 

NTNETEENTH ANNUAIIREPORT

(IF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

’1‘( ) '1‘ H E

SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
1897-98

BY

J. WV. P O W 1%] L L

DIRECTOR

IN TWO PARTS—PART 2

 

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1900

 

 

 

       

 

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C O N T E N T S
Page
Introduction ............................................................. 577
The Hopi pueblos ........................................................ 579
Sites of Old \Valpi .................................................... 580
Effects of Spanish contact ....................................... L ..... 581
Clans living or extinct in VValpi and Sichumovi ............................ 582
Clans from Tokonabi ................................................. 582
Clans from Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado ________________________ 583
Clans from Muiobi and New Mexican pueblos __________________________ 584
Chronologic sequence of the advent of clans ................................ 5P5
Clans from Tokonabi ..................................................... 587
Tciia clans ................ i ........................................... 587
Ala-Leﬁya clans ..................................................... .. 590
Clans from Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado pueblos ______________________ 594
Patuﬁ clans .................... I ...................................... 595
Patki clans .......................................................... 596
Clans from Muiobi and New Mexican pueblos _____________________________ 604
Honau clans ......................................................... 604
Kokop clans ......................................................... 604
Honani clans ........................................................ 606
Katcina or Aﬁwuci clans .............................................. 607
Pakab clans ......................................................... 608
Asa or Tcakwaina clans ............................................... 610
Total membership of Walpi and Sichumovi clans ........................... 614
Hano clans .............................................................. 614
Census of Hano clans ................................................ 617
Religious societies at Walpi ............................................... 622
Religious societies from Tokonabi ..................................... 624
Snake-Antelope societies .......................................... 624
Religious societies from I’alatkwabi ................................... 626
Ala-Leﬁya societies ............................................... 626
Patuﬁ—Piba-Patki societies ........................................ 627
The Kalektaka society ................................................ 630
Katcina cults from New Mexican pueblos . _ . - . . . . . _ _.' ...................... 630
Tcukuwimpkiyas ..................................................... 631
Sumaikolis ........................................................... 631
TheEastmesarituals---.-....-.-_..-.-.L ............................... 631
Conclusions .............................................................. 633

575

I}. .
Mar

 

TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS

BY JESSE \VALTER FEWKES

INTRODUCTION

The observant traveler in Arizona will often “have his attention
attracted by mounds of rock and earth, indicative of former habita-
tions, which are widely distributed over this territory. These mounds,
which are almost numberless, are the remains of villages formerly
inhabited by sedentary populations, and are particularly abundant
near springs or streams. Similar remains, varying in size from simple
hillocks to clusters arranged in regular form, also occur in inaccessible
canyons or on the tops of high mesas.

The architectural characteristics of ancient Arizonian ruins are not
all alike. The dwellings are sometimes found in the form of caves
hewn into a soft tufaceous rock, or as cliff houses built in caverns, or
as pueblos constructed of adobe and situated in the plains.

The great number of these ancient habitations now in ruins would
indicate a large aboriginal population if they were simultaneously
inhabited, but it is generally conceded that many of them were only
temporarily occupied, and that at no one time in. the history of
Arizona were they all peopled by the ancients. Although there is
evidence against the synchronous inhabitation of all these villages,
there is reason to believe that the sedentary population was in the past
evenly distributed over the whole pueblo region, but that in the six-.
teenth and seventeenth centuries causes were at work to concentrate it
into certain limited areas. One of these areas of concentration was
the present Moqui reservation, to which the people of the ancient vil-
lages were forced for refuge from their foes. The Hopi Villages were
thus peopled by descendants of clans which once lived as far north as"
the territory of Utah, as far south as the Gila valley, and as far east
as the upper Rio Grande. In these concentrated communities we
may expect to ﬁnd survivals of the culture of many of the ruined
pueblos of Arizona, combined with that of colonies from the New
Mexican Villages of the Rio Grande and its tributaries. The problem

577

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to
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u
an;

578 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [Hanan

before the student of the history of any one of the Hopi pueblos
includes the origin and course of migration of the different groups
of clans whose descendants now form the population of those villages.

In preparing this paper the author has brought together such frag-
ments of Hopi legendary history as could be gathered at Walpi. This
account is not intended as a record of tribal genesis or creation myths,
nor does it attempt a history from documentary sources of the deal-
ings of the Spaniards or the Americans with the past or present inhab-
itants of this pueblo. It lays no stress on the discovery of Walpi by
Europeans or the several attempts at mission work, but considers
Hopi stories of the advent of different clans, the direction whence
they came and the sequence of their coming,‘where they formerly
lived, and the customs which they brought to the pueblo where their
descendants now live. In other words, it is an attempt to examine
the composition of the present population of Walpi by clans, and to
trace the trails of migration of those clans before they reached the
village. It is published as an aid to the archeologist who may need
traditions to guide him in the identiﬁcation of the ruins of northern
Arizona,1 and it is hoped that a discussion of the subject will bring
into clear relief the composite origin of Hopi ritual, language, and
secular customs.

It is impossible to interpret the Hopi ritual without a clear idea of
the present relationship between the existing clans and of their connec-
tion with the religious societies. The growth of the Hopi ritual has
gone on pari passu with the successive addition of new clans to the
pueblo, and its evolution can not be comprehended without an under—
standing of the sociologic development and the clan organization of
the pueblo. This applies also to the Hopi language and to secular
customs which, like the ritual, are composite, and have resulted from
the union of families of somewhat diﬁerent stages of culture, each
speaking a characteristic language. “That the idiom of each of these
several component clans was before their consolidation we can best

../judge if we know the sites of their ancestral homes and the speech of
the early kindred from whom they separated when they migrated to
the Hopi mesas. So also with their other customs and‘their arts, all
of which are composite and were introduced some from one direction,
others from another.

The legends which have served as the groundwork of this account
of the history of Walpi were gathered mainly from the clans now
living in the East mesa pueblos. Some of these legends have never
been collected, although considerable work of great value which was I
done in this ﬁeld by that enthusiastic student, the late A. M. Stephen,

 

1 The main types of pueblo ruins have been described, and what is now necessary is a study of the
manners and customs of the people who once inhabited them. This work implies an intimate
knowledge of the ethnology of the survivors, and a determination of the survivors’ identity may be
had from migration legends of clans now living in the pueblos. \

FEWKES] ACCURACY OF TRADITIONS 579

was published in Mindeleff’s account of the architecture of Tusayan.1
This material has been critically examined, and certain signiﬁcant
variations have been found which are embodied in the present article.

There remains much material on the migrations of Hopi clans yet
to be gathered, and the identiﬁcation by archeologic methods of many
sites of ancient habitations is yet to be made. This work, however,
can best be done under guidance of the Indians by an ethno-archeolo-
gist, who can bring as a preparation for his work an intimate knowl—
edge of the present life of the Hopi villagers.

\Vhile engaged in collecting the migration legends of different Hopi
clans the author has consulted, when possible, the clan chiefs. VViki,
\Vikyatiwa, and Kopcli have furnished the migration legends of the
Snake clans, Anawita those of the Rain—cloud, and Hani the Tobacco
legends. Piitce has given the author the story of the Horn and Flute
and Pautiwa that of the Eagle clans. The legends of the neighboring
pueblo of Hano, the history of which is intimately connected with
that of VValpi, were obtained from Kalakwai and others. As was to
be expected, since human memory is fallible, different men of equal
honesty vary considerably in their accounts, and hence the collector
of the unrecorded history of VValpi soon recognizes that it is best
not to give too much weight to stories of clans to which the inform—
ant does not belong. An honest traditionist immediately declares his
ignorance of the history of a clan not his own, and in the presence
of a man of that clan will refer to him when questioned. Some of
the older men take a pride in the history of their respective clans, and
claim to know more than others; but many know or care little of the
history of. their clans, and when interrogated refer to their clan chief.
To this class belong most of the young men, especially those who have
attended school, where little encouragement is given to pupils to gain
knowledge of the history of their ancestors.

THE HOPI PUEBLOS

The present Hopi pueblos are seven in number, and are situated on
three table-lands, called East mesa, Middle mesa, and Oraibi. The
_ inhabitants of six of these Villages speak the Hopi language and of one
the Tanoan. The East mesa has two Hopi pueblos—Walpi and Sichu-
movi—and a Tewa village called Hano. About 7 miles in an air line
from the East mesa is the Middle mesa, upon which are situated three
towns, called Mishongnovi. Shipaulovi, and Shuﬁopovi. The largest
Hopi pueblo, called Oraibi, is situated about 20 miles westward from‘
Walpi.

VValpi is regarded as the most ancient Tusayan pueblo, its settle-
ment dating from before the middle of the sixteenth century. The

 

 

1 Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

580 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [21mm 1J

neighboring pueblo, Sichumovi, was settled by foreign colonists about
the middle of the eighteenth century, while Hano was founded by
Tewa clans at the beginning of the same century.

Two of the Middle mesa pueblos are mentioned by name in docu-
ments of the seventeenth century, and one, Shipaulovi, was probably
founded not far from 1750.

Oraibi is known to be an old pueblo, being also mentioned by name
in early Spanish records; but it is more modern than Shuﬁopovi, hav-
ing been founded by a chief named Matcito from the latter town.1
The Hopi language as spoken in Oraibi is somewhat different in pro-
nunciation from that of the other Hopi pueblos, but this difference is
not more than dialectic, so that the six Hopi pueblos may be said to
speak the same tongue. The people of Hano, however, speak a
Tanoan dialect which the Hopi do not understand.

SITES OF OLD VVALPI

The first site of \Valpi on the East mesa which has been positively
identiﬁed was on the northern side of the terrace which surrounds this
rocky height, below the present town. The ground plan of this settle—
ment is still clearly indicated by the remains of old valls, the size and
arrangement of the. rooms being still traceable without difﬁculty. This
was probably the position of the pueblo in the sixteenth century. when
its population was limited to the Snake, Horn, and Flute clans, and
when the Spaniards first came into the country. It was also the site
of the pueblo during the troubles with the inhabitants of the neighbor-
ing pueblo Sikyatki. which culminated in the destruction of the latter
town.

The lValpians found this situation exposed to the attacks of their
enemies. and consequently moved their pueblo one stage higher, to the
top of the projecting spur at the western end of the mesa. On this
site the lValpians lived through the mission epoch (1628—1680), and a
chapel, the outlines of which may still be traced, was erected there.
This second site of the pueblo is called Kisakobi, and the Spanish
mission house Nucaki. As the walls of the ﬁrst and second settle-
ments almost adjoin, it may have been. that portions of the two were
inhabited synchronously.

The amount of debris around these former settlements indicates that
both were inhabited for a considerable period, and evidently the size
of the combined villages was not less than that of the present pueblo
of Walpi. In this debris are found fragments of the ﬁnest old T usayan
ware, which bears pictography characteristic of the ancient epoch.

The inroads of the Ute from the north and the Apache from the
south hastened the abandonment of the early sites, but probably the
main cause of the ﬁnal move to the top of East mesa was a fear of

1 Matcito is said to have lived for some time in a cave near Oraibi, at a. rock still pointed out.

mwxas] RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE or SPANIARDS 581

the return of the Spaniards after the murder of the padres in the
Pueblo revolt of 1680. The Hopi abandoned Kisakobi about the close
of the seventeenth century and moved their habitation to the top of
East mesa, where a few houses may already have existed. -At that
time they transported much of the building material from Kisakobi,
using the beams of the mission for the roofs and ﬂoors of new kivas
and houses, in which they may still be seen.

The name Walpi was apparently not applied to the settlement before
this last change of location, which may account for its absence from
Espejo’s list of Hopi towns in 1583. The earliest documentary men-
tion of VValpi was “Gualpi,” in 1680, or about the time the pueblo
was moved to its present site. Parts of Kisakobi and modern \Valpi
may have been simultaneously inhabited for several years, but between
1680 and 1700 the rooms at Kisakobi1 were completely abandoned.

EFFECTS OF SPANISH CONTACT

The advent of the Spaniards, in the middle of the sixteenth century,
does not seem to have made a lasting impression on the Hopi, for no
account of the ﬁrst coming of Europeans is preserved in their stories.
Undoubtedly the Hopi regarded these earliest visits in much the same
manner as they did the frequent forays of the hostile Ute, Navaho,
and Apache. They were no doubt profoundly impressed by ﬁrearms,
and greatly astonished at the horses, but special stories of the incidents
of that time have long ago been lost. There survive many accounts
of the life of the Spanish priests of a later epoch, with references to
the building of the missions. but none of the Hopi have a good word
to say of this period in their history.

The inﬂuence of the zealous fathers in their attempts to convert '
the Hopi to Christianity seems to have been ephemeral. While the
padres may have introduced some slight modiﬁcations into the native
ritual, with more exalted ideas of God, as a whole the products of
these changes, if there were any, can not now be disentangled from
purely aboriginal beliefs and customs. ‘

The new cult brought by the priests was at ﬁrst welcomed by the
Indians, and no objection was made to it, for toleration in religious
things is characteristic of most primitive men. The Hopi objected to
the propagandist spirit, and strongly resented the efforts of the padres
to make them abandon their time-honored religious practices (as the
making of dolls or idols and the performance of ceremonial dances),
and to accept the administration of Christian baptism. The Hopi
further declare that the early padres practically tried to enslave them
or to compel them to work without compensation. They obliged the
natives to bring water from distant springs, and to haul logs from the
distant mountains for the construction of the mission buildings. Per-

 

1 M, pueblo, sake, ladder, obi, locativc: “ Place of the Ladder-town.”

582 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [malamls

' haps sheep, horses, iron implements, and cloth were given in return
for this service, or possibly they were not adequately paid. The Hopi
maintain that they were not; but whether justly or not, time has not
eradicated the feeling of deep hatred with which the Spanish mission
epoch is now regarded by these Indians. ’

A few relics of the Spanish dominion still remain in Walpi. Some
of the beams and ﬂooring of the old mission are still to be seen in
kivas and private houses,1 and one or two Old doors and windows date
back to pre-American occupancy. There are also a few iron hoes—
survivals of this early time—and metallic bells, the antiquity of which
is doubtful. No Spanish written records are preserved in Tusayan,
and nothing of Spanish manufacture has thus far been detected on any
of the altars at Walpi. The lasting beneﬁt of the Spanish regime
was the gift of sheep, horses, goats, burros, and various fruits and
seeds.2

CLANS LIVING OR EXTINCT IN VVALPI AND SICHUMOVI

In the following lists the component clans of VValpi and Sichumovi
are referred to their former homes:'

1. Clans from Tokonabi (southern Utah): Tci'la (Snake), Ala (Horn).

2. Clans from Palatkwabi (southern Arizona) and the Little Colo-
rado: Patuﬁ (Squash)3, Leﬁya? (Flute), Patki (Cloud), Kukiitc (Lizard),
Piba (Tobacco), Ti'iwa (Sand), Tabo (Rabbit).

3. Clans from the Muiobi (Rio Grande valley), and New Mexican
pueblos, (Zuﬁi, Acoma, J emez, etc.): Honau (Bear), Kokop (Firewood),
Pakab (Reed), Asa (Tansy-illustard), Buli (Butterﬂy), Honani (Badger).

Although the original clans which settled Sichumovi belonged to
group 3, and this is practically a New Mexican pueblo in the Hopi
country, the descendants of the original settlers have so intermarried
with the Hopi that their linguistic characteristics are lost.

1. Guns FROM TOKONABI

Tciiu group

Tciia wifiwfl ........... Snake clan.

Tohou wiﬁwfl ......... Puma clan.

Hiiwi wiﬁwu .......... Dove clan.

ITcii wiﬁwu ........... Cactus clan.

Yuﬁfl wiﬁwfl .......... Opuntia (cactus) clan.

Nabovfl wiﬁ \m .........

 

 

1 Decorated beams from the mission may be seen in I‘autiwa’s house.

2The Hopi names of these, which are corrupted Spanish (kmwla, sheep; kavayo, horse; melons,
melon, etc), show the sources of these inestimuble gifts which have profoundly modiﬁed the modern
life of the Hopi.

3 Extinct in Walpi and Sichumovi.

FEWKEs] ' CLANS OF WALPI AND SIGHUMOVI 583

1. CLANS FROM TOKONABI—Continued

Alla clans of the l-lZa-Leﬁg/a group 1

Ala wiﬁwﬁ ............ Horn clan.
Sowinﬁ wiﬁwu _________ Deer clan.

Tciibio wiﬁwu ......... Antelope clan.
Tcaizra wiﬁwu ......... —

2. CLANS FROM PALATKWABI AND THE LITTLE COLORADO

Pain 17 group

Patuﬁ wiﬁwu _________ Squash clan.

AtOkO wiﬁwu _________ (‘rane clan.

Kele wiﬁwu .......... Pigeon-hawk clan.
Tubic wiﬁwfl ......... Sorrow-making clan.

Leﬁya, clans of the Ala—Leﬂya, groupl

Cakwaleﬁya Wiﬁwfl- - _ -Blue- (Green-) ﬂute clan.

Brlacileﬁya wiﬁwu ...... Drab-ﬂute. clan.
Paﬁwﬁ wiﬁwu ......... Mountain—sheep clan.
Leleﬁtu wiﬁwu ________ Flute clan.

Pat/cf, group

Patki wiﬁwu __________ Rain—cloud clan.

Kati wix‘iwu - . - - _ _ _ _ _ _ -Maizo clan.

Tanaka wiﬁwu ________ Rainbow clan.
Talawipiki wiﬁwu ..... Lightning clan.

K wan Wiﬁwu. ........ Agave clan.

Sivwapi wiﬁwu ........ Bigt'loz‘ia graz‘eol'zm clan.
Pawikya wiﬁwu ....... Aquatic—animal clan
Pakwa wiﬁwu ......... Frog clan.

Pavatiya wiﬁwu _______ Tadpole clan.

TiZura-Kilkiltc group

Tiiwa wiﬁwu .......... Sand clan.
Kiikiitc wiﬁwu ........ Lizard clan.
Sihu wiﬁwu ........... Flower or bush clan.

Tabo-Piba group

TabO Wiﬁwu .......... Rabbit clan.
Sowi wiﬁwu ........... Hare clan.
Piba wiﬁwﬁ. - -.. ...... Tobacco clan.

 

1The Ant clans (Anu, Tokoanu, Wukoanu, and Ciwanu) belong to this group, but the author is in
doubt whether to assign them to the Ala. or the Leﬁya division, the latter of which did not come from
Tokonabi.

584 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [12m ANN. 19

3. CLANS FROM MUIOBI AND NEW MEXICAN PUEBLOS

IIonau group

Honau wiﬁwﬁ ......... Bear clan.
Tokotci Wiﬁwﬁ ........ Wildcat clan.
Tcoer Wiﬁwﬁ - - _ . _ - - - - Bluebird clan.
Kokyan wiﬁwﬁ ....... Spider clan.

Asa or Tea/swam“ group (Abiqm'u, Mia Zuﬁi)

Tcakwaina wiﬁwﬁ ..... Tcakwaina (a katcina) clan.
Hosboa wiﬁwﬁ ........ Road-runner or Pheasant Clan.
Pociwﬁ wiﬁwfi ________ Magpie clan.

Tcisro wiﬁwﬁ _________ Bunting clan.

Katcinu group (13m Kicuba)

Katcina wiﬁwﬁ ________ Katcina clan.
Aﬁwuci wiﬁwﬁ ........ Crow clan.
Gyazru Wiﬁwﬁ ........ Parrot clan.
Sikyatci wiﬁwﬁ ....... Yellow-bird clan.
Tawamana wiﬁ wfi ..... Bird clan.

Salab wiﬁwfl .......... Spruce clan.
Siihiib wiﬁwfi _________ Cottonwood clan.

Kokop group (Jemez, v'ia Sikyatki)

Kokop wiﬁwﬁ _________ Firewood clan.
Isaufl wiﬁwfl .......... Coyote clan.
Kwewﬁ \I‘ﬁwfl ......... \Volf clan.
Sikyataiyo wiﬁwfl ..... Yellow—fox clan.
Letaiyo wiﬁwt‘l ........ Gray—fox clan.
Zrohono wiﬁwfl ....... —.

)Iasi wiﬁwfi ___________ Masaui‘l (Death-god) clan.
Eototo wiﬁwfl _________ Eototo clan.
Tuvoﬁ wiﬁwfl ......... Piﬁon Clan.
HOkO wiﬁwﬁ .......... Juniper clan.
Awata wiﬁwt‘x _________ BOW clan.
Sikyatci wiﬁwﬁ ....... Bird (‘3) 012m.
Tiivatci wiﬁwfi ........ Bird (‘3) clan.

Pa [cab group

Pakab wiﬁwfi ______ I- _ -Reed or arrow clan.
Kwahu wiﬁwfi ........ Eagle clan.

Kwayo wiﬁwfi ........ Hawk clan.
Koyoﬁa wiﬁwfl ........ Turkey clan.

Tawa wiﬁwﬁ .......... Sun clan.

Piiiikoﬁ wiﬁwﬁ ________ War-god clan.
Palaﬁa wiﬁwﬁ _________ VVar-god clan.
Cohu wifiwﬁ .......... ————.

Uonani group (Na, Kicuba)

Honani wiﬁwﬁ ........ Badger clan.
Muiyawu wiﬁwfl ...... Porcupine Clan.
\Vicoko wiﬁwﬁ ........ Turkey-blizzard clan.
Buli wiﬁwﬁ ........... Butterﬂy clan.

Katcina wiﬁwﬁ ........ Katcina clan.

FEWKEs] NATIVE ACCOUNTS OF ARRIVAL or CLANs 585
CHRONOLOGIC SEQUENCE OF THE ADVENT OF CLANS

Traditions regarding the sequence of the arrival of clans conﬂict in
details, although they coincide in general outline. Anawita, one of
the best info11ned men of the Patki clans, has given the following
or'de1 of the a11ival of clans at Walpi:

. Honau, Bear.

Tciia, Snake.

Ala-Leﬁya, Horn-Flute.

. Kokop, Firewood.

Pakab, Reed.

. Asa, Tansy-mustard.
{Patki, Cloud.

7

025314.31:ch

. Kiikiitc, Lizard; Tiiwa, Sand.
Tabo, Rabbit; Piba, Tobacco.
8. Honani, Badger; Buli, Butterﬂy; Katcina.
It Will be noted that Anawita does not mention the Squash clan,
probably because it is now extinct at Walpi:
Wikyatiwa, of the Snake clan, gave the following sequence:

1. Tciia, Snake. Patki, Cloud.

2. Honau, Bear. 6. Kiikiitc-Tiiwa, Lizard-Sand.
3. Kokop, Firewood. Piba-Tabo, Tobacco-Rabbit.
4. Pakab, Reed. 7. Honani, Badger.

5. Ala-Leﬁya, Horn-Flute. 8. Katcina.

9. Asa, Tansy-mustard.
Poyi, a very intelligent man of the Okuwuﬁ or Tewa Rain—cloud
clan, gave the following sequence:

1. Tciia, Snake. 7. Isaui‘i, Coyote.

2. Honau, Bear. Patki, Cloud.

3. Patuﬁ, Squash. 8.{Kiikiitc—Tiiwa, Lizard-Sand.
4. Ala-Leﬁya, Horn-Flute. Piba-Tabo, Tobacco-Rabbit.
5

. Kokop, Firewood. o Katcina.
6. Asa Tansy-mustard. ' Honani, Badger.

The late A. M. Stephen obtained, in 1893, from ﬁve chiefs now dead,1
the following sequence:

1. Honau, Bear. Kokop, Firewood.
2. Tciia, Snake. 'iPakab, Reed.
3. Patuﬁ, Squash. 7.{Honanh Badger.
4. Ala-Leﬁya, Horn-Flute. Katcina.
Patki, Cloud. 8. Asa, Tansy-mustard.
5.{Tiiwa-Kiikiite, Sand-Lizard. 9. The clans of Hano pueblo.
Tabo-Piba, Rabbit—Tobacco.

Some of the inconsistencies in the foregoing lists may be explained
by the fact that a misunderstanding existed between the natives and
the author in regard to the information desired, the former believing
in some instances that the sequence of arrival of clans at Walpi, and
in others that the Older of thei1 advent into Tusayan was desired.

lcimo Masaiumtiwa Nasyufiweve, Hahawe, and Intiwa.

19 ETH, PT 2—01 2

 

586 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [Em ANN.19

Evidence has now been gathered that other villages than Walpi existed
in the Hopi country at the time of the arrival of the Tci'ia clans.
Studies of the ruin of Sikyatki show that this pueblo was older than
Walpi, and consequently that the Kokop clans which founded it came
into the Hopi country before the Tci'ia. The Leﬁya were also in this
region when joined by the Ala (who left Tokonabi with the Teiia clans)
and probably were living at Leﬁyanobi. Moreover, there is every
reason to suspect that Awatobi also was inhabited in that early epoch.

Bearing on these probabilities, the testimony of one of the Ala men,
who did not confuse the Hopi country with the pueblo of Walpi, but
called the author’s attention to the error of such confusion, is highly
important. In his account of the sequence he declared that the Honau
clan was the ﬁrst to settle Walpi; but that about the same time
the Kokop clan founded Sikyatki and the Leﬁya clan Leﬁyanobi.
The Ala and Tci’ia peoples came into the country at about the same
time, by different routes, the former joining the Leﬁya at Leﬁyanobi
and the latter the Honau at VValpi. Sikyatki and Awatobi were in
existence at that time. Although the Honau clan had not been at
enmity with the Kokop, as both came from Muiobi (Rio Grrande) and
Jemez, the pueblo of combined Tci‘ia and Honau clans was not on
amicable terms with the people of Sikyatki. The outcome of the
hostilities which followed was the overthrow of the Kokop clan of
Sikyatki, “while the Honau—Tetra people of VValpi conquered Masauﬁ,
the tutelary god of Sikyatki, who had given the Kokop a site for
their pueblo.” The combined clans of the Ala-Leﬁya pueblo gained
kinship with the Honau-Tcua through the Ala who had lived with
the Tci'ia at Tokonabi. These two pueblos were peacefully united by
the moving of the Ala—Leﬁya to VValpi. The tragic overthrow of
Awatobi by its rival, VValpi, occurred later.

Thus it seems that at an early period there had settled in the Hopi
country three groups of clans, the Honau, the Kokop, and the Leﬁya
and kindred Patuﬁ. The Honau had a pueblo on the site of Walpi;
the Kokop were settled at Sikyatki ; the Patuﬁ on the Middle mesa; and
the Leﬁya at Leﬁyanobi or Kwaetapahu. The kindred Teiia and Ala
clans, which had previously lived together at Tokonabi, entered the
country by different routes. The Tcua joined the Honau at Walpi; the
Ala the Leﬁya at Leﬁyanobi or Kwaetapahu. The Honau-Tci‘ia and
the Ala—Leﬁya later consolidated at VValpi, and the town of the latter
was abandoned. The combined people of W alpi destroyed the Kokop
settlementat Sikyatki, as above stated, adding some of the survivors to
its population. With the assistance of the Middle mesa clans VValpi
overthrew and destroyed Awatobi. The settlement of Patki people at
Pakatcomo was abandoned, some of the clans from that place remov-
ing to Walpi. The H onani, Asa, and other eastern clans sought VValpi
as a home. The details of the above. history are best brought out by
an intimate discussion of each clan legend.

mm] THE TCUA CLANS 587

It may then be stated that While the main bodies of the three groups
of clans from the north (Tokonabi), the south (Palatkwabi), and the
east (Muiobi), settled at Walpi in the sequence given, individual clans
of these groups were, so far as is known, of equal antiquity there; thus,
while the majority of the clans from the Rio Grande were late arrivals,
the Honau and Kokop were among the ﬁrst to settle at the East mesa.

The author has chosen the advent of the Snake clans as the epoch
of the founding of modern VValpi, and for consecutive history he will
consider the arrival of the clan groups in their order, namely, from
Tokonabi, Palatkwabi, and Muiobi.

CLANS FROM TOKONABI
TCUA CLANS

The clans known as the Tciia and the Ala1 say that they formerly
lived together at Tokonabi, which place, so far as can be learned, was
near the junction of the Little Colorado with the Great Colorado, in
southern Utah. The Tciia, or Snake, clans were dominant from the
very ﬁrst in VValpi, and their chief was, as late as the end of the
seventeenth century, governor of the pueblo, for he it was who is said
to have sent to the Tewa people of the Rio Grande for aid against
hostile nomads.

The following list contains the names of the men and women of the
Snake clans now (January 1, 1900) living at “Ta-lpi:

Census of Tcila clans at li’alpi

 

31cm and boys Women and girls
Kopeli u . 3 Mamana
Koyowaiamu 1 Saliko
Nuvawinu E Pobi
H oﬁyi l Kokyanmana
Lomavoya Kotcanapi
Honauwu Talasmuima
\Viki H aso
\Vikyatiwa Kabuzru
Uebema Cikwavensi
Ahula
Talakabu
Sanna
. Sikyahoniwa
Moumi
Tcoko
«J

 

 

 

a Since deceased.

1’I‘he Ala, by union with the Leﬁya, later became the Ala-Leﬁya. There is no evidence that the
latter clan ever lived at Tokonabi.

 

588 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [Inﬂux-19

(2*

 

I

Mamana <3 . Nuvawinuj

| I

 

l
Saliko? 9* ,i,,_, V‘Vikid‘ Wikyatiwad

l 1 . I

‘ Hom'if Lomavoya r} Talasmuima 9 I 7
l I
I

KUIK/‘lhl I\()\ (maiamuJ
HES!) hill) 17.”) A; Ttlllllﬂlbll

Ahula Cikwavcnsi 9

Pobi 9 _

h—T

Honauwﬁ d‘ Kokyanmana Q

Uebeinn f Kotcanapi 9

The different clans which, according to the legends, are associated
with the Snake people are mentioned in an accompanying list (page
582). When the Snake settlement was ﬁrst made at the northern base
of. the East mesa, the Snake, Puma, Dove, and Cactus peoples were
poss1bly all represented, but the Snake clan was dominant and its chief
was governor of the town.

In their former life at Tokonabi the Huwi (Dove), Toho (Puma),
Ala (Horn), and Tci'Ia (Snake) were associated, and in some accounts
the Tﬁwa are also said to have been represented in this northern home.
In most of the Patki traditions the Tiiwa are asserted to be a southern
clan closely related to the Kiikfitc (Lizard) people.

The burden of the Snake legend1 is that in ancient times, when the
Puma, Dove, and Horn clans lived at Tokonabi, a youth of the ﬁrst
named brought home as his wife a girl of the Snake clan. One of his
“brothers,” but of the Horn clan, also married a girl of the Snake
clan, and it would seem that other members of the girl’s clan joined
the Puma-Horn settlements. In passing, it may theoretically be sup—

 

1This legend is couched in the form of a mythic story of the adventures of the god ’l‘iyo in the
Underworld.

mwxns] HISTORY OF TOUA CLANS 589

posed that these women were of Shoshoncan afﬁnity, possibly from a
nomadic tribe, with which the Puma and Horn were thus united.

As the offspring of the two Snake women did not get along well
With the children of other clans at Tokonabi,1 the Puma, Snake, and
Horn clans migrated southward. They started. together, but the Horn
soon separated from the other clans, which continued to a place 50
miles west of the East mesa, and built there a pueblo now called
VVukoki. The ruins of this settlement are still to be seen.

While the Puma and Snake clans were living at VVukoki one of their
number, called Tcamahia, left them to seek other clans which were
said to be emerging from the Underworld in the far east. He went to
the Upper Rio Grande to a place called Sotcaptukwi, near Santa Fe,
where he met Pi'ii’ikoﬁhoya, the war god, to whom he told the object
of his quest. This person shot an arrow to a sepajm, or oriﬁce, in
the north, where people were emerging from the Underworld. The
arrow returned to the sender, bringing the message 2 that the Clans to
which it was sent would travel toward the southwest, and that
Tcamahia should go westward if he wished to join them. He followed
this direction and met the clans at Akokaiobi,3 the Hopi name of
Acoma, where, presumably, he joined them, and where their descendants
still live.

In answer to a question as to the identity of Tcamahia, the narra-
tor responded that the name signiﬁed the “Ancients.” As the same
term is used for certain ceremonial objects on the Antelope altar in the
Snake dance, it may be possible, by a study of this ceremony, to give a
more intelligent answer. Around the sand picture which constitutes an
essential feature of this altar there is arranged a row of stone celts which
are called tcamahias. During the altar songs one of the priests of the
Sand clan, which is said to have lived with the Snake clan at VVukoki,
rapped on the ﬂoor with one of these stone objects, for the purpose,
it was said, of telegraphing to Aeoma to the T ('amahia to join them in
the Snake ceremony. On the eighth and ninth days of the dance
Tcamahia came, and, while acting as asperger at the kisi or brush
shelter, called out the invocation “Aww/u'a, tan/mink,” etc, the Keres
invocation to warriors.

The author is of the opinion that this asperger personates the old
Teamahia of Wukoki, who parted from the Snake clans at that pueblo
to seek his fortune in the east, ﬁnding it at Acoma. Among the clans
associated with the Snake at VVukoki were the Puma and Sand. Per-
haps Teamahia, the warrior, belonged to one of these, possibly the
former. The Puma fetish on the Antelope altar at VValpi may also be
interpreted as indicative of a former association of the Puma and the

 

1 Tokonahi, possibly from tektei, wild—cat, andlobi, the locative.
'-"l‘his reminds us of the use of the paho, or prayer stick, as a message bearer.
3There is said to be a ruin on the Awatobi mesa called A kokaiobi.

590 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ram ANN. 19

Snake clans, and the sand picture of the mountain lion on the Snake
altar of the same pueblo may admit of the same interpretation. The
personation of the Puma-man in the exercises in the Snake kiva is
regarded in the same way. These are all modern survivals indicative
of the former association of Puma and Snake clans.

Evidences of the contact of the Horn and Snake clans are also found
in the ceremonial paraphernalia of the Snake dance, such as the two
antelope heads on the Antelope altar at Oraibi and the many snake
fetishes, to which it is hardly necessary to call special attention. But
the strongest of all evidences that the Horn and Snake clans have been
associated are the Hopi names of the two priesthoods which celebrate
this great festival, namely, the Antelope and Snake fraternities.

Thus in the Snake dance we ﬁnd in the ceremonial paraphernalia
totemic evidences of composition from at least three clans——the Puma,
the Horn, and the Snake—Which substantiates the legend that in
ancient times these three lived together. “Then we study the Flute
ceremony we shall see additional evidence that the Horn were once in
contact with the Snake clans, notwithstanding that the Flute element,
which predominates, had an origin different from that of the Horn.

ALA-LESIYA Guam 1

The ﬁrst addition to the settlement of Bear and Snake clans at Old
Walpi was a group composed of Ala (Horn) and Leﬁya (Flute) clans.
As this group was composite, their legends are likewise composed of
at least two elements. They go back to two cultus heroes, the Deer
youth and the Mountain-sheep youth, one of whom is the boy of the
Horn clan who married one of the Snake girls, the other the male
ancestor of the Flute clans.

The numerous elements of the legends of the Horn—F lute clans which
run parallel with those of the Snake are interpreted as due to the
former life of the Horn with the Snake clans. The Flute legendists
say that their ancestor descended to the Underworld, and that while
there he drew a maid to him by playing on a ﬂute. He married this
girl in the Sun-house and she became the mother of the Flute clan.
This legend is thought to bear traces of a different origin from any
of the Horn legends, although it is mixed with Horn stories.

After the Horn clans parted from the Snake people in their migra-
tion southward from Tokonabi, they drifted into an eastern place
called Lokotaaka. How far eastward they went is not knowri, but
from Lokotaaha they moved to Kisiwi, and then to Moﬁpa, where
ruins are still to be seen. Continuing in their migration, which,
after they left Lokotaaka, was toward the west, they came to a pueblo
called Leﬁyanobi, “ Place of the Flute” (clans). There they evidently

1As has been previously stated, the Lcﬁya clans of the Ala-Leﬁya group came from Palatkwabi,
but for convenience they are here considered with their associated clans from Tokonabi.

'1 a may;

mwms] THE ALA-LEfIYA CLANS 591

united with the Flute people, and from that time the group was com-
posite. The combined clans did not remain at Leﬁyanobi, but moved
by way of Wikyaobi to a point called Kwactapabi, where they were
well within the present Hopi reservation. The route from Kwactapabi
to VValpi, where they joined the Snake pueblo, was by Wipo, Kanelba,
and Leﬁyaci‘ipu, or Kokyanba (Spider spring).

The spring known as Kwactapahu, situated a few miles from VValpi,
is said to have been the site of a pueblo of the Horn-F lute clans for
some time, and it was possibly while they were there that news of
the Snake settlement at \Valpi reached them. The chief of the pueblo
sent Alosaka to spy out the country west and south of their settle-
ment, and he returned with the report of the existence of the Snake
town at Old VValpi. The Horn people, knowing that the Snake people
must have made their way into the region after their separation, no
doubt expected to ﬁnd them as they journeyed westward. At all
events, they recognized them as kindred. Kwactapahu was aban—
doned, and the combined Horn-Flute clans were hospitably received
by the Snake villagers.

In the present Hopi ritual at VValpi there is a remarkable conﬁrma-
tion of that part of the above legend which deals with the union of
the clans from Kwactapahu and the people of Old \Valpi. It is no
less than a dramatization of the event with a cast of characters repre-
senting the participants.

About noon of the seventh day of the Flute ceremony, the Flute
chief, accompanied by several members of the Flute priesthood, Visited
in sequence the springs mentioned above, where the Horn-Flute people
had tarried during the latter part of their migration. They went
ﬁrst to Kanelba, about 5 miles from Walpi, thence to VVipo, still farther
to the north, on the west side of the table-land of which the East
mesa is a continuation. They then crossed the plain west of VVipo,
and made their way onto the mesa which bounds the western edge of
this plain. At a point called the Flute house they slept, and on the
following morning went a mile beyond the Flute house to Kwactapahu,
where ceremonies were conducted and offerings made to the spring.

The rites at Kwactapahu ended, the Flute priests retraced their
steps, crossing the valley as their ancestors did in ancient times. At
intervals they halted, set the tiponi or badge of ofﬁce in position on
the ground, and made symbols of rain clouds near by. One of the
stopping places was near the mound called Tukinobi, on which there
is a ruin of considerable size. They continued their course and
approached the narrow neck of land called Hutciovi, along which runs
the trail by which Walpi is entered from the north. There they
found a line of meal drawn across the trail which symbolized that no
one could enter the pueblo. Entrance to Walpi was closed to the
inéoming personators of the ancient Horn-Flute clans.

 

592 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH.A.\'N.19

Back of this line, between it and the houses of the pueblo, stood the
chiefs of the Bear and Snake clans. There was also a boy dressed like
the Snake boy in the Antelope kiva rites, as well as two girls dressed
and decorated similarly to the Snake maid in the same ceremony. As
the Flute chief and his followers approached, the Bear chief challenged
him, demanding, “\Vho are you? VVhence have you come?” The
Flute 'chief responded that they were kindred and knew the songs
necessary to bring rain. Then the Bear chief took his tiponi from
one of the girls, while the Antelope—Snake chief received his badge
from the other. Holding them tenderly on their arms, they advanced
and welcomed the Flute chief to their pueblo. As a symbol of
acceptance the Flute chief gave prayer offerings to the girls, the line
of meal barring entrance to the pueblo was brushed away, and a new
line extending along the trail was made to symbolize that the entrance
was again open.

This symbolic reception of the Flute priests not only dramatizes a
historic event in the growth of Walpi, but also displays a tendency to
visit old sites of worship during ceremonies, and to regard water from
ancient springs as efﬁcacious in modern religious performances. It is
a common feature of great ceremonies to procure water from old
springs for altar rites, and these springs are generally situated near
ancestral habitations now in ruins.

This tendency is illustrated in the Sio—calako or Zuﬁi Calako cere-
mony celebrated at Sichumovi in July, when the chiefs procure sacred
water from a spring near St Johns, Arizona, called “Yenima, the
ancient home of the Hopi and Zuni Calako. The Kwakwantﬁ chief
obtains water for some of his ceremonies from a spring called Sipabi,
where the Patki clans, who introduced the Kwakwantﬁ, once lived.
The Piba chief of the Tataukyamﬁ procures water from Clear' creek,
near the ruin of Cakwabaiyaki, the former home of the Piba clans.
Thus in instances where clans have migrated to new localities their
chiefs often return to ancestral shrines, or make pilgrimages to old
springs for the purpose of procuring water to use in their ritual.

Ala-Lemur ( W alpi )

Women and girls

 

l )ch1 and boys

Ala phratry:

l’ontima ‘ Keli
I’avatiya l Niiiice

‘ Turwa
Tawakwabi ‘ Siohumi

l’aluﬁhoya Komaﬁaieci

i
l
l
l’iitci
i
Nabi ‘, H umesi
i 1
l Mukto l Talahoniwa (Tiiba) l
l l,

pawns] THE ALA-LEﬁYA CLANS ‘593

Ala-Leﬁya ( Walpi)—Continued

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men and boys Women and girls
Ala phratry—Cont’d
Suhimu Tewaianima
Sokoni
Nﬁuﬁu
Sikyabentima
Tcono
Pema
Honyam tiwa
Leﬁya phratry:

Turnoa Sakbensi (Vensi)
Tu’kwi Tu'waniniml‘l
\Vapa ’ Masainumko
Hayi ‘ Talawinka
Wikpala Humita
Nitioma 1 Tahomana
Tatci ? Kabi
Sami ‘ Hoﬁ ka
Pakabi Kwahonima
Lomaventiwa Talakwabi
Tuwasi Kuyaletsmina
Sitka Sikyaiama
Koyahoniwa He’wi
Nayamtiwa Nawicoa
Talawipiki Tubeoinimﬁ
Sikyaiauma N uvasi
Turwi Sikwabi
Taiyo Sikyaletsi

Tu’vakuwi

Ala
9 3k
1___“ , ,ﬁ_ﬁ __
9" * Piitci a
__ , | _ ‘ “__,._
Pontimarj‘ Pavatiyarj‘ Keli 5 Nﬁi"1(te 5
Tur‘wa 9 Sithmi 9
Humlesi 9
i b
Tewaianima 9 Tawukwabid‘ Nabid‘ Paluﬁhoyad‘

594 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH.ANN.19

 

Ler'iya
9
l
Sak ben si 9 Hayi 5‘ 9 *
I I
Turnoad‘ Masainumko 9
I
,___I__.__
I
Herwi 9 Wikpala d Turkwi o"

Tubeoinimu Q
I

 

 

Kabi 9 Tahomana Q
Nawicoa Q
Talawinka Q Samid‘ Pakabid‘
N uvasi 9 Si kwabi Q
Hoﬁ ka 9
Sikyaiama 9 I
I
I 7 I I
Sitkad‘ Tatcid‘ Tuwasi a Sikya etsi 9

Kwahonima 9

 

 

Talakwabi 9 Kuyaletsmina Q
I
I
Nayamtiwad‘ Talawipiki d‘
Turwaninimu 9
Turwi a Turvakuwi Q Taiyo Q
Humita 9
Koyahoniwad‘

CLANS FROM PALATKWABI AND THE LITTLE COLORADO
PUEBLOS1

It is stated that the Little Colorado pueblos were settled by clans
from the far south, or Palatkwabi, which accounts for their considera-
tion under the above heading. There is good traditional and docu-

 

 

1 By the Little Colorado pueblos the author does not refer to ruins at the Cascades or between them
and the river’s mouth. The pueblos south and southeast of Hopi are included.

mm; CLANS FROM PALATKWABI ‘ 595

mentary evidence that some of the pueblos now in ruins along the
Little Colorado, due south of Walpi, were inhabited until near the
close of the seventeenth century, but they were not all abandoned at
the same time. Some of the clans went northward to the Hopi pueblos,
others eastward to Zuni. Among the ﬁrst groups to migrate north-
ward was the Patuﬁ (Squash), which may have been accompanied by the
Leﬁya or Flute. The former settled at the Middle mesa and Awatobi,
the latter were later joined by the Ala at Leﬁyanobi. As there were
Patuﬁ clans in Awatobi, which was destroyed in 1700, this migration
must have taken place before that year.

The Patki group left Homolobi somewhat later, for it is said that
they did not go to Awatobi, but as there were Piba clans in Awatobi,
the Piba arrived in Tusayan before the destruction of the pueblo of
the Bow people. It may have been that Pakatcomo, the Patki settle-
ment in Tusayan, was founded before Awatobi fell, but the evidence
seems to be contrary to such conclusion.

PA'rUﬁ CLANs

Among the ﬁrst clans to migrate from the pueblos of the Little
Colorado in quest of homes in northern Tusayan of which information
has been gathered through legends were the Patuﬁ or Squash clans.
They originally lived on the Little Colorado, southwest of the present
Hopi pueblos, and were accompanied by the Atoko (Crane) and
Kele (Pigeon-hawk) clans. They made a settlement at Tcukubi, on
the Middle mesa, which was afterward abandoned, the inhabitants
removing to another pueblo of Squash clans, Old Mishongnovi. Some
of the Squash clans went to Awatobi and others eventually to Walpi.
The Squash clans which went to the East mesa are now extinct, so
that it has not been possible to investigate their legends, but ample
material for this study is still extant at the Middle mesa villages.

In their life along the Little Colorado the Squash clans came in con-
tact with many others, some of which followed them in their northward
migration. There is reason to believe that among those they met were
the Leﬁya clans, which may have preceded them in the journey.
There are several reasons for associating the Leﬁya with southern
clans. In the Oraibi Flute altar the main image is a figurine with a
single horn on the head resembling the pointed helmet worn only by
the Kwakwantﬁ, a society of the I’atki clan, the southern origin of which
is unquestionable. In most of the Flute altars there are two mounds
of sand (talcctcomo, “pollen mound") in which artificial ﬂowers are
inserted. The construction of similar ﬂower mounds («Mfg/a sitcom/mi) in
the Underworld is mentioned in Piba and l’atuﬁ legends of the origin
of their Tataukyamﬁ, W'iiwiitcimtﬁ, and Mamzrautﬁ societies. The
Patuﬁ legends contain much about the cult of Alosaka (a germ god),1

 

 

1Alosaka is really another name for Muyiﬁwu, the germ god.

596 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH-ANNJ9

which they say originated in the south. The personation of Alosaka
is prominent in the Flute observance at Walpi.

This Alosaka cult, which, as elsewhere shown, is in some way con-
nected with the Mountain-sheep clan of the Flute group, is one of
the most perplexing at VValpi. There is legendary evidence that
Alosaka was introduced into Tusayan from the settlements along the
Little Colorado, by Squash and kindred (Flute) clans, some of which
joined the Horn, others went to Awatobi, and still others to the Middle
mesa, where they founded Tcukubi and other pueblos. All the evi-
dence would appear to indicate that the original home of this cult was
in the south, and as the Squash and related clans (except the Flute) are
extinct at VValpi, the perpetuation of the Alosaka ceremonies in that
pueblo has fallen to other clans—the Asa and Honani—by which the
nature of the cult has been somewhat modiﬁed.

In the enumeration of the clans belonging to the Ala-Leﬁya group,
there is a Paﬁwi'i or Mountain—sheep clan. This fact is signiﬁcant, as
the Aaltﬁ or Alosaka wear artiﬁcial horns and personate Mountain-
sheep in several ceremonies.

In the New—ﬁre ceremony, where Alosaka are personated, the per-
sonations observe rites at the shrine of a being called Tuwapoﬁtumsi
(“Earth-altar woman”). The shrine has no statue of this being, but
contains simply a block of petriﬁed wood. Sikyahonauwﬁ, an old man
of the Tiiwa clan, made for me as his totem a ﬁgure with two horns,
which he called Tuwapoﬁtumsi, a female complement of the double-
horned Alosaka. .

In the Soyaluﬁa, or VVinter-solstice ceremony, we ﬁnd a ﬁgure of
Alosaka on the shield of the Ala-Leﬁya peOple, and at Oraibi a screen
similarly decorated is found. It has not yet been determined, how-
ever, whether this Alosaka screen at Oraibi has any relation to the
Ala-Leﬁya clans.

The Alosaka cult was practiced at Awatobi, for the ﬁgurines of
Alosaka used in that pueblo, as well as legends connected with them,
are known. This is explained on the theory that there were Patuﬁ
and related Leﬁya clans in that ill-fated pueblo.

PATKI CLANS

In the general designation “ Patki clans” are included the last group
which sought refuge from their southern homes among the Hopi.
This group includes the Kiikiitc (Lizard), called also Tﬁwa (Sand), the
Tabo (Rabbit) and Piba (Tobacco), and the Rain-cloud. They say that
they once lived on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, and when they
entered the “Talpi valley they built and occupied Pakatcomo, where
they practiced a higher form of religion than that which existed in the
pueblo founded by the Bear and Snake clans. An intimate study
of the character of the surviving rites which these clans say they

mwxss] ' THE PATKI CLANS 597

introduced substantiates this claim of their legends, for all the cere-
monies ascribed to southern clans are higher than the rite which came
from Tokonabi.

The original home of the Patki clans is called in their legends
Palatkwabi, and is said to have been near San Carlos in the Gila
valley, southern Arizona. The legends of this clan say that their
ancestors were forced to leave their ancient home by reason of destruct-
ive ﬂoods, due to Palﬁliikoﬁ, the Great Snake, and they migrated
northward along the trail indicated by the ruined pueblos mentioned
in the following pages. From Kuﬁchalpi, the most ancient pueblo of
the Patki, probably, in the Palatkwabi region, they went on in turn to
Utcevaca, Kwiﬁapa, J ettipehika (the Navaho name of Tciibkwitcalobi,
or Chaves pass), Homolobi (near Winslow), Sibabi (near Comar spring),
and Pakatcomo (4 miles from Walpi). The last four ruins have been
identiﬁed, and extensive archeological investigations have been con—
ducted at the fourth and ﬁfth.

We thus have the names of three pueblos occupied by the Patki
during their northern migration from Palatkwabi, before they arrived
at Chaves pass, which have not yet been identiﬁed. These are Kwiﬁapa,
Utcevaca, and Kuﬁchalpi. The determination of the sites of these
villages, and a study of their archeology, would prove to be an impor-
tant contribution to the knowledge of the origin of the Patki clans.
Anawita, chief of the Patki, a very reliable man, can point them out
to any archeologist who has the means to prosecute these studies in
Arizona. When the Patki clans arrived in Tusayan they built the
pueblo of Pakatcomo, from which some went to the Middle mesa and
others to Walpi. The Patki traditionists say that when their ancestors
lived at Pakatcomo the people of Walpi were in sore distress on account
of the lack of rain and the consequent failure of crops, hence they
invited the Patki to perform their rites to relieve them from calamity.
This invitation was accepted, and the Patki societies erected their altars
and sang their rain songs at Tawapa. As a result there came over the
land ﬁrst a mist, then heavy rain with thunder and lightning. Although
the latter alarmed the Walpi women, the men were grateful, and the
Patki were admitted to the pueblo, which they later joined.

There was probably also another reason for the abandonment of Pakat—
come. The pueblo was in a very exposed position, and the Apache
were raiding the surrounding country, even up to the very foothills of
the East mesa. Pakatcomo was in the plain, and its inhabitants
naturally sought the protection of Walpi on its inaccessible mesa site.

Pakatcomo is a small ruin, with walls of stone, and closely resem—
bles the ruins at Homolobi, but it was evidently not inhabited for a
long time, as the quantity of débris about it is small, and there are
only a few fragments of pottery in its mounds.

598 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [mm m. 19

Date of like removal 0 f clans from IImnoZobz'

Historical documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
point to the existence at that time of inhabited pueblos in the region
west of Zuﬁi and south of the present Hopi towns. We ﬁnd constant
references to the “Cipias” as living west of Zuﬁi in the seventeenth
century, but the name drops out of history in the century following.‘
Where did they go? Probably to Pakatcomo. In 1604 Juan de Oﬁate,
in search of the South sea (the Paciﬁc), marched westward from Zuﬁi
to “ Mohoce ” 12 or 11 leagues, where he crossed a river. This Mohoce
is generally said to be modern Tusayan, which, unfortunately for the
identiﬁcation, is not west but northwest of Zuﬁi, is three times the dis-
tance mentioned, and is not on a river. More0ver, to Visit the South
sea, Oﬁate had no reason to go to the northern or modern Hopi pueblos.
He had been there in 1598, and had gone from them to the mines
north of Prescott and returned to Zuﬁi by a “shorter” route. Why
should we suppose that he went out of his way from a direct route to
the South sea on a subsequent journey? The line of march of Oﬁate
in 1604 was stated to be from Zuﬁi west to Mohoce, which name is not
restricted by the author to the present Hopi pueblos. The pueblos
along the Little Colorado were in Mohoce, for, as we shall see, the
Gileﬁos told Fray Francisco Garces in 177 5 that “la nacion Moquis”
formerly extended to Rio Gila.

In 1632 the Little Colorado settlements were still occupied, but by
the middle of the seventeenth century the Apache had raided the ter-
ritory between the settlements of sedentary Sobaipuri tribe of the
San Pedro and those of the Hopi along the Little Colorado, preventing
the trade between the tribes which had been common in the sixteenth
century. In 167st the hostiles had destroyed a Zuﬁi pueblo, and there
is every reason to believe had forced the clans in the Little Colorado
valley northward to modern Tusayan. It is therefore highly probable
that the pueblos in the neighborhood of W’inslow were deserted in
the latter half of the seventeenth century.

The “ Kingdom of Totonteac,” which is mentioned in documentary
accounts written in the sixteenth century, is now generally regarded
as the same as Tusayan, but neither name was restricted to the pres-
ent Moqui reservation in early times. There is every reason to sup-
pose that when Coronado marched through New Mexico in quest of
Cibola, the pueblos along the Little Colorado south of Walpi were
inhabited, and that there were other inhabited pueblos, now in ruins,
south of these. Totonteac may have been the name of one of these
clusters2 possibly as far south as Verde valley or Tonto basin; but

 

1In talking over traditions with Sufioitiwa, a member of the Asa clan, the author found that he
placed the home of the Cipias or Zipias south of Laguna and east of Zuﬁi. Whether these were
related to the Cipias west of Zufii was not known to him.

2Tusayan extended far south of Walpi in the sixteenth century. According to Castaneda it was
25 leagues from Cibola, which distance he later reduces in his account to 20 leagues. Espejo says
that Zuni is another name for Cibola. Now,20 leagues from Zuni, in the direction indicated, would
not bring one to Walpi in northern Tusayan, but to some other Tusayan pueblos, possibly Homolobi.

FEWKES] THE PATKI CLANS 599

Captain Melchior Diaz learned from the natives that “ Totonteac lies
about seven days’ easy journey from Cibola. The country, the houses,
and the people are of the same appearance as in Cibola. Cotton was
said to grow there well, but I doubt this, for the climate is cold.
Totonteac was stated to contain twelve towns, each of them greater
than Cibola.”1

The above quotation is from Mendoza’s letter of April 17, 1540, but
on August 3 of the same year Coronado wrote to Mendoza that the
Cibolans informed him that the kingdom of Totonteac was “a hotte
lake on the edge of which there are ﬁve or six houses.” In the same
letter Coronado says: “They tell me about seven cities which are at
a considerable distance. . . . The ﬁrst of these four places about
which they know is called T ucano.”2

Certainly, if we judge from the contents of this letter, Coronado’s
informants did not regard Totonteac and Tucano as the same cluster
of towns or “ kingdoms.” It seems more rational to believe that
they were names applied to two different groups of villAges, west and
northwest of Cibola, respectively, neither of which may have been
the present Hopi pueblos, but both may have been inhabited by clans
which later found refuge in what is now the Moqui reservation.

The old men of the Gila Indians told Garcés in 1775 that the
“Moqui nation” formerly extended to the Gila, and that its people
built the pueblos then in ruins in their country.3

Path, (“'01in and Sichumom’)

 

 

 

 

l .

Men and boys , Women and girls
Supela Naciumsi
Kwatcakwa Koitsyumsi
Tcazra Nemsi
Sakwistiwa Nempka
Suﬁi Yuﬁa
Citaimu Naciaininxa
Kwazra Gnenapi
Makiwu Kn'yu
Mowfl Tcie .

l

 

1 Letter of Don Antonio de Mendoza to Charles V, TernauxCompans, sen], tome Ix, p. 292. Ibid.,
Nordenskiold’s translation, p. 135.

2Winship, Coronado Expedition, p. 562.

3 “ Esta enemistad me la habian contado los Indies viejos de mi Mision los Gilenos, y Cocomarico«
pas por cuya noticia he discurrido quela nacion Moquis se extendia antiquamente hasta el mismo
Rio Gila: fundome para esto en las Ruinas que se hallaron desde Esta Rio hasta la tierra de los
Apaches, y que lo las he visto entre las sierras de la Florida,” etc—From a copy of the Diario in the
Library of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

Since this paper was written a translation of the Diario, with valuable notes, by that eminent
scholar, the late Dr Elliott Cones, has been published (see On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, the
Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garcés, New York, 1900, vol. II, p. 386).

600 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH.ANN.19

Patki ( Walpi and Sichumovi)—Continued

 

 

 

 

 

 

M en and boys Women and girls i
I
Uﬁga Napwaisia
Pocto Kumaletsima
Kwaa Kumawensi
N acita Tu wabensi
N amtﬁ Penna
Tu’ba , Koinranumsi '
N asanihoya Poliena
Poule Tocia
Talasninﬁ : Lenmana
Povona ‘
Naciumsi Q
- r
Tcazrad‘ Sakaistiwa d‘ Nacitad‘
Tubeumsi 9 *

l

w I l
Supclad‘ Kwatcakwad‘ Makiwﬁ d‘

1'

i
Nemsi 9
Nempka 9 ‘

F T "WI

] Suﬁid Citaimud‘ Tcied‘

l
‘ ‘ WW, _ W, I,

 

 

Kwazrad‘ Kul'yu Q
Napwaisia 9 Kumaletsima 9
f
Kotsyumsi 9 Anawitad‘
szm d‘ YuTa 9
Naciainima <2 Gnenapi 9 Talasnunﬁ d‘ Povonad‘
9 *
Penna
_ . l . .
Ungad‘ Mowﬁ d‘ KomranumSI 9 Pollena 9

am; 4—1

Fouled d (‘2)

mvm] THE PATKI CLANS 601
Knmawensi 9

Tuwabensi Q

 

Poctod‘ Lenmana Q Toeia? Nasanihoyag‘

 

Tuibarf‘

Several members of the Patki clan live in Sichumovi. Their names
follow:

 

 

 

 

l -m-.- __._. MW- , "Wis“
l Men and boys Women and-girls
l
l
Anawita Sikyomana ~
Tcoshoniwfl Kwamana
I
Klea Loc1
Haiyuma
Tazru
9*
l
Tcoshoniwn .f Si kyomana 9
i |.,
Kwnmana <2 Low] 3’
' l
,1 1
Halyumd‘ Tazrua‘

The Piba (Tobacco) and the intimately associated T abo (Rabbit) and
Sowi (Hare) clans are given a southern origin by their traditionalists.
Some associate them with the Squash, others with the Water-house or
Rain-cloud group, but all ascribe to them former habitations on the
Little Colorado near Winslow. The ruin which now marks the site
of their former home is probably that near the mouth of Chevlon
fork, called Cakwabaiyaki. There is well-nigh» strict uniformity in
the statements that there were Piba clans in the village of Awatobi,
and some say there were Piba people in the Patki settlement of
Pakateomo. The chief of the Piba clans at the former pueblo was
T apolo, who was the ﬁrst Tataukyamu chief at Walpi; and Hani, who
says he is a direct descendant of Tapolo,1 is chief of the same religious
society in that pueblo.

 

 

1 Tapolo admitted the hostile Walpi into Awatobi on the night that the latter pueblo was destroyed.
After the massacre he settled in Walpi.

 

 

3

 

19 ETH, I’T 2—01

 

 

602 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS ~ [mn.ms.19

I’iha- Tnbr) ( Walpi and Sichumowi)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men amt] boys ‘ Women and girls
Hani
Talashonin 111 Tue“ uqtl
v . Tc" i
B uatlwa u“ ugt
Samimoki Tubenumkd
Tcali Ponyakaz .
'ak 1i
Kwabehu 0“ 0
P1111111 _ K01tswf1
Sikyaweamu Slepmmdna
‘ Sik atci
Soma y
‘. A Tubi
Slskyamu
\ -. . , . . 1 A
Masahomwu Ixoyoalnlu u
Tcaini Siumka
Wiqti Masainumsi
Namoki
Lapu
Letaiyo
Tinabi
Talasi
Tcﬁhoyn
Lelentci
Tiiktci
Honauwﬁ
I’itcika
Kutcahnnauwﬁ
I‘Iomovi
Piba
Toiewiiqti 9;
1
4
. , Hunif Tci'lwi'lgti Q Nuatiwad‘
!
Samimoki 4‘ I’oﬁym‘vi kn 9 Tubenumka Q
! s E %
Kwahohuj‘ I Sikyawoamnj‘ ‘ Somag Lupnf Sikyz'ltoi 9
\
Owakoli <2 Koitswﬁ <2 Siepnimuna 9
Sium kn <2

, I
Kutcuhonnnwﬁd‘ . Pitcika} Tubi 9

THE 'PATKI ‘ GLANS'

, Letaiyoa‘

Tina. id‘ Talasid‘

Tabo

Tc id‘

Mm-Kﬁkutc (Walpi and Sichumwi)

Namokld“

 

Men and boys

Women and girls

 

Kakapti ' '
Sikyabotima
Takala'
Sikyahonauwﬁ
Tcabi ."

Tcaka

Slitki

Sania '

Taoma

Koiyabi

Gnapi L

Kutco
Humiumka.
Sikoboli

Wakoi

Tcozra
Nakwaﬁwuﬁsi
Kerwaunainimﬁ

Pavunmana
Sikyampu
Talaskubi

Awata
Peryauma
Lomatcoki
Tubeﬁima
Lalaito
Pavatiya
Tilwinﬁ
Hahabi

 

 

 

 

 

Pavunmana 9

Sikyampu 9 Tuﬁnﬁ d“

Pavaitiyad I
(Tom) 1
9 a:

l

Tcabid‘ Lornawokid‘

9*

Sikyahonauwuo‘

 

Kutco 9
l

Kakaptirf Sikyabotimad‘ Takalad‘ Saniad‘ Sikoboli? lKoiyale

q)

 

Humiumka. 9

Tcozra. 9

 

Talus bi 9

|
l
Hahabid‘

Taomad‘ Peryaumad‘

 

1 Tom’s mother was of the Ala clan} when she died Tom was adopted-into the‘Tﬁwa.

 

604 "USAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [Em war.)

CLANS FROM MUIOBI AND NEW MEXICAN PUEBLOS
HONAU CLAN

The author has been unable to gather much information regarding
the early history of the Bear clan. Kotka, the chief, asserts that his
people were the ﬁrst to come to the Hopi country; that they formerly
lived at Muiobi, the Rio Grande region, and that they “overcame”
Masauﬁ, the ancient owner of Tusayan. The author is inclined to
regard the Bear clan as one of the groups of Pueblo people from the
east which migrated to Tusayan at an early date, founding a pueblo
on a site assigned to it by the Kokop, with whom it lived in friend-
ship until the advent of the Snake people; hisinterpretation of the
“overthrow of Masauﬁ,” a tutelary god of Sikyatki, will be given later.

There are at the present time only three members of the Honau
clan in Walpi: Masaiumci, the oldest woman, with her son, Kotka, the
chief, and a daughter, Hoﬁsi, wife of Turnoa, the Flute chief. Hoﬁsi
has no children, and if none are born to her, the Honau clan, which
was once most powerful in Walpi, will become extinct at the death

of the chief and his sister.
Honau ( Walpi)

M asaiumci 5

Kotkad‘ ‘1 Hoﬁsi 9
KOKOP CLANS

The former home of the Kokop clans was Sikyatki, a pueblo now in
ruins, about three miles north of Walpi. \Archeologic evidence indi—
cates that this pueblo was destroyed before the ﬁrst contact of the
Hopi with the Spaniards, and the Kokop legends declare that it was
overthrown by Walpi. There was a clan in the Kokop group called
the Masauﬁ clan, and the Snake legends recount that Masauﬁ formerly
owned all the country, but that they, the Snake people, overcame him
and received their title to the site of Walpi from him. This is believed
to be a reference to the Sikyatki tragedy, and to indicate that Masauﬁ,
the God of Fire, was a tutelary god of the Kokop or Firewood people.

