that most of his predictions agreed with what God had decreed" (TF 219). The narrators recount his prediction that his brother, Moham- med Gao, would preside over the destruction of the empire and would reign for only forty-one days. Es-Sa'di explains why there is no information about Askia el-Hadj's military campaigns during his reign: He suffered from what the translators believe was hemor- rhoids, and apparently could not last long in the saddle. Aside from the inevitable intrigues against him by other family members, the most notable event marking Askia el-Hadj's rule was another round of skirmishes with the Moroccans. The Sultan of Morocco sent an ambassador with many gifts to Askia el-Hadj. The real purpose of the mission was to obtain information on the military and political situation in Gao and the empire. Askia el-Hadj sent the envoy back to Morocco with twice as many gifts, including slaves and eighty eu- nuchs. Shortly thereafter, the Moroccan sent an army of twenty thousand men toward Timbuktu. But the troops succumbed to hun- ger and thirst en route, and the survivors returned to Morocco. A subsequent expedition of two hundred soldiers to Teghazza found that the inhabitants had fled. Askia el-Hadj then forbade caravans from going there for salt. On December 15, 1586, Askia el-Hadj's brothers deposed him and named Mohammed Bini in his place, according to the TS. Askia el-Hadj died a few days later. Given Askia el-Hadj's short reign and limited accomplishments, it is not surprising that Nouhou Malio does not mention him in the oral version. Askia Mohammed BAni, 1586/87-1588 The TF differs slightly from the TS on Askia Mohammed Bini's rise to power and the dates of his rule. The narrator of the TF reports that Bani himself overthrew Askia el-Hadj and took over in December/January 1986-87. He adds that Bani lasted for little more than a year and died on April 10, 1588, while en route from Gao to Timbuktu. By es-Sa'di's account, however, Askia el-Hadj's brothers revolted against him, then asked Bani (Bano in the TS) to succeed el-Hadj on December 15, 1588. The TF portrait of BAni shows him as a cruel man who did not respect Moslems. During his reign, food was expensive and there  112 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist was inadequate rainfall (TF 230). Es-Sa'di's view of Bani concurs: "His entire reign was no more than a series of calamities and fam- ines" (TS 195). He adds an account of a failed revolt against the ruler by his brothers. Many of them lost their positions, and Nouhou, one of the leaders, was imprisoned in the Dendi region downriver from Gao. The most significant event to occur during the short reign of Askia Mohammed Bini was a war between the ruler and his brother, the Baldma Sadiq, local commander of the army in the Timbuktu area. The authors of the TF see the conflict as the source of ruin for the empire because "it opened the door to internal struggles, led to a reduction of royal authority, and cut the thread which held to- gether the machinery of government at the moment when the expe- dition from Marrakesh was about to speed up events by attacking the country" (TF 231). Even the most schematic account of the war illustrates dramati- cally the state of disorder into which the empire had fallen. Alou, the Kabara-Farma, or administrator and tax collector for Kabara, the river port a few kilometers from Timbuktu, was a man of bad reputation. When a cloth was stolen from one of his female servants, Alou complained to SAdiq, the Baldma, a brother of Askia BAni. Baldma Sadiq defended his slave accused of the crime. After Alou captured the accused slave, Sadiq killed Alou, freed the slave, and sent a messenger to his brother Salih, the Kourmina-Bri in Tendirma, and also a brother of Askia Bini, suggesting that the two men, each possessing armies, mount a revolt against Askia Bani. Just before the two planned to march downriver toward Gao, SAlih became suspicious of Sadiq and attacked him. Sidiq killed him and promptly took over both armies. He then marched south toward Gao. Askia BAni, in Gao, began to move north with a much larger army to head off the advancing rebels. An extremely heavyset man who was ill suited for the rigors of military campaigns, BAni died in his sleep during a siesta on the first day of the expedition. His advi- sors and some relatives named Mahmofud to succeed him, but an- other brother, Ishaq the Zaghrani, eldest of all and at that time Fri- Moundio, rejected this choice and forced those assembled to name him ruler. He then set off with the army to defeat his rebellious brother Sadiq. The TS account of this extraodinary series of events differs lit- tle from that of the TF, although there is more dialogue and there 112 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist was inadequate rainfall (TF 230). Es-Sa'di's view of Bani concurs: "His entire reign was no more than a series of calamities and fam- ines" (TS 195). He adds an account of a failed revolt against the ruler by his brothers. Many of them lost their positions, and Nouhou, one of the leaders, was imprisoned in the Dendi region downriver from Gao. The most significant event to occur during the short reign of Askia Mohammed Bani was a war between the ruler and his brother, the Baldma SAdiq, local commander of the army in the Timbuktu area. The authors of the TF see the conflict as the source of ruin for the empire because "it opened the door to internal struggles, led to a reduction of royal authority, and cut the thread which held to- gether the machinery of government at the moment when the expe- dition from Marrakesh was about to speed up events by attacking the country" (TF 231). Even the most schematic account of the war illustrates dramati- cally the state of disorder into which the empire had fallen. Alou, the Kabara-Farma, or administrator and tax collector for Kabara, the river port a few kilometers from Timbuktu, was a man of bad reputation. When a cloth was stolen from one of his female servants, Alou complained to SAdiq, the Balama, a brother of Askia Baini. Baldma Sadiq defended his slave accused of the crime. After Alou captured the accused slave, Sadiq killed Alou, freed the slave, and sent a messenger to his brother Salih, the Kounnina-Mri in Tendirma, and also a brother of Askia BAni, suggesting that the two men, each possessing armies, mount a revolt against Askia Bani. Just before the two planned to march downriver toward Gao, Salih became suspicious of SAdiq and attacked him. Sfadiq killed him and promptly took over both armies. He then marched south toward Gao. Askia BAni, in Gao, began to move north with a much larger army to head off the advancing rebels. An extremely heavyset man who was ill suited for the rigors of military campaigns, BAni died in his sleep during a siesta on the first day of the expedition. His advi- sors and some relatives named Mahmofid to succeed him, but an- other brother, Ishaq the Zaghrani, eldest of all and at that time Jri- Moundio, rejected this choice and forced those assembled to name him ruler. He then set off with the army to defeat his rebellious brother Sadiq. The TS account of this extraodinary series of events differs lit- tle from that of the TF, although there is more dialogue and there 112 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist was inadequate rainfall (TF 230). Es-Sa'di's view of Baini concurs: "His entire reign was no more than a series of calamities and fam- ines" (TS 195). He adds an account of a failed revolt against the ruler by his brothers. Many of them lost their positions, and Nouhou, one of the leaders, was imprisoned in the Dendi region downriver from Gao. The most significant event to occur during the short reign of Askia Mohammed BAni was a war between the ruler and his brother, the Balama SAdiq, local commander of the army in the Timbuktu area. The authors of the TF see the conflict as the source of ruin for the empire because "it opened the door to internal struggles, led to a reduction of royal authority, and cut the thread which held to- gether the machinery of government at the moment when the expe- dition from Marrakesh was about to speed up events by attacking the country" (TF 231). Even the most schematic account of the war illustrates dramati- cally the state of disorder into which the empire had fallen. Alou, the Kabara-Farma, or administrator and tax collector for Kabara, the river port a few kilometers from Timbuktu, was a man of bad reputation. When a cloth was stolen from one of his female servants, Alou complained to SAdiq, the Baldma, a brother of Askia Bani. Baldma Sadiq defended his slave accused of the crime. After Alou captured the accused slave, Sadiq killed Alou, freed the slave, and sent a messenger to his brother SAlih, the Kounnina-bri in Tendirma, and also a brother of Askia Bani, suggesting that the two men, each possessing armies, mount a revolt against Askia Bani. Just before the two planned to march downriver toward Gao, Salih became suspicious of SAdiq and attacked him. Sadiq killed him and promptly took over both armies. He then marched south toward Gao. Askia BAni, in Gao, began to move north with a much larger army to head off the advancing rebels. An extremely heavyset man who was ill suited for the rigors of military campaigns, Bani died in his sleep during a siesta on the first day of the expedition. His advi- sors and some relatives named Mahmofid to succeed him, but an- other brother, IshAq the Zaghrani, eldest of all and at that time Jri- Moundio, rejected this choice and forced those assembled to name him ruler. He then set off with the army to defeat his rebellious brother SAdiq. The TS account of this extraodinary series of events differs lit- tle from that of the TF, although there is more dialogue and there  The Famous and the Infamous 113 are several versions of Askia Bani's death on the first day of the campaign. Nouhou Malio's oral version makes no mention of this ruler. As we look back over the different portrayals, written and oral, of the dynasty's rulers during the six decades between Askia Mo- hammed and the fall of the empire, the particular traits of the two versions stand in sharp contrast. The written tradition offers dates, comments on each ruler, and some anecdotes that allow us to view the sequence of rulers as a whole. The chroniclers also give us a suc- cinct moral evaluation of each ruler. Moussa is evil, but Daoud is good. In fact, his sensitivity to traditional customs at court marks him as the most careful of all the rulers to maintain a balance be- tween Islamic and Songhay ways. The oral tradition, on the other hand, skips four of the least im- portant rulers and touches briefly on one other, Ishfaq. Only Moussa and Daoud earn a place in the sequence between Askia Mohammed and the Moroccan attack. Instead of passing judgment on the usurper Moussa, the griot conveys Moussa's toughness in meta- phoric terms that leave little doubt about the sort of man this ruler was. Some of the qualities of Daoud, the best of Askia Mohammed's children, appear in the story about the lions he slew. The fact that he occupies the most prominent place in the sketchy listing of askias suggests that he still stands out in the popular imagination. Does this difference from the written tradition mean that Songhay listeners today prefer the metaphor and the anecdote as vehicles for the collective evaluation of past rulers? Throughout Nouhou Malio's version, he never comments on a ruler's evil quali- ties. It would seem that the griot's reticence in judging reflects not only a different reading of collective attitudes toward the past but, more important, a sense that certain information should be con- veyed only indirectly. Another reason for this unwillingness to judge is that the griot does not want to offend modern descendants of these people. Several griots whom I interviewed in 1980-81 in Niger expressed concern about this possibility in our discussions of the con- sequences of conflicts in the nineteenth century. Finally, the use of metaphor here is an example of the kind of indirection in speech about subjects charged with meaning or conflict that is typical not only of Songhay society but of peoples in many other parts of the Sahel. While it may be too soon to draw firm conclusions about the na- ture of verbal art in the Sahel from the two rather different des- The Famous and the Infamous 113 are several versions of Askia BAni's death on the first day of the campaign. Nouhou Malio's oral version makes no mention of this ruler. As we look back over the different portrayals, written and oral, of the dynasty's rulers during the six decades between Askia Mo- hammed and the fall of the empire, the particular traits of the two versions stand in sharp contrast. The written tradition offers dates, comments on each ruler, and some anecdotes that allow us to view the sequence of rulers as a whole. The chroniclers also give us a suc- cinct moral evaluation of each ruler. Moussa is evil, but Daoud is good. In fact, his sensitivity to traditional customs at court marks him as the most careful of all the rulers to maintain a balance be- tween Islamic and Songhay ways. The oral tradition, on the other hand, skips four of the least im- portant rulers and touches briefly on one other, IshAq. Only Moussa and Daoud earn a place in the sequence between Askia Mohammed and the Moroccan attack. Instead of passing judgment on the usurper Moussa, the griot conveys Moussa's toughness in meta- phoric terms that leave little doubt about the sort of man this ruler was. Some of the qualities of Daoud, the best of Askia Mohammed's children, appear in the story about the lions he slew. The fact that he occupies the most prominent place in the sketchy listing of askias suggests that he still stands out in the popular imagination. Does this difference from the written tradition mean that Songhay listeners today prefer the metaphor and the anecdote as vehicles for the collective evaluation of past rulers? Throughout Nouhou Malio's version, he never comments on a ruler's evil quali- ties. It would seem that the griot's reticence in judging reflects not only a different reading of collective attitudes toward the past but, more important, a sense that certain information should be con- veyed only indirectly. Another reason for this unwillingness to judge is that the griot does not want to offend modern descendants of these people. Several griots whom I interviewed in 1980-81 in Niger expressed concern about this possibility in our discussions of the con- sequences of conflicts in the nineteenth century. Finally, the use of metaphor here is an example of the kind of indirection in speech about subjects charged with meaning or conflict that is typical not only of Songhay society but of peoples in many other parts of the Sahel. While it may be too soon to draw firm conclusions about the na- ture of verbal art in the Sahel from the two rather different des- The Famous and the Infamous 113 are several versions of Askia Bfani's death on the first day of the campaign. Nouhou Malio's oral version makes no mention of this ruler. As we look back over the different portrayals, written and oral, of the dynasty's rulers during the six decades between Askia Mo- hammed and the fall of the empire, the particular traits of the two versions stand in sharp contrast. The written tradition offers dates, comments on each ruler, and some anecdotes that allow us to view the sequence of rulers as a whole. The chroniclers also give us a suc- cinct moral evaluation of each ruler. Moussa is evil, but Daoud is good. In fact, his sensitivity to traditional customs at court marks him as the most careful of all the rulers to maintain a balance be- tween Islamic and Songhay ways. The oral tradition, on the other hand, skips four of the least im- portant rulers and touches briefly on one other, Ishfaq. Only Moussa and Daoud earn a place in the sequence between Askia Mohammed and the Moroccan attack. Instead of passing judgment on the usurper Moussa, the griot conveys Moussa's toughness in meta- phoric terms that leave little doubt about the sort of man this ruler was. Some of the qualities of Daoud, the best of Askia Mohammed's children, appear in the story about the lions he slew. The fact that he occupies the most prominent place in the sketchy listing of askias suggests that he still stands out in the popular imagination. Does this difference from the written tradition mean that Songhay listeners today prefer the metaphor and the anecdote as vehicles for the collective evaluation of past rulers? Throughout Nouhou Malio's version, he never comments on a ruler's evil quali- ties. It would seem that the griot's reticence in judging reflects not only a different reading of collective attitudes toward the past but, more important, a sense that certain information should be con- veyed only indirectly. Another reason for this unwillingness to judge is that the griot does not want to offend modern descendants of these people. Several griots whom I interviewed in 1980-81 in Niger expressed concern about this possibility in our discussions of the con- sequences of conflicts in the nineteenth century. Finally, the use of metaphor here is an example of the kind of indirection in speech about subjects charged with meaning or conflict that is typical not only of Songhay society but of peoples in many other parts of the Sahel. While it may be too soon to draw firm conclusions about the na- ture of verbal art in the Sahel from the two rather different des-  114 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 114 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 114 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist criptions of the children of Askia Mohammed we have seen in this chapter and from what is known about narratives produced by neighboring peoples, some speculation can be offered. First, the oral narrator appears to be much more sensitive than his literate counterparts to the extraordinary symbolic power of words and hence to the need to use extreme caution in painting ex- plicit verbal portraits of people. Here and in the Mandd epics, the allusive image appears to reveal as much to informed listeners as the eyewitness's more wordy description. Second, the griot's concern for his audience reflects the depth of his involvement in the community, in both the synchronic and the diachronic senses. The Marxist critic Fredric Jameson describes the literary text as "the rewriting or restructuration of a prior historical or ideological subtext" (1981, 81). In the case of the oral narrative, the rewriting appears in the suppression or forgetting of some infor- mation, the reinterpreting of other details into different symbolic modes, and, above all, the glorification of people who claim descent from the heroes of the past. The griot, in a sense, must trace a care- ful narrative path linking events of the past to his immediate audi- ence in the present. The result, both in content and form, depends on the particular audience, his own understanding of its past, the extent of his exposure to a variety of sources, and his ability to re- member the information he has acquired. Mohammed BAni's death marked the end of six decades during which the descendants of Askia Mohammed governed as best they could the empire he built for them. Although some members of the large family continued to serve as rulers under the Moroccan protec- torate, the loss of sovereignty that occurred during the rule of Ishaq II marked the real end of the askias as independent rulers. In the next chapter we shall encounter rather different versions, written and oral, of the catastrophe that destroyed the Songhay empire. criptions of the children of Askia Mohammed we have seen in this chapter and from what is known about narratives produced by neighboring peoples, some speculation can be offered. First, the oral narrator appears to be much more sensitive than his literate counterparts to the extraordinary symbolic power of words and hence to the need to use extreme caution in painting ex- plicit verbal portraits of people. Here and in the Mand6 epics, the allusive image appears to reveal as much to informed listeners as the eyewitness's more wordy description. Second, the griot's concern for his audience reflects the depth of his involvement in the community, in both the synchronic and the diachronic senses. The Marxist critic Fredric Jameson describes the literary text as "the rewriting or restructuration of a prior historical or ideological subtext" (1981, 81). In the case of the oral narrative, the rewriting appears in the suppression or forgetting of some infor- mation, the reinterpreting of other details into different symbolic modes, and, above all, the glorification of people who claim descent from the heroes of the past. The griot, in a sense, must trace a care- ful narrative path linking events of the past to his immediate audi- ence in the present. The result, both in content and form, depends on the particular audience, his own understanding of its past, the extent of his exposure to a variety of sources, and his ability to re- member the information he has acquired. Mohammed Bini's death marked the end of six decades during which the descendants of Askia Mohammed governed as best they could the empire he built for them. Although some members of the large family continued to serve as rulers under the Moroccan protec- torate, the loss of sovereignty that occurred during the rule of Ishaq II marked the real end of the askias as independent rulers. In the next chapter we shall encounter rather different versions, written and oral, of the catastrophe that destroyed the Songhay empire. criptions of the children of Askia Mohammed we have seen in this chapter and from what is known about narratives produced by neighboring peoples, some speculation can be offered. First, the oral narrator appears to be much more sensitive than his literate counterparts to the extraordinary symbolic power of words and hence to the need to use extreme caution in painting ex- plicit verbal portraits of people. Here and in the Mand6 epics, the allusive image appears to reveal as much to informed listeners as the eyewitness's more wordy description. Second, the griot's concern for his audience reflects the depth of his involvement in the community, in both the synchronic and the diachronic senses. The Marxist critic Fredric Jameson describes the literary text as "the rewriting or restructuration of a prior historical or ideological subtex" (1981, 81). In the case of the oral narrative, the rewriting appears in the suppression or forgetting of some infor- mation, the reinterpreting of other details into different symbolic modes, and, above all, the glorification of people who claim descent from the heroes of the past. The griot, in a sense, must trace a care- ful narrative path linking events of the past to his immediate audi- ence in the present. The result, both in content and form, depends on the particular audience, his own understanding of its past, the extent of his exposure to a variety of sources, and his ability to re- member the information he has acquired. Mohammed BAni's death marked the end of six decades during which the descendants of Askia Mohammed governed as best they could the empire he built for them. Although some members of the large family continued to serve as rulers under the Moroccan protec- torate, the loss of sovereignty that occurred during the rule of Ishaq II marked the real end of the askias as independent rulers. In the next chapter we shall encounter rather different versions, written and oral, of the catastrophe that destroyed the Songhay empire.  Chapter 7 The Fall of the Songhay Empire: Two Explanations for Decadence and Decline from the Scribes and the Griot The fall of the Songhay empire in 1591 was one of the cataclysmic events of West African history. From the outline of the history of the Sahelian kingdoms in the introduction, it is evident that empires rose and fell over the centuries. But the Songhay empire appears to, have been the largest of those in the region, and it is the first to fall to the greater firepower of an invading country that obtained some of its soldiers and weaponry from Europe. It would be no exaggera- tion to suggest, in fact, that the defeat of the Songhay marked the beginning of the end of a regional system of government which had survived for many centuries without significant outside interference., Narrators of both written and oral narratives about the Askia dynasty pay particular attention to the defeat. But where the chron- icles of Timbuktu provide considerable detail on how Askia "Mohammed's last independent grandchild failed to meet the chal- lenge of the Moroccans, the oral account by Nouhou Malio and many other griots in the region compresses and modifies history con- siderably. The griots conflate the battle at Gao with the resistance in the Dendi region farther south, which lasted until 1640. The re- 7Sult, as we shall see, is a view of the past that continues to celebrate both the warrior tradition and the power of magic. But it also under- scores the griots' attachment to the traditional social structure, a fea- ture of Songhay society that constitutes a growing concern for a younger generation today influenced by more egalitarian political 115 Chapter 7 The Fall of the Songhay Empire: Two Explanations for Decadence and Decline from the Scribes and the Griot The fall of the Songhay empire in 1591 was one of the cataclysmic events of West African history. From the outline of the history of the Sahelian kingdoms in the introduction, it is evident that empires rose and fell over the centuries. But the Songhay empire appears to have been the largest of those in the region, and it is the first to fall to the greater firepower of an invading country that obtained some of its soldiers and weaponry from Europe. It would be no exaggera- tion to suggest, in fact, that the defeat of the Songhay marked the beginning of the end of a regional system of government which had survived for many centuries without significant outside interference., Narrators of both written and oral narratives about the Askia' dynasty pay particular attention to the defeat. But where the chron- icles of Timbuktu provide considerable detail on how Askia )Mohammed's last independent grandchild failed to meet the chal- lenge of the Moroccans, the oral account by Nouhou Malio and many other griots in the region compresses and modifies history con- siderably. The griots conflate the battle at Gao with the resistance Qn the Dendi region farther south, which lasted until 1640. The re- Xsult, as we shall see, is a view of the past that continues to celebrate both the warrior tradition and the power of magic. But it also under- scores the griots' attachment to the traditional social structure, a fea- ture of Songhay society that constitutes a growing concern for a younger generation today influenced by more egalitarian political 115 Chapter 7 The Fall of the Songhay Empire: Two Explanations for Decadence and Decline from the Scribes and the Griot The fall of the Songhay empire in 1591 was one of the cataclysmic events of West African history. From the outline of the history of the Sahelian kingdoms in the introduction, it is evident that empires rose and fell over the centuries. But the Songhay empire appears to have been the largest of those in the region, and it is the first to fall to the greater firepower of an invading country that obtained some of its soldiers and weaponry from Europe. It would be no exaggera- tion to suggest, in fact, that the defeat of the Songhay marked the beginning of the end of a regional system of government which had survived for many centuries without significant outside interference. Narrators of both written and oral narratives about the Askia dynasty pay particular attention to the defeat. But where the chron- icles of Timbuktu provide considerable detail on how Askia ,Mohammed's last independent grandchild failed to meet the chal- lenge of the Moroccans, the oral account by Nouhou Malio and many other griots in the region compresses and modifies history con- siderably. The griots conflate the battle at Gao with the resistance in the Dendi region farther south, which lasted until 1640. The re- sult, as we shall see, is a view of the past that continues to celebrate both the warrior tradition and the power of magic. But it also under- scores the griots' attachment to the traditional social structure, a fea- ture of Songhay society that constitutes a growing concern for a younger generation today influenced by more egalitarian political 115  116 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 116 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 116 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist currents from the West. The griot's task is to help legitimize that ancient order of society. But the violation by the elite of rules gov- erning the hierarchy leads to the kind of social disintegration under- mining the empire. Finally, the defeat itself in the oral version ap- pears not as the result of decadence, as the chroniclers see it, but the product of a conflict between a woman and her husband. To understand how these forces operate, we need to continue our survey of the rulers who governed the Songhay region, both the north, which fell under Moroccan hegemony after 1591, and the south, the Dendi, which disintegrated during the seventeenth cen- tury at the same time that it was so successful in repulsing Moroccan- led attacks. After this overview of the chroniclers' narratives, we shall turn to the griot's version. Sibling Rivalry and Immorality as Causes of Decline According to the Chroniclers Askia Ishdq II, 1588-1591. Ishaq II, the Songhay ruler who faced the Moroccan army, showed much promise when he asserted his right to assume control upon the death of Askia Mohammed BAni. He defeated the army of Baldma Sidiq, who had been marching south to attack Askia Bini, executed the rebel, and jailed many of SAdiq's followers. The Hombori-Kof, Moussa, earned the special punishment of burial alive. Although Ishaq II showed great strength in thwarting the revolt, and later conducted two campaigns in the Gourma region, the narrators of the TF view the civil war that marked his inauguration as "the beginning of the decadence of the Songhay, of its loss and its ruin before the arrival of the troops of Moulai Ahmed Ed-Dhhdbi" (258). The narrator of the TF does find some good qualities in the ruler. "Askia Ishfiq was of noble character, kind and generous as well as good-looking. Nobody gave more alms and gifts. He loved scholars and treated them with consideration" (TF 258-59). The narrator then cites a series of examples of the ruler's generosity: a gift of clothing to his secretary, Askia-Alfa Boukar ben Lanbur, and the offer of a gift to anyone in Gao who had not yet received anything from the ruler. There were 7,626 houses in the city at the time, notes the narrator, a figure that gives some notion of the number of people who could benefit from the ruler's generosity. But after this brief encomium, the narrator quickly returns to the subject of decadence and the defeat over which Askia Ishaq II presided. currents from the West. The griot's task is to help legitimize that ancient order of society. But the violation by the elite of rules gov- erning the hierarchy leads to the kind of social disintegration under- mining the empire. Finally, the defeat itself in the oral version ap- pears not as the result of decadence, as the chroniclers see it, but the product of a conflict between a woman and her husband. To understand how these forces operate, we need to continue our survey of the rulers who governed the Songhay region, both the north, which fell under Moroccan hegemony after 1591, and the south, the Dendi, which disintegrated during the seventeenth cen- tury at the same time that it was so successful in repulsing Moroccan- led attacks. After this overview of the chroniclers' narratives, we shall turn to the griot's version. Sibling Rivalry and Immorality as Causes of Decline According to the Chroniclers Askia Ishaq II, 1588-1591. IshAq II, the Songhay ruler who faced the Moroccan army, showed much promise when he asserted his right to assume control upon the death of Askia Mohammed Bani. He defeated the army of Baldma Sndiq, who had been marching south to attack Askia BAni, executed the rebel, and jailed many of SAdiq's followers. The Hombori-Kof, Moussa, earned the special punishment of burial alive. Although Ishaq It showed great strength in thwarting the revolt, and later conducted two campaigns in the Gourma region, the narrators of the TF view the civil war that marked his inauguration as "the beginning of the decadence of the Songhay, of its loss and its ruin before the arrival of the troops of Moulal Ahmed Ed-Dhdhdbi" (258). The narrator of the TF does find some good qualities in the ruler. "Askia Ishaq was of noble character, kind and generous as well as good-looking. Nobody gave more alms and gifts. He loved scholars and treated them with consideration" (TF 258-59). The narrator then cites a series of examples of the ruler's generosity: a gift of clothing to his secretary, Askia-Alfa Boukar ben Lanbfir, and the offer of a gift to anyone in Gao who had not yet received anything from the ruler. There were 7,626 houses in the city at the time, notes the narrator, a figure that gives some notion of the number of people who could benefit from the ruler's generosity. But after this brief encomium, the narrator quickly returns to the subject of decadence and the defeat over which Askia Ishfiq II presided. currents from the West. The griot's task is to help legitimize that ancient order of society. But the violation by the elite of rules gov- erning the hierarchy leads to the kind of social disintegration under- mining the empire. Finally, the defeat itself in the oral version ap- pears not as the result of decadence, as the chroniclers see it, but the product of a conflict between a woman and her husband. To understand how these forces operate, we need to continue our survey of the rulers who governed the Songhay region, both the north, which fell under Moroccan hegemony after 1591, and the south, the Dendi, which disintegrated during the seventeenth cen- tury at the same time that it was so successful in repulsing Moroccan- led attacks. After this overview of the chroniclers' narratives, we shall turn to the griot's version. Sibling Rivalry and Immorality as Causes of Decline According to the Chroniclers Askia Ishaq 11, 1588-1591. IshAq II, the Songhay ruler who faced the Moroccan army, showed much promise when he asserted his right to assume control upon the death of Askia Mohammed Bani. He defeated the army of Baldma Sidiq, who had been marching south to attack Askia Bani, executed the rebel, and jailed many of Sfadiq's followers. The Hombori-Kof, Moussa, earned the special punishment of burial alive. Although Ishaq It showed great strength in thwarting the revolt, and later conducted two campaigns in the Gourma region, the narrators of the TF view the civil war that marked his inauguration as "the beginning of the decadence of the Songhay, of its loss and its ruin before the arrival of the troops of Moulai Ahmed Ed-Dhdhdbi" (258). The narrator of the TF does find some good qualities in the ruler. "Askia Ishaq was of noble character, kind and generous as well as good-looking. Nobody gave more alms and gifts. He loved scholars and treated them with consideration" (TF 258-59). The narrator then cites a series of examples of the ruler's generosity: a gift of clothing to his secretary, Askia-Alfa Boukar ben Lanbfir, and the offer of a gift to anyone in Gao who had not yet received anything from the ruler. There were 7,626 houses in the city at the time, notes the narrator, a figure that gives some notion of the number of people who could benefit from the ruler's generosity. But after this brief encomium, the narrator quickly returns to the subject of decadence and the defeat over which Askia Ishaq II presided.  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 117 The TS offers numerous examples of revolts, disorders, and other problems that the ruler had to face during his regime. Undoubtedly these are the events to which the narrator of the TF referred in the following description of the situation that developed toward the last years of the empire: It was during his reign that the decadence of the Songhay govern- ment was manifest, and during this time that the days of trouble and agitation appeared which ended in the arrival in the country of troops of the prince of believers, Moulal Ahmed Ed-Dhdh6bi, led by Pasha Djouder, his servant, and including three thousand riflemen, according to the author of the Dorer el-hisdn, Biba Gofiro ben El-Hadj Mohammed ben El-Hadj El-Amin Ganou, or four thousand according to others. (TF 262-63) On the surface, there appeared to be little justification for the Moroccan attack against a brother Moslem country other than a rul- er's desire to erase memories of disastrous expeditions in the direc- tion of the Sahel in 1584-85, according to historian Dahiru Yahya (1981, 152-53). In fact, Yahya points to considerable internal oppo- sition against the campaign from Moslems in Morocco. On a broader scale, one could argue that the ruler of Morocco was concerned about expansion of Turkish influence, which went as far as the Mo- roccan border and had increased in the Bornou area because the Askia caliphate fell under the influence of Istanbul via the Sherif of Mecca. Daniel F. McCall points out that the Sultan of Morocco went so far in planning to resist Turkish expansion into his kingdom that he secretly negotiated with Philip II of Spain to fight as allies if the Turks moved any farther into the western Mediterranean (letter to the author, January 19, 1988). But Yahya believes the most immedi- ate motives for the invasion were economic. The Moroccans wanted to gain control over the Teghazza salt mines, a continuing source of revenue for the Songhay, ostensibly to help finance wars against the Christians. According to es-Sa'di, who claimed to have seen the original documents, the ruler of Morocco is supposed to have threat- ened Ishaq II that Morocco's armies, organized to fight Christianity, could be turned against the Songhay if the askia did not agree to give up control of the mines. Ishiq II is supposed to have responded to the last Moroccan envoy by sending him home with a spear and a pair of iron shoes (possibly speartips or arrowheads according to Hunwick, marginal notes on draft of this manuscript, February 18, The Fall of the Songhay Empire 117 The TS offers numerous examples of revolts, disorders, and other problems that the ruler had to face during his regime. Undoubtedly these are the events to which the narrator of the TF referred in the following description of the situation that developed toward the last years of the empire: It was during his reign that the decadence of the Songhay govern- ment was manifest, and during this time that the days of trouble and agitation appeared which ended in the arrival in the country of troops of the prince of believers, Moulal Ahmed Ed-Dhdhdbi, led by Pasha Djouder, his servant, and including three thousand riflemen, according to the author of the Dorer el-hisan, BAba Goairo ben El-Hadj Mohammed ben El-Hadj El-Amin Gainou, or four thousand according to others. (TF 262-63) On the surface, there appeared to be little justification for the Moroccan attack against a brother Moslem country other than a rul- er's desire to erase memories of disastrous expeditions in the direc- tion of the Sahel in 1584-85, according to historian Dahiru Yahya (1981, 152-53). In fact, Yahya points to considerable internal oppo- sition against the campaign from Moslems in Morocco. On a broader scale, one could argue that the ruler of Morocco was concerned about expansion of Turkish influence, which went as far as the Mo- roccan border and had increased in the Bornou area because the Askia caliphate fell under the influence of Istanbul via the Sherif of Mecca. Daniel F. McCall points out that the Sultan of Morocco went so far in planning to resist Turkish expansion into his kingdom that he secretly negotiated with Philip II of Spain to fight as allies if the Turks moved any farther into the western Mediterranean (letter to the author, January 19, 1988). But Yahya believes the most immedi- ate motives for the invasion were economic. The Moroccans wanted to gain control over the Teghazza salt mines, a continuing source of revenue for the Songhay, ostensibly to help finance wars against the Christians. According to es-Sa'di, who claimed to have seen the original documents, the ruler of Morocco is supposed to have threat- ened Ishatq II that Morocco's armies, organized to fight Christianity, could be turned against the Songhay if the askia did not agree to give up control of the mines. Ishaq II is supposed to have responded to the last Moroccan envoy by sending him home with a spear and a pair of iron shoes (possibly speartips or arrowheads according to Hunwick, marginal notes on draft of this manuscript, February 18, The Fall of the Songhay Empire 117 The TS offers numerous examples of revolts, disorders, and other problems that the ruler had to face during his regime. Undoubtedly these are the events to which the narrator of the TF referred in the following description of the situation that developed toward the last years of the empire: It was during his reign that the decadence of the Songhay govern- ment was manifest, and during this time that the days of trouble and agitation appeared which ended in the arrival in the country of troops of the prince of believers, Moulal Ahmed Ed-Dhdhdbi, led by Pasha Djouder, his servant, and including three thousand riflemen, according to the author of the Dorer el-hisan, Baba Goaro ben EI-Hadj Mohammed ben El-Hadj El-Amin Ginou, or four thousand according to others. (TF 262-63) On the surface, there appeared to be little justification for the Moroccan attack against a brother Moslem country other than a rul- er's desire to erase memories of disastrous expeditions in the direc- tion of the Sahel in 1584-85, according to historian Dahiru Yahya (1981, 152-53). In fact, Yahya points to considerable internal oppo- sition against the campaign from Moslems in Morocco. On a broader scale, one could argue that the ruler of Morocco was concerned about expansion of Turkish influence, which went as far as the Mo- roccan border and had increased in the Bornou area because the Askia caliphate fell under the influence of Istanbul via the Sherif of Mecca. Daniel F. McCall points out that the Sultan of Morocco went so far in planning to resist Turkish expansion into his kingdom that he secretly negotiated with Philip It of Spain to fight as allies if the Turks moved any farther into the western Mediterranean (letter to the author, January 19, 1988). But Yahya believes the most immedi- ate motives for the invasion were economic. The Moroccans wanted to gain control over the Teghazza salt mines, a continuing source of revenue for the Songhay, ostensibly to help finance wars against the Christians. According to es-Sa'di, who claimed to have seen the original documents, the ruler of Morocco is supposed to have threat- ened Ishaq II that Morocco's armies, organized to fight Christianity, could be turned against the Songhay if the askia did not agree to give up control of the mines. Ishiq II is supposed to have responded to the last Moroccan envoy by sending him home with a spear and a pair of iron shoes (possibly speartips or arrowheads according to Hunwick, marginal notes on draft of this manuscript, February 18,  118 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 1988), symbols of his willingness to go to war over this issue (TS 155-56). In the account of the expedition and battle that follows, the nar- rators of the TF report that Djouder left Marrakesh on October 29, 1590, and arrived near Gao on March 1, 1591. The battle took place at Sonkia, near Tondibi, a left-bank town 95 kilometers upriver from Gao, on April 12, 1591. Djouder had five hundred "Rdndgats," which the translators inform us are probably foreigners of Christian origin from southern Europe, and five hundred Spaniards from An- dalusia. Askia Ishaq II's army had 18,000 cavalry and 9,700 foot sol- diers. When the armies met, the Moroccan soldiers knelt to fire while the Songhay army drove one thousand head of cattle toward the enemy to absorb the first volley. The tactic backfired when the cattle, frightened by the gunfire, fled back toward the Songhay army and created much disorder. Askia IshAq II's secretary advised the ruler to order a strategic retreat, which he did, leading his army back to Gao. The ruler then fled 100 kilometers south and crossed the river to the right bank at Bara, near Ansongo. During the retreat, he was deposed by his brother, Baldma Mohammed Gao. Ishaq then headed west toward the country of the Gourma, where he was well received at first. But his hosts assassinated him one night. In the account of Ishfaq II's defeat, the narrators dwell on the ad- vice given to the ruler by his civilian advisors, including Mahmoud Kati, the supposed narrator of the first part of the TF, as well as on the ruler's refusal to heed that advice. For the reader, the incident heightens the importance of these men and underscores the deca- dence reported to be developing in Songhay society. In the middle of the account, the narrator pauses to observe: What caused the ruin of the Songhay state, what pushed God to throw it into disorder, what brought upon the citizens the punish- ment which they had mocked until that point, was the failure to observe the laws of God, the iniquity of the common man [liter- ally, "the worshippers," according to Hunwick, marginal note on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988], the pride and arro- gance of the upper class. At the time of Ishaq, the city of Gao had reached the extreme limit of immorality; the gravest crimes, acts which were the most disagreeable for God, were committed openly and the worst turpitude was displayed openly. Things were so bad that they designated an official to look after adulterers. 118 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 1988), symbols of his willingness to go to war over this issue (TS 155-56). In the account of the expedition and battle that follows, the nar- rators of the TF report that Djouder left Marrakesh on October 29, 1590, and arrived near Gao on March 1, 1591. The battle took place at Sonkia, near Tondibi, a left-bank town 95 kilometers upriver from Gao, on April 12, 1591. Djouder had five hundred "Rdnidgats," which the translators inform us are probably foreigners of Christian origin from southern Europe, and five hundred Spaniards from An- dalusia. Askia Ishaq II's army had 18,000 cavalry and 9,700 foot sol- diers. When the armies met, the Moroccan soldiers knelt to fire while the Songhay army drove one thousand head of cattle toward the enemy to absorb the first volley. The tactic backfired when the cattle, frightened by the gunfire, fled back toward the Songhay army and created much disorder. Askia Ishaq II's secretary advised the ruler to order a strategic retreat, which he did, leading his army back to Gao. The ruler then fled 100 kilometers south and crossed the river to the right bank at Bara, near Ansongo. During the retreat, he was deposed by his brother, Balama Mohammed Gao. Ishaq then headed west toward the country of the Gourma, where he was well received at first. But his hosts assassinated him one night. In the account of Ishaq II's defeat, the narrators dwell on the ad- vice given to the ruler by his civilian advisors, including Mahmoud Kati, the supposed narrator of the first part of the TF, as well as on the ruler's refusal to heed that advice. For the reader, the incident heightens the importance of these men and underscores the deca- dence reported to be developing in Songhay society. In the middle of the account, the narrator pauses to observe: What caused the ruin of the Songhay state, what pushed God to throw it into disorder, what brought upon the citizens the punish- ment which they had mocked until that point, was the failure to observe the laws of God, the iniquity of the common man [liter- ally, "the worshippers," according to Hunwick, marginal note on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988], the pride and arro- gance of the upper class. At the time of Ishaq, the city of Gao had reached the extreme limit of immorality; the gravest crimes, acts which were the most disagreeable for God, were committed openly and the worst turpitude was displayed openly. Things were so bad that they designated an official to look after adulterers. 118 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 1988), symbols of his willingness to go to war over this issue (TS 155-56). In the account of the expedition and battle that follows, the nar- rators of the TF report that Djouder left Marrakesh on October 29, 1590, and arrived near Gao on March 1, 1591. The battle took place at Sonkia, near Tondibi, a left-bank town 95 kilometers upriver from Gao, on April 12, 1591. Djouder had five hundred "RI6n6gats," which the translators inform us are probably foreigners of Christian origin from southern Europe, and five hundred Spaniards from An- dalusia. Askia Ishaq II's army had 18,000 cavalry and 9,700 foot sol- diers. When the armies met, the Moroccan soldiers knelt to fire while the Songhay army drove one thousand head of cattle toward the enemy to absorb the first volley. The tactic backfired when the cattle, frightened by the gunfire, fled back toward the Songhay army and created much disorder. Askia IshAq II's secretary advised the ruler to order a strategic retreat, which he did, leading his army back to Gao. The ruler then fled 100 kilometers south and crossed the river to the right bank at Bara, near Ansongo. During the retreat, he was deposed by his brother, Baldma Mohammed Gao. Ishaq then headed west toward the country of the Gourma, where he was well received at first. But his hosts assassinated him one night. In the account of Ishuq II's defeat, the narrators dwell on the ad- vice given to the ruler by his civilian advisors, including Mahmoud KAti, the supposed narrator of the first part of the TF, as well as on the ruler's refusal to heed that advice. For the reader, the incident heightens the importance of these men and underscores the deca- dence reported to be developing in Songhay society. In the middle of the account, the narrator pauses to observe: What caused the ruin of the Songhay state, what pushed God to throw it into disorder, what brought upon the citizens the punish- ment which they had mocked until that point, was the failure to observe the laws of God, the iniquity of the common man [liter- ally, "the worshippers," according to Hunwick, marginal note on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988], the pride and arro- gance of the upper class. At the time of Ishaq, the city of Gao had reached the extreme limit of immorality; the gravest crimes, acts which were the most disagreeable for God, were committed openly and the worst turpitude was displayed openly. Things were so bad that they designated an official to look after adulterers.  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 119 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 119 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 119 They made a special drum for him. Interested parties cited each other before it. There were many other things whose telling would dishonor the one who would have the audacity to do it. (TF 272) The TS goes into considerably more detail about the defeat of Ishaq II. Es-Sa'di reports that someone in the ruler's retinue who had been exiled to the salt mines in Teghazza managed to flee to Marrakesh. From there he wrote to the Sultan of Morocco to ask him to invade the Songhay empire. After the menacing exchange of messages described earlier, the sultan, Moulay Ahmed, then wrote to Ishaq II to ask for control of the mines. There is no record of IshAq's reply. Djouder's army reached the Niger on March 30, 1591. They then marched downriver toward Gao and defeated Ishaq It's army. The ruler returned to Gao, evacuated both army and popula- tion to the right bank, and awaited Djouder's arrival. IshAq It then offered 100,000 pieces of gold and one thousand slaves to the Sultan of Morocco if Djouder and his army would leave the country. Djouder sent the offer to Marrakesh. After spending only seventeen days in Gao, he returned to Timbuktu to await an answer from the sultan. One immediate result of the invasion was a general rise in politi- cal and moral disorder in the empire. Groups on the fringes re- volted. For example, the Bambara sacked Djenn6. Es-Sa'di under- scores the change wrought by the disintegration of Songhay rule by noting: Faith was transformed into infidelity; there was not a single activ- ity forbidden by God which was not practiced openly. People drank wine; they engaged in sodomy, and as for adultery, it had become so frequent that its practice had almost become legal. Without it, there was no elegance, no glory. It was so bad that the children of the sultans committed adultery with their sisters. They say that this happened for the first time at the end of the reign of the sultan, the just, the prince of the believers, Askia El- Hadj Mohammed, and that it was his son Yousef-Koi who in- vented this kind of debauchery. When his father learned of the thing, he became very angry and cursed his son while asking God to deprive him of his penis before allowing him to enter the other world. God granted this wish and a disease caused the young prince to lose the organ of his virility. May the heavens preserve us against such a fate. The malediction extended to the son of They made a special drum for him. Interested parties cited each other before it. There were many other things whose telling would dishonor the one who would have the audacity to do it. (TF 272) The TS goes into considerably more detail about the defeat of Ishiq II. Es-Sa'di reports that someone in the ruler's retinue who had been exiled to the salt mines in Teghazza managed to flee to Marrakesh. From there he wrote to the Sultan of Morocco to ask him to invade the Songhay empire. After the menacing exchange of messages described earlier, the sultan, Moulay Ahmed, then wrote to Ishaq II to ask for control of the mines. There is no record of Ishiq's reply. Djouder's army reached the Niger on March 30, 1591. They then marched downriver toward Gao and defeated Ishaq II's army. The ruler returned to Gao, evacuated both army and popula- tion to the right bank, and awaited Djouder's arrival. Ishaq II then offered 100,000 pieces of gold and one thousand slaves to the Sultan of Morocco if Djouder and his army would leave the country. Djouder sent the offer to Marrakesh. After spending only seventeen days in Gao, he returned to Timbuktu to await an answer from the sultan. One immediate result of the invasion was a general rise in politi- cal and moral disorder in the empire. Groups on the fringes re- volted. For example, the Bambara sacked Djenn6. Es-Sa'di under- scores the change wrought by the disintegration of Songhay rule by noting: Faith was transformed into infidelity; there was not a single activ- ity forbidden by God which was not practiced openly. People drank wine; they engaged in sodomy, and as for adultery, it had become so frequent that its practice had almost become legal. Without it, there was no elegance, no glory. It was so bad that the children of the sultans committed adultery with their sisters. They say that this happened for the first time at the end of the reign of the sultan, the just, the prince of the believers, Askia El- Hadj Mohammed, and that it was his son Yousef-Koi who in- vented this kind of debauchery. When his father learned of the thing, he became very angry and cursed his son while asking God to deprive him of his penis before allowing him to enter the other world. God granted this wish and a disease caused the young prince to lose the organ of his virility. May the heavens preserve us against such a fate. The malediction extended to the son of They made a special drum for him. Interested parties cited each other before it. There were many other things whose telling would dishonor the one who would have the audacity to do it. (TF 272) The TS goes into considerably more detail about the defeat of Ishiq II. Es-Sa'di reports that someone in the ruler's retinue who had been exiled to the salt mines in Teghazza managed to flee to Marrakesh. From there he wrote to the Sultan of Morocco to ask him to invade the Songhay empire. After the menacing exchange of messages described earlier, the sultan, Moulay Ahmed, then wrote to Ishiq II to ask for control of the mines. There is no record of Ishaiq's reply. Djouder's army reached the Niger on March 30, 1591. They then marched downriver toward Gao and defeated Ishaq II's army. The ruler returned to Gao, evacuated both army and popula- tion to the right bank, and awaited Djouder's arrival. Ishaq II then offered 100,000 pieces of gold and one thousand slaves to the Sultan of Morocco if Djouder and his army would leave the country. Djouder sent the offer to Marrakesh. After spending only seventeen days in Gao, he returned to Timbuktu to await an answer from the sultan. One immediate result of the invasion was a general rise in politi- cal and moral disorder in the empire. Groups on the fringes re- volted. For example, the Bambara sacked Djenn6. Es-Sa'di under- scores the change wrought by the disintegration of Songhay rule by noting: Faith was transformed into infidelity; there was not a single activ- ity forbidden by God which was not practiced openly. People drank wine; they engaged in sodomy, and as for adultery, it had become so frequent that its practice had almost become legal. Without it, there was no elegance, no glory. It was so bad that the children of the sultans committed adultery with their sisters. They say that this happened for the first time at the end of the reign of the sultan, the just, the prince of the believers, Askia El- Hidj Mohammed, and that it was his son Yousef-Kol who in- vented this kind of debauchery. When his father learned of the thing, he became very angry and cursed his son while asking God to deprive him of his penis before allowing him to enter the other world. God granted this wish and a disease caused the young prince to lose the organ of his virility. May the heavens preserve us against such a fate. The malediction extended to the son of  120 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 120 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 120 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Yousef, Arbinda, father of the Bana-Kof Yaqoub, for after the same illness, he too lost his penis at the end of his life. It is because of these abominations that God took vengeance by sending to the Songhay the victorious Moroccan army. So the roots of this people were separated from the trunk and the punish- ment which it endured was of those which are exemplary. (TS 224-25) This interpretation of the causes of the empire's downfall catches the reader's attention not only for the morality that it reveals, but also because these are the first references to deviant sexual practices-in this case incest-in the chronicles. As we shall see in chapter 8, the novelist Ouologuem makes full use of these incidents in his interpretion of the past. If the initial invasion by the Moroccans caused disorder, how- ever, Djouder's willingness to negotiate led to equal discord and dis- order on the Moroccan side. The Sultan of Morocco fired Djouder and sent a new Pasha, Mahmoud, who pursued Ishaq II more vigor- ously, defeating him on October 14, 1591. Further disputes among the lieutenants of Askia Ishaq II led to a successful move by Moham- med Gao to depose the defeated ruler. Here the two written ver- sions differ from each other on the demise of IshAq II. The Songhay resistance. After the defeat of Askia Ishaq II, there is no more Songhay empire. Instead we find two groups, the Songhay of the north, under the rule of an askia who reports to the Pasha in Timbuktu, and the rebellious Songhay of the Dendi, from Ansongo in Mali 600 kilometers downriver through Niger to north- ern Benin. The story of the resistance is remarkable not simply for the ferocity of those isolated Songhay, but also because the oral tra- dition compressed events as late as 1640 in such a way that the defeat at Gao is conflated with a spirited rebellion by Soumayla Kassa a half century later. It is here that the oral narrative, so distant from the written account, reveals some of the deeper values of Songhay society. But to understand them, however, we must take a closer look at the story of the resistance as reported in the chronicles. The TF offers a lengthy and detailed account of how Askia Mo- hammed Gao, who replaced Ishaq II, attempted to negotiate a sub- mission to Pasha Mahmoud, but was tricked, captured, and assassi- nated. The Pasha then led an army south toward the Dendi to attack Askia Nouh, who had been imprisoned earlier by his brother Ishiq II and who had escaped after the defeat at Tondibi. Yousef, Arbinda, father of the Bana-Koi Yaqoub, for after the same illness, he too lost his penis at the end of his life. It is because of these abominations that God took vengeance by sending to the Songhay the victorious Moroccan army. So the roots of this people were separated from the trunk and the punish- ment which it endured was of those which are exemplary. (TS 224-25) This interpretation of the causes of the empire's downfall catches the reader's attention not only for the morality that it reveals, but also because these are the first references to deviant sexual practices-in this case incest-in the chronicles. As we shall see in chapter 8, the novelist Ouologuem makes full use of these incidents in his interpretion of the past. If the initial invasion by the Moroccans caused disorder, how- ever, Djouder's willingness to negotiate led to equal discord and dis- order on the Moroccan side. The Sultan of Morocco fired Djouder and sent a new Pasha, Mahmoud, who pursued Ishiq II more vigor- ously, defeating him on October 14, 1591. Further disputes among the lieutenants of Askia Ishaq II led to a successful move by Moham- med Gao to depose the defeated ruler. Here the two written ver- sions differ from each other on the demise of IshAq II. The Songhay resistance. After the defeat of Askia Ishaq II, there is no more Songhay empire. Instead we find two groups, the Songhay of the north, under the rule of an askia who reports to the Pasha in Timbuktu, and the rebellious Songhay of the Dendi, from Ansongo in Mali 600 kilometers downriver through Niger to north- ern Benin. The story of the resistance is remarkable not simply for the ferocity of those isolated Songhay, but also because the oral tra- dition compressed events as late as 1640 in such a way that the defeat at Gao is conflated with a spirited rebellion by Soumayla Kassa a half century later. It is here that the oral narrative, so distant from the written account, reveals some of the deeper values of Songhay society. But to understand them, however, we must take a closer look at the story of the resistance as reported in the chronicles. The TF offers a lengthy and detailed account of how Askia Mo- hammed Gao, who replaced Ishiq II, attempted to negotiate a sub- mission to Pasha Mahmoud, but was tricked, captured, and assassi- nated. The Pasha then led an army south toward the Dendi to attack Askia Noub, who had been imprisoned earlier by his brother Ishaq II and who had escaped after the defeat at Tondibi. Yousef, Arbinda, father of the Bana-Kof Yaqoub, for after the same illness, he too lost his penis at the end of his life. It is because of these abominations that God took vengeance by sending to the Songhay the victorious Moroccan army. So the roots of this people were separated from the trunk and the punish- ment which it endured was of those which are exemplary. (TS 224-25) This interpretation of the causes of the empire's downfall catches the reader's attention not only for the morality that it reveals, but also because these are the first references to deviant sexual practices-in this case incest-in the chronicles. As we shall see in chapter 8, the novelist Ouologuem makes full use of these incidents in his interpretion of the past. If the initial invasion by the Moroccans caused disorder, how- ever, Djouder's willingness to negotiate led to equal discord and dis- order on the Moroccan side. The Sultan of Morocco fired Djouder and sent a new Pasha, Mahmoud, who pursued Ishfiq II more vigor- ously, defeating him on October 14, 1591. Further disputes among the lieutenants of Askia Ishaq I led to a successful move by Moham- med Gao to depose the defeated ruler. Here the two written ver- sions differ from each other on the demise of Ishaiq II. The Songhay resistance. After the defeat of Askia Ishaq II, there is no more Songhay empire. Instead we find two groups, the Songhay of the north, under the rule of an askia who reports to the Pasha in Timbuktu, and the rebellious Songhay of the Dendi, from Ansongo in Mali 600 kilometers downriver through Niger to north- ern Benin. The story of the resistance is remarkable not simply for the ferocity of those isolated Songhay, but also because the oral tra- dition compressed events as late as 1640 in such a way that the defeat at Gao is conflated with a spirited rebellion by Soumayla Kassa a half century later. It is here that the oral narrative, so distant from the written account, reveals some of the deeper values of Songhay society. But to understand them, however, we must take a closer look at the story of the resistance as reported in the chronicles. The TF offers a lengthy and detailed account of how Askia Mo- hammed Gao, who replaced Ishaq II, attempted to negotiate a sub- mission to Pasha Mahmoud, but was tricked, captured, and assassi- nated. The Pasha then led an army south toward the Dendi to attack Askia Nouh, who had been imprisoned earlier by his brother Ishaq II and who had escaped after the defeat at Tondibi.  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 121 Nouh, grandson of Askia Mohammed and son of Askia Daoud, had a reputation as a good horseman. He was large and strong. But according to the TF, the Moroccan army caught up with Noub's parti- sans and captured many of them at a place called Tentyi. The TS reports in more detail that Pasha Mahmoud spent two years fighting without success against Nouh in the Dendi (TS 256). In May-June 1594, Nouh succeeded in blockading for some time a Moroccan force at a place called Kolan (Hunwick reads the original as Kulani, an unidentified location, marginal notes on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). The Sultan of Morocco sent another Pasha, Mansour, in 1595 to replace and execute Pasha Mahmoud. Mansour's assignment was to attack Nouh. Mahmoud, although warned of this plan, died anyway during another campaign against the Songhay. The rebels eventually obtained his body and sent the head to Nouh, who, in turn, sent it to the Sultan of Kebbi. Mansour, arriving in Timbuktu, learned of Mahmoud's death and then set off in pursuit of Nouh. He inflicted a great defeat on Nouh and captured a large number of Songhay sup- porters. The narrator reports that Mansour was a respected and just Pasha who prevented the "tyannical and lower classes" from op- pressing the Moslems. Mansour died while en route south to pursue Nouh again. One version reported that he was poisoned by his rival, Djouder, who had been reassigned from military to civilian duties. Another Pasha, Mohammed Taba, was sent by the Sultan of Mo- rocco in 1597 with fresh troops, but he too died while en route to the EI-Hadjar region, 400 kilometers southwest of Gao, to pursue Nouh. Again, the chronicler reports a rumor that Djouder, recently removed by Tfiba from his last command, had the new Pasha poi- soned. The general in charge of the campaign against Nouh also suf- fered from an attempted poisoning and was finally murdered by agents of Djouder upon returning to Timbuktu. In 1608, after years of unsettled government by the Moroccans in the north, the new ruler of the rebels in the Dendi region, Askia Haroun-Denkataya, another son of Askia Daoud, sent the com- mander of his fleet, the Hi-Kof (literally "chief of the dugout ca- noes") Seyyid-Karai-Idji, to attack peoples upriver who were still under Moroccan control. Pasha Mahmoud-not the same as the ear- lier Mahmoud-sent an army south under the direction of the Caid Ali-ben-Abdallah-Et-Telemsfani to repel Seyyid. One of his generals was the askia of the north, Harouna, son of Askia el-Hadj and The Fall of the Songhay Empire 121 Nouh, grandson of Askia Mohammed and son of Askia Daoud, had a reputation as a good horseman. He was large and strong. But according to the TF, the Moroccan army caught up with Nouh's parti- sans and captured many of them at a place called Tentyi. The TS reports in more detail that Pasha Mahmoud spent two years fighting without success against Nouh in the Dendi (TS 256). In May-June 1594, Nouh succeeded in blockading for some time a Moroccan force at a place called Kolan (Hunwick reads the original as Kulani, an unidentified location, marginal notes on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). The Sultan of Morocco sent another Pasha, Mansour, in 1595 to replace and execute Pasha Mahmoud. Mansour's assignment was to attack Nouh. Mahmoud, although warned of this plan, died anyway during another campaign against the Songhay. The rebels eventually obtained his body and sent the head to Nouh, who, in turn, sent it to the Sultan of Kebbi. Mansour, arriving in Timbuktu, learned of Mahmoud's death and then set off in pursuit of Nouh. He inflicted a great defeat on Nouh and captured a large number of Songhay sup- porters. The narrator reports that Mansour was a respected and just Pasha who prevented the "tyannical and lower classes" from op- pressing the Moslems. Mansour died while en route south to pursue Nouh again. One version reported that he was poisoned by his rival, Djouder, who had been reassigned from military to civilian duties. Another Pasha, Mohammed Taba, was sent by the Sultan of Mo- rocco in 1597 with fresh troops, but he too died while en route to the El-Hadjar region, 400 kilometers southwest of Gao, to pursue Nouh. Again, the chronicler reports a rumor that Djouder, recently removed by TAba from his last command, had the new Pasha poi- soned. The general in charge of the campaign against Nouh also suf- fered from an attempted poisoning and was finally murdered by agents of Djouder upon returning to Timbuktu. In 1608, after years of unsettled government by the Moroccans in the north, the new ruler of the rebels in the Dendi region, Askia Haroun-Denkataya, another son of Askia Daoud, sent the com- mander of his fleet, the Hi-Koi (literally "chief of the dugout ca- noes") Seyyid-Karai-Idji, to attack peoples upriver who were still under Moroccan control. Pasha Mahmoud-not the same as the ear- lier Mahmoud-sent an army south under the direction of the Caid Ali-ben-Abdallah-Et-TelemsAni to repel Seyyid. One of his generals was the askia of the north, Harouna, son of Askia el-Hadj and The Fall of the Songhay Empire 121 Nouh, grandson of Askia Mohammed and son of Askia Daoud, had a reputation as a good horseman. He was large and strong. But according to the TF, the Moroccan army caught up with Nouh's parti- sans and captured many of them at a place called Tentyi. The TS reports in more detail that Pasha Mahmoud spent two years fighting without success against Nouh in the Dendi (TS 256). In May-June 1594, Nouh succeeded in blockading for some time a Moroccan force at a place called Kolan (Hunwick reads the original as Kulani, an unidentified location, marginal notes on draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). The Sultan of Morocco sent another Pasha, Mansour, in 1595 to replace and execute Pasha Mahmoud. Mansour's assignment was to attack Nouh. Mahmoud, although warned of this plan, died anyway during another campaign against the Songhay. The rebels eventually obtained his body and sent the head to Nouh, who, in turn, sent it to the Sultan of Kebbi. Mansour, arriving in Timbuktu, learned of Mahmoud's death and then set off in pursuit of Nouh. He inflicted a great defeat on Nouh and captured a large number of Songhay sup- porters. The narrator reports that Mansour was a respected and just Pasha who prevented the "tyannical and lower classes" from op- pressing the Moslems. Mansour died while en route south to pursue Nouh again. One version reported that he was poisoned by his rival, Djouder, who had been reassigned from military to civilian duties. Another Pasha, Mohammed Tfiba, was sent by the Sultan of Mo- rocco in 1597 with fresh troops, but he too died while en route to the El-Hadjar region, 400 kilometers southwest of Gao, to pursue Nouh. Again, the chronicler reports a rumor that Djouder, recently removed by Tiba from his last command, had the new Pasha poi- soned. The general in charge of the campaign against Nouh also suf- fered from an attempted poisoning and was finally murdered by agents of Djouder upon returning to Timbuktu. In 1608, after years of unsettled government by the Moroccans in the north, the new ruler of the rebels in the Dendi region, Askia Haroun-Denkataya, another son of Askia Daoud, sent the com- mander of his fleet, the Hi-Koi (literally "chief of the dugout ca- noes") Seyyid-Karai-Idji, to attack peoples upriver who were still under Moroccan control. Pasha Mahmoud-not the same as the ear- lier Mahmoud-sent an army south under the direction of the Caid Ali-ben-Abdallah-Et-Telemsfani to repel Seyyid. One of his generals was the askia of the north, Harouna, son of Askia el-Hadj and  122 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist grandson of Askia Daoud. The Songhay people in the north revolted against Harouna, the Moroccan puppet, on several occasions. The following year, the Songhay in the Dendi region went over- land to Djennd to help the governor there fight the Moroccans. In 1611 a nonbattle took place between the Moroccans and the Dendi- Fari (the second in command of the Dendi region), Seyyid Karai-Idji, who was sent north by Askia El-Amin, ruler of the Dendi. When the two armies met, they did not fight. According to tradition, the Moroccans bribed the Dendi-Fdri not to fight. He died shortly there- after, apparently by poisoning. From this time on, the Moroccan force in the Sudan became in- creasingly isolated from Morocco. The leaders deposed and poi- soned each other often. Morocco entered a period of internal insta- bility. The response in the Dendi region, even as far north as Gao, was greater unwillingness to put up with the Moroccans. In the Dendi, Askia El-Amin died in 1618 and was replaced by Askia Daoud, grandson of Askia Daoud and great-grandson of Askia Mo- hammed. When Pasha Ali-Ben-Abdelkader sent an expedition against Daoud, the Moroccan first asked for peace and the hand of Daoud's daughter. The Songhay ruler responded positively. Thus began a highly unusual era of good relations between the rebellious Dendi region and the Moroccan-controlled north. But when the Pasha requested an escort of fifty Songhay soldiers from Gao for a pilgrimage to Mecca, the governor of Gao refused. Without an escort, the Pasha was attacked not long after his depar- ture. Angry at the governors of Gao and Djennd, he attacked Gao in 1632, but the administration there, warned by the people of Djennd, prepared the defenses well and defeated the Pasha. When the Pasha organized an even larger army to attack Gao again, his troops revolted and deposed him. Around 1635, Askia Daoud's brother Tira-Afarma-Ismail went to Timbuktu to ask Pasha Said for troops to depose Daoud, who still controlled the Dendi region. Tira-Afarma-Ismail was given troops from Gao and succeeded in deposing his brother. But on June 14, 1639, a new Pasha, Messaoud, embarked on an expedition south into the Dendi region against Askia Ismail because, our narrator tells us, Ismail had mistreated the soldiers from Gao who had helped him gain power and also had used insulting words against the Pasha (TS 399). The Moroccan-led force, which included Askia Mohammed Bounkan, ruler of the northern half of the former Songhay empire, defeated Ismail at Loulami, below Koukiya. After naming a new 122 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist grandson of Askia Daoud. The Songhay people in the north revolted against Harouna, the Moroccan puppet, on several occasions. The following year, the Songhay in the Dendi region went over- land to Djennd to help the governor there fight the Moroccans. In 1611 a nonbattle took place between the Moroccans and the Dendi- Fdri (the second in command of the Dendi region), Seyyid Karai-Idji, who was sent north by Askia El-Amin, ruler of the Dendi. When the two armies met, they did not fight. According to tradition, the Moroccans bribed the Dendi-Fdri not to fight. He died shortly there- after, apparently by poisoning. From this time on, the Moroccan force in the Sudan became in- creasingly isolated from Morocco. The leaders deposed and poi- soned each other often. Morocco entered a period of internal insta- bility. The response in the Dendi region, even as far north as Gao, was greater unwillingness to put up with the Moroccans. In the Dendi, Askia El-Amin died in 1618 and was replaced by Askia Daoud, grandson of Askia Daoud and great-grandson of Askia Mo- hammed. When Pasha Ali-Ben-Abdelkader sent an expedition against Daoud, the Moroccan first asked for peace and the hand of Daoud's daughter. The Songhay ruler responded positively. Thus began a highly unusual era of good relations between the rebellious Dendi region and the Moroccan-controlled north. But when the Pasha requested an escort of fifty Songhay soldiers from Gao for a pilgrimage to Mecca, the governor of Gao refused. Without an escort, the Pasha was attacked not long after his depar- ture. Angry at the governors of Gao and Djennd, he attacked Gao in 1632, but the administration there, warned by the people of Djenn6, prepared the defenses well and defeated the Pasha. When the Pasha organized an even larger army to attack Gao again, his troops revolted and deposed him. Around 1635, Askia Daoud's brother Tira-Afarma-Ismail went to Timbuktu to ask Pasha Said for troops to depose Daoud, who still controlled the Dendi region. Tira-Afarma-Ismail was given troops from Gao and succeeded in deposing his brother. But on June 14, 1639, a new Pasha, Messaoud, embarked on an expedition south into the Dendi region against Askia Ismail because, our narrator tells us, Ismail had mistreated the soldiers from Gao who had helped him gain power and also had used insulting words against the Pasha (TS 399). The Moroccan-led force, which included Askia Mohammed Bounkan, ruler of the northern half of the former Songhay empire, defeated Ismail at Loulfami, below Koukiya. After naming a new 122 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist grandson of Askia Daoud. The Songhay people in the north revolted against Harouna, the Moroccan puppet, on several occasions. The following year, the Songhay in the Dendi region went over- land to Djennd to help the governor there fight the Moroccans. In 1611 a nonbattle took place between the Moroccans and the Dendi- Fdri (the second in command of the Dendi region), Seyyid Karai-Idji, who was sent north by Askia El-Amin, ruler of the Dendi. When the two armies met, they did not fight. According to tradition, the Moroccans bribed the Dendi-Fri not to fight. He died shortly there- after, apparently by poisoning. From this time on, the Moroccan force in the Sudan became in- creasingly isolated from Morocco. The leaders deposed and poi- soned each other often. Morocco entered a period of internal insta- bility. The response in the Dendi region, even as far north as Gao, was greater unwillingness to put up with the Moroccans. In the Dendi, Askia El-Amin died in 1618 and was replaced by Askia Daoud, grandson of Askia Daoud and great-grandson of Askia Mo- hammed. When Pasha Ali-Ben-Abdelkader sent an expedition against Daoud, the Moroccan first asked for peace and the hand of Daoud's daughter. The Songhay ruler responded positively. Thus began a highly unusual era of good relations between the rebellious Dendi region and the Moroccan-controlled north. But when the Pasha requested an escort of fifty Songhay soldiers from Gao for a pilgrimage to Mecca, the governor of Gao refused. Without an escort, the Pasha was attacked not long after his depar- ture. Angry at the governors of Gao and Djenn6, he attacked Gao in 1632, but the administration there, warned by the people of Djennd, prepared the defenses well and defeated the Pasha. When the Pasha organized an even larger army to attack Gao again, his troops revolted and deposed him. Around 1635, Askia Daoud's brother Tira-Afarma-Ismail went to Timbuktu to ask Pasha Said for troops to depose Daoud, who still controlled the Dendi region. Tira-Afarma-Ismail was given troops from Gao and succeeded in deposing his brother. But on June 14, 1639, a new Pasha, Messaoud, embarked on an expedition south into the Dendi region against Askia Ismail because, our narrator tells us, Ismail had mistreated the soldiers from Gao who had helped him gain power and also had used insulting words against the Pasha (TS 399). The Moroccan-led force, which included Askia Mohammed Bounkan, ruler of the northern half of the former Songhay empire, defeated Ismail at Loulami, below Koukiya. After naming a new  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 123 ruler for the Dendi, Mohammed-ben Anas, son of Askia Daoud, the Pasha returned to Timbuktu. The Songhay then promptly deposed the new askia and named another of Daoud's sons to replace him, Daoud-ben-Mohammed Sorko-Adji. From the remaining decade until the end of the account in 1655, revolts broke out throughout the empire, in cities, among ethnic groups, and between certain leaders: in February 1643 at Djenn6, in April at Timbuktu, where the army overthrew the Pasha; among the Peul of the Macina, the Bambara, the Tuareg, and the Hombori-Kof. A later Pasha attacked Gao in 1650. Disrespect for the Social Hierarchy as a Cause of the Fall According to the Griot The story of Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and Sagouma. I noted earlier that the oral tradition of the griots compresses this en- tire period by conflating the reign of one of the last rulers of the Dendi, Ismail, with the defeat of 1591. Boubou Hama comments that "the chain of the Askias, broken after 1660, was re-assembled over a yawning chasm of 250 years by the oral tradition which tends toward unity and homogeneity" (1968, 265). Thus, according to Hama, the griots tend to attribute to Askia Ismiil (1537-39) the qualities of his successor a century later. The same kind of conflation occurs with Askia Daoud of the sixteenth century and his grandson Daoud I of the Dendi in the seventeenth century (265-66). Hama then quotes at some length from a version of the story of Askia Soumayla (the local name for Ismil), recorded by a French colonial administrator named Larue in Tdra, a provincial capital in western Niger. Larue gave it to Hama, a native of the region, who published it much later (1968, 275-78). With some differences, which I shall note later, the version recorded by Larue matches that narrated by Nouhou Malio. It is this Askia Soumayla, who, in the oral version, fights against the Moroccans at Gao. The griots have, then, reinterpreted genera- tions of resistance as the battle at Tondibi. In comparison with the chronicles, we have lost a considerable piece of Songhay history.1 What we have gained, however, and what is lacking in the chroni- cles, is a detailed illustration of Songhay social structure and a new interpretation of the fall of Gao in which a woman plays a prominent role. To understand these major divergences between the written tradition and the oral account, we need first, however, to pause for The Fall of the Songhay Empire 123 ruler for the Dendi, Mohammed-ben Anas, son of Askia Daoud, the Pasha returned to Timbuktu. The Songhay then promptly deposed the new askia and named another of Daoud's sons to replace him, Daoud-ben-Mohammed Sorko-Adji. From the remaining decade until the end of the account in 1655, revolts broke out throughout the empire, in cities, among ethnic groups, and between certain leaders: in February 1643 at Djenne, in April at Timbuktu, where the army overthrew the Pasha; among the Peul of the Macina, the Bambara, the Tareg, and the Hombori-Kof. A later Pasha attacked Gao in 1650. Disrespect for the Social Hierarchy as a Cause of the Fall According to the Griot The story of Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and Sagouma. I noted earlier that the oral tradition of the griots compresses this en- tire period by conflating the reign of one of the last rulers of the Dendi, Ismail, with the defeat of 1591. Boubou Hama comments that "the chain of the Askias, broken after 1660, was re-assembled over a yawning chasm of 250 years by the oral tradition which tends toward unity and homogeneity" (1968, 265). Thus, according to Hama, the griots tend to attribute to Askia Ismail (1537-39) the qualities of his successor a century later. The same kind of conflation occurs with Askia Daoud of the sixteenth century and his grandson Daoud I of the Dendi in the seventeenth century (265-66). Hama then quotes at some length from a version of the story of Askia Soumayla (the local name for Ismail), recorded by a French colonial administrator named Larue in T6ra, a provincial capital in western Niger. Larue gave it to Hama, a native of the region, who published it much later (1968, 275-78). With some differences, which I shall note later, the version recorded by Larue matches that narrated by Nouhou Malio. It is this Askia Soumayla, who, in the oral version, fights against the Moroccans at Gao. The griots have, then, reinterpreted genera- tions of resistance as the battle at Tondibi. In comparison with the chronicles, we have lost a considerable piece of Songhay history.1 What we have gained, however, and what is lacking in the chroni- cles, is a detailed illustration of Songhay social structure and a new interpretation of the fall of Gao in which a woman plays a prominent role. To understand these major divergences between the written tradition and the oral account, we need first, however, to pause for The Fall of the Songhay Empire 123 ruler for the Dendi, Mohammed-ben Anas, son of Askia Daoud, the Pasha returned to Timbuktu. The Songhay then promptly deposed the new askia and named another of Daoud's sons to replace him, Daoud-ben-Mohammed Sorko-Adji. From the remaining decade until the end of the account in 1655, revolts broke out throughout the empire, in cities, among ethnic groups, and between certain leaders: in February 1643 at Djenn6, in April at Timbuktu, where the army overthrew the Pasha; among the Peul of the Macina, the Bambara, the Tuareg, and the Hombori-Ko. A later Pasha attacked Gao in 1650. Disrespect for the Social Hierarchy as a Cause of the Fall According to the Griot The story of Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and Sagouma. I noted earlier that the oral tradition of the griots compresses this en- tire period by conflating the reign of one of the last rulers of the Dendi, Ismail, with the defeat of 1591. Boubou Hama comments that "the chain of the Askias, broken after 1660, was re-assembled over a yawning chasm of 250 years by the oral tradition which tends toward unity and homogeneity" (1968, 265). Thus, according to Hama, the griots tend to attribute to Askia Ismail (1537-39) the qualities of his successor a century later. The same kind of conflation occurs with Askia Daoud of the sixteenth century and his grandson Daoud I of the Dendi in the seventeenth century (265-66). Hama then quotes at some length from a version of the story of Askia Soumayla (the local name for Ismil), recorded by a French colonial administrator named Larue in Tdra, a provincial capital in western Niger. Lare gave it to Hama, a native of the region, who published it much later (1968, 275-78). With some differences, which I shall note later, the version recorded by Larue matches that narrated by Nouhou Malio. It is this Askia Soumayla, who, in the oral version, fights against the Moroccans at Gao. The griots have, then, reinterpreted genera- tions of resistance as the battle at Tondibi. In comparison with the chronicles, we have lost a considerable piece of Songhay history. What we have gained, however, and what is lacking in the chroni- cles, is a detailed illustration of Songhay social structure and a new interpretation of the fall of Gao in which a woman plays a prominent role. To understand these major divergences between the written tradition and the oral account, we need first, however, to pause for  124 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist a closer look at several features of Songhay society that figure promi- nently in the griot's lesson to his audience. Olivier de Sardan (1984) explains that the Songhay were clearly divided into two categories, those who were free (freemen and nobles) and those who were of slave or captive origin. The cap- tive segment of the population, however, was created from a funda- mental contradiction. In Songhay society, as elsewhere in the Sahel, a captive and a freeman could be distinguished by their behavior. But one's status as free or slave could depend entirely on chance- the circumstances in which one was captured as a child or adult dur- ing a raid or conflict between two peoples. Thus one might be of noble origin but find oneself in a permanent position of captivity. How then to account for the clear distinction between the behavior of individuals from the two kinds of people? One answer is that there were various classes of captives. The two major ones were cire banniya and horso, a term from the Bambara woloso, meaning "born in the house," quite often of a cap- tive mother and a free or noble father. The horso enjoyed special privileges and could be neither sold nor mistreated. He or she was linked to the master by a tie of milk, since they may well have been nourished by the same mother during childhood. His or her integra- tion into the family distinguishes the horso from the recently ob- tained prisoner. Olivier de Sardan explains that it normally took a minimum of three generations to make the transition from ordinary slave to horso among the Songhay and the Zarma (1984, chap. 2). Throughout the entire oral account of the Moroccans' defeat of the Songhay, the griot weaves this motif of tension between captives -and nobles. Olivier de Sardan contends that this social order still governs a variety of behavior not only among the Songhay and Zarma, but throughout the Sahel. From this perspective, as we shall see in the oral account, the loss of the empire appears to be the result of a violation of fundamental social rules. For Songhay listeners, then, this chapter contains the heart of the griot's lesson. Nouhou Malio begins with the delicate question of the status of someone who is obviously of horso origin, but whose accession to that condition from the lower classification of cire banniya is so re- cent as to be unrecognized by other members of the family to which he belongs. Soumayla Kassa, as he is known in Nouhou Malio's version, was installed as the ruler of Gao at some point after the Moroccans' ar- rival in the region. Given the history of Gao as a city that often re- 124 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist a closer look at several features of Songhay society that figure promi- nently in the griot's lesson to his audience. Olivier de Sardan (1984) explains that the Songhay were clearly divided into two categories, those who were free (freemen and nobles) and those who were of slave or captive origin. The cap- tive segment of the population, however, was created from a funda- mental contradiction. In Songhay society, as elsewhere in the Sahel, a captive and a freeman could be distinguished by their behavior. But one's status as free or slave could depend entirely on chance- the circumstances in which one was captured as a child or adult dur- ing a raid or conflict between two peoples. Thus one might be of noble origin but find oneself in a permanent position of captivity. How then to account for the clear distinction between the behavior of individuals from the two kinds of people? One answer is that there were various classes of captives. The two major ones were cire banniya and horso, a term from the Bambara woloso, meaning "born in the house," quite often of a cap- tive mother and a free or noble father. The horso enjoyed special privileges and could be neither sold nor mistreated. He or she was linked to the master by a tie of milk, since they may well have been nourished by the same mother during childhood. His or her integra- tion into the family distinguishes the horso from the recently ob- tained prisoner. Olivier de Sardan explains that it normally took a minimum of three generations to make the transition from ordinary slave to horso among the Songhay and the Zarma (1984, chap. 2). Throughout the entire oral account of the Moroccans' defeat of the Songhay, the griot weaves this motif of tcnsion between captives and nobles. Olivier de Sardan contends that this social order still governs a variety of behavior not only among the Songhay and Zarma, but throughout the Sahel. From this perspective, as we shall see in the oral account, the loss of the empire appears to be the result of a violation of fundamental social rules. For Songhay listeners, then, this chapter contains the heart of the griot's lesson. Nouhou Malio begins with the delicate question of the status of someone who is obviously of horso origin, but whose accession to that condition from the lower classification of cire banniya is so re- cent as to be unrecognized by other members of the family to which he belongs. Soumayla Kassa, as he is known in Nouhou Malio's version, was installed as the ruler of Gao at some point after the Moroccans' ar- rival in the region. Given the history of Gao as a city that often re- 124 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist a closer look at several features of Songhay society that figure promi- nently in the griot's lesson to his audience. Olivier de Sardan (1984) explains that the Songhay were clearly divided into two categories, those who were free (freemen and nobles) and those who were of slave or captive origin. The cap- tive segment of the population, however, was created from a funda- mental contradiction. In Songhay society, as elsewhere in the Sahel, a captive and a freeman could be distinguished by their behavior. But one's status as free or slave could depend entirely on chance- the circumstances in which one was captured as a child or adult dur- ing a raid or conflict between two peoples. Thus one might be of noble origin but find oneself in a permanent position of captivity. How then to account for the clear distinction between the behavior of individuals from the two kinds of people? One answer is that there were various classes of captives. The two major ones were cire banniya and horso, a term from the Bambara woloso, meaning "born in the house," quite often of a cap- tive mother and a free or noble father. The horso enjoyed special privileges and could be neither sold nor mistreated. He or she was linked to the master by a tie of milk, since they may well have been nourished by the same mother during childhood. His or her integra- tion into the family distinguishes the horso from the recently ob- tained prisoner. Olivier de Sardan explains that it normally took a minimum of three generations to make the transition from ordinary slave to horso among the Songhay and the Zarma (1984, chap. 2). Throughout the entire oral account of the Moroccans' defeat of the Songhay, the griot weaves this motif of tension between captives -andnobles. Olivier de Sardan contends that this social order still governs a variety of behavior not only among the Songhay and Zarma, but throughout the Sahel. From this perspective, as we shall see in the oral account, the loss of the empire appears to be the result of a violation of fundamental social rules. For Songhay listeners, then, this chapter contains the heart of the griot's lesson. -1 Nouhou Malio begins with the delicate question of the status of someone who is obviously of horso origin, but whose accession to that condition from the lower classification of cire banniya is so re- cent as to be unrecognized by other members of the family to which he belongs. Soumayla Kassa, as he is known in Nouhou Malio's version, was installed as the ruler of Gao at some point after the Moroccans' ar- rival in the region. Given the history of Gao as a city that often re-  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 125 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 125 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 125 belled against the Pasha who governed from Timbuktu, it is difficult to determine just when Soumayla Kassa ruled. According to Nouhou Malio, he married a woman named Sagouma, the daughter of a former ruler who had died on the throne. But Soumayla had another wife, whom he had married earlier. She, however, was, of captive origin. To complicate matters, the first wife was a member of the slave family of the father of Sagouma, Soumayla's second wife. Thus his first wife, who would normally hold higher rank than all other wives, was actually of lower social status than the second wife. When Sagouma's father died, his son, Sagouma's brother, did not inherit the throne. Soumayla, Sagouma's husband, took the chieftancy under circumstances that the griot does not explain. Al- though it may appear unusual for a woman and, by extension, her husband to inherit power in a family where there is a son, this case may reflect a deeper respect for Songhay woman in society that has been posited by Prost (1970). He argues that in Askia Mohammed's time, "inheritance followed a matrilinear line. This substantiates the importance of the woman in the family. This importance is still evi- dent in many customs and in the respect shown to women" (487). The first wife, of captive origin, gave birth to a son named Amar Zoumbani. One day, reports the griot, Amar entered a competition for the hand of the most beautiful, wealthy, single woman in Gao. Griots of all kinds filled her house to sing her praises. A man had to be wealthy, handsome, and brave to enter the fray. 847 Their city of Gao knew a beautiful, rich, single woman. 848 The princes, the rich, the brave, 849 All competed for her hand. 850 Day and night the griots and the molo players of Gao, the Fulani griots and molo players, the female griots, 851 All the griots are in the house of this young woman. 852 There is lots of activity all the time, handsome men and beautiful women are there. 853 For the pleasure of life. But Sagouma's brother also enters the competition. The griot re- fers to both him and Amar Zoumbani as princes even though we later learn of the latter's inferior social status. Amar gave the griots of Gao ten horses to demonstrate his wealth and his entrance into the battle of great gestures to impress the belled against the Pasha who governed from Timbuktu, it is difficult to determine just when Soumayla Kassa ruled. According to Nouhou Malio, he married a woman named Sagouma, the daughter of a former ruler who had died on the throne. But Soumayla had another wife, whom he had married earlier. She, however, was, of captive origin. To complicate matters, the first wife was a member of the slave family of the father of Sagouma, Soumayla's second wife. Thus his first wife, who would normally hold higher rank than all other wives, was actually of lower social status than the second wife. When Sagouma's father died, his son, Sagouma's brother, did not inherit the throne. Soumayla, Sagouma's husband, took the chieftancy under circumstances that the griot does not explain. Al- though it may appear unusual for a woman and, by extension, her husband to inherit power in a family where there is a son, this case may reflect a deeper respect for Songhay woman in society that has been posited by Prost (1970). He argues that in Askia Mohammed's time, "inheritance followed a matrilinear line. This substantiates the importance of the woman in the family. This importance is still evi- dent in many customs and in the respect shown to women" (487). The first wife, of captive origin, gave birth to a son named Amar Zoumbani. One day, reports the griot, Amar entered a competition for the hand of the most beautiful, wealthy, single woman in Gao. Griots of all kinds filled her house to sing her praises. A man had to be wealthy, handsome, and brave to enter the fray. 847 Their city of Gao knew a beautiful, rich, single woman. 848 The princes, the rich, the brave, 849 All competed for her hand. 850 Day and night the griots and the molo players of Gao, the Fulani griots and molo players, the female griots, 851 All the griots are in the house of this young woman. 852 There is lots of activity all the time, handsome men and beautiful women are there. 853 For the pleasure of life. But Sagouma's brother also enters the competition. The griot re- fers to both him and Amar Zoumbani as princes even though we later learn of the latter's inferior social status. Amar gave the griots of Gao ten horses to demonstrate his wealth and his entrance into the battle of great gestures to impress the belled against the Pasha who governed from Timbuktu, it is difficult to determine just when Soumayla Kassa ruled. According to Nouhou Malio, he married a woman named Sagouma, the daughter of a former ruler who had died on the throne. But Soumayla had another wife, whom he had married earlier. She, however, was, of captive origin. To complicate matters, the first wife was a member of the slave family of the father of Sagouma, Soumayla's second wife. Thus his first wife, who would normally hold higher rank than all other wives, was actually of lower social status than the second wife. When Sagouma's father died, his son, Sagouma's brother, did not inherit the throne. Soumayla, Sagouma's husband, took the chieftancy under circumstances that the griot does not explain. Al- though it may appear unusual for a woman and, by extension, her husband to inherit power in a family where there is a son, this case may reflect a deeper respect for Songhay woman in society that has been posited by PFrost (1970). He argues that in Askia Mohammed's time, "inheritance followed a matrilinear line. This substantiates the importance of the woman in the family. This importance is still evi- dent in many customs and in the respect shown to women" (487). The first wife, of captive origin, gave birth to a son named Amar Zoumbani. One day, reports the griot, Amar entered a competition for the hand of the most beautiful, wealthy, single woman in Gao. Griots of all kinds filled her house to sing her praises. A man had to be wealthy, handsome, and brave to enter the fray. 847 Their city of Gao knew a beautiful, rich, single woman. 848 The princes, the rich, the brave, 849 All competed for her hand. 850 Day and night the griots and the molo players of Gao, the Fulani griots and molo players, the female griots, 851 All the griots are in the house of this young woman. 852 There is lots of activity all the time, handsome men and beautiful women are there. 853 For the pleasure of life. But Sagouma's brother also enters the competition. The griot re- fers to both him and Amar Zoumbani as princes even though we later learn of the latter's inferior social status. Amar gave the griots of Gao ten horses to demonstrate his wealth and his entrance into the battle of great gestures to impress the  126 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist woman. This act upset the rich people and those of higher birth, es- pecially the former ruler's son, brother of Sagouma. He complained to Sagouma, who suggested that he respond by taking the son (Amar) of his family's female captive (Soumayla's first wife) and offer him to the griots. In other words, he should take Amar Zoubani, his rival, and present him as a gift, thus making a clear statement about the competing suitor's second-class status. Amar, on of a slave wife whose freedom had not been purchased by her usband, remained thus in a highly ambiguous social situation. If his mother had been freed (in Songhay, she would become a wahay, a woman who arrived at free status through marriage, the goodwill of her husband, and the production of children), then he too would be considered to be free, and, as Olivier de Sardan points out, could even accede to the chieftancy (1983, 141). The next day Amar gave another ten horses to the griots, who sang his praises again. Sagouma's brother then grabbed Amar's hand and shouted, "I too, I have given you a captive" (1. 902). This upset Amar, who then went to see his father, Askia Soumayla, for an ex- planation. Soumayla replied, "You are a captive / "Because, when I married your mother, I did not buy her freedom. / "It is the captive of someone else whom I married" (11. 910-12). Amar then demanded that his father provide him with a suitable horse to ride to the feast of Tabaski. He asked for one that was all black, with no white markings. After Soumayla had the country searched-with no luck-for such a horse, his servants took a horse with some white markings and dyed the white parts with indigo. Amar rode the horse to the prayer ground, but during his return at full gallop, the animal began to sweat, and the indigo stained Amar's white clothes. The griot who accompanied him then ex- plained in Soninkd, the secret language of the Songhay, what hap- pened. Amar crippled the horse by cutting its leg tendons and then went home to cry. His father, touched by his son's tears, decided to kill his brother-in-law by having a hole dug in the ground and cov- ered with millet stalks and sand. He then ordered his brother-in-law to come to see him. The brother-in-law fell into the trap- figuratively and literally. Servants of Soumayla poured earth into the hole and beat the victim. But Sagouma's servant happened to wit- ness the event and reported the murder to her mistress. This incident, rooted in the complex Songhay social structure- one that is not greatly different from what we find throughout the 126 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist woman. This act upset the rich people and those of higher birth, es- pecially the former ruler's son, brother of Sagouma. He complained to Sagouma, who suggested that he respond by taking the son (Amar) of his family's female captive (Soumayla's first wife) and offer him to the griots. In other words, he should take Amar Zoubani, his rival, and present him as a gift, thus making a clear statement about the competing suitor's second-class status. Amar, on of a slave wife whose freedom had not been purchased by her usband, remained thus in a highly ambiguous social situation. If his mother had been freed (in Songhay, she would become a wahay, a woman who arrived at free status through marriage, the goodwill of her husband, and the production of children), then he too would be considered to be free, and, as Olivier de Sardan points out, could even accede to the chieftancy (1983, 141). The next day Amar gave another ten horses to the griots, who sang his praises again. Sagouma's brother then grabbed Amar's hand and shouted, "I too, I have given you a captive" (1. 902). This upset Amar, who then went to see his father, Askia Soumayla, for an ex- planation. Soumayla replied, "You are a captive / "Because, when I married your mother, I did not buy her freedom. / "It is the captive of someone else whom I married" (11. 910-12). Amar then demanded that his father provide him with a suitable horse to ride to the feast of Tabaski. He asked for one that was all black, with no white markings. After Soumayla had the country searched-with no luck-for such a horse, his servants took a horse with some white markings and dyed the white parts with indigo. Amar rode the horse to the prayer ground, but during his return at full gallop, the animal began to sweat, and the indigo stained Amar's white clothes. The griot who accompanied him then ex- plained in Soninkd, the secret language of the Songhay, what hap- pened. Amar crippled the horse by cutting its leg tendons and then went home to cry. His father, touched by his son's tears, decided to kill his brother-in-law by having a hole dug in the ground and cov- ered with millet stalks and sand. He then ordered his brother-in-law to come to see him. The brother-in-law fell into the trap- figuratively and literally. Servants of Soumayla poured earth into the hole and beat the victim. But Sagouma's servant happened to wit- ness the event and reported the murder to her mistress. This incident, rooted in the complex Songhay social structure- one that is not greatly different from what we find throughout the 126 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist woman. This act upset the rich people and those of higher birth, es- pecially the former ruler's son, brother of Sagouma. He complained to Sagouma, who suggested that he respond by taking the son (Amar) of his family's female captive (Soumayla's first wife) and offer him to the griots. In other words, he should take Amar Zoubani, his rival, and present him as a gift, thus making a clear statement about the competing suitor's second-class status. Amar, on of a slave wife whose freedom had not been purchased by her usband, remained thus in a highly ambiguous social situation. If his mother had been freed (in Songhay, she would become a wahay, a woman who arrived at free status through marriage, the goodwill of her husband, and the production of children), then he too would be considered to be free, and, as Olivier de Sardan points out, could even accede to the chieftancy (1983, 141). The next day Amar gave another ten horses to the griots, who sang his praises again. Sagouma's brother then grabbed Amar's hand and shouted, "I too, I have given you a captive" (1. 902). This upset Amar, who then went to see his father, Askia Soumayla, for an ex- planation. Soumayla replied, "You are a captive / "Because, when I married your mother, I did not buy her freedom. / "It is the captive of someone else whom I married" (11. 910-12). Amar then demanded that his father provide him with a suitable horse to ride to the feast of Tabaski. He asked for one that was all black, with no white markings. After Soumayla had the country searched-with no luck-for such a horse, his servants took a horse with some white markings and dyed the white parts with indigo. Amar rode the horse to the prayer ground, but during his return at full gallop, the animal began to sweat, and the indigo stained Amar's white clothes. The griot who accompanied him then ex- plained in Soninke, the secret language of the Songhay, what hap- pened. Amar crippled the horse by cutting its leg tendons and then went home to cry. His father, touched by his son's tears, decided to kill his brother-in-law by having a hole dug in the ground and cov- ered with millet stalks and sand. He then ordered his brother-in-law to come to see him. The brother-in-law fell into the trap- figuratively and literally. Servants of Soumayla poured earth into the hole and beat the victim. But Sagouma's servant happened to wit- ness the event and reported the murder to her mistress. This incident, rooted in the complex Songhay social structure- one that is not greatly different from what we find throughout the  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 127 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 127 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 127 Sahel at the time-led to the fall of Gao, explains Nouhou Malio. Sagouma, the wife of Soumayla, was the key to that disaster. Upon learning of her brother's murder at the hands of her hus- band, Sagouma ordered her servant to pack her basket and her godji, a one-stringed violinlike instrument associated with ceremo- nies involving magic. But before leaving, she killed her twin sons by smashing them against a wall. This extraordinary cruelty symbolized the depth of the break between her family and Soumayla's occa- sioned by her brother's murder. Sagouma and her servant left Gao for the country of the Arma, the area controlled by people who claim descent from the Moroccans and their surrogates, upriver to- ward Timbuktu. She offered herself to every man she encountered, but with one condition: 1099 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1100 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1101 "Any man who has not killed these two men will not marry me." Most men declined her offer. No one was willing to fight Soumayla and Amar. After seven years, she sought out an Arma who was more courageous than those she had met so far. But he too declined her offer. Finally a man named Bayero accepted. But he said he needed seven months to prepare for the fight. He sought financial support from the people of the region and the chiefs. At last he set out with ten thousand horsemen, with more following every day thereafter. Also, one hundred pirogues filled with food and provisions were sent downriver each day to supply his army. In addition to the fact that a woman plays a key role in this major event of Songhay history, it is worth noting here that Nouhou Malio also emphasizes the role of women in the war as providers of supplies for the army. When the army of Bayero the Arma arrived at Gao, they at- tacked the city day after day without success. One reason for their initial failure was that Gao was protected by its totems, two animals at the edge of the river, a large snake and a hen sitting on its eggs, I as well as a steer on an island that did nothing but stare at the rising sun. If these three animal spirits were to separate, Gao would be lost, for, explains the griot, "it is with those things there that they have protected the city of Gao from all surprises" (1. 1247). During the long siege, there was some fraternization between the Sahel at the time-led to the fall of Gao, explains Nouhou Malio. Sagouma, the wife of Soumayla, was the key to that disaster. Upon learning of her brother's murder at the hands of her hus- band, Sagouma ordered her servant to pack her basket and her godji, a one-stringed violinlike instrument associated with ceremo- nies involving magic. But before leaving, she killed her twin sons by smashing them against a wall. This extraordinary cruelty symbolized the depth of the break between her family and Soumayla's occa- sioned by her brother's murder. Sagouma and her servant left Gao for the country of the Arma, the area controlled by people who claim descent from the Moroccans and their surrogates, upriver to- ward Timbuktu. She offered herself to every man she encountered, but with one condition: 1099 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1100 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1101 "Any man who has not killed these two men will not marry me." Most men declined her offer. No one was willing to fight Soumayla and Amar. After seven years, she sought out an Arma who was more courageous than those she had met so far. But he too declined her offer. Finally a man named Bayero accepted. But he said he needed seven months to prepare for the fight. He sought financial support from the people of the region and the chiefs. At last he set out with ten thousand horsemen, with more following every day thereafter. Also, one hundred pirogues filled with food and provisions were sent downriver each day to supply his army. In addition to the fact that a woman plays a key role in this major event of Songhay history, it is worth noting here that Nouhou Malio also emphasizes the role of women in the war as providers of supplies for the army. When the army of Bayero the Arma arrived at Gao, they at- tacked the city day after day without success. One reason for their initial failure was that Gao was protected by its totems, two animals at the edge of the river, a large snake and a hen sitting on its eggs, as well as a steer on an island that did nothing but stare at the rising sun. If these three animal spirits were to separate, Gao would be lost, for, explains the griot, "it is with those things there that they have protected the city of Gao from all surprises" (1. 1247). During the long siege, there was some fraternization between the Sahel at the time-led to the fall of Gao, explains Nouhou Malio. Sagouma, the wife of Soumayla, was the key to that disaster. Upon learning of her brother's murder at the hands of her hus- band, Sagouma ordered her servant to pack her basket and her godji, a one-stringed violinlike instrument associated with ceremo- nies involving magic. But before leaving, she killed her twin sons by smashing them against a wall. This extraordinary cruelty symbolized the depth of the break between her family and Soumayla's occa- sioned by her brother's murder. Sagouma and her servant left Gao for the country of the Arma, the area controlled by people who claim descent from the Moroccans and their surrogates, upriver to- ward Timbuktu. She offered herself to every man she encountered, but with one condition: 1099 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1100 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1101 "Any man who has not killed these two men will not marry me." Most men declined her offer. No one was willing to fight Soumayla and Amar. After seven years, she sought out an Arma who was more courageous than those she had met so far. But he too declined her offer. Finally a man named Bayero accepted. But he said he needed seven months to prepare for the fight. He sought financial support from the people of the region and the chiefs. At last he set out with ten thousand horsemen, with more following every day thereafter. Also, one hundred pirogues filled with food and provisions were sent downriver each day to supply his army. In addition to the fact that a woman plays a key role in this majorevent of Songhay history, it is worth noting here that Nouhou Malio also emphasizes athe-role of won in the war as providers of supplies for the army. When the army of Bayero the Arma arrived at Gao, they at- tacked the city day after day without success. One reason for their initial failure was that Gao was protected by its totems, two animals at the edge of the river, a large snake and a hen sitting on its eggs, as well as a steer on an island that did nothing but stare at the rising sun. If these three animal spirits were to separate, Gao would be lost, for, explains the griot, "it is with those things there that they have protected the city of Gao from all surprises" (1. 1247). During the long siege, there was some fraternization between the  128 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Arma soldiers and the people of Gao. It was from contact between a woman from Gao and an Arma that the attackers learned the city's secret. 1275 "At the first cock crow, 1276 "The entire city goes up in the air. 1277 "Everything you do, with your guns, it is on the ground that you shoot. 1278 "The city moves up above, 1279 "Until noon, when the horses come down. 1280 "It is at that time that the city comes back to its original place." The next day the Arma cavalry mount, fire into the air, and de- stroy the city, an act that upsets Sagouma because she thinks of her parents there. 1298 Her entire family lives in Gao. 1299 And she went to get a war to destroy Gao. 1300 It is on this day that she became heartsick. As a result of the attack, the protective animal spirits of Gao split up, and the entire population headed downstream. But the war went on. Sagouma began to play the godji while her estranged husband Soumayla killed an Arma soldier. The event seemed to signal a turn- ing in the tide for the Songhay who, even though they might have lost the city of Gao, were fighting a successful rearguard action. Here the griot summarizes the Arma's lack of success in a com- ment that reflects both the attack on the city described in the chroni- cles as well as the considerable compression of history typical of the oral tradition: "Now the war of the Arma ended in failure" (1. 1370). But the griot's comment does not represent the end of the story. In- stead, it serves as an introduction to more battle details on the shores and in the dugout canoes. But above all, it sets the stage for another episode that illustrates the social structure. Here, Nouhou Malio shifts away from the battle and back to the relationship between Soumayla and his son of captive origin, Amar Zoumbani. He recounts a brief but highly significant incident during a pause in battle that underscores the social distinction separating the two. As the combat swirled through the region, some villagers fled their fields where they had been washing and pounding millet. Amar 128 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Arma soldiers and the people of Gao. It was from contact between a woman from Gao and an Arma that the attackers learned the city's secret. 1275 "At the first cock crow, 1276 "The entire city goes up in the air. 1277 "Everything you do, with your guns, it is on the ground that you shoot. 1278 "The city moves up above, 1279 "Until noon, when the horses come down. 1280 "It is at that time that the city comes back to its original place." The next day the Arma cavalry mount, fire into the air, and de- stroy the city, an act that upsets Sagouma because she thinks of her parents there. 1298 Her entire family lives in Gao. 1299 And she went to get a war to destroy Gao. 1300 It is on this day that she became heartsick. As a result of the attack, the protective animal spirits of Gao split up, and the entire population headed downstream. But the war went on. Sagouma began to play the godji while her estranged husband Soumayla killed an Arma soldier. The event seemed to signal a turn- ing in the tide for the Songhay who, even though they might have lost the city of Gao, were fighting a successful rearguard action. Here the griot summarizes the Arma's lack of success in a com- ment that reflects both the attack on the city described in the chroni- cles as well as the considerable compression of history typical of the oral tradition: "Now the war of the Arma ended in failure" (1. 1370). But the griot's comment does not represent the end of the story. In- stead, it serves as an introduction to more battle details on the shores and in the dugout canoes. But above all, it sets the stage for another episode that illustrates the social structure. Here, Nouhou Maho shifts away from the battle and back to the relationship between Soumayla and his son of captive origin, Amar Zoumbani. He recounts a brief but highly significant incident during a pause in battle that underscores the social distinction separating the two. As the combat swirled through the region, some villagers fled their fields where they had been washing and pounding millet. Amar 128 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Arma soldiers and the people of Gao. It was from contact between a woman from Gao and an Arma that the attackers learned the city's secret. 1275 "At the first cock crow, 1276 "The entire city goes up in the air. 1277 "Everything you do, with your guns, it is on the ground that you shoot. 1278 "The city moves up above, 1279 "Until noon, when the horses come down. 1280 "It is at that time that the city comes back to its original place." The next day the Arma cavalry mount, fire into the air, and de- stroy the city, an act that upsets Sagouma because she thinks of her parents there. 1298 Her entire family lives in Gao. 1299 And she went to get a war to destroy Gao. 1300 It is on this day that she became heartsick. As a result of the attack, the protective animal spirits of Gao split up, and the entire population headed downstream. But the war went on. Sagouma began to play the godji while her estranged husband Soumayla killed an Arma soldier. The event seemed to signal a turn- ing in the tide for the Songhay who, even though they might have lost the city of Gao, were fighting a successful rearguard action. Here the griot summarizes the Arma's lack of success in a com- ment that reflects both the attack on the city described in the chroni- cles as well as the considerable compression of history typical of the oral tradition: "Now the war of the Arma ended in failure" (L. 1370). But the griot's comment does not represent the end of the story. In- stead, it serves as an introduction to more battle details on the shores and in the dugout canoes. But above all, it sets the stage for another episode that illustrates the social structure. Here, Nouhou Malio shifts away from the battle and back to the relationship between Soumayla and his son of captive origin, Amar Zoumbani. He recounts a brief but highly significant incident during a pause in battle that underscores the social distinction separating the two. As the combat swirled through the region, some villagers fled their fields where they had been washing and pounding millet. Amar  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 129 arrived at a kokorbey tree (Combretum glutinosum) under which he saw some water in a clay pot. It was dirty because it had been used to wash millet. He dismounted to take a drink, then went off to find his father, who returned with his son to the tree. In the dialogue that follows, names have been inserted after pronouns to make clear who is speaking to whom. 1401 Then Soumayla Kassa peeked into the clay pot. 1402 He said, "That's the water?" 1403 He [Amar] said, "That's the water." 1404 He [Soumayla] said, "You drank some?" 1405 He [Amar] said, "By Allah, I did drink some." 1406 He [Soumayla] said, "Did you quench your thirst?" 1407 He [Amar] said, "I quenched my thirst." 1408 He [Soumayla] said, "Is it that water there that you wanted me to come drink?" 1409 He [Amar] said, "I saw that you were thirsty, it was for that reason that I asked you to come to drink the water." 1410 He [Soumayla] said, "What misfortune! 1411 "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs [$150], it will only catch mice. 1412 "You have returned home, Amar Zoumbani, you have returned home, you have returned home." At this point, for the first time in the narrative, Nouhou Malio, assuming in a more direct manner his role as a social arbiter, poses a very significant rhetorical question to his audience: 1414 What does this mean, he has returned home? 1415 The fact of being a captive, that is the insult that he made to him. The griot then goes on to quote directly the father, Soumayla: 1422 He said to him, "Look, you drank water fouled with millet. 1423 "If you are not a captive, you do not come to drink water fouled with millet and say that it is ordinary water." News of Amar's error might go no farther than the shade of the kokorbey tree that he and his father share for a few moments. But the incident of the dirty water offers a prelude to a much more signif- icant mistake-attributable only to one of captive condition, it The Fall of the Songhay Empire 129 arrived at a kokorbey tree (Combretum glutinosum) under which he saw some water in a clay pot. It was dirty because it had been used to wash millet. He dismounted to take a drink, then went off to find his father, who returned with his son to the tree. In the dialogue that follows, names have been inserted after pronouns to make clear who is speaking to whom. 1401 Then Soumayla Kassa peeked into the clay pot. 1402 He said, "That's the water?" 1403 He [Amar] said, "That's the water." 1404 He [Soumayla] said, "You drank some?" 1405 He [Amar] said, "By Allah, I did drink some." 1406 He [Soumayla] said, "Did you quench your thirst?" 1407 He [Amar} said, "I quenched my thirst." 1408 He [Soumayla] said, "Is it that water there that you wanted me to come drink?" 1409 He [Amar] said, "I saw that you were thirsty, it was for that reason that I asked you to come to drink the water." 1410 He [Soumayla] said, "What misfortune! 1411 "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs [$150], it will only catch mice. 1412 "You have returned home, Amar Zoumbani, you have returned home, you have returned home." At this point, for the first time in the narrative, Nouhou Malio, assuming in a more direct manner his role as a social arbiter, poses a very significant rhetorical question to his audience: 1414 What does this mean, he has returned home? 1415 The fact of being a captive, that is the insult that he made to him. The griot then goes on to quote directly the father, Soumayla: 1422 He said to him, "Look, you drank water fouled with millet. 1423 "If you are not a captive, you do not come to drink water fouled with millet and say that it is ordinary water." News of Atmar's error might go no farther than the shade of the kokorbey tree that he and his father share for a few moments. But the incident of the dirty water offers a prelude to a much more signif- icant mistake-attributable only to one of captive condition, it The Fall of the Songhay Empire 129 arrived at a kokorbey tree (Combretum glutinosum) under which he saw some water in a clay pot. It was dirty because it had been used to wash millet. He dismounted to take a drink, then went off to find his father, who returned with his son to the tree. In the dialogue that follows, names have been inserted after pronouns to make clear who is speaking to whom. 1401 Then Soumayla Kassa peeked into the clay pot. 1402 He said, "That's the water?" 1403 He [Amar] said, "That's the water." 1404 He [Soumayla] said, "You drank some?" 1405 He [Amar] said, "By Allah, I did drink some." 1406 He [Soumayla] said, "Did you quench your thirst?" 1407 He [Amar} said, "I quenched my thirst." 1408 He [Soumayla] said, "Is it that water there that you wanted me to come drink?" 1409 He [Amar] said, "I saw that you were thirsty, it was for that reason that I asked you to come to drink the water." 1410 He [Soumayla] said, "What misfortune! 1411 "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs [$150], it will only catch mice. 1412 "You have returned home, Amar Zoumbani, you have returned home, you have returned home." At this point, for the first time in the narrative, Nouhou Malio, assuming in a more direct manner his role as a social arbiter, poses a very significant rhetorical question to his audience: 1414 What does this mean, he has returned home? 1415 The fact of being a captive, that is the insult that he made to him. The griot then goes on to quote directly the father, Soumayla: 1422 He said to him, "Look, you drank water fouled with millet. 