Katci, the chief of the surviving Kokop clans, says that his people
originally came from the pueblo of J emez or the Jemez country, and
that before they lived at Sikyatki they had a pueblo in Keams canyon.
Others say that they also once lived at Eighteen-mile spring, between
Cotton’s ranch (Pueblo Ganado) and Puﬁci (Keams canyon); others
that they drifted at one time into the eastern part of Antelope valley,
where the ruin of their pueblo can still be seen.

Archeologic investigation shows that Sikyatki was inhabited for many
years, that its population was large, and that it had developed ceramic
art in special lines characteristic of Tusayan ware. The technique

 

‘~’ Kotka really belongs to the Kokyan (Spider) clan of the Bear phratry.

mums] CLANs FROM MUIoBI 605

and pietography of Sikyatki pottery are distinctly Hopi, showing
that the makers had developed a characteristic art which could have
been attained only after a long interval. The peculiarities of this
pottery are not found elsewhere in the Pueblo area and are not equaled
by modern Hopi potters. These conditions indicate long residence in
Tusayan.

The being called Eototo has many resemblances to Masauﬁ and may
be the same being under another name. There was formerly an
‘Eototo clan among the Kokop people, and. the masks of the two per-
soniﬁcations are very similar. In Niman—katcina, in which Eototo is
personated, the Kokop chief assumes that part.

Kokop ( I'l'alpi)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men and boys Women and girls

Katci ‘ Sakabenka

Maho Kunowhuya

Kunahia Teveyaci

Sami Ani

Tciia Lekwati

Koitswinu Hahaie

Heya Nakwawainima
Posiomana
Kutcnaiya

Sakabenka 9 Kutcnuiya 9
! l i —W ﬁw—l
Katci r} Kunahia ’ M81103" Hcya ?‘

During the last decades of the seventeenth centurv many clans ﬂed
from upper Rio Grande valley to the Hopi country. These were
mainly Tewa people, for hardly had the Spaniards been driven out of
New Mexico in 1680 than the eastern pueblos began to quarrel among
themselves and, as a rule, the Tano and Tewa were worsted. A few
of the former and many of the latter escaped to the province of Alaki
(Horn house, Hopi country) between 1680 and 1700.

About the middle of the eighteenth century many of the descend-
ants of these fugitives were persuaded to return, being reestablished
in new pueblos. It is highly probable that the people who were thus
. brought back belonged to Tanoan clans, and were not true Hopi,
although called “Moquis,” or “Moquinos,” in the accounts of that
time, from the fact that they had lived in the Hopi country. In other
words, they were Tewa and Tano-people who had ﬂed to Tusayan, and
not‘original Hopi. There has been a wave of migration from the Rio
Grande to the Hopi country and then a return of the same people to
their former homes. N o conside 'able number of true Hopi have

606 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS

[ETI—L AN.\'. 19

migrated to the Rio Grande and remained there, but many Tewa
people Who ﬂed to Tusayan have never returned to their former
homes on the Rio Grande. This is an important fact, and partially
explains the existence of so many Tanoan ceremonies in the Hopi
pueblos, especially of the East mesa, where Tewan inﬂuence has been
the strongest. The Hano Villagers are of Tanoan stock, as were prob-
ably the Asa, who were somewhat modiﬁed during their life at Zuﬁi.l
No connected migration story of the Honani clans has yet been
Obtained, but it is said that they lived at Kicuba, and brought katcinas,
which are now in their special keeping. The Katcina clan is also
supposed to have come from eastern pueblos, but of that no circum-
stantial proof can yet be given.

HONANI Guess

The Honani clans once lived at Tuwanaeabi, north of the Hopi
pueblos, where ruins are still to be seen. They say that the Honani
katcinas came up from the Underworld at that point, and that they
entrusted themselves to the special keeping of these clans. The Honani
migrated to ()raibi from their home at Tuwanaeabi, and later some of
them went to the Middle mesa, and to Awatobi and VValpi. At the
time of the Awatobi massacre, in 1700, some of the Honani women were
carried to Mastcomo, near the Middle mesa, where they were divided
among their captors, some being taken to Mishongnovi, and others to
VValpi.

These women are not now represented by female descendants in \Valpi,
as all the Honani women on the East mesa are domiciled in Sichumovi.2
Evidences drawn from the pictography of modern pottery shows that
the katcinas were late arrivals at Walpi, and their association with
Honani and Asa clans shows that these two groups were kindred. That
the Honani claim to have the katcinas in their special keeping points
the same way and supports the legends that this cult was a late addition
to the preexisting Hopi ritual.

Honani (Shlnlmom)

 

Men and boys Women and girls
Hozro Kelewiiqti
Moi‘iwu Kokaami‘i
Apa Tcutcunamana
Yakwa Kutcamana
Totci (Zuni) Sikyanunuma
Simotci
Seziita
Yoyowaia

 

 

 

1There is no doubt that the Asa people lived in Zuﬁi, where they left some members of their clan.
The descendants of these are now called Aiwahokwe.
2The ancestors of the Honani oi Sichumovi came to that pueblo from ()raibi.

resume] CLANS FROM MUIOBI 607

 

)Ioﬁwfi 3‘ Yakwa 3‘ Simotei 3.‘
l
Kelewiiq ti ; Kokaamu Q
?
seziita 3‘ —"“‘ — l
'l‘cutcmiamana ; Kutcamana

The Buli or Butterﬂy clan is regarded as the same as the Honani or
Badger. It formerly lived at Awatobi. and. although not now repre-
sented at \Valpi, it is important in Sichumovi.

Bali (Sichumori)

 

 

 

 

 

Men and boys Women and girls ‘
Ami Siwikwabi
Aksi l Lakonemana
Cikuli ‘ Neanuﬁamana
Seziita f Siomana
Nanakoci ; Siwihonima
Tabohia Koitshoﬁsi
Tcoctki
Yoyowaia
i Kotcama l
Avatcoya :
i
siwikwabi 9 Lakonemana 9

 

i
a = I l l
Ami} Xanakocij‘ Koitshoﬁsi; Tabohia 3' Neanui‘iamanai Siomana} Aksid‘ Cikuli} Scziitag‘

l
I

.«h‘aicoya 3 Kotcama I

KATCINA OR AS'wL'CI CLAxs

The Katcina or Aﬁwuci clans were of late arrival at the East mesa»,
and are reported to have come from the east. The only ruins which
have been identiﬁed as homes of these clans are Kicu and \Viﬁba. or
Katcinaba. the small ruin of which is situated about 3 miles east of
Sikyatki. in the foothills of the same mesa. There are at present
very few people of this group at \\'alpi, and none at Sichumovi.
Hano contains a considerable number. which would indicate that the
main body went to that settlement. The abandoned houses east of
the main cluster of Hano. where the site of the Katcina—kiva was
pointed out by Wehe. are said to have been ionce inhabited by people
of this group. The modern houses of the Katcina clan of Hano are
on the other side of the main house cluster.

is

608 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS LETHJNN- 19

Katrina or Aﬁwuci (Waylpi)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men and boys Women and girls
Naka Komaletsi
Kiikii Nakwainumsi
Lomavenia Napwaiasi
Talawinu
Lomaiumtiwa
Tu'maia
Sikyawisi
Tcoki
9*
Naka 3 Kiiki‘i 3‘ Komaletsi Q
i l l
Nakwainumsi <2 Talawinn d‘ Tcoki d‘ Lomaiumtiwad‘
‘
Napwaiasi 9 Turmaiaxf Sikyawisid‘

PAKAB CLANS

The legends of the Pakab clans are somewhat conﬂicting, but Pau-
tiwa. of the Eagle clan, has given the most intelligible account. His
ancestors, he asserts. came from the eastern pueblos, and once inhab—
ited a village, 110w in ruins, called Kwavonampi. This ruin has not
been identiﬁed, but was probably not far from Pueblo Ganado, and
possibly may have been the same as VVukopakabi (“Great reed or
arrow place”). It has been suggested that the Pakab (Arrow) was the
same as the Awata (Bow) clan. which lived at Awatobi (“Place of the
bow"), and additional evidence to support this suggestion is that the
Bow priests came from the Bow clans. It is highly probable that the
Pakab lived at Awatobi, Where they were known as the Awata.

According to Stephen, on authority of Pautiwa, the Eagle clan once
lived at Citaimu. now a. ruin at the foot of the Middle mesa, which
they abandoned. part of the inhabitants going to VValpi, others to
Mishongnovi.

The afﬁliation of the Pakab ceremony has an important bearing on
the question of clan origin. The Momtcita ceremony peculiar to the
Pakab has strong resemblances to a Zuﬁi rite. This ceremony occurs
just after the winter solstice, and although it has never been thoroughly
studied.1 the author has ample hearsay data concerning it. Pautiwa.

 

1The author witnessed the ceremony in 1900.

FEWKESJ CLANS FROM MUIOBI 609

the Pakab chief, is also chief of a warrior society called Kalektaka,
which the Hopi declare is the same as the Zuni “ Society of the Bow”
(Api'hlaushiwani). He has a ﬁgurine of Pi‘li'ikoﬁhoya which corre-
sponds With the Zuni Ahaiuta, and when he sets it in place his acts
are identical with those of Naiuche, the Zuﬁi Bow chief. On the
walls of the room where it is kept there are ﬁgures of animals of the
cardinal points identical with those at Zuﬁi. and the public dance of
the Momtcita resembles the \Var dance at the latter pueblo.

The evidence is strong enough to show that the Momteita is closely
related to the warrior celebration of the Zuﬁi Bow priests. and it is
believed to have been derived from Zuﬁi. from some pueblo colony of
Zuni, or from the same source as the Zuﬁi variant, which means that
the Pakab clans are of Zuﬁi origin.

The probability that the Pakab (Reed, Arrow) clans were the same as
the Awata (Bow) clans makes it possible that Awatobi was settled by
the Pakab people. There is nothing in the Pakab legends to forbid
this, but on the other hand there is nothing deﬁnite to support it
except the important statement that there were Pakab people at
Awatobi. The Pakab—Awata may then be regarded as the founders of
Awatobi, and if this be true there must have been close kinship
between Awatobi and Zuni. or some settlement or Pueblo whose inhabi-
tants later went to Zuﬁi.

Palm}; (l’l'rllpi uml Sic/mmm'i)

 

Men and boys Women and girls

#ﬂqu W - _,_7- “El 7, A
l’autiwa l Nuﬁsi ‘
Kanu I Teoro

I l’iba l Kannae

. Kiitekwabi I Leﬁhonima

: Nae ! Kokoma

‘ l’otea I I’avuﬁamana
\Vinuta \ l’onyanumka
Tuwasmi I Kun’iahabi

; Ciaum ‘

sikwi

l l
1 Her arm was amputated years ago by llr Jeremiah Sullivan (L'rwici). Dr Sullivan lived for some
years at. Walpi, studying Hopi customs.

610 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [mmmw

Xliﬁsi Q
i
i , , , l . .. .
Pautiwag‘ I‘coro 9 kaim (7‘ hannac 9 Plbad‘ _ \\ mutad‘ Tuwasmld‘
l
l l
_ ,__ ”Ad‘s a I
I l i ‘i Lm__. A“ W, _, 7 W,
(fiaum 3‘ Sikwi ,3‘ Lci‘ihonima a“
Kokoma <2 l’avuﬁamana Q
Kiitckwabi f ‘
Kllmahabi 9 Ponyanumka Q

 

'Naej’ l’otcad‘
ASA OR 'l‘eAKWAINA CLAN‘sF

The, Asa clans are said to have formerly lived at Kaétibi, near Santa
Fe (Alaviya),2 and near Abiquiu. They are reputed to have originally
been of chz ancestry, and to have left the Rio Grande at about the
end of the sixteenth century. In their western migration they went
to Tukwi (Santo Domingo) and from there to Kawaika (Laguna).
From Kawaika they proceeded to Akokaiabi (Acoma), and thence to
Sioki (Zuni), where some of this clan still live, being known to the
Zuﬁi as the Aiwakokwe clan. How long the Asa lived at the pueblo
last named, and whether the Zuﬁi ascribe to the clan an origin in the
upper Rio Grande, are unknown.

Some of the Asa continued their migration from Zuni, proceeding
to the Awatobi mesa, where they built a pueblo called Tcakwainaki
(“ Village of the T -akwaina clans”), near the wagon road west of the
extreme end of the mesa. It is said that katcinas were then with them.
They did not remain at this Village a long time, but continued to the
East mesa. The site of their ﬁrst Village at this mesa is not clearly
indicated by the legends; perhaps they joined the Tewa clans, their
kindred, above the spring called Isba, and it is said by some that they
aided the other Tewa in their ﬁghts with the Ute. The Asa legends
recount that after they had been in T usayan for some time they built
houses on the end of the East mesa above the gap (\Vala), east of
Hano. Years of drought resulted in a famine, and the Asa moved
away to Canyon de Chelly, in the “ Navaho country,” where they lived
in houses now in ruins. They intermarried with the Nayaho, but
ultimately returned to \Valpi, and found that other T ewa clans occupied
their former dwellings, whereupon the Walpi chief assigned them a
site for a new village at the head of the “ Stairway trail,” if they would
defend it against enemies. Their houses for the greater part are now

 

 

 

1’1‘he'euh of Teakwaina common to Zui'ii and the East mesa is ascribed to this clan.
9 Alta villa, Spanish “ High town.”

FEWKES] ASA (ILA NS 61 1

in ruins, although one of them, east of the \Viluvaliobi—kiva. is still
inhabited by an old woman of the Asa clan.

Toward the end of the eighteenth century the majority of the
women of the Asa phratry moved to another point on the East mesa
and founded the pueblo of Sichumovi. where, their descendants still
live.

The exodus of the Asa people to the Na 'aho country may have been
about the year 1780, when Anza was governor of New Mexico. At
that time we learn that the Hopi were in sore distress owing to the
failure of their crops, as the legend also states. and many moved to
the Navaho country, where men were killed and women “reduced to
slavery.” In September of the year named, Anza found that two Hopi
pueblos had been abandoned and that forty families had departed.l
As the legends declare that the Asa left at about this time for the
same region, it is probable that these were the people to whom Anza
. refers.

It is not unlikely that the Asa and 'l‘ewa clans formed a part of the
Tanoan people who were forced to leave the upper Rio Grande valley
directly after the great rebellion of 1680. Niel is said to have stated2
that at about this time 4,000 Tanos went to 'l‘usayan by way of Zuni,
which is the trail the present Asa people say their ancestors took.
We are told that they went to Alaki. and as the Ala (Horn) people
were then strong at the settlements of “'alpi. on the terrace of the
East mesa, it is not improbable that their village was sometimes called
Alaki, or “Horn pueblo.” From the Hopi side we ﬁnd veriﬁcation
of this historical event, for it is said that many people came to them
from the great river just after the rebellion of 1080. The number
mentioned by N iel, the statement that they wentto Oraibi, and indeed
all that pertains to the “kingdom founded by 'l‘rasquillo,“ may have
been from hearsay. At all events the Asa people do not seem to
have gone to Oraibi, nor are their clans now represented at this
pueblo.

As bearing on the claim of Asa traditionists, the following quota-
tion from that well-knowu scholar, Bandelier, has great in’1portance:

The modern town of Abiquiu stands almost on the site of an ancient village. The
town was built in part by Genizaros or Indian captives, whom the Spaniards had
rescued or purchased from their captors. The Tehuas of Santa (‘lara contend that
most of these Genizaros came from the Moquis, and that therefore the old pueblo
was called J osoge. 3 i

As the Asa legends claim the site or vicinity of Abiquiu as their
Rio Grande home, it would have been a natural proceeding if any of

1See Bancroft, Works, vol. xv” (New Mexico and Arizona), 1). 186'.
2See Bancroft, op. cit., and others.
3 Final Report, part 2, p. 54.

 

612 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS LETH-Axxm

them resettled there when they went back. These “ J oso ” (Hopi) were
probably Tewa from the East mesa, and as some of the Asa returned
to the Rio Grandc in the middle of the eighteenth century, it would be
quite natural for the T ewa to call the old pueblo on the site of Abi-
quiu Josoge (“Hopi pueblo”).

The Asa people, like the Honani, brought some katcinas to VValpi,
among which may be mentioned Tcakwaina. In the winter solstice
meeting of the Asa, at which their peculiar fetishes are exhibited in
the kiva, the Asa display as an heirloom an old mask called Tcakwaina,
which they claim to have brought with them when they came into the
country. There is a striking likeness between this mask and those of
Natacka, and it is suspected that the Asa brought the Natacka to the
East mesa. It is instructive to note that the Asa are not represented
in the Middle mesa pueblos and Oraibi, and important light could be
shed on this question if we knew that the Natacka were also unrepre-
sented in these Villages. The author suspects, on good ground, that
the Oraibi have no Natacka in the Powamﬁ ceremony.

The similarity in symbolism between the masks of Tcakwaina,
Natacka. and Calako taka is noteworthy, and it is not impossible that
they are conceptions derived from Zuni or some Zuni settlement.
The home of Calako was the present ruin of VVinima, near St Johns,
Arizona, from which place the Zuni Calako came, according to both
Hopi and Zuni legends. The Hopi Calako is said to have come from
the. same place. It is likewise highly probable that the Asa introduced
several other katcinas besides the Tcakwainas. Sichumovi, the present
home of the Asa, is often called a Zuﬁi pueblo, probably because it
was settled by Asa (Aiwahokwe) clans from Zuni. This is probably
the Hopi town which the Zuﬁis say is one of their pueblos in the Hopi
country. ‘

Asa people at Walpi

 

Men and boys Women

 

Ametola VVukomana
Niivati

Sunoitiwfi

Hauta

Kiazru

Hayo

Turkia

Aﬁ wuci

Talahoya (Soyoko)
Mu'na

 

 

 

 

,J

218th people. at Sichumom >

’ ASA oLAivg f

 

Men ‘a'nd boys

Women and; girls

 

‘ :»Hola 7

" Tuwakﬁkﬁ-
Eﬁkiitd
Mae

Wzicri

I Kipo

' Sik‘yatila‘
Lomanapoca
Nﬁvﬁhonimﬁ
Honainimﬁ
Sikyamuniwa.
Lomaiisba
Turkwi’namﬁ
Pavashoya
Kalektaka
Taimu

Siiki

Poﬁci

 

Tuwaﬁainimﬁ
- Polici
Kﬁkwaiesi
Letaiomana.
~Poboli '
Nuva.
Hanoko
Talawaisia .
' Sﬁhﬁbmana.
Sikavenka
Talamana
Hokona ,
Tcoro
Masaiunima
Hewi
Palawica
Pucimana
Poli ,
Tu'wanumsi
Omowﬁ
Pawaiasi
Tabohoya

 

 

Poboli? ‘

 

Turwanumsi 9

 

.4.
I

Tuwakﬁkiid‘ Kﬁkutcid‘ H0136 ,
Sikavenkag Talamanag Hokona? Sikyamuniwaa‘:

all /

=1 |V~|1 w I l ‘

 

 

Tuwanaiﬁimu 9

\

Kalektakad‘ —

Sikfaﬁlad' Iomanapbcaa‘ Sﬁhﬁbmana 5 Maed‘ Wacrla‘ Kﬂkw'aiesi 9 '

1 —, A

Pucimana 9 Tabohoya. 9 Kipoa‘

Letaiomana 9

Pawaiasid‘

 

Turkiad‘ Talawaisiaa

N ﬁvahonimﬁd‘ ‘ Honainimﬁd‘

 

 

614 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETHMW

POPULATION OF VVALPI AND SICHUMOVI BY CLANS

l I 71]]; i Siehum ori

Teiia wiﬁwfl .......... 24 Asa wiﬁwu ............ 40
Honau wiﬁwfl ......... 3 Honani wiﬁwu ........ 13
Kateina wiﬁwu ........ 11 Buli wiﬁwﬁ ___________ 16
Patki wiﬁwu .......... 37 Patki wiﬁwﬁ .......... 8
Pakab wiﬁwt‘i ......... 14 Tiiwa—Kiikiite wiﬁwu. - l5
Kokop wiﬁwu ......... 16 Pakab wiﬁwﬁ ......... 4
Asa wiﬁwu ............ 11 Piba-Tabo wiflwu ..... 21
Tiiwa-Kiikiitc wiﬁwu. _ 14 Oraibi women ......... 2
Leﬁva wiﬁwu ......... 37 _—
Ala 'wiﬁ wfi ............ 22 Total """"""" 119
Piba-Tabo wiﬁwu _____ 16

Total ............. 205

HANO CLANS

The present people of Hano are, in the main, descendants of Tewa
clans which are said to have come to the East mesa at the invitation
of the Snake chief of \Valpi about the end of the decade following the
destruction of Awatobi. These clans still speak the Tewa language,
but, owing to intermarriage, they are more closely related consanguin-
eally to the Hopi than to those speaking the Tewa language along
the upper Rio Grande.

The traditions regarding the advent of the ancestors of the Hano
people are more circumstantial than those of the”other component
peoples of Tusayan. The best traditionists state that the ancestors
of these clans were invited by an old Snake chief, who was then the
kimoﬁwi or pueblo chief of “'alpi, to leave their home in the upper
Rio (cirrande valley and settle in Tusayan. The Ute were at that time
harrying the Hopi, and four times an embassy bearing prayer ‘stieks
was sent by the Hopi to the Teva chief. The fourth invitation was
accepted, and the Tewa clans started westward.

The original home of these clans is said to be Tcewadi, and they
claim that they speak the same language as the present people of the
pueblos of (1) O’ke’; (2) Ka’po; (3) Po’kwoide; (4) Posonwﬁ; (5)
Nambe; and (6) Tetsogi. Their trail of migration is variously given.
The following route is on the authority of Hatco:

Leaving Tcey radi they went to Jemesi, or J emez, where they rested,
some say. a year. From Jemesi they continued to O“pi11p’0, called by
the Hopi Pawikpa (“Duck-water”). There they rested a short time,
some say, another year, then continued to Kipo, or Honaupabi (Fort
_\Vingate). From there they went on to the present site of Fort
Deﬁance, and after halting there a year continued to Wukopakabi (Cot-
ton‘s ranch) and to Puﬁci (K ‘alns canyon). Passing through Puﬁci,

FEWKES] HANO CLANS 615

they went on to the East mesa, where they built a pueblo on the high
land near Isba, or Coyote spring. The site of their pueblo can still
be seen here, and obscure house walls may be traced on the ridge of
land to the left of the trail above the spring, near the rocky eminence
called Sikyaowatcomo (“ Yellow-rock mound").1

While living here they used a spring called Uﬁba, near the peach
trees west of the mound on which the old pueblo stands. This spring
is now ﬁlled with sand, and its exact position is problematic, but a
spring called Isba, on the east side of the old Hano pueblo, to which
reference has preVIOusly been made, is still used by the Hano people.2

The original Tewa clans were as fOIIOWs:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tewa Hopi English
Okuwaﬁ Patki Rain—cloud
Sa Piba Tobacco
Kolon Kae Corn
Tenyiik Hekpai Pine
Katcina Katcina
Nan Tiiwa Sand

*Kopeeli Pink-shell?
*Kapo’lo A toko Crane
*Koyanni Tcosbiici Turquoise
*Téiﬁ Tawa Sun
*Pe Kokop‘.’ Firewood?
Ke Honau Bear
*Tayek —— l
*Tceta : Kiikiitc Bivalve-shell !

 

 

*The clans whose names are preceded byan asterisk are now extinct. Tiege-nds current in llano
state that the ﬁrst kimofiwi, or chief. of the pueblo belonged to the Nan towa.

It will be noticed that several of these clans are named from the
same objects from which certain Walpi clans derive their names.
Thus at Hano we have Rain-cloud, Tobacco. Corn, Katcina. Sand. and
Bear clans corresponding to the same at Walpi. The present village
chief, Anote, belongs to the Sa (Tobacco) clan, and his predecessor.
Kepo, was a member of the Kolon clan. It is reported that the tirst
pueblo chief of the Tewa of Hano who migrated to T usajan was

 

1The shrine of the Sun, used during the ’l‘aﬁtai rite, is situated to the east of this rock. In this
shrine are placed, during the Soyaluﬁa ceremony, the tawa saka paho (sun-ladder pahos), the oniowl‘t
saka paho (raii1cl(Md-ladder-Imhtis), and several forms of nakwakwocis, or feathered strings.

2This spring is owned by the Hano clans, and much of the water which they use is taken from it.
The cleaning out of springs when, as often happens, they are filled with drift sand is one of the few
instances of communal pueblo work performed by the Hopi. As this time arrives notice is given
by the town crier, by direction of the chief tkimoﬁwi), and all the men of the pueblo aid in the
work. When Tawapa spring was cleaned out in the autumn of 18% the male adults of Walpi
worked there for three days. and the Women cooked food nearby. so that at the close of each day's
work there was a great feast. While the work was going on a circle of the old men smoked native
ceremonial tobacco in ancient pipes. .

>7
1
5
.?
'i

 

 

616 TUsAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS , [ETH.AI~:N.]9

Mapibi of the Naﬁ (Sand) clan, and Potaﬁ of the Ke (Bear) clan is said
to have succeeded Mapibi. There are no Tewa women belonging to
the Hano clans living in \Valpi, the pueblos of the Middle mesa, or
Oraibi.

The legends of their conﬂicts with the Ute. who were making hos-
tile inroads upon the Hopi, have several variants, but all agree in
stating that the Tewa fought with and defeated the Ute, and that the
last stand of these nomads was made on the sand hill east of the mesa.
Into that place the Ute had driven all the sheep which they had
captured and made a rampart of their carcasses. This place now has the
name Cikwiturkwi ("Meat mound”) from that occurrence. Here the
Ute were defeated and all but a few (two or four) were killed. There is
an enumeration of the number above the wagon trail to Hano a short
distance below the gap (VVala). The men who were saved were
released and sent back to join their kindred with the word that the
Tewa bears had come to Tusayan to defend it. Since this event the
inroads of the Ute have ceased.

As a reward for their aid in driving back the Ute, the Tewa were
given for their farms all the land north of a line drawn through Wala,
the gap, across the valleys on each side of the East mesa, at right
angles to the mesa; there their farms and homes in the foothills near
lsba are now situated. The land holdings of the Hopi clans are south
of this line, and the new houses which they have built in the foothills
are on the same side.

Almost all the people of Hano speak Hopi as well as Tewa, but
even the Hopi men married to Hano women do not understand the
language of the pueblo in which they live.

The people of Hano are among the most industrious of the inhabit-
ants of the East mesa. Although they number only about 160, they
have (in 1899) more children in the school at Keams canyon than all
the other six pueblos, which number approximately 1,800 inhabitants.

\

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FEwns] HANO CLANS 617
CENSUS OF HANO CLANS
Sa 01‘ Tobacco clan
1
Men and boys 1 Women and girls
Anote ()kaﬁ
Asena Heli
Ipwantiwa Kotu
Howila Kwéiﬁ
Mota Nuci
Yauma Tcebopi
Tuwabema Palakae
Kaptiwa
J
9*
1
l 1
Anoted‘ ' ()kaﬁ Q Heli? Kotu?
1
s u ‘I
Moﬁid I’alakue 9 Kaptiwad‘ Asenad‘ Ipwantiwad‘ Kwﬁﬁ 9 Tcepbbi <2
Howila/j Yaumad Nuci 9
Tuwabemad‘
Kolon, or Corn (‘lrm
¥ , , ,,-,__ ,, '
Men and boys Women and girls
: I’nlaka Kotcaka
I’atuﬁtupi Nampio
Kano Kwentcowﬁ
Toto Akontcauwﬁ
1
1 Peke Talikwia
1 Kelo Awatcauwﬁ
Komaletiwa Heele
1 Kalaokuﬁ Aﬁtce
I
1 Tacena Kumpipi
1 ()ba Pelé
1 Agaiyo‘ Kontce
1 Tcide Tcaiwﬁ
1 Kweckatcaﬁwﬁ
1
1

 

 

 

19 ETH, ﬁr 2—01—4

 

TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH.ANN.19

 

 

 

 

 

Kotcaka 9
Polnkad‘ Kanog Nampio 9
i F !
Kwentcowﬁ <2 Kalaokuﬁ d Komaletiwad‘ Akomcauwﬂ <2
Talikwia 9
1 i
Totoo‘ Peked‘ Kelod Heele 9 Awatcauwﬁ Q
! Tcide d Obad‘ ‘ Tacenad‘ Aﬁtce 9
l
‘ l i ..
Kweckatcaﬁ wﬁ Q Kontce <2 Pelé 9 Kump1p1 9

Ke or Bear clan

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men and boys Women and girls
Hatco Kauﬁ
Mepi ‘ Pobi
Yoyebelli l U’bi
Palaﬁkwaamﬁ ; Taletcaﬁ
Yaﬁe Tcetcaﬁ
Tegi Tcepella
Cakwatotci l
Tcakwaina :
9 *
7 h i
Tcakwaina d‘ Kaluﬁ Q
Tcetcaﬁ 9 P0%yi Q

 

i |
Mepi d‘ Taletcaﬁ 9

J l

Tcepélla S? Yoyebellid‘ Palaﬁkwaamﬁ d‘

  " ¥ 1 ’ HAND" GLAN'SI

‘Tmﬁk o'r‘Pine glam

 

Mennnd boys:

Women and girls 4 '

 

 

Nafo
Tae
’Lelo ,
wPolialla.
Yodot ‘
Pobitca
Pobinella
I'Tope ‘
Altai "
Yeba'
Ku'ta.
Paoba

Kala >
Katcinamana
Naici
Selapi
Kele
Akantci'
Tabomana.
Koitswaiasi

. Potci
Urpobi

¢ Peta
Ee

. Tolo'
Hokona.

 

 

 

If Kee? ‘ , ‘Tabomanag

Akhﬁtcig /

 

Koitswaiasi? ’ Pao 33 AJtcid' Toped‘

Leloa

9'?

Pobitca/d‘ -

 

Katjcinamana 9 ‘

Natod‘

Hokona? T0109

aici 9

Selapi 9

.l
I"

Kurtad‘

 

. aeb?

 

 

Polls. lad‘

620 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS

[MIL ANN. 19

Ndﬁ or Sand clan

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men and boys Women and girls
Poncauwi Pocilopobi
Pocine Talabensi
Talaiumtiwa Kae
Galakwai Avatca
Kainali Aupobi
Ku'wanhiptiwa Hermiumsi
Tetokya Koatci
Sia
9 *
I
Poncauwi d‘ Pocilopobi 9
|
Pocined‘ Sin 3 Talaiumtiwad Koa'tci 9 Talabensi 9 Avatca <2 Kate 9
Kurwanhiptiwad‘ Tetdkyag Hermiumsi 9
Kainali d‘ Aupbbi 9 Galakwai d

Katcina clan

 

Men and boys

Women and girls

 

Kwebehoya
Taci

Oyi

Avaiyo
Wehe
Sibentima
Tawihonima
Tcuayauma
Koloa

Mali

O'kun
Pintcena
Kawaio
Ku'yapi
Su'tapki
Kotcamu

 

 

Nokoﬁtce
O'kotce
Kweﬁka
Potcauwﬁ
Peﬁ

Peﬁ
Sawiyfx
Nﬁva
Tcao
Awe
Kalatcan
Pobitcan
Po'tza
Yowailo
Tcanwi
Keselo
Paupobi

 

 

."A

,‘HANé‘ (JEANS

Sibentlimad‘ Tawihoniniaa

v

Nokoﬂtce 9

l

1905th 4 Pobitcdng

 

 

Kuryapid‘ -0'kund‘

Olkotce 9

 

, Oyid‘ Niiva? Avaiyod‘ ‘ﬂPeﬁ'g Kweﬁkag I~ Potcauwﬁi?
,’ Koload" Malia V TOAD? - Sﬁrtapkid‘ Awe? Tcuayaumad‘ Fe 9 Kotcamud‘

Yowailo 9

Tcanwi 9

Paupobi 9

Ok'wwqﬁ 01' Cloud clan

 

Men and boys Wom’en and girls

 

> Kalakwai Yowaaﬁ
Kalai Sikyumka
Tciia, ' V Saiya
Wiwelal Kweﬁtce
Yaﬁe Taljtce
Kelan ' Pobitcawﬁ
Solo , Asou
Pabe Tawamana.
Koktcina Yekwi
Tcéikwai Téé
Poyi Suhubmana
Tukpza.2 Keko"
Yati
Moto “
Peti
Pemelle
Suﬁitiwa
Tazu3
Polikwabia

 

 

 

 

,1 Lives at Shuﬂopovi. 9 Livesat ngpi.

 

 

 

622 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [mm m. 19
9
i
Kalaklwaid‘ Petid‘ ’l‘ceik‘wai a Talitce 9
Pobitcawﬂ 9 Pemelled‘ ,Kalaid‘
Pabe d‘
Kwefltce 9
f
Tcﬁad‘ Sikyiimka 9 ' Wiwelad‘
9 *

|—___l

>9: Yowaaﬁ ‘2

l l

Keko 9 Tee A5011 9 Tawamana 9 Suhubmana 9

l

Tazud Polikwabid‘ Suﬁitiwnd‘

 

9
1‘

5010 f Yaﬁed‘

Totals of Hana clans

Sa towa .................................................................... 15
Kolon towa ................................................................ 25
Ke towa ................................................................... 14
Teniik towa .................................... , ............................ 26
Niiﬁ towa .................................................................. 15
Katcina towa .............................................................. 32
Okuwaﬁ towa .............................................................. 31
Doubtful ................................................................... 1

Total ................................................................ 159

RELIGIOUS SOCIETlES AT WALPI

The personnel of the Walpi religious societies, so far as known, is
given in the accompanying lists, which may be regarded as fairly com-
plete for the male but only approximate for the female member-
ship. As a rule, the women members of a society may be said to be
the members of the clan which introduced it, and some others. It

mmzs] ; RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES or WALPI 623

is not necessary to mention the names of the participants in the katcina
dances, as the organization may be said to include all the men and the
older boys of the pueblo. So also the names of those who participate
in the Soyaluﬁa, or Winter-solstice gathering, are not given, for, from
the nature of the festival, it includes all the families in the village.
The following list includes the main religious societies in Walpi:1

From Yblconabi

Tciibwimpkia ................ A la clans.
Tciiwimpkia ................. Tciia clans.

From Palatku'ubi and ﬂu} Litl/c Colorado pueblos

Kwakwantu .................. Patki clans.
Lalakontu ................... Patki clans.
Aaltn ........................ Patuﬁ clans.
“'iiwiitcimtn ................. Patuﬁ clans.
Tataukyamu ................. Pilia clans.
Mamzrautu .................. Patuﬁ clans.
Cakwaleﬁya. . . f .............. Leﬁya clans.
Macileﬁya ................. '_ _ Leﬁya clans.

From, (In Eastern pueblo, Kmart/(mum (dcrircd from Z/(ﬁi?)
Kalektaka ___________________ Pakal) clan.

The Katcina society, which includes all males. practices the katcina
cnltns,‘ and while each performance has its own derivation, all came
from eastern pueblos. In order to show whence it came to VValpi
each masked personage should be mentioned in orderf’

Katcina altarsof Powamn and N iman- .Katcina clans ....... Kicuba.

Eototo .............................. Kokop clans ........ Jeniez.

Sio Humis (Zuﬁi) and Humis ........ Jemez clans? ........ Jemez.

Calako (Sio or Zuni) ................ Honani clans ........ Znﬁi.

Tcakwaina (Natacka) ............... Asa clans ........... Zuni.

Sio ..................................................... Zuﬁi.

Tacab .................................................. Navaho.

Malo ........................... i ........................ Zuﬁi.

Pawik .................................................. Znﬁi.

Ana .................................................... Zuni.

Soyohim ................................................ Several eastern pueblos.
Kawaika ............................................... Keres pueblo ?.
Kohonino .............................................. Havasupai Indians.
Hahaiwiigti ......................... Katcina ............ Kicuba.
Soyokmana ......................... Honani ............. Keres pueblo.
Tuﬁwup ............................ Honani.

Hehea .............................. Asa ................ Zuni.

 

1 This list does not include such societies as the “ doctors ”—the Pocwimpkias or Yayawimpkias—
who are called in to cure disease, and some others.
ﬂThe derivation of many other katcinas will be given in a later article.

624 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH- ANN. 19

RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES FROM TOKONABI

The Walpi clans which came from Tokonabi were, as has been
shown, the Horn-Snake, and the present survivors of these components
are represented by two societies of priests called Tciia-wimpkias and
Tci'ib—wimpkias, that is, Snake priests and Antelope priests.

These societies are regarded as the oldest in Walpi, and the cere-
monies which they perform are survivals, possibly with some modiﬁ-
cations, of a worship practiced in the former home of the Snake and
Horn clans at Tokonabi. The nature of the rites at Walpi in early
times may be judged from that of their modern survivals, namely, the
Snake dance in August of odd years, and certain ceremonials in January
of the same years.

sNAKE-ANTELOPE sooIE'rIEs

\Vhen \Valpi was founded it contained, as has been shown, clans
belonging to the Snake-Horn and the Bear groups, and probably all
males older than young boys participated in their great ceremony,
the Snake dance. Since that early time the advent of other families
has considerably changed the social connections of the personnel of
the societies, and their membership has outgrown clan limitation.
The expanded societies called Snake and Antelope are now limited to
no clan, but include members of all. The chief, however, and the
majority of the members still come from the Snake clan. and include
all its men. The extent to which the transformation of the early
Snake-family worship has gone, in becoming a composite worship
practiced by a dual society with a membership from all existing
clans, may be seen by an enumeration of the present Snake and Ante-
lope priests.

The existence of these two sacerdotal fraternities supports the tradi-
tionary declaration that the original people Who settled on the site of
Walpi included two groups of clans, the Horn and the Snake. There
is also evidence in their rites that a Bear and a Puma clan were like—
wise represented in this early settlement, for in some of the secret
ceremonies of the Snake dance we ﬁnd both the bear and the puma
personated.

The nature of the ceremonial calendar of the Snake-Horn people
when these clanscame to the East mesa and settled on the terrace under
Walpi may never be known. Many rites have been dropped in the
course of time, or have become so merged into others that their identity
is difﬁcult, perhaps impossible, to discover; but there are two ceremo-
nies of the most ancient Snake-clan rites of Walpi which survive to

mums] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI 625

out day. Since the Snake dance was ﬁrst celebrated in the ancient
pueblo it has been somewhat modiﬁed by contact with the rituals of
other clans, but even now it retains certain characteristics of a rude
animal worship or zoototemism. With modiﬁcation has come a change
in its purpose, so that at present.it is a prayer for rain and for
the growth of corn—a secondary development due mainly to an arid
environment.
I’lIembership of the Antelope iS'ociety

 

 

Individual ‘ Clan ; Individual : Clan i
WlkI ............. ‘ Tcua ! Ixatm ............ ; Ixokop
Wikyatiwa ....... " Tciia " Sami ............. ‘ Leﬁya §
Hoﬁyi ............ Tcua Kakapti .......... ‘ Tuwa i
Tcazra ............ Patki \Vewe ............ i (E) 1'
Kwaa - .' .......... Patki e Pontima .......... l Ala
Tcoshoniwu ...... Patki '

 

 

Illembership of the Snub) Stu-[My

 

 

Individual _ Clan Individual (tlun
Kopeli ........... ‘ Tciia ‘ Kiazru ........... Asa
Sikyahoniwa ..... Tciia Pu ryato ( ?) ....... j Asa
Moumi ___________ Tciia ('likuli ____________ i Buli
Nuvawinu ........ Tciia Ami .............. l Buli
Sanna ____________ Tciia Yoyowaia ________ l H onani
Honauwﬁ ........ Tcua I Hani ............. ‘ l’iba
Koyowaiamﬁ ..... I Tciia Sikyaweamﬁ ______ { l’iba
Supela ___________ Patki Kanu ............ i Pakal)
Kwatcakwa ....... Patki 3 I’iba _ . _ _ . _ _ _ _ - _ _ -; Pakab
Makiwﬁ .......... Patki . Siskyamﬁ ......... Tabo
Pocto ............ Patki Homovi .......... Tabo
Citaimu .......... Patki Lon’iaiumtiwa ..... J Katcina
Nacita ............ Patki Tu’kwi ........... I Leﬁya
Tcazra ............ Patki Tcono ............ 3’ Ala
Talahoya ......... Asa Nakava ........... ‘ Kokop
Lomanapoca ...... Asa Sikyabotima ...... j Tiiwa
Sikyatila ......... Asa Patuﬁtupi ........ ! Kolon
Nuvati ........... Asa Kano ............. ' Kolon
Mae .............. Asa Wiwela ........... : ()kuwaﬁ

 

 

 

 

 

 

626 TUSAY AN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [mam- 19

RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES FROM PALATKWABI

The migration of clans from the south to Tusayan began very early
in the history of the Hopi, and we are fortunately able to speak deﬁ-
nitely of the movements from this direction in the seventeenth century.
These were in part brought about by the inroads of a nomadic people,
the Apache, who at the close of the sixteenth century began to raid
the sedentary people of southern and central Arizona. Their attacks
were at ﬁrst weak, but gathered strength during the following cen-
tury, until at the close of the year 1700 the entire central part of
Arizona had passed under Apache control. The villages along the
Little Colorado held out until about the close of the century, but
their inhabitants were ultimately forced north to join the Hopi.

These fugitives took refuge among the Hopi in groups of clans at
intervals as one after another of the southern pueblos was abandoned.
The earliest group seems to have been the Patuﬁ, after which fol—
lowed thc Patki, the Piba, and others. There may have been others
earlier than the Patuﬁ people, and possibly the Leﬁya was one of
these, but the Patuﬁ clans founded some of the oldest pueblos in the
Hopi country, as Mishongnovi and Tcukubi.

As Mishongnovi is mentioned in the list of Hopi towns at the end
of the sixteenth century, we may assume that the advent of the Patuﬁ
clans was prior to that date; and the fact that there were both Patuﬁ
and Piba (Tobacco) clans in Awatobi shows that they came before
the advent of the Patki people, which must have occurred shortly after
Awatobi was destroyed, for no one maintains that the Patki lived at
that town. They had a pueblo of their own, called Pakatcomo, 47 miles
from Walpi, in which lived Patki and Ti'Iwa or Kukutc clans.

ALA-LES'YA SOCIETIES

The Ala-Leﬁya clans brought a new cult to Walpi, which survives
in the Flute (Leﬁya) observance celebrated during alternate sum-
mers. In some of the Hopi pueblos there are two sections of the Flute
priesthood, called the Blue Flute and the Drab Flute, but at \Valpi
the latter is extinct and the ceremonies of the two are consolidated.

The existence of two divisions of Flute priests, and the fact that the
Ala-Leﬁya group of clans is composed of two main divisions, would
seem to show that the dual sacerdotal condition reﬂected the sociological
status; that one society sprang from the Ala, the other from the Leﬁya
components. In the present celebration of the Flute there are ﬂute
elements in both societies where they exist in dual sections.

 

 

FwaEs] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI 627
Membership of the Flute Society 1
Individual Clan J Individual Clan

Turnoa ___________ Leﬁya Kwatcakwa ....... Patki

Wupa ............ Leﬁya Ainetola .......... Asa

Mourni ........... Tciia Tciiavema (9) ..... Asa

Hoﬁyi ............ Tciia Ham ............. I’iba

Kopeli ........... Tcﬁa : \Vinuta ........... Pakab

Supela ............ Patki ‘ Sikyabotima ‘

 

 

 

1 There are other members of this society not here mentioned.

PATUﬁ-PIBA-PATKI SOCIETIES

The Patuii (Squash) clan probably introduced into the Hopi pueblos
the Aaltﬁ, VViiwiitcimtﬁ, and Mamzrautﬁ (a woman’s priesthood)
societies; the Piba (Tobacco) brought the Tl‘ataukyamﬁ; and the Patki

(Rain—cloud) brought the Kwakwantﬁ and Lalakontﬁ.

As these clans

came from the south, there are many resemblances in the rituals of

their priesthoods.

are given in the following lists:

Membership of the Aalm Smarty

 

 

[ndividua1 . ‘ Clan
Tuwasmi _________ Pakab
Mu'na ............ l Asa
Talahoya _ - ; ...... ! Asa
Hauta ............ l Asa
Sikyatila ......... l Asa
N iivati ........... ‘ Asa
Kiazru ........... Asa
Simotci ........... Honani
Yoyowaia ........ Honani
Yakwa ........... Honani
Apa .............. Honani
Tcotcki ........... Buli
Sania ............. Tiiwa
Takala ........... Tiiwa
Matco‘ ........... - Tiiwa
Kakapti .......... Tiiwa
Matcuwﬁ ......... Tiiwa
Talanainiwﬁ ...... Ti'iwa
Kotka ............ Honau

. Mepi ............. Ke

 

individual
Tcazra ............
Pocto ............
Kwatcak wa .......
Teoshoniwu ......
\Viwela ...........
Talasi ............
Honauw 1‘1 ........
Lelentci ..........
Letcomo ..........
Hayi .............
Kiikii ............
Tawihonima ......
Yaﬁe .............

 

Koitswini‘l ........
Tciia .............
Pontima ..........
Pema ............
Hoﬁyi ............
Lomavoya ........
Wisti .............

 

 

The names of the members of these priesthoods

Clan

Patki
Patki l
Patki !
Patki
Okuwaﬁ
Tabo
Tabo
Tabo
Tabo
Leﬁ ya
Katcina
Katcina
Okuwaﬁ.
Kokop
Kokop
Ala

Ala

Tciia
Tcﬁa
Piba

 

 

 

1 Lives in Zuﬁi.

 

6

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

8 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH- ANN- 19
Membership of the Wizm'ltcimta Society
Individual Clan Individual ‘1 Clan
3 l
Sunoitiwa ........ ‘ Asa E Sikyahonauwﬁ . . . .l Tiiwa
Kiikiitci .......... ‘ Asa l Pavatjya ......... { Tiiwa
Tuwakuku ....... l Asa 1 Sikyabotima ...... 1 Tilwa
Ametola .......... : Asa Potca ............ 'j Pakab
Hayo ............ 1 Asa i Sikyapiki 1 ........ Tawa
Mae ______________ ; Asa 1 Homovi .......... Piba
Hola ............. l Asa Tcﬁa ............. Okuwaﬁ
Kopeli ........... ‘ Tcﬁal Tukpa ...... , ..... Okuwaﬁ
Moumi - - _ _ _ _ _ _ - - -2 Tciia ‘ Makiwﬁ .......... ‘ Patki
Sikyahoniwa ..... 1 Tcﬁa Kunahia .......... Kokop
Sauna ............ ‘ Tcila Katci ............. Kokop
Nuvaiwinﬁ ....... ‘ Tciia Maho ............ Kokop
Toaini ............ ‘ Tabo Naka .............. Katcina
Tﬁktci ___________ ‘ Tabo Talawinu ......... Katcina
Seziita ............ Buli ‘ Sikyabentima ..... Ala
Lelo ............. I Teni'lk ; Honyamtiwa ...... 1 Ala
l |
1 Lives in Shumopovi.
Membership of the Tataukg/amz‘c Society
Individual Clan } Individual Clan

Hani ................. Piba Turnoa ............... Leﬁya
Namoki .............. Piba A Sami ................. Leﬁya
Siskyamﬁ ............ Piba Pakabi _______________ Leﬁya
Nuatiwa .............. Piba Supela ............... Patki
Masahoﬁiwﬁ .......... Piba ' Kwazra .............. ? Patki
Lapu ................. Piba Nanaha1 .............. Patki
Ami .................. Buli Nato _________________ Teniik
Hozro ................ Honani Wiki ................. Tciia
Moﬁwﬁ - - . - . . .i ...... Honani Koyowaiamﬁ ......... Tciia
Hozro ................ Honani Nae ........... . ...... Pakab
Sokoni ............... Ala Piba ................. Pakab
Suhimu .............. Ala Taci .................. Katcina
Makto ................ Ala Sibentima ............ Katcina
Tcono ................ Ala Sﬁtki ................ Kiikiitc
Maho ................ Kokop Wacri ................ Asa
Leso ................. Kokop Turkia ................ Asa
Sami ................. Kokop Tcaka ................ Tiiwa
Wikpala .............. Leﬁya

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 Lives in Zuﬁi.

FEWKES] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI 629

Membership of (he Kwakwanll‘t Society

 

 

 

 

 

Individual 3 Clan II Individual Clan I
: I ~
Anawita .............. I Patki II Mota ................. Sa
Kwaa ................ I Patki ; Nuvaiwinﬁ ........... Tciia
Klea ................. Patki ' Wikyatiwa ........... Tciia
Paca ................. Patki Tenuntci ............. (?) ,
Sakwistiwa ........... Patki Avaiyo ............... Katcina
Citaiinﬁ .............. Patki II Totci _________________ Honani
I Suﬁi ................. Patki I Cikuli.-; ............. Buli
Veti .................. Okuwaﬁ I Nanakoci ............. Buli
Poyi ................. Okuwaﬁ I Aﬁwuci .............. Asa
Klee ................. Okuwaﬁ , Loniaiisba ............ Asa
Kelan ................ Okuwaﬁ Turkwinanu‘i ......... Asa
Pitkone .............. Tabo I Namiﬁ hu ............. Tawa
Takala ............... Tiiwa II Namoki .............. Piba
Tubeﬁima ............ Kiikiitc I Tcali ................. Piba I
I Piitci ................. Ala I Letaiyo ............... Piba I
I Tu’kwi ............... Leﬁya I Kano ................ Kolon
Nitioma - - _.- .......... I Leﬁya II

 

 

The women’s society which was introduced by the Patki people is
called Lalakoﬁtﬁ, and its ceremony at \Valpi in 1891 was participated
in by the following persons:

Membership of (he Lalakoﬁf'ﬁ, Society

Women 1 Clan . )len Clan

 

, II I I,

II I I

I Koitsyumsi ........... Patki I Piitci ................. I Ala I
x Naciainima ........... Patki Ametola .............. I Asa
I Kumawensi ........... Patki Kwatcakwa ........... Patki
Ku'yﬁ ................ Patki I Supela ............... Patki

 

The author has not learned the names of all the members of the
Mamzrautﬁ society, but those of the more important participants in
its 1892 performance are as follows:

 

1 The list is incomplete, but it includes the chief priestesses.

630 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [Em-ANN. 19

Membership of the .llanzzruutfc society

 

 

 

Women (Elan Men Clan
1 W Miviﬁ 1g W A"
1 Saliko ................ Tciia ‘ Sunoitiwu ............ Asa
1 Sakabenka ............ .Kokop ‘1 Ametola .............. Asa
Naciumsi ............. Patki 11 Supela ................ Patki
1 25 other women ______ 1 Kwatcakwa ........... Patki
11 Nuvawinu ............ Tciia
1 1; Wiki ................. Tciia
1 Hoﬁyi ................ Tciia

 

THE KALEKTAKA SOCIETY

The society of warriors called the Kalektaka was introduced by the
Pakab clans, and their ceremony. the Momtcita, bears a very close
likeness to that of the Priesthood of the Bow at Zuﬁi. From these
resemblances this society is regarded as of New Mexican origin, but
among the Hopi it is simply the celebration of the Pakab clans and
does not dominate the rites of any society previously mentioned. It
is one of many cults. and, like others, was introduced by certain
deﬁnite clans and has not obtained a hold upon others. In this its
relationship diﬂ'ers from that of the Society of the Bow in the Zuni
ritual.

KATCINA CULTS FROM NENV MEXICAN PUEBLOS

\Vc come now to discuss a cult at VValpi which in many ways is
unique, and so markedly different is it that we have no difﬁculty in
distinguishing it from the cults already mentioned. The one feature
which separates it from the others is the existence of masked person—
ations—men wearing helmets or masks to personate supernatural
beings. In its origin it is unlike any other, for it was not brought to
“'alpi by any one group of clans, but by several, the arrivals of which
were separated by considerable periods of time, even generations. The
katcina cult is therefore not homogeneous, for not only did diﬂerent
clans contribute to it, but these clans came from pueblos geographi-
cally remote from one another. There is no one Katcina society limited
to one group of clans, but all men and boys may and do enter into the
performance of katcina dances. In this heterogeneous collection of
allied cults we ﬁnd some introduced by the Honani, some by the Asa,
some purchased or borrowed from neighboring tribes. Some of the
katcina dances are worn down to a single public masked dance from
which all secret rites have disappeared. Two at least, the Powamﬁ
and the N iman, are of nine days’ duration.

mwxmi KATCINA came 63 1

To look for the origin of the katcinas as a whole in any one family
or clan would be fruitless. \Ve must seek the independent origin of
each. But there is one source to which we can turn for the two great
katcina celebrations—the Powamﬁ and Niman and that is the Kat-
cina (Aﬁwuci, Crow) clans.

Happily, however. we can ﬁnd that the general direction whence all
the important katcinas came was the east—the New Mexican pueblos —
where the "same ceremonies still survive in modified form.

 

TCUKUWIMI’KIYAS

An order of priests called the Tatcuktﬁ, or Mudheads—men wear-
ing cloth masks with large knobs on their tops and sides was brought
to Tusayan from the New Mexican pueblos. They do not belong to
the ancient Hopi ritual, but came with those clans who brought the
katcinas. with whom they appear in modern ceremonies. This order
is very ancient in the pueblos from which it came, as are likewise the
katcinas, but they do not belong to the cults of the clans from
Tokonabi or Palatkwabi.

 

SUMAIKOLIS

The Sumaikoli priests and cult are closely connected with the katci-
nas, and are supposed to have been introduced into Tnsayan from New
Mexico.

THE EAST MESA RITUALS

\Valpi is the only pueblo on the East mesa where a true Hopi ritual
is celebrated, but it has become more profoundly affected by intrusive
clans of other stocks than that of any other Hopi pueblo. This modi-
ﬁcation, due to the Vicinity of Sichumovi and Ham), is particularly
marked in the great katcina observance called Powamﬁ. which differs
greatly from the ()raibi performance of that name. The clans which
have been of greatest importance in bringing about this modiﬁcation
are the Asa1 and the Hano clans. none of which exist at Oraibi.

The lrir’ulpi Ritual

January .................. Pa (\Vinter Snake, or Flute).
Mncaiasti.
Winter T awa-paholawu.

February ................. l’i )wann‘i.
Winter Lakone-paholawn.
March .................... l'nkwanti or Paliiliikoﬁti.
Sumaikoli.

Winter Marau-paholawfl.
1The author ascribes the introduction of the Natacka at the Powumu ceremony of Waipi to the
Tcakwaina or Asa clan.

 

632 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [mawme

April—June ............... Abbreviated Katcina Observances.
Niman-katcina.

Jul y ..................... Ta wa-paholaw 1‘1 .

August ___________________ Snake or Flute dance in alternate years.

September ................ Lalakoﬁti.

October .................. Manizrauti.

November ________________ Wiiwiitcimti or Naacnaiya.

December ................ Soyaluﬁa.
Momtcita.

This ritual is practically that of the four other Hopi pueblos, in
Which it is repeated with some variation in details.1

le Sicilurnori Ritual

January ______________ Panlu'ti.
Zuni Return Katcina.
February _____________ l’owamu.
Katcina visitors to Walpi kivas.2
March ................ Paltiliikonti.
April—June ........... Abbreviated Katcina observances.
July .................. Sio Calako (occasionally).
September ............ Bulintikibi (occasionally).
October ______________ O\ 'akiilti (occasionally).
December ............. Soyaluﬁa (contributes to Walpi celebration).

As Tewa (Asa and Honani) clans predominate in Sichumoviykatcinas
largely predominate in this pueblo. The Bulintikibi is intrusive,
unlike Hopi ceremonies, and almost identical with one of those still
celebrated in the eastern pueblos from which the Asa came. The Sio
Calako is an incorporated Zuni observance greatly abbreviated. From
a ceremonial point of View the Sichumovi ritual is closely related to
that of eastern pueblos, and just those elements which it shares with
the Hopi ritual are the elements which have been introduced into
Walpi by clans from the same region of the pueblo area from which
the Sichumovi settlers came.

'1 ‘h c Hana Ritual

January ............... Abbreviated Katcina Observances. 3
February .............. Powamu katcina visitors to Walpi kivas. 4
March ................. Paliiliikonti.

April—June ............ Abbreviated Katcina Observances.

July ................... Tawa-paholawu (sun prayer-stick making).
August ................ Sumaikoli.

Se1_)tember—October- . ‘. . - Howina (occasionally).

December ............. Taﬁtai (winter solstice rites).

Warrior celebration.

 

1 For bibliography of ceremonies see American Anthropologist, vol. XI, 1898.

‘-’In 1892, Hahaiwiigti, Natackas, Kawaika (Keresan) katcinas.

3In 1892, Tacab‘ Humis, etc., personations.

4In 1892, 'l‘atcuktu (Mud‘heads), Natackas, Hahaiwugti, Tcakwaina katcinas with squash blossoms
in their hair.

 

wans] CONCLUSIONS 633

In this ritual of Hano, which is a fragmentary survival of that at
Tcewadi, the Rio Grande home of the Hano clans, the Tawa-paholawﬁ,
Sumaikoli, and Taﬁtai are in a way characteristic and are essentially
different from those of a Hopi pueblo. The Hano celebrations in the
January and February moons take the form of personations of katci-
nas, who visit the VValpi and Sichumovi kivas as well as their own.
No katcina altar has yet been seen in this village, and there is no
presentation of the Powamﬁ, Niman-katcina, Snake or Flute, Lalak-
oﬁti, Mamzrauti, \Viiwﬁtcimti, or Momtcita in this Tewa pueblo. To
the great katcina celebrations of Powamﬁ the Hano send katcina per—
sonators, and there are certain simple rites connected with the Powa'mﬁ
in some of their houses and kivas, as that of Ahole elsewhere1 described,
but these are fragmentary. Both Hano and Sichumovi contribute
katcina personators, who visit the VValpi kivas, and this renders the
Powamﬁ in that village different2 from that in other Hopi pueblos.

CONCLUSIONS

The following conclusions are reached in the preceding studies:

1. The pueblo of Hano is Tanoan in language and culture; it was
transplanted from the upper Rio Grande valley to the East mesa of
Tusayan. Its religion is intrusive, and its ritual resembles that of
VValpi only in those features which have been brought by kindred
clans from the same region.

2. The religious ceremonies of Sichumovi are also intrusive from
the east, because the majority of its people are descended from colonists
from the same region as those who-settled Hano. The Hopi language is
spoken at Sichumovi, but the ritual is purely Tanoan. The rituals of
Sichumovi and Hano are allied to those of certain New Mexican pueblos.

3. The pioneer settlers of \Valpi were Snake and Bear clans, the
former predominating, and the ﬁrst increase was due to an addition of
Horn clans which once lived at the now ruined pueblo of Tokonabi, the
place from which the Snake clans also came. These Horn people were
mixed with Flute clans from the Little Colorado. The majority of the
clans and the most distinctive ceremonies in the VValpi ritual came
from southern Arizona, and the many resemblances in the Hopi ritual
to that of the eastern pueblos is due to eastern colonists who sought
refuge in \Valpi.

4. The conclusion that the present Hopi are descended wholly from
nomadic people from the north is questioned, except within the limi-
tations mentioned. Some parts of the ritual which are distinctly Hopi
are found not to have come from the north. but from the south.

 

1 Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Anwrican Ethnology.
2The existence of Natacka at the Walpi I’owam m is rlue probably to Sichumovi or Hano clans, possi-
bly to the Asa cf the former pueblo.

19 ETH, PT 2—01——5

 

 

 

LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS

B Y

COSMOS MINDELEFF

 

 

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

PLATE XXI. Plan of summer settlement. - - - . - . . . - . .. - . ..-.--....--.......- 639
XXII. Plan of ruin showing long occupancy .......................... 640
XXIII. Plan of Walpi, showing distribution of clans ................... 643
XXIV. Plan of Sichuinovi, showing distribution of clans ............... 645
XXV. Plan of Hano, showing distribution of clans ................... 647
XXVI. Plan of Mishongnovi, showing distribution of clans ............ 649
XXVII. Plan of Shipaulovi, showing distribution of clans .............. 650
XXVIII. Plan of Oraibi, showing distribution of clans .................... 653
FIGURE 3. Plan of ruin showing brief occupancy ............................ 649

637

 

 

"231"":

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI

 

PLAN OF SUMMER SETTLEMENT

 

LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS

By COSMOS MINDELEFF

Of the many problems which perplex the student of the cliff ruins
and other house remains of pueblo origin in the Southwest, two-are of
the ﬁrst importance and overshadow all the others. These are (1)
the enormous number of ruins scattered over the country and (2) the
peculiarities of ground—plan and their meaning. The two phenomena
are so intimately connected that one can not be understood or even
studied without the other.

Th? ancient pueblo region extends from Great Salt lake to beyond
the southern boundary of the United States and from the Grand
canyon of the Colorado to the vegas or plains east of the Rio Grande
and the Pecos. Within this area of about 150.000 square miles ruins
can be numbered almost by thousands. Such maps as have been pre—
pared to show the distribution of remains exhibit a. decided clustering
or grouping of ruins in certain localities. Much of this is doubtless
due to the state of our knowledge rather than to the phenomena them-
selves; that is to say, we know more about certain regions than about
others. Yet from the data now in hand it is a fair inference that
ruins are generally clustered or grouped in certain localities. There
were apparently a number of such centers, each the source of many
subordinate settlements more or less scantily distributed over the
regions between them. ,

This distribution of ruins lends color to a hypothesis advanced by
the writer some years ago, which affords an at least plausible explana-
tion of the immense number of ruins found in the Southwest. The
key to this problem is the extended use of outlying farming settle-
ments. All lines of evidence—history, tradition, mythology, arts.
industries, habits and customs, and above all the ruins themselves—
agree in establishing the wide prevalence, if not the universal use, of
such settlements, as much in the olden days as in modern times, and
as much now as ever.

The ruins are of many kinds and varieties; no two are quite alike,
but there are external resemblances which have led to several attempts

639

640 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH.ANN.19

at classiﬁcation. The results, however, are not satisfactory, and it is
apparent that we must look further into the subject before we can
devise a good classiﬁcatory scheme. It' seems to the writer that all
the plans of classiﬁcation hitherto published have put too much stress
on the external appearance of ruins and not enough on the character
of the sites which they occupy or on the social and tribal conditions
indicated by such sites.

Pueblo architecture is essentially a product of the plateau country,
and its bounds are, in fact, practically coincident with those of that
peculiar region popularly known as the mesa country. Peculiar geo-
logical conditions have produced a peculiar topography,lwhich in turn
has acted on the human inhabitants of the country and produced that
characteristic and distinctive phase of culture which we call pueblo art.
The region is in itself not favorable to development; in three essen-
tials. cultivable land, water, and vegetation, it is anything but an ideal
country, although blessed with an ideal climate which has done much
to counteract the unfavorable features. But through a great abun—
dance of excellent building 111aterial, the product of the mesas, and
through peculiar social conditions, the product of the peculiar environ-
ment, whereby a frequent use of such materials was compelled, pueblo
architecture developed.

It- seems probable that in the early stages of the art of house building
among these people they lived in small settlements located in or near
the ﬁelds which they cultivated, for the pueblo tribes have always been
an agricultural people, living principally by the products of the soil.
In the olden days, before the introduction of sheep and cattle, they
were even more agricultural than they are now, although at that time
they had a food resource in their hunting grounds which is now lost
to them. It seems probable that for several centuries the people pur«
sued the even, placid course of existence which comes from the undis—
turbed cultivation of the ground, with perhaps now and then some
internecine war or bloody foray to keep alive their stronger passions.

In the course of time, however, other tribes drifted into the region,
and, being wild and accustomed to the hardy life of warriors, they soon
found that they were more than a match for the sedentary tribes which
had preceded them. The latter were industrious, and, being more or
less attached to certain localities, were enabled to lay by stores against
a possible failure of crops. At the present dayin some of the pueblos
the corn is thus stored, and sometimes great rooms full of it can be
seen, containing the full crops of one or two years. Undoubtedly the
same custom of storing food prevailed in ancient times, and the wilder
tribes found in the sedentary villages and in the ﬁelds tributary to
them convenient storehouses from which to draw their own supplies.
If the traditions are at all to be trusted, there was no open war nor
were there determined sieges, but foray after foray was made by the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII

 

 

N
\

 

 

 

 

 

 

PLAN OF RUIN SHOWING LONG OCCUPANCY

 

 

mnmmi CAUSES FOR CHOICE or MESA SITES 641

wilder spirits of the nomadic tribes; ﬁelds were raided when ripe for
the harvest, and the fruit of a season’s labor was often swept away in
a night. It soon became unsafe to leave the Village unguarded, as a
descent might be made upon it at any time when the men were away,
and the stores accumulated for the winter might be carried off. But
the detail of a number of men to guard the home was in itself a great
hardship when men were few and subsistence difﬁcult to obtain. Such
were the conditions according to the ancient traditions.

Under the pressure described the little villages or individual houses,
located primarily with reference to the ﬁelds under cultivation, were
gradually forced to aggregate into larger Villages, and, as the forays
of their wild neighbors continued and even increased, these villages
were moved to sites which afforded better facilities for defense.
But through it all the main requirement of the pueblo builder—con-
venience to and command of agricultural landwwas not lost sight of,
and the Villages ivere always located so as to meet these requirements.
Generally they were placed on outlying spurs or foothills overlooking
little valleys, and it should be noted that at the time of the Spanish
discovery and conquest, three centuries and a half ago, a considerable
number of the villages were so located.

There seems to be little doubt that the ﬁrst troubles of the pueblo
builders, aside from those arising among themselves. Which were not
sufﬁciently important to inﬂuence their arts or architecture, were
caused by the advent of some tribe or tribes of Athapascan stock.
Afterward, and perhaps as late as the beginning of the eighteenth
century, the Comanche extended their range into the pueblo country,
and still later the Ute found proﬁt in occasional raids over the north-
ern border. It is quite probable, however, that in the beginning,
when pueblo architecture was still in an early stage of development,
none of the tribes mentioned were known in that country.

Eventually the housebuilders found it necessary to remove their
homes to still more inaccessible and still more easily defended sites,
and it was at this period that many of the mesas were occupied for the
ﬁrst time. The country is practically composed of mesas, and it was
an easy matter to ﬁnd a projecting tongue or promontory where a vil—
lage could be built that would be accessible from one side only, or
perhaps would be surrounded by cliffs and steep slopes that could be
scaled only after a long and arduous climb over a tortuous and difﬁ-
cult trail. Building material was everywhere abundant and could
generally be found within a stone’s throw of almost any site selected.

Few of the Villages at the time of the Spanish conquest were
- located on mesa sites, but numbers of them were on the foothills
of mesas and sometimes commanded by higher ground. At that time
Acoma occupied its present location on the mesa summit, one of the
best if not the best and most easily defended in New Mexico, as the

642 LOCALIZATION 0F TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH-ANM19

Spaniards found to their cost after an unsuccessful assault. But this
location was at that time unusual, and was doubtless due to the fact
that the people of Acoma were, like the wilder tribes, predatory in
their instincts and habits, and lived upon their neighbors.

\Vhen the little settlements of the ﬁrst stage of development were
compelled to cluster into villages for better protection, a new element
came into pueblo architecture. The country is an arid one, and but a
small percentage of the ground can be cultivated. Except in the val-
leys of the so-called rivers, arable land is found only in small patches
here and there—little sheltered nooks in the mesas, or bits of bottom
land formed of rich alluvium in the canyons. Easily defended sites
for villages could be found everywhere throughout the country, but
to ﬁnd such a site which at the same time commanded an extensive
area of good land was a difﬁcult matter. it must be borne in mind
that the pueblo tribes in ancient times, as now, were ﬁrst and fore-
most agriculturists, or rather horticulturists, for they were not farm-
ers but gardeners. Depending as they did upon the products of the
soil, their ﬁrst care was necessarily to secure arable lands. This was
always the dominating requirement, and as it came in conﬂict with
the clustering of houses into villages, some means had to be devised to
bring the two requirements into accord. This was accomplished by
the use of farming shelters, temporary establishments occupied only
during the farming season and abandoned on the approach of winter,
but located directly on or overlooking the ﬁelds under cultivation.

The ultimate development of pueblo architecture ﬁnds expression
in the great clustered houses which remind one of a huge beehive.
As the wilder tribes continued their depredations among the inoffensive
villagers, and, with the passing of time, grew more numerous and more
and more bold in their attacks and forays, the pueblo tribes were
forced to combine more and more for protection. Groups of related
villages, each oﬂ‘ering a point of attack for savage foes and rich plun-
der when looted, were compelled to combine into a single larger
pueblo, and as reliance was now placed on the size of the Village and
the number of its inhabitants, these large villages were located in wide
*alleys or on fertile bottom lands, the people again returning to their
original desire to live upon the lands they worked.

Under modern conditions, when the depredations of the wild tribes
have been terminated by the interference of a higher and stronger
civilization, the houses are reverting to the primitive type from which
the great pueblos developed. But so late as ten or twelve years ago the
Hopi or Tusayan villages were under the old conditions and were sub-
j ected to periodical forays from their immediate neighbors, the Navaho.
Young warriors of the latter tribe ravaged the ﬁelds of the Hopi, more
perhaps for the pleasure it afforded them and on account of the old
traditions than from any real necessity for food as they destroyed more

 

 

         

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII

 

A.HDKH a co EAH’XMORE.

PLAN OF WALPI SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS

 

mmnmm USE OF FARMING SHELTERS 643

than they took away. If they found anyone in the ﬁelds, they would
beat him, or perhaps kill him, merely for the amusement it seemed to
afford. It was the Navaho method of “ sowing wild oats." There is
little doubt that the pressure which bore on the Pueblos for at least
some centuries was of this nature, annoying rather than actually dan-
gerous. No doubt there were also occasional invasions of the country
of more than usual magnitude, when from various causes the nomadic
tribes had either an abundance or a scarcity of food, and, knowing the
character of the villages as storehouses of corn and other products, or
impelled by old grudges growing out of former forays, a whole tribe
might take part in the incursion, and perhaps try themselves by an
assault on some village of considerable size. But such expeditions
were rare; the pueblo tribes were annoyed rather than menaced.
Eventually, however, they found it necessary to provide against the
ever—present contingency of an invasion of their country, and the great
valley pueblos were developed.

As aggregation of the little settlements into villages and of villages
into great valley pueblos continued, the use of farming shelters grew
apace. No matter what the conditions might be, the crops must be
grown and harvested, for the failure of the crops meant the utter
annihilation of the people. They had no other resource. They were
compelled to combine into large pueblos containing often a thousand
or ﬁfteen hundred souls, a condition which was at variance with their
requirements and manner of life; but they were also compelled to till
the soil or starve. The lands about the home villages were never
sufﬁcient for the needs of the people, and in consequence a consider-
able portion of the population was compelled to work ﬁelds more or
less distant from them. Thus, in the ultimate stage of pueblo devel-
opment the use of farming shelters was as much or more in evidence,
and as much a necessity to the people, as in the prior stages.

This sketch of the development of pueblo architecture exhibits a
sequence; but it is a cultural, not a chronologic, one. The data in hand
will not permit the determination of the latter now, but within a given
group sequence in culture and sequence in time are practically synony-
mous. The time relations of the various groups, one to another, must
be determined from other evidence.

The use of farming shelters has been a most important factor in
producing the thousands of ruins which dot the mesas and canyons of
the Southwest. while another factor, the localization of clans, has
worked with it and directed it, as it were, in certain channels. All
the evidence which investigation has revealed, from traditions to the
intrinsic evidence of the ruins themselves, concur in establishing the
fact that the pueblo tribes were in slow but essentially constant move-
ment; that movement has continued down to the present time and is
even now in progress. Viewed across long periods of time it might

644 LOCALIZATION or TUSAYAN CLANS [mauxm

be regarded as a migration, but the term has not the same meaning
here that it has when applied to the movements of great masses of
humanity which have taken place in Europe and Asia. In the pueblo
country migration was almost an individual movement; it was hardly
a tribal, certainly not a national, exodus. Outlying farming settle-
ments were established in connection with each important village. In
the course of time it might come about that some of the people who
used these establishments at ﬁrst only during the summer, retiring to
the home village during the winter, would ﬁnd it more convenient to
remain there throughout the year. At the present day some of the
summer villages are ﬁfteen miles and more from the home pueblo, and
it must have been at best inconvenient to live in two places so
far apart. '

The home villages :an be distinguished from the summer places by
the presence or absence of the kivas, or sacred ceremonial chambers.
For as 1')ractically all the rites and dances take place after the harvest
is gathered and before planting time in the spring—that is, at the sea-
son when the men have some leisure they are performed in the home
pueblos, and only such villages have kivas.

“Yhen. from prolonged peace or for other reasons, some families
allowed the inconvenience of moving back and forth to dominate over
counter motives. and remained throughout the year at the summer
place, they might build a kiva or two, and gradually, as others also
decided to remain, the summer place would become a home village.
As the population grew by increment from outside and by natural
increase this village would put out farming shelters of its own. which
in the course of time might supplant their parent in the same way.
The process is a continuous one and is in progress to—day. The sunl-
mer village of Ojo Caliente, 15 miles from Zuni, and attached to that
pueblo, has within the last decade become a home village, occupied
throughout the year by several families, and during the farming sea—
son by many others. Eventually kivas will be built there, if this has
not already been done, and Ojo Caliente will become a real home vil-
lage and put out farming shelters of its own. Such is also the ,ease
with the pueblo of Laguna, which is gradually being abandoned by its
inhabitants, who are making their permanent homes at what were for-
merly only summer villages.

It will thus be seen that a comparatively small band might in the
course of a few centuries lewe behind them the remains of many vil—
lages. In the neighborhood of the Hopi towns there are at least 50
ruins, all, or practically all, of which were left by the people who
found their present resting places on the summits of the rocky mesas
of Tusayan. And with it all it is not necessary to assume great periods
of time; it is doubtful whether any of the ruins of T usayan are much
more than four hundred years old, and some of them were partly

 

 

 

 

 

         

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV

a
O
0
.A.
O

ABANDONED

 

A KOEN &CO.BMJ1MORE

PLAN OF SICHUMOVI SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS

 

MINDELEFF] CHARACTER OF MIGRATIONS 645

inhabited so late as fifty years ago. Including the present location,
three sites of Walpi, one of the Hopi towns, are visible from the sum—
mit of the mesa. According to the native traditions the last movement
of this village, only completed in the present century, was commenced
when the Spaniards were in control, over two centuries ago. It is
said that the movement was brought about by the women of the village,
who took their children and household goods up on the summit of the
mesa, where a few outlooks had been built, and left the men to follow
them or remain where they were. The men followed.

Among the inhabited villages the home pueblo can be distinguished
from the summer establishments by the presence of the kivas. and
often the same distinction can be drawn in the case of ruins. In
many of the latter the kivas are circular and are easily found even
when much broken down. Aside from this the plans of the two classes
of Villages can often be distinguished from each other through their
general character, the result of the localization of clans previously
alluded to.

The migratory movements of a band of village builders often con-
sumed many years or many decades. During this time subordinate
settlements were put out all along the line as occasion or necessity
demanded, and were eventually abandoned as the majority ol the
people moved onward. Hopi traditions tell of such movements and
rests, when the people remained for many plantings in one place and
then continued on. As a rule there was no definite plan to such a
movement and no intention of going to any place or in any direction;
the people simply drifted across the country much as cattle drift
before a storm. They did not go back because they knew what was
back of them, but they went forward in any direction without thought
of where they were going, or even that they were going at all. It
was a little trickling stream of humanity, or rather many such streams,
like little rivulets after a rain storm, moving here and there as the
occurrence of areas of cultivable land dictated, sometimes combining,
then separating, but ﬁnally collecting to form the pueblo groups as we
now know them. ‘

There is no doubt that in addition to this unconscious drifting
migration there were also more important movements, when whole
villages changed their location at one time. Such changes are men-
tioned in the traditions and evidenced in the ruins. There is a multi-
plicity of causes which bring about such movements, many of them
very trivial, to our way of thinking. While the climate of the pueblo
country is remarkably equabl a and the water supply, although s 'anty,
is practically constant over the whole region, local changes often
occur; springs fail at one place and burst out at another; some s *asons
are marked by comparatively abundant rains, others by severe
droughts. The failure of some particularly venerated spring would

19 E’I‘H, PT 2 6

 

646 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH-ANN-19

be deemed good cause for the abandonment of a village situated near
it. or the occurrence of several years of drought in succession Would
be construed as a mark of disfavor of the gods. and would be followed
by a movement of the people from the village. Even a series of bad-
dreams which might be inﬂicted on some prominent medicine-man by
overindulgence in certain articles of food would be regarded as omens
indicating a necessity for a change of location. Such instances are
not unknown. Toothache also is dreaded for mythic reasons. and is
construed as a sign of disfavor of the gods; so that many a village
has been abandoned simply because some prominent medicine-man
was in need of the services of a dentist. Many other reasons might
be stated. but these will sufﬁce to show upon what slight and Often
trivial grounds great villages of stone houses. the result of much labor
and the picture of permanence. are sometimes abandoned in a day.

But while such movements en masse are not unknown. they have
been comparatively 'are. The main movement of the people. which
was a constant one. was accomplished through the custom of using out-
lying farming settlements. Such settlements were commonly single
houses. but where the conditions permitted and the area of cultivable
land justiﬁed it. the houses were grouped into villages. These were
always located on 01' immediately adjacent to the land which was worked,
and in some instances attained considerable size. but as a rule they were
small. The practice vas universal throughout the length and breadth
of the pueblo country. and the farming shelters took various forms as
the immediate topographic environment dictated. Even the cliff ruins
are believed to be farm shelters of a type due to peculiar physical con-
ditions. but as this idea has been exploited elsewhere1 by the writer it
need not be developed here.

The occupancy of farm shelters, whether individual rooms or small
Villages, was necessarily more or less temporary in character. and as
the population moved onward the places would be ﬁnally and completely
abandoned. It would often be difﬁcult to obtain from the study of the
ground-plan of a ruin. generally all that is left of it. any idea of the
people who inhabited it and of the conditions under which they lived;
but there is another element by the aid of which the length of time
during which the village was inhabited and of the conditions under
which such occupancy continued may often be approximated. This is
the localization of clans. to which allusion has been made.

The constant movement of the tribe. due to the use of outlying farm-
ing settlements. which has been sketched above. has its analogue within
each Village, where there is an equally constant movement from house
to house and from row to row. The clans which inhabit a village are
combined into larger units or groups known as phratries: locally such

 

1 The Cliff Ruins of Canyon (1e Chelly, in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.

 

     

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT FL. XXV

 

AIHGBNBCO‘BALTIMORB.

PLAN OF HANO SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS

   

mxmm] INDIVIDUAL MIGRATIONS 6-17

clans are said to “belong together.” In the olden days each phratry
occupied its own quarters in the village, its own cluster or row, as the
case might be, and while the custom is now much broken down, just how
far it has ceased to exercise its inﬂuence is yet to be determined.

In the pueblo social system descent and inheritance are in the female
line. This custom is widely distributed among the tribes of mankind
all over the world and has an obvious basis. Among the Pueblos it
works in a peculiar manner. Under the old rule, when a man marries,
not having any house of his own, he goes to his wife’s home and is
adopted into her clan. The children also belong to the mother and are
members of her clan. In many of the villages at the present day a
man may marry any woman who will marry him, but in former times
marriage within the clan. and sometimes within the phratry, was rig-
idly prohibited. Thus it happened that a clan in which there were
many girls would grow and increase in importance, while one in which
the children were all boys would become extinct.

There was thus a constant ebb and ﬂow of population Within each
clan and consequently in the home or houses of each clan. The clans
themselves were not ﬁxed units; new ones were born and old ones died,
as children of one sex 01' the other predominated. The creation of
clans was a continuous process. Thus, in the Corn clan of Tusayan,
under favorable conditions there grew up subclans claiming connection
with the root, stem. leaves, blossom, pollen, etc. In time the relations
of clans and subclans became extremely complex: hence the aggrega-
tion into larger units or phratries. The clan is a great artiﬁcial family,
and when it comprises many girls it must necessarily grow. Such is
also the case with the individual family, for as the men who are adopted
into it by marriage take up their quarters in the family home and
children are born to them more space is required. But additional
rooms, which are still the family property, must be built in the family
quarter, and by a long-established rule they must be built adjoining
and connected with those already occupied. Therefore in each village
there are constant changes in the plan; new rooms are added here, old
rooms abandoned there. It is in miniature a duplication of the pro-
cess previously sketched as due to the use of outlying shelters. It is
not unusual to ﬁnd in an inhabited village a number of rooms under
construction, while within a few steps or perhaps in the same row there
are rooms vacant and going to decay. Many visitors to Tusayan,
noticing such vacant and abandoned rooms, have stated that the popu—
lation was diminishing, but the inference was not sound.

On the other hand, the addition of rooms does not necessarily mean
growth in population. New rooms might be added year after year
when the population was actually diminishing; such has been the case
in a number of the villages. But the way in which rooms are added
may suggest something of the conditions of life at the time of building.

648 LOCALIZATION or TUSAYAN CLANS immune;

The addition of rooms on the ground ﬂoor, and the consequent exten-
sion of the ground plan of a house cluster, indicates different condi-
tions from those which must have prevailed when the village, without
extending its bounds, grew more and more compact by the addition of
small rooms in the upper stories.

The traditions collected from the Hopi by the late A. M. Stephen,
part of which have been published,1 present a vivid picture of the
conditiOns under which the people lived. The ancestors of the present
inhabitants of the villages reached Tusayan in little bands at various
times and from various directions. Their migrations occupied very
many years, although there were a few movements in which the people
came all together from some distant point. Related clans commonly
built together, the newwmers seeking and usually obtaining permission
to build with their kindred; thus clusters of rooms were formed, each
inhabited by a clan or a phratry. As occupancy continued over long
periods, these clusters became more or less joined together, and the
lines of division on the ground became more or less obliterated in cases,
but the actual division of the people remained the same and the quar—
ters were just as much separated and divided to those who knew where
the lines fell. But as a rule the separation of the clusters is apparent
to everyone; it can nearly always be traced in the ground plans of
ruins, and even in the great valley pueblos. which were probably
inhabited continuously for several centuries, the principal divisions
may still be made out. In the simpler plans the clusters are usually
well separated, and the irregularities of the plan indicate with a fair
degree of clearness the approximate length of time during which
the site was occupied.

A plan of this character is reproduced in ﬁgure 3, showing a rain
near Moenkapi, a farming settlement of the people of Oraibi situated
about 45 miles from that village. There were altogether 21 rooms,
disposed in three rows so as to partially inclose three sides of an open
space or court. The rows are divided into four distinct clusters, with
a single room outside, forming a total of ﬁve locations in a Village
which housed at most twenty-ﬁve or thirty persons. The continuity
of the wall lines and comparative regularity of the rooms within each
cluster, the uniformity in height of the rooms, which. if the debris
upon the ground may be accepted as a criterion. was one story, and
the general uniformity in the character of the masonry, all suggest
that the site was occupied a short time only. This suggestion is aided
by the almost complete absence of pottery fragments. It is a safe
inference that persons of at least five different clans occupied this site.

A plan of interest in connection with the last is that shown in
plate XXI, which illustrates the modern village of Moenkapi, occupied
only during the summer. Here we have two main clusters and two

 

1 A Study of Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

 

- 5 «my '1"V‘Vr7f~fy:r

 

‘ZYH‘:3}§-/L

       

    
 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I . NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI

 

 

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A mm A co‘ BALTIMORE.

. PLAN OF MISHONGNOVI SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS

 

MINDELm] CLAN LOCALIZATION AS sHOWN BY PLANS 649

detached houses, but the clusters are not nearly so regula ' as in the
plan above, nor are the wall lines continuous to the same extent.
This place is spoken of by the people of Oraibi as of recent establish-
ment, but it has certainly been occupied fora much longer period than
was the ruin near it. It is apparent from an inspection of the plan
that the clusters were formed by the addition of room after room
as year by year more people used the place in snnnner. It will be
noticed that the rooms constituting the upper right-hand corner of the
larger cluster on the map. while distinct from the other rooms, are
still attached to them, while two other rooms in the immediate Vicinity

 

 

o 25 Sega 73 room.

 

 

. x x
Tjjfl'llln LIII'IIIIJ

 

 

 

 

Fm. 3—Plan of ruin showing brief occupancy.

are wholly detached. This indicates that the cluster was occupied by
One clan or by related families, while the detached houses were the
homes of other families not related to them. Thus we have in this
village, comprising about the same number of rooms as the ruin
ﬁrst described, at least four distinct clans.

Detached rooms, such as those shown on these plans, always indi-
cate a family or person not connected directly with the rest of the
inhabitants, perhaps the representative of some other clan or people.
A stranger coming into a Village and wishing to build would be
required to erect his house on such a separate site. In the Village of
Sichumovi (shown in plan in plate XXIV) there are two such detached

650 LOCALIZATION or TUSAYAN CLANS [Em-Asmw

houses directly in front of the main row. One had been built and
was inhabited at the time when the map was made by a white man
who made his home there, while the other, which had been abandoned
and was falling into ruin, was built some years before by a Navaho
who wished to live in the village. The former was subsequently sur-
rendered by the white man and occupied by some of the natives. The
localization of clans worked both ways. Not only was a member of
a clan 1equi1 ed to build with his own people, but outsiders were
required to build outside of the cluster.

The same 1equi1ement is illustr'ated in plate XXII, which shows the
plan of Hawiku, one of the ancient “Seven Cities of Cibola,” near
the present Zuni. The standing walls which occupy the southeastern
corner of the ruin are the remains of an adobe church, while the build-
ings which stood near and to the north of it, now marked only by
lines of debris, were the mission buildings and ofﬁces connected with
the church. They are pointed out as such by the natives of Zuﬁi to-day.
All these buildings were set apart and were distinct from the village
proper, which occupied the crest of the hill, while the buildings
mentioned were on the ﬂat below.

This was the ﬁrst discovered city of Cibola,1 the ﬁrst pueblo village
seen by the friar Niza in 1539, and the ﬁrst village stormed by Coro-
nado and his men in 1540. It was abandoned about 1670 ( ? ) on account
of the depredations of the Apache. The plan shows that the site was
inhabited for a long time, and that the village grew up by the addition
of room after room as space was needed by the people. Notwithstand-
ing the fact that no standing walls remain, and that the place was aban-
doned over two centuries ago, siX or seven house—clusters can still be
made out in addition to the buildings erected by or for the monks in
the ﬂat below. Dense clustering, such as this, indicates prolonged occu-
pancy by a considerable number of people, and probably two centuries
at least would be required to produce such a plan. The long and com-
paratively narrow row to the left of the main cluster suggests an
addition of much later date than the main portion of the village.

The maps of the villages VValpi, Sichumovi, Hano, Mishongnovi,
Shipaulovi, and Oraibi, which are presented herewith, show the dis-
tribution of the clans at the time the surveys were made (about 1883).
At ﬁrst glance the clans appear to be located with the utmost irregularity
and apparently without system, but a closer study shows that notwith—
standing the centuries which have elapsed since the period covered by
the old traditions of the arrival of clansz the latter are in a measure
corroborated by the maps. It is also apparent that notwithstanding
the breakdown of the old system, whereby related peoples were required
to build together. traces of it can still be seen. It is a matter of regret

 

18cc Hodge. First Discovered City of (‘ibolm in American .»\nthropologist, V111, April, 1895.
2These traditions are given in detail in the preceding paper.—ED.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII

 

 

 

 

A umnaooaunnaun.

PLAN OF SHIPAULOVI SHOWING DISTRIBUTlON OF CLANS

 

msnmm CLAN DISTRIBUTION IN TUSAYAN 651

that the data are incomplete. The accompanying table shows the dis-
tribution of the families within the Villages at the time of the surveys,
but some of the clans represented, which do not appear in the tradi-
tions collected, are necessarily given as standing alone or belonging
to unknown phratries, as their phratral relations were not deter-
mined. The clustering of houses was a requirement of the phratry
rather than of the clan.

Distribution. of families

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

; '5 3 9’:
1 i .2 I g I;
i _ ; 3 2° l E .1 ‘ a
‘ .E‘ i 5 9 2 l E 75 E
y: 3 f5 33 .2 ‘ -: ES ‘5
5 i m 2 v73 0 a
Bear families ............................... 6 9 6 5 .26
{Rope families ...................................... :3 ................ 5
Spider families ............. 1 ‘ ................................ ' ‘2. 3
Snake families ....... . ...... 5 ............................... 1 o
{Cactus families ............. 1 ................ ' ‘ ..... j ................ 1
Horn families .............. 5 ...................... ‘ ................ ‘ 5
{Flute families .............. ‘ 2 ........................ l ................ i 2
Firewood families .................................. 3 j ................ f .5
Eagle families .............. 1 ........ 8 8 l ........ 6 23
Sun families ................ ‘ 1 1 2 1 1 15 9 29
iHawk families ...................................... 2 ‘ ........ 1 3
l IKatcina families ........... 2 ................ -; ________ 1 5
1 Paroquet families .................................. 1 ........ 10 11
. [Cottonwood families ....... ‘ ................ 3 ........................ 3
i Asa families ................. 3 9 1 ........................ 13
Badger families ..................... 3 ....... l x ........ 13 l 24
Water (Corn) families ...... 1 ........ 4 5 ........ 9 1 19
Water (Cloud) families ..... S 3 (l y 4 1 ........ I 22
Reed families .............. <3 ................................. :25 ‘ 31
Lizard families ............. ‘ 1 4 1 ................ 14 1 20
Rabbit families ............. f 3 1 ‘ ........ ‘ ................ 11 l 15
Sand families ............... l ................ l ........ 1 ........ 8 9
Tobacco families ........... 1 I 1 i 2 ........................ 4
Sivwap (Shrub) families.... ‘2 ........ 2 ............................. , 2 l
Coyote families .............. 2 ........ i 2 1 ........ 17 ‘ ‘22 i
0w] families ................. 5 2 ........ 1 ........................ 9 11 i
Red Ant families ............ 7 ........ l ................................ ' 7
Bow families ................................ l ........................ 4 Al
Squash families .............................. i ........ 5 ........ 1 4
1 Snow families ............... 2; ........ l ................................ 3
‘ Batkin families ...................... 1 ‘ ................................ 1
Moth families ....................... 1 ‘ ........................ 1 2
Crane families ....................................................... 1 1
l Mescal-cake families ................ ‘ ........ i ........................ 1 1
37 ‘ 21 4‘ 55 ml ‘22 1-19 340

 

 

 

 

 

The determination of the clam shown on the maps was made by the
late A. M. Stephen. whose qualiﬁcations for the work were exceptional.
Doubtless there are some errors in it. for it is a difﬁcult matter to.

652 LOCALIZATION or TUSAYAN CLANS menxw

determine the relationships of nearly 101) families, and the work was
brought to an end before it y 'as entirely ﬁnished. But the maps
illustrate a phase of life of the village builders which has not hereto—
fore attracted attention, and which has had a very important effect on
the architecture of the people.

Through the operation of the old custom of localizing clans, although
it is now not rigidly adhered to as formerly, the plans of all the villages
have been modiﬁed. The maps here presented show them as they were
in 1883, but in a few cases known to the writer the changes up to 1888
are shown by dotted lines. If now 01' in the future new surveys of
the Villages be made and the clans be relocated, a mass of data will be
obtained which will throw much light on some of the conditions of
pueblo life, and especially on the social conditions which have exercised
an important inﬂuence on pueblo architecture.

The table showing the distribution of families in the villages presents
also the number of families. The most numerous were the “later
people, comprising in various clans no fewer than 121 families, or over
a third of the total number. These were among the last people to
arrive in Tusayan and they are well distributed throughout the vil-
lages. It will be noticed, also, that while a scattering of clans through-
out the villages was the rule, some of them, generally the older ones,
were conﬁned to one village or were concentrated in one village with
perhaps one or two families in others. The Snow people were found
only in \Valpi, but these may be properly “Yater people and of recent
origin. The Snake people were represented by 5 families in “Yalpi and
1 in Oraibi, although they were among the first to arrive in Tusayan,
and for a long time exercised proprietary rights over the entire region
and dictated to each incoming clan where it should locate. The largest
clan of all, the Reed clan, was represented by 6 families in “Yalpi and
25 in Oraibi, a total of 31 families. or, by applying the general average
of persons to a family, by 155 persons. In Oraibi, the largest vil-
lage, there were 21 distinct clans, although 7 of them were represented
by only 1 family each. In Shipaulovi, the smallest village, there were
20 families of 2 clans, and three-fourths of the inhabitants belonged
to one of them. In addition there is one family of the \Vater people,
and in fact in each of the villages one or more clans is represented by
one family only. It will be noticed that in Shipaulovi the two clans
were still well separated and occupied distinct quarters, although the
houses of the village were continuous.

The scattered appearance of the clans on the maps is more apparent
than real. It is unfortunate that the phratral relations of the clans
could not be completely determined, and it is probable that were this
done the clans would be found to be well grouped even now. Even
the insufﬁcient data that we have appear to show a tendency on the
part of the clans to form into groups at the present day, notwithstand-

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ’ NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII

 

 

 

 

 

AﬁoENacoVBA-LTIMORE.

PLAN OF ORAIBI SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS

 

 

mmnmrri DESIRABILITY or NEW SURVEY 653

ing the partial disintegration of the old system. At the present time
the house of the priestess of the clan is considered the home of that
clan, and she has much to sa ' about proposed marriages and other
social functions. There is no doubt that in ancient times the localiza-
tion of clans was rigidly enforced, as much by circumstances as by
rule, and the ground plans of all the ruins were formed by it. As
has been before suggested, a resurvey of the Villages of Tusayan and
a relocation of the clans, after an interval of some years, would
probably develop data of the greatest value to the student of pueblo
architecture, when compared With the plans here presented.

 

 

 

MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS _

BY

TIIOMAS GANN

 

 

655

 

CONTENTS

Introduction.:--...---......-...;-.---......---..---.........-.---....-..

Distribution of themounds ------.----..-...-....

Characteristics of mound 1- --..--.

Paintings-onthe walls Within moundl ----..-.-.-...-.---.--..-.-.........

Historical datagained by study ofmound 1.-..-.-.....-.--...---.-.‘.-.-..
The builders of the mound-buried temple---.-----.-- ”
The destroyers of the mound-buried temple- -

_ Probabledate ofthe building of thetemple----.-..---..-.-.-...-
Othermound-buried structures---..-.-..--.--.------.:---...........
Mounds containing pottery idols and animals ..---..--.-.-.
Alookoutmound-- .-.--...-.--....

Otherexcavated mounds --_-----........-,-..-.---.-..-.-........-......*.,
Unexcavatedmounds.------.--_-_-....-..----....--.-.-..-......--...--.‘.
Underground rock-hewn reservoirs -.....--....

 

 

PLATE XXIX.
XXX.

XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.

XXXVI.
XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

XXXIX.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Painted stucco on east half of north wall, mound 1, Santa
Rita ................................... 7 .................
Painted stucco on west half of north wall, mound 1, Santa
Rita ....................................................
Painted stucco on west wall, mound 1, Santa Rita ............
Heads of idols from mounds 2, 5, and 6, Santa Rita ..........
Human and animal eﬂigies from mounds 2, 5, and 6, Santa
Rita ....................................................
Animal eﬂigies and idol’s head from mounds 2 and 6, Santa
Rita ....................................................
Animal eﬂigies from mounds 2 and 6, Santa Rita .............
Tiger efﬁgy from mound 6, Santa Rita .......................
Human efﬁgy from mound 6, Santa Rita ....................
Great central lookout mound (7) at Santa Rita, with earth-
work ...................................................
Stone tiger head from mound 8, Santa Rita ..................

FIG. 4. Plan showing relative position and size of 24 mounds at Santa Rita- - -
5. Painted stucco on east wall, mound 1, Santa Rita ....................
6. Plan of mound 2, Santa Rita .......................................
7. Pottery urns from mounds 2, 5, and 6, Santa Rita ...................

659

680

680
682
685
685

687
690
662
666
678
680

 

MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS

BY THOMAS GANN

INTRODUCTION

Such parts of British Honduras as have thus far been explored have
proved extraordinarily rich in archeologic material of interest; but,
unfortunately, owing to the impenetrable character of the bush, by
far the greater part of the colony remains unexplored.

One remarkable fact in connection with the distribution of mounds,
or cerros, throughout the colony is that wherever they exist good
maize-producing land is certain to be found, consequently the present
Indians, taking advantage of their forefathers’ experience in removing
their villages (which, owing to the rapid exhaustion of the soil, they
are compelled to do at frequent intervals), invariably make their
clearings in the vicinity of these groups of mounds, confidently antici-
pating a good crop of maize.

Near the village of Corozal, in the northern district of the colony,
a clearing of about 500 acres was made some years ago, which was
subsequently planted with sugar cane, and is now known as the estate
of Santa Rita. \V hen the clearing was first made between forty and
ﬁfty mounds were discovered, and it was found that the majority of
these were built to a great extent of large blocks of limestone, many of
which were squared, as if they had previously formed part of a build-
ing. As stone is scarce in the vicinity a number of the mounds were
completely destroyed in order to obtain the stone for erecting houses
and water tanks. Of the pottery and other remains which must have
been brought to light during the demolition of these mounds there is
unfortunately no record, and the probability is that they were thrown
away as useless.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE MOUNDS

The site chosen by the builders of these mounds for their residence
is one of the mOst favorable for many miles around, being on an
extensive plateau 50 to 100 feet above the sea level, about one mile
inland, and separated from the sea by a belt of swampy, malarial land,
which must have formed a strong natural protection against enemies

19 ETII, PT 2 7 661

 

662 ‘ MOUNDs IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [mun-ms

f1om seaward, the main, if not the only, direction f1om which they
might be expected. The soil upon the plateau is remal kably produc-
tix e. The only apparent d1 awbaek to the location is that the nearest
fresh—water supply, namely, Rio Nuevo, is at a distance of several miles;
but, as will be shown, this defect was remedied by the construction of
undc1g10und 1"‘ese1voi1s.

When the w01k of excavation among these mounds was ﬁr st begun,

 

50 O”
80 0+
017 O'
02 03

 

2‘5 2
0
l8
‘9
200 Q
be
22

06

 

 

 

FIG. 4—1’11111 0f mounds at Santa Rita.

in 1896, thirty-two of the original number were intact. Of these. six-
teen have, up to the present time, been thoroughly explored, and it is
the object of the present paper to give some account of their construc-
tion and contents. v

For desc1iptive pu1poses the explmcd mounds may be divided into
three classes, as follow:

1. Mounds constructed over buildings.

2. Mounds containing, superﬁcially, two broken pottery images, and

GANX] WALLS WITHIN MOUND 1 A A 663

more deeply, or on the ground level, painted pottery animals either
within or immediately adjacent to a pottery urn.

3. Mounds which constitute the solitary representatives of a class,
and those of unknown or doubtful use.

CHARACTERISTICS OF MOUND 1

The most important of the mounds erected over buildings (class 1)
was without doubt that marked 1 on the accompanying plan (ﬁgure
4), as the walls of this building were covered externally with painted
stucco, which, notwithstanding the dampness of the climate, was
found to be in an excellent .state of preservation. This mound was
situated near the edge of the plateau, at a distance of 580 yards
from the large central mound (7). Before excavations were com-
menced the mound was found to be 290 feet in circumference, 80
feet in length, 66 feet in breadth, and 11 feet in height. A tradition
existed among some of the older employees 011 the estate of Santa
Rita that when the brush was ﬁrst cleared from this mound there stood
on its summit a wall 1 or 5 feet high and several yards long, which
had been pulled down in order to obtain the squared stone of which
it was built. No trace of this wall was seen when the outside of the
mound was examined, but by digging into it, toward its east end, a wall
was discovered at a depth of a few inches, which. on being cleared, was
found to be a little over 1 feet long. At a height of 1 feet 10 inches
above the ground-level a triangular stone cornice projected, and below
this the wall Was entirely covered with painted stucco, the device on
which will be described later. Above the cornice the wall was com-
posed of roughly squared stones. and varied from 2 to 8 feet in height.
It rested on a ﬂoor of smooth, hard, yellowish cement, which was con-
tinuous with the painted stucco. Its south end was broken down, and
its north end joined the north wall of the building covered by the
mound. ‘

Unfortunately, when this wall was discovered there was no tracing
paper to be had in the district, and I had to copy the design painted
on the stucco with a very imperfect improvised substitute. After
I had traced the outline of about half the mural painting, some mis-
chievous Indians came in the night and removed the whole of the
stucco. This is especially to be regretted, as toward the broken end
of the wall a number of hieroglyphics were massed together, reaching
from the cornice to the ﬂoor, which were entirely lost.

The north wall of the building was the only one entirely unbroken
throughout its extent below the cornice. It measured 35 feet 8 inches
in length and its center was pierced by a doorway 3 feet in width.
The upper part of the mural decoration on this wall was in a remark-
ably good state of preservation, but, owing probably to dampness,

664 MOUNDs IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH.ANN.19

nearly the whole of the lower part had become eﬂ'aced. Fortunately,
on that part of the wall adjacent to the doorway the painting was per—
fect from cornice to ﬂoor. This wall, like the others, rested on a
layer of hard cement continuous with the stucco which covered it.

Of the west wall, which was the last to be exposed, 9 feet remained
standing. It was the best-preserved wall in the whole building, the
entire mural painting, from cornice to ﬂoor, being almost perfect.

Of the south wall of the building not one stone remained upon
another; but as the mound was built mainly of squared stones, and
as there were many such in the line of this wall still retaining pieces
of painted stucco, it seems probable that this wall was decorated sim-
ilarly to the others. -

The triangular stone cornice extended along all the walls at a uni—
form height of 4 feet 10 inches from the ground; its upper surface
was oblique. its lower surface horizontal; and it projected 3% inches
from the wall. The layer of hard cement on which the building
rested could be traced outward from its walls a distance of 4 or 5
feet, where it ended. in a jagged edge. lts superﬁcial layer was light
yellow in color, and so hard that it was diﬁicult to make any impression
on it with a machete; the deeper layers, however, were much softer.
This cement layer was placed about 2 feet above the ground level.

The interior of the building was without cornice, and was completely
covered with plain, unpainted stucco. The ﬂoor was on a level with
the ground outside the walls, and was of the same hard cement which
covered it.

The plain stucco covering the interior of the building was in very
close contact with the wall, from which it could not be removed, except
in small pieces. The painted stucco on the outside, on the other hand,
was separated from a subjacent layer of similar material by a very
thin layer of dark, friable clay, rendering it easy to remove large
pieces of the stucco without much damage to the painting. The
second layer of stucco also bore traces of painted ﬁgures, but they
were so indistinct that even if the superﬁcial layer had all been
carefully removed, it would have been impossible to copy them.
Beneath the second layer there existed a third layer, which also bore
faint traces of having originally been covered with colored devices.

The greater part of the walls above the cornice had been broken down,
but in places they rose to a height of 5 feet. The mortar used in con-
structing the building was soft and friable, and contained large lumps
of limestone. The walls were throughout uniformly 14 inches thick.

During the excavation of this mound a large number of potsherds
were found; some of them roughly made, others nicely decorated with
geometric devices in red, black, and yellow; a few were glazed. Two
stone spearheads were also found—one, triangular in shape and 41}
inches in length, was made of yellow ﬂint; the other, of leaf shape, 3

aux] PAINTING ON EAST WALL 665

inches in length, was chipped from translucent, grayish ﬂint; the
points of both had been broken.

The greatest possible care had evidently been taken by the builders
of this mound to preserve, both from weather and from accident, that
portion of the painted stucco which remained intact. This was
more especially apparent in the north and west walls, where the
method adopted was as follows: Built up from the cement ﬂoor, par-
allel with the walls and at a distance of 1 to 2 inches from them, was
a wall consisting of rough blocks of limestone, reaching nearly as high
as the cornice; extending outward and downward from the latter,
a layer of cement 7 to 8 inches thick met this wall and continued
for several feet toward the“ circumference of the mound. By this
ingenious arrangement all the rain which drained along the wall was,
on reaching the upper surface of the cornice, directed outward along
the roof-like layer of cement, so that it could not reach the painted
stucco, which was also protected from the surrounding damp earth by
. the rough wall built up parallel with it, but not touching it. The only
injury, in fact, which the wall suﬁ‘ered was from the roots of plants
which had penetrated the cement layer and ﬁxed themselves to the
stucco. In removing some of these it was almost impossible not to
injure the painting.

PAINTING ON THE WALLS WITHIN MOUND 1.

Of the painting on the east wall (ﬁgure 5), unfortunately, only a
rude outline of the least interesting and important part has been pre-
served. The table of hieroglyphics, which should have occupied the
whole of the left of the picture, as has been before explained, has
been irredeemably lost. Next to these, and occupying the central
part of the picture, were depicted two human beings who, from their
attitudes, evidently were represented as engaged in combat. One of
the ﬁgures is gone, only a part of his weapon being visible. The
outline of the other is shown at b in the ﬁgure. In the original
each of these warriors stood with the body thrust forward, the right
foot advanced, and the right hand, in which was held a cruciform
weapon, uplifted. The warrior on the left was apparently warding
off a blow with the handle of his battle-ax. There can be little doubt
that these weapons were the ordinary stone ax-heads—numbers of
which are found in the vicinity—hafted in a wooden handle and held
in place by a thong of leather or henequen ﬁber. This is well shown
in the original, but in the rough outline given in ﬁgure 5 it is not by
any means so apparent. On the extreme right of the picture is the
upper part of the ﬁgure of an old man, seemingly watching the com—
bat. This is probably meant to represent the god Quetzalcoatl, or
Cuculcan of the Maya, as in headdress and proﬁle he bears a marked

666 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [Hanan

resemblance to ﬁgure 8 of plate XXX, which is undoubtedly meant to
represent this deity. Figures 7/ and a are both decorated with elaborate
feather-ornamented headdresses. The warrior in the center appears
to be carrying a human ﬁgure on his back.

That portion of the north wall which extended between the east wall
and the doorways was decorated with ten ﬁgures (plate XXIX). Unfor—
tunately. the paintings from the lower part of the ﬁrst eight ﬁgures to
the ground had been almost destroyed by dampness, owing to the fact
that the protecting wall had bulged inward and was there in contact
with the stucco. The ﬁrst seven ﬁgures evidently represent a line of
captives, as all their wrists are bound. The ﬁrst, second, and third

 

       

ﬁikE

 

 

 

a b 0
FIG. 5—Printed stucco on cast wall, mound 1, Santa Rita.

ﬁgures are attached to each other by the rope which binds their wrists,
as are also the fourth and ﬁfth, and the ﬁfth and sixth. The rope
passes over the right shoulder of the eighth ﬁgure, and is held by him
with both hands (which appear to be both left hands) and ends with
the ninth ﬁgure; but owing to the obliteration of a portion of the
painting at this point it is impossible to see what he is doing with it.

All the ﬁgures have very elaborate headdresses, composed chieﬂy of
plumes of red, yellow, and green feathers, together with varicolored
bands, squares, and circles, which are no doubt meant to represent
metal work and jewels. The headdress of ﬁgure 4: is further orna-
mented with a piece of platted work, the upper part colored red, the

H, NH.» MM

 

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.

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PAINTED STUCCO ON EAST HALF OF NORTH WALL, MOUND 1, SANTA RITA 76

b ,
i .
v j V
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ems] PAINTING 0N NORTH WALL 667

lower blue, not unlike various colored ornaments made by the modern
Maya from henequen ﬁber. The front of the headdress of ﬁgure 1
is ornamented with the head and outstretched wings of an eagle;
that of ﬁgure 2 with the head of a dragon, in which the lower jaw
appears to be wanting; that of ﬁgure 3 also with the head of a
dragon. Figure 4 has a square human face placed well above and in
the front of the headdress. Figure 5 has a dragon’s head in front,
immediately above the face. Figure 6 has a small dragon’s head in
front of the headdress and a large one behind it. Figure 7 has in front,
immediately above the face, a tiger’s head, and at the back a dragon’s
head. In ﬁgure 8, owing to the obliteration of the stucco, the upper
part of the headdress is wanting. The headdress of ﬁgure 9 has in
its front the head of an animal resembling a raccoon. The individual
himself is standing upon an animal (probably a pepisquinte) at full
gallop. His left foot rests on the animal’s head, his right foot on its
rump.

Each ﬁgure is ornamented with large earrings, whose prevailing shape
is oval or circular, and which have pendants hanging from their centers.
Figure 1 has projecting from the right ala of the nose an ornament
somewhat resembling in shape a right-angle triangle, the side oppo—
site the right angle being divided into three steps. In ﬁgure 2 the
nose ornament consists of two nearly circular objects attached to the
tip of the nose, one in front of the other. Figure 4 is similarly deco-
rated. Figure 5 has projecting from each ala of the nose ornaments
similar to that in the right ala of the nose of ﬁgure 1. Figure 6 is
decorated with a J —shape lip ornament. Attached to the right ala of
the nose of ﬁgure 9 is a small object which resembles half a bow. Of
ﬁgure 10 only the outline has been preserved; it is, therefore, impossible
even to conjecture what it was intended to represent.

Immediately beneath ﬁgure 9 is a serpent’s head, decorated with an
elaborately ornamented circular collar; the body is broken off short,
and the small portion remaining has numerous curved spines on its
dorsal surface.

Immediately beneath ﬁgure 10 is depicted a highly conventional
representation of a ﬁsh with a plume projecting from its mouth.

The second half of the north wall, extending from the doorway
to the west wall, was decorated with nine ﬁgures (plate xxx). Unfor-
tunately the whole of the lower portion of this part of the wall had
been destroyed by dampness, and a great part of three of the ﬁgures
had also been obliterated. The ﬁrst ﬁgure on this part of the wall has
not been copied, as it was precisely similar in design to the correspond-
ing ﬁgure on the opposite side of the door (shown in plate XXIX, ﬁgure
10). Figure 1 appears to be holding in each extended hand a conical .
object as a gift or offering. In excavating a mound some eight miles
from Santa Rita a number of broken clay ﬁgures were discovered,

668 MOUNDs IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [Hanan

one of them holding in its hand an object almost exactly similar to
that held in the right hand of this ﬁgure, and in unearthing the idol
shown in plate XXXII, ﬁgure 2, a similar object was found. Figure 2
was so indistinct that it was impossible to trace it properly. The
original was evidently meant to represent a highly ornate structure,
the upper part of which is shown in the ﬁgure to be supported on
each side by two monsters, a part of one of which is seen in the lower
left-hand corner of the ﬁgure. Figure 3 is holding in the left hand,
apparently as an offering, a dwarf or a baby.

()n comparing this ﬁgure with that sculptured on the left slab of
the Temple of the Cross at Palenque1 it will be seen that a remark-
able resemblance exists between them. The facial proﬁles are almost
identical, the headdresses are very similar (except that in the Palenque
ﬁgure the plumes of feathers are absent), and there is strong simi-
larity in each case between the gift or offering and the mode of
presenting it. The Palenque ﬁgure appears to be standing upon the
head of some monstrous animal, whereas ﬁgure 3 is sitting within
the widely open jaws of an animal, which, for want of a better term,
has hitherto been called a dragon, whose jaws, curved teeth, and eye,
with its conventional eye ornament, are clearly shown.

Figures at and 5 were much injured by dampness. They will be
referred to in dealing with the wall as a whole. The proﬁle of ﬁgure
6 differs somewhat from that of all the others. The nose is small,
straight, and less Semitic in character, while the forehead is more nearly
upright. Figure 7 is apparently undergoing some sort of torture or
punishment, as he is trussed up in a very constrained position on a low
platform. His right elbow appears to have been either broken or dis-
located. Figure 8 probably represents Quetzalcoatl, or Cuculcan of
the Maya, the god of the air, whose name in both languages signiﬁes
“ feathered serpent,” as he holds in his right hand a serpent with a plume
on its head; moreover, two serpents with feather markings are coiled
around his body, and the proﬁle is that which is usually ascribed to
this god. The elaborately ornamented feather-work headdresses are
prominent in all the ﬁgures, as are also the large earrings with long
pendants hanging from their centers. The earrings of ﬁgures 1, 6,
and 8 differ from the others in being square instead of round. In
ﬁgures 6, "I, and 8 the heads of animals are to be seen in the head-
dresses, immediately above the faces. It is difﬁcult to say to what
animal the head in front of the headdress of ﬁgure 6 belongs. That
at the back of the headdress is similar to those already described as
dragons’ heads. A large eagle head is placed in front of the Maxtli
of ﬁgure 6. The head in front of the headdress of ﬁgure 7, the lower
jaw of which is lacking, is probably that of a peccary.

1 Charnay, Ancient Cities of the New World, p. 254.

    

       

 

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em] PAINTING ON WEST WALL 669

The 9-foot section of the west wall which was left standing presents
for examination three ﬁgures (plate XXXI). The painting, unlike that
on all the other walls, was almost intact from the cornice to the ﬂoor,
and conveys some idea of what the lower part of the design on the other
walls was probably like. The ﬁgures on the right and left in the illus-
tration are human, and they appear to be in the act of making oﬁ'er-
ings to the central ﬁgure. The ﬁgure on the left is presenting in his
left hand an object very similar to that held in the hand of ﬁgure 1 of
plate XXX. The ﬁgure on the right is presenting two severed human
heads, one held in each hand, which he is grasping by their long, ﬂowing
hair. The upper head still retains its earrings and part of its headdress,
consisting of two snakes’ heads; also a gorget of beads and pendants.
The lower face possesses a mustache and a beard, and is ornamented with
earrings, headdress, and a gorget. It is noticeable that the left-hand
ﬁgure in this plate, seen in proﬁle. is entirely different from any of
the other ﬁgures on the wall. The nose is long and club shaped, the
forehead is prominent, and the face is covered with a beard and mus-
tache. It is probable either that this is meant as a caricature, 01' that
the individual is wearing a mask. The contour of the face held in the
right hand of ﬁgure 3 is somewhat similar, but in this case the beard
and mustache are absent. The same curious triangular nose orna-
ments are seen projecting from each ala of the nose of ﬁgure 3 as are
worn by ﬁgures 1 and 5, in plate XXIX. The upper part of the headdress
is formed by an animal somewhat resembling a monkey in a crouching
position. The central ﬁgure represents a death’s-head within a sort
of altar. Speech signs are proceeding from its mouth and from the
top of the altar. This is probably meant for Huitzilopochli, the
Mexican god of death, who is often represented by a death’s-head.

In regarding the painting as a whole, that which strikes one most
forcibly is its highly conventional character, and, indeed, this is a
peculiarity which seems to be inseparable from all Aztec and Toltec
art. Artistic feeling, of which traces are not lacking here and there,
seems to have been sacriﬁced to the one all-important idea of conven—
tionality. The artist appears to have had no conception of perspective,
but the minutcst detail of dress is most carefully indicated, both in out-
line and in coloring. The wall was, in fact, not intended as a work of
art, but as a pictographic record of certain important events; and look-
ing at it in this light, we can understand why artistic feeling should
have been sacriﬁced to minuteness of detail, for no doubt the most
insigniﬁcant detail in dress and ornament conveyed a meaning to the
initiated which to us is forever lost.

Seven colors were employed in painting the stucco, namely, black,
blue, green, gray, red, white, and yellow. On the east wall and
the eastern half of the north wall the background is dark blue; on
the west wall and the western half of the north wall it is pink.

670 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [NH-ANN.”

The faces, arms, legs, and other parts of exposed naked skin are
usually red or yellow. The ﬁgures themselves, together with all the
elaborate details of their dress and ornament. are outlined in ﬁne black
lines. When ﬁrst discovered the colors were very brilliant, but after
exposure to the light for a day or two, a great deal of their luster was
lost, and it became necessary, as each ﬁgure was uncovered, to roof it
in with palm leaves in order to protect it from the sun and rain. The
ﬁgures were exposed one at a time; otherwise, by the time two or
three had been copied, the rest would have faded so that it would have
been impossible to copy the original colors. A sheet of tracing cloth,
sufﬁcient to cover the whole ﬁgure, was then tacked over it and an
accurate tracing obtained, which was afterward transferred to draw-
ing paper. Any mistake that might have been made in the outline
of the ﬁgure or its ornaments were then rectiﬁed. Finally, the colors
were applied exactly as they occurred in the original. By the time
the whole had been copied, the earlier exposed ﬁgures were much
defaced from the action of the weather, and as there was no way of
preserving the wall, I removed the stucco on which two of the most
perfect of the remaining ﬁgures were painted. This, owing to the
soft layer at the back of the stucco, already referred to, was readily
accomplished.

HISTORICAL DATA GAINED BY STUDY OF MOUND 1

Three interesting questions present themselves with reference to
these painted walls:

1. By whom was the building erected and'the walls painted?

2. By whom, and why, was the building destroyed, and the mound
erected around it?

3. When did these events, severally, occur?

THE BUILDERS OF THE MOUND-COVERED TEMPLE

In answering the ﬁrst of these questions, the hieroglyphics which
still remain will, I think, materially assist us. The large sheet of
hieroglyphics on the east wall has, as I have already explained, been
permanently lost; but scattered over the rest of the painting are no
less than 21 complete glyphs. These are unquestionably of Maya or
Toltec origin. The sign of the 20th day—named Ahau—of the Maya
month, occurs no less than nine times in the course of the painting,
namely, beside ﬁgures 2, 4, 5, 7, and 8 of plate XXIX, ﬁgures 5, 7, and
8 of plate XXX, and ﬁgures 1 and 3 of plate XXXI; and possibly as a
component part of the glyph opposite the face of ﬁgure 2, plate XXIX,
and also of that placed above ﬁgure 6, plate XXIX. It will be observed
that these symbols differ very slightly one from another and that all
of them resemble very closely those given by Landa, and those of the

 

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PAINTED STUCCO ON WEST WALL, MOUND 1, SANTA RITA Vs

 

 

 

 

 

 

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aux] GLYPHS IN THE PAINTINGS 671

codices. The lower part of the glyph placed immediately above the
head of ﬁgure 6, plate XXIX, is a typical representation of Imix, the
ﬁrst day of the Maya month; and possibly the upper part of the glyph
placed in front of the face of ﬁgure 9, plate XXIX, is meant to repre-
sent the same day. In the ﬁrst case there can be nodoubt as to the
identity of the symbol, for all its characteristic features are present,
namely, the black spot at the top, the semicircle of dots below, and
below this again the row of perpendicular lines. The second symbol
is not by any means so typical. A small circle takes the place of the
black spot, the dots are wanting, and the perpendicular lines are
hooked at their summits; nor does it seem possible that in the same
painting such wide variation should occur.

The outer and upper of the three component parts of the glyph
opposite ﬁgure 6, plate XXIX, may possibly be meant to represent
Akbal, the third day of the Maya month, though it bears a strong
resemblance to the Ahau sign.

The lower right—hand part of the glyph opposite the left foot of
ﬁgure 8, plate XXIX, evidently corresponds to the lower part of the
glyph opposite the face of ﬁgure 9, plate XXIX; there can be little
doubt that both these symbols represent Manik, the seventh day of
the Maya month. In dealing with this symbol in his Day Symbols
of the Maya Year,1 Professor Cyrus Thomas says:

As Brasseur de Bourbourg has suggested, this [i. e., the )lanik symbol] appears to
have been taken from the partially closed hand, where the points of the ﬁngers are
brought round close to the tip of the thumb. Whether intended to show the palm
or back outward is uncertain, though apparently the latter. . . . As this inter-
pretation of the symbol is quite different from that given by other writers, some evi-
dence to justify it is presented here.

It will be observed that immediately below the Manik symbol, in
front of the face of ﬁgure 9, plate XXIX, there is represented a right
hand with the ﬁngers ﬂexed toward the tip of the thumb, the back
of the hand being outward; the outline of this hand is almost pre-
cisely similar to that of the Manik symbol placed immediately above
it, thus conﬁrming, I think, beyond question, Professor Thomas’s inter-
pretation of the signiﬁcation of the symbol, both as to the fact of its
representing the human hand and as to the position in which the
hand was held. The lower right-hand part of the glyph placed above
ﬁgure 4:, plate XXIX, bears a strong resemblance to the symbol used
in the Troano codex to represent Cauac, the 19th day of the Maya
month. The upper right—hand division of the glyph placed in front
of the head of ﬁgure 8, plate XXX, is remarkably like the symbol used
in the codices for Ben, the 13th day of the Maya month; the chief
difference between the two is that in the codices the line which
divides the glyph in two parts is horizontal, whereas in the painting it

_.

 

1 Cyrus Thomas, Day Symbols of the Maya Year; Washington, 1897, p. 232.

672 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [mamas

is vertical. Immediately behind the head of the individual portrayed
in ﬁgure 5, plate XXIX, will be observed a gylph made up of ﬁve com-
ponent parts, two above and three below. The upper left—hand
division and the lower central division unquestionably form together
the Maya symbol for the cardinal point east, named “likin”—the
lower division standing for “kin,” day, and the upper or Ahau
symbol for “li,” the consonant element of which is “ 1.” This is the
generally accepted interpretation of the symbol, but in the present
case it can hardly hold good, for above the Ahau symbol are two bars
and three dots, which stand for 13 (each bar representing 5, and each
dot 1), showing that the Ahau symbol, though combined with the kin
symbol, is not, at least here, used phonetically, but is employed
simply to represent the last day of the Maya month.

Turning again to the ﬁgures themselves we can not help being struck
with their remarkable resemblance to those of Yucatan and south-
eastern Mexico on the one hand, and to those found in the ruined cities
of Guatemala and Honduras on the other. The most striking points
of general resemblance are the similarity in shape and fashion of
the headdresses, sandals, wrist and leg ornaments, the conventional
treatment to be observed in all the human ﬁgures, and the fact that
all are shown in proﬁle. In the receding forehead, hooked nose, and
somewhat prominent chin, which are characteristic of nearly all the
ﬁgures, they resemble perhaps more closely the has-reliefs of Palenque
and Lorillard City than those of Yucatan and Honduras. The vast
headdress, composed of jewels and plumes of feathers, decorated in
most cases with the head of an animal immediately above the face—
employed as a distinctive sign or badge by the upper class—the
enormous square or round ear ornaments, with a pendant from the
center, the sandals, elaborately decorated from heel to instep, and
fastened in front with a gaily-colored bow, the wristlets of beads, also
in many cases decorated with bows, the circlets, worn round the legs
either just above the knee or just above the ankle, together with the
nose and lip ornaments, are all common to Mexico, Yucatan, Guatemala,
and Honduras. . ~ .

But besides showing these points of general resemblance, certain of
the ﬁgures appear, when allowance is made for the differences which
would necessarily exist between a has-relief cut in stone and a paint-
ing, to be almost identical with those found elsewhere. These are
ﬁgures 3, l, 5, and 8, plate XXX. The resemblance between ﬁgure 3,
plate XXX, and the left-hand ﬁgure in the Temple of the Cross at
Palenque has already been adverted to, and this ﬁgure bears an equally
strong resemblance to a bas-relief in stone from the ruined city of
Labphak, in Yucatan.1 In each case the ﬁgure is holding elevated in one
hand a small object, on which is squatting a dwarf or baby, which is

 

1John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. II, p. 164.

em] BUILDERS OF THE TEMPLE 673

apparently being presented as an offering or sacriﬁce. The dress of
the two ﬁgures is very similar. A huge headdress projecting forward
for a considerable distance above the face is ornamented with feathers
and jewels; a bead-decorated cape and the usual large earrings are
worn by both. In the glyph placed above the Labphak ﬁgure is
seen a cross, and the same symbol is also to be observed in the head-
dress. In the glyph placed between ﬁgures 8 and 4:, plate xxx,
the same symbol also appears. The cross is in both cases of the same
shape. .

In ﬁgures 4 and 5, plate XXX, the lower part is unfortunately very
much damaged; but if the upper part of the ﬁgures be compared
with the bas—relief sculpture in the Temple of the Cross at Palenque,
it will be seen that the subject is the same. In the center of the pic-
ture is a symbolic bird with a long tail and eagle’s talons, standing
in the one case on top of a cross, in the other on top of an Ahau
symbol, and on each side is a human ﬁgure apparently making offer—
ings to this bird. Above ﬁgure 4 the cross forms a prominent part of
the hieroglyph.

The resemblance between ﬁgure 8, plate XXX, and the bas-relicf in
stone from Casa 4: at Palenque 1 has already been noticed. The huge
prominent noses, the toothless jaws and prominent chins, the similar
headdresses with the eagles” heads in front, and especially the feather-
decorated serpents twined around the bodies, show, without doubt,
that both of: these ﬁgures are meant to represent the god Quetzalcoatl.

On the strength of this evidence, then, I think we may fairly infer:

(a) That this building was the work of people of the same nation
which built the ruined cities of Yucatan, Gautemala, and Honduras;
but that, as their style and method of execution were more like those
of the builders of the cities of southeastern Mexico, they were probably
mere closely allied to, and more nearly contemporaneous with, them
than with the builders of the other cities.

(6) That in the absence of all other evidence the hieroglyphics would
alone prove that the building was the work of a branch of the Maya
Toltec nation.

THE DESTROYERS OF THE MOUND-COVERED TEMPLE ‘

We can pass now to the second question, namely, by whom, and
Why, was the building destroyed and the mound erected over it?

In certain other mounds at Santa Rita, immediately to be described,
there were found, buried superﬁcially in each mound, the fragments of
two pottery images, and more deeply a number of small painted
pottery animals, the latter either inside of or immediately adjacent to
large pottery urns. The similarity between these clay ﬁgures and

 

1 John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, vol. II, p. 353.

674: MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH-ANN-19

those painted upon the temple wall is very marked. The same con-
ventional treatment is to be observed in both. The huge head, the
small body and limbs, the elaborate headdress, the large round ear-
rings, and highly ornate sandals are the same; and in two of the clay
images, ﬁgures 1 and 3, plate XXXII, monstrous heads similar to those
worn by the ﬁgures on the stucco are worn as ornaments in front of the
headdresses. Figure 2, plate XXXIV, represents the lower part of the
face of one of these clay idols. If it be compared with the head of ﬁg-
ure 1, plate XXXI, and with the head held in the left hand of ﬁgure 3,
plate XXXI, both from the wall. it will be seen that the beard and mus-
tache are treated in the same conventional manner in each. In ﬁgure
1, plate XKXH, the curious ornament below the left eye of the face in the
idol’s headdress is the same as that below the eye of ﬁgure 8, plate xxx.
Again, the ornament held in the hand of ﬁgure 1, plate XXX, is precisely
similar to one dug up with ﬁgure 2, plate XXXII. These instances of
correspondence in detail are very numerous, but enough has been
cited to show that it is impOssible to look upon the resemblance
between the clay ﬁgures and the painted stucco as fortuitous. \Ve
must, on the contrary, regard them as the work of the same people.
It is of interest to note here that the monster’s face which decorates
the headdress of ﬁgure 3, plate XXXII, is the counterpart of a face
found at Quirigua, and described at some length by Mr Diesseldorfﬁl
There is also a close resemblance in coloring, ornamentation, and gen~
eral style between the painted stucco and the painted pottery animals.
The same colors are used and the same ﬁne black lines are employed
for outlining in each case. If ﬁgures 3, 4, and ‘7, of plate XXXIv, be
compared with the snakes” heads seen to the right of ﬁgure 8, plate XXX,
and with the snake‘s head below ﬁgure 9, plate XXIX, it will be seen that
exactly the same ornament is placed both above and below the eye in
each case. The central part of mound 2, from which some of these
animals came, was constructed almost entirely of large blocks of lime—
stone, and on some of these, which were squared, traces of painted
stucco were still visible. similar to that found on some of the stones
which formed the mound around the painted wall and no doubt hav—
ing the same origin. i. e., the broken down south wall of the building.
Mound 2 had also been erected over a building, and it was 011 its
ﬂoor that the urn and animals had been placed when the top was
added to the mound. Fui'thtu'more, if the painted walls of the temple
had been wantonly destroyed by an enemy. or by some barbarous
tribe coming down from the north, the destruction would have been
complete; nor would they have taken such care, as we have seen was
taken, to preserve the gr later part of the painting by erecting a mound
around it.