1423 "If you are not a captive, you do not come to drink water fouled with millet and say that it is ordinary water." News of Amar's error might go no farther than the shade of the kokorbey tree that he and his father share for a few moments. But the incident of the dirty water offers a prelude to a much more signif- icant mistake-attributable only to one of captive condition, it  130 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist seems-when the pair go to spend a night in a village. Against the advice of Songhay seers, Amar violates a taboo against sleeping with women in the village. The result is that the pursuing Arma soldiers catch up with the retreating Songhay and inflict many casualties. The incidents between Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and Sagouma reveal two significant facets of how some Songhay today view the past. First, we learn about the complex social structure and the attitudes of the nobles toward those who stand a notch below them. One may argue that what the griot portrays here is not a mat- ter of class but of blood-one group related by blood to people of higher status. But the griot's emphasis on the resulting social stand- ing reinforces a set of social attitudes that persists not only among the Songhay but in many other ethnic groups of the Sahel. Second, we learn of a great war. But in the compressed version of history that the griot provides, we have no way of telling if we are hearing a description of the battle of Tondibi or of a later one. According to the chronicles, there was no battle of Gao immediately after Tondibi-just a retreat downriver from Tondibi and then a mass evacuation to the right bank. During the fifty years that fol- lowed this initial defeat, however, on several occasions the Moroccan-led forces attacked Gao, an increasingly rebellious city. The battle described here might have reflected Nouh's resistance farther south after 1591, although the link with Gao is too clear in this case. The narrators of the chronicles simply describe him as operating in the Dendi, which, at the time, might have included Ansongo but probably not Gao. It is more likely that the siege of Gao that Nouhou Malio describes took place in 1632, thirty-nine years after Tondibi. In the written tradition, the Pasha sent a force against Gao to punish the city for not providing escorts for his trip to Mecca. The punitive force was not victorious, and further inci- dents of rebellion occurred as the Moroccans' grip on the region weakened. The role of the Zarma in the resistance. The telescoping of history that takes place here in Nouhou Malio's version contains yet a final element, one that receives only the briefest of mentions in the chron- icles. It is the role of the Zarma hero Mali Bero in supporting the Songhay resistance against the Moroccans. To understand this link- age between two distinct ethnic groups, we need to look back at the history of the Zarma, sometimes spelled Zerma or Djerma. The Zarma-speaking peoples of Niger live to the east of the Songhay. Although there is little written evidence to indicate when 130 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist seems-when the pair go to spend a night in a village. Against the advice of Songhay seers, Amar violates a taboo against sleeping with women in the village. The result is that the pursuing Arma soldiers catch up with the retreating Songhay and inflict many casualties. The incidents between Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and Sagouma reveal two significant facets of how some Songhay today view the past. First, we learn about the complex social structure and the attitudes of the nobles toward those who stand a notch below them. One may argue that what the griot portrays here is not a mat- ter of class but of blood-one group related by blood to people of higher status. But the griot's emphasis on the resulting social stand- ing reinforces a set of social attitudes that persists not only among the Songhay but in many other ethnic groups of the Sahel. Second, we learn of a great war. But in the compressed version of history that the griot provides, we have no way of telling if we are hearing a description of the battle of Tondibi or of a later one. According to the chronicles, there was no battle of Gao immediately after Tondibi-just a retreat downriver from Tondibi and then a mass evacuation to the right bank. During the fifty years that fol- lowed this initial defeat, however, on several occasions the Moroccan-led forces attacked Gao, an increasingly rebellious city. The battle described here might have reflected Nouh's resistance farther south after 1591, although the link with Gao is too clear in this case. The narrators of the chronicles simply describe him as operating in the Dendi, which, at the time, might have included Ansongo but probably not Gao. It is more likely that the siege of Gao that Nouhou Malio describes took place in 1632, thirty-nine years after Tondibi. In the written tradition, the Pasha sent a force against Gao to punish the city for not providing escorts for his trip to Mecca. The punitive force was not victorious, and further inci- dents of rebellion occurred as the Moroccans' grip on the region weakened. The role of the Zarma in the resistance. The telescoping of history that takes place here in Nouhou Malio's version contains yet a final element, one that receives only the briefest of mentions in the chron- 1 icles. It is the role of the Zarma hero Mali Bero in supporting the Songhay resistance against the Moroccans. To understand this link- age between two distinct ethnic groups, we need to look back at the history of the Zarma, sometimes spelled Zerma or Djerma. The Zarma-speaking peoples of Niger live to the east of the Songhay. Although there is little written evidence to indicate when 130 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist seems-when the pair go to spend a night in a village. Against the advice of Songhay seers, Amar violates a taboo against sleeping with women in the village. The result is that the pursuing Arma soldiers catch up with the retreating Songhay and inflict many casualties. The incidents between Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and Sagouma reveal two significant facets of how some Songhay today view the past. First, we learn about the complex social structure and the attitudes of the nobles toward those who stand a notch below them. One may argue that what the griot portrays here is not a mat- ter of class but of blood-one group related by blood to people of higher status. But the griot's emphasis on the resulting social stand- ing reinforces a set of social attitudes that persists not only among the Songhay but in many other ethnic groups of the Sahel. Second, we learn of a great war. But in the compressed version of history that the griot provides, we have no way of telling if we are hearing a description of the battle of Tondibi or of a later one. According to the chronicles, there was no battle of Gao immediately after Tondibi-just a retreat downriver from Tondibi and then a mass evacuation to the right bank. During the fifty years that fol- lowed this initial defeat, however, on several occasions the Moroccan-led forces attacked Gao, an increasingly rebellious city. The battle described here might have reflected Nouh's resistance farther south after 1591, although the link with Gao is too clear in this case. The narrators of the chronicles simply describe him as operating in the Dendi, which, at the time, might have included Ansongo but probably not Gao. It is more likely that the siege of Gao that Nouhou Malio describes took place in 1632, thirty-nine years after Tondibi. In the written tradition, the Pasha sent a force against Gao to punish the city for not providing escorts for his trip to Mecca. The punitive force was not victorious, and further inci- dents of rebellion occurred as the Moroccans' grip on the region weakened. The role of the Zarma in the resistance. The telescoping of history that takes place here in Nouhou Malio's version contains yet a final element, one that receives only the briefest of mentions in the chron- f icles. It is the role of the Zarma hero Mali Bero in supporting the Songhay resistance against the Moroccans. To understand this link- age between two distinct ethnic groups, we need to look back at the history of the Zarma, sometimes spelled Zerma or Djerma. The Zarma-speaking peoples of Niger live to the east of the Songhay. Although there is little written evidence to indicate when  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 131 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 131 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 131 they came to Niger, oral information suggests that they migrated there from Mali sometime in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. Boub6 Gado (1980, chap. 4), Allen Streicker (1980, chap. 2), and Fatima Mounkaila (1985) offer the most recent summaries of re- search on Zarma origins. Streicker, in particular, supports Boubou Hama's thesis for a dual origin involving both a Mand6 group from Mali migrating to the Boboye region of Niger, east of Niamey, and then combining with a Songhay element in Zarmaganda, north of the capital, to become the Zarma people. In another version of the first twelve chapters of the TF, pub- lished as appendix II in the French translation, appears the only ref- erence to the "Dierma" people, a term Hunwick reads as "Jarma" (marginal note in draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). In the appendix, the narrator, while giving information on the dynas- ties that preceded that of the Askias, mentions the Dia dynasty, which, he indicates, ruled around the tenth century. The authority of the Dia covered a wide area and, in the eastern part of the em- pire, it included "the country of the Dierma" (TF 334). The location of the "Dierma" or "Jarma" people is not evident from the citation. Did they live in the Dirma region, west of Tendirma, or had they moved downriver to live east of the left bank in the tenth century? By 1660, when the chronicle was apparently composed, perhaps they had settled in that area. Whatever the case, Hunwick's reading of the Arabic as "Jarma" matches exactly the cur- rent prononciation of the term for the Zarma people by the Songhay of the Gao region, observes Fatima Mounkaila (interview with au- thor, September 11, 1989). Hunwick thus provides the clearest indi- cation from written evidence (drawn from oral sources, I should add) to support the oral tradition's version portraying Zarma in- volvement in the Songhay resistance. The further defeats occasioned by Amar Zoumbani's inappropri- ate behavior during the war, as well as the resultant penetration by the Arma, drew Mali Bero (Mali the First or Eldest) and Yefarma Issaka, two legendary Zarma leaders, into the fray. Mali Bero is sup- josed to have led the Zarma migration from Mali to Niger. The oral traditions of the region view Yefarma Issaka alternatively as either the nephew of Mali Bero or as the leader of the GoIl6, a Zarma sub- group of 'tareg origin that, Olivier de Sardan points out, fought the Moroccan-led force at Boubon, a town 25 kilometers upriver from Niamey (1982, 159). In the oral narrative, after Mali Bero consulted with seers, who they came to Niger, oral information suggests that they migrated there from Mali sometime in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. Boub6 Gado (1980, chap. 4), Allen Streicker (1980, chap. 2), and Fatima Mounkaila (1985) offer the most recent summaries of re- search on Zarma origins. Streicker, in particular, supports Bonbon Hama's thesis for a dual origin involving both a Mand6 group from Mali migrating to the Boboye region of Niger, east of Niamey, and then combining with a Songhay element in Zarmaganda, north of the capital, to become the Zarma people. In another version of the first twelve chapters of the TF, pub- lished as appendix II in the French translation, appears the only ref- erence to the "Dierma" people, a term Hunwick reads as "Jarma" (marginal note in draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). In the appendix, the narrator, while giving information on the dynas- ties that preceded that of the Askias, mentions the Dia dynasty, which, he indicates, ruled around the tenth century. The authority of the Dia covered a wide area and, in the eastern part of the em- pire, it included "the country of the Dierma" (TF 334). The location of the "Dierma" or "Jarma" people is not evident from the citation. Did they live in the Dirma region, west of Tendirma, or had they moved downriver to live east of the left bank in the tenth century? By 1660, when the chronicle was apparently composed, perhaps they had settled in that area. Whatever the case, Hunwick's reading of the Arabic as "Jarma" matches exactly the cur- rent prononciation of the term for the Zarma people by the Songhay of the Gao region, observes Fatima Mounkaila (interview with au- thor, September 11, 1989). Hunwick thus provides the clearest indi- cation from written evidence (drawn from oral sources, I should add) to support the oral tradition's version portraying Zarma in- volvement in the Songhay resistance. f The further defeats occasioned by Amar Zoumbani's inappropri- ate behavior during the war, as well as the resultant penetration by the Arma, drew Mali Bero (Mali the First or Eldest) and Yefarma Issaka, two legendary Zarma leaders, into the fray. Mali Bero is sup- osed to have led the Zarma migration from Mali to Niger. The oral traditions of the region view Yefarma Issaka alternatively as either the nephew of Mali Bero or as the leader of the GuIld, a Zarma sub- group of Tuareg origin that, Olivier de Sardan points out, fought the Moroccan-led force at Bonbon, a town 25 kilometers upriver from Niamey (1982, 159). In the oral narrative, after Mali Bero consulted with seers, who they came to Niger, oral information suggests that they migrated there from Mali sometime in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. Boubd Gado (1980, chap. 4), Allen Streicker (1980, chap. 2), and Fatima Mounkaila (1985) offer the most recent summaries of re- search on Zarma origins. Streicker, in particular, supports Bonbon Hama's thesis for a dual origin involving both a Mand6 group from Mali migrating to the Boboye region of Niger, east of Niamey, and then combining with a Songhay element in Zarmaganda, north of the capital, to become the Zarma people. In another version of the first twelve chapters of the TF, pub- lished as appendix II in the French translation, appears the only ref- erence to the "Dierma" people, a term Hunwick reads as "Jarma" (marginal note in draft of this manuscript, February 18, 1988). In the appendix, the narrator, while giving information on the dynas- ties that preceded that of the Askias, mentions the Dia dynasty, which, he indicates, ruled around the tenth century. The authority of the Dia covered a wide area and, in the eastern part of the em- pire, it included "the country of the Dierma" (TF 334). The location of the "Dierma" or "Jarma" people is not evident from the citation. Did they live in the Dirma region, west of Tendirma, or had they moved downriver to live east of the left bank in the tenth century? By 1660, when the chronicle was apparently composed, perhaps they had settled in that area. Whatever the case, Hunwick's reading of the Arabic as "Jarma" matches exactly the cur- rent prononciation of the term for the Zarma people by the Songhay of the Gao region, observes Fatima Mounkaila (interview with au- thor, September 11, 1989). Hunwick thus provides the clearest indi- cation from written evidence (drawn from oral sources, I should add) to support the oral tradition's version portraying Zarma in- volvement in the Songhay resistance. ( The further defeats occasioned by Amar Zoumbani's inappropri- ate behavior during the war, as well as the resultant penetration by the Arma, drew Mali Bero (Mali the First or Eldest) and Yefarma Issaka, two legendary Zarma leaders, into the fray. Mali Bero is sup- ~p>osed to have led the Zarma migration from Mali to Niger. The oral traditions of the region view Yefarma Issaka alternatively as either the nephew of Mali Bero or as the leader of the GoIld, a Zarma sub- group of Tuareg origin that, Olivier de Sardan points out, fought the Moroccan-led force at Bonbon, a town 25 kilometers upriver from Niamey (1982, 159). In the oral narrative, after Mali Bero consulted with seers, who  132 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 132 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 132 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist warned that Yefarma would die if he went off to fight the invading force, the Zarma leader decided to send his nephew east to settle a matter with the ruler of the Foga region, an area 180 kilometers southeast of Niamey named for the seasonal river that flows through it to another seasonal watercourse, the Dallol Mawri, just north of Gaya on the Niger River. Such an assignment was logical, it seems, because the oral sources cited by Olivier de Sardan place the origins of the Gold in the Boboye valley area, not far from the Foga region. The Boboye valley, 75 kilometers southeast of Niamey, is an area through which flows the Dallol Bosso, a seasonal watercourse. Halfway to his destination, while traveling through the Boboye valley, Yefarma stopped at a well. A local woman of captive origin revealed to him why he was on the mission to the Foga area. He had been sent by Mali Bero so that he would not be harmed during the battle of the Songhay and the Zarma against the Pasha's army. Yefarma turned and headed back. As he approached Mali Bero's camp, his horse began to communicate with Mali Bern's mount. A Fulani seer heard the sounds of the horses, laughed, and then, at Mali's insistence, reported in veiled language what had happened. After remonstrating with his uncle, the next day Yefarma joined the battle against the Arma. But an Arma soldier shot him with a poisoned arrow and Yefarma died under a tree in Boubon. At this point, the version I recorded from Nouhou Malio ended. The insertion of Mali Bero and Yefarma Issaka into the account raises issues about relations between peoples in the Sahel, issues that the griot does not address. I shall discuss three of them here. First, the reference to Mali Bero provides another link with the people of Mali. In addition to the sources that subscribe to or have found some form of evidence for one or another variant of the the- ory of Malian origin (Gado, Hama, Olivier de Sardan, Rouch, Streicker, Mounkaila), Ivor Wilks has located in Wa, in the Dagomba region of northwestern Ghana, a written source based on oral traditions that traces the heritage of Mali Bero to Mansa Moussa, the fourteenth-century ruler of the Mali empire (Streicker 1980, 104). This supports both the many theories about the Malian origin of the Zarma and the broader notion I mentioned earlier that a variety of links bind the diverse peoples of the Sahel. Second, the reference to Yefarma Issaka produces another vari- ant on the complex question of social structure because the Gol11, said to be of Tuareg origin but now integrated into the Zarma world, appear to violate the traditional Sahelian relationship between mas- warned that Yefarma would die if he went off to fight the invading force, the Zarma leader decided to send his nephew east to settle a matter with the ruler of the Foga region, an area 180 kilometers southeast of Niamey named for the seasonal river that flows through it to another seasonal watercourse, the Dallol Mawri, just north of Gaya on the Niger River. Such an assignment was logical, it seems, because the oral sources cited by Olivier de Sardan place the origins of the GolI6 in the Boboye valley area, not far from the Foga region. The Boboye valley, 75 kilometers southeast of Niamey, is an area through which flows the Dallol Bosso, a seasonal watercourse. Halfway to his destination, while traveling through the Boboye valley, Yefarma stopped at a well. A local woman of captive origin revealed to him why he was on the mission to the Foga area. He had been sent by Mali Bero so that he would not be harmed during the battle of the Songhay and the Zarma against the Pasha's army. Yefarma turned and headed back. As he approached Mali Bero's camp, his horse began to communicate with Mali Bern's mount. A Fulani seer heard the sounds of the horses, laughed, and then, at Mali's insistence, reported in veiled language what had happened. After remonstrating with his uncle, the next day Yefarma joined the battle against the Arma. But an Arma soldier shot him with a poisoned arrow and Yefarma died under a tree in Bonbon. __ At this point, the version I recorded from Nouhou Malio ended. The insertion of Mali Bern and Yefarma Issaka into the account raises issues about relations between peoples in the Sahel, issues that the griot does not address. I shall discuss three of them here. First, the reference to Mali Bero provides another link with the people of Mali. In addition to the sources that subscribe to or have found some form of evidence for one or another variant of the the- ory of Malian origin (Gado, Hama, Olivier de Sardan, Rouch, Streicker, Mounkaila), Ivor Wilks has located in Wa, in the Dagomba region of northwestern Ghana, a written source based on oral traditions that traces the heritage of Mali Bero to Mansa Moussa, the fourteenth-century ruler of the Mali empire (Streicker 1980, 104). This supports both the many theories about the Malian origin of the Zarma and the broader notion I mentioned earlier that a variety of links bind the diverse peoples of the Sahel. Second, the reference to Yefarma Issaka produces another vari- ant on the complex question of social structure because the Gul1, said to be of Tareg origin but now integrated into the Zarma world, appear to violate the traditional Sahelian relationship between mas- warned that Yefarma would die if he went off to fight the invading force, the Zarma leader decided to send his nephew east to settle a matter with the ruler of the Foga region, an area 180 kilometers southeast of Niamey named for the seasonal river that flows through it to another seasonal watercourse, the Dallol Mawri, just north of Gaya on the Niger River. Such an assignment was logical, it seems, because the oral sources cited by Olivier de Sardan place the origins of the GolId in the Boboye valley area, not far from the Foga region. The Boboye valley, 75 kilometers southeast of Niamey, is an area through which flows the Dallol Bosso, a seasonal watercourse. Halfway to his destination, while traveling through the Boboye valley, Yefarma stopped at a well. A local woman of captive origin revealed to him why he was on the mission to the Foga area. He had been sent by Mali Bero so that he would not be harmed during the battle of the Songhay and the Zarma against the Pasha's army. Yefarma turned and headed back. As he approached Mali Bero's camp, his horse began to communicate with Mali Bero's mount. A Fulani seer heard the sounds of the horses, laughed, and then, at Mali's insistence, reported in veiled language what had happened. After remonstrating with his uncle, the next day Yefarma joined the battle against the Arma. But an Arma soldier shot him with a poisoned arrow and Yefarma died under a tree in Bonbon. At this point, the version I recorded from Nouhou Malio ended. The insertion of Mali Bern and Yefarma Issaka into the account raises issues about relations between peoples in the Sahel, issues that the griot does not address. I shall discuss three of them here. First, the reference to Mali Bero provides another link with the people of Mali. In addition to the sources that subscribe to or have found some form of evidence for one or another variant of the the- ory of Malian origin (Gado, Hama, Olivier de Sardan, Rouch, Streicker, Mounkaila), Ivor Wilks has located in Wa, in the Dagomba region of northwestern Ghana, a written source based on oral traditions that traces the heritage of Mali Bero to Mansa Moussa, the fourteenth-century ruler of the Mali empire (Streicker 1980, 104). This supports both the many theories about the Malian origin of the Zarma and the broader notion I mentioned earlier that a variety of links bind the diverse peoples of the Sahel. Second, the reference to Yefarma Issaka produces another vari- ant on the complex question of social structure because the Golld, said to be of Tuareg origin but now integrated into the Zarma world, appear to violate the traditional Sahelian relationship between mas-  The Fall of the Songhay Empire 133 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 133 The Fall of the Songhay Empire 133 ter and captive. Olivier de Sardan observes that as both "protector and protected, the GoI6 combine the attributes of the noble (the courage of the warrier) and of the captive (the insolence of the griot)" (1982, 159). For the audience aware of the differences in the many Zarma subgroups, the reference to Yefarma Issaka refers not only to a different social structure but also to a network of relation- ships that exists today. For example, between the Goi6 and the Kalld, another Zarma people, a joking relationship survives, along with several taboos. Finally, in a broader sense, the reference to Yefarma Issaka and Mali Bero integrates the oral traditions of two different but closely related peoples. The Zarma trace their roots back to a legendary' ancestor, Zabarkane (see Mounkaila 1985 for the most recent and most detailed discussion of Zabarkane). But in accounts of Mali Bero recorded today, a synthesis of the oral tradition has developed that reflects a variety of other linguistic and cultural mergings of the Zarma and the Songhay (see Gado 1980 for a more detailed discus- sion of this synthesis). The differences between the written and oral versions of the fall of the empire are many and diverse. But both traditions express the same notion that it was the violation of basic values by the Songhay elite which led to the downfall of the empire. The terms in which the scribes and bards convey this sentiment differ sharply, however, and reflect different views of Songhay culture. For the scribes, the fall stems from the growth of corruption in the city of Gao and among the ruling elite. By corruption they mean incest, adultery, and untraditional sexual practices. The griot's no- tion of corruption, however, takes on a broader, more symbolic di- mension when he describes the relationship between men and women of different social standing. Where the scribe ventures to talk about venereal diseases, the griot portrays a much subtler social mal- ady: the violation of the rules governing the relationship between one class of people and another. In both cases, there is agreement that the fall of the empire was rooted in the inappropriate behavior of people at the top levels of society. Neither medium contradicts the other in this respect. Each offers a view of life in the past that concords with Songhay values today. Each offers a complementary perspective on the larger story. One of the most fascinating features of the oral version, however, is the role that women play. The chronicles include many references to women, but at no point do we find a woman as a major actor in ter and captive. Olivier de Sardan observes that as both "protector and protected, the GoIld combine the attributes of the noble (the courage of the warrier) and of the captive (the insolence of the griot)" (1982, 159). For the audience aware of the differences in the many Zarma subgroups, the reference to Yefarma Issaka refers not only to a different social structure but also to a network of relation- ships that exists today. For example, between the Golle and the Kalld, another Zarma people, a joking relationship survives, along with several taboos. Finally, in a broader sense, the reference to Yefarma Issaka and Mali Bero integrates the oral traditions of two different but closely related peoples. The Zarma trace their roots back to a legendary ancestor, Zabarkane (see Mounkaila 1985 for the most recent and most detailed discussion of Zabarkane). But in accounts of Mali Bero recorded today, a synthesis of the oral tradition has developed that reflects a variety of other linguistic and cultural mergings of the Zarma and the Songhay (see Gado 1980 for a more detailed discus- sion of this synthesis). The differences between the written and oral versions of the fall of the empire are many and diverse. But both traditions express the same notion that it was the violation of basic values by the Songhay elite which led to the downfall of the empire. The terms in which the scribes and bards convey this sentiment differ sharply, however, and reflect different views of Songhay culture. For the scribes, the fall stems from the growth of corruption in the city of Gao and among the ruling elite. By corruption they mean incest, adultery, and untraditional sexual practices. The griot's no- tion of corruption, however, takes on a broader, more symbolic di- mension when he describes the relationship between men and women of different social standing. Where the scribe ventures to talk about venereal diseases, the griot portrays a much subtler social mal- ady: the violation of the rules governing the relationship between one class of people and another. In both cases, there is agreement that the fall of the empire was rooted in the inappropriate behavior of people at the top levels of society. Neither medium contradicts the other in this respect. Each offers a view of life in the past that concords with Songhay values today. Each offers a complementary perspective on the larger story. One of the most fascinating features of the oral version, however, is the role that women play. The chronicles include many references to women, but at no point do we find a woman as a major actor in ter and captive. Olivier de Sardan observes that as both "protector and protected, the Gol6 combine the attributes of the noble (the courage of the warrier) and of the captive (the insolence of the griot)" (1982, 159). For the audience aware of the differences in the many Zarma subgroups, the reference to Yefarma Issaka refers not only to a different social structure but also to a network of relation- ships that exists today. For example, between the Golld and the Kal6, another Zarma people, a joking relationship survives, along with several taboos. Finally, in a broader sense, the reference to Yefarma Issaka and Mali Bero integrates the oral traditions of two different but closely related peoples. The Zarma trace their roots back to a legendary ancestor, Zabarkane (see Mounkaila 1985 for the most recent and most detailed discussion of Zabarkane). But in accounts of Mali Bero recorded today, a synthesis of the oral tradition has developed that reflects a variety of other linguistic and cultural mergings of the Zarma and the Songhay (see Gado 1980 for a more detailed discus- sion of this synthesis). The differences between the written and oral versions of the fall of the empire are many and diverse. But both traditions express the same notion that it was the violation of basic values by the Songhay elite which led to the downfall of the empire. The terms in which the scribes and bards convey this sentiment differ sharply, however, and reflect different views of Songhay culture. For the scribes, the fall stems from the growth of corruption in the city of Gao and among the ruling elite. By corruption they mean incest, adultery, and untraditional sexual practices. The griot's no- tion of corruption, however, takes on a broader, more symbolic di- mension when he describes the relationship between men and women of different social standing. Where the scribe ventures to talk about venereal diseases, the griot portrays a much subtler social mal- ady: the violation of the rules governing the relationship between one class of people and another. In both cases, there is agreement that the fall of the empire was rooted in the inappropriate behavior of people at the top levels of society. Neither medium contradicts the other in this respect. Each offers a view of life in the past that concords with Songhay values today. Each offers a complementary perspective on the larger story. One of the most fascinating features of the oral version, however, is the role that women play. The chronicles include many references to women, but at no point do we find a woman as a major actor in  134 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the events detailed. In the oral narrative, however, a woman plays a key role in a conflict between two forces, and women contribute to the logistics of supplying an army on the march. The emphasis here on females reflects the greater status of their sex in the tradi- tional belief system of the Songhay, with the mother of Askia Mo- hammed playing a central role in supporting her son against Sonni Ali Ber. But this power is more than political. Today, as I have men- tioned, the descendants of Sonni Ali Ber who live in Wanzerb6 call the leader of Songhay magicians Kassaye. Kassaye provides a link between Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed. It appears that the greater involvement of women in the oral version reflects a broader concern for those values which are most mysterious and deeply hid- den in the Songhay world. Nouhou Malio's version of the fall of the Songhay empire reveals, then, not only another, complementary view of the past, but also a long-standing set of values that is still alive today. We see these values expressed in many facets of society, ranging from the use of magic to the relations between groups within Songhay society and the role of women. Stoller's experience of a sorcery attack by the current Kassaye in Wanzerb6 (Stoller and Olkes 1987) emphasizes the reality of this feminine occult power, a twentieth-century vehicle for the values expressed in the oral version. Each of these interpretations of the fall of the Songhay empire- the written, with its moralistic emphasis on decadence, and the oral, with its focus on violations of the social structure-conveys an ideol- ogy representative of a particular group, Moslems in the first case, the nobility in the second. Before we draw a broader conclusion from a comparison of the different accounts of the Songhay empire, we need to examine another view of the past that contests the world views defended by the scribes and the griots. In the next chapter we shall see how a modern African author from an area long controlled by the Songhay interprets the rise and fall of the empire, drawing in particular on the written tradition and, in a more general way, on the kinds of social relationships the griots describe. 134 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 134 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist the events detailed. In the oral narrative, however, a woman plays a key role in a conflict between two forces, and women contribute to the logistics of supplying an army on the march. The emphasis here on females reflects the greater status of their sex in the tradi- tional belief system of the Songhay, with the mother of Askia Mo- hammed playing a central role in supporting her son against Sonni Ali Ber. But this power is more than political. Today, as I have men- tioned, the descendants of Sonni Ali Ber who live in Wanzerb6 call the leader of Songhay magicians Kassaye. Kassaye provides a link between Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed. It appears that the greater involvement of women in the oral version reflects a broader concern for those values which are most mysterious and deeply hid- den in the Songhay world. Nouhou Malio's version of the fall of the Songhay empire reveals, then, not only another, complementary view of the past, but also a long-standing set of values that is still alive today. We see these values expressed in many facets of society, ranging from the use of magic to the relations between groups within Songhay society and the role of women. Stoller's experience of a sorcery attack by the current Kassaye in Wanzerb6 (Stoller and Olkes 1987) emphasizes the reality of this feminine occult power, a twentieth-century vehicle for the values expressed in the oral version. Each of these interpretations of the fall of the Songhay empire- the written, with its moralistic emphasis on decadence, and the oral, with its focus on violations of the social structure-conveys an ideol- ogy representative of a particular group, Moslems in the first case, the nobility in the second. Before we draw a broader conclusion from a comparison of the different accounts of the Songhay empire, we need to examine another view of the past that contests the world views defended by the scribes and the griots. In the next chapter we shall see how a modern African author from an area long controlled by the Songhay interprets the rise and fall of the empire, drawing in particular on the written tradition and, in a more general way, on the kinds of social relationships the griots describe. the events detailed. In the oral narrative, however, a woman plays a key role in a conflict between two forces, and women contribute to the logistics of supplying an army on the march. The emphasis here on females reflects the greater status of their sex in the tradi- tional belief system of the Songhay, with the mother of Askia Mo- hammed playing a central role in supporting her son against Sonni Ali Ber. But this power is more than political. Today, as I have men- tioned, the descendants of Sonni Ali Ber who live in Wanzerb6 call the leader of Songhay magicians Kassaye. Kassaye provides a link between Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed. It appears that the greater involvement of women in the oral version reflects a broader concern for those values which are most mysterious and deeply hid- den in the Songhay world. Nouhou Malio's version of the fall of the Songhay empire reveals, then, not only another, complementary view of the past, but also a long-standing set of values that is still alive today. We see these values expressed in many facets of society, ranging from the use of magic to the relations between groups within Songhay society and the role of women. Stoller's experience of a sorcery attack by the current Kassaye in Wanzerb6 (Stoller and Olkes 1987) emphasizes the reality of this feminine occult power, a twentieth-century vehicle for the values expressed in the oral version. Each of these interpretations of the fall of the Songhay empire- the written, with its moralistic emphasis on decadence, and the oral, with its focus on violations of the social structure-conveys an ideol- ogy representative of a particular group, Moslems in the first case, the nobility in the second. Before we draw a broader conclusion from a comparison of the different accounts of the Songhay empire, we need to examine another view of the past that contests the world views defended by the scribes and the griots. In the next chapter we shall see how a modern African author from an area long controlled by the Songhay interprets the rise and fall of the empire, drawing in particular on the written tradition and, in a more general way, on the kinds of social relationships the griots describe.  Chapter 8 Challenging the Past: A Modern Interpretation of the Songhay Empire in Yambo Ouologuem's Le Devoir de violence The comparison of the chronicles with the oral narrative has allowed us to see Askia Mohammed and his successors in forms of verbal art reflective of the two types of cultural heritage in the Sahel, the Islamic and the Songhay. Although the portrayals vary, the scribes and griots may make claims to what they view as the veracity of their accounts because their professional ancestors served these rulers. What, then, can we learn from a modern novel by an African writer who draws on these sources to give us yet another image of the Askia dynasty and the Songhay empire? In this chapter, I shall explore the ways Yambo Ouologuem, a modern African novelist, has borrowed from the content and the form of both the written and the oral tradi- tions to attack the values that they convey to readers today. As we shall see, his ability to achieve his goals stems not only from his knowledge of the past but also from his understanding of the role of the author in the Western tradition. The analysis in the previous chapters of this study was based on a ruler-by-ruler comparison between the written and oral narratives. Here, given Ouologuem's own telescoping of history, the approach will be less diachronic. The purpose is not to offer a page-by-page interpretation of Le Devoir de violence, but to discover how the novel relates to the other forms of narrative we have seen. For this 135 Chapter 8 Challenging the Past: A Modern Interpretation of the Songhay Empire in Yambo Ouologuem's Le Devoir de violence The comparison of the chronicles with the oral narrative has allowed us to see Askia Mohammed and his successors in forms of verbal art reflective of the two types of cultural heritage in the Sahel, the Islamic and the Songhay. Although the portrayals vary, the scribes and griots may make claims to what they view as the veracity of their accounts because their professional ancestors served these rulers. What, then, can we learn from a modern novel by an African writer who draws on these sources to give us yet another image of the Askia dynasty and the Songhay empire? In this chapter, I shall explore the ways Yambo Ouologuem, a modern African novelist, has borrowed from the content and the form of both the written and the oral tradi- tions to attack the values that they convey to readers today. As we shall see, his ability to achieve his goals stems not only from his knowledge of the past but also from his understanding of the role of the author in the Western tradition. The analysis in the previous chapters of this study was based on a ruler-by-ruler comparison between the written and oral narratives. Here, given Ouologuem's own telescoping of history, the approach will be less diachronic. The purpose is not to offer a page-by-page interpretation of Le Devoir de violence, but to discover how the novel relates to the other forms of narrative we have seen. For this 135 Chapter 8 Challenging the Past: A Modern Interpretation of the Songhay Empire in Yambo Ouologuem's Le Devoir de violence The comparison of the chronicles with the oral narrative has allowed us to see Askia Mohammed and his successors in forms of verbal art reflective of the two types of cultural heritage in the Sahel, the Islamic and the Songhay. Although the portrayals vary, the scribes and griots may make claims to what they view as the veracity of their accounts because their professional ancestors served these rulers. What, then, can we learn from a modern novel by an African writer who draws on these sources to give us yet another image of the Askia dynasty and the Songhay empire? In this chapter, I shall explore the ways Yambo Ouologuem, a modern African novelist, has borrowed from the content and the form of both the written and the oral tradi- tions to attack the values that they convey to readers today. As we shall see, his ability to achieve his goals stems not only from his knowledge of the past but also from his understanding of the role of the author in the Western tradition. The analysis in the previous chapters of this study was based on a ruler-by-ruler comparison between the written and oral narratives. Here, given Ouologuem's own telescoping of history, the approach will be less diachronic. The purpose is not to offer a page-by-page interpretation of Le Devoir de violence, but to discover how the novel relates to the other forms of narrative we have seen. For this 135  136 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist reason, the discussion of the text will not require a treatment as lengthy as that given the other narratives. Africa and the West: Close Encounters of a Literary Kind If we begin by comparing the context in which the modern African writer functions with those of the wordsmiths seen earlier, we find many differences. The scribe who writes in Arabic to record events for the political and intellectual elite or for his own family and the griot who recounts the past for those who seek to legitimize their station in society communicate to immediate, relatively small audiences-although, in the long run, indirectly their words reach much larger groups. The writer using a European language, how- ever, can be read almost immediately by an international audience that includes both Africans educated in Western-style schools and non-African readers worldwide. But he or she may not enjoy the di- rect relationship with the audience that some scribes and bards could claim. If the portraits of the rulers produced by the scribes and griots depended to some extent on their relationship with their different audiences, how, then, will the modern African author, formed by both African and Western cultures, interpret the same events? What meaning can the askias and the Songhay empire provide to African society five centuries after the battle at Tondibi? How will the writer convey his message to both the literate elite in Africa and the non- African audience whose view of the continent has been formed by texts as diverse as Heart of Darkness and Tarzan? It is difficult to formulate an all-encompassing answer based on the works of each African writer because texts constitute individual, often rather personal, responses to the question of what the African past means to people today. As I mentioned in the introduction, Chinua Achebe replied to Heart of Darkness (1902) with Things Fall Apart (1958), the most widely read novel in English by a Black Afri- can. The debate among Conrad specialists that Achebe generated with his essays about the Polish-born writer, however, pales in com- parison with the outcry over Yambo Ouologuem's contribution to the dialogue between Africa and the West. Ouologuem's view of Af- rican history differs markedly in tone and in theme from anything written to date by African authors. 136 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist reason, the discussion of the text will not require a treatment as lengthy as that given the other narratives. Africa and the West: Close Encounters of a Literary Kind If we begin by comparing the context in which the modern African writer functions with those of the wordsmiths seen earlier, we find many differences. The scribe who writes in Arabic to record events for the political and intellectual elite or for his own family and the griot who recounts the past for those who seek to legitimize their station in society communicate to immediate, relatively small audiences-although, in the long run, indirectly their words reach much larger groups. The writer using a European language, how- ever, can be read almost immediately by an international audience that includes both Africans educated in Western-style schools and non-African readers worldwide. But he or she may not enjoy the di- rect relationship with the audience that some scribes and bards could claim. If the portraits of the rulers produced by the scribes and griots depended to some extent on their relationship with their different audiences, how, then, will the modern African author, formed by both African and Western cultures, interpret the same events? What meaning can the askias and the Songhay empire provide to African society five centuries after the battle at Tondibi? How will the writer convey his message to both the literate elite in Africa and the non- African audience whose view of the continent has been formed by texts as diverse as Heart of Darkness and Tarzan? It is difficult to formulate an all-encompassing answer based on the works of each African writer because texts constitute individual, often rather personal, responses to the question of what the African past means to people today. As I mentioned in the introduction, Chinua Achebe replied to Heart of Darkness (1902) with Things Fall Apart (1958), the most widely read novel in English by a Black Afri- can. The debate among Conrad specialists that Achebe generated with his essays about the Polish-born writer, however, pales in com- parison with the outcry over Yambo Ouologuem's contribution to the dialogue between Africa and the West. Ouologuem's view of Af- rican history differs markedly in tone and in theme from anything written to date by African authors. 136 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist reason, the discussion of the text will not require a treatment as lengthy as that given the other narratives. Africa and the West: Close Encounters of a Literary Kind If we begin by comparing the context in which the modern African writer functions with those of the wordsmiths seen earlier, we find many differences. The scribe who writes in Arabic to record events for the political and intellectual elite or for his own family and the griot who recounts the past for those who seek to legitimize their station in society communicate to immediate, relatively small audiences-although, in the long run, indirectly their words reach much larger groups. The writer using a European language, how- ever, can be read almost immediately by an international audience that includes both Africans educated in Western-style schools and non-African readers worldwide. But he or she may not enjoy the di- rect relationship with the audience that some scribes and bards could claim. If the portraits of the rulers produced by the scribes and griots depended to some extent on their relationship with their different audiences, how, then, will the modern African author, formed by both African and Western cultures, interpret the same events? What meaning can the askias and the Songhay empire provide to African society five centuries after the battle at Tondibi? How will the writer convey his message to both the literate elite in Africa and the non- African audience whose view of the continent has been formed by texts as diverse as Heart of Darkness and Tarzan? It is difficult to formulate an all-encompassing answer based on the works of each African writer because texts constitute individual, often rather personal, responses to the question of what the African past means to people today. As I mentioned in the introduction, Chinua Achebe replied to Heart of Darkness (1902) with Things Fall Apart (1958), the most widely read novel in English by a Black Afri- can. The debate among Conrad specialists that Achebe generated with his essays about the Polish-born writer, however, pales in com- parison with the outcry over Yambo Ouologuem's contribution to the dialogue between Africa and the West. Ouologuem's view of Af- rican history differs markedly in tone and in theme from anything written to date by African authors.  Challenging the Past 137 Challenging the Past 137 Challenging the Past 137 There are many reasons why Le Devoir de violence (1968, 1971) became the most controversial novel ever written by an African writer. One cause of the stir was the author's emphasis on sex, vio- lence, and, quite often, a synergistic combination of both of these themes. Another was the extent to which Ouologuem borrowed from European writers, among them Andr6 Schwarz-Bart, Graham Greene, and Guy de Maupassant. Some readers discovered that Ouologuem had modeled his novel on The Last of the Just by Schwarz-Bart and had lifted passages, with only minor modifica- tions, from Greene's It's a Battlefield and other works by well-known Western novelists. Finally, critics from all parts of the world ques- tioned the novelist's interpretation of African history from the kinds of written and oral materials compared above. For the reader interested in a thorough discussion of the issue of plagiarism, Eric Sellin (1971, 1976) and Christopher Miller (1985) offer two of the best analyses. I shall touch on the question of the European sources in the conclusion. But my focus here, however, is not so much on the matter of how and what Ouologuem borrowed and modified from European literary sources. Instead, I am more interested in his use of African material and the message he seeks to convey about the past and its impact on the present. By compar- ing, then, Le Devoir de violence to the chronicles and the oral tradi- tion, I shall attempt to place the novel in a new literary and historical context that is more firmly linked to the past than anyone has been willing to admit. Just as the scribes' description of Askia Mohammed marked a shift in values associated with the spread of Islam to the elite, and the griot's portrait affirmed the importance of the original, more deeply rooted set of beliefs, so, in Le Devoir de violence, we shall find Ouologuem promoting, through his reading of the past, yet another interpretation of social relationships that contrasts sharply with those of the other narrators. Ouologuem wrote Le Devoir de violence in Paris during the mid 1960s while studying philosophy, literature, sociology, and English. According to one account of how he came to create the novel, an editor at Seuil asked him to write an African version of The Last of the Just by Andr6 Schwarz-Bart (1959), a fictional history of a Jewish family from the early medieval period to the present. What- ever the case, Ouologuem produced a sweeping portrait of the imag- inary West African empire of Nakem from the thirteenth century to 1947. Composed in a variety of styles, the narrative offers a veri- There are many reasons why Le Devoir de violence (1968, 1971) became the most controversial novel ever written by an African writer. One cause of the stir was the author's emphasis on sex, vio- lence, and, quite often, a synergistic combination of both of these themes. Another was the extent to which Ouologuem borrowed from European writers, among them Andr6 Schwarz-Bart, Graham Greene, and Guy de Maupassant. Some readers discovered that Ouologuem had modeled his novel on The Last of the Just by Schwarz-Bart and had lifted passages, with only minor modifica- tions, from Greene's It's a Battlefield and other works by well-known Western novelists. Finally, critics from all parts of the world ques- tioned the novelist's interpretation of African history from the kinds of written and oral materials compared above. For the reader interested in a thorough discussion of the issue of plagiarism, Eric Sellin (1971, 1976) and Christopher Miller (1985) offer two of the best analyses. I shall touch on the question of the European sources in the conclusion. But my focus here, however, is not so much on the matter of how and what Ouologuem borrowed and modified from European literary sources. Instead, I am more interested in his use of African material and the message he seeks to convey about the past and its impact on the present. By compar- ing, then, Le Devoir de violence to the chronicles and the oral tradi- tion, I shall attempt to place the novel in a new literary and historical context that is more firmly linked to the past than anyone has been willing to admit. Just as the scribes' description of Askia Mohammed marked a shift in values associated with the spread of Islam to the elite, and the griot's portrait affirmed the importance of the original, more deeply rooted set of beliefs, so, in Le Devoir de violence, we shall find Ouologuem promoting, through his reading of the past, yet another interpretation of social relationships that contrasts sharply with those of the other narrators. Ouologuem wrote Le Devoir de violence in Paris during the mid 1960s while studying philosophy, literature, sociology, and English. According to one account of how he came to create the novel, an editor at Seuil asked him to write an African version of The Last of the Just by Andr6 Schwarz-Bart (1959), a fictional history of a Jewish family from the early medieval period to the present. What- ever the case, Ouologuem produced a sweeping portrait of the imag- inary West African empire of Nakem from the thirteenth century to 1947. Composed in a variety of styles, the narrative offers a veri- There are many reasons why Le Devoir de violence (1968, 1971) became the most controversial novel ever written by an African writer. One cause of the stir was the author's emphasis on sex, vio- lence, and, quite often, a synergistic combination of both of these themes. Another was the extent to which Ouologuem borrowed from European writers, among them Andr6 Schwarz-Bart, Graham Greene, and Guy de Maupassant. Some readers discovered that Ouologuem had modeled his novel on The Last of the Just by Schwarz-Bart and had lifted passages, with only minor modifica- tions, from Greene's It's a Battlefield and other works by well-known Western novelists. Finally, critics from all parts of the world ques- tioned the novelist's interpretation of African history from the kinds of written and oral materials compared above. For the reader interested in a thorough discussion of the issue of plagiarism, Eric Sellin (1971, 1976) and Christopher Miller (1985) offer two of the best analyses. I shall touch on the question of the European sources in the conclusion. But my focus here, however, is not so much on the matter of how and what Ouologuem borrowed and modified from European literary sources. Instead, I am more interested in his use of African material and the message he seeks to convey about the past and its impact on the present. By compar- ing, then, Le Devoir de violence to the chronicles and the oral tradi- tion, I shall attempt to place the novel in a new literary and historical context that is more firmly linked to the past than anyone has been willing to admit. Just as the scribes' description of Askia Mohammed marked a shift in values associated with the spread of Islam to the elite, and the griot's portrait affirmed the importance of the original, more deeply rooted set of beliefs, so, in Le Devoir de violence, we shall find Ouologuem promoting, through his reading of the past, yet another interpretation of social relationships that contrasts sharply with those of the other narrators. Ouologuem wrote Le Devoir de violence in Paris during the mid 1960s while studying philosophy, literature, sociology, and English. According to one account of how he came to create the novel, an editor at Seuil asked him to write an African version of The Last of the Just by Andr6 Schwarz-Bart (1959), a fictional history of a Jewish family from the early medieval period to the present. What- ever the case, Ouologuem produced a sweeping portrait of the imag- inary West African empire of Nakem from the thirteenth century to 1947. Composed in a variety of styles, the narrative offers a veri-  138 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 138 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 138 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist table catalog of sexual activities. When Seuil published the book in France in 1968, critics hailed it as the true African novel. The keep- ers of the Renaudot, France's second most prestigious literary prize, selected the work as that year's winner. The novel appealed, it seemed, to Europe's long-standing image of Africa, a continent seen as inhabited by libidinous and violent savages. When Le Devoir de violence appeared as Bound to Violence in the United States, the New York Times listed it as one of the seven most significant novels of 1971. (Citations are from this translation in the Heinemann edi- tion.) But after its initial publication in Paris, and well before the debate over plagiarism began to catch the attention of a wider audi- ence, some critics argued that Ouologuem was inventing a history that had nothing to do with reality. J. Mbelolo ya Mpiku questioned Ouologuem's view of the Sahelian Middle Ages (1971, 142). More recently, in her study entitled "Le Devoir de violence: A Non- History," Sandra Barkan (1985) has argued that the novel, espe- cially the opening chapter entitled "La Legende des Saifs," may be considered as a pseudohistorical screen behind which lies a complex discussion of good and evil based on both biblical and Dogon sources. Derek Wright, in the latest attack against the historicity of the novel, comments that "the story which we are reading raises re- flexive doubts about its own authenticity. Ouologuem's counter- fictions-the Semitic origin of the Saifs, the cunning manipulative control of the colonists by the colonized, and the ruling caste's re- strictions of a French education to the serf class-are all either of doubtful authenticity or deliberately and grossly unhistorical" (1988, 93). Until now, however, no one has attempted to penetrate the forest of names, places, and events cited in the novel in order to see if, in fact, there is any foundation for what the author portrays. One does not need to go very far, though, to discover that Ouologuem is hardly obscure, both when he proposes to his reader a highly amusing system of plagiarism, as in Lettre d la France negre, pub- lished in 1969, or when his narrator mentions on the second page of Le Devoir de violence that some of the events described come from the TF and the TS. Is Ouologuem, then, simply retelling or reinterpreting the story of the Songhay empire? The answer appears at first to be ambiguous. table catalog of sexual activities. When Seuil published the book in France in 1968, critics hailed it as the true African novel. The keep- ers of the Renaudot, France's second most prestigious literary prize, selected the work as that year's winner. The novel appealed, it seemed, to Europe's long-standing image of Africa, a continent seen as inhabited by libidinous and violent savages. When Le Devoir de violence appeared as Bound to Violence in the United States, the New York Times listed it as one of the seven most significant novels of 1971. (Citations are from this translation in the Heinemann edi- tion.) But after its initial publication in Paris, and well before the debate over plagiarism began to catch the attention of a wider audi- ence, some critics argued that Ouologuem was inventing a history that had nothing to do with reality. J. Mbelolo ya Mpiku questioned Ouologuem's view of the Sahelian Middle Ages (1971, 142). More recently, in her study entitled "Le Devoir de violence: A Non- History," Sandra Barkan (1985) has argued that the novel, espe- cially the opening chapter entitled "La L6gende des Saifs," may be considered as a pseudohistorical screen behind which lies a complex discussion of good and evil based on both biblical and Dogon sources. Derek Wright, in the latest attack against the historicity of the novel, comments that "the story which we are reading raises re- flexive doubts about its own authenticity. Ouologuem's counter- fictions-the Semitic origin of the Saifs, the cunning manipulative control of the colonists by the colonized, and the ruling caste's re- strictions of a French education to the serf class-are all either of doubtful authenticity or deliberately and grossly unhistorical" (1988, 93). Until now, however, no one has attempted to penetrate the forest of names, places, and events cited in the novel in order to see if, in fact, there is any foundation for what the author portrays. One does not need to go very far, though, to discover that Ouologuem is hardly obscure, both when he proposes to his reader a highly amusing system of plagiarism, as in Lettre a la France negre, pub- lished in 1969, or when his narrator mentions on the second page of Le Devoir de violence that some of the events described come from the TF and the TS. Is Ouologuem, then, simply retelling or reinterpreting the story of the Songhay empire? The answer appears at first to be ambiguous. table catalog of sexual activities. When Seuil published the book in France in 1968, critics hailed it as the true African novel. The keep- ers of the Renaudot, France's second most prestigious literary prize, selected the work as that year's winner. The novel appealed, it seemed, to Europe's long-standing image of Africa, a continent seen as inhabited by libidinous and violent savages. When Le Devoir de violence appeared as Bound to Violence in the United States, the New York Times listed it as one of the seven most significant novels of 1971. (Citations are from this translation in the Heinemann edi- tion.) But after its initial publication in Paris, and well before the debate over plagiarism began to catch the attention of a wider audi- ence, some critics argued that Ouologuem was inventing a history that had nothing to do with reality. J. Mbelolo ya Mpiku questioned Ouologuem's view of the Sahelian Middle Ages (1971, 142). More recently, in her study entitled "Le Devoir de violence: A Non- History," Sandra Barkan (1985) has argued that the novel, espe- cially the opening chapter entitled "La Ldgende des Saifs," may be considered as a pseudohistorical screen behind which lies a complex discussion of good and evil based on both biblical and Dogon sources. Derek Wright, in the latest attack against the historicity of the novel, comments that "the story which we are reading raises re- flexive doubts about its own authenticity. Ouologuem's counter- fictions-the Semitic origin of the Saifs, the cunning manipulative control of the colonists by the colonized, and the ruling caste's re- strictions of a French education to the serf class-are all either of doubtful authenticity or deliberately and grossly unhistorical" (1988, 93). Until now, however, no one has attempted to penetrate the forest of names, places, and events cited in the novel in order to see if, in fact, there is any foundation for what the author portrays. One does not need to go very far, though, to discover that Ouologuem is hardly obscure, both when he proposes to his reader a highly amusing system of plagiarism, as in Lettre a la France negre, pub- lished in 1969, or when his narrator mentions on the second page of Le Devoir de violence that some of the events described come from the TF and the TS. Is Ouologuem, then, simply retelling or reinterpreting the story of the Songhay empire? The answer appears at first to be ambiguous.  Challenging the Past 139 Links between the Novel and the Songhay Empire At first, Ouologuem's tipoff to the reader appears almost too obvi- ous. In the barrage of names and places in the early pages of the novel, one finds it difficult to identify clearly the Songhay empire. On the first page, we discover the sixteenth-century kingdom of Nakem (an anagram for Kanem) near Lake Chad, south of the southwestern Libyan region of Fezzan in what is today western Chad. But the names of peoples and places that quickly follow take us west toward the broad area controlled at one time or another by the Mali and Songhay empires. The narrator partially anagramma- tizes the names of many ethnic groups, families of groups, and places in the Sahel. Thus we find the Rand6, which may be read as the Mand6, a large collection of peoples descended from the Mali em- pire that was partially absorbed by the Songhay. The mountains of the Goro Foto Zinko recall the Fouta Toro of Senegal. Among the ethnic groups that populate the area the narrator lists the Radingues, a variant for Mandingue, and the Gondaites, which we may substitute for Songhay. Ouologuem anagrams his own Dogon people into the Ngodos, but leaves the Peulh (also known as the Fulbe or Fulani) with their original name. The river Yame on whose banks much of the action takes place appears at first to echo the name of the capital of Niger, Niamey, located on the left bank of the Niger River. But the Yam6 is an actual river, a tributary of the Niger and the only permanent watercourse in the Dogon homeland of the novelist. The region covered by these ethnic groups includes a vast area of the West African Sahel and might well refer us to the empires of Mali, Songhay, or some smaller political unit. But the next clue on the third page brings us closer to a geographic reality. The capital of the empire of Nakem is Tillaberi-Bentia, a term that Ouologuem appears to have come across in Jean Boulnois and Bonbon Hama's 1954 study, L'Empire de Gao. Boulnois and Hama refer to the area of Tillabdri and Bentia as the heartland of the empire. It lies be- tween present-day Tillab6ri, a provincial town 110 kilometers up- river from the capital of Niger, Niamey, and Bentia, an island 60 kilometers downriver from Gao in eastern Mali. Some scholars see Bentia as the modern site of Koukiya, which was the capital of the Songhay long before the empire reached its peak (Hunwick 1985, 4-5). TWo other place names localize further the area of the empire in the region of eastern Mali and western Niger: Grosso and Gagol- Challenging the Past 139 Links between the Novel and the Songhay Empire At first, Ouologuem's tipoff to the reader appears almost too obvi- ous. In the barrage of names and places in the early pages of the novel, one finds it difficult to identify clearly the Songhay empire. On the first page, we discover the sixteenth-century kingdom of Nakem (an anagram for Kanem) near Lake Chad, south of the southwestern Libyan region of Fezzan in what is today western Chad. But the names of peoples and places that quickly follow take us west toward the broad area controlled at one time or another by the Mali and Songhay empires. The narrator partially anagramma- tizes the names of many ethnic groups, families of groups, and places in the Sahel. Thus we find the Rand6, which may be read as the Mand6, a large collection of peoples descended from the Mali em- pire that was partially absorbed by the Songhay. The mountains of the Goro Foto Zinko recall the Fouta Toro of Senegal. Among the ethnic groups that populate the area the narrator lists the Radingues, a variant for Mandingue, and the Gondaites, which we may substitute for Songhay. Ouologuem anagrams his own Dogon people into the Ngodos, but leaves the Peulh (also known as the Fulbe or Fulani) with their original name. The river Yam6 on whose banks much of the action takes place appears at first to echo the name of the capital of Niger, Niamey, located on the left bank of the Niger River. But the Yam6 is an actual river, a tributary of the Niger and the only permanent watercourse in the Dogon homeland of the novelist. The region covered by these ethnic groups includes a vast area of the West African Sahel and might well refer us to the empires of Mali, Songhay, or some smaller political unit. But the next clue on the third page brings us closer to a geographic reality. The capital of the empire of Nakem is Tillabdri-Bentia, a term that Ouologuem appears to have come across in Jean Boulnois and Boubou Hama's 1954 study, L'Empire de Gao. Boulnois and Hama refer to the area of Tillabdri and Bentia as the heartland of the empire. It lies be- tween present-day Tillab6ri, a provincial town 110 kilometers up- river from the capital of Niger, Niamey, and Bentia, an island 60 kilometers downriver from Gao in eastern Mali. Some scholars see Bentia as the modern site of Koukiya, which was the capital of the Songhay long before the empire reached its peak (Hunwick 1985, 4-5). Two other place names localize further the area of the empire in the region of eastern Mali and western Niger: Grosso and Gagol- Challenging the Past 139 Links between the Novel and the Songhay Empire At first, Ouologuem's tipoff to the reader appears almost too obvi- ous. In the barrage of names and places in the early pages of the novel, one finds it difficult to identify clearly the Songhay empire. On the first page, we discover the sixteenth-century kingdom of Nakem (an anagram for Kanem) near Lake Chad, south of the southwestern Libyan region of Fezzan in what is today western Chad. But the names of peoples and places that quickly follow take us west toward the broad area controlled at one time or another by the Mali and Songhay empires. The narrator partially anagramma- tizes the names of many ethnic groups, families of groups, and places in the Sahel. Thus we find the Rand6, which may be read as the Mand6, a large collection of peoples descended from the Mali em- pire that was partially absorbed by the Songhay. The mountains of the Goro Foto Zinko recall the Fouta Toro of Senegal. Among the ethnic groups that populate the area the narrator lists the Radingues, a variant for Mandingue, and the Gondaites, which we may substitute for Songhay. Ouologuem anagrams his own Dogon people into the Ngodos, but leaves the Peulh (also known as the Fulbe or Fulani) with their original name. The river Yam6 on whose banks much of the action takes place appears at first to echo the name of the capital of Niger, Niamey, located on the left bank of the Niger River. But the Yam6 is an actual river, a tributary of the Niger and the only permanent watercourse in the Dogon homeland of the novelist. The region covered by these ethnic groups includes a vast area of the West African Sahel and might well refer us to the empires of Mali, Songhay, or some smaller political unit. But the next clue on the third page brings us closer to a geographic reality. The capital of the empire of Nakem is Tillab6ri-Bentia, a term that Ouologuem appears to have come across in Jean Boulnois and Boubou Hama's 1954 study, L'Empire de Gao. Boulnois and Hama refer to the area of Tillab6ri and Bentia as the heartland of the empire. It lies be- tween present-day Tillab6ri, a provincial town 110 kilometers up- river from the capital of Niger, Niamey, and Bentia, an island 60 kilometers downriver from Gao in eastern Mali. Some scholars see Bentia as the modern site of Koukiya, which was the capital of the Songhay long before the empire reached its peak (Hunwick 1985, 4-5). Two other place names localize further the area of the empire in the region of eastern Mali and western Niger: Grosso and Gagol-  140 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Gosso. Grosso, an apparent partial anagram for Dosso, is a major crossroads town about 140 kilometers southeast of Niamey and the seat of the best known of the chiefs of the Zarma. As we saw in the oral narrative by Nouhou Malio, the Zarma, led by Mali Bero and Yefarma Issaka, came to the aid of the retreating Songhay. The chiefs title is the Zarmakoy or Djermakoye of Dosso, and the name of the current ruler is Abdou Aouta. We shall return to the Zarmakoy later. The other local reference is to the Gagol-Gosso, a Ouologuem variant for the Dallol Bosso ("Valley of the Tamarind Trees" in Songhay), the dry riverbed 107 kilometers east of Niamey that leads from the Air mountains south into the Niger River and where, as we saw at the end of the oral version, Yefarma Issaka learned of the Arma invasion. Although Ouologuem attempts to generalize his portrait of the empire of Nakem with brief references to the Zulu-speaking peoples of South Africa and the Masai from East Africa, it is evident from the geographical and ethnic references just cited that he is focusing on West Africa, and on that part of the Sahel that was the heartland of the Songhay empire. By the end of the second text page, his narra- tor gives historical weight to the account by citing his two principal sources: "That is what happened at Tillabdri-Bentia, at Granta, at Grosso, at Gagol-Gosso, and in many places mentioned in the Tarik al-Fetach and the Tarik al-Sudan of the Arab historians" (4). The error in attributing these texts to Arab authors appears of little consequence next to the great credibility that the narrator man- ages to attach to his account by referring to early written sources. When questioned about the accuracy of his portraits of bloodthirsty and corrupt rulers during interviews in France and this country, Ouologuem offered as evidence copies of the two chronicles. But he was not simply transposing into fictional form a reality described in the chronicles. He was, instead, reinterpreting that portrayal to ad- vance his own thesis about the nature of Sahelian societies today. To understand more clearly his use of the past, we need to look more closely at how Ouologuem drew on the written and oral traditions we have studied in earlier chapters. Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, Models of Evil and Good The descriptions of the rulers of the Songhay empire in the chroni- cles offer models for some of the people and events Ouologuem de- 140 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Gosso. Grosso, an apparent partial anagram for Dosso, is a major crossroads town about 140 kilometers southeast of Niamey and the seat of the best known of the chiefs of the Zarma. As we saw in the oral narrative by Nouhou Malio, the Zarma, led by Mali Bero and Yefarma Issaka, came to the aid of the retreating Songhay. The chiefs title is the Zarmakoy or Djermakoye of Dosso, and the name of the current ruler is Abdou Aouta. We shall return to the Zarmakoy later. The other local reference is to the Gagol-Gosso, a Ouologuem variant for the Dallol Bosso ("Valley of the Tamarind Trees" in Songhay), the dry riverbed 107 kilometers east of Niamey that leads from the Air mountains south into the Niger River and where, as we saw at the end of the oral version, Yefarma Issaka learned of the Arma invasion. Although Ouologuem attempts to generalize his portrait of the empire of Nakem with brief references to the Zulu-speaking peoples of South Africa and the Masai from East Africa, it is evident from the geographical and ethnic references just cited that he is focusing on West Africa, and on that part of the Sahel that was the heartland of the Songhay empire. By the end of the second text page, his narra- tor gives historical weight to the account by citing his two principal sources: "That is what happened at Tillabdri-Bentia, at Granta, at Grosso, at Gagol-Gosso, and in many places mentioned in the Tarik al-Fetach and the Tarik al-Sudan of the Arab historians" (4). The error in attributing these texts to Arab authors appears of little consequence next to the great credibility that the narrator man- ages to attach to his account by referring to early written sources. When questioned about the accuracy of his portraits of bloodthirsty and corrupt rulers during interviews in France and this country, Ouologuem offered as evidence copies of the two chronicles. But he was not simply transposing into fictional form a reality described in the chronicles. He was, instead, reinterpreting that portrayal to ad- vance his own thesis about the nature of Sahelian societies today. To understand more clearly his use of the past, we need to look more closely at how Ouologuem drew on the written and oral traditions we have studied in earlier chapters. Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, Models of Evil and Good The descriptions of the rulers of the Songhay empire in the chroni- cles offer models for some of the people and events Ouologuem de- 140 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Gosso. Grosso, an apparent partial anagram for Dosso, is a major crossroads town about 140 kilometers southeast of Niamey and the seat of the best known of the chiefs of the Zarma. As we saw in the oral narrative by Nouhou Malio, the Zarma, led by Mali Bero and Yefarma Issaka, came to the aid of the retreating Songhay. The chiefs title is the Zarmakoy or Djermakoye of Dosso, and the name of the current ruler is Abdou Aouta. We shall return to the Zarmakoy later. The other local reference is to the Gagol-Gosso, a Ouologuem variant for the Dallol Bosso ("Valley of the Tamarind Trees" in Songhay), the dry riverbed 107 kilometers east of Niamey that leads from the Air mountains south into the Niger River and where, as we saw at the end of the oral version, Yefarma Issaka learned of the Arma invasion. Although Ouologuem attempts to generalize his portrait of the empire of Nakem with brief references to the Zulu-speaking peoples of South Africa and the Masai from East Africa, it is evident from the geographical and ethnic references just cited that he is focusing on West Africa, and on that part of the Sahel that was the heartland of the Songhay empire. By the end of the second text page, his narra- tor gives historical weight to the account by citing his two principal sources: "That is what happened at Tillabdri-Bentia, at Granta, at Grosso, at Gagol-Gosso, and in many places mentioned in the Tarik al-Fetach and the Tarik al-Sudan of the Arab historians" (4). The error in attributing these texts to Arab authors appears of little consequence next to the great credibility that the narrator man- ages to attach to his account by referring to early written sources. When questioned about the accuracy of his portraits of bloodthirsty and corrupt rulers during interviews in France and this country, Ouologuem offered as evidence copies of the two chronicles. But he was not simply transposing into fictional form a reality described in the chronicles. He was, instead, reinterpreting that portrayal to ad- vance his own thesis about the nature of Sahelian societies today. To understand more clearly his use of the past, we need to look more closely at how Ouologuem drew on the written and oral traditions we have studied in earlier chapters. Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, Models of Evil and Good The descriptions of the rulers of the Songhay empire in the chroni- cles offer models for some of the people and events Ouologuem de-  Challenging the Past 141 Challenging the Past 141 Challenging the Past 141 scribes in the opening chapter of the novel. For example, in the first few pages we find a basic opposition between the bad leader, Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine, and the good sovereign, Saif Isaac al- Heit. Ouologuem has patterned the first on Sonni Ali Ber and, in a far more detailed way, modeled the second on Askia Mohammed. In the novel, Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine appears as a violent ruler who did not hesitate to kill children. In a biblical tone, the nar- rator informs us: It came to pass that one day in the year 1420 Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine-after hearing the words of a soothsayer who pre- dicted that he would be overthrown by a child to be born during the coming year in Tillab6ri-Bentia, capital of the Nakem Empire-ceased to ignore the strange cravings of pregnant women. He consigned all newborn babes to the red death and lined up their shrunken heads along the wall of his antechamber. (5) For the European reader, Saif Moshe's suppression of male chil- dren echoes the story of Moses. But if the biblical tale motif provides an obvious parallel, the Timbuktu chronicles offer more direct and widely known evidence of a Sahelian ruler's mistreatment of chil- dren. We saw earlier several references in the TF to the fact that Sonni Ali Ber had the fetus torn from the womb of a mother, forced a woman to grind up her baby in a mortar, and wanted to kill a cry- ing baby. Ouologuem was obviously familiar with both stories of foreign origin. His extensive background in Western culture provided infor- mation on the biblical tale. The tales of Sonni Ali Ber and his succes- sors came from both his reading of the chronicles and, in all proba- bility, from the oral tradition in the Dogon area, a region over which the Songhay maintained control for many generations. If Saif Moshe's hatred of children resonates in many cultures, it is never- theless likely that the Dogon remember particularly well both his historical model, Sonni Ali Ber, and the successor who attempted to convert them to Islam, Askia Mohammed. The evidence for the relationship between these two rulers and the Dogon comes from Askia Mohammed's correspondence with the North African scholar al-Maghili. After overthrowing the Sonni dynasty, Askia Moham- med reported that in some of the lands he entered to repair the havoc wrought by his predecessor and to free slaves, adherence to scribes in the opening chapter of the novel. For example, in the first few pages we find a basic opposition between the bad leader, Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine, and the good sovereign, Saif Isaac al- Heit. Ouologuem has patterned the first on Sonni Ali Ber and, in a far more detailed way, modeled the second on Askia Mohammed. In the novel, Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine appears as a violent ruler who did not hesitate to kill children. In a biblical tone, the nar- rator informs us: It came to pass that one day in the year 1420 Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine-after hearing the words of a soothsayer who pre- dicted that he would be overthrown by a child to be born during the coming year in Tillab6ri-Bentia, capital of the Nakem, Empire-ceased to ignore the strange cravings of pregnant women. He consigned all newborn babes to the red death and lined up their shrunken heads along the wall of his antechamber. (5) For the European reader, Saif Moshe's suppression of male chil- dren echoes the story of Moses. But if the biblical tale motif provides an obvious parallel, the Timbuktu chronicles offer more direct and widely known evidence of a Sahelian ruler's mistreatment of chil- dren. We saw earlier several references in the TF to the fact that Sonni Ali Ber had the fetus torn from the womb of a mother, forced a woman to grind up her baby in a mortar, and wanted to kill a cry- ing baby. Ouologuem was obviously familiar with both stories of foreign origin. His extensive background in Western culture provided infor- mation on the biblical tale. The tales of Sonni Ali Ber and his succes- sors came from both his reading of the chronicles and, in all proba- bility, from the oral tradition in the Dogon area, a region over which the Songhay maintained control for many generations. If Saif Moshe's hatred of children resonates in many cultures, it is never- theless likely that the Dogon remember particularly well both his historical model, Sonni Ali Ber, and the successor who attempted to convert them to Islam, Askia Mohammed. The evidence for the relationship between these two rulers and the Dogon comes from Askia Mohammed's correspondence with the North African scholar al-Maghili. After overthrowing the Sonni dynasty, Askia Moham- med reported that in some of the lands he entered to repair the havoc wrought by his predecessor and to free slaves, adherence to scribes in the opening chapter of the novel. For example, in the first few pages we find a basic opposition between the bad leader, Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine, and the good sovereign, Saif Isaac al- Heit. Ouologuem has patterned the first on Sonni Ali Ber and, in a far more detailed way, modeled the second on Askia Mohammed. In the novel, Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine appears as a violent ruler who did not hesitate to kill children. In a biblical tone, the nar- rator informs us: It came to pass that one day in the year 1420 Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine-after hearing the words of a soothsayer who pre- dicted that he would be overthrown by a child to be born during the coming year in Tillabdri-Bentia, capital of the Nakem Empire-ceased to ignore the strange cravings of pregnant women. He consigned all newborn babes to the red death and lined up their shrunken heads along the wall of his antechamber. (5) For the European reader, Saif Moshe's suppression of male chil- dren echoes the story of Moses. But if the biblical tale motif provides an obvious parallel, the Timbuktu chronicles offer more direct and widely known evidence of a Sahelian ruler's mistreatment of chil- dren. We saw earlier several references in the TF to the fact that Sonni Ali Ber had the fetus torn from the womb of a mother, forced a woman to grind up her baby in a mortar, and wanted to kill a cry- ing baby. Ouologuem was obviously familiar with both stories of foreign origin. His extensive background in Western culture provided infor- mation on the biblical tale. The tales of Sonni Ali Ber and his succes- sors came from both his reading of the chronicles and, in all proba- bility, from the oral tradition in the Dogon area, a region over which the Songhay maintained control for many generations. If Saif Moshe's hatred of children resonates in many cultures, it is never- theless likely that the Dogon remember particularly well both his historical model, Sonni Ali Ber, and the successor who attempted to convert them to Islam, Askia Mohammed. The evidence for the relationship between these two rulers and the Dogon comes from Askia Mohammed's correspondence with the North African scholar al-Maghili. After overthrowing the Sonni dynasty, Askia Moham- med reported that in some of the lands he entered to repair the havoc wrought by his predecessor and to free slaves, adherence to  142 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 142 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 142 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Islam was superficial, and that some peoples still relied upon foxes for guidance. Hunwick's reading of al-Maghili's ruling is that these people must be fought, their men killed, their women and children en- slaved and their property seized. Their priests may be immolated, if necessary. This severe judgement appears to concern a specific ethnic group-their practice of a fox cult suggests the Dogon- who have been adjured to abandon their polytheistic practices, have refused to do so and are therefore deserving of having a jithad launched against them. (1985, 123) Hunwick is probably correct. The Dogon were, indeed, one of the peoples most resistant to the spread of Islam. Germaine Dieterlen, a French scholar who has devoted a lifetime to the study of the Dogon, argues that the most important reason for their mi- gration from the west to settle in the Bandiagara cliffs area was a collective refusal to convert to Islam in the twelfth century (1982, 9). Scholarship on the Dogon has focused primarily on their lan- guage, mythology, social structure, and belief system (Paulme 1940, Leiris 1948, Griaule 1948, Calame-Griaule 1968, Zahan 1969, and the vast bibliography of Germain Dieterlen during the last fifty years). Although I have not yet encountered information from the Dogon oral tradition concerning Sonni Ali Ber, it would be hard to imagine that their collective memory has erased all traces of the man who spent nearly all of his time on expeditions to conquer peoples living inside the bend of the Niger River. Today, Songhay, Dogon, and Peul communities share the Douentza region on the northeast- ern limit of the Dogon country. This area of Mali includes the Hombori mountains, an island of Songhay once governed by Askia Mohammed. As we have seen from the chronicles, Sonni Ali Ber did not limit his violent tendencies to children. In the novel, the narrator attri- butes to Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine Sonni Ali Ber's bloody rep- utation when he declares ironically, "In that age of feudalism, large communities of slaves celebrated the justice of their overlords by forced labor and by looking on inert as multitudes of their brothers, smeared with the blood of butchered children and of disemboweled expectant mothers, were immured alive" (5). Islam was superficial, and that some peoples still relied upon foxes for guidance. Hunwick's reading of al-Maghili's ruling is that these people must be fought, their men killed, their women and children en- slaved and their property seized. Their priests may be immolated, if necessary. This severe judgement appears to concern a specific ethnic group-their practice of a fox cult suggests the Dogon- who have been adjured to abandon their polytheistic practices, have refused to do so and are therefore deserving of having a jihdd launched against them. (1985, 123) Hunwick is probably correct. The Dogon were, indeed, one of the peoples most resistant to the spread of Islam. Germaine Dieterlen, a French scholar who has devoted a lifetime to the study of the Dogon, argues that the most important reason for their mi- gration from the west to settle in the Bandiagara cliffs area was a collective refusal to convert to Islam in the twelfth century (1982, 9). Scholarship on the Dogon has focused primarily on their lan- guage, mythology, social structure, and belief system (Paulme 1940, Leiris 1948, Griaule 1948, Calame-Griaule 1968, Zahan 1969, and the vast bibliography of Germain Dieterlen during the last fifty years). Although I have not yet encountered information from the Dogon oral tradition concerning Sonni Ali Ber, it would be hard to imagine that their collective memory has erased all traces of the man who spent nearly all of his time on expeditions to conquer peoples living inside the bend of the Niger River. Today, Songhay, Dogon, and Peul communities share the Douentza region on the northeast- ern limit of the Dogon country. This area of Mali includes the Hombori mountains, an island of Songhay once governed by Askia Mohammed. As we have seen from the chronicles, Sonni Ali Ber did not limit his violent tendencies to children. In the novel, the narrator attri- butes to Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine Sonni Ali Ber's bloody rep- utation when he declares ironically, "In that age of feudalism, large communities of slaves celebrated the justice of their overlords by forced labor and by looking on inert as multitudes of their brothers, smeared with the blood of butchered children and of disemboweled expectant mothers, were immured alive" (5). Islam was superficial, and that some peoples still relied upon foxes for guidance. Hunwick's reading of al-Maghili's ruling is that these people must be fought, their men killed, their women and children en- slaved and their property seized. Their priests may be immolated, if necessary. This severe judgement appears to concern a specific ethnic group-their practice of a fox cult suggests the Dogon- who have been adjured to abandon their polytheistic practices, have refused to do so and are therefore deserving of having a jihdd launched against them. (1985, 123) Hunwick is probably correct. The Dogon were, indeed, one of the peoples most resistant to the spread of Islam. Germaine Dieterlen, a French scholar who has devoted a lifetime to the study of the Dogon, argues that the most important reason for their mi- gration from the west to settle in the Bandiagara cliffs area was a collective refusal to convert to Islam in the twelfth century (1982, 9). Scholarship on the Dogon has focused primarily on their lan- guage, mythology, social structure, and belief system (Paulme 1940, Leiris 1948, Griaule 1948, Calame-Griaule 1968, Zahan 1969, and the vast bibliography of Germain Dieterlen during the last fifty years). Although I have not yet encountered information from the Dogon oral tradition concerning Sonni Ali Ber, it would be hard to imagine that their collective memory has erased all traces of the man who spent nearly all of his time on expeditions to conquer peoples living inside the bend of the Niger River. Today, Songhay, Dogon, and Peul communities share the Douentza region on the northeast- ern limit of the Dogon country. This area of Mali includes the Hombori mountains, an island of Songhay once governed by Askia Mohammed. As we have seen from the chronicles, Sonni Ali Ber did not limit his violent tendencies to children. In the novel, the narrator attri- butes to Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine Sonni Ali Ber's bloody rep- utation when he declares ironically, "In that age of feudalism, large communities of slaves celebrated the justice of their overlords by forced labor and by looking on inert as multitudes of their brothers, smeared with the blood of butchered children and of disemboweled expectant mothers, were immured alive" (5).  Challenging the Past 143 Challenging the Past 143 Challenging the Past 143 The Chronicles as Sources of Sex, Violence, and Decadence for the Novelist The reader of the chronicles discovers that the history of the em- pire, under both the Songhay rulers and their Moroccan-controlled successors after 1591, contains numerous murders, immurings, poi- sonings, and torture-events that are hardly different from what we find in the European Middle Ages. For three reasons, however, the violence in the novel, compared to what we read in the chronicles, appears greatly magnified. First, Ouologuem has compressed time considerably, reducing many generations and hundreds of pages of the chronicles into his twenty-three page first chapter. Second, he has drawn mainly from the pattern of incidents describing sex and violence. Finally, his narrator recounts these events in an ironic tone that distances the reader from the events portrayed. The following description of some of Saif Isaac al-Heit's successors typifies this nar- rative technique: On April 20, 1532, on a night as soft as a cloak of moist satin, Saif al-Haram, performing his conjugal "duty" with his four step- mothers seriatim and all together, had the imprudent weakness to overindulge and in the very midst of his dutiful delights gave up the ghost.... The next day his raven-eyed minister Al Hadj Abd al-Hassana, having established a stripling boy and Hawa, the most beautiful of Saif's stepmothers in his bed, was stung by an asp which he was caressing in the belief that he was holding something else, opened his mouth wide three times and died.... His succes- sor was Holongo, "a horrible biped with the brutal expression of a buffalo," humped in front and in back; after a reign of two years, moaning in enviable torment, he died in the arms of a courtesan Aiosha, who strangled him as he was crying out in ecstasy. His successor was Saif Ali, a pederast with pious airs, as vicious as a red donkey, who succumbed six months later to the sin of gluttony, leaving the crown to Saif Jibril, Ali's younger brother, who, slain by the sin of indiscretion, was replaced by Saif Yus- sufi, one of the sons of Ramina (mother of Saif al-Haram, got with child by her son at the cost of a great effort). An al- bino notorious for his ugliness, he was twice felled by one of his wife's admirers; the third time-at last!-much to his amaze- ment, he was carried off by an ill wind, ceding his place to Saif Medioni of Mostanagem, who was recalled to God ten days later, The Chronicles as Sources of Sex, Violence, and Decadence for the Novelist The reader of the chronicles discovers that the history of the em- pire, under both the Songhay rulers and their Moroccan-controlled successors after 1591, contains numerous murders, immurings, poi- sonings, and torture-events that are hardly different from what we find in the European Middle Ages. For three reasons, however, the violence in the novel, compared to what we read in the chronicles, appears greatly magnified. First, Ouologuem has compressed time considerably, reducing many generations and hundreds of pages of the chronicles into his twenty-three page first chapter. Second, he has drawn mainly from the pattern of incidents describing sex and violence. Finally, his narrator recounts these events in an ironic tone that distances the reader from the events portrayed. The following description of some of Saif Isaac al-Heit's successors typifies this nar- rative technique: On April 20, 1532, on a night as soft as a cloak of moist satin, Saif al-Haram, performing his conjugal "duty" with his four step- mothers seriatim and all together, had the imprudent weakness to overindulge and in the very midst of his dutiful delights gave up the ghost. . . . The next day his raven-eyed minister Al Hadj Abd al-Hassana, having established a stripling boy and Hawa, the most beautiful of Saif's stepmothers in his bed, was stung by an asp which he was caressing in the belief that he was holding something else, opened his mouth wide three times and died.... His succes- sor was Holongo, "a horrible biped with the brutal expression of a buffalo," humped in front and in back; after a reign of two years, moaning in enviable torment, he died in the arms of a courtesan Aiosha, who strangled him as he was crying out in ecstasy. His successor was Saif Ali, a pederast with pious airs, as vicious as a red donkey, who succumbed six months later to the sin of gluttony, leaving the crown to Saif Jibril, Ali's younger brother, who, slain by the sin of indiscretion, was replaced by Saif Yus- sufi, one of the sons of Ramina (mother of Saif al-Haram, got with child by her son at the cost of a great effort). An al- bino notorious for his ugliness, he was twice felled by one of his wife's admirers; the third time-at last!-much to his amaze- ment, he was carried off by an ill wind, ceding his place to Saif Medioni of Mostanagem, who was recalled to God ten days later, The Chronicles as Sources of Sex, Violence, and Decadence for the Novelist The reader of the chronicles discovers that the history of the em- pire, under both the Songhay rulers and their Moroccan-controlled successors after 1591, contains numerous murders, immurings, poi- sonings, and torture-events that are hardly different from what we find in the European Middle Ages. For three reasons, however, the violence in the novel, compared to what we read in the chronicles, appears greatly magnified. First, Ouologuem has compressed time considerably, reducing many generations and hundreds of pages of the chronicles into his twenty-three page first chapter. Second, he has drawn mainly from the pattern of incidents describing sex and violence. Finally, his narrator recounts these events in an ironic tone that distances the reader from the events portrayed. The following description of some of Saif Isaac al-Heit's successors typifies this nar- rative technique: On April 20, 1532, on a night as soft as a cloak of moist satin, Saif al-Haram, performing his conjugal "duty" with his four step- mothers seriatim and all together, had the imprudent weakness to overindulge and in the very midst of his dutiful delights gave up the ghost. . . . The next day his raven-eyed minister Al Hadj Abd al-Hassana, having established a stripling boy and Hawa, the most beautiful of Saif's stepmothers in his bed, was stung by an asp which he was caressing in the belief that he was holding something else, opened his mouth wide three times and died.... His succes- sor was Holongo, "a horrible biped with the brutal expression of a buffalo," humped in front and in back; after a reign of two years, moaning in enviable torment, he died in the arms of a courtesan Aiosha, who strangled him as he was crying out in ecstasy. His successor was Saif Ali, a pederast with pious airs, as vicious as a red donkey, who succumbed six months later to the sin of gluttony, leaving the crown to Saif Jibril, Ali's younger brother, who, slain by the sin of indiscretion, was replaced by Saif Yus- sufi, one of the sons of Ramina (mother of Saif al-Haram, got with child by her son at the cost of a great effort). An al- bino notorious for his ugliness, he was twice felled by one of his wife's admirers; the third time-at last!-much to his amaze- ment, he was carried off by an ill wind, ceding his place to Saif Medioni of Mostanagem, who was recalled to God ten days later,  144 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist torn to pieces, so it is said, by the contrary angels of Mercy and Justice. (16) In the context of the activities described, Saif al-Haram's name appears charged with irony. In Arabic, the word "haram" can mean either "sacred" or "prohibited, unlawful," depending on the length of the second vowel (Qazi 1979, 19). If Ouologuem has drawn on the chronicles in a broad sense for Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine and the violence associated with his successors, his portrait of Saif Isaac al-Heit leaves little doubt that he is following the medieval written sources regarding Askia Mo- hammed. Aside from the change in name, there is a relatively small difference between the itineraries of the real and the fictional ruler. Both Askia Mohammed and Saif Isaac al-Heit recognize, corre- spond with, and sometimes meet well-known representatives of Islam: the Egyptian scholar es Soyouti; the North African scholar al-Maghili; Chamharouch of the race of genies; and the prince of Mecca, Moulay El Abbas. Where the written tradition reports that Askia Mohammed defeated Chi Baro, nephew of Sonni Ali Ber, Ouologuem's Saif Isaac defeats Saif Moshe, who flees south. Moulay El Abbas proclaims both the real and the fictional character as the eleventh caliph of the Sudan. Although this sequence represents a reversal and minor modification in the events of Askia Mohammed's life (he overthrew Sonni Ali Ber first and then went to Mecca, while Saif Isaac al-Heit merely received a message from Mecca about his promotion and then went on to defeat Moshe), there is no doubt about the link between the medieval and the modern characters. Ouologuem maintains the image from the chronicles of Askia Mohammed as a pious and good man who freed a slave each day. But piety does not preclude military power. His Saif, like Askia Mo- hammed, fights the enemies of Islam throughout the Sahel. Here Ouologuem's narrator, like the griot, conflates the link to Mecca with the many battles Askia Mohammed fought. Terrible in battle, he defeated the Berbers, the Moors, and the Tuareg, recognized the Sheikh Mohammed ben Abd-al-Karim at- Meghili, the Sheikh Shamharouk of the race of the Jinn, and the Hassanid Sherif Mulai al-Abbas, Prince of Mecca: God hold them all in His compassion. In Bengazi he fought the enemies of the Imam Abu Bakr ben Omar al-Yemani, in Tripoli he destroyed the 144 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist torn to pieces, so it is said, by the contrary angels of Mercy and Justice. (16) In the context of the activities described, Saif al-Haram's name appears charged with irony. In Arabic, the word "haram" can mean either "sacred" or "prohibited, unlawful," depending on the length of the second vowel (Qazi 1979, 19). If Ouologuem has drawn on the chronicles in a broad sense for Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine and the violence associated with his successors, his portrait of Saif Isaac al-Heit leaves little doubt that he is following the medieval written sources regarding Askia Mo- hammed. Aside from the change in name, there is a relatively small difference between the itineraries of the real and the fictional ruler. Both Askia Mohammed and Saif Isaac al-Heit recognize, corre- spond with, and sometimes meet well-known representatives of Islam: the Egyptian scholar es Soyouti; the North African scholar al-Maghili; Chamharouch of the race of genies; and the prince of Mecca, Moulay El Abbas. Where the written tradition reports that Askia Mohammed defeated Chi Baro, nephew of Sonni Ali Ber, Ouologuem's Saif Isaac defeats Saif Moshe, who flees south. Moulay El Abbas proclaims both the real and the fictional character as the eleventh caliph of the Sudan. Although this sequence represents a reversal and minor modification in the events of Askia Mohammed's life (he overthrew Sonni Ali Ber first and then went to Mecca, while Saif Isaac al-Heit merely received a message from Mecca about his promotion and then went on to defeat Moshe), there is no doubt about the link between the medieval and the modern characters. Ouologuem maintains the image from the chronicles of Askia Mohammed as a pious and good man who freed a slave each day. But piety does not preclude military power. His Saif, like Askia Mo- hammed, fights the enemies of Islam throughout the Sahel. Here Ouologuem's narrator, like the griot, conflates the link to Mecca with the many battles Askia Mohammed fought. Terrible in battle, he defeated the Berbers, the Moors, and the Tuareg, recognized the Sheikh Mohammed ben Abd-al-Karim al- Meghili, the Sheikh Shamharouk of the race of the Jinn, and the Hassanid Sherif Mulai al-Abbas, Prince of Mecca: God hold them all in His compassion. In Bengazi he fought the enemies of the Imam Abu Bakr ben Omar al-Yemani, in Tripoli he destroyed the 144 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist torn to pieces, so it is said, by the contrary angels of Mercy and Justice. (16) In the context of the activities described, Saif al-Haram's name appears charged with irony. In Arabic, the word "haram" can mean either "sacred" or "prohibited, unlawful," depending on the length of the second vowel (Qazi 1979, 19). If Ouologuem has drawn on the chronicles in a broad sense for Saif Moshe Gabbai of Honaine and the violence associated with his successors, his portrait of Saif Isaac al-Heit leaves little doubt that he is following the medieval written sources regarding Askia Mo- hammed. Aside from the change in name, there is a relatively small difference between the itineraries of the real and the fictional ruler. Both Askia Mohammed and Saif Isaac al-Heit recognize, corre- spond with, and sometimes meet well-known representatives of Islam: the Egyptian scholar es Soyouti; the North African scholar al-Maghili; Chamharouch of the race of genies; and the prince of Mecca, Moulay El Abbas. Where the written tradition reports that Askia Mohammed defeated Chi Baro, nephew of Sonni Ali Ber, Ouologuem's Saif Isaac defeats Saif Moshe, who flees south. Moulay El Abbas proclaims both the real and the fictional character as the eleventh caliph of the Sudan. Although this sequence represents a reversal and minor modification in the events of Askia Mohammed's life (he overthrew Sonni Ali Ber first and then went to Mecca, while Saif Isaac al-Heit merely received a message from Mecca about his promotion and then went on to defeat Moshe), there is no doubt about the link between the medieval and the modern characters. Ouologuem maintains the image from the chronicles of Askia Mohammed as a pious and good man who freed a slave each day. But piety does not preclude military power. His Saif, like Askia Mo- hammed, fights the enemies of Islam throughout the Sahel. Here Ouologuem's narrator, like the griot, conflates the link to Mecca with the many battles Askia Mohammed fought. Terrible in battle, he defeated the Berbers, the Moors, and the Tuareg, recognized the Sheikh Mohanmned ben Abd-al-Karim al- Meghili, the Sheikh Shamharouk of the race of the Jinn, and the Hassanid Sherif Mulai al-Abbas, Prince of Mecca: God hold them all in His compassion. In Bengazi he fought the enemies of the Imam Abu Bakr ben Omar al-Yemani, in Tripoli he destroyed the  Challenging the Past 145 Challenging the Past 145 Challenging the Past 145 usurpers who were plotting to assassinate the Qadi Abd-al-Qahir ben al-Fizan, and one day when he was staying with Beni Tsa'aleb in the province of Algiers, the Sheikh Abd-ar-Rahman al-Tsa'albi brought him the prophecy of Imam Mahmud, Grand Sherif of Mecca: "There will come a new Saif who will quench the thirst of the men of the Nakem Empire: thou, Isaac al-Heit, art that man, thou art the first, for thou art the water and the salt and the bread, thou art holy and wilt be caliph." (7) In the oral version by Nouhou Malio, we saw Askia Mohammed fight many battles to convert peoples to Islam so that he could earn the right to go to Mecca. In the chronicles, as we saw earlier, Askia Mohammed is supposed to have carried out only one jihad, or holy war-against the Mossi after his return to Mecca. Although the bat- tles and enemies are different, the notion of the ruler as a defender of Islam matches closely in all three versions. Ouologuem takes pains to change some of the dates in the chroni- cles' version of the past. Where the scribes place Askia Mo- hammed's death in 1538, Ouologuem's "mild and just emperor" Saif Isaac al-Heit dies in 1498, leaving three sons. Ouologuem con- tinues, however, to draw on some of these successors' adventures. For example, in the long excerpt just cited, Saif al-Haram takes his father's wives and concubines in a wild orgy. His model, Askia Moussa, as we saw earlier in the chronicles, had violated the sanctity of his father's wives and concubines first by refusing to allow them to go home after the death of their man and then by forcing them to parade before him completely naked. In appendix II of the TF, another version of the events suggests that Askia Moussa "kept aside for himself several wives of his father and cohabited with them" (TF 339-40). This act by Moussa prompted Askia Mohammed's venge- ance cited earlier, in which Moussa falls off his horse and finds him- self naked on the ground. In the TF the incident appears in the fol- lowing terms: They say that . . . Askia Mohammed asked God not to let him die before having exposed the private parts of Moussa. And God granted this wish, for one day, while Askia Moussa was riding on horseback past the market square in Gao and was spurring his mount, the horse threw him on the ground, one of his feet caught in the strap of a stirrup, his clothes fell back over his head, the usurpers who were plotting to assassinate the Qadi Abd-al-Qahir ben al-Fizan, and one day when he was staying with Beni Tsa'aleb in the province of Algiers, the Sheikh Abd-ar-Rahman al-Tsa'albi brought him the prophecy of Imam Mahmud, Grand Sherif of Mecca: "There will come a new Saif who will quench the thirst of the men of the Nakem Empire: thou, Isaac al-Heit, art that man, thou art the first, for thou art the water and the salt and the bread, thou art holy and wilt be caliph." (7) In the oral version by Nouhou Malio, we saw Askia Mohammed fight many battles to convert peoples to Islam so that he could earn the right to go to Mecca. In the chronicles, as we saw earlier, Askia Mohammed is supposed to have carried out only one jihad, or holy war-against the Mossi after his return to Mecca. Although the bat- tles and enemies are different, the notion of the ruler as a defender of Islam matches closely in all three versions. Ouologuem takes pains to change some of the dates in the chroni- cles' version of the past. Where the scribes place Askia Mo- hammed's death in 1538, Guologuem's "mild and just emperor" Saif Isaac al-Heit dies in 1498, leaving three sons. Ouologuem con- tinues, however, to draw on some of these successors' adventures. For example, in the long excerpt just cited, Saif al-Haram takes his father's wives and concubines in a wild orgy. His model, Askia Moussa, as we saw earlier in the chronicles, had violated the sanctity of his father's wives and concubines first by refusing to allow them to go home after the death of their man and then by forcing them to parade before him completely naked. In appendix II of the TF, another version of the events suggests that Askia Moussa "kept aside for himself several wives of his father and cohabited with them" (TF 339-40). This act by Moussa prompted Askia Mohammed's venge- ance cited earlier, in which Moussa falls off his horse and finds him- self naked on the ground. In the TF the incident appears in the fol- lowing terms: They say that . . . Askia Mohammed asked God not to let him die before having exposed the private parts of Moussa. And God granted this wish, for one day, while Askia Moussa was riding on horseback past the market square in Gao and was spurring his mount, the horse threw him on the ground, one of his feet caught in the strap of a stirrup, his clothes fell back over his head, the usurpers who were plotting to assassinate the Qadi Abd-al-Qahir ben al-Fizan, and one day when he was staying with Beni Tsa'aleb in the province of Algiers, the Sheikh Abd-ar-Rahman al-Tsa'albi brought him the prophecy of Imam Mahmud, Grand Sherif of Mecca: "There will come a new Saif who will quench the thirst of the men of the Nakem Empire: thou, Isaac al-Heit, art that man, thou art the first, for thou art the water and the salt and the bread, thou art holy and wilt be caliph." (7) In the oral version by Nouhou Malin, we saw Askia Mohammed fight many battles to convert peoples to Islam so that he could earn the right to go to Mecca. In the chronicles, as we saw earlier, Askia Mohammed is supposed to have carried out only one jihad, or holy war-against the Mossi after his return to Mecca. Although the bat- tles and enemies are different, the notion of the ruler as a defender of Islam matches closely in all three versions. Ouologuem takes pains to change some of the dates in the chroni- cles' version of the past. Where the scribes place Askia Mo- hammed's death in 1538, Guologuem's "mild and just emperor" Saif Isaac al-Heit dies in 1498, leaving three sons. Ouologuem con- tinues, however, to draw on some of these successors' adventures. For example, in the long excerpt just cited, Saif al-Haram takes his father's wives and concubines in a wild orgy. His model, Askia Moussa, as we saw earlier in the chronicles, had violated the sanctity of his father's wives and concubines first by refusing to allow them to go home after the death of their man and then by forcing them to parade before him completely naked. In appendix II of the TF, another version of the events suggests that Askia Moussa "kept aside for himself several wives of his father and cohabited with them" (TF 339-40). This act by Moussa prompted Askia Mohammed's venge- ance cited earlier, in which Moussa falls off his horse and finds him- self naked on the ground. In the TF the incident appears in the fol- lowing terms: They say that . . . Askia Mohammed asked God not to let him die before having exposed the private parts of Moussa. And God granted this wish, for one day, while Askia Moussa was riding on horseback past the market square in Gao and was spurring his mount, the horse threw him on the ground, one of his feet caught in the strap of a stirrup, his clothes fell back over his head, the  146 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist waistband of his pants broke, his private parts were exposed, and all the people who were at the market could see them as he was dragged by the frightened, fleeing horse. (340) Ouologuem changes the place from the market to the palace and embroiders somewhat on the scene in his version of the same inci- dent. Then the Emperor Saif al-Haram, the wicked brother and ac- cursed son-God's malediction upon him!-returned from a war against the Fulani escorted by twelve thousand Tukulor slaves to Tillab6ri-Bentia, the capital, where the people, crushed between the sun, were waiting at the gates. His horse pranced majestically as he saluted the frantic crowd. To his right, notables, chiefs of various provinces, court dignitaries, to his left, women, children, and old men, behind him the army flanked by long rows of slaves with shackled ankles. A triumphal homecoming; his victories seemed to have washed away his taint. Entering the courtyard of his palace in full pomp, he was about to alight from his horse to greet his wives, who were at the same time his stepmothers, when suddenly-such be the fate of those who curse Thee!-his horse shied; in his fall he tore the short trou- sers of his blue tunic, exposing his nether regions to the crowd in the manner of Adam at his birth. (9) In Ouologuem's portrayal, the narrator emphasizes the distance between the ruler and the masses while reminding the reader of the moral decay associated with Askia Moussa's reign. Ouologuem's modification of this one incident reflects, in microcosm, the fact that he does not simply report the past, but instead offers his readers an interpretative, creative image. In the following passage, the narrator distances himself from any claim of historical accuracy. His style, typical of Ouologuem's complex narrative voice, shifts from the ob- jectivity of the historian to the solemn oratory of the elders before ending with the irreverence of the younger generation. At this point tradition loses itself in legend, for there are few writ- ten accounts and the versions of the elders diverge from those of the griots, which differ in turn from those of the chroniclers.... When the Immortal One makes the sun-diamond of the house of his Power-set, then, along with the tales of the oral tradition, 146 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist waistband of his pants broke, his private parts were exposed, and all the people who were at the market could see them as he was dragged by the frightened, fleeing horse. (340) Ouologuem changes the place from the market to the palace and embroiders somewhat on the scene in his version of the same inci- dent. Then the Emperor Saif al-Haram, the wicked brother and ac- cursed son-God's malediction upon him!-returned from a war against the Fulani escorted by twelve thousand Takulor slaves to Tillab6ri-Bentia, the capital, where the people, crushed between the sun, were waiting at the gates. His horse pranced majestically as he saluted the frantic crowd. To his right, notables, chiefs of various provinces, court dignitaries, to his left, women, children, and old men, behind him the army flanked by long rows of slaves with shackled ankles. A triumphal homecoming; his victories seemed to have washed away his taint. Entering the courtyard of his palace in full pomp, he was about to alight from his horse to greet his wives, who were at the same time his stepmothers, when suddenly-such be the fate of those who curse Thee!-his horse shied; in his fall he tore the short trou- sers of his blue tunic, exposing his nether regions to the crowd in the manner of Adam at his birth. (9) In Ouologuem's portrayal, the narrator emphasizes the distance between the ruler and the masses while reminding the reader of the moral decay associated with Askia Moussa's reign. Ouologuem's modification of this one incident reflects, in microcosm, the fact that he does not simply report the past, but instead offers his readers an interpretative, creative image. In the following passage, the narrator distances himself from any claim of historical accuracy. His style, typical of Ouologuem's complex narrative voice, shifts from the ob- jectivity of the historian to the solemn oratory of the elders before ending with the irreverence of the younger generation. At this point tradition loses itself in legend, for there are few writ- ten accounts and the versions of the elders diverge from those of the griots, which differ in turn from those of the chroniclers. ... When the Immortal One makes the sun-diamond of the house of his Power-set, then, along with the tales of the oral tradition, 146 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist waistband of his pants broke, his private parts were exposed, and all the people who were at the market could see them as he was dragged by the frightened, fleeing horse. (340) Ouologuem changes the place from the market to the palace and embroiders somewhat on the scene in his version of the same inci- dent. Then the Emperor Saif al-Haram, the wicked brother and ac- cursed son-God's malediction upon him!-returned from a war against the Fulani escorted by twelve thousand Tukulr slaves to Tillab6ri-Bentia, the capital, where the people, crushed between the sun, were waiting at the gates. His horse pranced majestically as he saluted the frantic crowd. To his right, notables, chiefs of various provinces, court dignitaries, to his left, women, children, and old men, behind him the army flanked by long rows of slaves with shackled ankles. A triumphal homecoming; his victories seemed to have washed away his taint. Entering the courtyard of his palace in full pomp, he was about to alight from his horse to greet his wives, who were at the same time his stepmothers, when suddenly-such be the fate of those who curse Thee!-his horse shied; in his fall he tore the short trou- sers of his blue tunic, exposing his nether regions to the crowd in the manner of Adam at his birth. (9) In Ouologuem's portrayal, the narrator emphasizes the distance between the ruler and the masses while reminding the reader of the moral decay associated with Askia Moussa's reign. Ouologuem's modification of this one incident reflects, in microcosm, the fact that he does not simply report the past, but instead offers his readers an interpretative, creative image. In the following passage, the narrator distances himself from any claim of historical accuracy. His style, typical of Ouologuem's complex narrative voice, shifts from the ob- jectivity of the historian to the solemn oratory of the elders before ending with the irreverence of the younger generation. At this point tradition loses itself in legend, for there are few writ- ten accounts and the versions of the elders diverge from those of the griots, which differ in turn from those of the chroniclers. . .. When the Immortal One makes the sun-diamond of the house of his Power-set, then, along with the tales of the oral tradition,  Challenging the Past 147 Challenging the Past 147 Challenging the Past 147 the elders intone the famous epic (the value of which some con- test, because they deny Saifs Jewish descent, insisting that he was a plain ordinary nigger) written by Mahmud Meknud Trare, a de- scendant of griot ancestors and himself a griot of the present-day African Republic of Nakem-Ziuko, which is all that remains of the ancient Nakem Empire. (6) Christopher Miller is quite correct in his view that Ouologuem is using this passage "as a device for problematizing history" (1985, 231). The distance the narrator establishes between his account and his sources discredits both the sources and the values they represent. The striking comparison between the evil Moshe and the good Isaac, lifted straight from the chronicles, provides Ouologuem with a con- venient opportunity to question the value system of both men, lead- ers of an aristocracy that, as shall be discussed in more detail later, depends for its existence on the fealty of captive masses. By ques- tioning history, Ouologuem establishes the basis for what Miller terms the "fragmentation and mythification" of the past (231). In so doing, Ouologuem's sardonic narrator addresses both his audiences: Europeans, with their image of a violent and savage continent, and Africans, who see in Askia Mohammed the pinnacle of a Sahelian civilization. Finally, for those of his readers who see Sahelian history from a Dogon perspective, the demystifying portrayals of the power- ful Songhay rulers must generate smiles of recognition. Whether truth or invention, the legend of Saif Isaac al-Heit still haunts Black romanticism and the political thinking of the nota- bles in a good many republics. Chroniclers draw on the oral tradi- tion to enrich his cult and through him celebrate the glorious era of the first States with their wise philosopher-king, whose history has called not only archeology, history, and numismatics but also the natural sciences and ethnology to their highest tasks. (8) Ouologuem's narrator mocks the older generation of African and Caribbean writers who re-created the African past in the poetry of ndgritude. Here one is reminded of the line in Aim6 Csaire's long poem, Cahier d'un retour au pays natal, where the narrator refers to the golden age of West Africa-"No, we've never been Amazons of the king of Dahomey, nor princes of Ghana with eight hundred camels, nor wise men in Timbuktu under Askia the Great" (1983, the elders intone the famous epic (the value of which some con- test, because they deny Saif's Jewish descent, insisting that he was a plain ordinary nigger) written by Mahmud Meknud Trare, a de- scendant of griot ancestors and himself a griot of the present-day African Republic of Nakem-Ziuko, which is all that remains of the ancient Nakem Empire. (6) Christopher Miller is quite correct in his view that Guologuem is using this passage "as a device for problematizing history" (1985, 231). The distance the narrator establishes between his account and his sources discredits both the sources and the values they represent. The striking comparison between the evil Moshe and the good Isaac, lifted straight from the chronicles, provides Guologuem with a con- venient opportunity to question the value system of both men, lead- ers of an aristocracy that, as shall be discussed in more detail later, depends for its existence on the fealty of captive masses. By ques- tioning history, Ouologuem establishes the basis for what Miller terms the "fragmentation and mythification" of the past (231). In so doing, Ouologuem's sardonic narrator addresses both his audiences: Europeans, with their image of a violent and savage continent, and Africans, who see in Askia Mohammed the pinnacle of a Sahelian civilization. Finally, for those of his readers who see Sahelian history from a Dogon perspective, the demystifying portrayals of the power- ful Songhay rulers must generate smiles of recognition. Whether truth or invention, the legend of Saif Isaac al-Heit still haunts Black romanticism and the political thinking of the nota- bles in a good many republics. Chroniclers draw on the oral tradi- tion to enrich his cult and through him celebrate the glorious era of the first States with their wise philosopher-king, whose history has called not only archeology, history, and numismatics but also the natural sciences and ethnology to their highest tasks. (8) Ouologuem's narrator mocks the older generation of African and Caribbean writers who re-created the African past in the poetry of negritude. Here one is reminded of the line in Aimd C6saire's long poem, Cahier d'un retour au pays natal, where the narrator refers to the golden age of West Africa-"No, we've never been Amazons of the king of Dahomey, nor princes of Ghana with eight hundred camels, nor wise men in Timbuktu under Askia the Great" (1983, the elders intone the famous epic (the value of which some con- test, because they deny Saif's Jewish descent, insisting that he was a plain ordinary nigger) written by Mahmud Meknud Trare, a de- scendant of griot ancestors and himself a griot of the present-day African Republic of Nakem-Ziuko, which is all that remains of the ancient Nakem Empire. (6) Christopher Miller is quite correct in his view that Ouologuem is using this passage "as a device for problematizing history" (1985, 231). The distance the narrator establishes between his account and his sources discredits both the sources and the values they represent. The striking comparison between the evil Moshe and the good Isaac, lifted straight from the chronicles, provides Ouologuem with a con- venient opportunity to question the value system of both men, lead- ers of an aristocracy that, as shall be discussed in more detail later, depends for its existence on the fealty of captive masses. By ques- tioning history, Ouologuem establishes the basis for what Miller terms the "fragmentation and mythification" of the past (231). In so doing, Ouologuem's sardonic narrator addresses both his audiences: Europeans, with their image of a violent and savage continent, and Africans, who see in Askia Mohammed the pinnacle of a Sahelian civilization. Finally, for those of his readers who see Sahelian history from a Dogon perspective, the demystifying portrayals of the power- ful Songhay rulers must generate smiles of recognition. Whether truth or invention, the legend of Saif Isaac al-Heit still haunts Black romanticism and the political thinking of the nota- bles in a good many republics. Chroniclers draw on the oral tradi- tion to enrich his cult and through him celebrate the glorious era of the first States with their wise philosopher-king, whose history has called not only archeology, history, and numismatics but also the natural sciences and ethnology to their highest tasks. (8) Ouologuem's narrator mocks the older generation of African and Caribbean writers who re-created the African past in the poetry of n6gritude. Here one is reminded of the line in Aim6 Cdsaire's long poem, Cahier d'un retour au pays natal, where the narrator refers to the golden age of West Africa-"No, we've never been Amazons of the king of Dahomey, nor princes of Ghana with eight hundred camels, nor wise men in Timbuktu under Askia the Great" (1983,  148 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 148 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 148 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 61)-to emphasize the fact that those sent to the New World were of captive rather than of noble origin. But Ouologuem also criticizes the tendency among African leaders to identify with the great rulers of the past. The best-known example was Guinean President Sdkou Tourd's claim of descent from the last great rebel against the French in the nineteenth century, Samory Tourd. In the novelist's own country, the first president of Mali, Modibo Keita, made much of his clan link with Sundiata Keita, the founder of the Mali empire. Modibo Keita was deposed in a coup d'dtat in 1968, the year Le De- voir de violence was published in France. Seen in the broader context of relations between the rulers and the masses in the novel, the pas- sage announces Ouologuem's basic message. In spite of colonialism and independence, some African countries are still governed by an elite that purports to have roots going back to the Middle Ages and whose values vary little no matter whether the ruler is the evil Sonni Ali Ber/Moshe Gabbai of Honaine, the good Askia Mohammed/Saif Isaac al-Heit, or one of their twentieth-century successors. The Dynasty and the Jews: Traces of the Diaspora in the Sahel In addition to the general pattern of violence that marks human rela- tions and the modeling of two early characters on actual medieval rulers, Ouologuem has borrowed other bits and pieces of informa- tion from the chronicles. For example, in the passage cited earlier from page 6, we learned that both the written and oral traditions of Nakem report that the rulers have some Jewish ancestry, al- though the elders contest the notion. The narrator/chronicler pro- vides additional information on this surprising bit of genealogy. The Lord-holy is His Name!-showed us the mercy of bringing forth, at the beginning of the black Nakem empire, one illustrious man, our ancestor the black Jew Abraham al-Heit, born of a black father and an Oriental Jewess from Kenana (Canaan), descended from Jews of Cyrenaica and That; it is believed that she was car- ried to Nakem by a secondary migration that followed the itine- rary of Cornelius Balbus. (6) The idea that Jews may be related to these rulers may astonish both European and African readers. Sandra Barkan (1985) sees this 61)-to emphasize the fact that those sent to the New World were of captive rather than of noble origin. But Ouologuem also criticizes the tendency among African leaders to identify with the great rulers of the past. The best-known example was Guinean President Sdkou Tourd's claim of descent from the last great rebel against the French in the nineteenth century, Samory Tour6. In the novelist's own country, the first president of Mali, Modibo Keita, made much of his clan link with Sundiata Keita, the founder of the Mali empire. Modibo Keita was deposed in a coup d'dtat in 1968, the year Le De- voir de violence was published in France. Seen in the broader context of relations between the rulers and the masses in the novel, the pas- sage announces Ouologuem's basic message. In spite of colonialism and independence, some African countries are still governed by an elite that purports to have roots going back to the Middle Ages and whose values vary little no matter whether the ruler is the evil Sonni Ali Ber/Moshe Gabbai of Honaine, the good Askia Mohammed/Saif Isaac al-Heit, or one of their twentieth-century successors. The Dynasty and the Jews: Traces of the Diaspora in the Sahel In addition to the general pattern of violence that marks human rela- tions and the modeling of two early characters on actual medieval rulers, Ouologuem has borrowed other bits and pieces of informa- tion from the chronicles. For example, in the passage cited earlier from page 6, we learned that both the written and oral traditions of Nakem report that the rulers have some Jewish ancestry, al- though the elders contest the notion. The narrator/chronicler pro- vides additional information on this surprising bit of genealogy. The Lord-holy is His Name!-showed us the mercy of bringing forth, at the beginning of the black Nakem empire, one illustrious man, our ancestor the black Jew Abraham al-Heit, born of a black father and an Oriental Jewess from Kenana (Canaan), descended from Jews of Cyrenaica and Ilat; it is believed that she was car- ried to Nakem by a secondary migration that followed the itine- rary of Cornelius Balbus. (6) The idea that Jews may be related to these rulers may astonish both European and African readers. Sandra Barkan (1985) sees this 61)-to emphasize the fact that those sent to the New World were of captive rather than of noble origin. But Ouologuem also criticizes the tendency among African leaders to identify with the great rulers of the past. The best-known example was Guinean President Sdkou Tourd's claim of descent from the last great rebel against the French in the nineteenth century, Samory Tourd. In the novelist's own country, the first president of Mali, Modibo Keita, made much of his clan link with Sundiata Keita, the founder of the Mali empire. Modibo Keita was deposed in a coup d'6tat in 1968, the year Le De- voir de violence was published in France. Seen in the broader context of relations between the rulers and the masses in the novel, the pas- sage announces Ouologuem's basic message. In spite of colonialism and independence, some African countries are still governed by an elite that purports to have roots going back to the Middle Ages and whose values vary little no matter whether the ruler is the evil Sonni Ali Ber/Moshe Gabbai of Honaine, the good Askia Mohammed/Saif Isaac al-Heit, or one of their twentieth-century successors. The Dynasty and the Jews: Traces of the Diaspora in the Sahel In addition to the general pattern of violence that marks human rela- tions and the modeling of two early characters on actual medieval rulers, Ouologuem has borrowed other bits and pieces of informa- tion from the chronicles. For example, in the passage cited earlier from page 6, we learned that both the written and oral traditions of Nakem report that the rulers have some Jewish ancestry, al- though the elders contest the notion. The narrator/chronicler pro- vides additional information on this surprising bit of genealogy. The Lord-holy is His Name!-showed us the mercy of bringing forth, at the beginning of the black Nakem empire, one illustrious man, our ancestor the black Jew Abraham al-Heit, born of a black father and an Oriental Jewess from Kenana (Canaan), descended from Jews of Cyrenaica and Toat; it is believed that she was car- ried to Nakem by a secondary migration that followed the itine- rary of Cornelius Balbus. (6) The idea that Jews may be related to these rulers may astonish both European and African readers. Sandra Barkan (1985) sees this  Challenging the Past 149 Challenging the Past 149 Challenging the Past 149 as an imaginative use by Ouologuem of Maurice Delafosse's now- discounted theory of the origin of the Fulani people. But if Ouologuem had read Delafosse, he was also familiar with the ac- counts of Jews in the chronicles. A TF narrator relates a story told to him by the father of one of his contemporaries, who received the story from his grandfather, that Tendirma, a city 90 kilometers up- river from Timbuktu, was once populated by Jews. They built wells in the area to provide water for their irrigated vegetable gardens. We learn too that at the time of the Jews in the region, "there reigned seven princes descending from the king of the Jews," each having control over certain wells, each leading twelve thousand horsemen and an uncounted number of foot soldiers (TF 120). The legend of the Jews of Tendirma, passed on from generation to generation and finally recorded in the TF, was confirmed by A. Bonnel de Mdzihres in October 1913. Approximately 90 kilometers southwest of Timbuktu, in the area of Lake Fati, between the Niger and a dead branch of the river at Goundam, he found traces of what were called the "Beni-Isra6l": a variety of pottery shards, fields, a cemetery, tumuli, and wells (1914, 128-31). The wells were 40 to 60 cubits (forearms) deep, built of masonry, and lined with a concretelike material. The reference by the novel's narrator to a secondary migration south from the area of "Tuat" accords with two probable scenerios to explain the existence of the Jewish community in the Tendirma region. The first is that they may have been the southernmost of Jew- ish peoples who lived in North Africa well before the arrival of the Moslems. They came with the Phoenicians to found Carthage in 814 B.c. and much later migrated northward into Spain as well as south- west into Morocco and directly south into the Sahara. This would account for the vague, legendary outlines of the community in the TF. The second is that they were late fifteenth-century refugees from Algeria. At that time there was considerable scholarly debate in North Africa about the status of Jews. Al-Maghili, who visited Gao in 1498, was one of the leading anti-Jewish theologians of the region. The massacre of the Jews sometime in the 1480s in Tamantit, a town in the Tuwat Oasis area of central Algeria, 1,100 kilometers north of Gao, is generally imputed not only to al-Maghili's inflamatory prose and poetry but also to his more direct actions, such as offering a reward of seven mithqals for every Jew killed. Hunwick, in his edi- as an imaginative use by Ouologuem of Maurice Delafosse's now- discounted theory of the origin of the Fulani people. But if Ouologuem had read Delafosse, he was also familiar with the ac- counts of Jews in the chronicles. A TF narrator relates a story told to him by the father of one of his contemporaries, who received the story from his grandfather, that Tendirma, a city 90 kilometers up- river from Timbuktu, was once populated by Jews. They built wells in the area to provide water for their irrigated vegetable gardens. We learn too that at the time of the Jews in the region, "there reigned seven princes descending from the king of the Jews," each having control over certain wells, each leading twelve thousand horsemen and an uncounted number of foot soldiers (TF 120). The legend of the Jews of Tendirma, passed on from generation to generation and finally recorded in the TF, was confirmed by A. Bonnel de Mdzieres in October 1913. Approximately 90 kilometers southwest of Timbuktu, in the area of Lake Fati, between the Niger and a dead branch of the river at Goundam, he found traces of what were called the "Beni-Israal": a variety of pottery shards, fields, a cemetery, tumuli, and wells (1914, 128-31). The wells were 40 to 60 cubits (forearms) deep, built of masonry, and lined with a concretelike material. The reference by the novel's narrator to a secondary migration south from the area of "Tuat" accords with two probable scenerios to explain the existence of the Jewish community in the Tendirma region. The first is that they may have been the southernmost of Jew- ish peoples who lived in North Africa well before the arrival of the Moslems. They came with the Phoenicians to found Carthage in 814 B.c. and much later migrated northward into Spain as well as south- west into Morocco and directly south into the Sahara. This would account for the vague, legendary outlines of the community in the TF. The second is that they were late fifteenth-century refugees from Algeria. At that time there was considerable scholarly debate in North Africa about the status of Jews. Al-Maghili, who visited Gao in 1498, was one of the leading anti-Jewish theologians of the region. The massacre of the Jews sometime in the 1480s in Tamantit, a town in the Tuwat Oasis area of central Algeria, 1,100 kilometers north of Gao, is generally imputed not only to al-Maghili's inflamatory prose and poetry but also to his more direct actions, such as offering a reward of seven mithqals for every Jew killed. Hunwick, in his edi- as an imaginative use by Ouologuem of Maurice Delafosse's now- discounted theory of the origin of the Fulani people. But if Ouologuem had read Delafosse, he was also familiar with the ac- counts of Jews in the chronicles. A TF narrator relates a story told to him by the father of one of his contemporaries, who received the story from his grandfather, that Tendirma, a city 90 kilometers up- river from Timbuktu, was once populated by Jews. They built wells in the area to provide water for their irrigated vegetable gardens. We learn too that at the time of the Jews in the region, "there reigned seven princes descending from the king of the Jews," each having control over certain wells, each leading twelve thousand horsemen and an uncounted number of foot soldiers (TF 120). The legend of the Jews of Tendirma, passed on from generation to generation and finally recorded in the TF, was confirmed by A. Bonnel de Mdzieres in October 1913. Approximately 90 kilometers southwest of Timbuktu, in the area of Lake Fati, between the Niger and a dead branch of the river at Goundam, he found traces of what were called the "Beni-Isradl": a variety of pottery shards, fields, a cemetery, tumuli, and wells (1914, 128-31). The wells were 40 to 60 cubits (forearms) deep, built of masonry, and lined with a concretelike material. The reference by the novel's narrator to a secondary migration south from the area of "That" accords with two probable scenerios to explain the existence of the Jewish community in the Tendirma region. The first is that they may have been the southernmost of Jew- ish peoples who lived in North Africa well before the arrival of the Moslems. They came with the Phoenicians to found Carthage in 814 B.c. and much later migrated northward into Spain as well as south- west into Morocco and directly south into the Sahara. This would account for the vague, legendary outlines of the community in the TF. The second is that they were late fifteenth-century refugees from Algeria. At that time there was considerable scholarly debate in North Africa about the status of Jews. Al-Maghili, who visited Gao in 1498, was one of the leading anti-Jewish theologians of the region. The massacre of the Jews sometime in the 1480s in Tamantit, a town in the Tuwat Oasis area of central Algeria, 1,100 kilometers north of Gao, is generally imputed not only to al-Maghili's inflamatory prose and poetry but also to his more direct actions, such as offering a reward of seven mithqals for every Jew killed. Hunwick, in his edi-  150 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist tion of the al-Maghili/Askia Mohammed letters, provides details on this little-known chapter in the history of an ethnic group that peo- pled many corners of Africa (1985, 33-39). By his reference to the Jews, Ouologuem's narrator addresses, then, both European Africanists, with their early and sometimes er- roneous interpretations of Sahelian cultural history, and his African readers who may not be aware of the role Jewish communities in the region played in the trans-Saharan trade between the Songhay empire and North Africa. Ouologuem's portrayal of the rulers of Nakem as of partly Jewish origin is plausible from the history of the region and emphasizes once again the complex nature of ethnicity among the peoples there. This link with Jews invites interpretations that stress both the higher status of a people with such a long and richly documented past as well as identification with the suffering that they have under- gone. For example, Miller argues that Ouologuem uses this bit of ethnic information about the Jewish presence in the Sahel not simply for local color but also so that the rulers of Nakem can "exploit the prestige of this birthright to lord it over the ndgraille" (1985, 231). French African literature critic Bernard Mouralis, in another analy- sis of the novel, draws on comments by Ouologuem made in a broader context in 1976 to offer a comparison between the oppressed situation of Blacks and Jews (Ouologuem's comments are in quota- tion marks): The audacity of Ouologuem resides in his refusal of both the negrophobic ideology and the negrophilic ideology. In brief, in this visceral refusal to admit that there may be a chosen people, either by predestination or because the exceptional amount of vio- lence which they have suffered through the ages allowed them to be viewed as exemplary victims. The death of violence and racism assumes at the same time the death of the myth to which Africa tries to attach itself: Negritude and "negro romanticism," the expression of this "unfortunate con- science which speaks, fabulates ... and which has made of the Black of 20th century civilization a kind of mythic Jew of this same civilization. . . . The writer is Jew, Black, unhappy conscience, drama, and, at the same time, desire for authenticity." (Mouralis 1986, 74) 150 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist tion of the al-Maghili/Askia Mohammed letters, provides details on this little-known chapter in the history of an ethnic group that peo- pled many corners of Africa (1985, 33-39). By his reference to the Jews, Ouologuem's narrator addresses, then, both European Africanists, with their early and sometimes er- roneous interpretations of Sahelian cultural history, and his African readers who may not be aware of the role Jewish communities in the region played in the trans-Saharan trade between the Songhay empire and North Africa. Ouologuem's portrayal of the rulers of Nakem as of partly Jewish origin is plausible from the history of the region and emphasizes once again the complex nature of ethnicity among the peoples there. This link with Jews invites interpretations that stress both the higher status of a people with such a long and richly documented past as well as identification with the suffering that they have under- gone. For example, Miller argues that Ouologuem uses this bit of ethnic information about the Jewish presence in the Sahel not simply for local color but also so that the rulers of Nakem can "exploit the prestige of this birthright to lord it over the negraille" (1985, 231). French African literature critic Bernard Mouralis, in another analy- sis of the novel, draws on comments by Ouologuem made in a broader context in 1976 to offer a comparison between the oppressed situation of Blacks and Jews (Ouologuem's comments are in quota- tion marks): The audacity of Ouologuem resides in his refusal of both the negrophobic ideology and the negrophilic ideology. In brief, in this visceral refusal to admit that there may be a chosen people, either by predestination or because the exceptional amount of vio- lence which they have suffered through the ages allowed them to be viewed as exemplary victims. The death of violence and racism assumes at the same time the death of the myth to which Africa tries to attach itself: Negritude and "negro romanticism," the expression of this "unfortunate con- science which speaks, fabulates . . . and which has made of the Black of 20th century civilization a kind of mythic Jew of this same civilization. . . . The writer is Jew, Black, unhappy conscience, drama, and, at the same time, desire for authenticity." (Mouralis 1986, 74) 150 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist tion of the al-Maghili/Askia Mohammed letters, provides details on this little-known chapter in the history of an ethnic group that peo- pled many corners of Africa (1985, 33-39). By his reference to the Jews, Ouologuem's narrator addresses, then, both European Africanists, with their early and sometimes er- roneous interpretations of Sahelian cultural history, and his African readers who may not be aware of the role Jewish communities in the region played in the trans-Saharan trade between the Songhay empire and North Africa. Ouologuem's portrayal of the rulers of Nakem as of partly Jewish origin is plausible from the history of the region and emphasizes once again the complex nature of ethnicity among the peoples there. This link with Jews invites interpretations that stress both the higher status of a people with such a long and richly documented past as well as identification with the suffering that they have under- gone. For example, Miller argues that Ounologuem uses this bit of ethnic information about the Jewish presence in the Sahel not simply for local color but also so that the rulers of Nakem can "exploit the prestige of this birthright to lord it over the nigraille" (1985, 231). French African literature critic Bernard Mouralis, in another analy- sis of the novel, draws on comments by Ouologuem made in a broader context in 1976 to offer a comparison between the oppressed situation of Blacks and Jews (Ouologuem's comments are in quota- tion marks): The audacity of Ouologuem resides in his refusal of both the negrophobic ideology and the negrophilic ideology. In brief, in this visceral refusal to admit that there may be a chosen people, either by predestination or because the exceptional amount of vio- lence which they have suffered through the ages allowed them to be viewed as exemplary victims. The death of violence and racism assumes at the same time the death of the myth to which Africa tries to attach itself: Negritude and "negro romanticism," the expression of this "unfortunate con- science which speaks, fabulates ... and which has made of the Black of 20th century civilization a kind of mythic Jew of this same civilization. . . . The writer is Jew, Black, unhappy conscience, drama, and, at the same time, desire for authenticity." (Mouralis 1986, 74)  Challenging the Past 151 Political Revisionism and the Novelist: Ouologuem's Use of the Nineteenth-Century Modifications to the Tarikh el-Fettdch Ouologuem compresses the early history of the empire, including his interpretation of Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, into a single introductory chapter entitled "The Legend of the Saifs." In his next chapter, Ouologuem's narrator skips forward to the nineteenth cen- tury. The rapid trip through the Middle Ages in the first chapter slows down so that the narrator can dwell on the momentous events surrounding the encounter between Africa and the West. But Ouologuem does not, however, abandon his Arabic-language sources at this point. Indeed, at the end of the first chapter, his nar- rator announced, as we saw earlier, the coming of the twelfth caliph of the Sudan in the nineteenth-century. Ouologuem has simply adopted for his own novelistic purposes the nineteenth-century mod- ification to the TF by the Fulani leader Sdkou Amadou. Had the Imam Mahmud, grand sherif of Mecca, not predicted that in the thirteenth century of the Hegira a caliph would come from Tekrur? And was this caliph not Saif ben Isaac al-Heit, whose mother, "that the commandments of the Eternel One might be ful- filled," had arranged to bring him into the world and baptize him in Tekrur on the date foreseen by the prophecy and the legend? (23) The narrator's use of the term arranged stands as a subtle hint that Ouologuem was aware of the manipulation of the TF centuries after it was written. But the prophecy invented by S6kou Amadou in the nineteenth century and written into manuscripts of the TF serves as a convenient device for Ouologuem to bind the Middle Ages to the modern era. It also allows him to broaden his discussion about the relationship between the rulers and their subjects. In the wake of Saif ben Isaac al-Heit's surrender to the French in 1900, the narrator reports: "The Empire was pacified, broken up into several zones which the Whites divided. Saved from slavery, the niggertrash welcomed the white man with joy, hoping he would make them for- get the mighty Saif's meticulously organized cruelty" (31). By drawing upon medieval sources, Ouologuem is able to estab- lish clearly at the outset of the novel the Machiavellian nature of the rulers of Nakem. For the remainder of the narrative, the masses and Challenging the Past 151 Political Revisionism and the Novelist: Ouologuem's Use of the Nineteenth-Century Modifications to the Tarfkh el-Fettdch Ouologuem compresses the early history of the empire, including his interpretation of Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, into a single introductory chapter entitled "The Legend of the Saifs." In his next chapter, Ouologuem's narrator skips forward to the nineteenth cen- tury. The rapid trip through the Middle Ages in the first chapter slows down so that the narrator can dwell on the momentous events surrounding the encounter between Africa and the West. But Ouologuem does not, however, abandon his Arabic-language sources at this point. Indeed, at the end of the first chapter, his nar- rator announced, as we saw earlier, the coming of the twelfth caliph of the Sudan in the nineteenth-century. Ouologuem has simply adopted for his own novelistic purposes the nineteenth-century mod- ification to the TF by the Fulani leader Sekou Amadou. Had the Imam Mahmud, grand sherif of Mecca, not predicted that in the thirteenth century of the Hegira a caliph would come from Tekrur? And was this caliph not Saif ben Isaac al-Heit, whose mother, "that the commandments of the Eternel One might be ful- filled," had arranged to bring him into the world and baptize him in Tekrur on the date foreseen by the prophecy and the legend? (23) The narrator's use of the term arranged stands as a subtle hint that Ouologuem was aware of the manipulation of the TF centuries after it was written. But the prophecy invented by Sikou Amadou in the nineteenth century and written into manuscripts of the TF serves as a convenient device for Ouologuem to bind the Middle Ages to the modern era. It also allows him to broaden his discussion about the relationship between the rulers and their subjects. In the wake of Saif ben Isaac al-Heit's surrender to the French in 1900, the narrator reports: "The Empire was pacified, broken up into several zones which the Whites divided. Saved from slavery, the niggertrash welcomed the white man with joy, hoping he would make them for- get the mighty Saif's meticulously organized cruelty" (31). By drawing upon medieval sources, Ouologuem is able to estab- lish clearly at the outset of the novel the Machiavellian nature of the rulers of Nakem. For the remainder of the narrative, the masses and Challenging the Past 151 Political Revisionism and the Novelist: Ouologuem's Use of the Nineteenth-Century Modifications to the Tarfkh el-Fettdch Ouologuem compresses the early history of the empire, including his interpretation of Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, into a single introductory chapter entitled "The Legend of the Saifs." In his next chapter, Ouologuem's narrator skips forward to the nineteenth cen- tury. The rapid trip through the Middle Ages in the first chapter slows down so that the narrator can dwell on the momentous events surrounding the encounter between Africa and the West. But Ouologuem does not, however, abandon his Arabic-language sources at this point. Indeed, at the end of the first chapter, his nar- rator announced, as we saw earlier, the coming of the twelfth caliph of the Sudan in the nineteenth-century. Ouologuem has simply adopted for his own novelistic purposes the nineteenth-century mod- ification to the TF by the Fulani leader S6kou Amadou. Had the Imam Mahmud, grand sherif of Mecca, not predicted that in the thirteenth century of the Hegira a caliph would come from Tekrur? And was this caliph not Saif ben Isaac al-Heit, whose mother, "that the commandments of the Eternel One might be ful- filled," had arranged to bring him into the world and baptize him in Tekrur on the date foreseen by the prophecy and the legend? (23) The narrator's use of the term arranged stands as a subtle hint that Ouologuem was aware of the manipulation of the TF centuries after it was written. But the prophecy invented by S6kou Amadou in the nineteenth century and written into manuscripts of the TF serves as a convenient device for Ouologuem to bind the Middle Ages to the modern era. It also allows him to broaden his discussion about the relationship between the rulers and their subjects. In the wake of Saif ben Isaac al-Heit's surrender to the French in 1900, the narrator reports: "The Empire was pacified, broken up into several zones which the Whites divided. Saved from slavery, the niggertrash welcomed the white man with joy, hoping he would make them for- get the mighty Saif's meticulously organized cruelty" (31). By drawing upon medieval sources, Ouologuem is able to estab- lish clearly at the outset of the novel the Machiavellian nature of the rulers of Nakem. For the remainder of the narrative, the masses and  152 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist their representatives become pawns in the game of power played out between the aristocracy of Nakem and the French. From chapter 3, "The Night of the Giants," which recounts in great detail the life of a slave couple at the Saif's palace in the early twentieth century, to the election of one of their sons, Raymond-Spartacus Kassoumi, as a representative of the colony of Nakem-Ziuko in the French Parlia- ment after World War II, the narrator never lets us forget the power of the ruling aristocracy over those of captive origin. Arnaud, in his 1912 study on French policy in Moslem Africa, offers numerous examples of how the aristocracy and the Moslem clerics maintained power over the captive masses after the French had established nominal control over most of francophone West Af- rica (21-37). The family of Kassoumi seems to fit Arnaud's portrayal of the situation. It is significant that the wife in the slave couple, mother of those who will be controlled by the rulers, is named Tambira, which means in Songhay "the slave of the princes" (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 352). "For Saif ben Isaac al-Heit, the task of sub- jecting the educated niggertrash was completed. But the master of Tillabdri-Bentia knew that it is easier to subjugate a people than to hold it down" (167). For this reason, the ruler smothers dissent among the elite in order to maintain the influence of his aristocracy over the puppet candidate of the French, the architect Kassoumi. "Kassoumi had miscalculated: armed with his degrees and the support of France, he had expected to become his old master's master, when in reality the slave owed his election exclusively to the torch of Saif, more radiant than ever after a momentary lapse" (167). Manipulation of the French by African Rulers Although critics have contested Ouologuem's view of the relation- ship among the traditional leaders, the Moslem elite, and the colo- nial powers, a more recent generation of Africanist historians has begun to support the notion that the French were often manipu- lated, at least until just after World War II, when the novel ends. Although the French played different clans and ethnic groups off against each other, both the French and their subjects sought to maintain their positions by a variety of devices. At the turn of the century, the French colonial administration in West Africa became increasingly concerned about subversion organized by the social and religious elite. After one incident involving the Sultan of Zinder in 152 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist their representatives become pawns in the game of power played out between the aristocracy of Nakem and the French. From chapter 3, "The Night of the Giants," which recounts in great detail the life of a slave couple at the Saif's palace in the early twentieth century, to the election of one of their sons, Raymond-Spartacus Kassoumi, as a representative of the colony of Nakem-Ziuko in the French Parlia- ment after World War I, the narrator never lets us forget the power of the ruling aristocracy over those of captive origin. Arnaud, in his 1912 study on French policy in Moslem Africa, offers numerous examples of how the aristocracy and the Moslem clerics maintained power over the captive masses after the French had established nominal control over most of francophone West Af- rica (21-37). The family of Kassoumi seems to fit Arnaud's portrayal of the situation. It is significant that the wife in the slave couple, mother of those who will be controlled by the rulers, is named Tambira, which means in Songhay "the slave of the princes" (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 352). "For Saif ben Isaac al-Heit, the task of sub- jecting the educated niggertrash was completed. But the master of Tillabdri-Bentia knew that it is easier to subjugate a people than to hold it down" (167). For this reason, the ruler smothers dissent among the elite in order to maintain the influence of his aristocracy over the puppet candidate of the French, the architect Kassoumi. "Kassoumi had miscalculated: armed with his degrees and the support of France, he had expected to become his old master's master, when in reality the slave owed his election exclusively to the torch of Saif, more radiant than ever after a momentary lapse" (167). Manipulation of the French by African Rulers Although critics have contested Ouologuem's view of the relation- ship among the traditional leaders, the Moslem elite, and the colo- nial powers, a more recent generation of Africanist historians has begun to support the notion that the French were often manipu- lated, at least until just after World War II, when the novel ends. Although the French played different clans and ethnic groups off against each other, both the French and their subjects sought to maintain their positions by a variety of devices. At the turn of the century, the French colonial administration in West Africa became increasingly concerned about subversion organized by the social and religious elite. After one incident involving the Sultan of Zinder in 152 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist their representatives become pawns in the game of power played out between the aristocracy of Nakem and the French. From chapter 3, "The Night of the Giants," which recounts in great detail the life of a slave couple at the Saif's palace in the early twentieth century, to the election of one of their sons, Raymond-Spartacus Kassoumi, as a representative of the colony of Nakem-Ziuko in the French Parlia- ment after World War II, the narrator never lets us forget the power of the ruling aristocracy over those of captive origin. Arnaud, in his 1912 study on French policy in Moslem Africa, offers numerous examples of how the aristocracy and the Moslem clerics maintained power over the captive masses after the French had established nominal control over most of francophone West Af- rica (21-37). The family of Kassoumi seems to fit Arnaud's portrayal of the situation. It is significant that the wife in the slave couple, mother of those who will be controlled by the rulers, is named Tambira, which means in Songhay "the slave of the princes" (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 352). "For Saif ben Isaac al-Heit, the task of sub- jecting the educated niggertrash was completed. But the master of Tillabdri-Bentia knew that it is easier to subjugate a people than to hold it down" (167). For this reason, the ruler smothers dissent among the elite in order to maintain the influence of his aristocracy over the puppet candidate of the French, the architect Kassoumi. "Kassoumi had miscalculated: armed with his degrees and the support of France, he had expected to become his old master's master, when in reality the slave owed his election exclusively to the torch of Saif, more radiant than ever after a momentary lapse" (167). Manipulation of the French by African Rulers Although critics have contested Ouologuem's view of the relation- ship among the traditional leaders, the Moslem elite, and the colo- nial powers, a more recent generation of Africanist historians has begun to support the notion that the French were often manipu- lated, at least until just after World War II, when the novel ends. Although the French played different clans and ethnic groups off against each other, both the French and their subjects sought to maintain their positions by a variety of devices. At the turn of the century, the French colonial administration in West Africa became increasingly concerned about subversion organized by the social and religious elite. After one incident involving the Sultan of Zinder in  Challenging the Past 153 Challenging the Past 153 Challenging the Past 153 eastern Niger, Robert Arnaud was sent to investigate. Harrison re- ports that Arnaud "confirmed the alliance between the aristocracy and the marabouts against the colonial authorities who had liberated their slaves" (1988, 47). After reviewing several decades of mono- graphs from the Centre des Hautes Etudes d'Administration Musulmane in France, Harrison adds that these studies "reinforced suspicions that the clerical castes in the southern Saharan areas had taken the French for a ride in posing as men of peace harassed by the warrior aristocracies of the desert edge" (196). In western Niger, an obvious example of such manipulation by an aristocratic family appears in the rise of the Zarmakoy of Dosso, the best known of the rulers among the Zarma. Up until a century ago, there were many local zarmakoy, or rulers of Zarma populations in that part of the country. When the French arrived in Dosso in 1898, Zarmakoy Attikou was apparently too busy to deal with his European visitors because his attention was needed for more pressing matters, among them conflicts with the Tuareg and the Fulani. He delegated the task of negotiating with the French to one of the princes in the ruling family, Aouta. As Pearl Robinson (1975) has shown in her research on traditional chiefs in Niger, Aouta began to work closely with the visitors, and eventually ex- panded considerably his family's power base by his ability to deal with the newly arrived colonial power. Where authority had once been shared among several families on a rotating basis, the family of Zarmakoy Attikou began to play a more prominent role after con- tact with the French. Although members of his family have since World War II played a variety of key roles in the government of Niger, their early relationship with the French has sometimes worked against them. If the impact of France on parts of Africa today is unmistakable, French-style dress, food, and automobiles as well as education and systems of administration cannot obscure the fact that some nobles of the past managed to strengthen their position thanks in part to their ability to deal with the French. Today, however, there is a ris- ing class of people who are not of noble origin, citizens who are able to climb the social ladder because of their inborn talent in business, academia, and other fields. But Finn Fuglestad, in his 1983 study of the history of Niger from 1850 to 1960, which was based to a great extent on archival material, concludes that the traditional social structure has not changed very much as a result of the relatively re- cent and brief impact of France on a society and a set of values that eastern Niger, Robert Arnaud was sent to investigate. Harrison re- ports that Arnaud "confirmed the alliance between the aristocracy and the marabouts against the colonial authorities who had liberated their slaves" (1988, 47). After reviewing several decades of mono- graphs from the Centre des Hautes Etudes d'Administration Musulmane in France, Harrison adds that these studies "reinforced suspicions that the clerical castes in the southern Saharan areas had taken the French for a ride in posing as men of peace harassed by the warrior aristocracies of the desert edge" (196). In western Niger, an obvious example of such manipulation by an aristocratic family appears in the rise of the Zarmakoy of Dosso, the best known of the rulers among the Zarma. Up until a century ago, there were many local zarmakoy, or rulers of Zarma populations in that part of the country. When the French arrived in Dosso in 1898, Zarmakoy Attikou was apparently too busy to deal with his European visitors because his attention was needed for more pressing matters, among them conflicts with the Tbareg and the Fulani. He delegated the task of negotiating with the French to one of the princes in the ruling family, Aouta. As Pearl Robinson (1975) has shown in her research on traditional chiefs in Niger, Aouta began to work closely with the visitors, and eventually ex- panded considerably his family's power base by his ability to deal with the newly arrived colonial power. Where authority had once been shared among several families on a rotating basis, the family of Zarmakoy Attikou began to play a more prominent role after con- tact with the French. Although members of his family have since World War II played a variety of key roles in the government of Niger, their early relationship with the French has sometimes worked against them. If the impact of France on parts of Africa today is unmistakable, French-style dress, food, and automobiles as well as education and systems of administration cannot obscure the fact that some nobles of the past managed to strengthen their position thanks in part to their ability to deal with the French. Today, however, there is a ris- ing class of people who are not of noble origin, citizens who are able to climb the social ladder because of their inborn talent in business, academia, and other fields. But Finn Fuglestad, in his 1983 study of the history of Niger from 1850 to 1960, which was based to a great extent on archival material, concludes that the traditional social structure has not changed very much as a result of the relatively re- cent and brief impact of France on a society and a set of values that eastern Niger, Robert Arnaud was sent to investigate. Harrison re- ports that Arnaud "confirmed the alliance between the aristocracy and the marabouts against the colonial authorities who had liberated their slaves" (1988, 47). After reviewing several decades of mono- graphs from the Centre des Hautes Etudes d'Administration Musulmane in France, Harrison adds that these studies "reinforced suspicions that the clerical castes in the southern Saharan areas had taken the French for a ride in posing as men of peace harassed by the warrior aristocracies of the desert edge" (196). In western Niger, an obvious example of such manipulation by an aristocratic family appears in the rise of the Zarmakoy of Dosso, the best known of the rulers among the Zarma. Up until a century ago, there were many local zarmakoy, or rulers of Zarma populations in that part of the country. When the French arrived in Dosso in 1898, Zarmakoy Attikou was apparently too busy to deal with his European visitors because his attention was needed for more pressing matters, among them conflicts with the Tuareg and the Fulani. He delegated the task of negotiating with the French to one of the princes in the ruling family, Aouta. As Pearl Robinson (1975) has shown in her research on traditional chiefs in Niger, Aouta began to work closely with the visitors, and eventually ex- panded considerably his family's power base by his ability to deal with the newly arrived colonial power. Where authority had once been shared among several families on a rotating basis, the family of Zarmakoy Attikou began to play a more prominent role after con- tact with the French. Although members of his family have since World War II played a variety of key roles in the government of Niger, their early relationship with the French has sometimes worked against them. If the impact of France on parts of Africa today is unmistakable, French-style dress, food, and automobiles as well as education and systems of administration cannot obscure the fact that some nobles of the past managed to strengthen their position thanks in part to their ability to deal with the French. Today, however, there is a ris- ing class of people who are not of noble origin, citizens who are able to climb the social ladder because of their inborn talent in business, academia, and other fields. But Finn Fuglestad, in his 1983 study of the history of Niger from 1850 to 1960, which was based to a great extent on archival material, concludes that the traditional social structure has not changed very much as a result of the relatively re- cent and brief impact of France on a society and a set of values that  154 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist has existed for many hundreds of years. Olivier de Sardan's exten- sive research, founded almost entirely on interviews conducted in rural contexts, confirms Fuglestad's conclusions. From these scholars' perspective, which matches that of Ouologuem in the novel, the French appear as latecomers in the re- gion's long history. The Songhay have a proverb that conveys what they see as the ephemeral nature of European contact in Africa: "The white man comes and goes like the morning mist on the Niger River." The French came, conquered, and then transferred political power a few generations later, leaving the traditional social structure largely intact and, in some cases, considerably strengthened. Ouologuem's lurid portrayal of the ruling aristocracy's lifestyle and power seems, nevertheless, so exaggerated that one may wonder if he is simply pandering to European stereotypes of Africa. At the most superficial level, given his interest in producing soft-core por- nography (1969), there appears little doubt that one of his audiences is the European reader more interested in sex than history. But the chronicles, especially the TS, provide numerous references to deca- dence in the empire as the source of the Songhay defeat at the hands of the Moroccan force. In the portrayal of events after the battle of Tondibi, as mentioned in chapter 7, we found descriptions of wine drinking, sodomy, adultery, incest, and venereal disease (TS 223-25). Ouologuem has drawn on these accounts to reach, at a deeper level, another kind of reader sensitive to his concern about what he sees as decadence in Africa today. The Multiple Voices of Ouologuem's Narrator The impact of Ouologuem's thesis stems not simply from the social differences that he portrays and from his reliance on sex and vio- lence, but from the tone of the narrative and, above all, from the diverse styles he employs. His multivocal narrator ranges from pas- sages that reflect the epic-"That the Holy Bibles of the missionaries would be burned as the wind blowing from the Yame fanned the flames" (46); to the stereotypical dialogue of the love story between Tambira and Kassoumi-"Look, Tambira," he stammered, "it can't go on like this" (41); and the surrealistic ravings of the drugged Sankolo, sold into slavery-"My body is floating. My legs are pedal- ing. My arms are thrashing. But it's not me. I feel good. An Angel is carrying me" (103). 