 

1See Aus den Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthropologischeu Gesellschaft. Ordentliche Sitzung
vom 21ten Dec.,1895. '

em] DESTROYERS or THE TEMPLE 67 5

We may therefore, [ think, safely conclude that the builders of the
temple or their descendants were also its destroyers, though their
method of destruction—paradoxical as it sounds—preserved it for pos-
terity probably better than any contrivance which they could have
employed for its permanent preservation.

As to the reason for this partial destruction and burial of the tem-
ple, we know that the Maya regarded the ﬁve intercalary days at the
end of each year as unlucky and ill-omened, and that during them
they were in the habit of destroying their household pottery utensils,
together with some of their small household gods, which were renewed
again for the new year. Furthermore, they intercalated twelve and
one—half days at the end of every cycle, or period of ﬁfty-two years,
which were regarded as especially ill-omened.1

It is not improbable that this painted stucco partially underwent the
fate of other images of the gods during one of these especially
unlucky periods at the end of the cycle:2 for, as I have pointed out,
the stucco had evidently been renewed twice, as two layers were found
beneath the most superﬁcial one. These obliterations and renewals
may have taken place periodically as the unlucky periods came round
and passed, till ﬁnally the period came when the temple was itself
destroyed in the manner already described.

While searching for mounds in the bush about 15 miles north of
Santa Rita I came across a large inclosure, the walls of which were 4:
feet thick. and. though much broken down. had been about 6 feet in
height. The inclosure was in the form of a parallelogram, three—
quarters of a mile long by half a mile broad. “Tithin it were the
ruins of a church. in very fair preservation, the chancel, with the
exception of its roof, being quite perfect. This had evidently been
a fortiﬁed inclosure built by the Spaniards, and. from the fact that
it was so near to Bacalar, which was one of their earliest settlements
in Yucatan. and that all record of it has been lost, it was probably
erected not very long after the conquest. It may be that the wor-
shipers at the Santa Rita temple, ﬁnding themselves in such close
proximity to a fortiﬁed Spanish settlement, and knowing that the
conquerors tOOk every means in their power to propagate the new and
eradicate the old religion, as a last resort employed this method of
preserving at least a portion of the sanctuary of their god from the
sacrilegious hands of the invaders. Either of the foregoing explana-
tions would account for the manner in which the temple had been at
the same time destroyed and preserved.

 

 

18cc Antonio Gama. I)cscripcion,1»1rte l,p.52 et seq. Dr Cyrus Thomas denies any intercalation
beyond the annual one, and his proof certainly appears convincing. See Cyrus Thomas, The Maya
Year, p. 48.

‘3“ As soon as they were assured by the new ﬁre that a new century, according to their belief, was
granted to them by the gods, they employed the thirteen following days . . . in repairing their tem-
ples and houses and in making every preparation for the grand festivals of the new eentury.”-A
Francisco Clavigero, History of Mexico, book 6, see. XXVI.

676 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH-ANN-19

PROBABLE DATE or THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE

Let us turn to the probable age of the temple. We know on the
authority of Veytia and Ixtlilx'ochitl, probably the most reliable of
the historians who chronicle the dim and uncertain early history of
the Toltcc, that the remnant of that nation after pestilence and dis-
astrous wars had decimated them, migrating from Tula, found their
way, some to southern Mexico, where they founded Palenque and
Lorillard, others farther south still to Guatemala and Honduras,
while others turned eastward into Yucatan.1 This migration took
place somewhere about the end of the eleventh century.2 A long
period must have been necessary for the scattered remnant of the
Toltec to have made this long journey of nearly 1,000 miles, before
reaching the shores of the Caribbean sea, on foot, crossing rivers,
swamps, and mountains, and encountering everywhere a barrier of
dense and impenetrable bush. Probably a century would be rather
under than over the mark in estimating the time necessary for this
emigration and for the people to have become Sufﬁciently settled in
their new home to erect an elaborately decorated temple. This would
place the date of the erection of the temple somewhere between the
end of the twelfth and the end of the ﬁfteenth century; but if, as I
before suggested, the painted stucco was renewed only at the end of
every cycle of ﬁfty-two years, and the burial of the temple was caused
by the fear of Spanish invasion, then, as there were two layers beneath
the outermost layer of stucco, the temple must have been at least 104
years old at the time of its destruction; and judging from the bright—
ness of coloring and excellent preservation of those parts of the paint-
- ing spared by the dampness, the outer layer could not have been
applied for any great length of time when the mound was erected
‘which preserved it to the present day——Which would place the date of
the erection of the temple toward the end of the fourteenth or begin-
ning of the ﬁfteenth century. _

The general design painted on the stucco appears to be continu-
ous around the building, and to represent, ﬁrst, a battle; next, the
prisoners being led captive, some undergoing torture; ﬁnally, the
worship of Quetzalcoatl and the offering of sacriﬁces to the god of
death. On the east wall was depicted a spirited contest between two
warriors, though the tracing in this case gives but a poor idea of
the original. The ﬁrst eight ﬁgures of the east half of the north wall
evidently represent prisoners. The west half of the north wall shows
the worship of Quetzalcoatl, the god himself being depicted at the
western extremity of the wall elaborately dressed and ornamented.

 

1Francisco Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. I, book ‘2, p. 89.
zlxtlilxochitl, Historia Chichemeca, cap. 3. Veytia, Hist. Antigua, vol. 1, cap. 33.

Gm] MOUNDS 3 AND 4 677

On the west wall two heads and other objects are being offered to
the Mexican god of death.

Figure 3, on the west wall, offering the heads—one in each hand—
is obviously one of the victors; but there appears to be little or no
difference between his appearance, dress, and ornamentation and that
of the prisoners shown in ﬁgures 1 to 8, plate XXIX, which would
apparently indicate that the combatants were, if not of the same, at
least of kindred nations.

OTHER MOUND-BURIED STRUCTURES

Two other mounds at Santa Rita were erected over the ruins of
buildings, namely, those marked 3 and 4 in the plan, ﬁgure 4.

Mound 3 was situated 115 yards southeast of the painted wall, was
almost circular at the base, pyramidal in shape, 62 yards in circumfer-
ence, and 10 feet high at its highest point. By digging into this
mound a wall running north and south was found about 2 feet below
the surface. This wall, when exposed in its whole extent, was found
to be 18 feet long, 16 inches thick, and built of roughly squared blocks
of limestone held together by mortar, which was rotten and crumbling.
The summit of the wall was irregular and varied in height from 4 to 7
feet; it extended to the ground level and stood upon a ﬂoor of hard
cement. At its south end this wall was broken off short; at its north
end it joined a wall running east and west, but this latter extended
only 2 or 3 feet, and was then broken down. Neither inside nor out-
side were any traces of painted stucco to be found on either of these
walls, nor, in the excavation of the mound, which was built of earth,
limestone dust, and rough blocks of stone, were any stones found
with traces of stucco adherent to them. There was no cornice on the
wall. Numerous pieces of pottery were found in the mound, some
rough and ill made, others painted red, black, yellow, and brown, and
a few glazed.

Mound 4: was 86 yards in circumference, oval at the base, conical
in shape, and 6 feet high at its highest point. Immediately beneath
the surface a wall was found running east and west. It was very similar
to the wall last described, being built of blocks of roughly squared lime-
stone. It varied in height from 4 to 6 feet, rested on a ﬂoor of hard
cement similar to that found in the last mound, was not covered with
stucco either inside or out, and had been broken off short at both ends.
The mound itself was composed of earth, limestone dust, and rough
blocks of limestone. Numerous potsherds were found within it, both
plain and painted. It was situated 195 yards almost due north of
mound 8.

The two last-described ruins differed from the one covered with
stucco in that they rested on the ground level, whereas the latter
stood on a platform raised 2 feet above it.

19 ETH, PT 2 8

 

678 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [manxm

MOUNDS CONTAINING POTTERY, IDOLS, AND ANIMAL
EFFIGIES

Mounds of the second class, namely, those containing, superﬁcially,
the fragments of two pottery idols, and more deeply or on the ground
level a number of small painted pottery animals, either Within or
immediately around a pottery urn, next claim our attention.

Three mounds of this kind were excavated at Santa Rita—2, 5, and
6 on the plan. Mound 2 was situated nearly 500 yards east of the
large central mound; it was 30 yards long, 25 yards wide, 96 yards
in circumference, and 18 feet high at its highest part. The north-
ern face of the mound sloped gently down from the summit to

 

FIG. 6-——Plan of mound 2, Santa Rita.

A, B, Pillars. G, K, Walls. E, Place where birds’ bones were found. N, Circular chamber. D
Place where idols were found. F, Place where cabbage-palm was found. C, Place where painted-
animals were found.

the base; the southern face was almost perpendicular. When the
upper layer of the mound was removed it was found to consist of
dark-brown loam with a few pieces of limestone embedded in it. At
the bottom of this layer and resting on the one immediately beneath
it were found fragments of two idols and a quantity of birds’ bones,
together with the inferior maxilla of a small rodent. The head of one
of these idols (supposed by Mr Diesseldorf to be the conventional
portrait of Cuculcan) is shown in ﬁgure 3, plate XXXII. The remarkable

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT FL. XXXH

 

HEADS OF IDOLS FROM MOUNDS 2, 5, AND 6, SANTA RITA

aux] MOUND 2 i 67 9

resemblance of the head which adorns its headdress to one found
at Quirigua has already been noted. The rest of this idol and the
whole of the one which was found with it are so badly broken as not to
be worth ﬁguring. The bones were those of the curassow, and, judging
by the number of long leg bones which were found in good preserva-
tion, probably represented the remains of ﬁve or six birds. The bones
were found at a point marked E on the plan of the mound (ﬁgure 6),
close to the idols. \Vith the idols were found a number of rough
unpainted potshcrds. Immediately beneath the 10am the mound was
covered with a ﬂat, evenly applied layer of mortar, from 6 to 8 inches in
thickness; it was soft and friable and contained in its substance numer-.
ous large pieces of limestone. The next layer was composed of lime-
stone blocks, the interstices between which were ﬁlled with limestone
dust. A large number of the stones were squared, and some retained
pieces of painted stucco still adherent to them, having evidently at one
time formed part of the south wall of the temple already described.
Embedded in the top of this layer, at the point marked F in the plan,
was found a piece of cabbage-palm stem 5 feet long, but so wormeaten
and decayed that it was impossible to tell what its original use had been.
Within this layer the broken tops of two square pillars, A and B in
the plan, and of two walls, G and K, on either side of them, ﬁrst
appeared. These two pillars occupied a nearly central position in the
mound; they were 3 feet square and were built of large blocks of nicely
cut’stone. The summits were uneven and had evidently been broken
off; the distance between the pillars was 6 feet. The walls were in line
with the pillars, placed on either side of them, at a distance of 6 feet
from each; they were 3 feet thick, built of nicely squared blocks of
limestone, and were broken off at the top and outer ends. The sum-
mits of these walls and pillars were at a depth of 2% feet below the
surface of the mound; they passed down through the next two layers—
one of cement, one of blocks of limestone—and rested on the tough,
thick cement layer which lay immediately over the foundation of the
mound. They were at feet high and at one time evidently had formed
part of the portico of a building with three wide entrances. Judging
from the very large proportion of squared stones which were used in
the construction of the upper layers of this mound, it would seem that
the greater part of the stones of this building had been used in construct~
ing the mound which covered its ruins. The next layer was of cement,
6 to 8 inches thick, and spread evenly over the mound, forming a table-
like surface; the cement was rotten and friable. The layer immediately
beneath this was composed of blocks of limestone, the majority of
which were squared, and so tightly were they, packed together with
limestone dust that the mass was almost as difﬁcult to dig into as if it had
been masonry. In the lower part of this layer, 6 feet below the sur—
face of the mound, at a point marked C in the plan, the pottery urn,

680 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [mnnxm

ﬁgure 77), was discovered. This urn was 12 inches in height and ~16
inches in circumference at'its widest. part; it was made of smooth,
hard pottery, having a uniform thickness of three-sixteenths of an
inch; it was unpainted and unglazed, was without a cover, and con—
sequently 'as full of limestone dust. 1t rested on the layer of hard
cement immediately underlying the layer in which it was buried. This
urn, unlike the others, was not inclosed in a stone cyst, and was unfor-
tunately much damaged by a blow of the pickax. Placed all around
and above the urn, Within 2 inches of it, were found 10 small painted
pottery animals and two ﬂint spear heads. The animals consisted of

 

 

FIG. 7—1’ottery urns from mounds 2, 5, and 6, Santa Rita.

four tigers, ﬁve turtles, and one double-headed animal, probably
intended to represent an alligator. Two of the animals were placed
at each of the four cardinal points around the urn and two above it.
The tigers, of which one is represented in ﬁgure 6, plate XXXIV, are 4%
inches in height, and are painted red all over. They are represented
as sitting up on their hind legs, with their mouths open and tongues
protruding. Each animal is hollow and has a small round hole in the
center of the back communicating with the interior. One tiger was
placed on either side of the urn. All were precisely alike in size and
V coloring. Of the turtles (see ﬁgure 6, plate XXXIII, and ﬁgure 1, plate
Xxxv) ﬁve were found. One was placed on either side of the urn

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII

 

HUMAN AND ANIMAL EFFIGIES FROM MOUNDS 2, 5, AND 6, SANTA RITA

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV

     

ANIMAL EFFIGIES AND IDOL’S HEAD FROM MOUNDS 2 AND 6, SANTA RITA

 

Gass] CONTENTS OF MOUND 2 681

and one immediately above it. They any in length from 5:} to 6%}
inches. The bodies of two of them are colored red throughout, the
other three are unpainted. The eyes of all are colored black, the eye-
brows light blue outlined in black, and the nose red. At the fore-
part of the body on either side are two human hands and arms,
the former tightly closed. The mouth is widely open, and from it
protrudes a human head, which the animal is apparently in the act
of swallowing. The face belonging to this head is colored light blue,
the mouth and lips red, and the eyes and eyebrows black (see plate
xxxv, 1). In the ears are large round earrings, which, having caught
in the angle to the turtle’s mouth on either side, are apparently giving
him some difﬁculty in swallowing the head. The turtles are all hol-
low and are perforated in the center of the back by a round hole, 1
inch in diameter, which communicates with the interior. \Vhen the
animals were found, this hole was covered with a small, pyramidal,
earthenware stopper, which in plate xxx111,6, is seen in situ. The
last animal (see plate XXXIII, 5) is 7%- inches in length, and has two
heads, one at either end. The specimen shown in the plate was dug
up in mound 6, presently to be described, but it is so like the one from
mound 2, both in shape and in coloring, that one illustration serves
for both. One head is certainly that of an alligator, as is apparent
from the huge mouth, formidable teeth, and double row of projections
running down the back. \Vithin the widely opened jaws of the animal
is seen a human face, the mouth, chin, and forehead of which, as well
as the inside of the alligator’s mouth, are irregularly smeared with
red paint, evidently meant to represent blood. The body of this dou—
ble-headed animal is unpainted, but is covered with small red spots
sharply outlined in black. The other head possesses two eyes and a
snout, together with a single row of large curved teeth running from
the snout to the neck. There is no sign of a lower jaw. Placed on
either side of each head is a human hand and arm having the wrists
ornamented with a circle of small, round disks of pottery, colored
red. The body is hollow, and midway between the two heads, 011 its
dorsal surface, is a small round hole, communicating with the interior,
and covered with a pyramidal stopper, seen in situ in the ﬁgure.
li'ithin the cavity of the body were found three small oval beads, two
of jade and one of some orange-red stone, all nicely polished; a very
small obsidian core, 1% inches in length and about the thickness of a
pencil; and a small ﬂat chip of grayish chert. This animal, together
with one of the turtles. was placed above the urn. The two spear-
heads are leaf-shape and are 4 and 3 inches in length, respectively.
Both are nicely chipped from yellowish ﬂint, the smaller of the two
being grooved on either side at the base, probably for greater security
in hafting.

682 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH.A:\'N.19

The layer immediately below that which contained these animals
was composed of very tough cement and covered the whole mound
evenly. It was so hard that even with a pickax it was difﬁcult to
make any impression on it. It was 12 inches thick and of a light
yellowish color. Upon it rested the two pillars and fragments of walls
already referred to, together with the pottery urn.

Below this cement layer and reaching to the ground level the mound
was built of large blocks of limestone, rough and unhewn, but neatly
ﬁtted together without any mortar or earth between them. Not one
of these blocks was worked or showed traces of stucco. Extending
downward from the cement layer to the ground level through this last
layer was a small circular cyst at the point marked N on the‘plan. Its
upper opening was covered with a slab, over which the cement was
continuous. Its ﬂoor Was the ground, and its sides, though neatly
built, were not plastered. It was 3 feet in diameter and contained
nothing but a quantity of charcoal.

It seems evident that before this mound was erected there stood
on its site a building, of which part of the north wall is now all that
remains. This building was erected on a solid stone platform, raised
10 feet above the ground level, and covered with a thick layer of very
hard cement. The mound was constructed partly from the stones ,
taken from this building and partly from those of the temple before
described.

The urn, the painted animals, the idols, and the bones were placed
within the mound at the time the building was destroyed and the upper
part of the mound erected over its ruins; the urn and the animals on
what had been the ﬂoor of the building, the idols and the bones_more
superﬁcially in the mound. The original stone platform on which
the building had stOod formed the base of the mound.

The second of these animal mounds, 5 on the plan, was situated 315
yards almost due north of the great central mound. It was 52 yards
in circumference, oval at the base, conical in shape, and 5 feet
high at its highest point. It was built of earth and limestone dust,
together with rough blocks of limestone, none of which were squared
or showed any traces of stucco adherent to them. Almost in the
center of the mound, a little less than 1 foot below the surface, frag-
ments of two clay idols were discovered, consisting of arms, legs, and
portions of two bodies. The face shown in ﬁgure 1, plate XXXII, is that
of one of the idols. The other head and the remaining pieces are so
much damaged that they are not worth ﬁguring. On reaching the
ground level, directlyin the center of the mound, a small stone cyst
or chamber was discovered. It was 18 inches in length, 12 inches in
breadth, and 12 inches in height. The ﬂoor was the ground; the roof
and walls were made of single, roughly hcwn, ﬂat slabs of stone.
Within this cyst appeared the small pottery urn shown in ﬁgure 7 c.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV

 

ANIMAL EFFIGIES FROM MOUNDS 2 AND 6, SANTA RITA
NATURAL SIZE mmmummmm-

 

ems] . CONTENTS or MOUNDs 5 AND 6 683

This urn is 5 inches in height and 27% inches in circumference at its
widest part, and is made of unpainted, unglazed pottery, one-eighth
inch in thickness throughout. It is covered by a mushroom-shape
lid with a small semicircular handle. Unfortunately, in lifting the
ﬂat stone which formed the roof of the cyst the point of the pickax
was driven through the lid. \Vithin this small urn lay the double-
headed alligator shown in ﬁgure 1, plate XXXIII. This animal is 8%-
inches long from the tip of one snout to the tip of the other. Pro—
truding from the widely opened jaws of each of the heads appears
a human face. The mouth of each of these faces is decorated with
two small circular lip ornaments, one attached to each of its angles,
all exactly similar to those seen on the mouth of the idol shown in
plate XXXII, 2. The faces where they are in contact with the animal’s
jaws, and the jaws themselves, are daubed with red paint to represent
blood; other parts of the faces and the whole of the body and the
heads of the animal are painted dark green.

The third and last mound of this kind, 6 in the plan, was situated
933 yards southwest of the large central mound. It was the smallest
of the three, and was circular at the base, conical in shape, 30 feet in
diameter, 32 yards in circumference, and 5 feet high at its summit.
Nearly 2 feet below the surface, toward the center of the mound, a
large quantity of very rude, ill—made pottery was discovered, together
with the fragments of two pottery idols. One of these is by far the
ﬁnest and most perfect found in any of the mounds. It is 162} inches
in height from the top of the headdress to the sole of the sandal,
and is shown in ﬁgure 2, plate xxxn. The left arm was also found,
but has not been joined on in the ﬁgure. The pieces were not all
together, but were spread about over an area of two square yards.
The other idol was so fragmentary that it was not worth ﬁguring; but
the lower half of the face, as it differed from all the rest in possess-
ing a beard and mustache, is shown in ﬁgure 2, plate xxxrv. Two
small, oval, clay beads were found with the idols.

This mound was composed throughout of earth and large, rough
blocks of limestone. Within 50 yards of it is an excavation of some
size, from which the material to construct it was probably obtained.
When the ground level was reached a small stone cyst built of roughly
hewn slabs appeared. It was 2 feet long, 2 feet broad, and 18 inches
high. \Vhen the stone slab which formed the roof was removed the
urn shown in ﬁgure 7a was found. This urn was circular in shape,
11% inches high, and 37 inches in circumference at its widest part, and
stood on three long, round, hollow legs. It was of unpainted pottery
three-sixteenths inch thick throughout, and was covered by a mush-
room-shape lid with a semicircular handle. When the lid was removed
19 small objects were found within the urn, completely ﬁlling it. Of
these, 13 represent animals, 1 a ﬁsh, and 1 human ﬁgures, while 1 is

684 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [mmwxw

a small circular jar, decorated outside with a human ﬁgure support-
ing itself on its forearms, the legs being held up in the air. Of the
animals, 4 are tigers, 1 of which is shown in plate XXXIII, 4, and
in plate XXXVI. Each is 4% inches in height. The body is colored
white and covered with red spots encircled with black. The head
is red, the ears white, and the eyes black. Each has a collar of
small, oblong pieces of pottery colored alternately green, white, and
red. The male genital organs are prominently represented, as the
animals are sitting up on their hind legs. Each ﬁgure is hollow,
and is perforated at the back by a small round opening. There are 9
alligator-like animals, 1 of which has already been described, as it is
the exact counterpart of the one found in mound 2.1 Others are
shown in ﬁgures 3, 4:, 5, and 7 of plate XXXIV, and in plate XXXV, 2.
Four of the 9 resemble ﬁgure 5, and are evidently intended to repre-
sent alligators, judging by the shape of the body and legs, the spines
on the tail, and the double row of excrescences extending along
the center of the head and back. They vary from 5% to 7 inches in
length. The bodies of two of them are colored red, and of two, white;
the eyes and spines of all are colored black. A. black streak passes
around the jaws, and the forefeet are divided into three toes by thin
black lines. The bodies are all hollow, with a circular opening in the
center of the back covered by a pyramidal stopper, seen in situ in the
ﬁgure. Figures 3 and 4, plate XXXIV, are not unlike the preceding, but
they have the curious curved ornaments before noticed both above and
below the eyes. The tails are biﬁd, and the ﬁgures possess a horn-like
excrescence attached to the tip of the nose. The double row of tuber-
cles extending along the head and back is wanting. Figure 7 and plate
xxxv. 2. differ from ﬁgures 3 and at in possessing a pair of lateral, ﬁn—like
limbs instead of four legs, and ﬁgure 7 has a single, triangular dorsal ﬁn
placed in the center of the back. The hole communicating with the
interior is at the side, to allow for the dorsal ﬁn, and there is no stopper
covering it. The bodies of two of the last four animals are red, and of '
two, white. The ornaments above the eyes are painted light green, out-
lined in red. Figure 1, plate XXXIV, is probably intended to represent
a shark. The body, which is 7 inches long, was ﬁrst painted white
and afterward red, but most of the paint has worn oﬁ. Figure 3, plate
XXXIII, shows a small round pot, 3 inches in height, to the outside of
which is attached a human ﬁgure supporting itself on its forearms while
its legs are held up in the air above the head. On the head is worn the
usual enormous feather-decorated headdress, and around the forehead,
.wrists, and ankles are bands of small round pottery disks. The face

 

1There can be little doubt that this animal, together with its duplicate, also the double-headed
alligator; and the turtles, are all intended to represent the Aztec Cipactli, a mythic animal at
times taking the form of a swordﬁsh, a shark, an alligator, and an iguana; it symbolizes the earth,
and. as in the above cases, is often represented with a human head between the jaws to signify that
all ﬂesh returns to its original earth, and to death.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI

 

TIGER EFFIGY FROM MOUND 6, SANTA RITA
NATURAL SIZE

A Moi-:N ace gnmmcm

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII

 

HUMAN EFFIGY FROM MOUND 6, SANTA RITA ”macaw-"Wm
NATURAL SIZE

 

aux] SYMBOLISM OF EFFIGIES 685

is colored blue, the mouth red, the eyes white, and the eyebrows black.
This ornament of a human ﬁgure supporting itself on the forearms
while the legs are held above the head is not an uncommon one, as I
have two vases similarly ornamented, one found in a mound on the
Chetumal bay, the other in a mound near Rio Hondo. It is also
seen as a has-relief on stone over a doorway at T ulum, on the coast
of Yucatan, and is scratched on the stucco among a number of other
ﬁgures at Mount Molony, on the borders of Guatemala and British
Honduras. The last of the contents of the urn is shown in ﬁgure 2,
plate XXXIII. There were four of these figures, all precisely alike.
Each is 4% inches in height, and represents a man in a squatting posi-
tion, holding in front of him, with both hands, a veil, which conceals
him from forehead to feet. The body is colored white and the arms
red. Across the forehead is a red stripe, and the veil is colored with
alternate red and white vertical bands. The headdress differs from
that usually associated with the ancient inhabitants of Central Amer-
ica and reminds one somewhat of representations of the ancient Egyp-
tian headdress.

No human bones were found associated with any of these animals,
and it seems probable, judging from the excellent state of preservation
in which the birds’ bones taken from mound 6 were found, that had
there been a human interment, some trace of it would have been dis-
covered. Mounds 5 and 6 were evidently built for the special purpose
of containing the idols, urns, and animals which were found within
them. In mound 2, on the other hand, the objects were placed on a
preexisting platform which had supported a building, and were covered
by a capping of earth and stones, the latter taken mostly from the build-
ing. All the animals appear to symbolize death and destructiveness.
The tiger, the alligator, and the shark must have been, in the bush, the
river, and the sea, respectively, the most destructive animals known to
the aboriginal inhabitants; and in the one exceptional case of the turtle,
which might be looked upon as a comparatively harmless animal, it is
represented in the act of devouring a human being.

A LOOKOU" MOUNI)

Turning to the third class of mounds, we will take ﬁrst the large cen-
tral mound, 7, around which the others appear to be grouped. It is
circular at the base, conical in shape, 57 feet in height, 471 feet in
circumference, and is built of blocks of limestone held together with
mortar. Indeed, so hard is it all over that the idea of excavating it
had to be given up. On the south side of this mound, and, continous
with it, is a circular earthwork 100 yards in diameter. The walls
inclosing the circular space vary from 10 to 25 feet in height. They
are higher toward the north, where they are continuous with the large
mound, and lower toward the south, where an opening 80 feet wide

686 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [nausea

gives access to the inclosure. About 20 yards south of this opening
is a small mound :L or 5 feet in height. In the center of the space,
inclosed by the earth walls, stands a small mound 3 feet in height
and 40 feet in circumference. Excavations were made in the earth
wall, in the space inclosed by it, and in the small mound in the
center of the space. Nothing, however, was found except a few pot—
sherds such as may be found by digging almost anywhere on the estate.
The walls were found to be built of earth and limestone blocks.
Immediately to the north of the mound is a huge excavation, from
which limestone has been quarried. There can be little doubt that
this was the source whence material to build both walls and mound
was drawn. This large mound and the inclosed space adjoining
probably formed together a lookout station and a fort. The mound
itself is one of a series, all of which pOsscss certain characteristics,
marking them as lookout or signal mounds. They are all more than 50
feet in height, and have a ﬂat, table—like surface at the top, a compara-
tively small base, and consequently very steep sides. They are always
surrounded by a number of smaller mounds of various sizes and uses,
which probably indicate the site of ancient populous centers; and
they are usually, though not invariably, associated with an earthwork
fortiﬁcation, either actually joined to them, as at Santa Rita, or at some
little distance away, as at Adventura, the next mound of the kind in
the series, which will be described at another time. Such of these
mounds as have been opened have not contained pottery or stone
objects, or anything to show that they had been used as sepulchers.
As has been proved by experiment, a large fire lighted on the ﬂat sur-
face at the top of any one of these mounds can be seen plainly over
the intervening bush—the country being perfectly ﬂat—either by the
smoke during the day, or by the ﬂame during the night, from the top
of the mound on either side of it in the chain. Beginning at the top
of Chetumal bay, these mounds extend in a chain for nearly 150
miles, first following the coast line, then trending inland in a south-
westerly direction. The intervals between them are in no case greater
than 12 miles or less than 6 miles. Each of the mounds forming part
of such an extended chain, along which it was easy to convey intelli-
gence either by day or by night, standing also in the center of the
town or village and adjacent to a fortiﬁed position into which the
inhabitants could retire, would form a most useful signal station from
which to observe and communicate the approach of an enemy, either
by sea or land; and there can, I think, be little doubt that this was
the use for which they were designed.

A SEPULCHER MOUND.

At a distance of 691 yards almost due east of the large central
mound was situated the mound marked 9 in the plan. This was the
only mound excavated on the whole estate which had unquestionably

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII

 

   

 

GREAT CENTRAL LOCKOUT MOUND (7) AT SANTA RITA, WITH EARTHWORK

 

 

 

aux] CONTENTS OF MOUND 8 687

been used solely for sepulchral purposes. It was one of the smallest
mounds explored, being only 15 yards in circumference and 3?} feet in
height at its highest point. It was nearly circular at the base and ﬂat
on top, and was built of earth and rough blocks of limestone. Nearly
in the center of the mound, at the ground leVel, a human skeleton was
discovered, the head pointing toward the north. The bones were
so brittle that in the attempt to remove them they were very much
damaged. The skull was full of earth, and, while being lifted out, it
collapsed into numberless pieces from its own weight and that of the
earth which it contained. The fragments of the bones were removed,
and, after exposure to the air for a few days, they hardened consider-
ably and could be handled without injury to them. The bones were
apparently those of a male of from 5 feet 4 inches to 5 feet 6 inches
in height. Lying by the side of the skeleton were a conch shell with
the apex broken smoothly off, as if it had been used as a trumpet,
numerous broken pieces of conch shells, a roughly chipped ﬂint spear-
head ﬁr inches in length, and an oval ﬂint hammer stone. Associated
with these two latter implements were four sharp-pointed conical
pieces of shell, the ends of which had evidently been ground to a
point as if for use as boring implements. They were manufactured
from the whorls in the interior of conch shells. The contents of this
mound appear so unlike to the contents of the other mounds at
Santa Rita that one can not help thinking that it belongs either to a
different people or a different period. This supposition is rendered
more probable by the fact that along the shores of the Chetumal bay,
a few miles from Santa Rita, the sea is rapidly encroaching and expos-
ing interments very similar to the one described, except that in most
cases no mound marks the position of the grave. The sharp shell
implements are invariably to be found in these graves, together with
pottery and ﬂint implements, all exceedingly rude and archaic.

UNCLASSIFIED MOUNDS

Three hundred and ninety yards to the northwest of the large central
mound was situated the mound marked 8 in the plan. This mound
was roughly circular, ﬂat on the top, 90 yards in circumference, and 5
feet high at its highest part. I was informed by some of the old
laborers on the estate that some years previously, while stones were
being dug from this mound for the purpose of erecting a tank, a num-
ber of what they described as large stone idols had been discovered. Of
these [ was, unfortunately, unable to discover the subsequent history;
but there can be little doubt that, together with the other stones, they
were squared for building purposes. This is rendered more probable
by the fact that in examining a well close at hand, which had been built
at that time, I discovered a large stone tiger’s head projecting inward
from the masonry, into which it had been built. As, however, the
whole mound had not been dug down Iset to work excavating that

688 MOUNDs IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [manaw

portion of it which was left. It was composed of earth and blocks of
limestone. At a depth of about 2 feet below the surface were found
(1) a large tiger’s head cut in stone; (2) a turtle cut in stone and
colored; (3) the lower part of a human mask; (4) a small, smooth,
globular piece of jade. Potsherds, both painted and plain, were found
in large quantities at all depths throughout the mound.

The tiger’s head, which measured 18 inches from the forehead to the
tip of the protruded tongue, evidently at one time formed a gargoyle-
like ornament on some building, as behind the head the stone from
which it was cut had been squared for a distance of 11 inches, obvi-
ously for the purpose of being built into masonry. The head is, as is
well shown in plate XXXIx, much weathered, the soft limestone being
eaten away to such an extent that at ﬁrst sight it is difﬁcult to determine
what it is meant to represent.

If this head be compared with the tiger, ﬁgure 1, plate XXXIII, it
will be seen that, in the shape of the head, contour of the face, protrud-
ing, pendant tongue, prominent round eyes, and square upper incisor
teeth, the resemblance is sufﬁciently strong to warrant the assumption
that both are products of the same race, if not of the same artist. The
turtle is 18 inches in length by 12 inches in breadth, and is nicely cut
from a single block of limestone. It is an exact copy of the turtle
shown in figure 6, plate xxxnI, excepting that the mouth, instead of
containing a human head, is closed. The whole animal is painted red,
and in the center of the back is a round hole leading to a considerable
cavity which has been hollowed out in the interior. The hole is covered
by a circular disk of limestone 3 inches in diameter. The human mask
is made of rough pottery. The upper part of the face is missing; it is
3% inches from ear to ear; the mouth is puckered up into a small, round
hole as if in the act of whistling.

The mound marked 10 on the plan was 98 yards in circumference,
and very ﬂat, nowhere exceeding 3% feet in height. It was constructed
throughout of small pieces of. limestone mixed with clay, and con-
tained an enormous quantity of potsherds. These were for the most
part rough and ill-made, but a few were painted and glazed. Nothing
further was found in the mound till the ground level was reached,
when an equilateral triangle, built of stone. was disclosed. Each side
of the triangle was 18 feet in length, and was composed of roughly
cut slabs of stone stuck upright in the ground and in contact on either
side with similar slabs. The sides of the triangle varied in height from
8 to 18 inches. The upper edges were irregular, the lower sunk to a
depth of 5 or 6 inches in the ground. The stones were removed and
the earth dug up, both in the center and along the sides of the triangle,
but nothing whatever was discovered.

The mound marked 11 on the plan was situated 1,130 yards
southwest of the large central mound. As, in all the former mounds
which had been excavated, whatever of interest they had contained

aux] CONTENTS OF MOUND 17 689

had been found at or near the center, an excavation 1-1 feet by 7 feet
was ﬁrst made in the center of this mound dowu to the ground level.
For the ﬁrst 3 feet the mound was composed of very small stones and
earth. Beneath these was a layer of rough blocks of limestone and
limestone dust reaching to the ground level. At a depth of about 4
feeta smooth, oval, ﬂattened stone 5 inches in length was found, the
marks on which showed that it had been used as a Whetstone. With
the exception of potsherds, nothing else was found in this excavation,
which was afterward enlarged on all sides, but with a similar result,
nothing whatever but stones and earth being found.

The mounds 12, 13, 11, 15, and 16 in the plan lay in a group to
the northeast of the large central mound, and within 200 yards of it.
They were all circular at the base and roughly conical, and were all
nearly of the same size, varying from 30 to 35 yards in circum-
ference and from 1 to 6 feet in height. In contents and construction
they all proved so much alike that a description of one will sufﬁce for
all. The two upper feet consisted of earth, with a few blocks of lime-
stone; beneath this, to the ground level, the mound was built of lime—
stone blocks, the interstices between which were ﬁlled in with limestone
dust. A few potsherds were found, for the most part rough and
unpainted. At a depth varying from 2 to 3 feet, or about midway
between the summit of the mound and the ground level in each case,
a small stone cyst was found, 18 inches square, the walls, roof, and
ﬂoor each composed of a single slab of roughly cut stone. These cysts
were in all cases perfectly empty, and were placed as nearly as possible
in the center of the mound. Nothing further was found in any of
the mounds.

The mound marked 17 on the plan stood 500 yards almost due
east of the large central mound. It was oval in shape, ﬂattened
on the top, 85 yards in circumference, and 6 feet high at its highest
point. The northern face was almost perpendicular; the southern
sloped gradually to the ground level. The upper two feet consisted
of earth and blocks of limestone. Near the center of the mound,
at a depth of 1 foot, were found the fragments of two" idols very
similar to those found in mounds 2, 5, and 6. Close to these were
found: (1) The ﬂat, triangular head of a serpent, with protruding,
forked tongue; this was made of pottery, and had been broken off from
the body; (2) a small, pyramidal pottery stopper, like those placed over
the openings in the pottery animals; (3) a dragon’s head in pottery,
with an elaborately decorated headdress; (1) a small pottery mold,4
inches in height, for making masks. After ﬁrst oiling the inside of it,
I ﬁlled this mold with plaster of paris, and it turned out a face very like
ﬁgure 3, plate xxxn, but Without the headdress. Beneath the layer
of earth and limestone came a layer of limestone blocks, many of
which were squared. This was the last mound opened, and as in
mounds of similar construction in which two broken idols had been

690 MoUNDs IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH.A.\‘N.19

found superﬁcially, an urn with pottery animals had invariably been
found 011 digging deeper, I felt almost certain that here, also, they
would be discovered toward the center of the mound. But though
an excavation 15 by 8 feet was made through the center down to the
ground level, nothing further was brought to light.

UN EXCAVATED MOUNDS

Turning next to those mounds at Santa Rita which have not as yet
been excavated, we find that the ﬁrst of these, 18 on the plan, is
by far the largest mound on the estate, and is indeed the largest
mound that I have seen in the colony. It is situated 100 yards almost
due south of the large central mound, is 412 yards in circumference,
oval in shape, ﬂat on the top, and 10 feet high. This mound has never
been dug into.

Mound 19 is very similar to the last and is in line with it and the
large central mound. It is 10 feet high at its highest part, roughly
circular at the base, and 270 yards in circumference.

Mound 20 on the plan is situated 100 yards southwest of the large
central mound. It resembles in shape the two preceding mounds, but
is much the smallest and lowest of the three, being 83 yards in cir—
cumference, ﬂat at the top, circular at the base, and 3% feet high at
its highest point.

These three mounds have been described as being typical of a class
of mound which is numerous in the bush all round the estate and
throughout the whole of the northern district of the colony. Mounds
18 and 20 exhibit the greatest variation in size and height found
- among this class, all the members of which are intermediate in size
between these two. I have opened only one of these mounds as yet, but
as nothing was discovered inside except potsherds, I was not much
encouraged to proceed with the excavation of the others. .

Mound 21 is situated about 1,000 yards southwest of the large
central mound. It is almost semicircular in shape, and is 30 yards in
length, measured along the curve. The east end is much broader and
- higher than the west; the mound, in fact, resembles the half of a pear,
in which the stem has been bent round through a semicircle toward
the head. The mound is 5 feet high and 21 feet broad at its head,
and gradually lessens till it is only 3 feet high and 8 feet broad at its
tail. The convexity faces north, the concavity south. At the point
marked 22 on the plan there are several of these mounds very like the
one just described, both in shape and size. A number of similarly
shaped mounds are found in the bush surrounding the estate, and in
other parts of the district they are common. At Sateneja, a Village
on the coast about 20 miles from Santa Rita, a large number of these
mounds of various sizes are so arranged as nearly to inclose a roughly

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

 

STONE TIGER HEAD FROM MOUND 8, SANTA RITA

 

GAXN] MOUND 23—UNDERGROUND RESERVOIRS 691

circular space very near the seashore. Their concavities all face toward
the space which they inclose; their convexities face outward, and they
were obviously constructedfor defensive purposes. Occasionally these
mounds are almost circular, the narrow pointed end being produced
onward till it passes the broad end, leaving a space 2 or 3 yards across
between them as an exit or entrance.

These mounds vary in length along the curve from 30 to 100 yards,
and in height from 2 to 15 feet. I have opened several of them in various
places, but never found anything in them, which fact strengthens the
presumption in favor of their being used solely for defensive pur-
poses. Some of those at Sateneja contained a large number of conch
shells; but these shellﬁsh are very plentiful along the coast, and when
the ﬁsh had been extracted the accumulated shells were probably used,
merely in place of stones, to build up the mound.

Mound 23 on the plan, situated 217 yards southwest of the large
central mound, resembles the latter very closely. It consists of two
portions—a large mound, and to the south of this a circular space
inclosed by earthen walls, through which is an opening to the south.
This mound is 25 feet in height, conical in shape, circular at the base,
and slightly over 400 feet in circumference. The walls of the earth-
work are continued into it on its south side. Unlike the large central
mound, it is loosely built of earth and stone. The walls of the circular
earthwork where they join the mound are 12 feet high, but as they
approach the opening they become gradually lower. The circular space
included within the walls is 80 yards in diameter.

UNDERGROUND ROCK—HEW’N RESERVOIRS

Scattered about irregularly among these mounds and in the adja-
cent bush are a number of circular openings in the ground, leading to
small oval chambers hollowed out in the limestone rock. Into some
of these chambers it is quite easy to descend, but others have become
blocked up, either from the roof caving in or from débris falling
through the opening and obstructing it. Those that I have examined
are precisely alike in construction and shape, differing only in size,
and a description of one, which is situated within a few yards of the
_ mound marked 3 in the plan, will serve for all.

The upper opening is 3 feet in diameter; that part of it which passes
through the surface earth is built round with blocks of limestone.
Three feet below the surface the opening terminates in the ﬁrst step
of a half-spiral staircase cut in the limestone, which leads to the ﬂoor
of the chamber. The chamber itself is 18 feet long by 10 feet broad;
the roof is arched, the highest part being just below the entrance; the
opposite end is so low that it can not be reached without crawling on
the hands and knees. The ﬂoor is slightly concave, giving the whole

692 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [manna

somewhat an egg-shape appearance. It has been covered through-
out with a layer of hard plaster, but a good deal of this has peeled off
and is lying about on the ﬂoor. Nothing whatever was found in any
of these chambers except the earth and rubbish which had fallen in
through the opening. I have found eight of these chambers within
an area of about 1 square mile around the mounds, and doubtless many
more exist, concealed by the bush. I ﬁrst discovered chambers of
this kind in the western district of British Honduras, but I did not
then think that they had been used as reservoirs for water, as several
existed close to the Mopan river, where excellent drinking water could
be obtained even in the driest season, and in one case a chamber of
this kind had been used as a sepulcher. .

Stephens, in his book on Yucatan,1 mentions these chambers, of
which he came across several near Uxmal. He was of the opinion
that they had been used as reservoirs for water in the dry season, and
I am now also of this opinion, as it would have been impossible for
the builders of the mounds and buildings at Santa Rita to have brought
their fresh water from the nearest natural supply, which is the Rio
Nuevo, situated at a distance of 5 miles from the estate, from which
it is separated by an almost impassable swamp. Nor could wells have
supplied the aboriginal inhabitants with water, for not only have no
traces of any been discovered, but wells which have been sunk on the
estate in recent years have reached water so brackish that it is quite
unﬁt for human consumption.

 

1John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, v01. 1, p. 232.

”2+9

 

 

 

 

 

 

CONTENTS

Page
Prefatory notes ........................................................... 699
Time series in the codices and inscriptions ................................. 715
The Dresden codex ................................................... 715
Inscriptions at Palenque .............................................. 732
Tablet of the Cross ............................................... 733
Tablet of the Sun ................................................. 761
Tablet of the F oliated Cross ....................................... 765
Temple of Inscriptions ............................................ 771
Tikal inscriptions .................................................... 775
Copan inscriptions .................................................... 776
Stela A .......................................................... 776
Stela B .......................................................... 776
Stela C .......................................................... 776
Stela D .......................................................... 778
Stelae E and F ................................................... 778
Stelae H and I .................................................... 778
Stela J .......................................................... 779
Altar K .......................................................... 785

Stela M .......................................................... ' 785 '
Stela N .......................................................... 786
Stela P .......................................................... 787
Altar Q .......................................................... 787
Altar S .......................................................... 788
Inscription at Piedras Negras .......................................... 788
Summary ............................................................ 791
Mr Goodman’s system of Mayan chronology ............................... 792
Initial series ............................................................. 800
Identity of systems and characters of the different tribes .................... 806
Numeral symbols in the codices ........................................... 812
In the Dresden codex ---- ................ 812
In other codices ...................................................... 817
Working tables .......................................................... 818

695

 

PLATE XL.

XLI.
XLII.

XLIIIa.
XLIIIb.
XLI V.
FIGURE 8.
9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17a.

17b.

18.

ILLUSTRATIONS

A portion of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque ..................
Temple of the Sun; inscribed panel on the back of the sanctuary.
Temple of the Foliated Cross; inscribed panel on the back wall of

the sanctuary ...............................................
Inscription on Stela J, Copan ..................................
Glyphs from Stela J, Copan ....................................
Upper division of plates 51 and 52, Dresden codex ...............
The chuen symbol ............................................
The ahau symbol .............................................
The katun symbol .................. . ..........................
The cycle symbol .............................................
The calendar-round symbol ....................................
The day symbols .................. ~ ............................
The month symbols ................................... _ ........
Part of plate 24, Dresden codex ................................
Part of plate 69, Dresden codex ................................
Inscription on the middle'space of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque
Inscription on the right slab of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque.
Part of the inscription on the wall of the Temple of Inscriptions,

Palenque ...................................................

. Part of the inscription at Tikal ................................
. Inscription at I’iedras Negras, Yucatan .........................
. Glyph from plate 73, Dresden codex ...........................
' . Figures from plate 72, Dresden codex ...........................

697

Page
7 33
760

764
778
778
815
711
712
712
712
712
713
714
718
730
734
735

771
775
789
813
815

 

MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS.

BY CYRUS THOMAS

PREFATORY NOTES

The recent explorations in Central America and southern Mexico
by Maudslay, Holmes, the Peabody Museum, and others have brought
to light so much new material that a modiﬁcation in some respects of
conclusions based on the data previously obtained is required. It is
expedient, therefore, to bring conclusions and deductions into harmony
with the new data. At present, however, attention will be limited to
an examination and discussion of the inscriptions and the Dresden
codex in the light of this additional material and of the recent discov-
eries in regard thereto.

That progress toward the ultimate and correct interpretation of
these inscriptions and of the codices and symbolic ﬁgures will be slow is
well understood, and that more or less modiﬁcation of previous views
will follow as the result of new discoveries is to be expected. This
fact is well illustrated in the Old World in the efforts of archaeologists
and linguists to reach a positive and satisfactory conclusion in regard
to the so-called Hittite remains.

The most impertant material for the object of this paper, relating
to the inscriptions, is found in the data obtained by Mr Maudslay dur-
ing his explorations of the ruins of Copan, Quirigua, Tikal, and Palen-
que. Although the ruins of the last—named place have been described
and ﬁgured again and again, it was not until Mr Maudslay’s clear and
large photographs of the inscriptions were published that the data.
relating thereto save that on the slab in U. S. National Museum——
were in a condition to be satisfactorily studied by those interested in
the subject. New light has also been thrown on the inscriptions by
certain discoveries made by Mr J. T. Goodman and Dr E. Forstemann
in regard to the signiﬁcation of some of the glyphs.

The positive results so far obtained by attempts to explain the
inscriptions and codices, including those obtained by Mr Goodman
and Dr Forstemann, relate almost wholly to the time and numeral
symbols. In his elaborate and important memoir, Mr Goodman

699

 

700 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANN-19

announces certain discoveries in regard to the signiﬁcation and use of
characters in the inscriptions, which, if veriﬁed, will materially modify
previous opinions in regard thereto and will bear on future attempts at
interpretation of the inscriptions; he also announces other discoveries
tending to show that the opinions hitherto held in regard to the Maya
time system are erroneous in many respects; and since these announce-
ments form part of Mr Maudslay’s great work, Biologia Centrali-
Americana, a review of the entire subject would seem timely.

The present paper will be limited to an examination of the time
and numeral symbols, time counts and time systems of the Mayan
tribes, as indicated by the codices and inscriptions, and will avoid, so far
as is' possible, rediscussion of points considered as satisfactorily settled
previous to the appearance of Mr Goodman’s memoir entitled The
Archaic Maya Inscriptions (1897). The discussion will be based on a
personal examination of the Dresden codex and the inscriptions, the
former in Dr Fiji‘stemann‘s photographic reproduction and the latter
chieﬂy in the magniﬁcent photographic (autotype) reproductions by
A. P. Maudslay in the archaeologic portion of his Biologia Centrali-
Americana; but the actual examinations have extended to all the more
important Mayan inscriptions in the U. S. National Museum, the Pea~
body Museum in Cambridge, the collection of the American Anti-
quarian Society in Worcester, the American Museum of Natural
History in New York, and the Museum of Archaeology connected with
the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.1 The discussion will
be conducted in the light of the recent discoveries, some of which
will, as we proceed, appear to be valid and of great importance in the
study of Central American paleography. As one object in view will
be to test Mr Goodman’s interpretations, his work will be used in
analyzing the symbols of the inscriptions and the time systems of the
Mayan tribes as a basis of comparison in regard to the several points
of which it treats. 1 shall therefore have very frequent occasions
to refer to it, not in the spirit of criticism, but simply in behalf of
scientiﬁc accuracy, as well as of other workers, differing from him
where I believe he is wrong and agreeing with him Where I believe
he is right. The mode of examination will be, so far as possible, by
inspection of the glyphs and mathematical demonstration by means of
the numeral symbols.

In addition to the objects mentioned as in view in preparing this
paper, it is expected that the comparisons and examinations to be
made will show to some degree how far the glyphs found at Copan,
Tikal, and Palenque, used as time and numeral symbols, agree as to
form and signiﬁcation, and how far they agree in these respects with
the characters of the Dresden codex; and will also show whether or

 

1Grateful acknowledgments are made to the ofﬁcers of these institutions for
courteous assistance.

moms} PREFATORY NOTES , I 701

not the same time or calendar system was used in all, and in What
respect the system presented by Mr Goodman differs from that gener-
ally understood and set forth by other writers——for if he is right
in apprehending that previous investigators have been at fault in
regard to the Mayan time system, it is important, in view of future
investigations, that this be clearly shown and the error be pointed out.
A comparison of the time systems of the Maya, Nahuatl, and Zapotec
tribes has been made to some extent from the historic standpoint.
This comparison indicates that the time systems used by these tribes
were substantially the same.

As attention will be given almost exclusively to the examination of
the time series and time systems of the codices and inscriptions, it is
necessary, in order that the reader may follow closely and apply
the tests himself, that the apparatus to be used be placed before him.
This Will involve some repetition of what has been given in my pre-
vious papers; but in order to use Mr Goodman’s discoveries in com-
parisons it is necessary to adopt some scheme of applying them which
can be introduced here, as his tables cover more than 100 large quarto
pages. This, I have found, can be done, after a little study and prac-
tice, by means of: two or three short tables, each occupying less than a
page. They are therefore inserted with such explanations as are neces-
sary to show how they are to be used. One of these tables which will
be used in making comparisons is that numbered 3, on page 21 of my
"Maya Year, and entitled there “Days and Months of the four b‘eries
of Years.” It is inserted here as table 1.

 

 

TABLE 1—Days and months of the four series of years 3
NJ
Akbal year Lamt year Ben year Ezanah your
3:317?
Akbal Lamat Ben Ezanab 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 1 1 5 12 6 13 7
Kan Muluc Ix Cauac 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 ' 1 8 2
Chicchan 0c Men Ahau 3 10 4 11 5 12 o 13 7 1 8 2 9 3
Cimi Chuen Cib Imix 4 11 5 12 6 13 7_ 1 8 2 9 3 10 4
Manik Eb Caban 1k 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 g
"”1513? Ben Ezanab Akbal 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 :
Muluc Ix Cauac Kan 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 a
00 Men Ahau Chicchan 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 1 O
Chuen Cib Imix Cimi 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 E E:
Eb 1,; Caban Ik Manik 10 1 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 = 1;
Beh" Ezanab Akbal — Lamat 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9- 3 10 4 11 E E
IX Cauac Kan Muluc 12 6 13 T 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 1 5'5
Men Ahau _ Chicchan 00 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 a
Cib Imix Cimi Chuen 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 . 7 14 g
Caban , 1k Manik Eb 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 .12 6 13 7 1 8 15 g
Ezanab Akbal Lamat Ben 3 10 4 11 5 12 b 13 7 1 8 2 9 16 ‘0
Cauac Kan Muluc Ix 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 17
Ahau Chicchan Oc Men 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 - 18
Imix Cimi Chuen Cib 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 19
1k Manik Eb Caban 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 20

 

 

 

61 'NxV'Hm]

 

THOMAS]

' THE MAYA YEAR 703

Each month consisted of 20 days, each day having its particular
name, as follows: Akbal, Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, Lamat, Muluc,
Oc, Chuen, Eb, Ben, IX, Men, Cib, Caban, Ezanab, Cauac, Ahau, Imix,
Ik. The order 01 sequence heie given was always maintained, though
the month did not always begin with the same day, since according
to the peeulia1 a11angement of the calendaI, as used in the Dresden
codex and the inscriptions, it might begin with (and only with) Akbal,
Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab, as is shown in table 1. If it began with Akbal
the second day would be Kan, the others following in the order given;
if with Lamat, then Muluc would be the second, and so on; if with
Ben, Ix would be the second, Men the third, and so on to Eb, the last;
if with Ezanab, Cauac, Ahau, etc., would follow, always in the order
given. The ﬁrst day of the year would therefore necessarily be the
ﬁrst day of the months during that year. As the year was divided
into eighteen months of twenty days each (always named and arranged

in the following order:
1 Pop 7 Yaxkin 13 Mac
2 U0 8 M01 14 Kankin
3 Zip 9 Chen 15 Muan
4 Tzoz (or Zotz) 10 Yax 16 Pax
5 Tzec 11 Zac 17 Kayab
6 Xul 12 Ceh l8 Cumhu),

making 360 days, and ﬁve days to make the 365 were added at th
end of the 18th month (Cumhu), the names following in proper orde1
it follows as a necessary result that the count in the day series would
be thrown forward ﬁve days each year. If the year (or month) began
with Akbal, the last day of the 18th month would be 1k; counting ﬁve
days—Akbal, Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, and Manik—would bring us to
Lamat, the ﬁrst day of the next year

The numbel mg of the days was peculiar; it did not correspond with
the days of the month as we count them, but was limited to 13, fol-
lowed by 1, 2, etc, up to 13, this order proceeding without variation,
thus:

1 Akbal 6 Lamat 11 Ben 3 Ezanab
2 Kan 7 Muluc 12 Ix 4 Cauac L
3 Chicchan 8 00 13 Men 5 Ahau

4 Cimi 9 Chuen 1 Cib 6 Iinix

5 Manik 10 Eb 2 Caban 71k

If the list continued 8 Akbal, 9 Kan, 10 Chicchan, etc., would
follow. Hence, it is readily seen that by continuing the series each
day name would in the course of time have all the thirteen numerals

 

1 It is possible that the inscriptions of the Yucatan peninsula will be found to follow the system of
the Troano and Cortesian codices and the codex used by Landa, should any inscribed dates be found.

aw i

[fruit t’ﬂ

7 04 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mmmm

attached to it. The round is completed in 13 months, as will be seen
by table 2.

TABLE 2—le months, days, and 7mm erals for the year 1 Akbal

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 1 1 |
F, : I 1 n
.: -— I :2 —
1 > .1 1 :4 1 : ,3 .1: 9
Months :11: S18~i~5>¢1oggr11§1xhg 9:.
010 E‘N1N=:3.:s¢9;153 :1xfis a:
{‘— D \I E4 Z-‘ V: 'r‘ . 1:. O >1 N C A 1 >4 4 1 L A O :2
Days 1 2 3 11511.17 8 91101112131141151161718
‘_—___f_m__i__.__v__l_.___.__‘m
1 1 1
Akbal ....... 1 3 s 2 9 1 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 1 8 1 2 9 3 10
Kan ......... 12 913 19411 512 613 7 1 812 91310 4 11
1 1 1
Chicchan....1 3 10 41111 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9+ 3 101 4 11 5 12
Cimi ......... 4111 51121 6 13 7 1 8 2 9_ 3101 4 11 5 12 6 13
Manik ....... 15112 611317 1 8 2 9 31014111512 613 7 1
Lamat ....... 6 1 13 1 7 1 1 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 ' 5 12 1 6 13 7 1 8 ......
Muluc ....... 71 1: 81 21 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 11 s 2 9 ......
Oc ........... 8 2 9 1 3 1 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 1 8 2 9 3 10 ......
Chuen ....... 91 31101 4111 5 12 6 13 7 1 81 2 9 3110 4 11 ......
Eb ........... 10 4 1 11 1 5 1 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 1 9 1 3 10 4 11 5 12 ......
Ben ......... 11 5 1 12 1 (i 1 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 1 10 4 11 5 i 12 6 13 ......
Ix ........... 1.! (>13 711 8 219 310 41111512 6113 7 1 ......
Men ......... 13 7 1 812 9 3110 4111 511216 .13 7 1 8 2 ......
Cib .......... 1 1 8 2 9 1 3 10 4 11 5 12 (i ' 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 ......
Cuban ....... ‘1 1 9 3 10 1 4 11 5 1‘2 6 13 7 1 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 ......
Ezanab ...... 3 10 4 11 1 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 ......
Cauac ....... 4 1 11 5 12 1 (1 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 1 10 1 4 11 5 12 6 ......
Ahzul ........ 5 1 12 6 13 1 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 1 11 5 12 6 13 7 ......
Imix ........ 6 13 1 7 1 1 1 s 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 ‘ 12 6 13 7 1 s ......
Ik ........... 7 1 1 1 8 1 2 i 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 ......
1 1 1 1

 

 

 

 

In giving a date, therefore, instead of giving the day name alone,
the day and number both are necessary, thus: 4 Ahau, 3 Kan, 11 1k,
etc. But to complete the date so that it can be located in the 52-year
cycle of the Mayas, the “ calendar round,” as Mr Goodman calls it, or in
its proper relative position, it is necessary to have the month and day of
the month, thus: 4 Ahau 18 Ceh; that is to say, 4 Ahau, the eighteenth
day of the (twelfth) month Ceh. The numbering of the months never
changes; that is, Ceh is always the twelfth, Pop always the ﬁrst, U0 the
second, and so on.

As may be seen from what has been stated, the years must begin
(under the system here followed) with the days Akbal, Lamat, Ben,
and Ezanab, following each other in regular order, and before the
possible changes have been completed each must receive the entire 13
numerals; hence it is apparent that the period necessary to cover these
changes is 52 years (4X 13). If the year begin with 1 Akbal (hence
called the year 1 Akbal), it will end (counting 365 days) with 1 Manik.
As the next day is 2 Lamat, this will be the ﬁrst day of the next year
(2 Lamat). This year will end with 2 Eb and the next will begin with
3 Ben. This will end with 3 Caban and the next begin with 4 Ezanab.

moms] ORDER or THE YEARS 705

This will end with 1 1k and the next will begin with 5 Akbal, and so
on until the number 13 is reached, when the count begins again with 1.
The order in which the years follow one another through a complete
cycle of years, or calendar round, is shown in the annexed table (3).

 

 

 

 

TABLE 3
Akbal a Lamat 3 Ben ‘ Ezanab
1 2 3 4
5 6 7 8
9 10 11 12
13 1 2 3
4 5 6 7
8 9 ‘10 11
12 13 1 2
3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10
1 1 12 13 1
2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13

 

 

 

 

This is to be followed in the order of the numbers, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc.
As all the possible changes are completed in a cycle of years, or cal-
endar round (we use the term “cycle of years” to distinguish it from
the period to which Goodman has unfortunately applied the name
“cycle,” which is not the same as the 52-year period, which he calls
“calendar round”), it always begins or is supposed to begin with 1
Akbal, 1 Lamat, 1 Ben, or 1 Ezanab, according to the order or system
adopted, and ends with the year 13. According to the system adopted
here it always begins with 1 Akbal.

It is stated above that these tables apply to the “system adopted
here.” For the beneﬁt of those not thoroughly familiar with this
subject an explanation is necessary. As the Maya calendar is an
orderly rotation of days, months, and years subject to the rules above
stated, resulting from the numbering by 13, the 20 days to the month, 18
months to the year, and the 5 added days, any 4 days of the 20 days,
selected at intervals of 5 in the series, could be adopted as dominical
days. For example, it appears from the Troano codex that the people
where it was made (supposed to have been those of the peninsula of
Yucatan) selected Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac as the dominical days,
while the Tzental, with whose system the Dresden codex corresponds,
selected (if the count of the days of the month began with 1) Akbal,

706 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [Emmaw

Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab. Mr Goodman, however, contends that the
dominical days used in the inscriptions were Ik, Manik, Eb, and Caban,
but instead of commencing the numbering of the days of the month
with 1 and continuing with 2, 3, etc., to 20, he begins the count with 20,
following it with 1, 2, 3, etc., to 19. In other words, instead of call-
ing the ﬁrst day of the month 1, he calls it 20 (these, it must be
remembered, are not the day numbers, which never exceed 13, but
the numbers of the days of the month). This system is in fact, as
will be seen by reference to table 1 (page 715), the same—with one dif-
erence, which will be explained hereafter—as using Akbal, Lamat, Ben,
and Ezanab as the dominical days; for, as will be seen by this table,
Akbal, in 1k years, though by position the second day of the month,
is numbered the ﬁrst precisely as it is in Akbal years in our table 1.

Another point necessary to settle absolutely the system is to know
which of the dominical days was placed ﬁrst in commencing the
ﬁfty-two year period—in other words, what was the initial day. In
table 3 it has been assumed ﬁrst, that the years of this period began with
1, which has also been assumed by Mr Goodman, and second, that this
ﬁrst year was an Akbal year; but Mr Goodman holds that according
to his system it was an 1k year, which, as has been explained, accords
with our Akbal year. He expresses also an opinion that Caban was
possibly the initial day.

Although this question does not affect the lower time periods, it is
apparent that it does affect the numbering of the years of the ﬁfty—two
year period. This subject will, however, be referred to again.

Turning now to our table 1, we will try to make as clear as possi-
ble the method of using it so as to avoid the introduction of a multi-
plicity of tables. The year 1 Akbal written out in full would be as
shown in table 2. It will be seen that the ﬁve ﬁgure columns after
the thirteenth—to wit, the fourteenth, ﬁfteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth,
and eighteenth, numbering from left to right—are precisely the same
as the ﬁrst, second, third, fourth, and ﬁfth, and that the ﬁve added or
intercalary days are the same as the ﬁrst ﬁve of the sixth column.
As the series continued endlessly in this order, I have eliminated in my
table 1 the last ﬁve columns and ﬁve added days, using the ﬁrst, second,
third, fourth, and ﬁfth, and the ﬁrst ﬁve days of the sixth instead.

In counting forward (by which is meant to the right), if the number
of months to be counted is not completed on reaching the last or
right-hand column, we go back to the ﬁrst. If, as is frequently the
case, our count is to be backward over past or preceding months, it must
then be toward the left, and after reaching the ﬁrst or left-hand column
we go to the right-hand column. In other words, it is a continuous
round in whichever direction we are moving, to the right being for-
ward in time and to the left backward.

THOMAS] USE OF TABLE 1 707

Suppose we wish to know in what year the date 6 Ahau 3 Zotz—
that is, 6 Ahau, the 3d day of the fourth month (Zotz)—~falls. Looking
to the year. columns (table 1), we see that Ahau can be the 3d day of
the month only in Ezanab years. Looking along the line opposite
running through the ﬁgure (or month) columns, we ﬁnd 6 in the
seventh column. As this is in the fourth month, to ﬁnd the ﬁrst we
must count back (to the left) three columns, which brings us to the
column headed by 9 (that is, the column whose top ﬁgure is 9); hence
our year is 9 Ezanab. N ow let us trace this year through by the table
and ﬁnd the ﬁrst day of the next year. Beginning with the column
headed 9, we count to the right nine columns, which brings us to the
last; then we go back to the ﬁrst (left-hand) and count eight. This
reckoning brings us to the column headed 11. Counting 5 days down
the next column (headed 5), we ﬁnd that the next—the 6th day of
the month—is 10 Akbal. which,as will be seen by our table of years
(table 3), is correct. To follow out this year, we must begin with the
month column headed 10, as this is the ﬁrst month (Pop) of the year
10 Akbal.

As any one day can fall on only four different days of the month,
as Ahau on the 18th in Akbal years, on the 13th in Lamat years, on
the 8th in Ben years, and on the 3d in Ezanab years, a mere inspec-
tion of the table will at once detect a date erroneous in this respect.
F or example, there can be no day Manik on the 3d, 9th, or 16th of the
month, etc.

Suppose we wish to ﬁnd on what date the 600th day counting forward
from ‘7 Cib 4 Mac will fall. Looking at the table (1), we see that ’Cib
can be the 4th day of the month only in Ben years. Running along the
line opposite (horizontal line) through the ﬁgure columns, we ﬁnd 7 in
the column headed 4. As Mac is the thirteenth month of the year, we
must count back thirteen months or columns to reach the ﬁrst month
of the year. Counting back the seven columns to the ﬁrst (left), we
then go to the last (right) and count six columns. This brings us to
that headed 11; hence the year is 11 Ben, and the next year must be
12 Ezanab. As 7 Cib 4 Mac is the 4th day of the thirteenth month,
there will remain of this month 16 days, 5 whole months (100 days), and
the added 5 days to complete the year, or, in other words, 121 days. Sub-
tracting this from 600, there remain 479 days to be counted, and
deducting from this 365 days, or one year. 114 days remain to be
counted on the next year, which must be 13 Akbal. As 114 days equal
5 months and 14 days, we begin with the ﬁgure column of our table
headed 13, and count forward 5 months (including this one), and
counting down the next month (column headed 9) 14 days, we reach
the ﬁgure 9, and opposite it in the Akbal column ﬁnd the day Cih.
The date reached is therefore 9 (Jib, 14th day of the (sixth) montl.

708 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mm ANN. 19

Xul, in the year 13 Akbal. Turning to our table of years (3), we
see that 11 Ben is the third year in the Ben column, 01' the eleventh
year of the cycle of years, and that 12 Ezanab and 18 Akbal follow.
“7e are thus enabled to correctly locate these dates in the cycle of
years. These statements and examples, with the illustrations which
follow, will enable the reader to use the tables and to follow
the present investigations.

The order in which the characters in the codices and inscriptions
are to be read has been fully explained in my previous publications,
and so generally accepted that it is unnecessary to explain it here,
especially as it is indicated in the quotation from Maudslay’s work
given immediately below. This author, speaking of the order in which
the inscriptions are to be read, says (Biologia Centrali-Americana,
Archaeology, part 2, Text, November, 1890, p. 39):

With regard to the order in which the hieroglyphics should be read, Professor
Cyrus Thomas has shown, from an examination of the Palenque tablets, that when
a single column only of glyphs is met with, it should be read from the top to bottom,
and that when there is an even number of columns, the glyphs are to be read in
double columns from top to bottom, and from left to right. I myself came to the
same conclusion from an entirely independent examination of inscriptions from
Quirigua and Copan, and this order is adopted in numbering the glyphs on the fol-
lowing plates.

As I have also shown that this is usually, though not always, the
order in which the glyphs of the codices, when in columns, are to be
read, a conclusion which is now accepted by all investigators of Maya
symbolic writing, we have in this fact one point of agreement between
the codices and inscriptions at Palenque, Copan, Tikal, and Quirigua.
The use of dots and short straight lines to indicate numerals up to 19
(each dot counting 1 and each short line 5), as in the codices, is also
universal in the inscriptions, as is admitted by Mr Maudslay. He has
also conﬁrmed my suggestion (Study of the Manuscript Troano, pp.
202—203) that the little loops connected, in certain cases, with these
number symbols have no signiﬁcation. He says (op. cit. , p. 39): “ There
is no reason to suppose that any different system of notation is employed
on the sculptured monuments; it was not, however, usual to leave blank
spaces when carving the numerals 1, 2, 6, 7, 11, 12, 16, 17 in stone,
but to ﬁll up the space thus: GDOGD, 1; 0 GO 0, 2; @OGD, 6;

O (PDQ, 7, em”

As the ordinary numeral symbols, the dots and lines (which are
never used to signify a higher single number than 19), have been so
frequently explained and are incidentally referred to in what precedes,
I pass to those discovered by Dr Forstemann and Mr Goodman, as
I shall have frequent occasion to use them, but will not discuss at
this point the general theory presented by the latter, nor his other

moms] NUMERAL SYMBOLS 709

supposed discoveries. He follows, as stated above, the order in read-
ing the inscriptions ﬁrst explained by me, and accepts the interpreta-
tion of the ordinary time symbols which has been universally adopted,
with the single exception of that found in the Dresden codex, which
has generally been explained as the symbol for “naught,” or nothing.
This will be again referred to hereafter.

Previous to the appearance of Mr Goodman’s work, the following
discoveries in regard to the numeral and time systems as given in the
codices. in addition to what has been already presented herein, had
been made and explained: That this symbol was used, in count-
ing time, to represent the number 20; that this character @, some-
what variable in form, and usually colored red, was used to indicate
“naught” or nothing; and that a certain preﬁx to month symbols,

usual] 7 in the form of a. double circle thus 0 was used to denote 20,
3 7 C7 9

signifying, when thus used, the 20th day of the month. It was fur-
ther ascertained, as may be seen by reference to papers by Dr Forste—
mann and myself explanatory of time series in the Dresden codex,
that the orders of units in counting long periods, the day being the
primary or lowest unit, was as follows: 20, 18, 20, 20, 20; that is to
say, 20 units of the ﬁrst order make one of the second order, 18 units
of the second order make one of the third order, 20 units of the third
order make one of the fourth order, 20 units of the fourth order make
one of the ﬁfth order, and 20 units of the ﬁfth order make one of the
sixth order. These different units, save those of the ﬁrst order. were
not expressed by speciﬁc symbols, but by position, that is, by being
placed one above another, as is here shown. the lowest indicating the
ﬁrst, the next above the second order. and so on.

9 units of the ﬁfth order, 3;, 9 cycles.

9 units of the fourth order, a, 9 katuns.

9 units of the third order, °—'&:, 9 ahaus.

O
16 units of the second order, =' , l6 chuens. a

0 units of the ﬁrst order, @, 0 days.

For the purpose of explanation and comparison I have placed to the
left of the symbols their equivalents in Arabic numerals. and in the
column to the right the equivalents according to Mr Goodman’s
nomenclature, which will be explained a little further on.

This example is not an arbitrary one, but is taken from plate XXIV
of the Dresden Codex, and has been selected because it was explained
by Dr Forstemann, so far as the numbers and count are concerned, in
1887 (Zur Entziﬂ'erung der Mayahandschriften, 4, 1887). According

19 ETH, PT 2—10

710 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS Unaware

to Dr Forstemann the number of days indicated by these numeral
symbols as thus placed is 1,361,360, the length of the periods being as
follows:

Days
1 cycle ........................................... 144, 000
1 katun ............................................ 7,200
1 ahau ............................................ 360
1 chuen ........................................... 20

Now let us test it by Mr Goodman’s system, using his own tables
(last page of his paper) for this purpose:

Days
9 cycles ......................................... 1, 296, 000
9 katuns .................................. _ ...... 64, 800
9 ahaus ......................................... 3, 240
16 chuens ........................................ 320
Days ............................................ 0
1, 364, 360

It is evident from this result that this, so far as the system is con-
cerned, is, up to the ﬁfth order of units, precisely that discovered and
applied by Dr Foi‘stemann, except as to the “ naught” symbol. Even
the very order and method of expressing a series which Mr Goodman
uses, so far as applicable to the codices, was, as will be seen a little
further on, used by Dr F orstemann. In order that I may not do
injustice to Dr FOrstemann when I speak of the discoveries by Mr
Goodman, it is proper to add that not only had he discovered and
applied to the time series of the Dresden codex the orders of units
accepted and used by Mr Goodman, but had determined as early as
1891 the value of the symbols designated “ahau” and “katun,” as
appears from his article Zur Maya-Chronologie in the Zeitschrift
fur Ethnologie for that year. Mr Goodman’s paper was not published
until 1897, though it is apparent from his preface that it was com-
pleted in 1895. If Dr Ferstemann had not seen Mr Goodman’s
paper when his article entitled Die Kreuzinschrift von ~Palenque, was
published in the Globus in 189‘7—which makes no mention of the
former, though referring to works on the subject—it is evident he
had discovered independently the value of the symbols which Good-
man designates chuen and cycle. To the 360-day period he applied
the name “old year” under the supposition that in an earlier stage of
their culture the Mayas counted only 360 days to the year; and to
the 7 ,200-day period the name “old ahau.” However, it appears
from his Entzifferung der Mayahandschrift, number IV, 1891, that as
early as June of this year he had calculated correctly the value of
some six or eight numeral series on the stelae and altars of Copan
from Maudslay’s work. This implies necessarily a knowledge of the
value of the so-called time periods, and indicates that he had made

moms] NUMERAL SYMBOLS 711

this discovery independently, unless he had received some informa-
tion on the subject from Maudslay of which I have no knowledge. It
is apparent from a statement by the latter author in part 2 of his
work, published in 1890, that the values of these symbols, save that of
the chuen, were yet unknown to him. However, as Dr Forstemann
seems to have fallen short of the discovery of their uses and the appli-
cation of them, the chief credit of the discovery must be awarded to
Mr Goodman.

This discovery, which must cancel a number of previous specula-
tions and affect to a large extent all attempts at interpretation of the
inscriptions and codices, consists, ﬁrst, in ﬁnding out the fact that in
the inscriptions the orders of units above the ﬁrst, to wit, his so—called
chuens, ahaus, katuns, and cycles, were not indicated by position as
in the codices, but each had its distinct character or glyph; second, in
determining these characters and their values; and, third, in showing
from the inscriptions the order in which they are generally arranged
and the manner in which the truth of this discovery may be demon-
strated. He has also discovered that a certain character, which he
terms a “ calendar round symbo‘,” was used to indicate the period of
52 years, which has heretofore usually been designated a “ cycle ” or
“cycle of years,” and also that certain face characters are used as
numeral symbols. As we shall have occasion to use these in our
investigation of the inscriptions, the usual forms of the principal ones
(using Mr Goodman’s names) will be shown here and his other claimed
discoveries will be considered hereafter.

THE CIIUEN

This character usually has a numeral symbol on top and at the left
side, the former indicating the number of chuens and the latter the
added or overplus days.

 

FIG. S—Thc chuen symbol.

712 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19

THE AHAL‘

The numeral indicating the number of ahaus is usually placed at
the left.

     

FIG. 9-—'l‘he ahau symbol.
THE KATI'N

The numeral indicating the number of katuns is usually placed at
the left side. though occasionally at the top.

6%
ﬂ
ts»)

         

FIG. lO—TlIe katun symbol.
THE CYCLE

The numeral in this case is also usually at the left side.

 

a h c d
FIG. 11—The cycle symbol.

THE CALENDAR ROL‘XD

The numeral is usually at the left side.

   

b , 6
FIG. l‘2—The calendar round symbol.

THOMAS] DAY SYMBOLS 713

The forms of the day symbols usually found in the inscriptions are
as shown in ﬁgure 13.

The month symbols usual in the inscriptions, including what Mr
Goodman claims is the symbol for the ﬁve added days or Uayeb, are
shown in ﬁgure 11.

The typical and usual form of the chuen is shown in the ﬁrst two
glyphs of ﬁgure 8 (a, 6). If the number at the top were 3 (three

I\

Akbal

  
 

   

Muluc

Manik_

 

Eb Ben
@
Caban Ezanab

   

Ahau Allan Aliau
FIG. 13—T11e day symbols.

dots or balls), it would signify three chuens or 60 days (3X20); the
number at the side if 12 would denote 12 days. It would then read
12 days, 3 ehuens, or 3 ehuens, 12 days, which together would equal
72 days. This is the only counter or time period symbol which has two
numbers attached. It may as well be stated here, to prevent confusion
or misunderstanding in regard to our use of terms, that for convenience
in our comparisons Mr Goodman’s names of these several symbols and
the time periods he supposes them to represent will be used, although

714 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANNJQ

I am ﬁrmly convinced, for reasons which will be shown hereafter,
that they are nothing more than orders of units or multipliers.
Therefore, when they are spoken of as “ time’periods,” or by the names
given, this must be borne in mind.

The typical and usual form of the ahau is shown in the ﬁrst three
glyphs of ﬁgure 9 (a, 7), c). This symbol denotes 360 days, which
must be multiplied by the numeral usually at the side—to obtain
the full number of days indicated. The name ahau as here used must
not be confounded with the day-name Ahau.1 The use of the same
name for two different purposes is unfortunate and confusing.

The usual form of the katun is shown in the ﬁrst two glyphs of ﬁg-

 

     

C2

Kankin

Kayab Cumhu
FIG. 14—The month symbols.

ure 10 (a, 7/). The attached numeral, if 1 or 2, is frequently at the
top, though usually at the side. As this symbol represents 7,200
days, the number of days indicated is 7,200 multiplied by the attached
numeral.

The usual cycle symbol is shown by the ﬁrst glyph of ﬁgure .11 (a).
As the cycle is 14$,000 days, 1&4,000 must be multiplied by the
attached numeral to obtain the total number of days.

The great cycle will be referred to hereafter, and the other forms of
the chuen, ahau, katun, and cycle will be discussed as the series by
which their values are determined are examined.

 

1 The day name is always written with a capital, the ahau denoting a period with a small letter.

moms] NUMERAL SYSTEMS 7 1 5

TIME SERIES IN THE CODICES AND INSCRIPTIONS

THE 1) RESDEN CODEX

As the Dresden codex is now so generally known, it will be made
the point of departure and the ﬁrst examples showing the method of
counting time will be taken from it. In this examination further com-
parison will be made between the system used by Mr Goodman in count-
ing time series and that ﬁrst made known by Dr Ferstemann and used
by him and myself in the papers relating to this subject which have
been published. As I have somewhat fully illustrated and explained
in my Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices (in Sixth Ann. Rep.
Bur. Ethnology), a considerable number of the time series of the
Dresden codex, in which the ﬁgures do not rise above the fourth order
of units, the examples referred to here will be those involving high
numbers, in order to strengthen the proof of Dr Ferstemann’s theory
and to establish clearly the respective values of the units in the
higher orders. These will also necessarily indicate the calendar
system in vogue, to which it is desirable to call special attention.

The names of the several orders of units is a matter which failed to
receive attention until the subject was taken up by Mr Goodman;
those that he has applied are unfortunate and can result only in con-
fusion so long as they remain in vogue. Dr Brinton remarks that
“No doubt each of these periods of time had its appropriate name
in the technical language of the Maya astronomers, and also its cor-
responding characterin their writing. None of them has been recorded
by the Spanish writers, but from the analogy of the Nahuatl script
and language, and from certainin dications in the Maay writings,
we may surmise that some of these technical terms were from one
of the radicals meaning ‘to tie, or fasten together,’ and that the
corresponding signs would either directly (that is, pictorially) or
ikonomatically (that is, by similarity of sound) express this idea”
(Primer, pp. 30, 31). He suggests 72(th for the 360-day period, and
pic for the 7,200-day period, and 75ch for the 20-day period. The
name chuen, which Mr Goodman has applied to the month equiva-
lent, the 20-day period, was adopted by him because of the resem-
blance of the glyph to the symbol of the day Chuen. This duplicates
the name in the time series. The same objection applies to the
names ahau, katun, and cycle; each of these is now applied in three
different senses in the calendar system, ahau being used as a day
name, as a name of the 24 or 20 year period, and now for the unit of
the third order, or 360-day period; katun for the 24 or 20 year period,
with ahau preﬁxed for the 312-year period, and for the unit of the
fourth order, or 7,200-day period; and cycle for the 52-year period,
also sometimes for the 260-day period, and now for the unit of the

716 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mum 19

ﬁfth order or the 114,000-day period. FOrstemann, as has been already
stated, applies the name “ old year” to the 360-day period, apparently
under the idea that it at some previous time constituted the full year;
“ old ahau” to the 7,200-day period (a fourth application of this
term); and “ old katun” to a period of 18,720 days or 52 “ old years”
(52X 360 : 7 2X 260). To express 9 cycles, 12 katuns, 18 ahaus, 5
chucns, 16 days, Mr Goodman uses this abbreviation: 9—12—18—5 X 16,
the X indicating that the two numbers between which it stands are
usually attached to one symbol. Dr Forstemann, as an abbreviation
to express the same orders of units, uses the same method, omitting
only the ><,thus:10,19, 6,0,8 (Zur Entzitferung der Mayahand-
sch1iften, 1887, p. 6).

It will pe1haps be as well to insert here what I have to say in refer-
ence to Mr Goodman’s expressions in regard to, and use of, the term
ahau as applied to a time period. The names applied to time periods
as a means by which to refer to them are comparatively unimportant,
unless such application involves other questions. We quote ﬁrst the
following passage from his work (p. 21):

I now come to what has been a stumbling-block to every one who has hitherto
attempted to deal with the Maya records. It has been known that the Mayas reckoned
time by ahaus, katuns, cycles, and great cycles, but what was the precise length of any
of these periods has been a debatable question. Some have contended, with the best
of proof apparently, that the katun is a period of twenty years, while others have
maintained, with proof equally as good, that it is a period of twenty-four years.
The truth is, it is neither.

The contention arose from a misapprehension, or total ignorance rather, of the
Maya chronological scheme. It was taken for granted that a year of 365 days must
necessarily enter in to the reckoning; whereas the moment the Mayas departed from
speciﬁc dates and embarked upon an extended time reckoning, they left their annual
calendar behind and made use of a separate chronological one.

The use of the term ahau—katun is avoided everywhere in these pages. Such a
period never existed, except as a delusion of Don Pio Perez and his misguided fol-
lowers. The error originated from a misconception of the Yucatee method of dis-
tinguishing the katuns. The ahau was numbered according to its position in the
katun, as the eighth, tenth, or the sixth from the close; but the katun was desig-
nated by the particular number of the day Ahau with which it ended. Thus, for
instance, it might sometimes be spoken of as the katun 10 Ahau; and at other times
by a mere reversal of the phrase, as the 10 Ahau katun. More frequently, however,
the term katun was not used at all, its existence and number being implied by
simple mention of the ahau date. But there was no ahau-katun.

On page 23, in speaking of the ahau, he adds:

This period is the real basis of the Maya chronological system. Everything
proceeds by ahaus, till in succession the katuns, cycles, great cycles, and grand era
are formed from them.

The ahau is a period of 360 days—the sum of the days in the eighteen regular
months—and derives its name undoubtedly from the fact that it always begins with
the day Ahau. It is the period, not between two Ahaus with the same numeral, but
between the second two with a differentiation of four in their day numbering. Mov-
ing forward with this progression of four it results that the ahaus follow each other

THOMAS] I THE AHAU 7 1 7

in the order of 9, 5 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, 13, 9, 5, 1, and so on—an order of suc-
cession that Perez quotes from an unnamed manuscript, but whose signiﬁcance he
failed to grasp. .

Twenty ahaus constitute a katun. They are numerated: 20, 1, 2, 3, etc, up to 19.

Finally, in speaking of the katun (p. 24), he says:

It is over this period that the battle royal has been fought. The question of
twenty or twenty-four years has raged undeterminedly for more than half a century.
As the facts themselves will show the folly of the whole contention, I pass it by
without awarding to any individual combatant the discredit of his partisanship.

Twenty years of 365 days make 7,300 days. The katun does not reach that far,
falling a hundred days short, as a multiplication of its constituent parts will show:
360 X 20:7,200.

In consequence of the day Ahau beginning the ahaus, it Inust also begin the katuns;
and the ahaus succeeding each other by differences of four, as 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3,
12, 8, 4, 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, etc, it results that the order of the katuns, composed as
they are of twenty ahaus, must be one in which each succeeding katun begins with
a day number two less than its forerunner—thus: 11,9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2, 13, 11,
etc.

The katuns are numerated in the same manner as the ahaus: 20, 1, 2, 3, etc, up
to 19.

Let us examine these expressions so far as they relate to the ahau
and bear upon the Maya system as developed in the record.

He says the ahau is a period of 360 days, “and derives its name
undoubtedly from the fact that it always begins with the day Ahau.”
This is undoubtedly the use he makes of it; but was it used by the
Mayas in this sense? That he has derived this name as applied to
the period of 360 days from the inscriptions appears nowhere in his
work. He nowhere asserts or pretends to claim that the symbol
denoting this period is in any sense phonetic, giving this name. The
only early native authorities to which we can appeal are the Chronicles.
To these, therefore, we refer, following Dr Brinton’s translation.

In the Chronicle from the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani, the ahaus -
are numbered over and over again as containing each twenty years.
In the thirteenth paragraph (p. 103) it is said “in the thirteenth ahau
Ahpula died; for six years the count of the thirteenth ahau will not
be ended.” It is evident from this, be the count confused and even
erroneous, that the author considered the ahau as composed of more
than six years. The Chronicle of Chumayel also speaks of the sixth
year of the thirteenth ahau, the seventh year of the eighth ahau katun
(uaxac ahau u katunil), and the ﬁrst year of the ﬁrst ahau katun (ahau
u katunile). Another Chronicle of Chumayel expressly makes ahau
the equivalent of katun—“the fourth ahau was the name of the
katun”—and uses ahau, katun, and ahau katun as synonyms (ahau u
katunil). ‘

It is evident from these extracts, be the originals trustworthy or
not, that Mr Goodman could not have found therein evidence for his
application of the term ahau. Nor can it be obtained from Landa,

718 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETE ANN. 19

who expressly mentions "primero aﬁo de la era de buluc—a/aau,” and
of the natives doing homage to the various ahaus for ten years each.
Mr Goodman’s radical error, as we shall see, is taking numerical nota-
tion for a time system.

The ﬁrst example to which attention is called is taken from plate
21L of the Dresden codex, and includes that portion of a long series
running up the plate which is shown in our ﬁgure 15.

If the order in which the series ascends be that in which it is to be
followed, it is evident this must be from right to left, taking the lower
division ﬁrst, thus: D2, C2, B2, A2 (in the lower division), then D1,
Cl, B1, and A1 (in the upper division). But the plan of the series
may be the reverse of this, as it is pos-
sible that it runs back in time, and is
to be read from left to right the dif-
ferences between the columns being
subtractedinstead of added; the result
is, however, the same. As there are
no month symbols by means of which
to determine the years, and our only
object in referring to the series is
to show the value of the symbols
_ , ,1 g according to the relative positions
:3:- oot3 coco ‘ .63"; they occupy in relation to one another,
‘ A ‘ ' / ' ‘ ' .g the order in which they are to be read,
}E :22. Q Liz-.3 and the value of the counters, it is not
i

 

 

h:

-' . , " _ ;ﬂj ‘material in which direction the series
fwd-O O ’5‘, s y be taken. \Ve will therefore follow
:99 ;9-® the ascending order—i. e., from right
L‘MA/ ,_.., W.JW , . . . .

GAhau 11 Ahau 3 Ahau 3 Ahau to left, beginning With D2 (right-hand
FIG. 15~Part of plate 24, Dresden codex. 0011111111 in lower (liViSiOIl). Using
Goodman’s names, and subtracting D2 from C2 (the ovals which are
red in the original being counted as naught) thus:

02 Dz Din.
Katuns- - _ - 4 3

Ahaus l 13 8
Chuens _ - _ 2 0 2
Days ...... 0 0 0

we ﬁnd the difference to be 8 ahaus, 2 chuens, 0 days. As the day at
the foot of the column (D2) is 8 Ahau, without an accompanying month
symbol, we may select in our table 1 any 8 Ahau and assign it to any
month, as the count will hold good.

For convenience we select 8, the third number in the ﬁgure' column
headed 6, and ﬁnd Ahau opposite in the Ezanab column. Assuming
the month to be Pop, the ﬁrst month of the year, the year will be, 6
Ezanab. As eight ahaus contain 2,880 days, and two chuens 40 days

 

anH] PLATE 2% DRESDEN CODEX 719

 

together 2,920 days we subtract therefrom 362, the remaining days
of the year 6 Ezanab, thus:
Days
8 ahaus ...... 2, 880
2 chuens ..... 40

2,920
362

 

2, 558

Dividing this remainder (2,558) by 365, we ﬁnd the number of years
to be seven, with an overplus of three days. Looking now to our
table of years (3) and counting forward seven years from 6 Ezanab,
we reach 13 Ben. As the next year is 1 Ezanab, we look in table 1 to
the column headed 1 and count down this to the third day. This
brings us to 3, and we ﬁnd Ahau opposite in the Ezanab column. The
day reached is therefore 3 Ahau, which is the day at the bottom of col-
unm C2 in our ﬁgure 8, showing the count to be correct.

This example, however, involves another question raised by Mr ‘
Goodman. It will be noticed that in column D2 of our ﬁgure the
day place and the chuen place is each ﬁlled by an oval ﬁgure (red in
the original) instead of the ordinary numeral symbols, and that in
column C2 the day place is ﬁlled by a similar oval ﬁgure. In my cal-
culation given above I have counted these as equivalent to ciphers (O),
or nothing. Mr Goodman observes (page 64) that a number of persons
have declared this to be a sign for naught, adding: “They were led
into this mistake, undoubtedly, by its peculiar use and position. It is
employed in the codices solely to designate initial periods, and in that
position it is the equivalent of 20 in all cases except that of the chuen,
where, like the other 20—signs, it denotes but 18.” As the example
now under consideration affords an opportunity of testing this inter-
pretation, we will do so.

It is apparent from what has been shown that the correct result is
obtained by counting these symbols as naught. If the same result
be obtained by counting them as signs of full count—that is, 20—-or as
18 where ﬁlling the chuen place, the test fails to disclose the correct
use of them.

Counting the total days in each column and subtracting the sum of
D2 from that of C2, the result is as follows:

 

 

 

02 DZ
4 katuns ............. 28, 800 3 katuns ............. 21, 600
1 ahau ............... 360 13 ahaus .............. 4, 680
2 chuens ............. 40 18 chuens ............. 360
Days ................ 20 Days ................. 20
Total days ..... 29, 220 Total days ...... 26, 660
26,660
Difference ............ 2, 560

720 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS ‘ ' [mmmm

Assuming, as before. 8 Ahau, at the bottom of column D2, to be the
3d day of the month Pop in the year 6 Ezanab, we subtract from 2,560
days 362, the remaining days of the year 6 Ezanab. This leaves 2,198,
which, divided by 365, gives 6 years and an overplus of 8 days. Count-
ing from the ' year 6 Ezanab (table 3) 6 years, we reach the year 12
Lamat. The next year will be 13 Ben. Turning to table 1 and count-
ing 8 days dOWn the column headed 13 (as the eighth day from the
beginning of the year must fall in Pop, the ﬁrst month of the year),
we reach .the numeral 7, and ﬁndlopposite in the Ben column the day
Ahau; hence the day reached is 7 Ahau, and not 3 Ahau, as it should
be. The addition of days to the total difference by even twenties
will, of course, bring the count back to Ahau, hence the test lies in
the number attached to it. It appears, therefore, so far as this example
is concerned, that these oval symbols stand for naught, and not for 20
and 18, as inferred by Mr Goodman. It will be observed that the
same symbol appears in the other columns of ﬁgure 8 copied from
plate XXIV, Dresden codex. Positive proof that this oval is used for
naught is found on plate 50 of the Dresden codex, which may be seen
in plate I of my Maya Year. The oval in the bottom line ﬁlling the
month or chuen place can reach the required day only when counted
as naught, as may be veriﬁed by reference to the series of days given
in the same work.

In the quotation above from Mr Goodman’s work in relation to the red
oval symbol which I have counted as naught, he says: “ It is employed
in the codices solely to designate initial periods.” Precisely what he
means by this remark I fail to comprehend. When the symbols are
found in the same time series in the month place and in the imme-
diately following day place, and then at odd years and months apart
in a continuous series, how they can be used to designate initial periods
is difﬁcult to understand, unless very short periods are alluded to.
That the symbol for no day, Or naught, in the day place will indicate
the beginning of a month in the count which is to follow is undoubt-
edly true, and when it is in the month place a new year will follow,
and so on. This is also true when 20 days, 18 months, 20 ahaus, etc,
are counted. If this be what Mr Goodman means, he is correct; but
it is hardly the idea conveyed by his language, which apparently refers
to “initial periods,” as though of a katun, cycle, or calendar round.

The next column to the left (B2) has 4 katuns, 9 ahaus, 1 chuens, 0
days, and at the bottom 11 ahau. Subtracting from this column the
column C2, already given, we have the following result:

B'.’ (:2 Diﬁ'.
Katuns ...... 4 4
Ahaus ....... 9 1 8
Chuens ...... 4 2 2
Days ........ 0 O 0

moms] PLATE 24, DRESDEN CODEX 721

The remainder, 8 ahaus and 2 chuens, equals 2,920 days, and is pre-
cisely the same as the difference between the preceding columns. As
the date reached by column C2 was 3 Ahau. the 3d day of Pop, the ﬁrst
month in the year 1 Ezanab, we subtract as before 362, the remaining
days of the year 1 Ezanab, from 2,920. This leaves 2,558 days, or 7
years and 3 days. Counting from the year 1 Ezanab (table 3), 7
years, we reach 8 Ben, the next year being 9 Ezanab. Counting down
the ﬁgure column headed 9 (table 1), 3 days, we reach the numeral
11 and ﬁnd Ahau opposite in the Ezanab column. The day reached is
therefore 11 Ahau, 3 Pop, the ﬁrst month of the year 9 Ezanab, and
corresponds with the day at the foot of column B2 in the plate.

As the difference between column A2 and B2 is precisely the same
as that between the other columns (8 ahaus 2 chuens), we have only
to count 7 years and 3 days from the close of the year 9 Ezanab. This
brings us to the 3d day of the month Pop in the year 1 Ezanab, which
we ﬁnd, by referring to Table I, to be 6 Ahau, corresponding with the
day at the bottom of column A2. It must be remembered, however,
that the years mentioned have been those following the arbitrary
selection for convenience in calculating, as nothing has been discov-
ered in the series to determine these. This could be ascertained if
the top series were uninjured, so as to carry on the count to the
lower left—hand series, which have deﬁnite dates.

Passing now to the upper division of our ﬁgure, we notice that the
day at the bottom of each column is 1 Ahau and that the day place in
each is ﬁlled by the oval symbol, denoting, according to our interpre-
tation, naught. As the series ascends toward the left, the columns
will be taken in the same order as those of the lower division; We
therefore subtract D1 from C1:

(,‘1 [)1 Dill.

Katuns ...... 4 1 3
Ahaus ....... 12 5 7
Chuens ...... 8 5 3
Days ........ 0 0 0

The difference is 3 katuns (:21,600 days), 7 ahaus (22,520 days), 3
chuens (:60 days), and no odd days. The total is 24,180 days. As
the number is large, exceeding a 52-year period or calendar round, we
can subtract the greatest possible number of these periods (in this
case only one) without in any way affecting the result so far as reach-
ing the proper date is concerned, but the number of years thus
embraced are to be counted in making up the true interval between
the dates-

As 1 Ahau may be the 3d day of the ﬁrst month (Pop) of the year
12 Ezanab, we select this as our starting point.

One calendar round equals 18,980 days, which subtracted from
24,180 leave 5,200 days. Taking from this number 362—the remaining

722 ~ MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [Emuxw

days of the year 12 Ezanab#and dividing the remainder (4,838) by
365, we Obtain 13 years and an overplus of 93 days, or at months and
13 days. Counting on our table 3, 13 years from 12 Ezanab, we reach
12 Akbal. As the next year is 13 Lamat, we count forward on table 1,
4 months and 13 days. This brings us to 1, the 13thday in the column
headed 2, and opposite, in the Lamat column, we ﬁnd the day Ahau,
agreeing with the date at the foot of the column Cl of our ﬁgure.
The date here is therefore 1 Ahau, the 13th day of Tzec, the 5th month
of the year 13 Lamat, according to the assumed initial date.

As the differences between the columns of the upper division of our
ﬁgure are not the same, a calculation must be made in each case to
make the proof positive. 7

Subtracting column Cl from B1, we ﬁnd the remainder to be 4:
katuns, 18 ahaus, 17 chuens, 0 days, together equal to 35,620 days.
Subtracting one calendar round—18,980—there remain 16,640 days.
As our last date was 1 Ahau, the 13th day of Tzec, the 5th month of
the year 13 Lamat, our count now must be from this date. Subtract-
ing 2‘72—the remaining days of this year from 16,640 and dividing
the remainder by 365, we obtain 4:1 years and an overplus of 308 days.
Referring to table 3 and counting 11 years from 13 Lamat, we reach
5 Lamat. As the next year is 6 Ben, we count 308 days, or 15 months
and 8 days, in this year. This brings us to the 8th day of the 16th
month (the column headed 7), which we ﬁnd is 1, and opposite, in the
Ben column, the day Ahau, which agrees with the plate. The date
therefore is 1 Ahau, the 8th day Of Fax, the 16th month of the year 6
Ben.

Subtracting column B1 from A1, we ﬁnd the difference to be 16
katunS, 2 ahaus, 15 chuens, 0 days, equal to 116,220 days. Subtracting
6 calendar rounds, or 113,880 days, we get the remainder 2,340. As
our last date was 1 Ahau, 8th day of Pax,16th month of the year 6
Ben, we subtract from 2,340 days 57, the remaining days of the year 6
Ben. This leaves 2,283 days, which divided by 365 gives 6 years and
an overplus 0f 93 days. Counting on table 3, 6 years from 6 Ben, we
reach 12 Akbal, the next year being 13 Lamat. Counting on table 1, 93
days, or 4 months and 13 days, beginning with the column headed 13,
and 13 days down the column headed 2, we reach 1, and ﬁnd opposite,
in the Lamat column, the day Ahau, which agrees with the plate. The
dates obtained are, it must be remembered, based on the assumed
starting point 1 Ahau, 13 Tzec, year 13 Lamat; this, however, does
not affect the correctness of the result.

AS has been stated, to obtain the true interval where calendar rounds
(or cycles of 52 years) have been subtracted, these must be added.
The true interval, therefore, between column B1 and A1 of our ﬁgure
8 is 6X 52+62318 years and 57+93 days, or 318 years 7 months and
10 days.

 

moms] PLATE 69, DRESDEN CODEX 723

These examples are sufﬁcient to prove beyond any reasonable doubt
the correctness of Dr Forstemann’s method of counting the time
symbols of the Dresden codex. and that his orders of units. or time
periods. used in counting. up to and including the cycle, were pre—
cisely the same as those subsequently presented and used by Mr Good-
man in his work. It also shows that my calendar tables 1 and 3 have
the days. months. and years arranged consistently with the Dresden
codex, and that they all be successfully used in examining and tracing
the long or high time counts. at least so far as tried. “7e might dis-
miss the Dresden codex with these examples but for the fact that there
are some series reaching still higher ﬁgures to which Dr Forstemann
has called attention. Therefore, before passing to the inscriptions, a
feW of these will be noticed and the attempt to connect the dates which
seem to be related will be made—something which has not been done
by Dr Forstemann. and in which the proof of his theory lies.

\Ve take as the ﬁrst example the two series, black and red. running
up the folds of the serpent ﬁgure. plate 69, following Dr Forstemann’s
method and assuming that the two series are connected. They are as
follows. Goodman’s names being attached:

 

 

 

 

 

i Red Black ‘ Difference 1
‘ ,,, ~~ - s
l 1 Days
Great cycles _ - 4 4 ‘ 0 equals ......... 0
l Cycles ........ ‘ 6 5 f 0 equals ......... 0
j, Katuns ....... 1 19 1 equals ......... 7, ’200
i Ahaus ________ o 13 y 7 equal __________ 2, 520
g Chuens ....... 13 12 : 1 equals ......... 2O
‘ Days ......... . 10 8 i 2 equal .......... 2 i
i Days below- __ 9 Ix 4 Eb i Difference in days. 9, 742 E
I i 1;

 

The total days of the two columns as given by Dr Forstemann are
as follows:

Red ............................................ 12, 391, 470
Black __________________________________________ 12, 381, 7:28
Difference ................................ 9, 742

Same as above.

As the month symbols are obliterated. we will assume 1 Eb under
the black column to be the 5th day of the month Pop in the year 13
Lamat. Subtracting 360, the remaining days of the year 13 Lamat.
from 9712, and dividing the remainder by 365. we obtain 25 years
and 257 days. or 25 years 12 months and 17 days. Examining table
3. and counting forward from 13 Lamat 25 years, we reach 12 Ben.
As the next year is 13 Ezanab. counting on table 1, 12 months and 17

724 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANN-19

days on this year, we reach 9 Ix, the 17th day of Mac, the 13th month
of the year 13 Ezanab, which corresponds with the day under the red
column.

As the columns and totals are precisely as given by Dr Forstemann
(Zur Entziﬂ'crung der Mayahandsehriften, 1891, p. 17), we have proof
here of the correctness of his system and of the value assigned the
several orders of units or time periods which, in one of the series,
involves very high numbers, and also proof that they are precisely
the same as the time periods used by Mr Goodman in his work, which
appeared six years later, with the one exception noted below.

In calculating these series, Dr Forstemann has assumed that 20 units
of the ﬁfth order make one of the sixth order; or, to use Mr Goodman’s
nomenclature, that 20 cycles make one great cycle. Although the
latter author counts but 13 cycles to the great cycle, according to
the chronological system he believes was used by the authors of the
inscriptions, he admits that in the Dresden codex the count was 20,

,which is evident from plate 31, where the place of the ﬁfth order of
units (cycles) has the number 19.

As the opportunity is afforded here of testing on a higher unit Mr
Goodman’s theory that the red oval indicates full count (20 where this
is the proper number, or 18 where that is the number), 1 shall use
it. As will be seen by reference to page 723 where the series are
given, the ahaus of the red series are counted as 0 (naught), when
according to Mr Goodman’s theory they should be 20. Let us try
the calculation with this number. Subtracting the black from the red
as before, the result is as follows:

Great Cycles Cycles Katuns Ahaus (Yhuens Days

 

4 6 l 20 13 10
4 5 19 13 12 8
Difference ...... :3 T 1 2

This difference reduced to days gives 16,912 instead of 9,742, as by
the former method. Assuming 1 Eb under the black column, as
before, to be the 5th day of the month Pop in the year 13 Lamat, we
subtract 360, the remaining days of the year 13 Lamat, from 16,912,
and, dividing the remainder by 365, obtain 45 years and an overplus of
157 days—v7 months 17 days. By table 8 we ﬁnd that counting 45
years from 13 Lamat brings us to 6 Ben, the next year being 7 Ezanab.
By table 1 we ascertain that the 17th day of the 8th month of this
year is 7 Ix. This is wrong, as it should be 9 Ix, the day number
being the test in this case, as the addition of even months will nec-
essarily bring us back to the same day. This shows Mr Goodman’s
theory on this point to be incorrect so far as the Dresden codex is
concerned, where this particul u‘ symbol is chieﬂy, if not exclusively,
used.

Our next example is from plate 62, is, like the preceding, in the

moms] PLATE 0'2, DREsDEN CODEX 725

folds of a serpent (the one to the right), and consists of two series,
one black, the other red. These have also been calculated by Dr For-
stemann and arranged according to the order of units as given here.
Mr Goodman’s names are given opposite and differences to the right.

 

 

 

 

 

 

,1 ‘ Black Red 1 Difference

l i Days

1 Great cycles ...... i 4 4 0 equals - - - - 0
Cycles ............ ‘ 6 6 0 equals - . - . 0
Katuns ........... ‘ 9 1 8 equal _____ 57, 600

l Ahaus ............ ‘ 15 9 5 equal ..... 1, 800

l Chuens ........... 12 15 15 equal _____ 300

{ Days ............. I 19 0 19 equal ..... 19

1 Days below ....... i 3 Kan 13 Akbal Total ...... 59, 719

5 Months __________ 16 Co 1 Kankin 1

4

 

Dr F Orstemann’s totals are as follows:

Black .......................................... 12, 454, 459
Red ............................................ 12, 394, 740
Difference ................................ 59, 719

showing his result to be precisely the same as that obtained by using
the Goodman periods, or rather showing the Goodman periods to be
precisely the same as those used by Dr Forstemann with one excep-
tion. Before proceeding, it is necessary to notice that the day Kan is
never the 16th day of the month, but may be the 17th, therefore the
date 3 Kan 16 Co, under the black column, must be changed to 3 Kan
17 Uo. In this example the counting must be backward in the order
of time if we proceed from the lower to the higher series.

Subtracting 3 calendar rounds (56,940 days) from 59,719, the differ-
ence given above, the remainder is 2,779 days.

As 13 Akbal 1 Kankin, is the ﬁrst day of the fourteenth month of
the year 13 Akbal, we count backward from this (late. In counting
backward, if we start with—“that is, include—the day named, the day
sought will be the next beyond the last day counted. As 1 Kankin is
the two hundred and sixty-ﬁrst day of the year 13 Akbal, we subtract
this number from 2,779, and, dividing the remainder by 365, obtain 6
years and a surplus of 328 days, taking from this the 5 added or inter-
calary (lays there remain 323, or 16 months and 3 days to be counted
back on the year reached. Counting back on our table 3 6 years from
the year 13 Akbal, we reach '7 Ben, the next year being 6 Lamat.
Subtracting 16 months and 3 days from 18 months, the remainder is 1
month and 17 days; hence the day reached will be the seventeenth day
of the month Uo in the year 6 Lamat. This, by reference to table 1,

19 ETH, PT 2 11

 

726 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANN-19

is found to be 3 Kan, the same day as that below the column of black
numerals, when the correction from 16 to 17 has been made. .

As this paper is designed in part as a help to those commencing the
study of the codices and inscriptions, we will, like the surveyor who
sights back and forth to insure accuracy, trace this series forward,
a process which should, as a matter of course, result correctly if our
count was right in tracing it backward.

Starting with 3 Kan, the 17th day of the second month U0, in the
year 6 Lamat, we count forward to the end of this year 328 days, which,
subtracted from 2, 779, the remainder given above, leave 2,451 days
to be counted. Dividing by 365, we obtain6yea1s and an ovelplus
of 261 day s. or 13 months and 1 day. Counting forwaId on table 3
6 years from the year 6 Lamat, we reach 12 Ezanab, the next year
being 13 Akbal. Counting on table 1 the term of 13 months and 1
day, beginning with the column headed 13, we reach the same 13, and
opposite in the Akbal column find the day Akbal. The date is there-
fore 13 Akbal, the 1st day of the fourteenth month—Kankin—of the
year 13 Akbal, which proves the process to be correct.

Our next example consists of the two se1ies, same plate of the D1 es-
den codex, placed 111 the folds of the left serpent, as follows (preﬁxing
Goodman s names as bef01 e):

 

 

 

 

Red Black 1 Difference

I Days
Great cycles - . - - - ‘ 4 4 equals _ _ . - 0 {
Cycles ............ i 6 6 | 0 equals _ - - _ 0
Kat-1111s . _ _ . - . . _ _ _ .l 11 7 3 equal ..... 21, 600
Ahaus ............ I 10 12 18 equal ..... 6, 480 i
Chuens ........... ‘ 7 4 2 equal ..... 40 l
Days ............. , 2 10 12 equal ..... 12 i
Days below ....... l _ 3 Ix 3 011111 Total. . . 23, 132 1
Months ........... 1 7 Fax 14 Kayab

 

 

Subtiacting flom 28,132 one calendal 10und—18, 980 days——leaves
9,152 days s. As it is somewhat easier to count forward than back-
ward, though the other o1de1 appeals leall) to be the one adopted he1 e,
we will begin with the date under the red column—3 Ix the 7th day
of the sixteenth month (Pax) of the year 9 Lamat. As there remain
58 days in this year after the date given, we subtract this number
from 9,152 and divide the remainder by 365, and obtain 21 years and
an overplus of 331 days, or 16 months and 11 days. Referring to
table 3, we ﬁnd that by counting forward 21 years from 9 Lamat,
we reach 7 Lamat, the next year being 8 Ben. By table 1 we ﬁnd

moms] PLATE 62, DRESDEN CODEX 727

that the lath day of the seventeenth month (Kayab) of this year is
3 Cimi, which proves the calculation to be correct.

To those familiar with the Dresden codex it will be apparent that
the month symbol used under the red column looks as much if not
more like that for Tzec than that for Pax, yet, as it has elements of
both and as the calculation works out only with Pax, it has been
assumed that this is the month intended. That the month Tzec can
not in any way be made consistent with the numbers of the series is
easily made manifest thus: 3 Ix, the 7th day of the ﬁfth month Tzec,
will fall only in the year 8 Lamat, and 3 Cimi, the llth day of the
seventeenth month Kayab, only in the year 8 Ben. Looking on table
3, we see that in counting forward from 8 Lamat to 8 Ben we pass
over an interval of only 12 years, and in counting backward over an
interval of 38 years. As the interval shown by the numerals is (after
one calendar round, which does not affect the count. has been sub-
tracted) 9,152 days, it is apparent that 7 Tzec fan not be the date
intended. Ferstemann’s totals of these series are as follow:

Red ............................................ 12, 466, 9-12

Black .......................................... 12, 438, 810
Difference ................................ 28, 1322

showing precisely the difference given above. The absolute difference
between the two dates is 2 months 18 days+52 years+2+ years—F16
months+1al days, which, together, equal 77 years and 27 days.

The immense stretch of these periods is a point not to be overlooked.
One of those referred to amounts to 12,466,942 days, or 3+.156 years
and 2 days, counting 20 cycles to the great cycle, according to Ferste-
mann’s method. This brings up again the question as to the number
of units of the ﬁfth order to form one of the sixth, or, using Greed-
man‘s terms, the number of cycles which make a great cycle. Although
the discussion of this question would perhaps be more appropriate after
we have considered the inscriptions, it may as well be introduced here.

Mr Goodman, while holding 13 as the number in the inscriptions,
admits that in the Dresden codex 20 wzs the number used; but this
admission only renders the subject more complicated, as there is no
reason to believe that a different rule prevailed in the inscriptions from
that in the codex. That the vigesimal system of notation was the rule
among the Maya tribes is well known, the use of 18 units of the second
order to make one of the third, in time counting, having apparently
been adopted for convenience in bringing the month into the calcula-
tion. This fact, though not positive proof of regular vigesimal suc-
cession elsewhere in the time system, is sufﬁcient to justify the
assumption of regularity, unless satisfactory evidence of variation
can be adduced.

Although the last example reaches to the great cycle, and involves

7 28 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mmmmw

the count of cycles, it does not alford the proof necessary to decide
this question, as is apparent by trial, as the difference between the
two series will be the same whether we count 20 cycles to the great
cycle or 13. There is. however, one series in the codex (plate 31)
heretofore referred to which will decide this point. This, which is in
the right half of the upper division. is as follows: '

19 cycles

9 katnns

9 ahaus

3 chuens

0 days

There is also one series in the inscriptions found on Nlaudslay’s
Stela N of the Copan ruins which seems to settle the question. This
is as follows:

14 great cycles
17 cycles

19 katuns

10 ahans

O chuens

0 days

This reckoning, however. Mr Goodman assures us “is not only
wrong, but absurd as well. The cycles run only to 13, and no such
reckoning backward or forward from the initial date would reach a 1
Ahau 8 Chen." the next date, the ﬁrst being 1 Ahau 8 Zip. He
changes it to 14 great cycles, 8 cycles, 15 katuns, 10 ahaus, 18 chuens,
21) days.

It is true that. with the interpretation given of the date characters
and the chuens and days, the reckoning backward or forward would
not reach 1 Ahau 8 Chen. But this interpretation is by no means
certain throughout. In the ﬁrst place, it is not certain. judging by
Maudslay’s photograph. that the chuen symbol does not have a
numeral 1 at the left, as it is like one on Stela C, where, according to
Maudslay’s drawing, there is 1. and the count may possibly, as will
hereafter appear. reach back to some more distant date, as is found
to be the case in several inscriptions. However. Mr Groodman inter—
prets it differently.

In the second place, the month symbol of this last date can not with
absolute certainty be interpreted Chen; for as shown by the photo-
graph it may be YaX, Zac, or Ceh, apparently Zac. The numerals
attached to the higher periods are clear and distinct, but the month
symbol of the ﬁrst date, which is upside down, is as much like U0 as
like Zip, if we judge by Mr Goodman’s month ﬁgures. If we suppose
the sign to the left of the chuen symbol to be 1 and the number of
ahaus to be 9 instead of 10, the reckoning from 1 Ahau 8 Zip will
bring us to 1 Ahau 8 M01, the eighth month. instead of the ninth.
This change, however, would not be justiﬁed, nor is the change made

moms] PLATE 51, DRESDEN CODEX 729

by Mr Goodman until he has clearly proved not only that 13 cycles
form a great cycle, but also that his arrangement of the chronologic
system, which will be referred to further on, is correct.

While the series of the codex which have been given as examples
work out correctly, it must be admitted that there are others which
can not be successfully traced without arbitrary corrections. Never-
theless, those given, and others rising to the ﬁfth order of units that
might be noted. which give correct results, are sufﬁcient to prove the
rule. Before we leave the codex, reference will be made to some
series with double numbers—that is, one series interpolated with
another, one of which Dr Forstemann is inclined to believe is a cor-
rection of ‘the other. In these cases the interpolated series, or sup-
posed correction, is in red. the other in black.

As an example, we take the following series from plate 51, using
Goodman’s names:

 

Black Red l Black Red

 

 

_ , A ,__ 1 ,,,__1
Cycles ____________ i 1 3 i 1 2
Katuns ........... 8 4 i 6 E 11
Ahaus ____________ 4 15 11 10
Chuens ........... 4 12 10 i 11
Days _____________ l 0 0 0 i 0
Day below ........ 12 Lamat 12 Lamat

 

Subtracting the black of the right pair from the black of the left,
we get the remainders 1, 13, 4, 0; that is, 1 katun, 13 ahaus, 1 chuens, 0
days, making 11,960 days. As no month number is given, we assume
12 Lamat to be the ﬁrst day (1 Pop) of the year 12 Lamat. Subtract-
ing 361, the remaining days of this year, from 11,960, and dividing
the remainder by 365, we obtain 31 years and an overplus of 281 davs
or 1-1 months and 1 day. By table 3 we ascertain that 31 years from
12 Lamat bring us to 1 Akbal, the next year being 5 Lamat. By .
table 1 we ascertain that the first day of the ﬁfteenth month is 12
Lamat, the proper date.

The difference between the red series of the two pairs is 13 katuns,
5 ahaus, 1 chuen, 0 (lays, equal to 95,420 days. Subtracting from this
5 calendar rounds (94,900 days) 520 days remain. Assuming 12 Lamat
to be the ﬁrst day of the year 12 Lamat, and subtracting 364, the
remaining days of this year, from 520, we get 156 days or 7 months
and 16 days, to be counted on the next year, which is 13 Ben. This
reckoning reaches 12 Lamat, the sixteenth day of the month M01.
The result in both cases is correct, so far as the dates reached are con—
cerned, but the interval between the black series is only 364 days+31

730 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [manna

years—F281 days, while that between the red series is more than 261
years.‘ It is possible, therefore, that the red, which run through
the several columns of this and the following plate, represent an
independent series.

T here are, however, some interpolations which clearly appear to be
corrections; for example, these two series on plate 59:

 

 

 

The day below each is 13 Muluc. Using the difference between the
black series 2 ahaus, 1 chuens, 0 days, equal to 810 daysieand taking
18 Muluc, the 2d day of the month Pop in the
year 12 Lamat as our starting point (always count-
ing forward when it is not otherwise stated), we
reach the day 1 Cauac, 2 Tzec, year 1 Ezanab,
not the correct date, as it should be 13 Mulue.
Using the difference between the red series~1
ahaus, 6 chuens, 0 days : 1,560 days—assuming
the same starting point as before (13 Muluc 2
Pop. year 12 Lamat), and counting forward 1,560
days, we reach 13 Muluc, 2 Tzec, year 3 Lamat.
This is a correct result, and indicates that the
red numerals were inserted as a correction.

On plate 69 we ﬁnd a series (ﬁgure 16) repre—
sented by symbols of the same form as those in
the inscriptions. The glyphs Al, B1 represent
the ﬁrst date—1 Ahau 8 Cumhu (eighteenth
month)—which must fall in the year 8 Ben. At
A7, B? is the next date—9 Kan 12 Kayab. The
intermediate counters, comparing with those dis-
covered by Goodman in the inscriptions, are as
folIOWs: A5, 15 katuns: B5, 9 ahaus; A6, 1
chuens; B6, 1 days. There are other characters
with numerals between the two dates, some of
which may be hereafter explained, but none of
these, as will be shown hereafter, are customar-
ily counted as part of the time interval.

As I may have occasion to refer again to this series and the
exactly similar one on plate 61. I shall only show at present the way
in which it is to be used, and call attention to the exact similarity of

 

Ix:

,. «.r t“, “g” 2
---’-_.—.~_, _ ‘

i

c i

O:

<31

7

 

FIG.

Dresden codex.

THOMAS] PLATE 69, DRESDEN CODEX 731

the time symbols to those of the inscriptions already ﬁgured and those
presented farther on.

By referring to a and I) of ﬁgure 10, showing the katun symbols,
the strong resemblance to glyph A5 of the series now under consid—
eration is at once seen. The resemblance of B5 to w and 7), ﬁgure 9,
showing the ahau signs, is also apparent. as is A6 to the chuen symbol,
ﬁgure 8. B6 is the kin or day symbol. Here it seems the numbers
denoting days are not attached to the chuen symbol, as is usual in the
inscriptions, the day, in the abstract sense, having its appropriate
symbol. to which the numerals denoting the number of days are
attached. l

As the usual order in which the glyphs are to be read is from the
top downward, by twos and twos where there are two columns, we will
take the ﬁrst pair. Al and BI, as the date from which to count. This,
as already stated, is 1 Ahau, the 8th day of the 18th month—Cumhu—
of the year 6 Ben. which, as will be seen by referring to our table 3,
is the forty-seventh year of the cycle of years, or calendar round.
Changing these time periods to days—

 

 

Days
15 katuns .......................................... 108, 000
9 ahaus ......................................... ‘. . _ 3, 240
4 chuens ........................................... 80
Days .............................................. 4
The aggregate is ............................. 111, 324
Subtract 5 calendar rounds .......................... 94, 900
There remain ............................... 16, 42-1

Subtracting from this remainder 17, the number of remaining days
in the year 8 Ben, from 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and dividing the remainder
by 365, we obtain 4:1 years and 317 days, equal to 17 months and 7
days. Counting forward on table 3, 11 years, we reach 13 Ben, the
next year being 1 Ezanab. Turning to table 1 we ﬁnd that 17 months
and 7 days bring us to 9 Kan. 7 Cumhu, instead of 9 Kan 12 Kayab,
which is given on the plate. Counting backward from 1 Ahau 8
Cumhu. as the symbols apparently indicate should be done (if the
order be as in the inscriptions), results in a still wider variation from
the correct date, assuming that the symbols on the plate which are
very distinct and unmistakable are correct. .

If the dates on the plate are correct, the ﬁrst falls in the year 8 Ben,
and the latter in 3 Ben. Counting forward there would bean interval
(omitting the calendar rounds) of only 7 years and the fractions of the
2 years in which the two dates fall, manifestly too small for the numeral
symbols. Counting backward there would be an interval (omitting
the calendar rounds) of «.13 years and the fractions of the 2 date-
years, making. in all. 16,07 6 days, or 348 days short of that required
by the time symbols after deducting the calendar rounds. . As there

 

 

732 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS manna;

are other symbols between the dates with numerals attached, it is pos-
sible the explanation needed is found in them. In the parallel pas-
sage on plate 61, which appears to have the same beginning and end-
ing date, there is but one dot to the chuen symbol (indicating 1 chuen)
and the symbol for 3 days. This gives a total (omitting the calendar
rounds) of 16,363 days. But this gives no satisfactory result.

I have dwelt somewhat at length on these series as they are the
only ones with two legible dates in the codex which show the higher
time periods in symbols. They will serve, however, to show the close
relation which this codex bears to the inscriptions, to which we will
now turn, beginning with those at Palenque.

INsoRIPTIONs AT PALENQUE

Before proceeding with these, in order to Show exactly Mr Good-
man’s method of calculating a series from the inscriptions, 1 present
as an example one which he has fully worked out. This series is
found in the inscription of the Temple of the Sun, at Palenque. It
will be more critically examined hereafter by comparison with Mauds-
lay’s photograph. At present 1 use Goodman’s determination merely
for the purpose of illustrating the method of reckoning.

The dates and intervening time periods as he gives them are as
follows: 4 Ahau. 8 —— (month not identiﬁable), 16 days, 5 ehuens, 18
ahaus, 12 katuns, and 9 cycles, followed by the date 2 Cib, 11 Mo].
Reducing these time periods to days, the result is as follows:

Days
9 cycles .......................................... 1, 296, 000
12 katuns ........................................ 86, 400
18 ahaus ......................................... 6, 480
5 chuens ......................................... 100
16 davs .......................................... 16
Total\ 1,388,996
Deduct 73 calendar rounds ........................ 1, 385, 540
This leaves ............................ , ..... 3, 456

As the ﬁrst date can not be fully determined, it will be necessary to
count back from the second date—2 Cib 11 M01, which falls in the year
5 Akbal. Subtracting 151, the preceding days of this year, from 3,156
and dividing the remainder by 365, we obtain 9 years and 17 days.
Deducting5 for the added days, there remain 12 to be counted back
on the last month of the year 8 Ben, whichwwe ﬁnd by counting back
011 table 3 is the year in which the ﬁrst date falls. This gives 1 Ahau
8 Cumhu, which is, no doubt, correct, as this date is a very common
one on the Palenque inscriptions.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. XL.

A B C D E F G H l K L

 

‘ 3“,,» V “ V . f “J, x“ _ a x k ,.

 
  
    

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ﬂ}?! £11;

     

 

 

 

 

 

4
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A PORTION OF THE TABLET OF THE CROSS, PALENQUE.

PHOTOGRAPHED FROM A PLASTER CASTA

 

moms] TABLET or THE CROSS 733

Mr Goodman, after ascertaining the number of days in the time
periods precisely as they are given above, proceeds as follows:

From these [1,388,996 days] we deduct as many calendar rounds as possible,
being 73, or 1,383,540 days, leaving 3,456. From these we take 155, the number of
days from the beginning of the year to 14 Mol, that being the only date we are cer-
tain of. This leaves 3,301 days. From these deduct all the years possible, being 9,
or 3,285 days. There are now but 16 days left. Reckoning back from the end of
the year, we ﬁnd these reach to 8 Cumhu [according to his method of numbering
the days of the month], a circumstance that enables us easily to recognize the
strange sign as a variant of the symbol for that month. Turning now to the Annual
Calendar, we ﬁnd that 4 Ahau—8 Cumhu occurs on page 7, and, passing over 9 years
till we come to page 17, we ﬁnd that 2 Cib falls on the 14th of Mol in that year.
Thus we are satisﬁed that the strange month sign is a symbol for Cumhu, and that
the cycles, katuns, ahaus, chuens, and days represent the period between the two
dates, the full reading being: 9—12—18—5X16, from 4 Alum—8 Cinnhn, the beginning
of the great cycle, to 2 Gib—14 3101.

As our process is intended to be independent of Mr Goodman’s
tables, it is necessary for us to divide by 365 in order to ﬁnd the inter-
vening years. and to determine the full date including the year. which
Mr Groodman fails to do.

TABLET OF THE cnoss

Proceeding now with the Palcnquc inscriptions. Attention is directed
ﬁrst to that on the so-called Tablet of the Cross, the right slab of
which is fortunately safely housed in the United States National
Museum. The inscription on this slab is well known through the
excellent autotype in Dr Rau’s paper entitled Palenque Tablet, but,
‘ in order to place the record before the reader in as complete a form as
is possible, I have given a copy in ﬁgure 17a, and a copy of Maudslay’s
photograph of the left slab in ﬁgure plate XL: a drawing of the few
characters above the arms of the right priest in the middle space is
shown in ﬁgure 177/.

As this is the most important of all the known Mayan inscrip-
tions, for the purpose of testing Mr Goodman’s discoveries, I shall
examine it somewhat fully, and to this end give below a list of the
dates and series in the order they stand, beginning with the large
initial on the left slab. It is necessary, however, ﬁrst to notice some-
what particularly the initial series of the left slab.

The ﬁrst character of this series is the large glyph covering spaces
A1, B1, and A2, B2. This Mr Goodman interprets as the great cycle,
which is equivalent to the sixth order of units. I am inclined to
believe this interpretation is correct. The reasons for this belief
are the form of the body or chief element of the glyph, which is
similar to that of the ahau and katun; and the fact that it always
follows in the ascending scale (counting backward or upward) the
cycle, there being, so far as known, no exception to this rule in the

7 34 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mn.1m19

initial series. This is shown not only in initial series like the one
here represented, where numeral preﬁxes are face characters, but
in a number of others where the ordinary units, halls and lines,

% I

()le
'.:.

 

 

 

 

FIG. 17a—Inscription on the right slab of the Tablet of the Cree.
Palenque.

‘ are preﬁxed to the glyphs 1ep1esenting the lowe1 orders (cvcles,
katuns, etc. ). Another leason f01 this belief is that positive evidence
is found in the Diesden codex and in the insc1iptions that there 1s an

moms] ‘ TABLET OF THE CROSS 735

order of units above the ﬁfth, or cycle; that is to say, a sixth, or great
cycle, as Mr Goodman calls it. This being true, there is every rea-

 

 

 

 

 

, A
\\
l
0
O

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIG. 17b—-Inscription on the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque.

son to believe that it would be represented in the inscriptions by a
Special character.
Examining the seven succeeding double glyphs in the order in which

they stand, they are found to be as follows: A3, B3, a face character and
l

736 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS . [Emamw

the cycle symbol (see ﬁgure 11a); A1, B4, a face character and the
katun symbol (see ﬁgure 10a); A5, B5, a face character and the ahau
symbol (see ﬁgure 97)); A6, B6, a face character and the chuen symbol
(see ﬁgure 8a): A7, B7, an unknown character (disc with hand across
it) and the symbol for day (kin) in the abstract sense, same as the lower
portion of the Symbol for the month Yaxkin. At A8, B8, a face char-
acter and the symbol for the day Ahau: A9, B9, a face character and
the symbol for the month Tzec. These are interpreted by Mr Good-
man as follows: “53—12—1!)—13—~l><2()——8 Ahau 18 Tzec”; that is to
say, the ﬁfty—third great cycle, 12 cycles, 19 katuns, 13 ahaus, 4
chuens, 20 days, to 8 Ahau 18 Tzec. From this it is seen that he
interprets the preﬁxed face characters as numerals, assigning to each
a particular number determined by the minor details or otherwise.
Omitting, for the present, consideration of the number given to the
great cycle, let us see if there is any reason for believing that he is cor-
rect in assigning numeral values to the face characters attached to the
time-period symbols, or, as we term them, symbols of the orders of units.
Taking the known time-period symbols in this series, observing the
regular descending order in which they stand, and being awareof the
fact that in several other similar initial series the face characters are
replaced by the ordinary numeral symbols (balls or dots and short
lines), the evidence seems to justify Mr Goodman’s belief. Another
strong point in favor of this belief is that at A8, B8, and A9, B9, which
contain the symbols for the day Ahau and the month Tzec, we most
certainly ﬁnd a date which could not be complete without attached
numerals. As the places of the numerals are ﬁlled by face characters,
the most reasonable conclusion is that they represent these numerals.
The evidence therefore in favor of Mr Goodman’s theory seems to
justify its acceptance. But here the question arises, what evidence
have we that the numbers assigned to these face glyphs are correct?
Admitting that they are numeral symbols, it is certain that they do
not indicate numbers higher than 20, almost certainly not exceeding
19, as there are other symbols for full count or 20. It is also certain
that the one attached to the symbol for the day Ahau does not exceed
13, and that the one attached to the chuen symbol does not exceed 18.
We are thus enabled to limit very materially the ﬁeld of inquiry, but
to be entirely satisfactory there must be actual demonstration. If 8
Ahau 18 Tzec could be connected by intervening numbers with a
following date this would be demonstration that the numbers given to
the date symbols are correct. As will be seen farther on, Mr Goodman
connects it by means of series cl: (left slab), given below, With 9 Ik
(glyph E9); but the month date reached is 20 Chen instead of 20 Zac,
as given in the inscription. \Vhile we may accept this as possibly or
even probably a correct result, yet it is not demonstration; moreover,
(what appears to be an equally probable and more acceptable explana-

moms] TABLET OF THE (moss 737

tion, as will be shown farther on) by simply adding two days to the ﬁrst
numeral series connection will be made with the date of the third series.
There is, however, as will be seen, at, least one initial series with face
characters in place of numerals where connection is properly made
according to Mr Goodman’s number with a following date.