154 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist has existed for many hundreds of years. Olivier de Sardan's exten- sive research, founded almost entirely on interviews conducted in rural contexts, confirms Fuglestad's conclusions. From these scholars' perspective, which matches that of Ouologuem in the novel, the French appear as latecomers in the re- gion's long history. The Songhay have a proverb that conveys what they see as the ephemeral nature of European contact in Africa: "The white man comes and goes like the morning mist on the Niger River." The French came, conquered, and then transferred political power a few generations later, leaving the traditional social structure largely intact and, in some cases, considerably strengthened. Ouologuem's lurid portrayal of the ruling aristocracy's lifestyle and power seems, nevertheless, so exaggerated that one may wonder if he is simply pandering to European stereotypes of Africa. At the most superficial level, given his interest in producing soft-core por- nography (1969), there appears little doubt that one of his audiences is the European reader more interested in sex than history. But the chronicles, especially the TS, provide numerous references to deca- dence in the empire as the source of the Songhay defeat at the hands of the Moroccan force. In the portrayal of events after the battle of Tondibi, as mentioned in chapter 7, we found descriptions of wine drinking, sodomy, adultery, incest, and venereal disease (TS 223-25). Ouologuem has drawn on these accounts to reach, at a deeper level, another kind of reader sensitive to his concern about what he sees as decadence in Africa today. The Multiple Voices of Ouologuem's Narrator The impact of Ouologuem's thesis stems not simply from the social differences that he portrays and from his reliance on sex and vio- lence, but from the tone of the narrative and, above all, from the diverse styles he employs. His multivocal narrator ranges from pas- sages that reflect the epic-"That the Holy Bibles of the missionaries would be burned as the wind blowing from the Yame fanned the flames" (46); to the stereotypical dialogue of the love story between Tambira and Kassoumi-"Look, Tambira," he stammered, "it can't go on like this" (41); and the surrealistic ravings of the drugged Sankolo, sold into slavery-"My body is floating. My legs are pedal- ing. My arms are thrashing. But it's not me. I feel good. An Angel is carrying me" (103). 154 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist has existed for many hundreds of years. Olivier de Sardan's exten- sive research, founded almost entirely on interviews conducted in rural contexts, confirms Fuglestad's conclusions. From these scholars' perspective, which matches that of Ouologuem in the novel, the French appear as latecomers in the re- gion's long history. The Songhay have a proverb that conveys what they see as the ephemeral nature of European contact in Africa: "The white man comes and goes like the morning mist on the Niger River." The French came, conquered, and then transferred political power a few generations later, leaving the traditional social structure largely intact and, in some cases, considerably strengthened. Ouologuem's lurid portrayal of the ruling aristocracy's lifestyle and power seems, nevertheless, so exaggerated that one may wonder if he is simply pandering to European stereotypes of Africa. At the most superficial level, given his interest in producing soft-core por- nography (1969), there appears little doubt that one of his audiences is the European reader more interested in sex than history. But the chronicles, especially the TS, provide numerous references to deca- dence in the empire as the source of the Songhay defeat at the hands of the Moroccan force. In the portrayal of events after the battle of Tondibi, as mentioned in chapter 7, we found descriptions of wine drinking, sodomy, adultery, incest, and venereal disease (TS 223-25). Ouologuem has drawn on these accounts to reach, at a deeper level, another kind of reader sensitive to his concern about what he sees as decadence in Africa today. The Multiple Voices of Ouologuem's Narrator The impact of Ouologuem's thesis stems not simply from the social differences that he portrays and from his reliance on sex and vio- lence, but from the tone of the narrative and, above all, from the diverse styles he employs. His multivocal narrator ranges from pas- sages that reflect the epic-"That the Holy Bibles of the missionaries would be burned as the wind blowing from the Yame fanned the flames" (46); to the stereotypical dialogue of the love story between Tambira and Kassoumi-"Look, Tambira," he stammered, "it can't go on like this" (41); and the surrealistic ravings of the drugged Sankolo, sold into slavery-"My body is floating. My legs are pedal- ing. My arms are thrashing. But it's not me. I feel good. An Angel is carrying me" (103).  Challenging the Past 155 The many forms of the oral tradition Ouologuem might have drawn from appear to be subsumed under a more general narrative voice simply labeled "legend" or "the tradition." On the first page the narrator includes them among his sources: "What is more inter- esting, when the elders, notables, and griots, peering wide-eyed into the bitter deserts, speak of that Empire . . . " (3-4). But here as in later references, parts of the narrative attributed to griots do not stand out from those forms that echo the chronicle tradition. For example, the passage cited earlier mentions the Jewish heritage of the Saifs, information reportedly contained in an oral epic written down by a modern griot. But the text begins with an apostrophe to the Lord, a form associated more with the chronicles than the oral tradition: "The Lord-Holy is His Name!-showed us the mercy of bringing forth, at the beginning of the black Nakem Empire, one illustrious man . . . " (6). There are other references to griots-"The griot Kutuli of cherished memory ends his tale as follows" (4). Ouologuem's use of the oral tradition, then, may be seen less as a matter of form than of content. Both the oral tradition and its written counterpart recount the past. Neither may be accu- rate. Each may influence or blend with the other. The narrative form that really sustains Ouologuem's story, often in the parodic mode, remains the exclamatory and pious phrasing of the chronicles with their frequent asides to God: "His reign was just and glorious (God keep his soul)" (8); "On the twelfth day of Ramadan the worms began to eat him alive and on the twentieth day of the same month he died . . . A prayer for him" (9); and, fi- nally, "Mashallah! wa bismillah! The name of Allah upon them and around them!" (17). This style, seen on nearly every page, enables Ouologuem to maintain a unity of tone that deflates the values of the aristocracy. As the narrator concludes the first chapter, he announces Ouologuem's thesis in that bitter, sardonic tone: But to Nakem the colonial powers came too late, for with the help of the local notables a colonial overlord had established himself long since, and that colonial overlord was none other than Saif. All unsuspecting, the European conquerors played into his hands. Call it technical assistance. At that early date! So be it! Thy work be sanctified, 0 Lord. And exalted. (24) Challenging the Past 155 The many forms of the oral tradition Ouologuem might have drawn from appear to be subsumed under a more general narrative voice simply labeled "legend" or "the tradition." On the first page the narrator includes them among his sources: "What is more inter- esting, when the elders, notables, and griots, peering wide-eyed into the bitter deserts, speak of that Empire . . . " (3-4). But here as in later references, parts of the narrative attributed to griots do not stand out from those forms that echo the chronicle tradition. For example, the passage cited earlier mentions the Jewish heritage of the Saifs, information reportedly contained in an oral epic written down by a modern griot. But the text begins with an apostrophe to the Lord, a form associated more with the chronicles than the oral tradition: "The Lord-Holy is His Name!-showed us the mercy of bringing forth, at the beginning of the black Nakem Empire, one illustrious man . . . " (6). There are other references to griots-"The griot Kutuli of cherished memory ends his tale as follows" (4). Ouologuem's use of the oral tradition, then, may be seen less as a matter of form than of content. Both the oral tradition and its written counterpart recount the past. Neither may be accu- rate. Each may influence or blend with the other. The narrative form that really sustains Ouologuem's story, often in the parodic mode, remains the exclamatory and pious phrasing of the chronicles with their frequent asides to God: "His reign was just and glorious (God keep his soul)" (8); "On the twelfth day of Ramadan the worms began to eat him alive and on the twentieth day of the same month he died . . . A prayer for him" (9); and, fi- nally, "Mashallah! wa bismillah! The name of Allah upon them and around them!" (17). This style, seen on nearly every page, enables Ouologuem to maintain a unity of tone that deflates the values of the aristocracy. As the narrator concludes the first chapter, he announces Ouologuem's thesis in that bitter, sardonic tone: But to Nakem the colonial powers came too late, for with the help of the local notables a colonial overlord had established himself long since, and that colonial overlord was none other than Saif. All unsuspecting, the European conquerors played into his hands. Call it technical assistance. At that early date! So be it! Thy work be sanctified, 0 Lord. And exalted. (24) Challenging the Past 155 The many forms of the oral tradition Ouologuem might have drawn from appear to be subsumed under a more general narrative voice simply labeled "legend" or "the tradition." On the first page the narrator includes them among his sources: "What is more inter- esting, when the elders, notables, and griots, peering wide-eyed into the bitter deserts, speak of that Empire . . . " (3-4). But here as in later references, parts of the narrative attributed to griots do not stand out from those forms that echo the chronicle tradition. For example, the passage cited earlier mentions the Jewish heritage of the Saifs, information reportedly contained in an oral epic written down by a modern griot. But the text begins with an apostrophe to the Lord, a form associated more with the chronicles than the oral tradition: "The Lord-Holy is His Name!-showed us the mercy of bringing forth, at the beginning of the black Nakem Empire, one illustrious man . . . " (6). There are other references to griots-"The griot Kutuli of cherished memory ends his tale as follows" (4). Ouologuem's use of the oral tradition, then, may be seen less as a matter of form than of content. Both the oral tradition and its written counterpart recount the past. Neither may be accu- rate. Each may influence or blend with the other. The narrative form that really sustains Ouologuem's story, often in the parodic mode, remains the exclamatory and pious phrasing of the chronicles with their frequent asides to God: "His reign was just and glorious (God keep his soul)" (8); "On the twelfth day of Ramadan the worms began to eat him alive and on the twentieth day of the same month he died . . . A prayer for him" (9); and, fi- nally, "Mashallah! wa bismillah! The name of Allah upon them and around them!" (17). This style, seen on nearly every page, enables Ouologuem to maintain a unity of tone that deflates the values of the aristocracy. As the narrator concludes the first chapter, he announces Ouologuem's thesis in that bitter, sardonic tone: But to Nakem the colonial powers came too late, for with the help of the local notables a colonial overlord had established himself long since, and that colonial overlord was none other than Saif. All unsuspecting, the European conquerors played into his hands. Call it technical assistance. At that early date! So be it! Thy work be sanctified, 0 Lord. And exalted. (24)  156 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 156 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 156 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist The Attack against Islam and the Social Hierarchy The fundamental difference between Ouologuem's twentieth- century fictional vision of the askias and their empire and those found in the other versions we have explored, oral and written, ap- pears to be the novelist's frontal attack on the structure of society and its leadership. Unlike the accounts by the scribes and the narra- tives by the griots, both of which were designed to legitimize the so- cial structure, Ouologuem sets out to illustrate the way in which the nobility exploits and manipulates the lower classes. His novel stands as a modern reply to what he sees as religious and social values ex- pressed in the chronicles, echoed in the oral tradition, and perpetu- ated today. The Guinean historian Lansine Kaba draws the same conclusion as the novelist when he comments that "Islam under the Askiyas (1493-1592) became an ideology of domination which helped the clerics to institutionalize the methods by which they had access to power and promoted their interests.. . . Islam then served as an ideology of the status quo" (1984, 255). As African literature critic Aliko Songolo points out in his perceptive essay "Fiction et Subversion: Le Devoir de violence," the novelist thus seeks to sup- plant both the oral tradition and written history by presenting a nar- rator who is "the sum of all possible knowledge about the Empire of Nakem" (1981, 26). Beyond the author's critique of his own society, however, the novel, by its composition, offers another message, this time for the West. Just as Ouologuem has drawn on African written sources for his narrative, embellishing and compressing events to convey more directly his criticism of the aristocracy portrayed in those texts, he has also borrowed from the Western literary tradition for the struc- ture and some of the scenes in the novel. One may attach many meanings to his use of Western sources: weakness, creativity, or sim- ply an acute sense of mischievousness. But his borrowings, followed by a bold revelation of his methodology in Lettre d la France negre (1969), may be seen on one level as another form of social criticism. Here, however, the target is not the people portrayed in works by Greene, Maupassant, Schwarz-Bart, and others, but the Western lit- erary establishment. By violating the rules of a game controlled by the West, and by playing to the prejudices of readers whose under- standing of Africa was formed by a variety of negative images, Ouologuem deliberately attacked a part of the production system The Attack against Islam and the Social Hierarchy The fundamental difference between Ouologuem's twentieth- century fictional vision of the askias and their empire and those found in the other versions we have explored, oral and written, ap- pears to be the novelist's frontal attack on the structure of society and its leadership. Unlike the accounts by the scribes and the narra- tives by the griots, both of which were designed to legitimize the so- cial structure, Ouologuem sets out to illustrate the way in which the nobility exploits and manipulates the lower classes. His novel stands as a modern reply to what he sees as religious and social values ex- pressed in the chronicles, echoed in the oral tradition, and perpetu- ated today. The Guinean historian Lansine Kaba draws the same conclusion as the novelist when he comments that "Islam under the Askiyas (1493-1592) became an ideology of domination which helped the clerics to institutionalize the methods by which they had access to power and promoted their interests.. . . Islam then served as an ideology of the status quo" (1984, 255). As African literature critic Aliko Songolo points out in his perceptive essay "Fiction et Subversion: Le Devoir de violence," the novelist thus seeks to sup- plant both the oral tradition and written history by presenting a nar- rator who is "the sum of all possible knowledge about the Empire of Nakem" (1981, 26). Beyond the author's critique of his own society, however, the novel, by its composition, offers another message, this time for the West. Just as Ouologuem has drawn on African written sources for his narrative, embellishing and compressing events to convey more directly his criticism of the aristocracy portrayed in those texts, he has also borrowed from the Western literary tradition for the struc- ture and some of the scenes in the novel. One may attach many meanings to his use of Western sources: weakness, creativity, or sim- ply an acute sense of mischievousness. But his borrowings, followed by a bold revelation of his methodology in Lettre d la France negre (1969), may be seen on one level as another form of social criticism. Here, however, the target is not the people portrayed in works by Greene, Maupassant, Schwarz-Bart, and others, but the Western lit- erary establishment. By violating the rules of a game controlled by the West, and by playing to the prejudices of readers whose under- standing of Africa was formed by a variety of negative images, Ouologuem deliberately attacked a part of the production system The Attack against Islam and the Social Hierarchy The fundamental difference between Ouologuem's twentieth- century fictional vision of the askias and their empire and those found in the other versions we have explored, oral and written, ap- pears to be the novelist's frontal attack on the structure of society and its leadership. Unlike the accounts by the scribes and the narra- tives by the griots, both of which were designed to legitimize the so- cial structure, Ouologuem sets out to illustrate the way in which the nobility exploits and manipulates the lower classes. His novel stands as a modern reply to what he sees as religious and social values ex- pressed in the chronicles, echoed in the oral tradition, and perpetu- ated today. The Guinean historian Lansine Kaba draws the same conclusion as the novelist when he comments that "Islam under the Askiyas (1493-1592) became an ideology of domination which helped the clerics to institutionalize the methods by which they had access to power and promoted their interests.... Islam then served as an ideology of the status quo" (1984, 255). As African literature critic Aliko Songolo points out in his perceptive essay "Fiction et Subversion: Le Devoir de violence," the novelist thus seeks to sup- plant both the oral tradition and written history by presenting a nar- rator who is "the sum of all possible knowledge about the Empire of Nakem" (1981, 26). Beyond the author's critique of his own society, however, the novel, by its composition, offers another message, this time for the West. Just as Ouologuem has drawn on African written sources for his narrative, embellishing and compressing events to convey more directly his criticism of the aristocracy portrayed in those texts, he has also borrowed from the Western literary tradition for the struc- ture and some of the scenes in the novel. One may attach many meanings to his use of Western sources: weakness, creativity, or sim- ply an acute sense of mischievousness. But his borrowings, followed by a bold revelation of his methodology in Lettre a la France negre (1969), may be seen on one level as another form of social criticism. Here, however, the target is not the people portrayed in works by Greene, Maupassant, Schwarz-Bart, and others, but the Western lit- erary establishment. By violating the rules of a game controlled by the West, and by playing to the prejudices of readers whose under- standing of Africa was formed by a variety of negative images, Ouologuem deliberately attacked a part of the production system  Challenging the Past 157 over which non-Western writers have little or no influence. As Mouralis suggests, "Le Devoir de violence is perhaps only a game" (1986, 64). Ouologuem seeks to give an air of authenticity to his novel in both the formal and the thematic sense by drawing upon African and European texts to compose his narrative. But in the case of the Afri- can accounts, he makes no effort to camouflage his sources, for they are referred to directly in the text. He waited for six months after the novel was published before announcing his method of plagiarism from the European novels that provide him both structure and a va- riety of formal devices. One may interpret the difference in his ap- proaches to the two traditions that nourish his verbal art in many ways. It might be suggested that Ouologuem is demonstrating, at bottom, a sense of honesty and attachment to Africa, reflected in his concern for the future of the continent. This sentiment would ap- pear to be the opposite of what comes from his manipulation of the European sources and his subsequent self-exposure in Lettre d la France negre. This difference in Ouologuem's approach to his sources may be more clearly appreciated by viewing the novel in the broader context of the dialogue between Africa and the West. By drawing in different ways on his diverse material, African and Western, for the composi- tion of Le Devoir de violence, Ouologuem has expanded the terms of the dialogue between north and south. He engages several West- ern audiences, from those who appreciate the pornographic scenes to the literati who were fooled by his borrowing and, finally, the in- tellectuals who consider themselves knowledgeable about the rela- tionship between Africa and the West. At the same time, however, he addresses Africans of the diaspora in order to demystify the pres- ent by revealing the ties with the past. As the African critic E. H. Ohaegbu argues, "Ouologuem is not less 'committed' than his predecessors ... who have uniquivocally denounced colonial op- pression. But the difference is that his own commitment is more in- ternally oriented, and therefore more critical of the African himself than of the white man who has hitherto appeared in the African novel as the black man's permanent oppressor" (1979, 132-33). Violence and Humanity Ouologuem's reinterpretion of the African past from the Songhay Challenging the Past 157 over which non-Western writers have little or no influence. As Mouralis suggests, "Le Devoir de violence is perhaps only a game" (1986, 64). Ouologuem seeks to give an air of authenticity to his novel in both the formal and the thematic sense by drawing upon African and European texts to compose his narrative. But in the case of the Afri- can accounts, he makes no effort to camouflage his sources, for they are referred to directly in the text. He waited for six months after the novel was published before announcing his method of plagiarism from the European novels that provide him both structure and a va- riety of formal devices. One may interpret the difference in his ap- proaches to the two traditions that nourish his verbal art in many ways. It might be suggested that Ouologuem is demonstrating, at bottom, a sense of honesty and attachment to Africa, reflected in his concern for the future of the continent. This sentiment would ap- pear to be the opposite of what comes from his manipulation of the European sources and his subsequent self-exposure in Lettre d la France negre. This difference in Ouologuem's approach to his sources may be more clearly appreciated by viewing the novel in the broader context of the dialogue between Africa and the West. By drawing in different ways on his diverse material, African and Western, for the composi- tion of Le Devoir de violence, Ouologuem has expanded the terms of the dialogue between north and south. He engages several West- ern audiences, from those who appreciate the pornographic scenes to the literati who were fooled by his borrowing and, finally, the in- tellectuals who consider themselves knowledgeable about the rela- tionship between Africa and the West. At the same time, however, he addresses Africans of the diaspora in order to demystify the pres- ent by revealing the ties with the past. As the African critic E. H. Ohaegbu argues, "Ouologuem is not less 'committed' than his predecessors . . . who have uniquivocally denounced colonial op- pression. But the difference is that his own commitment is more in- ternally oriented, and therefore more critical of the African himself than of the white man who has hitherto appeared in the African novel as the black man's permanent oppressor" (1979, 132-33). Violence and Humanity Ouologuem's reinterpretion of the African past from the Songhay Challenging the Past 157 over which non-Western writers have little or no influence. As Mouralis suggests, "Le Devoir de violence is perhaps only a game" (1986, 64). Ouologuem seeks to give an air of authenticity to his novel in both the formal and the thematic sense by drawing upon African and European texts to compose his narrative. But in the case of the Afri- can accounts, he makes no effort to camouflage his sources, for they are referred to directly in the text. He waited for six months after the novel was published before announcing his method of plagiarism from the European novels that provide him both structure and a va- riety of formal devices. One may interpret the difference in his ap- proaches to the two traditions that nourish his verbal art in many ways. It might be suggested that Ouologuem is demonstrating, at bottom, a sense of honesty and attachment to Africa, reflected in his concern for the future of the continent. This sentiment would ap- pear to be the opposite of what comes from his manipulation of the European sources and his subsequent self-exposure in Lettre d la France negre. This difference in Ouologuem's approach to his sources may be more clearly appreciated by viewing the novel in the broader context of the dialogue between Africa and the West. By drawing in different ways on his diverse material, African and Western, for the composi- tion of Le Devoir de violence, Ouologuem has expanded the terms of the dialogue between north and south. He engages several West- ern audiences, from those who appreciate the pornographic scenes to the literati who were fooled by his borrowing and, finally, the in- tellectuals who consider themselves knowledgeable about the rela- tionship between Africa and the West. At the same time, however, he addresses Africans of the diaspora in order to demystify the pres- ent by revealing the ties with the past. As the African critic E. H. Ohaegbu argues, "Ouologuem is not less 'committed' than his predecessors . . . who have uniquivocally denounced colonial op- pression. But the difference is that his own commitment is more in- ternally oriented, and therefore more critical of the African himself than of the white man who has hitherto appeared in the African novel as the black man's permanent oppressor" (1979, 132-33). Violence and Humanity Ouologuem's reinterpretion of the African past from the Songhay  158 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 158 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 158 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist empire generates a reevaluation that, for some critics, points to a paradoxical "humanization" of African cultures. Africans, Ouologuem seems to say, can be as violent and corrupt as peoples from any other part of the world. But if, to reach the various audi- ences just described, Ouologuem appears to exaggerate these nega- tive qualities, he is swift to place them in a larger context. To the question of whether Africans are fundamentally more violent than the rest of the world, Ouologuem once replied sardonically: I would like to think that Africa excels in everything. For example, in the novel, the Black leader kills by using snakes. But, unfortu- nately, after the Hundred Years War, Stalin, the Inquisition, Hiro- shima, Nagasaki, et cetera, I am afraid that we poor Blacks, un- derdeveloped Africans . .. I believe violence is part of the human being. (interview with Hugh Downs on the Today show, National Broadcasting Corporation, March 18, 1971) Violence is part of the human condition, suggests Ouologuem, but Africans will never catch up with the rest of the world in devel- oping the kinds of murderous devices that the West has recently demonstrated. For the Malian novelist, to deny the violence of Africa's history and to ignore the reality of the Sahelian social hier- archy is to misunderstand both the past and its impact on the pres- ent. Ouologuem's negative interpretation of Askia Mohammed and the social structure of the Songhay empire, pinnacle of millennia of Sahelian civilization and source of values.for so many different peo- ples in the centuries to follow, contrasts sharply with the more posi- tive readings we find in historical studies such as Adam Konard Ba's analysis of Sonni Ali Ber (1977). The discussion that Ouologuem generated among Africans and Europeans, however, has propelled the debate over the African past to a new level where, it seems, scholars feel a greater independence from both the colonial preju- dices of Europe and the defensive responses of Africans. Referring to Ouologuem, Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka suggests that "what he has done with his fictional re-creation of history is no more nor less than a Cheikh Anta Diop [the Senegalese historian] or Chancellor Williams [the Trinidadian historian] has done for decades in their several essays on African civilisation" (1976, 99-100). "At the least such a work functions as a wide swab in the deck-clearing operation for the commencement of racial retrieval" (105). From this perspec- empire generates a reevaluation that, for some critics, points to a paradoxical "humanization" of African cultures. Africans, Ouologuem seems to say, can be as violent and corrupt as peoples from any other part of the world. But if, to reach the various audi- ences just described, Ouologuem appears to exaggerate these nega- tive qualities, he is swift to place them in a larger context. To the question of whether Africans are fundamentally more violent than the rest of the world, Ouologuem once replied sardonically: I would like to think that Africa excels in everything. For example, in the novel, the Black leader kills by using snakes. But, unfortu- nately, after the Hundred Years War, Stalin, the Inquisition, Hiro- shima, Nagasaki, et cetera, I am afraid that we poor Blacks, un- derdeveloped Africans . .. I believe violence is part of the human being. (interview with Hugh Downs on the Today show, National Broadcasting Corporation, March 18, 1971) Violence is part of the human condition, suggests Ouologuem, but Africans will never catch up with the rest of the world in devel- oping the kinds of murderous devices that the West has recently demonstrated. For the Malian novelist, to deny the violence of Africa's history and to ignore the reality of the Sahelian social hier- archy is to misunderstand both the past and its impact on the pres- ent. Ouologuem's negative interpretation of Askia Mohammed and the social structure of the Songhay empire, pinnacle of millennia of Sahelian civilization and source of values.for so many different peo- ples in the centuries to follow, contrasts sharply with the more posi- tive readings we find in historical studies such as Adam Konard Ba's analysis of Sonni Ali Ber (1977). The discussion that Ouologuem generated among Africans and Europeans, however, has propelled the debate over the African past to a new level where, it seems, scholars feel a greater independence from both the colonial preju- dices of Europe and the defensive responses of Africans. Referring to Ouologuem, Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka suggests that "what he has done with his fictional re-creation of history is no more nor less than a Cheikh Anta Diop [the Senegalese historian] or Chancellor Williams [the Trinidadian historian] has done for decades in their several essays on African civilisation" (1976, 99-100). "At the least such a work functions as a wide swab in the deck-clearing operation for the commencement of racial retrieval" (105). From this perspec- empire generates a reevaluation that, for some critics, points to a paradoxical "humanization" of African cultures. Africans, Ouologuem seems to say, can be as violent and corrupt as peoples from any other part of the world. But if, to reach the various audi- ences just described, Ouologuem appears to exaggerate these nega- tive qualities, he is swift to place them in a larger context. To the question of whether Africans are fundamentally more violent than the rest of the world, Ouologuem once replied sardonically: I would like to think that Africa excels in everything. For example, in the novel, the Black leader kills by using snakes. But, unfortu- nately, after the Hundred Years War, Stalin, the Inquisition, Hiro- shima, Nagasaki, et cetera, I am afraid that we poor Blacks, un- derdeveloped Africans . .. I believe violence is part of the human being. (interview with Hugh Downs on the Today show, National Broadcasting Corporation, March 18, 1971) Violence is part of the human condition, suggests Ouologuem, but Africans will never catch up with the rest of the world in devel- oping the kinds of murderous devices that the West has recently demonstrated. For the Malian novelist, to deny the violence of Africa's history and to ignore the reality of the Sahelian social hier- archy is to misunderstand both the past and its impact on the pres- ent. Ouologuem's negative interpretation of Askia Mohammed and the social structure of the Songhay empire, pinnacle of millennia of Sahelian civilization and source of values.for so many different peo- ples in the centuries to follow, contrasts sharply with the more posi- tive readings we find in historical studies such as Adam Konard Ba's analysis of Sonni Ali Ber (1977). The discussion that Ouologuem generated among Africans and Europeans, however, has propelled the debate over the African past to a new level where, it seems, scholars feel a greater independence from both the colonial preju- dices of Europe and the defensive responses of Africans. Referring to Ouologuem, Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka suggests that "what he has done with his fictional re-creation of history is no more nor less than a Cheikh Anta Diop [the Senegalese historian] or Chancellor Williams [the Trinidadian historian] has done for decades in their several essays on African civilisation" (1976, 99-100). "At the least such a work functions as a wide swab in the deck-clearing operation for the commencement of racial retrieval" (105). From this perspec-  Challenging the Past 159 Challenging the Past 159 Challenging the Past 159 tive, Ouologuem has prepared the way for us to move on to the con- clusion to this study where we shall step back from all three kinds of texts-the chronicles, the epic, and the modern novel-in order to see more clearly how they illuminate each other and what they tell us about society today. tive, Ouologuem has prepared the way for us to move on to the con- clusion to this study where we shall step back from all three kinds of texts-the chronicles, the epic, and the modern novel-in order to see more clearly how they illuminate each other and what they tell us about society today. tive, Ouologuem has prepared the way for us to move on to the con- clusion to this study where we shall step back from all three kinds of texts-the chronicles, the epic, and the modern novel-in order to see more clearly how they illuminate each other and what they tell us about society today.  Chapter 9 Literature, Orality, History, and Society The juxtaposition of these diverse portrayals of the askias and the Songhay empire emphasizes the existence of a social structure that has survived many centuries of outside influences. The comparison of the chronicles and the oral narrative also reveals two complemen- tary but rather different views of the world. The narrators convey these views in verbal forms that contribute significantly to the force of their messages. The exploration of the novel in the light of the first two texts demonstrates how a modern African writer can draw on more traditional verbal forms to critique both African society and the literary culture of the West. In so doing, he reveals that the Sahel possesses a rich verbal heritage and a history which, in its broadest outlines, differs little from that of peoples from other parts of the world. In the following pages, we shall examine these conclusions and some of their ramifications in more detail. Complementary Views of the Past We have seen in the chronicles a ruler who reigned at a high point in the development of Sahelian civilization. In contrast with his pred- ecessor, Sonni Ali Ber, Askia Mohammed appears as good, pious, and open to the world outside the Sahel. He conquered vast areas and spread Islam. His descendants, with few exceptions, led the Songhay down a path marked by social decadence, which the scribes see as the cause of the defeat at Tondibi. In the oral narrative, the same ruler appears to be no less pious and zealous in spreading Islam. But we find here a much greater em- phasis on the coexistence of Islamic and pre-Islamic beliefs. The 160 Chapter 9 Literature, Orality, History, and Society The juxtaposition of these diverse portrayals of the askias and the Songhay empire emphasizes the existence of a social structure that has survived many centuries of outside influences. The comparison of the chronicles and the oral narrative also reveals two complemen- tary but rather different views of the world. The narrators convey these views in verbal forms that contribute significantly to the force of their messages. The exploration of the novel in the light of the first two texts demonstrates how a modern African writer can draw on more traditional verbal forms to critique both African society and the literary culture of the West. In so doing, he reveals that the Sahel possesses a rich verbal heritage and a history which, in its broadest outlines, differs little from that of peoples from other parts of the world. In the following pages, we shall examine these conclusions and some of their ramifications in more detail. Complementary Views of the Past We have seen in the chronicles a ruler who reigned at a high point in the development of Sahelian civilization. In contrast with his pred- ecessor, Sonni Ali Ber, Askia Mohammed appears as good, pious, and open to the world outside the Sahel. He conquered vast areas and spread Islam. His descendants, with few exceptions, led the Songhay down a path marked by social decadence, which the scribes see as the cause of the defeat at Tondibi. In the oral narrative, the same ruler appears to be no less pious and zealous in spreading Islam. But we find here a much greater em- phasis on the coexistence of Islamic and pre-Islamic beliefs. The 160 Chapter 9 Literature, Orality, History, and Society The juxtaposition of these diverse portrayals of the askias and the Songhay empire emphasizes the existence of a social structure that has survived many centuries of outside influences. The comparison of the chronicles and the oral narrative also reveals two complemen- tary but rather different views of the world. The narrators convey these views in verbal forms that contribute significantly to the force of their messages. The exploration of the novel in the light of the first two texts demonstrates how a modern African writer can draw on more traditional verbal forms to critique both African society and the literary culture of the West. In so doing, he reveals that the Sahel possesses a rich verbal heritage and a history which, in its broadest outlines, differs little from that of peoples from other parts of the world. In the following pages, we shall examine these conclusions and some of their ramifications in more detail. Complementary Views of the Past We have seen in the chronicles a ruler who reigned at a high point in the development of Sahelian civilization. In contrast with his pred- ecessor, Sonni Ali Ber, Askia Mohammed appears as good, pious, and open to the world outside the Sahel. He conquered vast areas and spread Islam. His descendants, with few exceptions, led the Songhay down a path marked by social decadence, which the scribes see as the cause of the defeat at Tondibi. In the oral narrative, the same ruler appears to be no less pious and zealous in spreading Islam. But we find here a much greater em- phasis on the coexistence of Islamic and pre-Islamic beliefs. The 160  Conclusion 161 Conclusion 161 Conclusion 161 griot sees the downfall of the Songhay as the product not of social decadence in the Western sense of the term but of a violation of the subtle rules of class distinction. The divergence between the two perspectives on the disintegra- tion of the empire reflects fundamental differences in social perspec- tive on the part of the scribes and the griots. The chroniclers write from a religious stance that claims to deny the significance of social distinction, while the griot narrates from the position of the arbiter on whom an entire society depends for its maintenance of a complex social structure. But beneath this difference, both scribe and griot appear to agree that it was the inappropriate behavior of the aristoc- racy that led to the end of the Songhay empire. In each case, ele- ments of society endowed with significant power interpret history in ways that match the needs or expectations of their primary audience. The view of the past that the Timbuktu chroniclers paint is quite detailed, but it offers an interpretation of events in terms of the rise and fall in the standing of Moslems. While this perspective appears most evident in the opposition between Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, it is equally obvious in the extraordinary detail about the lives of the Moslem scholars. The narrators accord as much space to keeping track of the deaths of these men as they do for the rulers' deeds. We see the past through Islamic lenses here. To appreciate these remarkable and lengthy chronicles, we must, then, keep in mind at all times the narrators' bias. The griot with his oral narrative interprets the past in the same way, never failing to point out the role ancestor griots play. But the detail and the accounts of many rulers who served only short reigns are not as important. The griot transforms the defeat at Gao into the fierce resistance many generations later that eventually contrib- uted to the destruction of Moroccan influence in the Sahel. He offers what historian Joseph Miller terms a "descending anachronism." He moves an event from the past to a later date (1980, 16). He tele- scopes history, revealing the past not simply through his own eyes but also through those of his predecessors. For a variety of reasons, whole generations disappear from the narrative. As historian David Henige explains, "since the purpose of these genealogies is both to reflect and to justify current social patterns based on kinship consid- erations, it serves no purpose to preserve the memory of useless an- cestors" (1974, 27). Jan Vansina, one of the most experienced schol- ars of the oral tradition in Africa, adds that the texts themselves constitute messages that have collective meaning. griot sees the downfall of the Songhay as the product not of social decadence in the Western sense of the term but of a violation of the subtle rules of class distinction. The divergence between the two perspectives on the disintegra- tion of the empire reflects fundamental differences in social perspec- tive on the part of the scribes and the griots. The chroniclers write from a religious stance that claims to deny the significance of social distinction, while the griot narrates from the position of the arbiter on whom an entire society depends for its maintenance of a complex social structure. But beneath this difference, both scribe and griot appear to agree that it was the inappropriate behavior of the aristoc- racy that led to the end of the Songhay empire. In each case, ele- ments of society endowed with significant power interpret history in ways that match the needs or expectations of their primary audience. The view of the past that the Timbuktu chroniclers paint is quite detailed, but it offers an interpretation of events in terms of the rise and fall in the standing of Moslems. While this perspective appears most evident in the opposition between Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, it is equally obvious in the extraordinary detail about the lives of the Moslem scholars. The narrators accord as much space to keeping track of the deaths of these men as they do for the rulers' deeds. We see the past through Islamic lenses here. To appreciate these remarkable and lengthy chronicles, we must, then, keep in mind at all times the narrators' bias. The griot with his oral narrative interprets the past in the same way, never failing to point out the role ancestor griots play. But the detail and the accounts of many rulers who served only short reigns are not as important. The griot transforms the defeat at Gao into the fierce resistance many generations later that eventually contrib- uted to the destruction of Moroccan influence in the Sahel. He offers what historian Joseph Miller terms a "descending anachronism." He moves an event from the past to a later date (1980, 16). He tele- scopes history, revealing the past not simply through his own eyes but also through those of his predecessors. For a variety of reasons, whole generations disappear from the narrative. As historian David Henige explains, "since the purpose of these genealogies is both to reflect and to justify current social patterns based on kinship consid- erations, it serves no purpose to preserve the memory of useless an- cestors" (1974, 27). Jan Vansina, one of the most experienced schol- ars of the oral tradition in Africa, adds that the texts themselves constitute messages that have collective meaning. griot sees the downfall of the Songhay as the product not of social decadence in the Western sense of the term but of a violation of the subtle rules of class distinction. The divergence between the two perspectives on the disintegra- tion of the empire reflects fundamental differences in social perspec- tive on the part of the scribes and the griots. The chroniclers write from a religious stance that claims to deny the significance of social distinction, while the griot narrates from the position of the arbiter on whom an entire society depends for its maintenance of a complex social structure. But beneath this difference, both scribe and griot appear to agree that it was the inappropriate behavior of the aristoc- racy that led to the end of the Songhay empire. In each case, ele- ments of society endowed with significant power interpret history in ways that match the needs or expectations of their primary audience. The view of the past that the Timbuktu chroniclers paint is quite detailed, but it offers an interpretation of events in terms of the rise and fall in the standing of Moslems. While this perspective appears most evident in the opposition between Sonni Ali Ber and Askia Mohammed, it is equally obvious in the extraordinary detail about the lives of the Moslem scholars. The narrators accord as much space to keeping track of the deaths of these men as they do for the rulers' deeds. We see the past through Islamic lenses here. To appreciate these remarkable and lengthy chronicles, we must, then, keep in mind at all times the narrators' bias. The griot with his oral narrative interprets the past in the same way, never failing to point out the role ancestor griots play. But the detail and the accounts of many rulers who served only short reigns are not as important. The griot transforms the defeat at Gao into the fierce resistance many generations later that eventually contrib- uted to the destruction of Moroccan influence in the Sahel. He offers what historian Joseph Miller terms a "descending anachronism." He moves an event from the past to a later date (1980, 16). He tele- scopes history, revealing the past not simply through his own eyes but also through those of his predecessors. For a variety of reasons, whole generations disappear from the narrative. As historian David Henige explains, "since the purpose of these genealogies is both to reflect and to justify current social patterns based on kinship consid- erations, it serves no purpose to preserve the memory of useless an- cestors" (1974, 27). Jan Vansina, one of the most experienced schol- ars of the oral tradition in Africa, adds that the texts themselves constitute messages that have collective meaning.  162 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 162 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 162 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist That means that they accumulate interpretations as they are being transmitted. There is no longer an original encoding interpretation and a decoding one, but there are many encoding and decoding interpretations. . . . Such interpretations are therefore cumula- tive. The one a researcher is confronted with is to a degree a col- lective interpretation. It is the product of a continuing reflection about the past, the goal of which was not to find out "what really happened," but to establish what in the past, believed to be real, was relevant to the present. . . . It follows that oral traditions are not just a source about the past, but a historiology (one dares not write historiography!) of the past, an account of how people have interpreted it. As such oral tradition is not only a raw source. It is a hypothesis, similar to the historian's own interpretation of the past. (1985, 195-96) As Miller points out, "by taking the perspective of an oral histo- rian, as artist, the narrative may be understood as influenced by the way he thinks, by the way his audience reacts, by his methods of pre- servation and transmission of information, and by the way that he and his audience interact in terms of the culture that they share" (1980, 7). The result, notes Miller, is the hourglass effect typical of many oral traditions, where there is much information about begin- ning and ending events, but little, as we have seen in Nouhou Malio's version, about the middle. Each griot, over the years, has judged what is important and what is not. The oral narrative combines both the past and the pres- ent, just as the chronicles, through the diverse readings, revisions, and translations they have undergone, reflect the impact of subse- quent generations. The modern reader must reckon, then, with what Walter J. Ong describes as the dynamic and diachronic nature of the text: One of the most widespread and fundamental errors of the past few generations of literary critics has been the assumption, most often not clearly articulated, that to put an utterance into writing is to remove it from this state of oral discourse and thus to "fix" it. . .. A distinctive feature of the textual utterance against oral utterance is that its author cannot absolutely predict or often even discover who all will continue the discourse he or she has started. . . . But when the reader reads the text, the discourse re- sumes, perhaps after hundreds or thousands of years. (1986, 148-49) That means that they accumulate interpretations as they are being transmitted. There is no longer an original encoding interpretation and a decoding one, but there are many encoding and decoding interpretations. . . . Such interpretations are therefore cumula- tive. The one a researcher is confronted with is to a degree a col- lective interpretation. It is the product of a continuing reflection about the past, the goal of which was not to find out "what really happened," but to establish what in the past, believed to be real, was relevant to the present. . . . It follows that oral traditions are not just a source about the past, but a historiology (one dares not write historiography!) of the past, an account of how people have interpreted it. As such oral tradition is not only a raw source. It is a hypothesis, similar to the historian's own interpretation of the past. (1985, 195-96) As Miller points out, "by taking the perspective of an oral histo- rian, as artist, the narrative may be understood as influenced by the way he thinks, by the way his audience reacts, by his methods of pre- servation and transmission of information, and by the way that he and his audience interact in terms of the culture that they share" (1980, 7). The result, notes Miller, is the hourglass effect typical of many oral traditions, where there is much information about begin- ning and ending events, but little, as we have seen in Nouhou Malio's version, about the middle. Each griot, over the years, has judged what is important and what is not. The oral narrative combines both the past and the pres- ent, just as the chronicles, through the diverse readings, revisions, and translations they have undergone, reflect the impact of subse- quent generations. The modern reader must reckon, then, with what Walter J. Ong describes as the dynamic and diachronic nature of the text: One of the most widespread and fundamental errors of the past few generations of literary critics has been the assumption, most often not clearly articulated, that to put an utterance into writing is to remove it from this state of oral discourse and thus to "fix" it. . . . A distinctive feature of the textual utterance against oral utterance is that its author cannot absolutely predict or often even discover who all will continue the discourse he or she has started.... But when the reader reads the text, the discourse re- sumes, perhaps after hundreds or thousands of years. (1986, 148-49) That means that they accumulate interpretations as they are being transmitted. There is no longer an original encoding interpretation and a decoding one, but there are many encoding and decoding interpretations. . . . Such interpretations are therefore cumula- tive. The one a researcher is confronted with is to a degree a col- lective interpretation. It is the product of a continuing reflection about the past, the goal of which was not to find out "what really happened," but to establish what in the past, believed to be real, was relevant to the present. . . . It follows that oral traditions are not just a source about the past, but a historiology (one dares not write historiography!) of the past, an account of how people have interpreted it. As such oral tradition is not only a raw source. It is a hypothesis, similar to the historian's own interpretation of the past. (1985, 195-96) As Miller points out, "by taking the perspective of an oral histo- rian, as artist, the narrative may be understood as influenced by the way he thinks, by the way his audience reacts, by his methods of pre- servation and transmission of information, and by the way that he and his audience interact in terms of the culture that they share" (1980, 7). The result, notes Miller, is the hourglass effect typical of many oral traditions, where there is much information about begin- ning and ending events, but little, as we have seen in Nouhou Malio's version, about the middle. Each griot, over the years, has judged what is important and what is not. The oral narrative combines both the past and the pres- ent, just as the chronicles, through the diverse readings, revisions, and translations they have undergone, reflect the impact of subse- quent generations. The modern reader must reckon, then, with what Walter J. Ong describes as the dynamic and diachronic nature of the text: One of the most widespread and fundamental errors of the past few generations of literary critics has been the assumption, most often not clearly articulated, that to put an utterance into writing is to remove it from this state of oral discourse and thus to "fix" it. . .. A distinctive feature of the textual utterance against oral utterance is that its author cannot absolutely predict or often even discover who all will continue the discourse he or she has started.... But when the reader reads the text, the discourse re- sumes, perhaps after hundreds or thousands of years. (1986, 148-49)  Conclusion 163 Zumthor suggests that the meaning of an oral poetic work stems from the relationship that links it to those that have preceded it and those that will follow it: "In effect, its creative power stems in part from the mouvance of the work." By mouvance he refers to the vari- ability of a text sung or recounted at different times and by different performers. One consequence of this view is the "inexistence of 'au- thentic' texts" (1983, 253). Another is that "the oral text calls for a floating interpretation of oral poetics" (259). Medium and Message: Evidence for the Ideological Theory of Social Communication For both the griots and the scribes, the medium forms an essential part of the message. The griot's oral art enables him to communicate his message directly to an audience seated within his hearing. The essence of the message is that one must respect the social hierarchy of the Songhay, and to understand that society, one must listen to the past. The past takes shape and life in the sounds that the griot enunciates. The changes in narrative voice and the other devices in- volve the listener's consciousness in the story and tie the narration to other verbal art forms-for example, the zamu praise poems. The griot, like the scribe, uses these devices to project his role as an in- termediary between his listeners and a cultural heritage marked by a particular belief system. Both griot and scribe represent forms of cultural literacy firmly based in an ideology linked to those in power. The fact that one is oral and the other is written seems to be of less importance than the ideas that each conveys. In other words, the fact of literacy here, whether it is in Timbuktu, which had a highly literate population in 1500, or in Gao, a city with an apparently lower number of citizens who could read and write Arabic, seems to matter less than the ide- ology rooted in the religious and cultural ties which that literacy pro- duces. In this sense, the comparison of the texts supports a growing consensus that literacy per se does not confer a significant change upon society. Until relatively recently, specialists in the field of orality and liter- acy maintained that the shift from the first to the second mode of composition marked a fundamental change in societies. Ruth Finnegan, a distinguished scholar of oral literature, suggests that "these kinds of dichotomies ... answered to the unconscious desires of our modern age" (1988, 145). Summarizing some of the claims Conclusion 163 Zumthor suggests that the meaning of an oral poetic work stems from the relationship that links it to those that have preceded it and those that will follow it: "In effect, its creative power stems in part from the mouvance of the work." By mouvance he refers to the vari- ability of a text sung or recounted at different times and by different performers. One consequence of this view is the "inexistence of 'au- thentic' texts" (1983, 253). Another is that "the oral text calls for a floating interpretation of oral poetics" (259). Medium and Message: Evidence for the Ideological Theory of Social Communication For both the griots and the scribes, the medium forms an essential part of the message. The griot's oral art enables him to communicate his message directly to an audience seated within his hearing. The essence of the message is that one must respect the social hierarchy of the Songhay, and to understand that society, one must listen to the past. The past takes shape and life in the sounds that the griot enunciates. The changes in narrative voice and the other devices in- volve the listener's consciousness in the story and tie the narration to other verbal art forms-for example, the zamu praise poems. The griot, like the scribe, uses these devices to project his role as an in- termediary between his listeners and a cultural heritage marked by a particular belief system. Both griot and scribe represent forms of cultural literacy firmly based in an ideology linked to those in power. The fact that one is oral and the other is written seems to be of less importance than the ideas that each conveys. In other words, the fact of literacy here, whether it is in Timbuktu, which had a highly literate population in 1500, or in Gao, a city with an apparently lower number of citizens who could read and write Arabic, seems to matter less than the ide- ology rooted in the religious and cultural ties which that literacy pro- duces. In this sense, the comparison of the texts supports a growing consensus that literacy per se does not confer a significant change upon society. Until relatively recently, specialists in the field of orality and liter- acy maintained that the shift from the first to the second mode of composition marked a fundamental change in societies. Ruth Finnegan, a distinguished scholar of oral literature, suggests that "these kinds of dichotomies ... answered to the unconscious desires of our modern age" (1988, 145). Summarizing some of the claims Conclusion 163 Zumthor suggests that the meaning of an oral poetic work stems from the relationship that links it to those that have preceded it and those that will follow it: "In effect, its creative power stems in part from the mouvance of the work." By mouvance he refers to the vari- ability of a text sung or recounted at different times and by different performers. One consequence of this view is the "inexistence of 'au- thentic' texts" (1983, 253). Another is that "the oral text calls for a floating interpretation of oral poetics" (259). Medium and Message: Evidence for the Ideological Theory of Social Communication For both the griots and the scribes, the medium forms an essential part of the message. The griot's oral art enables him to communicate his message directly to an audience seated within his hearing. The essence of the message is that one must respect the social hierarchy of the Songhay, and to understand that society, one must listen to the past. The past takes shape and life in the sounds that the griot enunciates. The changes in narrative voice and the other devices in- volve the listener's consciousness in the story and tie the narration to other verbal art forms-for example, the zamu praise poems. The griot, like the scribe, uses these devices to project his role as an in- termediary between his listeners and a cultural heritage marked by a particular belief system. Both griot and scribe represent forms of cultural literacy firmly based in an ideology linked to those in power. The fact that one is oral and the other is written seems to be of less importance than the ideas that each conveys. In other words, the fact of literacy here, whether it is in Timbuktu, which had a highly literate population in 1500, or in Gao, a city with an apparently lower number of citizens who could read and write Arabic, seems to matter less than the ide- ology rooted in the religious and cultural ties which that literacy pro- duces. In this sense, the comparison of the texts supports a growing consensus that literacy per se does not confer a significant change upon society. Until relatively recently, specialists in the field of orality and liter- acy maintained that the shift from the first to the second mode of composition marked a fundamental change in societies. Ruth Finnegan, a distinguished scholar of oral literature, suggests that "these kinds of dichotomies ... answered to the unconscious desires of our modern age" (1988, 145). Summarizing some of the claims  164 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 164 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 164 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist for literacy made by Marshall McLuhan and others, Finnegan notes that literacy has been seen "as a pre-condition for democracy and freedom, for instance, or for the rise of individualism" (147). One of the most direct challenges to the older school comes from Brian Street in his 1984 study. Street disagrees with Jack Goody's thesis, enunciated in a series of books and essays, that the nature of oral communication affects considerably the content and the transmission of cultural information. Street calls the traditional view the "autonomous" model of lit- eracy, which "assumes a single direction in which literacy develop- ment can be traced, and associates it with 'progress,' 'civilisation,' individual liberty and social mobility. It isolates literacy as an inde- pendent variable and then claims to be able to study its conse- quences. These consequences are classically represented in terms of economic 'take off' or in terms of cognitive skills" (1984, 2). Against this view Street offers his own "ideological" model of lit- eracy: Those who subscribe to this model concentrate on the specific so- cial practices of reading and writing. They recognise the ideologi- cal and therefore culturally embedded nature of such practices. The model stresses the significance of the socialisation process in the construction of the meaning of literacy for participants and is therefore concerned with the general social institutions through which this process takes place and not just the explicit "educa- tional" ones. It distinguishes claims for the consequences of liter- acy from its real significance for specific social groups. It treats sceptically claims by western liberal educators for the "openness," "rationality" and critical awareness of what they teach, and inves- tigates the role of such teaching in social control and the hegemony of the ruling class. It concentrates on the overlap and interaction of oral and literate modes rather than stressing a "great divide." (1984, 2-3) Street identifies Goody as the most representative and widely read theorist of the autonomous model. Goody, he argues, "over- states the significance that can be attributed to literacy itself; under- states the qualities of oral communication; sets up unhelpful, and often untestable polarities between, for instance, the 'potentialities' of literacy and 'restricted' literacy" (1984, 5). In his 1987 collection of essays, Goody seems to have stepped for literacy made by Marshall McLuhan and others, Finnegan notes that literacy has been seen "as a pre-condition for democracy and freedom, for instance, or for the rise of individualism" (147). One of the most direct challenges to the older school comes from Brian Street in his 1984 study. Street disagrees with Jack Goody's thesis, enunciated in a series of books and essays, that the nature of oral communication affects considerably the content and the transmission of cultural information. Street calls the traditional view the "autonomous" model of lit- eracy, which "assumes a single direction in which literacy develop- ment can be traced, and associates it with 'progress,' 'civilisation,' individual liberty and social mobility. It isolates literacy as an inde- pendent variable and then claims to be able to study its conse- quences. These consequences are classically represented in terms of economic 'take off' or in terms of cognitive skills" (1984, 2). Against this view Street offers his own "ideological" model of lit- eracy: Those who subscribe to this model concentrate on the specific so- cial practices of reading and writing. They recognise the ideologi- cal and therefore culturally embedded nature of such practices. The model stresses the significance of the socialisation process in the construction of the meaning of literacy for participants and is therefore concerned with the general social institutions through which this process takes place and not just the explicit "educa- tional" ones. It distinguishes claims for the consequences of liter- acy from its real significance for specific social groups. It treats sceptically claims by western liberal educators for the "openness," "rationality" and critical awareness of what they teach, and inves- tigates the role of such teaching in social control and the hegemony of the ruling class. It concentrates on the overlap and interaction of oral and literate modes rather than stressing a "great divide." (1984, 2-3) Street identifies Goody as the most representative and widely read theorist of the autonomous model. Goody, he argues, "over- states the significance that can be attributed to literacy itself; under- states the qualities of oral communication; sets up unhelpful, and often untestable polarities between, for instance, the 'potentialities' of literacy and 'restricted' literacy" (1984, 5). In his 1987 collection of essays, Goody seems to have stepped for literacy made by Marshall McLuhan and others, Finnegan notes that literacy has been seen "as a pre-condition for democracy and freedom, for instance, or for the rise of individualism" (147). One of the most direct challenges to the older school comes from Brian Street in his 1984 study. Street disagrees with Jack Goody's thesis, enunciated in a series of books and essays, that the nature of oral communication affects considerably the content and the transmission of cultural information. Street calls the traditional view the "autonomous" model of lit- eracy, which "assumes a single direction in which literacy develop- ment can be traced, and associates it with 'progress,' 'civilisation,' individual liberty and social mobility. It isolates literacy as an inde- pendent variable and then claims to be able to study its conse- quences. These consequences are classically represented in terms of economic 'take off' or in terms of cognitive skills" (1984, 2). Against this view Street offers his own "ideological" model of lit- eracy: Those who subscribe to this model concentrate on the specific so- cial practices of reading and writing. They recognise the ideologi- cal and therefore culturally embedded nature of such practices. The model stresses the significance of the socialisation process in the construction of the meaning of literacy for participants and is therefore concerned with the general social institutions through which this process takes place and not just the explicit "educa- tional" ones. It distinguishes claims for the consequences of liter- acy from its real significance for specific social groups. It treats sceptically claims by western liberal educators for the "openness," "rationality" and critical awareness of what they teach, and inves- tigates the role of such teaching in social control and the hegemony of the ruling class. It concentrates on the overlap and interaction of oral and literate modes rather than stressing a "great divide." (1984, 2-3) Street identifies Goody as the most representative and widely read theorist of the autonomous model. Goody, he argues, "over- states the significance that can be attributed to literacy itself; under- states the qualities of oral communication; sets up unhelpful, and often untestable polarities between, for instance, the 'potentialities' of literacy and 'restricted' literacy" (1984, 5). In his 1987 collection of essays, Goody seems to have stepped  Conclusion 165 back just a bit from the "great divide" theory when he recognizes that "the division between 'literacy' and 'orality' is never a question of crossing a single frontier, a simple binary shift" (106). But for Street, the mix, not the shift, is what counts. "The reality of social uses of varying modes of communication is that oral and literate modes are 'mixed' in each society. There is nothing absolute about a shift to greater use of literate modes, which is better described as a change in the 'mix.' Oral conventions often continue to apply to literature forms and literate conventions may be applied to oral forms" (1984, 4). While we have, in fact, seen great differences in the ways the scribe and the griot communicate their messages to their audiences, I have noted the influence of orality in the chronicles. But what inter- ests me most in both cases is the ideas conveyed by the narrators. At the time of Askia Mohammed, the "mix" varied from city to city and depended on the particular needs and goals of those who communicated in the many differerent languages of the region: Arabic, Songhay, Fulani, Bambara, Tamasheq, and so on. Today one finds a more complex set of ingredients in the mix. In Niger, in addition to speakers of what the government terms "national languages"-for example, Hausa, Songhay-Zarma, Fulani, Ta- masheq, and Kanuri spoken in the street, on the radio, and on television-one finds some elementary schools where basic instruc- tion is carried out in these languages for the first two years. Govern- ment publications in national languages inform the public on matters of health, safety, and other issues. Arabic continues to hold an im- portant place throughout the country in social settings (Arabic greetings are the norm), in religious contexts, and also for instruc- tion at a variety of levels: Koranic schools for young children, the Lycde Franco-Arabe in Niamey, and the Islamic University of Say. Finally, since the colonial era, French has played an increasingly im- portant role as an official language of the country. But literacy in French remains at a fairly low level-less than 10 percent by most estimates. Many development specialists, notes Street, claim that for economic development a country needs a minimum of 40 percent literacy in some form. He argues, however, that there is no basis for this commonly held notion (1984, 2). One could maintain, in fact, that, at a certain point in the development of a country, excessive literacy in some sectors of an economy can attract too many people out of agriculture and into the growing class of the urban unem- ployed. Conclusion 165 back just a bit from the "great divide" theory when he recognizes that "the division between 'literacy' and 'orality' is never a question of crossing a single frontier, a simple binary shift" (106). But for Street, the mix, not the shift, is what counts. "The reality of social uses of varying modes of communication is that oral and literate modes are 'mixed' in each society. There is nothing absolute about a shift to greater use of literate modes, which is better described as a change in the 'mix.' Oral conventions often continue to apply to literature forms and literate conventions may be applied to oral forms" (1984, 4). While we have, in fact, seen great differences in the ways the scribe and the griot communicate their messages to their audiences, I have noted the influence of orality in the chronicles. But what inter- ests me most in both cases is the ideas conveyed by the narrators. At the time of Askia Mohammed, the "mix" varied from city to city and depended on the particular needs and goals of those who communicated in the many differerent languages of the region: Arabic, Songhay, Fulani, Bambara, Tamasheq, and so on. Today one finds a more complex set of ingredients in the mix. In Niger, in addition to speakers of what the government terms "national languages"-for example, Hausa, Songhay-Zarma, Fulani, Ta- masheq, and Kanuri spoken in the street, on the radio, and on television-one finds some elementary schools where basic instruc- tion is carried out in these languages for the first two years. Govern- ment publications in national languages inform the public on matters of health, safety, and other issues. Arabic continues to hold an im- portant place throughout the country in social settings (Arabic greetings are the norm), in religious contexts, and also for instruc- tion at a variety of levels: Koranic schools for young children, the Lycee Franco-Arabe in Niamey, and the Islamic University of Say. Finally, since the colonial era, French has played an increasingly im- portant role as an official language of the country. But literacy in French remains at a fairly low level-less than 10 percent by most estimates. Many development specialists, notes Street, claim that for economic development a country needs a minimum of 40 percent literacy in some form. He argues, however, that there is no basis for this commonly held notion (1984, 2). One could maintain, in fact, that, at a certain point in the development of a country, excessive literacy in some sectors of an economy can attract too many people out of agriculture and into the growing class of the urban unem- ployed. Conclusion 165 back just a bit from the "great divide" theory when he recognizes that "the division between 'literacy' and 'orality' is never a question of crossing a single frontier, a simple binary shift" (106). But for Street, the mix, not the shift, is what counts. "The reality of social uses of varying modes of communication is that oral and literate modes are 'mixed' in each society. There is nothing absolute about a shift to greater use of literate modes, which is better described as a change in the 'mix.' Oral conventions often continue to apply to literature forms and literate conventions may be applied to oral forms" (1984, 4). While we have, in fact, seen great differences in the ways the scribe and the griot communicate their messages to their audiences, I have noted the influence of orality in the chronicles. But what inter- ests me most in both cases is the ideas conveyed by the narrators. At the time of Askia Mohammed, the "mix" varied from city to city and depended on the particular needs and goals of those who communicated in the many differerent languages of the region: Arabic, Songhay, Fulani, Bambara, Tamasheq, and so on. Today one finds a more complex set of ingredients in the mix. In Niger, in addition to speakers of what the government terms "national languages"-for example, Hausa, Songhay-Zarma, Fulani, Ta- masheq, and Kanuri spoken in the street, on the radio, and on television-one finds some elementary schools where basic instruc- tion is carried out in these languages for the first two years. Govern- ment publications in national languages inform the public on matters of health, safety, and other issues. Arabic continues to hold an im- portant place throughout the country in social settings (Arabic greetings are the norm), in religious contexts, and also for instruc- tion at a variety of levels: Koranic schools for young children, the Lyc6e Franco-Arabe in Niamey, and the Islamic University of Say. Finally, since the colonial era, French has played an increasingly im- portant role as an official language of the country. But literacy in French remains at a fairly low level-less than 10 percent by most estimates. Many development specialists, notes Street, claim that for economic development a country needs a minimum of 40 percent literacy in some form. He argues, however, that there is no basis for this commonly held notion (1984, 2). One could maintain, in fact, that, at a certain point in the development of a country, excessive literacy in some sectors of an economy can attract too many people out of agriculture and into the growing class of the urban unem- ployed.  166 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 166 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 166 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Each language, written or oral or both, has its own sphere of in- fluence and operation. But there are occasions when all three over- lap. One example from my own experience as a Peace Corps Volun- teer in Niger in 1964-66 will illustrate this phenomenon. While working as an agricultural cooperative assistant for the Union Nigdrienne de Cr6dit et de Coopdration, a government agency that promoted the development of agricultural cooperatives, I was assigned to help with the management of small shops owned by co- operatives of farmers living along the banks and on islands in the Niger River between Niamey and the Mali border. Each cooperative designated a member to operate the shop. Sales were recorded in a notebook, and each month my Nigdrien supervisor, Younoussi Boukary, and I took inventory and balanced the books. In some lo- cations the records were in French. In others, the manager kept them in Arabic. When checking the books in the stores where re- cords were in Arabic, we simply listened as the individual read his figures in Arabic, spoke them in Songhay, and allowed us to copy them down in French. For the simple needs of this sector of the Nigdrien economy, at a particular time in the development of these village-based organizations, this "mix" of what Street would term "literacies" satisfied the needs of the farmers. A particular form of literacy, then, may be less important than the functions to which the users apply it, whether they are farmers, government officials, or re- ligious leaders. The evolving debate over orality and literacy evidenced in the po- sitions of Finnegan, Street, and others echoes a global revaluation of oral cultures that touches nearly every corner of literary studies today. Zumthor observes that it was not until the end of the 1970s that European medievalists begin to discover the significance of the voice for interpreting the texts they examine with such assiduity (1983, 8-10). For him, "the term literature serves thus as a screen between the medievalist and the object of his study" (1987, 321). Epic, Genre, and Geography The publication of The Epic of Askia Mohammed in the appendix (and eventually in a separate edition for use by students) serves as another response to Ruth Finnegan's "A Note on 'Epic"' in her highly detailed 1970 study, Oral Literature in Africa. She concludes that the existence of the epic in Africa "does not seem to be borne out by the African evidence" (108). The evidence was there, of Each language, written or oral or both, has its own sphere of in- fluence and operation. But there are occasions when all three over- lap. One example from my own experience as a Peace Corps Volun- teer in Niger in 1964-66 will illustrate this phenomenon. While working as an agricultural cooperative assistant for the Union Nigdrienne de Credit et de Cooperation, a government agency that promoted the development of agricultural cooperatives, I was assigned to help with the management of small shops owned by co- operatives of farmers living along the banks and on islands in the Niger River between Niamey and the Mali border. Each cooperative designated a member to operate the shop. Sales were recorded in a notebook, and each month my Nigerien supervisor, Younoussi Boukary, and I took inventory and balanced the books. In some lo- cations the records were in French. In others, the manager kept them in Arabic. When checking the books in the stores where re- cords were in Arabic, we simply listened as the individual read his figures in Arabic, spoke them in Songhay, and allowed us to copy them down in French. For the simple needs of this sector of the Nigdrien economy, at a particular time in the development of these village-based organizations, this "mix" of what Street would term "literacies" satisfied the needs of the farmers. A particular form of literacy, then, may be less important than the functions to which the users apply it, whether they are farmers, government officials, or re- ligious leaders. The evolving debate over orality and literacy evidenced in the po- sitions of Finnegan, Street, and others echoes a global revaluation of oral cultures that touches nearly every corner of literary studies today. Zumthor observes that it was not until the end of the 1970s that European medievalists begin to discover the significance of the voice for interpreting the texts they examine with such assiduity (1983, 8-10). For him, "the term literature serves thus as a screen between the medievalist and the object of his study" (1987, 321). Epic, Genre, and Geography The publication of The Epic of Askia Mohammed in the appendix (and eventually in a separate edition for use by students) serves as another response to Ruth Finnegan's "A Note on 'Epic"' in her highly detailed 1970 study, Oral Literature in Africa. She concludes that the existence of the epic in Africa "does not seem to be borne out by the African evidence" (108). The evidence was there, of Each language, written or oral or both, has its own sphere of in- fluence and operation. But there are occasions when all three over- lap. One example from my own experience as a Peace Corps Volun- teer in Niger in 1964-66 will illustrate this phenomenon. While working as an agricultural cooperative assistant for the Union Nigerienne de Crddit et de Coopdration, a government agency that promoted the development of agricultural cooperatives, I was assigned to help with the management of small shops owned by co- operatives of farmers living along the banks and on islands in the Niger River between Niamey and the Mali border. Each cooperative designated a member to operate the shop. Sales were recorded in a notebook, and each month my Nigdrien supervisor, Younoussi Boukary, and I took inventory and balanced the books. In some lo- cations the records were in French. In others, the manager kept them in Arabic. When checking the books in the stores where re- cords were in Arabic, we simply listened as the individual read his figures in Arabic, spoke them in Songhay, and allowed us to copy them down in French. For the simple needs of this sector of the Nigdrien economy, at a particular time in the development of these village-based organizations, this "mix" of what Street would term "literacies" satisfied the needs of the farmers. A particular form of literacy, then, may be less important than the functions to which the users apply it, whether they are farmers, government officials, or re- ligious leaders. The evolving debate over orality and literacy evidenced in the po- sitions of Finnegan, Street, and others echoes a global revaluation of oral cultures that touches nearly every corner of literary studies today. Zumthor observes that it was not until the end of the 1970s that European medievalists begin to discover the significance of the voice for interpreting the texts they examine with such assiduity (1983, 8-10). For him, "the term literature serves thus as a screen between the medievalist and the object of his study" (1987, 321). Epic, Genre, and Geography The publication of The Epic of Askia Mohammed in the appendix (and eventually in a separate edition for use by students) serves as another response to Ruth Finnegan's "A Note on 'Epic"' in her highly detailed 1970 study, Oral Literature in Africa. She concludes that the existence of the epic in Africa "does not seem to be borne out by the African evidence" (108). The evidence was there, of  Conclusion 167 course, but scholars had not yet discovered it. Her point was that much of what was called epic in Africa was praise poetry, not epic. The text recorded from Nouhou Malio, like so many other long nar- ratives from West Africa, does contain praise poetry, but that form is only a part of a more complex whole. The Epic of Askia Mohammed fills another rather large spot on Johnson's map of the epic belt running from West to East Africa (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 61). From a regional perspective, it will enable us to examine more closely the generic components of those long narratives we call epics in order to arrive at a clearer sense of the Sahelian version of this form. Although it is outside the scope of this study, our next task will be to examine from a comparative perspective the different verbal modes of narratives from peoples descended from the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay empires. For exam- ple, it is highly likely that we shall find a common form of praise poetry across the Sahel as well as a variety of other recurrent fea- tures in these texts. At the same time, a regional study of the griot should reveal not only the kinds of local differences that I have de- scribed earlier in the section on terminology, but also a functional similarity indicative of early cultural diffusion. With the aid of new research on Arabic-language documents from the region and more sophisticated analytical tools, we may also be able to discern the extent to which the written tradition influenced the oral narrative and vice versa. For this purpose, close cooperation will be needed between colleagues with expertise in the chronicles and those of us who work on the oral tradition. The Dynamic Nature of the Sources The variability of the oral/written mix over time matches the dy- namic nature of the sources. Each narrator stands as a contributor to an ongoing discourse. In the case of the TF, while the number of writers and readers who contributed to the composition of the text is unknown, undoubtedly they would be surprised by the self-serving revisions made by Sdkou Amadou, reinterpretations designed to link the nineteenth-century ruler to the sixteenth century. Future transla- tions will help identify more clearly these revisions and correct er- rors made not only by the French translators but also by the scribes themselves. The oral narrative of the late griot Nouhou Malio, rooted in the past, represents one version briefly fixed in time by my tape recorder. But even his narrative has been subjected to numer- Conclusion 167 course, but scholars had not yet discovered it. Her point was that much of what was called epic in Africa was praise poetry, not epic. The text recorded from Nouhou Malio, like so many other long nar- ratives from West Africa, does contain praise poetry, but that form is only a part of a more complex whole. The Epic of Askia Mohammed fills another rather large spot on Johnson's map of the epic belt running from West to East Africa (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 61). From a regional perspective, it will enable us to examine more closely the generic components of those long narratives we call epics in order to arrive at a clearer sense of the Sahelian version of this form. Although it is outside the scope of this study, our next task will be to examine from a comparative perspective the different verbal modes of narratives from peoples descended from the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay empires. For exam- ple, it is highly likely that we shall find a common form of praise poetry across the Sahel as well as a variety of other recurrent fea- tures in these texts. At the same time, a regional study of the griot should reveal not only the kinds of local differences that I have de- scribed earlier in the section on terminology, but also a functional similarity indicative of early cultural diffusion. With the aid of new research on Arabic-language documents from the region and more sophisticated analytical tools, we may also be able to discern the extent to which the written tradition influenced the oral narrative and vice versa. For this purpose, close cooperation will be needed between colleagues with expertise in the chronicles and those of us who work on the oral tradition. The Dynamic Nature of the Sources The variability of the oral/written mix over time matches the dy- namic nature of the sources. Each narrator stands as a contributor to an ongoing discourse. In the case of the TF, while the number of writers and readers who contributed to the composition of the text is unknown, undoubtedly they would be surprised by the self-serving revisions made by Sekou Amadou, reinterpretations designed to link the nineteenth-century ruler to the sixteenth century. Future transla- tions will help identify more clearly these revisions and correct er- rors made not only by the French translators but also by the scribes themselves. The oral narrative of the late griot Nouhou Malio, rooted in the past, represents one version briefly fixed in time by my tape recorder. But even his narrative has been subjected to numer- Conclusion 167 course, but scholars had not yet discovered it. Her point was that much of what was called epic in Africa was praise poetry, not epic. The text recorded from Nouhou Malio, like so many other long nar- ratives from West Africa, does contain praise poetry, but that form is only a part of a more complex whole. The Epic of Askia Mohammed fills another rather large spot on Johnson's map of the epic belt running from West to East Africa (Johnson and Sisbkb 1986, 61). From a regional perspective, it will enable us to examine more closely the generic components of those long narratives we call epics in order to arrive at a clearer sense of the Sahelian version of this form. Although it is outside the scope of this study, our next task will be to examine from a comparative perspective the different verbal modes of narratives from peoples descended from the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay empires. For exam- ple, it is highly likely that we shall find a common form of praise poetry across the Sahel as well as a variety of other recurrent fea- tures in these texts. At the same time, a regional study of the griot should reveal not only the kinds of local differences that I have de- scribed earlier in the section on terminology, but also a functional similarity indicative of early cultural diffusion. With the aid of new research on Arabic-language documents from the region and more sophisticated analytical tools, we may also be able to discern the extent to which the written tradition influenced the oral narrative and vice versa. For this purpose, close cooperation will be needed between colleagues with expertise in the chronicles and those of us who work on the oral tradition. The Dynamic Nature of the Sources The variability of the oral/written mix over time matches the dy- namic nature of the sources. Each narrator stands as a contributor to an ongoing discourse. In the case of the TF, while the number of writers and readers who contributed to the composition of the text is unknown, undoubtedly they would be surprised by the self-serving revisions made by S6kou Amadou, reinterpretations designed to link the nineteenth-century ruler to the sixteenth century. Future transla- tions will help identify more clearly these revisions and correct er- rors made not only by the French translators but also by the scribes themselves. The oral narrative of the late griot Nouhou Malio, rooted in the past, represents one version briefly fixed in time by my tape recorder. But even his narrative has been subjected to numer-  168 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist ous readings by a variety of scholars as the text took shape for this study, and after publication, it will no doubt undergo further inter- pretations and comparisons by me and other scholars with other texts by griots in Niger and in other parts of the Sahel. At the same time, the oral performance, filed on audio tape in this country at Indiana University's Archives of Traditional Music and in Niger at the Institute for Research in Social Sciences as well as with me and the family of the griot, will enable other kinds of analyses of the griot's spoken narrative. For Yambo Ouologuem, the prose narrative that he composed in French and published as a novel in 1968, based on so many diverse African and European sources, has generated two kinds of dis- course. One is retrospective, in the sense that he refers us back to the chronicles and the keepers of the oral tradition, and the other is prospective, for he has generated, and participated in, a wide- ranging literary, historical, and legal debate over the form and con- tent of his novel. Le Devoir de violence, now out of print in the origi- nal French, continues to live in English translation as a text that stands at the nexus of the contact between Africa and the West. For Ouologuem, as well as for the scribes and griots, the medium, a Western literary form into which the author has blended a variety of verbal modes, conveyed effectively his critical attitude toward the social and cultural order portrayed in the chronicles and the oral tra- dition. His borrowing from Western sources written originally in French and English, as well as from African manuscripts penned in Arabic and, finally, in a less clearly defined way, from the omnipres- ent oral tradition, represents the most complex use of "literacies" by any African author alive today. But if the discourse about his novel continues, the author, a for- mer editor at Hachette, a major publishing house in Paris, has re- treated to retirement in Mali. He appears to have abandoned his ca- reer in literature. Until recently his whereabouts and activities remained a mystery to most scholars. In fact, at the business meeting of the 1989 gathering of the African Literature Association in Dakar, one member of the organization contributed the name of Ouologuem to a list of deceased writers to be honored with a minute of silence. But Ouologuem is alive, at least as of April 28, 1989. The story of his disappearance from the literary arena will be recounted in the near future by American journalist Mark Zussman. What fol- lows, reported to me by Zussman on May 25, 1989, merits a brief summary here. 168 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist ous readings by a variety of scholars as the text took shape for this study, and after publication, it will no doubt undergo further inter- pretations and comparisons by me and other scholars with other texts by griots in Niger and in other parts of the Sahel. At the same time, the oral performance, filed on audio tape in this country at Indiana University's Archives of Traditional Music and in Niger at the Institute for Research in Social Sciences as well as with me and the family of the griot, will enable other kinds of analyses of the griot's spoken narrative. For Yambo Ouologuem, the prose narrative that he composed in French and published as a novel in 1968, based on so many diverse African and European sources, has generated two kinds of dis- course. One is retrospective, in the sense that he refers us back to the chronicles and the keepers of the oral tradition, and the other is prospective, for he has generated, and participated in, a wide- ranging literary, historical, and legal debate over the form and con- tent of his novel. Le Devoir de violence, now out of print in the origi- nal French, continues to live in English translation as a text that stands at the nexus of the contact between Africa and the West. For Ouologuem, as well as for the scribes and griots, the medium, a Western literary form into which the author has blended a variety of verbal modes, conveyed effectively his critical attitude toward the social and cultural order portrayed in the chronicles and the oral tra- dition. His borrowing from Western sources written originally in French and English, as well as from African manuscripts penned in Arabic and, finally, in a less clearly defined way, from the omnipres- ent oral tradition, represents the most complex use of "literacies" by any African author alive today. But if the discourse about his novel continues, the author, a for- mer editor at Hachette, a major publishing house in Paris, has re- treated to retirement in Mali. He appears to have abandoned his ca- reer in literature. Until recently his whereabouts and activities remained a mystery to most scholars. In fact, at the business meeting of the 1989 gathering of the African Literature Association in Dakar, one member of the organization contributed the name of Ouologuem to a list of deceased writers to be honored with a minute of silence. But Ouologuem is alive, at least as of April 28, 1989. The story of his disappearance from the literary arena will be recounted in the near future by American journalist Mark Zussman. What fol- lows, reported to me by Zussman on May 25, 1989, merits a brief summary here. 168 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist ous readings by a variety of scholars as the text took shape for this study, and after publication, it will no doubt undergo further inter- pretations and comparisons by me and other scholars with other texts by griots in Niger and in other parts of the Sahel. At the same time, the oral performance, filed on audio tape in this country at Indiana University's Archives of Traditional Music and in Niger at the Institute for Research in Social Sciences as well as with me and the family of the griot, will enable other kinds of analyses of the griot's spoken narrative. For Yambo Ouologuem, the prose narrative that he composed in French and published as a novel in 1968, based on so many diverse African and European sources, has generated two kinds of dis- course. One is retrospective, in the sense that he refers us back to the chronicles and the keepers of the oral tradition, and the other is prospective, for he has generated, and participated in, a wide- ranging literary, historical, and legal debate over the form and con- tent of his novel. Le Devoir de violence, now out of print in the origi- nal French, continues to live in English translation as a text that stands at the nexus of the contact between Africa and the West. For Ouologuem, as well as for the scribes and griots, the medium, a Western literary form into which the author has blended a variety of verbal modes, conveyed effectively his critical attitude toward the social and cultural order portrayed in the chronicles and the oral tra- dition. His borrowing from Western sources written originally in French and English, as well as from African manuscripts penned in Arabic and, finally, in a less clearly defined way, from the omnipres- ent oral tradition, represents the most complex use of "literacies" by any African author alive today. But if the discourse about his novel continues, the author, a for- mer editor at Hachette, a major publishing house in Paris, has re- treated to retirement in Mali. He appears to have abandoned his ca- reer in literature. Until recently his whereabouts and activities remained a mystery to most scholars. In fact, at the business meeting of the 1989 gathering of the African Literature Association in Dakar, one member of the organization contributed the name of Ouologuem to a list of deceased writers to be honored with a minute of silence. But Ouologuem is alive, at least as of April 28, 1989. The story of his disappearance from the literary arena will be recounted in the near future by American journalist Mark Zussman. What fol- lows, reported to me by Zussman on May 25, 1989, merits a brief summary here.  Conclusion 169 Conclusion 169 Conclusion 169 Zussman, a longtime admirer of Le Devoir de violence, went to Mali in April 1988 in search of Yambo Ouologuem. He discovered that the writer is the second-most famous person in the country, after the president. Everyone, it seems, has heard of the novel, the debate over its composition and message, and the fate of its author. Zussman traveled to the city of Mopti where he met members of Ouologuem's family as well as friends in the town of S6vard, across the dike from Mopti. According to Zussman's sources, the government apparently en- couraged Ouologuem to return to Mali in either 1974 or 1979. One source says that it was President Moussa Traore himself who con- vinced Ouologuem to return. The Ministry of Culture gave the writer a position in a youth agency at Mopti, but he gave away his salary and quit after a short time. Ouologuem comes from a family of large landholders. Today he lives in a comfortable house with his second wife, his sister, and his sister's children. Reportedly he was no longer living with his first wife, a brilliant student who had abandoned her studies to become a Jehovah's Witness in Paris, and was either separated or divorced from her husband. He is viewed locally as a highly religious person, "a great mara- bout." Some see him as a person who suffers from a slight mental imbalance, while others say that he is lucid, angry, and no longer in need of the West. He does not like Whites and has hurled stones and insults at them when they have violated Islamic customs by tak- ing pictures of mosques. One of Ouologuem's friends reported to Zussman that the writer had known from a dream that another White person was coming to see him and had decided to avoid the visitor. In spite of many unsolicited offers of help from people who wanted to facilitate an encounter with the writer, in the end, Zussman did not meet Ouologuem. His Malian hosts did, however, point out Ouologuem from a distance as he was exiting an automo- bile and entering a mosque on April 28. In Ouologuem's case, the lawsuits over the matter of plagiarism have long been settled and he does not seem to have anything immediate to fear from the West. He is not the first writer who has refused, at some later point in his life, to discuss a text produced in the past. But in the context of the literary contact between Africa and the West, his unwillingness to talk to visitors implies both a rejection of a borrowed form of liter- acy and a rediscovery of a belief system that he had abandoned. Zussman, a longtime admirer of Le Devoir de violence, went to Mali in April 1988 in search of Yambo Ouologuem. He discovered that the writer is the second-most famous person in the country, after the president. Everyone, it seems, has heard of the novel, the debate over its composition and message, and the fate of its author. Zussman traveled to the city of Mopti where he met members of Ouologuem's family as well as friends in the town of S6vard, across the dike from Mopti. According to Zussman's sources, the government apparently en- couraged Ouologuem to return to Mali in either 1974 or 1979. One source says that it was President Moussa Traord himself who con- vinced Ouologuem to return. The Ministry of Culture gave the writer a position in a youth agency at Mopti, but he gave away his salary and quit after a short time. Ouologuem comes from a family of large landholders. Today he lives in a comfortable house with his second wife, his sister, and his sister's children. Reportedly he was no longer living with his first wife, a brilliant student who had abandoned her studies to become a Jehovah's Witness in Paris, and was either separated or divorced from her husband. He is viewed locally as a highly religious person, "a great mara- bout." Some see him as a person who suffers from a slight mental imbalance, while others say that he is lucid, angry, and no longer in need of the West. He does not like Whites and has hurled stones and insults at them when they have violated Islamic customs by tak- ing pictures of mosques. One of Ouologuem's friends reported to Zussman that the writer had known from a dream that another White person was coming to see him and had decided to avoid the visitor. In spite of many unsolicited offers of help from people who wanted to facilitate an encounter with the writer, in the end, Zussman did not meet Ouologuem. His Malian hosts did, however, point out Ouologuem from a distance as he was exiting an automo- bile and entering a mosque on April 28. In Ouologuem's case, the lawsuits over the matter of plagiarism have long been settled and he does not seem to have anything immediate to fear from the West. He is not the first writer who has refused, at some later point in his life, to discuss a text produced in the past. But in the context of the literary contact between Africa and the West, his unwillingness to talk to visitors implies both a rejection of a borrowed form of liter- acy and a rediscovery of a belief system that he had abandoned. Zussman, a longtime admirer of Le Devoir de violence, went to Mali in April 1988 in search of Yambo Ouologuem. He discovered that the writer is the second-most famous person in the country, after the president. Everyone, it seems, has heard of the novel, the debate over its composition and message, and the fate of its author. Zussman traveled to the city of Mopti where he met members of Ouologuem's family as well as friends in the town of S6vard, across the dike from Mopti. According to Zussman's sources, the government apparently en- couraged Ouologuem to return to Mali in either 1974 or 1979. One source says that it was President Moussa Traord himself who con- vinced Ouologuem to return. The Ministry of Culture gave the writer a position in a youth agency at Mopti, but he gave away his salary and quit after a short time. Ouologuem comes from a family of large landholders. Today he lives in a comfortable house with his second wife, his sister, and his sister's children. Reportedly he was no longer living with his first wife, a brilliant student who had abandoned her studies to become a Jehovah's Witness in Paris, and was either separated or divorced from her husband. He is viewed locally as a highly religious person, "a great mara- bout." Some see him as a person who suffers from a slight mental imbalance, while others say that he is lucid, angry, and no longer in need of the West. He does not like Whites and has hurled stones and insults at them when they have violated Islamic customs by tak- ing pictures of mosques. One of Ouologuem's friends reported to Zussman that the writer had known from a dream that another White person was coming to see him and had decided to avoid the visitor. In spite of many unsolicited offers of help from people who wanted to facilitate an encounter with the writer, in the end, Zussman did not meet Ouologuem. His Malian hosts did, however, point out Ouologuem from a distance as he was exiting an automo- bile and entering a mosque on April 28. In Ouologuem's case, the lawsuits over the matter of plagiarism have long been settled and he does not seem to have anything immediate to fear from the West. He is not the first writer who has refused, at some later point in his life, to discuss a text produced in the past. But in the context of the literary contact between Africa and the West, his unwillingness to talk to visitors implies both a rejection of a borrowed form of liter- acy and a rediscovery of a belief system that he had abandoned.  