As there will be occasion to refer frequently to the series on the
different divisions of the tablet we give here a list of these series in
the order in which they occur, beginning with the closing date of the
initial series on the left slab, the years being added in parentheses.
The numeral series are given in cycles, katuns,’ ahaus, chuens, and
days, followed by their equivalent in days placed to the right; and
where the sum is greater than a calendar round, the remainder, after
subtracting the calendar rounds, is also shown. The term “left slab ”
(though not strictly correct) is used only to include the six columns at
the left; “right slab,” the six columns at the right; and “middle
space,” to include the entire space between the six columns at the left
and the six columns at the right. The series as here given are based
on inspection:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Left slab

8 Ahau 18 Tzcc (2 Akbal)

1 Ahau 1.8 Zotz (2 Akbal)
1 8 5 0 ........................................ 2, 980

4 AhauS Cumhu (8 Ben)
2 l 9 2 ........................................ 542

13 1k 20 Mel (10 Akbal) ;
3 1 18 3 12 0 (274,920 days) .......................... l 9, 200
9 Ik 15 Ceh (9 Lamat)
5 i 2 1 7 11 2 (297,942 days) __________________________ 13, 242
9 1k 20 Zac (11 Akbal)
5 3 6 10 12 2 (479,042 days) .......................... 4, 542
9 Ik (no month)
6 l 6 7 13 ......................... _ ............... 9, 513
(The next date comes in the middle space)
Middle space

9 Akbal 6 Xul (13 Akbal)

1 l 8 l7 ............................................. 537
13 Ahau 18 Kankin? or Kayab?
3‘! 4? or 8? ? 3 ? (not determinable)

2 6 11? 6 ............................................. 2, 386?

 

 

 

 

 

738 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19

Right slab

 

 

 

 

11 ...... ? 20 Pop
5 011111? 14 Kayab‘?
1 1 1 2 5? 14 ......................................... 3,034
1 Kan 2 Kayab? (5 Akbal?) 1
11 Laniat 6 X111 (10 Akbal) 1
2 13 3 9 ......................................... 1 4, 749
2 (‘aban 10 Xul (10 Lamat) f
3 1 3 3 ......................................... 1 123
j 8 Ahau 13 Ceh (10 Lamat) ‘
1‘ 1 ”s 113 ............................ ' ............. 10,118
3 1Czanab 11 Xul (1.0 Lainat)
5 1 11s 3? 13? ......................................... 13,133
5 ...... ? (Ahau?) 3 ...... ? (Tzec?)
5 ...... ‘3 20 Zotz
6 1 19 H 16 ..................................... '._._ 1-1, 176
5 Kan 12 Kayab (12 Ben) 1
7 2 2 4 17 ......................................... 15,217 1
1 Imix -l ...... ‘3 (Zip or Ceh)
3 ‘ 1 1 1 ......................................... 381
7 Kan 17 Mel (7 Lamat)
9 2 3 4 7 ......................................... 17,367 i
11 Oil)? 14 Kayab? (3 Akbal‘?)
1011mm? 3 2 ...................... 7,002?
(No date follows to the close) 1
1

 

 

The ﬁrst day of the left Slab—8 Ahau 18 Tzec—has the numbers
given in face characters, as has been stated; those given are according
to Mr Goodman’s interpretation.

The date following number 4:, left slab, is corrected by Mr Goodman
from 9 1k 20 Zac to 9 1k 20 Chen.

Mr Goodman corrects the number of days in the sixth series, left
slab, from 9,513 to 9,512.

The month of the date (13 Ahau 18 X111? or Kayab?) in the middle
space, Mr Maudslay, in his drawing (part 5), probably inspired by Mr
Goodman, is inclined to give as Kankin, in which he is probably cor-
rect. The nearly obliterate glyph which follows he gives as 8—? 3
Kayab. This interpretation is, however, exceedingly doubtful.

Maudslay, in his drawing of the middle space (part 10), gives 13 as
the number of chuens in the second series. He is also evidently
inclined to give the ﬁrst date on the right slab (11—4? 20 Pop) as 11
Caban 20 Pop; and the second, 5 011111 1-1 Kayab, as is indicated in the
preceding list. Though there is some doubt as to the number of

THOMAS] TABLET OF THE CROSS 739

chuens, ﬁrst series, right slab, this author follows Rau’s restoration
and gives it as 5, yet it may possibly be 4 or but 3, as the glyph is
exactly in the line of a break repaired by Dr Rau.

The number of chuens as well as days in the ﬁfth series of the right
slab is uncertain. Maudslay indicates 8 for the former and 18 for the
latter. which is apparently correct. The two dates following this
series, except the month (20 Zotz) of the second, are almost entirely
obliterated. I believe the day of the ﬁrst to be Ahau. Maudslay
does not attempt a restoration, but agrees with my suggestion as to
the month. He suggests Caban as the day of the second date. He
gives Zip as the month in the date following the seventh series of this
Slab. The date following the ninth series he gives as 11 Chicchan 13
Yax or Chen, his ﬁgure being uncertain. The number of ahaus'in
the tenth series is left uncertain by him; he apparently prefers 16,
though his ﬁgure may be construed as 18. The three lines (15) are
distinct in the inscription, but the number of balls forming the fourth
line is uncertain; the number seems to me to be 16 or 17.

In referring to the inscription, Rau’s scheme, given on page 61
of his Palenque Tablet—to wit. letters above for each column and
numbers at the sides for the lines—will be followed here (not
Maudslay’s), it being remembered that the columns, where there are
more than one, are to be read two and two from the top downward,
single columns from the top downward, and single lines from left to
right.

Referring now to the left slab. we will ﬁrst point out the location
in the inscription of the glyphs denoting the several dates and numeral
series, the latter being reversed to agree with the order in which they
come in the inscription, the ﬁrst date—{4 Ahau l8 Tzec—being that
with which the initial series terminated.

8 Ahau (AS BS) 18 Tzec (A9 1‘39)

Series 1 Ahau (A16) 18 Zotz (BIG)

First ...... 0 days 5 chuens (D1) 8 ahaus (C2)
4 Ahau (D3) 8 (lumhu (C4)

Second ...... 2 days 9 chuens (D5) 1 ahau (CG)
131k (C9) 20 Mol (D9)

Third ...... 0 days 12 chuens (1)13) 33 ahaus (C14) 18 katuns (D14) 1 cycle (C15)
9 1k (141]) 15 (‘eh (191)

Fourth ...... 2 days 11 chuens (E5) 7 ahaus (F5) 1 katun (Eti) 2 cycles (F6)
9 Ik (E9) 20 Zac (1’9)

Fifth ...... 2 days 12 chuens (FIG) 10 ahaus (F10) 6 katuns (Ell) 3 cycles (1‘11)
9 1k (F12) no month given

Sixth ...... 13 days 7 chuens (F15) 6 ahaus (Elfi) 1 katun (F16)

We begin, therefore, in our attempt to trace the serles and con-
nect the dates with 8 Ahau 18 Tzec (as Mr Goodman interprets the
numeral face characters),which falls in the year 2 Akbal. As it is
followed by another date (1 Ahau 18 Zotz) without any recognized

740 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANXJQ

intervening numeral intended to be used as a connecting series, we
must assume that if it is connected with any of the following dates it
must be by means of one of the series coming after the second date.
Mr Goodman does not begin his attempts at tracing the connections
in the inscription on this slab with the ﬁrst date, but, after noticing
the initial series. and taking ,1. Ahau 18 Zotz as his starting point,
says (page 135):

After three glyphs, which are probably directives stating that the computation is
from that date, there is a reckoning of 8—5x20 [that is, 8 ahaus 5 chuens 20 days],
with the directive signs repeated, to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu [the third date given above].
* * * This reckoning is a mistake. It should be either 6—14X20, the distance
from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, or 6—15X20, the distance from 1 Ahau 18
Zotz—more likely the latter, as it will presently be seen that other reckonings go
back to that date.

Before referring to Mr Goodman’s suggestions, we ﬁnd by trial
that this ﬁrst date (8 Ahau 18 Tzec, year 2 Akbal) will not connect
with any of the dates on the left slab, nor middle space, by either of
the numeral series as given. If, however, we add two days to the
ﬁrst numeral series. making it 2,982 days, and count forward from
8 Ahau 18 Tzec, we reach 13 1k 20 Mol in the year 10 Akbal, the
date following the second series. This, it is true, skips over the
immediately following date (4 Ahau 8 Cumhn, year 8 Ben), but if we
subtract the second numeral series (542) from the ﬁrst (2,982, as cor-
rected) the remainder, 2,140, counting forward from the same date,
will bring us exactly to at Ahau 8 Cumhu 8 Ben. Are these two
coincident correct results to be considered. accidental? They might
be but for the additional fact that if 542 be subtracted from the sum
of the ﬁrst three series (ﬁrst, second, third) with added two days to
the ﬁrst, the remainder, counting forward from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec 2
Akbal, will reach 9 1k 15 Ceh 9 Lamat, the date following the third
numeral series.

Turning now to Mr Goodman’s explanation of the ﬁrst series and the
accompanying dates, I notice ﬁrst the fact that here as elsewhere he
interprets what I consider the symbol for naught (O) as equivalent
to 20; thus the number of days of the ﬁrst series instead of 2,980 would
be, following his explanation, 3,000~that is to say, the numeral series,
as he gives it, is 8 ahaus 5 ehuens 20 days, my interpretation being
8 ahaus 5 chuens 0 days. The ehuen symbol here is of the usual form,
that shown in ﬁgure 1 a; the ahau is a face form similar to that shown
at ﬁgure 26. That there is a mistake here, as Mr Goodman asserts,
is evident, if the two dates given, 1 Ahau 18 Zotz and at Ahau 8 Cumhu,
are to be connected by the intermediate time periods. As 1 Ahau 18
Zotz falls in the yeai 2 Akbal, and at Ahau 8 Cumhu in the year 8
Ben, the interval is six years and the fractional days of the two years

moms] TABLET OF THE ouoss 7 41

(2 Akbal and 8 Ben), the total, in days, being 2,825, whereas the inter-
mediate time periods, as interpreted by Mr Goodman, give 3,000, or,
omitting the 20 days, according to Maudslay’s interpretation of the
symbol, which appears to be correct, 2,980 days. It is apparent there-
fore that there is some mistake here—that is, supposing the theory that
the two dates are intended to be connected by the intermediate time
symbols be true. ‘
Mr Goodman suggests two ways of making the correction—ﬁrst, by
assuming 8 Ahau 18 Tzec to be the date from which to count, and
changing the intermediate numeral series from 8 ahaus 5 chuens to 6
ahaus 11 chuens, thus making two radical alterations; in other words,
a new numeral series to ﬁt the case. This he obtains by subtracting
the initial series as he has given it, from the 13 cycles composing his
ﬁfty-third great cycle, thus—
13— 0— 0— 0—0
12—19—13— 1—0

6—11—0
His other method is to change the intermediate time periods or
numeral series to 6 ahaus 15 chuens—which is also making a new
series—and to count from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz.

In making these proposed changes Mr Goodman seems to drop out
of View his 20 days, as in fact he does throughout in his calculations.
He gives the full count—20 for days, ahaus, and katuns, and 18 for
chuens—in noting the numeral series, but appears to treat them as
naughts in his calculations. This is evident from the numbers he
gives in the present instance. As conclusive evidence on this point it
is only necessary to refer to the preface to his “perpetual chrono-
logical calendar” (op. cit., not paged), where he says of the series
9—15—20—18X 20, “there are no days, chuens, or ahaus in this date.”
Mr Maudslay, in his illustration of Goodman’s method of interpreta-
tion before the Royal Society of England, June 17, 1897, in which he
uses a newly discovered inscription (see ﬁgure 20), counts the char-
acter at the side of a chuen symbol (Cl), precisely like that attached to
our chuen, as equivalent to naught. In the case he refers to there are
two lines above the symbol, counted as 10 chuens. Speaking of it he
says: '

Cl is the chuen sign with the numeral 10 (two bars=10) above it and a “full
count” sign at the side. Whether the 10 applies to the chuens or days can only be
determined by experiment, and such experiment in this case shows that the reckon-
ing intended to be expressed is 10 chuens and a “full count” of days—that is, for
practical purposes 10 chuens only, for as in the last reckoning, when the full count
of chuens was expressed in the ahaus, so here the full count of days is expressed in
the chuens.

In other words, that the character at the side simply means that no

19 ETH, PT 2 12

 

7‘”'

742 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN. 19

days are to be counted, and so his ﬁgures giving the number of days
ShOW. But this, as has been shown, will not sufﬁce to correct the mis-
take in our example. However, a very slight change, as I have shown,
which Mr Goodman failed to ﬁnd, which is simply adding 2 days to
the time periods, will sufﬁce to bring the series into harmony with the
theory, and at the same time to verify his determination of the face
numerals attached to the terminal date of the initial series—8 Ahau
18 Tzec (year 2 Akbal).

Although the initial series will be discussed farther on, it will per-
haps be best to indicate here the probable processes by which Mr
Goodman reached his conclusions in regard to the series now under
consideration. _ -

According to the system which he has adopted and which he claims
was the chronologic system of the inscriptions, 13 cycles, or units
of the ﬁfth order, make 1 great cycle, or 1 unit of the sixth order,
and 78 great cycles complete what he terms the “grand era.” As
this system will be more fully explained farther on, it is only neces-
sary to state here that he concludes from his investigation that the
dates found in the inscriptions all fall in the ﬁfty-third, ﬁfty—fourth,
and ﬁfty-ﬁfth great cycles. As these are taken by him to be abso—
lute time periods, each begins with its ﬁxed and determinate day;
in other words, there is no sliding of the scale. According to this
scheme the ﬁfty—third great cycle began with the day 4 Ahau 8 Zotz,
the ﬁfty-fourth with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and the ﬁfty-ﬁfth with the day
4 Ahau 3 Kankin, these dates following one another at the distance
of one great cycle apart, which is correct on his assumption that 13
cycles make one great cycle, a conclusion which I shall have occasion
to question.

Now, it is apparent that he assumes that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the day
following the ﬁrst numeral series noted above, is the beginning day of
his ﬁfty-fourth great cycle. This being assumed, it follows that the
preceding dates, 8 Ahau 18 Tzec and 1 Ahau 18 Zotz (which precedes
the former in actual time by precisely one month), must fall in his
ﬁfty-third great cycle; and as the former (8 Ahau 18 Tzec) is the ter-
minal date of the initial series, therefore this initial series goes back
to 4 Ahau 8 Zotz, the beginning day of the ﬁfty-third great cycle.
As the time to be counted back from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu to reach the
closing date of the initial series is, according to the ﬁrst numeral
series, 8 ahaus, 5 chuens, 0 days, or 2,980 days, it must necessarily
fall in the last katun of the ﬁfty-third great cycle, which, according
to his peculiar method of numbering periods, will be the 19th katun
of the twelfth cycle. Counting back into this katun (using his tables),
8 ahaus and the 5 months carries us into the ahau beginning with 1
Ahau 8 U0, as the only day Ahau of this period falling in the month

moms] ’ TABLET OF THE CROSS 743

Tzec—which the inscription requires—is 9 Ahau 8 Tzec, which
requires a numeral series of 3,180 days, or 8 ahaus 15 months. As
Mr Goodman concludes that the face numeral preﬁxed to the symbol
for the month Tzec should be interpreted 18, the nearest position in
which a day Ahau the 18th of the month Tzec can be found, is in the
thirteenth ahau of this katun. From this date to 4: Ahau 8 Cumhu is
6 ahaus 14 chuens; hence his proposed change in the numeral series.
The question therefore to be answered before we can give full
assent to his conclusion is this, Are his renderings of the face char-
acters reliable? That they represent numbers seems to be evident,
as I show elsewhere, but the data presented in his work are not entirely
satisfactory. That the initial series now under consideration contains
one or more cycles, one or more katuns, one or more ahaus, and one or
more chuens-—or, as I term them, units of the ﬁfth, fourth, third, and
second orders—is certain; and that the terminal date is a day Ahau in
the month Tzec is also true if the inscription be correct. The language
used by Mr Goodman in deﬁning the face numerals indicates that
he has relied to some extent on his system of interpretation rather
than on the details of the glyphs in determining their value, but this
can be decided only by a careful examination of all the inscriptions in
this respect, which it is my purpose to make in a supplemental paper
when Maudslay’s ﬁgures of the Quirigua inscriptions are received.
When the count can be based on the glyphs his scheme will not inter-
fere With a correct count. For example, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu of this
series may or may not be the ﬁrst day of his ﬁfty-fourth grand cycle,
for in either case the count will bring the same result; nor will the
fact that there are probably 20 cycles to the great cycle change the
result. However, the subject will be further discussed when we con-
sider the initial series, and for the present we will accept Mr Good-
man’s determination of the face numerals with the above implied
reservation. _
I have dwelt somewhat at length on this example in order to show
some of the methods of determining positively that there is an error
in the original, and the seeming impossibility in some cases of cor-
recting it. Occasionally this can be done by means of a connected
preceding or following series; 01', where a single minor change will
bring all the members of the series into harmony, this change is some-
times justiﬁed, but such changes as those suggested above by Mr Good-
man in regard to the example under consideration, especially where
the value of a sign is also in dispute, are not warranted Without proof.
The next date is found in glyphs C9, D9,'and is 13 Ik —? Mol.
Here the numeral attached to the month is not a regular number
symbol (dots and bars) and is interpreted 5 by Mr Goodman. In this
I am inclined to think he is wrong, as the symbol appears to be the

 

7 44 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19.

same as that found 1n gly ph F 9, which he interp1 ets 20. His desc1 1p
tion of the se1 ies is as follows:

Then [after 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu] follows another reckoning of 1-9><2 [1 ahau, 9
chuens, 2 days], succeeded by ﬁve unintelligible glyphs, to 13 Ik, 5 MO]. The com-
putation and the 13 1k are right, but the month should be 20 Chen, as will be seen by
reference to the annual calendar. It will be evident pretty soon that the sculptors
got their copy mixed up. The 5 Mol should have gone with another date (p. 135).

The intermediate time periods are 1 ahau (of the usual form, a,
ﬁgure 9), 9 chuens, and 2 days:

 

Days.

1 ahau _________________________________________________ 360
9 chuens ................................. _- _. ____________ 180
Days .................................................. 2
Total ............................................ 542

As the ﬁrst date is‘uncertain, unless the explanation given above be
accepted, we must count back‘ from 13 1k 20 M01, which falls in
the year 10 Akbal. I use 20 M01, as I believe 20 to be the true
interpretation of the unusual number symbol, and it is really that
adopted by Mr Goodman in his calculation, though not expressed.
As 20 M01 is the one hundred and sixtieth day of the year, and the
count is backward, we subtract this from 542, and divide the remainder
by 365, which gives 1 year and 17 days; this brings us to the year 8
Ben. Deducting 5 for the intercalated or added days, and counting
back 12 days from the end of the month Cumhu, we reach 4 Ahau, the
eighth day of the month Cumhu, proving that this terminal date of
the preceding series is correct and that the error of that series must
be in the initial date or in the numerals attached to the intermediate
time periods. This result is in fact the same as that obtained by
Mr Goodman, who commences his count of the days of the month
with 20, transferring the last days of the columns in our table 1 to
the ﬁrst place, as is shown in table 4, given below, which is simply
a condensation of his “Archaic annual calendar,” where each of the
ﬁfty-two years is written out in full.

TABLE 4

 

 

 

 

Ik years Manik yours Eb years Cabun years Day numbers D131: 0f
month
1k )Ianik Eb Caban 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 20
Akbal Lamat Ben Ezanab 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 1
Kan Mulnc Ix Cauac 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 2
Chicchan 0c Men Ahau 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 I 3
Cimi Chuen Cib Imix 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 1 1 4
Manik Eb Caban Ik 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 5
Lamat Ben Ezanab Akbal 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 6
Muluc Ix Cauac Kan 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 7
0c Men Ahau Chicchan 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 8
Chuen Cib Imix Cimi 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 9
Eb Qaban Ik Manik 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 10
Ben Ezanab Akbal Lamat 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 11
Ix Cauac Kan Muluc 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 12
Men Ahau Chicchan Oc 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 13
Cib Imix Cimi Chuen 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 14
Caban Ik Manik Eb 3 10 4 11 5 12 7 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 15
Ezanab A kbal Lamat Ben 4 1 1 5 12 6 1 3 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 16
Cauac Kan Muluc Ix 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 17
Ahau Chicohan Oc Men 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 18
1mix Cimi Chuen Cib 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 19

 

 

 

 

 

9W,

 

 

[svwonm

SSOHD QIHL J0 LEI'ISIVJ.

7 46 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [Emmmsa

It will be seen from this that 13 Ik, the last day of the month Mo]
(year 10 Akbal) in our table 1, by the change made by Mr Goodman
becomes the 20th day of the month Chen, which is in fact the begin-
ning day of this month, and would in all ordinary calculations be
counted the ﬁrst, or 1.

Although the numbering of the days of the month and of the days
is not changed by this transposition, it does make a change in two
important respects. First, the days which would be last in the month,
if the count of the days of the month began with 1, become the begin—
ning days of the following month, though counted as the 20th by Good-
man’s method. Second, the position of the years in the 52-year period
is changed. For example, the year 10 Akbal of the series exam-
ined, which will—as can be seen by reference to table 3—be the
49th year of the 52—year cycle, becomes the 9th by Goodman’s
method.

In the preface or preliminary remarks to his Archaic Annual Cal-
endar, this author states as follows:

I have put Ik at the head of the days because it is nearest to Kan of any of the
Archaic dominicals, and because the Oaxacan calendar shows a tendency toward ret—
rogression in the order of the days. There is no good reason, however, why any of
the other dominicals may not have been the ﬁrst. In fact the frequent and peculiar
use of Caban in the inscriptions and its standing as the unit of the numeral series
constituted by the day symbols would appear to go far toward justifying an assump-
tion that it was the initial day; but the former circumstance may be only a chance
happening, and the latter may attach to the remote pre-Archaic era when the year
began with the month Chen; so that neither of these considerations, nor the signiﬁ-
cant recurrence of Manik in certain places, has had weight enough to induce me to
change the order originally adopted; nor will it be worth while to alter it until some
style of reckoning from the beginning of the annual calendar is discovered not in
harmony with the present arrangement.

In regard to these statements, it may be afﬁrmed that the reason
given for placing “ Ik at the head of the days” is wholly insufﬁcient,
as it is not, in fact, nearest Kan of any of the Archaic dominicals,
being nearer to Akbal, which certainly was a dominical, than to Kan;
nor, in fact, would this be any reason for the change were it true.
Second, as he begins the count of the days of the month with 20, it
is in fact not ﬁrst in the count. It is proper, however, to add here
that if Dr Brinton (The Native Calendar, p. 22) has interpreted cor-
rectly his authorities, Ik was the initial dominical day in the Quiche-
Cakchiquel calendar, though it must have been in comparatively
recent times, as will appear from what follows farther on. Mr Good-
man’s remark that “there is no good reason, however, why any of
the other dominicals may not have been ﬁrst” is certainly correct.
But this statement involves the correctness of his entire calendar sys-
tem so far as the determination of the position of dates is concerned.
LIt is true, as he states in the paragraph next below that quoted, that

THOMAS] TABLET OF THE CROSS 74.7

“for all ordinary purposes the point of beginning is of no importance,
since the annual calendar is only an orderly rotation of the days until
each of them with the same numeral has occupied the seventy-three
places allotted to it in the year,” if “all ordinary purposes” be limited
to ﬁnding the beginning, closing, and length of periods without regard
. to the absolute position in the higher Mayan time periods.

To illustrate, I take the last day of the series just examined. If
the dominical days be Akbal, Lamat, Ben, Ezanab, in the order given,
as ﬁrst declared by Seler, this day will be 13 Ik, the 20th day of M01
in the year 10 Akbal, and the forty-ninth year of the 52-year period,
where the count is by true years, and the 52-year period begins with
the year 1 Akbal. According to Mr Goodman’s system, using Ik,
Manik, Eb, and Caban as the dominical days in the order given (20 Ik
being ﬁrst in the 52—year period), counting the beginning day of the
months as the 20th, it would be (though absolutely the same day in
time) the 20th day of the month Chen in the year 9 Ik, the 9th year
of the 52-year period.

It is undoubtedly true that if the days were written out in proper
succession with the proper numbers attached and the months properly
marked, as in my Maya Year, we might, if the series should be made
of sufﬁcient length, begin the cycle at any point where we could ﬁnd a
day numbered 1 and standing as the ﬁrst (beginning) day of the month
Pop. But the cycles of years beginning at different points would not
coincide with one another unless they were exactly 52 years, or a mul—
tiple of 52 years, apart.

As the system has, for the periods above the year, no ﬁxed historical
point as a basis or guide, the dates are only relative, that is to say, a
date though readily located in the 52-year period, unless connected
with some determinate time system. may refer to an event that occurred
200, 500, or 5,000 years ago; in other words, is but a point in each of
an endless succession of similar series.

It is possible, after all, that Goodman and I are both in error as to
the initial year of the 52-year period, though this will in no way affect
the calculation of series and determination of dates. The result in
these calculations will be the same with any year as the initial one,
provided that the regular order of succession be maintained. If the
ordinary calendar among enlightened nations had nothing ﬁxed by
which to determine relative positions in time, our centuries might be
counted from any one selected year, and all calculations made would
be relatively correct.

Although Mr Goodman’s computations may be, as we shall doubt-
less ﬁnd them as we proceed, uslially correct, 'et there is, if I read
him aright, one radical error in his theory. He has taken the appa-
ratus, the aid, the means which the Mayas used in their time counts
as, in reality, their time system. In other words, he has taken the

748 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANN- 19

calculation as the thing calculated. He makes the statement, already
quoted: -

It was taken for granted that a year of 365 days must necessarily enter into the
reckoning; whereas, the moment the Mayas departed from speciﬁc dates and

embarked upon an extended time reckoning, they left their annual calendar behind
and made use of a separate chronological one.

It is the error made in this statement that vitiates the entire
stupendous fabric he has built upon it, though all of his computations
may be correct so far as calculation is concerned. The Maya, in
order to calculate time, had necessarily, just as any other people, to
use some system of notation. Maudslay, though usually so carefully
conservative, seems to have been led astray "in this matter, as he
remarks:

All the dates and reckonings found 011 the monuments which can be made out by
the aid of these tables are expressed in ahaus, katuns, etc., and not in years; but Mr
Goodman maintains that the true year was known to the Mayas, and that it is by

the concurrent use of the chronological and annual tables that the dates carved on
the monuments can be properly located in the Maya calendar.

Dr Fei'stemann and Dr Seler seem also to have missed the true signi-
ﬁcation of this time counting. If the former intended to be under-
stood, in suggesting an “ old year” of 360, that this number of days
was at an early period in the history of the Mayan people actually
counted as a year, as seems to be a fair inference from his language,
it follows as a necessary consequence that the years and also the
months always commenced with the same day, though not with the
same day-number (Zur Entzifferung der Mayahandschriften, IV, 1894,
and elsewhere). Although Dr Seler distinguishes the 360 days from
the true year of 365 days, he alludes to it as a real time period.
Speaking of the “ katun,” he says:

And hence the discussion—upon which many proﬁtless papers have been written—
whether the katun is to be considered 20 or 24 years. The truth is, it consists neither

of 20 nor of 2-1 years—the years were not taken into account at all by the 01d chron-
iclers—but of 20 x 360 days.

His katun was therefore 7,200 days, the same as that afterwards
adopted by Mr Goodman.

As a Mayan date is properly given when it includes the day and day‘
number, and the month and day of the month, this determines the
year in the system and the dominical day. As dates are found in the
oldest inscriptions and in the Dresden codex, the oldest, or one of the
oldest codices, and these dates show beyond question a year of 365
days, and hence a four-year series, there is no reason for believing
that there are allusions, either in the inscriptions or codices, to a year
of 360 days. The simple and only satisfactory explanation is that the
360 is a mere counter in time notation.

THOMAS] TABLET OF THE CROSS 749

It would seem, therefore, that Mr Goodman has taken the system of
notation in use among the Maya—their orders of units—to be, in real-
ity, their chronological system. It would be just as true to say that
the system of notation adopted by most enlightened people—the units,
tens, hundreds, thousands, millions, etc., used in calculating periods
of time—is, in fact, their time system. The Maya never left their
annual calendar behind them when embarking upon extended time
reckoning, a fact which is overwhelmingly proved by the constant
reference to dates in the codices and inscriptions. The only proof
furnished by Mr Goodman as to the reality of his discoveries is based
upon this fact. The Maya time counts have only dates of the calendar
system in view. Of course the mystical or ceremonial use of the 260-
day period is not denied. Were it otherwise, their counting up of
high numbers would have no more meaning than the ﬁguring of school-
boys to see what great numbers they could reach. However, addi-
tional evidence of the correctness of this assertion will become more
apparent when I come to the examination of the characters and num-
bers which Goodman assigns to his highest Mayan time periods. But
in the meantime, though pointing out his fundamental error in this
respect, we must not lose sight of his real and important discoveries,
which must have a material bearing on all future attempts at interpre-
tation of the codices and inscriptions.

Continuing our examination of the inscription of the Palenque
Tablet of the Cross, and starting now from our last date, 13 Ik 20
M01, in the year 10 Akbal (as 1 have interpreted it), we take up the
succeeding series, explained by Mr Goodman as follows:

After half a dozen glyphs, unintelligible further than like most intervening char-
acters they are to be found elsewhere in the lists of period symbols, there is another
reckoning—1—18—3—12X20 from the preceding date to 9 1k 15 Ceh [3 left slab].
This is correct, and in connection with the previous reckoning it proves conclusively
that the preceding date should be 13 1k 20 Chen (p. 135).

This “reckoning” signiﬁes 1 cycle, 18 katuns, 3 ahaus, 12 chuens,
and 20 days. Here, however, occurs again at the left of the chuen
symbol the same character as that at the left of D1 mentioned above,
which we counted as 0 instead of 20, as interpreted by Goodman.
We count it as O in this instance also:

Days
1 cycle ............................................ 144, 000
18 katuns __________________________________________ 129, 600
3 ahaus ............................................ 1, 080
12 ch nens .......................................... 240
Days ............................................. 0
274, 920

Following our own count as given above from 20 M01, let us see
what the result will be. From the total (274,920 days) we subtract 14

750 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mmmms

calendar rounds or 265,720 days, leaving a balance of 9,200 days.
Subtracting from this 205, the remaining days of the year 10 Akbal,
and dividing the remainder by 365, we obtain 24: years and 235 days,
or 11 months and 15 days. Referring to table 3, and counting for-
ward 21 years from 10 Akbal and passing to the year following, we
reach 9 Lamat. By table 1 we ﬁnd that the 15th day of the 12th
month of the year 9 Lamat is 9 Ik, the 15th day of the month Ceh.
This is correct, and proves (what Mr Goodman also claims for his count)
that our decision as to the dates and the naught symbol is also correct.
We pass to the series which follows (1, left slab). This is described
by Mr Goodman thus:

Six unintelligible glyphs follow; then there is a reckoning of 2-1—7—11 X2, succeeded
by four directive signs, to 9 Ik 20 Zac. I call attention to the directive signs. Two
of them are the bissextile character and its coadjutor, which I think are employed
in Palenque to denote different numbers of calendar rounds. These should denote
ﬁfteen, if intended to indicate the length of the reckoning; if to express an addi-
tional period, it is uncertain how many. The other two directive signs are identical
with two of those used after 1 Ahau 18 Zotz to Show the reckoning is from that
date. This reckoning is also from that date; hence the glyph consisting of a bird’s
head and two signs for 20 over it probably indicates an initial date, or a substitute for
it, as 1 Ahau 18 Zotz would appear to be in this case. The month symbol is wrong
here also. It should be Yax instead of Zac.

The next date is at E9, F9, which, as there given, appears to be 9 1k
20 Zac, and the series is 2 days, 11 chuens, 7 ahaus, 1 katun, and 2
cycles at E5 to F6, the symbols being of the usual form. As this will
not connect 9 lk 20 Zac with the preceding date, 9 Ik 15 Ceh (E1 F1),
we will reckon from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz (11161316), as Mr Goodman sug-
gests. This date falls in the year 2 Akbal.

The count 2—1-7—11X 2, when converted into days, is as follows:

Days
2 cycles ............................................ 288, 000
1 katun ............................................ 7, 200
7 ahaus ................................... . ........ 2, 520
11 chuens ___________________________________________ 220
2 days. .L .......................................... 2
Total-.-.....-...-___; ....................... 297,942

Subtracting from this 15 calendar rounds—281,700 days—we get
13,242 days. Subtracting from this 287, the remaining days of the
year 2 Akbal, after 1 Ahau 18 Zotz, and dividing the remainder
by 365, we obtain 35 years and 180 days, or 9 months. Counting 35
years from 2 Akbal, on table 3, we reach 11 Ezanab. As the next
year will be 12 Akbal, by counting on table 1 nine months in this
year, we reach 9 Ik, the 20th day of the month Chen. This corresponds
with the inscription except as to the month, which is 20 Zac. The
count as given by Mr Goodman is 20 Yax, which is identical in his
system with 20 Chen according to the system I am following. His

moms] TABLET OF THE CROSS 7 5]

suggestion, therefore, that the reckoning is to be from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz
appears to be correct; at least it connects this date with that follow-
ing the series, when allowance for the correction mentioned is made.

Although this irregularity, of taking the series step by step from a
given date for a time and then skipping back to another date as the
starting point, arouses suspicion of something wrong in the proceed-
ing, yet it occurs more than once both in the inscriptions and codices,
and hence is not necessarily an evidence of error. The two dates
which precede the ﬁrst series indicate two points from which the count
in some of the following series is to begin. Did we fully understand
the intermediate glyphs, we should probably ﬁnd this explained; at
any rate we must follow at present what seems to be the most proba—
ble rule, trustng that future investigation may correct any errors
into which we have fallen. Mr Goodman, who has sought to learn
the meaning of what he calls directive signs, says in regard to those
connected with this series, “Two directive signs are identical with
two of those used after 1 Ahau 18 Zotz to show the reckoning is
from that date.” There is, however, but one that is similar, and it is
an oft-repeated glyph. At any rate the proper result appears to-be
9 Ik 20 Chen in the year 12 Akbal, as in no possible way can 9 lk 20
I Zac, which falls in the year 11 Akbal, be reached; and the day 20 Zac
in the year 12 Akbal is 3 1k, whereas the plan of the series appears to
require 9 1k. That the count should be from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz—that is,
1 month back of 8 Ahau 18 Zotz—or that the 11chuens in the numeral
series should be 10, is shown in another way, thus: To obtain the lapse
of time from the last preceding date, 9 1k 15 Ceh, we deduct 9,200 days
(third series) from 13,242 (fourth series), and from this deduct 2,982
(ﬁrst series), over which, as we have seen, the count skipped; this
leaves 1,060 days. Counted forward from 9 1k 15 Ceh (year 9 La-
mat), this number of days brings us to 3 Ik 20 Yax in the year 12
Akbal, just 1 month later than 20 Chen. This calculation is based on
8 Ahau 18 Tzec as the starting point; hence we must count from 1
Ahau 18 Zotz, or assume that the 11 chuens in the numeral series
should be 10. That the 20 Zac is wrong seems to be evident. Basing
the count on 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu and 8 Ahau 18 Tzec will bring the same
result, as will be seen'by squacting 2,110 from 13,242 and counting
forward from the former.

The series (5 of the left slab) following the last date 9 Ik 20 Chen—
as Corrected, is described by Mr. Goodman as follows: “The reckon-
ing which follows, 3—6—10—12 X 2, from the beginning of the great cycle
is correct. It is here the 5 Mol should have gene, that being the
month date.” These number symbols, 3 cycles, 6 katuns, 10 ahaus, 12
ehuens, 2 days, which amount to 479,012 days, are followed at F12 by
9 Ik without any accompanying month symbol. The cycle and ahau
symbols in this instance are face forms. By assuming as the month

 

7 52 i MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [Em um 19

date 5 M01, and counting back, Mr Goodman reaches 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu—
D3, F4. That the count backward from 9 1k 5 Mol will reach 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu is true, but here again is leaping over series as though they
were inserted without plan or system. Moreover, Mr Goodman’s
remark that the count reaches back to the beginning of the great cycle
appears to be inconsistent with his own ﬁgures unless we change his
“full counts” to naughts. The initial series which he gives is, as has
been shown, 53—12—19—13—4X20 to 8 Ahau 18 Tzec. Now, from this
date—8 Ahau 18 Tzec—to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, according to his own
count (page 135) is 6—11X 20. Let us add these together.
Cycles Katuns Ahaus Chuens Days

12 19 13 4 '20
6 14 20

 

13 0 0 2 O

This reckoning runs back beyond the beginning of his 13th cycle,
and hence, by his method of stating series, past the beginning of his
great cycle, by two months, using his own ﬁgures. If the 20 days in
the two series had been counted as 0, his calculation would have
brought him to the beginning of a great cycle according to his scheme.
Although, as has been stated, he does not use the full counts in his
calculations, reference is made here to his method of stating numeral
series in order to guard students from being led into error thereby.

' In every case where he uses 20 for days, ahaus, or katuns, and 18 for
chuens, the true ﬁgure is 0.

Another fact to be taken into consideration in deciding whether the
evidence in the last count is satisfactory is that, as Ik might fall on
the 5th, 10th, 15th, or 20th of the month and any one of the months
might be chosen, there are 7 2 (1X 18) variations to be tried to bring it
into accord with the preceding date. If it could be connected by a
following numeral series with some other date, the evidence would
then be entirely acceptable, but this does not appear to be the case.

However, I am not entirely satisﬁed with the result in this case, as
the omission of the month date seems to imply that the 9 Ik is to fall
on the 20th day of the month. If we follow the same rule as in the
two preceding series, and subtract the 4th (297 ,942 days) from the 5th
(479,042), and from the remainder the ﬁrst numeral series, taking off
the one month as before, and counting from the lastpreceding date—
9 1k 20 Chen as corrected—we reach 9 Ik 20 M01, year 6 Akbal. Or,
subtracting the ﬁrst series from the 5th (the 4,542) and counting for—
ward from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz, we reach 9 Ik the 20th day of the month by
dropping the same troublesome one month. These facts lead me to
suspect that the true solution of the problem has not yet been reached.

Following the last date, after some ﬁve unknown glyphs are passed,
comes, at F15, F16, the numeral series (6, left slab) 18 days, 7 chuens,

moms] ' TABLET OF THE CROSS 753

6 ahaus, 1 katun, equal to 9,513 days. As no date. appears in the
remainder of the columns of this left slab, the question arises, Is the
left inscription complete in itself and this the close, or is there con-
nection with that of the middle space or right slab? This question I
will be discussed a little farther on. However, it may be stated here
that by using the last (tenth) nu'meral series on the right slab (7,002 3
days) and counting forward from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz 2 Akbal, of the left
slab, we reach 9 1k 5 M018 Ezanab, of the ﬁfth series of the left slab;
but this would seem to be an accidental coincidence.

As additions to the evidence already adduced in regard to the use of
face characters to represent numbers, attention is called to others on
this slab in regard to which there can be no question. One of these
representing the ahau, or third order of units, is seen at F10; one
denoting the cycle, or ﬁfth order of units, at F11; another repre-
senting the ahau is seen in front of the anklets of the left priest at L13,
and another denoting the katun or cycle is under the feet of the left
priest.

The inscription in the middle space begins with the date 9 Akbal 6
Xul—including the two glyphs G and H above the head of the left
priest. These are distinct, and are probably to be accepted as correct,
as the inscription in the middle space of the Tablet of the Sun, which
appears to be similar in several respects to that on this tablet, begins
with precisely the same date, in the same relative position. The
numeral series (1) which follows consists of glyphs L12 and L13, imme-
diately in front of theanklets of the left priest. These are 17 days, 8
chuens, 1 ahau, which equal 537 days. It is possible, however, that
the large glyph on which the left priest is standing, which indicates 9
katuns or 9 cycles, is to be included in this series. If they are katuns,
then the total number of days is 65,337, from which deducting three
calendar rounds (56,940 days), leaves 8,397 days to be counted; if they
are cycles, the total number of days is 1,296,537, from which deduct-
ing 68 calendar rounds (1,290,610), leaves 5,897 days. The date which
follows at glyph L14 is 13 Ahau and appa1ently 18 Kayab ’4 or Xul? or
possibly Kankin ,though the month symbol can not be determined with
positive certainty by inspection of the p hotogiaph 01 of Maudslay’ s
drawing. The corresponding date in t c Sun Tablet is 13 Ahau 18
Kankin; and what is worthy of notice is that counting f01ward 537
days from 9 Akbal 6 Xul, year 8 Ezanab, brings us to 13 Ahau 18
Kankin, year 9 Akbal; this is probably the correct date. Using the
katuns or cycles we can niake connection with none of the given dates;
hence the glyph on which the priest is standing may be omitted from
the numeral series. Neither 9 Akbal 6 Xul, nor 13 Ahau 18 Kankin,
nor 13 Ahau 18 Kayab will connect with any of the dates on the left
slab by any of the numbers given.

Taking for granted that 9 Akbal 6 Xul is the date intended by the

754 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [nausea

aboriginal artist to be given at this point, we next try the connections
forward.

The other dates and series in the middle space after 13 Ahau 18
Kankin 2 (or Kayab 2), already mentioned, are the following: A date
at 01, 02 over the hands of the right priest. This is too badly defaced
to be determined; all that can be positively asserted is that the number
of the day of the month is 3, thus rendering it certain that it must be
Ahau, Chicchan, Oc or Men. The number of the day was small,
seemingly 3 or 4, but evidently not exceeding 8; Maudslay’s drawing
gives 8. The corresponding date on the Tablet of the Sun as given by
Goodman is 8 00 3 Kayab, and the same date is found correspond-
ingly on the Tablet of the Foliated Cross. The next numeral series
(2, middle space) is found in the second and third glyphs of column R,
immediately behind the shoulders of the right priest. This appears by
inspection to be 6 days, 11 chuens, 6 ahaus : 2,386 days. Maudslay,
in his drawing of this inscription in part 10 of his work, makes the
number of chuens 13, taking for granted, as seems to be indicated,
though it is somewhat doubtful, that the two outer dots have been
broken away. This would increase the total number of days to 2,426,
while the true number appears to be 2,886.

Before attempting to make connections between the dates on the
middle space and those which follow we will pass to the columns of the
inscription on the right slab. The ﬁrst date is found in glyphs T2,
S3, viz: 11 w? 20 Pop. The day can not be determined by inspec-
tion. However, it must be Caban, Ik, Manik, or Eb, these being the
only days which fall on the 20th day of the month. The number pre-
ﬁxed to the month in this instance is the full-count or 20 symbol, two
semicircles. Before reaching a numeral series another date occurs at
glyphs 84, T4, as follows: 5 w? 14;. Kayab? The day can not be
determined with certainty, but is apparently Cimi, or Cib, most likely
the former; the month symbol is somewhat indistinct, but appears to
be that of Kayab. The corresponding date in the inscription of the
Tablet of the Sun and also of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross is 2
Cib 14 M01, but in the former it is preceded by T Ahau 8 Cumhu, Whose
position is occupied in the Tablet of the Cross now under- consideration
by the 5 —? llpKayab? above mentioned. There is no recognizable
numeral series in the middle space of either the Tablet of the Sun or
Tablet of the Foliated Cross. but it is a singular fact that the second
numeral series of the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross, given in
the above list as 2,386 days. is exactly the lapse of time (counting
forward) from 8 0c 3 Kayab to 2 Caban 1st M01 in the Tablet of the
Sun and Tablet of the Foliated Cross, and the 537 days of the ﬁrst series
in this space also connects the ﬁrst and second dates in the middle space
of the Sun Tablet, viz: 9 Akbal 6 X111 and 13 Ahau 18 Kankin. It is
possible that these three inscriptions are dependent to some extent one
upon the other, or are based upon an older and lost original.

moms] TABLET OF THE caoss 755

Neither of the two dates preceding the ﬁrst series of the right slab,
as determined by inspection of the inscription, makes a satisfactory
connection with any preceding or following date; the proper day, but
not the proper number, and even the day of the month, is reached, but
there is no complete agreement, nor can the result be followed up
with proof of its correctness. If we deduct 8 days from 8,034, the
ﬁrst numeral series of the right slab, and count back from 5 Cimi 14
Kayab 10 Ben, we reach 13 Ahau 18 Kayab 1 Akbal, which may pos-
sibly be the correct date following the ﬁrst series in the middle space.
But this will not connect with 9 Akbal 6 Xul by the intermediate 537
days, but with 9 Akbal 6- Chen, year 13 Ezanab. However, if we
deduct 8 days from 8,034, leaving 8,026, and count forward from 13
Ahau 18 Kankin, year 9 Akbal, the second date of the middle space, as
found by calculation from 9 Akbal 6 Xul 8 Ezanab, this will bring
us to 5 Cimi 14 Kankin, year 5 Ben, which may be the second date
of the right slab, though the month symbol appears to be that of
Kayab, and is so interpreted in Maudslay’s drawing. This will change
the days of the glyph T4 from 14 to 6, but these are exactly in the
line of the break in the slab and have been restored by Dr Rau.
Nevertheless, as 5 Cimi 14 Kankin will not connect with any following
date by the numeral series as they stand, the result is not satisfactory.

The ﬁrst date, 11 w? 20 Pop, if construed to be 11 Manik 20 Pop 5
Lamat, will; by counting forward with 15,217, the seventh series, bring
us to 5 Kan 12 Kankin, year 7 Ben, the date of the sixth series, except
that the month is Kankin instead of Kayab as in the inscription. Can
it be that these supposed Kayab symbols should be interpreted Kankin?
That some of them differ materially from the others is apparent. If,
however, the date is construed to be 11 1k 20 Pop, year 5 Akbal, and
series 2 and 3 (4,749 and 123) be subtracted from the ﬁrst series
(8034), the remainder, 3.162, will. by counting forward, reach 1 Kan
2 Kankin, year 13 Akbal, the date following the ﬁrst series except as
to the month, which in the inscription appears to be Kayab, though
uncertain. The day symbol of the ﬁrst date, 11 —? 20 Pop, does not
appear to be Ik, though too nearly obliterated to be determined by
inspection. But it appears, on the other hand, as has been stated,
that if we assume this ﬁrst date to be 11 Manik 20 Pop, year 5 Lamat
and count forward 15,217 (the seventh series), we reach 5 Kan 12
Kankin, year 7 Ben, date of the sixth series except the month,
which is Kayab in the inscription, or what has usually been taken as
Kayab, and is of the form given in the Dresden codex to this month
symbol. And lastly, it may be stated that Maudslay’s drawing is
evidently intended to indicate Caban. As neither of these results can
be followed up with other satisfactory connections they must be con-
sidered as merely accidental coincidences. The same remark applies
also to the next date. 5 Cimi (or Cib?) 14 Kayab. Nor can any satis-
factory connection be made with the next date—1 Kan 2 Kayab. By

756 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH- ANN-19

reading it 1 Kan 2 Kankin, connection can be made in the manner
mentioned above. If the date of the ﬁfth series, left slab, be con-
strued to be S) Ik 20 3101, which it may as well be as 5 Mol, by counting
forward 4,512 days we reach 1 Kan 2 Kayab 3 Akbal, the apparently
correct date, according to the inscription. If this reckoning be
accepted it will form a connection between the inscriptions of the
right and left slabs.

The second date following the ﬁrst numeral series on this slab is
found in glyphs 810, T10. This is 11 Lamat 6 Xul, year 10 Akbal;
following this, at 812, T12, is the numeral series 9 days, 3 chuens, 13
ahaus, which equal 1,719 days, and following this series, at SL1, T14,
is the date 2 Caban 10 Xul, year 10 Lamat. The two last—mentioned
dates make connection, as by counting forward 1,749 days from 11
Lamat 6 Xul 10 Akbal we reach 2 Caban 10 Xul in the year 10 Lamat.
Immediately following the last-mentioned date, at S15, is the short
numeral series (3, right slab), 3 days, 6 chuens, or 123 days, which, count-
ing forward, bring us to 8 Ahau 13 Ceh, year 10 Lamat, the date which
follows at T17, U1. The rule therefore holds good as to these dates and
the two intervening numeral series. It would seem to follow, there-
fore, that the arrangement or plan of the series on this slab, when
found, should coincide with the determination as to these two series;
but from this point to the end of the inscription there is no connection
of dates—with possibly one exception—without some change in dates
or numbers from what they appear to be by inspection, or change in
the direction of the reckoning. I shall therefore note the position
of the dates and series which have been mentioned in the preceding
list, and then add some remarks in regard to the relation of the dates
and series to one another. I do this because Mr Goodman has left
unnoticed the series of the inscription on this right slab, possibly
because of the difﬁculty and seeming impossibility of bringing them
into harmony with his theory.

Immediately following the last date mentioned there is at U2 a
symbol denoting 9 cycles, or ninth cycle, but judging by the rule
adopted by Mr. Goodman this is not to be considered a part of the
numeral series («1) which follows immediately after at U3 to U4, Viz,
18 days, 1 chucn, 8 ahaus, 1 katun:10,118 days. At U7, V7 is the
date 3 Ezanab 11 Xul, the day somewhat indistinct, but so rendered,
apparently correctly, by Maudslay. Following this at U8, U9 is the
numeral series (5), 18? (or 17?) days, 10? (or 8?) chuens, 16 ahaus, 1?
katun. The numbers of this series in the inscription have been injured
to such an extent as to render uncertain those marked as doubtful; the
number of days is assumed to be 13,138, which is probably correct,
but the error, if there be one, is such that it should be readily discov-
ered by means of connecting series, if these be correct.

Following the last series, at U10, V10 is a date so nearly obliterated

moms] TABLET OF THE cnoss 757

that it can not be determined (except the numerals) with positive cer-
tainty; it appears to be 5 Ahau 3 Tzec. Glyphs V12, U13 give another
date, 5 —? 20 Zotz. The features of the day symbol are completely
obliterated; the preﬁx to the month glyph is the symbol for 20. Imme.
diately following, at V13 V14, is the series (6) 16 days, 6 chuens, 19
ahaus, 1 katun (11,176 days); at U17, V17 the date 5 Kan 12 Kayab; at
W1, W2 the series (7) 17 days, 1 chuens, 2 ahaus, 2 katuns (15,217 days);
at X5, W6 the date 1 Imix 4: Ceh (or Zip), month symbol somewhat
doubtful, but one of the two named, apparently Ceh. Following this
at X6, W7 is the brief series (8) 1 day, 1 ehuen, 1 ahau (381 days), fol-
lowed at X10, W11 by the date 7 Kan 17 M01; this is followed at
X11, X12 by the series (9) 7 days, 4 chuens, 8 ahaus, 2 katuns (17,367
days); following this at W11, X11 is an uncertain date—11 Cib, Cimi,
or Chicchan, 14? (or 13?) Kayab? The day symbol and its number are
distinct and clear, but the symbol is unusual; the number preﬁxed to
the month symbol has been partially broken away; there were cer—
tainly two lines (10) and some two, three, or four balls. The month
symbol is uncertain, but is apparently the same as that of the date 13
Ahau 18 Kayab? or Xul, in column L, though it has something addi-
tional on top. It is possible the symbol is intended for Chen or
Kankin.

Following the last date (11 Cib?) at W15, X15 is the series (10) 2 days,
8 chuens, 16, 17, 18, or 19 ahaus. The three lines (15) preﬁxed to the
ahau symbol are distinct, but the additional balls or dots have been
injured to such an extent as to render the number uncertain (7 ,002
days, counting 19 ahaus). There is no date or other series in the
remaining portion of the inscription.

If it be possible to determine the plan, succession, or arrangement
of the series in this inscription, an important step will have been
gained and a basis laid for the correct determination of the associated
glyphs. The peculiarities of Mayan time system and notation so
often lead to deceptive results that extreme caution is required, and a
single connection or proper result is seldom sufﬁcient evidence of a
correct interpretation.

Taking the list of the series as given we are at once impressed with
the strong general resemblance to the plan of the series on many of the
plates of the Dresden codex, where several different series are found,
some reckoned in one direction and some in another, as, for example,
plate 73, where there are one entire series, parts of two others, and
dislocated parts of two; or plate 70, where there are, in whole or in
part, some half dozen series still in a tangle which has not yet been
straightened out; also other plates.

Taking merely the numerical series in the Order they stand and
changed to days, there is certainly in the irregularly ascending scale
an indication of arrangement, of and relation between the series.

19 ETH, PT 2—13

758 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [msmssw

These, beginning with the ﬁrst in the middle space and following
with the right slab and then with the left, are as follows:

Middle space

1 ...... 8,034
2 ...... 4,749
3 ______ 123
4 ...... 10,118
5 ...... 13,138
6 ...... 14,116
7 ...... 15,217
8 ...... 381
9 ...... 17,367

10 ...... 7,002?

1 ...... 2,980
2 ...... 542
3 ...... 274,920
4 ______ 297,942
5 ...... 479,042
6 ______ 9,513

It is apparent from this list that there is an irregularly ascending
scale following the order given, but so far no common divisor forming
a basis of the differences has been found; moreover, the introduction
at some three or four points of short periods seems to break in upon
the idea of special references to the differences, as is usual in the
Dresden codex. Besides this, the differences do not serve to connect
dates, except possibly in two instances, while in one-third or more
cases successfully traced individual numeral series do.

As the exceptions alluded to above may possibly prove to be impor-
tant factors in determining the relations of the series on this tablet, it
will not be amiss to again notice them here.

As is shown above, if we add two days to the ﬁrst numeral series on
the left slab, making it 2,982, and count forward from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec
(2 Akbal), we shall reach 13 1k 20 Mol (10 Akbal), the date following
the second numeral series. if now we add the ﬁrst numeral series as
corrected—2,982—to the third numeral series (after deducting calen-
dar rounds)—9,200—making a total of 12,182, and count forward
this number of days from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec (2 Akbal), we reach 9 Ik 15
Ceh (9 Lamat), the date following the third numeral series. If we go
back now and subtract the second numeral series—542—froni the
ﬁrst—2.982~which leaves 2,410 days, and count forward this number
of days from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec (2 Akbal), we reach 1 Ahau 8 lumhu

mmusi TABLET or THE CROSS 759

(8 Ben), the date following the second numeral series. These agree-
ments can scarcely be accidental, and if not, they establish two
facts: First, that Goodman’s interpretation of the face glyphs giving
the date H Ahau 18 Tzcc is correct, or at least brings a correct
result; andusecond, that the emendation of the ﬁrst numeral series by
adding 2 days is also correct. Other relations of dates on the left
slab have been given, besides which no further connection by using
the differences of the numeral series can be obtained.

Turning to the right slab, if, as has been suggested, we assume the
ﬁrst date (11 —» .4 20 Pop) to be 11 Ik 20 Pop (year 5 Akbal), and sub-
tract series 2 and 3 (1.719 and 123) from the ﬁrst series (8,031), the
remainder, 8,162, counting forward from 11.1k 20 Pop (5 Akbal) Will
bring us to 1 Kan 2 Kankin 13 Akbal, the date following the ﬁrst
numeral series, if the month symbol is interpreted Kankin instead of
Kayab. This result, however, is not so satisfactory as that of the left
slab, as the day in (11 — 2 20 Pop) does not appear to be Ik, though
indeterminable by inspection: but it has been referred to in connection
with the reckoning in regard to the inscription onthe left slab, as it
may tend to show that these minor series are to be deducted in
tracing connection of the dates.

After a somewhat lengthy and careful study of the inscription on
this tablet, testing the relation of the series by calculation in every
possible way, I have failed to ﬁnd any satisfactory evidence of connec—
tion in a continuous line. The indications point rather to two or more
parallel lines. There are, however, difficulties in the way of obtaining
a clear understanding of the plan adopted by the original artist which
I have been unable to overcome, so great. in fact, that were it not for
other evidence. the correctness of Goodman‘s theory in this respect
would be left in doubt. It was probably on account of these difﬁcul-
ties that this author omitted any reference to the inscription on the
right slab, the best known and most accessible to students of all the.
Central American inscriptions. Some indications of different lines of
series are found in the overlapping of reckonings in the inscription of
the left slab already given.

At glyph ll2 of the right slab, immediately after the date 8 Ahau
13 Ceh which follows numeral series 3 of this slab (see list of series
above), is the symbol for 9 cycles, Which, as we have stated, is not con-
nected with any numeral series. This is, as will be found in other
instances, probably intended to indicate that at this point 9 cycles have
been completed from 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the date following series 1 of
the left slab. The day 8 Ahau 13 Ceh is the ﬁrst day of the 10th cycle
as given in Goodman’s chronological calendar. It is, however, cer-
tain that all the numeral series preceding it on the tablet fall short of
amounting to 9 cycles. Moreover, some of them appear, as has been
shown. to reach back over others, thus lessening the number to be

760 ' MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mama

actually counted. These facts seem to indicate that there is some
omission, in truth a very large one; but with our present knowledge
we are unable to solve the problem.

I have already alluded to the question of connection between the
left and right slabs, direct, or by means of the characters in the mid-
dle space. Mr Goodman evidently follows the idea that the beginning
of the inscription on the right slab (six columns) follows directly the
close of that on the left slab. He does not make this plain in his
notes on this tablet (op. pp. 135, 136), but when his remarks and ﬁgure
on a previous page are considered (p. 96) it becomes evident, as the two
upper glyphs of this ﬁgure are the last (1917 and F17) of the inscrip-
tion on the left slab, and the other three the ﬁrst three (81, T1, and
S2) in the inscription on the right slab. In connection therewith he
remarks as follows:

The reckoning here is from the beginning of a great cycle. A notation of
1—6—7X12 (the 12 erroneously appears as 13) precedes the glyphs and is to be incor-
porated with them. The reckoning shows the difference between the dates in the
annual calendar. .

His reckoning (1—677X12) is 1 katun, 6 ahaus, 7 chuens, 12 days:
9,512 (given in the sixth series of our list of the left slab as 9,513). If
it were true, as he states, that the “reckoning shows the difference
between the dates of the annual calendar,” meaning the date preced—
ing and that following the numeral series, this would be strong proof
of connection, but unfortunately Mr Goodman is mistaken in this
instance, as neither the last preceding date (9 Ik 5 Mol), nor the initial
date, nor any other date of the left slab connects by 9,512 or 9,513
with either of the ﬁrst two dates of the right slab, or any other date
thereon. If there be any connection between the dates in the different
spaces, it is between those of the middle space and those of the right
slab, reading forward, and the last date on the inscription of the right
slab and one of those on the left.

It is evident from what has been shown that the proof-of Mr Good-
man’s theory, drawn from the Tablet of the Cross, is not very satis-
factory, as not more than one-third of the dates thereon can be
connected thereby.. But where two and three series connect in suc-
cession the probability of the double or treble coincidence is so
extremely remote that the theory as to the numeral symbols and their
use may be accepted as demonstrated. If the double connection
occurred but once in the whole range of the inscriptions it would be
best to conclude this to be a mere coincidence, but as this occurs again
and again in the inscriptions, and even, as will be seen, a succession
of three and four, the proof is too strong to be resisted. Even Without
this mathematical demonstration the strong, in fact, evident resem-
blance of these numerical series to those of the codices is almost,
if not quite, suﬁicient to justify Goodman’s interpretation of the
numeral syml’xﬂs to which allusion has been made.

 

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL XLI.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.

 

 

 

 

 

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TEMPLE OF THE SUN. THE INSCRIBED PANEL ON THE BACK WALL OF THE SANCTUARY.
PHOTOGRAPHED FROM A PLASTER CAST.

 

THOMAS] TIME SERIES IN THE INSCRIPTIONS 761
TABLET OF THE SUN

\Ve turn to the inscription 011 the Tablet of the Sun—of which we
also have a photograph by Mr Maudslay, shown in our plate XLI—and
to Mr Goodman’s comment, which is as follows (page 136):

Initial date: 54—1—18—5—3X6—13 Cimi 19 Ceh. The month symbol comes after one
of the glyphs of the initial directive series. A reckoning of 1—2><11, with three
unintelligible glyphs following, points to a date which appears to be 1 Caban 10
Tzec; but as that is not the date to which the intelligible part of the reckoning
would lead, both the date and direction are uncertain. Thirteen glyphs follow,
some of them of recognizable purport, but the exact meaning of which in this con-
nection I do not know. Then comes a restatement of the initial reckoning,
_1—18—5—3><6, from the beginning of the great cycle, followed by nine glyphs whose
use here is unintelligible, though four of them are signs with whose meaning we
are acquainted. Next in order comes a reckoning of 9—12—18—5X16 (followed by
four glyphs nearly identical with a series in the preceding inscription), from 4
Ahau 8 Culnhu, the beginning of the great cycle, to 2 Cib 14 Mo]. This is correct.
After ﬁve incomprehensible glyphs occurs the date 3 Caban 15 M01. In the annual
calendar the last two dates adjoin each other, but whether the latter is here intended
to be the succeeding day, or whether Some calendar rounds are indicated by the
characters preceding it, is something we are at present unable to determine.
Sixteen bafﬂing glyphs follow, and then there is a reckoning of 7—6—12X3—12 Ahau
8 Ceh. There are no recognizable directive signs here, but by trial we discover that
the reckoning is the distance between 12 Ahau 8 Ceh and 9 Akbal 6 Xul, a date that
comes after six intervening glyphs. Eight more unintelligible glyphs occur, and
then a reckoning of 6—2X18 (the 18 should be 17), 2 Cimi 19 7mtz. The directive
signs are unfamiliar, but as the reckoning is backward to 9 Akbal 6 X111, they
probably denote that fact. Next is 1—8X17, 13 Ahau 18 Kankin, which is declared
to be a 10th ahau, the reckoning being the distance from 9 Akbal 6 X111 to that
date. Both of these dates are subsequently repeated for some reason, and the record
ends with 8 0c 3 Kayab, followed by ten glyphs whose meaning is not apparent.

This is a puzzling inscription so far as its numeral or time series are
concerned, a fact apparent from the comment which Mr Goodman
makes on it. Although there are several series with sufficient data for
the purpose of tracing them. but few of the dates can be connected,
and these not satisfactorily.

The series and dates in the order in which they come in the inscrip-
tion are as folloWs, adopting Goodman’s interpretation of the initial
series: -
Left slit];

Days
l 04 1 1.8 5 3 o 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 Lamat)
2 1 2 11 1 Caban‘.’ 10 Tzec (3 Lamat) ............. 411
3 1 18 3 3 6 (No date) (275,466) .................... 9, 746
4 9 1,2 18 7 16 (No date) (1,388,996) .................. 3, 456

Middle slum!

9 Akbal 6 Xul (8 Ezanab)
1 (Unintelligible) 13 Ahau 18 Kankin (9 Akbal)
8 ()c‘.’ 3 Kayab? (1/1 Lamat?)

762 MAYAN CALENDAR srs'rEMs [mun-mg

Right slab
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (8 Ben)

2 Cib 14 M01 (5 Akbal)
3 Caban 15 3101 (5 Akbal)

1 7 6 12 3 12 Ahau 8 Ceh? (6 Ben?) (52,803) ........ H, 843
9 Akbal 6 Xul (8 Ezanab)

2 6 2 l8 2 Cinli 19 Zotz (2 Lamat) ________________ 2, 218

3 1 8 12 13 Ahau 18 Kankin (9 Akbal) ____________ 5232

For convenience of reference the series of each division are num-
bered at the left; the year to which the date refers is given in paren-
thesis following the date, and the equivalent in days of the time
series—after deducting the calendar rounds where greater than one
round—is placed at the right. The positions of the various dates and
series in the inscription are given as we proceed.