170 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Belief as Social Fact That belief system and others that predate it survive today in a form of spiritual cohabitation whose roots go back many centuries. In a lengthy paper, historian Bogumil Jewsiewicki argues that we need to "acknowledge that belief is social fact, not a false consciousness. Religious expression is a coded means of addressing the world" (1987, 20). If Islam is prominent in both the written and oral forms, the Songhay cosmogony appears no less evident. In fact, the griots seem to seek a balance between Islam and traditional beliefs in the oral version, a balance that reflects the syncretic nature of religion in the Sahel today. In my own study of griots and Islam, I concluded that modern bards view themselves as part of both traditions (Hale 1985). During twenty interviews with griots in 1980-81 in Niger, I found that nearly all described their training in terms borrowed from the Islamic world: An apprentice learned three names in a genealogy at the hearth of the griot, just as students of the Koran learned three verses each day at the home of their marabout, mallam, or alfa. It was not surprising to find a griot who invested the benefits of his work in a trip to Mecca. The clearest example of the synthesis was the late Gambian griot Al Haji Bai Konte. In the film about him by Marc Pevar and Oliver Franklin, we discover that he writes Arabic and serves as an advisor to holy men. Toward the end of the film, he declares that two of the most important things in his life are his kora, the twenty-one-stringed instrument with which he accompanies him- self, and the Koran, his spiritual guide. But just as society becomes more and more Islamized, at the same time we find a countervailing, anti-Islamic trend developing among the Songhay in the twentieth century. Stoller remarks that during the last decade, the government of Niger has based its at- tempt to unify the peoples of the country on a reaffirmation of the basic message of the Koran. At the same time, however, some ele- ments of society, rooted primarily among the captive class, have begun to contest the growth of Islamic values. They are called Sasale, a term that originally "denoted a group of slaves who were notorious for their dancing" (1989, 175). What distinguished them from other performers was the licentiousness of their dancing. They undressed, engaged in sexual intercourse, and promoted the kinds of activities that the government wants to suppress: prostitution, gambling, and foul language. According to Stoller, "the first Sasale 170 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Belief as Social Fact That belief system and others that predate it survive today in a form of spiritual cohabitation whose roots go back many centuries. In a lengthy paper, historian Bogumil Jewsiewicki argues that we need to "acknowledge that belief is social fact, not a false consciousness. Religious expression is a coded means of addressing the world" (1987, 20). If Islam is prominent in both the written and oral forms, the Songhay cosmogony appears no less evident. In fact, the griots seem to seek a balance between Islam and traditional beliefs in the oral version, a balance that reflects the syncretic nature of religion in the Sahel today. In my own study of griots and Islam, I concluded that modern bards view themselves as part of both traditions (Hale 1985). During twenty interviews with griots in 1980-81 in Niger, I found that nearly all described their training in terms borrowed from the Islamic world: An apprentice learned three names in a genealogy at the hearth of the griot, just as students of the Koran learned three verses each day at the home of their marabout, mallam, or alfa. It was not surprising to find a griot who invested the benefits of his work in a trip to Mecca. The clearest example of the synthesis was the late Gambian griot Al Haji Bai Konte. In the film about him by Marc Pevar and Oliver Franklin, we discover that he writes Arabic and serves as an advisor to holy men. Toward the end of the film, he declares that two of the most important things in his life are his kora, the twenty-one-stringed instrument with which he accompanies him- self, and the Koran, his spiritual guide. But just as society becomes more and more Islamized, at the same time we find a countervailing, anti-Islamic trend developing among the Songhay in the twentieth century. Stoller remarks that during the last decade, the government of Niger has based its at- tempt to unify the peoples of the country on a reaffirmation of the basic message of the Koran. At the same time, however, some ele- ments of society, rooted primarily among the captive class, have begun to contest the growth of Islamic values. They are called Sasale, a term that originally "denoted a group of slaves who were notorious for their dancing" (1989, 175). What distinguished them from other performers was the licentiousness of their dancing. They undressed, engaged in sexual intercourse, and promoted the kinds of activities that the government wants to suppress: prostitution, gambling, and foul language. According to Stoller, "the first Sasale 170 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Belief as Social Fact That belief system and others that predate it survive today in a form of spiritual cohabitation whose roots go back many centuries. In a lengthy paper, historian Bogumil Jewsiewicki argues that we need to "acknowledge that belief is social fact, not a false consciousness. Religious expression is a coded means of addressing the world" (1987, 20). If Islam is prominent in both the written and oral forms, the Songhay cosmogony appears no less evident. In fact, the griots seem to seek a balance between Islam and traditional beliefs in the oral version, a balance that reflects the syncretic nature of religion in the Sahel today. In my own study of griots and Islam, I concluded that modern bards view themselves as part of both traditions (Hale 1985). During twenty interviews with griots in 1980-81 in Niger, I found that nearly all described their training in terms borrowed from the Islamic world: An apprentice learned three names in a genealogy at the hearth of the griot, just as students of the Koran learned three verses each day at the home of their marabout, mallam, or alfa. It was not surprising to find a griot who invested the benefits of his work in a trip to Mecca. The clearest example of the synthesis was the late Gambian griot Al Haji Bai Konte. In the film about him by Marc Pevar and Oliver Franklin, we discover that he writes Arabic and serves as an advisor to holy men. Toward the end of the film, he declares that two of the most important things in his life are his kora, the twenty-one-stringed instrument with which he accompanies him- self, and the Koran, his spiritual guide. But just as society becomes more and more Islamized, at the same time we find a countervailing, anti-Islamic trend developing among the Songhay in the twentieth century. Stoller remarks that during the last decade, the government of Niger has based its at- tempt to unify the peoples of the country on a reaffirmation of the basic message of the Koran. At the same time, however, some ele- ments of society, rooted primarily among the captive class, have begun to contest the growth of Islamic values. They are called Sasale, a term that originally "denoted a group of slaves who were notorious for their dancing" (1989, 175). What distinguished them from other performers was the licentiousness of their dancing. They undressed, engaged in sexual intercourse, and promoted the kinds of activities that the government wants to suppress: prostitution, gambling, and foul language. According to Stoller, "the first Sasale  Conclusion 171 deities appeared in the mid-1960s and the movement continues to grow in reaction to more than fifteen years of the government of Niger's socio-economic policies. . . . Many Sasale deities ... are women, the visitations of recently deceased prostitutes and other free spirits who are, from the vantage of Koranic Islam, social devi- ates" (1989, 176). The Sasale phenomenon invites a comparison with the sexuality that permeates Le Devoir de violence. But the use of this theme to express social criticism does not imply a direct influence of the Sasale on Ouologuem, who probably began to write his novel in Paris at about the time the Sasale emerged in Niger. But other contestatory groups of a similar nature-for example, the Hauka that Stoller describes-surfaced in the 1920s to protest colonialism. The integra- tion of the Hauka and the Sasale into the ancient belief system of the Songhay suggests the need for further research across the Sahel into the ways countergroups influence society. The Sasale, explains Stoller, perform in ceremonies organized by healers and magicians known as Zimas. The Zima and his accompa- nists use music, dance, and sacred texts to call forth the Sasale to participate in possession dances, usually toward the end of a session in which other spirits have performed. If the Sasale do not constitute "an anti-structure of Songhay social life in independent Niger" (1989, 178), Stoller sees them nevertheless as a form of public social protest against an advancing Islam that threatens to "undermine the Songhay concept of the self-in-the-world" (179). Lest this phenomenon be viewed simply as a fringe activity lim- ited to distant villages, Stoller cites an example of a possession cere- mony in Niamey, the capital of Niger, which took place next door to the home of the president of the Islamic University on Moham- med's birthday. When Stoller asked the Zima why they were insult- ing the distinguished academic administrator of the university, which was at that time being constructed in Say, he replied, "Because he is ruining our country. People are hungry. There is not enough rain. They are the ones who are ruining everything" (1989, 180). Stoller paints a detailed portrait of participants in possession dances from all levels of society. The most recent and most striking example appears in his conclusion, where a high-level civil servant and his family from Niamey, dressed in expensive Western clothes, travel to Tillabdri, 110 kilometers upriver, to arrange treatment by Stoller's mentor, the aged healer Adamu Jenitongo. Their goal is an initiation ceremony for a brother, an agronomist with an apparently Conclusion 171 deities appeared in the mid-1960s and the movement continues to grow in reaction to more than fifteen years of the government of Niger's socio-economic policies.... Many Sasale deities . . . are women, the visitations of recently deceased prostitutes and other free spirits who are, from the vantage of Koranic Islam, social devi- ates" (1989, 176). The Sasale phenomenon invites a comparison with the sexuality that permeates Le Devoir de violence. But the use of this theme to express social criticism does not imply a direct influence of the Sasale on Ouologuem, who probably began to write his novel in Paris at about the time the Sasale emerged in Niger. But other contestatory groups of a similar nature-for example, the Hauka that Stoller describes-surfaced in the 1920s to protest colonialism. The integra- tion of the Hauka and the Sasale into the ancient belief system of the Songhay suggests the need for further research across the Sahel into the ways countergroups influence society. The Sasale, explains Stoller, perform in ceremonies organized by healers and magicians known as Zimas. The Zima and his accompa- nists use music, dance, and sacred texts to call forth the Sasale to participate in possession dances, usually toward the end of a session in which other spirits have performed. If the Sasale do not constitute "an anti-structure of Songhay social life in independent Niger" (1989, 178), Stoller sees them nevertheless as a form of public social protest against an advancing Islam that threatens to "undermine the Songhay concept of the self-in-the-world" (179). Lest this phenomenon be viewed simply as a fringe activity lim- ited to distant villages, Stoller cites an example of a possession cere- mony in Niamey, the capital of Niger, which took place next door to the home of the president of the Islamic University on Moham- med's birthday. When Stoller asked the Zima why they were insult- ing the distinguished academic administrator of the university, which was at that time being constructed in Say, he replied, "Because he is ruining our country. People are hungry. There is not enough rain. They are the ones who are ruining everything" (1989, 180). Stoller paints a detailed portrait of participants in possession dances from all levels of society. The most recent and most striking example appears in his conclusion, where a high-level civil servant and his family from Niamey, dressed in expensive Western clothes, travel to Tillab6ri, 110 kilometers upriver, to arrange treatment by Stoller's mentor, the aged healer Adamu Jenitongo. Their goal is an initiation ceremony for a brother, an agronomist with an apparently Conclusion 171 deities appeared in the mid-1960s and the movement continues to grow in reaction to more than fifteen years of the government of Niger's socio-economic policies. . . . Many Sasale deities . . . are women, the visitations of recently deceased prostitutes and other free spirits who are, from the vantage of Koranic Islam, social devi- ates" (1989, 176). The Sasale phenomenon invites a comparison with the sexuality that permeates Le Devoir de violence. But the use of this theme to express social criticism does not imply a direct influence of the Sasale on Ouologuem, who probably began to write his novel in Paris at about the time the Sasale emerged in Niger. But other contestatory groups of a similar nature-for example, the Hauka that Stoller describes-surfaced in the 1920s to protest colonialism. The integra- tion of the Hauka and the Sasale into the ancient belief system of the Songhay suggests the need for further research across the Sahel into the ways countergroups influence society. The Sasale, explains Stoller, perform in ceremonies organized by healers and magicians known as Zimas. The Zima and his accompa- nists use music, dance, and sacred texts to call forth the Sasale to participate in possession dances, usually toward the end of a session in which other spirits have performed. If the Sasale do not constitute "an anti-structure of Songhay social life in independent Niger" (1989, 178), Stoller sees them nevertheless as a form of public social protest against an advancing Islam that threatens to "undermine the Songhay concept of the self-in-the-world" (179). Lest this phenomenon be viewed simply as a fringe activity lim- ited to distant villages, Stoller cites an example of a possession cere- mony in Niamey, the capital of Niger, which took place next door to the home of the president of the Islamic University on Moham- med's birthday. When Stoller asked the Zima why they were insult- ing the distinguished academic administrator of the university, which was at that time being constructed in Say, he replied, "Because he is ruining our country. People are hungry. There is not enough rain. They are the ones who are ruining everything" (1989, 180). Stoller paints a detailed portrait of participants in possession dances from all levels of society. The most recent and most striking example appears in his conclusion, where a high-level civil servant and his family from Niamey, dressed in expensive Western clothes, travel to Tillabdri, 110 kilometers upriver, to arrange treatment by Stoller's mentor, the aged healer Adamu Jenitongo. Their goal is an initiation ceremony for a brother, an agronomist with an apparently  172 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 172 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 172 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist incurable disease similar to epilepsy. The ceremony takes seven days, involves the entire family, and includes the Sasale's participa- tion. The initiate becomes possessed with four different spirits: "Dongo, deity of thunder; Nya Beri, mother of the Cold Spirits and a clairvoyant; Fulan, a Hausa spirit who is the harbinger of good will; and Funfun'ize, the incessant talker who steals from the Hauka" (1989, 214). After a week marked by a variety of sacrifices and frequent pos- sessions of the participants, the initiate left in apparent good health. A year later, the agronomist reported no recurrences of his illness (broadcast of interview with Stoller on WHYY, Philadelphia, Au- gust 18, 1989). Stoller's work on possession, which extends and deepens consid- erably that of Jean Rouch, suggests that the traditional belief system is not only surviving but flourishing. This system is based on the power of the word. For magicians, healers, sorcerors, and griots, "words, then, are seen as a kind of energy ... that should be apprehended in and of itself rather than only as a represen- tation of something" (1989, 223). His experience in Songhay magic and healing indicates that we still have much to learn about the ways in which these ethnically based belief systems interpret the world for their adherents. But his work has raised a question about the nature of this world view that has sparked a debate between him and another scholar of the Songhay, Olivier de Sardan. The debate was scheduled to appear in two issues of the French journal Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, begin- ning in July 1989. Stoller, a symbolic anthropologist heavily influenced by phenom- enology, demonstrates throughout his work that the beliefs of the Songhay are not only deeply rooted but take on extraordinary, often dramatic features in some of the ceremonies that illustrate them: sor- cery attacks, possession, murder, and healing. Olivier de Sardan, a social anthropologist strongly oriented to- ward Marxism, tends to view belief as an everyday experience. He finds that Stoller overdramatizes the manifestation of Songhay belief by his descriptions of events and his personal participation in them. Having drawn on the work of both of these talented anthropolo- gists, each of whom has extensive experience working in the Songhay context, it is difficult for me to avoid commenting on the public de- bate between them. There is no doubt that the issues of both class and belief are cen- incurable disease similar to epilepsy. The ceremony takes seven days, involves the entire family, and includes the Sasale's participa- tion. The initiate becomes possessed with four different spirits: "Dongo, deity of thunder; Nya Beri, mother of the Cold Spirits and a clairvoyant; Fulan, a Hausa spirit who is the harbinger of good will; and Funfun'ize, the incessant talker who steals from the Hauka" (1989, 214). After a week marked by a variety of sacrifices and frequent pos- sessions of the participants, the initiate left in apparent good health. A year later, the agronomist reported no recurrences of his illness (broadcast of interview with Stoller on WHYY, Philadelphia, Au- gust 18, 1989). Stoller's work on possession, which extends and deepens consid- erably that of Jean Rouch, suggests that the traditional belief system is not only surviving but flourishing. This system is based on the power of the word. For magicians, healers, sorcerors, and griots, "words, then, are seen as a kind of energy ... that should be apprehended in and of itself rather than only as a represen- tation of something" (1989, 223). His experience in Songhay magic and healing indicates that we still have much to learn about the ways in which these ethnically based belief systems interpret the world for their adherents. But his work has raised a question about the nature of this world view that has sparked a debate between him and another scholar of the Songhay, Olivier de Sardan. The debate was scheduled to appear in two issues of the French journal Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, begin- ning in July 1989. Stoller, a symbolic anthropologist heavily influenced by phenom- enology, demonstrates throughout his work that the beliefs of the Songhay are not only deeply rooted but take on extraordinary, often dramatic features in some of the ceremonies that illustrate them: sor- cery attacks, possession, murder, and healing. Olivier de Sardan, a social anthropologist strongly oriented to- ward Marxism, tends to view belief as an everyday experience. He finds that Stoller overdramatizes the manifestation of Songhay belief by his descriptions of events and his personal participation in them. Having drawn on the work of both of these talented anthropolo- gists, each of whom has extensive experience working in the Songhay context, it is difficult for me to avoid commenting on the public de- bate between them. There is no doubt that the issues of both class and belief are cen- incurable disease similar to epilepsy. The ceremony takes seven days, involves the entire family, and includes the Sasale's participa- tion. The initiate becomes possessed with four different spirits: "Dongo, deity of thunder; Nya Beri, mother of the Cold Spirits and a clairvoyant; Fulan, a Hausa spirit who is the harbinger of good will; and Funfun'ize, the incessant talker who steals from the Hauka" (1989, 214). After a week marked by a variety of sacrifices and frequent pos- sessions of the participants, the initiate left in apparent good health. A year later, the agronomist reported no recurrences of his illness (broadcast of interview with Stoller on WHYY, Philadelphia, Au- gust 18, 1989). Stoller's work on possession, which extends and deepens consid- erably that of Jean Rouch, suggests that the traditional belief system is not only surviving but flourishing. This system is based on the power of the word. For magicians, healers, sorcerors, and griots, "words, then, are seen as a kind of energy ... that should be apprehended in and of itself rather than only as a represen- tation of something" (1989, 223). His experience in Songhay magic and healing indicates that we still have much to learn about the ways in which these ethnically based belief systems interpret the world for their adherents. But his work has raised a question about the nature of this world view that has sparked a debate between him and another scholar of the Songhay, Olivier de Sardan. The debate was scheduled to appear in two issues of the French journal Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, begin- ning in July 1989. Stoller, a symbolic anthropologist heavily influenced by phenom- enology, demonstrates throughout his work that the beliefs of the Songhay are not only deeply rooted but take on extraordinary, often dramatic features in some of the ceremonies that illustrate them: sor- cery attacks, possession, murder, and healing. Olivier de Sardan, a social anthropologist strongly oriented to- ward Marxism, tends to view belief as an everyday experience. He finds that Stoller overdramatizes the manifestation of Songhay belief by his descriptions of events and his personal participation in them. Having drawn on the work of both of these talented anthropolo- gists, each of whom has extensive experience working in the Songhay context, it is difficult for me to avoid commenting on the public de- bate between them. There is no doubt that the issues of both class and belief are cen-  Conclusion 173 tral to any study of the Songhay-and so many other peoples of the Sahel. That each anthropologist can arrive at such divergent views of some aspects of these issues reflects, as Stoller argues, the contin- gency of the outsider's gaze upon society. While each of us, Olivier de Sardan, Stoller, and I worked in Niger in the 1960s and followed paths among the Songhay that crisscrossed, we each saw events with different eyes. I can remember traveling every month to islands in the Tillabdri region, seeing the French anthropologist's dugout canoe in some of the markets and hearing echoes of his work from local people. Today, while I appreciate very much his finely docu- mented analyses of the Songhay social structure, I find that my own impression of Songhay belief matches more closely that of Stoller. The possession dances in Tillab6ri that I witnessed from 1964 to 1966 as well as subsequent encounters with people and visits to places fa- miliar to both anthropologists, from Tillabdri to Sansane-Haoussa, Sonsoni, Kokomani, Yelewani, Garid, Neini, Sakoira, M'Bida, Diamballa, Namari-Goungou, Bonfeba, Fala, Sawani, Mehanna, Yatakala, and Wanzerbd, gave me the same impression as Stoller: that belief covers a wide spectrum of responses to life, including the extraordinary as well as the quotidian. But as an outsider, that im- pression represents a phenomenon that does not lend itself to certi- tudes. We are left to make our interpretations based on what we have seen and read. Stoller has drawn his from direct involvement in the work of people concerned with belief. One of the great merits of his research is that he brings to the subect a perspective informed by an extended apprenticeship with the late Adamu Jenitongo, one of the last and most respected specialists in the spiritual and healing arts in the Songhay-speaking world. The Survival of the Social Hierarchy Another conclusion suggested by the texts is that the oral tradition has managed to survive in spite of the advance of literacy because it continues to meet a significant social need, that of legitimizing the traditional values and social structure. In this sense, it is distinct from the Islamic written tradition, which tends to blur these values in favor of more universal Islamic tenets. Nowhere is this more evi- dent than in the distinction between nobles and captives. If the Tim- buktu chronicles reveal an awareness of social hierarchy, their narra- tors place that structure in apposition to the existing political structure. Where the two come in confict, as in the case of Sonni Conclusion 173 tral to any study of the Songhay-and so many other peoples of the Sahel. That each anthropologist can arrive at such divergent views of some aspects of these issues reflects, as Stoller argues, the contin- gency of the outsider's gaze upon society. While each of us, Olivier de Sardan, Stoller, and I worked in Niger in the 1960s and followed paths among the Songhay that crisscrossed, we each saw events with different eyes. I can remember traveling every month to islands in the Tillabdri region, seeing the French anthropologist's dugout canoe in some of the markets and hearing echoes of his work from local people. Today, while I appreciate very much his finely docu- mented analyses of the Songhay social structure, I find that my own impression of Songhay belief matches more closely that of Stoller. The possession dances in Tillabdri that I witnessed from 1964 to 1966 as well as subsequent encounters with people and visits to places fa- miliar to both anthropologists, from Tillabdri to Sansane-Haoussa, Sonsoni, Kokomani, Yelewani, Garid, Neini, Sakoira, M'Bida, Diamballa, Namari-Goungou, Bonfeba, Fala, Sawani, Mehanna, Yatakala, and Wanzerbd, gave me the same impression as Stoller: that belief covers a wide spectrum of responses to life, including the extraordinary as well as the quotidian. But as an outsider, that im- pression represents a phenomenon that does not lend itself to certi- tudes. We are left to make our interpretations based on what we have seen and read. Stoller has drawn his from direct involvement in the work of people concerned with belief. One of the great merits of his research is that he brings to the subect a perspective informed by an extended apprenticeship with the late Adamu Jenitongo, one of the last and most respected specialists in the spiritual and healing arts in the Songhay-speaking world. The Survival of the Social Hierarchy Another conclusion suggested by the texts is that the oral tradition has managed to survive in spite of the advance of literacy because it continues to meet a significant social need, that of legitimizing the traditional values and social structure. In this sense, it is distinct from the Islamic written tradition, which tends to blur these values in favor of more universal Islamic tenets. Nowhere is this more evi- dent than in the distinction between nobles and captives. If the Tim- buktu chronicles reveal an awareness of social hierarchy, their narra- tors place that structure in apposition to the existing political structure. Where the two come in confict, as in the case of Sonni Conclusion 173 tral to any study of the Songhay-and so many other peoples of the Sahel. That each anthropologist can arrive at such divergent views of some aspects of these issues reflects, as Stoller argues, the contin- gency of the outsider's gaze upon society. While each of us, Olivier de Sardan, Stoller, and I worked in Niger in the 1960s and followed paths among the Songhay that crisscrossed, we each saw events with different eyes. I can remember traveling every month to islands in the Tillabdri region, seeing the French anthropologist's dugout canoe in some of the markets and hearing echoes of his work from local people. Today, while I appreciate very much his finely docu- mented analyses of the Songhay social structure, I find that my own impression of Songhay belief matches more closely that of Stoller. The possession dances in Tillabdri that I witnessed from 1964 to 1966 as well as subsequent encounters with people and visits to places fa- miliar to both anthropologists, from Tillab6ri to Sansane-Haoussa, Sonsoni, Kokomani, Yelewani, Gari6, Neini, Sakoira, M'Bida, Diamballa, Namari-Goungou, Bonfeba, Fala, Sawani, Mehanna, Yatakala, and Wanzerbd, gave me the same impression as Stoller: that belief covers a wide spectrum of responses to life, including the extraordinary as well as the quotidian. But as an outsider, that im- pression represents a phenomenon that does not lend itself to certi- tudes. We are left to make our interpretations based on what we have seen and read. Stoller has drawn his from direct involvement in the work of people concerned with belief. One of the great merits of his research is that he brings to the subect a perspective informed by an extended apprenticeship with the late Adamu Jenitongo, one of the last and most respected specialists in the spiritual and healing arts in the Songhay-speaking world. The Survival of the Social Hierarchy Another conclusion suggested by the texts is that the oral tradition has managed to survive in spite of the advance of literacy because it continues to meet a significant social need, that of legitimizing the traditional values and social structure. In this sense, it is distinct from the Islamic written tradition, which tends to blur these values in favor of more universal Islamic tenets. Nowhere is this more evi- dent than in the distinction between nobles and captives. If the Tim- buktu chronicles reveal an awareness of social hierarchy, their narra- tors place that structure in apposition to the existing political structure. Where the two come in confict, as in the case of Sonni  174 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 174 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 174 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist Ali Ber, or in agreement, as with Askia Mohammed, the accounting of events reflects this African-Islamic world view. If the chronicles and the oral tradition accept the long-standing divisions between no- bles and captives, only the griot seems capable of conveying a sensi- tivity to the finest distinctions between groups in society. It is this set of values, maintained by the griots, that provides the basis for an interpretation of the rise and fall of Songhay society which differs radically from what we find in the chronicles. It is, in a sense, the griot's way of conveying to the modern generation those values that, as he sees it, are necessary for the survival of society. Although Songhay society is undergoing significant change due to a variety of external influences, the system described in the oral narrative sur- vives in large part because it permeates society. Olivier de Sardan notes that "on the eve of colonisation, about half of the Songhay- Zarma population was made up of slaves, a group that included both trade slaves and domestic slaves" (1983, 130). Since then, as I have mentioned, some people of low origin have become wealthy, ob- tained advanced education, and earned high positions in the admin- istration of the country. But as Stoller points out, the rise of the slave class has created tensions. This social divergence has created a climate of social competition in contemporary Songhay which sets the old noble families against the merchants.... In contemporary Songhay the nobles (patrilin- eal descendants of Askia Mohammed) want to preserve their influ- ence and reassert their prestige. Through a variety of symbolic manipulations (arrangements of fields and neighborhoods, man- agement of space at community celebrations, and praise-poetry which lauds the kings of the Songhay and the noble warriors of the past) they attempt to manage their public image to legitimate the old social order. (1989, 172) One may still find people in the younger generation who refer to others as "my slave." In February 1981 President Seyni Kountchd felt obliged to remind his listeners at the inauguration of a hydroagricultural project in the Tera region that they were not all of noble origin and that they would have to engage in hard manual labor to make the new installation productive. But, as Stoller (1982) has shown, one may still observe in the loading of a bush taxi the existence of a social structure that remains firmly rooted in Songhay society. Those who are of higher standing are invited to sit up front, Ali Ber, or in agreement, as with Askia Mohammed, the accounting of events reflects this African-Islamic world view. If the chronicles and the oral tradition accept the long-standing divisions between no- bles and captives, only the griot seems capable of conveying a sensi- tivity to the finest distinctions between groups in society. It is this set of values, maintained by the griots, that provides the basis for an interpretation of the rise and fall of Songhay society which differs radically from what we find in the chronicles. It is, in a sense, the griot's way of conveying to the modern generation those values that, as he sees it, are necessary for the survival of society. Although Songhay society is undergoing significant change due to a variety of external influences, the system described in the oral narrative sur- vives in large part because it permeates society. Olivier de Sardan notes that "on the eve of colonisation, about half of the Songhay- Zarma population was made up of slaves, a group that included both trade slaves and domestic slaves" (1983, 130). Since then, as I have mentioned, some people of low origin have become wealthy, ob- tained advanced education, and earned high positions in the admin- istration of the country. But as Stoller points out, the rise of the slave class has created tensions. This social divergence has created a climate of social competition in contemporary Songhay which sets the old noble families against the merchants.... In contemporary Songhay the nobles (patrilin- eal descendants of Askia Mohammed) want to preserve their influ- ence and reassert their prestige. Through a variety of symbolic manipulations (arrangements of fields and neighborhoods, man- agement of space at community celebrations, and praise-poetry which lauds the kings of the Songhay and the noble warriors of the past) they attempt to manage their public image to legitimate the old social order. (1989, 172) One may still find people in the younger generation who refer to others as "my slave." In February 1981 President Seyni Kountchd felt obliged to remind his listeners at the inauguration of a hydroagricultural project in the Tdra region that they were not all of noble origin and that they would have to engage in hard manual labor to make the new installation productive. But, as Stoller (1982) has shown, one may still observe in the loading of a bush taxi the existence of a social structure that remains firmly rooted in Songhay society. Those who are of higher standing are invited to sit up front, Ali Ber, or in agreement, as with Askia Mohammed, the accounting of events reflects this African-Islamic world view. If the chronicles and the oral tradition accept the long-standing divisions between no- bles and captives, only the griot seems capable of conveying a sensi- tivity to the finest distinctions between groups in society. It is this set of values, maintained by the griots, that provides the basis for an interpretation of the rise and fall of Songhay society which differs radically from what we find in the chronicles. It is, in a sense, the griot's way of conveying to the modern generation those values that, as he sees it, are necessary for the survival of society. Although Songhay society is undergoing significant change due to a variety of external influences, the system described in the oral narrative sur- vives in large part because it permeates society. Olivier de Sardan notes that "on the eve of colonisation, about half of the Songhay- Zarma population was made up of slaves, a group that included both trade slaves and domestic slaves" (1983, 130). Since then, as I have mentioned, some people of low origin have become wealthy, ob- tained advanced education, and earned high positions in the admin- istration of the country. But as Stoller points out, the rise of the slave class has created tensions. This social divergence has created a climate of social competition in contemporary Songhay which sets the old noble families against the merchants. . . . In contemporary Songhay the nobles (patrilin- eal descendants of Askia Mohammed) want to preserve their influ- ence and reassert their prestige. Through a variety of symbolic manipulations (arrangements of fields and neighborhoods, man- agement of space at community celebrations, and praise-poetry which lauds the kings of the Songhay and the noble warriors of the past) they attempt to manage their public image to legitimate the old social order. (1989, 172) One may still find people in the younger generation who refer to others as "my slave." In February 1981 President Seyni Kountchd felt obliged to remind his listeners at the inauguration of a hydroagricultural project in the Tdra region that they were not all of noble origin and that they would have to engage in hard manual labor to make the new installation productive. But, as Stoller (1982) has shown, one may still observe in the loading of a bush taxi the existence of a social structure that remains firmly rooted in Songhay society. Those who are of higher standing are invited to sit up front,  Conclusion 175 those of lower status must find a space farther back. For observers from outside the region, however, the notion of class in the Sahel differs significantly from the Western interpretation of the term. As Jewsiewicki comments, "the definition of class is not necessarily con- structed around the control of the appropriation of surplus" (1987, 57). Ethnicity and Cultural Diffusion In a more general sense, the texts reinforce the notion that the cul- tures of the Sahel are multiethnic. The Songhay empire was marked in one way or another by a variety of outside cultural diffusion. From the texts, from the griot tradition, and from other evidence, it is apparent that Sonink6 influence at the top layers of society was quite significant. While the origins of that influence are still not fully understood, recent research by French linguist Robert Nicolai has provided information that can lead to a working hypothesis. In his 1984 study, modestly titled Prdliminaires a une dtude sur F'origine du Songhay, Nicolal compared 743 words from Sonink6, Bozo, and three dialects of Songhay. (The Bozo are a small group of fishermen on the Middle Niger River who are thought to be of Sonink6 origin.) He found a significant percentage of common words. After considering the geographical dispersion of Songhay- speaking communities, the relative homogeneity of the language, the diversity of the populations that speak Songhay, the commercial and political functions it served, and the extensive linguistic contami- nation it has undergone, Nicolai hypothesized that Songhay is the product of contact between the river and the caravan trade that con- siderably predates the founding of the empire. In the fifteenth century, the contacts between the Sonink6 and the Songhay were reinforced by traders who were primarily of Sonink6 origin and who spread into the cities along the Niger. Draw- ing on the research of historians, Nicolai explains that these traders participated in affairs of state and became the financiers and brokers of Songhay's imperial economy. By the time, then, of Askia Mohammed's rise to power, there were many Sonink6 scattered throughout the region. Given the evi- dence of Soninkd in the Songhay oral tradition and the Sonink6 ori- gin of Askia Mohammed, I posit the thesis that as Askia Mohammed assumed power and grew in importance from the late fifteenth to the early sixteenth century, Sonink6 griots, healers, magicians, and Conclusion 175 those of lower status must find a space farther back. For observers from outside the region, however, the notion of class in the Sahel differs significantly from the Western interpretation of the term. As Jewsiewicki comments, "the definition of class is not necessarily con- structed around the control of the appropriation of surplus" (1987, 57). Ethnicity and Cultural Diffusion In a more general sense, the texts reinforce the notion that the cul- tures of the Sahel are multiethnic. The Songhay empire was marked in one way or another by a variety of outside cultural diffusion. From the texts, from the griot tradition, and from other evidence, it is apparent that Sonink6 influence at the top layers of society was quite significant. While the origins of that influence are still not fully understood, recent research by French linguist Robert Nicolai has provided information that can lead to a working hypothesis. In his 1984 study, modestly titled Prdliminaires d une dtude sur l'origine du Songhay, Nicolal compared 743 words from Soninkd, Bozo, and three dialects of Songhay. (The Bozo are a small group of fishermen on the Middle Niger River who are thought to be of Sonink6 origin.) He found a significant percentage of common words. After considering the geographical dispersion of Songhay- speaking communities, the relative homogeneity of the language, the diversity of the populations that speak Songhay, the commercial and political functions it served, and the extensive linguistic contami- nation it has undergone, Nicolai hypothesized that Songhay is the product of contact between the river and the caravan trade that con- siderably predates the founding of the empire. In the fifteenth century, the contacts between the Sonink6 and the Songhay were reinforced by traders who were primarily of Sonink6 origin and who spread into the cities along the Niger. Draw- ing on the research of historians, Nicolai explains that these traders participated in affairs of state and became the financiers and brokers of Songhay's imperial economy. By the time, then, of Askia Mohammed's rise to power, there were many Sonink6 scattered throughout the region. Given the evi- dence of Sonink6 in the Songhay oral tradition and the Sonink6 ori- gin of Askia Mohammed, I posit the thesis that as Askia Mohammed assumed power and grew in importance from the late fifteenth to the early sixteenth century, Sonink6 griots, healers, magicians, and Conclusion 175 those of lower status must find a space farther back. For observers from outside the region, however, the notion of class in the Sahel differs significantly from the Western interpretation of the term. As Jewsiewicki comments, "the definition of class is not necessarily con- structed around the control of the appropriation of surplus" (1987, 57). Ethnicity and Cultural Diffusion In a more general sense, the texts reinforce the notion that the cul- tures of the Sahel are multiethnic. The Songhay empire was marked in one way or another by a variety of outside cultural diffusion. From the texts, from the griot tradition, and from other evidence, it is apparent that Sonink6 influence at the top layers of society was quite significant. While the origins of that influence are still not fully understood, recent research by French linguist Robert Nicolai has provided information that can lead to a working hypothesis. In his 1984 study, modestly titled Prdliminaires d une 6tude sur l'origine du Songhay, Nicolai compared 743 words from Sonink6, Bozo, and three dialects of Songhay. (The Bozo are a small group of fishermen on the Middle Niger River who are thought to be of Sonink6 origin.) He found a significant percentage of common words. After considering the geographical dispersion of Songhay- speaking communities, the relative homogeneity of the language, the diversity of the populations that speak Songhay, the commercial and political functions it served, and the extensive linguistic contami- nation it has undergone, Nicolai hypothesized that Songhay is the product of contact between the river and the caravan trade that con- siderably predates the founding of the empire. In the fifteenth century, the contacts between the Sonink6 and the Songhay were reinforced by traders who were primarily of Sonink6 origin and who spread into the cities along the Niger. Draw- ing on the research of historians, Nicolai explains that these traders participated in affairs of state and became the financiers and brokers of Songhay's imperial economy. By the time, then, of Askia Mohammed's rise to power, there were many Sonink6 scattered throughout the region. Given the evi- dence of Sonink6 in the Songhay oral tradition and the Sonink6 ori- gin of Askia Mohammed, I posit the thesis that as Askia Mohammed assumed power and grew in importance from the late fifteenth to the early sixteenth century, Sonink6i griots, healers, magicians, and  176 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 176 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist 176 Scribe, Griot, and Novelist sorcerors from a vast area gravitated toward him and were responsi- ble for the close cultural link between the two languages. The Songhay belief system, at least as it appears in the epic of Askia Mo- hammed, became attuned to a broader, Sahelian way of apprehend- ing the world. Soninkd was the key to that system. It reflected a highly complex network of relationships as extensive but much deeper than the brotherhood of Islam in the area. The extent to which the rulers dominated or cooperated with other ethnic groups in the region (the Zarma, the Tuareg, the Fu- lani, the Gourma, the Mossi, the Dogon, the Bargantche, and many others), took captives from them, and/or intermarried with them un- derscores the fluid notion of ethnicity. Today, when referring to the peoples of the Sahel, it is easier to speak of language speakers than of people who belong to particular ethnic groups. This trend contin- ues as the family of Songhay-speaking peoples has expanded through the centuries to include the Kurteye, the Wogo, and many other sub- groups. What puts the interplay between these groups and the regional values that they share into a modern perspective is the novel by Yambo Ouologuem. By opposing the aristocracy to the masses, Ouologuem's narrator appears to argue for a reappraisal of contem- porary African cultures. Nowhere is the need for this call more evi- dent than among international aid organizations, which, after the catastrophic drought of the late 1960s and early 1970s in the Sahel, began to reevaluate their notions of what society in the Sahel was all about. This awareness is most evident in that school of technical assistance which favors projects defined in terms of individual groups to be aided, not in the broader notion of simply "the people" (see Franke and Chasin's 1981 study, Seeds of Famine: Ecological De- struction and the Development Dilemma in the West African Sahel). For the outsider who finds nothing but poverty in a Sahelian coun- try, the sometimes subtle differences between what the European world terms classes, clans, castes, and ethnic groups still remain quite difficult to grasp. Verbal Art and Human Values To understand verbal art and human values as they are manifested in these cultural units, one needs to look into the past. Ouologuem bases his exaggerated and polemical critique of the governing elite in many African countries not simply on a reaction against the ex- sorcerors from a vast area gravitated toward him and were responsi- ble for the close cultural link between the two languages. The Songhay belief system, at least as it appears in the epic of Askia Mo- hammed, became attuned to a broader, Sahelian way of apprehend- ing the world. Soninkd was the key to that system. It reflected a highly complex network of relationships as extensive but much deeper than the brotherhood of Islam in the area. The extent to which the rulers dominated or cooperated with other ethnic groups in the region (the Zarma, the Tuareg, the Fu- lani, the Gourma, the Mossi, the Dogon, the Bargantch6, and many others), took captives from them, and/or intermarried with them un- derscores the fluid notion of ethnicity. Today, when referring to the peoples of the Sahel, it is easier to speak of language speakers than of people who belong to particular ethnic groups. This trend contin- ues as the family of Songhay-speaking peoples has expanded through the centuries to include the Kurteye, the Wogo, and many other sub- groups. What puts the interplay between these groups and the regional values that they share into a modern perspective is the novel by Yambo Ouologuem. By opposing the aristocracy to the masses, Ouologuem's narrator appears to argue for a reappraisal of contem- porary African cultures. Nowhere is the need for this call more evi- dent than among international aid organizations, which, after the catastrophic drought of the late 1960s and early 1970s in the Sahel, began to reevaluate their notions of what society in the Sahel was all about. This awareness is most evident in that school of technical assistance which favors projects defined in terms of individual groups to be aided, not in the broader notion of simply "the people" (see Franke and Chasin's 1981 study, Seeds of Famine: Ecological De- struction and the Development Dilemma in the West African Sahel). For the outsider who finds nothing but poverty in a Sahelian coun- try, the sometimes subtle differences between what the European world terms classes, clans, castes, and ethnic groups still remain quite difficult to grasp. Verbal Art and Human Values To understand verbal art and human values as they are manifested in these cultural units, one needs to look into the past. Ouologuem bases his exaggerated and polemical critique of the governing elite in many African countries not simply on a reaction against the ex- sorcerors from a vast area gravitated toward him and were responsi- ble for the close cultural link between the two languages. The Songhay belief system, at least as it appears in the epic of Askia Mo- hammed, became attuned to a broader, Sahelian way of apprehend- ing the world. Sonink6 was the key to that system. It reflected a highly complex network of relationships as extensive but much deeper than the brotherhood of Islam in the area. The extent to which the rulers dominated or cooperated with other ethnic groups in the region (the Zarma, the Thareg, the Fu- lani, the Gourma, the Mossi, the Dogon, the Bargantchd, and many others), took captives from them, and/or intermarried with them un- derscores the fluid notion of ethnicity. Today, when referring to the peoples of the Sahel, it is easier to speak of language speakers than of people who belong to particular ethnic groups. This trend contin- ues as the family of Songhay-speaking peoples has expanded through the centuries to include the Kurteye, the Wogo, and many other sub- groups. What puts the interplay between these groups and the regional values that they share into a modern perspective is the novel by Yambo Ouologuem. By opposing the aristocracy to the masses, Ouologuem's narrator appears to argue for a reappraisal of contem- porary African cultures. Nowhere is the need for this call more evi- dent than among international aid organizations, which, after the catastrophic drought of the late 1960s and early 1970s in the Sahel, began to reevaluate their notions of what society in the Sahel was all about. This awareness is most evident in that school of technical assistance which favors projects defined in terms of individual groups to be aided, not in the broader notion of simply "the people" (see Franke and Chasin's 1981 study, Seeds of Famine: Ecological De- struction and the Development Dilemma in the West African Sahel). For the outsider who finds nothing but poverty in a Sahelian coun- try, the sometimes subtle differences between what the European world terms classes, clans, castes, and ethnic groups still remain quite difficult to grasp. Verbal Art and Human Values To understand verbal art and human values as they are manifested in these cultural units, one needs to look into the past. Ouologuem bases his exaggerated and polemical critique of the governing elite in many African countries not simply on a reaction against the ex-  Conclusion 177 Conclusion 177 Conclusion 177 cesses of a particular regime but, in a larger sense, on a reading of centuries of West African history. His sources may be biased and his desire to sell books in Paris reflective of baser motives, but he roots his vision in a realism that the West can understand only by looking into the mirror of European history. Ouologuem is saying, in effect, that violence remains an inevitable element of the human condition. The chronicles, the oral tradition, and the novel all reflect this notion. Social distinction is also part of the human condition, whether it is by birth, by belief, or by profession. In this sense, as we look at all three texts, as we see both the intertwining values and literary borrowings, we begin to discern a series of threads running through all three which, together, reveal a cultural diversity that may surprise the Western reader. Africa does indeed have a history and a literature, in the broadest sense of these terms, that conveys its past to society today. The comparison of all three texts leads us to a conclusion that appears obvious to those familiar with Africa, yet so much less evi- dent to the rest of the world: The verbal art, written and oral, of Africa is as rich in human values-what Allan Bloom might be will- ing to term the humanities-as that of any other continent on the earth. cesses of a particular regime but, in a larger sense, on a reading of centuries of West African history. His sources may be biased and his desire to sell books in Paris reflective of baser motives, but he roots his vision in a realism that the West can understand only by looking into the mirror of European history. Ouologuem is saying, in effect, that violence remains an inevitable element of the human condition. The chronicles, the oral tradition, and the novel all reflect this notion. Social distinction is also part of the human condition, whether it is by birth, by belief, or by profession. In this sense, as we look at all three texts, as we see both the intertwining values and literary borrowings, we begin to discern a series of threads running through all three which, together, reveal a cultural diversity that may surprise the Western reader. Africa does indeed have a history and a literature, in the broadest sense of these terms, that conveys its past to society today. The comparison of all three texts leads us to a conclusion that appears obvious to those familiar with Africa, yet so much less evi- dent to the rest of the world: The verbal art, written and oral, of Africa is as rich in human values-what Allan Bloom might be will- ing to term the humanities-as that of any other continent on the earth. cesses of a particular regime but, in a larger sense, on a reading of centuries of West African history. His sources may be biased and his desire to sell books in Paris reflective of baser motives, but he roots his vision in a realism that the West can understand only by looking into the mirror of European history. Ouologuem is saying, in effect, that violence remains an inevitable element of the human condition. The chronicles, the oral tradition, and the novel all reflect this notion. Social distinction is also part of the human condition, whether it is by birth, by belief, or by profession. In this sense, as we look at all three texts, as we see both the intertwining values and literary borrowings, we begin to discern a series of threads running through all three which, together, reveal a cultural diversity that may surprise the Western reader. Africa does indeed have a history and a literature, in the broadest sense of these terms, that conveys its past to society today. The comparison of all three texts leads us to a conclusion that appears obvious to those familiar with Africa, yet so much less evi- dent to the rest of the world: The verbal art, written and oral, of Africa is as rich in human values-what Allan Bloom might be will- ing to term the humanities-as that of any other continent on the earth.  The Epic of Askia Mohammed Recounted by Nouhou Malio at Saga, Niger, December 30, 1980, and January 26, 1981. Recorded by Thomas A. Hale. Tran- scription by Mounkaila Seydou Boulhassane Maiga, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, Djibo Moussa, and Thomas A. Hale. Trans- lation by Thomas A. Hale with the assistance of Seydou Boulhassane Maiga, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, Djibo Moussa, Fatima Mounkaila, Abdoulaye Dan Louma, and Abdoulaye Harouna. Annotation by Thomas A. Hale. Introduction Nouhou Mafio. When I was introduced to griots in Niamey, many of whom had been attracted to the city by the promise of greater rewards, I always asked them who were their teachers. More than one urban griot referred me to Nouhou Malio, a master griot who lived in Saga, a small town three kilometers downriver from Niamey. With the guidance of Souley Zanga, an old friend who works not far from Saga, I went to visit Nouhou Malio in late De- cember 1980. We arranged to record versions of the epics of Mali Bero and Askia Mohammed. The first session took place at the home of one of the griot's relatives in the family compound on De- cember 30, 1980. His relative's house offered two advantages for the recording session: comfortable chairs and electric lighting. During one evening of recording that lasted for several hours, Nouhou Malio narrated a version of the epic of Mali Bero followed by part of the Askia Mohammed story. When Souley Zanga and I returned for the remaining part of Askia Mohammed in early Janu- ary, we discovered that Nouhou Malio had fallen ill. Eventually, after he had recovered, we held a second session on January 26. Be- fore beginning, I, with Souley Zanga's assistance, conducted an in- terview with him and then played the ending of the earlier tape to remind him where the first session had stopped. He immediately picked up from there and completed the 1,602-line version that eve- ning. At both sessions, Nouhou Malio was accompanied by Soumana Abdou, a molo player who still lives in Saga. The men sat side by 178 The Epic of Askia Mohammed Recounted by Nouhou Malio at Saga, Niger, December 30, 1980, and January 26, 1981. Recorded by Thomas A. Hale. Tran- scription by Mounkaila Seydou Boulhassane Maiga, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, Djibo Moussa, and Thomas A. Hale. Trans- lation by Thomas A. Hale with the assistance of Seydou Boulhassane Maiga, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, Djibo Moussa, Fatima Mounkaila, Abdoulaye Dan Louma, and Abdoulaye Harouna. Annotation by Thomas A. Hale. Introduction Nouhou Malio. When I was introduced to griots in Niamey, many of whom had been attracted to the city by the promise of greater rewards, I always asked them who were their teachers. More than one urban griot referred me to Nouhou Malio, a master griot who lived in Saga, a small town three kilometers downriver from Niamey. With the guidance of Souley Zanga, an old friend who works not far from Saga, I went to visit Nouhou Malio in late De- cember 1980. We arranged to record versions of the epics of Mali Bero and Askia Mohammed. The first session took place at the home of one of the griot's relatives in the family compound on De- cember 30, 1980. His relative's house offered two advantages for the recording session: comfortable chairs and electric lighting. During one evening of recording that lasted for several hours, Nouhou Malio narrated a version of the epic of Mali Bero followed by part of the Askia Mohammed story. When Souley Zanga and I returned for the remaining part of Askia Mohammed in early Janu- ary, we discovered that Nouhou Malio had fallen ill. Eventually, after he had recovered, we held a second session on January 26. Be- fore beginning, I, with Souley Zanga's assistance, conducted an in- terview with him and then played the ending of the earlier tape to remind him where the first session had stopped. He immediately picked up from there and completed the 1,602-line version that eve- ning. At both sessions, Nouhou Malio was accompanied by Soumana Abdou, a molo player who still lives in Saga. The men sat side by 178 The Epic of Askia Mohammed Recounted by Nouhou Malio at Saga, Niger, December 30, 1980, and January 26, 1981. Recorded by Thomas A. Hale. Tran- scription by Mounkaila Seydou Boulhassane Maiga, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, Djibo Moussa, and Thomas A. Hale. Trans- lation by Thomas A. Hale with the assistance of Seydou Boulhassane Maiga, Ousmane Mahamane Tandina, Djibo Moussa, Fatima Mounkaila, Abdoulaye Dan Louma, and Abdoulaye Harouna. Annotation by Thomas A. Hale. Introduction Nouhou Maio. When I was introduced to griots in Niamey, many of whom had been attracted to the city by the promise of greater rewards, I always asked them who were their teachers. More than one urban griot referred me to Nouhou Malio, a master griot who lived in Saga, a small town three kilometers downriver from Niamey. With the guidance of Souley Zanga, an old friend who works not far from Saga, I went to visit Nouhou Malio in late De- cember 1980. We arranged to record versions of the epics of Mali Bero and Askia Mohammed. The first session took place at the home of one of the griot's relatives in the family compound on De- cember 30, 1980. His relative's house offered two advantages for the recording session: comfortable chairs and electric lighting. During one evening of recording that lasted for several hours, Nouhou Malio narrated a version of the epic of Mali Bero followed by part of the Askia Mohammed story. When Souley Zanga and I returned for the remaining part of Askia Mohammed in early Janu- ary, we discovered that Nouhou Malio had fallen ill. Eventually, after he had recovered, we held a second session on January 26. Be- fore beginning, I, with Souley Zanga's assistance, conducted an in- terview with him and then played the ending of the earlier tape to remind him where the first session had stopped. He immediately picked up from there and completed the 1,602-line version that eve- ning. At both sessions, Nouhou Malio was accompanied by Soumana Abdou, a molo player who still lives in Saga. The men sat side by 178  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 179 side in chairs, with a UHER 4000 tape recorder placed in front of them. Other members of the family and villagers sat in the house or listened from outside. During the interview, I asked Nouhou Malio how far back he could go in listing his ancestors. He replied that it would take him forty evenings to tell me all that I wanted to know, but he agreed then to go back a few generations. He gave his age as sixty-five years and added that his father was Malio Yenikoy, his grandfather was Yenikoy Boubacar, and his great-grandfather was Boubacar Agali. He and his elder brother, Maliki, inherited the profession of griot from these men, who trace their origins all the way back to Sonni Ali Ber. Although he declared that he had been a griot since birth, he ex- plained that one cannot master a profession one has not studied. His father had started to teach him to be a griot but had died before Nouhou reached maturity. His older brother Maliki, who died twenty years prior to our interview, continued the process of instruc- tion. Nouhou Malio had also learned from griots elsewhere. As to the length of time it takes to be a master griot, Nouhou Malio an- swered in the same way that every other griot I encountered re- sponded: There is no end, one learns until one dies. The procedure for beginners was to learn three words, then sleep on them. The next day, if the student could not repeat the three words, he was slapped. Study lasted forever, just as religious leaders who read sacred texts in Arabic studied them until they died. When asked if he still maintained a "doudal"-a hearth-for in- struction of apprentice griots in Saga, Nouhou Malio replied affirm- atively, but he could not say how many were studying with him. The number varied, he explained, from two to twenty. There was no se- lection process. He taught anyone who came to learn. The starting age was usually at seven. There were special procedures, however, for inculcating an ability to become a griot at birth. To succeed in teaching a son to be a griot, one washed the newborn in water that had been taken from seven different houses and then boiled. Instruction, open to both sexes, was carried out in the Zarma dia- lect of Songhay and in Sillance, the archaic form of Sonink6 that serves as a secret language for the Songhay. Each Zarma expression has a counterpart in Sillance. When students came to study with griots, they demonstrated their interest by bringing sticks and dried millet stalks to contribute to the evening fire. During the summer planting season, students The Epic of Askia Mohammed 179 side in chairs, with a UHER 4000 tape recorder placed in front of them. Other members of the family and villagers sat in the house or listened from outside. During the interview, I asked Nouhou Malio how far back he could go in listing his ancestors. He replied that it would take him forty evenings to tell me all that I wanted to know, but he agreed then to go back a few generations. He gave his age as sixty-five years and added that his father was Maho Yenikoy, his grandfather was Yenikoy Boubacar, and his great-grandfather was Boubacar Agali. He and his elder brother, Maliki, inherited the profession of griot from these men, who trace their origins all the way back to Sonni Ali Ber. Although he declared that he had been a griot since birth, he ex- plained that one cannot master a profession one has not studied. His father had started to teach him to be a griot but had died before Nouhou reached maturity. His older brother Maliki, who died twenty years prior to our interview, continued the process of instruc- tion. Nouhou Malio had also learned from griots elsewhere. As to the length of time it takes to be a master griot, Nouhou Malio an- swered in the same way that every other griot I encountered re- sponded: There is no end, one learns until one dies. The procedure for beginners was to learn three words, then sleep on them. The next day, if the student could not repeat the three words, he was slapped. Study lasted forever, just as religious leaders who read sacred texts in Arabic studied them until they died. When asked if he still maintained a "doudal"-a hearth-for in- struction of apprentice griots in Saga, Nouhou Malio replied affirm- atively, but he could not say how many were studying with him. The number varied, he explained, from two to twenty. There was no se- lection process. He taught anyone who came to learn. The starting age was usually at seven. There were special procedures, however, for inculcating an ability to become a griot at birth. To succeed in teaching a son to be a griot, one washed the newborn in water that had been taken from seven different houses and then boiled. Instruction, open to both sexes, was carried out in the Zarma dia- lect of Songhay and in Sillance, the archaic form of Sonink6 that serves as a secret language for the Songhay. Each Zarma expression has a counterpart in Sillance. When students came to study with griots, they demonstrated their interest by bringing sticks and dried millet stalks to contribute to the evening fire. During the summer planting season, students The Epic of Askia Mohammed 179 side in chairs, with a UHER 4000 tape recorder placed in front of them. Other members of the family and villagers sat in the house or listened from outside. During the interview, I asked Nouhou Malio how far back he could go in listing his ancestors. He replied that it would take him forty evenings to tell me all that I wanted to know, but he agreed then to go back a few generations. He gave his age as sixty-five years and added that his father was Malio Yenikoy, his grandfather was Yenikoy Boubacar, and his great-grandfather was Boubacar Agali. He and his elder brother, Maliki, inherited the profession of griot from these men, who trace their origins all the way back to Sonni Ali Ber. Although he declared that he had been a griot since birth, he ex- plained that one cannot master a profession one has not studied. His father had started to teach him to be a griot but had died before Nouhou reached maturity. His older brother Maliki, who died twenty years prior to our interview, continued the process of instruc- tion. Nouhou Malio had also learned from griots elsewhere. As to the length of time it takes to be a master griot, Nouhou Malio an- swered in the same way that every other griot I encountered re- sponded: There is no end, one learns until one dies. The procedure for beginners was to learn three words, then sleep on them. The next day, if the student could not repeat the three words, he was slapped. Study lasted forever, just as religious leaders who read sacred texts in Arabic studied them until they died. When asked if he still maintained a "doudal"-a hearth-for in- struction of apprentice griots in Saga, Nouhou Malio replied affirm- atively, but he could not say how many were studying with him. The number varied, he explained, from two to twenty. There was no se- lection process. He taught anyone who came to learn. The starting age was usually at seven. There were special procedures, however, for inculcating an ability to become a griot at birth. To succeed in teaching a son to be a griot, one washed the newborn in water that had been taken from seven different houses and then boiled. Instruction, open to both sexes, was carried out in the Zarma dia- lect of Songhay and in Sillance, the archaic form of Soninkd that serves as a secret language for the Songhay. Each Zarma expression has a counterpart in Sillance. When students came to study with griots, they demonstrated their interest by bringing sticks and dried millet stalks to contribute to the evening fire. During the summer planting season, students  180 The Epic of Askia Mohammed often remained to study with the griot, Nouhou Malio noted, instead of leaving for distant fields. For a child who came to learn from a griot, the fees were calculated in service-fodder for the griot's horse each day or labor in his fields. This introductory form of edu- cation in the profession lasted for three or four years and ended with- out ceremony when the student went off to study with another griot. As for the accompaniment, Nouhou Malio pointed out that he had taught his accompanist to play the molo, the three-stringed in- strument similar to the Mand6 ngoni. One learns to play the molo at the age of seven. As with the verbal art of the griot, the musical art of the molo player knows no end, added Nouhou Malio. He explained that the race of griots survived because the rules of marriage required that one marry a woman of similar origin. When asked about his ethnic origin, he emphasized that he was a Songhay. All griots in the region, he added, were of Songhay origin, and they all traced their heritage to Gao. Asked about the kind of work a griot does, Nouhou Malio re- plied that griots do no work, they beg. Here he meant that they re- quested goods from those who were bound to provide for their needs. The Western reader may find it hard to discern the difference between begging and requesting something to which one has a right. But the giving of these goods was not really a voluntary act on the part of a donor to a beggar. It was a duty inherent in a complex so- cial relationship of long standing. Nouhou Malio's statement that the Zarma supported Songhay griots agrees with Boubou Hama's from my December 1980 interview with him. The Zarma do not have griots, and consequently the Songhay provide this function for the Zarma. If a Zarma harvested millet, and if a griot asked for some, the Zarma would feel obligated to satisfy the request, given the serv- ice relationship that Songhay griots provided to the Zarma. The same would apply for a horse or other item the griot needed, for example, cattle or clothing for the griot's wife. When I returned again to see Nouhou Malio in May 1981, neigh- bors reported that he, like so many men in the town, had gone off to fields 20 kilometers away for the summer. Six years later, when I returned to Saga in 1987, Soumana Abdou said that Nouhou Malio had died the previous year. Soninke words in the text Those verses that are translated from Sonink6 are underlined. Where a verse is listed as undecipherable or partially undecipherable, it is because either the original utter- ances were unclear or the words cannot be identified as either 180 The Epic of Askia Mohammed often remained to study with the griot, Nouhou Malio noted, instead of leaving for distant fields. For a child who came to learn from a griot, the fees were calculated in service-fodder for the griot's horse each day or labor in his fields. This introductory form of edu- cation in the profession lasted for three or four years and ended with- out ceremony when the student went off to study with another griot. As for the accompaniment, Nouhou Malio pointed out that he had taught his accompanist to play the molo, the three-stringed in- strument similar to the Mand6 ngoni. One learns to play the molo at the age of seven. As with the verbal art of the griot, the musical art of the molo player knows no end, added Nouhou Malio. He explained that the race of griots survived because the rules of marriage required that one marry a woman of similar origin. When asked about his ethnic origin, he emphasized that he was a Songhay. All griots in the region, he added, were of Songhay origin, and they all traced their heritage to Gao. Asked about the kind of work a griot does, Nouhou Malio re- plied that griots do no work, they beg. Here he meant that they re- quested goods from those who were bound to provide for their needs. The Western reader may find it hard to discern the difference between begging and requesting something to which one has a right. But the giving of these goods was not really a voluntary act on the part of a donor to a beggar. It was a duty inherent in a complex so- cial relationship of long standing. Nouhou Malio's statement that the Zarma supported Songhay griots agrees with Boubou Hama's from my December 1980 interview with him. The Zarma do not have griots, and consequently the Songhay provide this function for the Zarma. If a Zarma harvested millet, and if a griot asked for some, the Zarma would feel obligated to satisfy the request, given the serv- ice relationship that Songhay griots provided to the Zarma. The same would apply for a horse or other item the griot needed, for example, cattle or clothing for the griot's wife. When I returned again to see Nouhou Malio in May 1981, neigh- bors reported that he, like so many men in the town, had gone off to fields 20 kilometers away for the summer. Six years later, when I returned to Saga in 1987, Soumana Abdou said that Nouhou Malio had died the previous year. Sonink6 words in the text Those verses that are translated from Sonink6 are underlined. Where a verse is listed as undecipherable or partially undecipherable, it is because either the original utter- ances were unclear or the words cannot be identified as either 180 The Epic of Askia Mohammed often remained to study with the griot, Nouhou Malio noted, instead of leaving for distant fields. For a child who came to learn from a griot, the fees were calculated in service-fodder for the griot's horse each day or labor in his fields. This introductory form of edu- cation in the profession lasted for three or four years and ended with- out ceremony when the student went off to study with another griot. As for the accompaniment, Nouhou Malio pointed out that he had taught his accompanist to play the molo, the three-stringed in- strument similar to the Mand6 ngoni. One learns to play the molo at the age of seven. As with the verbal art of the griot, the musical art of the molo player knows no end, added Nouhou Malio. He explained that the race of griots survived because the rules of marriage required that one marry a woman of similar origin. When asked about his ethnic origin, he emphasized that he was a Songhay. All griots in the region, he added, were of Songhay origin, and they all traced their heritage to Gao. Asked about the kind of work a griot does, Nouhou Malio re- plied that griots do no work, they beg. Here he meant that they re- quested goods from those who were bound to provide for their needs. The Western reader may find it hard to discern the difference between begging and requesting something to which one has a right. But the giving of these goods was not really a voluntary act on the part of a donor to a beggar. It was a duty inherent in a complex so- cial relationship of long standing. Nouhou Malio's statement that the Zarma supported Songhay griots agrees with Boubou Hama's from my December 1980 interview with him. The Zarma do not have griots, and consequently the Songhay provide this function for the Zarma. If a Zarma harvested millet, and if a griot asked for some, the Zarma would feel obligated to satisfy the request, given the serv- ice relationship that Songhay griots provided to the Zarma. The same would apply for a horse or other item the griot needed, for example, cattle or clothing for the griot's wife. When I returned again to see Nouhou Malio in May 1981, neigh- bors reported that he, like so many men in the town, had gone off to fields 20 kilometers away for the summer. Six years later, when I returned to Saga in 1987, Soumana Abdou said that Nouhou Malio had died the previous year. Soninke words in the text Those verses that are translated from Sonink6 are underlined. Where a verse is listed as undecipherable or partially undecipherable, it is because either the original utter- ances were unclear or the words cannot be identified as either  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 181 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 181 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 181 Songhay or Sonink6. At some points Nouhou Malio spoke extremely rapidly, slurring words. Although Ousmane Mahamane Tandina and I were able to slow the tape recording down during a long series of listening sessions in fall 1987, we could not always decipher the words. Many lines are simply combinations of several languages and remain only partially decipherable. As discussed earlier in chapter 3, the Sonink6 remains difficult to translate for several reasons. Although in the oral tradition griots normally alternated between lines of Sonink6 and lines of Songhay (and I have cited some examples of that earlier), the pattern of alter- nation here and in other texts does not always hold true. Second, the Sonink6 that we can transcribe does not always match current usage and vocabulary. The evidently occult nature of many of these terms is apparent not simply from my own difficulty in translating them. In April 1988 I sent a short list of problem words to Ousmane Mahamane Tandina with a request that he ask Soumana Abdou for help in translating them. After several sessions and consultations with other griots, Tandina and Abdou were able to translate a few of the terms. Tandina's experience matches my own while working with a group of elders in the town of Birni n'Gaour6 on May 23, 1981. To- gether under a tree in the Sonink6 or Sillance quarter of the town, the elders, I, Mounkaila Seydou Boulhassane Malga, transcriber/ translator at the Lexicography Laboratory of the Linguistics Depart- ment of the University of Niamey, and Oumarou Issa, Songhay- Zarma transcriber/translator at the Centre for Linguistic and His- toric Studies by Oral Tradition in Niamey, spent the day listening to a series of narratives I had recorded about Mali Bero and Askia Mohammed. Here and there the elders were able to identify a word. But, as they pointed out, the Sillance of Birni n'Gaourd speak a form of Sonink6 heavily colored by Fulani, a product of a nineteenth century wave of immigration into the region. This variant appears to differ somewhat from the Bambara-influenced Sonink6 spoken farther west. Most recently, on February 11, 1989, I went over a series of Sonink6 lines with Idrissa Souley and Harouna Beidari, two griots in Karma whom I had recorded in 1981. They were able to offer in- terpretations of several more terms, in particular hasagay, an occult word for meat from the chest of an animal. The transcription. The narrative is in the Zarma dialect of the Songhay language. Nouhou Malio is of Songhay origin but lived in Songhay or Sonink6. At some points Nouhou Malio spoke extremely rapidly, slurring words. Although Ousmane Mahamane Tandina and I were able to slow the tape recording down during a long series of listening sessions in fall 1987, we could not always decipher the words. Many lines are simply combinations of several languages and remain only partially decipherable. As discussed earlier in chapter 3, the Sonink6 remains difficult to translate for several reasons. Although in the oral tradition griots normally alternated between lines of Soninkd and lines of Songhay (and I have cited some examples of that earlier), the pattern of alter- nation here and in other texts does not always hold true. Second, the Sonink6 that we can transcribe does not always match current usage and vocabulary. The evidently occult nature of many of these terms is apparent not simply from my own difficulty in translating them. In April 1988 I sent a short list of problem words to Ousmane Mahamane Tandina with a request that he ask Soumana Abdou for help in translating them. After several sessions and consultations with other griots, Tandina and Abdou were able to translate a few of the terms. Tandina's experience matches my own while working with a group of elders in the town of Birni n'Gaour6 on May 23, 1981. To- gether under a tree in the Sonink6 or Sillance quarter of the town, the elders, I, Mounkaila Seydou Boulbassane Malga, transcriber/ translator at the Lexicography Laboratory of the Linguistics Depart- ment of the University of Niamey, and Oumarou Issa, Songhay- Zarma transcriber/translator at the Centre for Linguistic and His- toric Studies by Oral Tradition in Niamey, spent the day listening to a series of narratives I had recorded about Mali Bero and Askia Mohammed. Here and there the elders were able to identify a word. But, as they pointed out, the Sillance of Birni n'Gaour6 speak a form of Sonink6 heavily colored by Fulani, a product of a nineteenth century wave of immigration into the region. This variant appears to differ somewhat from the Bambara-influenced Soninke spoken farther west. Most recently, on February 11, 1989, I went over a series of Sonink6 lines with Idrissa Souley and Harouna Beidari, two griots in Karma whom I had recorded in 1981. They were able to offer in- terpretations of several more terms, in particular hasagay, an occult word for meat from the chest of an animal. The transcription. The narrative is in the Zarma dialect of the Songhay language. Nouhou Malio is of Songhay origin but lived in Songhay or Sonink6. At some points Nouhou Malio spoke extremely rapidly, slurring words. Although Ousmane Mahamane Tandina and I were able to slow the tape recording down during a long series of listening sessions in fall 1987, we could not always decipher the words. Many lines are simply combinations of several languages and remain only partially decipherable. As discussed earlier in chapter 3, the Sonink6 remains difficult to translate for several reasons. Although in the oral tradition griots normally alternated between lines of Soninke and lines of Songhay (and I have cited some examples of that earlier), the pattern of alter- nation here and in other texts does not always hold true. Second, the Sonink6 that we can transcribe does not always match current usage and vocabulary. The evidently occult nature of many of these terms is apparent not simply from my own difficulty in translating them. In April 1988 I sent a short list of problem words to Ousmane Mahamane Tandina with a request that he ask Soumana Abdou for help in translating them. After several sessions and consultations with other griots, Tandina and Abdou were able to translate a few of the terms. Tandina's experience matches my own while working with a group of elders in the town of Birni n'Gaourd on May 23, 1981. To- gether under a tree in the Soninke or Sillance quarter of the town, the elders, I, Mounkaila Seydou Boulhassane Malga, transcriber/ translator at the Lexicography Laboratory of the Linguistics Depart- ment of the University of Niamey, and Oumarou Issa, Songhay- Zarma transcriber/translator at the Centre for Linguistic and His- toric Studies by Oral Tradition in Niamey, spent the day listening to a series of narratives I had recorded about Mali Bero and Askia Mohammed. Here and there the elders were able to identify a word. But, as they pointed out, the Sillance of Birni n'Gaourd speak a form of Sonink6 heavily colored by Fulani, a product of a nineteenth century wave of immigration into the region. This variant appears to differ somewhat from the Bambara-influenced Soninkd spoken farther west. Most recently, on February 11, 1989, I went over a series of Sonink6 lines with Idrissa Souley and Harouna Beidari, two griots in Karma whom I had recorded in 1981. They were able to offer in- terpretations of several more terms, in particular hasagay, an occult word for meat from the chest of an animal. The transcription. The narrative is in the Zarma dialect of the Songhay language. Nouhou Malio is of Songhay origin but lived in  182 The Epic of Askia Mohammed a Zarma-speaking area of Niger. The very minor phonological and semantic differences between the two dialects reflect a synthesis of the two cultures that has continued for several centuries. Nouhou Malio's sensitivity to the difference between the two dialects ap- pears, for example, in line 44, where he uses the Zarma term fuo for house. But later, when quoting Amar Zoumbani's father, a resi- dent of Gao and therefore a speaker of the Songhay dialect from that region, the griot uses the Songhay term hu for house or home. I have followed the orthography in use by the Literacy Service of the Ministry of Education for the transcription of the narrative, which is in the Zarma dialect. There are some minor differences be- tween this system and that in use by transcribers at the CELHTO in Niamey. Among the differences from the standard usage that ap- pear in this version is the lack of any indicator for the nasalized sound indicated by ng. As in the translation, I have underlined those words that are of Sonink6 origin. The reader should note that the letter c at the beginning of a word is pronounced with a sound close to tch. The letter j is pronounced with a sound similar to gy. For more information on the transcription of this language, see Abdou Hamani's excellent booklet, De l'Oralit d I'ecriture: Le Zarma s'dcrit aussi (1982), as well as his Sarussey ce-diraw sanniizey: Vocabulaire administratif zarma-frangais (1984). The translation. There are many ways to translate a text, ranging from the halting but accurate word for word to the flowing but freer rendering that seeks to convey the art of the bard in terms more un- derstandable in the target language. The approach here is some- where in between, although where in doubt, I have opted for accu- racy at the expense of art. For the musical instruments, I have chosen to use the Songhay term rather than a Western equivalent, such as guitar or violin. The same holds true for tooru, which are spirits, but spirits of a special kind for the Songhay. As indicated earlier, I have also followed as closely as possible Nouhou Malio's shifts in tense, which the Western reader may find difficult to grasp, as well as his repetitions. Each appears to fulfill a rhetorical function for the griot and his audience, especially in the context of oral performance, but when converted to the printed page, the reader may find a loss in continuity. At a few points, the griot appears to hesitate or err. To preserve, to the limited extent possible in the print medium, the spontaneity of the oral performance, I have tried to record these breaks in the flow of words and meaning. 182 The Epic of Askia Mohammed a Zarma-speaking area of Niger. The very minor phonological and semantic differences between the two dialects reflect a synthesis of the two cultures that has continued for several centuries. Nouhou Malio's sensitivity to the difference between the two dialects ap- pears, for example, in line 44, where he uses the Zarma term fuo for house. But later, when quoting Amar Zoumbani's father, a resi- dent of Gao and therefore a speaker of the Songhay dialect from that region, the griot uses the Songhay term hu for house or home. I have followed the orthography in use by the Literacy Service of the Ministry of Education for the transcription of the narrative, which is in the Zarma dialect. There are some minor differences be- tween this system and that in use by transcribers at the CELHTO in Niamey. Among the differences from the standard usage that ap- pear in this version is the lack of any indicator for the nasalized sound indicated by ng. As in the translation, I have underlined those words that are of Sonink6 origin. The reader should note that the letter c at the beginning of a word is pronounced with a sound close to tch. The letter j is pronounced with a sound similar to gy. For more information on the transcription of this language, see Abdou Hamani's excellent booklet, De l'Oralite a l'ecriture: Le Zarma s'crit aussi (1982), as well as his Sarussey ce-diraw sanniizey: Vocabulaire administratif zarma-frangais (1984). The translation. There are many ways to translate a text, ranging from the halting but accurate word for word to the flowing but freer rendering that seeks to convey the art of the bard in terms more un- derstandable in the target language. The approach here is some- where in between, although where in doubt, I have opted for accu- racy at the expense of art. For the musical instruments, I have chosen to use the Songhay term rather than a Western equivalent, such as guitar or violin. The same holds true for tooru, which are spirits, but spirits of a special kind for the Songhay. As indicated earlier, I have also followed as closely as possible Nouhou Malio's shifts in tense, which the Western reader may find difficult to grasp, as well as his repetitions. Each appears to fulfill a rhetorical function for the griot and his audience, especially in the context of oral performance, but when converted to the printed page, the reader may find a loss in continuity. At a few points, the griot appears to hesitate or err. To preserve, to the limited extent possible in the print medium, the spontaneity of the oral performance, I have tried to record these breaks in the flow of words and meaning. 182 The Epic of Askia Mohammed a Zarma-speaking area of Niger. The very minor phonological and semantic differences between the two dialects reflect a synthesis of the two cultures that has continued for several centuries. Nouhou Malio's sensitivity to the difference between the two dialects ap- pears, for example, in line 44, where he uses the Zarma term fuo for house. But later, when quoting Amar Zoumbani's father, a resi- dent of Gao and therefore a speaker of the Songhay dialect from that region, the griot uses the Songhay term hu for house or home. I have followed the orthography in use by the Literacy Service of the Ministry of Education for the transcription of the narrative, which is in the Zarma dialect. There are some minor differences be- tween this system and that in use by transcribers at the CELHTO in Niamey. Among the differences from the standard usage that ap- pear in this version is the lack of any indicator for the nasalized sound indicated by ng. As in the translation, I have underlined those words that are of Soninkd origin. The reader should note that the letter c at the beginning of a word is pronounced with a sound close to tch. The letter j is pronounced with a sound similar to gy. For more information on the transcription of this language, see Abdou Hamani's excellent booklet, De l'Oralit d l'ecriture: Le Zarma s'dcrit aussi (1982), as well as his Sarussey ce-diraw sanniizey: Vocabulaire administratif zarma-frangais (1984). The translation. There are many ways to translate a text, ranging from the halting but accurate word for word to the flowing but freer rendering that seeks to convey the art of the bard in terms more un- derstandable in the target language. The approach here is some- where in between, although where in doubt, I have opted for accu- racy at the expense of art. For the musical instruments, I have chosen to use the Songhay term rather than a Western equivalent, such as guitar or violin. The same holds true for tooru, which are spirits, but spirits of a special kind for the Songhay. As indicated earlier, I have also followed as closely as possible Nouhou Malio's shifts in tense, which the Western reader may find difficult to grasp, as well as his repetitions. Each appears to fulfill a rhetorical function for the griot and his audience, especially in the context of oral performance, but when converted to the printed page, the reader may find a loss in continuity. At a few points, the griot appears to hesitate or err. To preserve, to the limited extent possible in the print medium, the spontaneity of the oral performance, I have tried to record these breaks in the flow of words and meaning.  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 183 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 183 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 183 Access to the recording. For the Songhay and those who under- stand the language-and even for those who would like to sample the sounds and rhythms of the original performance-there is no substitute for hearing the original recording. The narrative was re- corded on a UHER Report 4000, a 5-inch reel-to-reel tape recorder. The original recording is stored on two forty-five-minute reels at the Archives of Traditional Music, Maxwell Hall 057, Indiana Univer- sity, Bloomington, Indiana 47405. I have cassette copies of the origi- nal, as do the Institute for Research in Social Sciences at the Univer- sity of Niamey, Niger (Institut de Recherches en Sciences Humaines, B.P. 318, Niamey, Niger), the family of Nouhou Malio in Saga, and the accompanist, Soumana Abdou. Those interested in obtaining copies should write to either of the institutions mentioned or to me at the following address: Thomas A. Hale, Department of French, 316 Burrowes Building, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania 16802, United States of America. Access to the recording. For the Songhay and those who under- stand the language-and even for those who would like to sample the sounds and rhythms of the original performance-there is no substitute for hearing the original recording. The narrative was re- corded on a UHER Report 4000, a 5-inch reel-to-reel tape recorder. The original recording is stored on two forty-five-minute reels at the Archives of Traditional Music, Maxwell Hall 057, Indiana Univer- sity, Bloomington, Indiana 47405. I have cassette copies of the origi- nal, as do the Institute for Research in Social Sciences at the Univer- sity of Niamey, Niger (Institut de Recherches en Sciences Humaines, B.P. 318, Niamey, Niger), the family of Nouhou Malio in Saga, and the accompanist, Soumana Abdou. Those interested in obtaining copies should write to either of the institutions mentioned or to me at the following address: Thomas A. Hale, Department of French, 316 Burrowes Building, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania 16802, United States of America. Access to the recording. For the Songhay and those who under- stand the language-and even for those who would like to sample the sounds and rhythms of the original performance-there is no substitute for hearing the original recording. The narrative was re- corded on a UHER Report 4000, a 5-inch reel-to-reel tape recorder. The original recording is stored on two forty-five-minute reels at the Archives of Traditional Music, Maxwell Hall 057, Indiana Univer- sity, Bloomington, Indiana 47405. I have cassette copies of the origi- nal, as do the Institute for Research in Social Sciences at the Univer- sity of Niamey, Niger (Institut de Recherches en Sciences Humaines, B.P. 318, Niamey, Niger), the family of Nouhou Malio in Saga, and the accompanist, Soumana Abdou. Those interested in obtaining copies should write to either of the institutions mentioned or to me at the following address: Thomas A. Hale, Department of French, 316 Burrowes Building, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania 16802, United States of America.  The Transcription: Mamar Kassaye Deeda 1 Mamar Kasay wo manti sonay borey na a te ni se? 2 Mamar Kasay wo, kan i ga ci. 3 Maamar wo Kasay ize no. 4 Kasay wo, Si ka ti Kasay arme. 5 Si da Kasay, i nya fo i baaba fo. 6 Kasay ka ti woyboro. 7 Si ka ti albora, nga no koytara ra nga ga ti bonkoono. 8 Kasay go a woyme, a go windo ra ga goro. 9 Kurnye kulu kan na Kasay hiiji, da a hay, 10 Mokadirey ne "Maa"-Si se, Kasay wo no ga ize hay kan ga a wi ga koytara nwa Gao. 11 Kasay no ga ize hay. 12 Izo din no ga Si wi ka koytara nwa. 13 Si mo maa woo dini. 14 Ize kulu kan Kasay hay, 15 Za Kasay to ga hay Si ma a wi. 16 Ize kulu kan a hay, za a hay Si ma a wi. 17 Kala a te ize iyye, 18 Kan Si wi a se kan ga ti armo. 19 Kasay bine farga, a ne nga wo si gorokasinay koyne. 20 A ye ga ka ga goro. 21 Si go nga koytara ra, 22 Kasay ye ga ka ka goro. 23 Kala kala kala kala han fo cin bine, 24 Alboro fo ka da nga bankaarayan kan yan ga boori. 25 A to alboro a beeri, a to ize kan kwaaray ga boori a gaa, bankaaray ga boori. 26 Turara hawo ga fakakakaka. The Transcription: Mamar Kassaye Deeda 1 Mamar Kasay wo manti sonay borey na a te ni se? 2 Mamar Kasay wo, kan i ga ci. 3 Maamar wo Kasay ize no. 4 Kasay wo, Si ka ti Kasay arme. 5 Si da Kasay, i nya fo i baaba fo. 6 Kasay ka ti woyboro. 7 Si ka ti albora, nga no koytara ra nga ga ti bonkoono. 8 Kasay go a woyme, a go windo ra ga goro. 9 Kurnye kulu kan na Kasay hiiji, da a hay, 10 Mokadirey ne "Maa"-Si se, Kasay wo no ga ize hay kan ga a wi ga koytara nwa Gao. 11 Kasay no ga ize hay. 12 Izo din no ga Si wi ka koytara nwa. 13 Si mo maa woo dini. 14 Ize kulu kan Kasay hay, 15 Za Kasay to ga hay Si ma a wi. 16 Ize kulu kan a hay, za a hay Si ma a wi. 17 Kala a te ize iyye, 18 Kan Si wi a se kan ga ti armo. 19 Kasay bine farga, a ne nga wo si gorokasinay koyne. 20 A ye ga ka ga goro. 21 Si go nga koytara ra, 22 Kasay ye ga ka ka goro. 23 Kala kala kala kala han fo cin bine, 24 Alboro fo ka da nga bankaarayan kan yan ga boori. 25 A to alboro a beeri, a to ize kan kwaaray ga boori a gaa, bankaaray ga boori. 26 tIbrara hawo ga fakakakaka. The Transcription: Mamar Kassaye Deeda 1 Mamar Kasay wo manti sonay borey na a te ni se? 2 Mamar Kasay wo, kan i ga ci. 3 Maamar wo Kasay ize no. 4 Kasay wo, Si ka ti Kasay arme. 5 Si da Kasay, i nya fo i baaba fo. 6 Kasay ka ti woyboro. 7 Si ka ti albora, nga no koytara ra nga ga ti bonkoono. 8 Kasay go a woyme, a go windo ra ga goro. 9 Kurnye kulu kan na Kasay hiiji, da a hay, 10 Mokadirey ne "Maa"-Si se, Kasay wo no ga ize hay kan ga a wi ga koytara nwa Gao. 11 Kasay no ga ize hay. 12 Izo din no ga Si wi ka koytara nwa. 13 Si mo maa woo dini. 14 Ize kulu kan Kasay hay, 15 Za Kasay to ga hay Si ma a wi. 16 Ize kulu kan a hay, za a hay Si ma a wi. 17 Kala a te ize iyye, 18 Kan Si wi a se kan ga ti armo. 19 Kasay bine farga, a ne nga wo si gorokasinay koyne. 20 A ye ga ka ga goro. 21 Si go nga koytara ra, 22 Kasay ye ga ka ka goro. 23 Kala kala kala kala han fo cin bine, 24 Alboro fo ka da nga bankaarayan kan yan ga boori. 25 A to alboro a beeri, a to ize kan kwaaray ga boori a gaa, bankaaray ga boori. 26 Turara hawo ga fakakakaka. 184 184 184  The Translation: The Epic of Askia Mohammed 1 Mamar Kassaye, didn't the Songhay people narrate it to you? 2 Mamar Kassaye himself whom they talk about. 3 Mamar himself, the son of Kassaye. 4 This Kassaye, it is Si who is her brother. 5 Si and Kassaye, they have the same mother and the same fa- ther. 6 Kassaye is the woman. 7 It is Si who is the man, it is he who is on the throne, it is he who is the chief. 8 Kassaye is his sister, she is in his compound. 9 Any husband who marries Kassaye, and if she gives birth, 10 The seers have said "Listen"-they told Si it is Kassaye who will give birth to a child who will kill him and take over the throne of Gao. 11 It is Kassaye who will give birth to a child. 12 That child will kill Si and will take the position of ruler. 13 Si also heard about this. 14 All the children that Kassaye gave birth to, 15 As soon as Kassaye delivered it, Si killed it. 16 Every child that Kassaye delivered, as soon as it was born, Si killed it. 17 Until she had given birth to seven children, 18 Which her brother Si killed. 19 Kassaye had enough, she said she would no longer take a hus- band. 20 She stayed like that. 21 Si is on his throne, 22 While Kassaye remained like that. 23 Until, until, until, until one day, much later, in the middle of the night, 24 A man came who was wearing beautiful clothes. 25 He was a real man, he was tall, someone who looked good in white clothes, his clothes were really beautiful. 26 One could smell perfume everywhere. The Translation: The Epic of Askia Mohammed 1 Mamar Kassaye, didn't the Songhay people narrate it to you? 2 Mamar Kassaye himself whom they talk about. 3 Mamar himself, the son of Kassaye. 4 This Kassaye, it is Si who is her brother. 5 Si and Kassaye, they have the same mother and the same fa- ther. 6 Kassaye is the woman. 7 It is Si who is the man, it is he who is on the throne, it is he who is the chief. 8 Kassaye is his sister, she is in his compound. 9 Any husband who marries Kassaye, and if she gives birth, 10 The seers have said "Listen"-they told Si it is Kassaye who will give birth to a child who will kill him and take over the throne of Gao. 11 It is Kassaye who will give birth to a child. 12 That child will kill Si and will take the position of ruler. 13 Si also heard about this. 14 All the children that Kassaye gave birth to, 15 As soon as Kassaye delivered it, Si killed it. 16 Every child that Kassaye delivered, as soon as it was born, Si killed it. 17 Until she had given birth to seven children, 18 Which her brother Si killed. 19 Kassaye had enough, she said she would no longer take a hus- band. 20 She stayed like that. 21 Si is on his throne, 22 While Kassaye remained like that. 23 Until, until, until, until one day, much later, in the middle of the night, 24 A man came who was wearing beautiful clothes. 25 He was a real man, he was tall, someone who looked good in white clothes, his clothes were really beautiful. 26 One could smell perfume everywhere. The Translation: The Epic of Askia Mohammed 1 Mamar Kassaye, didn't the Songhay people narrate it to you? 2 Mamar Kassaye himself whom they talk about. 3 Mamar himself, the son of Kassaye. 4 This Kassaye, it is Si who is her brother. 5 Si and Kassaye, they have the same mother and the same fa- ther. 6 Kassaye is the woman. 7 It is Si who is the man, it is he who is on the throne, it is he who is the chief. 8 Kassaye is his sister, she is in his compound. 9 Any husband who marries Kassaye, and if she gives birth, 10 The seers have said "Listen"-they told Si it is Kassaye who will give birth to a child who will kill him and take over the throne of Gao. 11 It is Kassaye who will give birth to a child. 12 That child will kill Si and will take the position of ruler. 13 Si also heard about this. 14 All the children that Kassaye gave birth to, 15 As soon as Kassaye delivered it, Si killed it. 16 Every child that Kassaye delivered, as soon as it was born, Si killed it. 17 Until she had given birth to seven children, 18 Which her brother Si killed. 19 Kassaye had enough, she said she would no longer take a hus- band. 20 She stayed like that. 21 Si is on his throne, 22 While Kassaye remained like that. 23 Until, until, until, until one day, much later, in the middle of the night, 24 A man came who was wearing beautiful clothes. 25 He was a real man, he was tall, someone who looked good in white clothes, his clothes were really beautiful. 26 One could smell perfume everywhere. 185 185 185  186 The Transcription 27 A ka ga goro Kasay jare gaa. 28 Nga nda a fakaaray i fakaaray, i fakaaray. 29 A ne a se "Cimi no. 30 "Kasay ay si baa kala in da ni ma margu. 31 "Kan in da ni ga margu wo, 32 "Ni ga ize aru hay, 33 "Kan Si si wi. 34 "Kala day da a na Si wi ga koytara nwa." 35 Kasay ne a se "Mate?" 36 A ne, "Wallahi." 37 A ne, "To bisimilla." 38 Cini kulu, aro ga ka. 39 Da cino yay no a ga hanna ga ka. 40 Da cino yay a ma hanna ga ka. 41 Kala Kasay ka ga te a se gunde. 42 Kasay ka ga gunda jare. 43 Kasay gonda nga Bargance konnyo. 44 Barganca ga ta konnyo, konnyo mo go Kasay fuo ra, nga mo gonda gunde. 45 I ka ga goro. 46 Kasay to ga sombu ga hay. 47 Konnya to go sombu ga hay. 48 Kasay bine, Kasay hay alboro. 49 Konnya hay ize woyboro. 50 Kasay bine na konnya ize woyo a ta ga ye nga do. 51 A na nga ize aro sambu ga ye konnya se. 52 1 binde koy windo me faada do. 53 I ne Si se: 54 "Bargance konnya hay." 55 A ne, "Ifo no a du?" 56 I ne, "Alboro." 57 A ne, "Madalla, Irkoy ma a funandi a ma a dan albarka." 58 I ye ga ka ga siw kayna. 59 I tun i koy i ne a se Kasay hay. 60 I ne, "Ifo n'a du?" 61 I ne, "Woyboro." 62 A ne, "I ma koy kanda." 63 I koy kanda, a na a wi. 64 Ize aro ga ye ga goro konnya da Kasay gama ra. 186 The Transcription 27 A ka ga goro Kasay jare gaa. 28 Nga nda a fakaaray i fakaaray, i fakaaray. 29 A ne a se "Cimi no. 30 "Kasay ay si baa kala in da ni ma margu. 31 "Kan in da ni ga margu wo, 32 "Ni ga ize aru hay, 33 "Kan Si si wi. 34 "Kala day da a na Si wi ga koytara nwa." 35 Kasay ne a se "Mate?" 36 A ne, "Wallahi." 37 A ne, "To bisimilla." 38 Cini kulu, aro ga ka. 39 Da cino yay no a ga hanna ga ka. 40 Da cino yay a ma hanna ga ka. 41 Kala Kasay ka ga te a se gunde. 42 Kasay ka ga gunda jare. 43 Kasay gonda nga Bargance konnyo. 44 Barganca ga ta konnyo, konnyo mo go Kasay fuo ra, nga mo gonda gunde. 45 I ka ga goro. 46 Kasay to ga sombu ga hay. 47 Konnya to go sombu ga hay. 48 Kasay bine, Kasay hay alboro. 49 Konnya hay ize woyboro. 50 Kasay bine na konnya ize woyo a ta ga ye nga do. 51 A na nga ize aro sambu ga ye konnya se. 52 I binde koy windo me faada do. 53 I ne Si se: 54 "Bargance konnya hay." 55 A ne, "Ifo no a du?" 56 t ne, "Alboro." 57 A ne, "Madalla, Irkoy ma a funandi a ma a dan albarka." 58 t ye ga ka ga siw kayna. 59 1 tun i koy i ne a se Kasay hay. 60 t ne, "Ifo n'a du?" 61 8 ne, "Woyboro." 62 A ne, "I ma koy kanda." 63 t koy kanda, a na a wi. 64 Ize aro ga ye ga goro konnya da Kasay gama ra. 186 The Transcription 27 A ka ga goro Kasay jare gaa. 28 Nga nda a fakaaray i fakaaray, i fakaaray. 29 A ne a se "Cimi no. 30 "Kasay ay si baa kala in da ni ma margu. 31 "Kan in da ni ga margu wo, 32 "Ni ga ize aru hay, 33 "Kan Si si wi. 34 "Kala day da a na Si wi ga koytara nwa." 35 Kasay ne a se "Mate?" 36 A ne, "Wallahi." 37 A ne, "To bisimilla." 38 Cini kulu, aro ga ka. 39 Da cino yay no a ga hanna ga ka. 40 Da cino yay a ma hanna ga ka. 41 Kala Kasay ka ga te a se gunde. 42 Kasay ka ga gunda jare. 43 Kasay gonda nga Bargance konnyo. 44 Barganca ga ta konnyo, konnyo mo go Kasay fuo ra, nga mo gonda gunde. 45 I ka ga goro. 46 Kasay to ga sombu ga hay. 47 Konnya to go sombu ga hay. 48 Kasay bine, Kasay hay alboro. 49 Konnya hay ize woyboro. 50 Kasay bine na konnya ize woyo a ta ga ye nga do. 51 A na nga ize aro sambu ga ye konnya se. 52 I binde koy windo me faada do. 53 I ne Si se: 54 "Bargance konnya hay." 55 A ne, "Ifo no a du?" 56 I ne, "Alboro." 57 A ne, "Madalla, Irkoy ma a funandi a ma a dan albarka." 58 I ye ga ka ga siw kayna. 59 I tun i koy i ne a se Kasay hay. 60 I ne, "Ifo n'a do?" 61 I ne, "Woyboro." 62 A ne, "I ma koy kanda." 63 I koy kanda, a na a wi. 64 Ize aro ga ye ga goro konnya da Kasay gama ra.  The Translation 187 The Translation 187 The Translation 187 27 He came in to sit down next to Kassaye. 28 They chatted with each other, they chatted, they chatted. 29 He said to her, "It is really true. 30 "Kassaye, I would like to make love with you. 31 "Once we make love together, 32 "You will give birth to a boy, 33 "Whom Si will not be able to kill. 34 "It is he who will kill Si and will become the ruler." 35 Kassaye said to him, "What?" 36 He said, "By Allah." 37 She said, "Good, in the name of Allah." 38 Each night the man came. 39 It is during the late hours that he came. 40 Each time during the coolness of the late evening. 41 Until Kassaye became pregnant by him. 42 Kassaye carried her pregnancy. 43 Kassaye had a Bargantchd captive. 44 It is the Bargantch6 woman who is her captive, she lives in her house, and she too is pregnant. 45 They remained like that. 46 Kassaye kneeled down to give birth. 47 The captive kneeled down to give birth. 48 So Kassaye, Kassaye gave birth to a boy. 49 The captive gave birth to a girl. 50 Then Kassaye took the daughter of the captive, she took her home with her. 51 She took her son and gave it to the captive. 52 So the people left for the palace. 53 They said to Si: 54 "The Bargantch6 captive has given birth." 55 He said, "What did she get?" 56 They said, "A boy." 57 He said, "May Allah be praised, may our Lord give him a long life and may he be useful." 58 Then they were thoughtful for a moment. 59 They got up and informed him that Kassaye had given birth. 60 They asked, "What did she get?" 61 They answered, "A girl." 62 He said, "Have them bring it to me." 63 They brought it to him, he killed it. 64 It is the boy who remained with the captive and Kassaye. 27 He came in to sit down next to Kassaye. 28 They chatted with each other, they chatted, they chatted. 29 He said to her, "It is really true. 30 "Kassaye, I would like to make love with you. 31 "Once we make love together, 32 "You will give birth to a boy, 33 "Whom Si will not be able to kill. 34 "It is he who will kill Si and will become the ruler." 35 Kassaye said to him, "What?" 36 He said, "By Allah." 37 She said, "Good, in the name of Allah." 38 Each night the man came. 39 It is during the late hours that he came. 40 Each time during the coolness of the late evening. 41 Until Kassaye became pregnant by him. 42 Kassaye carried her pregnancy. 43 Kassaye had a Bargantch6 captive. 44 It is the Bargantch6 woman who is her captive, she lives in her house, and she too is pregnant. 45 They remained like that. 46 Kassaye kneeled down to give birth. 47 The captive kneeled down to give birth. 48 So Kassaye, Kassaye gave birth to a boy. 49 The captive gave birth to a girl. 50 Then Kassaye took the daughter of the captive, she took her home with her. 51 She took her son and gave it to the captive. 52 So the people left for the palace. 53 They said to Si: 54 "The Bargantch6 captive has given birth." 55 He said, "What did she get?" 56 They said, "A boy." 57 He said, "May Allah be praised, may our Lord give him a long life and may he be useful." 58 Then they were thoughtful for a moment. 59 They got up and informed him that Kassaye had given birth. 60 They asked, "What did she get?" 61 They answered, "A girl." 62 He said, "Have them bring it to me." 63 They brought it to him, he killed it. 64 It is the boy who remained with the captive and Kassaye. 27 He came in to sit down next to Kassaye. 28 They chatted with each other, they chatted, they chatted. 29 He said to her, "It is really true. 30 "Kassaye, I would like to make love with you. 31 "Once we make love together, 32 "You will give birth to a boy, 33 "Whom Si will not be able to kill. 34 "It is he who will kill Si and will become the ruler." 35 Kassaye said to him, "What?" 36 He said, "By Allah." 37 She said, "Good, in the name of Allah." 38 Each night the man came. 39 It is during the late hours that he came. 40 Each time during the coolness of the late evening. 41 Until Kassaye became pregnant by him. 42 Kassaye carried her pregnancy. 43 Kassaye had a Bargantchd captive. 44 It is the Bargantch6 woman who is her captive, she lives in her house, and she too is pregnant. 45 They remained like that. 46 Kassaye kneeled down to give birth. 47 The captive kneeled down to give birth. 48 So Kassaye, Kassaye gave birth to a boy. 49 The captive gave birth to a girl. 50 Then Kassaye took the daughter of the captive, she took her home with her. 51 She took her son and gave it to the captive. 52 So the people left for the palace. 53 They said to Si: 54 "The Bargantch6 captive has given birth." 55 He said, "What did she get?" 56 They said, "A boy." 57 He said, "May Allah be praised, may our Lord give him a long life and may he be useful." 58 Then they were thoughtful for a moment. 59 They got up and informed him that Kassaye had given birth. 60 They asked, "What did she get?" 61 They answered, "A girl." 62 He said, "Have them bring it to me." 63 They brought it to him, he killed it. 64 It is the boy who remained with the captive and Kassaye.  188 The Transcription 188 The Transcription 188 The Transcription 65 Kala a ka ga to jirbi iyye. 66 Baabo koy hanna ga ka. 67 A kande nga memuno da nga caba. 68 A n'i no Kasay se. 69 A ne, "Day ay izo, i ma a cabu mo. 70 "I ma maayo dan Maamar. 71 I bine na izo cabu susubay. 72 Kasay na nga dalilo ka, i na izo cabu, i na izo dan Maamar. 73 Kasay ne i ma nga izo dan Maamar. 74 I na izo dan Maamar. 75 To, Bargance konnya mo foy ga yaari ga naanandi. 76 Da cino to Kasay ma nga izo ta. 77 A ma hanna ga naanandi. 78 Bargance konnya mo foy ga naanandi zaaro i ga di a a se. 79 Da cino to Kasay ma nga izo ta. 80 A ma hanna ga naanandi. 81 Ya wo, ya wo, ya wo kala kocia a ga to nan kan a ga fanan. 82 Da a fanan, nga no, a ga ka ga karu Si cey bon. 83 A ga kaaba di ka candi. 84 Si ma ne, "Hey! Kocio wo sikka go a gaa." 85 Kasay ma ne a se, "Haba? 86 "Siika go a ga, sobey ga wi ni konnya izo no, ni ga wi? 87 "Nda boro ya, na ni konnyo ize wi ni te ma me. 88 Nda boro na ni konnyo ize wi, ni te maa me, sobay ga wi. 89 "Sikka go a gaa ga ti ifo? Ni konnya izo no, ni ga ne sikka go a gaa? 90 "Ay hay ize ahakku, ni na i wi. 91 "Ni konnya izo mo, ni ma ye ga sikka a gaa koyne. 92 "Boro kan na ni konnyo ize wi, ni day ka mursu ni bon se." 93 Kala kocia ka ga dira. 94 Kala kocia ka ga te zanka baalum baalum furo taji. 95 Kasay bine na a kamba candi kala a ka, a ne, 65 Kala a ka ga to jirbi iyye. 66 Baabo koy hanna ga ka. 67 A kande nga memuno da nga caba. 68 A n'i no Kasay se. 69 A ne, "Day ay izo, i ma a cabu mo. 70 "I ma maayo dan Maamar. 71 I bine na izo cabu susubay. 72 Kasay na nga dalilo ka, i na izo cabu, i na izo dan Maamar. 73 Kasay ne i ma nga izo dan Maamar. 74 I na izo dan Maamar. 75 To, Bargance konnya mo foy ga yaari ga naanandi. 76 Da cino to Kasay ma nga izo ta. 77 A ma hanna ga naanandi. 78 Bargance konnya mo foy ga naanandi zaaro i ga di a a se. 79 Da cino to Kasay ma nga izo ta. 80 A ma hanna ga naanandi. 81 Ya wo, ya wo, ya wo kala kocia a ga to nan kan a ga fanan. 82 Da a fanan, nga no, a ga ka ga karu Si cey bon. 83 A ga kaaba di ka candi. 84 Si ma ne, "Hey! Kocio wo sikka go a gaa." 85 Kasay ma ne a se, "Haba? 86 "Siika go a ga, sobey ga wi ni konnya izo no, ni ga wi? 87 "Nda boro ya, na ni konnyo ize wi ni te ma me. 88 Nda boro na ni konnyo ize wi, ni te maa me, sobay ga wi. 89 "Sikka go a gaa ga ti ifo? Ni konnya izo no, ni ga ne sikka go a gaa? 90 "Ay hay ize ahakku, ni na i wi. 91 "Ni konnya izo mo, ni ma ye ga sikka a gaa koyne. 92 "Boro kan na ni konnyo ize wi, ni day ka mursu ni bon se." 93 Kala kocia ka ga dira. 94 Kala kocia ka ga te zanka baalum baalum furo taji. 95 Kasay bine na a kamba candi kala a ka, a ne, 65 Kala a ka ga to jirbi iyye. 66 Baabo koy hanna ga ka. 67 A kande nga memuno da nga caba. 68 A n'i no Kasay se. 69 A ne, "Day ay izo, i ma a cabu mo. 70 "I ma maayo dan Maamar. 71 I bine na izo cabu susubay. 72 Kasay na nga dalilo ka, i na izo cabu, i na izo dan Maamar. 73 Kasay ne i ma nga izo dan Maamar. 74 I na izo dan Maamar. 75 To, Bargance konnya mo foy ga yaari ga naanandi. 76 Da cino to Kasay ma nga izo ta. 77 A ma hanna ga naanandi. 78 Bargance konnya mo foy ga naanandi zaaro i ga di a a se. 79 Da cino to Kasay ma nga izo ta. 80 A ma hanna ga naanandi. 81 Ya wo, ya wo, ya wo kala kocia a ga to nan kan a ga fanan. 82 Da a fanan, nga no, a ga ka ga karu Si cey bon. 83 A ga kaaba di ka candi. 84 Si ma ne, "Hey! Kocio wo sikka go a gaa." 85 Kasay ma ne a se, "Haba? 86 "Siika go a ga, sobey ga wi ni konnya izo no, ni ga wi? 87 "Nda boro ya, na ni konnyo ize wi ni te ma me. 88 Nda boro na ni konnyo ize wi, ni te maa me, sobay ga wi. 89 "Sikka go a gaa ga ti ifo? Ni konnya izo no, ni ga ne sikka go a gaa? 90 "Ay hay ize ahakku, ni na i wi. 91 "Ni konnya izo mo, ni ma ye ga sikka a gaa koyne. 92 "Boro kan na ni konnyo ize wi, ni day ka mursu ni bon se." 93 Kala kocia ka ga dira. 94 Kala kocia ka ga te zanka baalum baalum furo taji. 95 Kasay bine na a kamba candi kala a ka, a ne,  The Translation 189 The Translation 189 The Translation 189 65 For seven days. 66 His father came in the night. 67 He brought his animal and the items necessary for the naming ceremony. 68 He gave them to Kassaye. 69 He said, "Go ahead and name my son. 70 "Let them name him Mamar." 71 So they named the child in the morning. 72 Kassaye brought the necessary items, they performed the cere- mony for the child, and they named him Mamar. 73 Kassaye said to name her child Mamar. 74 They called him Mamar. 75 So, the Bargantchd woman nursed him all day long. 76 In the evening, Kassaye took her son. 77 She nursed him all night. 78 The Bargantch6 captive nursed him all day, one could see him with her. 79 When night came, Kassaye took back her son. 80 She nursed him all night. 81 It was thus, it was thus, it was thus until the child, he began to crawl. 82 When he crawls, he climbs on the feet of Si. 83 He pulls his beard. 84 Si said, "Hey! This child is suspect." 85 Kassaye said to him, "Really? 86 "He is suspect, go ahead and kill your captive's son, are you going to kill him?" 87 "If one kills the son of his captive, one will become really fa- mous. 88 "If one kills the son of one's captive, one will become really famous, go ahead and kill." 89 "Why is he suspect? The son of your captive, do you have doubts about him too? 90 "I have given birth to eight children, you have killed all of them. 91 "The son of your captive too, you have doubts about him too. 92 "The one who killed the son of his captive, he is the one who loses. 93 Then the child walked. 94 Then the small child became a boy, a big, strong boy. 95 Then Kassaye took him by the hand to see Si, and she said, 65 For seven days. 66 His father came in the night. 67 He brought his animal and the items necessary for the naming ceremony. 68 He gave them to Kassaye. 69 He said, "Go ahead and name my son. 70 "Let them name him Mamar." 71 So they named the child in the morning. 72 Kassaye brought the necessary items, they performed the cere- mony for the child, and they named him Mamar. 73 Kassaye said to name her child Mamar. 74 They called him Mamar. 75 So, the Bargantchd woman nursed him all day long. 76 In the evening, Kassaye took her son. 77 She nursed him all night. 78 The Bargantchd captive nursed him all day, one could see him with her. 79 When night came, Kassaye took back her son. 80 She nursed him all night. 81 It was thus, it was thus, it was thus until the child, he began to crawl. 82 When he crawls, he climbs on the feet of Si. 83 He pulls his beard. 84 Si said, "Hey! This child is suspect." 85 Kassaye said to him, "Really? 86 "He is suspect, go ahead and kill your captive's son, are you going to kill him?" 87 "If one kills the son of his captive, one will become really fa- mous. 88 "If one kills the son of one's captive, one will become really famous, go ahead and kill." 89 "Why is he suspect? The son of your captive, do you have doubts about him too? 90 "I have given birth to eight children, you have killed all of them. 91 "The son of your captive too, you have doubts about him too. 92 "The one who killed the son of his captive, he is the one who loses. 93 Then the child walked. 94 Then the small child became a boy, a big, strong boy. 95 Then Kassaye took him by the hand to see Si, and she said, 65 For seven days. 66 His father came in the night. 67 He brought his animal and the items necessary for the naming ceremony. 68 He gave them to Kassaye. 69 He said, "Go ahead and name my son. 70 "Let them name him Mamar." 71 So they named the child in the morning. 72 Kassaye brought the necessary items, they performed the cere- mony for the child, and they named him Mamar. 73 Kassaye said to name her child Mamar. 74 They called him Mamar. 75 So, the Bargantch6 woman nursed him all day long. 76 In the evening, Kassaye took her son. 77 She nursed him all night. 78 The Bargantch6 captive nursed him all day, one could see him with her. 79 When night came, Kassaye took back her son. 80 She nursed him all night. 81 It was thus, it was thus, it was thus until the child, he began to crawl. 82 When he crawls, he climbs on the feet of Si. 83 He pulls his beard. 84 Si said, "Hey! This child is suspect." 85 Kassaye said to him, "Really? 86 "He is suspect, go ahead and kill your captive's son, are you going to kill him?" 87 "If one kills the son of his captive, one will become really fa- mous. 88 "If one kills the son of one's captive, one will become really famous, go ahead and kill." 89 "Why is he suspect? The son of your captive, do you have doubts about him too? 90 "I have given birth to eight children, you have killed all of them. 91 "The son of your captive too, you have doubts about him too. 92 "The one who killed the son of his captive, he is the one who loses. 93 Then the child walked. 94 Then the small child became a boy, a big, strong boy. 95 Then Kassaye took him by the hand to see Si, and she said,  190 The Transcription 190 The Transcription 190 The Transcription 96 "Si," a ne "Nam." 97 A ne, "Ni konnya izo ne, a ma te ni bariyo gunda diya. 98 "Ay na a no ni se, a ma te ni se baraji. 99 "A ma subu ka ni bariyo se." 100 A ne "To, madallab." 101 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi. 102 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi 103 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi. 104 Kal, kal, kal, kal kocia ka ga te arwasu. 105 A furo nga baliji taray ra. 106 A te arwasu beeri sohon a te baliji, arwasu beeri. 107 Windo zankey dini, 108 Ngey no ga a wow ga ne, ngey si a baaba bay. 109 Si bannya n'i ga ne a se bo. 110 "Si bannya, Si bannya." 111 C ma ne "Si bannya, iri si ni baaba bay, ni sinda baaba. 112 "May ga tin baaba?" 113 Nga ga wo a ka nyano do, a ne nga ya wallah windo zankey k'nga kankam. 114 I ne nga se, "May ga ti nga baaba?" 115 A ne "Koy dey ga goro, ni ga di ni baaba." 116 A di ga goro, a di ga goro kala mehaw jingar. 117 A ga te suba cine. 118 Suba ga ti mehaw. 119 Hala kayna no i ga hando guna. 120 Hando ma kay hala kayna, i ma jingar suba. 121 Cino ra no, zino hanna ga ka a se. 122 Aro zini no. 123 Bonkoni mo no haro cire kwara, haro cire no a laabo go kan a ga may. 124 Isa cire no a laabu go kan a ga may. 125 Cino ra, a bine na a ce. 126 A ka, aro ka Kasay do. 127 A na nga kamba bindi korba foobu ka no Kasay se. 128 A ne a se da mo biya ka bo, 129 "Ma'a no n'izo se." 96 "Si," a ne "Nam." 97 A ne, "Ni konnya izo ne, a ma te ni bariyo gunda diya. 98 "Ay na a no ni se, a ma te ni se baraji. 99 "A ma subu ka ni bariyo se." 100 A ne "To, madallah." 101 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi. 102 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi 103 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi. 104 Kal, kal, kal, kal kocia ka ga te arwasu. 105 A furo nga baliji taray ra. 106 A te arwasu beeri sohon a te baliji, arwasu beeri. 107 Windo zankey dini, 108 Ngey no ga a wow ga ne, ngey si a baaba bay. 109 Si bannya n'i ga ne a se bo. 110 "Si bannya, Si bannya." 111 I ma ne "Si bannya, iri Si ni baaba bay, ni sinda baaba. 112 "May ga tin baaba?" 113 Nga ga wo a ka nyano do, a ne nga ya wallah windo zankey k'nga kankam. 114 I ne nga se, "May ga ti nga baaba?" 115 A ne "Koy dey ga goro, ni ga di ni baaba." 116 A di ga goro, a di ga goro kala mehaw jingar. 117 A ga te suba cine. 118 Suba ga ti mehaw. 119 Hala kayna no i ga hando guna. 120 Hando ma kay hala kayna, i ma jingar suba. 121 Cino ra no, zino hanna ga ka a se. 122 Aro zini no. 123 Bonkoni mo no haro cire kwara, harn cire no a laabo go kan a ga may. 124 Isa cire no a laabu go kan a ga may. 125 Cino ra, a bine na a ce. 126 A ka, aro ka Kasay do. 127 A na nga kamba bindi korba foobu ka no Kasay se. 128 A ne a se da mo biya ka bo, 129 "Ma'a no nizo se." 96 "Si," a ne "Nam." 97 A ne, "Ni konnya izo ne, a ma te ni bariyo gunda diya. 98 "Ay na a no ni se, a ma te ni se baraji. 99 "A ma subu ka ni bariyo se." 100 A ne "To, madallah." 101 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi. 102 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi 103 Si soobay ka kocia goyandi. 104 Kal, kal, kal, kal kocia ka ga te arwasu. 105 A furo nga baliji taray ra. 106 A te arwasu beeri sohon a te baliji, arwasu beeri. 107 Windo zankey dini, 108 Ngey no ga a wow ga ne, ngey si a baaba bay. 109 Si bannya n'i ga ne a se bo. 110 "Si bannya, Si bannya." 111 I ma ne "Si bannya, iri si ni baaba bay, ni sinda baaba. 112 "May ga tin baaba?" 113 Nga ga wo a ka nyano do, a ne nga ya wallah windo zankey k'nga kankam. 114 I ne nga se, "May ga ti nga baaba?" 115 A ne "Koy dey ga goro, ni ga di ni baaba." 116 A di ga goro, a di ga goro kala mehaw jingar. 117 A ga te suba cine. 118 Suba ga ti mehaw. 119 Hala kayna no i ga hando guna. 120 Hando ma kay hala kayna, i ma jingar suba. 121 Cino ra no, zino hanna ga ka a se. 122 Ar zini no. 123 Bonkoni mo no haro cire kwara, haro cire no a laabo go kan a ga may. 124 Isa cire no a laabu go kan a ga may. 125 Cino ra, a bine na a ce. 126 A ka, aro ka Kasay do. 127 A na nga kamba bindi korba foobu ka no Kasay se. 128 A ne a se da mo biya ka bo, 129 "Ma'a no n'izo se."  The Translation 191 96 "Si," and he said, "Yes?" 97 She said, "There is the son of the captive, have him care for your horse. 98 "I gave him to you so that he could be the groom for your horse. 99 "Have him go and get grass for your horse." 100 He said, "Good, may Allah be praised." 101 Si continued to have the child work. 102 Si continued to have the child work. 103 Si continued to have the child work. 104 Until, until, until, until the child became a young man. 105 He became an adolescent. 106 He became a young man tall and very strong, a tall young man. 107 The children in the compound, 108 They are the ones who insult him by saying that they don't know his father. 109 Also, they call him the little slave of Si. 110 "The little slave of Si, the little slave of Si." 111 They called him "little slave of Si," and said "We don't know your father, you don't have a father. 112 "Who is your father?" 113 Then he came home to his mother's house and told her that the children in the compound were really bothering him. 114 They say to him, "Who is your father?" 115 She told him, "Go sit down, you'll see your father." 116 He stayed there until the celebration at the end of Ramadan. 117 It is going to take place the next day. 118 Tomorrow is the celebration. 119 Soon they will look at the moon. 120 The moon will appear in a short while, and they will celebrate the next day. 121 It is in the night that the djin came to her, 122 For the man is a djin. 123 He is also a chief of the town under the river, his land that he rules. 124 It is under the river that lies the country he rules. 125 That night he called her. 126 He came, the man came to Kassaye's house. 127 He took a ring off his middle finger. 128 He said to her that when daylight comes, 129 "Give it to your son." The Translation 191 96 "Si," and he said, "Yes?" 97 She said, "There is the son of the captive, have him care for your horse. 98 "I gave him to you so that he could be the groom for your horse. 99 "Have him go and get grass for your horse." 100 He said, "Good, may Allah be praised." 101 Si continued to have the child work. 102 Si continued to have the child work. 103 Si continued to have the child work. 104 Until, until, until, until the child became a young man. 105 He became an adolescent. 106 He became a young man tall and very strong, a tall young man. 107 The children in the compound, 108 They are the ones who insult him by saying that they don't know his father. 109 Also, they call him the little slave of Si. 110 "The little slave of Si, the little slave of Si." 111 They called him "little slave of Si," and said "We don't know your father, you don't have a father. 112 "Who is your father?" 113 Then he came home to his mother's house and told her that the children in the compound were really bothering him. 114 They say to him, "Who is your father?" 115 She told him, "Go sit down, you'll see your father." 116 He stayed there until the celebration at the end of Ramadan. 117 It is going to take place the next day. 118 Tomorrow is the celebration. 119 Soon they will look at the moon. 120 The moon will appear in a short while, and they will celebrate the next day. 121 It is in the night that the djin came to her, 122 For the man is a djin. 123 He is also a chief of the town under the river, his land that he rules. 124 It is under the river that lies the country he rules. 125 That night he called her. 126 He came, the man came to Kassaye's house. 127 He took a ring off his middle finger. 128 He said to her that when daylight comes, 129 "Give it to your son." The Translation 191 96 "Si," and he said, "Yes?" 97 She said, "There is the son of the captive, have him care for your horse. 98 "I gave him to you so that he could be the groom for your horse. 99 "Have him go and get grass for your horse." 100 He said, "Good, may Allah be praised." 101 Si continued to have the child work. 102 Si continued to have the child work. 103 Si continued to have the child work. 104 Until, until, until, until the child became a young man. 105 He became an adolescent. 106 He became a young man tall and very strong, a tall young man. 107 The children in the compound, 108 They are the ones who insult him by saying that they don't know his father. 109 Also, they call him the little slave of Si. 110 "The little slave of Si, the little slave of Si." 111 They called him "little slave of Si," and said "We don't know your father, you don't have a father. 112 "Who is your father?" 113 Then he came home to his mother's house and told her that the children in the compound were really bothering him. 114 They say to him, "Who is your father?" 115 She told him, "Go sit down, you'll see your father." 116 He stayed there until the celebration at the end of Ramadan. 117 It is going to take place the next day. 118 Tomorrow is the celebration. 119 Soon they will look at the moon. 120 The moon will appear in a short while, and they will celebrate the next day. 121 It is in the night that the djin came to her, 122 For the man is a djin. 123 He is also a chief of the town under the river, his land that he rules. 124 It is under the river that lies the country he rules. 125 That night he called her. 126 He came, the man came to Kassaye's house. 127 He took a ring off his middle finger. 128 He said to her that when daylight comes, 129 "Give it to your son."  192 The Transcription 192 The Transcription 192 The Transcription 130 A ma a yaari nga kamba ra. 131 Da a to isa me gaa, kulu a ma korba dan nga kamba ra. 132 A ga di nga baaba. 133 A ne, "Yaadin no." 134 Mo biya ka bo. 135 Woyna koron, ay ga salli, woyna koron. 136 Kasay bine na Maamar ce. 137 A ne, "Maamar." 138 A ne, "Naam." 139 A ne, "Kaa." 140 A kaa. 141 A ne a se, "Guna, korboyo ta ni kamba ra. 142 "Day ma si a dan ni kamba ra, 143 "Kala da ni to isa me gaa. 144 "Day ma a dan ni kamba gaa. 145 "Kulu ni ga di ni baaba." 146 Maamar bine na korba jare kala a do isa me gaa. 147 A binde na korba dan kamba bindo gaa. 148 Haro feeri a se. 149 Haro cire gallu nda gallu, gallu nda gallu, gallu nda gallu, kwaara nda kwaara, ndunnya nda ndunnya. 150 Baabo mo ga ti bonkoono. 151 Ngey mo, i ga soola, i ga fatta ga koy iddo do. 152 A ne, "Yaadin no." 153 Baabo kubayni ga di. 154 Nga ize no, nga ize no. 155 O'o, bonkoono izo kan a hay ganji ne, 156 Bonkoono izo kan a hay ganji kaa. 157 A ne a se, "Sohon ka ga soobay ka ye fu, ni si goro ne bo. 158 "Ka ga soobay ka ye fu." 159 Baabo koy ka te gu kalal kwaaray, kalal kwaaray, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar ga kwaaray danga, danga perkal cine. 160 A na jinay kulu dan a gaa. 161 A na a no yaaji hinka. 162 A na a no takuba, a koto. 163 A na koray no a se. 164 A n'a sallama. 130 A ma a yaari nga kamba ra. 131 Da a to isa me gaa, kulu a ma korba dan nga kamba ra. 132 A ga di nga baaba. 133 A ne, "Yaadin no." 134 Mo biya ka bo. 135 Woyna koron, ay ga salli, woyna koron. 136 Kasay bine na Maamar ce. 137 A ne, "Maamar." 138 A ne, "Naam." 139 A ne, "Kaa." 140 A kaa. 141 A ne a se, "Guna, korboyo ta ni kamba ra. 142 "Day ma si a dan ni kamba ra, 143 "Kala da ni to isa me gaa. 144 "Day ma a dan ni kamba gaa. 145 "Kulu ni ga di ni baaba." 146 Maamar bine na korba jare kala a do isa me gaa. 147 A binde na korba dan kamba bindo gaa. 148 Haro feeri a se. 149 Haro cire gallu nda gallu, gallu nda gallu, gallu nda gallu, kwaara nda kwaara, ndunnya nda ndunnya. 150 Baabo mo ga ti bonkoono. 151 Ngey mo, i ga soola, i ga fatta ga koy iddo do. 152 A ne, "Yaadin no." 153 Baabo kubayni ga di. 154 Nga ize no, nga ize no. 155 O'o, bonkoono izo kan a hay ganji ne, 156 Bonkoono izo kan a hay ganji kaa. 157 A ne a se, "Sohon ka ga soobay ka ye fu, ni si goro ne bo. 158 "Ka ga soobay ka ye fu." 159 Baabo koy ka te gu kalal kwaaray, kalal kwaaray, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar ga kwaaray danga, danga perkal cine. 160 A na jinay kulu dan a gaa. 161 A na a no yaaji hinka. 162 A na a no takuba, a koto. 163 A na koray no a se. 164 A n'a sallama. 130 A ma a yaari nga kamba ra. 131 Da a to isa me gaa, kulu a ma korba dan nga kamba ra. 132 A ga di nga baaba. 133 A ne, "Yaadin no." 134 Mo biya ka bo. 135 Woyna koron, ay ga salli, woyna koron. 136 Kasay bine na Maamar ce. 137 A ne, "Maamar." 138 A ne, "Naam." 139 A ne, "Kaa." 140 A kaa. 141 A ne a se, "Guna, korboyo ta ni kamba ra. 142 "Day ma si a dan ni kamba ra, 143 "Kala da ni to isa me gaa. 144 "Day ma a dan ni kamba gaa. 145 "Kulu ni ga di ni baaba." 146 Maamar bine na korba jare kala a do isa me gaa. 147 A binde na korba dan kamba bindo gaa. 148 Haro feeri a se. 149 Haro cire gallu nda gallu, gallu nda gallu, gallu nda gallu, kwaara nda kwaara, ndunnya nda ndunnya. 150 Baabo mo ga ti bonkoono. 151 Ngey mo, i ga soola, i ga fatta ga koy iddo do. 152 A ne, "Yaadin no." 153 Baabo kubayni ga di. 154 Nga ize no, nga ize no. 155 O'o, bonkoono izo kan a hay ganji ne, 156 Bonkoono izo kan a hay ganji kaa. 157 A ne a se, "Sohon ka ga soobay ka ye fu, ni si goro ne bo. 158 "Ka ga soobay ka ye fu." 159 Baabo koy ka te gu kalal kwaaray, kalal kwaaray, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar, kar ga kwaaray danga, danga perkal cine. 160 A na jinay kulu dan a gaa. 161 A na a no yaaji hinka. 162 A na a no takuba, a koto. 163 A na koray no a se. 164 A n'a sallama.  The Translation 193 130 He should hold it in his hand. 131 If he gets to the edge of the river, then he should put the ring on his finger. 132 He will see his father. 133 She said, "So it will be." 134 Daylight came. 135 The sun was hot, I think, the sun was hot. 136 Then Kassaye called Mamar. 137 She said, "Mamar." 138 He said, "Yes." 139 She said, "Come." 140 He came. 141 She said to him, "Look, take this ring in your hand. 142 "But don't put it on your finger, 143 "Until you get to the river. 144 "Then you put it on your finger. 145 "At that moment, you will see your father." 146 Mamar took the ring to the river. 147 Then he put the ring on his middle finger. 148 The water opened up. 149 Under the water there are so many cities, so many cities, so many cities, so many villages, and so many people. 150 It is his father too who is the chief. 151 They too get themselves ready, they go out to go to the prayer ground. 152 He said, "That's the way it is." 153 His father greets him with an embrace. 154 There is his son, there is his son. 155 Yes, the prince whom he fathered while away, 156 The chiefs son whom he fathered while away has come. 157 He said to him, "Now go return to your home, you do not stay here. 158 "Go return home." 159 His father gave him a white stallion, really white, really, really, really, really, really, really, really white like, like percale, 160 He gave him all the things necessary. 161 He gave him two lances. 162 He gave him a saber, which he wore. 163 He gave him a shield. 164 He bid him good-bye. The Translation 193 130 He should hold it in his hand. 131 If he gets to the edge of the river, then he should put the ring on his finger. 132 He will see his father. 133 She said, "So it will be." 134 Daylight came. 135 The sun was hot, I think, the sun was hot. 136 Then Kassaye called Mamar. 137 She said, "Mamar." 138 He said, "Yes." 139 She said, "Come." 140 He came. 141 She said to him, "Look, take this ring in your hand. 142 "But don't put it on your finger, 143 "Until you get to the river. 144 "Then you put it on your finger. 145 "At that moment, you will see your father." 146 Mamar took the ring to the river. 147 Then he put the ring on his middle finger. 148 The water opened up. 149 Under the water there are so many cities, so many cities, so many cities, so many villages, and so many people. 150 It is his father too who is the chief. 151 They too get themselves ready, they go out to go to the prayer ground. 152 He said, "That's the way it is." 153 His father greets him with an embrace. 154 There is his son, there is his son. 155 Yes, the prince whom he fathered while away, 156 The chief's son whom he fathered while away has come. 157 He said to him, "Now go return to your home, you do not stay here. 158 "Go return home." 159 His father gave him a white stallion, really white, really, really, really, really, really, really, really white like, like percale. 160 He gave him all the things necessary. 161 He gave him two lances. 162 He gave him a saber, which he wore. 163 He gave him a shield. 164 He bid him good-bye. The Translation 193 130 He should hold it in his hand. 131 If he gets to the edge of the river, then he should put the ring on his finger. 132 He will see his father. 133 She said, "So it will be." 134 Daylight came. 135 The sun was hot, I think, the sun was hot. 136 Then Kassaye called Mamar. 137 She said, "Mamar." 138 He said, "Yes." 139 She said, "Come." 140 He came. 141 She said to him, "Look, take this ring in your hand. 142 "But don't put it on your finger, 143 "Until you get to the river. 144 "Then you put it on your finger. 145 "At that moment, you will see your father." 146 Mamar took the ring to the river. 147 Then he put the ring on his middle finger. 148 The water opened up. 149 Under the water there are so many cities, so many cities, so many cities, so many villages, and so many people. 150 It is his father too who is the chief. 151 They too get themselves ready, they go out to go to the prayer ground. 152 He said, "That's the way it is." 153 His father greets him with an embrace. 154 There is his son, there is his son. 155 Yes, the prince whom he fathered while away, 156 The chiefs son whom he fathered while away has come. 157 He said to him, "Now go return to your home, you do not stay here. 158 "Go return home." 159 His father gave him a white stallion, really white, really, really, really, really, really, really, really white like, like percale. 160 He gave him all the things necessary. 161 He gave him two lances. 162 He gave him a saber, which he wore. 163 He gave him a shield. 164 He bid him good-bye.  194 The Transcription 194 The Transcription 194 The Transcription 165 Si mo d'nga sata, 166 Si gonda mo ize way, ize aru hinka, da ize way fo kan a hay. 167 Nga da nga andunnya fatta, i koy iddo do. 168 I go iddo do. 169 Kala Maamar koy windi ka fun i se beene hare. 170 I ga ne, i ga iddo tunandi. 171 I ne, "Wa ye ga kay, wa ye ga kay jina, nangu fo bonkooni ize no go ga ka ga jingar iri se ya. 172 "Nangu fo bonkooni ize no go ga ka ga jingar iri se ya." 173 Bariyo ga dira bal, bal, bal, bal, bal, bal a ga kaa. 174 A bine fangarmi gaa, kap! a gum bariyo gaa. 175 Kai, kal, kal, kal, kal, kal, kal a ka ga hasayo kuuro mooru, a na bariyo zooru. 176 Borey kan yan ga a bay, ma ne danga dey Si bannya. 177 Suba hanna a ga hima Si bannyia danga day Si bannya moy duma. 178 Ni di a! Day ay ya kay kan ay di a kala ay ho ka ne Si bannya no. 179 A ye ga bare da bariyo koyne. 180 Kala a kanda bariyo nangu zeeno, a na a zooru. 181 Hino, a ye ga bariyo sambu koyne. 182 A ga to hasayo kuuro jare gaa, 183 A ga bario candi. 184 A na kamba ka yaajo gaa, a na hasayo ta da kuuro bon. 185 Kala yaajo koy ga kuuro di. 186 Wiza Kasay go ga jingaro borey ra. 187 Kasay go jamaa ra. 188 Asi a gonda baaru ban kan ga te. 189 A go jamaa ra. 190 Yoooh! I deebe ga ne ngey g'a di. 191 A ne, "Wa a tan! 192 "W'a tan, Maamar Kasay ize no ya. 193 "Maamar Kasay ize no, wa tan. 194 "Si mana wi ay se kala ize ahakku. 165 Si mo d'nga sata, 166 Si gonda ma ize way, ize aru hinka, da ize way fo kan a hay. 167 Nga da nga andunnya fatta, i koy iddo do. 168 I go iddo do. 169 Kala Maamar koy windi ka fun i se beene hare. 170 I ga ne, i ga iddo tunandi. 171 I ne, "Wa ye ga kay, wa ye ga kay jina, nangu fo bonkooni ize no go ga ka ga jingar iri se ya. 172 "Nangu fo bonkooni ize no go ga ka ga jingar iri se ya." 173 Bariyo ga dira bal, bal, bal, bal, bal, bal a ga kaa. 174 A bine fangarmi gaa, kap! a gum bariyo gaa. 175 Kai, kal, kal, kal, kal, kal, kal a ka ga hasayo kuuro mooru, a na bariyo zooru. 176 Borey kan yan ga a bay, ma ne danga dey Si bannya. 177 Suba hanna a ga hima Si bannyia danga day Si bannya moy duma. 178 Ni di a! Day ay ya kay kan ay di a kala ay ho ka ne Si bannya no. 179 A ye ga bare da bariyo koyne. 180 Kala a kanda bariyo nangu zeeno, a na a zooru. 181 Hino, a ye ga bariyo sambu koyne. 182 A ga to hasayo kuuro jare gaa, 183 A ga bario candi. 184 A na kamba ka yaajo gaa, a na hasayo ta da kuuro bon. 185 Kala yaajo koy ga kuuro di. 186 Wiza Kasay go ga jingaro borey ra. 187 Kasay go jamaa ra. 188 Asi a gonda baaru han kan ga te. 189 A go jamaa ra. 190 Yoooh! I deebe ga ne ngey g'a di. 191 A ne, "Wa a tan! 192 "W'a tan, Maamar Kasay ize no ya. 193 "Maamar Kasay ize no, w'a tan. 194 "Si mana wi ay se kala ize ahakku. 165 Si ma d'nga sata, 166 Si gonda mo ize way, ize aru hinka, da ize way fo kan a hay. 167 Nga da nga andunnya fatta, i koy iddo do. 168 I go iddo do. 169 Kala Maamar koy windi ka fun i se beene hare. 170 I ga ne, i ga iddo tunandi. 171 I ne, "Wa ye ga kay, wa ye ga kay jina, nangu fo bonkooni ize no go ga ka ga jingar iri se ya. 172 "Nangu fo bonkooni ize no go ga ka ga jingar iri se ya." 173 Bariyo ga dira bal, bal, bal, bal, bal, bal a ga kaa. 174 A bine fangarmi gaa, kap! a gum bariyo gaa. 175 Kal, kal, kal, kal, kal, kal, kal a ka ga hasayo kuuro mooru, a na bariyo zooru. 176 Borey kan yan ga a bay, ma ne danga dey Si bannya. 177 Suba hanna a ga hima Si bannyia danga day Si bannya moy duma. 178 Ni di a! Day ay ya kay kan ay di a kala ay ho ka ne Si bannya no. 179 A ye ga bare da bariyo koyne. 180 Kala a kanda bariyo nangu zeeno, a na a zooru. 181 Hino, a ye ga bariyo sambu koyne. 182 A ga to hasayo kuuro jare gaa, 183 A ga bario candi. 184 A na kamba ka yaajo gaa, a na hasayo ta da kuuro bon. 185 Kala yaajo koy ga kuuro di. 186 Wiza Kasay go ga jingaro borey ra. 187 Kasay go jamaa ra. 188 Asi a gonda baaru han kan ga te. 189 A go jamaa ra. 190 Yoooh! I deebe ga ne ngey g'a di. 191 A ne, "Wa a tan! 192 "W'a tan, Maamar Kasay ize no ya. 193 "Maamar Kasay ize no, wa tan. 194 "Si mana wi ay se kala ize ahakku.  The Translation 195 165 Si too and his people, 166 Si too has a daughter, two boys and one daughter that he has fathered. 167 He and his people go out, they went to the prayer ground. 168 They are at the prayer ground. 169 Then Mamar went around them and headed directly for them. 170 They were about to start the prayer. 171 They said, "Stop, just stop, a prince from another place is com- ing to pray with us. 172 "A prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 173 The horse gallops swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly he is approaching. 174 He comes into view suddenly, leaning forward on his mount. 175 Until, until, until, until, until, until, until he touches the prayer skin of his uncle, then he reins his horse there. 176 Those who know him say that he is like the little captive of Si. 177 Actually, he does resemble the little captive of Si, he has the same look as the little captive of Si. 178 Did you see him! When I saw him I thought that it was the little captive of Si. 179 He retraced his path only to return again. 180 Until he brought the horse to the same place, where he reined it again. 181 Now he made it gallop again. 182 As he approaches the prayer skin of his uncle, 183 He reins his horse. 184 He unslung his lance, and pierced his uncle with it until the lance touched the prayer skin. 185 Until the spear went all the way to the prayer skin. 186 At that moment, Kassaye was among the people at the prayer ground. 187 Kassaye is in the crowd. 188 Since she knew in advance what was to happen, 189 She is among the crowd. 190 All together they reach up to grab him. 191 She said, "Let him go! 192 "Let him alone, it is Mamar, son of Kassaye. 193 "It is Mamar, the son of Kassaye, let him go. 194 "Si has killed eight of my children. The Translation 195 165 Si too and his people, 166 Si too has a daughter, two boys and one daughter that he has fathered. 167 He and his people go out, they went to the prayer ground. 168 They are at the prayer ground. 169 Then Mamar went around them and headed directly for them. 170 They were about to start the prayer. 171 They said, "Stop, just stop, a prince from another place is com- ing to pray with us. 172 "A prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 173 The horse gallops swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly he is approaching. 174 He comes into view suddenly, leaning forward on his mount. 175 Until, until, until, until, until, until, until he touches the prayer skin of his uncle, then he reins his horse there. 176 Those who know him say that he is like the little captive of Si. 177 Actually, he does resemble the little captive of Si, he has the same look as the little captive of Si. 178 Did you see him! When I saw him I thought that it was the little captive of Si. 179 He retraced his path only to return again. 180 Until he brought the horse to the same place, where he reined it again. 181 Now he made it gallop again. 182 As he approaches the prayer skin of his uncle, 183 He reins his horse. 184 He unslung his lance, and pierced his uncle with it until the lance touched the prayer skin. 185 Until the spear went all the way to the prayer skin. 186 At that moment, Kassaye was among the people at the prayer ground. 187 Kassaye is in the crowd. 188 Since she knew in advance what was to happen, 189 She is among the crowd. 190 All together they reach up to grab him. 191 She said, "Let him go! 192 "Let him alone, it is Mamar, son of Kassaye. 193 "It is Mamar, the son of Kassaye, let him go. 194 "Si has killed eight of my children. The Translation 195 165 Si too and his people, 166 Si too has a daughter, two boys and one daughter that he has fathered. 167 He and his people go out, they went to the prayer ground. 168 They are at the prayer ground. 169 Then Mamar went around them and headed directly for them. 170 They were about to start the prayer. 171 They said, "Stop, just stop, a prince from another place is com- ing to pray with us. 172 "A prince from another place is coming to pray with us." 173 The horse gallops swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly, swiftly he is approaching. 174 He comes into view suddenly, leaning forward on his mount. 175 Until, until, until, until, until, until, until he touches the prayer skin of his uncle, then he reins his horse there. 176 Those who know him say that he is like the little captive of Si. 177 Actually, he does resemble the little captive of Si, he has the same look as the little captive of Si. 178 Did you see him! When I saw him I thought that it was the little captive of Si. 179 He retraced his path only to return again. 180 Until he brought the horse to the same place, where he reined it again. 181 Now he made it gallop again. 182 As he approaches the prayer skin of his uncle, 183 He reins his horse. 184 He unslung his lance, and pierced his uncle with it until the lance touched the prayer skin. 185 Until the spear went all the way to the prayer skin. 186 At that moment, Kassaye was among the people at the prayer ground. 187 Kassaye is in the crowd. 188 Since she knew in advance what was to happen, 189 She is among the crowd. 190 All together they reach up to grab him. 191 She said, "Let him go! 192 "Let him alone, it is Mamar, son of Kassaye. 193 "It is Mamar, the son of Kassaye, let him go. 194 "Si has killed eight of my children.  196 The Transcription 195 "Boro kan na fandi ahakku ka, nga no fandi follon ka yan se aran ga no Wa di, Wa tan!" 196 1 na kamba ka a gaa. 197 1 na buuka karra ga ka no, Mamar kaa ga goro hasayo kuaro boo ka jingaro te. 198 1 na iddo to. 199 1 n bauka samba ga kay fiji. 200 Maamar koytaray faruan no ya. 201 Wanti kan tine i na iddo te, 202 A kaara bariyo boo, borey dake a gaa. 203 Nga no basayo izo, nga no ga or a se Kasay ie te boo 204 Te boo se zungudaaoi. 205 To boo so, barry maoa a to. 206 Kasay ize to ban so. 207 To ban so zaomadaani. 208 To boo so, barry mann a to. 209 Kasay bare ga zoga acme izo gaa. 210 A no, "Ni ga baa ga bawa 00 ya. 211 "Ni kan ga ti alboroyzo, woyboreyzo no ni ga baa ga nwaaray!" 212 A no, "Ay ya na a owaaray. 213 "Ay n a gana, ay to jasaro, ay ya na a gana." 214 Ini wo ini jasaratora fonda no. 215 A oo, "Ay ya to jasaro, ay na a gana. 216 "Ay n ay baa dan a ba ra Sonay ban kan i do i ma ay 00.", 217 Jasaro ya farma. 218 Jasarnlara fonda no. 219 e nra fa, a deesi a kay beror. 220 A kando siini oga kambo me fo, ka gasam. 221 A to sonnco. 222 Nga ga ti sonantoy wo, 223 Kan ga barry dan bangu wo. 224 A to sonnte. 225 Izo woyo, a kanti, a kay kan isa on. 226 A to jirbi iyyo a go baro tire. 227 Boro kula mann bay nan kan a gana. 228 Han din bane no a fatta da sorkotarny. 196 The Transcription 195 "Boro kn n fandi nbakku ka, oga no fandi follon ka yan so aa ga no w a di, Wa tan!" 196 1 n kamba ka a gnn. 197 I n buuka karra ga ka no, Mamar kna ga goro basayo kauro boo ka jiogaro to. 198 I n iddo to. 199 I n bauka snmba ga kay fiji. 200 Manmar koytarny faruan no ya. 201 Wanti kn tine i n iddo to, 202 A knara bariyo boo, barry dake a gan. 203 Nga no bnsnyo izo, oga no ga 00 a so Kasny izo to boo 204 To ban so zanradani. 205 To ban so, barry mann a to. 206 Kasay izo to boo so. 207 To boo so zungadnani. 208 To boo so, barry mann a to. 200 Kasny bare ga zoga acme izo gan. 210 A no, "Ni ga baa ga bawa 00 ya. 211 "Ni kan gn ti alboroyzo, woyboroyzo no ni ga baa ga ownaray!" 212 A no, "Ay yn n a ownarny. 213 "Ay n a gana, ay to jasaro, ay ya n a gana." 214 Ini wo ini jasararora fonda no. 215 A no, "Ay yn to jasare, ay n a gana. 216 "Ay n ay ban dan a ba rn Sanny ban kan i duaima ay 00.", 217 Jasaro ya fatta. 218 Jasarntarn fonda no. 219 Ize nra fa, a deosi a kay boone. 220 A kando siini oga kambe me fo, ka gasam. 221 A to soosoco. 222 Ngn ga ti sonancey wo, 223 Kan ga barry dan banga wo. 224 A to sonane. 225 Izo woyo, a kanti, a kay kan isa in. 226 A to jirbi iyyo a go baro tire. 227 Boro kulu mann bay nan kn a gana. 228 Han din bane no a fatta da sorkotaray. 196 The Transcription 195 "Boro kan n fandi nbakku ka, oga no fondi follon ka yan so arn ga no wa di, wa tan!" 196 I n kamba ka a gan. 197 I n buaka kurra ga ka no, Mamar kan ga goro basayo kauro boo ka jiogaro to. 198 I n iddo to. 199 I n bauka samba ga kay fiji. 200 Manmar koytaray farnyan no ya. 201 Wanti kn tine i n iddo to, 202 A knaro bariyo boo, boroy dako a gan. 203 Nga no basnyo izo, oga no ga no a so Kasny ize to boo 204 To ban so zungudani. 205 To ban so, boroy mann a to. 206 Kasay ize to boo so. 207 To boo so zungudaani. 208 To boo so, borey mann a to. 200 Kasny bare go toga acme izo gan. 210 A no, "Ni ga baa ga bawa no ya. 211 "Ni kan ga ti alboroyzo, woyboreyzo no ni ga baa ga ownaray!" 212 A no, "Ay yn n a owanray. 213 "Ay n a gana, ay to jasaro, ay ya n a gana." 214 Ini wo ini jasaratorn fonda no. 215 A no, "Ay ya to jasaro, ay n a gana. 216 "Ay n ay ban dan a ba on Sony ban kan i do i ma ay no.,, 217 Jasaro ya fatta. 218 Jasaralnra fonda no. 219 Izo ara fa, a doosi a kay beene. 220 A kando siioi ogn kambe me fo, ka gasam. 221 A to sonnc. 222 Nga ga ti sonancey wo, 223 Kn ga borey dan banga wo. 224 A to sonance. 225 Ize woyo, a kanri, a kay kan isa in. 226 A to jirbi iyye a go haro tire. 227 Boro kula mann bay nan kn a gana. 228 Han din bane no a fatta da sorkotaray.  The Translation 197 The Translation 197 The Translation 197 195 "You want to catch him, someone who has taken the life of one man who has himself taken eight lives-leave him alone!" 196 They let him go. 197 They took away the body, and Mamar came to sit down on the prayer skin of his uncle. 198 They prayed. 199 They took away the body to bury it. 200 That is how Mamar took the chieftaincy. 201 When they finished praying, 202 He mounted his horse, and the people followed him. 203 Then the son of his uncle says to him, "Son of Kassaye, you did it all by yourself." 204 He did it by himself zunaudaani. 205 He did it himself, the people didn't do it. 206 Son of Kassaye, who did it himself. 207 He did it himself zungudaani. 208 He did it himself, the people didn't do it. 209 Kassaye glanced in back of herself to see her nephew, the son of her brother. 210 She said, "You want to shame yourself. 211 "You who are the son of the man, you want to beg for the son of the woman!" 212 He said, "Me, I sing his praises. 213 "I follow him, I become a griot, I follow him." 214 That is why we are griots. 215 He said, "Me, I am a griot, and I follow him. 216 "I put my share in his share throughout the Songhay area, and I'll take whatever I am given." 217 A griot has thus been created. 218 There's how the profession of griot begins. 219 The second son, he disappeared into the sky. 220 He brought a handful of razors, he dumped them down. 221 He became a sohanci. 222 He is at the origin of sohancis, 223 Who do circumcisions for people. 224 He became a sohanci. 225 The daughter cried out and jumped into the river. 226 She spent seven days under the water. 227 No one knew where she went. 228 It was on that day she came out as a sorko. 195 "You want to catch him, someone who has taken the life of one man who has himself taken eight lives-leave him alone!" 196 They let him go. 197 They took away the body, and Mamar came to sit down on the prayer skin of his uncle. 198 They prayed. 199 They took away the body to bury it. 200 That is how Mamar took the chieftaincy. 201 When they finished praying, 202 He mounted his horse, and the people followed him. 203 Then the son of his uncle says to him, "Son of Kassaye, you did it all by yourself." 204 He did it by himself zungudaani. 205 He did it himself, the people didn't do it. 206 Son of Kassaye, who did it himself. 207 He did it himself zungudaani. 208 He did it himself, the people didn't do it. 209 Kassaye glanced in back of herself to see her nephew, the son of her brother. 210 She said, "You want to shame yourself. 211 "You who are the son of the man, you want to beg for the son of the woman!" 212 He said, "Me, I sing his praises. 213 "I follow him, I become a griot, I follow him." 214 That is why we are griots. 215 He said, "Me, I am a griot, and I follow him. 216 "I put my share in his share throughout the Songhay area, and I'll take whatever I am given." 217 A griot has thus been created. 218 There's how the profession of griot begins. 219 The second son, he disappeared into the sky. 220 He brought a handful of razors, he dumped them down. 221 He became a sohanci. 222 He is at the origin of sohancis, 223 Who do circumcisions for people. 224 He became a sohanci. 225 The daughter cried out and jumped into the river. 226 She spent seven days under the water. 227 No one knew where she went. 228 It was on that day she came out as a sorko. 195 "You want to catch him, someone who has taken the life of one man who has himself taken eight lives-leave him alone!" 196 They let him go. 197 They took away the body, and Mamar came to sit down on the prayer skin of his uncle. 198 They prayed. 199 They took away the body to bury it. 200 That is how Mamar took the chieftaincy. 201 When they finished praying, 202 He mounted his horse, and the people followed him. 203 Then the son of his uncle says to him, "Son of Kassaye, you did it all by yourself." 204 He did it by himself zungudaani. 205 He did it himself, the people didn't do it. 206 Son of Kassaye, who did it himself. 207 He did it himself zungudaani. 208 He did it himself, the people didn't do it. 209 Kassaye glanced in back of herself to see her nephew, the son of her brother. 210 She said, "You want to shame yourself. 211 "You who are the son of the man, you want to beg for the son of the woman!" 212 He said, "Me, I sing his praises. 213 "I follow him, I become a griot, I follow him." 214 That is why we are griots. 215 He said, "Me, I am a griot, and I follow him. 216 "I put my share in his share throughout the Songhay area, and I'll take whatever I am given." 217 A griot has thus been created. 218 There's how the profession of griot begins. 219 The second son, he disappeared into the sky. 220 He brought a handful of razors, he dumped them down. 221 He became a sohanci. 222 He is at the origin of sohandis, 223 Who do circumcisions for people. 224 He became a sohanci. 225 The daughter cried out and jumped into the river. 226 She spent seven days under the water. 227 No one knew where she went. 228 It was on that day she came out as a sorko.  198 The Transcription 198 198 The Transcription 198 The Transcription18ThTrnciio 198 The Transcription 229 Nga ga ti sorkey. 230 Nga mo banda ga ti sorkey. 231 Man ti hari gawoye, hunkuna bo, sorko. 232 Sorko ga gaabu, da i no i ma sorko guna, sohon a ga gaabu labey ra. 233 Ize woyo banda ga ti sorkoy. 234 Izo aru fo banda ga ti sonancey. 235 Ize aru fa banda ga ti ini jasarey wo. 236 Ire woyo banda ga ti sorkey. 237 Sohon Maamar kaa ga goro. 238 Ka kaa ga di zabana wati din, ka kaa ga di zabana, ka kaa ga di zabana, ka kaa ga di zabana, a ga tuubandi. 239 Maamnar wo, a zabana maa a ga tuubandi no nga wo, 240 Kwaara kan a maa mongo hinne, 241 Kan sii no ga tuubi, 242 A ga ton a ma koy, a ma kwaara nwa. 243 D'i ta, a m'i dan jingar. 244 Da i mana ta, a ma kwaara nwa, a ma kwaara 1000. 245 Maamar di ka tuubandi, Maamar di ka tuubandi, Maamar di ka toubandi. 246 Kalo, kala, kala, kala, kala, kala a tun kay, a or sohon nga ga koy Makka. 247 A bino 1000, ka di kala, kala, kala a ka Malia ga. 248 A ne oga ga danandi. 249 1 or a se "Fondo sii no. 250 "Boro kulu kan Wn hayra. wi, sinda fondo kan ga danandi, ka koy Makka. 251 "Kala fondo hinka, fondo hinza no, guna afo kon oh ga hini i ra. 252 "Sohon fu no ni go ye. 253 "Ka koy gorno nya fomnba taji oda ogey izey boy, za fu kan ni tunu. 254 "Ma gornyn nyo fomnbu tajo do nga izo boy kolo ma kanda Maiho gaa. 255 "Ni ga do go danandi ga koy hajji." 256 1 no "Wala oh ma koy fu, 257 "Ka koy di soaji finbi. 258 "Ma a zoomu do ni komba. 259 "Ma si boro kulo don a ro. 229 Nga go ti sorkoy. 230 Nga mo banda. go ti sorkoy. 231 Man ti hari gaweyr, hunkona bo, sorko. 232 Sorko go goobo, do i no i ma sorko guns, sohon a go gasbu labey ro. 233 Izo woyo bonds, go ti sorkoy. 234 Izo oro fo bands go ti sonancoy. 235 Izo amu fa bands go ti ini jasoroy wo. 236 Izo woyo bonds go ti sorkoy. 237 Sohon Moamor kos go goro. 238 Ks kas go di zabono woti din, ko kos go di zobana, ko kos. go di zobono, ko kas go di zabano, a go toobandi. 239 Mosmor wo, a zabona moo a go toubandi no oga wo, 240 Kwaaro kon a moo mongo hinno, 241 Kan sii no go tuubi, 242 A go ton a ma koy, a ma kwaara ows. 243 D'i to, a m'i don jingar. 244 Do i mans to, a ma kwaara. nwa, a ma kwaaro tono. 245 Moomar di ka tuabandi, Moamar di ka tuobandi, Moamar di ka tuubandi. 246 Kolo, kolo, kala, kalo, kala, kala a tun kay, a or sohon oga go koy Makka. 247 A bine tuna, ka di kols, kola, kolo a ka Molia go. 248 A or oga go danandi. 249 1 or a so "Fondo sii no. 250 "Boro kulu kan nmi hayrs wi, sioda fondo kan go danondi, ka koy Makko. 251 "Kala fondo binko, fondo hiozo no, guns afo kan oh go hini i ra. 252 "Sohon fu no ni go yr. 253 "Ks koy gorno nys fomnbo taji ntis ngoy izoy boy, zo fu kon ni tonu. 254 "Ma gornyn nys fomnbo tajo do ng0 izo boy kols ma konda Moio gas. 255 "Ni go do go donondi go koy hajji." 256 1 or "Walo oh ma koy fu, 257 "Ks koy di sashi finbi. 258 "Ma a zooro do ni kombo. 259 "Ma si boro kulu don a to. 229 Nga go ti sorkoy. 230 Ngo mo bands go ti sorkoy. 231 Man ti hari goweyr, honkono bo, sorko. 232 Sorko go goobo, do i no i mo sorko guns, sobon a go goobil laboy ro. 233 Izo woyo bonds go ti sorkoy. 234 Ize oru fo bonds go ti sonancey. 235 Izo oru fa bands go ti ini jasaroy wo. 236 Izo woyo bonds go ti sorkoy. 237 Sohon Moamar koa go gono. 238 Ka kas go di zabano wati din, ka kas go di zobans, ka kos go di zabono, ko kaa go di zobono, a go tuobandi. 239 Moamor wo, a zobona moo a go toubandi no oga wo, 240 Kwoara kon a moo mongo binne, 241 Kan sii no go toobi, 242 A go ton a ma koy, o ma kwaano owo. 243 D'i to, a m'i don jingar. 244 Do i mans to, o mo kwaara owo, o ma kwaaro tono. 245 Moamor di ka tuobondi, Moomor di ko tuobondi, Moamar di ka toubandi. 246 Kolo, kalo, kalo, kala, kalo, kola a ton kay, a or sohon ngo go koy Makka. 247 A bino tunu, ka di kala, kolo, kola a ks Molis go. 248 A no ngo go danondi. 249 1 or a so "Fondo sii no. 250 "Boro kulo kan nmi hoyno wi, sinda fondo kon go danondi, ka koy Makko. 251 "Kala fondo hinka, fondo hinza no, guns ofo kon oh go hini i ro. 252 "Sohon fu no ni go ye. 253 "Ka koy gonno nys fomnbou oi da ogey izoy boy, za fu kan ni tono. 254 "Mo gornyo, nys fomnbo tajo do ngo izo boy kola ms konda Mslio gas. 255 "Ni go do go danondi go koy hajji." 256 1 no "Wala oh ma koy fu, 257 "Ks koy di sooji finbi. 258 "Ma a zooro do ni kombo. 259 "Ma si born kolu don a to.  The Translation 199 229 The sorkos come from her. 230 Her grandchildren are the sorkos. 231 They are not simply hunters on water, they are called sorkos. 232 It is difficult to obtain a sorko, if they tell you to look for a sorko in the countryside, now it is difficult. 233 The descendants of the daughter are called sorkos. 234 The descendants of one of the boys are called sohancis. 235 The descendants of the second son are we, the griots. 236 The descendants of the daughter are called sorkos. 237 Now, Mamar came to sit down. 238 He ruled then, he ruled, he ruled, he ruled, he converted. 239 Throughout Mamar's reign, what he did was to convert peo- ple. 240 Any village that he hears is trying to resist, 241 That is not going to submit, 242 He gets up and destroys the village. 243 If the village accepts, he makes them pray. 244 If they resist, he conquers the village, he burns the village. 245 Mamar made them convert, Mamar made them convert, Mamar made them convert. 246 Until, until, until, until, until, until he got up and said he would go to Mecca. 247 Thus he started off and went as far, as far, as far as the Red Sea. 248 He said he wants to cross. 249 They told him, "There is no path. 250 "Anyone who has killed an ancestor does not have the right to cross to Mecca. 251 "But there are two ways, three ways, so look for one you can take. 252 "Now you will return home. 253 "You must find a hen who has just produced chicks, and drive them from home. 254 "You will drive a hen who has just produced chicks and its little ones to the Red Sea. 255 "Then you can cross to go on the pilgrimage." 256 They said, "Either you go home, 257 "Or you go into the distant, uncleared bush. 258 "You clear it with your own hands. 259 "You don't let anyone help with it. The Translation 199 229 The sorkos come from her. 230 Her grandchildren are the sorkos. 231 They are not simply hunters on water, they are called sorkos. 232 It is difficult to obtain a sorko, if they tell you to look for a sorko in the countryside, now it is difficult. 233 The descendants of the daughter are called sorkos. 234 The descendants of one of the boys are called sohancis. 235 The descendants of the second son are we, the griots. 236 The descendants of the daughter are called sorkos. 237 Now, Mamar came to sit down. 238 He ruled then, he ruled, he ruled, he ruled, he converted. 239 Throughout Mamar's reign, what he did was to convert peo- ple. 240 Any village that he hears is trying to resist, 241 That is not going to submit, 242 He gets up and destroys the village. 243 If the village accepts, he makes them pray. 244 If they resist, he conquers the village, he burns the village. 245 Mamar made them convert, Mamar made them convert, Mamar made them convert. 246 Until, until, until, until, until, until he got up and said he would go to Mecca. 247 Thus he started off and went as far, as far, as far as the Red Sea. 248 He said he wants to cross. 249 They told him, "There is no path. 250 "Anyone who has killed an ancestor does not have the right to cross to Mecca. 251 "But there are two ways, three ways, so look for one you can take. 252 "Now you will return home. 253 "You must find a hen who has just produced chicks, and drive them from home. 254 "You will drive a hen who has just produced chicks and its little ones to the Red Sea. 255 "Then you can cross to go on the pilgrimage." 256 They said, "Either you go home, 257 "Or you go into the distant, uncleared bush. 258 "You clear it with your own hands. 259 "You don't let anyone help with it. The Translation 199 229 The sorkos come from her. 230 Her grandchildren are the sorkos. 231 They are not simply hunters on water, they are called sorkos. 232 It is difficult to obtain a sorko, if they tell you to look for a sorko in the countryside, now it is difficult. 233 The descendants of the daughter are called sorkos. 234 The descendants of one of the boys are called sohancis. 235 The descendants of the second son are we, the griots. 236 The descendants of the daughter are called sorkos. 237 Now, Mamar came to sit down. 238 He ruled then, he ruled, he ruled, he ruled, he converted. 239 Throughout Mamar's reign, what he did was to convert peo- ple. 240 Any village that he hears is trying to resist, 241 That is not going to submit, 242 He gets up and destroys the village. 243 If the village accepts, he makes them pray. 244 If they resist, he conquers the village, he burns the village. 245 Mamar made them convert, Mamar made them convert, Mamar made them convert. 246 Until, until, until, until, until, until he got up and said he would go to Mecca. 247 Thus he started off and went as far, as far, as far as the Red Sea. 248 He said he wants to cross. 249 They told him, "There is no path. 250 "Anyone who has killed an ancestor does not have the right to cross to Mecca. 251 "But there are two ways, three ways, so look for one you can take. 252 "Now you will return home. 253 "You must find a hen who has just produced chicks, and drive them from home. 254 "You will drive a hen who has just produced chicks and its little ones to the Red Sea. 255 "Then you can cross to go on the pilgrimage." 256 They said, "Either you go home, 257 "Or you go into the distant, uncleared bush. 258 "You clear it with your own hands. 259 "You don't let anyone help with it.  200 The Transcription 200 The Transcription 200 The Transcription 260 "Ma a duma da ni kamba ma si boro kulu dan a ra. 261 "Ma a zoobu ma a yaara, ma fay da hayno, curey da ganji hamey ma nwa. 262 "Nda ni na woo din te, da ni kaa ni ga danandi, ni ga koy hajji. 263 "Wala ma koy jahadi tunandi fu. 264 "Ka di ka tuubandi, kala ma ka Malio gaa. 265 "Ni ga danandi." 266 A ne jahado no nga ga hini. 267 Maamar bine ye fu ga koy Gao. 268 Waati din no a koy bariyo margu. 269 Ka bariyo me a me sambu. 270 Ka di wayna kanay. 271 Ni ga maa i ga ne, Moosincey Maamar haama go i ra. 272 I ne woodin banda ra no, a sobey ga i hay. 273 Ni ga maa i ga ne Bargancey farfar. 274 Dumi kulu ra no ni ga maa i ma ne Maamar haama goo no. 275 To no hare no a dii, 276 Kwara kulu kan ra a foy danga ne cine, 277 Da alluula to, a ga foy, a ga kani no kwaara ra. 278 Susubay da hinay, i ma barci, i ma koy jine kwaara do Liboore. 279 Barikaro kan koy din, 280 A ma jingarey jeeri borey se. 281 D'i na jingara jeeri, 282 Borey ma jingara dan. 283 Waati din no, 284 Maamar Kasay ga kaa ga zumbu da nga bariyo. 285 A ma borey- 286 I m'i dondonandi jingar sorre. 287 I ma i dondonandi mate kan i ga te ka jingar. 288 Kwaara kan wangu, a ma kwaara nwa, a ma a ton, a ma bisa. 289 Kwaara kulu kan gaa a kaa, 260 "Ma a duma da ni kamba ma si boro kulu dan a ra. 261 "Ma a zoobu ma a yaara, ma fay da hayno, curey da ganji hamey ma nwa. 262 "Nda ni na woo din te, da ni kaa ni ga danandi, ni ga koy hajji. 263 "Wala ma koy jahadi tunandi fu. 264 "Ka di ka tuubandi, kala ma ka Malio gaa. 265 "Ni ga danandi." 266 A ne jahado no nga ga hini. 267 Maamar bine ye fu ga koy Gao. 268 Waati din no a koy bariyo margu. 269 Ka bariyo me a me sambu. 270 Ka di wayna kanay. 271 Ni ga maa i ga ne, Moosincey Maamar haama go i ra. 272 I ne woodin banda ra no, a sobey ga i hay. 273 Ni ga maa i ga ne Bargancey farfar. 274 Dumi kulu ra no ni ga maa i ma ne Maamar haama goo no. 275 To no hare no a dii, 276 Kwara kulu kan ra a foy danga ne cine, 277 Da alluula to, a ga foy, a ga kani no kwaara ra. 278 Susubay da hinay, i ma barci, i ma koy jine kwaara do Liboore. 279 Barikaro kan koy din, 280 A ma jingarey jeeri borey se. 281 D'i na jingara jeeri, 282 Borey ma jingara dan. 283 Waati din no, 284 Maamar Kasay ga kaa ga zumbu da nga bariyo. 285 A ma borey- 286 I m'i dondonandi jingar sorre. 287 I ma i dondonandi mate kan i ga te ka jingar. 288 Kwaara kan wangu, a ma kwaara nwa, a ma a ton, a ma bisa. 289 Kwaara kulu kan gaa a kaa, 260 "Ma a duma da ni kamba ma si boro kulu dan a ra. 261 "Ma a zoobu ma a yaara, ma fay da hayno, curey da ganji hamey ma nwa. 262 "Nda ni na woo din te, da ni kaa ni ga danandi, ni ga koy hajji. 263 "Wala ma koy jahadi tunandi fu. 264 "Ka di ka tuubandi, kala ma ka Malio gaa. 265 "Ni ga danandi." 266 A ne jahado no nga ga hini. 267 Maamar bine ye fu ga koy Gao. 268 Waati din no a koy bariyo margu. 269 Ka bariyo me a me sambu. 270 Ka di wayna kanay. 271 Ni ga maa i ga ne, Moosincey Maamar haama go i ra. 272 I ne woodin banda ra no, a sobey ga i hay. 273 Ni ga maa i ga ne Bargancey farfar. 274 Dumi kulu ra no ni ga maa i ma ne Maamar haama goo no. 275 To no hare no a dii, 276 Kwara kulu kan ra a foy danga ne cine, 277 Da alluula to, a ga foy, a ga kani no kwaara ra. 278 Susubay da hinay, i ma barci, i ma koy jine kwaara do Liboore. 279 Barikaro kan koy din, 280 A ma jingarey jeeri borey se. 281 D'i na jingara jeeri, 282 Borey ma jingara dan. 283 Waati din no, 284 Maamar Kasay ga kaa ga zumbu da nga bariyo. 285 A ma borey- 286 I m'i dondonandi jingar sorre. 287 I ma i dondonandi mate kan i ga te ka jingar. 288 Kwaara kan wangu, a ma kwaara nwa, a ma a ton, a ma bisa. 289 Kwaara kulu kan gaa a kaa,  The Translation 201 260 "You sow by your own hand without the help of anybody. 261 "You cultivate it and you recultivate it, and you leave the millet so that the birds and the wild animals may eat it. 262 "If you do that, and if you come, you can cross to go on the pilgrimage. 263 "Or you go home to start a holy war, 264 "So that you can make them submit until you reach the Red Sea. 265 "You will cross." 266 He said that he would be able to carry out the holy war. 267 Mamar went home to Gao. 268 It is at this time that he gathered together all the horses. 269 He took all the horses. 270 He began by the west. 271 You have heard that among the Mossi, there are descendants of Mamar. 272 They say that it it is during this conquest that he continued to father them. 273 You have heard that they say the pure Bargantchd. 274 In each ethnic group you hear about, people say there are de- scendants of Mamar. 275 Well, from that area where he started, 276 In each village where he stopped during the day, for example, this place, 277 If he arrives in midafternoon, he stops there and spends the night. 278 Early in the morning, they pillage and they go on to the next village, for example, Libor6. 279 The cavalier who goes there, 280 He traces on the ground for the people the plan for the mosque. 281 Once the plan for the foundation is traced, 282 The people build the mosque. 283 It is at that time, 284 Mamar Kassaye comes to dismount from his horse. 285 He makes the people- 286 They teach them verses from the Koran relating to prayer. 287 They teach them prayers from the Koran. 288 Any villages that refuse, he destroys the village, burns it, and moves on. 289 In each village where he arrives, The Translation 201 260 "You sow by your own hand without the help of anybody. 261 "You cultivate it and you recultivate it, and you leave the millet so that the birds and the wild animals may eat it. 262 "If you do that, and if you come, you can cross to go on the pilgrimage. 263 "Or you go home to start a holy war, 264 "So that you can make them submit until you reach the Red Sea. 265 "You will cross." 266 He said that he would be able to carry out the holy war. 267 Mamar went home to Gao. 268 It is at this time that he gathered together all the horses. 269 He took all the horses. 270 He began by the west. 271 You have heard that among the Mossi, there are descendants of Mamar. 272 They say that it it is during this conquest that he continued to father them. 273 You have heard that they say the pure Bargantch6. 274 In each ethnic group you hear about, people say there are de- scendants of Mamar. 275 Well, from that area where he started, 276 In each village where he stopped during the day, for example, this place, 277 If he arrives in midafternoon, he stops there and spends the night. 278 Early in the morning, they pillage and they go on to the next village, for example, Libord. 279 The cavalier who goes there, 280 He traces on the ground for the people the plan for the mosque. 281 Once the plan for the foundation is traced, 282 The people build the mosque. 283 It is at that time, 284 Mamar Kassaye comes to dismount from his horse. 285 He makes the people- 286 They teach them verses from the Koran relating to prayer. 287 They teach them prayers from the Koran. 288 Any villages that refuse, he destroys the village, burns it, and moves on. 289 In each village where he arrives, The Translation 201 260 "You sow by your own hand without the help of anybody. 261 "You cultivate it and you recultivate it, and you leave the millet so that the birds and the wild animals may eat it. 262 "If you do that, and if you come, you can cross to go on the pilgrimage. 263 "Or you go home to start a holy war, 264 "So that you can make them submit until you reach the Red Sea. 265 "You will cross." 266 He said that he would be able to carry out the holy war. 267 Mamar went home to Gao. 268 It is at this time that he gathered together all the horses. 269 He took all the horses. 270 He began by the west. 271 You have heard that among the Mossi, there are descendants of Mamar. 272 They say that it it is during this conquest that he continued to father them. 273 You have heard that they say the pure Bargantchd. 274 In each ethnic group you hear about, people say there are de- scendants of Mamar. 275 Well, from that area where he started, 276 In each village where he stopped during the day, for example, this place, 277 If he arrives in midafternoon, he stops there and spends the night. 278 Early in the morning, they pillage and they go on to the next village, for example, Libor6. 279 The cavalier who goes there, 280 He traces on the ground for the people the plan for the mosque. 281 Once the plan for the foundation is traced, 282 The people build the mosque. 283 It is at that time, 284 Mamar Kassaye comes to dismount from his horse. 285 He makes the people- 286 They teach them verses from the Koran relating to prayer. 287 They teach them prayers from the Koran. 288 Any villages that refuse, he destroys the village, burns it, and moves on. 289 In each village where he arrives,  202 The Transcription 290 A ma kwaara nan kan a biya din, 291 Bariyo ga koy jina no. 292 I ma jingaray te kwaara ra, hala a ga kaa. 293 Da a kaa nga da nga jama, 294 A ma kwaara borey dondonandi jingar sorre. 295 A ma i dan jingar. 296 I'm-I waani jingaryan. 297 Waati din gaa, a ma biya ga bisa koyne. 298 Kwaara kan na a gana kan ta a se, 299 A ma i tuubandi, a ma bisa. 300 Kwaara kan wangu a se, 301 A ma a nwa, a ma a ton, a ma bisa. 302 Kala han kan hane-Maamar di ka wone te kala kala kala kala han kan hane a koy ka zumbu Malia gaa. 303 Han din hane no, i n'a no fondo a danandi. 304 Hala a ga koy Malia, 305 Bariyo me a me, ban kan bu, ban kan farga ga bare. 306 Kala Modi Bajey, Modi Baja, kala jasara kan ga ti a hasay izo kan cindi a bande. 307 Ngey hinne ka cindi a bande. 308 A danandi nd'ey. 309 I bine kaa Makka. 310 A hajji, a ne sohon nga ga baa nga ma koy ga di Irkoy Dia kabiro. 311 Waato i mana a cina. 312 A kaa, i n'a se, a ne Irkoy Dia kabiro no nga ga ba nga ma di. 313 I ne a se "Wallahi cimi no, kabiro ni si di a. 314 "Zama da ni na kabiro niigaw, 315 "Haya kan go a ra, ni si fatta." 316 A ne, i ma nan, nga m'a niigaw. 317 I ne a se, "To, sarti bon. 318 "Sohon, i ma koy kande sisiri beerey, 319 "Ka haw canta gaa. 320 "Baalijiyan ma kay banda ka sisirey gaayi, i ma bori. 321 "Nga mo ma kaa ga to guuso jabo me gaa ga guuso nigaw." 322 A ne nga yadda woo din gaa. 323 I koy kande sisirey, i na sisirey haw a gaa a boori. 202 The Transcription 290 A ma kwaara nan kan a biya din, 291 Bariyo ga koy jina no. 292 I ma jingaray te kwaara ra, hala a ga kaa. 293 Da a kaa nga da nga jama, 294 A ma kwaara borey dondonandi jingar sorre. 295 A ma i dan jingar. 296 I'm-I waani jingaryan. 297 Waati din gaa, a ma biya ga bisa koyne. 298 Kwaara kan na a gana kan ta a se, 299 A ma i tuubandi, a ma bisa. 300 Kwaara kan wangu a se, 301 A ma a nwa, a ma a ton, a ma bisa. 302 Kala ban kan hane-Maamar di ka wone te kala kala kala kala han kan hane a koy ka zumbu Malia gaa. 303 Han din hane no, i n'a no fondo a danandi. 304 Hala a ga koy Malia, 305 Bariyo me a me, ban kan bu, ban kan farga ga bare. 306 Kala Modi Bajey, Modi Baja, kala jasara kan ga ti a hasay izo kan cindi a bande. 307 Ngey hinne ka cindi a bande. 308 A danandi nd'ey. 309 I bine kaa Makka. 310 A hajji, a ne sohon nga ga baa nga ma koy ga di Irkoy Dia kabiro. 311 Waato i mana a cina. 312 A kaa, i n'a se, a ne Irkoy Dia kabiro no nga ga ba nga ma di. 313 I ne a se "Wallabi cimi no, kabiro ni si di a. 314 "Zama da ni na kabiro niigaw, 315 "Haya kan go a ra, ni si fatta." 316 A ne, i ma nan, nga m'a niigaw. 317 I ne a se, "To, sarti bon. 318 "Sohon, i ma koy kande sisiri beerey, 319 "Ka haw canta gaa. 320 "Baalijiyan ma kay banda ka sisirey gaayi, i ma bori. 321 "Nga mo ma kaa ga to guuso jabo me gaa ga guuso nigaw." 322 A ne nga yadda woo din gaa. 323 I koy kande sisirey, i na sisirey haw a gaa a boori. 202 The Transcription 290 A ma kwaara nan kan a biya din, 291 Bariyo ga koy jina no. 292 I ma jingaray te kwaara ra, hala a ga kaa. 293 Da a kaa nga da nga jama, 294 A ma kwaara borey dondonandi jingar sorre. 295 A ma i dan jingar. 296 I'm-I waani jingaryan. 297 Waati din gaa, a ma biya ga bisa koyne. 298 Kwaara kan na a gana kan ta a se, 299 A ma i tuubandi, a ma bisa. 300 Kwaara kan wangu a se, 301 A ma a nwa, a ma a ton, a ma bisa. 302 Kala ban kan hane-Maamar di ka wone te kala kala kala kala ban kan hane a koy ka zumbu Malia gaa. 303 Han din hane no, i n'a no fondo a danandi. 304 Hala a ga koy Malia, 305 Bariyo me a me, ban kan bu, han kan farga ga bare. 306 Kala Modi Bajey, Modi Baja, kala jasara kan ga ti a hasay izo kan cindi a bande. 307 Ngey hinne ka cindi a bande. 308 A danandi nd'ey. 309 I bine kaa Makka. 310 A hajji, a ne sohon nga ga baa nga ma koy ga di Irkoy Dia kabiro. 311 Waato i mana a cina. 312 A kaa, i n'a se, a ne Irkoy Dia kabiro no nga ga ba nga ma di. 313 I ne a se "Wallabi cimi no, kabiro ni si di a. 314 "Zama da ni na kabiro niigaw, 315 "Haya kan go a ra, ni si fatta." 316 A ne, i ma nan, nga m'a niigaw. 317 I ne a se, "To, sarti bon. 318 "Sohon, i ma koy kande sisiri beerey, 319 "Ka haw canta gaa. 320 "Baalijiyan ma kay banda ka sisirey gaayi, i ma bori. 321 "Nga mo ma kaa ga to guuso jabo me gaa ga guuso nigaw." 322 A ne nga yadda woo din gaa. 323 I koy kande sisirey, i na sisirey haw a gaa a boori.  The Translation 203 290 The village that he leaves in the morning, 291 The horses ride ahead. 292 They build a mosque before his arrival. 293 When he arrives, he and his people, 294 He teaches the villagers prayers from the Koran. 295 He makes them pray. 296 They-they learn how to pray. 297 After that, in the morning, he continues on. 298 Every village that follows his orders, that accepts his wishes, 299 He conquers them, he moves on. 300 Every village that refuses his demand, 301 He conquers it, he burns it, he moves on. 302 Until the day-Mamar did that until, until, until, until the day he arrived at the Red Sea. 303 It is on that day that they gave him the right to cross. 304 Before arriving at the Red Sea, 305 All the horsemen, those who died, those who were tired, re- turned. 306 Except for Modi Baja, Modi Baja and the griot, his cousin, who stayed with him. 307 It is they alone who remained at his side. 308 He made the crossing in their company. 309 So they arrived in Mecca. 310 He made the pilgrimage and he said then that he would like to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 311 In those days they had not built it yet. 312 He came, they told him, he said he wanted to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 313 They replied to him, "By Allah truly, the tomb, you won't see it. 314 "Because if you peek into this tomb, 315 "The thing that is in there will keep you from getting out." 316 He asked that they let him peek into it. 317 They said, "Fine, on one condition. 318 "Now have them go off to get large pieces of iron chain, 319 "To hook onto his belt. 320 "Some strong men should stay behind him and hold on tightly to the chains. 321 "He too should come to the edge of the hole to peek into it." 322 He said that he would accept that. 323 They brought the iron chains, they attached them to him well. The Translation 203 290 The village that he leaves in the morning, 291 The horses ride ahead. 292 They build a mosque before his arrival. 293 When he arrives, he and his people, 294 He teaches the villagers prayers from the Koran. 295 He makes them pray. 296 They-they learn how to pray. 297 After that, in the morning, he continues on. 298 Every village that follows his orders, that accepts his wishes, 299 He conquers them, he moves on. 300 Every village that refuses his demand, 301 He conquers it, he burns it, he moves on. 302 Until the day-Mamar did that until, until, until, until the day he arrived at the Red Sea. 303 It is on that day that they gave him the right to cross. 304 Before arriving at the Red Sea, 305 All the horsemen, those who died, those who were tired, re- turned. 306 Except for Modi Baja, Modi Baja and the griot, his cousin, who stayed with him. 307 It is they alone who remained at his side. 308 He made the crossing in their company. 309 So they arrived in Mecca. 310 He made the pilgrimage and he said then that he would like to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 311 In those days they had not built it yet. 312 He came, they told him, he said he wanted to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 313 They replied to him, "By Allah truly, the tomb, you won't see it. 314 "Because if you peek into this tomb, 315 "The thing that is in there will keep you from getting out." 316 He asked that they let him peek into it. 317 They said, "Fine, on one condition. 318 "Now have them go off to get large pieces of iron chain, 319 "To hook onto his belt. 320 "Some strong men should stay behind him and hold on tightly to the chains. 321 "He too should come to the edge of the hole to peek into it." 322 He said that he would accept that. 323 They brought the iron chains, they attached them to him well. The Translation 203 290 The village that he leaves in the morning, 291 The horses ride ahead. 292 They build a mosque before his arrival. 293 When he arrives, he and his people, 294 He teaches the villagers prayers from the Koran. 295 He makes them pray. 296 They-they learn how to pray. 297 After that, in the morning, he continues on. 298 Every village that follows his orders, that accepts his wishes, 299 He conquers them, he moves on. 300 Every village that refuses his demand, 301 He conquers it, he burns it, he moves on. 302 Until the day-Mamar did that until, until, until, until the day he arrived at the Red Sea. 303 It is on that day that they gave him the right to cross. 304 Before arriving at the Red Sea, 305 All the horsemen, those who died, those who were tired, re- turned. 306 Except for Modi Baja, Modi Baja and the griot, his cousin, who stayed with him. 307 It is they alone who remained at his side. 308 He made the crossing in their company. 309 So they arrived in Mecca. 310 He made the pilgrimage and he said then that he would like to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 311 In those days they had not built it yet. 312 He came, they told him, he said he wanted to see the tomb of Our Lord's Messenger. 313 They replied to him, "By Allah truly, the tomb, you won't see it. 314 "Because if you peek into this tomb, 315 "The thing that is in there will keep you from getting out." 316 He asked that they let him peek into it. 317 They said, "Fine, on one condition. 318 "Now have them go off to get large pieces of iron chain, 319 "To hook onto his belt. 320 "Some strong men should stay behind him and hold on tightly to the chains. 321 "He too should come to the edge of the hole to peek into it." 322 He said that he would accept that. 323 They brought the iron chains, they attached them to him well.  204 The Transcription 204 The Transcription 204 The Transcription 324 Baslijey ye banda ka kay ga tarsasa ka sisirey di. 325 A ka ga to guuso jabo ga. 326 A na guuso niigaw. 327 A ka ga gar haya kan go kabiro ganda ra din, 328 A si hima kala danga albasan fon taji, mate kan, a ga matar, matar, matar, matar, matar. 329 To, kan a gabas ga tun, 330 Kulo a na baalijey wofa. 331 A zimbi gooso ra, kambe hinka ka ga to guuso ra yaa cine. 332 A bine yottu, a nwa, a yottu, a nwa. 333 Hala i ga a wafa ga ka taray, 334 A yottu yaa cnr kambe hinka me fo a fatta nd'cy. 335 Hasay izo, go ga kay a kambe guma gaa a na wone salle 336 Modi Baaja, go ga kay kamba wo gaa, a na wone salle 337 Modi Baaja na nga wone jare za Makka kala a kanda fo, a n'a necra. 338 Modi Baaja kulo mana taabi. 339 Han din ga ka hankuna Irkoy man i hundi gurzugay. 340 Ini wo kaayo na nga wono nwa. 341 A dira, a ini nan gurzugara. 342 Han din ga ka hunkuna hay kulo kan fan Modi Baaje gsa mann gurzugay. 343 1 mana farga ga gurzugay, i mans ccci ga gorzugay. 344 1 ga hawru, i ga curgusa, i ga bankaara. 345 Wati din no Maamar Kasay ye ga bare. 346 Nga no jasarcy ga or, 347 Dallay Maamar 348 "Dallay Kasay Mamadi." 349 Masmar Kasay, a zure Makka. 350 A suliyan Madins. 351 A jingac Makka, a koy salamt Madina. 352 A a Tuuri Siino iiido wanea . 353 A a Tuuri Siino windi cc hinza. 324 Baslijey ye bands ka kay gs tsrsasa ka sisirey di. 325 A ka ga to guaso jabo gs. 326 A us gouso niigaw. 327 A ka ga gar hays ksn go kabiro, ganda ra din, 328 A si hima kala dangs albssan fan taji, mate kan, a ga matar, matar, matar, matar, matac. 329 To, kan a gabas ga tun, 330 Kulo a us baslijey wofa. 331 A zimbi guuso ra, kambe hinka ka ga to guuso ra yas cine. 332 A biac yottu, a nwa, a yottu, a ows. 333 Hala i ga a wafa ga ka taray, 334 A yottu yas nine kambe hinks me fo a fatta nd'ey. 335 Hasay izo, go ga kay a kambe gums gan a na wone salle 336 Modi Bsaja, go ga kay kamba wo gas, a us wone salle 337 Modi Baaja us aga wone jare za Makka kala a kanda fu, a n's necra. 338 Modi Baaja kulo mans taabi. 339 Han din ga ka hunkuns Irkoy man i hundi gurzugay. 340 Iri wo kasyona usga wono owa. 341 A dirs, a ini nan gurzugana. 342 Han din ga ka hunkuna hay kula kan fun Modi Basic gas mans gurzugay. 343 I mans farga ga gtarzugay, i mans ccci ga gurzugay. 344 I ga hawen, i ga curguso, i ga bankasra. 345 Wati din no Masman Kasay ye ga bare. 346 Nga no jasarcy ga or, 347 DAIay Masmar 348 "DAUUa Kasay Mamadi." 349 Masmar Kasay, a zure Makka. 350 A sulivan Madina. 351 A jingar Makka, a koy salamn Madina. 352 A naThuri Siino iiido waneara. 353 A a Thuri Siino windi cc hinza. 324 Baslijey yr bands ka kay ga tarsasa ka sisirey di. 325 A ka ga to guuso jabo ga. 326 A a guoso niigaw. 327 A ka ga gar bays kan go kabiro, ganda ra din, 328 A Si hima kala danga albasan fun taji, mate kan, a ga matar, matar, matar, matar, matar. 329 To, kan a gabas ga tun, 330 Kulu a us baslijey wofa. 331 A zimbi guuso ra, kambe hinka ka ga to guuso ra yas 332 A bine yottu, a nwa, a yottu, a owa. 333 Hala i ga a wafa ga ka tray, 334 A yottu yas nine kambe hinka me fo a fatta od'ey. 335 Hasay izo, go ga kay a kambe gums gas a na wone salle 336 Modi Baaja, go ga kay kamba wo gas, a na wone salle 337 Modi Baaja na nga wone jare za Makka kala a kanda fu, a n's nerra. 338 Modi Baaja kula mans tasbi. 339 Han din ga ka hunkuna Irkoy man i hundi gurzugay. 340 Iri wo kaayo na nga wono nwa. 341 A dira, a ini nan gurzugara. 342 Han din ga. ka hunkuns hay kuin kan fun Modi Baajc gas mans gurzugay. 343 I mans farga ga guezugay, i mans ccci ga gurzugay. 344 I ga hawru, i ga curgusu, i ga bankasra. 345 Wati din no Masmar Kasay ye ga bare. 346 Nga no jasarry ga or, 347 Dallay Masmar 348 "Dagla Kasay Mamadi." 349 Masmar Kasay, a zure Makka. 350 A sulivan Madina. 351 A jingar Makka, a koy salamt Madins. 352 A a Tuuri Siino iiido wanesa . 353 A a Tuuri Siino windi cc hiaza.  The Translation 205 324 The strong men stood behind and braced themselves to hold onto the chains. 325 He came to the edge of the hole. 326 He peeked into it. 327 What he found there at the bottom of that tomb, 328 It resembled young onion shoots, and it looked very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty. 329 Now, when he stood up quickly, 330 He suddenly dragged the strong men with him. 331 He then dropped into the hole, and his two arms went into the hole like that. 332 Then he grabbed and pulled, he ate, he grabbed and pulled, he ate. 333 Before they pulled him up out of the hole, 334 He grabbed and pulled out two handfuls and came out with them. 335 His cousin was standing at his right hand, he gave that to him. 336 Modi Baja was standing at his left hand, he gave that to him. 337 Modi Baja brought his from Mecca all the way home, he sold it. 338 None of Modi Baja's people suffered. 339 From that day to the present, Our Lord did not make their lives hard. 340 Our ancestor ate his. 341 He left, and he left us in suffering. 342 Since that day until the present, no descendant of Modi Baja has suffered. 343 They didn't tire from a hard life, they didn't seek to work hard in life. 344 They sup well, they lunch well, they dress well. 345 It is at that time that Mamar Kassaye retraced his steps. 346 The griots say of him, 347 "Long live Mamar. 348 "Long live Kassaye Mamadi. 349 Mamar son of Kassaye, he ran to Mecca. 350 He proceeded to Medina. 351 He prayed at Mecca, he went to visit Medina. 352 He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree. 353 He went three times around the Indigo Tree. The Translation 205 324 The strong men stood behind and braced themselves to hold onto the chains. 325 He came to the edge of the hole. 326 He peeked into it. 327 What he found there at the bottom of that tomb, 328 It resembled young onion shoots, and it looked very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty. 329 Now, when he stood up quickly, 330 He suddenly dragged the strong men with him. 331 He then dropped into the hole, and his two arms went into the hole like that. 332 Then he grabbed and pulled, he ate, he grabbed and pulled, he ate. 333 Before they pulled him up out of the hole, 334 He grabbed and pulled out two handfuls and came out with them. 335 His cousin was standing at his right hand, he gave that to him. 336 Modi Baja was standing at his left hand, he gave that to him. 337 Modi Baja brought his from Mecca all the way home, he sold it. 338 None of Modi Baja's people suffered. 339 From that day to the present, Our Lord did not make their lives hard. 340 Our ancestor ate his. 341 He left, and he left us in suffering. 342 Since that day until the present, no descendant of Modi Baja has suffered. 343 They didn't tire from a hard life, they didn't seek to work hard in life. 344 They sup well, they lunch well, they dress well. 345 It is at that time that Mamar Kassaye retraced his steps. 346 The griots say of him, 347 "Long live Mamar. 348 "Long live Kassaye Mamadi. 349 Mamar son of Kassaye, he ran to Mecca. 350 He proceeded to Medina. 351 He prayed at Mecca, he went to visit Medina. 352 He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree. 353 He went three times around the Indigo Tree. The Translation 205 324 The strong men stood behind and braced themselves to hold onto the chains. 325 He came to the edge of the hole. 326 He peeked into it. 327 What he found there at the bottom of that tomb, 328 It resembled young onion shoots, and it looked very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty, very soft and tasty. 329 Now, when he stood up quickly, 330 He suddenly dragged the strong men with him. 331 He then dropped into the hole, and his two arms went into the hole like that. 332 Then he grabbed and pulled, he ate, he grabbed and pulled, he ate. 333 Before they pulled him up out of the hole, 334 He grabbed and pulled out two handfuls and came out with them. 335 His cousin was standing at his right hand, he gave that to him. 336 Modi Baja was standing at his left hand, he gave that to him. 337 Modi Baja brought his from Mecca all the way home, he sold it. 338 None of Modi Baja's people suffered. 339 From that day to the present, Our Lord did not make their lives hard. 340 Our ancestor ate his. 341 He left, and he left us in suffering. 342 Since that day until the present, no descendant of Modi Baja has suffered. 343 They didn't tire from a hard life, they didn't seek to work hard in life. 344 They sup well, they lunch well, they dress well. 345 It is at that time that Mamar Kassaye retraced his steps. 346 The griots say of him, 347 "Long live Mamar. 348 "Long live Kassaye Mamadi. 349 Mamar son of Kassaye, he ran to Mecca. 350 He proceeded to Medina. 351 He prayed at Mecca, he went to visit Medina. 352 He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree. 353 He went three times around the Indigo Tree.  206 The Transcription 354 A tulbi, a tulbi jjye. 355 A zunuubu nd'a kafaara. 356 A n'i sansum, a n'i kulu gisi. 357 A na Yabilan kafaran zolzolyan. 358 A na Yabilan takuba sambu ga koto. 359 Woo din no jasarey ga a zamn da a. 360 I ma a sambu banda i ma kaa. ga to noo din. 361 "Dalla Maamar. 362 "Daile Kasay. 363 "Maamar ni kayi, Maamar Kasay ize." 364 A cure Makka, a sulivan Madina. 365 A jingaray Makka, a koy salam Madina. 366 A na Tuuri Siino iinda wangara, a na Tanr Siino windi ce hinza, Kaaba no ya. 367 A na Thuri Siino jinda wangara. 368 A na Thuri Siino windi ce hinza. 369 A turbi, a tnrbijje, a cunuba nda kafara. 370 A na sunsum, a n'i kuin gisi no din han din. 371 A ni Yabilan kafaara. 372 A ni Yahilan takuba sambn kan ti cimi. 373 A na taxi gisi, a na cimi sambu han din. 374 A ka fu. 375 K'a ka fu, waati din no, a do ka gorkasinay. 376 K'a go ganjo ra di, k'a go tuubandiyano gaa, 377 Nga no a koy to Bargancey gaa. 378 K'a koy ga to Bargancey ga dini, 379 Za a ga koy inn, nyano, a ne a se, "Tamgami kuin kan nilte," 380 "Da ni koy to Bargancey gaa, 381 "Ma haggoy d'ey, kan se Bargance wa no ni gunda ra. 382 "Ni Si hin Bargancey. 383 "Hargance wa no ni gunda Ca. 384 "Carmay kulu kan ra ni go, da ni koy en Bargancey Ca, ma haggoy nd'ey ma si yanje nd'ey." 385 A koy Bargancey, 386 A to Bargancey gaa, a ne nga ga yanje nd'ey. 387 Bargancey bine, i hina. 388 I ne, i ga a bariyo maray. 206 Thle Transcription 354 A tulbi, a tulbi ij y. 355 A zunuubu nd'a kafaara. 356 A n'i sunsumn, a n'i kuin gisi. 357 A na. Yabilan kafaran zoizolvan. 358 A na Yabilan takuba sambu ga koto. 359 Woo din no jasarey ga a zamn da a. 360 1 ma a sambu banda i ma kaa ga to non din. 361 "DaUla Maamar. 362 "Dalla Kasay. 363 "Maamar ni kayi, Maamar Kasay ice." 364 A zure Makka, a sulivan Madina. 365 A jingaray Makka, a koy satam Madina. 366 A na Thiuri Siino iinda wangara, a na Tuuri Siino windi cc hinza, Kaaba no ya. 367 A na Thiuri Siino jinda waneara. 368 A na Taur Siino windi ce hinza. 369 A lurbi, a Iurbijje, a cunuba nda kafara. 370 A na sunsum, a n'i kulu gisi no din han din. 371 A ni Yabilan kafaara. 372 A ni Yabilan takuba sambu kan ti cimi. 373 A na taxi gisi, a na cimi sambu han din. 374 A ka fu. 375 K'a ka fu, waali din no, a do ka gorkasinay. 376 K'a go ganjo ra dini, k'a go tuubandiyano gaa, 377 Nga no a koy to Bargancey gaa. 378 K'a koy ga to Bargancey ga dini, 379 Za a ga koy inn, nyano, a ne a se, "Taingami kuin kan nilte," 380 "Da ni koy to Bargancey gaa, 381 "Ma haggoy d'ey, kan se Bargance wa no ni gunda Ca. 382 "Ni si hin Bargancey. 383 "Bargance wa no ni gunda Ca. 384 "Carinay kulu kan ra ni go, da ni koy to Bargancey ra, ma haggoy nd'ey ma si yanje nd'ey." 385 A koy Bargancey, 386 A to Bargancey gaa, a ne nga ga yanje nd'ey. 387 Bargancey bine, i hina. 388 I ne, i ga a bariyo inaray. 206 The Transcription 354 A tuihi, a tuihi ijjye. 355 A cunuubu nd'a kafaara. 356 A n'i sunsumn, a n'i kulu gisi. 357 A na Yabilan kafaran zoizolyan. 358 A na Yabilan lakuha sambu ga koto. 359 Woo din no jasarey ga a zamu da a. 360 I ma a samhu handa i ma kaa ga to non din. 361 "Dailly Maamar. 362 "Dallay Kasay. 363 "Maamar ni kayi, Maamar Kasay ize." 364 A cure Makka, a sulivan Madina. 365 A jingaray Makka, a koy salam Madina. 366 A na Turi Siino iinda wangar, a na Tuuri Siino windi cr hinza, Kaaba no ya. 367 A na Turi Siino jinda wanear. 368 A na Turi Siino windi ce hinca. 369 A turbi, a Iurbijje, a zunuba nda kafara. 370 A na sunsum, a n'i kulu gisi no din han din. 371 A ni Yabilan kafaara. 372 A ni Yabilan takuba samhu kan ti cimi. 373 A na tani gisi, a na cimi samhu han din. 374 A ka fu. 375 K'a ka fu, waati din no, a du ka gorkasinay. 376 K'a go ganjo ra dini, k'a go tuubandiyano gaa, 377 Nga no a koy to Bargancey gaa. 378 K'a koy ga to Bargancey ga dini, 379 Za a ga kny inn, nyano, a ne a se, "Tamgami kuin kan ni IC," 380 "Da ni koy to Bargancey gaa, 381 "Ma haggoy d'ey, kan se Bargance wa no ni gunda Ca. 382 "Ni si hin Bargancey. 383 "Bargance wa no ni gunda Ca. 384 "Carmay kulu kan ra ni go, da ni kny to Bargancey ra, ma haggoy nd'ey ma si yanje nd'ey." 385 A kny Bargancey, 386 A to Bargancey gaa, a ne nga ga yanje nd'ey. 387 Bargancey bine, i hina. 388 1 ne, i ga a bariyn maray.  The Translation 207 The Translation 207 The Translation 207 354 He repented, he repented ... (undecipherable). 355 His sin and his minor sin. 356 He put them all together, and he put them all there. 357 He (undecipherable) sword of Dongo. 358 He slung the sword of Dongo on his shoulder. 359 It is in these terms that griots sing his praises. 360 They take it from way back all the way to there. 361 "Long live Mamar. 362 "Lone live Kassaye. 363 "Your ancestor is Mamar, Mamar son of Kassaye." 364 He ran to Mecca, he proceeded to Medina. 365 He prayed at Mecca and visited Medina. 366 He went around the Indigo Tree (undecipherable), he went around the Indigo Tree three times, that is, the Kaaba. 367 He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree. 368 He went around the Indigo Tree three times. 369 (undecipherable), his sin and his minor sin. 370 He put them all together, and he put them all there on that day. 371 He ... (undecipherable) ... Dongo. 372 He slung the sword of Dongo, which is truth. 373 He let go of bad ways and he took up truth on that day. 374 He went home. 375 When he arrived home, he was able to get married. 376 When he was in the bush, when he was conquering, 377 It was then that he reached the Bargantch6 people. 378 When he reached those Bargantch6 people, 379 At the time of his departure, his mother told him, "Whatever battles you undertake, 380 "When you reach the Bargantchd land, 381 "Watch out for them, because you have the milk of a Bargantchd woman in your stomach. 382 "You will not be able to conquer the Bargantche. 383 "You have Bargantchd milk in your stomach. 384 "Whatever cleverness you will use, if you reach the Bargantch6, watch out, don't quarrel with them." 385 He went to the land of the Bargantch6 people, 386 He arrived among the Bargantchd, he said he wants to fight them. 387 But the Bargantchd defeated him. 388 They said that they would injure his horse. 354 He repented, he repented . . . (undecipherable). 355 His sin and his minor sin. 356 He put them all together, and he put them all there. 357 He (undecipherable) sword of Dongo. 358 He slung the sword of Dongo on his shoulder. 359 It is in these terms that griots sing his praises. 360 They take it from way back all the way to there. 361 "Long live Mamar. 362 "Long live Kassaye. 363 "Your ancestor is Mamar, Mamar son of Kassaye." 364 He ran to Mecca, he proceeded to Medina. 365 He prayed at Mecca and visited Medina. 366 He went around the Indigo Tree (undecipherable), he went around the Indigo Tree three times, that is, the Kaaba. 367 He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree. 368 He went around the Indigo Tree three times. 369 (undecipherable), his sin and his minor sin. 370 He put them all together, and he put them all there on that day. 371 He ... (undecipherable) ... Dongo. 372 He slung the sword of Dongo, which is truth. 373 He let go of bad ways and he took up truth on that day. 374 He went home. 375 When he arrived home, he was able to get married. 376 When he was in the bush, when he was conquering, 377 It was then that he reached the Bargantch6 people. 378 When he reached those Bargantch6 people, 379 At the time of his departure, his mother told him, "Whatever battles you undertake, 380 "When you reach the Bargantchd land, 381 "Watch out for them, because you have the milk of a Bargantchd woman in your stomach. 382 "You will not be able to conquer the Bargantchd. 383 "You have Bargantch6 milk in your stomach. 384 "Whatever cleverness you will use, if you reach the Bargantchd, watch out, don't quarrel with them." 385 He went to the land of the Bargantch6 people, 386 He arrived among the Bargantch6, he said he wants to fight them. 387 But the Bargantch6 defeated him. 388 They said that they would injure his horse. 354 He repented, he repented .. . (undecipherable). 355 His sin and his minor sin. 356 He put them all together, and he put them all there. 357 He (undecipherable) sword of Dongo. 358 He slung the sword of Dongo on his shoulder. 359 It is in these terms that griots sing his praises. 360 They take it from way back all the way to there. 361 "Long live Mamar. 362 "Long live Kassaye. 363 "Your ancestor is Mamar, Mamar son of Kassaye." 364 He ran to Mecca, he proceeded to Medina. 365 He prayed at Mecca and visited Medina. 366 He went around the Indigo Tree (undecipherable), he went around the Indigo Tree three times, that is, the Kaaba. 367 He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree. 368 He went around the Indigo Tree three times. 369 (undecipherable), his sin and his minor sin. 370 He put them all together, and he put them all there on that day. 371 He . .. (undecipherable) .. . Dongo. 372 He slung the sword of Dongo, which is truth. 373 He let go of bad ways and he took up truth on that day. 374 He went home. 375 When he arrived home, he was able to get married. 376 When he was in the bush, when he was conquering, 377 It was then that he reached the Bargantch6 people. 378 When he reached those Bargantchd people, 379 At the time of his departure, his mother told him, "Whatever battles you undertake, 380 "When you reach the Bargantch6 land, 381 "Watch out for them, because you have the milk of a Bargantchd woman in your stomach. 382 "You will not be able to conquer the Bargantch6. 383 "You have Bargantch6 milk in your stomach. 384 "Whatever cleverness you will use, if you reach the Bargantch6, watch out, don't quarrel with them." 385 He went to the land of the Bargantchd people, 386 He arrived among the Bargantchd, he said he wants to fight them. 387 But the Bargantch6 defeated him. 388 They said that they would injure his horse.  208 The Transcription 389 A bine ye banda, a koy kani. 390 Cino to, cino koy yay. 391 A naanu ka tun ka kay, a salli. 392 A ne, nga bariyo ra, man no nga ga di boro kan ga di nga nya, nga se nga nya sohon. 393 Sonanceyizo, a naanu ga tun ka kay. 394 A ne "Ay no ga di ni nya." 395 A ne "Ler fo no ni ga kaa?" 396 A ne, "Hala gornya ga heen ga koy taray, 397 "Taray si hanan ni mana di ay." 398 A ne "To madalla ka ga koy." 399 A ne "Da ni koy, ma ne ay nya se: 400 "Ay ya to Bargancey gaa. 401 "Wallahi mo ay yanje nd'ey, dey i hina ay." 402 Fondo kulu si kan ga koy jina. 403 Bargance izo ga fatta kwaara gaa. 404 A fun kwaara, jama gaa, a na nga bankaaray ka ga gusam. 405 A bine ye beene. 406 Sonance ga desi. 407 Desiyan ga i ga wasu nda bene hi. 408 I ga wasu nda gabiyay falle. 409 A ka ga to Siciyay, Siciyay. 410 No din no, a ga bisa kala a ga ma i ga ne "Saana hay, Saana hay, Saana hay, Saana hay." 411 A bine ye ga koy zumbu. 412 Ka lamba ka ka kwaara ra. 413 I ne "Ifo no i go ga ne?" 414 I ne, "Saana hay." 415 I ne, "May ga ti Saana?" 416 I ne "Maamar Kasay kan furo ganji, a wande kan a hiiji ga dira. 417 "Kan gaa a dira ga gunde nan. 418 "Wando din ga ti Saana. 419 "Wando din k'ize aru hay a banda. 420 "Maamar Kasay furo ganji. 421 "Wando din kize aru hay a banda." 422 A ne, "Cimi no." 423 A ne, "To, izo dini, 208 The Transcription 389 A bine ye banda, a koy kani. 390 Cino to, cino koy yay. 391 A naanu ka tun ka kay, a salli. 392 A ne, nga bariyo ra, man no nga ga di boro kan ga di nga nya, nga se nga nya sohon. 393 Sonanceyizo, a naanu ga tun ka kay. 394 A ne "Ay no ga di ni nya." 395 A ne "Lee fo no ni ga kaa?" 396 A ne, "Hala gornya ga heen ga koy taray, 397 "Taray si hanan ni mana di ay." 398 A ne "To madalla ka ga koy." 399 A ne "Da ni koy, ma ne ay nya se: 400 "Ay ya to Bargancey gaa. 401 "Wallahi mo ay yanje nd'ey, dey i hina ay." 402 Fondo kulu si kan ga koy jina. 403 Bargance izo ga fatta kwaara gaa. 404 A fun kwaara, jama gaa, a na nga bankaaray ka ga gusam. 405 A bine ye beene. 406 Sonance ga desi. 407 Desiyan ga i ga wasu nda bene hi. 408 I ga wasu nda gabiyay falle. 409 A ka ga to Siciyay, Siciyay. 410 No din no, a ga bisa kala a ga ma i ga ne "Saana hay, Saana hay, Saana hay, Saana hay." 411 A bine ye ga koy zumbu. 412 Ka lamba ka ka kwaara ra. 413 I ne "Ifo no i go ga ne?" 414 I ne, "Saana hay." 415 I ne, "May ga ti Saana?" 416 I ne "Maamar Kasay kan furo ganji, a wande kan a hiiji ga dira. 417 "Kan gaa a dira ga gunde nan. 418 "Wando din ga ti Saana. 419 "Wando din kize aru hay a banda. 420 "Maamar Kasay furo ganji. 421 "Wando din kize aru hay a banda." 422 A ne, "Cimi no." 423 A ne, "To, izo dini, 208 The Transcription 389 A bine ye banda, a koy kani. 390 Cino to, cino koy yay. 391 A naanu ka tun ka kay, a salli. 392 A ne, nga bariyo ra, man no nga ga di boro kan ga di nga nya, nga se nga nya sohon. 393 Sonanceyizo, a naanu ga tun ka kay. 394 A ne "Ay no ga di ni nya." 395 A ne "Ler fo no ni ga kaa?" 396 A ne, "Hala gornya ga heen ga koy taray, 397 "Taray si hanan ni mana di ay." 398 A ne "To madalla ka ga koy." 399 A ne "Da ni koy, ma ne ay nya se: 400 "Ay ya to Bargancey gaa. 401 "Wallahi mo ay yanje nd'ey, dey i hina ay." 402 Fondo kulu si kan ga koy jina. 403 Bargance izo ga fatta kwaara gaa. 404 A fun kwaara, jama gaa, a na nga bankaaray ka ga gusam. 405 A bine ye beene. 406 Sonance ga desi. 407 Desiyan ga i ga wasu nda bene hi. 408 I ga wasu nda gabiyay falle. 409 A ka ga to Siciyay, Siciyay. 410 No din no, a ga bisa kala a ga ma i ga ne "Saana hay, Saana hay, Saana hay, Saana hay." 411 A bine ye ga koy zumbu. 412 Ka lamba ka ka kwaara ra. 413 I ne "Ifo no i go ga ne?" 414 I ne, "Saana hay." 415 I ne, "May ga ti Saana?" 416 I ne "Maamar Kasay kan furo ganji, a wande kan a hiiji ga dira. 417 "Kan gaa a dira ga gunde nan. 418 "Wando din ga ti Saana. 419 "Wando din kize aru hay a banda. 420 "Maamar Kasay furo ganji. 421 "Wando din kize aru hay a banda." 422 A ne, "Cimi no." 423 A ne, "To, izo dini,  The Translation 209 389 So he withdrew, he went home to sleep. 390 Night came, the night became cool. 391 He got up suddenly and recited some holy words. 392 He said, among his horse, where could he find someone who could see his mother in a short time. 393 A sohanci got up quickly. 394 He said, "It is I who will see your mother." 395 He said, "What time will you come?" 396 He said, "Before the first cock crow. 397 "You will see me before daylight." 398 He said, "Good, praised be to Allah, go ahead." 399 He said, "If you leave, tell my mother: 400 "Me, I have reached the Bargantchd. 401 "By Allah, I have fought against them but they have beaten me." 402 There is no longer any way of advancing. 403 The Bargantche man went out of the village. 404 He went away from the crowd, and took off all his clothes. 405 Suddenly he took off into the sky. 406 The sohanci flies fast. 407 They fly faster than airplanes. 408 They go faster than a hawk. 409 He arrived at Sikiyay, Sikiyay. 410 It is there that he arrived, he heard them say, "Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth." 411 So there he landed. 412 He hid himself as he entered into the village. 413 They said, "What are they saying?" 414 They replied; "Sana has given birth." 415 They said, "Who is Sana?" 416 They said, "Mamar Kassaye who went away, his wife whom he married before he left. 417 "Whom he left pregnant. 418 "It is that woman there who is Sana. 419 "It is that woman who gave birth to a boy in his absence. 420 "Mamar Kassaye has gone away. 421 "It is his wife who gave birth to a boy in his absence." 422 He said, "That's true." 423 He said, "Now, this son, The Translation 209 389 So he withdrew, he went home to sleep. 390 Night came, the night became cool. 391 He got up suddenly and recited some holy words. 392 He said, among his horse, where could he find someone who could see his mother in a short time. 393 A sohanci got up quickly. 394 He said, "It is I who will see your mother." 395 He said, "What time will you come?" 396 He said, "Before the first cock crow. 397 "You will see me before daylight." 398 He said, "Good, praised be to Allah, go ahead." 399 He said, "If you leave, tell my mother: 400 "Me, I have reached the Bargantchd. 401 "By Allah, I have fought against them but they have beaten me." 402 There is no longer any way of advancing. 403 The Bargantch6 man went out of the village. 404 He went away from the crowd, and took off all his clothes. 405 Suddenly he took off into the sky. 406 The sohanci flies fast. 407 They fly faster than airplanes. 408 They go faster than a hawk. 409 He arrived at Sikiyay, Sikiyay. 410 It is there that he arrived, he heard them say, "Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth." 411 So there he landed. 412 He hid himself as he entered into the village. 413 They said, "What are they saying?" 414 They replied; "Sana has given birth." 415 They said, "Who is Sana?" 416 They said, "Mamar Kassaye who went away, his wife whom he married before he left. 417 "Whom he left pregnant. 418 "It is that woman there who is Sana. 419 "It is that woman who gave birth to a boy in his absence. 420 "Mamar Kassaye has gone away. 421 "It is his wife who gave birth to a boy in his absence." 422 He said, "That's true." 423 He said. "Now. this son. The Translation 209 389 So he withdrew, he went home to sleep. 390 Night came, the night became cool. 391 He got up suddenly and recited some holy words. 392 He said, among his horse, where could he find someone who could see his mother in a short time. 393 A sohanci got up quickly. 394 He said, "It is I who will see your mother." 395 He said, "What time will you come?" 396 He said, "Before the first cock crow. 397 "You will see me before daylight." 398 He said, "Good, praised be to Allah, go ahead." 399 He said, "If you leave, tell my mother: 400 "Me, I have reached the Bargantche. 401 "By Allah, I have fought against them but they have beaten me." 402 There is no longer any way of advancing. 403 The Bargantch6 man went out of the village. 404 He went away from the crowd, and took off all his clothes. 405 Suddenly he took off into the sky. 406 The sohanci flies fast. 407 They fly faster than airplanes. 408 They go faster than a hawk. 409 He arrived at Sikiyay, Sikiyay. 410 It is there that he arrived, he heard them say, "Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth, Sana has given birth." 411 So there he landed. 412 He hid himself as he entered into the village. 413 They said, "What are they saying?" 414 They replied; "Sana has given birth." 415 They said, "Who is Sana?" 416 They said, "Mamar Kassaye who went away, his wife whom he married before he left. 417 "Whom he left pregnant. 418 "It is that woman there who is Sana. 419 "It is that woman who gave birth to a boy in his absence. 420 "Mamar Kassaye has gone away. 421 "It is his wife who gave birth to a boy in his absence." 422 He said, "That's true." 423 He said. "Now. this son.  210 The Transcription 210 The Transcription 210 The Transcription 424 "Han kan hane a to cabuyan, i n'a maa dan." 425 I m'a maa dan Dauda. 426 Dauda Saana. 427 Saana Alma Dauda. 428 Saana Boria Alma Dauda. 429 Saana Boriayze Cim Dauda. 430 A bisa. 431 A koy nyano do. 432 Nyano, Kasay ne a se "Za don, 433 "Ay ne a se a ma si yanje da Bargancey. 434 "A si hiney zama Bargance wa no gunda ra." 435 A n'a se day, 436 Sohon, a na haabu ize ku nga kamba ra, a n'a se "Hi." 437 A na gunguri, gornyo gunguri sambu, a n'a se, "Hi." 438 A na tondize sambu, isa tondize wo, a na sambu, a n'a se "Hi." 439 "D'in koy," d'a koy Bargancey gaa, 440 Da Bargancey na a garay, 441 A ma nga bariyo kulu dan jina ga cindi nga hinne banda. 442 A ma kamba banda ga haabizo din say. 443 A ga te gumbi ga tun ga gaaru nga d'ey gama ra. 444 Day i na gumbo beri, 445 Gumbo man'i wa da. 446 I ga gumbo beeri, k'a ceeci. 447 Da gumbo man ngey wa daa, 448 Hino, da i ye g'a gaaray koyne, 449 A ma bariyo kulu dan nga jine koyne. 450 A ma tondizo din catu nga banda. 451 A ga te tondi beeri ga gaaru nga nd'ey gama ra. 452 Da tondi turwa din man'i wa da, 453 Waati kan cine, i ye ga a gaaray koyne, 454 A ma ye ga bariyo kulu dan nga jine koyne, 455 Ka cindi nga hinne banda. 456 A ma kamba banda ka gunguro din jindaw. 457 Guro ga te isa ga gaaru nga d'ey gama ra. 424 "Han kan hane a to cabuyan, i na maa dan." 425 I m'a maa dan Dauda. 426 Dauda Saana. 427 Saana Alma Dauda. 428 Saana Boria Alma Dauda. 429 Saana Boriayze Cim Dauda. 430 A bisa. 431 A koy nyano do. 432 Nyano, Kasay ne a se "Za don, 433 "Ay ne a se a ma si yanje da Bargancey. 434 "A si hiney zama Bargance wa no gunda ra." 435 A na se day, 436 Sohon, a na haabu ize ku nga kamba ra, a na se "Hi." 437 A na gunguri, gornyo gunguri sambu, a na se, "Hi." 438 A na tondize sambu, isa tondize wo, a na sambu, a na se "Hi." 439 "D'in koy," d'a koy Bargancey gaa, 440 Da Bargancey na a garay, 441 A ma nga bariyo kulu dan jina ga cindi nga hinne banda. 442 A ma kamba banda ga haabizo din say. 443 A ga te gumbi ga tun ga gaaru nga d'ey gama ra. 444 Day i na gumbo beri, 445 Gumbo man'i wa da. 446 I ga gumbo beeri, ka ceeci. 447 Da gumbo man ngey wa daa, 448 Hino, da i ye g'a gaaray koyne, 449 A ma bariyo kulu dan nga jine koyne. 450 A ma tondizo din catu nga banda. 451 A ga te tondi beeri ga gaaru nga nd'ey gama ra. 452 Da tondi turwa din man'i wa da, 453 Waati kan cine, i ye ga a gaaray koyne, 454 A ma ye ga bariyo kulu dan nga jine koyne, 455 Ka cindi nga hinne banda. 456 A ma kamba banda ka gunguro din jindaw. 457 Guro ga te isa ga gaaru nga d'ey gama ra. 424 "Han kan hane a to cabuyan, i na maa dan." 425 I m'a maa dan Dauda. 426 Dauda Saana. 427 Saana Alma Dauda. 428 Saana Boria Alma Dauda. 429 Saana Boriayze Cim Dauda. 430 A bisa. 431 A koy nyano do. 432 Nyano, Kasay ne a se "Za don, 433 "Ay ne a se a ma si yanje da Bargancey. 434 "A si hiney zama Bargance wa no gunda ra." 435 A na se day, 436 Sohon, a na haabu ize ku nga kamba ra, a n'a se "Hi." 437 A na gunguri, gornyo gunguri sambu, a na se, "Hi." 438 A na tondize sambu, isa tondize wo, a na sambu, a n'a se "Hi." 439 "D'in koy," d'a koy Bargancey gaa, 440 Da Bargancey na a garay, 441 A ma nga bariyo kulu dan jina ga cindi nga hinne banda. 442 A ma kamba banda ga haabizo din say. 443 A ga te gumbi ga tun ga gaaru nga d'ey gama ra. 444 Day i na gumbo beri, 445 Gumbo man'i wa da. 446 I ga gumbo beeri, k'a ceeci. 447 Da gumbo man ngey wa daa, 448 Hino, da i ye g'a gaaray koyne, 449 A ma bariyo kulu dan nga jine koyne. 450 A ma tondizo din catu nga banda. 451 A ga te tondi beeri ga gaaru nga nd'ey gama ra. 452 Da tondi turwa din man'i wa da, 453 Waati kan cine, i ye ga a gaaray koyne, 454 A ma ye ga bariyo kulu dan nga jine koyne, 455 Ka cindi nga hinne banda. 456 A ma kamba banda ka gunguro din jindaw. 457 Guro ga te isa ga gaaru nga d'ey gama ra.  The Translation 211 424 "On the day when he was old enough to be named, they gave him a name." 425 He should be given the name Daouda. 426 Daouda Sana. 427 Sana Alma Daouda. 428 Sana Boria Alma Daouda. 429 Sana Boriayze Cim Daouda. 430 He continued on his route. 431 He went to his mother's home. 432 His mother, Kassaye, had told him, "Long ago, 433 "I told him not to fight against the Bargantchd. 434 "He cannot beat them, for he has in his stomach the milk of a Bargantchd." 435 However, she told him, 436 Now, she took some cotton seeds in her hand and said, "Take." 437 She took an egg, a chicken egg, and she said to him, "Take." 438 She took a stone, a river stone, she told him, "Take." 439 "If you go," if he goes to the Bargantchd, 440 If the Bargantchd chase him, 441 He should put all his horses before him and he should be the only one behind. 442 He should scatter the cotton seeds behind him. 443 They will become a dense bushy barrier between him and them. 444 If they chop it down, 445 This dense bush will not prevent anything. 446 They will clear the bush in order to find him. 447 If the bush does not help at all, 448 This time, if they are still hunting him, 449 He should put all his cavalry in front of him. 450 He should throw the stone behind him. 451 It will become a big mountain that will be a barrier between them. 452 If the big mountain does not help them, 453 And when they chase him again, 454 He should put all his cavalry in front of him again, 455 Leaving himself in the rear. 456 He should throw the egg behind him. 457 The egg will become a river to separate them. The Translation 211 424 "On the day when he was old enough to be named, they gave him a name." 425 He should be given the name Daouda. 426 Daouda Sana. 427 Sana Alma Daouda. 428 Sana Boria Alma Daouda. 429 Sana Boriayze Cim Daouda. 430 He continued on his route. 431 He went to his mother's home. 432 His mother, Kassaye, had told him, "Long ago, 433 "I told him not to fight against the Bargantchd. 434 "He cannot beat them, for he has in his stomach the milk of a Bargantchd." 435 However, she told him, 436 Now, she took some cotton seeds in her hand and said, "Take." 437 She took an egg, a chicken egg, and she said to him, "Take." 438 She took a stone, a river stone, she told him, "Take." 439 "If you go," if he goes to the Bargantch6, 440 If the Bargantchd chase him, 441 He should put all his horses before him and he should be the only one behind. 442 He should scatter the cotton seeds behind him. 443 They will become a dense bushy barrier between him and them. 444 If they chop it down, 445 This dense bush will not prevent anything. 446 They will clear the bush in order to find him. 447 If the bush does not help at all, 448 This time, if they are still hunting him, 449 He should put all his cavalry in front of him. 450 He should throw the stone behind him. 451 It will become a big mountain that will be a barrier between them. 452 If the big mountain does not help them, 453 And when they chase him again, 454 He should put all his cavalry in front of him again, 455 Leaving himself in the rear. 456 He should throw the egg behind him. 457 The egg will become a river to separate them. The Translation 211 424 "On the day when he was old enough to be named, they gave him a name." 425 He should be given the name Daouda. 426 Daouda Sana. 427 Sana Alma Daouda. 428 Sana Boria Alma Daouda. 429 Sana Boriayze Cim Daouda. 430 He continued on his route. 431 He went to his mother's home. 432 His mother, Kassaye, had told him, "Long ago, 433 "I told him not to fight against the Bargantchd. 434 "He cannot beat them, for he has in his stomach the milk of a Bargantch6." 435 However, she told him, 436 Now, she took some cotton seeds in her hand and said, "Take." 437 She took an egg, a chicken egg, and she said to him, "Take." 438 She took a stone, a river stone, she told him, "Take." 439 "If you go," if he goes to the Bargantchd, 440 If the Bargantchd chase him, 441 He should put all his horses before him and he should be the only one behind. 442 He should scatter the cotton seeds behind him. 443 They will become a dense bushy barrier between him and them. 444 If they chop it down, 445 This dense bush will not prevent anything. 446 They will clear the bush in order to find him. 447 If the bush does not help at all, 448 This time, if they are still hunting him, 449 He should put all his cavalry in front of him. 450 He should throw the stone behind him. 451 It will become a big mountain that will be a barrier between them. 452 If the big mountain does not help them, 453 And when they chase him again, 454 He should put all his cavalry in front of him again, 455 Leaving himself in the rear. 456 He should throw the egg behind him. 457 The egg will become a river to separate them.  212 The Transcription 212 The Transcription 212 The Transcription 458 Isa ya si, i ga kay isa gaa. 459 Guro din ga te isa ga gaaru nga nd'ey game ra. 460 Hala alfazar gornyay ga heen, 461 Alfazaro ga furo ga boori. 462 Sonanceyzo ye ga kaa, a zumbu. 463 A ne "Wallahi, kan ay ga bisa Siciyay wo, ay ma i ne Saana hay. 464 "Ay bine ne nda Saana hay-kan Saana hay," 465 "I m'izo dan Dauda." 466 Nga ga ti Dauda Saana. 467 I bisa kala i koy hala ... 468 A wa da Bargancey, Bargancey kan go isa ga. 469 A mana ye ga yanje nd'ey koyne. 470 Sohon a bisa i laabo ra day no ga koy ga nga zabana sintin koyne. 471 Han kan hane a ye ga kaa, 472 A koy zumbu Gao. 473 Kala a jasara, kala Modi Baja kan cindi a banda. 474 A ye ga kaa. 475 A zumbu. 476 A te gu waytaaci. 477 A ne i ma tirahaw Sonay gaa. 478 Da man ti hunkuna annasaara zabana. 479 Waati din wo, Sonay arwaseyze sinda futare. 480 A ye ga ka fu. 481 To ize jina, kan a hay Sonay dini, 482 Nga no i ga ne Zaara Almanyauri. 483 Zaara Gobirance Almanyauri, Zaara Gobiranceyze Muusa. 484 Muusa te salli wa salli dan salli tonko, nama tonko. 485 Muusa Zaara no ya. 486 Nga ga ti a wande jina. 487 Zaara ga ti a wande jina, Zaara ga Muusa hay. 488 Muusa Zaara, Maamar ize fa no ya. 458 Isa ya si, i ga kay isa gaa. 459 Guro din ga te isa ga gaaru nga nd'ey game ra. 460 Hala alfazar gornyay ga heen, 461 Alfazaro ga furo ga boori. 462 Sonanceyzo ye ga kaa, a zumbu. 463 A ne "Wallahi, kan ay ga bisa Siciyay wo, ay ma i ne Saana hay. 464 "Ay bine ne nda Saana hay-kan Saana hay," 465 "I m'izo dan Dauda." 466 Nga ga ti Dauda Saana. 467 I bisa kala i koy hala ... 468 A wa da Bargancey, Bargancey kan go isa ga. 469 A mana ye ga yanje nd'ey koyne. 470 Sohon a bisa i laabo ra day no ga koy ga nga zabana sintin koyne. 471 Han kan hane a ye ga kaa, 472 A koy zumbu Gao. 473 Kala a jasara, kala Modi Baja kan cindi a banda. 474 A ye ga kaa. 475 A zumbu. 476 A te gu waytaaci. 477 A ne i ma irahaw Sonay gaa. 478 Da man ti hunkuna annasaara zabana. 479 Waati din wo, Sonay arwaseyze sinda futare. 480 A ye ga ka fu. 481 To ize jina, kan a hay Sonay dini, 482 Nga no i ga ne Zaara Almanyauri. 483 Zaara Gobirance Almanyauri, Zaara Gobiranceyze Muusa. 484 Muusa te salli wa salli dan salli tonko, nama tonko. 485 Muusa Zaara no ya. 486 Nga ga ti a wande jina. 487 Zaara ga ti a wande jina, Zaara ga Muusa hay. 488 Muusa Zaara, Maamar ize fa no ya. 458 Isa ya si, i ga kay isa gaa. 459 Guro din ga te isa ga gaaru nga nd'ey game ra. 460 Hala alfazar gornyay ga heen, 461 Alfazaro ga furo ga boori. 462 Sonanceyzo ye ga kaa, a zumbu. 463 A ne "Wallahi, kan ay ga bisa Siciyay wo, ay ma i ne Saana hay. 464 "Ay bine ne nda Saana hay-kan Saana hay," 465 "I m'izo dan Dauda." 466 Nga ga ti Dauda Saana. 467 I bisa kala i koy hala ... 468 A wa da Bargancey, Bargancey kan go isa ga. 469 A mana ye ga yanje nd'ey koyne. 470 Sohon a bisa i laabo ra day no ga koy ga nga zabana sintin koyne. 471 Han kan hane a ye ga kaa, 472 A koy zumbu Gao. 473 Kala a jasara, kala Modi Baja kan cindi a banda. 474 A ye ga kaa. 475 A zumbu. 476 A te gu waytaaci. 477 A ne i ma tirahaw Sonay gaa. 478 Da man ti hunkuna annasaara zabana. 479 Waati din wo, Sonay arwaseyze sinda futare. 480 A ye ga ka fu. 481 To ize jina, kan a hay Sonay dini, 482 Nga no i ga ne Zaara Almanyauri. 483 Zaara Gobirance Almanyauri, Zaara Gobiranceyze Muusa. 484 Muusa te salli wa salli dan sall tonko, nama tonko. 485 Muusa Zaara no ya. 466 Nga ga ti a wande jina. 487 Zaara ga ti a wande jina, Zaara ga Muusa hay. 488 Muusa Zaara, Maamar ize fa no ya.  The Translation 213 458 The river cannot-they will stop at the river. 459 That egg will become a river that will be a barrier between them. 460 Before the cocks crow at dawn, 461 When dawn has really come, 462 The sohanci returns, he lands on the earth. 463 He said, "By Allah, when I passed by Sikiyay I heard them say that Sana had given birth. 464 "Then I said that if Sana gives birth-since Sana had given birth, 465 "They should name the child Daouda." 466 He is the one who is Daouda Sana. 467 They continued until they ... 468 He escaped from the Bargantch6, the Bargantch6 who live along the river. 469 He never again fought against them. 470 Now, he just passed through their country, to go and start again his reign. 471 The day when he came back, 472 He came back to Gao. 473 The only one left with him was his griot and Modi Baja. 474 He came back. 475 He dismounted from his horse. 476 He brought together forty stallions. 477 He said that marriage should take place between him and the Songhay. 478 It is not like today during the era of the Whites. 479 Before, young Songhay men courting women didn't have any- thing. 480 He came back to his house. 481 So, the first child he fathered in the Songhay, 482 It is the one who is named Zara Almanyauri. 483 Zara Almanyauri the woman from the Gobir region, Zara Moussa child of the Gobir. 484 For Moussa, what has been bound with iron can only be un- done with iron. 485 It is Moussa Zara. 486 It is she who was his first wife. 487 It is Zara who is his first wife, it is Zara who gave birth to Moussa. 488 Moussa Zara, he is the other son of Mamar. The Translation 213 458 The river cannot-they will stop at the river. 459 That egg will become a river that will be a barrier between them. 460 Before the cocks crow at dawn, 461 When dawn has really come, 462 The sohanci returns, he lands on the earth. 463 He said, "By Allah, when I passed by Sikiyay I heard them say that Sana had given birth. 464 "Then I said that if Sana gives birth-since Sana had given birth, 465 "They should name the child Daouda." 466 He is the one who is Daouda Sana. 467 They continued until they ... 468 He escaped from the Bargantch6, the Bargantch6 who live along the river. 469 He never again fought against them. 470 Now, he just passed through their country, to go and start again his reign. 471 The day when he came back, 472 He came back to Gao. 473 The only one left with him was his griot and Modi Baja. 474 He came back. 475 He dismounted from his horse. 476 He brought together forty stallions. 477 He said that marriage should take place between him and the Songhay. 478 It is not like today during the era of the Whites. 479 Before, young Songhay men courting women didn't have any- thing. 480 He came back to his house. 481 So, the first child he fathered in the Songhay, 482 It is the one who is named Zara Almanyauri. 483 Zara Almanyauri the woman from the Gobir region, Zara Moussa child of the Gobir. 484 For Moussa, what has been bound with iron can only be un- done with iron. 485 It is Moussa Zara. 486 It is she who was his first wife. 487 It is Zara who is his first wife, it is Zara who gave birth to Moussa. 488 Moussa Zara, he is the other son of Mamar. The Translation 213 458 The river cannot-they will stop at the river. 459 That egg will become a river that will be a barrier between them. 460 Before the cocks crow at dawn, 461 When dawn has really come, 462 The sohanci returns, he lands on the earth. 463 He said, "By Allah, when I passed by Sikiyay I heard them say that Sana had given birth. 464 "Then I said that if Sana gives birth-since Sana had given birth, 465 "They should name the child Daouda." 466 He is the one who is Daouda Sana. 467 They continued until they ... 468 He escaped from the Bargantchd, the Bargantch6 who live along the river. 469 He never again fought against them. 470 Now, he just passed through their country, to go and start again his reign. 471 The day when he came back, 472 He came back to Gao. 473 The only one left with him was his griot and Modi Baja. 474 He came back. 475 He dismounted from his horse. 476 He brought together forty stallions. 477 He said that marriage should take place between him and the Songhay. 478 It is not like today during the era of the Whites. 479 Before, young Songhay men courting women didn't have any- thing. 480 He came back to his house. 481 So, the first child he fathered in the Songhay, 482 It is the one who is named Zara Almanyauri. 483 Zara Almanyauri the woman from the Gobir region, Zara Moussa child of the Gobir. 484 For Moussa, what has been bound with iron can only be un- done with iron. 485 It is Moussa Zara. 486 It is she who was his first wife. 487 It is Zara who is his first wife, it is Zara who gave birth to Moussa. 488 Moussa Zara, he is the other son of Mamar.  214 The Transcription 214 The Transcription 214 The Transcription 489 A banda, 490 A falle na a dagante, a banda bisanta. 491 A ma Damba Banna, hay Mohamma Gao, 492 kan na mudurku funnu. koro. 493 Nga ga Sonay faula beero batu. 494 Kalam, day bu wangu a se, a jin ga bu baabo se. 495 A falle na a dagante, nga ma bande bisante. 496 A saara Jam Neera. 497 A hay Isnaka. 498 Mallamn Koy Yaara. 499 Da ga da ga Si. 500 Te guma Isanka, Ce futa Isaaka, Mallam Kay Yarn. 501 Safa nda ka dani. 502 A ne d'nga salan, Mallamn borey ga maa. 503 D'ngn mana salan, Mallam harry ga mna. 504 Goyo kan nga ga te i se inga ga sobay ... (undeciphera- ble). 505 Suba i ma. saw nga ga . .. (undecipherable). 506 (undecipherable) .. . ize knin i kayna, 507 Snana. Alma Dauda. 508 Nga ga ti Saanayze Dauda. 509 Snana Bariyey. 510 Alma Dauda, Saana Bariyeyze Sin Bonkani. 511 Dauda ka snara Nyami. 512 Imamna Nyami. 513 Nyami ga Nyami garassanta a na zauran nyami bangon Nyami hamsa mate aran Nyami. 514 A na sumu koynia bokou no kay tin full ban cita bon. 515 Izey kulu i knynian ga ka banba funla ho soay. 516 (undecipherable). 517 1 ne, a se zanka kayno si banba fuula nwa Sanay. 518 "(undecipherable) ... hala ifo sabbey ganda se?" 519 Man te fina can wangu gamna cila, .. . (undecipherable). 520 (undecipherable) 489 A banda, 490 A falle na. a dagante, a banda hisanta. 491 A ma Damba Banna, hay Mohamma Gao, 492 kan a mudurku funnu kora. 493 Nga ga Sanay funla beera bntu. 494 Kalam, day bu wangu a se, a jin ga ha banbo se. 495 A falle a a dagante, aga ma, bande bisante. 496 A sanra Jam Neera. 497 A hay Isnaka. 498 Mallam Kay Yanra. 499 Da ga da ga Si. 500 Te gumna Isanka, Ce futa Isnaka, Mallam Kay Yarn. 501 Safa uda ka dari. 502 A ne dunga salan, Mallamn harey ga man. 503 Uga mann salan, Mallamn barry ga man. 504 Gaya kan nga ga te i se, inga ga sabay . .. (undeciphera- ble). 505 Suba i ma, saw nga ga . .. (undecipherable). 506 (undecipherable) .. . ize kulu i knyna, 507 Snana Alma Dauda. 508 Ngn ga Ci Sanayze Dauda. 509 Snana Bariyry. 510 Alma Dauda, Snana Bariyeyze Sin Bankani. 511 Dauda ka snara Nyami. 512 Imama Nynmi. 513 Nyami ga Nyani garassanta a a zouron nyami bangan Nynmi hnmsn mate aa Nynmi. 514 A na sutu kaynia bakon no kay tin ful ban rita ban. 515 Izey kulu i knynianuga ka banba funla ho soay. 516 (undecipherable). 517 1 ne a se zanka knyna Si banba funla nwa Soay. 518 '(undecipherable) ... hala ifa, sabbey ganda se?" 519 Man Ce fina can wongu gamna cila .. . (undecipherable). 520 (undecipherable) 489 A banda, 490 A falle, na a dagante, a banda bisanta. 491 A ma Damba Bauna, hay Mahamma, Gao, 492 kan na mudurku funnu karo. 493 Ngn ga Soay funla brero batn. 494 Kalam, day bu wangu a se, a jin ga ha banbo se. 495 A falle, na a daganle, uga ma bande bisante. 496 A snara Jam Neera. 497 A hay Isnaka. 498 Mallam Kay Yanra. 499 Da ga da ga Si. 500 Te guma Isanka, Cr futa Isnaka, Mallam Kay Yarn. 501 Safa uda ka dani. 502 A ne danga salnn, Mallamn barry ga man. 503 Daga mann salan, Mallam barry ga man. 504 Gaya kan nga ga tc i se inga ga sabay . .. (undeciphera- ble). 505 Suba i ma, saw ngn ga . .. (undecipherable). 506 (undecipherable) .. . ize knlu i knyna, 507 Snana Alma Dauda. 508 Ngn ga Ci Snanayze Dauda. 509 Snana, Bariyry. 510 Alma Dauda, Snana Bariyeyze Sin Bonkani. 511 Dauda ka snara Nynmi. 512 Imama Nyami. 513 Nyami ga Nyami garassanta a na zauran nynmi bangan Nynmi hnmsa mate aman Nyami. 514 A na sutu kaynin bokon no kay tin ful ban eita ban. 515 Izey kulu i knynianuga ka banba funla ho sonny. 516 (undecipherable). 517 1 ne a se zanka kayno Si banba funla nwa Sanay. 518 "(undecipherable) ... hala, ifo sabbey ganda se?" 519 Man Ce ifia can wongu gamna cila ... (undecipherable). 520 (undecipherable)  The Translation 215 The Translation 215 The Translation 215 489 After him, 490 After him, he left, after, he went by. 491 His name is Mahamma Damba Bana, he fathered Mohammma Gao, 492 Who expected to ascend to the great throne of the Songhay. 493 He is the one who expected to ascend to the great throne of the Songhay. 494 But death refused it to him, he died before his father. 495 After he went by, he too after him. 496 He fathered Jam Neera. 497 He fathered Issaka, 498 Mallam Koy Yara. 499 (undecipherable) .. . Si. 500 Issaka the good, Issaka the bad, Mallam Koy Yara. 501 (undecipherable) 502 He said that if he announces himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 503 He said that if he doesn't announce himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 504 What he does to them, he is going to continue to do (undeci- pherable). 505 In the future they will surprise him (undecipherable). 506 (undecipherable) . . . the smallest of the children, 507 Sana Alma Daouda. 508 He is called Sana Daouda. 509 Sana Boriyey. 510 Alma Daouda, Sana Boriyeze Jin Bonkani. 511 Daouda fathered Nyami. 512 Imama Nyami. 513 Nyami ... Nyami .. . blacksmith ... he ran ... Nyami ... pond ... Nyami ... how you ... Nyami (line partially unde- cipherable). 514 (undecipherable) 515 The smallest of his children, it is he who expected the throne from his father's line. 516 (undecipherable) 517 They answered him that a little child cannot have the paternal throne in the Songhay. 518 "(undecipherable) ... Father, for what reason?" 519 (undecipherable) 520 (undecipherable) 489 After him, 490 After him, he left, after, he went by. 491 His name is Mahamma Damba Bana, he fathered Mohammma Gao, 492 Who expected to ascend to the great throne of the Songhay. 493 He is the one who expected to ascend to the great throne of the Songhay. 494 But death refused it to him, he died before his father. 495 After he went by, he too after him. 496 He fathered Jam Neera. 497 He fathered Issaka, 498 Mallam Koy Yara. 499 (undecipherable) .. . Si. 500 Issaka the good, Issaka the bad, Mallam Koy Yara. 501 (undecipherable) 502 He said that if he announces himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 503 He said that if he doesn't announce himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 504 What he does to them, he is going to continue to do (undeci- pherable). 505 In the future they will surprise him (undecipherable). 506 (undecipherable) . . . the smallest of the children, 507 Sana Alma Daouda. 508 He is called Sana Daouda. 509 Sana Boriyey. 510 Alma Daouda, Sana Boriyeze Jin Bonkani. 511 Daouda fathered Nyami. 512 Imama Nyami. 513 Nyami ... Nyami .. . blacksmith ... he ran ... Nyami ... pond ... Nyami ... how you ... Nyami (line partially unde- cipherable). 514 (undecipherable) 515 The smallest of his children, it is he who expected the throne from his father's line. 516 (undecipherable) 517 They answered him that a little child cannot have the paternal throne in the Songhay. 518 "(undecipherable) ... Father, for what reason?" 519 (undecipherable) 520 (undecipherable) 489 After him, 490 After him, he left, after, he went by. 491 His name is Mahamma Damba Bana, he fathered Mohammma Gao, 492 Who expected to ascend to the great throne of the Songhay. 493 He is the one who expected to ascend to the great throne of the Songhay. 494 But death refused it to him, he died before his father. 495 After he went by, he too after him. 496 He fathered Jam Neera. 497 He fathered Issaka, 498 Mallam Koy Yara. 499 (undecipherable) .. . Si. 500 Issaka the good, Issaka the bad, Mallam Koy Yara. 501 (undecipherable) 502 He said that if he announces himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 503 He said that if he doesn't announce himself, the people of Mallam will hear him. 504 What he does to them, he is going to continue to do (undeci- pherable). 505 In the future they will surprise him (undecipherable). 506 (undecipherable) . .. the smallest of the children, 507 Sana Alma Daouda. 508 He is called Sana Daouda. 509 Sana Boriyey. 510 Alma Daouda, Sana Boriyeze Jin Bonkani. 511 Daouda fathered Nyami. 512 Imama Nyami. 513 Nyami ... Nyami .. . blacksmith . .. he ran ... Nyami ... pond ... Nyami ... how you ... Nyami (line partially unde- cipherable). 514 (undecipherable) 515 The smallest of his children, it is he who expected the throne from his father's line. 516 (undecipherable) 517 They answered him that a little child cannot have the paternal throne in the Songhay. 518 "(undecipherable) ... Father, for what reason?" 519 (undecipherable) 520 (undecipherable)  216 216 ~~~The Transcription21ThTrscito26TeTanrptn 216 The Transcription 216 The Transcription 521 (undecipherable) 522 Mousu hinka kan go Gombo fonda boo, 523 Boro kulu kan mana muusey wi Si baaba fuola ewa Sonay. 524 Daouda zoeu sewo butu. 525 Daouda Maamar ize a bina a ton. 526 Haara Dauda mo bine toe. 527 (undecipherable) 528 Daoda Maamar ize futu a koy koni. 529 A tc jirbi iyye a mana hari bi ban a maca kawi ban, a maca hawru ewa. 530 A koy furo nga fuo ra ga kani ka kankuni. 531 Soni zano a naml~imini a eamsev cc na eani hille ea. 532 Haara Dauda me fobu. 533 Nga mo mana. hani bi han, a mona subu nwa, a mana hayni ewa kala nynili linere, kala a te jirbi iyye. 534 Kaanaje bondi. 535 Cini bine sunfulayni, 536 Kaanaje bondi. 537 Sernvo baana. bounu baana. na mullasi tanda. 538 Alfazar gornyo follon been a fa mo na jinde kokoro. 539 A na . .. (undecipherable). 540 A na gaari dan baara. gaa. 541 Serowa kaneara bana. 542 Haara Dauda mo ga dira cc fo fo. 543 Kala tara nommo cillanyma. 544 Kola a koy Gombo fonda bon, 545 Dauda duoo a mullasi iandi. 546 A kaa ga to muusey do. 547 Dauda Maamar na nga jinde foro ka doonu. 548 Sor me ningo ... . (undecipherable). 549 liaara Dauda me, be jinde binza. 550 Mata kul lagerin. 551 Muuso binka ton. 552 (undecipherable) 553 (undecipherable) 554 Afo ye fonda kamba goma ga ga kani, afa ye fonda kamba we ga. 555 1 gee no ga a hangan. 521 (undecipherable) 522 Muso binka kan go Gombo fonda ben, 523 Bore kulo kan maca muosey wi Si baaba fuola nwa Senay. 524 Daeuda zeo sewo buto. 525 Daouda Maamor ize a bina a ton. 526 Haara Dauda me, bine ton. 527 (undecipherable) 528 Daoda Maamar ccc fobu a key kani. 529 A In jirbi iyye a mana bani bi han a maca kawi ban, a maca bawru ewa. 530 A key fuo ego fcc ra ga kani ka kunkuni. 531 Soni zaeu a eamiisnieni a Ramsey ce na Ramii huml no. 532 Haara Dauda me, fobu. 533 Nga me maca honi bi ban, a maca subo nwa, a maca hayni nwa kala nycili linere, kala a te jirbi iyye. 534 Kaanaje bondi. 535 Cmni bine sunfulayni, 536 Kaanaje bendi. 537 Sornyo baana buno baana. na mullasi tanda. 538 Alfazar gornyo felice been a fa mc na jiede kekoro. 539 A n. ... (undecipherable). 540 A no gaari dan hoara gaa. 541 Seruwo kantara bonn. 542 Haaro Dauda me go. dima cc fo fo. 543 Kala bara gemmo cillanyma. 544 Kola a key Gembe fonda ben, 545 Dauda duec a mullasi jcdi. 546 A kna go to muutey do. 547 Dauda Manmor no ego jinde furo ka doonu. 548 Seni me ningo ... . (undecipherable). 549 Hianra Dauda me, he jinde bieza. 550 Mata, kul lagerin. 551 Mouse hieka tue. 552 (undecipherable) 553 (undecipherable) 554 Afo ye fonda kamba guma go go kani, afa ye fonda komba we go. 555 1 gee no go a hangan. 521 (undecipherable) 522 Mouso binko kon go Gembe fonda bee, 523 Bore kolo kan mano mousey wi Si boaba fuola ewa Senay. 524 Dacuda zoeu sewo butu. 525 Dacuda Moomor ize a bina a toe. 526 Hanra Dauda me bine ton. 527 (undecipherable) 528 Dacudo Manmar ize fobu a key koni. 529 A In jirbi iyye a mono bani hi ban a maca kawi ban, a maca hawru ewa. 530 A key furo ego fo en go kani ka kunkuni. 531 Soni zoo a gamliiti a gamsey cc no eami hille no. 532 Hanra Douda me fobu. 533 Ngo me mono bani hi hoe, a maca subo ewa, a maca hoyni ewa kala nycili tieere, kola a te jirbi iyye. 534 Knanaje bendi. 535 Cmni bine sunfulayni 536 Kanaje beedi. 537 Sernyo ban hoano boana. no mullasi tanda. 538 Alfazar gornyc fellon been o fa me no jinde kokere. 539 A n. ... (undecipherable). 540 A no ganri dan booma gao. 541 Seruwa kantara bonn. 542 Hanra Dauda me go dima cc fe fo. 543 Kala tarn gormmo cillanyma. 544 Kola a key Gembo fonda bee, 545 Dauda do a mullasi iandi. 546 A kna go to muusey do. 547 Dauda Manmar en ego jinde furo ka deonu. 548 Seni me n'ingo ... . (undecipherable). 549 Hoara Dauda mc, he jinde bieza. 550 Matn kol lagerie. 551 Muuso hinka tue. 552 (undecipherable) 553 (undecipherable) 554 Afo ye fonda kambo guma go go kani, afo ye fonda kamba we go. 555 1 gee no go a hangan.  The Translation 217 The Translation 217 The Translation 217 521 (undecipherable) 522 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 523 Anyone who has not killed these lions will not have the pater- nal throne in the Songhay. 524 Daouda became angry. 525 Daouda son of Mamar got angry. 526 The horse of Daouda became angry too. 527 (undecipherable) 528 Daouda son of Mamar became angry and went to bed. 529 For seven days he didn't drink any water, any millet drink, or eat any millet paste. 530 He went into his house, and lay down all curled up. 531 For seven days he didn't drink any water, any millet drink, or eat any millet paste. 532 The horse of Daouda also became angry. 533 He too didn't drink any water, he didn't graze, didn't eat any millet for seven days. 534 (undecipherable). 535 In the night, late in the middle of the night, 536 (undecipherable). 537 At dawn a single rooster crowed and the other one replied to his call, 538 At dawn a single rooster crowed and the other replied to his call. 539 (undecipherable). 540 He saddled his horse. 541 (undecipherable). 542 His horse paced at a slow gallop. 543 He went off on the road to Gombo. 544 He went off on the road to Gombo. 545 Daouda son of Mamar sang out. 546 He neared the place where the lions live. 547 Daouda son of Mamar sang out. 548 (undecipherable). 549 Daouda's horse also whinnied three times. 550 (undecipherable). 551 Two lions leaped out. 552 (undecipherable). 553 (undecipherable). 554 One went to the right side, the other to the left. 555 They were waiting for him. 521 (undecipherable) 522 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 523 Anyone who has not killed these lions will not have the pater- nal throne in the Songhay. 524 Daouda became angry. 525 Daouda son of Mamar got angry. 526 The horse of Daouda became angry too. 527 (undecipherable) 528 Daouda son of Mamar became angry and went to bed. 529 For seven days he didn't drink any water, any millet drink, or eat any millet paste. 530 He went into his house, and lay down all curled up. 531 For seven days he didn't drink any water, any millet drink, or eat any millet paste. 532 The horse of Daouda also became angry. 533 He too didn't drink any water, he didn't graze, didn't eat any millet for seven days. 534 (undecipherable). 535 In the night, late in the middle of the night, 536 (undecipherable). 537 At dawn a single rooster crowed and the other one replied to his call, 538 At dawn a single rooster crowed and the other replied to his call. 539 (undecipherable). 540 He saddled his horse. 541 (undecipherable). 542 His horse paced at a slow gallop. 543 He went off on the road to Gombo. 544 He went off on the road to Gombo. 545 Daouda son of Mamar sang out. 546 He neared the place where the lions live. 547 Daouda son of Mamar sang out. 548 (undecipherable). 549 Daouda's horse also whinnied three times. 550 (undecipherable). 551 T'vo lions leaped out. 552 (undecipherable). 553 (undecipherable). 554 One went to the right side, the other to the left. 555 They were waiting for him. 521 (undecipherable) 522 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 523 Anyone who has not killed these lions will not have the pater- nal throne in the Songhay. 524 Daouda became angry. 525 Daouda son of Mamar got angry. 526 The horse of Daouda became angry too. 527 (undecipherable) 528 Daouda son of Mamar became angry and went to bed. 529 For seven days he didn't drink any water, any millet drink, or eat any millet paste. 530 He went into his house, and lay down all curled up. 531 For seven days he didn't drink any water, any millet drink, or eat any millet paste. 532 The horse of Daouda also became angry. 533 He too didn't drink any water, he didn't graze, didn't eat any millet for seven days. 534 (undecipherable). 535 In the night, late in the middle of the night, 536 (undecipherable). 537 At dawn a single rooster crowed and the other one replied to his call, 538 At dawn a single rooster crowed and the other replied to his call. 539 (undecipherable). 540 He saddled his horse. 541 (undecipherable). 542 His horse paced at a slow gallop. 543 He went off on the road to Gombo. 544 He went off on the road to Gombo. 545 Daouda son of Mamar sang out. 546 He neared the place where the lions live. 547 Daouda son of Mamar sang out. 548 (undecipherable). 549 Daouda's horse also whinnied three times. 550 (undecipherable). 551 T'vo lions leaped out. 552 (undecipherable). 553 (undecipherable). 554 One went to the right side, the other to the left. 555 They were waiting for him.  218 The Transcription 556 Dauda Maamar ize di muusey fundi bine jijiray mana kaa gaa. 557 Haara Dauda di muusey. 558 Almantaray bine jijiray mana kaa a gaa. 559 Haara ga yaabi, a ga ka kala a ka muusey do. 560 A mana ... (undecipherable). 561 (undecipherable) 562 Muusu fa deebe ga tun kamba wo gaa. 563 Muusa fa deebe ga tun kambe wo gaa. 564 A na bana susu modi bane. 565 A na bana nvimmey wa ga. 566 A n'a fa hay yaaji follon, a na a zeeri. 567 A n'afa mo bono ka. 568 Dauda Maamar bare ka ye ga kaa ka ka ga furo nga fuo ra ga kani. 569 Kala mo bo. 570 A kaa baabayzey faada ra. 571 A ne nga mana ne kala i ma nga no nga baaba fuula Sonny. 572 (undecipherable) 573 (undecipherable) 574 I ne a se zanka kayna si baaba fuula nwa Sonay. 575 (undecipherable) 576 Dauda Maamar ne hala ifo sabbay ganda se. 577 Mata kulu kan waano ... cilladin. 578 Muusu hinka kan go Gombo fonda bon, 579 Kan ga ma ta . . . (undecipherable), 580 Boro kulu kan mana muusey wi si baaba fuula nwa Sonny. 581 Dauda Maamar ize ne borey ma tun ka kay ka kaa koy ga Gombo fonda gana. 582 Alborey no nga ne, man ti alborey, manti borey, man ti alborey, i ma guna alborey, i ma Gombo fonda gana. 583 D'i koy, 584 Wo kan nga hay yaaji fo dini, i m'a te jingar kuuru, ka kaa ga daaru jingara ra. 585 Wo kan nga na bono ka mo, i ma a ta humburu ga hari guru nda Sonny. 218 The Transcription 556 Dauda Maamar ize di muusey fundi bine jijiray mana kaa gaa. 557 Haara Dauda di muusey. 558 Almantaray bine jijiray mana kaa a gaa. 559 Haara ga yaabi, a ga ka kala a ka muusey do. 560 A mana ... (undecipherable). 561 (undecipherable) 562 Muusu fa deebe ga tun kamba wo gaa. 563 Muusa fa deebe ga tun kambe wo gaa. 564 A na bana susu modi bane. 565 A na bana nvimmey wa ea. 566 A n'a fa hay yaaji follon, a na a zeeri. 567 A n'afa mo bono ka. 568 Dauda Maamar bare ka ye ga kaa ka ka ga furo nga fuo ra ga kani. 569 Kala mo bo. 570 A kaa baabayzey faada ra. 571 A ne nga mana ne kala i ma nga no nga baaba fuula Sonay. 572 (undecipherable) 573 (undecipherable) 574 I ne a se zanka kayna si baaba fuula nwa Sonay. 575 (undecipherable) 576 Dauda Maamar ne hala ifo sabbay ganda se. 577 Mata kulu kan waano ... cilladin. 578 Muusu hinka kan go Gombo fonda bon, 579 Kan ga ma ta . . . (undecipherable), 580 Boro kulu kan mana muusey wi si baaba fuula nwa Sonay. 581 Dauda Maamar ize ne borey ma tun ka kay ka kaa koy ga Gombo fonda gana. 582 Alborey no nga ne, man ti alborey, manti borey, man ti alborey, i ma guna alborey, i ma Gombo fonda gana. 583 D'i koy, 584 Wo kan nga hay yaaji fo dini, i m'a te jingar kuuru, ka kaa ga daaru jingara ra. 585 Wo kan nga na bono ka mo, i ma a ta humburu ga hari guru nda Sonay. 218 The Transcription 556 Dauda Maamar ize di muusey fundi bine jijiray mana kaa gaa. 557 Haara Dauda di muusey. 558 Almantaray bine jijiray mana kaa a gaa. 559 Haara ga yaabi, a ga ka kala a ka muusey do. 560 A mana ... (undecipherable). 561 (undecipherable) 562 Muusu fa deebe ga tun kamba wo gaa. 563 Muusa fa deebe ga tun kambe wo gaa. 564 A na bana susu modi bane. 565 A na bana nyimmey wa ga. 566 A n'a fa hay yaaji follon, a na a zeeri. 567 A n'afa mo bono ka. 568 Dauda Maamar bare ka ye ga kaa ka ka ga furo nga fuo ra ga kani. 569 Kala mo bo. 570 A kaa baabayzey faada ra. 571 A ne nga mana ne kala i ma nga no nga baaba fuula Sonay. 572 (undecipherable) 573 (undecipherable) 574 I ne a se zanka kayna si baaba fuula nwa Sonay. 575 (undecipherable) 576 Dauda Maamar ne hala ifo sabbay ganda se. 577 Mata kulu kan waano ... cilladin. 578 Muusu hinka kan go Gombo fonda bon, 579 Kan ga ma ta . . . (undecipherable), 580 Boro kulu kan mana muusey wi si baaba fuula nwa Sonay. 581 Dauda Maamar ize ne borey ma tun ka kay ka kaa koy ga Gombo fonda gana. 582 Alborey no nga ne, man ti alborey, manti borey, man ti alborey, i ma guna alborey, i ma Gombo fonda gana. 583 D'i koy, 584 Wo kan nga hay yaaji fo dini, i m'a te jingar kuuru, ka kaa ga daaru jingara ra. 585 Wo kan nga na bono ka mo, i ma a ta humburu ga hari guru nda Sonay.  The Translation 219 556 Daouda son of Mamar saw the lions, nothing came to make his heart tremble. 557 Daouda's horse saw the lions. 558 Nothing made his animal heart shiver from fear. 559 His horse picked up the pace until he reached the lions. 560 He didn't ... (undecipherable). 561 (undecipherable) 562 One of the lions got up on his left side. 563 The other got up on his right side. 564 He pierced the first one with a single throw of his spear. 565 He cut off the head of the other. 566 He pierced one with a single throw of his spear, he knocked him down. 567 And he cut off the head of the other. 568 Daouda Mamar went back home, went into his room and went to sleep. 569 Until morning. 570 He came to the place where his half brothers met to talk. 571 He said he wanted them to give him the throne of the Songhay. 572 (undecipherable) 573 (undecipherable) 574 (undecipherable) 575 They told Daouda son of Mamar that a child cannot have the throne of Songhay. 576 Daouda Mamar asked why. 577 Whatever . . . (undecipherable). 578 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 579 Which make one famous . .. (undecipherable), 580 He who has not killed these two lions will not have the throne of his father in Songhay. 581 Daouda son of Mamar told the people to get up and go out onto the road to Gombo. 582 It is the real men, he said, not any men, not any people, not any men, they should select the real men who should go out onto the Gombo road. 583 If they go there, 584 The one he pierced with a single thrust of a spear, they should make a prayer skin out of it, and have it spread out in the mosque. 585 And the one that he beheaded, they should make a water-skin out of it, to put water in it for the Songhay. The Translation 219 556 Daouda son of Mamar saw the lions, nothing came to make his heart tremble. 557 Daouda's horse saw the lions. 558 Nothing made his animal heart shiver from fear. 559 His horse picked up the pace until he reached the lions. 560 He didn't ... (undecipherable). 561 (undecipherable) 562 One of the lions got up on his left side. 563 The other got up on his right side. 564 He pierced the first one with a single throw of his spear. 565 He cut off the head of the other. 566 He pierced one with a single throw of his spear, he knocked him down. 567 And he cut off the head of the other. 568 Daouda Mamar went back home, went into his room and went to sleep. 569 Until morning. 570 He came to the place where his half brothers met to talk. 571 He said he wanted them to give him the throne of the Songhay. 572 (undecipherable) 573 (undecipherable) 574 (undecipherable) 575 They told Daouda son of Mamar that a child cannot have the throne of Songhay. 576 Daouda Mamar asked why. 577 Whatever . . . (undecipherable). 578 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 579 Which make one famous . .. (undecipherable), 580 He who has not killed these two lions will not have the throne of his father in Songhay. 581 Daouda son of Mamar told the people to get up and go out onto the road to Gombo. 582 It is the real men, he said, not any men, not any people, not any men, they should select the real men who should go out onto the Gombo road. 583 If they go there, 584 The one he pierced with a single thrust of a spear, they should make a prayer skin out of it, and have it spread out in the mosque. 585 And the one that he beheaded, they should make a water-skin out of it, to put water in it for the Songhay. The Translation 219 556 Daouda son of Mamar saw the lions, nothing came to make his heart tremble. 557 Daouda's horse saw the lions. 558 Nothing made his animal heart shiver from fear. 559 His horse picked up the pace until he reached the lions. 560 He didn't ... (undecipherable). 561 (undecipherable) 562 One of the lions got up on his left side. 563 The other got up on his right side. 564 He pierced the first one with a single throw of his spear. 565 He cut off the head of the other. 566 He pierced one with a single throw of his spear, he knocked him down. 567 And he cut off the head of the other. 568 Daouda Mamar went back home, went into his room and went to sleep. 569 Until morning. 570 He came to the place where his half brothers met to talk. 571 He said he wanted them to give him the throne of the Songhay. 572 (undecipherable) 573 (undecipherable) 574 (undecipherable) 575 They told Daouda son of Mamar that a child cannot have the throne of Songhay. 576 Daouda Mamar asked why. 577 Whatever . . . (undecipherable). 578 The two lions who are on the road to Gombo, 579 Which make one famous .. (undecipherable), 580 He who has not killed these two lions will not have the throne of his father in Songhay. 581 Daouda son of Mamar told the people to get up and go out onto the road to Gombo. 582 It is the real men, he said, not any men, not any people, not any men, they should select the real men who should go out onto the Gombo road. 583 If they go there, 584 The one he pierced with a single thrust of a spear, they should make a prayer skin out of it, and have it spread out in the mosque. 585 And the one that he beheaded, they should make a water-skin out of it, to put water in it for the Songhay.  220 The Transcription 586 I koy muusey do, i na muusey wi. 587 I na boro te jingar kuuru i ka g'a dan, jingara ra. 588 I na boro te humburu nga no i ga hari guru nda Sonay. 589 Dauda Maamar ize. 590 To, Dauda Maamar ize wo, 591 Nga ga ti Namaaro. 592 Namaaro boro kan go no hunkuna, 593 Duddu no. 594 Duddu mo Bonwala g'a hay. 595 Bonwala Mammadu 596 Karijo Mammadu. 597 Kaliilu Mammadu. 598 Mammadu Jinde Mariya. 599 Hamsu Djinde Mariya. 600 Nga no, i ka ga sambu ga konda Kannaare. 601 Nga ga ti Kannaare borey. 602 Hamsu Jinde Mariya nga no i hiiji, inga n'i konda. 603 Nga ga ti Kannaare borey kaayo. 604 Siidi Jinde Mariya. 605 Jinde Mariya Dooso Kayne. 606 Dooso Kayne Kobacire. 607 Kobacire Isaaka. 608 Isaaka Sorkeyze. 609 Sorkeyze Beri, Dauda Sorkeyze Beri. 610 Sohon, kan Namaaro borey wo i fun Dauda Maamar ize gaa. 611 Karma borey hala hon ngey mo noo din no i fun. 612 Karma mo hunkuna. 613 Tinni ka bara. 614 Tinni mo Nouhou ize no. 615 Nouhou mo Bauna ize no. 616 Bauna Albanna. 617 Kalfarma Albaana. 618 Gabilinga Albanna. 619 Kalmasikore Albanna. 620 Albanna Isaaka. 621 Isaaka Koberika. 220 The Transcription 586 I koy muusey do, i na muusey wi. 587 I na boro te jingar kuuru i ka g'a dan, jingara ra. 588 I an boro te humburu nga no i ga hari guru nda Sonay. 589 Dauda Maamar ize. 590 To, Dauda Maamar ize wo, 591 Nga ga ti Namaaro. 592 Namaaro boro kan go no hunkuna, 593 Duddu no. 594 Duddu mo Bonwala g'a hay. 595 Bonwala Mammadu 596 Karijo Mammadu. 597 Kaliilu Mammadu. 598 Mammadu Jinde Mariya. 599 Hamsu Djinde Mariya. 600 Nga no, i ka ga sambu ga konda Kannaare. 601 Nga ga ti Kannaare borey. 602 Hansu Jinde Mariya nga no i hiiji, inga n'i konda. 603 Nga ga ti Kannaare borey kaayo. 604 Siidi Jinde Mariya. 605 Jinde Mariya Dooso Kayne. 606 Dooso Kayne Kobacire. 607 Kobacire Isaaka. 608 Isaaka Sorkeyze. 609 Sorkeyze Beri, Dauda Sorkeyze Beri. 610 Sohon, kan Namaaro borey wo i fun Dauda Maamar ize gaa. 611 Karma borey hala hon ngey mo noo din no i fun. 612 Karma mo hunkuna. 613 Tinni ka bara. 614 Tinni mo Nouhou ize no. 615 Nouhou mo Bauna ize no. 616 Bauna Albanna. 617 Kalfarma Albaana. 618 Gabilinga Albanna. 619 Kalmasikore Albanna. 620 Albanna Isaaka. 621 Isaaka Koberika. 220 The Transcription 586 I koy muusey do, i na muusey wi. 587 I na boro te jingar kuuru i ka g'a dan, jingara ra. 588 I na boro te humburu nga no i ga hari guru nda Sonay. 589 Dauda Maamar ize. 590 To, Dauda Maamar ize wo, 591 Nga ga ti Namaaro. 592 Namaaro boro kan go no hunkuna, 593 Duddu no. 594 Duddu mo Bonwala g'a hay. 595 Bonwala Mammadu 596 Karijo Mammadu. 597 Kaliilu Mammadu. 598 Mammadu Jinde Mariya. 599 Hamsu Djinde Mariya. 600 Nga no, i ka ga sambu ga konda Kannaare. 601 Nga ga ti Kannaare borey. 602 Hamnsu Jinde Mariya nga no i hiiji, inga n'i konda. 603 Nga ga ti Kannaare borey kaayo. 604 Siidi Jinde Mariya. 605 Jinde Mariya Dooso Kayne. 606 Dooso Kayne Kobacire. 607 Kobacire Isaaka. 608 Isaaka Sorkeyze. 609 Sorkeyze Beri, Dauda Sorkeyze Beri. 610 Sohon, kan Namaaro borey wo i fun Dauda Maamar ize gaa. 611 Karma borey hala hon ngey mo noo din no i fun. 612 Karma mo hunkuna. 613 Tinni ka bara. 614 Tinni mo Nouhou ize no. 615 Nouhou mo Bauna ize no. 616 Bauna Albanna. 617 Kalfarma Albaana. 618 Gabilinga Albanna. 619 Kalmasikore Albanna. 620 Albanna Isaaka. 621 Isaaka Koberika.  The Translation 221 The Translation 221 The Translation 221 586 They went out to the place where the lions were, they killed the lions. 587 They made a prayer skin with this one, they came and put it in the mosque. 588 With the other, they made a water-skin for fetching water in the Songhay. 589 Daouda, son of Mamar. 590 So, Daouda, the son of Mamar, 591 He is the one who is Namaro. 592 The chief of Namaro who is there now, 593 He is Doudou. 594 Doudou was fathered by Bonwala. 595 Bonwala Mamadou. 596 Karidio Mamadou. 597 Kalilou Mamadou. 598 Mamadou Djinde Marria. 599 Hamsou Djinde Marria. 600 She is the one they took to Kannarey. 601 It is she who is the ancestor of the people of Kannarey. 602 It is Hamsou Djinde Marcia whom they married and took away. 603 It is she who is the ancestor of the people of Kannarey. 604 Sidi Djinde Marria. 605 Djinde Marria Dosso Kayne. 606 Dosso Kayne Kobakire. 607 Kobakire Issaka. 608 Issaka Sorkayze. 609 Sorkeyze Beri, Daouda Sorkeyze Beri. 610 Now that the people of Namaro are the descendants of Daouda son of Mamar. 611 The people of Karma come from there too. 612 Karma too today. 613 It is Tinni who is the chief. 614 Tinni too, the son of Nouhou. 615 Nouhou too, the son of Baouna. 616 Baouna Albanna. 617 Kalfarma Albanna. 618 Gabilinga Albanna. 619 Kalmassikorey Albanna. 620 Albanna Issaka. 621 Issaka Koberika. 586 They went out to the place where the lions were, they killed the lions. 587 They made a prayer skin with this one, they came and put it in the mosque. 588 With the other, they made a water-skin for fetching water in the Songhay. 589 Daouda, son of Mamar. 590 So, Daouda, the son of Mamar, 591 He is the one who is Namaro. 592 The chief of Namaro who is there now, 593 He is Doudou. 594 Doudou was fathered by Bonwala. 595 Bonwala Mamadou. 596 Karidio Mamadou. 597 Kalilou Mamadou. 598 Mamadou Djinde Marria. 599 Hamsou Djinde Marcia. 600 She is the one they took to Kannarey. 601 It is she who is the ancestor of the people of Kannarey. 602 It is Hamsou Djinde Marria whom they married and took away. 603 It is she who is the ancestor of the people of Kannarey. 604 Sidi Djinde Marcia. 605 Djinde Marria Dosso Kayne. 606 Dosso Kayne Kobakire. 607 Kobakire Issaka. 608 Issaka Sorkayze. 609 Sorkeyze Beri, Daouda Sorkeyze Beri. 610 Now that the people of Namaro are the descendants of Daouda son of Mamar. 611 The people of Karma come from there too. 612 Karma too today. 613 It is Tinni who is the chief. 614 Tinni too, the son of Nouhou. 615 Nouhou too, the son of Baouna. 616 Baouna Albanna. 617 Kalfarma Albanna. 618 Gabilinga Albanna. 619 Kalmassikorey Albanna. 620 Albanna Issaka. 621 Issaka Koberika. 586 They went out to the place where the lions were, they killed the lions. 587 They made a prayer skin with this one, they came and put it in the mosque. 588 With the other, they made a water-skin for fetching water in the Songhay. 589 Daouda, son of Mamar. 590 So, Daouda, the son of Mamar, 591 He is the one who is Namaro. 592 The chief of Namaro who is there now, 593 He is Doudou. 594 Doudou was fathered by Bonwala. 595 Bonwala Mamadou. 596 Karidio Mamadou. 597 Kalilou Mamadou. 598 Mamadou Djinde Marria. 599 Hamsou Djinde Marria. 600 She is the one they took to Kannarey. 601 It is she who is the ancestor of the people of Kannarey. 602 It is Hamsou Djinde Marcia whom they married and took away. 603 It is she who is the ancestor of the people of Kannarey. 604 Sidi Djinde Marria. 605 Djinde Marria Dosso Kayne. 606 Dosso Kayne Kobakire. 607 Kobakire Issaka. 608 Issaka Sorkayze. 609 Sorkeyze Beri, Daouda Sorkeyze Beri. 610 Now that the people of Namaro are the descendants of Daouda son of Mamar. 611 The people of Karma come from there too. 612 Karma too today. 613 It is Tinni who is the chief. 614 Tinni too, the son of Nouhou. 615 Nouhou too, the son of Baouna. 616 Baouna Albanna. 617 Kalfarma Albanna. 618 Gabilinga Albanna. 619 Kalmassikorey Albanna. 620 Albanna Issaka. 621 Issaka Koberika.  222 The Transcription 622 Kobay Faari Monzo. 623 Faari Mozo Walci. 624 Walci Dauda. 625 Dauda Maamar ize. 626 Wato din i ga ne, "PAREa Mamar, Dallay Kassay Mamadi. 627 "Ni kayi no Maamar Kassay. 628 "A zure Makka, a ajgi Almadina. 629 "A jingarey Makka no, a koy saalam Madina. 630 "A na Tuuri Sino jinda wangari ce a bine na Thuri Siino winde ce hinza. 631 "A lorbi, 632 "A turbi iejivey. 633 "A zunuuba nd'a kafanra. 634 "A na sumnsumn a ni kulo gisi. 635 "A na Yabilan kafaran navyon Ce. 636 "A na bine n Yabilan takuba sambu." 637 Nongu fullon kan a sara Bodronkou. 638 Ize jina kan a hay Sunny, 639 Zara Minyauri. 640 Zara Bubilance Minyauri. 641 Zara Bobilanceze Mousa. 642 Muusa ce sali ma salida. 643 Bu ma tonko na ma tonkuruni. 644 Muosa Zaara ize ne oga wo guuro no. 645 Hao kan guoro haw kala dey i ma ye da guoro do zari kwaarey. 646 (undecipherable) 647 (undecipherable) 648 A ne nga wo baabayzey ra feeji garu beeri huhl no. 649 (undecipherable) 650 Irkoy ka a kuobi, boro kolo si hin a ka a kayaodi mo kala Irkoy oga koyo. 651 Muasa . .. (undecipherable). 652 Seli wa salida. 653 Seli ma tonko na ma lonkoroni. 654 A ne oga wo guoro no. 655 Han kan i haw goara ga mu kala i ma ye da guoro do zani kwaarey. 656 Moosa . .. (undecipherable). 222 The Transcription 622 Kubay Faari Monzo. 623 Faari Moozo Walci. 624 Walci Dauda. 625 Daoda Maamar ice. 626 Wato din i ga ne, "Dallay Mamnan, Dallay Kassay Mamnadi. 627 "Ni kayi no Maamar Kassay. 628 "A core Makka, a sini Almadina. 629 "A jinganey Makka no, a koy sanlam Madina. 630 "A na Toori Siino iinda wangari cc a bine na Tuori Siino winde cc hinza. 631 "A turbi, 632 "A tarbi ieiivev. 633 "A zonauba od'a kafaara. 634 "A na sumnsumn a ni kulu gisi. 635 "A na Yabilan kafaran navyon ce. 636 "A na bine na Yabilan takuba sambo." 637 Nongo follon kan a sara Bodronkoo. 638 Ize jina kan a hay Sonay, 639 Zana Minyanni. 640 Zara Bobilance Minyanri. 641 Zara Bobilanceze Moosa. 642 Mausa ce sali ma salida. 643 Bu ma tonko, na ma tonkoroni. 644 Mausa Zaara ize ne nga wo gouro no. 645 Han kan guoro haw kala dey i ma ye da guoro do cani kwaaney. 646 (undeciphenable) 647 (undecipherable) 648 A ne oga wo baabayzey ra feeji garu beeni huhl no. 649 (undecipherable) 650 Iekoy ka a kuobi, boro kulo si hin a ka a kayandi mo kala Irkoy oga koyo. 651 Mansa . .. (undecipherable). 652 Seli wa salida 653 Seli ma tonko on ma lonkoroni. 654 A ne oga wo guono no. 655 Han kan i haw gonna ga mo kala i ma ye da gauro do zari kwaarey. 656 Moosa . .. (undecipherable). 222 The Transcription 622 Kubay Faari Monzo. 623 Faani Moozo Walci. 624 Walci Dauda. 625 Dauda Manmar ize. 626 Wato din i ga ne, "Dallay Mamnar, Dallay Kassay Mamnadi. 627 "Ni kayi no Mnamar Kassay. 628 "A zore Makka, a sici Almadina. 629 "A jinganey Makkn no, a koy saalam Madina. 630 "A na Tauri Siioo iinda wangari cc a bine na Toari Siio winde ce hinca. 631 "A turbi, 632 "A tarbi ieiivev. 633 "A zunuuba od'a kafaara. 634 "A n samnsom a ni kalo gisi. 635 "A n Yabiln kafaran nayon ce. 636 "A n bine n Yabilan takaba samba." 637 Nongu follon kan a sara Bodronkou. 638 Ize jion kn a hay Sunny, 639 Zara Minynoni. 640 Zara Bobilance Minynori. 641 Zara Bubilanceze Moosa. 642 Mausa cc sali ma salida. 643 Bu ma lunko n ma tookoroni. 644 Mausa Zanra ize ne oga wo guoro no. 645 Han kan gouro haw kala dey i ma ye da gouro do zani kwanrey. 646 (undecipherable) 647 (undecipherable) 648 A ne oga wo banbayzey en feeji gara beeni huhl no. 649 (undecipherable) 650 Irkoy ka a kuubi, boro kulu si bin a ka a knyandi mu kahn Irkoy oga kuyo. 651 Muosa . .. (undecipberable). 652 Seli wa salida. 653 Seli ma tooko on ma tunkoruni. 654 A ne oga wo guoro no. 655 Han kan i haw guua ga mu kahn i ma ye da guoro do zari kwanrey. 656 Muasa . .. (undecipherable).  The Translation 223 622 Kobay Fari Monzo. 623 Fari Monzo Walci. 624 Walci Daouda. 625 Daouda, son of Mamar. 626 In those days they would say, "Long live Mamar, long live Kassaye Mamadi. 627 "Your ancestor is Mamar Kassaye. 628 "He ran to Mecca, he stopped at Medina. 629 "He prayed at Mecca, he greeted Medina. 630 "He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree, he went three times around the Indigo Tree. 631 "He repented," 632 "He repented ... (undecipherable). 633 "His sin and his minor sin. 634 "He put them together and he put them all there. 635 "He ... sword of Dongo ... called .. . (partially undeci- pherable). 636 "He himself picked up the sword of Dongo." 637 At a single place where he fathered Bodronkou. 638 The first son whom he fathered in Songhay, 639 Zara Minyauri. 640 Zara Bobilantche Minyauri. 641 Zara Bobilantchdze Moussa. 642 Moussa called . . . (undecipherable). 643 Dead ... red pepper ... (undecipherable). 644 Moussa, son of Zara, said that he is iron. 645 Everything that is attached with iron must be undone with iron. 646 (undecipherable) 647 (undecipherable) 648 He said that he, among his rival half-brothers, is the horn of the great ram. 649 (undecipherable) 650 It is Our Lord who twisted it, nobody can straighten it out ex- cept Our Lord. 651 Moussa .. . (undecipherable). 652 (undecipherable) 653 (undecipherable) 654 He said he is iron. 655 What is attached by iron must be undone with iron. 656 Moussa ... (undecipherable). The Translation 223 622 Kobay Fari Monzo. 623 Fari Monzo Walci. 624 Walci Daouda. 625 Daouda, son of Mamar. 626 In those days they would say, "Long live Mamar, long live Kassaye Mamadi. 627 "Your ancestor is Mamar Kassaye. 628 "He ran to Mecca, he stopped at Medina. 629 "He prayed at Mecca, he greeted Medina. 630 "He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree, he went three times around the Indigo Tree. 631 "He repented." 632 "He repented ... (undecipherable). 633 "His sin and his minor sin. 634 "He put them together and he put them all there. 635 "He ... sword of Dongo .. . called .. . (partially undeci- pherable). 636 "He himself picked up the sword of Dongo." 637 At a single place where he fathered Bodronkou. 638 The first son whom he fathered in Songhay, 639 Zara Minyauri. 640 Zara Bobilantch6 Minyauri. 641 Zara Bobilantch6ze Moussa. 642 Moussa called . . . (undecipherable). 643 Dead ... red pepper ... (undecipherable). 644 Moussa, son of Zara, said that he is iron. 645 Everything that is attached with iron must be undone with iron. 646 (undecipherable) 647 (undecipherable) 648 He said that he, among his rival half-brothers, is the horn of the great ram. 649 (undecipherable) 650 It is Our Lord who twisted it, nobody can straighten it out ex- cept Our Lord. 651 Moussa .. . (undecipherable). 652 (undecipherable) 653 (undecipherable) 654 He said he is iron. 655 What is attached by iron must be undone with iron. 656 Moussa . .. (undecipherable). The Translation 223 622 Kobay Fari Monzo. 623 Fari Monzo Walci. 624 Walci Daouda. 625 Daouda, son of Mamar. 626 In those days they would say, "Long live Mamar, lone live Kassaye Mamadi. 627 "Your ancestor is Mamar Kassaye. 628 "He ran to Mecca, he stopped at Medina. 629 "He prayed at Mecca, he greeted Medina. 630 "He (undecipherable) the Indigo Tree, he went three times around the Indigo Tree. 631 "He repented." 632 "He repented ... (undecipherable). 633 "His sin and his minor sin. 634 "He put them together and he put them all there. 635 "He ... sword of Dongo ... called .. . (partially undeci- pherable). 636 "He himself picked up the sword of Dongo." 637 At a single place where he fathered Bodronkou. 638 The first son whom he fathered in Songhay, 639 Zara Minyauri. 640 Zara Bobilantch6 Minyauri. 641 Zara Bobilantcheze Moussa. 642 Moussa called . . . (undecipherable). 643 Dead ... red pepper ... (undecipherable). 644 Moussa, son of Zara, said that he is iron. 645 Everything that is attached with iron must be undone with iron. 646 (undecipherable) 647 (undecipherable) 648 He said that he, among his rival half-brothers, is the horn of the great ram. 649 (undecipherable) 650 It is Our Lord who twisted it, nobody can straighten it out ex- cept Our Lord. 651 Moussa .. . (undecipherable). 652 (undecipherable) 653 (undecipherable) 654 He said he is iron. 655 What is attached by iron must be undone with iron. 656 Moussa ... (undecipherable).  SThe Tascition 657 (undecipherable) 658 A in, n.a wo banubayzey ra birnya flnlat. 659 Sare~' Pda ( uddecipherabdle). W6 (undecipherable) 661 Born sin ke dnnmbu a hands (..undecipherale). 662 (undecipherable) 663 (undecipherasble) 66 (undecipherable) 665 (undecipherable) W6 (undecipherable) 667 A ne na woaas e a day Lnesab n. 66 Haw, si a ads, a ai buniboun ntune. 669 Nun kan ni ga (undecipherable). 670 HasKannoda nya mokaladey da i aknro ynb arry ean Iwanray. 671 Mauss.. .(undeipheural). 672 (undeciphaeable) 673 (undecipherable) 674 A no upa wo baabayey ra ionaiy shuni no, 675 Gontin ( undeciphrable). 676 Zare, ci bin kat a dun a bundal, 67 Ha ka . . (undecipherable). 678 Bakla . me ken, rnn a ga sdiy. 679 i ma onus a icournd. 6W Bondn n. kati bon heed. 64!1 Nynura follun a danleo. 682 Maau Zrar iee a bands turera 68 A aslama. dan per hanrey W6 A hay Moheamed Cn. 6W Ken ina badalkia foro dugu. 666 Ran us ony banlat been bats. 68 Kn] larnbar Ia. bu ongu a at. 68 A .ar, hay Salma Bada. 689 A hay Basin hee Barkunia, Mannar, ine. 69 A sand Jan Neera, a hay Tanaka. 691 A .ar Jam Neera, a hay banks lnlana Koy Jia. 69 A nr de naga Sain Mallinm borey ga mad. 693 A nn doa din cc. Z2 Th rasrito 657 (undeciphecrable,) 658 A ne nda wo bnbayrey ra birnya fiuls no. 659i Sarey nd. . . . (andehcipherable). 66 (undeciphecrable) 661 Boro sin La dnmbna a bande . ..(undecipherable). 662 (undecipherable) 66 (undecipherable) 654 (undecipherable) 665 (udecipherable) 666 (undecipherable) 667 A sac ga wn basbatyzey ra day kone subsa no. 668 flaw Si a mad, a 55 burauuune. 66 Nan Lan rai pa . . (undecipherable). 670 flaw, kan noana mrno kata dey da i n kumc yobur any zaadi kwaaray. 671 Meanas. . . (undecipherable). 672 (undecipherarble) 673 (undecipherable) 674 A n ga wo baerbazey, ra Wonaderm no. 675 Onnar . .. (undecipherable). 676 Zany si In. ka a dan a bands. 677 Ma ka . .. (undecipherable). 678 Kale a line Iran, mo a an .aai. 679 Ni ma na na dcord. 68 Bnno no lass axn then. 681 Nyrona Dillon na dianne 66 Isae Zara ire as bandia Inoor, 68 A inarima din m arery 684 A hay Moandena Chad. 665 Kan us badl fro, dug,. 686 KRun us Soray finia heero barn. M87 Kn] lambear r..y, baa woagsa e 688 A ary, hay Saluds Bale. 689 A hay Haysa ice Bark.ni Mhaaarr lee. 69W A sara lam Nernst a hay Indan. 691 A . ar a SNeer, a hay laddka Mallam Koy Jara, 692 A ne d.a nasa Kalld. hsony 5 mos. 693 A ned. is.did ce. 224 657 (undecipherable) 658 A ne saga wo heabayzey ra bibnyst fiuk no, 659 Sary dab . . (undecipherable). 66 (undecipherable) 66l Boro sin ka dumbua a bande ,. . undecipherable). 662 (undecipherable) 663 (undecipherable) 664 (undeciphecrable) 665i (undecipherable) 66 (undecipherable) 667 A ne na wo baabayccy ra day knine subsd So 66 Blasi si a awe., a si humbisua nanne. 669 Nan ran id pa . . uneipherable). 670 Hay, Lan doanwe mo kada dry da i n kunano yobu I.,a iesarl kwary. 671 Muder .. . (undeipherable), 672 (rudeipherable) 673 (undeciphereble) 674 A nenagawo hbetayrey ra lnaye shown ns. 675 Goadn . . . (undecipheratble) 676 Zemery si bin lea as dan a bends. 67 Ma kcc . . ,(undecipherable). 678 IKaa a jue load mod a ga aayi. 679 Ni manuan u ma 680Bono owkai hon beri, 681 Nyanr follon na deauf 682 Mutos Zaa he, ahbarn Iasunes, 683 A W.am dan ma hainey. 68 A hay Mohamm Gan. da85 Kan .s bidalut ond dngaa. 686 Krn a Sony, lank beero beau, 687 Kal lamdbar piney, ha wnula a an. 68 A SaB.y hay Salmia Bela, 689 A hey larya hae Barkunie Matear Lre. 69 A .arad n Neers, a hay Issa. bill A Sar Jana Ne., at hey Iaeaka Madlam Keny Ja.. 692 A ndangW aln Malnmhoreygem. 693 A r d. a din ce.  4' A A / 4 4 4 9 Af ,~ / t //AA / 4' K / 7 'A / .4 4' 4' ' As (A ' A> 9A 9' itt 7 'A ' ' ~, A' ~4> I 7/' 14' 1 4 ~ ' / ' 7 A K' / ''~~ A 0 / A ''''4 9/ A / A A/~ '~ 9 / / 4 IA' A /4/ A IA / 94 /9/ As 4', A '9 9, 'A )4'AA ( 99 ' IA' / 4 / A~ j A' A 4'~~ A A /''A / 4 71/ A /~ I At ~A * 9 9 4 A' A A '/ I' / 4" 'A 4' tI 'A 4 A" ~' 'A I '4' /A,4' KS / 9/ ~A9 / / 4[, j' ' I  226 The Transcription 694 Da nga mana salan mo Mallam borey ga maa. 695 A sara Saana Alma Dauda. 696 A hay Saana ize Dauda. 697 Saana Boriye Ma Dauda. 698 Saana Bode Jimbo Kane. 699 Dauda ka saara Nyaami. 700 Imama Nyaami. 701 Lamiido Nyaami. 702 Garesan Saami. 703 Zuro Nyaami. 704 Zuro Bongo Nyaami. 705 Hamsa Alma Caaki Nyaami. 706 Dauda haama Jumbo Kane. 707 Bata Sura Calma Dauda. 708 A hay Dauda Zate ize. 709 Basan fara barsi Ma Dauda Farmoney. 710 Gondi wongu me moruyan. 711 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 712 Zide Barkatu. 713 Dauda Barmono. 714 Tondi wangu lukkeyan. 715 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 716 Ni marmar bosiey. 717 Daudu Barmono. 718 Bana wongu ka cimi hobu. 719 Daudu Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 720 Ni marmar cimu. 721 Dauda Barmono. 722 Nuuna wangu yaari yan. 723 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 724 May yata bar circe. 725 Daudu Barmono. 726 Muusu wangu gari. 727 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 728 A saara Wadu Karmi Badi. 729 A bay Wadu Kayize. 730 Souleymana. 731 Hiya Maamar Kounji. 732 Maamar, Maamar Kounji. 733 A hay Maanu ize Kolondia. 734 A saara Nyao Galam Bu Di Hima. 226 The Transcription 694 Da nga mana salan mo Mallam borey ga maa. 695 A sara Saana Alma Dauda. 696 A hay Saana ize Dauda. 697 Saana Boriye Ma Dauda. 698 Saana Bode Jimbo Kane. 699 Dauda ka saara Nyaami. 700 Imama Nyaami. 701 Lamiido Nyaami. 702 Garesan Saami. 703 Zuro Nyaami. 704 Zuro Bongo Nyaami. 705 Hamsa Alma Caaki Nyaami. 706 Dauda haama Jumbo Kane. 707 Bata Sura Calma Dauda. 708 A hay Dauda Zate ize. 709 Basan fara barsi Ma Dauda Farmoney. 710 Gondi wongu me moruyan. 711 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 712 Zide Barkatu. 713 Dauda Barmono. 714 Tondi wangu lukkeyan. 715 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 716 Ni marmar bosiey. 717 Daudu Barmono. 718 Bana wongu ka cimi hobu. 719 Daudu Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 720 Ni marmar cimu. 721 Dauda Barmono. 722 Nuuna wangu yaari yan. 723 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 724 May yata bar circe. 725 Daudu Barmono. 726 Muusu wangu gari. 727 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 728 A saara Wadu Karmi Badi. 729 A hay Wadu Kayize. 730 Souleymana. 731 Hiya Maamar Kounji. 732 Maamar, Maamar Kounji. 733 A hay Maanu ize Kolondia. 734 A saara Nyao Galam Bu Di Hima. 226 The Transcription 694 Da nga mana salan mo Mallam borey ga maa. 695 A sara Saana Alma Dauda. 696 A hay Saana ize Dauda. 697 Saana Boriye Ma Dauda. 698 Saana Bode Jimbo Kane. 699 Dauda ka saara Nyaami. 700 Imama Nyaami. 701 Lamiido Nyaami. 702 Garesan Saami. 703 Zuro Nyaami. 704 Zuro Bongo Nyaami. 705 Hamsa Alma Caaki Nyaami. 706 Dauda haama Jumbo Kane. 707 Bata Sura Calma Dauda. 708 A hay Dauda Zate ize. 709 Basan fara barsi Ma Dauda Farmoney. 710 Gondi wongu me moruyan. 711 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 712 Zide Barkatu. 713 Dauda Barmono. 714 Tondi wangu lukkeyan. 715 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 716 Ni marmar bosiey. 717 Daudu Barmono. 718 Bana wongu ka cimi hobu. 719 Daudu Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 720 Ni marmar cimu. 721 Dauda Barmono. 722 Nuuna wangu yaari yan. 723 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 724 May yata bar circe. 725 Daudu Barmono. 726 Muusu wangu gari. 727 Dauda Zatey ize wangu dondacaray. 728 A saara Wadu Karmi Badi. 729 A hay Wadu Kayize. 730 Souleymana. 731 Hiya Maamar Kounji. 732 Maamar, Maamar Kounji. 733 A hay Maanu ize Kolondia. 734 A saara Nyao Galam Bu Di Hima.  The Translation 694 Also, if he does not speak, the people of Mallam hear. 695 He fathered Sana Alma Daouda. 696 He fathered Daouda, son of Sana. 697 Sana Boriye Ma Daouda. 698 Sana Bode Jimbo Kane. 699 Daouda fathered Nyami. 700 Imama Nyami. 701 Lamido Nyami. 702 Garesan Nyami. 703 Zuro Nyami. 704 Zuro Bongo Nyami. 705 Hamsa Alma Tchaki Nyami. 706 The grandson of Daouda Doumbo Kane. 707 Bata Sura Tchalma Daouda. 708 He fathered Daouda, son of Zatey. 709 (undecipherable) ... Ma Daouda Farmoney. 710 The snake refuses to allow anyone to wipe his mouth. 711 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 712 Zide Barkatou. 713 Daouda Barmono. 714 The pebble refuses a blow on the back. 715 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 716 You ... (undecipherable). 717 Daouda Barmono. 718 The hippopotamus refuses to uncover the truth. 719 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 720 (undecipherable) 721 Daouda Barmono. 722 The fire refuses to take it in hand. 723 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 724 Who . .. (undecipherable). 725 Daouda Barmono. 726 The lion refuses the saddle. 727 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 728 He fathered Wadu Karmi Badi. 729 He fathered Wadu Kayize. 730 Souleymana. 731 Hiya Mamar Kounji. 732 Mamar, Mamar Kounji. 733 He fathered Kolondia, son of Mann. 734 He fathered Nyao Galam Bu Di Hima. 227 The Translation 694 Also, if he does not speak, the people of Mallam hear. 695 He fathered Sana Alma Daouda. 696 He fathered Daouda, son of Sana. 697 Sana Boriye Ma Daouda. 698 Sana Bode Jimbo Kane. 699 Daouda fathered Nyami. 700 Imama Nyami. 701 Lamido Nyami. 702 Garesan Nyami. 703 Zuro Nyami. 704 Zuro Bongo Nyami. 705 Hamsa Alma Tchaki Nyami. 706 The grandson of Daouda Doumbo Kane. 707 Bata Sura Tchalma Daouda. 708 He fathered Daouda, son of Zatey. 709 (undecipherable) ... Ma Daouda Farmoney. 710 The snake refuses to allow anyone to wipe his mouth. 711 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 712 Zide Barkatou. 713 Daouda Barmono. 714 The pebble refuses a blow on the back. 715 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 716 You . .. (undecipherable). 717 Daouda Barmono. 718 The hippopotamus refuses to uncover the truth. 719 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 720 (undecipherable) 721 Daouda Barmono. 722 The fire refuses to take it in hand. 723 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 724 Who . .. (undecipherable). 725 Daouda Barmono. 726 The lion refuses the saddle. 727 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 728 He fathered Wadu Karmi Badi. 729 He fathered Wadu Kayize. 730 Souleymana. 731 Hiya Mamar Kounji. 732 Mamar, Mamar Kounji. 733 He fathered Kolondia, son of Mann. 734 He fathered Nyao Galam Bu Di Hima. 227 The Translation 694 Also, if he does not speak, the people of Mallam hear. 695 He fathered Sana Alma Daouda. 696 He fathered Daouda, son of Sana. 697 Sana Boriye Ma Daouda. 698 Sana Bode Jimbo Kane. 699 Daouda fathered Nyami. 700 Imama Nyami. 701 Lamido Nyami. 702 Garesan Nyami. 703 Zuro Nyami. 704 Zuro Bongo Nyami. 705 Hamsa Alma Tchaki Nyami. 706 The grandson of Daouda Doumbo Kane. 707 Bata Sura Tchalma Daouda. 708 He fathered Daouda, son of Zatey. 709 (undecipherable) ... Ma Daouda Farmoney. 710 The snake refuses to allow anyone to wipe his mouth. 711 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 712 Zide Barkatou. 713 Daouda Barmono. 714 The pebble refuses a blow on the back. 715 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 716 You ... (undecipherable). 717 Daouda Barmono. 718 The hippopotamus refuses to uncover the truth. 719 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 720 (undecipherable) 721 Daouda Barmono. 722 The fire refuses to take it in hand. 723 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 724 Who . .. (undecipherable). 725 Daouda Barmono. 726 The lion refuses the saddle. 727 Daouda, son of Zatey, refuses mockery. 728 He fathered Wadu Karmi Badi. 729 He fathered Wadu Kayize. 730 Souleymana. 731 Hiya Mamar Kounji. 732 Mamar, Mamar Kounji. 733 He fathered Kolondia, son of Manu. 734 He fathered Nyao Galam Bu Di Hima. 227  228 The Transcription 735 A hay Nyao Gandaize Harigoni. 736 A saara Welta Selma Bazaga. 737 A hay Watta Cisseyze Samsu. 738 Samsu Fillo. 739 A ka ga hay Samsu Hinka. 740 Boubey ma jimbo kaney. 741 Dauda Gubayze. 742 Jaama Alma Yerima. 743 A hay Jaama ize Baaba Dooso. 744 Kormoto nda Kwaaley . . . (undecipherable). 745 Fabay nda Badeba. 746 Fabay kwaara Deeba. 747 Saamo Nyaamo nda Bwalo. 748 Saamo Nyaamo kwaara Waloga. 749 Dullo ndaba Yeeni. 750 Dullo kwaara Yeeni. 751 Zubzub ndaba Kasani. 752 Zubzub kwaara Kasani. 753 Ali Wuria ndaba Bounza. 754 Ali Wuria kwaara Bounza. 755 Alimatu ndaba tun Suduure. 756 Alimatu kwaara Suduure. 757 Salma kwaara dan bal mangani. 758 Salama kwaara Sansan-Hausa. 759 A na ndaba sourey daba tombo. 760 A na kwaara kulu ta kwaara turumbu. 761 A ni sun na ki mo. 762 A na i kulu haw sambu. 763 A ga mi tafo. 764 (undecipherable) 765 A mana koy ka i margu. 766 (undecipherable) 767 A man to morou. 768 A mana te a folon muraadu. 769 Ma hobou tumo. 770 Kala Sonay maa kaana. 771 Da zaamu bibi ye. 772 Da a zammu hanna. 773 A saara Zourmana ma Komdiago. 774 A hay Zumbaanayze Amar. 228 The Transcription 735 A hay Nyao Gandaize Harigoni. 736 A saara Welta Selma Bazaga. 737 A hay Watta Cisseyze Samsu. 738 Samsu Fillo. 739 A ka ga hay Samsu Hinka. 740 Boubey ma jimbo kaney. 741 Dauda Gubayze. 742 Jaama Alma Yerima. 743 A hay Jaama ize Baaba Dooso. 744 Kormoto nda Kwaaley . . . (undecipherable). 745 Fabay nda Badeba. 746 Fabay kwaara Deeba. 747 Saamo Nyaamo nda Bwalo. 748 Saamo Nyaamo kwaara Waloga. 749 Dullo ndaba Yeeni. 750 Dullo kwaara Yeeni. 751 Zubzub ndaba Kasani. 752 Zubzub kwaara Kasani. 753 Ali Wuria ndaba Bounza. 754 Ali Wuria kwaara Bounza. 755 Alimatu ndaba tun Suduure. 756 Alimatu kwaara Suduure. 757 Salma kwaara dan bal mangani. 758 Salama kwaara Sansan-Hausa. 759 A na ndaba sourey daba tombo. 760 A na kwaara kulu ta kwaara turumbu. 761 A ni sun na ki mo. 762 A na i kulu haw sambu. 763 A ga mi tafo. 764 (undecipherable) 765 A mana koy ka i margu. 766 (undecipherable) 767 A man to morou. 768 A mana te a folon muraadu. 769 Ma bobu tumo. 770 Kala Sonay maa kaana. 771 Da zaamu bibi ye. 772 Da a zammu hanna. 773 A saara Zourmana ma Komdiago. 774 A hay Zumbaanayze Anar. 228 The Transcription 735 A hay Nyao Gandaize Harigoni. 736 A saara Welta Selma Bazaga. 737 A hay Watta Cisseyze Samsu. 738 Samsu Fillo. 739 A ka ga hay Samsu Hinka. 740 Boubey ma jimbo kaney. 741 Dauda Gubayze. 742 Jaama Alma Yerima. 743 A hay Jaama ize Baaba Dooso. 744 Kormoto nda Kwaaley . . . (undecipherable). 745 Fabay nda Badeba. 746 Fabay kwaara Deeba. 747 Saamo Nyaamo nda Bwalo. 748 Saamo Nyaamo kwaara Waloga. 749 Dullo ndaba Yeeni. 750 Dullo kwaara Yeeni. 751 Zubzub ndaba Kasani. 752 Zubzub kwaara Kasani. 753 Ali Wuria ndaba Bounza. 754 Ali Wuria kwaara Bounza. 755 Alimatu ndaba tun Suduure. 756 Alimatu kwaara Suduure. 757 Salma kwaara dan bal mangani. 758 Salama kwaara Sansan-Hausa. 759 A na ndaba sourey daba tombo. 760 A na kwaara kulu ta kwaara turumbu. 761 A ni sun na ki mo. 762 A na i kulu haw sambu. 763 A ga mi tafo. 764 (undecipherable) 765 A mana koy ka i margu. 766 (undecipherable) 767 A man to moron. 768 A mana te a folon muraadu. 769 Ma bobu tumo. 770 Kala Sonay maa kaana. 771 Da zaamu bibi ye. 772 Da a zammu hanna. 773 A saara Zourmana ma Komdiago. 774 A hay Zumbaanayze Amar.  The Translation 229 735 He fathered Nyao Gandaize Harigoni. 736 He fathered Welta Selma Bazaga. 737 He fathered Watta Cissey, son of Samson. 738 Samsou Fillo. 739 He fathered Samsou Hinka. 740 Boubey ma jimbo kaney. 741 Daouda Goubayze. 742 Jama Alma Yerima. 743 He fathered Jama, son of Baba Dosso. 744 Kormoto and Kwaley ... (undecipherable). 745 Fabay and Badeba. 746 The village of Fabay is Deba. 747 Samo Nyamo and Bwalo. 748 The village of Sama Nyamo is Waloga. 749 The village of Doullo is Yeni. 750 The village of Doullo is Yeni. 751 The village of Zoubzoub is Kassani. 752 The village of Zoubzoub is Kassani. 753 The village of Ali Wuria is Bounza. 754 The village of Ali Wuria is Bounza. 755 The village of Alimatu comes from Soudourey. 756 The village of Alimatou is Soudourey. 757 The village of Salma . . . (undecipherable). 758 The village of Salama is Sansane-Haoussa. 759 He .. . village ... (undecipherable). 760 He transformed the entire village into a . . . (undecipherable) ... village. 761 He ... (undecipherable). 762 He did not attach them all. 763 He will . . . (undecipherable). 764 (undecipherable) 765 He did not go to group them together. 766 (undecipherable) 767 He did not reach very far. 768 He doesn't need a single one of them. 769 (undecipherable) 770 Except the sweet name of Songhay. 771 And its bad praises. 772 And its good praises. 773 He fathered Zourmana called Komdiago. 774 He fathered Amar, son of Zoumbani. The Translation 229 735 He fathered Nyao Gandaize Harigoni. 736 He fathered Welta Selma Bazaga. 737 He fathered Watta Cissey, son of Samson. 738 Samsou Fillo. 739 He fathered Samsou Hinka. 740 Boubey ma jimbo kaney. 741 Daouda Goubayze. 742 Jama Alma Yerima. 743 He fathered Jama, son of Baba Dosso. 744 Kormoto and Kwaley ... (undecipherable). 745 Fabay and Badeba. 746 The village of Fabay is Deba. 747 Samo Nyamo and Bwalo. 748 The village of Sama Nyamo is Waloga. 749 The village of Doullo is Yeni. 750 The village of Doullo is Yeni. 751 The village of Zoubzoub is Kassani. 752 The village of Zoubzoub is Kassani. 753 The villaWe of Ali Wuria is Bounza. 754 The village of Ali Wuria is Bounza. 755 The village of Alimatu comes from Soudourey. 756 The village of Alimatou is Soudourey. 757 The village of Salma . . . (undecipherable). 758 The village of Salama is Sansane-Haoussa. 759 He .. . vilage. ... (undecipherable). 760 He transformed the entire village into a ... (undecipherable) ... village. 761 He ... (undecipherable). 762 He did not attach them all. 763 He will . . . (undecipherable). 764 (undecipherable) 765 He did not go to group them together. 766 (undecipherable) 767 He did not reach very far. 768 He doesn't need a single one of them. 769 (undecipherable) 770 Except the sweet name of Songhay. 771 And its bad praises. 772 And its good praises. 773 He fathered Zourmana called Komdiago. 774 He fathered Amar, son of Zoumbani. The Translation 229 735 He fathered Nyao Gandaize Harigoni. 736 He fathered Welta Selma Bazaga. 737 He fathered Watta Cissey, son of Samson. 738 Samsou Fillo. 739 He fathered Samson Hinka. 740 Boubey ma jimbo kaney. 741 Daouda Goubayze. 742 Jama Alma Yerima. 743 He fathered Jama, son of Baba Dosso. 744 Kormoto and Kwaley ... (undecipherable). 745 Fabay and Badeba. 746 The village of Fabay is Deba. 747 Samo Nyamo and Bwalo. 748 The village of Sama Nyamo is Waloga. 749 The village of Doullo is Yeni. 750 The village of Doullo is Yeni. 751 The village of Zoubzoub is Kassani. 752 The village of Zoubzoub is Kassani. 753 The village of Ali Wuria is Bounza. 754 The village of Ali Wuria is Bounza. 755 The village of Alimatu comes from Soudourey. 756 The village of Alimatou is Soudourey. 757 The village of Salma ... (undecipherable). 758 The village of Salama is Sansane-Haoussa. 759 He . .. vilae. . .. (undecipherable). 760 He transformed the entire village into a ... (undecipherable) ... village. 761 He . . . (undecipherable). 762 He did not attach them all. 763 He will . . . (undecipherable). 764 (undecipherable) 765 He did not go to group them together. 766 (undecipherable) 767 He did not reach very far. 768 He doesn't need a single one of them. 769 (undecipherable) 770 Except the sweet name of Songhay. 771 And its bad praises. 772 And its good praises. 773 He fathered Zourmana called Komdiago. 774 He fathered Amar, son of Zoumbani.  230 The Transcription 775 Dombika mana ban Wuriey. 776 Komdiago si no i ga. 777 Don nda i koy wongu zurey, 778 Amar bariyo n'a nwa. 779 Tondo ka man ban Wuriey. 780 Komdiago si no i ga. 781 Fondo koy wongu zuray. 782 Amar bariyo no a n'a nwa. 783 Toru kar man ban Wuriey. 784 Komdiago si no i ga. 785 Boro koy wongu zuray. 786 Amar bariyo n'a nwa. 787 Zumba no ma Komdiago. 788 Zumbayze Amar. 789 Sadjey Neeri. 790 Nya iyye, 791 Nya kan ka nye ka tun ka Bodoronku. 792 Nga no a wi nga bon se, ka ta Sonay fuula. 793 (undecipherable) 794 Wandey Sadjey ba te mono. 795 Boro kan mana humburu nga nya fundi. 796 Boro baafo da nya waani fundi. 797 A saara Jumba na ma Komdiago. 798 A hay Zumbaanayze Amar. 799 Sadjey nyeeru na kan kan djeku tunka Bodoronku. 800 A na nya iyye wi nga bon se ga ta Sonay fuula. 801 Boron kan kande nga Sadjey nyanki. 802 Boron kan man humburu nga nya fundi, ni ba fo de nya waani fundi. 803 A saara ka Salmata nye. 804 Sumayla Kasaize. 805 Kassa nda Salma Zoumou, Kassa Ouseize Soumayla. 806 Nga no i ne cimi . . . (undecipherable). 807 Kay fu Sumayla Kasa. 808 Warfouta ma Sumayla Kasa wone. 809 Zoumar ka to go Zokary. 810 Yorgo ka no .. . (undecipherable). 811 Sumayla Kasaizo no ka Hawseizi n'a wi. 812 Hawsaizina mo mana bo ka ga nongora. 230 The Transcription 775 Dombika mana ban Wuriey. 776 Komdiago si no i ga. 777 Don nda i koy wongu zurey, 778 Amar bariyo n'a nwa. 779 Tondo ka man ban Wuriey. 780 Komdiago si no i ga. 781 Fondo koy wongu zuray. 782 Amar bariyo no a n'a nwa. 783 Toru kar man ban Wuriey. 784 Komdiago si no i ga. 785 Boro koy wongu zuray. 786 Amar bariyo n'a nwa. 787 Zumba no ma Komdiago. 788 Zumbayze Amar. 789 Sadjey Neeri. 790 Nya iyye, 791 Nya kan ka nye ka tun ka Bodoronku. 792 Nga no a wi nga bon se, ka ta Sonay fuula. 793 (undecipherable) 794 Wandey Sadjey ba te mono. 795 Boro kan mana humburu nga nya fundi. 796 Boro baafo da nya waani fundi. 797 A saara Jumba na ma Komdiago. 798 A hay Zumbaanayze Amar. 799 Sadjey nyeeru na kan kan djeku tunka Bodoronku. 800 A na nya iyye wi nga bon se ga ta Sonay fuula. 801 Boron kan kande nga Sadjey nyanki. 802 Boron kan man humburu nga nya fundi, ni ba fo de nya waani fundi. 803 A saara ka Salmata nye. 804 Sumayla Kasaize. 805 Kassa nda Salma Zoumou, Kassa Ouseize Soumayla. 806 Nga no i ne cimi . . . (undecipherable). 807 Kay fu Sumayla Kasa. 808 Warfouta ma Sumayla Kasa wone. 809 Zoumar ka to go Zokary. 810 Yorgo ka no ... (undecipherable). 811 Sumayla Kasaizo no ka Hawseizi n'a wi. 812 Hawsaizina mo mana bo ka ga nongora. 230 The Transcription 775 Dombika mana ban Wuriey. 776 Komdiago si no i ga. 777 Don nda i koy wongu zurey, 778 Amar bariyo n'a nwa. 779 Tondo ka man ban Wuriey. 780 Komdiago si no i ga. 781 Fondo koy wongu zuray. 782 Amar bariyo no a n'a nwa. 783 Toru kar man ban Wuriey. 784 Komdiago si no i ga. 785 Boro koy wongu zuray. 786 Amar bariyo n'a nwa. 787 Zumba no ma Komdiago. 788 Zumbayze Amar. 789 Sadjey Neeri. 790 Nya iyye, 791 Nya kan ka nye ka tun ka Bodoronku. 792 Nga no a wi nga bon se, ka ta Sonay fuula. 793 (undecipherable) 794 Wandey Sadjey ba te mono. 795 Bore kan mana humburu nga nya fundi. 796 Boro baafo da nya waani fundi. 797 A saara Jumba na ma Komdiago. 798 A hay Zumbaanayze Amar. 799 Sadjey nyeeru na kan kan djeku tunka Bodoronku. 800 A na nya iyye wi nga bon se ga ta Sonay fuula. 801 Boron kan kande nga Sadjey nyanki. 802 Boron kan man humburu nga nya fundi, ni ba fo de nya waani fundi. 803 A saara ka Salmata nye. 804 Sumayla Kasaize. 805 Kassa nda Salma Zoumou, Kassa Ouseize Soumayla. 806 Nga no i ne cimi . . . (undecipherable). 807 Kay fu Sumayla Kasa. 808 Warfouta ma Sumayla Kasa wone. 809 Zoumar ka to go Zokary. 810 Yorgo ka no ... (undecipherable). 811 Sumayla Kasaizo no ka Hawseizi n'a wi. 812 Hawsaizina me mana bo ka ga nongora.  The Translation 231 775 Dombika did not reach Wuriey. 776 Komdiago did not compete against them. 777 If they raced off to war, 778 The horse of Amar won. 779 The rock did not return to Wuriey. 780 Komdiago did not compete against them. 781 The master of the road refused to flee. 782 Amar's horse won. 783 The striking spirits did not reach Wuriey. 784 Komdiago didn't compete with them. 785 He raced off to war. 786 Amar's horse won. 787 It was Zumba who was called Komdiago. 788 Amar son of Zoumba. 789 Sadjey Neri. 790 Seven mothers, 791 Mother who returned to awaken Bodronkou. 792 Which he killed himself in order to take the throne of Songhay. 793 (undecipherable) 794 (undecipherable) 795 He who did not fear for the life of his mother. 796 That person would not give a damn for the life of the mother of someone else. 797 He fathered Jumba called Komdiago. 798 He fathered Amar, son of Zoumba. 799 Sadjey .... (undecipherable) ... King Bodronkou. 800 He killed seven mothers himself in order to take the throne of Songhay. 801 The one who brought his Sadjey ... (undecipherable). 802 He who did not fear for the life of his mother doesn't care about the life of someone else's mother. 803 He fathered Salmata. 804 Soumayla, son of Kassaye. 805 Kassa and Salma Zoumou, Kassa Ouseize Soumayla. 806 He is the one they said it is true . . . (undecipherable) 807 It can be the good Soumayla Kassa. 808 It can be the bad Soumayla Kassa. 809 Zoumar came to Zokary. 810 Yorgo came ... (undecipherable). 811 Soumayla Kassa killed Hawseizi. 812 Hawsaizina disappeared before dawn. The Translation 231 775 Dombika did not reach Wuriey. 776 Komdiago did not compete against them. 777 If they raced off to war, 778 The horse of Amar won. 779 The rock did not return to Wuriey. 780 Komdiago did not compete against them. 781 The master of the road refused to flee. 782 Amar's horse won. 783 The striking spirits did not reach Wuriey. 784 Komdiago didn't compete with them. 785 He raced off to war. 786 Amar's horse won. 787 It was Zumba who was called Komdiago. 788 Amar son of Zoumba. 789 Sadjey Neri. 790 Seven mothers, 791 Mother who returned to awaken Bodronkou. 792 Which he killed himself in order to take the throne of Songhay. 793 (undecipherable) 794 (undecipherable) 795 He who did not fear for the life of his mother. 796 That person would not give a damn for the life of the mother of someone else. 797 He fathered Jumba called Komdiago. 798 He fathered Amar, son of Zoumba. 799 Sadjey .... (undecipherable) ... King Bodronkou. 800 He killed seven mothers himself in order to take the throne of Songhay. 801 The one who brought his Sadjey ... (undecipherable). 802 He who did not fear for the life of his mother doesn't care about the life of someone else's mother. 803 He fathered Salmata. 804 Soumayla, son of Kassaye. 805 Kassa and Salma Zoumou, Kassa Ouseize Soumayla. 806 He is the one they said it is true . . . (undecipherable) 807 It can be the good Soumayla Kassa. 808 It can be the bad Soumayla Kassa. 809 Zoumar came to Zokary. 810 Yorgo came ... (undecipherable). 811 Soumayla Kassa killed Hawseizi. 812 Hawsaizina disappeared before dawn. The Translation 231 775 Dombika did not reach Wuriey. 776 Komdiago did not compete against them. 777 If they raced off to war, 778 The horse of Amar won. 779 The rock did not return to Wuriey. 780 Komdiago did not compete against them. 781 The master of the road refused to flee. 782 Amar's horse won. 783 The striking spirits did not reach Wuriey. 784 Komdiago didn't compete with them. 785 He raced off to war. 786 Amar's horse won. 787 It was Zumba who was called Komdiago. 788 Amar son of Zoumba. 789 Sadjey Neri. 790 Seven mothers, 791 Mother who returned to awaken Bodronkou. 792 Which he killed himself in order to take the throne of Songhay. 793 (undecipherable) 794 (undecipherable) 795 He who did not fear for the life of his mother. 796 That person would not give a damn for the life of the mother of someone else. 797 He fathered Jumba called Komdiago. 798 He fathered Amar, son of Zoumba. 799 Sadjey .... (undecipherable) ... King Bodronkou. 800 He killed seven mothers himself in order to take the throne of Songhay. 801 The one who brought his Sadjey ... (undecipherable). 802 He who did not fear for the life of his mother doesn't care about the life of someone else's mother. 803 He fathered Salmata. 804 Soumayla, son of Kassaye. 805 Kassa and Salma Zoumou, Kassa Ouseize Soumayla. 806 He is the one they said it is true . . . (undecipherable) 807 It can be the good Soumayla Kassa. 808 It can be the bad Soumayla Kassa. 809 Zoumar came to Zokary. 810 Yorgo came ... (undecipherable). 811 Soumayla Kassa killed Hawseizi. 812 Hawsaizina disappeared before dawn.  232 The Transcription 813 (undecipherable) 814 (undecipherable) 815 Waati kan cine se Sumayla Kasaize zumbu kwaara, 816 Nga no a ga nga bon te kwaara koy. 817 A ma haw wi a ma kwaara koyo yaray da. 818 Sumayla Kasa wo, nga ga te Gao bonkoono. 819 Nga no ga laabo may. 820 Han kan hane, Sumayla Kasa kaa ga furo koytara ra. 821 Han din hane no a kaa ga Saguma hiiji. 822 Saguma mo a baaba ka bu koytara ra. 823 Sumayla Kasa na koytara ta. 824 Sumayla Kasa na koytara ta. 825 A kaa ga goro da nga koytara. 826 A gonda mo nga wande fo kan, a jin ka hiiji. 827 Wando din dabay boro no, day a mana a fansa. 828 Saguma baaba alyaley no. 829 Kan a na a hiiji dey a mana a fansa 830 A hiiji dey no koytaray hiijay. 831 Sohon bine, i kaa ga goro koytara ra. 832 Saguma baba bu, 833 Saguma armo mana du koytara. 834 A go ga goro nga baaba windo ra da nga talka tara. 835 Sumayla Kasa mo na koytara taa. 836 A koy Saguma hiiji, 837 Babo windo ra ka kaa ga dan nga windo ra. 838 Wande beero mo Sagumayan windo, windi dabay boroyan no. 839 Kan a hiji dey a mana a fansa. 840 A kaa ga goro, a kaa ga goro, a kaa ga goro, 841 Kala, kala, kala a kaa ga gar, 842 Wande beero na nga ize aru follon hay, 843 Kan se i ga ne Amar Zumbaani. 844 Dabay bora din ka a hay. 845 A kaa ga Saguma hiiji. 846 Saguma mo kaa ga hay a se ize aru taway hinka, alboro taway hinka. 847 I Gao gallo ra kaa ga te weykuru darzanta fo. 848 Koy izey, arzakantey, da alboro yaarey, 849 I ka ga koko kocia gaa. 850 Cini da zaari, Gao maaba moolokarey, fulan maaaba moolokarey, konnyo timmey, 232 The Transcription 813 (undecipherable) 814 (undecipherable) 815 Waati kan cine se Sumayla Kasaize zumbu kwaara, 816 Nga no a ga nga bon te kwaara koy. 817 A ma haw wi a ma kwaara koyo yaray da. 818 Sumayla Kasa wo, nga ga te Gao bonkoono. 819 Nga no ga laabo may. 820 Han kan hane, Sumayla Kasa kaa ga furo koytara ra. 821 Han din hane no a kaa ga Saguma hiiji. 822 Saguma mo a baaba ka bu koytara ra. 823 Sumayla Kasa na koytara ta. 824 Sumayla Kasa na koytara ta. 825 A kaa ga goro da nga koytara. 826 A gonda mo nga wande fo kan, a jin ka hiiji. 827 Wando din dabay boro no, day a mana a fansa. 828 Saguma baaba alyaley no. 829 Kan a na a hiiji dey a mana a fansa 830 A hiiji dey no koytaray hiijay. 831 Sohon bine, i kaa ga goro koytara ra. 832 Saguma baba bu, 833 Saguma armo mana du koytara. 834 A go ga goro nga baaba windo ra da nga talka tara. 835 Sumayla Kasa mo na koytara taa. 836 A koy Saguma hiiji, 837 Babo windo ra ka kaa ga dan nga windo ra. 838 Wande beero ma Sagumayan windo, windi dabay boroyan no. 839 Kan a hiji dey a mana a fansa. 840 A kaa ga goro, a kaa ga goro, a kaa ga goro, 841 Kala, kala, kala a kaa ga gar, 842 Wande beero na nga ize aru follon hay, 843 Kan se i ga ne Amar Zumbaani. 844 Dabay bora din ka a hay. 845 A kaa ga Saguma hiiji. 846 Saguma mo kaa ga hay a se ize aru taway hinka, alboro taway hinka. 847 I Gao gallo ra kaa ga te weykuru darzanta fo. 848 Koy izey, arzakantey, da alboro yaarey, 849 I ka ga koko kocia gaa. 850 Cini da zaari, Gao maaba moolokarey, fulan maaaba moolokarey, konnyo timmey, 232 The Transcription 813 (undecipherable) 814 (undecipherable) 815 Waati kan cine se Sumayla Kasaize zumbu kwaara, 816 Nga no a ga nga bon te kwaara koy. 817 A ma haw wi a ma kwaara koyo yaray da. 818 Sumayla Kasa wo, nga ga te Gao bonkoono. 819 Nga no ga laabo may. 820 Han kan hane, Sumayla Kasa kaa ga furo koytara ra. 821 Han din hane no a kaa ga Saguma hiiji. 822 Saguma mo a baaba ka bu koytara ra. 823 Sumayla Kasa na koytara ta. 824 Sumayla Kasa na koytara ta. 825 A kaa ga goro da nga koytara. 826 A gonda mo nga wande fo kan, a jin ka hiiji. 827 Wando din dabay boro no, day a mana a fansa. 828 Saguma baaba alyaley no. 829 Kan a na a hiiji dey a mana a fansa 830 A hiiji dey no koytaray hiijay. 831 Sohon bine, i kaa ga goro koytara ra. 832 Saguma baba bu, 833 Saguma armo mana du koytara. 834 A go ga goro nga baaba windo ra da nga talka tara. 835 Sumayla Kasa mo na koytara taa. 836 A koy Saguma hiiji, 837 Babo windo ra ka kaa ga dan nga windo ra. 838 Wande beero mo Sagumayan windo, windi dabay boroyan no. 839 Kan a hiji dey a mana a fansa. 840 A kaa ga goro, a kaa ga goro, a kaa ga goro, 841 Kala, kala, kala a kaa ga gar, 842 Wande beero na nga ize aru follon hay, 843 Kan se i ga ne Amar Zumbaani. 844 Dabay born din ka a hay. 845 A kaa ga Saguma hiiji. 846 Saguma mu kaa ga hay a se ize aru taway hinka, alboro taway hinka. 847 I Gao gallo ra kaa ga te weykuru darzanta fo. 848 Koy izey, arzakantey, da alboro yaarey, 849 I ka ga koko kocia gaa. 850 Cini da zaari, Gao maaba moolokarey, fulan maaaba moolokarey, konnyo timmey,  The Translation 233 813 (undecipherable) 814 (undecipherable) 815 When Soumayla Kassa stops in a village, 816 It is at this moment that he proclaims himself village chief. 817 He kills a cow and entertains the village chief. 818 Soumayla Kassa, he is the one who was installed as chief of Gao. 819 He is the one who rules the country. 820 Soumayla Kassa came to take the throne. 821 It is on that day that he came to marry Sagouma. 822 Sagouma too, it is her father who died on the throne. 