In this inscription, as that of the Cross, the numbers preﬁxed to the
periods of the initial series are face characters instead of the ordinary
number symbols, except the number preﬁxed to the month symbol
Ceh, which consists of the usual lines and dots. This initial series—
51—1—18—5—3—6—interpreted, is as follows: The ﬁfty-fourth great
cycle, 1 cycle, 18 katuns, 5 ahaus, 3 chuens, 6 days, to 13 Cimi the
19th day of the month Ceh. Mr Goodman’s interpretation of this
inscription, so far as it extends, is given above. It appears that he
places, as seems to be his rule, the inscription in the middle space
after that in the right slab. It is possible, as is indicated by what fol-
lows, that he is right in this instance.

That 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, the ﬁrst date, will not connect with the next
date by 1 ahau, 2 chuens, 11 days (111 days), the second numeral series
(in reverse order)—glyphs A13, B13—is certain, as the reckoning
brings us by counting forward to 8 Caban 5 Muan, year 10 Ben. Yet,
notwithstanding the radical error on the part of the original artist
implied by the assumption that the last is the correct date here, there
are some grounds for the assumption. As there are no more dates on
the left slab, Goodman assumes that those attached to the 3d numeral
series, which is precisely the same as the initial series, are the same
as those which precede and follow that series, viz. 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu,
beginning of the 51th great cycle, and 13 Cimi 19 Ceh. But this
result, it must be remembered, is based upon the assumption that Mr
Goodman‘s interpretation “ 13 ” ‘Cimi of the ﬁrst given date is a correct
rendering of the face numeral. In this case his determination has
been reached not from the details of the face character, but from his
theory that his 54th great cycle begins with 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, as
counting forward 1—18—5—3—6 (9,716 days after deducting the calendar
rounds) reaches 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 Lamat). This is apparent from
his statement on page 49 of his work, where he gives ﬁgures of face
signs for 13:

I do not know what to‘ conclude about the last face in the list, which is the day
numeral in the initial date of the Temple of the Sun, I’alenquc. It. is more like the

mums] TABLET or THE SUN 763

chuen sign than any other. but the numeral is unmistakably 13. It is more rea-
sonable to suppose that the sculptor madea mistake in the kin. sign, than that the
chuen symbol should have been used to represent both 13 and 15.

The third number series is found (in reverse order) in glyphs C7,
D7, C8, D8, the ahau and cycle symbols—D7 and D8—being face
characters.

The fourth series, 9—12—18—5—16, or 9 cycles, 12 katuns, 18 ahaus,
5 chuens, 16 days. is found (in reverse order) in glyphs (31:1 to 016,
inclusive. Here the days are not joined to the chuen symbol as usual,
but have a separate symbol (CH), a face character with the number
preﬁxed. The chuen symbol (D 11) is also a face character. The series
reduced to days is 1,388,996, from which subtracting 73 calendar
rounds leaves 3,156 days to be counted. Counting forward this num-
ber of days from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (8 Ben) the beginning of Goodman’s
ﬁfty—fourth great cycle, we reach 2 Cib 11 M01 (5 Akbal). Both dates
in this instance are found after the numeral series and on the right
slab—4 Ahau (P2) 8 Cumhu (O3); 2 Cib (04) 14 M01 (Pals). Placing
the dates together before or after a numeral series which denotes the
lapse of time between them is unusual, but not Without precedent.

Using the last result, we may perhaps ﬁnd the proper connection
with 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, the ﬁrst given date. Subtracting the third series
(275,466 days) from the fourth series (1,388,996 days) leaves 1,113,530
days, from which subtracting 58 calendar rounds (1,100,810 days)
leaves 12,690 days to be counted. Reckoning back this number of
days (12,690) from 2 Cib 14 M01 (5 Akbal) we reach 13 Cimi 19 Ceh
(9 Lamat) the ﬁrst date of the left slab. Of course it follows that
counting forward from 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 Lamat), the difference
between the third and fourth series, we reach 2 Cib 14 M01 (5 Akbal).
Subtracting the third series from the fourth in order to get back to 13
Cimi 19 Ceh is certainly proper, as the former is included in the latter.
These results would seem to be correct, and if so, justify Goodman’s
interpretation “13” of the face numeral joined to Cimi, and form
a second connection between the inscriptions of the left and right
slabs. However, using the last number, 12,690 less 411 (12,279). and
counting back from 2 Cib 11 Mel, we reach 8 Caban 5 Muan (10
Ben) instead of 1 Caban 10 Tzec. As this is, as it should be, also the
(late reached by counting forward 411 days from 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9
Lamat), I am inclined to believe that it is correct, and that here the
original artist has by mistake given an erroneous date. It is apparent
that to use 111 days in counting forward from 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, year
9 Lamat, must of necessity bring us into the year 10 Ben, therefore,
as 1 Caban 10 Tzec can not be connected with any other date by sub-
traction, addition, or skipping, and the date 8 Caban 5 Muan will
connect both backward and forward, it may be accepted as probably
correct.

As there is no numeral series in the middle space, these may be left

764 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [NH-ANN.”

to be determined by the dates, or from the numeral series in the cor-
responding position in the Tablet of the Cross. Be this as it may, it
is certain that the ﬁrst numeral series in the middle space of the
latter tablet—537 days—measures exactly the lapse of time from 9
Akbal 6 Xul to 13 Ahau 18 Kankin of the Sun Tablet; and that 2,386
days, the second series in the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross.
is exactly the time from 8 0c 3 Kayab (middle space) to 2 Cib 1+1 Mol,
second date on the right slab of the Tablet of the Sun. This result,
however, would seem to be contrary to the evidence adduced of the
direct connection between the inscriptions of the left and right slabs;
nevertheless it is a remarkable coincidence which depends on some
fact in regard to the series not yet ascertained. Possibly these form
a separate succession of series.

I have been unable to ﬁnd any connection between either of the
dates of the right slab which precede the ﬁrst numeral series and any
one which follows. This series in reverse order is 3 days, 12 chuens
(glyph P16), 6 ahaus (Q1), and 7 katuns (R1), equal 52,803 days, or,
after subtracting 2 calendar rounds, 11,843 days. Using the latter
and counting forward from 12 Ahau(Q2) 8 Ceh (R2), year 6 Ben, we
reach 9 Akbal (Q6) 6 Xul (R6), year 8 Ezanab. Here also both dates
follow the numeral series.

Following the last—mentioned date, at Q11, R11 is the numeral series
18 days, 2 chuens, 6 ahaus, or 2,218 days. This is followed at Q12
R12 by the date 2 Cimi 19 Zotz (year 2 Lamat), which is followed at
Q11. R11 by the numeral series 12 days, 8 chuens, 1 ahau (left portion
of R11), and this is followed at R11 (right portion) and Q15 by the
date 13 Ahau 18 Kankin. It will be observed that two of these dates
are the same as the ﬁrst and second dates of the middle space. It seems
from the reckonings which follow that the number of days in the second
numeral series should be 2,217 instead of 2,218. Subtracting 2,217
from the ﬁrst series (11,813), the remainder—12,626 days#exactly
measures the lapse of time from 12 Ahau 8 Ceh, year 6 Ben, of the ﬁrst
series, to 2 Cimi 19 Zotz, year 2 Lamat, of the second series. Count-
ing forward 2,217 days from 2 Cimi 19 Zotz we reach 9 Akbal 6 X111,
year 8 Ezanab; this may be the ﬁrst date in the middle space, and not
the 9 Akbal (3 Xul which precedes the second series of the right slab, as
Goodman contends, which would be a backward count as stated in the
quotation on page 7 61; or it may be an omitted date. Counting 537 days
(532 in third series right slab should evidently be 537, the number given
between the same dates in the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross)
from 9 Akbal 6 X111, we reach 13 Ahau 18 Kankin, third series and last
date on the right slab; or, adding together the second and third series—
the 2,217 and 537, making 2,7 51 days—and counting forward from 2
Cimi 19 Zotz, year 2 Lamat, we also reach 13 Ahau 18 Kankin. These
results seem to justify the slight corrections made in the numerals.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL, XLII,

a:
3':- 1

 

.ﬂﬁ‘W

141%??“3
; “7".

 

TEMPLE OF THE FOLIATED CROSS. INSCRIBED PANEL ON THE BACK WALL OF THE SANCTUARY.

pHOTOGRAPHED FROM A PLASTER CAST.

 

THOMAS] TABLET OF THE FOLIATED CROSS 765

The data also seem to favor Goodman's conclusions except in one or
two cases where his statements are palpably erroneous. He gives 17
as the number of days in the third series right slab without reference
to the fact that‘the inscription shows 12. I think that 17 days are to
be counted here, but the inscription shows clearly 12.

TABLET OF THE FOLIATEI) CROSS

The next inscription to which attention is directed is that on the
so-called Tablet of the Foliated Cross. Here we are favored with Mr
Maudslay’s excellent photograph, of which a copy is given in our
plate XLII.

The numeral series and dates in the order in which they stand in the
inscription, including the initial series as interpreted by Goodman
(except as to the 20 days), are as follows: V

Left slit};

Days.

1 54 1 18 5 4 0 1 Ahau 13 Mac (9 Lamat) (275,480) ............ 9, 760
2 14 19 1 Cauac 7 Yax ( 10 Ben) ....................... 299
3 1 14 14 0 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb (4 l‘lzanau) ................... 12, 520

1 Ahau 13 Mac (9 Lamar)
4 7 7 7 3 16 (no date) (1,060,996) .......................... 17. 096

JIidd/c Nlﬂll'o’
8 Oc 3 Kayab (11 Lam-at)
Right s/uh

2 Oil) 1-1 Moi (5 Akbal)

3 Caban‘.’ 15 Moi (5 Akbal)
1 '.’ 6 9 - 3 (no date; doubtful series though distinct) ....... 2, 343
2 2 9 6 4 8 Ahau 3 I'm? (12 l‘lzanab‘?) or 8 0c 3 Kayab. . . 17, 761
3 6 11 6 (no date) ..................................... 2,386
4 1 1'2 4 8 Ahau 8 ITu‘.’ (T lien?) ........................ 601
5‘? 13 0 0 0 (no date; probably not a counter) ........... (17, 680‘?)

As in the lists heretofore given, for convenience the series are num-
bered at the left, the years are added in parentheses, the number of
(lays are indicated by the numeral series placed to the right, and the
remainder is shown after the calendar rounds have been subtracted
when the total exceeds a calendar round. In place of the 20 days
given by Goodman I have in each -ase substituted 0 days, as I thus
interpret the symbol in the inscription.

As the reader must have the inscription before him to ﬁnd the posi-
tion of the numeral series and dates and is presumed now to be suf-
ﬁciently posted to ﬁnd them from the list given above, it is deemed
unnecessary to give here a list of the glyphs. Such reference to
special glyphs as is deemed necessary will be made as we proceed.

The numerals to the time periods in the initial series of this inscription,
as in the two which have been examined, consist of face characters,

766 MA YAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS imam»: 19

except the 13 to the month Mac. For their determination we are
indebted chieﬂy to Mr Goodman, the evidence so far as obtained
being sufficient to enable us to identify some of them. The date from
which this series is counted, the beginning of Mr Goodman’s so-called
fifty-fourth great cycle, is, of course, 4 Ahau b‘ Cumhu, in the year
8 Ben. Counting forward from this date 9,760 days, the number
after the calendar rounds are subtracted, brings us to 1 Ahau 13 Mac
(9 Lamat), the ﬁrst recorded date. As it is with the latter date, which
is designated the "initial date,” though it is not Strictly so, that Mr
Goodman begins his reckoning, we give here his comment on the
inscription:

Initial date: 54—1—18—5—4x20—1 Ahau 13 Mac. This'date is just fourteen days later
than the initial date of the preceding inscription [Tablet of the Sun]. The directive
series follows, succeeded by a reckoning of 14 chuens and 19 days to 1 Cauac 7 Yax.
Eleven unreadable glyphs come next, and then 1—14—14X20, which, after four uncer-
tain directive characters, is declared to be a reckoning to the beginning day score of
the second cycle, '2 Ahau 3 Uayeb. It is correct. Then come two reckonings in an
unfamiliar style, the ﬁrst from the beginning of the great cycle, the second from 1
Ahau 13 Mac. I am positive of this, for the very next reckoning will show that
there are 40,000 days to be accounted for somehow, and they can be represented
only by one of these counts. That reckoning is: 7—7—7—3X16, t0 2 (Jib l4 Mol.
Subsequent computations show that date to be the one to which 9—12—18—5X16 led
up in the preceding inscription; hence the necessity for something to explain the
missing 40,000 days. As from this on the reckoning and dates of the two inscrip-
tions are nearly the same, it is not worth while to repeat them; I will, however,
give a synopsis showing the position of the dates in both:

(1) 54 1 18 5 3X 6 13 Cimi 19 Geh
(2) 54 1. 18 5 4X20 1 Ahau 13 Mac
(3) 54 1 18 6 12‘4le 1 Cauac 7 Yax
(4) 54 2 20 20 18x20 2 Ahau 3 Ua’yeb
(5) 54 9 3 1 15x20 12 Ahau 8 (7911
(6) 54 9 10 2 6X 6 2 Cimil 19 Zotz
(7) 54 9 10 8 9X 3 9 Akbal 6 Kid
(8) 54 9 10 10 18x20 13 Ahau 18 Kankin
(9) 54 9 12 11 12X 10 8 0c 3 Kayab
(10) - 54 9 12 18 5X16 2 (Jib 14 )101
(11) 54 9 13 20 18x20 8 Ahau S Uo

Beginning with the ﬁrst date, 1 Ahau 13 Mac (which falls in the year
9 Lamat), in regard to which we follow Mr Goodman’s determina—
tion, the prefixed number and the day also being face glyphs, we count
forward 19 days and 14 ehuens, or 299 days. This reckoning reaches
1 Cauac 7 Yax in the year 10 Ben. This is correct, as this date is found
at B13, A14 immediately following. This result is important, as it
furnishes strong evidence of the correctness of the numbe ‘ assigned
by Mr Goodman t0 the face glyph attached to the day Allan. The
reckoning here is forward, which is presumed to be the direction
followed by the other series.

As the next numeral series (C3 to D4, reverse of usual order) is, as I

THOMAS] TABLET OF THE FOLIATED CROSS 767

count it, 1 katun, 11 ahaus, 11 chuens, 0 days, or, in all, 12,520 days, the
reckoning is forward this number of days, presumably from 1 Cauac 7
YaX in the year 10 Ben. No connection is made by this count; but
when 299 days, the amount of the previous series are deducted, the
remainder—42,221 days—will carry us to 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb (or the third
added day) of the year 1 Ezanab. This is correct, as we ﬁnd this date
following the series at (18, D8. By using the whole numeral series—
12,520 days—and counting from the ﬁrst date—1 Ahau 13 Mac (9
Lamat)—we reach the latter date—2 Ahau 3 Uayeb—as. of course, we
should. We thus have proof not only that Mr Goodman has correctly
interpreted the symbol at D8 as that of the Uayeb, 0r 5 added-day
period, but also additional evidence in favor of the number assigned
by him to the face character of the ﬁrst date. It may be said that this
ﬁrst date was found by counting backward from after dates. Be it so,
this method is perfectly legitimate and is the only means of determin-
ation in such case unless his theory of counting from the beginning of
the great cycle and also his interpretation of the face numerals be
accepted. The symbols of the month and day Of the month are clear,
and limit the day to one of four—Ahau, Chicchan, Oc, Men—none of
which, save Ahau, will connect with the following dates. I therefore
deem the evidence sufﬁcient for acceptance.

As 1 Ahau 13 Mac is reintroduced at D11, 015, it would seem that a
new reckoning should begin from this point. The result of the trial,
using the entire numeral series which comes immediate] y after the
date is as follows:

 

Days
7 cycles ......................................... 1, 008, 000
7 katuns ......................................... 50, 400
7 ahaus .......................................... 2, 520
3 chuens ......................................... 60
Days ............................................ 16
Total ______________________________________ 1, 060, 996
Deduct 55 calendar rounds ........................ 1, 0-13, 900
Remainder ................................ 17, 096

As 1 Ahau 13 Mac falls in the year 9 Lamat, we reckon from that
date, counting forward 17,096 days, and reach 2 Cib 1-1 Yax in the
year 4. Akbal. This is correct except as to the month, which, as shown
by glyph M1, is certainly Mel. It is evident, therefore, that Mr Good-
man is wrong in assuming that the series 7—7—7—3—16 (or 17,096 days
after casting out the calendar rounds) connects 1 Ahau 13 Mac of the
left slab with 2 Cib 11 M01, the ﬁrst date of the right slab, unless
the month is corrected to Yax. What he means by “10,000 days to be
accounted for,” and that they are to be accounted for by the reckoning
“7—7—7—3—16 to 2 Cib 14 M01,” is not clear. According to his
“synopsis showing the position of the dates in both [inscriptions] ”

768 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [WHANNW

given above, the lapse of time, as can be seen by subtractingrseries 2
from series 10, is 52,520 days, thus:
Series 11-- 9 12 18
Series 2.-. 1 18 5

16
0

visor

71113116
7316

7

Fourth series left slab Foliated Cross

 

7 5 16 0252520 days.

He makes the lapse of time from 1 Ahau 13 Mac to 2 Cib 11 M01
7—11—13—1—1621,113,516 days, or 12,676 after casting out the calen-
dar rounds. That this number of days will connect the two dates is
certainly true. but where is the evidence to justify this radical change
of the numeral series by the addition of 52,520 days? Where is the
proof that these two dates are to be connected by the fourth numeral
series? A number can be found to connect any two dates, but there
must be demonstration ﬁrst that they are to be connected according to
the plan of the aboriginal artist. The direct connection between the
series of the left and right slabs is therefore not proved, though the
rcckonings given above seem to indicate it.

Passing over the middle space to the right slab, the ﬁrst date (L1,
Ml), already noticed, is 2 Cib 11 Mol; the next, found at M5, L6, is
3 Caban 15 Mol, which is the next day in the calendar after 2 Oil) 11
Mol, both being in the same year—5 Akbal. Following the latter at
1116, 3116 is what appears to be a numeral series (1), to wit, 6 ahaus, 9
chuens, 3 days. “Yhether this is to be recognized as a numeral series
which is to be counted is uncertain, as it is immediately followed at
M17, N1, 01, by the series (2) 1 days, 6 chuens, 9 ahaus, 2 katuns
(17,761 days). The latter is followed at N5, 05 by a somewhat uncer-
tain date, 8 0c 3 Kayab, or 8 Ahau 13 U0. The day is a face symbol
and the month symbol is unusual, but more like that for Kayab than
any other. It is included in Goodman‘s synopsis as 8 0c 3 Kayab.
This is followed at N6, 06 by the series (3) 6 days, 11 chucns, 6 ahaus
(2,386 days), which, in turn, without any intermediate recognizable
date, is followed at 013, N11 by the series (1) 1 days, 12 chuens, 1
ahau (601 days). This is followed at N15 by the date 8 Ahau 8 1'0.
Immediately following, at 015, is the symbol for 13 katuns, which is
followed by no (late.

We ﬁnd by trial that neither 2 Cib 11 Mol nor 3 Caban 15 Mol will
connect by the ﬁrst series, 6—9—3 (2,313 days), nor the second, 2—9—6—1
(17 ,761 days), with either of the dates which follow. The reckoning
forward of 17,761 days from 2 Oil) 11 Mol, year 5 Akbal, reaches 8
Ahau 13 U0, year 2 Lamat, which might be accepted as correct, as the
day symbol, which is a face character, is much like that for Ahau, but
for three reasons: First, the month symbol is wholly different from that
denoting Uo, though somewhat unusual. being apparently that for

THOSIAS] TABLET OF THE FOLIATED CROSS 769

Kayab; second, 8 Ahau 13 U0 will not connect with the following date;
third, 8 00 3 Kayab will answer more requirements of the position than
will 8 Ahau 13 U0. Assuming 8 Ahau 13 U0 to be correct, the only
connection is backward by the second numeral series, 17,764,‘with 2
Cib 14 Mol, ﬁrst date of the right slab. Assuming the date to be 8 0c
3 Kayab and counting forward 2,386 days, the third numeral series
followed by no date, we reach 2 Cib 11 M01, year 5 Akbal, which is
presumed to ﬁll the place of the missing date. Counting forward
from this 60-1: days, the fourth numeral series, we reach 8 Ahau 8 Uo,
year '7 Ben, the date which follows. I am inclined, though with con-
siderable doubt, to accept this as the correct solution, as Goodman
seems to have done, but it leaves 11s without any connection backward
from 8 00 3 Kayab. Similar duplication of dates is found in the
inscription of the Tablet of the Sun.

'In this case, as well as in the preceding inscription, if we count
2,386 days (the number in the second series of the middle space in the
Tablet of the Cross) from 8 Ce 3 Kayab in the middle space, we con-
nect with 2 Cib 14 M01, ﬁrst date on the right slab.

Let us examine now Goodman’s synopsis (page 766). By compar-
ing it with the lists of the series of the Tablet of the Sun and the Tablet
of the Foliated Cross (pages 761, 765), it will be seen that he begins
with the ﬁrst series on the left slab of the Tablet of the Sun (date 13
Cimi 19 Ceh). His next series is the ﬁrst of the left slab of the Tablet ‘
of the Foliated Cross (date 1 Ahau 13 Mac) the lapse between the
two being 11 days. His next (3) is the second series, left slab of the
Tablet of the Foliated Cross (date 1 Cauac 7 Yax); his next (1) is the
third, left slab of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross. This skips over
the second series of the left slab of the Tablet of the Sun (date 2 Caban
10 Tzec). Moreover, the fourth series (1), which he gives here as
2—20—20—18—20 (the 20s and 18 each being in fact counted by him as
O, as can readily be shown by his own ﬁgures, 2—0—0—0—0 making the
connection he designates), is made not by adding the third series of
the left slab of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross (1—11—11—0) to his
series 3, but to series 2, the second series of the tablet (11—19) being
included, as I have shown, in the third (1—11—11—0). In other words,-
the count from 1 Cauac 7 Yax to 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb is to be obtained by
subtracting series 2 (11—19) from the third series (144-1410), left
slab of the Tablet of, the Foliated Cross. The next three dates, 12
Ahau 8 Ceh, 2 Cimi 19 Zotz, and 9 Akbal 6 Xul, appear to have been
located by his theoretic scheme and not by the data obtained from
the inscriptions. This may be shown as follows:

From 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb, third series of the left slab of the Tablet
of the Foliated Cross, he skips to 12 Ahau 8 Ceh, ﬁrst series on the
right slab of the Tablet of the Sun, making a jump from the begin-
ning of the second cycle (2—0—0—0—0) of his ﬁfty-fourth great cycle to

770 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.A.\'N.19

9—3—1—15—0 (3 katuns, l ahau, and 15 chuens on the ninth cycle), and
thence by the next step (6) to 9—10—2—6—6, 2 Cimi 19 Zotz, the date of
the second series of the right slab of the Tablet of the Sun. This gives
as the count forward from his date 1 to his date 5, 7—3—1—15—0, which,
it is true, expresses the exact lapse of time between these two dates.
But upon what evidence in the inscriptions is this succession founded?
According to his own statement the lapse of time from -1 Ahau 8
Cumhu, beginning day of his ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, to 2 Cib 14 Mel
is 9—12—18—5—16, while in his synopsis the distance to 12 Ahau 8 Ceh
is given as 9—3—1—15—0. It is apparent, therefore, that he places 12
Ahau 8 Ceh back, in the order of time, of 2 Cib 1—1 M01, 9—16—8—16 or
70,67 6 days. As any given date will reappear in each calendar round
or 52-year period, the position in the great cycle, even on his theory,
should be determined by the series of the inscription. This is done in
regard to 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, 1 Ahau 13 Mac, 1 Cauac 7 Yax, 2 Ahau 3
Uayeb, and also in regard to 2 Cib 11 M01, but there is no evidence to
show that it has been done in regard to 12 Ahau 8 Ceh, nor is any
backward connection indicated by which the position of this date can
be ascertained.

Starting with 12 Ahau h‘ Ceh and the series (5) of his synopsis with
which it is connected, as a basis, his count (6) to 2 Cimi 19 Zotz and
thence (7) to S) Akbal 6 X111 is in accordance with the numeral series,

. if we assume with him that the count from 2 Cimi 121Zotz, second series,
right slab of the Tablet of the Sun, though forward in the order of time,
goes back in the arrangement of the inscription to the 9 Akbal 6 Kid
which precedes it. But it is equally true that if, as he holds, the mid-
dle space follows the right slab, connection will be made with the 9
Akbal of the middle space. However, as the ﬁgures agree with the
inscription, making the two minor changes in the numbers heretofore
suggested, we pass to the following dates.

The connection of 9 Akbal 6 X111 with his date (8) 13 Ahau 18 Kan—
kin is correct, the change heretofore suggested in the third numeral
series, right slab, from 532 to 537, being made. But when we pass to
his next series (9), date 8 0c 3 Kayab, we ﬁnd the interval 2-1—12—10
(15,010 days), which is evidently the date of the second series right slab
of the Tablet of the Foliated Cress. This reckoning will, it is true,
carry us back to ‘13 Ahau 18 Kankin, presumably the last date of the
Tablet of the Sun, the same date appearing also in the middle space;
but it is without any authority in the inscription. .This is followed in
his synopsis (10) by 2 Cib 1—1 Mol, which appears in the same relative
position both on the Tablet of the Sun and the Tablet of the Foliated
Cross, but refers here to the date to be supplied, as has been shown,
to the third series on the right slab of the Tablet of the Foliated
Cross. The interval he gives between the two dates is 6—11—6, which
is in accordance with the inscription. This is followed (11) by 8 Ahau
8 F0 with an interval of 1—12—1, which is also correct.

 

moms] TEMPLE 0F INSCRIPTIONS 771

It will be seen from this discussion that there are some breaks in his
synopsis which will, until they are explained, leave it in an unsatisfac-
tory condition. Nevertheless, as has been suggested, the two inscrip-
tions appear to be based on the same general plan and intimately
related; in fact, they present substantially the same chain of series.

TEMPLE 0F INSCRII’TIONS

We turn- next to the inscription found in the so-called Temple
of Inscriptions, Where we have the beneﬁt of Mr Maudslay’s photo-
graphs and drawings and, to some extent, of Mr Goodman‘s interpre-
tation, As parts of the inscription have been badly defaced it is

 

B C D E F G H

 

ﬂ, 5%,; '

FIG. Its—Part of the inscription on the wall of the Temple of Inscriptions, Palenque.

impossible to give the series and dates in connected form. Attention
Will therefore be directed only to such portions as are sufﬁciently dis-
tinct to be determined with probable correctness by inspection. As
Mr Goodman has given, on page 111 of his work, a copy of part of the
inscription with comments, reference will be made first to this portion,
of which a copy is given in our ﬁgure 18. This portion is lettered and
numbered separately in the usual manner.

Mr Goodman’s comments, as given on pages 111 and 115 of his work,
are as follows, the breaks and parentheses being his own:

The reading of the above, so far as I can make it out, is as follows: (To the) 10

Ahau ..... 13 Yaxkin ..... (that is) 1 calendar round ..... (from a, or
the same) date appearing some distance. back—8 days, 9 chuens (there is what

 

772 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19

appears almost like a trick here: the number of chuens is not designated by three

dots, but by three signs for 3) ..... (and) 12 ahaus ..... reckoning back-
wards, (by) katuns (probably a manner of denoting the reckoning to be a long one)
..... (to) 8Ahau . . . . . 13 Pop . . . . . (1,040) bissextile periods (in addi-

tion. It is impossible, with our imperfect knowledge of the Maya numerals, to say
just how this number of bissextile periods is expressed; but a subsequent reckoning
shows that 80 calendar rounds, or 1,040 four-year periods, are implied here.) .....

reckoning backwards ..... (an unintelligible glyph; though, as is very like some
we have just seen employed in scanning the katuns, it probably has the same signiﬁ—
cance as the katun sign previously made use of to indicate a long reckoning) .....
(to the) 5 Lamat ..... 1 Mol ..... (that is) 8 days, 4 chuens ..... (and)
2 ahaus ..... (from the) 3 Ahau, beginning a katun ..... 3 Zotz ..... a
twentieth ahau (or beginning of akatun)—1. day, 12 chuens ..... 1 ahau .....
9 katuns . . . . . (and) 2 cycles ..... (the count covering) 18 calendar rounds

..... (from, or to—for it is uncertain if the reckoning is intended to ﬁx the posi-
tion of the date 5 Lamat—1 Moi more circumstantially, or is a separate reckoning
back from it) the tenth score (or ﬁfth double score) of days, (in the) seventh cycle
..... (and) 7 days . . . . . (from the) twentieth (or beginning score) . . . . . 1
Manik ..... 10 Tzec (there is a mistake somewhere, as the date at that point
is 9 Manik—20 Zotz) ..... the beginning of a seventh day (or 7-day period).
Reckoning backwards, (by) katuns ..... (an unintelligible glyph, though it prob—
ably indicates a period of some kind) ..... 8 days, 5 chuens ..... 10 ahaus
..... 11 katuns . . . . . (and) 10 cycles . . . . . (to)adate appearing some dis-
tance back (8 Ahau—13 Pop: the reckoning here is an exact repetition, though in a
different style, of the ﬁrst of the preceding ones) ..... . (from the) 5 Lamat .....
1 Mol ..... (that is) 1 calendar round ..... (and) 8 days ..... (an unin-
telligible glyph) ..... (from the) 10 Ahau ..... 13 Yaxkin ..... appearing
some distance back.—5 Lamat—1 Mol ..... 4 Manik ..... 10 Zip (I have no
notion what these two isolated dates can mean, unless the former is a mere redundant
repetition of the date from which all the reckonings have been made; but the latter
has no apparent relation to anything else in the text).—1 cycle ..... 9 katuns
..... (and) 16 ahaus . . . . . (an unintelligible directive sign; the reckoning,
however, is from 10 Ahau—13 Yaxkin, beginning the fouth ahau of the tenth katun
of the tenth cycle—showing an abrupt and unaccountable leap forward) ..... (to
the) twentieth (or beginning) score days ..... beginning the twelfth cycle.

The dates and numeral series in this portion of the inscription, taken
in the order they come in the ﬁgure given above, are as follows:

10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin (8 Lamat) Days
1 12 9? 8 8 Ahau 13 Pop (9 Lamat) ................... 4, 508
5 Lamat 1 M01 (8 Lamat)
2 2 4 8 3 Ahau 3 Zotz (6 Ezenab) ................... 808
3 2 9 1 12 1 1 Manik 10 Tzec (3 Ezenab) (353,401) ...... 11, 761
4 10 11 10 5 8 5 Lamat 1 M01 (8 Lamat) (1,522,908) ....... 4, 508
5 8 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin (8 Lamat) ............... 8

5 Lamat 1 M01 (8 Lamat)

4 Manik 10 Zip (7 Ezenab)
6 1 9? 16? 0 0 (no date) (214,560?) ........................... 5,780?
The ﬁrst date (A1, B1) is 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin; the next (A5, B5) is 8
Ahau 13 Pop. The glyph A2, which is one calendar round, is not
included in the intermediate count. The intermediate numeral sym-
bols (A3, B3) are 8 days, 3 or 9 chuens, 12 ahaus. Although there are
only 3 dots or balls representing the chuens, they are, from their size

THOMAS] TEMPLE OF INSCRII’TIONS 773

and certain marks on them, interpreted 3 times 3 by Goodman. The
next date (A5, B5) is 8 Ahau 13 Pop, followed at C1, D1 by 5 Lamat 1
M01 without any intermediate numeral series. Following the latter
date, at C2, D2, is the numeral series 8 days, 4 chuens, 2 ahaus (808
days). This is followed at C3, D3 by the date 3 Ahau 3 Zotz, and this,
at D4 to C6 inclusive, by the numeral series 1 day, 12 chuens, 1 ahau,
9 katuns, 2 cycles (353,401 days). At D6 is the symbol for 18 calendar
rounds, followed at E1, F1 by the date 1 Manik 10 Tzec; and this is
followed, at E4 to F5 inclusive, by the numeral series 8 days, 5 chuens,
10 ahaus, 11 katuns, 10 cycles (1,522,908 days). At F6 E7 is the date 5
Lamat 1 M01. This is followed immediately (F7) by the symbol for 1
calendar round, and this at G1 by the symbol for 8 days. Following
this, at G2, H2, is the date 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin; and this is followed
(H3, in one symbol) by 5 Lamat 1 M01, and the latter, at G4, H4, by 4
Manik 10 Zip.

Mr Goodman says the reckoning from the ﬁrst date and generally
in this inscription is backward, but it is certain that the count back-
ward of 4,508 days (ﬁrst series) from 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin will not
reach 8 Ahau 13 Pop, the next date, nor any following date given in
the foregoing list. This ﬁrst date (10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin) is probably
connected with some preceding date not included in the portion of the
inscription given by Mr Goodman which is now under consideration.

If we count forward 4,508 days from 8 Ahau 13 Pop, year 9 Lamat,
the second date (ﬁrst series of the list), we reach 5 Lamat 1 Mol, year
8 Lamat, the date next following. It is true that both dates come after
the numeral series, but this occurs more than once in the inscriptions.
If we subtract 808 days (the second series) from 4,508 (ﬁrst series), the
remainder is 3,700 days; counting forward this number of days from
8 Ahau 13 Pop, year 9 Lamat, we reach 3 Ahau 3 Zotz, year 6 Ezanab,
the date of the second series. This, it will be remembered, is the rule
which seems to prevail in two of'the preceding inscriptions.

The next series (3), 11,761 days after the calendar rounds have been
subtracted, is followed by the date 1 Manik 10 Tzec. This date Mr Good-
man says is a mistake, “ as the date at this point is 9 Manik 20 Zotz,”
which, according to the system I am using, would be 9 Manik 20 Zip.
It is certain that 1 Manik 10 Tzec can not be connected by 11,761 days
with any preceding or following date, whether the reckoning be for-
ward or backward. If we adopt Mr Goodman’s suggestion that the
date should be 9 Manik 20 Zip (year 2 Lamat) and count forward
11,761 days, we reach 5 Lamat 1 Mo] (year 8 Lamat), the date which
follows. Although there is no second connection to ‘ conﬁrm this
suggestion, I am inclined to think it is probably correct. . Counting
forward 4,508 days (fourth series) from 8 Ahau 13 Pop, year .9 Lamat
(ﬁrst series), we reach 5 Lamat 1 Mol (year 8 Lamat), the date follow-
ing the fourth numeral series; and counting eight days (ﬁfth series)

19 ET”, PT 2 14 '

 

774 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mamxw

from 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin brings the reckoning to 5 Lamat 1 Mol, the
next following date. '

It appears, therefore, from these results that the reckoning so far is
forward and not backward, as Mr Goodman maintains.

As the next numeral series (6 in the list given above) has the pre-
ﬁxed numerals, except the 1 (cycle), given in unusual symbols, and there
is no recognizable date following within reasonable distance, we will
turn to Mr Maudslay’s photographs and drawings of the inscription,
noticing such additional series only as oﬂ‘er sufﬁcient recognizable data
for examination. We take that following the portion which has been
examined. This will be found in his photograph, plate 59, vol. Iv, and
drawing, plate 62, same volume. The numbering and lettering on
his plate 62 will be followed. While I. feel doubtful as to a num-
ber of the glyphs on the plate of drawings, judging by the nearly
obliterated forms in the photograph. yet, as Maudslay had an oppor-
tunity of observing the original and of carefully studying the casts,
I shall accept the drawings generally, expressing doubt where I deem
it necessary.

Attention is called ﬁrst to the somewhat doubtful glyph OT, denoting
7 Cimi 19 Ceh. Following this order, the reverse of the usual (P7 to
P8), are the counters 9 cycles, 7 katuns, 11 ahaus, 3 chuens, 0 days
(1,350,120 days); subtracting 71 calendar rounds—1,317,580 days——
leaves 2,810 days to be counted. As the counters are reversed in order,
our count will be backx Yard from 7 Cimi 19 Ceh, year 3 Lamat. This
we find will reach 1 Cimi 19 Fax in the year 8 Lamat, the next date,
found at 010, P10. As the agreement with the inscription is exact,
the count appears to be correct. The cycle and ahau symbols here
are face glyphs.

The series commencing with the date 7 Caban 15 Pop (Q6, R6) has
as its counters 1 day, 6 chuens, 7 ahaus, 2 katuns (Q7 to Q8), equal
to 17 ,011 days. As 7 Caban 15 Pop falls in the year 6 Akbal. counting
forward this number of days we reach 5 Ezanab, the 6th day of Kan-
kin in the year 13 Ben. This agrees exactly with the inscription, as
we find 5 Ezanab 6 Kankin farther on at Q11, and the counting in
this case is forward, as has been found to be the rule of this inscrip-
tion with the one exception noted. Counting forward from the last
date—5 Ezanab 6 Kankin—2 days 11 chuens (R11) and 9 ahaus (Q12),
or 3,162 days, we reach 9 Ahau, the 18th day of the month Zotz in
the year 10 Akbal. This is correct, as the latter date is found in the
double glyph 81. The last chuen symbol (R11) is a face glyph.

As these are the only series of this inscription presenting data sufﬁ-
cient for satisfactory computation, I will notice one or two glyphs and
pass to other inscriptions. At L8 and P5 are ahau symbols, which
appear to take the place of katun symbols, but I am unable to prove
this by count. In the latter instance there is a date immediately pre-

moms] TIKAL INSCRIP'I IONS 7 7 5

ceding and dates following, but I am unable to make connections by
including or excluding the above symbol, either by counting backward
01' forward, though the date which follows is clearly determined by a
computation, given above.

TIKAL INSCRIPTIONS

Our next examples will be from the Tikal inscriptions, but here we
will use Rosny’s photograph of the so-called “ Bas-Relief de Bernoulli”
(Les Docs. , Ecrits de L’Antiq. Americain, Mem. Soc. Ethn. vol. I, 1881),
Maudslay’s ﬁgures not being at hand. Rosny’s plates 10—11 represent
a standing individual literally overwhelmed with ornaments and over-
arched by a great serpent, from whose wide-open jaws protrude the
head, shoulders, and arms of a human form. In the upper left—hand
and right—hand corners are the inscriptions, each of four columns. The
carving in this case is on wood. The inscription in the upper left—
hand corner is shown in part in our ﬁgure 19.

The ﬁrst two glyphs (A1, BI) represent the date 3 Ahau 3 M01,
which falls in the year 4 Ezanab. At B3, A4 is the
next date, 11 Ik, and apparently 15 Chen. The A ,
number symbols between these are (B2), 2 days, 2 if
chuens, and (A3), 2 ahaus, together equal to 762
days. Counting forward 762 days from the ﬁrst , ’
date (3 Ahau 3 M01), we reach 11 1k 15 Chen in the 2
year 6 Lamat, which is correct. . l .

The inscription on plate 12, same work, com— 3

      

mences, like the ﬁrst, with 3 Ahau 3 Mol, but the 4 "£an
numbers are too much injured, until the lower half 135$

is reached, totracethe seriescorrectly. The seventh FIG-1?’,1’m°ffl‘°in‘
glyph in the right column and eighth in the left give salmon at mm}-
the date 7 Ben 1 Pop. Near the bottom are two numeral symbols
giving 7 days, ‘2 chuens and 3 ahaus, equal to 1,127 days, followed
by a date 3 Ahau 13 —’.4 the month date being nearly obliterated.
Counting forward from 7 Ben 1 Pop in the year 7 Ben 1,127 days,
we reach 3 Ahau the 13th day of the month U0 in the year 10 Lamat.
This is correct, as the portion of the month symbol remaining is not
inconsistent with the U0 symbol in the Dresden codex.

It is noticeable that all the chuen symbols in these two inscriptions
are face forms, the ahau symbols ordinary and face forms. It may
also be remarked in passing that the glyphs in these inscriptions are
the most delicately and tastefully ornamented of any which have so
far been found in Central America or Mexico.

On plate 13, same work, is a brief inscription from the same bas—
relief. The ﬁrst date is —? Ahau 13 Pop, the number to the left of
Ahau being defaced. Following these are the numerals 18 days, 7
chuens, equal to 158 days, and the date 11 Ezanab 11 ~—? the month

776 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mnaxmg'

symbol indicating Chen 01' Muan, apparently the former. If we
assume the day of the ﬁrst date to be 4: Ahau, the count is correct
and the latter date is 11 Ezanab 11 Chen.

COPAN lNSCRIPTIONS

We turn now to Maudslay’s photographs of the Copan inscriptions,
commencing with that on Stela A, according to the method adopted
by this explorer of designating the monoliths of this locality. As Mr
Goodman refers to the inscriptions of this place, we will notice his
comments so far as is deemed necessary.

STELA A

The great cycle which Mr Goodman numbers 54 being omitted, the
remainder of the initial series in which the attached numerals are of
the usual form—dots and linesﬁis as follows: 9 cycles, 11 katuns, 19
ahaus, 8 chuens, 0 days, to 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu. The symbol here
interpreted Ahau is an unusual, inclosed face glyph. The two parts
of the date are some distance apart, the Ahau at B3 and the Cumhu at
B8. After passing over several glyphs, we reach at 015 the symbol
for 3 chuens, 0 days, and passing over twelve pair of glyphs reach 4
Ahau 18 Muan. According to Mr Goodman, the ﬁrst date is to be
connected with the second by counting backward. Counting back 3
chuens or 60 days from 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu will bring us to 4 Ahau
18 Muan, but this omits from consideration a number of intermediate
glyphs with attached numerals. If the reckoning be correct, it will
prove that the face glyph at B3 is Ahau.

STELA B

The initial series on Stela B, like the preceding one, has ordinary '
numerals preﬁxed to the ti.ne period or order-of—units symbols, though
the latter are face characters. This series is 54—9—15—0—0—0, or ﬁfty-
fourth great cycle (Goodman’s numbering), 9 cycles, 15 katuns, 0
ahaus, O chuens, 0 days, to 4: Ahau 13 Yax. According to Good
man’s interpretation as applied to his scheme of the Mayan time sys—
tem, the terminal date of the initial series of this inscription should
be precisely 10 chuens or 200 days later in time than the terminal date
of the initial series on Stela A; this, however, as will be shown far-
ther on, does not prove to be so.

STELA C

As there are no other recognizable series on Stela B, we pass to
Stela C. In regard to this inscription Mr Goodman appears to be
in much doubt. His remarks are as follows:

Nearly everything about this inscription appears to be wrong. The principal
reckoning does not accord with the dates given. The initial date to the left is 6

THOMAS] COPAN INSCRII’TIONS STELA C 777

 

Ahau 18 Kayab, designated by the ﬁrst glyph to be a certain number of score days
in a 13th cycle. As all the dates are indicated to be the beginning of ahaus, this
particular date must be in the 13th cycle of the 55th great cycle, as no ahau in the
13th cycle of the 54th great cycle begins with 6 Ahau ]8 Kayab. In the 55th great
cycle it is 13—2—18—18X20. From this date, according to the glyphs as drawn, there
is a reckoning of 11—14-5—18x1 to either another 6 Ahau 18 Kayab or to an 8
Ahau 13 Muan; but such a reckoning would reach neither of those dates—both of
which are designated as beginning an ahau—even if there were no odd day or
chuen. The only explanation I can conceive is that the reckoning is, or was intended
to be, 11—17-5—18X20, which is 5 ahau rounds; and as the same ahau date recurs
at each round, the 6 Ahau 18 Kayab would be correct in that event. But this would
leave the next date, 8 Ahau 13 Muan, still a mystery, it appearing to have no
connection with the preceding dates. As the beginning of an ahau it could not occur
anywhere in the vicinity except at 54—12—1 6—1—18><20. The second section, like the
ﬁrst, begins with a glyph indicating the date to be certain scores of days in the 13th
cycle. The day number is given as 15, but of course that is impossible. From a
later examination of the stone Maudsley thinks it may be 9 or 5. It is probably
the former, the date in all likelihood being—~55—1 3—2—14—18X20——9 Ahau 18 Cumhu.
In this event, the character under the ordinary numeral accompanying the month
symbol must represent 10. The rest of the inscription is unintelligible, except the
two dates, 4 Ahau 18 U0 and 5 Ahau 8 U0.

Unfortunately Maudslay’s photographs of the inscriptions on this
stela are not sufﬁciently distinct and clear to enable us to thoroughly
test his drawings by inspection, and the latter are not entirely
satisfactory.

The initial series in this instance appears to consist of the single
symbol denoting 13 cycles, followed immediately by 6 Ahau 18 Kayab.

lThis, written out after the method adopted, would be 54—12%0—0—0—0,
to 6 Ahau 18 Kayab, or ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, 13 cycles, 0 katuns,
0 ahaus, 0 chuens, 0 days, to 6 Ahau 18 Kayab, assuming the date
to be in Goodman’s supposed ﬁfty-fourth great cycle. However,
according to this author, no ahau in his ﬁfty—fourth great cycle begins
with 6 Ahau 18 Kayab, but, as he ﬁnds by reference to his scheme as
shown in his tables, that it does begin the eighteenth ahau (according
to his method of counting) of the second katun of the thirteenth cycle
of the ﬁfty-ﬁfth great cycle, he places it there. It is apparent from
this fact that he has determined the number of the great cycle not by
an inspection of the initial or great cycle glyph, but from his system.
Has his determination of the numbers of the other two great cycles
he mentions been reached in the same way? I am strongly inclined to
think that it has, as the process to be followed in determining the
numbers from the details of the initial glyphs is not clearly given nor
fully explained anywhere in his work.

There is an initial series to another inscription on this stela, but it
is unintelligible to me and apparently so to Goodman. There is one
numeral series in the ﬁrst inscription, but it Will not connect dates.

778 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH.A.\‘N.19
STELA I)

The inscription on Stela D presents the unusual feature of giving
the symbols in the form of the entire body of the person or animal,
instead of simply the head, of which a parallel, so far as I am aware,
is found only in some of the Mexican codices. N 0 series except the
initial one is recognizable. Some aid, however, may be obtained from
this singular inscription in determining the signiﬁcation of the time
and numeral symbols. For example, the cycle and katun symbols
have each, as an essential portion of the glyph, a bird form in connec-
tion with the human ﬁgure; the ahau has a nondescript monster; the
chuen, what I take to be a frog, and the symbol for the month Zotz
(if Mr Goodman be correct in his determination) the ﬁgure of a leaf-
nosed bat. The grand cycle, 01 initial glyph, has as the sidepiece
(each side) a ﬁsh. I am inclined to believe that these ﬁgures, which
(with the exception of the bat) appear to be unessential for the deter-
mination of the time periods or orders of units, are used as symbolic
of the names assigned to these periods.

The initial series in this case, as deteImined by Mr Goodman, is
54—9—5—5—0—0 to 4 Ahau 13 Zotz.

STELJE E AND F

Stela E presents no recognizable initial or other series or determin-
able dates. The same may be said of Stela F, though Mr Goodman
gives an initial series which is confessedly presented “irrespective of ,
the reading of the inscription.”

STELJE H AND I

Passing over Stela H, whose inscriptions present no connected dates,
I we come to that on Stela I. Fortunately we have good photographs
by Maudslay of the inscriptions on this Stela. The initial series as
given by Mr Goodman is 51th great cycle, 9 cycles, 12 katuns, 8 ahaus,
14 chuens, 0 days—5 Ahau—“the month date should be 8 U0, but the
glyph which here follows after the initial directive series is obliter-
ated.” The ahau symbol is here the ﬁgure of a bird’s head, and the
number a symbol. The month symbol, which Mr Goodman says is
obliterated, is, 011 the contrary, quite distinct, the only injury being
a slight break in the attached numeral, which appears to be 8. The
month symbol is apparently that of Chen; if of U0, it is a quite unu-
sual form. However, as this does not connect with any other date, we
turn to the inscription on the north side.

Mr Goodman’s statement in regard to this inscription is as follows:

There 10 Ahau 13 Chen is designated as the beginning of a katun—an 8th katun as

given * * * There follows a reckoning of 8 days and 10 chuens from 10 Ahau
13 Chen to 10 Lamat—the month date not given, but we know it must be 16 Pop.

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLHIa

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

INSCRIPTION ON STELA J, COPAN

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLlllb

 

GLYPHS FROM STELA J, COPAN

 

mow] COPAN INSCRIPTI()NS-—STELA J 779

Maudslay’s photograph of this third row as published in his plate
65 is, so far as the ﬁrst group, which includes the date mentioned, is
concerned, too dim and imperfect to determine the glyphs with even
a reasonable degree of certainty, but as Mr Goodman had original
photographs, and Maudslay’s drawings are more complete, the original
inscription may have been clearer than the published photograph
(autotype). From the drawing, the Ahau symbol is seen to be of the
usual form, but the attached numeral, if it be such, is a face character
similar to the second form of 10 given by Mr Goodman. The number
13 over the month symbol is of the usual form (balls or dots and lines);
the month symbol is incomplete, but the remaining portion, as given
in the drawing, with the exception of the cap piece, which is like that
of Chen, is more like Yax, Zac, or Ceh. The symbol for 8 days in the
reckoning is separate from the chuen symbol. The number over the
chuen is a face form, the same as that noticed above as 10. The 10
Lamat which follows is distinct and of the usual form. It is followed
immediately by a glyph with the usual numeral symbol for 9 attached.
Although Mr Goodman says “month date not given,” this glyph
resembles almost exactly that in the inscription on the back, which he
calls U0, but which is more like Chen. The only objection to assuming
it to be a month symbol is that Lamat is neverthe 9th day of the month,
but similar errors in this respect have been observed. It is true that if
we count 8 days, 10 chuens (2208 days) from 10 Ahau 13 Chen, we will
reach 10 Lamat 16 Pop of the following year; but the test is never
satisfactory Without the month and day of the month, except in case of
continued series, as in the codex, where the error, if one is made, can
be corrected by the preceding or following differences. Let us in this
case change the number attached to the glyph following 10 Lamat to
11, and call the month Chen, which it most resembles. Counting back
we vary but one day from 10 Ahau, but the month will be Kayab.
This series is therefore not sufﬁciently certain to decide positively that
Mr Goodman’s assignment of the number 11) to the face glyph over
the Ahau symbol is correct, but we are justiﬁed in accepting this face
character as a numeral, as characters denoting O or 20 are never
attached to symbols representing particular days.

STELA J

One of the most important inscriptions at Copan is that on the north
and south faces of Stela J, the two sides forming one series. This is
shown in plates XLIIM and X'LIIIb, which are as nearly as possible copies
of Maudslay’s drawings, these being selected rather than the autotype,
which in some places is a little dim. As the glyphs are all numbered
except the upper two on the north side, 111arked A and B, they will
be cited by the numbers.

A slight glance over the inscription is sufficient to call attention to

780 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS immune

the frequent repetition of the so-called ahau time or numeral symbol.
By beginning with glyph 1 and following down the ﬁrst two columns
and then down the second two as numbered, it will be seen that they
have numerals attached, beginning with 1 and proceeding in regular
order, 2, 3, etc, up to 16. The remaining numbers, 17—20, do not
appear to have been given on the Stela.

AS Mr Goodman’s comment on this inscription reveals his method
of ascertaining numeral characters, it probably will be best to give it

in full:
FIRST AHAU—360 DAYS

Second glyph—The upper character is one meaning beginning, or from the begin-
ning, as we have learned from its use elsewhere with directive and period signs, so
there will be no necessity for speaking of it again. The inference is plain that the
characters under it represent the number of days in the single ahau that has passed.
They consist of a composite sign surmounting two opposed coils—the coil, however,
not being as plain in this particular instance as in succeeding ones. \Ve have long
suspected all forms of the coil, where it went beyond a mere curve, to be indicative
of 9, and the subﬁx of the ahau symbol has pretty well satisﬁed us of it. Now, these
are identical with the coils in that subﬁx, but they have not the centerpiece between
them which there multiplies them by 4. Hence, these must stand for 18 simply,
one of the commonest constituents of 360, the ahau number of days. In that case
the other factor must be 20, represented by the composite character above.

Th {rd glyph—Here we recognize the double cauac character, which we know
stands for 20 days, from its employment in the symbols for the calendar round and
cycle. It follows that the head above it must imply 18, but unfortunately it is too
mutilated to clearly make out if it has the characteristics of the ordinary 18 face or
is a variant.

SECOND ARMY—"20 DAYS

Second glyph—The same two coils; hence the composite character above them
here must denote 40.

Third glyph—The 10-day Sign qualiﬁed by three characters that should aggregate
72. We should not be able to make them out but for knowledge subsequently
gained. If you will look down to the seventh ahau you will see, in the second glyph,
the under one of these three characters. Its position there proves it to be 35. The
middle numeral is a bar with a band crossing it obliquely in the center—a sign for
9; but here there are two other partial bands, so that presumably it is three times
nine, or 27. We are yet ten short of the necessary total. In the top sign, we know
the ahau stands for 4, the hand ordinarily for 5; but as the upright thumb by itself
means 1, the hand in this position evidently has the value of 6.

THIRD Arum—1080 DAYS

Second glyph—One of the coils disappears here and a sign for 3 takes its place.
As the 9 element, which is an indispensable constituent of the ahau total, would be
lost by addition, this 3 must serve as a multiplier—9X3=27 X20=540><2=1,080. The
multiplication also Shows us that the duplicate character at the bottom has here but
a Single value.

Third glyph—The yam character which in the month symbol has the value of 4, an
outﬂaring Sign which in another inscription distinguishes a ﬁfteenth katun, and a.
character that must signify 18, to make up the complement of days—15x4:
60X18=1080.

Fourth glyph—We must infer this to be an arbitrary sign, equivalent to a third
ahau, or three ahaus.

THOMASI COPAN INSCRIPTIONS—STELA J 781

FOURTH AHAU—1440 DAYs

It will be observed that the reckoning of the days is missing here—a fact that will
becc-me important when we reach the next ahau.

Seéond glyph—As a portion of this is obliterated we will pass it by. It is a waste
of time to study illegible glyphs when the missing part is not restorable from what
is left or from the context.

Third glyph—Same remarks.

FIFTH AHAU—ISOO DAYs

Second glyph—18X40=720><2=1,440; hence this glyph should have gone with the
preceding ahau. .

Third glyph—A symbol which appropriately denotes the beginning of a ﬁfth ahau
in several other places in the inscriptions. I call attention to the peculiar character
of the wing, or whatever it may be termed. It is not the ordinary form, signifying
20, but must have the value of 36—10><5=50><36:1800.

SIXTH ARAB—2160 DAYs

Second glyph—The under number being 4 here, the character above the coils should
represent 30, but instead it represents only 25—18X25=450><4=1800; hence this
glyph should have gone with the ﬁfth ahau.

Third glyph—The 20-day sign again, qualiﬁed by a character which the connection
requires to be a sign for 108—108X20=2160.

Fourth glyph—An arbitrary sign, probably, for 6 ahaus or a sixth ahau.

SEVENTH Arum—2520 DAYs

Second glyph—18X4=72><35=2520.

Third glyph—Two of the characters encountered above reappear here, associated
with a knot which we know to be a sign for 5 or some of its multiples. As neither
10, 15, nor 20 added to the other characters would form a number that would bean
even divisor of 2,520, we must consider this a sign for 5 and the character underneath
it to represent 60—10+27+5=42X60=2520. The subﬁx here, consequently, not-
withstanding its resemblance to the character representing 72, can have no value,
but must serve merely as a pedestal, as it does under the day symbols.

EIGHTH AHAU—2880 DAYs

Second glyph—18X40=720><4=2880.
Third glyph—18X40=720><4=2880. The subﬁx is without value here also.
Fourth glyph—Too defaced to justify any estimate of it.

NINTH AHAU—3240 DAYs

The computation, if there was one, and the equivalents are defaced beyond the
possibility of recognition.

TENTH Arum—3600 DAYs

The ahau sign here differs from all the rest. It is the symbol used in a Tikal
tablet to denote a date to be a tenth ahau.

Second glyph—The two coils do not appear here, only one; but that one is qualiﬁed
by a curve, signifying 5. As it can not be added without destroying the 9 element,
it must serve as a multiplier—9X5z45X40=lz500><2=3600. The 2 sign here looks
something like the ahau character for 4, but the context requires it to be 2.

Third glyph—The symbol that everywhere denotes a tenth ahau or an even 10—ahau
reckoning, with the character that commonly constitutes its center placed beside it.

782 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH-ANN-19
ELEVENTH AHAr—-3960 DAYS

Second glyph—The stone is so badly mutilated that this glyph can not be restored
with certainty. If the characters that are tolerably preserved be 5, 9, and 2, the
other should be 44, but I distrust their identity.

Third glyph—There may be two glyphs here, though I think not. The 20-day
period being the factor to be raised, it requires 198 for a multiplier to bring it to the
necessary total. The character to the left of it being 1, there is good reason for
supposing it to represent 73, and the right-hand sign at the top being 18, it follows
that there can be no multiplication of these numerals, but that they must be added;
hence the remaining characters must aggregate 107. The comb sign—though dupli-
cated here, as in many other places, to give it a more ornamental effect—probably
represents but 20. ‘That leaves 87 to be accounted for by the remaining character.
It is a sign that occurs many times, but its central part is seldom twice alike, some-
times being a single bar, sometimes two, and again something quite different. Here
it has the appearance of the spire in the alcbal sign, ‘which stands for 7. On either
side is a comb sign for 20, raised to twice that value by a line of dots. It is possible,
therefore, that the two together may represent 80, the particular center part in this
instance raising the full value of the character to 87.

TWELFTH AIIAi'—4320 DAYS

Second glyph—At ﬁrst view the principal factors appear to be identical with the
characters representing 108 and 18. But the ball in the center of the ﬁrst is double,
and there is cross hatching on both, which may modify the meaning. The character
at the bottom seems to be only a beginning sign, though its form is somewhat
unusual. If the right—hand sign be 18 and the subﬁx nothing, the other character
must represent 210; but there is too much uncertainty involved to warrant conﬁdence
in this deduction.

T hird glyph—Here again we are nonplussed. “’e know the bouquet sign for 6
(the same as that over the symbol for Zac) and the guinea“ character for 5; but the lat—
ter has a peculiar marking at the top, and we do not know how that may alter its
value. The character over it may be a multiple of 20, as it has the general appear-
ance of the wing sign for that number with a qualifying mark at the left part of it.
For a reason that will be made evident later on, we will assume that it represents
120, and the ynzir character 6—120 X 62720 X 6:4320.

THIRTEENTH AHAU—-4680 DAYS

Second glyph—Here the signs for 9, 5 and 4 are plain, indicating that the other
character must be 26—9 >< 5:45 >< 4:180 >< 26:4680.

Third glyph—~The chief factor here is a 260—day sign which we encounter else-
where. It consists of the ahau sign, doubled in value by the surrounding row of dots,
and inclosed in the ymix character for 5—4 X 2=8+5=13, and then multiplied by
20, denoted by the duplicate comb sign below+13 >< 20:260. There are just eight-
een of these periods in 13 ahaus; hence the character to the right must represent 18.

Emr/h glyph—A beginning sign before a glyph that must necessarily be a symbol
for a thirteenth ahau or 13 ahaus.

FOi'RTEEXTH AHAU—504O DAYs

Second glyph—There. is doubt if this was intended for a single glyph, or if two
glyphs were artfully or accidentally mixed up. The characters, moreover, being so
nearly illegible that there is no certainty about them, it would be useless to attempt
a solution of the puzzle.

Third {/h/ph—A head thax appears to be a mmpound of the chuen and ahau heads.
As it probably represents an ahau, the sign in front of it must stand for H.

 

moms] COPAN INSCRIPTIONS—STELA J 783

FIFTEENTH Arno—5400 DAYS

Second glyph—The 9, 5, and 4 signs are plain here; the other character, therefore,
must be 30.

Third glyph—The 5-ahau character, qualiﬁed by a sign that must represent 3—the
whole being a symbol for a ﬁfteenth ahau, or 15 ahaus.

SIXTEENTH Arum—5760 DAYS

Second glyph—A different character qualiﬁes the coil here. It must stand for
4-9X4=36X4=144X40=5760.

Third glyph—The same form of the ymix character encountered at the twelfth ahau
is again the central ﬁgure, but here it has a 20 sign under it, which presumably
raises it to 120. If so, it requires to be multiplied by 48 to make up the total num-
ber of days. The signs for 18 and 10 leave 20 to be supplied by the other character,
which is the skeleton jaw, an invariable sign for 10, here doubled in value by the
row of dots in the upper part. V

The manner of piecing out the numerals in some of the above instances has been
too forced for the result to be regarded as altogether trustworthy. There are also
several inconsistencies or errors; but, take it all in all, the number of occurrences in
perfect accord with our assumption is too great to be attributable to accident, and
we are therefore justiﬁed in believing our theory to be correct, however we may
have erred in particular applications of it. \Ve have gained a great deal more than
is apparent at a ﬁrst glance. Not only have a considerable number of equivalents
for different ahaus and symbols for minor time periods been identiﬁed and the value
of many new numeral signs established, but— more important than all this—we have
satisﬁed ourselves that there is a plan underlying the employment of a portion of
these signs which is capable of almost unlimited variation and extension.

As our investigations so far appear to conﬁrm sufﬁciently for gen-
eral acceptance Mr Goodman’s interpretation of the symbols denoting
the orders of units, or time periods as he terms them, we may now
inquire how far thedata bear out his announcement of various other
numeral symbols. That there appears to be sufﬁcient basis for his idea
that certain face characters are used as numerals has already been
noticed, though the evidence is as yet not entirely satisfactory as to the
values assigned some of them. In his comment on the inscription now
under consideration he goes more into detail in this direction, assign-
ing number values to the component parts of and appendages to
glyphs. In our examination of this inscription we shall notice briefly
some of these ideas as we proceed.

In the paragraph immediately preceding the long quotation given
above he remarks as follows:

\Ve start with the assumption that every glyph following a particular ahau repre-
sents it or its value in another way. The fact that there is no twentieth ahau—
which, so far as the symbol that numeral is attached to is concerned, means no ahau
at all—shows that one full ahau, or 360 days, is considered to have passed when the
table begins.

Here, at the outset, we are met with an assumption which seems to
cover half the ground to be examined. On what grounds does he base
the opinion that " every glyph following a particular ahau represents

784: MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH ANNJQ

it or its value in another way?" This, in the absence of proof, is
but simple guesswork. However, before we examine it, attention is
called to the further assumption that What would, according to his
system, be the beginning ahau of the series, which he would number
20, is omitted because it is considered as already passed. He observes
in a quotation which will be found on a previous page of this paper,
that ahaus are numbered 20, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 19, but the evidence to
establish the correctness of this assertion is nowhere given in his paper.
I presume, therefore, that it is based upon the chronologic system
that he has constructed, of which further notice will be taken before
closing this paper. But how does it happen they are found numbered
1, 2, 3, etc., in an inscription when Mr Goodman tells us that in the
katuns, taken in their order, they were numbered 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7,
3, 12, 8, at, 13? That, in telling in a numeral series how many ahaus
are to be added, the numbers must be given 1, 2, 3, etc, is very evident;
but if ahaus were real periods in the Maya chronology, and not simply
units of the third order, as we have stated, why are they not numbered
in this inscription in the order in which they come in the katun? It
may readily be seen that the succession 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, etc., arose from
counting by the day numbers 1—13 by divisions of four, as in the series
in the Cortesian codex, the count being backward; as, for example,
counting upward from the bottom of one of the other columns in table
3, or by the 360-day periods, as referred to elsewhere and as asserted
by Mr Goodman.

He quotes the following from Perez (page 12):

There was another number which they called an kutun, and which served them as
a key to ﬁnd the katnns. According to the order of its march it falls on the days of

the angel) yaab and revolves to the end of certain years: katuns 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11,
7, 3, 12, 8, 4.

On this he remarks as follows (100. cit.):

Poor Don Pio! To have the pearl in his grasp and be unaware of its priceless-
ness—like so many others! But I must not exult too much yet. The succession of
the katuns, reckoned according to this principle, is yet to be ascertained before my
fancied discovery can be established by a crucial test. I score the ahaus off in the
foregoing order, and, sure enough, the twentieths give the desired result: 11, 9, T, 5,
3, 1, 12, 10, 8, (i, 4, 2, 13. Eureka! The perturbed spirit of the Maya calendar, which
has endeavored so long to impart its message to the worldtmay rest at last.