823 Soumayla Kassa took over the chieftaincy. 824 Soumayla Kassa took over the chieftaincy. 825 He came to sit on the throne. 826 He also has a wife whom he had married earlier. 827 This woman is of captive origin, but he did not free her. 828 She is a captive of the slave family of Sagouma, 829 Whom he married, but he did not free her. 830 He married her just like that, since he was the chief. 831 Now, he assumed the chieftaincy. 832 The father of Sagouma died, 833 The brother of Sagouma didn't inherit the throne. 834 He remained in his father's compound in a state of poverty. 835 Soumayla Kassa took the chieftaincy. 836 He married Sagouma, 837 In her father's compound, and then led her into his own com- pound. 838 His first wife is also a captive of the family of Sagouma. 839 When he married her he did not free her. 840 She stayed there, she stayed there, she stayed there, 841 Until, until, until he found, 842 The first wife gave birth to a single son, 843 Whom they call Amar Zoumbani. 844 It is that woman from Dabay who gave birth to him. 845 He married Sagouma. 846 Sagouma also gave birth to twins, two boys. 847 Their city of Gao knew a beautiful, rich, single woman. 848 The princes, the rich, the brave, 849 All competed for her hand. 850 Day and night the griots and molo players of Gao, the Fulani griots and molo players, the female griots, The Translation 233 813 (undecipherable) 814 (undecipherable) 815 When Soumayla Kassa stops in a village, 816 It is at this moment that he proclaims himself village chief. 817 He kills a cow and entertains the village chief. 818 Soumayla Kassa, he is the one who was installed as chief of Gao. 819 He is the one who rules the country. 820 Soumayla Kassa came to take the throne. 821 It is on that day that he came to marry Sagouma. 822 Sagouma too, it is her father who died on the throne. 823 Soumayla Kassa took over the chieftaincy. 824 Soumayla Kassa took over the chieftaincy. 825 He came to sit on the throne. 826 He also has a wife whom he had married earlier. 827 This woman is of captive origin, but he did not free her. 828 She is a captive of the slave family of Sagouma, 829 Whom he married, but he did not free her. 830 He married her just like that, since he was the chief. 831 Now, he assumed the chieftaincy. 832 The father of Sagouma died, 833 The brother of Sagouma didn't inherit the throne. 834 He remained in his father's compound in a state of poverty. 835 Soumayla Kassa took the chieftaincy. 836 He married Sagouma, 837 In her father's compound, and then led her into his own com- pound. 838 His first wife is also a captive of the family of Sagouma. 839 When he married her he did not free her. 840 She stayed there, she stayed there, she stayed there, 841 Until, until, until he found, 842 The first wife gave birth to a single son, 843 Whom they call Amar Zoumbani. 844 It is that woman from Dabay who gave birth to him. 845 He married Sagouma. 846 Sagouma also gave birth to twins, two boys. 847 Their city of Gao knew a beautiful, rich, single woman. 848 The princes, the rich, the brave, 849 All competed for her hand. 850 Day and night the griots and molo players of Gao, the Fulani griots and molo players, the female griots, The Translation 233 813 (undecipherable) 814 (undecipherable) 815 When Soumayla Kassa stops in a village, 816 It is at this moment that he proclaims himself village chief. 817 He kills a cow and entertains the village chief. 818 Soumayla Kassa, he is the one who was installed as chief of Gao. 819 He is the one who rules the country. 820 Soumayla Kassa came to take the throne. 821 It is on that day that he came to marry Sagouma. 822 Sagouma too, it is her father who died on the throne. 823 Soumayla Kassa took over the chieftaincy. 824 Soumayla Kassa took over the chieftaincy. 825 He came to sit on the throne. 826 He also has a wife whom he had married earlier. 827 This woman is of captive origin, but he did not free her. 828 She is a captive of the slave family of Sagouma, 829 Whom he married, but he did not free her. 830 He married her just like that, since he was the chief. 831 Now, he assumed the chieftaincy. 832 The father of Sagouma died, 833 The brother of Sagouma didn't inherit the throne. 834 He remained in his father's compound in a state of poverty. 835 Soumayla Kassa took the chieftaincy. 836 He married Sagouma, 837 In her father's compound, and then led her into his own com- pound. 838 His first wife is also a captive of the family of Sagouma. 839 When he married her he did not free her. 840 She stayed there, she stayed there, she stayed there, 841 Until, until, until he found, 842 The first wife gave birth to a single son, 843 Whom they call Amar Zoumbani. 844 It is that woman from Dabay who gave birth to him. 845 He married Sagouma. 846 Sagouma also gave birth to twins, two boys. 847 Their city of Gao knew a beautiful, rich, single woman. 848 The princes, the rich, the brave, 849 All competed for her hand. 850 Day and night the griots and molo players of Gao, the Fulani griots and molo players, the female griots,  234 The Transcription 851 I nwaareykoyey kulu si kala kocia fuo ra. 852 Ndunnya goo no waati kulu, alboro hanney da woyboro hanney, kulu go noo din. 853 I beeje andunnya se. 854 Amar Zumbaani, a tun ga koy furo borey din ra. 855 I ne, "Sohon ya, iri laabo koyo izo ka ga furo iri bon, 856 "Iri si bay mate kan iri ga te. 857 "Iri gonda nooru, 858 "Boro cindo gonda nooru. 859 "Boro cindo gonda alman." 860 Boro cindo mo alboro hanno yan no. 861 Boro cindo mo yaruyan no. 862 "Amma iri bonkoono ize kaa ga furo iri bon sohon ya." 863 Bonkoono izo furoyano dini. 864 Saguma mo armo, kan baaba ga ti bonkooni zeeno din, nga mo tun kay ga koy furn a bon nga mo. 865 Bonkoono tajo izo da bonkooni zeena izo no ga koy kocia gaa. 866 Kala, kala, kala, kala koka kaa ga to campa gaa. 867 Han fo bine, Amar Zumbaani, a bina tun. 868 A ne nga na maabey no gu way. 869 Maabey soobay ga kuuwa ga yalli ne: 870 Bonkoono ize na ngey no bari gu way. 871 Bonkoono ize na ngey no bari gu woy. 872 Ngey maa kaani. 873 Haya din bine, 874 A na borey dooru. 875 Koy izey nda arzakantey kulu a na i dooru. 876 I go ga goro yaa dini, kala alasaro to. 877 Bonkooni zeena izo din, 878 Tun kay ga koy nga baaba windo ra. 879 A kaa ga goro a ga zunkum. 880 Sohon nga baba sinda koytarey. 881 Almaaro to, Saguma kan ti waymo tun nga kurnye windo ra, bonkooni tejo windo ra. 882 A ka windi wone ra, a kaa ga nga arme gar a go ga goro nga baaba windo ra. 883 A ne a se, "Waana filaana ifo ka du ni kan ni ga zunkum?" 884 A ne "Hanha, hay kulu mana du ay." 885 A ne, "Ni ga taari aran man ti dey boroyan no. 886 "Ay ma za zaari ay maa hay kan te. 234 The Transcription 851 I nwaareykoyey kulu si kala kocia fuo ra. 852 Ndunnya goo no waati kulu, alboro hanney da woyboro hanney, kulu go noo din. 853 I beeje andunnya se. 854 Amar Zumbaani, a tun ga koy furo borey din ra. 855 I ne, "Sohon ya, iri laabo koyo izo ka ga furo iri bon, 856 "Iri si bay mate kan iri ga te. 857 "Iri gonda nooru, 858 "Boro cindo gonda nooru. 859 "Boro cindo gonda alman." 860 Boro cindo mo alboro hanno yan no. 861 Boro cindo mo yaruyan no. 862 "Amma iri bonkoono ize kaa ga furo iri bon sohon ya." 863 Bonkoono izo furoyano dini. 864 Saguma mo armo, kan baaba ga ti bonkooni zeeno din, nga mo tun kay ga koy furo a bon nga mo. 865 Bonkoono tajo izo da bonkooni zeena izo no ga koy kocia gaa. 866 Kala, kala, kala, kala koka kaa ga to campa gaa. 867 Han fo bine, Amar Zumbaani, a bina tun. 868 A ne nga na maabey no gu way. 869 Maabey soobay ga kuuwa ga yalli ne: 870 Bonkoono ize na ngey no bari gu way. 871 Bonkoono ize na ngey no bari gu woy. 872 Ngey maa kaani. 873 Haya din bine, 874 A na borey dooru. 875 Koy izey nda arzakantey kulu a na i dooru. 876 I go ga goro yaa dini, kala alasaro to. 877 Bonkooni zeena izo din, 878 Tun kay ga koy nga baaba windo ra. 879 A kaa ga goro a ga zunkum. 880 Sohon nga baba sinda koytarey. 881 Almaaro to, Saguma kan ti waymo tun nga kurnye windo ra, bonkooni tejo windo ra. 882 A ka windi wone ra, a kaa ga nga arme gar a go ga goro nga baaba windo ra. 883 A ne a se, "Waana filaana ifo ka du ni kan ni ga zunkum?" 884 A ne "Hanha, hay kulu mana du ay." 885 A ne, "Ni ga taari aran man ti dey boroyan no. 886 "Ay ma za zaari ay maa hay kan te. 234 The Transcription 851 I nwaareykoyey kulu si kala kocia fuo ra. 852 Ndunnya goo no waati kulu, alboro hanney da woyboro hanney, kulu go noo din. 853 I beeje andunnya se. 854 Amar Zumbaani, a tun ga koy furo borey din ra. 855 I ne, "Sohon ya, iri laabo koyo izo ka ga furo iri bon, 856 "Iri si bay mate kan iri ga te. 857 "Iri gonda nooru, 858 "Boro cindo gonda nooru. 859 "Boro cindo gonda alman." 860 Boro cindo mo alboro hanno yan no. 861 Boro cindo mo yaruyan no. 862 "Amma iri bonkoono ize kaa ga furo iri bon sohon ya." 863 Bonkoono izo furoyano dini. 864 Saguma mo armo, kan baaba ga ti bonkooni zeeno din, nga mo tun kay ga koy furo a bon nga mo. 865 Bonkoono tajo izo da bonkooni zeena izo no ga koy kocia gaa. 866 Kala, kala, kala, kala koka kaa ga to campa gaa. 867 Han fo bine, Amar Zumbaani, a bina tun. 868 A ne nga na maabey no gu way. 869 Maabey soobay ga kuuwa ga yalli ne: 870 Bonkoono ize na ngey no bari gu way. 871 Bonkoono ize na ngey no bari gu woy. 872 Ngey maa kaani. 873 Haya din bine, 874 A na borey dooru. 875 Koy izey nda arzakantey kulu a na i dooru. 876 I go ga goro yaa dini, kala alasaro to. 877 Bonkooni zeena izo din, 878 Tun kay ga koy nga baaba windo ra. 879 A kaa ga goro a ga zunkum. 880 Sohon nga baba sinda koytarey. 881 Almaaro to, Saguma kan ti waymo tun nga kurnye windo ra, bonkooni tejo windo ra. 882 A ka windi wone ra, a kaa ga nga arme gar a go ga goro nga baaba windo ra. 883 A ne a se, "Waana filaana ifo ka du ni kan ni ga zunkum?" 884 A ne "Hanha, hay kulu mana du ay." 885 A ne, "Ni ga taari aran man ti dey boroyan no. 886 "Ay ma za zaari ay maa hay kan te.  The Translation 235 The Translation 235 The Translation 235 851 All the griots are in the house of this young woman. 852 There is lots of activity all the time, handsome men and beauti- ful women are there. 853 For the pleasure of life. 854 Amar Zoumbani entered among the people there. 855 They say, "Now that our prince is entering the competition, 856 "We don't know what to do. 857 "We have money, 858 "Some others have money. 859 "Others have animals." 860 Others are handsome men. 861 Others are warriors. 862 "But now our prince entered the competition." 863 The prince entered into it. 864 The brother of Sagouma, who is the son of the former chief, he too enters the competition. 865 The new prince and the old prince go to see the young lady. 866 Until, until, until, until they compete with each other, 867 One day Amar Zoumbani went out by himself. 868 He said to give the griots ten horses. 869 The griots proclaim to everyone, they stroll around: 870 The prince gave them ten horses. 871 The prince gave them ten horses. 872 They are really happy. 873 That thing there, 874 It bothered these people. 875 It bothered the princes and the rich people. 876 They remained like that, until evening. 877 The son of the former chief, 878 Got up and went back into the compound of his father. 879 He came to sit down, very sad, his head on his legs. 880 Now his father is no longer a chief. 881 That night Sagouma, who is the sister, came out of her hus- band's compound, the new chiefs compound. 882 She came into this compound, she found her brother sitting in his father's compound. 883 She said to him, "What is it that makes this so-and-so so sad?" 884 He said, "No, nothing is bothering me." 885 She replied, "You are lying, it is because you are not worthy men. 886 "I heard since noon, I heard what happened. 851 All the griots are in the house of this young woman. 852 There is lots of activity all the time, handsome men and beauti- ful women are there. 853 For the pleasure of life. 854 Amar Zoumbani entered among the people there. 855 They say, "Now that our prince is entering the competition, 856 "We don't know what to do. 857 "We have money, 858 "Some others have money. 859 "Others have animals." 860 Others are handsome men. 861 Others are warriors. 862 "But now our prince entered the competition." 863 The prince entered into it. 864 The brother of Sagouma, who is the son of the former chief, he too enters the competition. 865 The new prince and the old prince go to see the young lady. 866 Until, until, until, until they compete with each other. 867 One day Amar Zoumbani went out by himself. 868 He said to give the griots ten horses. 869 The griots proclaim to everyone, they stroll around: 870 The prince gave them ten horses. 871 The prince gave them ten horses. 872 They are really happy. 873 That thing there, 874 It bothered these people. 875 It bothered the princes and the rich people. 876 They remained like that, until evening. 877 The son of the former chief, 878 Got up and went back into the compound of his father. 879 He came to sit down, very sad, his head on his legs. 880 Now his father is no longer a chief. 881 That night Sagouma, who is the sister, came out of her hus- band's compound, the new chiefs compound. 882 She came into this compound, she found her brother sitting in his father's compound. 883 She said to him, "What is it that makes this so-and-so so sad?" 884 He said, "No, nothing is bothering me." 885 She replied, "You are lying, it is because you are not worthy men. 886 "I heard since noon, I heard what happened. 851 All the griots are in the house of this young woman. 852 There is lots of activity all the time, handsome men and beauti- ful women are there. 853 For the pleasure of life. 854 Amar Zoumbani entered among the people there. 855 They say, "Now that our prince is entering the competition, 856 "We don't know what to do. 857 "We have money, 858 "Some others have money. 859 "Others have animals." 860 Others are handsome men. 861 Others are warriors. 862 "But now our prince entered the competition." 863 The prince entered into it. 864 The brother of Sagouma, who is the son of the former chief, he too enters the competition. 865 The new prince and the old prince go to see the young lady. 866 Until, until, until, until they compete with each other. 867 One day Amar Zoumbani went out by himself. 868 He said to give the griots ten horses. 869 The griots proclaim to everyone, they stroll around: 870 The prince gave them ten horses. 871 The prince gave them ten horses. 872 They are really happy. 873 That thing there, 874 It bothered these people. 875 It bothered the princes and the rich people. 876 They remained like that, until evening. 877 The son of the former chief, 878 Got up and went back into the compound of his father. 879 He came to sit down, very sad, his head on his legs. 880 Now his father is no longer a chief. 881 That night Sagouma, who is the sister, came out of her hus- band's compound, the new chiefs compound. 882 She came into this compound, she found her brother sitting in his father's compound. 883 She said to him, "What is it that makes this so-and-so so sad?" 884 He said, "No, nothing is bothering me." 885 She replied, "You are lying, it is because you are not worthy men. 886 "I heard since noon, I heard what happened.  236 The Transcription 887 "I ne, 'Amar Zumbaani na maabey no bari gu woy.' 888 "Maabey go ga kuuwa ka yalle ne, Amar Zumbaani se. 889 "Eh! da Amar Zumbaani na bari gu way no, 890 "Ifo se, ni ya si deebe ga a kamba jindi di ga no? 891 "Ni konnyo ize no me. 892 "Da na maabey no gu woy, ni mo na bannya no. 893 "Ni konnya ize no. 894 "Don, kan a na jasarey no bari go way din, 895 "Ni mo ma deebe ga a kambe jinda di. 896 "Ma ne ni konnyo ize no. 897 "Ni mo na jasarey no bannya." 898 Ho bine i ye. 899 Kala suba, i ye ga margu koyne. 900 Amar Zumbaani ne nga ye ka jeseray, maabey no bari gu way koyne. 901 Boro mo deeba a na Amar Zumbaani kambe jinda di kan ga ti bonkoono izo din, kan go no a na kambe jinda di. 902 A ne maabey se, "Ay mo ay bannya ne ay na aran no da a." 903 Sohon, ya binde bato say. 904 Boro kan na bonkooni ize di ga ne ni bannya no, ni na a no. 905 Asi bato ya say. 906 Haya din a dooru Amar Zumbaani ga gumo gumo. 907 A kaa baabo do, a ne baabo se, 908 Wiza nga wo bannya no. 909 Sumayla Kasa ne a se, 910 "Ni ya bannya no. 911 "Zama kan ay na ni nya hiiji ya na a fansa. 912 "Konnyo waani mo no ay hiji. 913 "Konnya mo no ka ni hay. 914 "A ga gar ay na ni nya fansa no- 915 "Day wallahi ay mana a fansa. 916 "Hay kan i ci ni se kulu i ga cin ni ga no." 917 Amar Zumbaani koy ga goro. 236 The Transcription 236 The Transcription 887 "I ne, 'Amar Zumbaani na maabey no bari gu woy.' 888 "Maabey go ga kuuwa ka yalle ne, Amar Zumbaani se. 889 "Eh! da Amar Zumbaani na bari gu way no, 890 "Ifo se, ni ya si deebe ga a kamba jindi di ga no? 891 "Ni konnyo ize no me. 892 "Da na maabey no gu woy, ni ma na bannya no. 893 "Ni konnya ize no. 894 "Don, kan a na jasarey no bari go way din, 895 "Ni mo ma deebe ga a kambe jinda di. 896 "Ma ne ni konnyo ize no. 897 "Ni mo na jasarey no bannya." 898 Ho bine i ye. 899 Kala suba, i ye ga margu koyne. 900 Amar Zumbaani ne nga ye ka jeseray, maabey no bari gu woy koyne. 901 Boro ma deeba a na Amar Zumbaani kambe jinda di kan ga ti bonkoono izo din, kan go no a na kambe jinda di. 902 A ne maabey se, "Ay mo ay bannya ne ay na aran no da a." 903 Sohon, ya binde bato say. 904 Boro kan na bonkooni ize di ga ne ni bannya no, ni na a no. 905 Asi bato ya say. 906 Haya din a dooru Amar Zumbaani ga gumo gumo. 907 A kaa baabo do, a ne baabo se, 908 Wiza nga wo bannya no. 909 Sumayla Kasa ne a se, 910 "Ni ya bannya no. 911 "Zama kan ay na ni nya hiiji ya na a fansa. 912 "Konnyo waani mo no ay hiji. 913 "Konnya mo no ka ni hay. 914 "A ga gar ay na ni nya fansa no- 915 "Day wallahi ay mana a fansa. 916 "Hay kan i ci ni se kulu i ga cim ni ga no." 917 Amar Zumbaani koy ga goro. 887 "I ne, 'Amar Zumbaani na maabey no bari gu woy.' 888 "Maabey go ga kuuwa ka yalle ne, Amar Zumbaani se. 889 "Eh! da Amar Zumbaani na bari gu way no, 890 "Ifo se, ni ya si deebe ga a kamba jindi di ga no? 891 "Ni konnyo ize no me. 892 "Da na maabey no gu woy, ni mo na bannya no. 893 "Ni konnya ize no. 894 "Don, kan a na jasarey no bari gu way din, 895 "Ni mo ma deebe ga a kambe jinda di. 896 "Ma ne ni konnyo ize no. 897 "Ni mo na jasarey no bannya." 898 Ho bine i ye. 899 Kala suba, i ye ga margu koyne. 900 Amar Zumbaani ne nga ye ka jeseray, maabey no bari gu woy koyne. 901 Boro mo deeba a na Amar Zumbaani kambe jinda di kan ga ti bonkoono izo din, kan go no a na kambe jinda di. 902 A ne maabey se, "Ay mo ay bannya ne ay na aran no da a." 903 Sohon, ya binde bato say. 904 Boro kan na bonkooni ize di ga ne ni bannya no, ni na a no. 905 Asi bato ya say. 906 Haya din a dooru Amar Zumbaani ga gumo gumo. 907 A kaa baabo do, a ne baabo se, 908 Wiza nga wo bannya no. 909 Sumayla Kasa ne a se, 910 "Ni ya bannya no. 911 "Zama kan ay na ni nya hiiji ya na a fansa. 912 "Konnyo waani mo no ay hiji. 913 "Konnya mo no ka ni hay. 914 "A ga gar ay na ni nya fansa no- 915 "Day wallahi ay mana a fansa. 916 "Hay kan i ci ni se kulu i ga cim ni ga no." 917 Amar Zumbaani koy ga goro.  The Translation 237 The Translation 237 The Translation 237 887 "They say, 'Amar Zoumbani gave the griots ten horses.' 888 "The griots are showing their joy everywhere for Amar Zoumbani. 889 "Well, since Amar Zoumbani has given ten horses to the griots, 890 "Why didn't you take the wrist of the son of your captive and offer it to the griots? 891 "It is the son of your captive. 892 "If he has given the griots ten horses, you too, you have given them a captive. 893 "The son of your captive. 894 "When he gave ten horses to the griots, 895 "You too, take him by the hand. 896 "You say it is the son of your captive. 897 "You too have given a captive to the griots." 898 Today he returned. 899 The next day, they got together again. 900 Amar Zoumbani said that he gave the Songhay griots, the Fu- lani griots, another ten horses. 901 The other man grabbed the hand of Amar Zoumbani who is the prince. 902 He said to the Fulani griots, "I too, I have given you a cap- tive." 903 Now then, the crowd dispersed. 904 "The one who gave a prince in saying that he was a captive, it is you whom he gave." 905 In any case, the crowd dispersed. 906 This bothered Amar Zoumbani very, very much. 907 He came home to his father's house, he said to his father, 908 So he is a captive. 909 Soumayla Kassa said to him, 910 "You are a captive. 911 "Because, when I married your mother, I did not buy her free- dom. 912 "It is the captive of someone else whom I married. 913 "It is also the captive who gave birth to you. 914 "If at least I had freed your mother- 915 "But to tell the truth, I didn't free her. 916 "Everything they tell you is true." 917 Amar Zoumbani went away to sit down. 887 "They say, 'Amar Zoumbani gave the griots ten horses.' 888 "The griots are showing their joy everywhere for Amar Zoumbani. 889 "Well, since Amar Zoumbani has given ten horses to the griots, 890 "Why didn't you take the wrist of the son of your captive and offer it to the griots? 891 "It is the son of your captive. 892 "If he has given the griots ten horses, you too, you have given them a captive. 893 "The son of your captive. 894 "When he gave ten horses to the griots, 895 "You too, take him by the hand. 896 "You say it is the son of your captive. 897 "You too have given a captive to the griots." 898 Today he returned. 899 The next day, they got together again. 900 Amar Zoumbani said that he gave the Songhay griots, the Fu- lani griots, another ten horses. 901 The other man grabbed the hand of Amar Zoumbani who is the prince. 902 He said to the Fulani griots, "I too, I have given you a cap- tive." 903 Now then, the crowd dispersed. 904 "The one who gave a prince in saying that he was a captive, it is you whom he gave." 905 In any case, the crowd dispersed. 906 This bothered Amar Zoumbani very, very much. 907 He came home to his father's house, he said to his father, 908 So he is a captive. 909 Soumayla Kassa said to him, 910 "You are a captive. 911 "Because, when I married your mother, I did not buy her free- dom. 912 "It is the captive of someone else whom I married. 913 "It is also the captive who gave birth to you. 914 "If at least I had freed your mother- 915 "But to tell the truth, I didn't free her. 916 "Everything they tell you is true." 917 Amar Zoumbani went away to sit down. 887 "They say, 'Amar Zoumbani gave the griots ten horses.' 888 "The griots are showing their joy everywhere for Amar Zoumbani. 889 "Well, since Amar Zoumbani has given ten horses to the griots, 890 "Why didn't you take the wrist of the son of your captive and offer it to the griots? 891 "It is the son of your captive. 892 "If he has given the griots ten horses, you too, you have given them a captive. 893 "The son of your captive. 894 "When he gave ten horses to the griots, 895 "You too, take him by the hand. 896 "You say it is the son of your captive. 897 "You too have given a captive to the griots." 898 Today he returned. 899 The next day, they got together again. 900 Amar Zoumbani said that he gave the Songhay griots, the Fu- lani griots, another ten horses. 901 The other man grabbed the hand of Amar Zoumbani who is the prince. 902 He said to the Fulani griots, "I too, I have given you a cap- tive." 903 Now then, the crowd dispersed. 904 "The one who gave a prince in saying that he was a captive, it is you whom he gave." 905 In any case, the crowd dispersed. 906 This bothered Amar Zoumbani very, very much. 907 He came home to his father's house, he said to his father, 908 So he is a captive. 909 Soumayla Kassa said to him, 910 "You are a captive. 911 "Because, when I married your mother, I did not buy her free- dom. 912 "It is the captive of someone else whom I married. 913 "It is also the captive who gave birth to you. 914 "If at least I had freed your mother- 915 "But to tell the truth, I didn't free her. 916 "Everything they tell you is true." 917 Amar Zoumbani went away to sit down.  238 The Transcription 918 Jingar, cimsi jingar ga candi ga kaa. 919 Saguma armo kan ga ti bonkooni zeena din izo, 920 A gonda nga gu follon, kan baabo bu ga dira ga nan a se. 921 Haro no kan sinda kwaarey kulu, nan kulu. 922 Boro kulu no si du a hamno biro cine. 923 A go ga goro nda a nga baaba windo ra. 924 Nda albora kaaru, kan ga ti bonkooni tajo nga no a ga karu ka a gana da. 925 Amar Zumbaani mo kan bine tun nga mo, 926 Jingaro ga candi ga kaa. 927 A ne baabo se, "Subasi zaari, kan suba basi no ga ti jingaro. 928 "Bari haro, kan sinda kwaaray kul, 929 "A bon no ay ga koy jingaro do. 930 "Da man ti nga bon no, ay si koy jingaro do." 931 Baabo ne a se, "Ni ga koy a do da Irkoy baa." 932 Sumayla Kasa bine na barikarey kaarandi. 933 A ne i ma furo Sonay. 934 Ka laabo me fa guna nga se, 935 Nan kan i ga di go haro kan sinda kwaarey kulu ga kande. 936 Barikarey zaari hinka, ihinza i go ga Sonay me a me windi. 937 I man du gu, i mana du go haro kan sinda kwaaray. 938 Hao kulu kan mae i maa, 939 Da i koy kala i ma a gar da kwaaray. 940 Kala hano kan jingaro ga ba ga te susuba. 941 Alasar hare i koy di laabu fo ra. 942 Go zaago. 943 Haro woo din a te zaago. 944 Kataray goo na ga fatta a ra. 945 I na a di i kanda Sumayla Kasa do. 946 Cino ga yay, i kanda. 947 Jingaro ma ga biya ga te hala ma bo. 948 I ne a se ngey ya na Sonay kulu ban. 949 Ngey mana du haro bi. 950 Day boro ngey du gu, zaago no. 951 A ne zaago mo hala ma ga bo kulu a ga te haro. 952 "I ma koy bankaarey biyey ka taray fuey ra ga kande, 238 The Transcription 918 Jingar, cimsi jingar ga candi ga kaa. 919 Saguma armo kan ga ti bonkooni zeena din izo, 920 A gonda nga gu follon, kan baabo bu ga dira ga nan a se. 921 Haro no kan sinda kwaarey kulu, nan kulu. 922 Boro kulu no si du a hamno biro cine. 923 A go ga goro nda a nga baaba windo ra. 924 Nda albora kaaru, kan ga ti bonkooni tajo nga no a ga karu ka a gana da. 925 Amar Zumbaani mo kan bine tun nga mo, 926 Jingaro ga candi ga kaa. 927 A ne baabo se, "Subasi zaari, kan suba basi no ga ti jingaro. 928 "Bari haro, kan sinda kwaaray kul, 929 "A bon no ay ga koy jingaro do. 930 "Da man ti nga bon no, ay si koy jingaro do." 931 Baabo ne a se, "Ni ga koy a do da Irkoy baa." 932 Sumayla Kasa bine na barikarey kaarandi. 933 A ne i ma furo Sonay. 934 Ka laabo me fa guna nga se, 935 Nan kan i ga di go haro kan sinda kwaarey kulu ga kande. 936 Barikarey zaari hinka, ihinza i go ga Sonay me a me windi. 937 I man do gu, i mana du gu haro kan sinda kwaaray. 938 Haro kulu kan maa i maa, 939 Da i koy kala i ma a gar da kwaaray. 940 Kala hano kan jingaro ga ba ga te susuba. 941 Alasar hare i koy di laabu fo ra. 942 Go zaago. 943 Haro woo din a te zaago. 944 Kataray goo na ga fatta a ra. 945 I na a di i kanda Sumayla Kasa do. 946 Cino ga yay, i kanda. 947 Jingaro ma ga biya ga te hala ma bo. 948 I ne a se ngey ya na Sonay kulu ban. 949 Ngey mana du haro bi. 950 Day born ngey du gu, zaago no. 951 A ne zaago mo hala mo ga bo kulu a ga te haro. 952 "I ma koy bankaarey biyey ka taray fuey ra ga kande, 238 The Transcription 918 Jingar, cimsi jingar ga candi ga kaa. 919 Saguma armo kan ga ti bonkooni zeena din izo, 920 A gonda nga go follon, kan baabo bu ga dira ga nan a se. 921 Haro no kan sinda kwaarey kulu, nan kulu. 922 Boro kulu no si du a hamno biro cine. 923 A go ga goro nda a nga baaba windo ra. 924 Nda albora kaaru, kan ga ti bonkooni tajo nga no a ga karu ka a gana da. 925 Amar Zumbaani mo kan bine tun nga mo, 926 Jingaro ga candi ga kaa. 927 A ne baabo se, "Subasi zaari, kan suba basi no ga ti jingaro. 928 "Bari haro, kan sinda kwaaray kul, 929 "A bon no ay ga koy jingaro do. 930 "Da man ti nga bon no, ay si koy jingaro do." 931 Baabo ne a se, "Ni ga koy a do da Irkoy baa." 932 Sumayla Kasa bine na barikarey kaarandi. 933 A ne i ma furo Sonay. 934 Ka laabo me fa guna nga se, 935 Nan kan i ga di gu haro kan sinda kwaarey kulu ga kande. 936 Barikarey zaari hinka, ihinza i go ga Sonay me a me windi. 937 I man du gu, i mana du go haro kan sinda kwaaray. 938 Haro kulu kan maa i maa, 939 Da i koy kala i ma a gar da kwaaray. 940 Kala hano kan jingaro ga ba ga te susuba. 941 Alasar hare i koy di laabu fo ra. 942 Go zaago. 943 Haro woo din a te zaago. 944 Kataray goo na ga fatta a ra. 945 I na a di i kanda Sumayla Kasa do. 946 Cina ga yay, i kanda. 947 Jingaro mo ga biya ga te hala mo bo. 948 I ne a se ngey ya na Sonay kulu ban. 949 Ngey mana du haro bi. 950 Day boro ngey du gu, zaago no. 951 A ne zaago mo hala mo ga bo kulu a ga te haro. 952 "I ma koy bankaarey biyey ka taray fuey ra ga kande,  The Translation 239 918 The feast, the feast of Tabaski was coming. 919 The brother of Sagouma who is the son of the former chief, 920 He has one stallion that he inherited from his father. 921 It is a black horse with no white markings anywhere. 922 No being could have such a black coat. 923 He is with his horse in the family compound. 924 If his brother-in-law who is the current chief mounts, he fol- lows him on this particular horse. 925 When Amar Zoumbani got mad, 926 The feast was approaching. 927 He said to his father, "Tomorrow morning is the holiday. 928 "A black horse that has no white markings, 929 "It is on this that I will mount to go to the holiday. 930 "If it is not on this that I will mount, I will not go off to the prayer." 931 His father said to him, "You will go if the Lord wishes it." 932 So, Soumayla Kassa had the horsemen mount. 933 He told them to go back to the Songhay. 934 To look into all the corners of the country, 935 To see if they could find a black horse with no white markings. 936 The horsemen spent two or three days, they went everywhere in the Songhay. 937 They didn't find a stallion, they didn't find a black stallion that didn't have white marks. 938 Every black horse they heard about, 939 If they went off to look at it, it had white markings. 940 Until the night before the holiday. 941 One evening they went off into an area. 942 A dark horse with white markings. 943 That horse was dark with white markings. 944 He had some white markings. 945 They caught him and brought him to Soumayla Kassa. 946 In the middle of the night they brought him. 947 The holiday will take place in the morning, when it is light. 948 They tell him that they have covered all of the Songhay. 949 They couldn't find a black horse. 950 But they found a horse spotted with white. 951 They say that between now and morning he will be trans- formed into a dark horse. 952 "Get out the black clothing, The Translation 239 918 The feast, the feast of Tabaski was coming. 919 The brother of Sagouma who is the son of the former chief, 920 He has one stallion that he inherited from his father. 921 It is a black horse with no white markings anywhere. 922 No being could have such a black coat. 923 He is with his horse in the family compound. 924 If his brother-in-law who is the current chief mounts, he fol- lows him on this particular horse. 925 When Amar Zoumbani got mad, 926 The feast was approaching. 927 He said to his father, "Tomorrow morning is the holiday. 928 "A black horse that has no white markings, 929 "It is on this that I will mount to go to the holiday. 930 "If it is not on this that I will mount, I will not go off to the prayer." 931 His father said to him, "You will go if the Lord wishes it." 932 So, Soumayla Kassa had the horsemen mount. 933 He told them to go back to the Songhay. 934 To look into all the corners of the country, 935 To see if they could find a black horse with no white markings. 936 The horsemen spent two or three days, they went everywhere in the Songhay. 937 They didn't find a stallion, they didn't find a black stallion that didn't have white marks. 938 Every black horse they heard about, 939 If they went off to look at it, it had white markings. 940 Until the night before the holiday. 941 One evening they went off into an area. 942 A dark horse with white markings. 943 That horse was dark with white markings. 944 He had some white markings. 945 They caught him and brought him to Soumayla Kassa. 946 In the middle of the night they brought him. 947 The holiday will take place in the morning, when it is light. 948 They tell him that they have covered all of the Songhay. 949 They couldn't find a black horse. 950 But they found a horse spotted with white. 951 They say that between now and morning he will be trans- formed into a dark horse. 952 "Get out the black clothing, The Translation 239 918 The feast, the feast of Tabaski was coming. 919 The brother of Sagouma who is the son of the former chief, 920 He has one stallion that he inherited from his father. 921 It is a black horse with no white markings anywhere. 922 No being could have such a black coat. 923 He is with his horse in the family compound. 924 If his brother-in-law who is the current chief mounts, he fol- lows him on this particular horse. 925 When Amar Zoumbani got mad, 926 The feast was approaching. 927 He said to his father, "Tomorrow morning is the holiday. 928 "A black horse that has no white markings, 929 "It is on this that I will mount to go to the holiday. 930 "If it is not on this that I will mount, I will not go off to the prayer." 931 His father said to him, "You will go if the Lord wishes it." 932 So, Soumayla Kassa had the horsemen mount. 933 He told them to go back to the Songhay. 934 To look into all the corners of the country, 935 To see if they could find a black horse with no white markings. 936 The horsemen spent two or three days, they went everywhere in the Songhay. 937 They didn't find a stallion, they didn't find a black stallion that didn't have white marks. 938 Every black horse they heard about, 939 If they went off to look at it, it had white markings. 940 Until the night before the holiday. 941 One evening they went off into an area. 942 A dark horse with white markings. 943 That horse was dark with white markings. 944 He had some white markings. 945 They caught him and brought him to Soumayla Kassa. 946 In the middle of the night they brought him. 947 The holiday will take place in the morning, when it is light. 948 They tell him that they have covered all of the Songhay. 949 They couldn't find a black horse. 950 But they found a horse spotted with white. 951 They say that between now and morning he will be trans- formed into a dark horse. 952 "Get out the black clothing,  240 240 ~~~The Transcription24ThTanrito20TeTascpin 240 The Transcription 240 The Transcription 953 "Ka soobay ga sofa barn ra ka bariyo ziri." 954 1 koy ka bankaray biyry ka taray ka ka ga a sofa hamo ra ka bariyo ziri. 955 Ga hanna ga bariyo ziri hala mo ga bo bario cc i bi tik. 956 Hamni kwaara koin siino na a darandi. 957 Mo biya ka bo, a ne izo se "Hamo no ga kay ya." 958 leo ne nga diya, sohon kay nga bina yay. 959 Nga ga koy jingaro, do. 960 1 ga soola i ga koy bon giso do. 961 A or, 962 1 ma kny ga nga alborey cc ogs se. 963 1 koy albora cc. 964 1 ne, "Sumayla Kasa goo no ga ni cc." 965 A kaa ne albora sr. 966 "Sohon, ni di ay wo si do ga kny jiogarn do. 967 "Muraadu fo no ga ay gaayi. 968 "Day ni mo ma si koy. 969 "Hays kan na ay gaayi ma kas ka ay gas i oda ni ma a te. 970 "Kan ay Si koy jingaro do dry ni mo ma si koy. 971 "Hays kan na ay gaayi ma kas ka ay gas i oda ni ma a te. 972 "Hala borey ga fan boo giso do kulu iri ga a te." 973 A bay da nga alboray kasru bariyo boo ga koy. 974 Nga izo di bariyo. 975 Jingaro do i ga care bay, 976 Zama albors bariyo dedebryan ra no izo go. 977 "1 ma a bariyo ts ka no oga se oga ma kasro." 978 Albors bariyo, Sumayla Kasa albora bariyo o a goo no ga ceeci. 979 Albora bine mans koy jingaro do. 980 Amar Zumbasni ka ga furo borey jior. 981 1 koy i na boo giso te. 982 1 goo no ga ye ga ka. 983 Boro kan do-sy mila, baba-nga banbayze bariyo born kan do basbayze bani, 984 Hasbo day ga koy tarse. 953 "Ks soobay ga sofa barn ra ka bariyn ziri." 954 1 koy ka bankaray biyey ka taray ka ka ga a sofa baro ra ka bariyo ziri. 955 Ga hanna ga bariyo ziri bala mo ga bo bario te i bi tik. 956 Hamni kwaara kulu siino os a darandi. 957 Mo biya ka bo, a or izo sr "Hato o ga kay ya." 958 leo ne nga diya, sobon kay nga bins yay. 959 Nga ga koy jiogaro do. 960 1 ga soola i ga koy bon giso do. 961 A or, 962 1 ma koy ga oga albnrry cc oga sr. 963 1 koy albora ce. 964 1 or, "Somayla Kasa goo no ga ni cc." 965 A kaa or albora se. 966 "Snoo, ni di ay wo si do ga kny jiogaro dn. 967 "Morsadu fn no ga ay gaayi. 968 "Day oi mo ma si koy. 969 "Hays kan ns ay gaayi ma kas. ka ay gaa i oda oi ma a te. 970 "Kan ay si koy jiogaro do dry ni mo ma si koy. 971 "Hays kan os ay gasyi ma kaa ka ay gaa i oda ni ma a te. 972 "Hala borey ga fan boo gisa do kolo ini ga a Sr." 973 A bay da oga alboray kaaru bariyo boo ga kny. 974 Nga izo di bariyo. 975 Jiogarn do i ga care bay, 976 Zama albora bariyo dedebeyso ra no izo go. 977 "1 ma a bariyo ta ka o nga se oga ma kasmo." 978 Albora bariyo, Somayla Kasa albora bariyo no a goono ga cerni. 979 Albora bior maoa koy jiogaro do. 980 Amar Zumbaani ka ga furo borey jine. 981 1 kny i na boo giso tc. 982 1 goono ga ye ga ka. 983 Born kan do-sy mila, baba-oga banbayze bariyo born kan do baabayze bani, 984 Haabo day ga koy tarse. 953 "Ks soobay ga sofa barn ra ka bsriyo ciri." 954 1 koy ka bankaray biyry ka taray ka ka ga a sofa barn ra ka bariyo ziri. 955 Ga hanna ga bariyo ziri bala mo ga bo barin Sr i bi tik. 956 Hamni kwaara. knits siioo oa a darandi. 957 Ho biya ka bo, a or izo se "Hato no ga kay ya." 958 leo oe oga diya, sobon kay oga bins yay. 959 Nga ga koy jiogaro do. 960 1 ga soola i ga koy boo giso do. 961 A or, 962 1 ma koy ga oga alborey cc oga sr. 963 1 koy albora cc. 964 1 or, "Sumayla Kasa g00 00 ga oi cc." 965 A kas oe albora sr. 966 "Sohon, ni di ay sin si do ga kny jiogaro do. 967 "Mursado fo 00 ga ay gasyi. 968 "Day ni mo ma si koy. 969 "Hays kan os ay gaayi ma kaa ka ay gas i oda ni ma a tr. 970 "Kao ay si koy jingaro do dry ni mo ma si koy. 971 "Hays kso os ay gaayi ma kaa ka ay gas i oda ni ma a Sr. 972 "Hala borry ga fan boo giso do knits ini ga a Sr." 973 A bay da oga alboray kaaru bariyo boo ga koy. 974 Ngs izo di bariyo. 975 Jiogaro do i ga care bay, 976 Zama albora bariyo dedebryan ra o izo go. 977 "1 ma a bariyo ta ka o nga se ogs ma kasru." 978 Albora bariyo, Somayla Kasa albora. bsniyo no a goono ga ceern. 979 Albora bine maoa koy jiogaro do. 980 Asnar Zumbasni ka ga fomo borry jior. 981 1 kay i ns boo giso tr. 982 1 gao no ga. ye ga ka. 983 Born kan du-ay mila, baba-oga basbayze bariya born kan do baabayze bani, 984 Haabo day ga kay tarse.  The Translation 241 The Translation 241 The Translation 241 953 "To soak them in water in order to rub the horse. 954 They went to get out the black clothes, they soak them in water to wash the horse. 955 They spent the whole night rubbing the horse, before dawn the horse was completely black. 956 All the white hair was black because of the indigo. 957 In the morning he said to his son, "Here is the horse." 958 The son said that what he saw was good, now his heart was refreshed. 959 He will go to the prayer ground. 960 They prepared to go to the prayer ground. 961 He said, 962 To go call for him his brother-in-law. 963 They went off to call his brother-in-law. 964 They said, "Soumayla Kassa is calling you." 965 He came to say to his brother-in-law, 966 "Now, you see, I cannot go to the prayer. 967 "There is an affair that prevents me from going. 968 "So you too must not go. 969 "The thing that prevents me from going there warrants that we should stay together. 970 "So, I am not going to the prayer, you too must not go. 971 "The thing that prevents me from going there warrants that we should stay together. 972 "Before people leave the prayer, we are going to do what we are planning to do." 973 He knows that if his brother-in-law goes to the prayer on his horse. 974 His son will see the horse. 975 And it is at the prayer that they will throw spears at each other. 976 Because his son wants only the horse of his brother-in-law. 977 "May they take away his horse in order to give it to him." 978 It is the horse of the brother-in-law of Soumayla Kassa that he is looking for. 979 But the brother-in-law did not go to the prayer. 980 Amar Zoumbani directs the people. 981 They go off to the prayer ground. 982 They are returning. 983 The one who got, I think, father, the horse of a competing brother, the one who got the horse of a competing brother, 984 Spurs and then reins his horse. 953 "To soak them in water in order to rub the horse. 954 They went to get out the black clothes, they soak them in water to wash the horse. 955 They spent the whole night rubbing the horse, before dawn the horse was completely black. 956 All the white hair was black because of the indigo. 957 In the morning he said to his son, "Here is the horse." 958 The son said that what he saw was good, now his heart was refreshed. 959 He will go to the prayer ground. 960 They prepared to go to the prayer ground. 961 He said, 962 To go call for him his brother-in-law. 963 They went off to call his brother-in-law. 964 They said, "Soumayla Kassa is calling you." 965 He came to say to his brother-in-law, 966 "Now, you see, I cannot go to the prayer. 967 "There is an affair that prevents me from going. 968 "So you too must not go. 969 "The thing that prevents me from going there warrants that we should stay together. 970 "So, I am not going to the prayer, you too must not go. 971 "The thing that prevents me from going there warrants that we should stay together. 972 "Before people leave the prayer, we are going to do what we are planning to do." 973 He knows that if his brother-in-law goes to the prayer on his horse. 974 His son will see the horse. 975 And it is at the prayer that they will throw spears at each other. 976 Because his son wants only the horse of his brother-in-law. 977 "May they take away his horse in order to give it to him." 978 It is the horse of the brother-in-law of Soumayla Kassa that he is looking for. 979 But the brother-in-law did not go to the prayer. 980 Amar Zoumbani directs the people. 981 They go off to the prayer ground. 982 They are returning. 983 The one who got, I think, father, the horse of a competing brother, the one who got the horse of a competing brother, 984 Spurs and then reins his horse. 953 "To soak them in water in order to rub the horse. 954 They went to get out the black clothes, they soak them in water to wash the horse. 955 They spent the whole night rubbing the horse, before dawn the horse was completely black. 956 All the white hair was black because of the indigo. 957 In the morning he said to his son, "Here is the horse." 958 The son said that what he saw was good, now his heart was refreshed. 959 He will go to the prayer ground. 960 They prepared to go to the prayer ground. 961 He said, 962 To go call for him his brother-in-law. 963 They went off to call his brother-in-law. 964 They said, "Soumayla Kassa is calling you." 965 He came to say to his brother-in-law, 966 "Now, you see, I cannot go to the prayer. 967 "There is an affair that prevents me from going. 968 "So you too must not go. 969 "The thing that prevents me from going there warrants that we should stay together. 970 "So, I am not going to the prayer, you too must not go. 971 "The thing that prevents me from going there warrants that we should stay together. 972 "Before people leave the prayer, we are going to do what we are planning to do." 973 He knows that if his brother-in-law goes to the prayer on his horse. 974 His son will see the horse. 975 And it is at the prayer that they will throw spears at each other. 976 Because his son wants only the horse of his brother-in-law. 977 "May they take away his horse in order to give it to him." 978 It is the horse of the brother-in-law of Soumayla Kassa that he is looking for. 979 But the brother-in-law did not go to the prayer. 980 Amar Zoumbani directs the people. 981 They go off to the prayer ground. 982 They are returning. 983 The one who got, I think, father, the horse of a competing brother, the one who got the horse of a competing brother, 984 Spurs and then reins his horse.  242 The Transcription 242 The Transcription 242 The Transcription 985 Haabu day ga koy tarse. 986 Haabu day ga koy tarse. 987 A jasare go a bande. 988 Kala, kala, kala, kala waati kan cine i ga baa i ga ka fu. 989 Bariyo koy sungay. 990 Siini ya da a sungay, asi a ga dooru wala. 991 Bariyo koy sungay. 992 Sini wo kay sohon sini wo go dey ga dooru sini ga hamo me sohon nan kan a ga kay da hari me a me sino go dooru no. 993 Sino go no ga dooru. 994 Bankaarey kwaaray kan go a gaa kulu bariyo sungay na ihasara. 995 Jasara kan go a bande, kan go a bande ga ce din. 996 Jasara ka ma bare sulanci ciine ra, a ne "a si ya dey si kula dula nya ga ne si dunnya." 997 Sanno din ga kan a hanga ra. 998 Kul a ne, "Bariyo wo, bari kwaaray no." 999 A bine ma sulance cina a din. 1000 A bare ga te yaa cine ka zogu ka guna. 1001 Kala bankaarey kulu bariyo siino na i sara. 1002 A bine jip! 1003 A zumbu bariyo, a na kora furu ganda, a zumbu bariyo bon. 1004 A na takuba foobu a na bariyo cc kaaji hinka ka. 1005 A ka ga tan, ka goro kora bon. 1006 A na takuba dake nga ce bon. 1007 Bariyo goo no ga ziya. 1008 I koy ka ci baabo se. 1009 I ne baabo se, "Amar Zumbaani ya na bariyo wi." 1010 A ne, i ma koy ga a jare ga kande. 1011 Hala i ga kaa albora ye nga kwaara. 1012 I koy ga a jare, i kanda. 1013 I goo no ga goro, i goono ga goro. 1014 Day a kaa ga di heeni, day Amar Zumbaani kaa ga di heeni, 985 Haabu day ga koy tarse. 986 Haabu day ga koy tarse. 987 A jasare go a bande. 988 Kala, kala, kala, kala waati kan cine i ga baa i ga ka fu. 989 Bariyo koy sungay. 990 Siini ya da a sungay, asi a ga dooru wala. 991 Bariyo koy sungay. 992 Sini wo kay sohon sim wo go dey ga dooru sini ga hamo me sohon nan kan a ga kay da hari me a me sino go dooru no. 993 Sino go no ga dooru. 994 Bankaarey kwaaray kan go a gaa kulu bariyo sungay na ihasara. 995 Jasara kan go a bande, kan go a bande ga ce din. 996 Jasara ka ma bare sulanci ciine ra, a ne "a si ya dey si kula dula nya ga ne si dunnya." 997 Sanno din ga kan a hanga ra. 998 Kul a ne, "Bariyo wo, bari kwaaray no." 999 A bine ma sulance cina a din. 1000 A bare ga te yaa cine ka zogu ka guna. 1001 Kala bankaarey kulu bariyo siino na i sara. 1002 A bine jip! 1003 A zumbu bariyo, a na kora furu ganda, a zumbu bariyo bon. 1004 A na takuba foobu a na bariyo ce kaaji hinka ka. 1005 A ka ga tan, ka goro kora bon. 1006 A na takuba dake nga cc bon. 1007 Bariyo goo no ga ziya. 1008 I koy ka ci baabo se. 1009 I ne baabo se, "Amar Zumbaani ya na bariyo wi." 1010 A ne, i ma koy ga a jare ga kande. 1011 Hala i ga kaa albora ye nga kwaara. 1012 I koy ga a jare, i kanda. 1013 I goo no ga goro, i goono ga goro. 1014 Day a kaa ga di heeni, day Amar Zumbaani kaa ga di heeni, 985 Haabu day ga koy tarse. 986 Haabu day ga koy tarse. 987 A jasare go a bande. 988 Kala, kala, kala, kala waati kan cine i ga baa i ga ka fu. 989 Bariyo koy sungay. 990 Siini ya da a sungay, asi a ga dooru wala. 991 Bariyo koy sungay. 992 Sini wo kay sohon sini wo go dey ga dooru sini ga hamo me sohon nan kan a ga kay da hari me a me sino go dooru no. 993 Sino go no ga dooru. 994 Bankaarey kwaaray kan go a gaa kulu bariyo sungay na ihasara. 995 Jasara kan go a bande, kan go a bande ga ce din. 996 Jasara ka ma bare sulanci ciine ra, a ne "a si ya dey si kula dula nya ga ne si dunnya." 997 Sanno din ga kan a hanga ra. 998 Kul a ne, "Bariyo wo, bari kwaaray no." 999 A bine ma sulance cina a din. 1000 A bare ga te yaa cine ka zogu ka guna. 1001 Kala bankaarey kulu bariyo siino na i sara. 1002 A bine jip! 1003 A zumbu bariyo, a na kora furu ganda, a zumbu bariyo bon. 1004 A na takuba foobu a na bariyo ce kaaji hinka ka. 1005 A ka ga tan, ka goro kora bon. 1006 A na takuba dake nga ce bon. 1007 Bariyo goo no ga ziya. 1008 I koy ka ci baabo se. 1009 I ne baabo se, "Amar Zumbaani ya na bariyo wi." 1010 A ne, i ma koy ga a jare ga kande. 1011 Hala i ga kaa albora ye nga kwaara. 1012 I koy ga a jare, i kanda. 1013 I goo no ga goro, i goono ga goro. 1014 Day a kaa ga di heeni, day Amar Zumbaani kaa ga di heeni,  The Translation 243 The Translation 243 The Translation 243 985 Spurs and then reins his horse. 986 Spurs and then reins his horse. 987 His griot is with him. 988 Until, until, until, until the moment when they are almost at their house. 989 The horse is covered with sweat. 990 Sweat, if it wets indigo, it causes the indigo to run. 991 The horse is sweating. 992 The sweat now causes the indigo to run, all the sweat on all of the body, wherever it is wet all over, it causes the indigo to bleed. 993 The sweat causes the indigo to run. 994 The white clothes that they were wearing are all dirty because of the sweat of the horse. 995 The griot who accompanies him, who accompanies him, flat- ters him. 996 The griot changes language and speaks Sonink6, he says, "Al- though they say that this is a black horse, it is a white horse." 997 It is these words that fell into his ear. 998 He said, "Although they say that this is a black horse, it is a white horse." 999 He too heard the Soninke words of the griot. 1000 He glanced behind. 1001 All his clothes were ruined by the indigo that had dyed the horse. 1002 Then, zip, he jumped. 1003 He jumped down, threw his shield on the ground suddenly, he jumped down. 1004 He unsheathed his sword and he cut the tendons of two legs of the animal. 1005 He came to sit down on his shield. 1006 He placed his sword on his feet. 1007 The horse was thrashing out of control. 1008 They went to tell his father. 1009 They said to the father, "Amar Zoumbani has killed the horse." 1010 He told them to bring the horse. 1011 Before their return, the brother-in-law returned home. 1012 They went to get it, they brought the horse back. 1013 They remained there, they remained there. 1014 Then he began to cry, Amar Zoumbani began to cry, 985 Spurs and then reins his horse. 986 Spurs and then reins his horse. 987 His griot is with him. 988 Until, until, until, until the moment when they are almost at their house. 989 The horse is covered with sweat. 990 Sweat, if it wets indigo, it causes the indigo to run. 991 The horse is sweating. 992 The sweat now causes the indigo to run, all the sweat on all of the body, wherever it is wet all over, it causes the indigo to bleed. 993 The sweat causes the indigo to run. 994 The white clothes that they were wearing are all dirty because of the sweat of the horse. 995 The griot who accompanies him, who accompanies him, flat- ters him. 996 The griot changes language and speaks Sonink6, he says, "Al- though they say that this is a black horse, it is a white horse." 997 It is these words that fell into his ear. 998 He said, "Although they say that this is a black horse, it is a white horse." 999 He too heard the Sonink6 words of the griot. 1000 He glanced behind. 1001 All his clothes were ruined by the indigo that had dyed the horse. 1002 Then, zip, he jumped. 1003 He jumped down, threw his shield on the ground suddenly, he jumped down. 1004 He unsheathed his sword and he cut the tendons of two legs of the animal. 1005 He came to sit down on his shield. 1006 He placed his sword on his feet. 1007 The horse was thrashing out of control. 1008 They went to tell his father. 1009 They said to the father, "Amar Zoumbani has killed the horse." 1010 He told them to bring the horse. 1011 Before their return, the brother-in-law returned home. 1012 They went to get it, they brought the horse back. 1013 They remained there, they remained there. 1014 Then he began to cry, Amar Zoumbani began to cry, 985 Spurs and then reins his horse. 986 Spurs and then reins his horse. 987 His griot is with him. 988 Until, until, until, until the moment when they are almost at their house. 989 The horse is covered with sweat. 990 Sweat, if it wets indigo, it causes the indigo to run. 991 The horse is sweating. 992 The sweat now causes the indigo to run, all the sweat on all of the body, wherever it is wet all over, it causes the indigo to bleed. 993 The sweat causes the indigo to run. 994 The white clothes that they were wearing are all dirty because of the sweat of the horse. 995 The griot who accompanies him, who accompanies him, flat- ters him. 996 The griot changes language and speaks Soninke, he says, "Al- though they say that this is a black horse, it is a white horse." 997 It is these words that fell into his ear. 998 He said, "Although they say that this is a black horse, it is a white horse." 999 He too heard the Sonink6 words of the griot. 1000 He glanced behind. 1001 All his clothes were ruined by the indigo that had dyed the horse. 1002 Then, zip, he jumped. 1003 He jumped down, threw his shield on the ground suddenly, he jumped down. 1004 He unsheathed his sword and he cut the tendons of two legs of the animal. 1005 He came to sit down on his shield. 1006 He placed his sword on his feet. 1007 The horse was thrashing out of control. 1008 They went to tell his father. 1009 They said to the father, "Amar Zoumbani has killed the horse." 1010 He told them to bring the horse. 1011 Before their return, the brother-in-law returned home. 1012 They went to get it, they brought the horse back. 1013 They remained there, they remained there. 1014 Then he began to cry, Amar Zoumbani began to cry,  244 The Transcription 244 The Transcription 244 The Transcription 1015 Day ka ga di heeni, day a ka ga di heeni. 1016 Hala woyna ga koy ga to zaari, ga ne nga ga koy siri aluula, 1017 Day heeno koy hin baabo. 1018 Sumayla Kasa bine koy ga tun. 1019 A bine na bannyey ce, 1020 A ne, i ma kaa ga ye garo banda. 1021 Cimso nda haya kulu go windo batuma ra. 1022 A ne i ma ye garo banda, 1023 Ka koy guuso fansi nga se. 1024 I na guusu batama bambata fansi. 1025 A ne i ma kwaari ize yan gaaru gaaru a bon. 1026 I na kwaari izey gaaru gaaru a bon. 1027 A ne i ma tangara dake. 1028 t na tangara dake. 1029 A ne i ma laabu kakasa a bon. 1030 A koy kay guuso se ya hare. 1031 A ne i ma koy ga ne nga alborey se, nga go ga a ce. 1032 I koy ga albora ce. 1033 I ne bonkoono ne ni ma kaa. 1034 A kaa windo ra, a salam. 1035 I ne a go garo banda. 1036 A ne, "Ni ma ka ga nga gar ngey ga salan no." 1037 Kwaari ize da laabu da tangara, ga hin adamayze? 1038 A to ga tangara naanu, day urufo a go guuso ra. 1039 A kaati bannyey ga a ne i ma laabu bare a bon. 1040 I na laabu bare, i na a dabe noo din. 1041 A garaasa kan baabo bu ka nan a se garaasa woybora, 1042 Nga mo ka ga Sagum kay yeesi. 1043 Sagum ga kani daaro bon. 1044 A goo no ga a kay yeesi. 1045 Garaasa no furo garu izo ra, 1046 Ka koy ga finetro fiti. 1047 A go ga di hay kulu kan a te a se. 1015 Day ka ga di heeni, day a ka ga di heeni. 1016 Hala woyna ga koy ga to zaari, ga ne nga ga koy siri aluula, 1017 Day heeno koy hin baabo. 1018 Sumayla Kasa bine koy ga tun. 1019 A bine na bannyey ce, 1020 A ne, i ma kaa ga ye garo banda. 1021 Cimso nda haya kulu go windo batuma ra. 1022 A ne i ma ye garo banda, 1023 Ka koy guuso fansi nga se. 1024 I na guusu batama bambata fansi. 1025 A ne i ma kwaari ize yan gaaru gaaru a bon. 1026 I na kwaari izey gaaru gaaru a bon. 1027 A ne i ma tangara dake. 1028 I na tangara dake. 1029 A ne i ma laabu kakasa a bon. 1030 A koy kay guuso se ya hare. 1031 A ne i ma koy ga ne nga alborey se, nga go ga a ce. 1032 I koy ga albora ce. 1033 I ne bonkoono ne ni ma kaa. 1034 A kaa windo ra, a salam. 1035 I ne a go garo banda. 1036 A ne, "Ni ma ka ga nga gar ngey ga salan no." 1037 Kwaari ize da laabu da tangara, ga hin adamayze? 1038 A to ga tangara naanu, day urufo a go guuso ra. 1039 A kaati bannyey ga a ne i ma laabu bare a bon. 1040 I na laabu bare, i na a dabe noo din. 1041 A garaasa kan baabo bu ka nan a se garaasa woybora, 1042 Nga mo ka ga Sagum kay yeesi. 1043 Sagum ga kani daaro bon. 1044 A goo no ga a kay yeesi. 1045 Garaasa no furo garu izo ra, 1046 Ka koy ga finetro fiti. 1047 A go ga di hay kulu kan a te a se. 1015 Day ka ga di heeni, day a ka ga di heeni. 1016 Hala woyna ga koy ga to zaari, ga ne nga ga koy siri aluula, 1017 Day heeno koy hin baabo. 1018 Sumayla Kasa bine koy ga tun. 1019 A bine na bannyey ce, 1020 A ne, i ma kaa ga ye garo banda. 1021 Cimso nda haya kulu go windo batuma ra. 1022 A ne i ma ye garo banda, 1023 Ka koy guuso fansi nga se. 1024 I na guusu batama bambata fansi. 1025 A ne i ma kwaari ize yan gaaru gaaru a bon. 1026 I na kwaari izey gaaru gaaru a bon. 1027 A ne i ma tangara dake. 1028 I na tangara dake. 1029 A ne i ma laabu kakasa a bon. 1030 A koy kay guuso se ya hare. 1031 A ne i ma koy ga ne nga alborey se, nga go ga a ce. 1032 I koy ga albora ce. 1033 I ne bonkoono ne ni ma kaa. 1034 A kaa windo ra, a salam. 1035 I ne a go garo banda. 1036 A ne, "Ni ma ka ga nga gar ngey ga salan no." 1037 Kwaari ize da laabu da tangara, ga hin adamayze? 1038 A to ga tangara naanu, day urufo a go guuso ra. 1039 A kaati bannyey ga a ne i ma laabu bare a bon. 1040 I na laabu bare, i na a dabe noo din. 1041 A garaasa kan baabo bu ka nan a se garaasa woybora, 1042 Nga mo ka ga Sagum kay yeesi. 1043 Sagum ga kani daaro bon. 1044 A goo no ga a kay yeesi. 1045 Garaasa no furo garu izo ra, 1046 Ka koy ga finetro fiti. 1047 A go ga di hay kulu kan a te a se.  The Translation 245 1015 Then he began to cry, then he began to cry. 1016 By the time the sun reached noon, say when it turns toward early afternoon, 1017 The father was taken by his tears. 1018 Soumayla Kassa got angry. 1019 So he said to the captives, 1020 He asked them to go behind the house. 1021 The ram and everything else for the Tabaski holiday were in the compound. 1022 He told them to go behind the house, 1023 To dig a hole for him. 1024 They dug a wide, deep hole. 1025 He told them to place millet stalks over the hole. 1026 They placed millet stalks over the hole. 1027 He told them to put a grass mat on top of the stalks. 1028 They put the mat on it. 1029 He told them to spread some sand on it. 1030 He stopped on the other side of the hole. 1031 He ordered them to go tell his brother-in-law that he was call- ing him. 1032 They went off to call the brother-in-law. 1033 They told him that the chief was calling him. 1034 He came into the compound, he announced his arrival. 1035 They told him he was behind the house. 1036 He said, "Come to find him behind the house so that you can speak to him." 1037 Some stalks of millet, a grass mat, and some sand, can they support a person? 1038 He stepped onto the mat, then, whoops, he fell into the hole. 1039 He cried out to the captives, telling them to dump the dirt on him. 1040 They poured the dirt on him, they beat him. 1041 Her captive artisan that her father had left her as a legacy, a female leatherworker, 1042 She too had come to offer holiday wishes to Sagouma. 1043 Sagouma was lying on her bed. 1044 She is wishing a happy holiday to her. 1045 It is the captive who enters into the room, 1046 To open the window. 1047 She sees everything that happens. The Translation 245 1015 Then he began to cry, then he began to cry. 1016 By the time the sun reached noon, say when it turns toward early afternoon, 1017 The father was taken by his tears. 1018 Soumayla Kassa got angry. 1019 So he said to the captives, 1020 He asked them to go behind the house. 1021 The ram and everything else for the Tabaski holiday were in the compound. 1022 He told them to go behind the house, 1023 To dig a hole for him. 1024 They dug a wide, deep hole. 1025 He told them to place millet stalks over the hole. 1026 They placed millet stalks over the hole. 1027 He told them to put a grass mat on top of the stalks. 1028 They put the mat on it. 1029 He told them to spread some sand on it. 1030 He stopped on the other side of the hole. 1031 He ordered them to go tell his brother-in-law that he was call- ing him. 1032 They went off to call the brother-in-law. 1033 They told him that the chief was calling him. 1034 He came into the compound, he announced his arrival. 1035 They told him he was behind the house. 1036 He said, "Come to find him behind the house so that you can speak to him." 1037 Some stalks of millet, a grass mat, and some sand, can they support a person? 1038 He stepped onto the mat, then, whoops, he fell into the hole. 1039 He cried out to the captives, telling them to dump the dirt on him. 1040 They poured the dirt on him, they beat him. 1041 Her captive artisan that her father had left her as a legacy, a female leatherworker, 1042 She too had come to offer holiday wishes to Sagouma. 1043 Sagouma was lying on her bed. 1044 She is wishing a happy holiday to her. 1045 It is the captive who enters into the room, 1046 To open the window. 1047 She sees everything that happens. The Translation 245 1015 Then he began to cry, then he began to cry. 1016 By the time the sun reached noon, say when it turns toward early afternoon, 1017 The father was taken by his tears. 1018 Soumayla Kassa got angry. 1019 So he said to the captives, 1020 He asked them to go behind the house. 1021 The ram and everything else for the Tabaski holiday were in the compound. 1022 He told them to go behind the house, 1023 To dig a hole for him. 1024 They dug a wide, deep hole. 1025 He told them to place millet stalks over the hole. 1026 They placed millet stalks over the hole. 1027 He told them to put a grass mat on top of the stalks. 1028 They put the mat on it. 1029 He told them to spread some sand on it. 1030 He stopped on the other side of the hole. 1031 He ordered them to go tell his brother-in-law that he was call- ing him. 1032 They went off to call the brother-in-law. 1033 They told him that the chief was calling him. 1034 He came into the compound, he announced his arrival. 1035 They told him he was behind the house. 1036 He said, "Come to find him behind the house so that you can speak to him." 1037 Some stalks of millet, a grass mat, and some sand, can they support a person? 1038 He stepped onto the mat, then, whoops, he fell into the hole. 1039 He cried out to the captives, telling them to dump the dirt on him. 1040 They poured the dirt on him, they beat him. 1041 Her captive artisan that her father had left her as a legacy, a female leatherworker, 1042 She too had come to offer holiday wishes to Sagouma. 1043 Sagouma was lying on her bed. 1044 She is wishing a happy holiday to her. 1045 It is the captive who enters into the room, 1046 To open the window. 1047 She sees everything that happens.  246 The Transcription 246 The Transcription 246 The Transcription 1048 Mate kan i na a zeeri guuso ra, da mate kan i na laabo bare a bon. 1049 Garaasa bere kaa ka key Saguma bon. 1050 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1051 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu, nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1052 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1053 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu, nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1054 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1055 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu hala nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1056 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1057 A ne, "Urururu garaasio bogu." 1058 "Ci ban kan ni di." 1059 Garaasa ne, "Ay walla di, 1060 "Mo ga di bone." 1061 A ne, "Sumayla Kasa na ay koy izo wi." 1062 A ne, "Mate?" 1063 A ne, "Wallahi a na a wi." 1064 Sagum ne "Yaa din no." 1065 Sagum bine na nga konnyo kayna ce. 1066 Sagum mo woyboro no, gooje no a ga kar, 1067 Ga doonu koy izey se. 1068 A ne nga konnyo kayna ce, a kaa. 1069 A ne a ma nga fofora sambu. 1070 A na fofora sambu, a koy ga a jisi taray. 1071 A ne, a ma koy ka kande nga gooje ka sorku fofora bono gaa. 1072 A koy gooje sambu, a ka a sorku fofora bono gaa. 1073 A na nga bankaarey haw, a na nga taafa bongum. 1074 A ne konnyo se sambu foforo. 1075 Konnyo na foforo sambu. 1076 Sagouma ga banda bare ga ne nga ga fatta. 1077 Izo aru taway hinka, 1078 I he ka kaa ka koli ngey nya gaa. 1048 Mate kan i na a zeeri guuso ra, da mate kan i na laabo bare a bon. 1049 Garaasa bere kaa ka key Saguma bon. 1050 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1051 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu, nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1052 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1053 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu, nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1054 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1055 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu hala nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1056 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1057 A ne, "Urururu garaasio bogu." 1058 "Ci ban kan ni di." 1059 Garaasa ne, "Ay walla di, 1060 "Mo ga di bone." 1061 A ne, "Sumayla Kasa na ay koy izo wi." 1062 A ne, "Mate?" 1063 A ne, "Wallai a na a wi." 1064 Sagum ne "Yaa din no." 1065 Sagum bine na nga konnyo kayna ce. 1066 Sagum mo woyboro no, gooje no a ga kar, 1067 Ga doonu koy izey se. 1068 A ne nga konnyo kayna ce, a kaa. 1069 A ne a ma nga fofora sambu. 1070 A na fofora sambu, a koy ga a jisi taray. 1071 A ne, a ma koy ka kande nga gooje ka sorku fofora bono gaa. 1072 A koy gooje sambu, a ka a sorku fofora bono gaa. 1073 A na nga bankaarey haw, a na nga taafa bongum. 1074 A ne konnyo se sambu foforo. 1075 Konnyo na foforo sambu. 1076 Sagouma ga banda bare ga ne nga ga fatta. 1077 Izo aru taway hinka, 1078 I he ka kaa ka koli ngey nya gaa. 1048 Mate kan i na a zeeri guuso ra, da mate kan i na laabo bare a bon. 1049 Garaasa bere kaa ka key Saguma bon. 1050 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1051 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu, nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1052 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1053 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu, nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1054 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1055 A ne, "Hanha, si bogu hala nan hala ma to ni koy izo do." 1056 A ne, "Sagum ay ga bogu, Sagum ay ga bogu." 1057 A ne, "Urururu garaasio bogu." 1058 "Ci han kan ni di." 1059 Garaasa ne, "Ay walla di, 1060 "Mo ga di bone." 1061 A ne, "Sumayla Kasa na ay koy izo wi." 1062 A ne, "Mate?" 1063 A ne, "Wallahi a na a wi." 1064 Sagum ne "Yaa din no." 1065 Sagum bine na nga konnyo kayna ce. 1066 Sagum mo woyboro no, gooje no a ga kar, 1067 Ga doonu koy izey se. 1068 A ne nga konnyo kayna ce, a kaa. 1069 A ne a ma nga fofora sambu. 1070 A na fofora sambu, a koy ga a jisi taray. 1071 A ne, a ma koy ka kande nga gooje ka sorku fofora bono gaa. 1072 A koy gooje sambu, a ka a sorku fofora bono gaa. 1073 A na nga bankaarey haw, a na nga taafa bongum. 1074 A ne konnyo se sambu foforo. 1075 Konnyo na foforo sambu. 1076 Sagouma ga banda bare ga ne nga ga fatta. 1077 Izo aru taway hinka, 1078 I he ka kaa ka koli ngey nya gaa.  The Translation 247 1048 The way in which they made him fall into the hole and how they dumped the earth on him. 1049 The artisan came back to stop next to Sagouma. 1050 She says to Sagouma, "I'm going to explode, I'm going to ex- plode." 1051 She says, "No, don't explode, wait until you arrive at your prince's house." 1052 She says, "Sagouma, I am going to explode, Sagouma, I am going to explode." 1053 She says, "No, don't explode, leave it until you arrive at your prince's house." 1054 She says, "Sagouma, I am going to explode, Sagouma, I am going to explode." 1055 She says, "No, don't explode, leave it until you arrive at your prince's house." 1056 She said, "Sagouma, I'm going to explode, Sagouma, I'm going to explode." 1057 She tells her, "Yes, yes, yes, little griotte, explode. 1058 "Tell me what you saw." 1059 The artisan tells her, "I have seen in truth, 1060 "The eye sees the misfortune." 1061 She says, "Soumayla Kassa has killed my prince." 1062 She says, "What?" 1063 She replies, "In truth, he has killed him." 1064 Sagouma replies, "That's it." 1065 Sagouma called her little slave. 1066 Sagouma also is a woman who plays the godji, 1067 For singing to princes. 1068 She called her little slave, she came. 1069 She told her to take her basket. 1070 She took her basket, she placed it outside. 1071 She told her to take her godji and hook it onto the basket. 1072 She took the godji and hooked it to the basket. 1073 She put on her clothes, and covered her head with a piece of cloth. 1074 She told her captive to take the basket. 1075 The captive took the basket. 1076 Sagouma turned around to leave. 1077 Her twin sons, 1078 They cried to come grab hold of their mother. The Translation 247 1048 The way in which they made him fall into the hole and how they dumped the earth on him. 1049 The artisan came back to stop next to Sagouma. 1050 She says to Sagouma, "I'm going to explode, I'm going to ex- plode." 1051 She says, "No, don't explode, wait until you arrive at your prince's house." 1052 She says, "Sagouma, I am going to explode, Sagouma, I am going to explode." 1053 She says, "No, don't explode, leave it until you arrive at your prince's house." 1054 She says, "Sagouma, I am going to explode, Sagouma, I am going to explode." 1055 She says, "No, don't explode, leave it until you arrive at your prince's house." 1056 She said, "Sagouma, I'm going to explode, Sagouma, I'm going to explode." 1057 She tells her, "Yes, yes, yes, little griotte, explode. 1058 "Tell me what you saw." 1059 The artisan tells her, "I have seen in truth, 1060 "The eye sees the misfortune." 1061 She says, "Soumayla Kassa has killed my prince." 1062 She says, "What?" 1063 She replies, "In truth, he has killed him." 1064 Sagouma replies, "That's it." 1065 Sagouma called her little slave. 1066 Sagouma also is a woman who plays the godji, 1067 For singing to princes. 1068 She called her little slave, she came. 1069 She told her to take her basket. 1070 She took her basket, she placed it outside. 1071 She told her to take her godji and hook it onto the basket. 1072 She took the godji and hooked it to the basket. 1073 She put on her clothes, and covered her head with a piece of cloth. 1074 She told her captive to take the basket. 1075 The captive took the basket. 1076 Sagouma turned around to leave. 1077 Her twin sons, 1078 They cried to come grab hold of their mother. The Translation 247 1048 The way in which they made him fall into the hole and how they dumped the earth on him. 1049 The artisan came back to stop next to Sagouma. 1050 She says to Sagoumna, "I'm going to explode, I'm going to ex- plode." 1051 She says, "No, don't explode, wait until you arrive at your prince's house." 1052 She says, "Sagouma, I am going to explode, Sagouma, I am going to explode." 1053 She says, "No, don't explode, leave it until you arrive at your prince's house." 1054 She says, "Sagouma, I am going to explode, Sagouma, I am going to explode." 1055 She says, "No, don't explode, leave it until you arrive at your prince's house." 1056 She said, "Sagouma, I'm going to explode, Sagouma, I'm going to explode." 1057 She tells her, "Yes, yes, yes, little griotte, explode. 1058 "Tell me what you saw." 1059 The artisan tells her, "I have seen in truth, 1060 "The eye sees the misfortune." 1061 She says, "Soumayla Kassa has killed my prince." 1062 She says, "What?" 1063 She replies, "In truth, he has killed him." 1064 Sagouma replies, "That's it." 1065 Sagouma called her little slave. 1066 Sagouma also is a woman who plays the godji, 1067 For singing to princes. 1068 She called her little slave, she came. 1069 She told her to take her basket. 1070 She took her basket, she placed it outside. 1071 She told her to take her godji and hook it onto the basket. 1072 She took the godji and hooked it to the basket. 1073 She put on her clothes, and covered her head with a piece of cloth. 1074 She told her captive to take the basket. 1075 The captive took the basket. 1076 Sagouma turned around to leave. 1077 Her twin sons, 1078 They cried to come grab hold of their mother.  248 The Transcription 1079 A binde deebe a na boro wone di, ce jinde hinka, a na sambu nga kamba ra, a patte garo kamba wone gaa. 1080 Woo din fundu fun a na a furu. 1081 A ye ga deebe, a na boro wone mo di ce jinde hinka gaa, nga mo a na a sambu. 1082 Nga mo a na a patte garo kambu wone gaa. 1083 Woo din fundu fun a na a furu. 1084 A ne konnya se, "Bisa." 1085 Konnya bisa ka dake a gaa. 1086 Sagum daray yan no ya. 1087 A na Gao nan. 1088 Jirri iyye Sagum go Armahalle laabu. 1089 Armahalley ize kulu kan ne nga ga yaaru, 1090 Da a maa ni maa, a ma koy ni do. 1091 A ma ne, "Filaana, ay ka ga zumbu ni ga no." 1092 A ma ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1093 "Ay kaa ni ma ay hiji. 1094 "Ni ga baa ay, wala ni si baa ay?" 1095 A ma ne "Ay wala ga baa ni Saguma. 1096 "Alboro si wangu ni Saguma. 1097 "Wodin wallayi, cimi no." 1098 "Too kan ni ga ay hiiji wo. 1099 "Ay hiijay suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1100 "Bardo kan i ga wi nga ga ti Amar Zumbaani. 1101 "Alboro kulu kan mana boro hinko wi ka dake care bon, si tirahaw ay gaa." 1102 Hala a ga sanni wone salan ka ban, born wone za bon bindo kan ga sungay kala ce nyanyo no. 1103 A ma ne a se, "Saguma ay si hin wala." 1104 Alboro kulu si baa Sumayla Kasa gande. 1105 Alboro ye, alboro ye kulu si baa Sumayla Kasa gande. 1106 A ma ne a se "Saguma, ay wala si hin." 1107 A ma ne "To," a ma bisa ni gaa. 1108 A ma ye ga dira koyne, ga ye ga dira koyne, ga ye ga dira koyne, giri ba marge a go Armahalley ra ga dira koyne. 1109 Kala a maa Armahalley ize fo kan ne nga yaaru nda i kulu koyne. 1110 A ma ye ga za ga guna woo din do. 1111 A ma koy, a ma kaa, a ma ne a se, 1112 "Ay ka ga yawey ni se no." 1113 A ma ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1114 "Kan ay ka ga wete wo, ay ka no ni ma ay hiiji. 248 The Transcription 1079 A binde deebe a na boro wone di, cc jinde hinka, a na sambu nga kamba ra, a patte garo kamba wone gaa. 1080 Woo din fundu fun a na a furu. 1081 A ye ga deebe, a na boro wone mo di ce jinde hinka gaa, nga mo a na a sambu. 1082 Nga mo a na a patte garo kambu wone gaa. 1083 Woo din fundu fun a na a furu. 1084 A ne konnya se, "Bisa." 1085 Konnya bisa ka dake a gaa. 1086 Sagum daray yan no ya. 1087 A na Gao nan. 1088 Jirri iyye Sagum go Armahalle laabu. 1089 Armahalley ize kulu kan ne nga ga yaaru, 1090 Da a maa ni maa, a ma koy ni do. 1091 A ma ne, "Filaana, ay ka ga zumbu ni ga no." 1092 A ma ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1093 "Ay kaa ni ma ay hiji. 1094 "Ni ga baa ay, wala ni si baa ay?" 1095 A ma ne "Ay wala ga baa ni Saguma. 1096 "Alboro si wangu ni Saguma. 1097 "Wodin wallayi, cimi no." 1098 "Too kan ni ga ay hiiji wo. 1099 "Ay hiijay suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1100 "Bardo kan i ga wi nga ga ti Amar Zumbaani. 1101 "Alboro kulu kan mana boro hinko wi ka dake care bon, si tirahaw ay gaa." 1102 Hala a ga sanni wone salan ka ban, boro wone za bon bindo kan ga sungay kala cc nyanyo no. 1103 A ma ne a se, "Saguma ay si hin wala." 1104 Alboro kulu si baa Sumayla Kasa gande. 1105 Alboro ye, alboro ye kulu si baa Sumayla Kasa gande. 1106 A ma ne a se "Saguma, ay wala si hin." 1107 A ma ne "To," a ma bisa ni gaa. 1108 A ma ye ga dira koyne, ga ye ga dira koyne, ga ye ga dira koyne, giri ba marge a go Armahalley ra ga dira koyne. 1109 Kala a maa Armahalley ize fo kan ne nga yaaru nda i kulu koyne. 1110 A ma ye ga za ga guna woo din do. 1111 A ma koy, a ma kaa, a ma ne a se, 1112 "Ay ka ga yawey ni se no." 1113 A ma ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1114 "Kan ay ka ga were wo, ay ka no ni ma ay hiiji. 248 The Transcription 1079 A binde deebe a na boro wone di, ce jinde hinka, a na sambu nga kamba ra, a patte garo kamba wone gaa. 1080 Woo din fundu fun a na a furu. 1081 A ye ga deebe, a na boro wone mo di ce jinde hinka gaa, nga mo a na a sambu. 1082 Nga mo a na a patte garo kambu wone gaa. 1083 Woo din fundu fun a na a furu. 1084 A ne konnya se, "Bisa." 1085 Konnya bisa ka dake a gaa. 1086 Sagum daray yan no ya. 1087 A na Gao nan. 1088 Jirri iyye Sagum go Armahalle laabu. 1089 Armahalley ize kulu kan ne nga ga yaaru, 1090 Da a maa ni maa, a ma koy ni do. 1091 A ma ne, "Filaana, ay ka ga zumbu ni ga no." 1092 A ma ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1093 "Ay kaa ni ma ay hiji. 1094 "Ni ga baa ay, wala ni si baa ay?" 1095 A ma ne "Ay wala ga baa ni Saguma. 1096 "Alboro si wangu ni Saguma. 1097 "Wodin wallayi, cimi no." 1098 "Too kan ni ga ay hiiji wo. 1099 "Ay hiijay suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1100 "Bardo kan i ga wi nga ga ti Amar Zumbaani. 1101 "Alboro kulu kan mana boro hinko wi ka dake care bon, si tirahaw ay gaa." 1102 Hala a ga sanni wone salan ka ban, boro wone za bon bindo kan ga sungay kala ce nyanyo no. 1103 A ma ne a se, "Saguma ay si hin wala." 1104 Alboro kulu si baa Sumayla Kasa gande. 1105 Alboro ye, alboro ye kulu si baa Sumayla Kasa gande. 1106 A ma ne a se "Sagama, ay wala si hin." 1107 A ma ne "To," a ma bisa ni gaa. 1108 A ma ye ga dira koyne, ga ye ga dira koyne, ga ye ga dira koyne, giri ba marge a go Armahalley ra ga dira koyne. 1109 Kala a maa Armahalley ize fo kan ne nga yaaru nda i kulu koyne. 1110 A ma ye ga za ga guna woo din do. 1111 A ma koy, a ma kaa, a ma ne a se, 1112 "Ay ka ga yawey ni se no." 1113 A ma ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1114 "Kan ay ka ga were wo, ay ka no ni ma ay hiiji.  The Translation 249 1079 Then she took one by his two ankles and smashed him against the wall. 1080 This one died; she threw him out. 1081 She then grabbed the other by the ankles and picked him up. 1082 He too she smashed against the other side of the wall. 1083 This one too was killed; she threw it out. 1084 She said to the captive, "Let's go." 1085 The captive followed her. 1086 This is how Sagouma went wandering in the bush. 1087 She left Gao. 1088 For seven years Sagouma was in the country of the Arma. 1089 Every Arma who called himself brave, 1090 If she hears your name, she comes to you. 1091 She would say, "So and so, I have come to visit you." 1092 He would say, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1093 "I came so that you could marry me. 1094 "Do you love me or do you not love me?" 1095 He says, "Frankly, I love you, Sagouma. 1096 "A man does not flee you, Sagouma. 1097 "That's really true." 1098 "Good, if you wish, you can marry me. 1099 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1100 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1101 "Any man who has not killed these two men will not marry me." 1102 Before she finishes her words, a drop of sweat falls from the head of the man onto his toe. 1103 He says to her, "Sagouma, in all candor, I can't do it." 1104 No man wants to fight with Soumayla Kassa. 1105 No man, no man would want to challenge Soumayla Kassa. 1106 He says to her, "Sagouma, in all candor, I can't do it." 1107 She says, "Fine," and passes by you. 1108 She walks on so long, walks on so long, walks on so long, for so many years in the country of the Arma. 1109 Then she heard again about an Arma who is more courageous than the other. 1110 She goes off again down there. 1111 She goes, she comes, and she tells him, 1112 "I came to visit you." 1113 He told her, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1114 "I came so that you could marry me. The Translation 249 1079 Then she took one by his two ankles and smashed him against the wall. 1080 This one died; she threw him out. 1081 She then grabbed the other by the ankles and picked him up. 1082 He too she smashed against the other side of the wall. 1083 This one too was killed; she threw it out. 1084 She said to the captive, "Let's go." 1085 The captive followed her. 1086 This is how Sagouma went wandering in the bush. 1087 She left Gao. 1088 For seven years Sagouma was in the country of the Arma. 1089 Every Arma who called himself brave, 1090 If she hears your name, she comes to you. 1091 She would say, "So and so, I have come to visit you." 1092 He would say, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1093 "I came so that you could marry me. 1094 "Do you love me or do you not love me?" 1095 He says, "Frankly, I love you, Sagouma. 1096 "A man does not flee you, Sagouma. 1097 "That's really true." 1098 "Good, if you wish, you can marry me. 1099 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1100 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1101 "Any man who has not killed these two men will not marry me." 1102 Before she finishes her words, a drop of sweat falls from the head of the man onto his toe. 1103 He says to her, "Sagouma, in all candor, I can't do it." 1104 No man wants to fight with Soumayla Kassa. 1105 No man, no man would want to challenge Soumayla Kassa. 1106 He says to her, "Sagouma, in all candor, I can't do it." 1107 She says, "Fine," and passes by you. 1108 She walks on so long, walks on so long, walks on so long, for so many years in the country of the Arma. 1109 Then she heard again about an Arma who is more courageous than the other. 1110 She goes off again down there. 1111 She goes, she comes, and she tells him, 1112 "I came to visit you." 1113 He told her, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1114 "I came so that you could marry me. The Translation 249 1079 Then she took one by his two ankles and smashed him against the wall. 1080 This one died; she threw him out. 1081 She then grabbed the other by the ankles and picked him up. 1082 He too she smashed against the other side of the wall. 1083 This one too was killed; she threw it out. 1084 She said to the captive, "Let's go." 1085 The captive followed her. 1086 This is how Sagouma went wandering in the bush. 1087 She left Gao. 1088 For seven years Sagouma was in the country of the Arma. 1089 Every Arma who called himself brave, 1090 If she hears your name, she comes to you. 1091 She would say, "So and so, I have come to visit you." 1092 He would say, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1093 "I came so that you could marry me. 1094 "Do you love me or do you not love me?" 1095 He says, "Frankly, I love you, Sagouma. 1096 "A man does not flee you, Sagouma. 1097 "That's really true." 1098 "Good, if you wish, you can marry me. 1099 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1100 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1101 "Any man who has not killed these two men will not marry me." 1102 Before she finishes her words, a drop of sweat falls from the head of the man onto his toe. 1103 He says to her, "Sagouma, in all candor, I can't do it." 1104 No man wants to fight with Soumayla Kassa. 1105 No man, no man would want to challenge Soumayla Kassa. 1106 He says to her, "Sagouma, in all candor, I can't do it." 1107 She says, "Fine," and passes by you. 1108 She walks on so long, walks on so long, walks on so long, for so many years in the country of the Arma. 1109 Then she heard again about an Arma who is more courageous than the other. 1110 She goes off again down there. 1111 She goes, she comes, and she tells him, 1112 "I came to visit you." 1113 He told her, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1114 "I came so that you could marry me.  250 The Transcription 1115 "Ni ga baa ay wala ni si baa?" 1116 A ma ne, "Saguma, alboro si wangu Saguma. 1117 "Ay ga ba ni wala, ay wala ga ba ni." 1118 "To, kan ni ga ba ay wo, 1119 "Ay suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1120 "Bardo ka ti Amar Zumbaani. 1121 "Alboro kulu kan man ti boro hinko no ni wi ka dake care bon, 1122 "Ay go ga gaayi kulu si tira haw ay gaa." 1123 A ma ne a se, "Wallahi, ay si hin." 1124 "Ni si hin?" 1125 A ne nga wala si hin. 1126 A ma mooru ga bisa. 1127 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala, kala ban kan a koy ga to Armahallay ize fo gaa, 1128 Kan se i ga ne Bayaara. 1129 A kaa ga to Bayaara gaa. 1130 A ne Bayaara se, "Ay kaa no." 1131 Bayaara ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1132 A ne, "Ay ka no ni ma ay hiiji." 1133 A ne, "Ay wala ga baa, ay ma a kaanu ay se mo." 1134 "Kan ni ga ay hiiji wo, 1135 "Suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1136 "Bardo ka ti Amar Zumbaani. 1137 "Boro kulu, kan man ti boro hinko no ni wi ka dake care bon, 1138 "Si, si tirahaw ay gaa." 1139 A ne, "Ay ya key maa, a kaanu ay se, ay ga hin mo." 1140 A ne, "Ni ga hin?" 1141 A ne, "Ay ga hin." 1142 A ne, "Ni ga hin?" 1143 A ne, "Ay ga hin." 1144 A ne, "Ay jiiri iyye ne ganji, aran Armahalley laabo ra, ay mana maa born kulu kan ne nga ga hin kala ni." 1145 A ne, "Ay ya kay ga hin, ay ga koy mo." 1146 A ne, "To, bissmilla." 1147 "To, ay mo ma- 1148 A ne, "Ni jiiri iyye no ni go ganji. 1149 "Ay mo ga baa ni ma ay suuru handu iyye ay mo ma soola." 1150 A ne, "Ay mo na a te ni se." 250 The Transcription 1115 "Ni ga baa ay wala ni si baa?" 1116 A ma ne, "Saguma, alboro si wangu Saguma. 1117 "Ay ga ba ni wala, ay wala ga ba ni." 1118 "To, kan ni ga ba ay wo, 1119 "Ay suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1120 "Bardo ka ti Amar Zumbaani. 1121 "Alboro kulu kan man ti boro hinko no ni wi ka dake care bon, 1122 "Ay go ga gaayi kulu si tira haw ay gaa." 1123 A ma ne a se, "Wallahi, ay si hin." 1124 "Ni si hin?" 1125 A ne nga wala si hin. 1126 A ma mooru ga bisa. 1127 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala, kala ban kan a koy ga to Armahallay ize fo gaa, 1128 Kan se i ga ne Bayaara. 1129 A kaa ga to Bayaara gaa. 1130 A ne Bayaara se, "Ay kaa no." 1131 Bayaara ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1132 A ne, "Ay ka no ni ma ay hiiji." 1133 A ne, "Ay wala ga baa, ay ma a kaanu ay se mo." 1134 "Kan ni ga ay hiiji wo, 1135 "Suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1136 "Bardo ka ti Amar Zumbaani. 1137 "Boro kulu, kan man ti boro hinko no ni wi ka dake care bon, 1138 "Si, si tirahaw ay gaa." 1139 A ne, "Ay ya key maa, a kaanu ay se, ay ga hin mo." 1140 A ne, "Ni ga hin?" 1141 A ne, "Ay ga hin." 1142 A ne, "Ni ga hin?" 1143 A ne, "Ay ga hin." 1144 A ne, "Ay jiiri iyye ne ganji, aran Armahalley laabo ra, ay mana maa boro kulu kan ne nga ga hin kala ni." 1145 A ne, "Ay ya kay ga hin, ay ga koy mo." 1146 A ne, "To, bissmilla." 1147 "To, ay mo ma- 1148 A ne, "Ni jiiri iyye no ni go ganji. 1149 "Ay mo ga baa ni ma ay suuru handu iyye ay mo ma soola." 1150 A ne, "Ay mo na a te ni se." 250 The Transcription 1115 "Ni ga baa ay wala ni si baa?" 1116 A ma ne, "Saguma, alboro si wangu Saguma. 1117 "Ay ga ba ni wala, ay wala ga ba ni." 1118 "To, kan ni ga ba ay wo, 1119 "Ay suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1120 "Bardo ka ti Amar Zumbaani. 1121 "Alboro kulu kan man ti boro hinko no ni wi ka dake care bon, 1122 "Ay go ga gaayi kulu si tira haw ay gaa." 1123 A ma ne a se, "Wallahi, ay si hin." 1124 "Ni si hin?" 1125 A ne nga wala si hin. 1126 A ma mooru ga bisa. 1127 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala, kala han kan a koy ga to Armahallay ize fo gaa, 1128 Kan se i ga ne Bayaara. 1129 A kaa ga to Bayaara gaa. 1130 A ne Bayaara se, "Ay kaa no." 1131 Bayaara ne, "Kubayni Saguma." 1132 A ne, "Ay ka no ni ma ay hiiji." 1133 A ne, "Ay wala ga baa, ay ma a kaanu ay se mo." 1134 "Kan ni ga ay hiiji wo, 1135 "Suujo ka ti Sumayla Kasa. 1136 "Bardo ka ti Amar Zumbaani. 1137 "Boro kulu, kan man ti boro hinko no ni wi ka dake care bon, 1138 "Si, si tirahaw ay gaa." 1139 A ne, "Ay ya key maa, a kaanu ay se, ay ga hin m." 1140 A ne, "Ni ga hin?" 1141 A ne, "Ay ga hin." 1142 A ne, "Ni ga hin?" 1143 A ne, "Ay ga hin." 1144 A ne, "Ay jiiri iyye ne ganji, aran Armahalley laabo ra, ay mana maa boro kulu kan ne nga ga hin kala ni." 1145 A ne, "Ay ya kay ga hin, ay ga koy mo." 1146 A ne, "To, bissmilla." 1147 "To, ay mo ma- 1148 A ne, "Ni jiiri iyye no ni go ganji. 1149 "Ay mo ga baa ni ma ay suuru handu iyye ay mo ma soola." 1150 A ne, "Ay mo na a te ni se."  The Translation 251 1115 "Do you love me or do you not love me?" 1116 He replies, "Sagouma, a man does not flee Sagouma. 1117 "I really love you, in truth, I love you." 1118 "Good, since you love me, 1119 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1120 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage is Amar Zoumbani. 1121 "Any man who has not killed these two men, 1122 "Before me, then, the man will not marry me." 1123 He tells her, "Truly, I can't do it." 1124 "You can't do it?" 1125 He says that he really can't do it. 1126 She moves on. 1127 Until, until, until, until, until, until she arrives at the house of an Arma, 1128 Who is called Bayero. 1129 She arrives at Bayero's house. 1130 She says to Bayero, "I have come." 1131 Bayero says to her, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1132 She tells him, "I came so that you could marry me." 1133 He says, "I really love you, I, myself, and am pleased too." 1134 "Since you want to marry me, 1135 "The dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1136 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1137 "Any man who has not killed these two men, 1138 "Will not, will not become married to me." 1139 He says, "Me, I have heard, that has pleased me, and I can do it." 1140 She says, "You can?" 1141 He says, "I can." 1142 She says to him, "You can?" 1143 He says to her, "I can." 1144 She says to him, "Here I have been wandering in the bush for seven years, in the country of the Arma; I have not found a man who says he can do it." 1145 He says, "I can do it, and I am going to leave." 1146 She says, "Good, praise be to Allah." 1147 "Good, I too have heard- 1148 He says, "It has been seven years that you've been in the bush. 1149 "Me too, I want you to wait for me for seven months while I get ready." 1150 She says, "Me too, I grant it to you." The Translation 251 1115 "Do you love me or do you not love me?" 1116 He replies, "Sagouma, a man does not flee Sagouma. 1117 "I really love you, in truth, I love you." 1118 "Good, since you love me, 1119 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1120 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage is Amar Zoumbani. 1121 "Any man who has not killed these two men, 1122 "Before me, then, the man will not marry me." 1123 He tells her, "Truly, I can't do it." 1124 "You can't do it?" 1125 He says that he really can't do it. 1126 She moves on. 1127 Until, until, until, until, until, until she arrives at the house of an Arma, 1128 Who is called Bayero. 1129 She arrives at Bayero's house. 1130 She says to Bayero, "I have come." 1131 Bayero says to her, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1132 She tells him, "I came so that you could marry me." 1133 He says, "I really love you, I, myself, and am pleased too." 1134 "Since you want to marry me, 1135 "The dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1136 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1137 "Any man who has not killed these two men, 1138 "Will not, will not become married to me." 1139 He says, "Me, I have heard, that has pleased me, and I can do it." 1140 She says, "You can?" 1141 He says, "I can." 1142 She says to him, "You can?" 1143 He says to her, "I can." 1144 She says to him, "Here I have been wandering in the bush for seven years, in the country of the Arma; I have not found a man who says he can do it." 1145 He says, "I can do it, and I am going to leave." 1146 She says, "Good, praise be to Allah." 1147 "Good, I too have heard- 1148 He says, "It has been seven years that you've been in the bush. 1149 "Me too, I want you to wait for me for seven months while I get ready." 1150 She says, "Me too, I grant it to you." The Translation 251 1115 "Do you love me or do you not love me?" 1116 He replies, "Sagouma, a man does not flee Sagouma. 1117 "I really love you, in truth, I love you." 1118 "Good, since you love me, 1119 "My dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1120 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage is Amar Zoumbani. 1121 "Any man who has not killed these two men, 1122 "Before me, then, the man will not marry me." 1123 He tells her, "Truly, I can't do it." 1124 "You can't do it?" 1125 He says that he really can't do it. 1126 She moves on. 1127 Until, until, until, until, until, until she arrives at the house of an Arma, 1128 Who is called Bayero. 1129 She arrives at Bayero's house. 1130 She says to Bayero, "I have come." 1131 Bayero says to her, "Welcome, Sagouma." 1132 She tells him, "I came so that you could marry me." 1133 He says, "I really love you, I, myself, and am pleased too." 1134 "Since you want to marry me, 1135 "The dowry is Soumayla Kassa. 1136 "The bull sacrificed at the marriage will be Amar Zoumbani. 1137 "Any man who has not killed these two men, 1138 "Will not, will not become married to me." 1139 He says, "Me, I have heard, that has pleased me, and I can do it." 1140 She says, "You can?" 1141 He says, "I can." 1142 She says to him, "You can?" 1143 He says to her, "I can." 1144 She says to him, "Here I have been wandering in the bush for seven years, in the country of the Arma; I have not found a man who says he can do it." 1145 He says, "I can do it, and I am going to leave." 1146 She says, "Good, praise be to Allah." 1147 "Good, I too have heard- 1148 He says, "It has been seven years that you've been in the bush. 1149 "Me too, I want you to wait for me for seven months while I get ready." 1150 She says, "Me too, I grant it to you."  252 The Transcription 1151 Nga mo na ngey laabo me a me, 1152 Baddal laabo me a me ra, 1153 Bayaaro, Cilisi, Zamzan, Foronkondi, Armahalleyizey kan sappa a se boro taaci. 1154 Kan i kulu sappe Bayaara se. 1155 I ne ngey ya kay go a wango ra hala ngey jinde gaa. 1156 A ne to sohon, i ma ci laabo arzakantey se, 1157 Nga ga goo no ga koy Gao wangu. 1158 Nga mana maa arzakantey jinde, hay kan i ga nga kambuza nda. 1159 Arzakantey ne ngey maa, hala ngey ma di care ka saware. 1160 A ne, i ma ci bonkooney se, laabo bonkoono kulu se, 1161 Nga go no ga koy Gao wangu. 1162 I ma ci han kan i ga nga kambuza nda. 1163 Bonkooney ne, ngey maa, hala ngey ma di care ka saware. 1164 Nan kan gufernema laabu koy ga margu kala nda ngey di care ka margu. 1165 A ne i ma ci alfagey se. 1166 Nga goo no ga koy Gao wangu. 1167 Alfagey ma ci han kan, i ga nga kambuza da. 1168 Alfagey mo ne, ngey maa hala ngey ma, di care ga saware. 1169 Bonkooney di care, i ne a se, "Ifo no iri ga Bayaaro kambuza, gaakasinay da, 1170 "Kan a goo no ga koy Gao wango do?" 1171 Bonkooney sappe. 1172 I ne "To, mo kulu kan biya ka bo, 1173 "Woyno kulu kan biya ga fun," 1174 Ngey laabukoyey kulu no ka fansa. 1175 Woyno kulu kan biya ka fun, 1176 Bari zangu goo no ga a banda daabu. 1177 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1178 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1179 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1180 Kala han kan hane a koy Gao nwa. 1181 Kala han kan hane, a ye ga kaa. 252 The Transcription 1151 Nga mo na ngey laabo me a me, 1152 Baddal laabo me a me ra, 1153 Bayaaro, Cilisi, Zamzan, Foronkondi, Armahalleyizey kan sappa a se boro taaci. 1154 Kan i kulu sappe Bayaara se. 1155 I ne ngey ya kay go a wango ra hala ngey jinde gaa. 1156 A ne to sohon, i ma ci laabo arzakantey se, 1157 Nga ga goo no ga koy Gao wangu. 1158 Nga mana maa arzakantey jinde, hay kan i ga nga kambuza nda. 1159 Arzakantey ne ngey maa, hala ngey ma di care ka saware. 1160 A ne, i ma ci bonkooney se, laabo bonkoono kulu se, 1161 Nga go no ga koy Gao wangu. 1162 I ma ci han kan i ga nga kambuza nda. 1163 Bonkooney ne, ngey maa, hala ngey ma di care ka saware. 1164 Nan kan gufernema laabu koy ga margu kala nda ngey di care ka margu. 1165 A ne i ma ci alfagey se. 1166 Nga goo no ga koy Gao wangu. 1167 Alfagey ma ci han kan, i ga nga kambuza da. 1168 Alfagey mo ne, ngey maa hala ngey ma, di care ga saware. 1169 Bonkooney di care, i ne a se, "Ifo no iri ga Bayaaro kambuza, gaakasinay da, 1170 "Kan a goo no ga koy Gao wango do?" 1171 Bonkooney sappe. 1172 I ne "To, mo kulu kan biya ka bo, 1173 "Woyno kulu kan biya ga fun," 1174 Ngey laabukoyey kulu no ka fansa. 1175 Woyno kulu kan biya ka fun, 1176 Bari zangu goo no ga a banda daabu. 1177 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1178 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1179 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1180 Kala han kan hane a koy Gao nwa. 1181 Kala han kan hane, a ye ga kaa. 252 The Transcription 1151 Nga mo na ngey laabo me a me, 1152 Baddal laabo me a me ra, 1153 Bayaaro, Cilisi, Zamzan, Foronkondi, Armahalleyizey kan sappa a se boro taaci. 1154 Kan i kulu sappe Bayaara se. 1155 I ne ngey ya kay go a wango ra hala ngey jinde gaa. 1156 A ne to sohon, i ma ci laabo arzakantey se, 1157 Nga ga goo no ga koy Gao wangu. 1158 Nga mana maa arzakantey jinde, hay kan i ga nga kambuza nda. 1159 Arzakantey ne ngey maa, hala ngey ma di care ka saware. 1160 A ne, i ma ci bonkooney se, laabo bonkoono kulu se, 1161 Nga go no ga koy Gao wangu. 1162 I ma ci han kan i ga nga kambuza nda. 1163 Bonkooney ne, ngey maa, hala ngey ma di care ka saware. 1164 Nan kan gufernema laabu koy ga margu kala nda ngey di care ka margu. 1165 A ne i ma ci alfagey se. 1166 Nga goo no ga koy Gao wangu. 1167 Alfagey ma ci han kan, i ga nga kambuza da. 1168 Alfagey mo ne, ngey maa hala ngey ma, di care ga saware. 1169 Bonkooney di care, i ne a se, "Ifo no iri ga Bayaaro kambuza, gaakasinay da, 1170 "Kan a goo no ga koy Gao wango do?" 1171 Bonkooney sappe. 1172 I ne "To, mo kulu kan biya ka bo, 1173 "Woyno kulu kan biya ga fun," 1174 Ngey laabukoyey kulu no ka fansa. 1175 Woyno kulu kan biya ka fun, 1176 Bari zangu goo no ga a banda daabu. 1177 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1178 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1179 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kaaru ga kaa. 1180 Kala han kan hane a koy Gao nwa. 1181 Kala han kan hane, a ye ga kaa.  The Translation 253 1151 He too, all of his land from end to end, 1152 In all the kingdom of Badal, 1153 Bayero, Kilinsi, Zamgam, Foronkondi, they are the Arma who voted for him, they are four. 1154 All have voted for Bayero. 1155 They say they are in the war up to their necks. 1156 He says good, now inform the rich people of the country, 1157 That he will attack Gao. 1158 That he is waiting for the voices of the rich, that he is waiting for their contribution. 1159 The rich say that they have heard, but to wait a bit so that they can discuss it among themselves. 1160 He says that they should inform the chiefs, all the chiefs of the land, 1161 That he is going to attack Gao. 1162 That they should say what they are going to bring to him as aid. 1163 The chiefs said that they have heard, but to wait a bit so that they can discuss it among themselves. 1164 Like the government people who meet, these people too will meet. 1165 He said to inform the marabouts, 1166 That they were going to attack Gao. 1167 The marabouts should say what their contribution will be. 1168 The marabouts too said to wait while they discuss it among themselves. 1169 The chiefs met, and they said "What kind of aid are we going to give Bayero, 1170 "Who is about to go to war against Gao?" 1171 The chiefs swore, they voted. 1172 They said, "Good, each day that awakens, 1173 "Each sun that rises," 1174 All the chiefs agreed. 1175 Each sun that rises, 1176 One hundred horses are on their way to supply them. 1177 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1178 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1179 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1180 Until the day that they conquer Gao. 1181 Until the day when they will return. The Translation 253 1151 He too, all of his land from end to end, 1152 In all the kingdom of Badal, 1153 Bayero, Kilinsi, Zamgam, Foronkondi, they are the Arma who voted for him, they are four. 1154 All have voted for Bayero. 1155 They say they are in the war up to their necks. 1156 He says good, now inform the rich people of the country, 1157 That he will attack Gao. 1158 That he is waiting for the voices of the rich, that he is waiting for their contribution. 1159 The rich say that they have heard, but to wait a bit so that they can discuss it among themselves. 1160 He says that they should inform the chiefs, all the chiefs of the land, 1161 That he is going to attack Gao. 1162 That they should say what they are going to bring to him as aid. 1163 The chiefs said that they have heard, but to wait a bit so that they can discuss it among themselves. 1164 Like the government people who meet, these people too will meet. 1165 He said to inform the marabouts, 1166 That they were going to attack Gao. 1167 The marabouts should say what their contribution will be. 1168 The marabouts too said to wait while they discuss it among themselves. 1169 The chiefs met, and they said "What kind of aid are we going to give Bayero, 1170 "Who is about to go to war against Gao?" 1171 The chiefs swore, they voted. 1172 They said, "Good, each day that awakens, 1173 "Each sun that rises," 1174 All the chiefs agreed. 1175 Each sun that rises, 1176 One hundred horses are on their way to supply them. 1177 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1178 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1179 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1180 Until the day that they conquer Gao. 1181 Until the day when they will return. The Translation 253 1151 He too, all of his land from end to end, 1152 In all the kingdom of Badal, 1153 Bayero, Kilinsi, Zamgam, Foronkondi, they are the Arma who voted for him, they are four. 1154 All have voted for Bayero. 1155 They say they are in the war up to their necks. 1156 He says good, now inform the rich people of the country, 1157 That he will attack Gao. 1158 That he is waiting for the voices of the rich, that he is waiting for their contribution. 1159 The rich say that they have heard, but to wait a bit so that they can discuss it among themselves. 1160 He says that they should inform the chiefs, all the chiefs of the land, 1161 That he is going to attack Gao. 1162 That they should say what they are going to bring to him as aid. 1163 The chiefs said that they have heard, but to wait a bit so that they can discuss it among themselves. 1164 Like the government people who meet, these people too will meet. 1165 He said to inform the marabouts, 1166 That they were going to attack Gao. 1167 The marabouts should say what their contribution will be. 1168 The marabouts too said to wait while they discuss it among themselves. 1169 The chiefs met, and they said "What kind of aid are we going to give Bayero, 1170 "Who is about to go to war against Gao?" 1171 The chiefs swore, they voted. 1172 They said, "Good, each day that awakens, 1173 "Each sun that rises," 1174 All the chiefs agreed. 1175 Each sun that rises, 1176 One hundred horses are on their way to supply them. 1177 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1178 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1179 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1180 Until the day that they conquer Gao. 1181 Until the day when they will return.  254 The Transcription 1182 Mo kulo kan biyn ka bo, barikareyan goo no ga kanra ga kaa. 1183 A ne nga mo man lanbu koyey ya gaakasina. 1184 Arcakantey mo no, to solon, ngey ma agey maa. 1185 Ngey ma, mo kulu kan biya ga bo, haamo, hayni, wa, ji, mo dasante, hawru koogo. 1186 Mo kuto kan biya ga ho, hi conga go ga a banda daabu. 1187 Ngey ma agey arzankantey wa kan agey ga a kambuza nda no ya. 1188 Mo kulu kan biya ka ha hi zongo go ga a baada daabu. 1189 Ji, hayni, ma, wa, hamo, hawra koago. 1190 Han kan bariyey ga. awa, da han kan ngey bumbey ga 1191 Mo kula kan biya ga bo hi zoaga go ga biya ka a banda daabu. 1192 Nga mo arzakantey na woo din samba agey ban. 1193 Laabo atfagoy ma ne ngey maa, ma kolo kan biya ga ho, ngey ma go ga alfatiya dan a so. 1194 Han din hane a kaarn ka fatta. 1195 A fatta ada bani kan ga to hari cambar way kan go a banda. 1196 Kan ha si ma kala kan biya ga ha, bani zonga go a ce handa ra. 1197 Cini siatina hari conga no na gana. 1198 Cini hinkanta bani zanga biya. 1199 Cini hinzanta bari conga biya. 1200 Zaaro me a me. 1201 Mo kula kan biya ga ho, bari conga goo no ga biya. 1202 Ma kala kan hiya ga ho, hi zoaga gao no ga biya, da awari, ga a banda danbo. 1203 Wango wo, wayborey go a ra. 1204 Wayboro dabat dohal go wango Ca. 1205 Ngey no, goo no ga awari te jama se, i gao no ga nwa. 1206 1 si kay barn in kwaara ga nwari ceoci. 1207 I si kay baro fn kwaara ga hari cerni. 1208 Wayborey kan go wango ra, agey n go ga awari te wanga se, i gao no ga na. 1209 Bariyey hayno kan i ga awa agey no gao n ga biya ga ka. 1210 Bariyey haamna kan i ga awa agey no gao no ga biya ga ka. 1211 Wa kan i ga han, jia kan a ga awa, 1212 Kolo marganta ngey no gao n ka biya ga ka. 1213 Kala han kan haae i ka ga zumba Gao. 1214 I te handa iyye. 254 The Transcription 1182 Mo kulo kn biya ka ha, barikareyan gao no ga kaara ga kaa. 1183 A no nga ma man lanba knyey ya gankasia. 1184 Arcakantey ma ne, to salon, agey ma ngey man. 1185 Ngey ma, ma kala kn biya ga ha, hanma, layni, wa, ji, ma dasante, lawna koaga. 1186 Ma kuto kan hiya ga ho, hi conga go ga a banda danba. 1187 Ngey ma agey arzankantoy wo kan agoy ga a kambua ada n yn. 1188 Mo kota kn biyn ka ho hi conga go ga a banda danbo. 1189 Ji, hayni, ma, wa, lama, hawna konga. 1190 Han kan bnriyey ga na, da han kn agey bambey ga 1191 Mo kala kan biyn ga ba hi conga go ga hiya ka a banda danbu. 1192 Ngn ma arzakantoy a woo din samba agey boa. 1193 Lanbo atfagoy ma no ngey man, ma kala kan biya ga ho, agey ma go ga ntfntiyn dn a so. 1194 Han din hane a kanru ka fattn. 1195 A fattanada bani kn ga to bari cambar way kan go a banda. 1196 Kan ha si ma kala kan hiya ga ho, bani conga go a cc banda Ca. 1197 Cmni siatina bari conga no a gana. 1198 Cini hiakanta bani conga biya. 1199 Cmni hinzanta bari conga biyn. 1200 Zanro me a me. 1201 Mo kula kan biyn ga ho, bani conga gao no ga biyn. 1202 Ma kuto kan biyn ga ha, hi conga gao no ga biya, da awari, ga a banda danba. 1203 Wango wo, wayborey go a ra. 1204 Wayboro dubat dabal go wango Ca. 1205 Ngoy no, goo no ga awari to jama so, i gao no ga na. 1206 I si kay barn in kwaaen ga awari croci. 1207 I si kay horn to kwaarn ga Iari ceeci. 1208 Waybaroy kan go wanga on, agey no go ga awari to wango so, igoo no ga na. 1209 Bnniyey hayna kan i ga na ngoy no gao no ga biya ga ka. 1210 Bnriyoy haana kan i ga nanagey no gao n ga biya ga ka. 1211 Wa kan i ga han, jia kan a ga na, 1212 Kalu marganta ngoy no gao n ka biyn ga ka. 1213 Knia han kan hane i ka ga combo Gao. 1214 I to landa iyye. 254 The Transcription 1182 Mn kula kan biya ka ho, barikaroyan gao no ga kanra ga kan. 1183 A no aga ma man lanba knycy ya gankasia. 1184 Arcakantey ma no, to sohon, agoy ma agoy man. 1185 Ngoy ma, ma kalu kn biya ga ha, hanma, layni, wa, ji, ma dasante, lawru konga. 1186 Mn kata kn biya ga bo, hi conga go ga a banda danbo. 1187 Ngey ma agey arcankantoy wo kan ngey ga a kambuca ada n yn. 1188 Ma kalu kn biyn ka ho hi conga go ga a banda danba. 1189 Ji, hayni, ma, wa, hamo, hnwra koogo. 1190 Han kan bnriyey ga na, da han kan agey bambey ga 1191 Ma kala kan biyn ga ho hi conga go ga biya ka a banda danba. 1192 Nga ma arcakantey a won din samba agey ban. 1193 Lanbo atfagey ma no agey man, ma kala kn hiya ga bo, agoy ma go ga ntfntiya dn a so. 1194 Han din lane a kaaru ka fattn. 1195 A fattanada bani kan ga to bani cambar way kn go a banda. 1196 Kan ba si ma kata kan biya pa bo, bani zonga go a cc banda ra. 1197 Cmni siatina bani zoaga no a gana. 1198 Cini hiakanta bani conga biya. 1199 Cmni hiazanta bani conga biyn. 1200 Zanro me a me. 1201 Mo kalo kn biya ga bo, bani conga gao no ga biyn. 1202 Ma kala kan biyn ga ho, hi conga gao no ga biyn, da awari, ga a banda danba. 1203 Wanga wo, woyborey go a en. 1204 Woybaro dubat dahal go wanga in. 1205 Ngoy no, gao no ga awari to jama so, i gao no ga na. 1206 I si kay barn in kwaara ga awari cooci. 1207 I si kay born fn kwanrn ga Iani ceeci. 1208 Wayborey kan go wango on, agey no go ga awari to wango so, t gao no ga na. 1209 Bnniyoy hayno kn i ga nanagey no gao no ga biya ga ka. 1210 Bariyey Inamna kn i ga nanagey no gao no ga hiya ga ka. 1211 Wa kn i ga Inn, jia kan a ga na, 1212 Kala marganta agey no gao no ka biyn ga ka. 1213 Kata Inn kan lane i ka ga combo Gao. 1214 I to lando iyye.  The Translation 255 1182 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1183 He said he was waiting for help from the village chiefs. 1184 The rich people said good, now they too had heard. 1185 They too, each morning would appear sorghum, millet, milk, butter, rice, and dried millet paste. 1186 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes follow him. 1187 They too, the rich people, there is their contribution. 1188 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes would follow him. 1189 Butter, millet, rice, milk, sorghum, and dried millet paste. 1190 What the horses eat and what they themselves eat. 1191 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes follow him. 1192 The rich people take on that responsibility. 1193 The marabouts of the country have said that they too, every morning they will say the prayer of supplication for him. 1194 It is on that day that he mounted and went out. 1195 He went out with the horses who amounted to ten thousand who followed him. 1196 Every morning one hundred horses follow him. 1197 The first night one hundred horses followed him. 1198 The second night one hundred horses left early in the morning. 1199 The third night one hundred horses left early in the morning. 1200 All day long. 1201 Every morning one hundred horses leave early. 1202 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes with food are leav- ing early to follow him. 1203 In this war, the women are involved. 1204 Many, many women are in the war. 1205 They are the ones who make the food for the crowd; they are eating. 1206 They don't go to someone's house looking for food. 1207 They don't go to someone's house looking for water. 1208 The women who are in the war, they are the ones who make the food for the war; they are eating. 1209 The millet that the horses eat, it is they who bring it every morning. 1210 The sorghum that the horses eat, they bring it every morning. 1211 The milk they drink, the butter they eat, 1212 Everything together, they bring it every morning. 1213 Until the day when they arrive at Gao. 1214 They spent seven months. The Translation 255 1182 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1183 He said he was waiting for help from the village chiefs. 1184 The rich people said good, now they too had heard. 1185 They too, each morning would appear sorghum, millet, milk, butter, rice, and dried millet paste. 1186 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes follow him. 1187 They too, the rich people, there is their contribution. 1188 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes would follow him. 1189 Butter, millet, rice, milk, sorghum, and dried millet paste. 1190 What the horses eat and what they themselves eat. 1191 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes follow him. 1192 The rich people take on that responsibility. 1193 The marabouts of the country have said that they too, every morning they will say the prayer of supplication for him. 1194 It is on that day that he mounted and went out. 1195 He went out with the horses who amounted to ten thousand who followed him. 1196 Every morning one hundred horses follow him. 1197 The first night one hundred horses followed him. 1198 The second night one hundred horses left early in the morning. 1199 The third night one hundred horses left early in the morning. 1200 All day long. 1201 Every morning one hundred horses leave early. 1202 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes with food are leav- ing early to follow him. 1203 In this war, the women are involved. 1204 Many, many women are in the war. 1205 They are the ones who make the food for the crowd; they are eating. 1206 They don't go to someone's house looking for food. 1207 They don't go to someone's house looking for water. 1208 The women who are in the war, they are the ones who make the food for the war; they are eating. 1209 The millet that the horses eat, it is they who bring it every morning. 1210 The sorghum that the horses eat, they bring it every morning. 1211 The milk they drink, the butter they eat, 1212 Everything together, they bring it every morning. 1213 Until the day when they arrive at Gao. 1214 They spent seven months. The Translation 255 1182 Every morning one hundred horsemen mount their horses. 1183 He said he was waiting for help from the village chiefs. 1184 The rich people said good, now they too had heard. 1185 They too, each morning would appear sorghum, millet, milk, butter, rice, and dried millet paste. 1186 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes follow him. 1187 They too, the rich people, there is their contribution. 1188 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes would follow him. 1189 Butter, millet, rice, milk, sorghum, and dried millet paste. 1190 What the horses eat and what they themselves eat. 1191 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes follow him. 1192 The rich people take on that responsibility. 1193 The marabouts of the country have said that they too, every morning they will say the prayer of supplication for him. 1194 It is on that day that he mounted and went out. 1195 He went out with the horses who amounted to ten thousand who followed him. 1196 Every morning one hundred horses follow him. 1197 The first night one hundred horses followed him. 1198 The second night one hundred horses left early in the morning. 1199 The third night one hundred horses left early in the morning. 1200 All day long. 1201 Every morning one hundred horses leave early. 1202 Every morning one hundred dugout canoes with food are leav- ing early to follow him. 1203 In this war, the women are involved. 1204 Many, many women are in the war. 1205 They are the ones who make the food for the crowd; they are eating. 1206 They don't go to someone's house looking for food. 1207 They don't go to someone's house looking for water. 1208 The women who are in the war, they are the ones who make the food for the war; they are eating. 1209 The millet that the horses eat, it is they who bring it every morning. 1210 The sorghum that the horses eat, they bring it every morning. 1211 The milk they drink, the butter they eat, 1212 Everything together, they bring it every morning. 1213 Until the day when they arrive at Gao. 1214 They spent seven months.  256 The Transcription 256 The Transcription 256 The Transcription 1215 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, i ga Gao tangam. 1216 Gallo ya si no ka bay hala hay fo goo no ga te mo. 1217 Mo kulu kan i biya ka di i ga tangam. 1218 Gallo ya si no ka bay hala hay fo goono ga te mo. 1219 Da i weete ga tangam, da gallo bere i ga, 1220 Hala woyno ga koy kan, 1221 A na bari kan ga to zambar iwey wi i se. 1222 I bariyey mo ma, suba bari zongo ma kaa ka fuuru i ra koyne. 1223 I ma kaa ka kani. 1224 Suba, i ma biya ka tun ka yaa dini, koyne, i ma ye ga koy yaa dini. 1225 Nda borey beri i ga i ma ye ka bari kan ga to zambar wi ise. 1226 I ma ye ga kaa ga goro ngey nangu zeena ra. 1227 I gallo haya kulu si gaza i se. 1228 Gao gallu haya kulu si gaza a se. 1229 Saguma nda nga arwaso i goo no ga goro ganda. 1230 Wango go nwari ga i goo no ga goro ganda. 1231 Kala, kala, kala, kala a ka ga too ... 1232 Toorey kan i na Gao kanji nda. 1233 Gondi beeri go isa meyo ga. 1234 Gondi beero wo si do abada. 1235 A si nwa, a si kuru, a si tun. 1236 Tooru no, a goo no day ka kunkun isa meyo ga no. 1237 Gornyo gum go isa meyo gaa. 1238 Gornyo bi go nga guurey bon. 1239 A si fombu, a si tun, a si koy kuru. 1240 Tooru no, a go day noo din dumi salmada, a go noo din. 1241 Yeeji bi go gungo ra. 1242 A ga kay bono ga woyno funay guna saha kulu no. 1243 A si nwa, a si kuru, a si koy windi. 1244 Cini kulu a go noo din, woyno funay, saha kulu a go noo din. 1245 Tooru no. 1246 Toorey wo no han kan hane, i kulu na Gao ce. 1215 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, i ga Gao tangam. 1216 Gallo ya si no ka bay hala hay fo goo no ga te mo. 1217 Mo kulu kan i biya ka di i ga tangam. 1218 Gallo ya si no ka bay hala hay fo goono ga te mo. 1219 Da i weete ga tangam, da gallo bere i ga, 1220 Hala woyno ga koy kan, 1221 A na bari kan ga to zambar iwey wi i se. 1222 I bariyey mo ma, suba bari zongo ma kaa ka fuuru i ra koyne. 1223 I ma kaa ka kani. 1224 Suba, i ma biya ka tun ka yaa dini, koyne, i ma ye ga koy yaa dini. 1225 Nda borey beri i ga i ma ye ka bari kan ga to zambar wi ise. 1226 I ma ye ga kaa ga goro ngey nangu zeena ra. 1227 I gallo haya kulu si gaza i se. 1228 Gao gallu haya kulu si gaza a se. 1229 Saguma nda nga arwaso i goo no ga goro ganda. 1230 Wango go nwari ga i goo no ga goro ganda. 1231 Kala, kala, kala, kala a ka ga too ... 1232 Toorey kan i na Gao kanji nda. 1233 Gondi beeri go isa meyo ga. 1234 Gondi beero wo si do abada. 1235 A si nwa, a si kuru, a si tun. 1236 Tooru no, a goo no day ka kunkun isa meyo ga no. 1237 Gornyo gum go isa meyo gaa. 1238 Gornyo bi go nga guurey bon. 1239 A si fombu, a si tun, a si koy kuru. 1240 Tooru no, a go day noo din dumi salmada, a go noo din. 1241 Yeeji bi go gungo ra. 1242 A ga kay bono ga woyno funay guna saha kulu no. 1243 A si nwa, a si kuru, a si koy windi. 1244 Cini kulu a go noo din, woyno funay, saha kulu a go noo din. 1245 Tooru no. 1246 Toorey wo no han kan hane, i kulu na Gao ce. 1215 Mo kulu kan biya ka bo, i ga Gao tangam. 1216 Gallo ya si no ka bay hala hay fo goo no ga te Mo. 1217 Mo kulu kan i biya ka di i ga tangam. 1218 Gallo ya si no ka bay hala hay fo goono ga te mo. 1219 Da i weete ga tangam, da gallo here i ga, 1220 Hala woyno ga koy kan, 1221 A na bari kan ga to zambar iwey wi i se. 1222 I bariyey mo ma, suba bari zongo ma kaa ka fuuru i ra koyne. 1223 I ma kaa ka kani. 1224 Suba, i ma biya ka tun ka yaa dini, koyne, i ma ye ga koy yaa dini. 1225 Nda borey beri i ga i ma ye ka bari kan ga to zambar wi ise. 1226 I ma ye ga kaa ga goro ngey nangu zeena ra. 1227 I gallo haya kulu si gaza i se. 1228 Gao gallu haya kulu si gaza a se. 1229 Saguma nda nga arwaso i goo no ga goro ganda. 1230 Wango go nwari ga i goo no ga goro ganda. 1231 Kala, kala, kala, kala a ka ga too ... 1232 Toorey kan i na Gao kanji nda. 1233 Gondi beeri go isa meyo ga. 1234 Gondi beero wo si do abada. 1235 A si nwa, a si kuru, a si tun. 1236 Tooru no, a goo no day ka kunkun isa meyo ga no. 1237 Gornyo gum go isa meyo gaa. 1238 Gornyo bi go nga guurey bon. 1239 A si fombu, a si tun, a si koy kuru. 1240 Tooru no, a go day noo din dumi salmada, a go noo din. 1241 Yeeji bi go gungo ra. 1242 A ga kay bono ga woyno funay guna saha kulu no. 1243 A si nwa, a si kuru, a si koy windi. 1244 Cini kulu a go noo din, woyno funay, saha kulu a go noo din. 1245 Tooru no. 1246 Toorey wo no han kan hane, i kulu na Gao ce.  The Translation 257 1215 Each morning they attack the city of Gao. 1216 The city remains intact, it didn't even know anything was hap- pening. 1217 Each morning they attacked all parts of the city. 1218 The city remains intact, it didn't even know anything was hap- pening. 1219 If they have spent the morning warring, when the city counter- attacked, 1220 Before the sun sets, 1221 It has killed more than ten thousand of their horses. 1222 The next day ten thousand horses reappear. 1223 They sleep. 1224 Tomorrow they get up early in the same way and again go back to the same thing. 1225 When the people attack again, they kill more than ten thou- sand horses. 1226 They return to the place where they were before. 1227 Nothing diminishes in the city. 1228 At Gao, nothing diminishes. 1229 Sagouma and her lover are seated there. 1230 The war is raging, and they are seated there. 1231 Until, until, until, until it reached ... 1232 The tooru who watch out for the city of Gao. 1233 There is a python at the edge of the river. 1234 This python never moves. 1235 He does not eat, he doesn't go out to eat in the bush, he doesn't get up. 1236 He is a tooru, all rolled up at the edge of the river. 1237 A laying hen is at the edge of the river. 1238 A black hen is on her eggs. 1239 She doesn't lay eggs, she doesn't get up, she doesn't go out into the bush. 1240 It is a tooru, it is always down there, it is down there. 1241 There is a black ox on the island. 1242 He is standing up, he looks at the east all the time. 1243 He doesn't eat, he doesn't go out into the bush, he doesn't move around. 1244 Each night he is there, looking to the east, he is there all the time. 1245 It is a tooru. 1246 In Gao, it is to these toorey that they appeal. The Translation 257 1215 Each morning they attack the city of Gao. 1216 The city remains intact, it didn't even know anything was hap- pening. 1217 Each morning they attacked all parts of the city. 1218 The city remains intact, it didn't even know anything was hap- pening. 1219 If they have spent the morning warring, when the city counter- attacked, 1220 Before the sun sets, 1221 It has killed more than ten thousand of their horses. 1222 The next day ten thousand horses reappear. 1223 They sleep. 1224 Tomorrow they get up early in the same way and again go back to the same thing. 1225 When the people attack again, they kill more than ten thou- sand horses. 1226 They return to the place where they were before. 1227 Nothing diminishes in the city. 1228 At Gao, nothing diminishes. 1229 Sagouma and her lover are seated there. 1230 The war is raging, and they are seated there. 1231 Until, until, until; until it reached ... 1232 The tooru who watch out for the city of Gao. 1233 There is a python at the edge of the river. 1234 This python never moves. 1235 He does not eat, he doesn't go out to eat in the bush, he doesn't get up. 1236 He is a tooru, all rolled up at the edge of the river. 1237 A laying hen is at the edge of the river. 1238 A black hen is on her eggs. 1239 She doesn't lay eggs, she doesn't get up, she doesn't go out into the bush. 1240 It is a tooru, it is always down there, it is down there. 1241 There is a black ox on the island. 1242 He is standing up, he looks at the east all the time. 1243 He doesn't eat, he doesn't go out into the bush, he doesn't move around. 1244 Each night he is there, looking to the east, he is there all the time. 1245 It is a tooru. 1246 In Gao, it is to these toorey that they appeal. The Translation 257 1215 Each morning they attack the city of Gao. 1216 The city remains intact, it didn't even know anything was hap- pening. 1217 Each morning they attacked all parts of the city. 1218 The city remains intact, it didn't even know anything was hap- pening. 1219 If they have spent the morning warring, when the city counter- attacked, 1220 Before the sun sets, 1221 It has killed more than ten thousand of their horses. 1222 The next day ten thousand horses reappear. 1223 They sleep. 1224 Tomorrow they get up early in the same way and again go back to the same thing. 1225 When the people attack again, they kill more than ten thou- sand horses. 1226 They return to the place where they were before. 1227 Nothing diminishes in the city. 1228 At Gao, nothing diminishes. 1229 Sagouma and her lover are seated there. 1230 The war is raging, and they are seated there. 1231 Until, until, until, until it reached ... 1232 The tooru who watch out for the city of Gao. 1233 There is a python at the edge of the river. 1234 This python never moves. 1235 He does not eat, he doesn't go out to eat in the bush, he doesn't get up. 1236 He is a tooru, all rolled up at the edge of the river. 1237 A laying hen is at the edge of the river. 1238 A black hen is on her eggs. 1239 She doesn't lay eggs, she doesn't get up, she doesn't go out into the bush. 1240 It is a tooru, it is always down there, it is down there. 1241 There is a black ox on the island. 1242 He is standing up, he looks at the east all the time. 1243 He doesn't eat, he doesn't go out into the bush, he doesn't move around. 1244 Each night he is there, looking to the east, he is there all the time. 1245 It is a tooru. 1246 In Gao, it is to these toorey that they appeal.  258 The Transcription 1247 Hayey wo no, i na Gao kwaara kanji nda. 1248 I ne i se han kulu kan hane wango kan na Gao nwa dini, 1249 Yeejo kan go gungo ra din nan kan a do. 1250 Nan kan a gana, da a do isa ra, nan kan a gana, 1251 Laabo mo jiti ga gana non din. 1252 Nan kan a gana no gondi beero mo ga feeri han din hane. 1253 Yeejo banda no, a ga gana. 1254 Gornyo gumo din ga tun han din hane ga do. 1255 Yeejo din banda no a ga gana. 1256 Amma da day i do banda kan man tii banda, 1257 Kulu labo ga say. 1258 Day da i du i banda, i ga yana. 1259 I bine go ga goro, wango go teyano gaa .. . (undecipher- able). 1260 Sohon, kala Armahalleyzey koy ka doona kwaara. 1261 Nda wango zumbu, i ga ka care do. 1262 I ga fakaaray, i ga dili. 1263 8 ga haya kulu, nda cini, i ga kaa kwaaro ra, i ga hanna. 1264 Wandiyey nda arwasey ga kaa kwaara, i ga hanna ka ngey fakaaray te. 1265 Nda wango ka dey no yanja go no nda wangu zumbu yanja ben i game ra. 1266 Han fo cilni, 1267 8 goo no ga kani, i go no ga- 1268 I go ga fakaaray. 1269 Armahalleyze fo bine, wandiya jeyante fo se no a ga fakaaray. 1270 Wandiya ne a se, 1271 Sanni koy kaanu, 1272 Wandiya ne a se, "Ah, iri Gao kwaaro wo, aran si hina ga nwa." 1273 A ne a se, "Ifo se?" 1274 A ne, "Han kan se aran si a nwa iri Gao kwaaro wo. 1275 "Hala gornyo jina ga ka," 1276 "Kwaara si koy ye kala beena ga ka naagu. 1277 "Hay kulu kan ara goo no ga hay da malfa, kan aran go ga kar kulu, ganda laabu biyo ra day no aran go ga a kar. 258 The Transcription 1247 Hayey wo no, i na Gao kwaara kanji nda. 1248 I ne i se han kulu kan hane wango kan na Gao nwa dini, 1249 Yeejo kan go gungo ra din nan kan a do. 1250 Nan kan a gana, da a do isa ra, nan kan a gana, 1251 Laabo me jiti ga gana noo din. 1252 Nan kan a gana no gondi beero me ga feeri han din hane. 1253 Yeejo banda no, a ga gana. 1254 Gornyo gumo din ga tun han din hane ga do. 1255 Yeejo din banda no a ga gana. 1256 Amma da day i du banda kan man tii banda, 1257 Kulu labo ga say. 1258 Day da i du i banda, i ga yana. 1259 I bine go ga goro, wango go teyano gaa .. . (undecipher- able). 1260 Sohon, kala Armahalleyzey koy ka doona kwaara. 1261 Nda wango zumbu, i ga ka care do. 1262 I ga fakaaray, i ga dili. 1263 I ga haya kulu, nda cini, i ga kaa kwaaro ra, i ga hanna. 1264 Wandiyey nda arwasey ga kaa kwaara, i ga hanna ka ngey fakaaray te. 1265 Nda wango ka dey no yanja go no nda wangu zumbu yanja ben i game ra. 1266 Han fo ciini, 1267 I goo no ga kani, i go no ga- 1268 I go ga fakaaray. 1269 Armahalleyze fo bine, wandiya jeyante fo se no a ga fakaaray. 1270 Wandiya ne a se, 1271 Sanni koy kaanu, 1272 Wandiya ne a se, "Ah, iri Gao kwaaro wo, aran si hina ga nwa." 1273 A ne a se, "Ifo se?" 1274 A ne, "Han kan se aran si a nwa iri Gao kwaaro wo. 1275 "Hala gornyo jina ga ka," 1276 "Kwaara si koy ye kala beena ga ka naagu. 1277 "Hay kulu kan ara goo no ga hay da malfa, kan aran go ga kar kulu, ganda laabu biyo ra day no aran go ga a kar. 258 The Transcription 1247 Hayey wo no, i na Gao kwaara kanji nda. 1248 I ne i se ban kulu kan hane wango kan na Gao nwa dini, 1249 Yeejo kan go gungo ra din nan kan a do. 1250 Nan kan a gana, da a do isa ra, nan kan a gana, 1251 Laabo mo jiti ga gana noo din. 1252 Nan kan a gana no gondi beero mo ga feeri ban din hane. 1253 Yeejo banda no, a ga gana. 1254 Gornyo gumo din ga tun han din bane ga do. 1255 Yeejo din banda no a ga gana. 1256 Amma da day i do banda kan man tii banda, 1257 Kulu labo ga say. 1258 Day da i du i banda, i ga yana. 1259 8 bine go ga goro, wango go teyano gaa .. . (undecipher- able). 1260 Sohon, kala Armahalleyzey koy ka doona kwaara. 1261 Nda wango zumbu, i ga ka care do. 1262 I ga fakaaray, i ga dili. 1263 I ga haya kulu, nda cini, i ga kaa kwaaro ra, i ga hanna. 1264 Wandiyey nda arwasey ga kaa kwaara, i ga hanna ka ngey fakaaray te. 1265 Nda wango ka dey no yanja go no nda wangu zumbu yanja ben i game ra. 1266 Han fo ciini, 1267 8 goo no ga kani, i go no ga- 1268 I go ga fakaaray. 1269 Armahalleyze fo bine, wandiya jeyante fo se no a ga fakaaray. 1270 Wandiya ne a se, 1271 Sanni koy kaanu, 1272 Wandiya ne a se, "Ah, iri Gao kwaaro wo, aran si hina ga nwa." 1273 A ne a se, "Ifo se?" 1274 A ne, "Han kan se aran si a nwa iri Gao kwaaro wo. 1275 "Hala gornyo jina ga ka," 1276 "Kwaara si koy ye kala beena ga ka naagu. 1277 "Hay kulu kan ara goo no ga hay da malfa, kan aran go ga kar kulu, ganda laabu biyo ra day no aran go ga a kar.  The Translation 259 1247 It is with those things there that they have protected the city of Gao from all surprises. 1248 They tell them in any case that the day when a war will destroy Gao, 1249 The ox who is on the island, he will go into the water. 1250 Where he goes, if he goes into the river, where he goes, 1251 The country will move toward that spot. 1252 The python too will follow his path. 1253 It will follow the ox. 1254 The laying hen also will get up on that day and will go into the river. 1255 She will follow the path of that ox. 1256 But, in any case, if they follow different paths, 1257 The country will be destroyed. 1258 But if they follow their path, it will be saved. 1259 Thus they stayed there and the war continued ... (undeci- pherable). 1260 Now the Arma are getting used to the city. 1261 When war is over for the day, they visit each other. 1262 They chat and play dili. 1263 They do everything, and in the evening, they come into town, they spend the whole night. 1264 The girls and young men come into town and spend the eve- ning chatting. 1265 If there is an army, there is a battle, if the army dismounts, they stop fighting among themselves. 1266 One night, 1267 They are falling asleep, they are- 1268 They are chatting. 1269 A young Arma is courting an older, unmarried woman. 1270 The "girl" said to him, 1271 When the conversation was quite lively, 1272 The "girl" said to him, "Ah, our city of Gao, you cannot de- stroy it." 1273 He said to her, "Why?" 1274 She answered, "There is why you will not destroy our city of Gao. 1275 "At the first cock crow, 1276 "The entire city goes up in the air. 1277 "Everything you do, with your guns, it is on the ground that you shoot. The Translation 259 1247 It is with those things there that they have protected the city of Gao from all surprises. 1248 They tell them in any case that the day when a war will destroy Gao, 1249 The ox who is on the island, he will go into the water. 1250 Where he goes, if he goes into the river, where he goes, 1251 The country will move toward that spot. 1252 The python too will follow his path. 1253 It will follow the ox. 1254 The laying hen also will get up on that day and will go into the river. 1255 She will follow the path of that ox. 1256 But, in any case, if they follow different paths, 1257 The country will be destroyed. 1258 But if they follow their path, it will be saved. 1259 Thus they stayed there and the war continued ... (undeci- pherable). 1260 Now the Arma are getting used to the city. 1261 When war is over for the day, they visit each other. 1262 They chat and play dili. 1263 They do everything, and in the evening, they come into town, they spend the whole night. 1264 The girls and young men come into town and spend the eve- ning chatting. 1265 If there is an army, there is a battle, if the army dismounts, they stop fighting among themselves. 1266 One night, 1267 They are falling asleep, they are- 1268 They are chatting. 1269 A young Arms is courting an older, unmarried woman. 1270 The "girl" said to him, 1271 When the conversation was quite lively, 1272 The "girl" said to him, "Ah, our city of Gao, you cannot de- stroy it." 1273 He said to her, "Why?" 1274 She answered, "There is why you will not destroy our city of Gao. 1275 "At the first cock crow, 1276 "The entire city goes up in the air. 1277 "Everything you do, with your guns, it is on the ground that you shoot. The Translation 259 1247 It is with those things there that they have protected the city of Gao from all surprises. 1248 They tell them in any case that the day when a war will destroy Gao, 1249 The ox who is on the island, he will go into the water. 1250 Where he goes, if he goes into the river, where he goes, 1251 The country will move toward that spot. 1252 The python too will follow his path. 1253 It will follow the ox. 1254 The laying hen also will get up on that day and will go into the river. 1255 She will follow the path of that ox. 1256 But, in any case, if they follow different paths, 1257 The country will be destroyed. 1258 But if they follow their path, it will be saved. 1259 Thus they stayed there and the war continued . .. (undeci- pherable). 1260 Now the Arma are getting used to the city. 1261 When war is over for the day, they visit each other. 1262 They chat and play dili. 1263 They do everything, and in the evening, they come into town, they spend the whole night. 1264 The girls and young men come into town and spend the eve- ning chatting. 1265 If there is an army, there is a battle, if the army dismounts, - they stop fighting among themselves. 1266 One night, 1267 They are falling asleep, they are- 1268 They are chatting. 1269 A young Arma is courting an older, unmarried woman. 1270 The "girl" said to him, 1271 When the conversation was quite lively, 1272 The "girl" said to him, "Ah, our city of Gao, you cannot de- stroy it." 1273 He said to her, "Why?" 1274 She answered, "There is why you will not destroy our city of Gao. 1275 "At the first cock crow, 1276 "The entire city goes up in the air. 1277 "Everything you do, with your guns, it is on the ground that you shoot.  260 The Transcription 1278 "Kwaara si koy ye kala beena ga naagu, 1279 "Kala da wayno koron, bariyey zumbu. 1280 "Waato din no kwaara ga ka nga nangu zeena ra." 1281 Hala wandiya baabo ga koy kaati a ga, 1282 Wandiya na kwaara ganji hawo ceeri. 1283 Mo biya ka bo, 1284 Armahalley bariyo kaaru. 1285 Armahalley izo kan du sanno, 1286 A ne, "Sohon, 1287 "Wa nan, iri ma malfey kar beena ra jina iri ma di. 1288 "Iri ma kar ga di." 1289 I kar ganda daari fo. 1290 "Da man ti woo din iri ma kar beene, iri ma di." 1291 I bine na malfey kar beena ra daari fo. 1292 Hay kulu no boro si di kala dullu nda kuso. 1293 To han din no Saguma bina nyooti. 1294 Kan a na kwaara nwa han din no Saguma bina nyooti; ban din no a fongu nga nya fuo. 1295 Han din no a fongu nga baaba fu, 1296 Nan kan wango na Gao nwa. 1297 Nga nya fu goo no, nga baaba fu goo no. 1298 Nga dumo me a me go Gao ra. 1299 Kan nga koy wangu sambu ga kande i na Gao nwa. 1300 Han din mo no bina dooru. 1301 (undecipherable) 1302 I koy, i na Gao nwa. 1303 Yeejo din do a dandi. 1304 Gondi beero do a dandi. 1305 Gornyo gumo do a dandi. 1306 Gao kulu tun kay ka dandi. 1307 Gao borey hiyey, 1308 Armaballey hiyey, 1309 Gao bariyo, 1310 Armahalley bariyo, 1311 Bariyo go gura gaa, i go ga ka care hay, i goo no ga dandi. 1312 Hiyey go haro ra, i goo no ka care hay, i goo no ga dandi. 1313 Wango go koyyan gaa, i goo no ka dandi ga koy. 260 The Transcription 1278 "Kwaara si koy ye kala beena ga naagu, 1279 "Kala da wayno koron, bariyey zumbu. 1280 "Waato din no kwaara ga ka nga nangu zeena ra." 1281 Hala wandiya baabo ga koy kaati a ga, 1282 Wandiya na kwaara ganji hawo ceeri. 1283 Mo biya ka bo, 1284 Armahalley bariyo kaaru. 1285 Armahalley izo kan du sanno, 1286 A ne, "Sohon, 1287 "Wa nan, iri ma malfey kar beena ra jina iri ma di. 1288 "Iri ma kar ga di." 1289 I kar ganda daari fo. 1290 "Da man ti woo din iri ma kar beene, iri ma di." 1291 I bine na malfey kar beena ra daari fo. 1292 Hay kulu no boro si di kala dullu nda kuso. 1293 To ban din no Saguma bina nyooti. 1294 Kan a na kwaara nwa han din no Saguma bina nyooti; ban din no a fongu nga nya fuo. 1295 Han din no a fongu nga baaba fu, 1296 Nan kan wango na Gao nwa. 1297 Nga nya fu goo no, nga baaba fu goo no. 1298 Nga dumo me a me go Gao ra. 1299 Kan nga koy wangu sambu ga kande i na Gao nwa. 1300 Han din mo no bina dooru. 1301 (undecipherable) 1302 I koy, i na Gao nwa. 1303 Yeejo din do a dandi. 1304 Gondi beero do a dandi. 1305 Gornyo gumo do a dandi. 1306 Gao kulu tun kay ka dandi. 1307 Gao borey hiyey, 1308 Armahalley hiyey, 1309 Gao bariyo, 1310 Armahalley bariyo, 1311 Bariyo go gura gaa, i-go ga ka care hay, i goo no ga dandi. 1312 Hiyey go haro ra, i goo no ka care hay, i goo no ga dandi. 1313 Wango go koyyan gaa, i goo no ka dandi ga koy. 260 The Transcription 1278 "Kwaara si koy ye kala beena ga naagu, 1279 "Kala da wayno koron, bariyey zumbu. 1280 "Waato din no kwaara ga ka nga nangu zeena ra." 1281 Hala wandiya baabo ga koy kaati a ga, 1282 Wandiya na kwaara ganji hawo ceeri. 1283 Mo biya ka bo, 1284 Armahalley bariyo kaaru. 1285 Armahalley izo kan du sanno, 1286 A ne, "Sohon, 1287 "Wa nan, iri ma malfey kar beena ra jina iri ma di. 1288 "Iri ma kar ga di." 1289 I kar ganda daari fo. 1290 "Da man ti woo din iri ma kar beene, iri ma di." 1291 I bine na malfey kar beena ra daari fo. 1292 Hay kulu no boro si di kala dullu nda kuso. 1293 To ban din no Saguma bina nyooti. 1294 Kan a na kwaara nwa han din no Saguma bina nyooti; han din no a fongu nga nya fuo. 1295 Han din no a fongu nga baaba fu, 1296 Nan kan wango na Gao nwa. 1297 Nga nya fu goo no, nga baaba fu goo no. 1298 Nga dumo me a me go Gao ra. 1299 Kan nga koy wangu sambu ga kande i na Gao nwa. 1300 Han din mo no bina dooru. 1301 (undecipherable) 1302 I koy, i na Gao nwa. 1303 Yeejo din do a dandi. 1304 Gondi beero do a dandi. 1305 Gornyo gumo do a dandi. 1306 Gao kulu tun kay ka dandi. 1307 Gao borey hiyey, 1308 Armahalley hiyey, 1309 Gao bariyo, 1310 Armahalley bariyo, 1311 Bariyo go gura gaa, i go ga ka care hay, i goo no ga dandi. 1312 Hiyey go haro ra, i goo no ka care hay, i goo no ga dandi. 1313 Wango go koyyan gaa, i goo no ka dandi ga koy.  The Translation 261 1278 "The city moves up above, 1279 "Until noon, when the horses come down. 1280 "It is at that time that the city comes back to its original place." 1281 Before the father of the "girl" could cry out at her, 1282 The "girl" had told the secret of the destruction of the city. 1283 When daylight came, 1284 The Arma mount their horses. 1285 The Arma man who had the secret, 1286 He said, "Now, 1287 "Strike, fire first into the air while waiting. 1288 "Let's shoot to see." 1289 They fired a volley. 1290 "If that doesn't work, let's shoot in the sky, let's see." 1291 So, they fired their guns into the air. 1292 One sees nothing but smoke and dust. 1293 Well, it is on this day that Sagouma became angry. 1294 When they destroyed Gao, her heart trembled; on that day she thought about the compound of her mother. 1295 It is on that day that she thought of the compound of her fa- ther, 1296 Of how the war destroyed Gao. 1297 The compound of her mother is there, the compound of her father is there. 1298 Her entire family lives in Gao. 1299 And she went to get a war to destroy Gao. 1300 It is on this day that she became heartsick. 1301 (undecipherable) 1302 They went, they destroyed Gao. 1303 The ox went downriver. 1304 The python went downriver. 1305 The laying chicken went downriver. 1306 The entire town of Gao went downstream. 1307 The dugout canoes of Gao, 1308 The dugout canoes of the Arma, 1309 The horse of Gao, 1310 The horse of the Arma, 1311 The horse are on the shore, they attack each other, they go downriver. 1312 The dugout canoes are in the water, the boatmen are stabbing each other, they are going downstream. 1313 The war continues, they are going downriver. The Translation 261 1278 "The city moves up above, 1279 "Until noon, when the horses come down. 1280 "It is at that time that the city comes back to its original place." 1281 Before the father of the "girl" could cry out at her, 1282 The "girl" had told the secret of the destruction of the city. 1283 When daylight came, 1284 The Arma mount their horses. 1285 The Arma man who had the secret, 1286 He said, "Now, 1287 "Strike, fire first into the air while waiting. 1288 "Let's shoot to see." 1289 They fired a volley. 1290 "If that doesn't work, let's shoot in the sky, let's see." 1291 So, they fired their guns into the air. 1292 One sees nothing but smoke and dust. 1293 Well, it is on this day that Sagouma became angry. 1294 When they destroyed Gao, her heart trembled; on that day she thought about the compound of her mother. 1295 It is on that day that she thought of the compound of her fa- ther, 1296 Of how the war destroyed Gao. 1297 The compound of her mother is there, the compound of her father is there. 1298 Her entire family lives in Gao. 1299 And she went to get a war to destroy Gao. 1300 It is on this day that she became heartsick. 1301 (undecipherable) 1302 They went, they destroyed Gao. 1303 The ox went downriver. 1304 The python went downriver. 1305 The laying chicken went downriver. 1306 The entire town of Gao went downstream. 1307 The dugout canoes of Gao, 1308 The dugout canoes of the Arma, 1309 The horse of Gao, 1310 The horse of the Arma, 1311 The horse are on the shore, they attack each other, they go downriver. 1312 The dugout canoes are in the water, the boatmen are stabbing each other, they are going downstream. 1313 The war continues, they are going downriver. The Translation 261 1278 "The city moves up above, 1279 "Until noon, when the horses come down. 1280 "It is at that time that the city comes back to its original place." 1281 Before the father of the "girl" could cry out at her, 1282 The "girl" had told the secret of the destruction of the city. 1283 When daylight came, 1284 The Arma mount their horses. 1285 The Arma man who had the secret, 1286 He said, "Now, 1287 "Strike, fire first into the air while waiting. 1288 "Let's shoot to see." 1289 They fired a volley. 1290 "If that doesn't work, let's shoot in the sky, let's see." 1291 So, they fired their guns into the air. 1292 One sees nothing but smoke and dust. 1293 Well, it is on this day that Sagouma became angry. 1294 When they destroyed Gao, her heart trembled; on that day she thought about the compound of her mother. 1295 It is on that day that she thought of the compound of her fa- ther, 1296 Of how the war destroyed Gao. 1297 The compound of her mother is there, the compound of her father is there. 1298 Her entire family lives in Gao. 1299 And she went to get a war to destroy Gao. 1300 It is on this day that she became heartsick. 1301 (undecipherable) 1302 They went, they destroyed Gao. 1303 The ox went downriver. 1304 The python went downriver. 1305 The laying chicken went downriver. 1306 The entire town of Gao went downstream. 1307 The dugout canoes of Gao, 1308 The dugout canoes of the Arma, 1309 The horse of Gao, 1310 The horse of the Arma, 1311 The horse are on the shore, they attack each other, they go downriver. 1312 The dugout canoes are in the water, the boatmen are stabbing each other, they are going downstream. 1313 The war continues, they are going downriver.  262 The Transcription 1314 Wango go nwaari gaa, i goo no ga dandi ga koy. 1315 Bariyey go beene i goo no ga care wi. 1316 Hiyey go haro ra, i goo no ga care wi. 1317 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala 1318 Wati kan cine i kaa ka too Sonay ra. 1319 Saguma da nga Armahalleyzo, i go ngey kambe hi ra, igo ga goro. 1320 Noo din no, ndunnya koy ga kaanu Armahalleyzo se. 1321 A ne Saguma se, "Ba kan ni ne Sumayla Kasa wo alboro no, 1322 "Ay mo hala sohon, iri nda Sumayla Kasa mo mana di cere." 1323 A ne a se, "Hay! 1324 "Goro ni gora. 1325 "Bora din man ti alboro no kan ni ga tangam nda alboro fo fanfana ma care guna konnay ra." 1326 A ne a se, "Da ni ga bay mate kan ay ga te ka di a, nan ya di a." 1327 A ne konnya se, "Ay no ay gooja." 1328 Konnya na gooje ka fofora ga, a na a salle a se. 1329 A na gooje deelo zuri gooja gaa hala a boori. 1330 A na gooje gaaro dan. 1331 A bine na gooja dake nga cc bon. 1332 Armahalleyizo ga goro. 1333 Saguma ga goro, a bine na gooje dake nga cc bon. 1334 Saguma na gooja candi. 1335 Han din no a ga ne: 1336 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1337 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1338 Kasa wa Salma Gume. 1339 Kasa wa Seyze Sumayla. 1340 Cimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1341 Nimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1342 Kay futa Sumayla Kasa. 1343 Boro futa mo Sumayla Kasa. 1344 (undecipherable) 1345 (undeciphrable) 1346 Sumayla Kasa a ga hawru mo ka . .. (undecipherable). 1347 Mo bana bo ka gar nongo ra. 1348 (undecipherable) 1349 (undecipherable) 262 The Transcription 1314 Wango go nwaari gaa, i goo no ga dandi ga koy. 1315 Bariyey go beene i goo no ga care wi. 1316 Hiyey go haro ra, i goo no ga care wi. 1317 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala 1318 Wati kan cine i kaa ka too Sonay ra. 1319 Saguma da nga Armahalleyzo, i go ngey kambe hi ra, i go ga goro. 1320 Noo din no, ndunnya koy ga kaanu Armahalleyzo se. 1321 A ne Saguma se, "Ba kan ni ne Sumayla Kasa wo alboro no, 1322 "Ay ma hala sohon, iri nda Sumayla Kasa mo mana di cere." 1323 A ne a se, "Hay! 1324 "Goro ni gora. 1325 "Bora din man ti alboro no kan ni ga tangam nda alboro fo fanfana ma care guna konnay ra." 1326 A ne a se, "Da ni ga bay mate kan ay ga te ka di a, nan ya di a." 1327 A ne konnya se, "Ay no ay gooja." 1328 Konnya na gooje ka fofora ga, a na a salle a se. 1329 A na gooje deelo zuri gooja gaa hala a boori. 1330 A na gooje gaaro dan. 1331 A bine na gooja dake nga ce bon. 1332 Armahalleyizo ga goro. 1333 Saguma ga goro, a bine na gooje dake nga ce bon. 1334 Saguma na gooja candi. 1335 Han din no a ga ne: 1336 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1337 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1338 Kasa wa Salma Gume. 1339 Kasa wa Seyze Sumayla. 1340 Cimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1341 Nimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1342 Kay futa Sumayla Kasa. 1343 Boro futa mo Sumayla Kasa. 1344 (undecipherable) 1345 (undeciphrable) 1346 Sumayla Kasa a ga hawru ma ka ... (undecipherable). 1347 Mo bana bo ka gar nongo ra. 1348 (undecipherable) 1349 (undecipherable) 262 The Transcription 1314 Wango go nwaari gaa, i goo no ga dandi ga koy. 1315 Bariyey go beene i goo no ga care wi. 1316 Hiyey go haro ra, i goo no ga care wi. 1317 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala 1318 Wati kan cine i kaa ka too Sonay ra. 1319 Saguma da nga Armahalleyzo, i go ngey kambe hi ra, i go ga goro. 1320 Noo din no, ndunnya koy ga kaanu Armahalleyzo se. 1321 A ne Saguma se, "Ba kan ni ne Sumayla Kasa wo alboro no, 1322 "Ay mo hala sohon, iri nda Sumayla Kasa mo mana di cere." 1323 A ne a se, "Hay! 1324 "Goro ni gora. 1325 "Bora din man ti alboro no kan ni ga tangam nda alboro fo fanfana ma care guna konnay ra." 1326 A ne a se, "Da ni ga bay mate kan ay ga te ka di a, nan ya di a." 1327 A ne konnya se, "Ay no ay gooja." 1328 Konnya na gooje ka fofora ga, a na a salle a se. 1329 A na gooje deelo zuri gooja gaa hala a boori. 1330 A na gooje gaaro dan. 1331 A bine na gooja dake nga cc bon. 1332 Armahalleyizo ga goro. 1333 Saguma ga goro, a bine na gooje dake nga ce bon. 1334 Saguma na gooja candi. 1335 Han din no a ga ne: 1336 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1337 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1338 Kasa wa Salma Gume. 1339 Kasa wa Seyze Sumayla. 1340 Cimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1341 Nimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1342 Kay futa Sumayla Kasa. 1343 Boro futa mo Sumayla Kasa. 1344 (undecipherable) 1345 (undeciphrable) 1346 Sumayla Kasa a ga hawru mo ka ... (undecipherable). 1347 Mo bana bo ka gar nongo ra. 1348 (undecipherable) 1349 (undecipherable)  The Translation 263 1314 The war rages on, they are going downriver. 1315 The horses are killing each other on the shore. 1316 The boatmen are in the water, they are killing each other. 1317 Until, until, until, until, until 1318 The moment when they arrived in the Songhay country. 1319 Sagouma and her Arma are sitting in one of the dugout canoes off to one side. 1320 It is there that life begins to please the Arma man. 1321 He says to Sagouma, "Although they say that Soumayla Kassa is a great warrior, 1322 "From the beginning of our war until the present, we haven't seen each other." 1323 She says to him, "Hey! 1324 "Stay in your place. 1325 "That man is not the kind of man that a man expects to have going against him face to face." 1326 He says to her, "If you know how I can go about seeing him, let me know." 1327 She says to her captive, "Give me the godji." 1328 The captive took the godji out of the basket, she gave it to her. 1329 She rubbed the rosin on the godji until it was ready. 1330 She tuned the godji. 1331 Then she put the godji on her feet. 1332 The Arma man is sitting. 1333 Sagouma is sitting, she places the godji on her feet. 1334 Sagouma played the godji. 1335 It is on this day that she says: 1336 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1337 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1338 Kasa wa Salma Gume. 1339 Kasa wa Seyze Soumayla. 1340 Cimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1341 Nimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1342 Evil one Soumayla Kassa. 1343 The evil person too, Soumayla Kassa. 1344 (undecipherable) 1345 (undecipherable) 1346 Soumayla Kassa too, eats ... (undecipherable). 1347 Early in the morning, one can't find him there. 1348 (undecipherable) 1349 (undecipherable) The Translation 263 1314 The war rages on, they are going downriver. 1315 The horses are killing each other on the shore. 1316 The boatmen are in the water, they are killing each other. 1317 Until, until, until, until, until 1318 The moment when they arrived in the Songhay country. 1319 Sagouma and her Arma are sitting in one of the dugout canoes off to one side. 1320 It is there that life begins to please the Arma man. 1321 He says to Sagouma, "Although they say that Soumayla Kassa is a great warrior, 1322 "From the beginning of our war until the present, we haven't seen each other." 1323 She says to him, "Hey! 1324 "Stay in your place. 1325 "That man is not the kind of man that a man expects to have going against him face to face." 1326 He says to her, "If you know how I can go about seeing him, let me know." 1327 She says to her captive, "Give me the godji." 1328 The captive took the godji out of the basket, she gave it to her. 1329 She rubbed the rosin on the godji until it was ready. 1330 She tuned the godji. 1331 Then she put the godji on her feet. 1332 The Arma man is sitting. 1333 Sagouma is sitting, she places the godji on her feet. 1334 Sagouma played the godji. 1335 It is on this day that she says: 1336 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1337 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1338 Kasa wa Salma Gume. 1339 Kasa wa Seyze Soumayla. 1340 Cimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1341 Nimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1342 Evil one Soumayla Kassa. 1343 The evil person too, Soumayla Kassa. 1344 (undecipherable) 1345 (undecipherable) 1346 Soumayla Kassa too, eats ... (undecipherable). 1347 Early in the morning, one can't find him there. 1348 (undecipherable) 1349 (undecipherable) The Translation 263 1314 The war rages on, they are going downriver. 1315 The horses are killing each other on the shore. 1316 The boatmen are in the water, they are killing each other. 1317 Until, until, until, until, until 1318 The moment when they arrived in the Songhay country. 1319 Sagouma and her Arma are sitting in one of the dugout canoes off to one side. 1320 It is there that life begins to please the Arma man. 1321 He says to Sagouma, "Although they say that Soumayla Kassa is a great warrior, 1322 "From the beginning of our war until the present, we haven't seen each other." 1323 She says to him, "Hey! 1324 "Stay in your place. 1325 "That man is not the kind of man that a man expects to have going against him face to face." 1326 He says to her, "If you know how I can go about seeing him, let me know." 1327 She says to her captive, "Give me the godji." 1328 The captive took the godji out of the basket, she gave it to her. 1329 She rubbed the rosin on the godji until it was ready. 1330 She tuned the godji. 1331 Then she put the godji on her feet. 1332 The Arma man is sitting. 1333 Sagouma is sitting, she places the godji on her feet. 1334 Sagouma played the godji. 1335 It is on this day that she says: 1336 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1337 Kasa Almadu Nye. 1338 Kasa wa Salma Gume. 1339 Kasa wa Seyze Soumayla. 1340 Cimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1341 Nimingiri wa Zuma Kwayne. 1342 Evil one Soumayla Kassa. 1343 The evil person too, Soumayla Kassa. 1344 (undecipherable) 1345 (undecipherable) 1346 Soumayla Kassa too, eats . . . (undecipherable). 1347 Early in the morning, one can't find him there. 1348 (undecipherable) 1349 (undecipherable)  264 264 ~~~The Transcription26ThTrnrito24TeTascpin 264 The Transcription 264 The Transcription 1350 (undecipherable) 1351 (undecipherable) 1352 Da Sumayla Kasa combo kwaara ra, 1353 A ma nga boo te kwaara koy. 1354 A n haw wi, a ma kwaara koyo yanray. 1355 A soobay ka kornyn cirari. 1356 A snobay ka kornyn cirari. 1357 A soobay ka kurnyo ricani. 1358 Sumnyln Kasa go fando in. 1359 Gooja ka koy kan hanga en. 1360 A bine n gun jare a n a nynjin isa en. 1361 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala a kna ga to hiyo ga. 1362 A bine n oga yanjo ka oga kamba en. 1363 Hala Armahalleyzo ne oga soola. 1364 A n a hay yanji follon. 1365 A n a sambo, a n a kan hiyo en. 1366 A n a jiodow isa in. 1367 A ne, "Ay na acini se. 1368 "Ay ne ma si gaam ni oda ma di care. 1369 "Mao ti boro no kan oga da alboro ga di care kony en." 1370 Sohoo kay Armahalley wango ceeri. 1371 1 sobny dey ka gabi cebe. 1372 Sony borey oga odey go day care en ga koote, i go day care en ga koote. 1373 Kala, kala, kala, kala wanti kn cine, 1374 1 ka ga to Sony Gurma en. 1375 Hiyey go haro en, baeiyey ciji Gorma en. 1376 Gorma en, oga ga no hariyey jaw. 1377 Bariyey jaw, bnrikoyey jaw. 1378 Bariyey jaw, barikoycy jaw. 1379 Hal, hal, hala i si bay ban kan i ga Ic. 1380 1 morn isa. 1381 Kwaara fo kan ga man wango go no ga kan, 1382 Ngey ka zoro ga koy ogey ziji fnriyan en. 1383 Danga hi clue. 1384 I koy do haymiyan ka safa ka doonuyan duru ka giti ka igana. 1385 Zoro din i nyom dey, i ni dan foobu en, zorn, hayno corn inyom kn dan foobu en dry. 1386 1 n fonbo jisi, 1350 (undecipherable) 1351 (undecipherable) 1352 Da Sumnyla Kasa comnbo kwaen en, 1353 A ma oga boo Ic kwnarn koy. 1354 A n hnw wi, a ma kwanra koyo ynnrny. 1355 A soobay ka kueoyo clears. 1356 A soobay ka kuenyo cleani. 1357 A soobay ka koenyn cienri. 1358 Somayla Kasa go fando en. 1359 Gooja ka koy kn hanga en. 1360 A bine n guo jare a n a nynjin isa en. 1361 Kala, knla, kala, kala, kala a kna gn to hiyo ga. 1362 A bine n oga yanjo ka oga kamba en. 1363 Hula Armahalleyzo ne oga soola. 1364 A n a hay ynaji follon. 1365 A n a sambo, a n a kna hiyn en. 1366 A n a jindow isa en. 1367 A ne,"Ay na acii se. 1368 "Ay ne ma si ganra ni oda ma di care. 1369 "Mao ti boro no kn oga da alboro ga di care koonay en." 1370 Sohoo kay Armahalley wango ceeri. 1371 I sobay dry ka gahi cehe. 1372 Sony borey oga odey go day care en ga koote, i go day care en. ga knote. 1373 Knla, kala, kala, knla wanti kan cnr, 1374 1 ka ga In Sony Guema en. 1375 Hiyry go barn en, bariyry ziji Gurmn en. 1376 Gurma en, oga ga o ariyry jaw. 1377 Bariyey jaw, barikoycy jaw. 1378 Bariyry jnw, bnrikoyey jaw. 1379 Hal, hal, hala i si bny han kn i galte. 1380 I morn isa. 1381 Kwaara fo kn ga man wango go o ga kan, 1382 Ngey ka corn ga koy ogey ziji fnriyan en. 1383 Danga bi cune. 1384 I koy do hayoiyao ka safa ka doonyn duru ka giti ka i gana. 1385 Zoro din i nyom dry, i ni dan foobu en, corn, hayno zoro inyom ka dan foobo en dry. 1386 1 n fooho jisi, 1350 (undecipherable) 1351 (undecipherable) 1352 Da Sumnyla Kasa cumbo kwaen en, 1353 A ma oga boo tc kwaen koy. 1354 A n haw wi, a ma kwanra koyn yaneny. 1355 A soobay ka kurnyn cirari. 1356 A soobay ka kuenyn cirari. 1357 A snobay ka knenyn cirari. 1358 Somayla Kasa go fando en. 1359 Gooja ka koy kn hanga en. 1360 A bine n gun jare a na a nyajin isa en. 1361 Kala, kala, kala, kala, kala a kna ga to hiyo ga. 1362 A bine n oga yanjo ka oga kamba en. 1363 Hala Armahalleyzo or nga soola. 1364 A n a hay yanji fnllnn. 1365 A n a sambo, a n a kna hiyn en. 1366 A n n jiodow isa en. 1367 A ne, "Ayna a cini se. 1368 "Ay or ma si guaam ni oda ma di care. 1369 "Mao ti born no kan oga da alboen ga di care konnay en." 1370 Sohon kay Armahalley wuogo ceri. 1371 I sobay dry ka gabi cebe. 1372 Sony bnrey oga odey go day care en ga koote, i go day care en ga koote. 1373 Kala, kala, kala, kala wuati kan cnr, 1374 I ka ga In Sonny Gorma en. 1375 Hiyey go harm en, bariyry ziji Gurma en. 1376 Guema en, oga ga no bariyry jaw. 1377 Bariyry jaw, barikoyry jaw. 1378 Baeiyey jaw, barikoyry jaw. 1379 Hal, hal, hala i si bay ban kn i galte. 1380 I morn isa. 1381 Kwaea fo kn ga man wango go o ga kan, 1382 Ngry ka zurn ga koy ogey ciji faeiyao en. 1383 Dunga hi cure. 1384 I koy du hayuiyao ka safa ka doonnyan durn ka giti ka iguna. 1385 Zoro din i nyum dry, i ni duo foobu en, corn, hayno corn o ynm ka duo foobu en dry. 1386 1 n foohu jisi,  The Translation 265 1350 (undecipherable) 1351 (undecipherable) 1352 If Soumayla Kassa stops at a village, 1353 He makes himself chief. 1354 He kills a cow and makes himself village chief. 1355 She continues to praise her husband. 1356 She continues to praise her husband. 1357 She continues to praise her husband. 1358 Soumayla Kassa is standing on a dune. 1359 He hears the godji. 1360 Then he took his stallion and drove it hard into the river. 1361 Until, until, until, until, until he arrived at the dugout canoe. 1362 Then he grabbed his lance. 1363 Before the Arma man had a chance to get ready. 1364 He pierced him with one thrust of the lance. 1365 He picked him up, he took him out of the dugout canoe. 1366 He threw him in the river. 1367 She said to him, "I already told you so. 1368 "I said that you must not wish to engage the other. 1369 "He is not a man you can meet in competition." 1370 Now the war of the Arma ended in failure. 1371 They are in the process of deploying their forces. 1372 The Songhay and they are choking each other, they are chok- ing each other. 1373 Until, until, until, until the moment when, 1374 They reached the right bank of the Songhay. 1375 The dugout canoes are in the water, the horses have mounted on the right shore. 1376 On the right bank is where the horses became thirsty. 1377 The horses are thirsty and the cavaliers are thirsty. 1378 The horses are thirsty and the cavaliers are thirsty. 1379 To the point, to the point, to the point that they don't know what to do. 1380 They went away from the river. 1381 A village that heard that war was coming, 1382 The people fled into their fields in the bush. 1383 Just as if it were yesterday. 1384 They went to pound millet for donu and then follow the war. 1385 They put into a clay pot the liquid left over after washing the millet. 1386 They put the pot down, The Translation 265 1350 (undecipherable) 1351 (undecipherable) 1352 If Soumayla Kassa stops at a village, 1353 He makes himself chief. 1354 He kills a cow and makes himself village chief. 1355 She continues to praise her husband. 1356 She continues to praise her husband. 1357 She continues to praise her husband. 1358 Soumayla Kassa is standing on a dune. 1359 He hears the godji. 1360 Then he took his stallion and drove it hard into the river. 1361 Until, until, until, until, until he arrived at the dugout canoe. 1362 Then he grabbed his lance. 1363 Before the Arma man had a chance to get ready. 1364 He pierced him with one thrust of the lance. 1365 He picked him up, he took him out of the dugout canoe. 1366 He threw him in the river. 1367 She said to him, "I already told you so. 1368 "I said that you must not wish to engage the other. 1369 "He is not a man you can meet in competition." 1370 Now the war of the Arma ended in failure. 1371 They are in the process of deploying their forces. 1372 The Songhay and they are choking each other, they are chok- ing each other. 1373 Until, until, until, until the moment when, 1374 They reached the right bank of the Songhay. 1375 The dugout canoes are in the water, the horses have mounted on the right shore. 1376 On the right bank is where the horses became thirsty. 1377 The horses are thirsty and the cavaliers are thirsty. 1378 The horses are thirsty and the cavaliers are thirsty. 1379 To the point, to the point, to the point that they don't know what to do. 1380 They went away from the river. 1381 A village that heard that war was coming, 1382 The people fled into their fields in the bush. 1383 Just as if it were yesterday. 1384 They went to pound millet for donu and then follow the war. 1385 They put into a clay pot the liquid left over after washing the millet. 1386 They put the pot down, The Translation 265 1350 (undecipherable) 1351 (undecipherable) 1352 If Soumayla Kassa stops at a village, 1353 He makes himself chief. 1354 He kills a cow and makes himself village chief. 1355 She continues to praise her husband. 1356 She continues to praise her husband. 1357 She continues to praise her husband. 1358 Soumayla Kassa is standing on a dune. 1359 He hears the godji. 1360 Then he took his stallion and drove it hard into the river. 1361 Until, until, until, until, until he arrived at the dugout canoe. 1362 Then he grabbed his lance. 1363 Before the Arma man had a chance to get ready. 1364 He pierced him with one thrust of the lance. 1365 He picked him up, he took him out of the dugout canoe. 1366 He threw him in the river. 1367 She said to him, "I already told you so. 1368 "I said that you must not wish to engage the other. 1369 "He is not a man you can meet in competition." 1370 Now the war of the Arma ended in failure. 1371 They are in the process of deploying their forces. 1372 The Songhay and they are choking each other, they are chok- ing each other. 1373 Until, until, until, until the moment when, 1374 They reached the right bank of the Songhay. 1375 The dugout canoes are in the water, the horses have mounted on the right shore. 1376 On the right bank is where the horses became thirsty. 1377 The horses are thirsty and the cavaliers are thirsty. 1378 The horses are thirsty and the cavaliers are thirsty. 1379 To the point, to the point, to the point that they don't know what to do. 1380 They went away from the river. 1381 A village that heard that war was coming, 1382 The people fled into their fields in the bush. 1383 Just as if it were yesterday. 1384 They went to pound millet for donu and then follow the war. 1385 They put into a clay pot the liquid left over after washing the millet. 1386 They put the pot down,  266 The Transcription 1387 Ka koy ga fata isa ga. 1388 I foy ka safa, i na ngey dooney duru, i woyma ga zuru ka dira. 1389 Suba zaaro no wango wo ka ga to nango do. 1390 Amar Zumbaani ka kaa ga di hobo din kokorba din tigisa gaa. 1391 Jip! A zumbu nga bariyo bon. 1392 A bine na me ye ganda foobo gaa. 1393 A han, a han, a han, a han, hala nan kan a yeesi. 1394 A ye bariyo bon, 1395 Ka koy baabo ceeci. 1396 A ne baabo se, "Ka baaba, ay di hari." 1397 A ne "Madallah." 1398 Baabo bine na nga guo dake a gaa. 1399 Kala i ka foobo do. 1400 A ne, "Haro no ya." 1401 Sumayla Kasa bine na foobo nigow. 1402 A ne a se, "Haro ne?" 1403 A ne, "Haro ne." 1404 A ne, "Ni han?" 1405 A ne, "Ay walla han." 1406 A ne, "Man ti ni yeesi?" 1407 A ne, "Ay yeesi." 1408 A ne, "Haro wo no ni ga ne ya kaa ga han?" 1409 A ne, "Ay di jaw go ni gaa nga se, ay ne ni ma kaa ga han hari." 1410 A ne, "Haana dillahi! 1411 "Da i na kwaara muusu day zambar woy, can day no a ga di. 1412 "Ni ye hu, Amar Zumbaani, ni ye hu, ni ye hu. 1413 "Ya na ba ni se wone." 1414 Ifo ga ti a ye hu? 1415 Wahayze harji tara no a na a wow da ya. 1416 A ne, "Da i na kwaara muusu day zambar woy, can dey no a ga di." 1417 Dabay boro tara no a na wow da ya. 1418 Nyanyo wa kan a naann din, 1419 Nga no a na a wow da. 266 The Transcription 1387 Ka koy ga fata isa ga. 1388 I foy ka safa, i na ngey dooney duru, i woyma ga zuru ka dira. 1389 Suba zaaro no wango wo ka ga to nango do. 1390 Amar Zumbaani ka kaa ga di hobo din kokorba din tigisa gaa. 1391 Jip! A zumbu nga bariyo bon. 1392 A bine na me ye ganda foobo gaa. 1393 A han, a han, a han, a han, hala nan kan a yeesi. 1394 A ye bariyo bon, 1395 Ka koy baabo ceeci. 1396 A ne baabo se, "Ka baaba, ay di hari." 1397 A ne "Madallah." 1398 Baabo bine na nga guo dake a gaa. 1399 Kala i ka foobo do. 1400 A ne, "Haro no ya." 1401 Sumayla Kasa bine na foobo nigow. 1402 A ne a se, "Haro ne?" 1403 A ne, "Haro ne." 1404 A ne, "Ni han?" 1405 A ne, "Ay walla han." 1406 A ne, "Man ti ni yeesi?" 1407 A ne, "Ay yeesi." 1408 A ne, "Haco wo no ni ga ne ya kaa ga ban?" 1409 A ne, "Ay di jaw go ni gaa nga se, ay ne ni ma kaa ga han hari." 1410 A ne, "Haana dillahi! 1411 "Da i na kwaara muusu day zambar woy, can day no a ga di. 1412 "Ni ye hu, Amar Zumbaani, ni ye hu, ni ye hu. 1413 "Ya na ba ni se wone." 1414 Ifo ga ti a ye hu? 1415 Wahayze harji tara no a na a wow da ya. 1416 A ne, "Da i na kwaara muusu day zambar woy, can dey no a ga di." 1417 Dabay boro tara no a na wow da ya. 1418 Nyanyo wa kan a naanu din, 1419 Nga no a na a wow da. 266 The Transcription 1387 Ka koy ga fata isa ga. 1388 I foy ka safa, i na ngey dooney duru, i woyma ga zuru ka dira. 1389 Suba zaaro no wango wo ka ga to nango do. 1390 Amar Zumbaani ka kaa ga di hobo din kokorba din tigisa gaa. 1391 Jip! A zumbu nga bariyo bon. 1392 A bine na me ye ganda foobo gaa. 1393 A han, a han, a han, a han, hala nan kan a yeesi. 1394 A ye bariyo bon, 1395 Ka koy baabo ceeci. 1396 A ne baabo se, "Ka baaba, ay di hari." 1397 A ne "Madallah." 1398 Baabo bine na nga guo dake a gaa. 1399 Kala i ka foobo do. 1400 A ne, "Haro no ya." 1401 Sumayla Kasa bine na foobo nigow. 1402 A ne a se, "Haro ne?" 1403 A ne, "Haro ne." 1404 A ne, "Ni han?" 1405 A ne, "Ay walla han." 1406 A ne, "Man ti ni yeesi?" 1407 A ne, "Ay yeesi." 1408 A ne, "Haro wo no ni ga ne ya kaa ga han?" 1409 A ne, "Ay di jaw go ni gaa nga se, ay ne ni ma kaa ga han hari." 1410 A ne, "Haana dillahi! 1411 "Da i na kwaara muusu day zambar woy, can day no a ga di. 1412 "Ni ye hu, Amar Zumbaani, ni ye hu, ni ye hu. 1413 "Ya na ba ni se wone." 1414 Ifo ga ti a ye hu? 1415 Wahayze harji tara no a na a wow da ya. 1416 A ne, "Da i na kwaara muusu day zambar woy, can dey no a ga di." 1417 Dabay born tarn no a na wow da ya. 1418 Nyanyo wa kan a naanu din, 1419 Nga no a n a wow da.  The Translation 267 1387 To go down to the river. 1388 They spent the day pounding millet, they prepared their millet and milk porridge, and in the evening they left. 1389 It was the next day at noon that the war came to this spot. 1390 Amar Zoumbani saw the pot next to a kokorbey tree. 1391 Zip! he jumped down from his horse. 1392 Then he plunged his mouth into the clay pot. 1393 He drank, he drank, he drank, he drank until he had quenched his thirst. 1394 He remounted his horse, 1395 To go look for his father. 1396 He said to his father, "Come, Father, I saw some water." 1397 He replied, "Praise be to Allah." 1398 Then his father followed him with his stallion. 1399 Until they arrived at the clay pot. 1400 He said, "There is the water." 1401 Then Soumayla Kassa peeked into the clay pot. 1402 He said, "That's the water?" 1403 He said, "That's the water." 1404 He said, "You drank some?" 1405 He said, "By Allah, I did drink some." 1406 He said, "Did you quench your thirst?" 1407 He said, "I quenched my thirst." 1408 He said, "Is it that water there that you wanted me to come drink?" 1409 He said, "I saw that you were thirsty, it was for that reason that I asked you to come to drink the water." 1410 He said, "What misfortune! 1411 "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs, it will only catch mice. 1412 "You have returned home, Amar Zoumbani, you have re- turned home, you have returned home. 1413 "I didn't want this from you." 1414 What does this mean, he has returned home? 1415 The fact of being a captive, that is the insult that he made to him. 1416 He said, "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs, it will only catch mice." 1417 He insulted him as a captive. 1418 The fact of drinking his own mother's breast milk, 1419 That is the insult which he gave to him. The Translation 267 1387 To go down to the river. 1388 They spent the day pounding millet, they prepared their millet and milk porridge, and in the evening they left. 1389 It was the next day at noon that the war came to this spot. 1390 Amar Zoumbani saw the pot next to a kokorbey tree. 1391 Zip! he jumped down from his horse. 1392 Then he plunged his mouth into the clay pot. 1393 He drank, he drank, he drank, he drank until he had quenched his thirst. 1394 He remounted his horse, 1395 To go look for his father. 1396 He said to his father, "Come, Father, I saw some water." 1397 He replied, "Praise be to Allah." 1398 Then his father followed him with his stallion. 1399 Until they arrived at the clay pot. 1400 He said, "There is the water." 1401 Then Soumayla Kassa peeked into the clay pot. 1402 He said, "That's the water?" 1403 He said, "That's the water." 1404 He said, "You drank some?" 1405 He said, "By Allah, I did drink some." 1406 He said, "Did you quench your thirst?" 1407 He said, "I quenched my thirst." 1408 He said, "Is it that water there that you wanted me to come drink?" 1409 He said, "I saw that you were thirsty, it was for that reason that I asked you to come to drink the water." 1410 He said, "What misfortune! 1411 "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs, it will only catch mice. 1412 "You have returned home, Amar Zoumbani, you have re- turned home, you have returned home. 1413 "I didn't want this from you." 1414 What does this mean, he has returned home? 1415 The fact of being a captive, that is the insult that he made to him. 1416 He said, "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs, it will only catch mice." 1417 He insulted him as a captive. 1418 The fact of drinking his own mother's breast milk, 1419 That is the insult which he gave to him. The Translation 267 1387 To go down to the river. 1388 They spent the day pounding millet, they prepared their millet and milk porridge, and in the evening they left. 1389 It was the next day at noon that the war came to this spot. 1390 Amar Zoumbani saw the pot next to a kokorbey tree. 1391 Zip! he jumped down from his horse. 1392 Then he plunged his mouth into the clay pot. 1393 He drank, he drank, he drank, he drank until he had quenched his thirst. 1394 He remounted his horse, 1395 To go look for his father. 1396 He said to his father, "Come, Father, I saw some water." 1397 He replied, "Praise be to Allah." 1398 Then his father followed him with his stallion. 1399 Until they arrived at the clay pot. 1400 He said, "There is the water." 1401 Then Soumayla Kassa peeked into the clay pot. 1402 He said, "That's the water?" 1403 He said, "That's the water." 1404 He said, "You drank some?" 1405 He said, "By Allah, I did drink some." 1406 He said, "Did you quench your thirst?" 1407 He said, "I quenched my thirst." 1408 He said, "Is it that water there that you wanted me to come drink?" 1409 He said, "I saw that you were thirsty, it was for that reason that I asked you to come to drink the water." 1410 He said, "What misfortune! 1411 "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs, it will only catch mice. 1412 "You have returned home, Amar Zoumbani, you have re- turned home, you have returned home. 1413 "I didn't want this from you." 1414 What does this mean, he has returned home? 1415 The fact of being a captive, that is the insult that he made to him. 1416 He said, "Even if one buys a house cat for 50,000 francs, it will only catch mice." 1417 He insulted him as a captive. 1418 The fact of drinking his own mother's breast milk, 1419 That is the insult which he gave to him.  268 The Transcription 268 The Transcription 268 The Transcription 1420 Haya din dooru Amar Zumbaani gaa. 1421 Baabo na nga yaajo dan, a na foobo tunandi. 1422 A ne, "Guna zori no ni han. 1423 "Da boro man ti dabay boro, ni ga kaa ka di zoori ka han, ka ne ni di hari bi." 1424 To han din ciino kwaara kan ra i ga koy kaani din. 1425 Ngey mo haya kan i ga ngey laabo genji haw da, 1426 Ka ti a ne i se sohon, 1427 Kurra ra, i ne hay kulu kan bari zurandi boori nda, 1428 Born ma si zumbu ni bariyo bon ga biya ga kaaru a bon. 1429 Wo banda, nan kulu kan i kani, 1430 Nga bariyo me a me ma haggoy da kwaara koyyan. 1431 Kan se da boro follon koy kwaara ga laala ga ka, 1432 Suba no wango ga ceeri. 1433 Kwaara kan ra i bariyo ka ga kani dini, 1434 Han din cino, 1435 Amar Zumbaani kan ga ti izo, 1436 A ne i ma ceeci nan kulu kan woyboro hanno go i ma kanda. 1437 Nga nda no ga kani hunkuna. 1438 Mo biya ka bo, bari zumandeyra, a ne i ma koy ga kande nga se bari fo. 1439 Jama ne, "Ah! Amar Zumbani, ni na wango sara. 1440 "Kan ni mila bari zumandi no ga iri wango hasara." 1441 A ne i ma nga gaaro ka ga ye a gaa. 1442 I na gaaro ka ga ye bariyo gaa. 1443 Hala woyna ga koy koron, 1444 Armahalley ka ngey hiyey ra. 1445 Haya kulu kan ti Songay boro kulu Armahalley, 1446 Wo kan i wi, wi, wo kan i mana wi mo ye ga bare. 1447 Amar Zumbaani na wango ceeri. 1448 Armahalley di ka bisa. 1449 Barikaro kulu me kay Songhay borey ... na Armahalley bariyey kulu sambu ... (undecipherable). 1420 Haya din dooru Amar Zumbaani gaa. 1421 Baabo na nga yaajo dan, a na foobo tunandi. 1422 A ne, "Guna zori no ni han. 1423 "Da boro man ti dabay boro, ni ga kaa ka di zoori ka han, ka ne ni di hari bi." 1424 To han din ciina kwaara kan ra i ga koy kaani din. 1425 Ngey mo haya kan i ga ngey laabo genji haw da, 1426 Ka ti a ne i se sohon, 1427 Kurra ra, i ne hay kulu kan bari zurandi boori nda, 1428 Boro ma si zumbu ni bariyo bon ga biya ga kaaru a bon. 1429 Wo banda, nan kulu kan i kani, 1430 Nga bariyo me a me ma haggoy da kwaara koyyan. 1431 Kan se da boro follon koy kwaara ga laala ga ka, 1432 Suba no wango ga ceeri. 1433 Kwaara kan ra i bariyo ka ga kani dini, 1434 Han din cino, 1435 Amar Zumbaani kan ga ti izo, 1436 A ne i ma ceeci nan kulu kan woyboro hanno go i ma kanda. 1437 Nga nda no ga kani hunkuna. 1438 Mo biya ka bo, bari zumandeyra, a ne i ma koy ga kande nga se bari fo. 1439 Jama ne, "Ah! Amar Zumbani, ni na wango sara. 1440 "Kan ni mila bari zumandi no ga iri wango hasara." 1441 A ne i ma nga gaaro ka ga ye a gaa. 1442 I na gaaro ka ga ye bariyo gaa. 1443 Hala woyna ga koy koron, 1444 Armahalley ka ngey hiyey ra. 1445 Haya kulu kan ti Songay boro kulu Armahalley, 1446 Wo kan i wi, wi, wo kan i mana wi mo ye ga bare. 1447 Amar Zumbaani na wango ceeri. 1448 Armahalley di ka bisa. 1449 Barikaro kulu me kay Songhay borey ... na Armahalley bariyey kulu sambu ... (undecipherable). 1420 Haya din dooru Amar Zumbaani gaa. 1421 Baabo na nga yaajo dan, a na foobo tunandi. 1422 A ne, "Guna zori no ni han. 1423 "Da born man ti dabay boro, ni ga kaa ka di zoori ka han, ka ne ni di hari bi." 1424 To han din ciino kwaara kan ra i ga koy kaani din. 1425 Ngey ma haya kan i ga ngey laabo genji haw da, 1426 Ka ti a ne i se sohon, 1427 Kurra ra, i ne hay kulu kan bari zurandi boori nda, 1428 Boro ma si zumbu ni bariyo bon ga biya ga kaaru a bon. 1429 Wo banda, nan kulu kan i kani, 1430 Nga bariyo me a me ma haggoy da kwaara koyyan. 1431 Kan se da boro follon koy kwaara ga laala ga ka, 1432 Suba no wango ga ceeri. 1433 Kwaara kan ra i bariyo ka ga kani dini, 1434 Han din cino, 1435 Amar Zumbaani kan ga ti izo, 1436 A ne i ma ceeci nan kulu kan woyboro hanno go i ma kanda. 1437 Nga nda no ga kani hunkuna. 1438 Mo biya ka bo, bari zumandeyra, a ne i ma koy ga kande nga se bari fo. 1439 Jama ne, "Ah! Amar Zumbani, ni na wango sara. 1440 "Kan ni mila bari zumandi no ga iri wango hasara." 1441 A ne i ma nga gaaro ka ga ye a gaa. 1442 I na gaaro ka ga ye bariyo gaa. 1443 Hala woyna ga koy koron, 1444 Armahalley ka ngey hiyey ra. 1445 Haya kulu kan ti Songay boro kulu Armahalley, 1446 Wo kan i wi, wi, wo kan i mana wi ma ye ga bare. 1447 Amar Zumbaani na wango ceeri. 1448 Armahalley di ka bisa. 1449 Barikaro kulu me kay Songhay borey ... na Armahalley bariyey kulu sambu ... (undecipherable).  The Translation 269 1420 This hurt Amar Zoumbani. 1421 His father put his spear in, he stirred the contents of the clay pot. 1422 He said to him, "Look, you drank water fouled with millet." 1423 "If you are not a captive, you do not come to drink water fouled with millet and say that it is ordinary water." 1424 Well, on that day, during the night, in the village where they were going to spend the night, 1425 They too, the secret that they made in their village in order to protect themselves against misfortune, 1426 Is that now, 1427 According to the seer, however noble a fast horse may be, 1428 One must not get off a horse and mount again in the morning. 1429 After that, wherever they spent the night, 1430 All his horse should be careful about going into town. 1431 For if a single man goes into town to get into trouble, 1432 Tomorrow will be the end of the war for them. 1433 The village in which the cavaliers will spend the night, 1434 That evening, 1435 Amar Zoumbani who is his son, 1436 He said to look for him wherever is found a beautiful woman, and to bring her to him. 1437 They will sleep together today. 1438 In the morning, he gets off the horse, he asks the cavaliers to bring him another horse. 1439 The crowd calls out, "Amar Zoumbani, you have ruined our war. 1440 "You thought that the dismounting ruined the war." 1441 He said they should take the saddle off the other horse and put it on his horse. 1442 They saddled the horse for him. 1443 Toward the middle of the day, 1444 The Armas came in their dugout canoes. 1445 Everything from the Songhay people, everything from the Arma, 1446 Those that they killed are dead, the ones they did not kill re- treated. 1447 Amar Zoumbani has destroyed the war. 1448 The Arma pass. 1449 All the cavaliers, the Songhay people ... took all the horses of the Arma ... (undecipherable). The Translation 269 1420 This hurt Amar Zoumbani. 1421 His father put his spear in, he stirred the contents of the clay pot. 1422 He said to him, "Look, you drank water fouled with millet." 1423 "If you are not a captive, you do not come to drink water fouled with millet and say that it is ordinary water." 1424 Well, on that day, during the night, in the village where they were going to spend the night, 1425 They too, the secret that they made in their village in order to protect themselves against misfortune, 1426 Is that now, 1427 According to the seer, however noble a fast horse may be, 1428 One must not get off a horse and mount again in the morning. 1429 After that, wherever they spent the night, 1430 All his horse should be careful about going into town. 1431 For if a single man goes into town to get into trouble, 1432 Tomorrow will be the end of the war for them. 1433 The village in which the cavaliers will spend the night, 1434 That evening, 1435 Amar Zoumbani who is his son, 1436 He said to look for him wherever is found a beautiful woman, and to bring her to him. 1437 They will sleep together today. 1438 In the morning, he gets off the horse, he asks the cavaliers to bring him another horse. 1439 The crowd calls out, "Amar Zoumbani, you have ruined our war. 1440 "You thought that the dismounting ruined the war." 1441 He said they should take the saddle off the other horse and put it on his horse. 1442 They saddled the horse for him. 1443 Toward the middle of the day, 1444 The Armas came in their dugout canoes. 1445 Everything from the Songhay people, everything from the Arma, 1446 Those that they killed are dead, the ones they did not kill re- treated. 1447 Amar Zoumbani has destroyed the war. 1448 The Arma pass. 1449 All the cavaliers, the Songhay people ... took all the horses of the Arma ... (undecipherable). The Translation 269 1420 This hurt Amar Zoumbani. 1421 His father put his spear in, he stirred the contents of the clay pot. 1422 He said to him, "Look, you drank water fouled with millet." 1423 "If you are not a captive, you do not come to drink water fouled with millet and say that it is ordinary water." 1424 Well, on that day, during the night, in the village where they were going to spend the night, 1425 They too, the secret that they made in their village in order to protect themselves against misfortune, 1426 Is that now, 1427 According to the seer, however noble a fast horse may be, 1428 One must not get off a horse and mount again in the morning. 1429 After that, wherever they spent the night, 1430 All his horse should be careful about going into town. 1431 For if a single man goes into town to get into trouble, 1432 Tomorrow will be the end of the war for them. 1433 The village in which the cavaliers will spend the night, 1434 That evening, 1435 Amar Zoumbani who is his son, 1436 He said to look for him wherever is found a beautiful woman, and to bring her to him. 1437 They will sleep together today. 1438 In the morning, he gets off the horse, he asks the cavaliers to bring him another horse. 1439 The crowd calls out, "Amar Zoumbani, you have ruined our war. 1440 "You thought that the dismounting ruined the war." 1441 He said they should take the saddle off the other horse and put it on his horse. 1442 They saddled the horse for him. 1443 Toward the middle of the day, 1444 The Armas came in their dugout canoes. 1445 Everything from the Songhay people, everything from the Arma, 1446 Those that they killed are dead, the ones they did not kill re- treated. 1447 Amar Zoumbani has destroyed the war. 1448 The Arma pass. 1449 All the cavaliers, the Songhay people ... took all the horses of the Arma ... (undecipherable).  270 The Transcription 1450 Armahalley kay bneiyn mann koy fu. 1451 Bariyo me a me halaci. 1452 Mate kan i ga do kulu Sonay borey ni kumna ka wi. 1453 Armahalley bariyey kay me a me mana ye. 1454 Bneiyey kolo ... (undecipherable). 1455 Hiyey ka bisa. 1456 1 go no ga dandi, sohoo kay ay si bay nan kao Irkoy ni gayi. 1457 To, oga ga ti kan Manli tan. 1458 Manli maa-hiyey-Armahlley wango man, kan Suayla Kasa te. 1459 Han din bane no Manli mo tan-Sargan. 0460 A koy Armaballey wngu do. 1461 A koy ga Somnyla Kasa gankasinny. 1462 Nga mo kan a n oga wango haw, 1463 Korea kan ogey mo, te, 1464 1 kurra ga koy i karra ga ye. 1465 1 ne woymayzo ga ti Yefnrmn Isanka, 1466 Da Yefnrmn Isnaka koy wango eanoga no ga jin ga bu. 1467 Karen ka goy, i korea ga ye. 1468 Da Yefnemn Isnaka koy wango eanoga no ga jin ga ba. 1469 Wango kula kan en Manli mo, go, 1470 Da man ti Yefnrmn Isnaka no wango en, aga mo, mann man wango kanni, 1471 Zama Yefarmn ga ti a nra tangamn beero. 1472 A woymayze no, oga mo ga ti a nra tangamn beero. 1473 Kuro koy wone ma kan, a ma dima. 1474 A ma ne i ma. koy kande afo koyne. 1475 Born din ma kan, a ma karen, a ma ne, 1476 'Wallahi da Yefnrmn koy wango oga ti born jin kan ga jin ga ba." 1477 Manli goon mate kulo kan oga ga te, 1478 Yefnrma ma jnn ga kny. 1479 A bine, mo biyn ka bo, 1480 Mann kan wango ga soola ga tan, 1401 Yefarmn sinda kabara. 1482 A ne Yefarmn se, a ma kna-nga bnriyn bon-Fonga maranda no oga sc. 1483 Fooga bonkono. 270 The Transcription 1450 Armaballey kay bnriyn mann koy fu. 1451 Bneiyn me n me balaci. 1452 Mate kan i ga do kolo Sonay borey ni komna ka wi. 1453 Armabnlley baeiyey kay me a me mann ye. 1454 Baeiyey kuta ... (undecipherable). 1455 Hiyey ka bisa. 1456 1 go no ga dandi, sobon kay ay si bay nan kan Irkoy ni gnyi. 1457 Tn, nga ga ti kan Manli tan. 1458 Mashi maa-iycy-Ambntley wango man, kan Samayla Kasa te. 1459 Han din bane no Manti mo tan-Segan. 1460 A koy Armaballey wango do. 0461 A koy ga Sonyla Kasa. gankasinay. 0462 Nga mo kan a n oga wango baw, 1463 Korea kan ngey mo te, 1464 1 korea ga koy i korea ga ye. 1465 1 ne woymayzo ga ti Yefnemn Isanka, 1466 Da Yefncmn Isnaka koy wango eanoga no ga jin ga ba. 1467 Korea ka goy, i korea go ye. 1468 Da Yefarma Isnaka koy wango eanoga no ga jin ga ba. 1469 Wango kala kan en Manli mo go, 1470 Da man ti Yefarma taaka no wango en, oga mo mann man wango knani, 1471 Zama Yefnrmn ga ti a nra tangamn beern. 1472 A woymayze o, oga mo ga ti a aeu tangam. beern. 1473 Korea koy wone ma kan, a ma dima. 1474 A ma ne i ma koy kande afo knyne. 1475 Born din ma kna, a ma korea, a ma ne, 1476 "Wallabi da Yefaema koy wango oga ti born jion kan ga jin ga ba." 1477 Manli goon mate kola kn oga ga te, 1478 Yefnrmn ma jnn ga kay. 1479 A bine, ma biyn ka bo, 1480 Hano kan wango ga soola ga tan, 1481 Yefnemn sinda kabara. 1482 A or Yefnrmn sc, a ma kna-oga bnriyn bon-Fooga marad o nga se. 1483 Fooga bonkoono. 270 The Teanscription 1450 Armaballey kay bnriyn mann koy fut. 1451 Bneiyn me a me balaci. 1452 Mate kan i gn do kulu Sonay borey ni kumna ka wi. 1453 Armaballey baeiyey kay me a me mann ye. 1454 Bneiyey kahn ... (undecipherable). 1455 Hiyey ka bisa. 1456 1 go no ga dandi, sohon kay ay si bay nan kan Irkoy ni gayi. 1457 To, oga ga ti kan Manli tan. 1458 Manli maa-hiyey-Ambnlley wnngo man, kan Suayin Kasa te. 1459 Han din bane no Manli mo tan-Segan. 1460 A kay Armaballey wanga do. 1461 A kay ga Samayla Kasa gankasinay. 1462 Nga ma kan a n oga wanga haw, 1463 Karra kan ogey ma te, 1464 1 kurra ga kay i karen ga ye. 1465 1 ne woymayzo ga ti Yefaemn Isanka, 1466 Da Yefnrmn aaka kay wang a noga no ga jin ga ba. 1467 Karen ka gay, i karen ga. ye. 1468 Da Yefnrmn aaka koy wango ra nga no ga jin ga bo. 1469 Wanga kulo kn en Manli ma go, 1470 Da man ti Yefarmn Isnaka no wango en, oga ma mann man wanga kanni, 1471 Zama Yefnemn ga ti n nra tangamt beera. 1472 A woymayze no, oga ma ga ti a nra tangamn beero. 1473 Karen koy wane ma kan, a ma dira. 1474 A ma ne i ma kay kande afa kayne. 1475 Born din ma kna, a ma korea, a ma ne, 1476 'Wallahi da Yefnema koy wanga oga ti born jion kan ga jin ga ba." 1477 Manli goon mate kala kan oga ga te, 1478 Yefarmn ma jan ga kay. 1479 A bine, ma biyn ka bo, 1480 Hana kan wango ga santa ga tan, 1481 Yefnemn sinda kabara. 1482 A ne Yefarma sc, a ma kna-oga bariya bon-Fooga muaada o nga se. 1483 Fooga bankno.  The Translation 271 1450 The horses of the Arma did not return home. 1451 The horses, every one of them, perished. 1452 Wherever they go, the Songhay gather them up and kill them. 1453 All the Arma horses did not return. 1454 All the horses. .. (undecipherable). 1455 The dugout canoes are crossing. 1456 They are going downriver, I don't know where Our Lord may stop you. 1457 Well, it is for that reason that Mali awoke. 1458 Mali heard-dugout canoes-the Arma war that Soumayla Kassa started. 1459 It is on that day that Mali got up-at Sargan. 1460 He went off to the war against the Arma. 1461 He came to help Soumayla Kassa. 1462 He too, when he consulted about the war, 1463 The consultation that they conducted among themselves, 1464 They consulted and they consulted again. 1465 They said that the son of their sister, who is Yefarma Issaka, 1466 If Yefarma Issaka goes off to participate in this war, he will be the first to die. 1467 They consulted, and they consulted again. 1468 If Yefarma Issaka goes off to participate in this war, he will be the first to die. 1469 Any war involving Mali too, 1470 If Yefarma Issaka is not part of the war, then he won't feel happy about it, 1471 Because Yefarma is his great warrior. 1472 He is his nephew and he also is his great warrior. 1473 This seer leaves, another one comes in. 1474 He says to go look for yet another one. 1475 That one arrives, he consults, he says, 1476 "By Allah, if Yefarma goes off to war, he will be the first to die." 1477 Mali reflects on how he is going to go about, 1478 Keeping Yefarma from going. 1479 So, in the morning, 1480 On the day the war is getting ready to start, 1481 Yefarma doesn't know what is happening. 1482 He says to Yefarma that he should come-on his horse-there is an affair that needs to be handled in Foga. 1483 The chief of Foga. The Translation 271 1450 The horses of the Arma did not return home. 1451 The horses, every one of them, perished. 1452 Wherever they go, the Songhay gather them up and kill them. 1453 All the Arma horses did not return. 1454 All the horses... (undecipherable). 1455 The dugout canoes are crossing. 1456 They are going downriver, I don't know where Our Lord may stop you. 1457 Well, it is for that reason that Mali awoke. 1458 Mali heard-dugout canoes-the Arma war that Soumayla Kassa started. 1459 It is on that day that Mali got up-at Sargan. 1460 He went off to the war against the Arma. 1461 He came to help Soumayla Kassa. 1462 He too, when he consulted about the war, 1463 The consultation that they conducted among themselves, 1464 They consulted and they consulted again. 1465 They said that the son of their sister, who is Yefarma Issaka, 1466 If Yefarma Issaka goes off to participate in this war, he will be the first to die. 1467 They consulted, and they consulted again. 1468 If Yefarma Issaka goes off to participate in this war, he will be the first to die. 1469 Any war involving Mali too, 1470 If Yefarma Issaka is not part of the war, then he won't feel happy about it, 1471 Because Yefarma is his great warrior. 1472 He is his nephew and he also is his great warrior. 1473 This seer leaves, another one comes in. 1474 He says to go look for yet another one. 1475 That one arrives, he consults, he says, 1476 "By Allah, if Yefarma goes off to war, he will be the first to die." 1477 Mali reflects on how he is going to go about, 1478 Keeping Yefarma from going. 1479 So, in the morning, 1480 On the day the war is getting ready to start, 1481 Yefarma doesn't know what is happening. 1482 He says to Yefarma that he should come-on his horse-there is an affair that needs to be handled in Foga. 1483 The chief of Foga. The Translation 271 1450 The horses of the Arma did not return home. 1451 The horses, every one of them, perished. 1452 Wherever they go, the Songhay gather them up and kill them. 1453 All the Arma horses did not return. 1454 All the horses... (undecipherable). 1455 The dugout canoes are crossing. 1456 They are going downriver, I don't know where Our Lord may stop you. 1457 Well, it is for that reason that Mali awoke. 1458 Mali heard-dugout canoes-the Arma war that Soumayla Kassa started. 1459 It is on that day that Mali got up-at Sargan. 1460 He went off to the war against the Arma. 1461 He came to help Soumayla Kassa. 1462 He too, when he consulted about the war, 1463 The consultation that they conducted among themselves, 1464 They consulted and they consulted again. 1465 They said that the son of their sister, who is Yefarma Issaka, 1466 If Yefarma Issaka goes off to participate in this war, he will be the first to die. 1467 They consulted, and they consulted again. 1468 If Yefarma Issaka goes off to participate in this war, he will be the first to die. 1469 Any war involving Mali too, 1470 If Yefarma Issaka is not part of the war, then he won't feel happy about it, 1471 Because Yefarma is his great warrior. 1472 He is his nephew and he also is his great warrior. 1473 This seer leaves, another one comes in. 1474 He says to go look for yet another one. 1475 That one arrives, he consults, he says, 1476 "By Allah, if Yefarma goes off to war, he will be the first to die." 1477 Mali reflects on how he is going to go about, 1478 Keeping Yefarma from going. 1479 So, in the morning, 1480 On the day the war is getting ready to start, 1481 Yefarma doesn't know what is happening. 1482 He says to Yefarma that he should come-on his horse-there is an affair that needs to be handled in Foga. 1483 The chief of Foga.  272 The Transcription 1484 Nga bariyey me da me mo, nga mana di, bani ize kulo kan go batamo ra. kan ga hin ga koy Fooga da manti Yefarma 00. 1485 A or, Yrfnrma ma kaa nga ga dooton Fooga bonkoono gaa. 1486 A n oga sanmyan satan a se, a na a ka taray. 1487 Yefarma dira. 1488 Maali na wango sambo a banda. 1489 Sohon kay, i di ka caso, ka di ka easo, ka di ka easo, ka di ka casu, 1490 Kala ban kan hane a koy zumbo Hoorey Gangani. 1491 Hoorey Gangani brern noo din no Maali Hero koy zombo. 1492 Armahalley go a banda, i mana ka jina. 1493 Ka Armaballey bato. 1494 Yefarma Isaska mo too. 1495 Ka dira nga inn, ka di ka dies, ka di ka dima. 1496 Kata a na Boba ban, a ga ba ga deebe Zijo gas. 1497 No a kaa day fo boo, kala a kaa ga konnyn zeeno follon gar dayn boo. 1498 Day izo Boboy dayize. 1499 A bine a ne konoya se, "Ay no bani ay ma ay bsriyn banandi." 1500 A ne, "Ay walla si." 1501 A or, "Ni si?" 1502 A ne, "Ay walls si." 1503 Jep! Yefarma zombu. 1504 A na bariyo alzamto ka. 1505 A na konnya ganso wofa ga ts a kamba ra. 1506 A na foobo jinda sirandi. 1507 A n baro doomu bsriyn se, bsriyn ban hala a yeesi. 1508 A bine a na bariyo alzamo dan. 1509 Konnys ka been ka moy mussy. 1510 A ne, "Ay day ka ti ni fasla. 1511 "Kan ni bassy goo o ga koy Armabsiley wango do, 1512 "1 or da ni koy wango do ni ga bu. 1513 "Wo se no, a n ni mollandi ga derandi. 1514 "Man ti i n ni donton no. 1515 "Ni basey n ni moll ga curandi no, 1516 "Ks or, ni ma si koy. 1517 "1 or da ni koy Armaballey wango do, ni ga bu. 272 The Transcription 1484 Ngn bariyey me da me inn, ogs mann di, bani ize kulo kan go batamno en kan ga bin ga kny Fooga da manti Yefarma no. 1485 A ne, Yefarma ma kas ogs ga donton Foogs bonkoono gas. 1486 A n oga sanniyan salan a se, a n a ka tarsy. 1487 Yefsrms dies. 1488 Mash n wango sambo a bands. 1489 Sobon kay, i di ka es, ka di ka so, ka di ka so, ka di ka caso, 1490 Kala ban kan bane a koy zombo Hoorey Gangni. 1491 Hoorey Gangani bero non, din no Mashi Bern kny zumbu. 1492 Armabslley go a bands, i mann ka jins. 1493 Ks Armaballey bato. 1494 Yefnrms Isnaka mo tun. 1495 Ka dies ogs inn, ka di ka dies, ka di ka dima. 1496 Kals a n Bobs ban, a ga ba ga deebe Zijo gas. 1497 No a kna day fo bon, kahn a kna ga konnyn ceeno flton gar dayn boo. 1498 Day izo Boboy dayice. 1499 A bine a or konoyn se, "Ay no bari ay ma ay bariyn banandi." 1500 A or, "Ay walla si." 1501 A ne, "Ni Si?" 1502 A or, "Ay walls si." 1503 Jep! Yefsrma combo. 1504 A n barlyn sicamno ka. 1505 A n konoys gasso wofa ga ts a ksmba en. 1506 A n fonbo jioda sirandi. 1507 A n barn dooru bariyn se, bsriyo ban bals a yeesi. 1508 A bine a n bsriyn sizamo dan. 1509 Konnys ka been ka moy mossy. 1510 A ne, "Ay day ka ti at fasts. 1511 "Kn ni bassy goo 00 ga kny Armabhley wango do, 1512 "1 ne da ni koy wango do ni ga bo. 1513 "Wo se no, a n ni molsodi ga derandi. 1514 "Man ti i na ni dooton no. 1515 "Ni basey n at molo ga corsodi no, 1516 "Ks ne, ni ma si kny. 1517 "1 ne da ni koy Armabsiley wango do, ni ga bu. 272 The Transcription 1484 Ngs bariyey me da me inn, ogs mans di, bani ice kulo kan go batamo en kan ga bin ga kny Foogs da manti Yefarms no. 1485 A ne, Yefsrma ma kas ngs ga donton Foogs bonkoono gas. 1486 A n ogs ssnoiyan satan a se, a n a ka tansy. 1487 Yefsrma dies. 1488 Mashi n wango sambo a banda. 1489 Solson kay, i di ka easo, ka di ka easo, ka di ka easo, ka di ka caso, 1490 Kaln ban kan bane a koy combo Hoorey Gangani. 1491 Honrey Gangani beero non din no Mashi Bern kny combo. 1492 Armaballey go a bands, i mans ka jina. 1493 Ks Armaballey batn. 1494 Yefnrma Isaska mo ton. 1495 Ks dies ogs inn, ka di ka dies, ka di ka dima. 1496 Kala a n Bobs. ban, a ga ba ga deebe Zijo gas. 1497 No a kna day fn boo, kahn a kna ga konnyn ceeno follon gar dayn boo. 1498 Day izo Boboy dayice. 1499 A bine a n konnyn se, "Ay no bani ay ma ay bsriyo banandi." 1500 A ne, "Ay walls si." 1501 A or, "Ni si?" 1502 A ne, "Ay watts si." 1503 Jep! Yefsrma mambo. 1504 A n bsniyn sizaino ka. 1505 A n konoys gasso wofa ga ts a kninba en. 1506 A n foobo jiods sirandi. 1507 A n barn dooru bariyn se, bsriyn ban bats a yeesi. 1508 A bine a n bsniyo sizamo dan. 1509 Konnys ka been ka moy mussy. 1510 A or, "Ay day ka ti at fasts. 1511 "Kn ni bassy goo no ga kny Armaballey wango do, 1512 "I ne da ni koy wango do ni ga bo. 1513 "Wo se no, a na ni mollandi ga derandi. 1514 "Man ti i n at doon o. 1515 "Ni basey n ni molo ga zorandi no, 1516 "Ka or, ni ma si kny. 1517 "I ne da ni koy Armabsiley wango do, at ga bo.  The Translation 273 The Translation 273 The Translation 273 1484 Among all of his horses, he doesn't see a single one in the area capable of going to Foga, except for Yefarma. 1485 He said to Yefarma he should come, he is going to send him to the chief of Foga. 1486 He spoke to him, he bid him good-bye. 1487 Yefarma left. 1488 Mali launched the war in his absence. 1489 Now they are approaching carefully, approaching carefully, approaching carefully, approaching carefully, 1490 Until the day when they dismounted at Horey Gangani. 1491 It is at the center of Horey Gangani that Mali Bero dis- mounted. 1492 The Arma are behind, they haven't come yet. 1493 They are waiting for the Arma. 1494 Yefarma Issaka too has left. 1495 He travels, he travels, he too. 1496 Until he goes through the Boboye, and he gets near the Zijo region. 1497 He came to the edge of a well, and he found an old captive woman who was drawing water from the well. 1498 A shallow well typical of the Boboye region. 1499 Then he said to the captive woman there, "Give me some water, I want to offer some to my horse." 1500 She replied, "By Allah, I won't do it." 1501 He said, "You won't do it?" 1502 She replied, "By Allah, I won't do it." 1503 Zip! Yefarma dismounted. 1504 He took the bit out of the horse's mouth. 1505 He grabbed the calabash from the hand of the captive woman. 1506 He turned the clay pot. 1507 He poured water for the horse, the horse quenched his thirst. 1508 Then he put the bit back in the horse's mouth. 1509 The captive woman cried and rubbed her eyes. 1510 She said, "It is I who am your equal. 1511 "While your uncle goes off to war with the Arma, 1512 "They said that if you go off to this war, you will die. 1513 "That is why they saved you by hiding you. 1514 "It is not a mission they sent you on. 1515 "Your uncle made you flee into hiding, 1516 "So that you wouldn't go. 1517 "They said that if you go off to the Arma war, you will die. 1484 Among all of his horses, he doesn't see a single one in the area capable of going to Foga, except for Yefarma. 1485 He said to Yefarma he should come, he is going to send him to the chief of Foga. 1486 He spoke to him, he bid him good-bye. 1487 Yefarma left. 1488 Mali launched the war in his absence. 1489 Now they are approaching carefully, approaching carefully, approaching carefully, approaching carefully, 1490 Until the day when they dismounted at Horey Gangani. 1491 It is at the center of Horey Gangani that Mali Bero dis- mounted. 1492 The Arma are behind, they haven't come yet. 1493 They are waiting for the Arma. 1494 Yefarma Issaka too has left. 1495 He travels, he travels, he too. 1496 Until he goes through the Boboye, and he gets near the Zijo region. 1497 He came to the edge of a well, and he found an old captive woman who was drawing water from the well. 1498 A shallow well typical of the Boboye region. 1499 Then he said to the captive woman there, "Give me some water, I want to offer some to my horse." 1500 She replied, "By Allah, I won't do it." 1501 He said, "You won't do it?" 1502 She replied, "By Allah, I won't do it." 1503 Zip! Yefarma dismounted. 1504 He took the bit out of the horse's mouth. 1505 He grabbed the calabash from the hand of the captive woman. 1506 He turned the clay pot. 1507 He poured water for the horse, the horse quenched his thirst. 1508 Then he put the bit back in the horse's mouth. 1509 The captive woman cried and rubbed her eyes. 1510 She said, "It is I who am your equal. 1511 "While your uncle goes off to war with the Arma, 1512 "They said that if you go off to this war, you will die. 1513 "That is why they saved you by hiding you. 1514 "It is not a mission they sent you on. 1515 "Your uncle made you flee into hiding, 1516 "So that you wouldn't go. 1517 "They said that if you go off to the Arma war, you will die. 1484 Among all of his horses, he doesn't see a single one in the area capable of going to Foga, except for Yefarma. 1485 He said to Yefarma he should come, he is going to send him to the chief of Foga. 1486 He spoke to him, he bid him good-bye. 1487 Yefarma left. 1488 Mali launched the war in his absence. 1489 Now they are approaching carefully, approaching carefully, approaching carefully, approaching carefully, 1490 Until the day when they dismounted at Horey Gangani. 1491 It is at the center of Horey Gangani that Mali Bero dis- mounted. 1492 The Arma are behind, they haven't come yet. 1493 They are waiting for the Arma. 1494 Yefarma Issaka too has left. 1495 He travels, he travels, he too. 1496 Until he goes through the Boboye, and he gets near the Zijo region. 1497 He came to the edge of a well, and he found an old captive woman who was drawing water from the well. 1498 A shallow well typical of the Boboye region. 1499 Then he said to the captive woman there, "Give me some water, I want to offer some to my horse." 1500 She replied, "By Allah, I won't do it." 1501 He said, "You won't do it?" 1502 She replied, "By Allah, I won't do it." 1503 Zip! Yefarma dismounted. 1504 He took the bit out of the horse's mouth. 1505 He grabbed the calabash from the hand of the captive woman. 1506 He turned the clay pot. 1507 He poured water for the horse, the horse quenched his thirst. 1508 Then he put the bit back in the horse's mouth. 1509 The captive woman cried and rubbed her eyes. 1510 She said, "It is I who am your equal. 1511 "While your uncle goes off to war with the Arma, 1512 "They said that if you go off to this war, you will die. 1513 "That is why they saved you by hiding you. 1514 "It is not a mission they sent you on. 1515 "Your uncle made you flee into hiding, 1516 "So that you wouldn't go. 1517 "They said that if you go off to the Arma war, you will die.  274 The Transcription 1518 "Ni hasay goo no ga koy Armahalley wango do." 1519 A bine a na zeela koy kaa. 1520 Waato din taafa beeri fo ka bara. 1521 A na zeela koy ka nga gaaro ga. 1522 A ne konnya se, "Di ni tukunci ne. 1523 "Ay mana maa sanno wo, da man ti ni meyo ra." 1524 A ye bariyo bon. 1525 Hala cino ga koy goro nga bon gaa, 1526 Alfazaro ga koy furo, alfazaro mana furo ka bori, 1527 Kan bariyo to ka karu mimisa ga. 1528 Kan bariyey hawey furo bariyo se. 1529 No din no Yefarma bariyo na jinde furu ga heen. 1530 Maali bariyo mo ga subu nwa, a maa heeno. 1531 Nga mo na bon sambu, a heen a se nga mo, a tu a se. 1532 Fulan mokadiro fo ga Maali jare gaa. 1533 Maali ne "Kaari," a ne "Hasaraw te, Yefarma no ga ka ya." 1534 Fulano bine haaru. 1535 A ne Fulano se, "Ifo se ni ga haaru?" 1536 A ne, "Ci han kan ni di bariyey wo go." 1537 A ne, "Hanha, abada." 1538 A ne, "Ci day. 1539 "Han kan ni ci kulu ay gonda baaru." 1540 A ne "Bariyo kan heen man ne kala nan kan nga fun, da nango kan nga koy, da nango kan nga goo no ga ka, nga nda nga koyo kulu mana kani a ra alboro. 1541 "Ni wo no kan na jinde sambu mana ne kala ifo ka jaasa ni da ni koyo kulu, 1542 "Hala suba mo ga bo guuru ga kani ni koyo ra." 1543 A ne, "Ay go nda woo din kwaaray." 1544 Yefarma kaa ga zumbu. 1545 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1546 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1547 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1548 "Ay no na wango filaana nwa. 1549 "Wango filaana ay no naa nwa, wangu filaana ay ka a nwa. 1550 "Ni ya ay hasay no, ni ya ay baaba no, ni ya wangu nya no. 274 The Transcription 1518 "Ni hasay goo no ga koy Armahalley wango do." 1519 A bine a na zeela koy kaa. 1520 Waato din taafa beeri fo ka bara. 1521 A na zeela koy ka nga gaaro ga. 1522 A ne konnya se, "Di ni tukunci ne. 1523 "Ay mana maa sanno wo, da man ti ni meyo ra." 1524 A ye bariyo bon. 1525 Hala cino ga koy goro nga bon gaa, 1526 Alfazaro ga koy furo, alfazaro mana furo ka bori, 1527 Kan bariyo to ka karu mimisa ga. 1528 Kan bariyey hawey furo bariyo se. 1529 No din no Yefarma bariyo na jinde furu ga been. 1530 Maali bariyo mo ga subu nwa, a maa heeno. 1531 Nga mo na bon sambu, a heen a se nga mo, a tu a se. 1532 Fulan mokadiro fo ga Maali jare gaa. 1533 Maali ne "Kaari," a ne "Hasaraw te, Yefarma no ga ka ya." 1534 Fulano bine haaru. 1535 A ne Fulano se, "Ifo se ni ga haaru?" 1536 A ne, "Ci ban kan ni di bariyey wo go." 1537 A ne, "Hanha, abada." 1538 A ne, "Ci day. 1539 "Han kan ni ci kulu ay gonda baaru." 1540 A ne "Bariyo kan heen man ne kala nan kan nga fun, da nango kan nga koy, da nango kan nga goo no ga ka, nga nda nga koyo kulu mana kani a ra alboro. 1541 "Ni wo no kan na jinde sambu mana ne kala ifo ka jaasa ni da ni koyo kulu, 1542 "Hala suba mo ga bo guuru ga kani ni koyo ra." 1543 A ne, "Ay go nda woo din kwaaray." 1544 Yefarma kaa ga zumbu. 1545 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1546 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1547 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1548 "Ay no na wango filaana nwa. 1549 "Wango filaana ay no naa nwa, wangu filaana ay ka a nwa. 1550 "Ni ya ay hasay no, ni ya ay baaba no, ni ya wangu nya no. 274 The Transcription 1518 "Ni hasay goo no ga koy Armahalley wango do." 1519 A bine a na zeela koy kaa. 1520 Waato din taafa beeri fo ka bara. 1521 A na zeela koy ka nga gaaro ga. 1522 A ne konnya se, "Di ni tukunci ne. 1523 "Ay mana maa sanno wo, da man ti ni meyo ra." 1524 A ye bariyo bon. 1525 Hala cino ga koy goro nga bon gaa, 1526 Alfazaro ga koy furo, alfazaro mana furo ka bori, 1527 Kan bariyo to ka karu mimisa ga. 1528 Kan bariyey hawey furo bariyo se. 1529 No din no Yefarma bariyo na jinde furu ga heen. 1530 Maali bariyo mo ga subu nwa, a maa heeno. 1531 Nga mo na bon sambu, a been a se nga mo, a t a se. 1532 Fulan mokadiro fo ga Maali jare gaa. 1533 Maali ne "Kaari," a ne "Hasaraw te, Yefarma no ga ka ya."1 1534 Fulano bine haaru. 1535 A ne Fulano se, "Ifo se ni ga haaru?" 1536 A ne, "Ci ban kan ni di bariyey wo go." 1537 A ne, "Hanha, abada." 1538 A ne, "Ci day. 1539 "Han kan ni ci kulu ay gonda baaru." 1540 A ne "Bariyo kan been man ne kala nan kan nga fun, da nango kan nga koy, da nango kan nga goo no ga ka, nga nda nga koyo kulu mana kani a ra alboro. 1541 "Ni wo no kan na jinde sambu mana ne kala ifo ka jaasa ni da ni koyo kulu, 1542 "Hala suba mo ga bo guuru ga kani ni koyo ra." 1543 A ne, "Ay go nda woo din kwaaray." 1544 Yefarma kaa ga zumbu. 1545 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1546 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1547 A kaa ga soobay ka deeni hasa ga. 1548 "Ay no na wango filaana nwa. 1549 "Wango filaana ay no naa nwa, wangu filaana ay ka a nwa. 1550 "Ni ya ay hasay no, ni ya ay baaba no, ni ya wangu nya no.  The Translation 275 1518 "Your uncle is going off to the Arma war." 1519 Then he took off his zeela koy, 1520 At that time, there was a distinctive cloth called "zeela koy." 1521 He took the zeela koy from his saddle. 1522 He said to the captive woman, "Take your reward. 1523 "I haven't heard these words if it is not from your mouth." 1524 He remounted his horse. 1525 Late that evening, 1526 Just before dawn, not quite dawn, 1527 When the horse had reared after being spurred .. . (undeci- pherable). 1528 His horse sensed the odor of horses. 1529 It is at this moment that the horse of Yefarma neighed. 1530 The horse of Mali was grazing, he heard the whinnying. 1531 He too raised his head, he neighed, he answered him. 1532 A Fulani seer is next to Mali. 1533 Mali said, "Death," he said "0 misfortune, here comes Yefarma." 1534 Then the Fulani laughed. 1535 He said to the Fulani, "Why are you laughing?" 1536 He told him, "Say what you've seen concerning the horses." 1537 He said, "No, never." 1538 He said, "You must tell. 1539 "Whatever you will say, I already have news of it." 1540 He said, "The horse that neighed told me that from wherever he has left and to wherever he is going, and to wherever he is coming, he and his owner have not found any brave warriors sleeping in those places. 1541 "Yours, who responded, told me that whatever the value of you and your owner, 1542 "By tomorrow morning your owner will be struck by iron." 1543 He said to him, "I know about that." 1544 Yefarma came to dismount. 1545 He began to scold his uncle. 1546 He began to scold his uncle. 1547 He began to scold his uncle. 1548 "It is I who finish this particular war. 1549 "Such-and-such a war, it is I who will win it, such-and-such a war I will win. 1550 "You are my uncle, you are my father, you are my commander- in-chief. The Translation 275 1518 "Your uncle is going off to the Arma war." 1519 Then he took off his zeela koy, 1520 At that time, there was a distinctive cloth called "zeela koy." 1521 He took the zeela koy from his saddle. 1522 He said to the captive woman, "Take your reward. 1523 "I haven't heard these words if it is not from your mouth." 1524 He remounted his horse. 1525 Late that evening, 1526 Just before dawn, not quite dawn, 1527 When the horse had reared after being spurred .. . (undeci- pherable). 1528 His horse sensed the odor of horses. 1529 It is at this moment that the horse of Yefarma neighed. 1530 The horse of Mali was grazing, he heard the whinnying. 1531 He too raised his head, he neighed, he answered him. 1532 A Fulani seer is next to Mali. 1533 Mali said, "Death," he said "0 misfortune, here comes Yefarma." 1534 Then the Fulani laughed. 1535 He said to the Fulani, "Why are you laughing?" 1536 He told him, "Say what you've seen concerning the horses." 1537 He said, "No, never." 1538 He said, "You must tell. 1539 "Whatever you will say, I already have news of it." 1540 He said, "The horse that neighed told me that from wherever he has left and to wherever he is going, and to wherever he is coming, he and his owner have not found any brave warriors sleeping in those places. 1541 "Yours, who responded, told me that whatever the value of you and your owner, 1542 "By tomorrow morning your owner will be struck by iron." 1543 He said to him, "I know about that." 1544 Yefarma came to dismount. 1545 He began to scold his uncle. 1546 He began to scold his uncle. 1547 He began to scold his uncle. 1548 "It is I who finish this particular war. 1549 "Such-and-such a war, it is I who will win it, such-and-such a war I will win. 1550 "You are my uncle, you are my father, you are my commander- in-chief. The Translation 275 1518 "Your uncle is going off to the Arma war." 1519 Then he took off his zeela koy, 1520 At that time, there was a distinctive cloth called "zeela koy." 1521 He took the zeela koy from his saddle. 1522 He said to the captive woman, "Take your reward. 1523 "I haven't heard these words if it is not from your mouth." 1524 He remounted his horse. 1525 Late that evening, 1526 Just before dawn, not quite dawn, 1527 When the horse had reared after being spurred .. . (undeci- pherable). 1528 His horse sensed the odor of horses. 1529 It is at this moment that the horse of Yefarma neighed. 1530 The horse of Mali was grazing, he heard the whinnying. 1531 He too raised his head, he neighed, he answered him. 1532 A Fulani seer is next to Mali. 1533 Mali said, "Death," he said "0 misfortune, here comes Yefarma." 1534 Then the Fulani laughed. 1535 He said to the Fulani, "Why are you laughing?" 1536 He told him, "Say what you've seen concerning the horses." 1537 He said, "No, never." 1538 He said, "You must tell. 1539 "Whatever you will say, I already have news of it." 1540 He said, "The horse that neighed told me that from wherever he has left and to wherever he is going, and to wherever he is coming, he and his owner have not found any brave warriors sleeping in those places. 1541 "Yours, who responded, told me that whatever the value of you and your owner, 1542 "By tomorrow morning your owner will be struck by iron." 1543 He said to him, "I know about that." 1544 Yefarma came to dismount. 1545 He began to scold his uncle. 1546 He began to scold his uncle. 1547 He began to scold his uncle. 1548 "It is I who finish this particular war. 1549 "Such-and-such a war, it is I who will win it, such-and-such a war I will win. 1550 "You are my uncle, you are my father, you are my commander- in-chief.  276 The Transcription 1551 "Ni maa no, a goo no ga te. 1552 "Ay no goo no ga wangey nwa ni maa no a gono ga te. 1553 "Wangaari filaana ay ka a wi, wangaari filaana ay ka a wi. 1554 "Ni maa no a goo no ga te. 1555 "Boro kan na wangu tubal marje say. 1556 "Ni na wangaari marje filaana wi. 1557 "Wongu fo se no ni ga ay zurandi. 1558 "Ifo se ni ga ay zurandi buuyan se? 1559 "Za borey go no, ni ga bey boro fo no ga ni ya wi." 1560 A ne a se, "Baa ni," a na nga bon fur ganda. 1561 Mo biya ka bo, hala taraya ga hanan Armahalley sintin ga ka. 1562 Torso meyo gaa. 1563 Bariyey no i ga dan haro ra, 1564 Ga koy hi di da nga mefo ga kande. 1565 I ma woo din kanandi, i ma a wi. 1566 I ma ye ka bariyey dan haro ra ka ziyandi koyne ga koy Armahalley di hi do nga me fo. 1567 I ma woo din kanandi, i ma a wi. 1568 Hala wayna ga fatta, woyna deena fatta a ga ziji kayna fo. 1569 I ne bariyey kaa Armaballey hi fo ga. 1570 Armahalleyze fo sombu nga kanga ga, hiyo jarba ga, nda nga naaji hangaw. 1571 A bine a na daabu bina gaa. 1572 Yefarma na hiyo candi a kanda fandi. 1573 I na Armahalley wi. 1574 I na guuro dogu i na a ka. 1575 I na ji wasandi, ga dan nango ra. 1576 Armahalley kay mana du ga koy jina koyne. 1577 Noodin no ngey mo hiyey ye ga kuubi ka bare. 1578 Maali ye ga dake i gaa. 1579 Ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay. 1580 Kala a ka ga to ndey Mayma Daaru Koba. 1581 Buubon gu beero kan go isa meyo gaa. 1582 Noo din a to koba cire. 1583 A na nga yaajo sambu. 1584 A ne, "Mayma daaru?" 1585 Maali bariyo kay noo din. 1586 Noo din no Yefarma fundo fun. 276 The Transcription 1551 "Ni maa no, a goo no ga te. 1552 "Ay no goo no ga wangey nwa ni maa no a gono ga te. 1553 "Wangaari filaana ay ka a wi, wangaari filaana ay ka a wi. 1554 "Ni maa no a goo no ga te. 1555 "Boro kan na wangu tubal marje say, 1556 "Ni na wangaari marje filaana wi. 1557 "Wongu fo se no ni ga ay zurandi. 1558 "Ifo se ni ga ay zurandi buuyan se? 1559 "Za borey go no, ni ga bey boro fo no ga ni ya wi." 1560 A ne a se, "Baa ni," a na nga bon fur ganda. 1561 Mo biya ka bo, hala taraya ga hanan Armahalley sintin ga ka. 1562 Torso meyo gaa. 1563 Bariyey no i ga dan haro ra, 1564 Ga koy hi di da nga mefo ga kande. 1565 I ma woo din kanandi, i ma a wi. 1566 I ma ye ka bariyey dan haro ra ka ziyandi koyne ga koy Armahalley di hi do nga me fo. 1567 I ma woo din kanandi, i ma a wi. 1568 Hala wayna ga fatta, woyna deena fatta a ga ziji kayna fo. 1569 I ne bariyey kaa Armahalley hi fo ga. 1570 Armahalleyze fo sombu nga kanga ga, hiyo jarba ga, nda nga naaji hangaw. 1571 A bine a na daabu bina gaa. 1572 Yefarma na hiyo candi a kanda fandi. 1573 I na Armahalley wi. 1574 I na guuro dogu i na a ka. 1575 I na ji wasandi, ga dan nango ra. 1576 Armahalley kay mana du ga koy jina koyne. 1577 Noodin no ngey mo hiyey ye ga kuubi ka bare. 1578 Maali ye ga dake i gaa. 1579 Ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay. 1580 Kala a ka ga to ndey Mayma Daaru Koba. 1581 Buubon gu beero kan go isa meyo gaa. 1582 Noo din a to koba cire. 1583 A na nga yaajo sambu. 1584 A ne, "Mayma daaru?" 1585 Maali bariyo kay noo din. 1586 Noo din no Yefarma fundo fun. 276 The Transcription 1551 "Ni maa no, a goo no ga te. 1552 "Ay no goo no ga wangey nwa ni maa no a gono ga te. 1553 "Wangaari filaana ay ka a wi, wangaari filaana ay ka a wi. 1554 "Ni maa no a goo no ga te. 1555 "Boro kan na wangu tubal marje say. 1556 "Ni na wangaari marje filaana wi. 1557 "Wongu fo se no ni ga ay zurandi. 1558 "Ifo se ni ga ay zurandi buuyan se? 1559 "Za borey go no, ni ga bey boro fo no ga ni ya wi." 1560 A ne a se, "Baa ni," a na nga bon fur ganda. 1561 Mo biya ka bo, hala taraya ga hanan Armahalley sintin ga ka. 1562 Torso meyo gaa. 1563 Bariyey no i ga dan haro ra, 1564 Ga koy hi di da nga mefo ga kande. 1565 I ma woo din kanandi, i ma a wi. 1566 I ma ye ka bariyey dan haro ra ka ziyandi koyne ga koy Armahalley di hi do nga me fo. 1567 I ma woo din kanandi, i ma a wi. 1568 Hala wayna ga fatta, woyna deena fatta a ga ziji kayna fo. 1569 I ne bariyey kaa Armahalley hi fo ga. 1570 Armahalleyze fo sombu nga kanga ga, hiyo jarba ga, nda nga naaji hangaw. 1571 A bine a na daabu bina gaa. 1572 Yefarma na hiyo candi a kanda fandi. 1573 I na Armahalley wi. 1574 I na guuro dogu i na a ka. 1575 I na ji wasandi, ga dan nango ra. 1576 Armahalley kay mana du ga koy jina koyne. 1577 Noodin no ngey mo hiyey ye ga kuubi ka bare. 1578 Maali ye ga dake i gaa. 1579 Ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay, ka di ga i garay. 1580 Kala a ka ga to ndey Mayma Daaru Koba. 1581 Buubon gu beero kan go isa meyo gaa. 1582 Noo din a to koba cire. 1583 A na nga yaajo sambu. 1584 A ne, "Mayma daaru?" 1585 Maali bariyo kay noo din. 1586 Noo din no Yefarma fundo fun.  The Translation 277 1551 "It is your reputation that will be made. 1552 "It is I who will win the war, for your reputation. 1553 "Warrior so-and-so, it is I who killed him, warrior so-and-so, it is I who killed him. 1554 "It is your reputation that is being made. 1555 "A man who has destroyed a good number of war drums. 1556 "You have killed many warriors. 1557 "From which war are you going to make me flee? 1558 "Why do you make me run from death? 1559 "As long as there are people, you know that a man will kill you." 1560 He said to him, "You too," he hung his head. 1561 In the morning the Arma begin to come. 1562 To the edge of Torsho. 1563 They drive the horses into the water, 1564 In order to capture a loaded dugout canoe. 1565 They make people lie down and they kill them. 1566 They drive their horses into the water again, they catch an- other dugout canoe load of Arma. 1567 They make them lie down, they kill them. 1568 Before the sun rises the rays are beginning to shine. 1569 They say that the horses came near the Armas' dugout canoes. 1570 An Arma is crouching next to a dugout canoe with a poisoned arrow,. 1571 Then he shoots him in the middle of the heart. 1572 Yefarma brings the dugout canoe to the river's edge. 1573 They killed the Arma. 1574 They pulled the iron out, they removed it. 1575 They heated butter to put on the place. 1576 The Arma were not able to move forward. 1577 It is there too that their dugout canoes had to retreat. 1578 Mali pursued them. 1579 He pursued them, he pursued them, he pursued them, he pur- sued them. 1580 Until he arrived at Mayma Darou Koba. 1581 The dune of Bonbon which is next to the river. 1582 It is there that he came to the shade of a koba tree. 1583 He took his spear. 1584 He said, "Who will cross?" 1585 Mali's horse stopped there. 1586 It is there that Yefarma died. The Translation 277 1551 "It is your reputation that will be made. 1552 "It is I who will win the war, for your reputation. 1553 "Warrior so-and-so, it is I who killed him, warrior so-and-so, it is I who killed him. 1554 "It is your reputation that is being made. 1555 "A man who has destroyed a good number of war drums. 1556 "You have killed many warriors. 1557 "From which war are you going to make me flee? 1558 "Why do you make me run from death? 1559 "As long as there are people, you know that a man will kill you." 1560 He said to him, "You too," he hung his head. 1561 In the morning the Arma begin to come. 1562 To the edge of Torsho. 1563 They drive the horses into the water, 1564 In order to capture a loaded dugout canoe. 1565 They make people lie down and they kill them. 1566 They drive their horses into the water again, they catch an- other dugout canoe load of Arma. 1567 They make them lie down, they kill them. 1568 Before the sun rises the rays are beginning to shine. 1569 They say that the horses came near the Armas' dugout canoes. 1570 An Arma is crouching next to a dugout canoe with a poisoned arrow. 1571 Then he shoots him in the middle of the heart. 1572 Yefarma brings the dugout canoe to the river's edge. 1573 They killed the Arma. 1574 They pulled the iron out, they removed it. 1575 They heated butter to put on the place. 1576 The Arma were not able to move forward. 1577 It is there too that their dugout canoes had to retreat. 1578 Mali pursued them. 1579 He pursued them, he pursued them, he pursued them, he pur- sued them. 1580 Until he arrived at Mayma Darou Koba. 1581 The dune of Boubon which is next to the river. 1582 It is there that he came to the shade of a koba tree. 1583 He took his spear. 1584 He said, "Who will cross?" 1585 Mali's horse stopped there. 1586 It is there that Yefarma died. The Translation 277 1551 "It is your reputation that will be made. 1552 "It is I who will win the war, for your reputation. 1553 "Warrior so-and-so, it is I who killed him, warrior so-and-so, it is I who killed him. 1554 "It is your reputation that is being made. 1555 "A man who has destroyed a good number of war drums. 1556 "You have killed many warriors. 1557 "From which war are you going to make me flee? 1558 "Why do you make me run from death? 1559 "As long as there are people, you know that a man will kill you." 1560 He said to him, "You too," he hung his head. 1561 In the morning the Arma begin to come. 1562 To the edge of Torsho. 1563 They drive the horses into the water, 1564 In order to capture a loaded dugout canoe. 1565 They make people lie down and they kill them. 1566 They drive their horses into the water again, they catch an- other dugout canoe load of Arma. 1567 They make them lie down, they kill them. 1568 Before the sun rises the rays are beginning to shine. 1569 They say that the horses came near the Armas' dugout canoes. 1570 An Arma is crouching next to a dugout canoe with a poisoned arrow. 1571 Then he shoots him in the middle of the heart. 1572 Yefarma brings the dugout canoe to the river's edge. 1573 They killed the Arma. 1574 They pulled the iron out, they removed it. 1575 They heated butter to put on the place. 1576 The Arma were not able to move forward. 1577 It is there too that their dugout canoes had to retreat. 1578 Mali pursued them. 1579 He pursued them, he pursued them, he pursued them, he pur- sued them. 1580 Until he arrived at Mayma Darou Koba. 1581 The dune of Bonbon which is next to the river. 1582 It is there that he came to the shade of a koba tree. 1583 He took his spear. 1584 He said, "Who will cross?" 1585 Mali's horse stopped there. 1586 It is there that Yefarma died.  278 The Transcription 278 The Transcription 278 The Transcription 1587 Waato kan a ga baa ga bu, 1588 A or i ma gona nango kan gooro n oga di dini. 1589 Hasagay ham kolo kao g00 00, 1590 Nao kolo kao hasaga ham te, 1591 1 ma ka 000 dio ga oga banda no. 1592 Nga ga ti Goole borey wo, nan kao hasagay ham te kolo, 1593 1 ga or i ma kande gande. 1594 Goole borry gande samboyso fonda no ya. 1595 Boro kan mana fon Goole borry gan, kan koy ga gaode sambo, ga tanri. 1596 Day zanmasni ka ga foro, ham ka. 1597 Ham kano, boro kulo ga or, ni wone no. 1598 Boro kan mann fun Yefarma gaa si gande own. 1599 Noo din no i n Yefaema fiji. 1600 A hanmey ye ga goro Booboo. 1601 A bands i ton i ye ka kna goro Bonbon. 1602 Nga ka ti Bonbon Goley borry cindo say Kurfa wry cindo say nongo go inga 00080 foyan. 1587 Wanto kan a ga baa ga bo, 1588 A or i ma gon nnngo kn gooro na ngs di dini. 1589 Hasagn ham kulo kan g00 00, 1590 Nan kolo kan hasagn ham tc, 1591 1 ma ka noo din gn ngs bands no. 1592 Nga ga ti Goole borry wo, nan knn hasaeny ham tc kolo, 1593 1 ga or i ma knde gande. 1594 Goole borry gande samboyan fonda no ya. 1595 Boro kan mann fun Goole borry gas, kan koy ga gande sambo, ga tasri. 1596 Day zasmanni ka ga foro, ham kn. 1597 Ham kasno, boro kolo ga or, ni woor o. 1598 Boro kan mans fun Yefarmn gas si gande own. 1599 Noo din no i n Yefarmn fiji. 1600 A banmey yr ga goro Bonbon. 1601 A bands i ton i ye ka kna goro Bonbon. 1602 Ngn ka ti Bonbon Goley borey cindo say Korfa wry cindo say nongo go inga 00080 foyan. 1587 Wanto kan a 8a baa ga bo, 1588 A ne i ma gona nango kan gooro na ogs di dini. 1589 Hasses ham kolo kan 800 00, 1590 Nan kolo kan hasags ham tc, 1591 1 ma ka noo din ga ogs bands no. 1592 Nga ga ti Goole borry wo, nan kan hassesv ham te kolo, 1593 1 ga or i ma kande gande. 1594 Goole borry gande samboyan fonda no ys. 1595 Boro kan mans fun Goole borey gas, kan koy 85 gande sambo, ga tanri. 1596 Day zanmasni ka ga foro, ham ka. 1597 Ham kasno, boro kolo ga or, ni wone no. 1598 Boro kan mans fun Yrfarma f55 Si gande own. 1599 Noo din no i n Yrfarma fiji. 1600 A hanmey yr f5 goro Bonbon. 1601 A bands. i too i ye ka kan goro Booboo. 1602 Nga ka ti Booboo Goley borry cindo say Kurfa wry cindo say nongu o 0inga 00080 foyan.  The Translation 279 The Translation 279 The Translation 279 1587 When he was about to die, 1588 He asked that they look where the arrow had hit him. 1589 All lucky meat that is there, 1590 Wherever lucky meat is found, 1591 They should remove that part to give to his descendants. 1592 That is why the Gol1d, wherever there is luckv meat, 1593 They ask for brisket. 1594 That is why the Golld always take the brisket. 1595 If a person is not from the Goll6 people, and if he takes some brisket, he lies. 1596 But today times have changed, there is lots of meat. 1597 Good meat, everybody will say, it is your share. 1598 All those who are not descended from Yefarma will not eat brisket. 1599 It is there that they buried Yefarma. 1600 The descendants settled in Boubon forever. 1601 Afterward they migrated, then they returned to Boubon. 1602 It is those people, the Gu116 of Boobon, some went to the Kourfeye region, others scattered elsewhere. 1587 When he was about to die, 1588 He asked that they look where the arrow had hit him. 1589 All lucky meat that is there, 1590 Wherever lucky meat is found, 1591 They should remove that part to give to his descendants. 1592 That is why the G6ld, wherever there is lucky meat, 1593 They ask for brisket. 1594 That is why the Golld always take the brisket. 1595 If a person is not from the Golld people, and if he takes some brisket, he lies. 1596 But today times have changed, there is lots of meat. 1597 Good meat, everybody will say, it is your share. 1598 All those who are not descended from Yefarma will not eat brisket. 1599 It is there that they buried Yefarma. 1600 The descendants settled in Boubon forever. 1601 Afterward they migrated, then they returned to Boubon. 1602 It is those people, the Guld of Boubon, some went to the Kourfeye region, others scattered elsewhere. 1587 When he was about to die, 1588 He asked that they look where the arrow had hit him. 1589 All lucky meat that is there, 1590 Wherever lucky meat is found, 1591 They should remove that part to give to his descendants. 1592 That is why the Golld, wherever there is lucky meat, 1593 They ask for brisket. 1594 That is why the Golld always take the brisket. 1595 If a person is not from the GoI16 people, and if he takes some brisket, he lies. 1596 But today times have changed, there is lots of meat. 1597 Good meat, everybody will say, it is your share. 1598 All those who are not descended from Yefarma will not eat brisket. 1599 It is there that they buried Yefarma. 1600 The descendants settled in Boubon forever. 1601 Afterward they migrated, then they returned to Boubon. 1602 It is those people, the Golld of Boubon, some went to the Kourfeye region, others scattered elsewhere.   Notes Notes Notes 1 Nouhou Malin speaks here to the small audience assembled for his performance-some neighbors and relatives-and in particular to the re- searcher, who had requested that he recount the story of Askia Mohammed, known as Mamar Kassaye. 4 Si is Sonni Ali Ber. 5 The emphasis by the narrator on the common mother and father for Sonni Ali Ber and Kassaye emphasizes what should normally be a close relation- ship between brother and sister. 10 The interjection Maa-"listen" ("The seers have said 'Listen'-they told Si .. .) suggests at first a hesitation on the part of the griot between two forms of discourse. But the line also demonstrates an economical way of render- ing the event's immediacy while maintaining the narrative's rapid pace. 19 There are no references anywhere in the text to the husband of Kassaye other than to the spirit who lives under the river. 43 The Bargantch6 live along the Niger River in a 70,000-square-kilometer area known as the Borgou in northern Benin and northwestern Nigeria. In 1968 Emmanuel Karl recorded a brief account of the conflict between the Songhay and the people of the Nikki Kingdom in that area. His source, a chief griot named Boukari Bio, reported that the Songhay infiltrated into the region and refused to leave. A young warrior named Sunon Tamu was named to lead the war against them. After early defeats, they finally drove the Songhay back across the Niger River (1974, 46-50). 57 I have translated Irkoy as "Our Lord," a term that means literally "our ruler" and refers figuratively to Allah. 60 The "they" in this line refers to the people in Sonni Ali Ber's entourage. 67 "Animal" refers to the sheep sacrificed at a naming ceremony. 118 "Celebration," from the term mehaw, refers to the prayers and feast at the end of Ramadan. The literal meaning of mehaw, however, is "to tie up the mouth" or "to fast" (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 296). 152 It is not entirely clear here who is speaking, the father or the son, but from the context it appears to be the son, Askia Mohammed. 204, 207 The meaning of the term zungudaani is unclear. 210-13 The description of how a griot is created here is only one of many different ones found throughout the Sahel. What is different here is that the character in question, Sonni Ali Ber's son, assumes the role of griot. He may not be of griot origin, but he becomes a griot by his actions of following and praising Askia Mohammed. 281 1 Nouhou Malin speaks here to the small audience assembled for his performance-some neighbors and relatives-and in particular to the re- searcher, who had requested that he recount the story of Askia Mohammed, known as Mamar Kassaye. 4 Si is Sonni Ali Ber. 5 The emphasis by the narrator on the common mother and father for Sonni Ali Ber and Kassaye emphasizes what should normally be a close relation- ship between brother and sister. 10 The interjection Maa-"listen" ("The seers have said 'Listen'-they told Si . . .) suggests at first a hesitation on the part of the griot between two forms of discourse. But the line also demonstrates an economical way of render- ing the event's immediacy while maintaining the narrative's rapid pace. 19 There are no references anywhere in the text to the husband of Kassaye other than to the spirit who lives under the river. 43 The Bargantchd live along the Niger River in a 70,000-square-kilometer area known as the Borgou in northern Benin and northwestern Nigeria. In 1968 Emmanuel Karl recorded a brief account of the conflict between the Songhay and the people of the Nikki Kingdom in that area. His source, a chief griot named Boukari Bin, reported that the Songhay infiltrated into the region and refused to leave. A young warrior named Sunon Tamu was named to lead the war against them. After early defeats, they finally drove the Songhay back across the Niger River (1974, 46-50). 57 I have translated Irkoy as "Our Lord," a term that means literally "our ruler" and refers figuratively to Allah. 60 The "they" in this line refers to the people in Sonni Ali Ber's entourage. 67 "Animal" refers to the sheep sacrificed at a naming ceremony. 118 "Celebration," from the term mehaw, refers to the prayers and feast at the end of Ramadan. The literal meaning of mehaw, however, is "to tie up the mouth" or "to fast" (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 296). 152 It is not entirely clear here who is speaking, the father or the son, but from the context it appears to be the son, Askia Mohammed. 204, 207 The meaning of the term zungudaani is unclear. 210-13 The description of how a griot is created here is only one of many different ones found throughout the Sahel. What is different here is that the character in question, Sonni Ali Ber's son, assumes the role of griot. He may not be of griot origin, but he becomes a griot by his actions of following and praising Askia Mohammed. 281 1 Nouhou Malin speaks here to the small audience assembled for his performance-some neighbors and relatives-and in particular to the re- searcher, who had requested that he recount the story of Askia Mohammed, known as Mamar Kassaye. 4 Si is Sonni Ali Ber. 5 The emphasis by the narrator on the common mother and father for Sonni Ali Ber and Kassaye emphasizes what should normally be a close relation- ship between brother and sister. 10 The interjection Maa-"listen" ("The seers have said 'Listen'-they told Si . .) suggests at first a hesitation on the part of the griot between two forms of discourse. But the line also demonstrates an economical way of render- ing the event's immediacy while maintaining the narrative's rapid pace. 19 There are no references anywhere in the text to the husband of Kassaye other than to the spirit who lives under the river. 43 The Bargantchd live along the Niger River in a 70,000-square-kilometer area known as the Borgou in northern Benin and northwestern Nigeria. In 1968 Emmanuel Karl recorded a brief account of the conflict between the Songhay and the people of the Nikki Kingdom in that area. His source, a chief griot named Boukari Bio, reported that the Songhay infiltrated into the region and refused to leave. A young warrior named Sunon Tamu was named to lead the war against them. After early defeats, they finally drove the Songhay back across the Niger River (1974, 46-50). 57 I have translated Irkoy as "Our Lord," a term that means literally "our ruler" and refers figuratively to Allah. 60 The "they" in this line refers to the people in Sonni Ali Ber's entourage. 67 "Animal" refers to the sheep sacrificed at a naming ceremony. 118 "Celebration," from the term mehaw, refers to the prayers and feast at the end of Ramadan. The literal meaning of mehaw, however, is "to tie up the mouth" or "to fast" (Olivier de Sardan 1982, 296). 152 It is not entirely clear here who is speaking, the father or the son, but from the context it appears to be the son, Askia Mohammed. 204, 207 The meaning of the term zungudaani is unclear. 210-13 The description of how a griot is created here is only one of many different ones found throughout the Sahel. What is different here is that the character in question, Sonni Ali Ber's son, assumes the role of griot. He may not be of griot origin, but he becomes a griot by his actions of following and praising Askia Mohammed. 281  282 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 282 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 282 The Epic of Askia Mohammed On line 212, the phrase "I sing his praises" comes as a surprise to Kassaye because of the two connotations attached to it. The verb nwaarey means both "to sing praises" and, by extension, "to receive rewards" for that activity. But today it has taken on the more negative connotation of begging. Nouhou Mali does not suggest here that he or other griets are descended from this particular noble-become-griot. But a few lines later (L. 235) he does, in fact, state that Songhay grints trace their roots to this son of Sonni Ali Ber. The notion of a griot coming from the aristocracy seems to run counter to the traditionally accepted view that griots are of lower social status. But both Vin- cent Monteil (1968, 785-86) and Ousmane Tandina (interviews with the author, fall 1987) confirm that nobles do on occasion carry out the functions of grints either to demonstrate fealty or to earn rewards. 219-24 The description of the sohanci accords with the modern Songhay view that these sorcerors come from the descendants of Sonni Ali Ber. Olivier de Sardan notes that after the end of the Sonni dynasty, the sohanci dispersed, settling in Wanzerb6 in the northwestern corner of Niger; in Boubon and Karma on the left bank of the Niger, not far upstream from Niamey; in Sangara, in the Anzourou region inland from the left bank and near the Mali border; in the Hombori mountains region of eastern Mali; in Arham and Tendirma, far- ther north; and in Aribinda, in eastern Burkina Faso not far from the Niger border. 225-30 The daughter who becomes a sorko also appears today as the mother of all future sorkos. 231 Here the griot clearly distinguishes between the sorkos and ordinary hunters by saying that they are not simply gawaye, or hunters who happened to work in the water, but are in fact more than that, they are both fishermen and people endowed with special powers. Olivier de Sardan points out that there are two kinds of sorko-master fishermen descended from Faran Maka Bote who play the role of griots for the Tooru family of spirits, and who are the only ones who may hunt hippopotamuses, and ordinary fishermen who live upstream from Timbuktu. While he adds that the Tarikh el-Fettdch lists the Sorko among the servile tribes of Mali who were liberated by Sonni Ali Ber, he also points out that the citation (TF 107) comes from the section that some scholars, in particular Leytzion, have attributed to S6kou Amadou in the nine- teenth century (1982, 342-43). 238 "Converted" means that he changed them to the Islamic faith. 271 The Mossi are not on the direct path to Mecca but live southwest of Gao. Here the griot seems to be conflating two events: first the view, reported in both the oral and written accounts, of the Mossi as nonbelievers in Islam, and second, the pilgrimage to Mecca. 278 LiborA is a canton seat 12 kilometers downriver from Saga. 291 The use of "horses" to indicate cavaliers here is an example of meton- ymy that appears frequently later on. Only by the context can it be determined that not only the animals are referred to here. 306 Modi Baja appears as both a proper name and as a more recent term for a type of marabout whose strength lies in divination. Modibo is the Fulani On line 212, the phrase "I sing his praises" comes as a surprise to Kassaye because of the two connotations attached to it. The verb nwaarey means both "to sing praises" and, by extension, "to receive rewards" for that activity. But today it has taken on the more negative connotation of begging. Nouhou Mali does not suggest here that he or other grints are descended from this particular noble-become-griot. But a few lines later (1. 235) he does, in fact, state that Songhay griots trace their roots to this son of Sonni Ali Ber. The notion of a griot coming from the aristocracy seems to run counter to the traditionally accepted view that griots are of lower social status. But both Vin- cent Monteil (1968, 785-86) and Ousmane Tandina (interviews with the author, fall 1987) confirm that nobles do on occasion carry out the functions of grints either to demonstrate fealty or to earn rewards. 219-24 The description of the sohanci accords with the modern Songhay view that these sorcerors come from the descendants of Sonni Ali Ber. Olivier de Sardan notes that after the end of the Sonni dynasty, the sohanci dispersed, settling in Wanzerb6 in the northwestern corner of Niger; in Boubon and Karma on the left bank of the Niger, not far upstream from Niamey; in Sangara, in the Anzourou region inland from the left bank and near the Mali border; in the Hombori mountains region of eastern Mali; in Arham and Tendirma, far- ther north; and in Aribinda, in eastern Burkina Faso not far from the Niger border. 225-30 The daughter who becomes a sorko also appears today as the mother of all future sorkos. 231 Here the griot clearly distinguishes between the sorkos and ordinary hunters by saying that they are not simply gawaye, or hunters who happened to work in the water, but are in fact more than that, they are both fishermen and people endowed with special powers. Olivier de Sardan points out that there are two kinds of sorko-master fishermen descended from Faran Maka Bote who play the role of griots for the Tooru family of spirits, and who are the only ones who may hunt hippopotamuses, and ordinary fishermen who live upstream from Timbuktu. While he adds that the Tarikh el-Fessdch lists the Sorko among the servile tribes of Mali who were liberated by Sonni Ali Ber, he also points out that the citation (TF 107) comes from the section that some scholars, in particular Levtzion, have attributed to S6kou Amadou in the nine- teenth century (1982, 342-43). 238 "Converted" means that he changed them to the Islamic faith. 271 The Mossi are not on the direct path to Mecca but live southwest of Gao. Here the griot seems to be conflating two events: first the view, reported in both the oral and written accounts, of the Mossi as nonbelievers in Islam, and second, the pilgrimage to Mecca. 278 Libor6 is a canton seat 12 kilometers downriver from Saga. 291 The use of "horses" to indicate cavaliers here is an example of meton- ymy that appears frequently later on. Only by the context can it be determined that not only the animals are referred to here. 306 Modi Baja appears as both a proper name and as a more recent term for a type of marabout whose strength lies in divination. Modibo is the Fulani On line 212, the phrase "I sing his praises" comes as a surprise to Kassaye because of the two connotations attached to it. The verb nwaarey means both "to sing praises" and, by extension, "to receive rewards" for that activity. But today it has taken on the more negative connotation of begging. Nouhou Mali does not suggest here that he or other griots are descended from this particular noble-become-griot. But a few lines later (L. 235) he does, in fact, state that Songhay grits trace their roots to this son of Sonni Ali Ber. The notion of a griot coming from the aristocracy seems to run counter to the traditionally accepted view that griots are of lower social status. But both Vin- cent Monteil (1968, 785-86) and Ousmane Tandina (interviews with the author, fall 1987) confirm that nobles do on occasion carry out the functions of griots either to demonstrate fealty or to earn rewards. 219-24 The description of the sohanci accords with the modern Songhay view that these sorcerors come from the descendants of Sonni Ali Ber. Olivier de Sardan notes that after the end of the Sonni dynasty, the sohanci dispersed, settling in Wanzerb6 in the northwestern corner of Niger; in Boubon and Karma on the left bank of the Niger, not far upstream from Niamey; in Sangara, in the Anzourou region inland from the left bank and near the Mali border; in the Hombori mountains region of eastern Mali; in Arham and Tendirma, far- ther north; and in Aribinda, in eastern Burkina Faso not far from the Niger border. 225-30 The daughter who becomes a sorko also appears today as the mother of all future sorkos. 231 Here the griot clearly distinguishes between the sorkos and ordinary hunters by saying that they are not simply gawaye, or hunters who happened to work in the water, but are in fact more than that, they are both fishermen and people endowed with special powers. Olivier de Sardan points out that there are two kinds of sorko-master fishermen descended from Faran Maka Bote who play the role of griots for the Toor family of spirits, and who are the only ones who may hunt hippopotamuses, and ordinary fishermen who live upstream from Timbuktu. While he adds that the Tarikh el-Fettdch lists the Sorko among the servile tribes of Mali who were liberated by Sonni Ali Ber, he also points out that the citation (TF 107) comes from the section that some scholars, in particular Levtzion, have attributed to Skou Amadou in the nine- teenth century (1982, 342-43). 238 "Converted" means that he changed them to the Islamic faith. 271 The Mossi are not on the direct path to Mecca but live southwest of Gao. Here the griot seems to be conflating two events: first the view, reported in both the oral and written accounts, of the Mossi as nonbelievers in Islam, and second, the pilgrimage to Mecca. 278 Libord is a canton seat 12 kilometers downriver from Saga. 291 The use of "horses" to indicate cavaliers here is an example of meton- ymy that appears frequently later on. Only by the context can it be determined that not only the animals are referred to here. 306 Modi Baja appears as both a proper name and as a more recent term for a type of marabout whose strength lies in divination. Modibo is the Fulani  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 283 term for marabout. Today, according to Diould6 Laya, the word moodibaajo means a person of Fulani origin who is a marabout. 334 This line marks the place where Nouhou Malio used gesture for the only time during his performance. While sitting in his chair, he thrust his hands down between his knees to the floor to show how Askia Mohammed grabbed the plants growing at the bottom of the hole. 340-41 At this point, Nouhou Malio breaks out into loud laughter at the contrasting images of the griots' ancestor, who was so improvident as to eat the plants, and that of Modi Baja, who was careful to bring some home. Nouhou Malio's explanation that this event is the reason why griots must suffer to earn their livelihood is one of many different etiological tales about griots one can find in the Sahel today. 347-73 Here we find a praise poem from the past for Askia Moham- med that includes Sonink6 terms. The readings of "Long live" from dal- lay (11. 347-48), and "proceeded" from suliyan (1. 350) were provided by Papa Bunka Susso, a Mandinka griot from eastern Gambia who grew up in a Sonink:6 village and who considers Sonink:6 as a second maternal language (interview February 17, 1988). Mamadi is the Soninkd diminutif for "Mo- hamed." 352 The Indigo Tree is an ancient term for the Kaaba, the shrine of Islam at Mecca. It is always covered with tapestries. Seen from a distance, it appears in the sun as indigo. Line 349 contains a Sonink6 term jiido, which, according to Papa Susso, means "many trees." 357-358 The reference to Yabilan here is not clear, but two sources suggest that the term refers to Dongo, the Songhay god of thunder and lightning. Stoller has reported to me that Yabilan is the term used by healers and magicians in their incantations to refer to Dongo. Oumarou Watta, in a conversation with me on August 30, 1988, suggested that the term combines ya, "to call," as in a listing of ancestors, and bilan, a term for Dongo. In either case, the reference to a Songhay deity invoked for protection on the way to Mecca underscores the significance of the traditional system of beliefs even at the hero's moment of greatest involvement in Islam. 388 The singular term "horse" here, from bariyo, is a singular form of me- tonymy for a plural noun, cavalry. On some occasions the griot uses the literal term for cavalier, barikaro. I have translated bariyo literally as "horse" and leave it to the reader to determine the figurative meaning from the context. One possible reason for the metonymic link between horses and men is the high value placed on horses. Kimba, citing a French officer named Baudry, reports that at the end of the nineteenth century, a horse was worth from two to five slaves; another of his sources indicated that at the beginning of the twentieth century, a horse was worth from five to ten slaves. In addition to the relatively high cost of horses, notes Kimba, the animals require careful and costly mainte- nance (1981, 64). 385 Nouhou Mako uses an elliptical style here that does not conform to normal usage. The line should be followed by either do or ra to indicate "place of" or "among." The Epic of Askia Mohammed 283 term for marabout. Today, according to Diould6 Laya, the word moodibaajo means a person of Fulani origin who is a marabout. 334 This line marks the place where Nouhou Mali used gesture for the only time during his performance. While sitting in his chair, he thrust his hands down between his knees to the floor to show how Askia Mohammed grabbed the plants growing at the bottom of the hole. 340-41 At this point, Nouhou Mao breaks out into loud laughter at the contrasting images of the griots' ancestor, who was so improvident as to eat the plants, and that of Modi Baja, who was careful to bring some home. Nouhou Malio's explanation that this event is the reason why griots must suffer to earn their livelihood is one of many different etiological tales about griots one can find in the Sahel today. 347-73 Here we find a praise poem from the past for Askia Moham- med that includes Sonink6 terms. The readings of "Long live" from dal- lay (11. 347-48), and "proceeded" from suliyan (1. 350) were provided by Papa Bunka Susso, a Mandinka griot from eastern Gambia who grew up in a Sonink6 village and who considers Sonink6 as a second maternal language (interview February 17, 1988). Mamadi is the Sonink6 diminutif for "Mo- hammed." 352 The Indigo Tree is an ancient term for the Kaaba, the shrine of Islam at Mecca. It is always covered with tapestries. Seen from a distance, it appears in the sun as indigo. Line 349 contains a Sonink6 term jiido, which, according to Papa Susso, means "many trees." 357-358 The reference to Yabilan here is not clear, but two sources suggest that the term refers to Dongo, the Songhay god of thunder and lightning. Stoller has reported to me that Yabilan is the term used by healers and magicians in their incantations to refer to Dongo. Oumarou Watta, in a conversation with me on August 30, 1988, suggested that the term combines ya, "to call," as in a listing of ancestors, and bilan, a term for Dongo. In either case, the reference to a Songhay deity invoked for protection on the way to Mecca underscores the significance of the traditional system of beliefs even at the hero's moment of greatest involvement in Islam. 388 The singular term "horse" here, from bariyo, is a singular form ofme- tonymy for a plural noun, cavalry. On some occasions the griot uses the literal term for cavalier, barikaro. I have translated bariyo literally as "horse" and leave it to the reader to determine the figurative meaning from the context. One possible reason for the metonymic link between horses and men is the high value placed on horses. Kimba, citing a French officer named Baudry, reports that at the end of the nineteenth century, a horse was worth from two to five slaves; another of his sources indicated that at the beginning of the twentieth century, a horse was worth from five to ten slaves. In addition to the relatively high cost of horses, notes Kimba, the animals require careful and costly mainte- nance (1981, 64). 385 Nouhou Malio uses an elliptical style here that does not conform to normal usage. The line should be followed by either do or ra to indicate "place of" or "among." The Epic of Askia Mohammed 283 term for marabout. Today, according to Diould6 Laya, the word moodibaajo means a person of Fulani origin who is a marabout. 334 This line marks the place where Nouhou Malio used gesture for the only time during his performance. While sitting in his chair, he thrust his hands down between his knees to the floor to show how Askia Mohammed grabbed the plants growing at the bottom of the hole. 340-41 At this point, Nouhou Maho breaks out into loud laughter at the contrasting images of the griots' ancestor, who was so improvident as to eat the plants, and that of Modi Baja, who was careful to bring some home. Nouhou Malio's explanation that this event is the reason why griots must suffer to earn their livelihood is one of many different etiological tales about griots one can find in the Sahel today. 347-73 Here we find a praise poem from the past for Askia Moham- med that includes Sonink6 terms. The readings of "Long live" from dal- lay (11. 347-48), and "proceeded" from suliyan (1. 350) were provided by Papa Bunka Susso, a Mandinka griot from eastern Gambia who grew up in a Sonink6 village and who considers Sonink6 as a second maternal language (interview February 17, 1988). Mamadi is the Sonink diminutif for "Mo- hammed." 352 The Indigo Tree is an ancient term for the Kaaba, the shrine of Islam at Mecca. It is always covered with tapestries. Seen from a distance, it appears in the sun as indigo. Line 349 contains a Sonink6 term jiido, which, according to Papa Susso, means "many trees." 357-358 The reference to Yabilan here is not clear, but two sources suggest that the term refers to Dongo, the Songhay god of thunder and lightning. Stoller has reported to me that Yabilan is the term used by healers and magicians in their incantations to refer to Dongo. Oumarou Watta, in a conversation with me on August 30, 1988, suggested that the term combines ya, "to call," as in a listing of ancestors, and bilan, a term for Dongo. In either case, the reference to a Songhay deity invoked for protection on the way to Mecca underscores the significance of the traditional system of beliefs even at the hero's moment of greatest involvement in Islam. 388 The singular term "horse" here, from bariyo, is a singular form of me- tonymy for a plural noun, cavalry. On some occasions the griot uses the literal term for cavalier, barikaro. I have translated bariyo literally as "horse" and leave it to the reader to determine the figurative meaning from the context. One possible reason for the metonymic link between horses and men is the high value placed on horses. Kimba, citing a French officer named Baudry, reports that at the end of the nineteenth century, a horse was worth from two to five slaves; another of his sources indicated that at the beginning of the twentieth century, a horse was worth from five to ten slaves. In addition to the relatively high cost of horses, notes Kimba, the animals require careful and costly mainte- nance (1981, 64). 385 Nouhou Malio uses an elliptical style here that does not conform to normal usage. The line should be followed by either do or ra to indicate "place of" or "among."  284 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 395 "What time" here comes from ler fo, an anachronism made up of a French word, heure ("hour" in English) and a Songhay interrogative pronoun, ifo, which means "what." 403-04 The frequent references to the Bargantcht here lead the griot to make an apparent slip of the tongue by terming the sohanci a Bargantch6- unless the sohanci happened to be of Bargantch6 origin. There is also an appar- ent confusion here when he says that the man first went out of the village and then adds in the following line that he went away from the crowd-unless the crowd happened to be outside of the village in the first place. 407-08 The comparison of the speed of the flying sohanci with that of an airplane is the first reference to the technology of Western civilization in the narrative. The following line provides an African comparison with the image of a hawk. 409 Sikiyay, listed as Sikyd, is a small village on the right bank of the Niger between Boubon and Karma, 20 kilometers upriver from Niamey near Namaro. According to Olivier de Sardan, citing Larue, it is the last place of residence of the askias (1982, 329-30). Streicker, referring to "a certain body of legends" apparently mentioned by French historians Jean P6rie and Michel Sellier, ex- plains that there was a seventeenth-century chief named Sikia, who is said to have lived at the village of Sikiey on the banks of the Niger. "'Sikia' is undoubt- edly a deformation of the Songhai 'askia' and the term probably refers to one or a succession of the minor askias installed at Sikiey, in Dendi during the seven- teenth century" (Streicker 1980, 105). 410 This is the first reference to Askia Mohammed's wife. From a subse- quent reference on line 477 to marriage between Askia Mohammed and the Songhay, it would appear that Sana, like her husband, was not of Songhay ori- gin. 413-16 There is some confusion here about who is talking. From the text, it appears first that the sohanci travels alone. But when he lands, the dialogue between him and the people of Sikiyay is conducted in the plural form, as if the sohanci had come with an entourage. But on lines 422-25, the sohanci re- verts to speech in the singular as he gives instructions for the naming of the child. Throughout this encounter, it seems surprising that the sohanci, Askia Mohammed's envoy, does not know his leader's wife (. 415). This lack of knowledge might be explained by the fact that Askia Mohammed had wives in many, many areas where he traveled. It could also be the griot's way of raising and then answering a question for his listeners. 422-25 In the sequence of fines where the sohanci gives instructions for naming, there appears to be an inconsistency in chronology. On line 424, the sohanci reports that the child has been given a name, but on 425 either he or the narrator announced that he should be given the name of Daouda. 426 The Daouda in question here is most likely the man who became Askia Daoud. He ruled as an energetic and enlightened leader during the mid- dIe of the sixteenth century. 430-31 The sohanci's flight pattern evidently took him straight up the Niger River valley, for after Sikiyay, he arrives at the home of Kassaye in Gao. 284 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 395 "What time" here comes from ler fo, an anachronism made up of a French word, heure ("hour" in English) and a Songhay interrogative pronoun, ifo, which means "what." 403-04 The frequent references to the Bargantch6 here lead the griot to make an apparent slip of the tongue by terming the sohanci a Bargantch6- unless the sohanci happened to be of Bargantch6 origin. There is also an appar- ent confusion here when he says that the man first went out of the village and then adds in the following line that he went away from the crowd-unless the crowd happened to be outside of the village in the first place. 407-08 The comparison of the speed of the flying sohanci with that of an airplane is the first reference to the technology of Western civilization in the narrative. The following line provides an African comparison with the image of a hawk. 409 Sikiyay, listed as Siky6, is a small village on the right bank of the Niger between Boubon and Karma, 20 kilometers upriver from Niamey near Namaro. According to Olivier de Sardan, citing Larue, it is the last place of residence of the askias (1982, 329-30). Streicker, referring to "a certain body of legends" apparently mentioned by French historians Jean P6rie and Michel Sellier, ex- plains that there was a seventeenth-century chief named Sikia, who is said to have lived at the village of Sikiey on the banks of the Niger. "'Sikia' is undoubt- edly a deformation of the Songhai 'askia' and the term probably refers to one or a succession of the minor askias installed at Sikiey, in Dendi during the seven- teenth century" (Streicker 1980, 105). 410 This is the first reference to Askia Mohammed's wife. From a subse- quent reference on line 477 to marriage between Askia Mohammed and the Songhay, it would appear that Sana, like her husband, was not of Songhay ori- gin. 413-16 There is some confusion here about who is talking. From the text, it appears first that the sohanci travels alone. But when he lands, the dialogue between him and the people of Sikiyay is conducted in the plural form, as if the sohanci had come with an entourage. But on lines 422-25, the sohanci re- verts to speech in the singular as he gives instructions for the naming of the child. Throughout this encounter, it seems surprising that the sohanci, Askia Mohammed's envoy, does not know his leader's wife (. 415). This lack of knowledge might be explained by the fact that Askia Mohammed had wives in many, many areas where he traveled. It could also be the griot's way of raising and then answering a question for his listeners. 422-25 In the sequence of lines where the sohanci gives instructions for naming, there appears to be an inconsistency in chronology. On line 424, the sohanci reports that the child has been given a name, but on 425 either he or the narrator announced that he should be given the name of Daouda. 426 The Daouda in question here is most likely the man who became Askia Daoud. He ruled as an energetic and enlightened leader during the mid- dIe of the sixteenth century. 430-31 The sohanci's flight pattern evidently took him straight up the Niger River valley, for after Sikiyay, he arrives at the home of Kassaye in Gan. 284 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 395 "What time" here comes from ler fo, an anachronism made up of a French word, heure ("hour" in English) and a Songhay interrogative pronoun, ifo, which means "what." 403-04 The frequent references to the Bargantch6 here lead the griot to make an apparent slip of the tongue by terming the sohanci a Bargantch6- unless the sohanci happened to be of Bargantchd origin. There is also an appar- ent confusion here when he says that the man first went out of the village and then adds in the following line that he went away from the crowd-unless the crowd happened to be outside of the village in the first place. 407-08 The comparison of the speed of the flying sohanci with that of an airplane is the first reference to the technology of Western civilization in the narrative. The following line provides an African comparison with the image of a hawk. 409 Sikiyay, listed as Siky6, is a small village on the right bank of the Niger between Boubon and Karma, 20 kilometers upriver from Niamey near Namaro. According to Olivier de Sardan, citing Larue, it is the last place of residence of the askias (1982, 329-30). Streicker, referring to "a certain body of legends" apparently mentioned by French historians Jean P6rie and Michel Sellier, ex- plains that there was a seventeenth-century chief named Sikia, who is said to have lived at the village of Sikiey on the banks of the Niger. "'Sikia' is undoubt- edly a deformation of the Songhai 'askia' and the term probably refers to one or a succession of the minor askias installed at Sikiey, in Dendi during the seven- teenth century" (Streicker 1980, 105). 410 This is the first reference to Askia Mohammed's wife. From a subse- quent reference on line 477 to marriage between Askia Mohammed and the Songhay, it would appear that Sana, like her husband, was not of Songhay ori- gin. 413-16 There is some confusion here about who is talking. From the text, it appears first that the sohanci travels alone. But when he lands, the dialogue between him and the people of Sikiyay is conducted in the plural form, as if the sohanci had come with an entourage. But on lines 422-25, the sohanci re- verts to speech in the singular as he gives instructions for the naming of the child. Throughout this encounter, it seems surprising that the sohanci, Askia Mohammed's envoy, does not know his leader's wife (. 415). This lack of knowledge might be explained by the fact that Askia Mohammed had wives in many, many areas where he traveled. It could also be the griot's way of raising and then answering a question for his listeners. 422-25 In the sequence of fines where the sohanci gives instructions for naming, there appears to be an inconsistency in chronology. On line 424, the sohanci reports that the child has been given a name, but on 425 either he or the narrator announced that he should be given the name of Daouda. 426 The Daouda in question here is most likely the man who became Askia Daoud. He ruled as an energetic and enlightened leader during the mid- dle of the sixteenth century. 430-31 The sohanci's flight pattern evidently took him straight up the Niger River valley, for after Sikiyay, he arrives at the home of Kassaye in Gan.  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 285 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 285 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 285 477-78 The notion of marriage here implies a pact between two different peoples-in this case the ruler of foreign origin and the Songhay people. Instead of using the usual term for marriage, hiiji, the griot uses a more formal expres- sion, tirahaw, a term that means "to celebrate a marriage" according to Olivier de Sardan (1982, 354). But he points out that the literal meaning is "to attach the Book," a definition with multiple connotations here. It refers to a religious benediction in the form of a public prayer, alfatiya, that a marabout pronounces at the moment two families agree on the dowry. Thus Askia Mohammed, hav- ing made the pilgrimage to Mecca, seeks to confirm his relationship with the Songhay in the way that reflects most appropriately his status as a defender of Islam. Later (1. 1138) we shall see the term used again by Sagouma to seal a relationship with the enemy in order to take revenge against Soumayla Kassa, her former husband, who has violated just such a pact by killing her brother. The following line, referring to different marriage customs adopted since the arrival of Europeans in Africa, does not seem directly related to the preced- ing line, but appears instead to be simply the griot's comment on how marriage customs have changed from the old days when they were much simpler. 481 The news that his first child fathered in the Songhay area is Moussa Zara seems to contradict the earlier birth of Daouda. One might conclude that Moussa Zara was his first child fathered since the formal marriage pact with the Songhay described a few lines earlier. But the Gobir region, home of Moussa's mother, lies 450 kilometers east of Niamey and is part of a Hausaphone region that Askia Mohammed did not conquer until after his re- turn from Mecca (1506-13, according to Boubou Hama). Hama does, never- theless, report in his Histoire du Gobir et de Sokoto (1%7) that inhabitants of the Gobir region were closely linked to the Songhay and Zarma many cen- turies ago. The Moussa in question was evidently the son who forced Askia Mohammed out of office, but this is not clear from the oral narrative. Later, at lines 641-82, the griot returns to Moussa Zara in more detail, in order, it seems, to review and expand on what he had said about this ruler during the first taping session. 483 The name "Almanyauri" is the Sonink6 version of "Moussa," accord- ing to Fatima Mounkaila (inteview with the author, September 13, 1989). 491 Mohamma Gao here may refer to Askia Mohammed Gao, the man who overthrew Askia IshAq It after the retreat from Tondibi to Gao. But the context is too ambiguous to make a positive identification. 497 The reference to Isaka is not clear, but the metaphors associated with him suggest a man of great strengh and force, with his own ideas. 499 The Si in this otherwise undecipherable line may be Sonni Ali Ber. 508 The story that begins here about Daouda killing the lions appears in many versions and is undoubtedly a very old text, judging from the high per- centage of undecipherable fines. Some of it is obviously Soninke, but even those who know the language cannot decipher the text. 544 t have been unable to identify Gombo. In his own Songhay recounting of the story of Daouda, Boubou Hama's narrator says that Daouda goes out on the road to Timbuktu (1%9, 51). 477-78 The notion of marriage here implies a pact between two different peoples-in this case the ruler of foreign origin and the Songhay people. Instead of using the usual term for marriage, hiiji, the griot uses a more formal expres- sion, tirahaw, a term that means "to celebrate a marriage" according to Olivier de Sardan (1982, 354). But he points out that the literal meaning is "to attach the Book," a definition with multiple connotations here. It refers to a religious benediction in the form of a public prayer, alfatiya, that a marabout pronounces at the moment two families agree on the dowry. Thus Askia Mohammed, hav- ing made the pilgrimage to Mecca, seeks to confirm his relationship with the Songhay in the way that reflects most appropriately his status as a defender of Islam. Later (1. 1138) we shall see the term used again by Sagouna to seal a relationship with the enemy in order to take revenge against Soumayla Kassa, her former husband, who has violated just such a pact by killing her brother. The following line, referring to different marriage customs adopted since the arrival of Europeans in Africa, does not seem directly related to the preced- ing line, but appears instead to be simply the griot's comment on how marriage customs have changed from the old days when they were much simpler. 481 The news that his first child fathered in the Songhay area is Moussa Zara seems to contradict the earlier birth of Daouda. One might conclude that Moussa Zara was his first child fathered since the formal marriage pact with the Songhay described a few lines earlier. But the Gobir region, home of Moussa's mother, lies 450 kilometers east of Niamey and is part of a Hausaphone region that Askia Mohammed did not conquer until after his re- turn from Mecca (1506-13, according to Boubou Hama). Hama does, never- theless, report in his Histoire du Gobir et de Sokoto (1967) that inhabitants of the Gobir region were closely linked to the Songhay and Zarma many cen- turies ago. The Moussa in question was evidently the son who forced Askia Mohammed out of office, but this is not clear from the oral narrative. Later, at lines 641-82, the griot returns to Moussa Zara in more detail, in order, it seems, to review and expand on what he had said about this ruler during the first taping session. 483 The name "Almanyauri" is the Sonink6 version of "Moussa," accord- ing to Fatima Mounkaila (inteview with the author, September 13, 1989). 491 Mohamma Gao here may refer to Askia Mohammed Gao, the man who overthrew Askia Ishiq It after the retreat from Tondibi to Gao. But the context is too ambiguous to make a positive identification. 497 The reference to Isaka is not clear, but the metaphors associated with him suggest a man of great strengh and force, with his own ideas. 499 The Si in this otherwise undecipherable line may be Sonni Ali Ber. 508 The story that begins here about Daouda killing the lions appears in many versions and is undoubtedly a very old text, judging from the high per- centage of undecipherable fines. Some of it is obviously Sonink6, but even those who know the language cannot decipher the text. 544 I have been unable to identify Gombo. In his own Songhay recounting of the story of Daouda, Boubou Hama's narrator says that Daouda goes out on the road to Timbuktu (1969, 51). 477-78 The notion of marriage here implies a pact between two different peoples-in this case the ruler of foreign origin and the Songhay people. Instead of using the usual term for marriage, hiiji, the griot uses a more formal expres- sion, tirahaw, a term that means "to celebrate a marriage" according to Olivier de Sardan (1982, 354). But he points out that the literal meaning is "to attach the Book," a definition with multiple connotations here. It refers to a religious benediction in the form of a public prayer, alfatiya, that a marabout pronounces at the moment two families agree on the dowry. Thus Askia Mohammed, hav- ing made the pilgrimage to Mecca, seeks to confirm his relationship with the Songhay in the way that reflects most appropriately his status as a defender of Islam. Later (1. 1138) we shall see the term used again by Sagouma to seal a relationship with the enemy in order to take revenge against Soumayla Kassa, her former husband, who has violated just such a pact by killing her brother. The following line, referring to different marriage customs adopted since the arrival of Europeans in Africa, does not seem directly related to the preced- ing line, but appears instead to be simply the griot's comment on how marriage customs have changed from the old days when they were much simpler. 481 The news that his first child fathered in the Songhay area is Moussa Zara seems to contradict the earlier birth of Daouda. One might conclude that Moussa Zara was his first child fathered since the formal marriage pact with the Songhay described a few lines earlier. But the Gobir region, home of Moussa's mother, lies 450 kilometers east of Niamey and is part of a Hausaphone region that Askia Mohammed did not conquer until after his re- turn from Mecca (1506-13, according to Boubou Hama). Hama does, never- theless, report in his Histoire du Gobir et de Sokoto (1967) that inhabitants of the Gobir region were closely linked to the Songhay and Zarma many cen- turies ago. The Moussa in question was evidently the son who forced Askia Mohammed out of office, but this is not clear from the oral narrative. Later, at ines 641-82, the griot returns to Moussa Zara in more detail, in order, it seems, to review and expand on what he had said about this ruler during the first taping session. 483 The name "Almanyauri" is the Sonink6 version of "Moussa," accord- ing to Fatima Mounkaila (inteview with the author, September 13, 1989). 491 Mohamma Gao here may refer to Askia Mohammed Gao, the man who overthrew Askia Ishiq It after the retreat from Tondibi to Gao. But the context is too ambiguous to make a positive identification. 497 The reference to Isaka is not clear, but the metaphors associated with him suggest a man of great strengh and force, with his own ideas. 499 The Si in this otherwise undecipherable line may be Sonni Ali Ber. 508 The story that begins here about Daouda killing the lions appears in many versions and is undoubtedly a very old text, judging from the high per- centage of undecipherable lines. Some of it is obviously Soninkl6, but even those who know the language cannot decipher the text. 544 I have been unable to identify Gombo. In his own Songhay recounting of the story of Daouda, Boubon Hama's narrator says that Daouda goes out on the road to Timbuktu (1969, 51).  286 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 570 Baabayzey in the narrowest sense means children of the same father but of different mothers, so I have translated it here as half brothers. But in a broader sense it refers to the larger community of brothers and cousins who may all claim, directly or indirectly, a share in the baabayzey faada, or "house of the father." 586 The first "they" in this line refers to Daouda's half brothers, while the second appears to mean that both Daouda and his horse fought as a team to kill the lions. 591-610 The metaphoric image of Daouda as Namaro here means that he settled there and its people descend from him. Namaro is 45 kilometers upriver from Niamey on the right bank. The griot points out later (11. 611-12) that the people of Karma, a few kilometers downstream on the left bank, also come from the same lineage. 598 The literal reading of this name is "Mamadou Thin Neck": Djinde Marria. The same family name is applied to several other descendants of Daouda on lines 599, 604, and 605. 608-9 The term sorkayze as part of names in these two lines means "son of a sorko." 609 This marks the last line of the performance on December 30, 1980. The following line is the first line of the performance on January 26, 1981. Four weeks elapsed between recordings because Nouhou Malio was ill. Before begin- ning the second performance, he listened to the end of the first recording. 625-83 Nouhou Maio repeats praises here for Mamar and Daouda, in- cluding those recounting the trip to Mecca, and the metaphoric descriptions of Moussa Zara. 637, 791, 799 It is not clear here if Bodronkou is a person or if it is the Sonink6 term for Songhay, as Fatima Mounkaila has suggested (interview with the author, September 10, 1989). Boub6 Gado, citing the late griot Badi6 Bagna, reports that the expression Bodorinko si Gao is Soninkf. Bodorinko, Bodorinke, and Bodoro, according to this interpretation, would be Soninkf terms for the Songhay. Gado, drawing on Cuoq (1975), asks if these terms come from "al-Bozorganiyn," the word for the inhabitants of ancient Gao according to al-Bekri. If it is the latter, then the lines would mean that it is in one place that Askia Mohammed began to father Songhay descendants (1980, 146). 639 Zara Minyauri is a variant of Almanyauri. 644-678 The meaning of this series of metaphors is simply that nobody can touch Moussa Zara, in particular his half brothers born of the same father, Askia Mohammed, but of different mothers. The kind of fraternal rivalry ex- pressed in this passage appears throughout the Sahel and in many other areas of the world where polygamy is practiced. 714 This line means that if you strike a stone, you wound yourself in the process. 735 The name "Harigoni" means "expert swimmer." 742 The name "Yerima" means "lieutenant." 286 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 570 Baabayzey in the narrowest sense means children of the same father but of different mothers, so I have translated it here as half brothers. But in a broader sense it refers to the larger community of brothers and cousins who may all claim, directly or indirectly, a share in the baabayzey faada, or "house of the father." 586 The first "they" in this line refers to Daouda's half brothers, while the second appears to mean that both Daouda and his horse fought as a team to kill the lions. 591-610 The metaphoric image of Daouda as Namaro here means that he settled there and its people descend from him. Namaro is 45 kilometers upriver from Niamey on the right bank. The griot points out later (11. 611-12) that the people of Karma, a few kilometers downstream on the left bank, also come from the same lineage. 598 The literal reading of this name is "Mamadou Thin Neck": Djinde Marria. The same family name is applied to several other descendants of Daouda on lines 599, 604, and 605. 608-9 The term sorkayze as part of names in these two lines means "son of a sorko." 609 This marks the last line of the performance on December 30, 1980. The following line is the first line of the performance on January 26, 1981. Four weeks elapsed between recordings because Nouhou Malio was ill. Before begin- ning the second performance, he listened to the end of the first recording. 625-83 Nouhou Mao repeats praises here for Mamar and Daouda, in- cluding those recounting the trip to Mecca, and the metaphoric descriptions of Moussa Zara. 637, 791, 799 It is not clear here if Bodronkou is a person or if it is the Sonink6 term for Songhay, as Fatima Mounkaila has suggested (interview with the author, September 10, 1989). Boub6 Gado, citing the late grit Badi6 Bagna, reports that the expression Bodorinko si Gao is Sonink6. Bodorinko, Bodorinke, and Bodoro, according to this interpretation, would be Sonink6 terms for the Songhay. Gado, drawing on Cuoq (1975), asks if these terms come from "al-Bozorganiyn," the word for the inhabitants of ancient Gao according to al-Bekri. If it is the latter, then the lines would mean that it is in one place that Askia Mohammed began to father Songhay descendants (1980, 146). 639 Zara Minyauri is a variant of Almanyauri. 644-678 The meaning of this series of metaphors is simply that nobody can touch Moussa Zara, in particular his half brothers born of the same father, Askia Mohammed, but of different mothers. The kind of fraternal rivalry ex- pressed in this passage appears throughout the Sahel and in many other areas of the world where polygamy is practiced. 714 This line means that if you strike a stone, you wound yourself in the process. 735 The name "Harigoni" means "expert swimmer." 742 The name "Yerima" means "lieutenant." 286 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 570 Baabayzey in the narrowest sense means children of the same father but of different mothers, so I have translated it here as half brothers. But in a broader sense it refers to the larger community of brothers and cousins who may all claim, directly or indirectly, a share in the baabayzey faada, or "house of the father." 586 The first "they" in this line refers to Daouda's half brothers, while the second appears to mean that both Daouda and his horse fought as a team to kill the lions. 591-610 The metaphoric image of Daouda as Namaro here means that he settled there and its people descend from him. Namaro is 45 kilometers upriver from Niamey on the right bank. The griot points out later (11. 611-12) that the people of Karma, a few kilometers downstream on the left bank, also come from the same lineage. 598 The literal reading of this name is "Mamadou Thin Neck": Djinde Marria. The same family name is applied to several other descendants of Daouda on lines 599, 604, and 605. 608-9 The term sorkayze as part of names in these two lines means "son of a sorko." 609 This marks the last line of the performance on December 30, 1980. The following line is the first line of the performance on January 26, 1981. Four weeks elapsed between recordings because Nouhou Malio was ill. Before begin- ning the second performance, he listened to the end of the first recording. 625-83 Nouhou Mao repeats praises here for Mamar and Daouda, in- cluding those recounting the trip to Mecca, and the metaphoric descriptions of Moussa Zara. 637, 791, 799 It is not clear here if Bodronkou is a person or if it is the Sonink6 term for Songhay, as Fatima Mounkaila has suggested (interview with the author, September 10, 1989). Boub6 Gado, citing the late grint Badi6 Bagna, reports that the expression Bodorinko si Gao is Sonink6. Bodorinko, Bodorinke, and Bodoro, according to this interpretation, would be Sonink6 terms for the Songhay. Gado, drawing on Cuoq (1975), asks if these terms come from "al-Bozorganiyn," the word for the inhabitants of ancient Gan according to al-Bekri. If it is the latter, then the lines would mean that it is in one place that Askia Mohammed began to father Songhay descendants (1980, 146). 639 Zara Minyauri is a variant of Almanyauri. 644-678 The meaning of this series of metaphors is simply that nobody can touch Moussa Zara, in particular his half brothers born of the same father, Askia Mohammed, but of different mothers. The kind of fraternal rivalry ex- pressed in this passage appears throughout the Sahel and in many other areas of the world where polygamy is practiced. 714 This line means that if you strike a stone, you wound yourself in the process. 735 The name "Harigoni" means "expert swimmer." 742 The name "Yerima" means "lieutenant."  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 287 749 Y6ni is a town 90 kilometers east of Niamey and 40 kilometers north of Dosso in the Boboye Valley. 758 Sansane-Haoussa is a small town 60 kilometers north of Niamey on the left bank. 762 The expression haw sambu is ambiguous here. Together the two words can mean "spot the scent;" "haw" alone can mean "wind" or "cow," depending on the pronunciation. 776 Komdiago here probably refers to Askia Mohammed's brother and his descendants. 787 The literal "was called" here means "was descended from." 804 The Kassa here, mother of Soumayla, is not the same one who was Askia Mohammed's mother, not only because Soumayla, in both the written and oral versions, rules long after the death of Askia Mohammed, but also be- cause her name is slightly different-Kassa versus Kassaye-from that of the first woman in the narrative. In Songhay, Kassa means "a woman who is cod- dIed." 818 There is no indication when he ruled Gao, but from other evidence cited in chapter 6, it is likely that he held the chieftaincy there toward the end of Moroccan hegemony in the region, between 1630 and 1640. 855 It is difficult to follow the narrative shifts here from descriptions of Amar Zoumbani, referred to by his supporters as "our prince," to the real prince, "The brother of Sagouma, who is the son of the former chief' (L. 864). At certain points, I have simply inferred the difference by listening to the tape. 869 Yalli here is not a Songhay word. It appears to come from the Sonink6 yalla, to stroll about. 883 "This so-and-so" appears here not as an insult but as a form of indirect address typical of the widespread tendency toward indirection in Songhay speech. For example, a wife will never call her husband by his first name. 942 The term zaago heere is not entirely clear. It is either a technical term in Songhay for a particular type of horse or a word borrowed from another lan- guage. 960, 981 The term "prayer ground" here is translated from bon giso do, literally "the place where one puts one's head down," rather than from the usual term, iddo do. 1014 Amar's immediate sadness stems from the trickery of his father's ser- vants, and it is this that provokes his father to seek to remedy the larger con- cern, that caused by the insulting gesture of Sagouma's brother who gave Soumayla Kassa's son to the griots. 1038 "Whoops" is an approximate translation of the ideophone urufo to represent the sudden movement of falling. 1046 "Window" here comes from the transformation of the French term fentre intofinetro, and refers not to glass windows but to square or round holes in mud-walled houses. 1049 "Artisan" here comes from garassa and refers probably to leatherworker, although if used for men it normally means blacksmith, accord- The Epic of Askia Mohammed 287 749 Ydni is a town 90 kilometers east of Niamey and 40 kilometers north of Dosso in the Boboye Valley. 758 Sansane-Haoussa is a small town 60 kilometers north of Niamey on the left bank. 762 The expression haw sambu is ambiguous here. Together the two words can mean "spot the scent;" "haw" alone can mean "wind" or "cow," depending on the pronunciation. 776 Komdiago here probably refers to Askia Mohammed's brother and his descendants. 787 The literal "was called" here means "was descended from." 804 The Kassa here, mother of Soumayla, is not the same one who was Askia Mohammed's mother, not only because Soumayla, in both the written and oral versions, rules long after the death of Askia Mohammed, but also be- cause her name is slightly different-Kassa versus Kassaye-from that of the first woman in the narrative. In Songhay, Kassa means "a woman who is cod- dled." 818 There is no indication when he ruled Gao, but from other evidence cited in chapter 6, it is likely that he held the chieftaincy there toward the end of Moroccan hegemony in the region, between 1630 and 1640. 855 It is difficult to follow the narrative shifts here from descriptions of Amar Zoumbani, referred to by his supporters as "our prince," to the real prince, "The brother of Sagouma, who is the son of the former chief' (L. 864). At certain points, I have simply inferred the difference by listening to the tape. 869 Yalli here is not a Songhay word. It appears to come from the Sonink:6 yalla, to stroll about. 883 "This so-and-so" appears here not as an insult but as a form of indirect address typical of the widespread tendency toward indirection in Songhay speech. For example, a wife will never call her husband by his first name. 942 The term zaago here is not entirely clear. It is either a technical term in Songhay for a particular type of horse or a word borrowed from another lan- guage. 960, 981 The term "prayer ground" here is translated from bon giso do, literally "the place where one puts one's head down," rather than from the usual term, iddo do. 1014 Amar's immediate sadness stems from the trickery of his father's ser- vants, and it is this that provokes his father to seek to remedy the larger con- cern, that caused by the insulting gesture of Sagouma's brother who gave Soumayla Kassa's son to the griots. 1038 "Whoops" is an approximate translation of the ideophone urufo to represent the sudden movement of falling. 1046 "Window" here comes from the transformation of the French term fendtre intofinetro, and refers not to glass windows but to square or round holes in mud-walled houses. 1049 "Artisan" here comes from garassa and refers probably to leatherworker, although if used for men it normally means blacksmith, accord- The Epic of Askia Mohammed 287 749 Y6ni is a town 90 kilometers east of Niamey and 40 kilometers north of Dosso in the Boboye Valley. 758 Sansane-Haoussa is a small town 60 kilometers north of Niamey on the left bank. 762 The expression haw sambu is ambiguous here. Together the two words can mean "spot the scent;" "haw" alone can mean "wind" or "cow," depending on the pronunciation. 776 Komdiago heere probably refers to Askia Mohammed's brother and his descendants. 787 The literal "was called" here means "was descended from." 804 The Kassa here, mother of Soumayla, is not the same one who was Askia Mohammed's mother, not only because Soumayla, in both the written and oral versions, rules long after the death of Askia Mohammed, but also be- cause her name is slightly different-Kassa versus Kassaye-from that of the first woman in the narrative. In Songhay, Kassa means "a woman who is cod- dled." 818 There is no indication when he ruled Gao, but from other evidence cited in chapter 6, it is likely that he held the chieftaincy there toward the end of Moroccan hegemony in the region, between 1630 and 1640. 855 It is difficult to follow the narrative shifts here from descriptions of Amar Zoumbani, referred to by his supporters as "our prince," to the real prince, "The brother of Sagouma, who is the son of the former chief' (1. 864). At certain points, I have simply inferred the difference by listening to the tape. 869 Yalli here is not a Songhay word. It appears to come from the Sonink6 yalla, to stroll about. 803 "This so-and-so" appears here not as an insult but as a form of indirect address typical of the widespread tendency toward indirection in Songhay speech. For example, a wife will never call her husband by his first name. 942 The term zaago here is not entirely clear. It is either a technical term in Songhay for a particular type of horse or a word borrowed from another lan- guage. 960, 981 The term "prayer ground" here is translated from bon giso do, literally "the place where one puts one's head down," rather than from the usual term, iddo do. 1014 Amar's immediate sadness stems from the trickery of his father's ser- vants, and it is this that provokes his father to seek to remedy the larger con- cern, that caused by the insulting gesture of Sagouma's brother who gave Soumayla Kassa's son to the griots. 1038 "Whoops" is an approximate translation of the ideophone urufo to represent the sudden movement of falling. 1046 "Window" here comes from the transformation of the French term fenitre intofinetro, and refers not to glass windows but to square or round holes in mud-walled houses. 1049 "Artisan" here comes from garassa and refers probably to leatherworker, although if used for men it normally means blacksmith, accord-  288 The Epic of Askia Mohammed ing to Olivier de Sardan. He reports that garassa means today Tuareg craftsman, a term that includes not only the notion of artisan but also that of griot. The origin of the term in the Songhay world remains unclear, but it has been linked to the Mand6 term garance, leatherworker, as well as to the ancient, pre- Songhay Gara (Garamantes) who worked iron (1982, 155-56). On line 1074, the griot uses another term, konnya, to indicate that the woman is of captive origin. The Tuareg garassa was free, but in this particular context it is clear that the garassa is of captive origin. 1057 "Out with it" is a rough translation of an onomatopoeic expression urururu, which has the negative connotatons of excretion. In the same line, garaasio could be translated as either "little artisan" or "little griot." In this con- text, however, little griot, or the feminine form for griot, griotte, conveys best Sagouma's exasperation and condescending manner. 1066 The godji (also spelled godje) is a monocord violin made of a cala- bash about thirty centimeters in diameter covered with the skin of Varanus niloticus, a type of large lizard, and fitted with a wood neck about sixty centime- ters long and a string made of horsehair. For the Songhay and Zarma, the in- strument serves in a variety of religious ceremonies, especially possession cere- monies such as the yenendi, to call forth those spirits, or tooru, who will bring rain. Bernard Surugue reports that many peoples in the Sahel use similar instru- ments, among them the Hausa, the Toareg, the Gourmantch6, the Wolof, the Mossi, and others (1972, 8). In this context, the fact that Sagouma plays the godji "for singing to princes" suggests that the instrument is used for entertain- ment purposes, not for a particular ritual. Nevertheless, given the significance of the godji for possession dances, yenendi, and other ceremonies, it is hard not to attach some greater spiritual significance to the woman who plays it here. Stoller explains that "the godji's sound links the Songhay present and past. Its wailing reinforces deep-seated cultural themes about the nature of life and death, the origin of the Songhay, and the juxtaposition of the social and spirit worlds" (1989, 112). 1079-83 Sagouma's killing of her two sons represents more than simply a double infanticide. It is the revenge of one family on another one for the viola- tion of a pact. 1089 Arma here is a derivation from rumet, an Arabic word for sol- diers carrying firearms (Saad 1983, 297), and refers either to the soldiers who were part of the Moroccan-directed army of conquest or to their descendants who participated in a series of increasingly fruitless campaigns during the next few generations to maintain Moroccan control over the region. The ambiguity stems from the term armahalley used by the griot. Olivier de Sardan's sources distinguish between the almahalle, or so-called Moroccans who conquered the region, and the arma who were their sixteenth- and seventeenth-century descendants. If the battle described in the narrative is the fall of Gao, then the armahalley used by Nouhou Malio to designate the aggressors could be trans- lated most appropriately as either "Moroccans," with quotation marks to indi- cate not simply Moroccans, but also Andalusians and men from other areas who signed up for the expedition, or as Arma, to indicate the descendants who, half 288 The Epic of Askia Mohammed ing to Olivier de Sardan. He reports that garassa means today Tuareg craftsman, a term that includes not only the notion of artisan but also that of griot. The origin of the term in the Songhay world remains unclear, but it has been linked to the Mand6 term garance, leatherworker, as well as to the ancient, pre- Songhay Gara (Garamantes) who worked iron (1982, 155-56). On line 1074, the griot uses another term, konnya, to indicate that the woman is of captive origin. The thareg garassa was free, but in this particular context it is clear that the garassa is of captive origin. 1057 "Out with it" is a rough translation of an onomatopoeic expression urururu, which has the negative connotatons of excretion. In the same line, garaasio could be translated as either "little artisan" or "little griot." In this con- text, however, little griot, or the feminine form for griot, griotte, conveys best Sagouma's exasperation and condescending manner. 1066 The godji (also spelled godje) is a monocord violin made of a cala- bash about thirty centimeters in diameter covered with the skin of Varanus niloticus, a type of large lizard, and fitted with a wood neck about sixty centime- ters long and a string made of horsehair. For the Songhay and Zarma, the in- strument serves in a variety of religious ceremonies, especially possession cere- monies such as the yenendi, to call forth those spirits, or tooru, who will bring rain. Bernard Surugue reports that many peoples in the Sahel use similar instru- ments, among them the Hausa, the 'Tareg, the Gourmantch6, the Wolof, the Mossi, and others (1972, 8). In this context, the fact that Sagouma plays the godji "for singing to princes" suggests that the instrument is used for entertain- ment purposes, not for a particular ritual. Nevertheless, given the significance of the godji for possession dances, yenendi, and other ceremonies, it is hard not to attach some greater spiritual significance to the woman who plays it here. Stoller explains that "the godji's sound links the Songhay present and past. Its wailing reinforces deep-seated cultural themes about the nature of life and death, the origin of the Songhay, and the juxtaposition of the social and spirit worlds" (1989, 112). 1079-83 Sagouma's killing of her two sons represents more than simply a double infanticide. It is the revenge of one family on another one for the viola- tion of a pact. 1089 Arma here is a derivation from rumat, an Arabic word for sol- diers carrying firearms (Saad 1983, 297), and refers either to the soldiers who were part of the Moroccan-directed army of conquest or to their descendants who participated in a series of increasingly fruitless campaigns during the next few generations to maintain Moroccan control over the region. The ambiguity stems from the term armahalley used by the griot. Olivier de Sardan's sources distinguish between the almahalle, or so-called Moroccans who conquered the region, and the arma who were their sixteenth- and seventeenth-entury descendants. If the battle described in the narrative is the fall of Gao, then the armahalley used by Nouhu Mafio to designate the aggressors could be trans- lated most appropriately as either "Moroccans," with quotation marks to indi- cate not simply Moroccans, but also Andalusians and men from other areas who signed up for the expedition, or as Arma, to indicate the descendants who, half 288 The Epic of Askia Mohammed ing to Olivier de Sardan. He reports that garassa means today thareg craftsman, a term that includes not only the notion of artisan but also that of griot. The origin of the term in the Songhay world remains unclear, but it has been linked to the Mand6 term garance, leatherworker, as well as to the ancient, pre- Songhay Gara (Garamantes) who worked iron (1982, 155-56). On line 1074, the griot uses another term, konnya, to indicate that the woman is of captive origin. The Tuareg garassa was free, but in this particular context it is clear that the garassa is of captive origin. 1057 "Out with it" is a rough translation of an onomatopoeic expression urururu, which has the negative connotatons of excretion. In the same line, garaasio could be translated as either "little artisan" or "little griot." In this con- text, however, little griot, or the feminine form for griot, griotte, conveys best Sagouma's exasperation and condescending manner. 1066 The godji (also spelled godje) is a monocord violin made of a cala- bash about thirty centimeters in diameter covered with the skin of Varanus niloticus, a type of large lizard, and fitted with a wood neck about sixty centime- ters long and a string made of horsehair. For the Songhay and Zarma, the in- strument serves in a variety of religious ceremonies, especially possession cere- monies such as the yenendi, to call forth those spirits, or tooru, who will bring rain. Bernard Surugue reports that many peoples in the Sahel use similar instru- ments, among them the Hausa, the Toareg, the Gourmantchd, the Wolof, the Mossi, and others (1972, 8). In this context, the fact that Sagouma plays the godji "for singing to princes" suggests that the instrument is used for entertain- ment purposes, not for a particular ritual. Nevertheless, given the significance of the godji for possession dances, yenendi, and other ceremonies, it is hard not to attach some greater spiritual significance to the woman who plays it here. Stoller explains that "the godji's sound links the Songhay present and past. Its wailing reinforces deep-seated cultural themes about the nature of life and death, the origin of the Songhay, and the juxtaposition of the social and spirit worlds" (1989, 112). 1079-83 Sagouma's killing of her two sons represents more than simply a double infanticide. It is the revenge of one family on another one for the viola- tion of a pact. 1089 Arma here is a derivation from rumat, an Arabic word for sol- diers carrying firearms (Saad 1983, 297), and refers either to the soldiers who were part of the Moroccan-directed army of conquest or to their descendants who participated in a series of increasingly fruitless campaigns during the next few generations to maintain Moroccan control over the region. The ambiguity stems from the term armahalley used by the griot. Olivier de Sardan's sources distinguish between the almahalle, or so-called Moroccans who conquered the region, and the arma who were their sixteenth- and seventeenth-century descendants. If the battle described in the narrative is the fall of Gao, then the armahalley used by Nouhou Malio to designate the aggressors could be trans- lated most appropriately as either "Moroccans," with quotation marks to indi- cate not simply Moroccans, but also Andalusians and men from other areas who signed up for the expedition, or as Arma, to indicate the descendants who, half  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 289 a century after the conquest, fought unsuccessfully against a rebellious Gao. Given the griot's conflation of both events, the term Arma appears to reflect most accurately the historical reality behind the oral text (1982, 27-28, 35-36). 1100 "Bull," from the term bardo, refers to the bull that one sacrifices at a wedding and, by extension, all the expenses incurred for the ceremony. 1107 "Passes you by" is the griot's way of putting the listener in the place of the man who cannot meet Sagouma's requirements. 1112 Literally, "I come to be the stranger." 1138 Here again, the notion of marriage takes on a more legal sense with the use of the term tirahaw rather than the simpler hiiji to indicate a social tie. 1164 The comparison between early Songhay forms of government and today appears in the use of the term gufernema from the French to signify "gov- ernment." 1187, 1192 The reference to the contributions of the rich to Bayero's war fund may be interpreted in at least two ways: (1) wars cost money, and one can- not conduct a war without the support of the rich; and (2) the rich sold out to the Moroccans in exchange for economic peace. The following lines, how- ever, which report the involvement of marabouts and women, suggest that the griot seeks to emphasize widespread support for Bayero's effort against Gao. 1204 The reference to the role of women as suppliers appears to under- score the dependence of men on women in the conduct of a war. The grit points out that both men and their animals rely on the ability of women to keep the supplies flowing toward the front line at Gao. 1221 The "It" refers to the army of Bayero. "Their" refers to the people of Gao. 1233-59 The chicken does not bring to mind any particular link with the Songhay belief system, except that it is a common object of sacrifice in ceremo- nies. But the python and the ox offer a variety of interpretations from both the local and the broader Sahelian context. The snake is an important symbol of power as least as far back as the Ghana empire with the myth of the serpent called Bida. The McIntoshes found a vari- ety of snake motifs in pottery at Jenne-Jeno, the site of a city near the modern Malian city of Djenn6 that dates back to 250 B. c. (1982). In an extended discus- sion of the role of snakes among various peoples, Boubon Hama (1966) notes that among the Songhay of the Tdra region, there still exist serpent cults in the watercourses that lead to the Niger River (139-68). Snakes are found among the gengi bi, one of the five families of Songhay spirits, reports Stoller. He de- scribes the appearance of a person possessed by a snake during the ritual sacri- fice of animals marking the sixth day of a seven-day initiation of a woman as a medium in the Songhay spirit world (1989, 69-70). Daouda Sorko, a Nigdrien keeper of the oral tradition, reported to archaeologist Boub6 Gado that the killer of Ghana Empire's Bida snake was Mali Keyna, younger brother of Mali Bero (Mounkaila 1985, 210). Whether or not the appearance here of a snake as one of the protective spirits of Gao has any relation to the Bida snake-for example, through the Sonink6 language connection-remains to be docu- mented. From the context, Diould6 Laya suggests that there is probably some The Epic of Askia Mohammed 289 a century after the conquest, fought unsuccessfully against a rebellious Gao. Given the griot's conflation of both events, the term Arma appears to reflect most accurately the historical reality behind the oral text (1982, 27-28, 35-36). 1100 "Bull," from the term bardo, refers to the bull that one sacrifices at a wedding and, by extension, all the expenses incurred for the ceremony. 1107 "Passes you by" is the griot's way of putting the listener in the place of the man who cannot meet Sagouma's requirements. 1112 Literally, "I come to be the stranger." 1138 Here again, the notion of marriage takes on a more legal sense with the use of the term tirahaw rather than the simpler hiiji to indicate a social tie. 1164 The comparison between early Songhay forms of government and today appears in the use of the term gafernema from the French to signify "gov- ernment." 1187, 1192 The reference to the contributions of the rich to Bayero's war fund may be interpreted in at least two ways: (1) wars cost money, and one can- not conduct a war without the support of the rich; and (2) the rich sold out to the Moroccans in exchange for economic peace. The following lines, how- ever, which report the involvement of marabouts and women, suggest that the griot seeks to emphasize widespread support for Bayero's effort against Gao. 1204 The reference to the role of women as suppliers appears to under- score the dependence of men on women in the conduct of a war. The griot points out that both men and their animals rely on the ability of women to keep the supplies flowing toward the front line at Gao. 1221 The "It" refers to the army of Bayero. "Their" refers to the people of Gao. 1233-59 The chicken does not bring to mind any particular link with the Songhay belief system, except that it is a common object of sacrifice in ceremo- nies. But the python and the ox offer a variety of interpretations from both the local and the broader Sahelian context. The snake is an important symbol of power as least as far back as the Ghana empire with the myth of the serpent called Bida. The McIntoshes found a vari- ety of snake motifs in pottery at Jenne-Jeno, the site of a city near the modern Malian city of Djenn6 that dates back to 250 B. c. (1982). In an extended discus- sion of the role of snakes among various peoples, Bonbon Hama (1966) notes that among the Songhay of the Tdra region, there still exist serpent cults in the watercourses that lead to the Niger River (139-68). Snakes are found among the gengi bi, one of the five families of Songhay spirits, reports Stoller. He de- scribes the appearance of a person possessed by a snake during the ritual sacri- fice of animals marking the sixth day of a seven-day initiation of a woman as a medium in the Songhay spirit world (1989, 69-70). Daouda Sorko, a Nig6rien keeper of the oral tradition, reported to archaeologist Boub6 Gado that the killer of Ghana Empire's Bida snake was Mali Keyna, younger brother of Mali Bern (Mounkaila 1985, 210). Whether or not the appearance here of a snake as one of the protective spirits of Gao has any relation to the Bida snake-for example, through the Sonink6 language connection-remains to be docu- mented. From the context, Diould6 Laya suggests that there is probably some The Epic of Askia Mohammed 289 a century after the conquest, fought unsuccessfully against a rebellious Gao. Given the griot's conflation of both events, the term Arma appears to reflect most accurately the historical reality behind the oral text (1982, 27-28, 35-36). 1100 "Bull," from the term bardo, refers to the bull that one sacrifices at a wedding and, by extension, all the expenses incurred for the ceremony. 1107 "Passes you by" is the griot's way of putting the listener in the place of the man who cannot meet Sagouma's requirements. 1112 Literally, "I come to he the stranger." 1138 Here again, the notion of marriage takes on a more legal sense with the use of the term tirahaw rather than the simpler hiiji to indicate a social tie. 1164 The comparison between early Songhay forms of government and today appears in the use of the term gufernema from the French to signify "gov- ernment." 1187, 1192 The reference to the contributions of the rich to Bayero's war fund may be interpreted in at least two ways: (1) wars cost money, and one can- not conduct a war without the support of the rich; and (2) the rich sold out to the Moroccans in exchange for economic peace. The following lines, how- ever, which report the involvement of marabouts and women, suggest that the griot seeks to emphasize widespread support for Bayero's effort against Gao. 1204 The reference to the role of women as suppliers appears to under- score the dependence of men on women in the conduct of a war. The griot points out that both men and their animals rely on the ability of women to keep the supplies flowing toward the front line at Gao. 1221 The "It" refers to the army of Bayero. "Their" refers to the people of Gao. 1233-59 The chicken does not bring to mind any particular link with the Songhay belief system, except that it is a common object of sacrifice in ceremo- nies. But the python and the ox offer a variety of interpretations from both the local and the broader Sahelian context. The snake is an important symbol of power as least as far back as the Ghana empire with the myth of the serpent called Bida. The McIntoshes found a vari- ety of snake motifs in pottery at Jenne-Jeno, the site of a city near the modern Malian city of Djenn6 that dates back to 250 B. c. (1982). In an extended discus- sion of the role of snakes among various peoples, Boubon Hama (1966) notes that among the Songhay of the Tdra region, there still exist serpent cults in the watercourses that lead to the Niger River (139-68). Snakes are found among the gengi bi, one of the five families of Songhay spirits, reports Stoller. He de- scribes the appearance of a person possessed by a snake during the ritual sacri- fice of animals marking the sixth day of a seven-day initiation of a woman as a medium in the Songhay spirit world (1989, 69-70). Daouda Sorko, a Nigdrien keeper of the oral tradition, reported to archaeologist Boub6 Gado that the killer of Ghana Empire's Bida snake was Mali Keyna, younger brother of Mali Bero (Mounkaila 1985, 210). Whether or not the appearance here of a snake as one of the protective spirits of Gao has any relation to the Bida snake-for example, through the Sonink6 language connection-remains to be docu- mented. From the context, Diould6 Laya suggests that there is probably some  290 The Epic of Askia Mohammed sort of connection (marginal notes to draft of this manuscript and interviews with the author, Niamey, February 1989). As for the ox, there is a tradition among the Zarma people that their ances- tors were guided to their current location in Niger by a bull. The animal is the sacred bull of Dongo, Songhay-Zarma deity of thunder and lightning (see Mounkaila 1985, 248). 1262 Dili is a game played with small pebbles or seeds and a board with twelve holes common to many parts of Africa. 1269-72 The word for woman is weyboro in Songhay. The griot's short- ening of wandiya jeyante or "older, unmarried woman" (L. 1269) to simply wandiya or "girl" in lines 1270 and 1272 creates a translation problem-how can the person be a woman and then a girl? I have resolved the ambiguity simply by placing "girl" in quotation marks to indicate that she is really much older than a girl. 1323-54 Sagouma's advice to her Arma friend to stay away from Soumayla Kassa seems to contradict her earlier wish for a man who can kill her former husband. The fact that she begins to play the godji, and that the music and praises attracts her husband, almost as a magic charm, invites at least two inter- pretations: (1) She wants to give Bayero a chance to prove himself; (2) she wants to prove to Bayero the truth of her words about Soumayla's prowess. 1390 The kokorbey (Combretum glutinosum) is a type of tree common to the Sahel. It ranges from five to seventeen meters tall and its bark is used in powdered form to treat stomach pains. 1411 Fifty thousand CFA francs equals $150, or FF1,000. 1425 "Secret" here is an approximate translation of genji haw which Stoller defines literally as "to attach or tie up the bush"; this is the most impor- tant incantation in a sorcerer's repertoire-its aim is to harmonize the forces of the bush (1989, 232). 1431-32 The belief that there is danger in going into town and fraternizing with the local people, particularly the women, is hardly new in the history of warfare. Here, however, there is some confusion about the causes of what ap- pears to be a temporary setback (L. 1448) for the Songhay. The village near which Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and their soldiers stop appears to be a friendly one. But Amar Zoumbani compounds his error in sleeping with a local woman by violating a taboo against getting on and off a horse in the morn- ing when he requests a change in saddles (11. 1427-28, 1441). The significance of the incident seems to be that Amar Zoumbani's acts manifest, once again, the captive side of his mixed noble/captive heritage. 1449-54 The report that the Songhay cavalry kill all the Arma horses or horseman implies that the Songhay were turning the tide in their resistance against the Arma. In this passage, following previous usage, the context would seem to suggest that the enemy cavalry were killed, rather than the horses them- selves. But here the griot distinguishes between the Songhay cavalry, using the unambiguous term barikaro, and the enemy, which he describes as horses, or bariyey. 1457 One can still visit the grave of Mali Bero at the village of Sargan, 290 The Epic of Askia Mohammed sort of connection (marginal notes to draft of this manuscript and interviews with the author, Niamey, February 1989). As for the ox, there is a tradition among the Zarma people that their ances- tors were guided to their current location in Niger by a bull. The animal is the sacred bull of Dongo, Songhay-Zarma deity of thunder and lightning (see Mounkaila 1985, 248). 1262 Dili is a game played with small pebbles or seeds and a board with twelve holes common to many parts of Africa. 1269-72 The word for woman is weyboro in Songhay. The griot's short- ening of wandiya jeyante or "older, unmarried woman" (1. 1269) to simply wandiya or "girl" in ines 1270 and 1272 creates a translation problem-how can the person be a woman and then a girl? I have resolved the ambiguity simply by placing "girl" in quotation marks to indicate that she is really much older than a girl. 1323-54 Sagouma's advice to her Arma friend to stay away from Soumayla Kassa seems to contradict her earlier wish for a man who can kill her former husband. The fact that she begins to play the godji, and that the music and praises attracts her husband, almost as a magic charm, invites at least two inter- pretations: (1) She wants to give Bayero a chance to prove himself; (2) she wants to prove to Bayero the truth of her words about Soumayla's prowess. 1390 The kokorbey (Combretum glutinosum) is a type of tree common to the Sahel. It ranges from five to seventeen meters tall and its bark is used in powdered form to treat stomach pains. 1411 Fifty thousand CFA francs equals $150, or FF1,000. 1425 "Secret" here is an approximate translation of genji haw which Stoller defines literally as "to attach or tie up the bush"; this is the most impor- tant incantation in a sorcerer's repertoire-its aim is to harmonize the forces of the bush (1989, 232). 1431-32 The belief that there is danger in going into town and fraternizing with the local people, particularly the women, is hardly new in the history of warfare. Here, however, there is some confusion about the causes of what ap- pears to be a temporary setback (L. 1448) for the Songhay. The village near which Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and their soldiers stop appears to be a friendly one. But Amar Zoumbani compounds his error in sleeping with a local woman by violating a taboo against getting on and off a horse in the morn- ing when he requests a change in saddles (11. 1427-28, 1441). The significance of the incident seems to be that Amar Zoumbani's acts manifest, once again, the captive side of his mixed noble/captive heritage. 1449-54 The report that the Songhay cavalry kill all the Arma horses or horseman implies that the Songhay were turning the tide in their resistance against the Arma. In this passage, following previous usage, the context would seem to suggest that the enemy cavalry were killed, rather than the horses them- selves. But here the griot distinguishes between the Songhay cavalry, using the unambiguous term barikaro, and the enemy, which he describes as horses, or bariyey. 1457 One can still visit the grave of Mali Bero at the village of Sargan, 290 The Epic of Askia Mohammed sort of connection (marginal notes to draft of this manuscript and interviews with the author, Niamey, February 1989). As for the ox, there is a tradition among the Zarma people that their ances- tors were guided to their current location in Niger by a bull. The animal is the sacred bull of Dongo, Songhay-Zarma deity of thunder and lightning (see Mounkaila 1985, 248). 1262 Dili is a game played with small pebbles or seeds and a board with twelve holes common to many parts of Africa. 1269-72 The word for woman is weyboro in Songhay. The grit's short- ening of wandiya jeyante or "older, unmarried woman" (1. 1269) to simply wandiya or "girl" in lines 1270 and 1272 creates a translation problem-how can the person be a woman and then a girl? I have resolved the ambiguity simply by placing "girl" in quotation marks to indicate that she is really much older than a girl. 1323-54 Sagouma's advice to her Arma friend to stay away from Soumayla Kassa seems to contradict her earlier wish for a man who can kill her former husband. The fact that she begins to play the godji, and that the music and praises attracts her husband, almost as a magic charm, invites at least two inter- pretations: (1) She wants to give Bayero a chance to prove himself; (2) she wants to prove to Bayero the truth of her words about Soumayla's prowess. 1390 The kokorbey (Combretum glutinosum) is a type of tree common to the Sahel. It ranges from five to seventeen meters tall and its bark is used in powdered form to treat stomach pains. 1411 Fifty thousand CFA francs equals $150, or FF1,000. 1425 "Secret" here is an approximate translation of genji haw which Stoller defines literally as "to attach or tie up the bush"; this is the most impor- tant incantation in a sorcerer's repertoire-its aim is to harmonize the forces of the bush (1989, 232). 1431-32 The belief that there is danger in going into town and fraternizing with the local people, particularly the women, is hardly new in the history of warfare. Here, however, there is some confusion about the causes of what ap- pears to be a temporary setback (L. 1448) for the Songhay. The village near which Soumayla Kassa, Amar Zoumbani, and their soldiers stop appears to be a friendly one. But Amar Zoumbani compounds his error in sleeping with a local woman by violating a taboo against getting on and off a horse in the morn- ing when he requests a change in saddles (1l. 1427-28, 1441). The significance of the incident seems to be that Amar Zoumbani's acts manifest, once again, the captive side of his mixed noble/captive heritage. 1449-54 The report that the Songhay cavalry kill all the Arma horses or horseman implies that the Songhay were turning the tide in their resistance against the Arma. In this passage, following previous usage, the context would seem to suggest that the enemy cavalry were killed, rather than the horses them- selves. But here the griot distinguishes between the Songhay cavalry, using the unambiguous term barikaro, and the enemy, which he describes as horses, or bariyey. 1457 One can still visit the grave of Mali Bero at the village of Sargan,  The Epic of Askia Mohammed 291 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 291 The Epic of Askia Mohammed 291 7 kilometers south of Ouallam, a provincial capital of the Zarmaganda region 75 kilometers north of Niamey. 1533 "Death" here comes from a Sonink6 term, kaari, according to Papa Susso. But in Songhay, it is simply a very strong epithet to express surprise and concern. Interview, Harouna Beidari and Idrissa Souley, Karma, February 11, 1989. 1539 Mali understands the language of the horses and wants to see if the Fulani seer has heard the same news. 1548 The harangue by Yefarma here reflects the philosophy of the warrior who fights for his commander-in-chief, or wangu nya, literally "mother of the science of war" (Ousmane Mahamane Tandina 1984 and interviews with the au- thor, October 1987; Boub6 Gado 1980, 240-43). 1555 The reference to "A man" here is an indirect way of referring to the self (Diould6 Laya, marginal note to draft of this manuscript, February 1989). 1582 The term koba here refers no doubt to the kobe tree, Ficus platyphylla. Stoller reports that its bark is ground into a powder and used in sorcery and medecine for a variety of purposes (interview with the author, Au- gust 20, 1989). 1589 Hasagay is an ambiguous term here. According to Papa Susso (inter- views with the author, February 1988), it means "lucky" in Soninkd. Manthia Diawara, an ethnic Sonink6, suggests that it means here simply "special" or "magic" to signify the link between that part of the body of either man or animal and the Goll6 people (interviews with the author, March 1988). In interviews at Saga in April 1988, Soumana Abdou, Nouhou Malio's accompanist, reported to Ousmane Mahamane Tandina that the term refers to the meat of an animal that has been killed for a celebration (for example, a naming ceremony) and indicates more specifically the part of the animal reserved for a particular ethnic group-in this case the GoIld. He adds that the leg is reserved for the griot. Harouna Beidari and Idrissa Souley, griots, explained that it refers to meat from the chest of an animal (Karma, February 11, 1989). 1602 Kourfeye (also spelled Kurfey) is a region 90 kilometers southeast of Boubon in the Dallol Bosso area. According to French geographer Yveline Poncet, the Kourfeye people today originally came from Bornou, far to the east, but arrived there after the Zarma Kall6, cousins of the GolI6 (1973, 24). 7 kilometers south of Ouallam, a provincial capital of the Zarmaganda region 75 kilometers north of Niamey. 1533 "Death" heere comes from a Sonink6 term, kaari, according to Papa Susso. But in Songhay, it is simply a very strong epithet to express surprise and concern. Interview, Harouna Beidari and Idrissa Souley, Karma, February 11, 1989. 1539 Mali understands the language of the horses and wants to see if the Fulani seer has heard the same news. 1548 The harangue by Yefarma here reflects the philosophy of the warrior who fights for his commander-in-chief, or wangu nya, literally "mother of the science of war" (Ousmane Mahamane Tandina 1984 and interviews with the au- thor, October 1987; Boub6 Gado 1980, 240-43). 1555 The reference to "A man" here is an indirect way of referring to the self (Diouldd Laya, marginal note to draft of this manuscript, February 1989). 1582 The term koba here refers no doubt to the kobe tree, Ficus platyphylla. Stoller reports that its bark is ground into a powder and used in sorcery and medecine for a variety of purposes (interview with the author, Au- gust 20, 1989). 1589 Hasagay is an ambiguous term here. According to Papa Susso (inter- views with the author, February 1988), it means "lucky" in Sonink6. Manthia Diawara, an ethnic Sonink6, suggests that it means here simply "special" or "magic" to signify the link between that part of the body of either man or animal and the Goll6 people (interviews with the author, March 1988). In interviews at Saga in April 1988, Soumana Abdou, Nouhou Malio's accompanist, reported to Ousmane Mahamane Tandina that the term refers to the meat of an animal that has been killed for a celebration (for example, a naming ceremony) and indicates more specifically the part of the animal reserved for a particular ethnic group-in this case the Gu6ld. He adds that the leg is reserved for the griot. Harouna Beidari and Idrissa Souley, griots, explained that it refers to meat from the chest of an animal (Karma, February 11, 1989). 1602 Kourfeye (also spelled Kurfey) is a region 90 kilometers southeast of Boubon in the Dallol Bosso area. According to French geographer Yveline Poncet, the Kourfeye people today originally came from Bornou, far to the east, but arrived there after the Zarma Kall6, cousins of the Goll6 (1973, 24). 7 kilometers south of Ouallam, a provincial capital of the Zarmaganda region 75 kilometers north of Niamey. 1533 "Death" here comes from a Sonink6 term, kaari, according to Papa Susso. But in Songhay, it is simply a very strong epithet to express surprise and concern. Interview, Harouna Beidari and Idrissa Souley, Karma, February 11, 1989. 1539 Mali understands the language of the horses and wants to see if the Fulani seer has heard the same news. 1548 The harangue by Yefarma here reflects the philosophy of the warrior who fights for his commander-in-chief, or wangu nya, literally "mother of the science of war" (Ousmane Mahamane Tandina 1984 and interviews with the au- thor, October 1987; Boub6 Gado 1980, 240-43). 1555 The reference to "A man" here is an indirect way of referring to the self (Diould6 Laya, marginal note to draft of this manuscript, February 1989). 1582 The term koba here refers no doubt to the kobe tree, Ficus platyphylla. Stoller reports that its bark is ground into a powder and used in sorcery and medecine for a variety of purposes (interview with the author, Au- gust 20, 1989). 1589 Hasagay is an ambiguous term here. According to Papa Susso (inter- views with the author, February 1988), it means "lucky" in Sonink6. Manthia Diawara, an ethnic Sonink6, suggests that it means here simply "special" or "magic" to signify the link between that part of the body of either man or animal and the GollI people (interviews with the author, March 1988). In interviews at Saga in April 1988, Soumana Abdou, Nouhou Malio's accompanist, reported to Ousmane Mahamane Tandina that the term refers to the meat of an animal that has been killed for a celebration (for example, a naming ceremony) and indicates more specifically the part of the animal reserved for a particular ethnic group-in this case the Goll6. He adds that the leg is reserved for the griot. Harouna Beidari and Idrissa Souley, griots, explained that it refers to meat from the chest of an animal (Karma, February 11, 1989). 1602 Kourfeye (also spelled Kurfey) is a region 90 kilometers southeast of Boubon in the Dallol Bosso area. 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In Social Strati- fication in Africa, edited by Leonard Tuden and Arthur Plotnicov. New York: Free Press, 1970. Watta, Oumarou. "The Human Thesis: A Quest for Meaning in African Epic." Ph.D. diss., University of Buffalo, New York, 1985. Willis, John Ralph. "Introduction." In Studies in West African Islamic History. Volume 1. The Cultivators of Islam, edited by J. R. Willis. London: Frank Cass, 1979. Wright, Bonnie L. "The Power of Articulation." In Creativity of Power: Cos- mology and Action in African Societies, edited by . Karp and W. Arens. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989. Wright, Derek. "Orality in the African Historical Novel: Yambo Ouologuem's Bound to Violence and Ayi Kwei Armah's Two Thousand Seasons." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 23, no. 1 (1988):90-101. Yahya, Dahiru. Morocco in the Sixteenth Century. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Hu- manities Press, 1981. Zahan, Dominique. La Viande et la Graine. Paris: Pr6sence Africaine, 1989. Zouber, Mahmoud Abdou. Traditions Historiques Songhoy (Tindirma, Morkikoyra, Arham). Niamey: Centre d'Etudes Historiques et Lin- guistiques par Tradition Orale, 1983. Zumthor, Paul. Introduction d la posie orale. Paris: Seuil, 1983. . La lettre et la voix. Paris: Seuil, 1987. 300 Works Cited . Fusion of the Worlds: An Ethnography of Songhay Possession. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989. . "Speaking in the Name of the Real: A Response to Olivier de Sardan's 'Jeu de la croyance et "je" ethnologique."' Cahiers d'ntudes Africaines, forthcoming. Stoller, Paul, and Cheryl Olkes. In Sorcery's Shadow: Memoir ofan Apprentice- ship among the Songhay of Niger. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Streicker, Allen Joseph. On Being Zarma: Scarcity and Stress in the Nigerien Sahel. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1982. Street, Brian V. Literacy in Theory and Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1984. Surugue, Bernard. Contribution 4 /'/tude de la musique sacr/e zarma songhay. Etudies Nigdriennes no. 30. Niamey: Centre Nig6rien de Recherches en Sci- ences Humaines, 1972. Tandina, Ousmane Mahamane. "Une spop6e zarma: Wangougna Issa Korombeiz6 Modi ou Issa Koygolo, 'M/re de la science de la guerre."' Diss., University of Dakar, 1984. Trimingham, J. Spencer. Islam in West Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959. Vansina, Jan. Oral Tradition as History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Vaughan, James H., Jr. "Caste Systems in the Western Sudan." In Social Strati- fication in Africa, edited by Leonard 'inden and Arthur Plotnicov. New York: Free Press, 1970. Watta, Oumarou. "The Human Thesis: A Quest for Meaning in African Epic." Ph.D. diss., University of Buffalo, New York, 1985. Willis, John Ralph. "Introduction." In Studies in West African Islamic History. Volume 1. The Cultivators of Islam, edited by J. R. Willis. London: Frank Cass, 1979. Wright, Bonnie L. "The Power of Articulation." In Creativity of Power: Cos- mology and Action in African Societies, edited by I. Karp and W. Arens. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989. Wright, Derek. "Orality in the African Historical Novel: Yambo Ouologuem's Bound to Violence and Ayi Kwei Armah's Two Thousand Seasons." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 23, no. 1 (1988):90-101. Yahya, Dahiru. Morocco in the Sixteenth Century. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Hu- manities Press, 1981. Zahan, Dominique. La Viande et la Graine. Paris: Pr6sence Africaine, 1969. Zouber, Mahmoud Abdou. Traditions Historiques Songhoy (Tindirma, Morkikoyra, Arham). Niamey: Centre d'Etudes Historiques et Lin- guistiques par Tradition Orale, 1983. Zumthor, Paul. Introduction d la po/sie orale. Paris: Seuil, 1983. . La lettre et la voix. Paris: Seuil, 1987.  Index Index Index The index contains both a listing of names, places, and other items and a partial glossary of terms from Songhay, Soninkd, and other languages. Sometimes a short definition ap- pears before the page reference. Literal meanings me placed in quotation marks. For terms that require longer explanation, the reader is referred to the discussion in the text. In an attempt to diminish somewhat the many possibilities for confusion in the list of names from many different sources, variants are indicated and cross references included (e.g., Askia Mohammed. See also Mamar Kassaye). oftrsfom~ Sontgbty, Sontitkd, tttd other lantguages. Sometimest short definition~ ap- (etg., Askia Mohammttted. Seet also, Mamtat Ktttttye). The index contains both a listing of names, places, and other items and a partial glossary of terms from Songhay, Sonink6, and other languages. Sometimes a short definition ap- pears before the page reference. Literal meanings are placed in quotation marks. For terms that require longer explanation, the reader is referred to the discussion in the text. In art attempt to diminish somewhat the many possibilities for confusion in the list of names from many different sources, variants are indicated and cress references included (e.g., Askia Mohammed. See also Mannar Kassaye). Abdelttttlk, 108 Abdtt, Ousseii, 42 Abdtt. Seamanstt, 60, 179-81, 183, 291 Abitbtl, Michel, 18 Abott-Bekr, 78 Abttttllkr-Di. Seet Chi BAro Abbattt, on fSott i Ali Be. Seet Chi Btttt Accs t lhe reodintg, 183 Achebt, Chltttt, 2 Adiki-FtuttI, 99 AduilOty, 119 African lterature, 5 Agali, Bttbacar, 179 Alr region, 93 Airplanet, 294 tl-Hekti. 19, 20, 286;,o 11th-eturty Gan, 23 al-bid86, 33 tl-Btzogatiyn, 286 tI-FUlt, Mohatmmed, 33 tlIris, 20 a-itttlw4iz, 22 aI-Maghill, 82, 144; advice ont dealing with peoplet ttho refuse Ilamtt, 142; tt rilinea stemts, 23; tortespttdettce with Athit Mohatttted, 23 aI-Mokhtt,, 186,351 al-Muhalbi o rttler of Gan, 22 al-Yatqfbi, 19, 22 Albanta, Imaktt, 221 adft, 31, 170 Al~t D,44tt Omtat Ktttttlght buried allve by Askit Mtttlt, 186 Alit Ktttkt, 100 alf44ya. 283 Algeria, 149 Ali Koblt., 22 Ali Wutia, 229 Ali-Bttt-Abdelkader, 122 Allah, 267, 271, 273, 281 altbllt, 288 IAlmanyuri, 285-86 Ahttttttidt, 20; relationt to Sanhaja, 24 'Am, kigdom to, 19 Amttt Kttttdilgt, 36, 74, 94,896, 99, 229-31,287 Atmt, Zoutttbtd, 62, 123, 125-28, 199, 229, 231, 233, 227, 239, 249, 221, 287, 269, 287; ittcidettt t kkobey tree, 129; klls hotse, 243; violationt tof taboot againstt dismoting ticet, 286 Atttt Zttttba, 231 Attttt, 78 AIIIottgo, 118 Araoro gio, 282 Aota, 153 Aluttt, Abdot, 140 Arbittdt, 120 Atchivett tf Traditona Mtttic, 168, 183 Argtttt9, 49 Atbttt, 56, 282 Aribinda, 282 Ardofttt, 69 Armat, 127, 140, 289, 251, 253, 229, 261, 263, 269, 273. 277; deftattd by Sotn- ghty, 265; origi ofl trm, 28 Atttb, Ayi Kwei, 10 atIIahality, 288 Arttatd, Robert, 52, 152-53 Arrow, 277 .kia: etymlobgies, 86 Athia B lubtat, 97; btavety it batlet, 103; forced Atlia Mohammtettd it mtttsl, 103; replaced by Asklt Itsmail, 186; tote fort tcettemony, 199 Atii Datot4, 63, 97, 122; ability to read 301 Abdeltmtlek, 108 Abdtot, Ottttit, 42 Abdttt, Setttttnt, 60, 179-81, 183, 291 Abitbtot, Michel, 18 Abtt-Btkr, 78 Abttt-Btbt-Di. See Chi Bfirt 44uacr son o tttni Ali Btt. See Chi Bao Acctss tothttectditg, 183 Achebt, Chitltt, 2 Adiki-fulttI, 99 Adutlttry, 119 Afritcat lterture, 5 Agali, Bttbactt, 178 Ait regin, 83 Aitplantt, 284 tI-Btkti, 19, 20,286; on llth-century Gan, 23 al-biddat, 33 tl-Btttttg44ytt, 286 al-Fildit, Mohammettd, 33 aI-Idtim, 20 tl.Khuwtrtz44-4, 22 al-Mtgltili, 82, 144; tdtice onttt in with peoples ttho rettuse Islamt, 142; at ati-Jewish,149; codemtion oft mtat- with Atlia Mohammettd, 25 a.Motartt lbnt, 51 tl-Muhtllabi ott rtuler of Gan, 22 tl-Yacqfbi, 19, 22 AlbtIa Itttkt. 221 alfa, 31, 170 Alfa Dtttbt Otttr Kotttlgho: buried alivet by Atbit Mtttttt, 199 Alft Ktttkt, 100 alfatiya, 285 Algeria, 149 All Kthitt, 22 All Wt44t, 228 Ah-Bttt-Abdtthtde, 122 Allah, 267, 271, 273,281 tbttthtllt, 288 Abttttyaur, 283-86 Almtotttidt, 20; reltioto Smthtjt, 24 'Am~, kingdomt of, 19 Atttt Ktottthlgo, 36, 74, 94,896, 99, 229-31,287 Amart Ztttttbtt, 62, 122, 125-28, 186, 229, 231, 233,.237, 239, 249,2Z51, 267, 269, 287; inctidet t kokortbey tree, 129; bilst horte, 243; viotlatiot tof taboo againtst disottitttntg twice, 299 Amttlr Zumtbt, 231 Attblt, 78 Attttttgt, 118 Anoot region, 282 Atot, 153 Auts, Abdtt. 140 Albinat, 120 Archivtt of Traditinal Mutic, 168, 103 Argttgl, 49 Athttt, 56, 282 Atibittda. 282 Atlofttt, 68 Armts, 127, 140, 249, 251, 223, 229.261, 263, 268, 273, 277; defeated by ont- ghty, 265;torigiofttert, 288 Attttb, Ayi Kwei, 10 tIIIatb60ty, 288 Arnaud, Robert, 52, 152-53 Arrow, 277 Askia Bttttkttt, 97; bttvery int battle, 103; forced Askit Mohatttttd ito mets~l, 103; replaced by Askia Isalt6, 104; tote for ttttttltty, 103 Alkit Dtt44, 63, 97, 122; tbility to read 301 Abdeltttlek, 108 Abdtt, Ottttltim, 42 Abbttt, Sttttart, 68, 179-81, 183, 291 AbitbotI, Mithtl, 18 Abttt-Btht, 78 Abtt.Bekr-DA. See Chi B~tt Abtttbaca, to of S Itti Ali Ber.Se Chi Bt Acetttheretcoding, 183 Athbe, Chitttt, 2 Adiki-Fttttt, 99 Aduiltery, 119 Agtbi, Btotbaca, 179 Air region, 93 Aitplatte, 284 tl-Btlltl, 19, 20,286; ont llth-cttty Gtt, 23 al-blOat, 33 tl-Botttgamtyt, 286 tI-Fiati, Mohtttmttd, 33 al-140s, 20 t-Magli, 82, 144; adtvie ott dealing with peoples whot tefute Ilamtt, 142; at with Atlia Mohammelld, 22 tl-Mtkbtat, lbtt, 51 tl-Mtttllbi: onhi ruero Gtn, 22 tl-Yatqtb, 18, 22 alfa, 31, 170 Alfa Dtttht Otttt Korttlgho: buried tlivt by Atbit Moutstt, 186 Alin Ktttht, 100 tlfttiya, 285 Algeria, 149 All Ktottot, 22 All Wuria, 228 Ah,-Ben-Abdtlll44tt, 122 Allat, 287, 271, 273, 281 tlttttllt, 288 Altttttyattt, 285-86 Almoraids, 20; reaion to Stttbtjt, 24 'Am, kittgdomt of, 19 Amut Kttufibg, 56, 74, 94,86, 99, 229-31,287 Atttt Ztttttbtt, 62, 122, 125-28, 130, 229, 231, 233, 237, 239, 249, 221, 267, 269, 287; itttidettt t kokotbey tree, 129; killsbhtts, 243; violtion of tabtto against dismotinbg twice, 299 Attat Zttttbt, 231 Anfao, 78 Atttttgt, 118 Atzottrt regiont, 282 AutsO, 153 Aota, Abdtt, 186 Albind, 120 Archivet of Tradi4ttl Mtttic, 168, 183 Argtut85, 49 Arbtat, 56, 282 Atiblitd, 282 Aloitb, 69 Arttt, 127, 18, 249, 251, 223, 229,261, 263, 269, 273, 277; defeated by Sont- gby, 265;rigoterm,288 Alttttb, Ayi Kwt44, 10 ttttbttllty. 288 Attnaud, Rtobttt, 52, 152-53 Atrow, 277 tthia; etymlogies, 80 Atbit Bttttlltt, 97; brtavtty in blat, 103; forced Athit Mohtatmttd ito, mettsl, 103; replaced by Albit kImai, Askit Dtt44, 63, 97, 122; tbility to matd 301  302 Index 302 Index 302 Index30Ine 302 Index Korn, 45; assumtption of powten, 108; 100; deeth, 105; encoontee weith father, hoilder of librarties, 108; tcampaigns, 27, 76; esoope front the Baegontohll, 213; 109; childeen, 110; dethl front syphtilis, foathee, 71-75, 95; totted into exile by 110; different bhavoior toward Moslemst Ankin Beebe, 103; geneerosity towanrd andsubjets,109; gitfromtioley Moslems,83; governortof Hohoi Ahmed, 110; good workst, 110; killing mntaeinn region, 24; hnly nons, 87; nt the hione, 57, 108; meothee of, 107; or- invostituee of Aekie Itnolil, 104; killing thegeaphy, 16; eequest frome Meley of Sonni Ali Bet in epic, 70; killing of AhmnedlfoeTeghoeeemines, 110; smatll unole, 61; knowntastMetnnefbettoye, nine andgreaetstrenglt,108;nstuent of 71;easlieutenatfeStandiAlille, 74; Koen, 100; treatntent of slaes, 109. toot et hic sntoed, 45; ntethod toe lotted See theo Dode converesion to Islamn, 87; ntodel foe Ankie finned, grandson of Ackin finood, nonel, 13; motehee, 74, 95; namte of to- 122 thee in theonitles, 70; namne ofnmother Ankie finned of Dendi, 123 in theonitles, 70; negotiations with Chi Ankie El-Antin, 122 Bane, 45: ot nephent of Sonni Ali Bee, Achea el-Hodj, 27, 97, 119; tontpaeed 74; origin in Sln tin, 69; oeigin in with Aekin Mohantned, 110; deponed Tono tin, 69; oneetheont by Ankie hy heothees, 111; destription, 110-11; Moonne, 40; paths to Metta, 87; piety, enthange of gifts with Sulttn of Me- 82; pilgeimnoge as atonemnt in epic, noeto, 111; predittions by, 111; suffee- 86; pilgrintage en Meota, 82, 84-85, ing front hentoethoide, 111 285; pemst about, 55; in petit die- Aekin el-Hedj Mohammned. See Aekie el- logoet, 55; positive poetetyai in chroni- Hodj clen, 83; praises tong, 62; prophety ae Ackiefino, 27 11thtcliph, 51, 85;efusaltocarry out Ankie tfneoun-Dethntnye, 121 oedees, 77; reiotionship to Sonet Alt Ankie Hneonne, 121 Bee, 24; eole in saeing fif of Sonni All Aekist Iehlq, 27, 105; eochange with Si- Beets secretary, 33; seevice as gerom ton of foocco on Teghaaza meines, 106 foe Scnin ASi Bet, 63; at slove of Setni Athie Iehliq 11, 117; geneerosity of, 116; ASi Bee, 75-76,080; Soninkd oeigine, 20; oeal souece foe his deoth, 46; reteat speatd of Intent, 7; stoeies abootvisit to southnteed hy, 118 Mecta, 86; toppoet of Koennic sthools, AekielIsmaitl, 27, 45, 97;oas Fbi- 32;eastemtporaleand piitualrler,77; Mondie, 104; bleeding intident aftee in TFtch. 6, 68; titl of inton conkerred praiseefromegeiot, 39; freeseAnkieho- at Mecca, 85;t tombhofhohammned, hammned, 104; dinit no Athie Mohent- 61; at Tendi-larntt en Tendi-Koy, 77; need, 105 upeooting ofhiossi tree, 92; one of Athie fentil of Dendi, 125 maegit, 92; neesion of Bedin Beget, 55; Ackie Mohammned, 3, 4, 11-12, 14-15, neesion by Dioti Binge, 55; neesione in 25-26, 142, 145, 174, 178-79, 280, 286; Bonbon Hamae, 55; niolente in spead- adolescece, 75; anthiguous sotial te- ing Idlam, 57; etcht to tenth of Mohame- too, 81; apogee of lnhelinn ivnilization, need, 88-89; witfe, 204. See nlse Mentet 18; Sentle aginot the BoegantohO, Keoneyn 90-91; hatnles with Chi Eker, 70; birth, Ankle Mohammned Blini0 27, 97, 114; dif- 57, 61, 74; birthl of eon Deende, 204; in fering neesions of his kill, 1 11; leek of Celtine doe tetor no pays natal, 147; espect foe Moemsnt, 111; ware with Be- caliph of the loden, 7; campin in Iiett llldiq, 112 Beegon tegion, 55; campin in Rottn Aekie Mohammeed Beenken, 74, 122; eegion, 55; camtpaign in endieegion, death fromteoptured aneurismnter 55; campin in northeen Nigeria, 55; hearingpeiseeefromtgioee,539 childhood, 75; thildeen end geandchil- Achea Mohammned Bnkee 11: eneenep- deen, 97; conceptionin epic, 75; toe- lion of powter, 27 teen foe Ahmted Belie, 110; conflit Ackie Mohammned Gae, 285 with Sond Ali Ben, 74;onquest ofAor AskiehMonto, 40, 63, 97, 98;asdF., eegion, 00, 93; torespoedence wtith in- Mondee, 04; lied reputation in chreni- Meghili, 141; tuese on Aekie Meenee, dlen, 99-100; coup d 6tet against akin Koen, 45; asoumppion of poee, 108; 108; deeth, 105; encountee with tather, builden of libriesn, 108; tcampins, 27, 76; tetape fonnt the Beegentehf, 213; 109; childeen, 110; death leone syphilis, fathee, 71-75, 95; foeted into exile by 110; different hehanioe tontaed Moslemse Aekie Boonhen, 105; geneeoity towared andesubjetse,109; giftfomtMoiey Mosemst,83; govneoo oHohoei Ahmned, 110; good woreks, 110; killing moninst eegion, 24; holy wares, 07; of the Sioot, 57, 108; motehee of, 107; oe- ineotiture of Ankin Istiil, 104; killing thography, 16; eequest front Moiney of lSnin Alt B ee in epit, 79; killing of AhmnedtfoeTeghazzene, 110; smaell encle, 61; knonaseMneeeKceoye, tize endgeaettength, 108;cstudent of 71;easlieutenanteoflScamAli Be, 74; Koen, 104; teaotmene of slaee, 109. lone of hit sweord, 45; meethod toe toeted See also Deondo ennverion to Islent, 87; moedel foe Ankie finned, grandon of Ankie finned, no-eel, 13; meothee, 74, 95; nante of In- 122 thee in cheenicles, 70; namte of mother Ankieflnood of Dendi, 123 in chrnicles, 70; negotiationsnwith Clii Anhie ki-Antin, 122 Eker, 45: ae nephewt of leni All Bee, Achea ei-Hedj, 27, 97, 119; tomepaeed 74; edigen in Sln dean, 69; ongie in with Aokie Mohammned, 110; deponed ToenO dean, 00; oneetheont by Aekin by beothees, 111; descripion, 110-11; Moonee, 40; paths to Met-, 87; piety, exehenge of gifts with Sulten of Me- 82; pilgrimage aso neentoin epi, noco, 111; peedictioens by, 111; euffee- 86; pdlgdimage no Mecta, 82, 84-85, ing front hemtoeehoids, 111 285; poemso about, 55; in poetic die- Aekie ei-Hedj Mohamene d. See Aekie el- loges, 55; poitine poeteeyin in ekedn- Hedj tint, 83; pedeses tong, 62; peophety en Achea Gee, 27 11th taliph, 51, 85; efusin to caeey eel Achea H-uen-Denkeieyo, 121 oedees, 77; redationship en lni Aft Aekie Heoune, 121 Bee, 24; eole in coning life of Seedi Aft Aekie Iehliq, 27, 105; exthenge with Sin- Beets secretary, 33; seedice as groomt ten of Moeroco en Teghen mies, 100 toe Socai All Bee, 63; en dente of Suni Aekie Iohllq 11, 117; geneenoity of, 116; Ali Bee, 75-76,080; Soniekf odigins. 20; oeal source tee his death, 46; teetreat spread of Idlam, 7; stoeies about disit tn southntaed by, 118 Mecca, 86;csupport ofKoranic schol, Aekie lontlll, 27, 45,097; on lFt-i- 32; en temepoeal end npiritual eulee, 77; Meendie, 104; bleeding incideet after in TFtch. 6, 68; litle of inten conferred peise front gdiot, 39; kreen Aekia Mo- at Mecce, 85; of tenth ot Mohammned, hammned, 104; vii to Achea Mohen- 61; as Tetdi-Fheeee 01 Toodi-Key, 77; need, 105 uppeoting of Meoi tree, 92; use of AchkinetIs of Dendi, 123 maegit, 92; veesin of Bedid Beget, 55; Ackie Mohammned, 3, 4, 11-12, 14-15, nersion by DfliedfBinge, 55; versions in 25-26, 142, 145, 174, 178-79, 281, 200; Bonon Hanta, 55; diolene in spread- edolescente, 75; antbiguousoca ntiinon ing Ilamen, 57; dinit en tenth of Mohant- toe, 81; epogee of Sohelionctinilization, need, 80-89; wife, 204. See nlse Manarr 18; hatle aginsnt the Beegentoh6, Keoeeye 90-91; battles with Ci Ekeo, 79; birth, Aekie Mohammned BAW, 27, 97, 114; dif- 57, 61, 74; binrth of eon Deonde, 289; in fering nersions of his tell, 111; leek of CehWn doun -clone en pays natal, 147- espect toe Moemsnt, 111; neon with Be- caliph of the loden, 7; tcampin in idnee Slldiq, 112 Beege regin, 55; cnampin in Beenon Aekie Mohammned Boenken, 74, 122; egin, 55; camtpaign infieedinegio, dethkfomrupturedeaneurismnter 35; campin in northen Nigedia, 55; heardng pradses hrone gdioli, 39 childhood, 75; thilden end grandchil- Aekie Mohammned Bnken I1: nnontp- dren, 97; tonception in epic, 75; ton- deon of poer, 27 teen foe Ahmted Baha, 110; cnfict Aekie Mehammned Gee, 205 weith Sunni Ali Bee, 74; tonquest of All Aekie Mentee, 40, 63, 97, 98; no ae region, 80, 93;tcorrespondenewithel- Mondee, 94;baddreputtioneinthrumn- Meghili, 141; taeno on Aekie Moonee, tint, 99-100; coup dflet against Ankin Koran, 45; assuneption of poer, 108; 100; death, 105; encounterntith father, builder of librerdes, 108; tcampins, 27, 76; ecae front the BengeetohO, 213; 109; children, 110; death teone syphilis, fathet, 71-75, 95; tented into eile by 110; dillerent behavior ltoad Modlents Aekie Beounhe, 103; geneeoiny tontard end subjects, 109; gill front Monkey Modlems, 83; goernorof Henthod Ahmned, 110; good weorke, 110; killing montninse egin, 24; holy ntars, 87; ae the lione, 57, 108; meother of, 107; on- innestilte of Achea leneh, 104; killing thography, 16; equest front Mooley of lenam Alt B en in epic, 79; killing of Ahmned foe Tegheene meines, 110; osminl nde, 61; knon en Menten Kenenyn, sie and greeattengh, 108;cstudentlf 71;easlietenat oflSoediAlile, 74; Koran, 109; teatntent of les, 19, tone ethic sntond, 45; nethed foe tented See alse Dnoude cneson to Ideam, 87; meodel foe Aokiefieoed,lgrandson ofAkiofieeod, novel, 13; meother, 74, 95; namte of to- 122 then in throncles, 70; tne of moether Anhie Dnud of Deedi, 123 in cheonices, 70; negotiatione with Ci Ankie El-Amnti, 122 Ekeo, 45: no, nephent of lonni ASi Bee, Ankie ei-Hedj, 27, 97, 119; tomepared 74; odigin it lylle thin, 69; edigen in with Aekie Mohammned, 110; deponed Tootf doan, 69; onerthront by Aekie by brothero, 111; desceiption, 110-11; Monene, 40; polks to foeto, 87; piety, exthenge of gits with Solten of Mo- 82; pilgrimage no atonemtent in epic, roco, 111; pedicions by, 111; toffee- 86; pilgrimaeg no Metoa, 82, 80-85, ing fromehemtorrhoid, 111 285; poemso about, 55; in petie din- Aekie el-Hedj Mohammned. See Aekin el- loges, 55; positine portrayain t hiemi- Hedj ohio, 83; pristes ong, 62; prophety as Aelik Gee, 27 11th tliph, 51, 85; eftusin to teeny eel Achea Henoon-Deeheteyt, 121 orders, 77; relationship to leand Al Aekie Hemnoen, 121 Ben, 24; role in savdng life of Seedi All Ackie Iohliq, 27, 105; exchhne weith Sin- Bents sneetary, 33; teieno no, groom lee of Morotco on Teghazzo meinee, 108 toe lecam Ali Ben, 63; en dente of leni Aekie Iohliq 11, 117; geenenoity of, 116; Ali Ben, 75-76,080; loninkO odigine, 20; endl esoure toe hit death, 00; etreat spreadeof Islam, 7; stodies aboutst to outehward by, 118 Mttec,8;espportlofKoranic schol, Aekie Innell, 27, 45,097; en Met- 32; as temeponl end epirituin toler, 77; Meendin, 104; bleeding incidnt elter in TF ch. 6, 68; tite of inten onfered prise front gdelt, 39; breen Ankie Mn- at Mecce, 85; at tenth of fMohammned, hammned, 104; nitit no Achea Mehent- 61; as Tondi-Been o 0 Tondi-Kny, 77; nted, 103 uprooting of Mossi tree, 92; one of Aekie Isontlil of Deedi, 123 maegit, 92; nersion of Bedi6 Bogee, 55; Aekin Mohomed, 3, 4, 11-12, 14-iS, nersion hy Dioni Binge, 55; nersons in 25-26, 142, 143, 174, 178-79, 281, 200; Bonbon Hone, 55; niolence in spead- odolecente, 73; antbigouos eociin te- ing Islant, 57; dedi no tomeb of Moheam- leo, 81; apoee of Sehelien inilizalien, need, 80-89; wife, 204. See nine Mantn 18; battlo egainot the Bengentnhf, Kenenyt 90-91; batles with Chi Eker, 79; birth, Aekie Mehammned BAWni27, 97, 114; ift- 37, 61, 74; bithl ofteon Deonde, 209; in fedingnverions of hit fell, 111; leek of Calder d'u etnon, en paysntal, 147; respet foe Meslents, 111; war with Be- etliph ef the loden, 7; tcaepin in id-t Slidiq, 112 Bengon region, 33; ocntpign in Boenon Ankia Mohantned Bonoiken, 74, 122; egin, 55; campin in Dendinregion, death bent ruptured eneurdeen inlet 33; ncampin in northen Nigedia, 53; heardng pries front geinli, 39 childhond, 75; cildrn end grndohil- Aehiea Mohentned Bnkee 11: nenlep- dren,097;econeptineineepic, 75; en- lion of poer, 27 teen lee Ahmted Baba, 110; cnfiot Aehie Mollemmed finn, 205 with StndiAliiBet, 74;onqetofir~ AekiehMoeoe,040,63, 97, 8;nasdhe- region, 00, 93; coretspondenne with in- Moeden, 94; bed reputatin in throd- Mnghdi, 141; curoe on Achea Montee, ohio, 99-100; coup d'6lel against Aekie  Index 303 Index 303 Index 303Ide30 Index 303 Mohammeed, 26, 94, 99; detent by brthers, 100; falls off hoe, 100, 145-46; keeps Athin Mohammend's wives end conuines, 100; killing of brthe, 100; moedl fornovl, 13 Aekin Nouh. See Aekie Nenhen Askit Nenhee, 27, 120-21, 130 Askia Seetneyte. See Atbia lentfil; See- tenin Kamae Athie the Gret. See Aekie Mehametted ethic;: last piece of residece, 284 askece, 80 L'Axenue eetbiqtee, 95 Andagheet, 19;erotstoftlnhaje, 23 Ayttttt, 10, 79 Be, Adat, Koneek, 9, 18, 24, 77, 89, 158 beebe-ice, 74 beeheycey, 286 baebeyeey feede, 286 Bhbt Get hen EI-Hldj Mohentted ben- EI-Hndj El-An GWaco, 117 bebe-izetaey, 95 Bedel, 253 Bedehek, 229 haetye; 'mether-childtnts,' 95 Beget, Bedid, 11, 57, 286; verncit ot Ankie Mehamettd epic, 55 Begn, Geche, 57 Belt, Abdeelae Wely, 50 Beidne Mehetmmed Gee, 118 Beldlne Sfidiq: wec with Atbie Mehaet- tried B~ni, 112 Benthece, 14, 102, 119, 123; in epic, 65; influece en Senink6, 64, 181 Bene-kni Yeqenh, 120 benbi, 37 Bendiegnee region, 142 Bengee-Oltne Sec Adihi-luenea Benna Alhene, 221 Been, 117 Bent-Ket, 86 Berd: Celtic, 30; dinitien, 34 hectic; hell, 289. See nice Bell Budsi. See Gninte Bntgntchli, 176, 201, 281, 284; wnee egainset, 207-8 Bnganetchd captive, 75, 187 Baegeeeregin, 55, 90. Seealso Beegee Beeihe people, 90 hecihern cavaley, 293, 290 heciyey; hences, 290 heciyn; horse, 283 Becken, Seendce, 139, 149 Barth, Heierich, 48 Bete Seen Tcheltne Deende, 227 Beettcy, 283 Beyerd, Seatuel, 60 Beyee, 127, 251, 253, 289, 290 Bnideci, Heceena, 181, 291 Bella: sn ef Yiye, 99 bennSaid, AhmedhcenMoheanmcd, 19 Bni Iecedl, 149 Bnn, 2, 10, 90, 109, 281 Benken. See Athie Beenken Beetie, 139; Arebic en tomtotenes, 23 Bihle, 30 bilen: Deege, 283 Binge, Dici: vercsion nof Askie Mhen- ratcd epic, 55 Binke-Faecnt, 99 Bind, Charles, 35, 43, 93-94 Birm n GenecO, 20, 191 Bit, 225 Blecksmtith, 225 Boer, 225 Beeyc rengion, 55, 273 Beboe valley, 132, 287 Bedecinhe, 280 Bndecinkn, .286 Bedece, 290 Bedrenkee, 2Z3, 231, 286 bon gic do:prayeground, 287.Seeeals idde tie Beetche, 172 Beneel tie Mfciltes, A., 19, 49 Bneale Menteden, 221 Beegen, 281. See also Beegee Beenen, 117, 291 BeenkA, 55 Benhecec, Ynnikny, 179 Benhey, 229 Bonhon, 277, 279, 282, 284, 291; hectic hetwen Mornccens end Gelld, 131 Bnnkney, Yonnncti, 166 Beelneis, Jeen, 73, 139 Bound en Violence, 138 Bccnkitne-Flcin, 107 Bnkeec Knei. See Akim Mohammed Bnken 11 Bonee, 229 Bent: blt with leeghey, 175; leninkd origin, 175 Bcknid, Jues, 50 Britket, 279 Bell, 249, 251, 289, 290.3c ne lb hcti Burkina Fete, 2, 10, 100, 282 Butter, 255; lee wound, 277 Bnnle, 229 Calder deun celeec en peys natal, 147 Cehie d'Etedee Afficeines, 172 Mohamnmed, 26, 94, 99; detent hy hrothers, 190; flls noff horte, 190, 145-46; keeps Atlcie Mohameetd's wnives end concuhiest, 100; killing nof heothers, 190; model lee noel, 13 Aekie North. See Akim Nechec Aekie Neehec, 27, 120-21, 130 Akim Sentenyle. Sec Aekin lenelll; lee- etele Kema Aekin the Geat. See Atbin Mohenmmed enice; Iat piece oftresidne, 284 nehen, 80 L'Avetee etebiqec, 95 Andegheet, 19;ceeeeeofleehtjn, 23 Ayecen, 10, 79 Be, Adet Kencek, 9, 18, 24, 77, 89, 158 beebe-ice, 74 beebeycey, 286 beebeycey fende, 286 BANe Oce hen EI-H~dj Mohanmmed bcn- EI-Hedj El-Amn Ginen, 117 bebe-icetaey, 95 Bedal, 253 Bedehek, 229 bedenyn; nmte-childtne,' 95 Begne, Bedi6, 11, 57, 286; vnrsion of Attic Mohamtned epic, 55 Begen, Geche, 57 Belt, Abdenlae Welly, 50 Beltint Mohamtmed Gee, 118 Beldete Slidiq: wec with Askie Mehann- ned Blm, 112 Bamthara, 14, 102, 119, 123; in epic, 65; inlece en Senintk, 64, 181 Been-ken Yeqneh, 120 benbi, 37 Bendingece region, 142 Becgen-Iinne. See Adik-dlece Bannae Alhann, 221 Bnca, 117 Ben-Eel, 86 Bacd: Celtic, 30; tinitin, 34 hectic; hell, 289. See nlsc Bell Budti. See Geintt Batgeeteh6. 176,281, 291, 284; warc against, 2017-8 Bargenteh6 captie, 75, 187 Beegeneregion, 55, 90. Seenals Beegec Baribe people, 90 hecitece; cavelry, 283, 290 bnciyey: hoctes, 290 bnciye; horte, 283 Beekee, Sentica, 138, 149 Barth, Heinrich, 48 Bata Seen Tchaltee Deendea, 227 Banalicy, 283 Baynrd, Samuel, 60 Baen, 127, 251, 253, 299, 290 Beidari, Heeonn, 181, 291 Bella: stenet Yiye, 90 hen Seid, Abhmed hen Mohammted, 100 Beni Itrel, 149 Bnin, 2, 10, 90, 190,281 Bctken. See Atbin Bnkee Beetic, 139; Arabic en tombtoet, 23 Bible, 30 bilen; Denge, 283 Binge, Dici versin nof Askit Mehen- nnd epic, 55 Binke-Feett , 90 Bird, Charlnes, 35, 43, 93-94 Bien Gnecct, 20, 181 Bit, 225 Blacksmtith, 225 Boar, 225 Beheyc region, 55, 273 Beheyc valley, 132, 287 Bedeciete, 286 Bedeciete,,286 Bedeen, 296 Bedreekee, 223, 231, 286 bee gien tie; pcaer ground, 287. See nlsc idde tie Beelehe, 172 Bonet tin Mdike, A., 19, 49 Beeneale Meetedne, 221 Beegec, 281. See ebeo Bntgee Becece, 117, 291 Bectk6, 55 Benhecee, Ycikny, 179 Bechny, 229 Bocno, 277, 279, 202, 284,291; hettlc betwen Morccans end GellO, 131 Bentecy, Yoneneti, 166 Beelteit, Seen, 73, 139 Bound en Violence, 138 Bnkleno-Flici, 107 Becekeec Koei. See Askin Mohameeed Bnken HI Bene, 229 Been; link with Scnghey, 175; Seciek:6 origin. 175 Bdvi6, Jnlet, 50 Britket, 279 Bell, 289, 251, 289, 290. Sece hecticrd Buckina Fete, 2, 10, 190,282 Butter, 255; foe tnound, 277 Bwele, 229 Cebiec deun ceceec en peys ntal, 147 Cehiece d'Etueti Africainee, 172 Mohanmed, 26, 94, 99; ticeet by brothers, 100; fells nfl hocne, 100, 145-46; keeps Athin Mohammed's wnives end concubinet, 100; killing nof brothers, 190; moetic fnc noel, 13 Akim Nech. See Athie Nenken Allele Nenhen, 27, 120-21, 130 Atlcin Seetneyle. See Akim lenllfl; See- nele Kamta Allele the Geant. See Akim Mohammted eekiee; Int piece oftretidene, 284 cekee, 80 L'Aventnee etchiqei, 95 Andeghent, 19; cects cf Senheje, 23 Ayeeen, 10, 79 Be, Aclann KetecO, 9, 18, 24, 77, 89, 158 beebe-ice, 74 beebeycey, 296 beebeyney feede, 286 Bfibe Gent bee EI-Hbdj Mohammted hen- EI-Hedj El-Amnil Glennu, 117 babe-icecaey, 95 Betel, 23 Bedehek, 229 - bedenyn; 'ndinc-childet,' 95 Begen, Bedid, 11, 57, 286; ersion nof Akim Mohammed epic, 55 Begne, Geche, 57 Belt, Abdenlae Waly, 50 Batlc- Mohamedct Gee, 118 Beldent Sldiq: wec with Aekie Moham- teed BAW, 112 Bamheca, 14, 102, 119, 123; in epic, 65; influence, en Soninkd, 64, 181 Ben-bet Yeqcnb, 120 betchi; 37 Beedingece, cegion, 142 Beegec-Fecce. See Adiki-Bete Bannon Alenena, 221 Beda, 117 Ben-Eec, 86 Bacti: Celtic, 30; diitin, 34 hectic; hell, 289. See elso Bell Bueds. See Giets Beeganteh6, 176,291, 291, 284; net against, 207-8 Bartgnlhf captive, 75, 107 Bargee cegion, 55, 90. See nlsc Beegne Bedhea people, 90 hecikece; cavelry, 293, 290 beeiycy; hortes, 290 beciye; hocte, 283 Becken, Sandra, 138, 148 Barth, Heinrich, 48 Bata Sect Tehhne Deenda, 227 Beedey, 283 Bayacti, Sanunl, 60 Baye, 127, 231, 253, 289, 290 Beideti, Hecnn, 181, 291 Bella: tee ci Ylye, 99 bee Sid, Ahmted bee Mohanned, 19 Bni Itendl, 149 Benin, 2, 10, 90, 19,281 Beeken. See Akim Benke Bentin, 139; Acabic on tombtonnes, 23 Bible, 30 bike;: Geege, 283 Binge, Gieni; version cf Aekie Moham- ted epic, 55 Bieke-Beene, 90 Bird, Charles, 35, 43, 93-94 Binni eiGeecM, 20, 181 Bit, 223 Blacksmth, 223 Boar, 225 Beheyn region, 55, 273 Beheyc valley, 132, 287 Bedecieke, 286 Bedecieke,,286 Bednee, 296 Bedecekec, 223, 231, 286 bee gien tin; pcayec ground, 287. See nbco idde tie Beetche, 172 Bcnnci deM6keice, A., 19, 49 Beennins Menendee, 221 Bncgen, 281. SeenalsoBeegen Becen, 117, 291 Benetti, 55 Beeheacee, Yninkny, 179 Bechny, 229 Bonbon, 277, 279, 202, 264,291; batlen betwcen Morcns end Gell6, 131 Benkecy, Yonennti, 166 Benii, Seen, 73, 139 Bond In Vioence, 138 Bnkeno-Fbdn, 107 Benken Koei. See Akim Mohnmmed Bnkee 11 Beente, 229 Bent;fink with lnnghny, 175; Seniekd origin, 175 Bcdvi6, Jnlet, 50 Brisket, 279 Bell, 249, 251, 289, 290. Sece hecticrd Burkiena Fete, 2, 1O, 190,282 Butter, 255; tee wound, 277 Bneln, 229 Cehiec deun ceteec en peys nat, 147 Cnhiecc d'Eendes Africeinee, 172  304 Index 304 Index 304 Index34Ine 304 Index Cetaea, Sety, 35, 41 Canes, 255, 261, 265, 277 Carthage, 149 Caste; anteng Mekekld, 41; diffetntinted by realms of poer ein West Afica, 41; in India, 41; in Mandd, 41; in West Al- riea, 41; linitations of tern, 42 Lee, 267 Cavalry, 213; en herte, 63. See else bedi- knee; bedynyy e;toecll, 6 Center lee Linguitic end Histeric Studies by Dent Teeditien, 11 Cente det HaesElutbdes d'Adninitt- tiett Mutelnene, 153 Cente d'Eceden Linqnistiqueet HIite- riqee pee Tradition Otnln. See Cente let Linguistic end Historic Stedies by Oral Ttadition Cineire, AltOi, 147 ceyen: ceiling, 66 Chde'd-neet Alex, 100, 103 Chtd, 139 Chnnnbeeetnnl, 95, 144 Chi ire, 25, 71, 86, 144 Chiken. See Hen Chielt, 253 Chroniclttn: world tint, 160-61 Chronices:t author ersusenarraenteet, 41; tentlbgeneeic netttre, 47; enelily itt, 58; phenetic, orthographic, end semantie problem,53; verbalestta, 47 Cinitnigieixe ZxneKwtpnt, 263 cireebarmiye:loeT-ecleetlae,124 Citeeke, Slknd Medy, 11, 91 Claie, Anndele, 56 lay pet, 265, 267, 269, 273 Cineel, Doernoet Feancotin, 49 Ceat, 225 Ceenbeeteen gltinneenn, 290. See kekec- key tree Ceomparsne63 Ceoneed, David, 18 Cotnrad, Joseph, 2 Cew, 225, 233, 260 ciedeSS3 Ceeq, Jseph, 106, 216 Cuttin, Phnilip, 17-18 Dnbey, 23 Degeeebt regien, 132 Danhoeey, 147 detley: leng beve, 213 Detetl Bnn, 132, 142, 291 Dnflet Matxd, 132 Den Leeoms, Abdexlayn, 171 Dxentd, 284 Dneed-bnn-Mekannned teelne-Adji, 123 Dteede, 217, 223, 214, 216; killing ef lions, 219, 285; namning ceremoeny, 92, 211. See else Ankin Deexd Dnendn Barnene, 227 Daeedn Deennbe Kaen, 227 Deende Gexbnyee, 229 Deendn Seekeyne bedi, 221 Dxendn Zete, 227 tDeekindd, 56-57 De l'Orektt 4 1dcritue: Le Zen-te eden-kt eeni, 112 Debn, 229 deede:lengnarrative, 66 deedet erb totrecountpat,66 deedeyen: narratingeofntory, 66 Deletenee, Meueice, 1, 49, 53, 69; theery ef etigin ef Felnni, 149 Dendi region, 27, 55, 122, 130, 284; eral traditien, 21; restitance against Mecee- eens, 115 Dexdkutn-i, 122 Descending anaxehron, 161 Din dynasty, 131 Dialegic interventien, 62 Dineebttte, 172 Ditne clen, 98 Difine Kenbe, 98 Ditenne, Menthin, 291 Dibile, 56 Dienne, 131 Dienedlen, Dermaine, 142 dili: gname, 259, 290 Diep, Cltnikh Antn, 151 Dbir, 56 Djeni, 31, 119, 122, 123, 219 Djeenn. See Zeent Djeeneekeye, 140 Djeenxkoe, Meunneni Adeenen, 43 Djinde Martin Denee Keyne, 221 djinn, 71 Djnndet, 117-Il, 120-21 Degen, 139, 141-42, 147, 176 Denbike, 231 Denge, 172, 207, 222, 213, 290 deenu millet batl end mnilk drink, 265 Doeen el-ide, 117 Deneo, 10, 104, 140, 287 Deneo Knyne Kebnkiee, 221 Detexenel, Lannon, 36 dedel: beaeft, 179 Deeden Bnntent, 221 Deenen eegien, 142 Dexile, 229 Denry, 219, 251, 205 Cantara, Seny, 35, 41 Canes, 253, 261, 265, 277 Larthange, 149 Castn; nanong Melink6, 41; diffeeentiated by realms of poer in Went Afrden, 41; in India, 41; in Mend6, 41; in West Al- eica, 41; limitationoem, 42 Lat, 267 Cetalry, 213; ns beene, 63. See ekeo ben-i- knee; bediyny -n to call, 66 Lenten lee Linguinc and Histoedc Studies by Dent Trnditien, ill Lente den Hnnlen Eluden d'Admddetne- lien Mnndnnnne, 153 Centre d'Eteden Linqtdtfiqnns t x Bte- niqen pee Tradiein Denle. Sen Cente lee Linguistie end Histordc tundies by Dent Trndition Lide, Aitt0, 147 eyn calling, in Cbdea-dbeee Aten, 190, 103 Ched, 139 Cketnbeeeectt, 85, 144 Lbi b~te, 25, 71, 16, 144 Chicken. See Hen Cieft, 253 Chrniclers: werld diew, 160-61 Chronices:n enthorstvesnaerratort, 41; mutgncnexure, 47; enelity in, 58; pboetic, ortbegrepic, end semanntic problems, 53;erebaletata,47 Cininigiei xx Zene tlttyne, 213 ciee bniyetloe-classeslae,124 Cinneke, Slkdnd Medy, 11, 91 Clit, Andele, 56 City pet, 215, 267, 269, 273 Cloen, Doerner Fnengoin, 49 Ledl, 225 Cetbn-etett pltineeee, 290. See kekn- key tree Comnparison,63 Lenrad, Devid, 11 Cnrad,SJoseph, 2 Len, 225, 233, 215 eninde, 35 Cxxq, Jsneph, 106, 216 Curtin, Philip, 17-18 Debey, 233 Dngxeebe region, 132 Dahtomey, 147 dnttey: long lint, 283 Dettel Boeno, 132, 142, 291 Detlel Mendi, 132 Den Leene, Abdoultyn, 171 Daoud, 284 Dneed-ben-Mebnnnted Soxke-Adji, 123 Dnxedn, 217, 223, 214, 216; killing of keens, 219, 215; netting celennny, 92, 211. Sen eke Ankia Dnxed Daouda barmnn, 227 Daouda Dennxbn Kae, 227 Deende Deebeyne, 229 Deende teekeyne n, 221 Dexede Zete, 227 Denkindil, 56-57 De 1Dn-nktt d l'9n-itnn-n Le Zeenee esdcrt need, 182 Debe, 229 deedntelngnareeate, 66 dredge: verb to recount pent, 66 deedeyan:narratingxofntory, 66 Delelenee, Mauie, 1, 49, 53, 69; theory of origin of Fulani, 149 Dendi rengion, 27, 55, 122, 130, 214; next tradition,28;nesistancetginstlMen- cent, 115 Deedi-1ln-i, 122 Descending annchroismn, 161 Din dynanty, 131 Dialogic intertention, 62 Dinenbele, 172 Dune clee, 98 Diker Korbe, 98 Ditetene, Menebin, 291 Dibite, 56 Diette, 131 Diedren, Germne, 142 dii: gntme, 259, 290 Diep, Lteiikh Ante, 151 Dire, 56 Djcnnl, 31, 119, 122, 123, 219 Djeneen. See Zeene Djentenkxye, 190 Djenttkeye, Meneeni Adentex, 43 Djinde Murnie Dxxx Knyne, 221 djinx, 71 Djxndne, 117-18, 120-21 Degen, 139, 141-42, 147, 176 Deeebike, 231 Denge, 172, 207, 223, 213, 290 dene: millet beil end nilk ddink, 265 De e-hkkdx, 117 Dome, 10, 114, 190, 217 Dona Knyne Kebekine, 221 Doucourd, Lasnxn, 36 deedeh bhearth, 179 Dxxdee bextntel, 221 Doennee region, 142 Deekeo, 229 Dowrey, 249, 251, 285 Camaran, Sney, 35, 41 Lanes, 255, 261, 265, 277 Larthage, 149 Cantn; attong Malinke, 41; differentiated bynrealms of poerin West Aldena, 41; in Indin, 41; in Mendl, 41; in Went Af- nice, 41; lttiodns of tenet, 42 Let, 267 Lavalry, 213; as bente, 63. See ekeo bedi- kn-n; ben-iyey cxen to al 66 Lenten kin Linguintie end Histoie Studien by Dent Trnditin, 11 Lente den Henten Eludes d'Adinilen- nin Menelttene, 153 Lentre d'Eiden Linqnkktqxen et Heist- etqxn pateTradition Orate. See Lente lee Lingitic end Hisorde Stxdies by Dent Tradition LUne, Aine, 147 eynt calitng, in Cbde-ixx Alex, 100, 193 Chad, 139 Lkeeeheexxcb, 15, 144 Lhi nane, 25, 71, 16, 144 Chicken. See Hen Chinks, 253 Lhronilners world dien, 160-61 Chroiclesn authornersusnnarraetors, 48; netigenedec extue, 47; nenly in, 58; phonetic, orthographic, end semantic problems, 53;erbal nttle,47 Limdeigiri tnt Zxne Kwanepe, 213 cire beeeiyatloe-classnslave, 124 Lineke, Slk~nI Medy, 18, 98 Clit, Aedrefl, 56 lay pet, 265, 267, 219, 273 CLkie, Doenr Feenpuis, 49 Ledl, 225 Ceetbeeet elektnneen, 290. Sen keben- key tee Comparison, 63 Lexred, Davdd, 18 Conrad,Joseph, 2 Lew, 225, 233, 215 en-ide, 35 Leeq, Jseeph, 10,216 Curtin, Philip, 17-18 Debey, 233 Dngnetbt region, 132 Dahtomey, 147 delkay long live, 213 Dettet benee, 132, 142, 291 Deilet Mend, 132 Den Leune, Abdexteyn, 171 Daoud, 284 Dexed-bnn-Mxbnntttd kneke-Adji, 123 Deexde, 217, 222,214, 286; killing of beont, 219, 285; netting ceremonny, 92, 211. See ekeo Ankia Dexed Dnxedx beeteex, 227 Dexede Deenebe Kae, 227 Denede Denbeyne, 229 Dnxeude teekeyne ileni, 221 Dexxdn Zae, 227 Deekindil, 56-57 De IOn-leki d lilexituee Le Zenne secenil nenni, 182 Debe, 229 ddeetn lngnarrate, 66 dnede verb toxeeoulntat, 66 deedeyant narratingxofntory, 66 Delelenee, Maurde, 1, 49, 53, 69; theory of origin of Fulani, 149 Dendi region, 27, 55, 122, 130, 284; next tradition, 28; resistance against Menec- cent, 115 Detdi-dni, 122 Dencending anaechrnismn, 161 Din dynaety, 131 Dialogic intervention, 62 Dienbettn, 172 Dunnr dean, 98 Dike Keebe, 90 Dieneen, Menthin, 291 Dibite, 56 Diette, 131 Dinteeten, Dermaine, 142 dii gate, 259, 290 Diep, Lkeikh Ante, 151 Dir6, 56 Djnn, 31, 119, 122, 123, 29 Djentte. See Zeette Djcnnnnkxyn, 190 Djentteknye, Meetteeni Adettee, 43 Djinde Meeria Dxxx Keyne, 221 djinet, 71 Djeede, 117-11, 120-21 Degen, 159, 141-42, 147, 176 Dnttbikn, 231 Denge, 172, 207, 223, 213,290 deec; meillet bel end mdlk ddink, 265 Dner el-ide, 117 Dxxxo, 10, 114, 190, 217 Dxxxo Knyne Kebekine, 221 Denennel, Lesnnn, 36 deedet; heathb, 179 Doudou botnwate, 221 Deennenz region, 142 Denllm, 229 Dowry, 249, 251, 215  Index Index ~~~305Ine35Idx30 Index 305 Index 305 Dee. valley, 106 Deretai-Isifcre, Zekr, 51-52, 56.,106 Drm, 277 Dubreis, Pdfhz 49 Duer, Rend, 56 Dyrrte, 104 Eaglelree, Terry, 3 Egg: asremagic device, 211 EI-Hedjee region 121 El-Hey, 78 EI-Mrekhre Goeebd6, 92 L'Eerpire de Gan, 139 Epic, 166, 167; dteiitio ref. 35; in ovl 147 Epic ofAskia Mohrereed, The, 4, 166-67 es-Se'di, Abd errhmae, 6, 31-32, 48,58, 69, 84-85, 99, 100, 105-6, 109, 111-12, 117, 119 es-Srryreri, Sidi Abdeerrhhr innoel 144; predictionsr for Gao, Tibuktu, and Dje6, 85 es-Sreyre6i, Sidi Moehammeed El-feele ben. 49 Ethniciy, 26, 176 Ettiological trles, 62. 66 Febey, 229 faderrya: fethee-childee. 95 Faidherbe, Louis, 53 fakrey; to chat. variants, 66 Fels, 172 feerf; property maaer, 98 FarmMka Bte, 282 Fteee.Yahrya. See Y~ye Fpai Meerec Wald, 223 &iri-Montrzo:r erisetetrt ofgricudtre, 98; varants, 98, 112 Faseer, Bells, 37 Fetishists, 34 Fetee, 139 Ficus plcreyphylla. 291. See Kotree finero widowe,287 Finnegan, Ruth, 163-64, 166 Fire, 227 Fitgreen, 56 Flauebert, 2 Foegs, 132, 271 Ftogs, chief rof, 273 Forokedi, 253 Fourts Tror regione, 70, 139 Francs, 267 Franklin, Oivcer, 43 French, 151; leeguage in epic, 66; manip. ulated by African rulers, 152 Freglested, Finn, 153 Edean, 172 Fruland, 139, 153, 176, 283; barth, 39; camrpaign against thre. by lereni Al 8cr, 78; in epic, 65; intluence onc So. e66kd, 66, 181; language, 14; mrigrationt, 20; erm foer grer, 36; in Timc region, 65 Fulbe, 139. See tiso Fetedi Fredree'ire, 172 jirqaha': jris6ts, 31 Gabilinge Albarea, 221 Geden, Heedi, 36 Gede, Boubr, 17 131-33. 286, 289 Gagrd.Greeo, 139-40 Gamrbia, the, 283 geeji: spirit, 71-72 Gean, 122, 233, 249, 253, 284, 289; atack agis city. 257; battle, 115; cotctse otstide of Sahel, 32; desribed by a]- Bekd, 23; detruction, 281; distance fromt Niaey antd Timtbutu, 7; etrly Arabic rference, 22; frterniztiee be- twn armtires durin6g siege, 127; hent totemt, 127; 66 10th ettd 11Ith centres, 22; lack orf scholaers there, 33; leitaton duringtsige, 128, 259, 261; links ewith Nrth Africa, 23;literacy inArabic, 32; mosequres, 33; protective spiitse, 227, 229; relaltonhip with Krerkiye, 22; sege ret 1632, 130; vidit by el-Meghili, Gtee, 288 grmrreed litle artano griot, 288 Garmtese, 289 getreerce: leatherwrker, 288 garrere craftsmaner, 287 Garbey Kouroe, 56 Gaeetr Nytrel, 227 Grei, 172 gawye: hunrter, 282 garrey: torrrrt, 66 Gaya, 104, 132 Genrelogies, 66 geergi hi; bledk spitits, 289 g6ie: spirit, 71 genijilhaw: recets, 290 gerec Sonrr6 termt fr gret, 64 Gestrte, 283 Gharna emrpire, 4, 9-10, 132, 147. 167; freedomr of heief, 28; Islamrizaionr, 28; lrcationr, 19; origirns, 19; rdeers, 28; ten- ditional belief systemr, 21 Gillrer, Werert, 16 Gierrrcort, Gereges de, 23; rrarnrscript collecionr, 54 Grrbie region, 98, 213, 285 Dee valley, 106 Deerrnai-Ireifor, Zekeci, 51-52, 56, 106 Drumr, 277 Dubrois, Fdix~, 49 Drrtel, Rend6, 56 Dyrela, 104 Eagletert, Terry, 3 Egg; a margic device, 211 EI-Hadjee regionr 121 El-Hey, 78 EI-Mokhtar Gcrrrr6i, 92 L'Emrpire de Grer, 139 Epic, 166, 167; definition of, 35; innoel Epic cfAskd Mrrbrerrered, The, 4, 166-67 ee.8e'di, Abdrerehrrrer, 8, 31-32, 48, 58, 69, 84-65, 99, 106, 105-6, 109, 111-12, 117, 119 res-Soydlti, Sidi Abdecrrrrn 66noel 144; predictions for Gen, Timburktu, end Djert6, 85 er-Irryoueti, Sidi Moehamerd EI-hrrhir herr, 49 Erddicty, 28, 176 Etdigical talee, 62, 66 Fahey, 229 federyrt fathee-childres, 95 Fadhrbe. Louis, 53 fakwerey: to chat, vrianetsi, 66 Fals, 12 faerfrr; property tmenager, 98 Fermr Make Bote, 282 Famer-Yahy. See Yliya Feri Monze Weld, 223 Fari-Mrrerrlerr ministrert fgricdtre, 98; vaeriats, 98, 112 Fmerrk, Belle, 37 Fetishists, 34 Feeree, 139 Ficrer platyphylhi, 291. See Koetree firrcro; widowr, 287 Finneganr, Ruth, 165-84, 166 Fire, 227 Fiegrrrr, 56 Flarubert, 2 Frrga,132, 271 Froge, chrief rof. 273 Frcrkrrrdi, 253 Forrts Tort, region, 70. 139 Freecs, 267 Franklin, Oliver, 43 Frertch, 151; languae in epic, 64; trredp- crlated by African rulers, 152 Frrglrestd, Finn,. 153 Fudec, 172 Fuland, 039, 153, 176, 283; berds, 39; camrpaignt aegainst thert by Sonnd Ali Bee, 78; in epic, 65; intfluenrce orS- rr66kil 64, 181; lanrge, 14; migration, 20; termor egriot, 36; in Tdrt regiont, 65 Fulbe, 139. See also Fulani Futrdrrtre, 172 fuqrrbd; jurrists, 31 Gabilinga Albertrrr, 220 Gaer, Herd, 36 Gedo, Bourb6, 17 131-33, 286,.289 Gegol-Goere. 139-40 Gamrbia, the, 283 gertispirt, 71-72 Getn, 122, 233, 249, 223, 284,289; attack agaitrity, 257; battle, 115; cortts orrtside of Sahel, 32; desreibed by al- Bekti, 22; desterection, 261; distance frorm Niaerry ettd Timtbuktue, 7; erly Arabic refeenrcr, 22; frateerizationt be- teen rmiesedrin6gsiege, 127; en ttemt, 127; 66 10th antd 11th centries, 22; lackl ofcholars there, 33; letato dring sege, 128, 259, 281; inks with Noreth Africa, 22; literacy in Arabic, 32; erorqest 33; prrotective spirits, 257 , 229; relationship with Ktttriye, 22; sege 65 1632, 130; visit by aI-Megrili, Gare, 288 get-rerd;o lite artsn r cgedt, 288 Gaermates, 288 gerretce; leatheeworker, 288 geerrrar craftsmaner, 287 Garbey Korr, 56 Gerreert Nyami, 227 Geeji6. 172 grrrrrye: hunrter, 282 gerry: trehunrt, 66 Gayat, 184, 132 Geealorgies, 66 geergi hi; black spirits, 289 gdtiespirit, 71 genti haw: seccrts,290 gerere; Sicrr6 termr foe griot, 64 Gestrte, 283 Gharna ermpire, 4, 9-10, 132, 147, 167; freedorm of beldi, 28; Islamitriont, 28; loecation, 19; rigins, 19; rulers, 20; tee- ditional belief systemr, 21 Gillon, Werer, 18 Girctrcrert, Gleorges de, 23; manurrreipt cotllectiont, 54 Grtbit region, 98, 213, 285 Dee valley, 106 Drarrreri-Isifrtr, Zeheei, 51-52, 56, 106 Drurrmt, 277 Duebois, F7lM, 49 Dued, Rend, 56 Dydea, 184 Eaglrtonr, Terry, 3 Egg: as maegic device, 211 EI-Hedjer regiont 121 EI.Hey, 78 EI-Mrthhtee GrrrrMIl, 92 L'Eepirc de Gen, 139 Epic, 166, 167; definritione of, 35; 66noel Epic ofAskia Mohammteted, The, 4, 166-67 es-Sa Cdi, Ahdeee66trer, 8, 31-32, 48, 58, 69,894-85, 99, 100, 105-6, 109, 111-12, 107, 119 es-Soycoll, Stdi Abdrehrrra n innoel 144; pections tr Garn. Timbu6ktue, eetd Djetrt, 85 es-Sreyerti, Sidi Mothammrred EImt~rt berr, 48 Eddcty, 28, 176 Etilogical taes, 62, 66 Febey, 229 frrdcttyr fther-childtess, 95 Faidherhe, Louis,53 feherr-y: to chat, variarnts, 66 Fetes, 172 frrerje proerty mrarrger, 98 Farmr Meke Boe, 292 Feeeer-Yahy. See Ylya Fedi Meeter Weldi, 223 rur-Motedcrt; mieter of agdrctre, 98; vaeriats, 88, 112 Ferrehe, Balls, 37 Fetishists, 34 Feerer, 139 Fitter platyphyllr, 291. See Krtbe tree jero:rr wirndow, 287 Finnregarr, Rueth, 163-64, 166 Fire, 227 Fiegerrr, 56 Flarubert, 2 Fege, 132, 271 Foegs, chief of, 273 Feeretkomfri, 253 Foutsr Toee regiorn, 70, 139 Feraeter, 267 Freenklin, 006ver 43 Ferench, 151; laegurage ie epic, 64; mrarip- rulted by Africanr rulers, 152 Frrgtestad, Finn, 153 Flre, 172 Furlari, 139, 153, 176, 283; barth, 39; camtpaignt against themt by Iced All Bet, 78; in epic, 65; intflrrrce orr So- dekid, 64, 181; langrrage, 14; migratien, 20; termst frt grict, 36; in TUrn regien, 65 Frilbe, 139 See elso Fetedi Frerfrerior, 172 dqebd;: jrrists, 31 Gehi6ge Atbeerre, 221 Gedee, Heedi, 36 Gedc, Brerb6, 17 131-33, 286, 289 GegolGeeer, 139-40 Gaerbia, the, 283 geeji: tpirt, 71-72 Gee, 122, 233, 249, 223, 284,289; etteck egainst drty, 257; battle, 115; conetects reeteide ret Sahel, 32; deeridbed by et- Bekei, 22; destructione, 261; theteece ferore Ndreey ted Timbuktu, 7; rearly Arabic refrerence, 22; fraeterniztier be- tween re dringsiege, 127; hen treteme, 127; in 10th reed 11th ceetres, 22; tech ret sclrsbet thee, 33; levittiee during siege, 128, 259, 261; lieks with North Africa, 23; iteeracy inAraic, 32; moreqes, 33; proetive spirits, 257, 259; reltienship with tKreeiye, 22; eiege ref 1632, 130; visit by tel-Megttiti, Deere, 288 genreeic; litle atiean r geiret, 288 Geeceteretes, 288 getrance leatherworrker, 288 geereere crtrta, 287 Gaebey Krer, 56 Getreer Nyreed, 227 Gred, 172 gaerr hreetee, 282 gaey:toelhunt, 66 Geya, 104, 132 Genetregies, 66 geregi hi: bleck spieits, 289 g~nre spidt, 71 geniji here: secrets, 290 geere: eSodeinMtermfreegit, 4 Geesture, 283 Gheena eempire, 4, 9-10, 132, 147, 167; freedee ref beliet, 28; Islameiatio, 20; lrecetiren, 19; rdginse, 89; ree, 28; tee. ditirenet belief syeterm, 21 Gilree, Wrer, 18 Gireecort, Gergece, 23:emanucrpt coltlection, 54 Grebie regione, 98, 213, 285  306 Index 306 Index 306 Index30Ine 306 Index gedji, 127-28, 247, 263, 265, 289, 290 GIld, 131-32, 279, 291; relatioxnship to Kelld, 133 Genbe, 217, 283 Geedniten, 139 Goedy, leek, 5, 164 Gete Fete Zinke, 139 Gethtyn, 56 Geendet, 149 G,,cetn, 28, 65, 176, regin, 2, 118. See also Genententch6 Geerntttch6, 281 Gents, 229 Grass mt, 245 Grasshopper, 223 Geee, Grehaem, 137, 156 Git: access to rulers, 40; adviset end informaent in TF, 40; with Atnet Then- heeti, 243; in chroeniclee, 12; described by Ibe Ballots, 37; entertainet, 36; eli- ological taes, 283; expendixg petfot- maceotnet, 9; fae, 42; fetxale, 233, 247, 288; Fulani, 233, 237; in Gee, 233, 235, 237; gente es origix of tem, 35; genelogit, 36; gxitiel en early fotrt, 35; hitorin, 36; intetrtediery, 106; Mandei, 21; meusician, 36; inxovl 142, 155; erigin of, in epic, 197; orign ofltermx,9, 35; pat ofnniml tetetved let, 291; telation tIlm, 170; telatien te scribes, 45; relation tn rulers, 40; re- wards, 42, 180; singer, 36; social tand- ing, 40; Seeghey, 237; Seeghey, rela- tieonship en Zeenee, 180; Seniekd, 29; speaking Sexinki, 243; spokesman, 36; subtitute termsepteposed, 43;eche, 36; lineebindet, 9; traixing, 179-80; ue ef technetegy, 42; viewe ef tedey, 41; woerld view, 161 -ethenic terems let; enlebe, 36; bendete, 32; danne jele, 36; lenbe, 36; fine jele, 36; gentle, 36; gexle, 36; gewel, 36; getel, 35; jeli, 37; jele, 36; jeli, 36; jetene, 36; jenete-denke, 36; jell, 37; kenelege, 36; nebi, 39; nebe, 36; te- ee'ke, 37; ntbe jele, 36; nyameklel, 36; eebb, 36; tine, 36 -ethnic Itents foein TF; gnittinidenkb, 39 Grietege: economicsof, 41 Geint; Begen, Bedifi, 43; Beget, Geebe, 37; Bedi6, Gjibc, 43, 64; Beideti, Genenne, 291; Bin, Bonkeni, 281; Ben- kUri, 46; Geke, Gnissieidnnkl, 40; Djelibn (net geinet; Bedid, Djihn); Djc- bete, Atneden, 43; Fenneke, Belea, 37; Kente, Al Heji Bei, 43; Kneycetc, Be- lenten Sene, 43; Menni, Tekiten, 57; SinslcO, Ban Sceetntn, 43; Sinbkb, Fe- Digi, 11, 21, 38; Seeley, Ideitte, 291; Seen, Benbe, 43; Seen, Fedey Muse, 43 ; Scene, Papa Burke, 43; Sylle, Dinte, 64; Tenta, Aycebe, 57 Gtistle. See Griot: female Gosso, 139-40 enfernene; goerenent, 289 Gttede, 48 Gechetee, 168 Gele, Thomaee A., 178 Gene, Bonbon, 9, 38, 70-71, 73, 80, 97-98, 108, 123, 132, 139, 180, 264, 286, 289; pemsn end poetit dielogee about Ankie Moheammed, 55; ehenin en originnofZente, 131; versionsto eAcie Molhammned, 55 Gemntee, Ahden, 192 Hentee Alme Teheki Nynni, 227 Genekey Gibbe, 73 heetigeni, 286 Geneene, Ahdeelnye, 178 Hitonc, Christeephet, 153 Seengey, 181, 291 Heelce, 171, 172 Haeute, 172, 288 hen nenthe, 287 Geeteizine, 231 Gaetee, 231 Geynea Benheenie, 225 Heatf Darkness, 136 Gee, 257, 259, 261, 289 Genige, David, 161 Gene, Meedfi, 21 Hi-Kel; Blent contntnder, 121 Iniji; In ntarey, 285, 289 Gintedee, Alce, 56 Gippopotentus, 227, 282 Gitbell, Mertyn, 24 Hitch-n du Geliret cde Scknto, 285 Giyn Mente Keenji, 227 hoey, 95; ongenieation end origin, 72 Gentheni montine, 142, 282 Heenbeni-Kni. See Hentheni-Key Hnrnbeei-Kel Meeeee; buriel elite, 116 Hcnbee'i-Key, 31, 123 Goey Gangani, 273 Gonese, 253, 283; Anne, 271; en gdft tn grides, 235, 237; commutnicating, 275 Scene; houtehold captive, 124 Gendee, Gctave, 8, 49, 53, 59, 69 Genwiek, John, 8, 18, 22-23, 32, 39, 49, 53, 96, 69, 98, 99, 168, 117-18, 121, 131, 139, 142, 156 gedji, 127-28, 247, 263, 265, 288, 290 GellO, 131-32, 279, 291; reletinsehip In KnIIt, 133 Genthe, 217, 285 Gendeices, 139 Goody, leek, 3, 164 Gete Fete Zieke, 139 Gethlyn, 56 Decedent,149 Genente, 28, 63, 176, regin, 7, 118. See also Genemntetchi Genenteetchd, 288 Grase, 225 Gress ntet, 245 Grenehopper, 225 Grneene, Grehent, 137, 156 Griot: eccesstorer, 40; edviton end informntet in TO, 40; wtith Antet Zeent- heel, 243; in chroniclnes, 12; dnscribnd by Ibe Bettete, 37; tenertelnnt, 36; eli- ologicel telet, 283; expending perfcr- mace ntext, 9; feke, 42; fentale, 233, 247, 288; Fuleni, 233, 237; in Gee, 233, 235, 237; gente en origin of ternt, 35; geneelogist, 36; geiIo en edry teen, 35; hitorien, 36,' inletrmediery, 1906; Mend6, 21; mueicien, 36; in nvl 147, 155; origie of, in epic, 197; origin ofeterm, 9, 35; parteofeniml reserved lee, 291; enlation to Ideam, 170; eletion toescribes, 45;teltion torlers,40;nre- wards, 42, 180; singer, 36; sociel taend- eng, 46; Sceghey, 237; Seeghey, rele- tionship to Zetne, 186; Senieki, 29; speeking Seniekl, 283; spokenmen, 36; substituteetermsnproposed, 43;lece, 36; tebiede, 9; teemning, 179-80 s oflechnology, 42; viento todey, 41; world tiew, 161 -ethic entem foe; nluen, 36; beednere 37; denne jalo, 36; leebe, 36; fineo eale 36; gentle, 36; gentle, 36; gentel, 36; geeel, 35; nfli, 37; jele, 36; jeti 6 jetene, 36; jceee-denke, 36; jel537 kenetege, 36; mein, 39; mehe, 36; a en'ke, 37; nbc jele, 36; nyneebele, 36; enfib, 36; tient, 36 -thnic termstfoin TF gitiidnk, 39 Grieeege: economicsof, 41 Ginte; Begne, Bedl, 43; Beget, Geebe, 57; Bedid, Djibc, 43, 64; Beideri Geeonn, 291; Bin, Benkeni, 281;Bu khni, 46; Deke, Geisiridenk6,40 Djelihe (see geinee; Bedid, Djibe); Gjo bae, Antedne, 43; Fenseke, Belle, 37; Kente, Al Geji Bel, 43; Kneynte a lenten Sebee, 43; teteni, Tebinen, 57; S5s6kb, Ben Senene, 43; Sitfik6, Fe- Digi, 11, 21, 38; Sceley, Ideitte, 291; Seen, Benbe, 43; Inno, Fedey Muse, 43; Seeno, Pape Bunke, 43; Sylle, Ginee, 64; Tesst, Aycehe, 57 Geinlee. See Griot; female Gronso, 139-40 gcftc-neeee goenent, 289 Geende, 48 Gechete, 168 Gele, T'henet A., 178 Gene, Boeboe, 9, 38, 70-71, 73, 80, 97-98, 108, 123, 132, 139. 190, 264, 206, 289; pemst end poetic dialogen ebeet Aelcie Mohemmed, 55; thetit en OrigineofZeene, 131; versioenso cAthie Moheammed, 53 Genen, Abdee, 182 Genne. Alme Teheki Nynni, 227 Genekey Gibbe, 73 haecigeni, 286 Geneene, Abdeelnyn, 178 Garrison, Christopher, 153 hetegey, 161, 291 Hek, 171, 172 Hauee, 172, 2688 Seen teethe, 287 Genteninine, 231 Genteeli, 231 Geynea Beekeenie, 225 Heat ofDaresse, 136 Gee, 257, 239, 261, 289 Genige, Devid, 161 Gene, Mannd,21 Hi-Kni flent commatnde, 121 hai: en maery, 285, 289 Gintedne, Alne, 56 Gippopotamues, 227, 282 Ginkeel, Mertyn, 24 Hienie deu Cebirt tde Sokoeo, 285 Giyet Mamae Keenji, 227 holey, 95; ongeninetion end erigin, 72 Genbeni mountains, 142, 282 Henbeti-Kel. Sne Honbeel-Key Hodbet'i-Kci Meenne; burial elite, 116 Henbeni-Key, 31, 123 Gneey Gtngeni, 273 Goes, 233, 283; Anne, 271; en gift en grinte, 235, 237; comniecting, 275 hetn;: hoetehold ceptive, 124 Geedas, Octae, 8, 49, 53, 59, 69 Geneick, John, 8, 18, 22-23, 32, 39, 49, 53, 36, 69, 98, 99, 108, 117-18, 121, 131, 130, 142, 150 gedji, 127-28, 247, 263, 265,2Z88, 290 Gelld, 131-32, 279, 291; reletionship tn KelI6, 133 Genbe, 217, 285 Gendeitee, 139 Goody, leek, 5, 164 Gen Fell Zinhe, 139 Gthiyn, 56 Geenden, 149 Geenne, 28, 65, 176;- egin, 7, 118, See also Geenneetchd Gneeeeeech6, 288 Gress, 225 Grass net, 245 Gresshopper, 225 Geene, Greham, 137, 156 Geiot accesterler, 40; advisor end informntlin TF, 40;eith AteZent- beni, 243; in chronicles, 12; described by Ibm Ballote, 37; entetaener, 36; eli. ologicl talee, 283; expending peelce- maence context, 9; Inle, 42; femalen, 233, 247, 288; Flael, 233, 237; in Gee, 233, 235, 237; gewke en origin of term, 35; genelgit, 36; geminIo en, edry fcrm, 35; hisltien, 36; intermtediery, 106; Mend6, 21; musicin, 36; in nvl 147, 155; origie of, in epic, 197; eigine oflterm,9, 35;pato nfiml eseeved lee, 291; eleticn to Ideam, 170; eletion to scribes, 45; reletion en rulers, 40; re- wards, 42, 180; singer, 36; socialtaend- eng, 40; Seeghy, 237; Snghy, rela- tinsnhip en Zeene, 180; Seninki, 29; speeking Senink,6, 243; spokenmen, 36; tebtitueeetespropoed, 43;tteche, 36; timebinden, 0; teemning, 179-90; ce of technlogy, 42; Giet of todey, 41; world tiew, 161 -ethnic Itents lee; teslbe, 36; beednee, 37; denne jele, 36; leebe, 36; finn jele, 36; genle, 36; gentle, 36; geel, 36; geeel, 35; jah, 37; jele, 36; (nfl, 36; tenete, 36; jenene-denke, 36; jell, 37; henetege, 36; nebi, 39; nebe, 36; en. nonk, 37; nbe jele, 36; nyentekl, 36; eebb, 36; tiente, 36 -thicermsforlneiTF glisiidnt, 39 Griotage economtics of, 41 Giet; Beget, Bedii, 43; Beget, Geebe, 37; Bedid, Gjibn, 43, 64; Beideti, Geeonn, 291; Bin, Beekeni, 201; Bee- kani, 46; Geke, Geineiridnki, 40; Gjeflbn (tee geinet; BediA, Gjihcj; Gje- bae, Antedne, 43; Feeneke, Blle, 37; Keene, Al Geji Bai, 43; Kneyete, Be- lenten Seken, 43; Menni, Tekiene, 57; Sitfik, Ben Senene, 43; Sis6kb, Fe- Gigi, 11, 21, 38; Sceley, Idniete, 291; Sete, Beebe, 43; Inno, Fedny Mnes, 43; Sesn, Pepe Berke, 43; lylle, Dinea, 64; Tesse, Ayeebn, 57 Gtiotle. See Gr64ioteme Grcsno, 139-40 gefecene;: goenent, 289 Geende, 48 Gechette, 168 Gele, Thoemae A., 178 Gene, Boeboe, 9, 38, 70-71, 73, 80, 97-98, 108, 123, 132, 139, 190, 264, 286, 288; pemne end peteic dielogese eboet Ankie Moheemmed, 55; thesie en origineofZeene, 131;tversionseofAkie Moheammed, 55 Geneni, Abdee, 102 Geene Alma Teheki Nyenti, 227 Genehey Gikke, 73 fienigeni, 286 Geeonn, Abdeelaey, 178 Garison, Chriseopher, 153 hneagey, 181, 291 Heehe, 171, 172 Geete, 172, 288 been nenbe, 287 Geneelcina, 231 Gaeee, 231 Geytee Beekeenie, 225 Heartof Darness, 136 Gee, 257, 259, 261, 280 Genige, Gevid, 181 Gee, Mend6, 21 Hi-Kei lent commende, 121 fji te marey, 285, 289 Gintedee, Menu, 56 Gippopotenus, 227, 282 Giekeel, Mervyn, 24 Hinebie de Gebi t tde Sokoto, 285 Giye Meame Keenji, 227 hoey, 95; orgeniztion end origin, 72 Gentheti mnen, 142, 282 Henbni-Kni, Sen Henfleni-Kny Hcnthtti-Kti Meene;: buriel elive, 116 Hcnbeel-Key, 31, 123 Goey Gengeni, 273 Goes, 233, 283; Anne, 271; en gift en geinle, 235, 237; commenicting, 275 heete; hoeseheld caeptive, 124 Geedas, Gcteve, 8, 49, 53, 59, 69 Geneick, John, 8, 18, 22-23, 32, 39, 49, 53, 56, 69, 98, 99, 108, 117-18, 121, 131, 139, 142, 150  Index 307 Index 307 Index 307 The Sd14, 23 iddo do: prayer ground, 287. See alse hex gite de Ideephece, 63 hxccxc Nyxxni, 215, 227 hepeexte, Pacal James, 15 Ixest, 119 Indigo, 242-43 Indigo Trect, 223, 283 Ixxet, ordon, 36, 44 Institute let Research in Social Sciences, 57, 168, 183 koy; Oct Lotd, 281 Iteict, Felix, 56 Irony: in Lt Deceir de tiolettce, 143-44, 155 Iehlq: int epic, 107 Itthlq K~bdth. See Aekic Itthlq Itthlq the Zegheltti, 112 Istlam:t telatice to Archic, 7; view of witchcraft,ttmagic,tracles,cand diinac- ticx, 34 Islamtic Untiversity of Sey, 163, 171 Iste Ktectxhf, 91 Icec Keygelc, 86 Itte, Dctxetcc, 181 Ineke, 213 Icxckx Kebteike, 221 Isschc Mtlcxt Kcy Yeta, 225 Ineke leckeyet, 221 Istaxhul, 117 It e Bettlefield, 137 Ivory Coast,10 Jxktttecx, Roeax, 61 jcli: geict, 9 ice Nece, 215, 225 ixee Almc Yciex, 229 ieee Baxhx Doe, 229 jcexec. Set a~ jteecde. See zm jaex. See zccx Jam Kethc. See Duct Kctbc Settee, 131 jccsttettemetrgtitinetrn Niger, 64 Jeittegc, Admxac, 171 Jtxxc-icxt, 289 jecee;Ite lee geict amtexg Zxcex, 9, 42,64 jetere-dettkceastcer grimt,42 JeisheancetrttyofNxke'ccruler, 148 Jews: exssacre ct Tceexfll, 149; in North Africa,149;rleintranst- Sahertradled, 158; in Ttxdieett, 149 iettiteicki, fcgcenil, 170, 175 jiid: ctes, 283 jitdiitt; emagic foteula, 38 jixtt; spirit, 71 iohxttex, Johx, 10-11, 21, 35, 38, 41, 167 Octet, 38 ixehe, 231 Keebe, 293 ketti, 291 Kchc, Lcxtixt, 156 Kxhetx, 70, 83, 112 Kabchca-Fceteen4c, 112 Kellxeec Alhexee, 221 Kelilec Mxecdcc, 221 Kxl6: relaticnship to Dellt, 133; Zetec, 291 Kclecxtikctty Alhcxxx, 221 Kcxc, Chtikh Hxeidec, 95 Kact, 139 Kxxgligc, 103-4 Kxxkxx Muttc. See Mcxttc Meceea Kexcctty, 221 Kano, 98 Kexc tof Kebbi, 164, 121 Kxtidic Meeadec, 221 Keel, Emmanel, 281 Kccnc, 56, 282, 284, 286; dtcexdaxtt tof Decede, 221 Kent, 231, 287 Kamat Alecdc Nyt, 263 Kassc Octeict Secexayle, 231 Kassa ec Slex Gae, 263 Kass w etyct Soucecylx, 263 Kenexni, 229 Keneyt, 95, 197, 134, 165, 231, 281-82, 284, 287; asttitierf ellexi AlfiBet,74; exmple tof praccceo tlmx, 78; firt enontrwth Mxxtct't fathec, 187; genealogy in chroxicles, 70, givet eegic devietoleehcci, 211; inchroniles, 79; intrucctions to Aekie Mohxmed te estcpe Bacgncthl,92; lnkltoemgic, ject ofypoem hy Cleir exd Hamat, 56 Kenecxti, 152 Kfi, Mxhecctd, 8, 29, 59, 69, 78; eccem- pexiet Achea Mhtxed t Mtcc, 32, 85; advict to Ashie Ishiq 1I, 118; xego- tiions with Chi filet, 32, 45, 79, 92; relxtionship to Axhi Mohaemed, 32 kedhes, 31, 33 Ketsinx cegion, 93 Keekee; ed5l cae for Gan, 19 Kxyee, 50 Keit, Mclihe, 14 Kehea, Scndiete. Set Sundials Keile Kendall, Murtha, 93-94 Pex 1891, 23 iddo do: pcaer grouxd, 287, Set elst bee geto do Idtephexe, 63 lexec Nyeei, 215, 227 Tmet, Pecal Jaet, 15 Ixcet, 119 Indige, 242-43 Indigo Tree, 223, 283 Ixxet, Gerden, 36, 44 Instittec let Retteerch in Social Sixxcest, 57, 168, 163 lehty; Oct ILotd, 281 Icehe, FHlix, 56 Irony: in Le Dteit de violenet, 143-44, 155 Itthtq: in epic, 107 Itthdq Kid&bixi. See Aeltic Ithliq Itthlq the Zxghlxii, 112 Ittam:ceattloln to Arahic, 7; ciew of wichcraft,emagic,toralest,adldvin- tice, 34 Ilaici Uxitvettity tof Say, 163, 171 tette Kceeehl, 91 Itttt Keygele, 96 Ittee, Oceetet, 181 Ittehe, 215 Ittehe Koeeihe, 221 tettehe Mleem Key Yecc, 225 Itteehe Sotehyte, 221 Itanbul, 117 Ices e Bttlefield, 137 Ivory Coast 10 ixhehttex, Roean, 61 jali: grimt, 9 ice Neete, 215, 225 ittel Alec Yeciee, 229 ieee Baehe Doe, 229 jeccee. See zm jarmeude. Seeam jeec. See cccx AraeKctht. See Dice Keeht Settee, 131 jccae:e tetefrgcielin eterncNige, 64 ieittege, Adeex, 171 iee-itee, 289 jecete; term lee ot aemong Zacex, 9, 42,64 jesee-deelee; easter grimt, 42 JewisheancetrcyeofNke'rerst, 148 Jews: etteece at Teexetit, 149; it Nerth Afrita, 149; coedtras Seheranxtrede, 130; in Teedicex, 149 itetticeicki, fiegceil, 170, 175 jid; Itttts, 283 jieditte magic formeula, 38 jixe; epicit, 71 Jthneon, John, 10-11, 21, 35, 38, 41, 167 Jetl, 38 icehe, 231 Keehe, 283 heeti, 291 Kchx, Letittt, 136 Keheex, 70, 83, 112 Kchieee-d1eec Alec, 112 Ktllxcee Athexee, 221 Kelilee Mxecadte, 221 Kttlll; celatieonehip to Ot16, 153; Zecee, 291 Kelettetihoecy Athettex, 221 Kaet, Chcihh Heniudec, 95 Kaee, 139 Kaeglige, 183-4 Keehee Mutte. See Mexee Meene Keexeccy, 221 Kano, 98 Ketl tof Kthhi, 144, 1.21 Kecidie Meeedcc, 221 Kult, Emmanel, 281 Karee, 56, 282, 284, 286; descendeants tof Decede, 221 Kent, 231, 287 Kettec Aleede Nye, 263 Kamae Dueet leceaytc, 231 Kenta e telex Gaee, 263 Kamaec eOyce hecettyle, 283 Kecttcci, 229 Kancyc, 95, 107, 134, 185, 231, 281-82, 284, 287; att sister tof leei Mlince, 74; eaeple of prcceof tlame, 78; first tencouter 6416 Meecees father, 187; gnealogy in chronicles, 70, givett eegic devtices t ehexci, 211; in chronicles, 78; instructions to Axhix Mehammeed to ecacpecagextch, 92; linktoemgic, 70; tteeking protection Ice sec, 78; euh- jecteof poe bly Clair and Fleet, 56 Kexetceni, 132 Kitti, Meheceud, 8, 29, 59, 69,78; eccore- pettice Ashit Mohameed te Mccax, 32, 83; edvice to Ahix Itthlq 11, 118; nego- defltin with Chi filce, 32, 45, 79, 92; rteltnhip to Athi Mohammed, 32 kathes, 31, 33 Kateine region, 93 Keehee; early naee for Gee, 19 Keyce, 50 Keite, Medihe, 14 Ktite, leedicte. See Sundiels Keile Kedll, Marthe, 93-94 Ihe held, 23 i dde do: prayer ground, 287. See also bee gice dot Ideephexe, 63 Ineaen Nyceti, 215, 227 lepecele, Pascal iaes, 15 Incettt, 119 Indige, 242-43 ledige Tret, 222, 203 Imee, Gerdon, 36, 44 Inttte let Restearch in Social Science, 37,168, 183 Irhey; Our Lord, 281 Icehe, F61he, 56 Irony inxLe Dttideiece, 143-44, 155 Iehlq: in epic, 107 Itthlq K6d&biefi. See Aehie Iehlq Iehlq the Zegheli, 112 Ielte: reletien to Arabhic, 7; ciew of witchcaft,emagic,oracles, and diin- tice, 34 Islamit Univesity of Sey, 163, 171 Itttt Keceehi, 91 Itte Keygele, 96 ltttc, Oteecec, 181 Ittcxhe, 215 Iceche Koeiih, 221 teehea Mleem Key Yett, 225 Incate Sotehyze, 221 Itnlce, 117 It's e Batlefield, 137 Ivocy Coast, 10 icheheex, Roean, 61 jcli: grimt, 9 ice Nece, 215, 225 ieee Alec Ycciee, 229 ixte fiche Doe, 229 jeece. See zm jeeecde. Seeta~ jcee. See zm Jame Keche. See Diheca Keehe iccee, 131 jaccee; teen lee geict in wetern Nigtr, 64 Jittege, Adeec, 171 iexttt-icee, 289 jecee; ttemtorgrietcamong Zare, 9, 42,64 jecere-dexkc; eastcr geict, 42 iJeishcancetrycofNe'ttler, 148 Jews: eassacre at Tametit, 149; in North Afica, 149; role in trans- Seharanxtrade, 130; in Teedicee, 149 iteeicki, fiegenil, 170, 175 jide; teed, 283 jixdiie; magic fereula, 38 jinn: epirit, 71 Johnsen, John, 10-11, 21, 33, 38, 41, 167 iclel, 38 ieehea, 231 Keehe, 283 heeci, 291 Kehe, Lanie, 156 Kcheee, 70, 83, 112 Keheec-ilietx Alex, 112 Ketfetee Athexec, 221 Ketliec Meecliec, 221 Kaxli: celationehip to Dlld, 133; Zecee, 291 Keteexeiey Athexec, 221 Kae, Cheihh Heeidec, 93 Kaet, 139 Kcxglige, 103-4 Kcchcx Musa. See Meette Mccnca Kettey, 221 Kexe, 98 Kanc tof Kebhi, 104, 122 Kecidic Meexdcc, 221 Karl, Emmanul, 281 Knee, 36, 282, 284, 286; desendats tof Doede, 221 Kcssa, 221, 287 Kaesse Aheede Nyc, 283 Kamae Gtteixe Secetye, 231 Kenta ett telex Geete, 263 Kassae xc Scyct Secexayte, 283 Keceexi, 229 Kccttcyt, 93, 107, 134, 185, 231, 281-82, 284, 287; as siser ef Sexti Ali flee, 74; cexemple oflpracticeo lame, 78; fleet entcute ith Meec'etether, 187; geealogy in chroniclet, 70, giestanegi devicesttshxci, 211; inhrnicles, 70; instrctions to Atthi Moheeeed to ettcepe ficcgcxlchl, 92; hlkteenaic, 70; eeking protection for sont, 78; suh- jctcoflpemhy Clireand Ham,56 Kcxeetei, 132 K86i, Meheceud, 8, 29,359, 69, 78; eccccx- peie Aelde Mohaeeed to Mecca, 32, 83; adtice to Ahie Ithlq 11, 118; ego- tiation with Chi Bfiet, 32, 45, 79, 92; relationsip to Aehi Moheemed, 32 hethes, 31, 33 Katsixa region, 93 Keehee; enrly naee Ice Gee, 19 Keyce, 50 Keite, Medihe, 14 Keile, leediete. See Sundialc Kcile Keedld, Martha, 93-94  308 Index 308 Index 308 Index30Ine 308 Index Keneeleet, Lilyn, 10, 35 Ki-Zeebe, Jeneph, 69 Kilinni, 253 Kitnbe, Ideinea, 283 Knight, Redeeic, 60 kebe. See kebe tree Kebakie Itneke, 221 Kebey Fedi Menet,, 223 kebe tnee, 291 Kekentnni, 12 Kekeebey tree, 267 Kekeee, 55 Keln, 121 Kelendin Mene, 227 Kendinge. See Aeten Keetdihge heenye temtale captite, 288 ket-e; 21-ntringed jintrtunent, 43, 120; sourceofnynne, 38 Keemtnet, 229 Kenkiyn, 23, 99, 122, 139; visit by Askit Ithlq, 106 Keeetch0, Seyni, 42 Keere-kei, 20 Kenelnyn regien, 229, 291 Keneeine-Ftti, 40, 99, 103 Keettnine-Mi W8ilt, 112 Keenennet, Abteedee, 10 key: verint en kel, 16 Knine, battle no, 37 Keteni, See Kelen Kenbi Saeth, 19; necked by leunenne Kanet, 20 Knree. See Kenetnyn Kneteyn, 176 Kneley, 229 Knnney-Hneennn, 56 Lake Chnd, 139 Lake Feti, 149 Laedenein, Meinte, 55 Leene, 55, 123, 284 Lat of the Junt, The, 137 Leughter, 283 Lays, Dienldd, 11, 42, 57-98, 285, 29 Lae, Cenmtra, 5,38 Lnenetignen, 19 Le Deceit de vielence, 135-38, 148, 168, 171; en Bond to Violence, 4; narrtive vocsin, 154-55 fefe; 'wht Oxmen,' 284 Lete d le France n~ge, 138, 156-57 Lentein, Nehemniah, 18-20,351 Lewis, 1. M., 34 Lenitegraphy Labeetery, 181 Libett, 35, 57, 282 Libyn, 139 Lien, 217, 219, 227 Liteacy: eutenenment nmedet, 5, 184; ide- elegicnl mnedel, 5, 163 Liteay Set-nice, 182 Leetd, 239 LentAnti, 122 Lyete Fanee-Anebe, 165 MaeDteede Fmntey, 227 Metetee beeney, 54 neebe;Fulani grimt,9 McCall, Deniet F., 117 McGann, ternne K., 6 Metine, 123 Meriena regien, 50 Mclnteeh, Roederick, 5, 17-18, 289 Mclntesh, Sunen, 5, 17-18, 299 McLehen, Marnhatt, t64 MeNneghten, Peticek, 38 Mnghreb, 19 Meheenee Deetbe Bens, 215 Mthenend; replaemeent tee Djenden, 128 Mnhneend-Yete, 106 Meheneftd, 112 Mehtnektd bee Oenne: vinited by Akim Me- hammeed, 83 Melge, Seyden Beelbenenne, 178, 181 Mnli, 2, 7, 10, 139, 166, 168; religiees in- fluence en Seeghty, 38 Mali Bene, 10, 140, 271, 273, 277, 289, 290-91; linked te Menne Meenne, 132; rele inesnintence ngtinnt Meteccans, 130-31 Medi emepie 4,89-18, 20, 139, 167; ten- erenieneo Islen, 21; infleence oe Seeghty, 23; teaditienel belief syntemn, 21; wthdeenal teen Tinbnkte, 23 Mali Keyne, 289 Melink6, 20, 182, 104 Malie, Meliki, 178 Melie, Neehee, 11, 57, 97, 113, 115, 124-25, 127-28, 145, 162, 187, 181-83, 281-82, 291; biegeaphicel infeenmttien, 178; change in eneertive veiee, 61; el- lietical neyle, 283; illnens, 286; lessnnen aedine, 129; peertreit ef Aekie Menene, 101; ente ef deliery, 61; shiftn in tene, 62, 89; une efgetuere, 81, 88 nellen, 178 Mellnn Key Yeee, 215 Menndi; Seninhd ditninute lee Mehan- med, 283 Kerman, George F., 2 Keneeleet, Lilyte, 10, 35 kbetibe. See hetebe Ki-Zeebe, Jeneph, 69 Kilinsi, 253 Kinbe, Ideinne, 283 Knight, Rederic, 60 hebe. See kebe tree Kebekine Inneke, 221 Kebey Fed Mente, 223 kebe trent, 291 Kekeneni, 172 Kekee-bey Ieee, 287 Kekene, 55 Kelen, 121 Kelendit Mene, 227 Kendiege. See mete KendiALge keeeye; fenle captive, 288 ken;: 21-neninged inntnunent, 43, 170; soerceeofeynneSO3 Keenete, 229 Kenkiyn, 23, 99, 122, 139; visit by Ankit Inhkq, 106 Keenechd, leyni, 42 Keen-kei, 78 Kenetnye negien, 279, 291 Keetnine-Mti, 40, 98, 103 Kete-nint-lMi Sli, 112 Keneennn, Ahnedee, 10 key veint en keL, 16 Keine, beetle ef, 37 Keleni, See Kelen Kenbi Inleb, 19; necked by Soenntee Kent, 20 Knreyc. See Keneleyc Kneeeye, 176 Kne, 229 KnrenyIleeene, 56 Lake Chad, 139 Lake Fn6i, 149 Landenein, Melt, 55 Laene, 55, 123, 284 Lest ef the Jeet, The, 137 Laughee, 283 Leyn, Dietldd, 11, 42, 57-58, 285, 289 Lae, Cerneet, 5, 38 Lateetignen, 19 Ln Deceir de vielence, 135-38, 148, 188, 171; en Bend te Vielence, 4; nerrative vocsin, 154-55 lee-fe; 'what tine,' 284 Leenre 4 It France egen, 138, 156-57 Len-eden, Nehenith, 18-28, 51 Lenin, I. M., 34 Lenieogrephy Labeetoery, 181 Libend, 55, 57, 282 Libya, 139 Lien, 217, 219, 227 Litceracy: anteneneun noel, 5, 164; ide- elegieal nedel, 3, 163 Liteeacy Seen-ice, 182 Lend, 239 Leelfi, 122 Lycdn Feence-Aetbe, lb5 MaeDnendt Feeney, 227 Mactnee-hamey, 54 neebe;Fulani griee,9 McCall, Deniel F., 117 Mc~ann, Jerone K., 6 Marine, 123 Mnrina rengin, 50 Mclntosh, Roderiek, 5, 17-18, 289 Mclntosh, Sunan, 5, 17-18, 289 McLehn, Marshall, 184 McNnegbeen, Petrick, 38 Maghreb, 19 Mebenne Daunbe Bent, 215 Mahouned: replacemnet tee Djendnn, 128 Mehnned-Yete, 106 Mehneftd, 112 Mehnerfd bee Onnr: vinited by Askin Me- kenned, 83 Melge, leyden Benlbnnnntc, 178, 181 Mali, 2, 7, 18, 139, 160 168; religieue in- fluence en leeghey, 38 Mali Been, 10, 140, 271, 273, 277, 289, 290-91; linked In Mtnne Meenne, 132; noe n resintance against Morecnsn, 130-31 Math empire 4,89-10, 28, 139, 167; cnn- vrion Idean, 21; influnce oe Seeghey, 23; trnditionl belief syntemn, 21; nithdrenl teen Tinbuktu, 23 Mali Knyne, 289 MelinkO, 20, 102, 104 Mnlie, Mekiki, 179 Meheo, Nenbee, 11, 57, 97, 113, 113, 124-25, 127-28, 145, 162, 167, 181-83, 281-82, 291; biegeaphicel infeenaein, 178; change in narrntive n-nice, 61; el- liptieal neyle, 283; illnens, 286; lenten In andince, 129; pertrait of Askie Menene, 101; extentf delierny, 61; shifts intnse,62, 89; meof gesture, 61, 89 nll-n, 170 Mellen Key Ynen, 215 Manedi; Seniekt dinintie ten Mehen- ned, 283 Kerman, GeorgenF., 2 Keelene, Lilyte, 10, 35 ktobn. See ketibe Ki-Zeebe, Jseph, 69 KilinOi, 253 Kinbe, Ideinne, 283 Knight, Rederic, 60 kebt. See kobeltren Kebekie Inenke, 221 Kebty Fnei Mente, 223 kebe tee, 291 Kekeneni, 172 Koke-bey tee, 267 Kekene, 55 Kelte, 121 Kelendin Menn, 227 Kendiege. See Anne Kendilge kennyt; fnele catpe, 288 knee; 21-nedinged insteuent, 43, 170; sourceeofnynne, 38 Keenete, 229 Keekiye, 23, 99, 122, 139; visit by Ankin Inbkiq, 106 Kench6, Inyni, 42 Keene-kni, 70 Kenetey egin, 279, 291 Keernt-lii, 40, 99, 103 Keunine-hi 11kbh, 112 Kenenent, Ahnnden, 10 key; varianteen ket; 16 Keine, belle ef, 37 Keleni, See Keln Knnbi Slee, 19; necked by Ionane Kntd, 20 Knreyn. See Keenleey Knree, 176 Kney, 229 Kneney-Heneene, 56 Lake Chad, 139 Leke Feti, 149 Lnndenoin, Meke,55 Lneene, 55, 123, 284 Lent ofteeJuet, The, 137 Leughter, 283 Leys, Dineld, 11, 42, 57-58, 283, 289 Laey, Canere, 5, 38 Leetetignen, 19 Le Deceir de vielence, 135-38, 148, 168, 171; m Bond to ilence, 4;narratie v icxi, 154-55 lee-fe; 'wht tine,' 284 Lettre a le Fre-tenege, 130, 158-57 Len-tien, Nehenieh, 18-28, 51 Lewin, I. 84., 34 Lexicography Lebeeaeery, 181 Libeet, 55, 57, 282 Libya, 139 Lien, 217, 219, 227 Literacy: eutononeus noel, 5, 184; ide- elogicel nodel, 5, 163 Liteeacy Serice, 182 Lend, 239 Leelini, 122 Lycte Feence-Anebe, 160 MatDendn Farney, 227 Mttnee-htney, 54 nebe; Felani grimt, 9 McCall, Daniel F., 117 Mc~enn, Jeeone K., 6 Matine, 123 Marine regin, 50 Mcleteeh, Roderick, 5, 17-18, 289 Mclntosh, Sunan, 5, 17-18, 289 McLnhnn, Marshall, 184 MchNnugheee, Feteick, 38 Magheeb, 19 Mehernne Denb Bnae, 215 Mehnend replacenent tee Djnndne, 120 Mnhnend-Ynn, 106 Mehunnkdu, 112 Mehnefld bee Onae; vinied by Anhin Me- kenned, 83 Melge, Snyden Benlhenetee, 178, 181 Mali, 2, 7, 18, 139, 160, 168; eligioun in- fleence en nghey, 38 Meli Bee, 10, 140, 271, 273, 277, 29, 290-91; linked In Mne Mennee, 132; eeleninnresineagaintMoroccn, 130-31 Mai enpie 4,89-10, 20, 139, 167; cnn- vrion Islam, 21; influence oe Senghny, 23; teaditonael belief systen, 21; niehdeenel teen Tinbuku, 23 Mali Keyne, 289 Melinkt, 20, 102, 104 Mnlie, Mekiki, 179 Melin, Nenhee, 11, 57, 97, 113, 115, 124-25, 127-28, 145, 182, 167, 181-83, 281-82, 291; biogrephicl infernetien, 178; change in narrtive n-nice, 61; el- kipdical seyle, 283; illene, 288; lessn In andience, 129; porctait ofAche Menene, 101; extentf delierey, 61; shifts in tene, 62, 89; tme nof gesture, 61, 89 nellen, 170 Mellen Key Yeee, 213 Menndi Sedekdr dininnive tee Mohen- ned, 283  Index 309 Index 309 ~Index30Ine39 309 Index 309 Mantdou Djitde Mattia, 221, 286 Mentet. Songlty diinutive for Mehen- teed, 71 Mama Kay, 223, 21,286; assues chieftaincy, 197, 199; birth, 185, 187; ~eounter with his fthert, 183; fatler, 185; asgroosmn for horse of Si, 191; ainfant, 189; inquiry about bis father, 191; killing of Si, 195; ne let Askia Mohammed, 71;ttnamtigceremoy, 189; pilgrimae to8 Meeca, 199, 203. See also Askia Mohammed Mandil, 139, 288; epic texts of, 93 Mand region, 10 Mad6-pnkitg peoples, 10 Mandtkttt, 44 Mtttdinge 139 Mttndink tems forgrimt,36 Manta Kora, 86 Mansa Meets, 22; othography, 16; pit- grimg gto8 Meca, 21, 84 Maeng Stlimn, 21 Mansr replaement for Mtheteed, 121 Mltr-Boutkan. Se Mohammed Betekat Marabots, 170, 253. 282. 285; Aqit fanm- ity tof Timbutue, 25 Mariam Wo, 14 Meike, Kil6gu, 42 Mareshn, 186, 112, 118-19 Marriage, 285 Masa, 140 Manny, Raymnted, 19, 35 Mapnseet, Guty Ie, 137. 156 Mauitania, 19, 70 Maytee Deno Kttba, 277 M'Bidt, 172 Mecca, 7, 145, 223, 283 Medina, 223 Mthanen, 172 tnehtt, fant, 281 Mtillnesmax, Claude, 36 M tsaod, 122 Mtatphor, 63 Mtonymy, 63, 282 Mie, 267 Migations:Sg hy ndZ reasenof Mali aed Niger, 17 Milk, 255, 267; as social te, 91 Miller, Chrisopher, 147, 150 Miller, Joetph, 161-62 Millt, 265, 267, 269; drink, 217; pastt, 217, 255; stalks, 285 bliet-Klya, 110 Mobdi Bajat, 282 eeodibo: marabou, 282-83 Medibe Keita, 149 Mtthmma Gte, 215, 285 Mohammed Boueke, 110; birth, 102 Mohamed Gan, 225; deptes, Ishiq 11, Mohtmted Tfiba, 121 Mohammed Teelil in ngotitions be- tween Atkia Mohammted and Chi Bitro, 78; onpilgrimatge to Mec, 85 Mothammted-ben Atn., 123 ttelo: tringed instument, 60-61, 180; players, 233 Mooted, Charles, 69 Mootedl,Vinentt, 69 moedibajo Fulanei maThelu, 283 Mepti, 169 Mori Hawgao, 56 Mtteikeyra, 56 Morocco: failed expeditions against Son- ghay, 111; invasion of Seeghy, 27 Mtes, 141 Meeti, 28, 145, 176, 201, 282, 280; defeat by Attkia Mohammetd, 92-93 Menti, Tttbitee, 57 MetittI Ahmetd Ed-Dhilk~bi, 116-17 Meulty El Abbas, 144 Moulty Ahmed, 110; gift to Askle Deeud, 110; rquest to Atbit Ithlq about Tttghttet mtines, 106 Mouekilt, Faimat, 66, 66, 131-33, 178, 285,289 Mourli, Bernaed, 150, 157 Metss, 253, 275; othotgraphy, 16 Mount, Djibo,178 Meun Zara, 285-86; fathtered by Mtnna Kassyt, 213 mo me, 163 Mpiku, J. Mbelolo ytt, 138 muxlhdbhe; mosnque funtionies, 31 tteallimeementttay hootltteahers,31 Nttigt, Ganda, 56 Nttkett, 139-40, 147, 152, 156; Jewish an- cetry of tlett, 150 NttkttttZhtko, Republic of, 147 NttntttiGugou, 172 Nam, 284, 2;desedtsnof Detttdt, 221 Nfina-Tint, 78 Narratie, stpoken, 66 Ntii, 172 Nelson, Keisina, 58 New York Time, 138 Ngetdo, 139 ettetti; strined instrumnt, 66, 180 Mmado Djhtdc Marria, 221, 280 Meet;r Senghay dimntie for Mohamt- teed, 71 Maa tKasety, 223, 281, 286; assurac cetincehy, 197, 199; birth, 185, 187; encouterth 4168 father, 183; tather, 185; as groomsmantt for hoe of Si, 191; ainfantt, 189; intquiry abeut hisfthOert, 191; killintg of Si, 195; naett bit Askia Mhatttmtd, 71; nttmitgeremttoty, 189; pilgrlimaeto Mec, 199, 283. See also Akit Mohtttted Mttd, 139, 288; epic texts of, 93 Man&tdregon, 18 Mettdil-pettkittg pteoples, 10 Maetkett, 44 Mtttditgttt, 139 Mettdittkt; ttem fortgtiot,36 Mtttte Kette, 6 Mtttttt Mettle, 22; otthtgrttphy, 16; pit- gttitttgeto6 Mecca, 21, 84 Mttnna Sttleimant, 21 Mtttttt etplaceenttrbiMtitetd, 121 Mit.Btuktt. SeMhammettd Bttkt Mttrabots, 170, 253, 282, 285; Aqit fatt- ily of Tittbutu, 25 Matittt D~be, 14 Marko, K6l6tigtd, 42 Mtttteth, 186, 112, 118-19 Mattiage, 285 Mttti, 140 Mtttty, Ratytttttd, 19, 35 Mttupttttnt, Gtuy dt, 137, 156 Matniat, 19, 70 Mttyttt Dnttte Ktbtt, 277 M'Bida, 172 Mtecca, 7, 145, 225, 283 Metdittt, 225 Mtthtttt, 172 tnehatttt fat, 281 Millettettutt Cltttdt, 36 Mteentted, 122 Metaphot, 63 Mettttymty, 63, 285 Mice, 267 Migrations: Snghtty and Ztttttttttreso Matli tttd Nigter, 17 Mil1k, 255, 267; as soiatiei, 91 Milltt, Chttistophert, 147, 150 Millet. Jteph, 161-62 Mlt, 265, 267, 289; drtink, 217; patt, 217, 255; sttlks, 245 Slittt.Kyt, 110 Mttdi Baja, 282 mttdibtt maratboutt, 282-83 Mttdibo Ktittt, 18 Mthttettt Geo, 215, 285 Mohamettttd Btttkttt, 110; bith, 185 Mohametttd Gttt, 225; dtpoes Ittklq 11, 120 Mohtttttted Tlbt, 121 Mttamettttd lel; itt netgtiattiotts be- tenAeka Mohtttttttd ettd Chi Bfite, 78; ont pilgrimatgeto Mecct, 85 Mohttttttd-bet Atn,, 123 pltyte, 233 Mtttted, Chattles, 69 Motteid, Vittentt, 69 tttttdibnttjtt Ftulati mtatabotut, 283 Motpi, 169 Mori lleegttet, 56 Metikeyte, 56 Morocco; fadetd extpediionst agaittst Sont- ghay, 111; invasniont of Seeghy, 27 Moes, 141 Metti, 28, 145, 176, 201, 282, 288; deftttt by Atbie Mothametttd, 92-93 Metti, Ttthitett, 57 Metdtl Ahtmtd Ed-Dhilkdbi, 118-17 Metitty El Abbast, 144 Metdtty Ahtmed, 119; gilt to Ankle Detted, 110; rteqestt to Askia Ishlq atbout Ttghttettmnestt, 106 Motttkalt, Fatimta, 66, 66, 131-33, 178, 285,289 Moutrttlis, Btettard, 150, 157 Metette, 223, 225; otthobgratphy, 16 Mottttt, Djibo,178 Mtttetttt Zarae, 285-66; fathered by Mttttet Ktttttye, 213 moettete, 163 Mpikt, J. Mbttlolo ytt, 138 nte'dhdhim; mtttqe fttttionartiest, 31 Naiga, Ganda, 56 Nttket, 139-48, 147, 152, 156; Jeweish ttt- etry ef rulers, 150 NaetntZitko, Reputblic of, 147 Nttttttti-Gottegtt, 172 Nentett,Z84, 286; descedntstof Dttexda. 221 NfitteTiti, 78 Narrttttivt, spekten, 60 Neini, 172 Netso, Krtntett, 58 New Yotk Times, 138 Ngedos, 139 ttgeti: strinetd instumentt, 60, 180 Mtttttdt Djittde Metine, 221, 26 Metttett Settghay dittinutitv e rMehttet. rted, 71 Mtntttt Kttey, 223, 281, 286; assuest chiteftitcy, 197, 199; bittth, 185, 187; tenctttttr wttih hit fttther, 183; fater, 185; tts gromsmtan fttr horstt ofSi, 191; ittittttt, 189; inquiry abottt bit fathe, 191; killittg of Si, 195; tte lot Atkit Mohttttmed, 71; natmtittg eremtny, 189; pilgritmage Ito Mtec, 199, 203. See altt Athit Mohttmmetd Mttd, 139, 288; eictlexts of, 93 Mttdt regiott, 10 Mted-tptttkig petplett, 10 Metttkn, 44 Madigte, 139 Mtnditkt; terms lot gritt, 36 Mttttt Kttt, 6 Mnet Mttttnt, 22; otttogrttphy, 16; pil- grtimet to Mecca, 21, 84 Metttt Sulttimn, 21 Metttttt; replaemetnt lot Mehntetd, 121 M~t.Boektn. See Mohtmened Btttttktt Mttrabot, 170, 253, 282, 285; Aqit fttt- ity of Timbutu, 25 Martiam Dibe, 104 Mtttiko, K61Oigtti, 42 Mtttrtktsh, 106, 112, 118-19 Mttttiae, 285 Masi, 140 Mantty, Rttytmtttd, 19, 35 Mttepttttttt, Gtty de, 137, 136 Mtttttitttnit, 19, 70 Mttytatt Dttttt Kebtt, 277 M'Bidt, 172 Mtectt, 7, 145, 225, 283 Mtdinae, 223 Mtteettn, 172 Mesettttd, 122 Mtatphor, 63 Metttnytmy, 63, 282 ie, 267 Migrtis:tt Sttttlbty ted Zartt e as tttttf Mli tttd Nigttr, 17 Milk, 255, 267; as soitl tit, 91 Milltt, Chttitotpher, 147, 150 Millet, Jttteph, 161-62 llt, 265, 267, 289; dttittk, 217; patte, 217, 255; talkst, 245 Mittt-Kiyt, 110 Medi Bttjtt, 282 ttedib,,; maettbtttt, 282-83 Modibe eite, 148 Mebanttet Gte, 215, 285 Mohatted Btteeket, 110; bith, 102 Mehamened Gte, 225; detpoest Itthq II, 120 Mohttttmed Tibtt, 121 Moktted Tl6: itt egtttiations be- tenAttkit Mohttmmed tttd Chf B~te, 78; onepilgrtimetg to Mecca, 85 Mttametd-bten Antn, 123 tele; trin6ged inttttett, 60-61, 166; plttyttt, 233 Moetdi, Chaest, 69 Motteil, Vincent, 69 tttedibeje; Fttlai tttratbeet, 283 Moti, 169 Moi Hattgttttt, 56 Mtikeyre, 56 ghey,11;OttinvaionofStnghay, 27 Moes, 141 Menti, 28, 145, 176, 201, 282, 288; dettt by Attkit Mohtttmmed, 92-93 Mttti, Tttltite, 57 Mettiti Ahed Ed-Dhdk~bi, 116-17 Meelty El Abbes, 144 Mettlty Ahmttd, 119; gilt Ito Askie Deeud, 110; teqtent Ito Askie Inbiq about Ttgbttttt mnes, 106 Mtttnktilt, Fatittt, 66,660, 131-33, 178, 285,289 Metttelit, Btetttrd, 150, 157 Meetne, 225, 225; othogrttpby, 16 Mettent, Djibe,178 Mttttnnt Zartt, 285-86; fethtettd by Mtttttt Kttnttyt, 213 lttevtt'et, 163 Mpiktt, J. MbtI44e yt, 138 tttt'adhdittt mosqte fttnctionariest, 31 Neigt, Gtttdtt, 56 etryo lterst, 150 Nktn-Zitk, Rtptblic of, 147 NttttttdGettgtt, 172 Nttttte, 284, 286; dtteedants ofl Dtetd, 221 Nfiet-Titi, 78 Narrttttive, ttpokett, 66 Neim, 172 Nlsnen, Keintiett, 58 Newe Yetrb OTes, 138 Ngdte, 139 ttgeti: stringed itntment, 66, 180  310 310 ~~~~Index31Ine31Idx 310 Index 310 Index Niame1y, 7, 139-40, 166, 171, 287; Uni- versity of, 10, 57 NillI, Ojiblil T1111i1, 10 ntal38, 1Ro6111, 66, 175 Niger, 2, 7, 139, 167; northern, 93; Niger 1Riv1,7, 103, 105, 132, 140, 149, 166, 281, 285; home1 of0 spirits, 73 Nigeria, 2, 10, 104, 109, 281; nlohern, 93 Nikki Kingdom1, 281 Nimnir wa Z1111 1011131, 263 Nllhol 1811111, 221 1111113 'to beg,' 262 Nye 18118, 172 1341111 occult power1, 21, 36, 93 ny11111la1, 9, 38, 39 Nyao 08311118u Di 116, 227 Nyn, 01148311 Haidgoi, 229 Nye1, Russel1 B., 2 06119611,1E. H., 157 Okpl11ho, Isidore, 35 Olivier 419114111, Jean-Pierre, 36, 39, 41, 54, 65, 72, 91, 124, 126, 131-32, 154, 174, 262, 264-65, 266 Olkes, Cheryl, 36 011a1 10114i1go, 74, 99 0119, Walter1, J., 3, 162 0Oral Literature in Africa, 166 01al poetry; Man40, 35; Somal3i, 39 1161611e,40 Orthography, 15, 192; 11114 by Literar~y S118311, M6iistry of Education, Niger, 091111. See0911181-Youbabo6 0111166 Yllhlhlo, 40,099-10 083116-Tiiral, 103 01114111, 106 0106110, 105; term1 for Soink6, 69 0111111, 10, 291 0111109111, Yl11hl, 4, 13, 100-101, 135, 150-51, 157-56, 168, 171, 176-77; 1110- Our Lord, 223 0x, 257, 259, 261, 289-90 Pagans, 34 Pasha Ah1114-h11-Ahd1111h111l-EI- Hlyyllli, 31 Pasha Mlhnn11ld-11-111111, 31 Pebble, 227 P~rie, Jean, 264 Person, Yves, 69 Peul, 123, 136 P1111,See1Fulani; P183 P1111, Marc, 43 Philip 010 ofpain, 117 Phoenicians1, 149 Pilgrimage to Mecca, 292 Possess1in1ceremoies1, 171 Predicton 110 12th caliph, 85 Python, 289 9131; singer, 106; prohable translat1ion If jesere in TS, 39 1011619111, 139 R0, 223, 245 101114, 139 1011 pepr 223 Repetio, 62-63 10111, 255 18i114l1, 33 Robinso, Dai,013,51 Rob6in11n, Pearl, 153 181116,1Jean, 11, 19, 39, 55, 71-72, 132, 172; onlocal1religion, 23 6114,1Elias, 16,2Z8 914jey 101, 231 9191, 11, 56, 178, 282, 291 111911111, 123, 125-26, 235, 235, 239, 245, 257, 261, 263, 25, 28"-9, 290; killing 1111tw11s, 127, 247, 249 S1611; common1cultural1features, 16 Said, Pasha1, 122 961883l-111111, 145-46 91111111111 83-1183t, 141, 143, 144, 145; 9611 Moshe Gabbai o1111118311, 144; in- fanticide, 141 91161141, 172 6111111, 229 983ifl11, A11160, 42 A11ki1 Mohammed 14 114 061181, 78; on1 pilgrimage91 to Mecca, 65 611111, 229 6111111Ba1a, 225 683111 Z1111111, 231 61111118, 231 Niame1y, 7, 139-40, 166, 171, 267; Uni- versity3of, 10, 57 Nian11, Ojibril 311111i1, 10 Nicu383, Robert,66, 175 Niger, 2, 7, 139, 167; northern, 93; 6111g61y-1p11hi19 11111110, 10; we11111n, 10 Niger Rive1,7, 193, 109, 132, 140, 149, 166, 291, 285; 611111 ofpirits, 73 Nigeria, 2, 10, 10, 109, 261; northern, 93 Nikki Kingdom1, 261 Nimnir xl Z11111 1011151, 263 111111111t3 1beg1,282 103111818, 172 11511111 occ830 power1, 21, 38, 93 11311111111, 9, 3,39 Ny11la 811111 Di 11i111, 227 Nyal 011114116 Harigoli, 229 Nye1, Russel B., 2 06111196, 18. H1., 157 Okp111hl, Isidore, 35 41, 54, 65, 72, 91, 124, 126, 131-32, 154, 174, 282, 284-65, 266 01611,0Cheryl, 38 01111 10l11igl, 74, 99 Ong, Walter1, J., 3, 162 0ral Literature in1 Africa, 166 0183 poetry: Mand64, 35; Somal3i, 35 11116161,40 Orthography, 15, 192; 11114 by Literary 91118311, Ministry 110 Education, Niger, 0111111. 3ee 0011111-Y1116116 0111110 YIub~hI, 40,099-100 0h1166-Tin61rn, 103 011114111, 106 011818111, 105; term1fo lll66ik6, 66 011111111, 10, 291 01111191111, Yanhl, 4, 13, 100-101, 135, 151157-58, 11168111, 140; 111677;ref 0111 Lord, 223 01, 257, 259,261, 29-90 Pagans, 34 Pasha1 A61111-6611-A4111183111-81- Pasha1 Mlhn111-611-111111, 31 Pebb11, 227 Pdrie, Jean1, 24 Person1, Yvel, 69 Pell, 123, 139 P11111,51See1Fulani8; Peal P11111, Marc1, 43 Philip 1110f Spa1in, 117 Pilgima1ge1 to Mecca, 292 Prediction1 11f 12th clihph, 95 1111111 i TS, 39 10111619111, 139 1011, 285, 245 101140, 139 1011 pepper, 223 10111111411 p83iz,139 Re1petition, 62-63 Rice,255 R841141, 33 Rob6insonDv, 0113,851 Roblinon, P1111,153 Rench6,5Jean, 11, 19, 39, 55, 71-72, 132, 172; on local1 religions, 23 -mat:11 solier 6be11ri11 61111111, 288 Sand1,1Eli1s, 19, 28 6114jey NeIh, 281 91191, 11, 56, 176, 292, 291 9191111111, 123, 125-26, 233, 235, 239, 245, 257, 261, 263, 285, 288-89, 290; killing of twins, 127, 247, 249 Sahel:4comn1 cltraeaurs,6 Sa1id, Pasha61, 122 911411611111111, 145-46 61141Isaac,183-1110, 141, 143, 144, 145; 9W1 Moshe Olbbai o1111118311, 144; in- fanticide, 141 9116lie1, 172 9831111, 229 94001111, A11416, 42 on pilgrimage91 to Mecca, 95 611111, 229 61111118Bala, 225 983111 Z1111111, 231 91111111, 231 Niame11y, 7, 139-40, 166, 171, 267; Uni- verity 110, 10, 57 Niane1, Ojibril T11111i1, 10 Nico183, Robe611, 66, 175 Niger, 2, 7, 139, 167; northern1, 93; Songhy-sp183ing 11111111, 10; western11, Niger Rive1,7, 103, 105, 132, 140, 149, 166, 291, 285; 611111f spirits, 73 Nigeria, 2, 10, 144, 109, 281; northern1, 93 Nikki K0ingdom1, 291 Niligi1 111 Z1111 1011121, 263 111111111'to beg1,282 1031 Beri, 172 1131-ile l; fsm 11 m111111111111,74 11311111 occul6 power1, 21, 38, 93 1131111111, 9, 38,39 109111 Gala. 181 Di 11i111, 227 Ny1l 011141166 Haidgoni, 229 06111961,1E. H., 157 Okplnhl, 1sidore, 35 06ivier41911411n, Jean-Pirre, 36, 38, 41, 54, 65, 72, 91, 124, 126, 131-32, 154, 174, 262, 294-65, 288 0161,0Cheryl, 38 011111101114091, 74,099 0119, Walter1, J., 3, 162 Oral Literature1 in Africal, 166 0183 p11111ry: Man4, 35; Somal3i, 5 0183 traditin in 116111616111 831111141111- 1161611e, 40 Orthgra1phy, 15, 192; 11114 by L1111115 91183111, Ministry of01E4u11116on, Niger, 16 0111166.51 0eeO1111n-Y1116116 0111111 TIubboh, 40,099-100 01111191-Tin66n,, 103 0111111111, 106 04461110, 105; 11111111 fo Snink6, 69 01140111, 10, 291 01111911111, Y11hl, 4, 13, 100-101, 135, 150-51, 157-58, 169, 171, 176-77; 1110- 0111 Lord, 223 0x, 257, 259, 261, 289-90 Pagans, 34 P11161 A61111-61n-A41118311111-181- P11611 Mlh1nn14-61-0111111, 31 P1166le,227 performance11, 11116111111, 60 Person1, Yvls, 09 Pell, 128, 139 P11116, 511111883116; Pell P11111, Marc, 43 Philip 11110 Spa1in, 117 Phoenicians, 149 Pilgima1ge1 to Meccal, 292 Pred6iin 110 12th caliph, 95 Python, 289 911311 11111911, 106; probable111transl1ation of1 jsrinTS, 39 10111619111, 139 10111,223, 245 101140,139 1011 pepper, 223 RII111d11Ipize, 136 Repetition, 62-63 Ric11, 255 Rist461, 33 Robinson, 01183,25, 51 10116611111, Pearl1, 153 1011111,111111, 11, 19, 39, 55, 71-72, 132, 172; on1 local11 religions, 23 111111 so1ldier bea11ri11 61111111, 288 61114,861111, 18, 28 6114j1y NeIh, 281 61191, 11, 56, 176, 262, 291 6119111111, 123, 125-26, 233, 235, 239, 245, 257, 261, 263, 285, 288-9, 290; killing 119 twins, 127, 247, 249 Sa1id, Pasha61, 122 6114111-111111, 145-46 661911Isaac118-11114, 141, 143, 144, 145; 6Sa9l4111161 Gabbai 111111116111, 144; in- 111118441, 141 91166111, 172 61111111, 229 683ifl11, AndlO, 42 on pilgrimage9 to1 Mecca1, 95 611111, 229 61111118Bala, 225 983111 Zolnol, 231 98311111, 231  Index Index ~~~311 ne 1 ne 1 Index 311 Index 311 Sllex, kingdomn o, 19 Sane Nyxexx, 229 aoy Tx0, 45,53, 148 Onctot Pith,, 229 Samson H-ittE, 229 Sttxt, 92, 209, 294 Sttnt Alm Dtxxd, 215, 227 Ottet Bode Jitttht Katne, 227 SttxxBoriyttMatDttxda, 227 Sawxt Btttiyey, 215 Sfint tteitt, 107 lxxd, 245 Oxegxttt, 282 Sathttja int Timhuktu ttnd Wltthtt, 23-24 Oxthit64, Mosqute of, 58 Sawane-Httexntt, 172, 229, 292 Sttgan, 271, 291 Saruecy ce-dlitxx nniizey: Vc04tthire ttdttintttexar-frttgit, 192 Swaile, 170-2 lttxxit, 172 Stty, 10, 56 Scheuh, Harotld, 58 Schwabt, R., 61 Ocittette-Ettt, AttthO, 132, 156 SCOA settinar, 1981,964 Scribe: definitiont, 30; functins, 8-9; int Egypt, 30; itt Sahtel todtty, 30; eanettt of tupptttt, 32 Seteds:; asxtttgic device, 211 Seer: Fulanti, 275, 291 Sdkttx Attttdtt, 8, 12, 85, 151, 167; mttd- O6ktttu Tttxe, 148 Otlfilet, Michel, 284 SeO~ettt0ttcOtxxte, 30 Seneegatl, 70, 139 Settd, 137 Sdetted, 169 Sext int thtt chtronicles, 143 leydttt, Ctteittittxe, 36 Seyyid KtttttlIdji, 121-22 lttctp, 281 lherittoflMectt, 104, 117 Si, 185, 281, 285. See also Scamtt Ali Bet Sidi Djittde Muttitt, 221 004tt, 204 likitty, 284 Oihiytty, 107, 204 Silki clant. See Oyltt clant tillance: tttthttic Soetitkil, 65, 179 ttillietce. See xilhtetce Sitttgltx, Dict, 36 Singe:trttnstlation hfrom Arahic in TS, 59 Sitngett: tefetenets to, int TS, 39 Sitbtt Riter, 56 Sitbkit, Ftt-Digi, 11, 21, 39 Smnithst, 30 Snatke, 227, 229, 261; Bidtt, 299; mtifs onpottery, 289 Sodttmy, 119 tthttnci, 62, 71, 107, 202, 284; ttt httt- tle with Btttgttttcttt, 07; flight to Gtttt, 63, 209; tttigitt ttf, int epic, 197, 199; re- Sotthtt Rite,, 49 ott-Jttet. See Suntdialtt Keittt ottghttttchde, 71 Stttghay, 20, 142; detrutctittt ttf ttttpire accorttdittg to chronticlers, 133; atlliancte temt, 176; cxptivett, 26, 124; dettlitte cattsed hy tihhtng tivatley, 116; dtefttt hy Mxeocans, 7, 118; dteet otf Aettt, 57; earltyctatttcts with Sttittkd, 175; ett pitt 4, 9, 139, 167; tttll tof, 115, 161; gritt's view ttf, 123; impterittl ttohility vs.tlcal ttttiity, 26; intheittnc, 23; languttge, 65; mtttxilittet itthttitancett, 125; nobhles, 27; religioust influencxe fromttMati, 38;eitacegit M- rxccans, 120; retun of courtt to Goxt, 23; itte in dtttttdtttttt, 117, 118-20, 154; stcial ttuctttte, 25, 124, 120; speahttrt of, 10; termstforegimt, 36; wiestxand ttcchitttt, 25 Stttgxltt, Alihtt, 156 tttttitttth. See etllane ottittki, 179, 283; attctey ttf Sotghtty geitt, 64; eartly cottts with ottghtty, 175; itt epic, 64-65; tts fitttttciers tttd broen ofttlttghty economtty, 175; in gettealttgies, 64; Itttguatge, 14, 29; Ittt- guatge at used int Epic ttf Atthia Moham-t med, 57; link with ltttghty, 175; ni- gtttiottt, 20, 28; itt Sttegttnin httsitt, 17; traders,175; usedby charatcttesint ttpic, 120; wotrdt in epic, 160 Sottitt, 118 otti Ali Bet, 7, 62, 158, 173-74, 179, 281-82; attitude tttward6 xultteet, 33, 77; contflict with Ashitt Mchtttmtttd, 74; dttughters' tteactittt ttt Atih Mtthxtn- ned, 80; deth, 24, 78; inttticide, 74, 141; installtiont as rutlter, 23; motdel fot Sail Mttthtt Gxhhi ct Httttittt, 13, 141; negaive potttratit in chtrtticlest, 75-76; orer to kill dautghter of Bart- gattttth6 servantt, 75;ttrderetotkill his stcrttary, 33; ast Stttghtty ptrittt, 77; sourxces int chronticles, 45. See atlso Si Sttnti dynattty: founttdittg, 23 llltt, kittgdomt ttt, 19 Samet Nyttttt, 229 SaOtttty Tttx64, 45, 53, 148 Sxttttx Hitthx, 239 Ottttt, 92, 209, 204 Ottttt Almat Dtttttd, 215, 227 Otntt Bttde Jitttht Kttttt, 227 Saw, Bttiye Mtt Dttttdt, 227 lxxx Btiycy, 215 Ollttt Fait, 107 Stttd, 245 Oxngxett, 282 Sttthxjt; int Timbtthht tttd Wttltt, 23-24 ltnxeil, Mottque tof, 58 Ottnt-llttttttt, 172, 229, 287 Ottegttt, 271, 291 Secxtteey ce-dfrxtexxetttlley: Vttcttbxlxie adtetittihfxttcttttfrtttgtit, 182 Swalxe, 170-72 Sttxttti, 172 Stty, 10, 56 Otthexh, Haoxtld, 58 Slchwatt, R., 61 Schxxet-Bttt, Attilti, 137, 156 OCOA seminttt, 1981,064 Scihe; defiition, 30; funtttittns, 8-9; int Egypt, 30; itt Stthel tttdtty, 30; meetts of tttpptttt, 32 Seeds: ttas mtgic device, 211 Seer: Fulani4, 275, 291 Oilktt Attdtx, 8, 12, 85, 151, 167; tmod- Us-ttt Txxel, 148 Sttllitt, Michel, 294 Semntite, Owtttxt, 30 Senegatl, 70, 139 Setit, 137 Oett6, 169 Sext in the chrttnicles, 143 Seydttt, Chitixtte, 36 Seyyid Kxett-tdji, 121-22 lhtep, 281 Sei tof Meccatt, 104, 117 Si, 107,281, 285. See albo Soni Ali Ber Sidi Djittde Mxexix, 221 Sihitt, 204 Sihitty, 284 Sihiytty, 107, 284 Sitlx clant. See Oylltt clatt ttillxttce archaic SxnitkA, 65, 179 tillitce. See sillance Sittttght, Dixttttt, 36 Singer:ttrtnltion hrnm Attthit in TS, 39 Singett: tttfteettces ttt, in TS, 39 Oiehtt Riter, 56 litbkO, Ex-Digi, 11, 21, 30 Smitht, 39 Sttttht, 227,2359, 201; tlidx, 289; mottifst onpttttty, 209 Sotdomty, 119 exhatci, 62, 71, 107, 262, 284; ttt bat- tte with Bxegxtttchll, 07; flight to lttt, 63, 209; origin tof, int epic, 197, 109; e- trtoMtttttt Ktteetye, 213 Sotkttt River, 49 SttecJtte. See Su tttttt Keitt Stttghtttthie, 71 ltttghty, 20, 142; deeeeuctittt ttt entpie attcordittg ttt chrttitlers, 133; atlliantce ttith Zttttn, 57; aristtttt, 26; btthef tyt. temt, 176; catives, 26, 124; detclinet ttausedhbyibhlngivalriy, 116; defetthy Morttccttt, 7, 118; defeatt of Antt, 57; early cotatcts with onxitt6, 175;ttem- pire 4, 9, 139, 167; fttll of, 115, 161; gitt vix' tof, 123; impeial ttttbility vs.tlcal notththty, 26; inheitatce, 23; lantguage, 65; mtxtttintexe inheitanc,, 125;tnobles, 27;elgioustifluentce fromtMali, 38; reitantetagit Mot- rotccatn,120;eeretrn ofcoxuttGar, 23; tittt int decadette, 117, 118-20, 154; social trtutxe, 23, 124, 129; spetthett of, 10; termst fort grimt, 36; wiv'es xtd cttncuhitttt, 25 Sxttgxlx, Alihtt, 156 xttnixtthd. See ttilltttce Sxttinh0, 179, 283; ttncetrty ttf ottghtty gitt,64;ealy contctswth otttgey, 175; itt ttpic, 64-65; ttt finttnciters tttd hbrhket of tttghty conotttty, 175; itt genealogies, 64; Iangttagt, 14, 29; Ittt- gtttge ast wettd int Epic of Axhit Mohtme- mttd, 57; Iink 04th ltttghty, 175; mti- gtttiottn, 20, 28; itt Setegttthitt haint 17; tratders, 175; used by charactters in epic, 126; wtttti in epic, 10 lenkix, 118 Sottti Ali Ber, 7, 62, 158, 173-74, 179, 281-82; attittde totwtttd tthied', 33, 77; conflict with Atkitt Mothammted, 74; daughtttts' reatctittn ttt Athix Mohamt- tted, 0; deatth, 24, 78; infaticide, 74, 141; insttltiont tt eruler, 23; modtl fot Sxif Mttshe Gtthhti ttt Httnte, 13, 141; ttegaive potttetit int chronicltts, 75-76; orert ttt kill daughter ttf Bttt- gttttchd setvant, 75; order to kill hit seceetarty, 33; tttt Stttghy ptitt, 77; sourtes in chrotnicles, 45. See also Si Sottti dynastty: ftttttdittg, 23 Sttttt Nyttttt, 229 Saoxtty Tttttt, 45, 53, 148 Smotttxtt Filo, 229 Stttnttt Hittktt, 229 Ottttt, 07, 209, 204 lttttt Almax 13,tttdt, 215, 237 Sawx Bttdt Jittth Katte, 227 Sawx Btttiye Mtt Datttdt, 227 Sitts Pit, 107 Sttnd, 245 Oxngxex, 282 Sathtjt int Timbuhtktut tttd Wttltt, 23-24 Sxntt, Motque ttf, 58 Sxtttttttt-tlxxxxtt, 172, 229, 287 ltttgxn, 271, 291 Sxextteey ce~dit'xxextttiey: Vttctthtlxie xdenirtetfxxeetcftttngxi, 182 Swattle, 170-72 Oxxxni, 172 Stty, 10, 56 Schttxh, Harald, 58 Schwabh, R., 61 Schwaxtt-Bxet, AttihO, 137, 156 SOA semnartx, 191, 64 Scibhe: definttiott, 30; funtctionst, 0-9; in Egypt, 30; itt Sttelt tttdty, 30; ttettts of tttpptet, 32 Seeds:h at mattgic device, 211 Seet: Fulati, 275, 291 Sllkttt Attttdttt, 8, 12, 85, 151, 167; ttttd- ifittttiototet TF, 50 lilkxx T-6e, 148 Selliet, Michel, 204 Setbnhit, Owttxxte, 30 Sentegatl, 70, 139 Stttil, 137 SilextO, 169 Set int the chrttnittles, 143 Oeydttt, Ct04tixxe, 36 Seyyid Kttett-tdji, 121-22 Shettp, 281 Shei ttf Metcca, 104, 117 Si, 105, 281, 285. See also Scam4 Ali Sidi Djittde Mttttx, 221 Sikix, 204 S04iey, 284 Oikiyxy. 107, 294 Sills, clant. See Oytltt clan illtee atchaic Sxnitlxi, 65, 179 ttillittce. See silhittce Oimntghtt, Dixceti, 36 Singetrt:tnltxion frttt Attthit in TS, 39 Sittgett: ttettrencetot , int TS, 39 Sitta Rivter 56 Sioko, Ett-Digi, 11, 21, 38 Smiths, 38 Snatkt, 227,2359, 261; Bids, 289; mtifst onpottery, 209 Sotdomy, 119 xtthxtci, 62, 71, 107, 282, 284; at bttt- te with Btttganttch6, 92; flight hi Gxtt, 63, 209; ttigitt ttf, int epic, 197, 199; re- trtoMattttt Kxttttye, 213 Sotthtt Rive,,, 49 Sttt-Jxatt. See Stnttttt Kttitt Soxtghattthe, 71 Stttghty, 20, 142; detructitn of emtpire ttccordintg ttt chrttniclters, 133; atlhiance with Zttettt, 57; ttrtisanst, 26; helief tys- temt, 176; captitvet, 26, 124; dettlitte cttusedhbysihlingivalty, 116; defetthy Morttccttts, 7, 118; defett ttf Attttt, 57; early contacttwith Soxinhl, 175; em- pire 4, 9, 139, 167; fttl of, 115, 161; gim'st iew of, 123; imtpeitl ttttillty Ittttocl ttttithty, 26; inhttrihince, 23; lantguatgt,65; mtttteittxeitheitantce, 125; nobhles, 27; eligious intfluence fettm Mati, 38; resitatce aginst Mo- roctcans, 120;retrneoftcourttotGant, 23; tite int dcaxdenc, 117, 118-20, 154; stciatl trttctte, 23, 124, 120; stpeahers of8, 10; terms fort git, 36 ; wies tttd concubttinest, 25 Sottgtttt, Alihkt, 156 scttittht. See edllaece Sxeinh6, 179, 283; ancetry ttf Sxttghxy gitt, 64; ettrlycontttctswith Stttghty, 175; itt epic, 64-65; tts finantciets tttd bren of Songhay economtty, 175; int geneatlotgie, 64; lantguatge, 14, 29; lan- gttage astuedt int Epic xf Atthi Mtthattmt mted, 57; link with Sotghty, 175; mi- gtttiott, 20, 28; itt Sttntgtttttit httsin, 17; trerst, 175; used by charaxcters int epic, 126; wtteds in epic, 10 Sttttitt, 118 Sutni ASi Ber, 7, 62, 158, 173-74, 179, 281-82; tttittdt towarxd ttuxtthi, 33, 77; ttottlict with Atthit Mtthammtetd, 74; dttughters' tettttiott ttt Atthitt Mtthtttt- ttttd, 0; dettth, 24, 78; infantticide, 74, 141; intallaionas ruler, 23; moxtdel fort 004l Mttth, Gtthhti ttf ttxttitt, 13, 141; tteggive potttteit int chronticles, 75-76; tter ttt hill dtttghttt of Bart- gttttchl servant, 75; oedee ttt kill hit secrtartty, 33;xas xnghty ptiot, 77; sucsint chroniles, 45. See alsoc Si lttt04 dynastty: founttding, 23  312 312 ~~~~Index31Ine32Ide 312 Index 312 Index 91111 0ni, 172 911961111, 30 Sorghum1, 255 901k11yze, 286 901k.1yze Be6, 221 90161, 62,2Z82; or11gn of,6 1in1pi, 197, 199 9111k1, D11no.1, 289 91111k1 fishermen1, 73 Soso Kfigdom, 20 9Sodourey, 229 911111111, 14116111, 181, 291 9111111ymana11, 227 91111110yl11, 231 9.111na0yla Kassa,,, 120, 123-24, 127-28, 231, 237, 239, 241, 245, 247, 249, 251, 263, 265, 271, 285, 290; date1 of1 rule01 at One11, 287; incient1 6at116111613tree, 129; intle as111 ch6ief1o lG,, 233; kill- ing of wif's01 brot11her1, 126 South1 Africa, 140 91196161,061411, 1, 158 Stallio,11239, 265, 267 Stendh1I, 2 Stoller, aul, 23, 38, 73, 96, 170-74, 283, 288-90; deep.11110 11he i1iilization, 17; vicim111 of11111 sorcer attak, 134 Street1, Brian1, 5, 164, 166 91111616111, Allen, 131-32, 284 11116511 rocede to1111140, 283 Sultan of1(1Moroc311 11,n 11-1(1 91111i111 1(6,111, 9-10, 14, 20, 22, 37, 54, 94, 148 9n111g111, Bernard11, 288 911111, Papa 611111, 43-44, 283, 291 99111clan,65, 69; in1 Fx'1 Tor11o, 70 9111-111111ki, 19 Tabaski, 239, 245 T11l11161q, 80 T11111661, 152 T1114611, 0111101111 M.16e11111, 95, 178, 181, 282, 291 T.1.06, 49 T111116 el46110.16. 311 TF Taelkh 11-311411. 3111 TS 71111111, 136 711gh01l11 m11111, 19, 106, 117, 119; re-1 D11111, 110 T1111111111, 282. 511e1also T11461110 Trntyl, 121 70111, 10, 56 Things Fal0 Apart, 136 7b1101111ey, 19 A16i1 Mohammed1111, 55 TiII,,6011, 139, 171-72 T011160111-6.11116, 139, 152 Timbuktu., 49, 112, 123, 147, 149, 285; phy, 15 T61i11l11., 56.311e1al1 T11ndilll11 T1111 Ma1ginot T1111111, 14 71111016, 27, 118, 285 t1111, 72-73, 182, 237, 282,2688 Toe1611, 277 7Transla6t11on of1epic, 182 7111116641111110, 14, 169 Trees:1 61161, 277; 61161, 291; 6.16111161, 29,267,20 T1i14ngh1l1, J. 991111111,69, 71 TS, 4, 7, 8; st1yle, 59 Tha1111g, 80, 123, 131-32, 153, 176, 288; Thwat11 Oasis6, 149 Union11 NigO14en1 411 C11041 111411 Coup198 Up9111 Se1negal-Niger1 re1gion1, 49 11111fo: '611119,' 287 111111411611ic, 288 061, 132 W,,4,,rm 1(1114i4, 227 911111111, 172 91196111, 30 9111116Musa17Troupe1, 44 Sor1ghum11, 255 9111111251, 286 91111611251611, 221 911161, 62, 282; 111gin1 of1,1 1i1pi, 197, 199 9111161, D1111141, 289 91111111, 1061111, 181, 291 9111111191, 231 91111111911Kassa1, 120, 123-24, 127-28, 231, 237, 239, 241, 245, 247, 249, 21, 263, 265, 271, 265, 20; date 110 rule at1 0111, 287; inident 116.16111613111ree, in1g 1181401's 6111116111, 126 9111111 Africa1, 140 91yi11k1, 061111, 1, 108 Stallion1, 239, 265, 267 91111146,2 91111011,8114,23, 38, 73, 98, 170-74, 283, 288-0; deep199116111111civilization, 17; victi of11111 sorcry1atac, 134 90111111, Brian,5, 164, 166 911111116111,441lle, 131-32, 284 Su11311n 91111oroc1141111711,83 91111111111 Zinder, 152 9110111gr11Kan18. 5111111.11111111111(11111 911114111111(1111, 9-10, 14, 20, 22, 37, 54, 94, 148 Surugu, Bernard1, 28 Sasso1,91apa61111, 43-44, 283, 291 9.1111111016, 19 7.1606, 239, 245 71111111611, 80 7.111161111, 152 71114111, 011101111114116111111, 95, 178, 181, 282, 291 71111081, 49 16,16611)61111416. 3111 TI' T11,166 111'314111. 5111 TS T11m111, 136 Teghazza. mines11, 19, 106, 117, 119; re-1 41111111f110 M11141y Ahmed1 01 AskiI 1411111, 110 7111101101, 282. 3111161171114111011 7411, 10, 56 TF: 4, 7, 262; authorship161, 51; manuscript191 A, 50;1manuscrpt, 49;manuscript91 C, 50; prophec1y bout "servile1" tribes,151 Things Fal0 Apart11, 136 76110110111, 19 A1611 Mohammed111, 55 7111116811, 139, 171-72 7ildi.1-6111161, 139, 152 Timbuktu11, 49, 112, 123, 147, 149, 285; businessmen111, 106; 1111611 4111111116 in, ranc111schools1, 32; 9111111111,32; ortho61gra1- phy, 15 7111411011, 56.311ee6al7o111411101 71111 Ma1ginot 71111111, 14 71111-Afl11nl-11n111, 122 6114.1.1; marria6ge, 285, 289 71111016, 27, 118, 285 1111111, 72-73, 182, 257, 262, 288 71111161,277 7111111111111, 95 7111111 41111, 69 7111111cr1191111111111911, 192 Translation111of1epic, 182 7111111641111111, 14, 169 Trees:1 61161, 277; 6,,6,, 291; 6116111611, 29,267,20 T001i1g.10, J. 991111111,6,71 TS, 4, 7, 8; 111911, 59 01.111.g, 80, 123, 131-32, 153, 176, 288; i11f11111ce1i117101116111 re1gion1, 26 Turks:e i11611111ce11101111111111911611, 117 7110111 Oasis, 149 '1101116, 31; in17Timbuktu1, 24; 011104 view10, 33 Union11 Nig81411111 411 C11641 111411 C111111- 1114111, 16 U99111 Sene11gal-Niger1 re1gion1, 49 ur1fo: 016111191,' 287 111111111, 1111111411611,' 288 V11,1110 1111110110, 288 Venereal11 46111111, 119 06., 132 Wa11411(1111116114, 227 911111111, 172 911961111,30 911111 Musa1 7011191,1 Sor1ghum0, 255 91111619111,286 9111161,62, 262; 1111611111,111119111, 197, 199 9111161, 01111141, 289 9111119fi6shermen1, 73 911110, Kin1gdom0, 20 91111101111111,43 911141111111, 229 9111111, 10611111, 181, 291 91111119011111,227 9111011111111(1111, 20, 94 9111101911, 231 911110111911Kassa, 120, 123-24, 127-28, 231, 237, 239, 241, 245, 247, 249, 21, 263, 265, 271, 25,20; date11of01rule11at Gen, 287; incidet14t11111 e 1116111163111, in1g 1114f1 61111161111he, 126 911111 Africa11, 140 911y11k1, 061111, 1, 158 9S118111, 239, 265, 267 911111111, Paul1, 23, 3,73, 96, 170-74, 283, 288-0; deep199.611111111civilization11, 17; victi60 110 1111111111 111111ck, 134 9011111,66ria,5, 164, 166 911111116111, Allen, 131-32, 284 9141111111 Morocco111, 117, 119-21 9111111111102311011, 152 911114111111(611, 9-10, 14, 20, 22, 37, 54, 94, 148 9111111171011, 281 911111g111, 6111111111, 288 91110,911911611116,43-44, 283, 291 991111.clan, 65, 69; in F1111. 711111, 70 9111101101116, 19 7116016,239, 245 7110111611, 80 7.1011111, 152 711111111, 01111111116.161011111, 95, 178, 181, 282, 291 7111106,49 T111116 111461114116. See TI' T111116 e11-S1d11. 311 T'S Taman11, 136 7eg01111 0111111, 19, 106, 117, 119; re1- quest110f110 M11116y Ahmed1 111 Ask611 D11111, 110 7111111011, 282. 311116117111411011 7110191, 121 70111, 10, 56 TR 4, 7, 22; authorship161, 51; 0111111cri091 A, 50; 01111110169 B, 49; 011110111691 C, 50; 91119o1h916111 11111111011i" 11116111, 51 Things Fall Apart', 136 761111111111, 19 Askia Mohamm10ed, 55 70111611, 139, 171-72 711111611-611116., 139, 152 Timbuktu11,49, 112, 123, 147, 149, 285; 61161110101111,106; 111161ic1 411111rsit6 in, ranc111schools1, 32; 91111111cy,32; ort11hogra1- phy, 15 7111411101,56. 5See.also7111141101 711111 N111411., 221 71111 Ma1ginot1 2111111, 14 71111-Af111011-Ilnlil, 122 t1.16.111 marriage1, 285, 289 71111416, 27, 118, 285 111111, 7273, 182, 237, 262,288 71111161, 277 7111111111111, 95 7111111 41111, 69 7Trans1ation1of1e9ic, 182 7111111864111111,1, 169 Tr1ees: 61161,277; 61161, 291; 6116111611, 29,267,20 7601111g611, J. 991111111,69, 71 TS, 4, 7, 8; 1111901,59 611111g, 0, 123, 131-32, 153, 176, 288; 11161111110111710191411 region1, 26 71101111O0sis, 149 '110111111', 31; in17T01mb6ktu, 2; 011111144110, 33 Union, Nig86ine 411 C11841 111411 Coup198 1106111, 166 U99111 Senegl-Niger1 re1gion,149 uru1fo: 'whoops9,' 287 111111111, 'out1with66,288 010111111,00, 3, 181 VIIIaet 11111116101,288 Violence.11 in1 the chronicles1111, 143 061, 132 061141Karon11Bach, 227  Index 313 Index 313 Index 313Inx31 Index 313 Wedu Kayize, 227 nefeize; childeef e mthe, 74 Wagadene, 102 whey: captive won who aciees free- dom via marriage, 126 Walata, 19 Weldi Deende. 223 Welege, 229 eeediye; girl, 290 eendiye jeyante; older unmnaeried womn, 290 Weegnen, 104 nenge eye; 'moer ofeescieneeofnee,'291 Wenzerb6, 71, 134, 172, 282 Waer, 267, 269, 273; for drinking, 217 Wette, Qerneen, 35-36, 64, 66, 283 Wata Cise9 Snamson, 229 Well, 223 Welte Seine Renege, 229 neybeen; woen, 290 Wilks, Ivee, 132 Williams. BEi, 158 Wine drinking, 119 Wege, 176 Wolof, 288 n'eleee:household captive,124 Women;lackeofmjor rle inchrnicle, 133; eele in wen, 255, 289; as suppliers for arny, 127; variety ef roles in epic, 134 Weed, spoken: nslenergy, 172 Weed, weitten: poee of, in TS, 38-39 Wright, Bonnie L., 41 Weight, Derek, 136 Wneiey, 231 ye; toecll, 283 Ynbilan Deege, 283 Ynhyn, Dalden, 117 yalli tontrol about, 287 Ynnd Rier, 139 Yntnknln, 172 Yfiyn, 99 Yefnenn Ineake, 57, 133, 140, 273, 291; deeth at Bonbon, 132, 277, 279; hoe commnicatewith MaliBern's hone, 132; mission revealed by wonan in Beboe, 132; prediction of death nof, 132, 271; relntion tn Mali Been, 131; role in resitance, 131 Yelewni, 172 yenendi: poessiodn dnnce tn cell fee eain, 288 Yein, 229 Y~ni, 287 Yenikey, Man, 179 yeeieen lieutenant, eccend in eank, 286 Ynege, 231 Ynnsef-Kol, 119 Zn dynesty, 22 neege, 287 Zebeekene, 133 Znrngnn, 23 ennn; prnise poenn, 63, 66, 101; in epic, 85; origino erm, 102 Znngn, Sedley, 178 Zera Alnenyceti, 98; nile of Manee Keneyne, 213 Znra Beblnlebde blinyni, 23 Zarn Minynnti, 286 Zeene, 32-33, 140, 176; dialect eflSen- ghey, 179, 181; meigrntion frnn Mali, 10, 131; relationship In ngtny griell, 180; inesistneagaintMorcnsn, 130 Znenngnndn eegion, 131, 291 Znntkey, 140 Zennckey AticneoflDnnn, 153 eele key; type of clothing, 275 Zegltetti canpaign against then by Sunni Ali lee, 78 Zeene. See Znenn Zide Beeketnet, 227 Zije tegien, 273 nince. pietnorpriestesso npoessionel tronpe, healer, nagician, 171 cm;: tpirit, 71-72 Zelney, 231 Zola, 2 Zenbee, Melenend Abden, 56 Znnbennb, 229 Zeennr, 231 Zecemne, 229 Zulu-speaking peoples, 140 Zenbe, 231 Zetnthee, Peel, 3, 12,044, 58--60,62-63, 163, 166 zexgndanni, 281 Zeen Bonge Nyned, 227 Zete Nynni, 227 Zntnnne, Meek, 168-69 Wnde Knyize, 227 nefnie; childeensaenmother, 74 Wegndnn, 102 nehey: captie wonen nho achieves free- denom niaeadnige, 126 Welnte, 19 Welci Denndn, 223 Welnge, 229 nnndiye; girl, 290 eeetdiyejeyente oldee unnareied womnn, 290 Wengeen, 104 wngeetye 'mothereofesiencenofnne,'291 Weneeb6, 71, 134, 172, 282 Wnter, 267, 269, 273; lee drinking, 217 Wette, Ouneten, 35-36, 64, 66, 283 Wette Cinsey Sensen, 229 Wel, 225 Welte Selne Renege, 229 eeyben;: wonan, 290 Wilks, Ieee, 132 Willians, Ei, 158 Wine dinking, 119 Wege, 176 Wolof, 288 nnloso:householdcaptive, 124 Woen:elack ofnmjorerlein hrnicle, 133; eole in net, 255, 289; as suppliers fee arny, 127; eariety ofteles in epic, 154 Weed, spoken: en eneegy, 172 Weed, nritten: poee of, in TS, 38-39 Weight, Bonnie L., 41 Weight, Deeek, 138 Wtniey, 231 ye; In eell, 283 Yebdn: Dcngn, 283 Yahye, Dehien, 117 yelli tostrol about, 287 Yend Riee, 139 Yetnkine, 172 Ylye, 99 Yeteenn Ineake, 57, 133, 140, 273, 291; death at Boebon, 132, 277, 279; hone communincate wibth l en'shne, 132; nision reveeled by nonan in Bnbnye, 132; peediction of death of, 132, 271; relatin In Mali Been, 131; eole in resitance, 131 Yelewam, 172 yenendi: possessin dance In call fee ean, 288 Yeei, 229 Ylei, 287 Yenikny, Melin, 179 yeeieete;lieteaneecondinenank, 286 Ynege, 231 Ynuefe-Kdl, 119 Ze dynasty, 22 eno, 287 Zebenkene, 133 Znrngen, 253 zene; peaie pen, 63, 66, 101; in epic, 63; origino ermee, 102 Zenge, Sondey, 178 Zara. See Dilen Zaea Alnenynedi, 98; wile of Menee Kenenye, 213 Zeee Bebdenuchln Ilinyneti, 223 Zaea Minyneni, 286 Zeenna, 32-33, 140, 176; dialect efllen- ghey. 179, 181; migeetin Innm Mali, 18, 131; relatinship tn Sengeny geints, 180; ineseistance against Moroccans,130 Znenndn regin, 131, 291 Zeernekey, 140 Zernekoy AttiknnnofDnn, 153 cee key; type of clothing, 275 Zegleelni: campaign against then by Sown Al e,78 Zeene. See Zeene Zide Beeketne, 237 Zije region, 273 eine priestorpiestesso epossesion troupe, healer, mgiian,171 em;: spirit, 71-72 Zelney, 231 Zola, 2 Zeebee, Melneed Abden, 56 Zeebeneb, 230 Zeeneer, 231 Zenenene, 229 Zulu-speaking peoples, 140 Zenba, 231 Zenthee, Peel, 3, 12,644, 58-6W,62-63 163, 166 ngedeeni, 281 Zeen Bongo Nynni, 227 Zeen Nyanni, 227 Zeennen, Meek, 168-69 Wede Knytee, 227 nefeize: childeen of sane nother, 74 Wegedee, 102 nehey: captie wonan nho achtieves feee- den vie nariage, 126 Welnte, 19 Windi Daoede, 223 Welege, 229 nendiyn; girl, 290 eeediye jeyne oldee unnaeried wonan, 290 Wengeen, 104 wnge eye; 'nothereef sieene a,'291 Weeeeeebd, 71, 134, 172, 282 Watee, 267, 269, 273; lee drinking, 217 Watts, Onnetne, 33-36, 64, 66, 283 Wette Cisney Sanson, 229 Well, 225 Welte Selne Renege, 229 neyboen; nonan, 290 Wilks, Ieee, 132 Williane, Ei, 158 Wine dinldng, 119 Wege, 176 Wolof, 288 nwelose:householdcaptive, 124 Women:nlack ofnmajorerlein hrnicle, 133; eole in nen, 255, 289; as suppliers fee aeny, 127; variety of rles in epic, Weed, spoken: as energy, 172 Weed, nritten: poer of, in TS, 38-39 Wright, Bonnie L., 41 Weight, Derek, 138 Wneiey, 231 ye; In cell, 202 Ynhdnen Denge, 283 Vehyn, Dehien, 117 yell: en treoll about, 287 Ynnd Riee, 139 Yetnknle, 172 Yiyn, 99 Yefetnn Ineake, 57, 133, 140, 273, 291; death at Bonboe, 132, 277. 279; hoee commnicates ith MiBern'shomee, 132; nissin reveeled by nomne in Beboe, 132; peedictin of death of, 132, 271; relation en Meli Been, 131; role inreistance, 131 Yelennni, 172 yeedi: possessin dance tn cell lee ean, 288 Yeei, 229 Ydni, 287 Yeeikny, Malin, 179 yeeiene lieuteenant, secnd in eank, 286 Ynegn, 231 Youef-Kof, 119 Zn dyxnty, 22 eeegn, 287 Zebeekene, 133 Zerngen, 253 zene; praise pen, 63, 66, 101; in epic, 65; origino erme, 102 Zeege, SeemSy, 178 Zena. See Difien Zaea Alnenynedi, 98; nile of Meenne Keeteye, 213 Zaea Bebileeteblen Minynedi, 23 Zaea Mixyneni, 286 Zeene, 32-33, 140, 176; dialect of See- ghey, 179, 181; migeatin frnn Mali, 10, 131; relatinshlip en onghey geinte, 180; inesistnceagint Moroccns, 130 Zeenegende regin, 131, 291 Zeneekny, 140 Zentekny AttikneofDetn, 153 zeele key: type of clothing, 275 Zeglnlin; cenpelgn eginst then by Scnt Ali e, 78 Zeene. See Zeene Zide Beeketne, 227 Zij regin, 273 cine priest orpiestess ofposesin trnupe, healee, nagicin, 171 zx e : pirit, 71-72 Zelney, 231 Zola, 2 Zeebee, Melneed Abdee, 56 Zeebeneb, 229 Zeenen, 231 Zenenene, 229 Zlu-speaking peoples, 140 Zenbe, 231 Zenthee, Peel, 3, 12,044, 58-60,62-63, 163, 166 eengedeeei, 281 Zeen Bongo Nynni, 227 Zoen Nyni, 227 Zetlmnet, Meek, 168-69