As the “ uayeb haab” signifies the ﬁve added days of the year and is
so recognized by him, how is it possible to reconcile this count, which
“falls on the days of the uayeb haab,” with the count of his ahaus
which only cover 360 days each and recognize no 5 added days. which
only come into notice when the year of 365 days is considered, which
he says the Maya left behind when they entered on a chronologic
count? It seems doubtful, therefore, whether this explanation will
allay " the perturbed spirit of the Maya calendar.”

moms] COPAN INSCRIPTIUN—ALTAR K 785

By reference to his comment on the ahaus of this inscription, as
quoted above, it will be seen that he uses the coils and other parts of
the attached and accompanying glyphs as multipliers, assigning values
to them that bring out the desired number. It is unnecessary to fol-
low his process, as it is given fully in the quotation. But all this is
presented without proof that the values assigned are correct, or, in
fact, that the characters are number symbols. Until evidence render-
ing such interpretation at least probable is presented, it is nothing
more than a guess. However, it must not be taken for granted that I
reject all these symbols and appendages as not indicating numbers, as
two or three already noticed (besides face characters) appear from
satisfactory evidence to have been used as numerals; and it will be seen
farther on that there are reasons for believing there are some append-
ages which are also thus used. The point made above is that Mr
Goodman fails to present reasons for his assertions in this respect,
which necessitates going over the entire record to verify or disprove
them.

That the symbols in this inscription which Mr Goodman designates
by the name “ahau” are to be counted as equivalent to 360 days each
must be admitted, but the name ahau, it must be remembered, is, as
applied here, merely an arbitrary designation, and its use is wholly
different from that made of it by the natives, so far as the preserved
records show.

ALTAR K

The inscription on Altar K contains nothing recognizable save a
portion of the initial series which is given by Mr Goodman as follows:
54—9—12—16—7—8 3 Lamat 16 Yax, or ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, 9 cycles,
12 katuns, 16 ahaus, 7 chuens, 8 days. As no photograph is given by
Maudslay, we have no means of testing his drawing (plate 73, part 3).
The preﬁxed numerals in this case are the usual dots or balls and short
lines, but are not sufﬁciently distinct to verify Goodman’s interpreta-
tion; in fact, the number preﬁxed to the chuen symbol looks more like
10 than 7—is 10 if Maudslay’s drawing be accepted—and the day glyph
is wholly obliterated. The series and date as given by him are there—
fore largely eonjectural, the latter having evidently been obtained by
calculation according to his system, and not from an inspection of the
inscription.

 

STELA M

The initial series on Stela M, as given by Goodman, is 5141—16—5—
18—20—8 Ahau 8 Zotz, or, changing the 18 and 20 to U, as we have
found to be correct, the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, 9 cycles, 16 katuns, 5
ahaus, O chuens, 0 days, to 8 Ahau 8 Zotz. The preﬁxed numerals in
this series are of the usual form, balls and short lines, and agree with
Goodman’s interpretation.

19 ET”, r'r 2*~15

786 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [RTE-ANN“?
STELA N

Of the inscriptions on Stela N, Maudslay gives both photographs and
drawings, the former somewhat indistinct, but the latter very clear.
The initial series on the east side as given by Mr Goodman is as fol-
lows: 51—9—16-10—18—20—1 Ahau 8 Zip, or as we write it, ﬁfty—fourth
great cycle, 9 cycles, 16 katuns, 10 ahaus, 0 chuens, 0 days to 1 Ahau
8 Zip. This is correct, if the month symbol, which is inverted and
stands at some distance from the day glyph, has been correctly inter-
preted, sa the preﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form and dis-
tinct. Mr Goodman says “the month symbol is wrong; it should be
3 Zip.” This is true if we accept his theory that the count is to be
from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the assumed initial date of his ﬁfty—fourth
great cycle.

As an important question arises in regard to the series on the west
side of this Stela, we quote the following from Mr Goodman in regard
to it:

At the top of the second column occurs the sign that indicates a reckoning back-
ward. It is followed by seven glyphs, which I think give in another form the sub-
stance of the subsequent reckoning, which is the longest that occurs in any of the
inscriptions, embracing a period of 75,264 years. It is given as 14—17—19—10—18X2O
from the initial date to 1 Ahau 8 Chen, the beginning of a katun, etc. The reckoning
is not only wrong, but is absurd as well. The cycles run only to 13, and no such
reckoning backward or forward from the initial date would reach a 1 Ahau 8 Chen.
But fortunately, despite all the blundering, we can see what the intention was. 1
Ahau 8 Chen begins the 17th katun of the 8th cycle, and thence to the initial date
is just 19 katuns and 10 ahaus. The fact that these are the numbers of katuns
and ahaus expressed in the reckoning would lead us to suspect that it was to go
backward even if the directive sign had not already so informed us, for that would
do away with the odd katuns and ahaus and leave the reckoning in even katun rounds.
If it were to have gone forward, the odd numbers would have been 3 great cycles, 7
cycles, 9 katuns, and 10 ahaus. A little ﬁguring will show the difference. . . .
It will be borne in mind that 3 great cycles, 8 cycles, and 9 katuns are the equivalent
of a katun round—that is, the time that must pass between two occurrences of any
given date as the beginning of a katun.

In thinking of the odd 19 katuns and 10 ahaus, they blundered in respect to the
total period. I think it should be 14—8—15—10—18X20. If so, the reckoning goes
back to the 40th great cycle; if it went forward, it would extend to the 69th. It is
not material which way it be decided. The important fact is that in either case
they ranged over a period of more than 75,000 years, which substantially proves my
estimate of the immense reach of their chronological calendar. There area few
glyphs following the reckoning and date in the same column, but they do not assist
us, nor can anything beyond the dates and a few disconnected characters be made
out of the rows of glyphs around the base.

The numbers of the long series mentioned are given correctly except
as to the 18 and 20, which should be 0. The reading as it stands in the
inscription is as follows: 0 days, 0 chuens, 10 ahaus, 19 katuns, 17 cycles,
14 great cycles, to 1 Ahau 8 Chen. This series, as it clearly stands in
the inscription, seems, as has been noted on another page, positive
evidence against Mr Goodman’s theory that 13 cycles make 1 great

TmmAH COPAN'INSCRHHHONS——ALTAR Q 787

cycle, or, according to the nomenclature we have suggested as correct—
that 13 units of the ﬁfth order make one of the sixth order. It would
indicate (unless it can be shown that the 17 cycles is an error) that the
system in use at Copan was the same as that in the Dresden codex,
the count being 20. It is true that the series will not connect the ﬁrst
date (1 Ahau 8 Zip) with the 1 Ahau 8 Chen which follows, but the
length of the series indicates, as we have so often found the case, that
the count is back to some initial date. The order of the series, not-
withstanding Mr Goodman’s contrary opinion. seems to indicate that
the count is forward to 1 Ahau 8 Chen. Counting back from 1 Ahau
8 Chen, year 3 Ben, we reach 12 Ahau 13 Zotz, year 5 Lamat, which
would be the initial date.

Counting 20 cycles to the great cycle, as we are justiﬁed in assum-
ing is correct, would of course put out of order Mr (J‘roodman’s
tables so far as they relate to great cycles and the numbering of the
cycles, though it would not affect the order of the katuns. The date
12 Ahau 13 Zotz is, as we ﬁnd by his table, the ﬁrst day of the sixth
katun, sixth cycle of his ﬁfty-ﬁfth great cycle. This, however, will
be further noticed when we come to the discussion of the initial series.

STELA P

I pass by Stela P, as I believe Mr Goodman’s interpretation of the
initial series (the only part noticed by him) to be largely guesswork,
and as there are no recognizable minor series.

ALTAR Q

We turn next to the inscription on the top of Altar Q, of which
Maudslay gives a large and clear photograph and a good drawing.
This is to be read by double columns, as usual, commencing at the upper
left hand. The ﬁrst two glyphs give the date 5 Caban 15 Yaxkin.
Passing over three characters, we reach another date, 8 Ahau 18
Yaxkin. There is no intermediate numeral series, but a reference to
our table 1 will show that these two dates are but 3 days apart.
At the bottom of the ﬁrst column is the symbol for 12 days, 7 ehuens,
which is followed at the top of the third and fourth columns by 5 Ben
11 Muan. The 12-day numeral to the left of the chuen symbol should
certainly be ‘13, notwithstanding the fact that Maudslay’s drawing gives
it as 12. An inspection of his photograph shows a middle prominence
which appears to be part of a ball, though he renders it without any
evident reason a cross. Counting forward 7 months and 13 days in
the year 1 Akbal (in which these dates fall), on our table 2, from 8
Ahau 18 Yaxkin, we reach 5 Ben 11 Muan, which is correct. At the
bottom of the third column is the symbol of 17 katuns, which does not
appear to be a counter, but which Mr Goodman interprets seventeenth
katun. Following this at the bottom of the fourth column is 6 Ahau,
and at the top of the ﬁfth column 13 Kayab. The next date, which is

788 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [manna

at the bottom of the ﬁfth column, is 5 Kan 13 U0, between which and
the preceding is the counter at days, 3 chuens, equal 61 days. As 6
Ahau 13 Kayab falls in the year 12 Lamat, we count forward 64 days
from this date, which brings us to 5 Kan, twelfth day of the second
month (U0) in the year 13 Ben. This is correct, as Kan may be the
twelfth day of the month but not the thirteenth.

The date glyphs in this inseription are of the usual form found in
the Dresden codex, and the minor numerals the ordinary dots or balls
and lines; and with the slight and evidently necessary corrections
noted, the series conform to the rule. However, there is a break in
the interpretation and calculation which remains unexplained. From
5 Ben 11 Muan, which is in the year 1 Akbal, as the preceding date,
to 6 Ahau 13 Kayab in the year 12 Lamat, there is a forward jump of
37 years and ~12 days unaccounted for. This appears to indicate that
the 17 katuns passed over (bottom of third column) and possibly some
other number glyphs should be brought into the count. Mr Good-
man merely says (page 131):

An unintelligible reckoning follows [5 Ben 11 Muan], succeeded by a 17th katun

sign and 6 Ahau 13 Kayab, the date probably being indicated by the one begin—
ning the 5th ahau of the 17th katun of the 9th cycle.

ALTA R S

We refer next to Maudslay’s Altar b‘, the initial series on which, as
given by Goodman, is 51—9—15—20—18—20—1 Ahau 13 Yax, or as we
write it, fifty-fourth great cycle, 3) cycles, 15 katuns, 0 ahaus, 0 chuens,
0 days, to 1 Ahau 13 Yax. These numbers appear to be/correct
except the katuns, Maudslay’s drawing showing 13 or 11. There are
two short lines and three balls or dots, but the two outer ones are
darkened with lines indicating that they may possibly be loops. Mr
Goodman appears to have changed the number of katuns in this case
to form connection with 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, beginning day of his ﬁfty-
fourth great cycle, without explanation.

On this altar we find very distinctly shown these dates, 4 Ahau 13
Yax and T Ahau 18 Zip. Between the two are four glyphs, one of
which indicates 5 katuns. This count (36,000 days) precisely connects
the two dates.

We have now noticed all the series of the Copan inscriptions which
afford any means of testing Mr Goodman’s discoveries, following his
explanations so far as this was necessary.

I NSCRIPTION AT PIEDRAS NEGRAS

Before concluding reference to the inscriptions, I call attention to one
more recently discovered by Mr Teobert Maler at l’iedras Neg ‘as on
the Usumacinta river. This, as copied from Mr Maudslay’s drawing,
which he made from the photograph. is given in our ﬁgure 20. As
Mr Maudslay has sulﬁectcd it to Mr Goodman‘s theory. we give here

moms] INSCRII’TION AT PIEDRAS NEGRAS 789

the result in his own words, after stating that the initial series as
Goodman would read it is 54—9-12-2-0—16 t0 5 Oil) 14 Yaxkin:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIG. ‘20—Inscription at Piedras Negras.

The next three glyphs are undeeiphered; then comes another reckoning:
Cl is the chuen sign with the numeral 10 (two bars=10) above it, and a “full
count” sign at the side. Whether the 10 applies to the chuens or days can only be

7 90 MAY AN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [man's-19

determined by experiment, and such experiment in this case shows that the reckon-
. ing intended to be expressed is 10 chuens and a “full count” of days—that is, for
practical purposes 10 chuens only, for as in the last reckoning, when the full count
of chuens was expressed in the ahaus, so here the full count of days is expressed in
the chuens.

The next glyph D1 is an ahau Sign, preceded by the numeral 12. This gives us:

 

Days

12 Ahaus (12X360) ...... 4, 320
10 Chuens (10x20) ...... 200
4, 520

4, 380:12 years

 

‘ 140

Adding 4,520 days, or 12 years and 140 days, to the date 5 Cib 14 Kankin it
brings us to the date 1 Cib 14 Kankin in the thirteenth year of the annual calendar.

Turning to the inscription we ﬁnd at CZ (passing over the ﬁrst half of the glyph)
1 Cib followed by (the ﬁrst half of D2) 14 Kankin, the date at which we have
already arrived by computation.

Passing over the next three glyphs we arrive at another reckoning. D4 gives 10
days 11 chuens 1 ahau, and the ﬁrst half of 05 gives 1 katun.

 

Days

1 Katun ................ 7, 200
1 Ahau ................. 360
11 Chuens (11x20) ...... 220
10 Days ................ 10
7, 790

7, 665:21 years

 

125

Adding 7,790 days, or 21 years and 125 days, to the previous date, 1 Cib 14 Kankin,
it will bring us to 4 Cimi 14 U0 in the thirty-ﬁfth year of the annual calendar, and
we ﬁnd this date expressed in the inscription in the glyphs D5 and 06.1

Passing over the next three glyphs we arrive at another reckoning (E1), 3 ahaus,
8 chuens, 15 days:

Days
3 Ahaus ....... 1, 080

— 8 Chuens ...... 160
15days....-;.. 15

 

1 ‘2
1, 095:3 years.

 

160

Adding 3 years and 160 days to the last date, 4 Cimi 14 U0, brings us to 11 Ymix 14
Yax in the thirty-eighth year of the annual calendar; this is the date we ﬁnd
expressed in the glyphs E2 and F2 of the inscription.

It is true that in the Sign in the glyph E2 is not the sign usually employed for the
day Ymix, but that it is a day Sign we know from the fact that it is included in a

 

1 He counts the side number of chuen symbol, chuens.

THOMAS] SUMMARY 79].

cartouche, and I am inclined to think that the more usual Ymix sign (something
like an open hand with the ﬁngers extended) was inclosed in the oval on the top of
the grotesque head, but it is too much worn for identiﬁcation.

Passing over seven glyphs, the next reckoning occurs at F6, which gives:

Days

4 Chuens. . . _ . . 80
19 days ........ 19
99

Adding 99 days to the last date, 11 Ymix 14 Yax, brings us to 6 Ahau 13 .Muan in
the same year, and we ﬁnd this date expressed in F7 and F8.

The last glyph in the inscription is a Katun sign with the numeral 14 above it,
and a sign for “beginning” in front of it, and indicates that the last date is the
beginning of a fourteenth katun. If we turn to the table for the ninth cycle of the
ﬁfty- fourth Great Cycle, from which we started, it will be seen that the fourteenth
Katun of that cycle does commence with the date 6 Ahau 13 Muan

It is simply impossible that the identity of the dates expressed in the inscription
with those to which the computations have guided us can throughout be fortuitous.

SUMMARY

Having now concluded my examination of the inscriptions, I may
state that I am satisﬁed on the following points: That the signiﬁca-
tion and numeric value of the symbols (each represented in two or
more forms) which Mr Goodman names, respectively, day in the
abstract, chuen, ahau, katun, cycle, and calendar round, are as indi-
cated above and must be accepted as correct; that the usually large
(quadruple) initial glyph represents the sixth order of units, or, as
Goodman terms it, great cycle; that certain face characters and
also some two or three characters not face glyphs are used as number
symbols. These are undoubtedly the most important discoveries yet
made in regard to the signiﬁcation of the glyphs in the inscriptions;
and although they seem to throw but little light on the codices, they
must inﬂuence, to a considerable extent, attempts at interpretation
of these records.

The use of face characters for days and time periods should not be
considered as something peculiar to the inscriptions, as an examina-
tion of the codices will show that this change of ordinary symbols
into face forms is by no means unusual. In the Troano codex the
symbol for the day Eb is oftener a face form than otherwise, and
those for the days Men and 0c are often changed into faces. The sym-
bol for the day IX is occasionally radically changed so as to represent
a face. A remarkable change in the Chicchan symbol in order to
give it a face form is seen in plate 31. In one or two instances, as on
plate 23, what are presumed to be symbols for the ahau have a pre-
ﬁxed face character possibly denoting a numeral.

We pass now to the consideration of some other questions which
are brought up by this investigation.

7 92 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mammw

MR GOODMAN’S SYSTEM OF MAYAN CHRONOLOGY

First, I will explain brieﬂy Mr Goodman’s interpretation of the
ancient Mayan system of chronology. It must, however, be borne in
mind that his “archaic chronological calendar” or system is distinct
from the well-known Mayan calendar system comprising years of 365
days and 18 months, 52-year cycles, etc.

Attention has already been called to his time periods from the day
up to and including the cycle, and also to the fact that these are iden-
ti ‘211 with the orders of units in the Mayan system of notation, a fact
which seems to negative the idea that they should he called time peri—
ods. These periods, with his names and the values assigned them,
are as follows:

I h 1 day.
20 days make 1 chuen.
18 chuen make 1 ahau.
20 ahaus make 1 katun.
20 katuns make 1 cycle.
13 cycles make 1 great cycle.
73 great cycles make the grand era.

If we follow him carefully throughout his work, it becomes apparent
that. after he had arrived at the conclusion that the orders of units or
steps in notation were veritable chronologic periods, it was a natural
consequence that he should conceive the idea that the system must reach
back to a number or period that would round out evenly as a great
common multiple of all the lower factors. This is apparent from the
following passage near the commencement of his paper: 1

If, as is probable, a more satisfactory answer should be found by many in the
assertion that I am in error as tosuch an era, and I be asked how I know that it
exists, my reply would be that it is self-evident. Its existence is established by all
the certainty of mathematical demonstration. The evidence of the inscription does
not go hand in hand with us to the ultimate destination, but it leads us far on the
journey, and leaves us only when it has pointed out an unmistakable way to the ﬁnal
goal, which an intellectual necessity compels us to reach before we can rest satisﬁed.
The inscriptions show us that every separate chronological period must. be rounded
out to completeness before the calendar itself can be complete. \Ve see the years,
ahaus, and katuns come back to their respective starting-points, thus rounding out
the periods of which they are the units. 0f necessity the cycles and great cycles
must do the same, else the system would be an incomplete creation, without form
and void. No fair—minded person, I think, will contend that the Mayas elaborated
almost to its conclusion a design not only susceptible of but inviting the most perfect
ﬁnish and then willfully or blindly left it disproportioned and awry. If they did not
do this——a thing alien and repugnant to human nature—then their grand era embraces
374,400‘years. There are two unmistakable indices pointing to this conclusion. The
moment the cycle and great cycle appear upon the scene we know by the unchange-
able law governing the calendar that they must go forward until they commence

 

 

1 The Archaic Maya Inscriptions, p. 6.

moms] GooDMAN’s SYSTEM 793

again with the same date from which they started. Such a result in the case of the
former requires 949 cycles, and in that of the latter 73 great cycles, each of which
reckonings constitutes a period of 374,400 years.

It is also apparent in the following expression (p. 26):

The grand era is composed of seventy-three great cycles and comprises 374,400
years, or 136,656,000 days. It is the period in which the Maya chronological calen-
dar completes itself, just as their annual calendar does in a period of 52 years.

This number of days is the product of the factors 20X 18 X 20X 20X
13X 73. Now let us examine his reason for introducing the 13 and
73 instead of carrying on the count according to the usual Maya
vigesimal notation, as Dr Ferstemann has done. This is easily seen.
Having conceived the idea that all the factors of the calendar system
are time periods and must come into harmony in the highest period,
it was absolutely necessary to bring these prime numbers into the
count. - The 13 is necessary to the day numbering and to the 52—year
period (1X 13), and the 73 to the 365-day period (5 X 73), and as i and
5 are factors of the lower periods (as 20) the prime numbers only were
necessary to complete the scheme. As the attempt to introduce both
these into one period would have required the use of the very large
multiplier 919 (see his use of it, p. 27), the 13 was introduced into the
grand cycle. We might ask, and seemingly with good reason. why
not in one of the lower orders? The answer is apparent—the records
show beyond question that, up to the cycle. the multiplier, except in
the case of the chuen, was 20. But in passing from the cycle to the
grand cycle, but a single example has been found in the inscriptions
showing a higher number than 13, and this, as has already been stated,
Mr Goodman decides must be erroneous.

As the introduction of the 13 somewhere is absolutely necessary to
round out his grand multiple, how, we may ask, was the system com—
pleted in accordance with the Dresden codex which he admits (page 3)
“pertains to the archaic system in the main, though reckoning 20
cycles to the great cycle”? Unless 919 is introduced as a multiplier
in the next step, which can not be supposed possible, the entire scheme
is destroyed and the several steps reduced merely to those of notation,
which in fact they are. The idea that the Mayan tribes of Chiapas,
Guatemala, and Honduras had such a magniﬁcent rounding-out system,
while the Yucatec tribes, though having a system similar in other
respects, failed to introduce the rounding-out factors, is, to say the least,
very strange. In order to include the 365 days of the year in the great
multiple, it was also necessary to introduce the prime number 73,
which is not a divisor of any of the lower periods. This explains Mr
Goodman’s theory of a great cycle composed of 13 cycles and a grand
era composed of 73 great cycles, as he could not otherwise have a
general rounding-out period. These are of course necessary to this
scheme, but the crucial question is, did the Maya have any such scheme,

794. MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mammw

or ever imagine such a one? Where is .the proof to be found? The fact
that the scheme works out nicely according to the ﬁgures is no evi-
dence that it was ever in use, ever adopted, known, or even imagined
by the most advanced Mayan priest.

Speaking of the grand era, his great rounding-out period, Mr
Goodman says:

As the existence of this period is very likely to be questioned, I will give my rea-
sons more fully here for believing in such an era. The numbers 73 and 949 are as
important factors in the Maya chronological scheme as 13 and 20. This results from
two features of the system not hitherto touched upon, which may very properly be
termed the minor and grand rounds of the periods. After 73 occurrences, and not
until then, every period of the chronological calendar begins again with the same
day of the same month, but (with the exception of the burner and great cycle) with
a different day number. This is the minor round. Thirteen of these, or 949 occur-
rences, constitute the grand round, when the periods begin again not only with the
same day of the same month but with the same day number.

There is no doubt that the calculation here is all right, and that 73, 13,
and their multiple, 949 (73X 13), will be divisors of any product of
which they have been multipliers. Hence there can be no question
that the results he gives in the two tables following the paragraph
quoted are correct, but after all he is simply taking apart the pieces he
has put together. In other words, no amount of ﬁguring in this way
will furnish proof that such a scheme as his was in vogue among the
Maya. That they did have a notation with the following multipliers:
20X 18X 20X 20, and another, presumably 20 (admitted by Mr Good—
man to have been 20 in the Dresden codex) we know; but it can hardly
be granted that the great scheme he has built up on this foundation
is justiﬁed. There is just as much evidence, in fact much more, that
the count went on after the second .order of units according to the
vigcsimal system, than that Mr Goodman’s scheme was in vogue.

That there was a count or order of units above the ﬁfth or cycle is
evident both from the codex and from the inscriptions, and I am inclined
to believe, as heretofore stated, that Mr Goodman is right in interpret-
ing the large initial glyph of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenquc, and
the other similar initial glyphs as the symbol of such count, order of
units, or great cycle, as he prefers to call it. But I ﬁnd no evidence
in the codices or inscriptions that the count was ever carried beyond
this sixth order of units or great cycle, though there is nothing in the
system to prohibit it more than there is to prevent counting beyond
billions in the decimal system. That this order of units appears to
have been the limit of computation is inferred in part from the promi-
nence and position given the symbol, and from the fact that no higher
count has been found. Although there is no satisfactory evidence in
the inscriptions of the numbering of these so-called great cycles,
except the series on Stela N, Copan, yet it is known from the Dresden
codex that they were numbered: but the limit, unless we assume that
it was governed by the vigcsimal system, is unknown.

moms] GOODMAN’s SYSTEM 795

That the symbols of this order forming the initial glyph of various
series in the inscriptions differ in some of their parts and append-
ages is evident, but that these elements and appendages are used to
indicate numerals has not yet been established by Mr Groodman, as
is evident to anyone who will examine his explanation of the ahaus
on Stela J of Copan in the quotation given above, which shows his
method of arriving at the numbers indicated by glyphs. There is
too much guessing in the building up of numbers by piecing together
the parts to justify acceptance by those who are in search of positive
results.

I have stated again and again that I believe the so-called time
periods to be nothing more than the orders of units used by the Maya
tribe in its system of notation. That they are the same up to the cycle,
or ﬁfth order, is known from the evidence furnished by the codices
and inscriptions; and that the same vigesimal system is continued to
the sixth order in the Dresden codex is admitted by Mr Goodman
and proved by the series on plate 31, which has been given above
(page 728). As positive proof that the nineteen cycles here are to be
counted it is only‘necessary to state that the series connects with 13
Akbal, which may be that below or that to the left above. Let the
count be either way, it begins and ends with this date.

The great time series on Stela N of Copan heretofore mentioned,
which Mr. Goodman brushes aside as “ not only wrong but absurd as
well,” deserves more consideration than has been given it. The
attached numerals are of the ordinary formwballs and short lines—-
and are quite distinct in Maudslay“s photograph and drawing. It is
absolutely necessary to Mr (J‘roodman‘s theory as to the Maya time
system that this series be effectually disposed of. And yet, so far as
any evidence lmaring on the case can be found, there is no other reason
for rejecting it than that it conﬂicts with a theory.

This series as given in the inscription is as follows: 14—17—19—1l’)—0—0,
or, written out. H great cycles. 17 cycles. 19 katuns, 10 ahaus, 0 chuens,
0 days. This is an immense stretch of time, amounting to 42,908.400
days, or 117,557 years and 95 days, counting 20 cycles to the great
cycle, as I believe is correct, or over 75,0UO years, counting 13. The
great cycle symbol is in this case a face character, as are the cycle,
katun, and ahau symbols. The chuen symbol, which has the days
attached, is of the usual form. The day which follows is 1 Ahau 8
Chen.

If we assume that the l Ahau 25 Zip which terminates the initial
series and is found in the column on the east side of the Stela is to be
connected by the long series with the 1 Ahau 8 Chen in the column on
the west side (the series being in the same column), it is true, as Good-
man remarks, that the numeral series as given will not make the con-
nection. But this fact is by no means conclusive evidence that there is
an error in the series; for, in the ﬁrst place, taking into consideration-

7 96 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mam-mg

the fact that there is an inscription running around the base which
may or may not be apart of the whole, it is by no means certain
that the aboriginal artist intended to connect these two dates by this
numeral series; and, in the second place, it is possible and even prob-
able that this long series was intended to connect the following date
with some preceding initial date, as Mr Groodman insists is true with
regard to series in several other inscriptions. Nor is it a rare occur-
rence that the first following date does not connect with the terminal
date of the initial series. W’e think, therefore, that it is more reason-
able and more in accordance with the rule in other inscriptions to
conclude that this numeral series was intended to connect the date
which follows with some initial date, and this, unless‘the count was
forward. which Mr Goodman does not admit, would be far back of 4
Ahau «‘5 Cumhu, the ﬁrst day of his ﬁfty—fourth great cycle, to which
he has commonly referred. As will be seen by reference to the quo-
tation given above from his remarks on this series, he accepts as
correct the 11 great cycles, places the date 1 Ahau 8 Chen in his
fifty-fourth great cycle, and ~arries back the count from that date,
reaching the fortieth great cycle. It is evident, therefore, on his
theory. that it was not the intention to connect the two dates 1 Ahau
8 Zip and 1 Ahau 5 Chen by this series, as both, according to his own
showing, fall in the fifty-fourth great cycle. As proof that this is his
View, we quote his words: “I think it should be 14—8—15-10—18X20.
If so, the reckoning goes back to the fortieth great cycle; if it went
forward it would extend to the sixty—ninth.” As he says (p. 1:18)
that the latest date of the inscriptions is Z‘55—.‘-§—19—2—18>< 20,” and
in another place that Mayan count‘always related to past time, it is
clear that he carries this count back 11 great cycles from the fifty-
fourth.

It follows, from the conclusion reached in the preceding paragraph,
and from Mr Goodman’s scheme, that, counting back from 1 Ahau
8 Chen, the “ 8—15—10—18X 20 ” of the series "‘ 11—8—15—10—18X 20,” as
he corrects it, should bring us to 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the commencement
of his ﬁfty«fourth great cycle; but it does not bring this result. It
must also be admitted that, counting back, the 17—19—10—0—0 of the series
as it stands in the inscription will not bring us to 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu.
But it must be borne in mind, as has been stated. that counting 20 cycles,
to the great cycle or sixth order of units (as there are good reasons
for believing is the proper method) would break up the order of
Goodman’s tables so far as they relate to the great cycles and the
numbering of the cycles, though it would not affect the order of the
katuns. The cycles, katuns, and lower periods would follow in regu-
larorder, the initial days of each depending on the day with which the
count begins. As 17 is giVPn as the number of cycles, it seems clear
(unless evidence to the contrary be presented, which Mr Goodman

moms] GOODMAN’S SYSTEM 797

fails to do) that the theory of 13 cycles to the great cycle is
erroneous and that the count follows the Vigesimal system, as in the
Dresden codex. It is signiﬁcant, however, that by simply changing
1 Ahau 8 Chen to 13 Ahau 8 Chen, counting back 17—19—10—0—0 we
reach 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.

Moreover, if the Dresden codex, which, so far as appears, follows
the same time system that is found in the inscriptions, can have cor-
rectly 19 cycles, where is the evidence to be found that 17 cycles
would necessarily be erroneous in the inscriptions? Mr Goodman’s
objection seems to rest wholly on his theory of the chronologic system.
This is insufﬁcient to justify belief in such a radical difference between
the systems of two records which in all other respects are so nearly
alike.

Following Mr Goodman’s interpretation of numeral symbols, an
additional fact bearing on this question, we ﬁnd in certain details
of the great cycle and katun symbols. According to him, the comb-
like ﬁgure similar to those on the katun symbol has the value of 20.
If it plays any part in making up the numerical value of the katun, it
may reasonably be assumed that it performs a similar ofﬁce in connec-
tion with the great cycle symbol, of which it is a usual accompaniment.
It is true that Mr Goodman has furnished no proof that this particular
character is a numeral symbol denoting 20, but in accordance with
his theory it should have the same value in connection with the great
cycle glyph as elsewhere.

In this series we have the only evidence in the inscriptions of which
I am aware that the great cycles were numbered, 11 being the highest
number given. But this numberng is just as the numbering of
our thousands or millions; we say 10 thousand and 10 million. In
the Dresden codex four of these periods are noted in some four or ﬁve
series. These are the highest counts, so far as is known, that the Maya
reached, their notation seeming to have spent itself in the sixth order
of units. We conclude, therefore, that, though the data are not sufﬁ~
cient to settle all these points by absolute demonstration, as all the evi-
dence obtainable is against the theory of 13 cycles to the great cycle
and in favor of 20, and as the only evidence as to the numbering of the
great cycles indicates that they go above 13, it is safest to assume that
the vigesimal system was followed throughout after the count rose
above the chuen or second order of units.

It is often justiﬁable to advance into the ﬁeld of speculation in order
to clear away so far as possible obstructions to advancement and to
ﬁx the limits of investigation, but the result of speculation can not
safely be used as a factor in mathematical demonstration, and Mr
Maudslay has candidly stated the necessity for further investigation
in this respect.

We have noticed the numbering of thc ahaus by the day numbers,

798 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [m...xx.19

thus, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3,12, 8, 1, 13, 9, 5, 1, etc. Selecting, in a
continued series of days in proper order, with the day numbers
attached, any day Ahau, for instance 1 Ahau, and counting forward 360
days (Goodman’s ahau period), we ﬁnd that the next 360- day period
begins with 10 Ahau; that the third period begins with 6; the next
with 2; the next with 11, and so on in the order given above. But
the same is true if we select any other day, as 1 Akbal in our table 1,
or begin at any point in the continued series, countng 360 days to
each step.

As Mr Goodman holds that each ahau begins with the day Ahau, it
follows, according to this system, that the katuns, which contain just
20 ahaus, must begin with the same day. By this it results that katuns
begin with day numbers running in the order 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, etc.

This is apparent if we write out the ahau numberswthe 9, 5, 1, 10,
etc. in a continuous series and take each twentieth one. As there
are twenty katuns in a cycle, the latter must also, according to this
system, begin with the day Ahau. Writing the numbers 11, 9, T, 5,
3, 1, etc., in a continuous series, and taking each twentieth one, the
result will be the series 11, 10, 9, 8, '7, 6, 5, 1, 3, 2, 1, 13, 12, 11, etc.
If the correct count be, as Mr Goodman asserts, 13 cycles to the
great cycle, the latter will all begin with the same day and same day
number, but if 20 be the correct count, then the order will be 11, «1,
10, 3, 9, 2, 8, 1, 7, 13, 6, 12, 5, 11, 4, etc.

But after all, this kind of ﬁguring is a mere source of amusement
except where the knowledge conveyed may aid to more certain and
rapid counting. It is as though we were to take the days of our
almanac in regular order as named, beginning the ﬁrst hundred with
Sunday; the second hundred would begin with Tuesday, and. so on.
By taking these and placing them in consecutive order we could pick
out every tenth one as the beginning of the thousands. This might
amuse us, and might under possible circumstances be an aid to us in
counting time, but it would be no explanation of our calendar system,
and would not be a part. but a result thereof.

That these ahaus or 360-day counts always began, as Mr Goodman
asserts, with a day Ahau, is not proved; moreover, there is no reason
for believing the assumption to be correct, but there are on the con-
trary, good reasons for believing it to be incorrect. It may be true, as
will seem to be the case from what follows, that Ahau was mole usually
selected as an initial date than any other day, is, in fact, the initial day
in most of the inscriptions and is also prominent in the Dresden codex,
because, perhaps, some great event took place or was supposed to have
taken place on a day Ahau. But it can be demonstrated that the initial
day of some of the series in the Dresden codex where the 360—day periOd
is one of the counters is Kan, which, in these, is necessarily the begin-
ning of the ahau count. It is true, however, that the ahau or 360-day
period must, if the succession be continuous and unbroken, begin on

 

moms] GOODMAN’s sxsTEM 799

the same day. a. fact to which I have heretofore called attention
(see The Maya Year. pages 47 and 53). But the series may be arbi-
trary; that is. the engraver or painter may have chosen to begin one
series with one day and another with another day. This. however,
goes to the very root of the subject, as Mr Goodman’s system abso-
lutely requires that the ahaus or 360-day counts shall all begin with
the same day, and as worked out by him with a day Ahau. Dr
Seler. impressed by the result of Dr Forstemann‘s investigations, has
been led to believe that most of the series of the Dresden codex have
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu as their initial date, or the day to which they refer.
While I admit that this is undoubtedly the day which seems to be
most prominent in this codex. my investigations do not lead me to
indorse his conclusion.

Now, it is true that the series on plates 46—50 of the Dresden codex,
of which there are in reality 39 sectional, or 3 complete, have Ahau
as the initial day, but the initial days of the three series are not all
360 days or an even multiple of 360 days apart. as they should be if
Mr Goodman’s theory be correct. But the series are all exact multiples
of 260, showing that they are based on a 260-day period.

The long series on plates 51—58 does not commence with the day
Ahau, whether We consider the upper line or lower line of days the
proper one to count back from. It is also apparent that in this case
the series is based primarily on the 260-day period. As the least
common multiple of 260 and 360 is 4,680, it does not appear possible
to bring those series based on the 260-day period into harmony with
the Goodman theory except where the total number of days is a
multiple of £680. unless we suppose that there are two series of non-
coincident factors running through them. It is true that we may use
the week of our calendar in counting 100-day periods by allowing for
the supplementary days, as is undoubtedly done in some of the series
of the codices and inscriptions; but the theory that the ahaus are time
periods which can not overlap (thus indicating two starting points not
consistent with the idea of uniform unbroken succession) is the point
aimed at in the above references to the series of the Dresden codex.
Another point in connection with the series on plates 51—58 difﬁcult to
account for on this theory is that the ﬁrst day of the chuens (suppos—
ing the numbers in the lower order of units to represent the day of
the chuen) is Muluc throughout. It is true that the number in the
lower order of units may commence anywhere in the chuen, but if
these are ﬁxed time periods and the chuens ( but not true months) as
well as the ahaus commence with Ahau it seems that such important
series as this one would reveal this fact somewhere in the reckoning.
In the inscription at the, end there are two symbols of the usual type.
one indicating 1 katun, the other 13 ahaus:11,880 days. while the
sum of the series is 11,960, or 80 days more.

The series on plates 71—73 has, if we may judge by the numbers

800 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [En-1. m. 19

in the lower order of units, Ben as the ﬁrst day of the ehuens. and
5 Eb as the ﬁrst day of the series. While these examples do not
furnish positive proof in regard to the question at issue, they at
least, in connection with what has been presented concerning the
plan and object of these reckonings, do indicate that the so—called
time periods are merely orders of units and not ehronologic periods
always coming in regular order from a ﬁxed point in time.1 Never-
theless, it must be admitted that most of the initial series in the
inscriptions, as will clearly appear when their reckoning is presented,
begin with Ahau, which fact must receive a satisfactory explanation
before this question can be considered settled.

Another fact to be borne in mind is that according to Mr Good-
man’s idea, if a katun begins with Ahau, all the chuens or 20-day
periods must commence with the same day, though not the same day
number, and this would continue indeﬁnitely. The same thing, how—
ever, would be true in this scheme were any other day selected as
the initial date; all that will apply in any respect to Ahau will, until
the year count comes into play, apply in every particular to any
other day, a statement which admits of positive demonstration. The
only reason for preferring Ahau, if there be any, is historic, or rather
mythologic, as many of the series cover too great lapses of time to be
historic.

If the two ahau symbols in the inscription in the Temple of Inscrip
tions of Palenque, referred to above on page 774, be counters in the
time series with which they are connected, they certainly occupy the
katun place. As they present the true ahau form, it may be possible
that they bear some relation to the name of the period for which they
stand. This, however, is at best but a mere guess, and the names are
of but minor importance in the discussion.

INITIAL SERIES

Taking up now the initial series of the inscriptions, I shall give the
beginning day of each and brieﬂy discuss its bearing on Goodman’s
theory of the Mayan time system. The list so far as noticed by this
author is as follows, using his notation, but substituting naught for
full count:

Palwzy'ue ﬁzsmv'ptz'mzs.

(I) Tablet (3f tile 07mg 53—12—19—13—4—0 to 8 Ahau 18 Tzee. This
connects, by counting back, with i Ahau 8 Zotz, the beginning day
of Goodman’s ﬁfty~third great cycle. Here the numerals preﬁxed to
the time periods are face characters for which we must take Mr Good-
man’s rendering (see what has been said above on pp. 77 3—7 60).

1After this paper was in print I discovered the connections of the high series running up through
the serpent ﬁgures on plates (31, (3‘2, and 69. These prove beyond question that 20 cycles (or ‘20 units
of the. ﬁfth order) are counted to the great cycle (or unit of the sixth order). and that the initial
date of these is in some instances Kan. It is my intention to discuss these series in the supplemental
paper mentioned above.

 

 

moms] INITIAL SERIES 80 1

(2) Tablet of tile 82072—54—1—18—5—3—6 to 13 Cimi 19 Ceh. This con-
nects with :1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the beginning day of the ﬁfty-fourth
great cycle. Here also the preﬁxed numerals are face characters.

(3) Tablet of 15/26 Foliated 0/°()ss—54‘1—18~5—4—0 to 1 Ahau 13 Mac.
This connects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty-fourth great
cycle. Here also the preﬁxed numerals are face characters.

(1,) Temple of Inscm’ptz’ons—54—9—4—O—O—O to 13 Ahau 18 Yax. This
as given by Mr Goodman connects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, but has
certainly been interpreted almost wholly by pure guesswork. The
glyphs are nearly obliterated, but enough remains to show that the
preﬁxed numerals were of the ordinary form, balls and short lines
(see notes below).

(5) Inscribed Steps, Home 0—55—3—18—12—15—12 to 8 Eb, 15 Pop.
This, as given by Mr Goodman, connects with 4 Ahau 3 Kankin, the
ﬁrst day of his ﬁfty-ﬁfth great cycle, but he admits that the preﬁxed
numerals, all of which are face characters and badly damaged, have
been determined otherwise than by inspection.

001mm Inscription .9

(6) Stale A—54—9—14—19—8—0 to 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu. This con-
" nects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, initial day of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle.
The preﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form, balls and short lines,
and are quite distinct.

(7) Stela 8—54—9—15—0—0—0 to 4 Ahau 13 Yax. This connects with
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, initial day of the fifty-fourth great cycle. The pre-
ﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form, balls and short lines, and
are distinct.

(8) Stela U—First inscription: 552—13—0—0—0—0 to 6 Ahau 18 Kayab.
This does not connect with the ﬁrst day of either of Goodman’s
great cycles (ﬁfty-third, ﬁfty-fourth, ﬁfty—ﬁfth). The only counter of
the initial series has the preﬁxed numerals of the ordinary form, quite
distinct.

Second inscription: 55 3—13—0—0~0—0 to 15? (9?) Ahau 8 Cumhu?
This makes no connection with the beginning day of either of Good-
man’s great cycles. The preﬁxed numerals to the single counter are
of the ordinary form and distinct. For further notice of these series,
see reference to Stela C on a preceding page and remarks‘below.

(9) Stela I)—~51—9—5—5—0—() to 1 Ahau 18 Zotz. This connects with
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of the fifty-fourth great cycle. The pre-
ﬁxed numerals are in this case peculiar, being complete forms.

(10) Stem 1*1—5él—9—14c—10—0—0 to 5 Ahau 3 Mac? (according to Good—
man). This also connects with the ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty—fourth great
cycle, using the series as given by Goodman; the series is, however,
wholly made up by this author, as there is nothing in the inscription
and no glyphs obliterated or otherwise to indicate it, the date fol—
lowing immediately after the great cycle symbol.

19 ETH, PT 2 16

 

802 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [Em ANN. 19

(11) Stela 1—54—9—12—3—14—0 to 5 Ahau 8 ~?, the month symbol
being unusual; Mr Goodman says it should be Uo. This Connects
with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, if we
adopt Mr Goodman’s interpretation of the month symbol. The pre—
ﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form and are very distinct.

(12) Siela e —VVest side: 54—9—12—12—0—0 to 1 Ahau 8 Zotz (as
given by Goodman). This connects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day
of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, according to the counters as here given.
The preﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form and are mostly dis-
tinct, but there is great uncertainty as to the order in which the
glyphs are to be taken.

East side: 54—9—13—10—0—0 to no recognized date: Goodman says it
should be 7 Ahau 13 Cumhu, presumably reached by counting from 4
Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of his ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, but in this
case he has made a mistake, as the connection is with 7 Ahau 3 Cumhu.
The preﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form and are distinct, but
the order in which the glyphs come is very doubtful (see remarks
below). .

(13) Altar [(—54—9—12—16—7—8 to 3 Lamat 16 Yax. This connects
with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle. The
preﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form, but some of the glyphs
are defaced and some of the numbers do not appear to agree with
those given by Goodman (see remarks below).

(14) Stem Jlf—54—9—16—5—0—0 to 8 Ahau 8 Zotz. This connects with 4
Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle. The preﬁxed
numerals as given in Maudslay’s drawing (the photograph is not
given) are of the ordinary form and correspond with the numbers
given here.

(15) Stem ZV—54—9—16~10—0—0 to 1 Ahau 8 Zip (Goodman says that
the month numeral is wrong here and that it should be 3 Zip). This will
connect 4Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle, with
1 Ahau 3 Zip, but not with 1 Ahau 8 Zip. The preﬁxed numerals are
of the ordinary form, are quite distinct, and agree with those given.

(16) Stem I’w54—9—9—10—0—0 to 2 Ahau 13 Pop. This connects with4
Ahau 8 Cumhu, ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty-fourth great cycle. The preﬁxed
numerals are unusual face characters, and the result appears to have
been reached by Mr Goodman by appeal to his chronological system.

(17) Altar 19—54—9—15—0—0—0 to 4 Ahau 13 Yax. This connects with
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the ﬁrst day of the ﬁfty—fourth great cycle, accord-
ing to Mr Goodman‘s ﬁgures here given. However, the preﬁxed numer-
als, which are of the ordinary form and distinct in Maudslay’s drawing
(the photograph is not given), do not appear to agree with Goodman’s
ﬁgures (see remarks below).

As I do not have Maudslay’s photographs and drawings of the
Quirigua inscriptions I will omit them from consideration here.

Examining these different series and noting Goodman’s explanations

moms] INITIAL SERIES 803

and comments, we soon perceive that the data on which to base a
decision in regard to his interpretation of these initial series are rather
meager. In six of them the preﬁxed numerals are face characters, so
that the result depends entirely on the correctness of Goodman’s inter-
pretation, in regard to which the proof is as yet entirely lacking.
A more thorough examination of all the inscriptions containing face
numerals, including those of Quirigua, photographs of which are
not yet at hand, is necessary before this question can be decided.
There are two, I believe, in which connection can be made between
.the terminal date of the initial series and dates which follow. But
this is not positive proof of correct rendering where the series runs
into high numbers, as do all the initial series. This will be under—
stood by the statement that one, two, or more calendar rounds may be
dropped out of the aggregate and yet the result will be the same if
the preﬁxed numerals are changed to accord with this result; in other
words, the same remainder in days will be left in the one case as in
the other. This is possible, but it is not possible to change the time
periods so as to give the same result where the sum is less than a
calendar round, as one of the higher periods embraces all and more
‘ than all the given lower periods. However, we may accept his inter-
pretation where the terminal date of the initial series connects with
the date which follow. The uncertain and somewhat suspicious ele-
ment in the investigation is the evidence in some cases and indication
in others that Mr Goodman has obtained his series not from the
characters, but from his system. In these cases it is evident that
connection of the terminal date by the series with the initial date
proves nothing more than the correctness of his calculation. For this
reason none of these are considered as evidence of the general use of a
Certain initial, except where there is connection with a following date
through a following series. The two or three instances in which this
is the case have been specially referred to. As bearing on this point,
the following facts are noted:

The initial series in the Temple of Inscription (l in the above list)
is so nearly obliterated, as appears from Maudslay’s photograph, that
it is impossible to determine the preﬁxed numerals or the terminal
date. The & (katuns) is the only distinct number in the series. Enough

' of the day number, given by Goodman as 13 Ah'au, remains to indicate
that his rendering is wrong. There are (as is also shown in Maudslay’s
drawing) two short lines denoting 10, but the dots or balls are obliter-
ated; there is, however, the little loop remaining at one end. As a
rule which has no known exception, unless this be one, there are
never more than two balls between these end loops, usually but one
(see the quotation on this from Maudslay given above). As there
would have to be three to give the 13, either Mr Goodman is wrong
or the inscription is irregular. This series must therefore be excepted
from those oﬂ'ering evidence in favor of this author’s theory.

' 804 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETIL m. 19

The series on the inscribed steps (5 of the list) Mr Goodman admits
has been determined otherwise than by inspection, and hence it must
be excluded. '

Series 6 and 7 of the above list (Stelae A and B) must be accepted as
evidence, as the preﬁxed numerals are of the ordinary form, are
distinct, and make connection with the initial date of Goodman’s
ﬁfty—fourth great cycle.

The two inscriptions on Stela C (8 of above list) present one
unusual feature, and one which seems to bear very strongly against
Mr Goodman’s theory of 13 cycles to the great cycle, in fact is
almost positive evidence against it. Here, following Mr Maudslay’s
drawing—for his photograph is not sufﬁciently plain for satisfactory
inspection—we notice that but one time period is given, 13 cycles,
and that this is followed without any intervening glyphs by the date
6 Ahau 18 Kayab. The day symbol is a face character, but is‘so ren-
dered, and seemingly correctly, by Goodman. This will not make
connection with the initial date of either of the three great cycles given
by him. The fact that the numeral in this case (balls and short
lines) preﬁxed to the cycle symbol is 13 appears to stand in direct
contradiction of this author’s theory, as “full count” is nowhere else
given in ordinary numerals or even in a face character, but always in
one of the symbols for full count. We never ﬁnd in ordinary numer-
als 20 days, 18 chuens, or 20 ahaus, etc., nor has Mr Goodman in any
case rendered a face character by either of these numbers.

The other inscription on this stela is also unusual in the same
respect, the numeral series consisting of only one time period—13
cycles~which is followed immediately by the date 153 Ahau 8 Cumhu.
The 15 preﬁxed to Ahau is evidently an error. Mr Maudslay, though
giving 15 in his drawing, concludes, from a subsequent examination,
that it may be 9 or 5. However, it will not connect with the ﬁrst day
of either of Mr Goodman’s great cycles, whether we use the one or
the other number or any other Ahau 8 Cumhu. These two initial
series taken together present another fact difﬁcult to account for on
Mr Goodman’s theory. They have precisely the same counters—13
cycles—but reach different terminal dates. This could not be true if
the dates are in the same great cycle, and if in different ones they would
necessarily be precisely one or two great cycles apart, as Mr Goodman
limits the inscriptions to the ﬁfty—third, ﬁfty-fourth, and ﬁfty-ﬁfth.
In his comment on these series he virtually confesses his inability to
determine the number of the great cycle by the details of the glyph.

The inscriptions on the east and west faces of Stela J are placed
irregularly, in one case in three columns and transverse lines, and in
the other in diagonal lines; the order, therefore, in which the glyphs
are to be taken is very uncertain.

According to Maudslay’s drawing of Altar K (no photograph is
given), the initial series of the inscription as given by Goodman does

moms] INITIAL SERIES 805

not appear to be correct. The drawing shows 12 or 11 cycles and not
9, unless the two short lines are to be considered as one, which can
only be determined by inspecting a photograph or a cast.

The initial series of Altar S (17 of the above list) as given by
Mr Goodman does not correspond throughout with that of the inscrip-
tion as given in Maudslay’s drawing (there is no photograph). He
gives 15 katuns, whereas the inscription shows only 13, the preﬁxed
numerals being of the ordinary form.

Although the evidence presented is not sufﬁcient to establish Mr
Goodman’s theory of a distinct Mayan time system, it, together with
the very frequent references in the Dresden codex to the day 1 Ahau
8 Cumhu (which always falls in the )‘ear 8 Ben), indicates that this date
was considered one, perhaps the chief, initial point in the time series:
Dr Fersteniann has called attention to its use in this codex in his
Zur Entzifferung der Mayahandschriften and in a letter to me.

Neither of the high series running up the folds of the serpent ﬁgures
of plates 61 and 62 appear to begin or end with Ahau. The black
series in the right serpent of plate 62 over 3 Kan 17' U0 (the 16 is an
evident error) reaches back, if counted from this date with 20 cycles
to the great cycle, to 12 Chicchan 8 X111; or, counted with 13 cycles to
the great cycle, it reaches 10 Chicchan 18 Fax.1 But it is noticeable
that at the bottom of the plate (62) at the right of these serpent ﬁgures
and extending into plate 63 are ﬁve short series with 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu
as the given date in each. The red loops here seem, as I have shown
on another page, to indicate connecting series, as some of them con-
nect with the dates immediately above.

The series in the upper left-hand portion, accompanied by loops,
terminate with 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, but go back to 9 Ix counting either
or both series of the column, that with the loops and that above 9 IX'.

The series running through the middle and lower divisions of plates
72 and 73 starts with 1 Eb. The two high series at the right of the
upper division of plate 52 go back to 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu.

It will be seen from this discussion that while 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu is a
notable initial date, it is not the only one with which series running
into years commence, and that Ahau is not the only initial day in long
series. There is, however, one noticeable difference between the initial
series in the inscriptions and the series in the codices; in the former
the symbol of the highest or sixth order of units is a marked character
which has no parallel in the latter, but it must be remembered that in
the latter the distinction between the orders of units is made by the
position of the ordinary counters and not by distinct symbols, as in the
former. -

One fact which must be borne in mind in connection with this
point is that Ahau can not be the ﬁrst day of a year or month in
Mr Goodman’s system, nor in any Mayan system. It follows, there-

 

 

] See footnote on page 800.

806 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [Em ANN. 19

fore, that neither of his large periods—cycle and great cycle—can
begin with the ﬁrst day of a year. This, however, is true of most, if
not all, of the series of the Dresden codex, which goes far toward
proving that Mr Goodman’s supposed time periods are not really such
in a true sense, but are simply time counters or orders of units; other-
wise we must suppose that the Maya had two time systems coincident
only at certain points, which is what Mr Goodman assumes.

Why the calendar used should be called “Archaic,” as compared
with that of the codices, is not altogether apparent from the inscrip-
tions examined. As given and explained by Mr Goodman, it was as
complete and perfect in all its details as that which would be designated
more recent. The months, years, and 52-year periods, the method of
numbering the days, and hence the 4—year series and all the peculiari-
ties of the system, were precisely the same as those of the codices.
As it is a rule in the progress of human culture to advance from the
imperfect and crude to that which is more nearly perfect, that the
archaic Maya calendar system might be expected to exhibit imperfec-
tions which were gradually remedied by experience. Dr Fiji'stemann,
reasoning on this very justiﬁable assumption, concluded (though we
must admit he fails to present satisfactory evidence) that primarily
their years consisted of only 360 days, and that the next step in
advance was to a year of 364 days, the ﬁnal correction resulting in the
year of 365 days. Mr Goodman says (page 3) that the Cakchiquel time
system included two different years, the calendar year consisting of
366 days, and the chronologic year of 400 days (it was 400 days). His
scheme includes not only a 360-day period, but carries with it the 365-
day period or true year, as this is one of his essential factors, and more-
over is apparent in almost every inscription and must be admitted as
a part of the chronologic system of the oldest inscribed records which
have been discovered, be our theory as to their time system What it may.

IDENTITY OF SYSTEMS AND CHARACTERS OF THE
DIFFERENT TRIBES

That there are found in the inscriptions on the now ruined structures
of Tabasco, Chiapas, Yucatan, and Central America forms for the
months and for some of the days, as well as some other peculiarities
in symbols, not observed in the codices, is true. But considering what
has been given by early writers concerning the names and order of
the days and months among the different tribes, the agreement in the
forms and order of the days and menths as shown by the inscriptions
is remarkable. Take the day Ahau for example; although we meet
here and there a face form, yet the usual symbol at Palenque, Tikal,
Menchc, and Copan is the same as that found in all the codices. The
same is true of Ik, Akbal, Kan, Ben, Ezanab, Imix, and some others.
And each holds the same relative position throughout, which indicates

'THOMASl IDENTITY OF SYSTEMS AND CHARACTERS 807

a sameness and uniformity at variance with the idea of any difference
in system, or any great difference even in nomenclature.

Several of the month symbols, as Pop, Zip, Zotz, Xul, Yaxkin, M01,
Yax, Kayab, Cumhu, and in fact nearly all, are substantially the same
as those found in the Dresden codex, which is the only codex in which
the months have as yet been discovered. This similarity would seem
to indicate that the names among the different tribes have not always
been correctly given by the early writers. In fact, the codices and
inscriptions show greater uniformity in regard to the time system and
time symbols than is to be inferred from the historical record. Each
section introduces some glyphs not found in other sections, and there is
more or less variation in the ornamentation and nonessential features,
but the typical forms of the time symbols are generally essentially
the same.

The evidence, when carefully examined in detail, presents some facts
which seem to demonstrate the correctness of the above conclusion,
and to show that the testimony of the early authorities indicates a
greater difference in systems than is indicated by the inscriptions.

The names and order of the days of the month used by the Maya
(proper), Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel tribes, as based on the his—
toric evidence, are as follows:

 

 

 

 

 

Maya Tzental Qui.-Cak. I l
1 Imix Imox Imox
. 2 Ik Igh Ik
3 Akbal Votan ‘ Akbal
4 Kan Grhanan i Kat
5 Chicchan Abagh i Can
6 Cimi Tox Camey
7 Manik Moxie Queh
8 Lamat Lmnbat Canel
9 Muluc M 010 Toh
10 Oc Elab Tzi
11 Chuen Batz Batz
12 Eb Euob E6
13 Ben Been Ah
14 Ix Hix Balam
15 Men 7 Tziquin Tziquin
16 Cib Chabin Ah mak
17 Caban Chic Nah
' 18 Ezanab Chinax Tihax
19 Cauac Cahogh Cooc
20 Ahau Aghaual Hunahpu

 

 

 

808 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mam-.19

The names in italics are the supposed dominical days. Some of the
names in these lists are but equivalents in the different tribal dialects,
but this does not apply to all, as is evident from the eﬁorts of Dr
Brinton and Dr Seler to bring them into harmony.

Although uniformity in the form of the day symbols does not prove
identity in the names in the different tribal dialects, it tends in this
direction, if allowance be made for the variation necessary to express
the same idea, and undoubtedly indicates unity of origin. Take, for
example, the day Votan in the Tzental calendar, which stands in the
place of Akbal in the other calendars. The symbol of this day is
remarkably uniform in all the inscriptions where it appears. The
same is true in regard to Kan, Lamat, and Ezanab, which never
appear as face characters. As it is admitted that Votan or Uotan is
not equivalent to Akbal, Kat to Kan, nor Canel to Lamat, how are we
to account for the uniformity of the symbols in the several regions
that these tribes are known to have inhabited?

However, the widest variation between the historic evidence and
that of the inscriptions is in reference to the names of the months.
In regard to these, as given historically, it may be stated that those of
the Maya (proper) and the Tzental—Zotzil and Quiche-Cakchiquel
groups differed throughout, morphologically and in signiﬁcation, so
far as the latter has been determined, no name in one being the same,
save in a single instance, as that in another. As compared with those
in the Maya calendar, which have already been given, those of the
Tzental were 1, Tzun, 2, Batzul, 3, Sisac, etc.; those of the Quiche,
1, Tequexepual, 2, Tziba pop, 3, Zac, 4, Ch’ab, etc., differing in like
manner throughout. So widely different, in fact, are they, that Dr
Brinton and Dr Seler made no attempt to bring them into harmony.
Now, in contrast with this, the symbols are not only comparatively
uniform in the inscriptions, as is shown by the ﬁgures given in Mr
Goodman’s work, but, with very few exceptions, correspond with
those in the Dresden codex. There are also indications that the names
were the same as those found in the Maya calendar. For example,
the symbol of the month Pop is characterized by an interlacing ﬁgure
apparently intended to denote matting; in Maya, Pop signiﬁes “mat.”
The name of the fourth month, Zotz, signiﬁes “a bat,” and the sym-
bol, which is always a face form, has an extension upward from the
tip of the nose, presumably to indicate the leaf—nosed bat. But as
conclusive evidence on this point, if Mr Goodman is correct in his
interpretation, the month is designated on one of the Stelae at Copan
by the full form of a leaf-nosed bat. So general is the uniformity of
the month glyphs, both in the Dresden codex and in the inscriptions
that Mr Goodman has not hesitated to apply to all the names of the
Maya calendar, and to place side by side those of the inscriptions
and those of the codex. “There is not,” he says, “an instance of

THOMAS] IDENTITY OF SYSTEMS AND CHARACTERS 809

diversity in all their calendars; their dates are all correlative, and in
most of the records parallel each other.” Of course there are spo-
radic variations and imperfect glyphs which often render determina-
tion by simple inspection uncertain, but it is generally aided by the
connecting numeral series.

The change of day symbols from the typical form to face characters
is found in the codices as well as in the inscriptions, as is shown by an
examination of the Troano codex, where it is of frequent occurrence.
The occasional variations'of the symbols for the days Chicchan, Cimi,
and 122, in the latter codex, are so radical that identity is ascertained
only by means of the positions they occupy in series. It is upon this
uniformity Mr Goodman chieﬂy bases his theory of an archaic calen-
dar. Following the quotation given in the preceding paragraph he
says (pp. 1&5—146) :

From this is deducible the important fact that—whether a single empire, a federa-
tion, or separate nations—they were a homogeneous people, constituting the grandest
native civilization in the Western Hemisphere of which there is any record. Yet
when the Spaniards arrived upon this theater of prehistoric American grandeur,
there was not only no powerful nation extant but no tradition or memory of former
national greatness. The very sites of the ancient capitals were unmentioned, name-
less, unknown. This obliviousness could not result from the passage of a few score or
a few hundred years. It could only come in the wake of a period that had outlasted
the patience and retentiveness of even aboriginal minds. Next, Dr Otto Stoll, the
distinguished comparative linguist, who has made a special study of the Maya dia-
lects, states that the Cakchiquel language, one of the most nearly aﬂined to that of
the Tzentals, who at present occupy the central seat of the extinct empire, is yet
dlfferent enough to require a period of at least two thousand years to account for the
divarication. This points to a remote date of separation, though indeﬁnite. Thirdly,
we ﬁnd in the Yucatec chronicles a deﬁnite indication singularly in keeping with
Dr Stoll’s estimate. All the Xiu chronicles begin with a record of the migration of
their ancestors, in two great bodies, about two hundred and forty years apart, from
some region to the westward.

From long and careful study of the annals I have come to the conclusion that
these migrations took place respectively about 353 and 113 years before the beginning
of our era. That this migration could have come from the Archaic nation only is
proved by the identity of the graphic system of the Yucatecs with that of Palenque,
Copan, Quirigua, and other cities of the central region—a system found nowhere to
the north, south, or west of it. Even to this day the Yucatec language is more closely
allied to that of the Tzentals and Zotzils of that same region than to any of the other
numerous Maya dialects. That the Yucatec calendar and chronological system differ
in several respects from those of the Archaic cities is not a ﬁnal or even grave objec-
tion to this theory, but only what under the circumstances might be expected. The
Xius found the Coconls and Itzas, older offshoots of the Maya race, already in pos-
session of Yucatan, and appear always to have acted a subordinate part to them 111
subsequent history. It is not unlikely, therefore, that they changed their methods
of computing time so as to conform to those of their superiors; or the change may
have been made for some reason not evident to us; but that they did change their
methods there can be no doubt, and that, too, shortly after their contact with the
other nations. Two of their chronicles distinctly state that at a time equivalent to
about the 257th year of our era “ Pop was put in order.” The statement can refer

810 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mauxw

only to a rearrangement of their calendars, for the calendars themselves had been in
existence for unknown centuries; hence, these records probably denote the time at
which they changed their chronological methods to conform to those of their neigh-
bors. Our best hope of correlating the calendars lies in the discovery of some record
made by the Xius in their new home previous to this change.

The difﬁculty in this theory lies in the fact that precisely'the same
calendar system continued down to the coming of the Spaniards, at
least in some of the districts. This is proved by the codices, some
of which we know were in use down to that time, though possibly
understood only by the priests, and the radical differences in the
month names seems to have been of comparatively recent date. The
same general system. allowance being made for differences in names
and forms of symbols, was also found, as has already been mentioned,
among the Aztec. Zapotec, and some other stocks. In fact, except
for the diﬂ’erenccs in the names of the months and of some of the days,
the change of dominical days by the people among whom the Troano
codex was written, and some difference in counting the months which
seems to have obtained among some of the Cakchiquel, the calendar
system was uniform among the Mayan tribes from the ﬁrst'notice we
have of it to the coming of the Spaniards. The idea, therefore,
advanced by Mr Goodman of an "Archaic calendar.” which ceased
to be in use about the time of the Xiu migration, between sixteen
hundred and two thousand years ago, appears to be without valid basis.

Finally. on this point I think I will be justiﬁed in the statement that
if the archaic Mayan chronologic system was so complete and perfect
as it is believed by Mr Goodman to have been, it was the most system-
atic, orderly, and complete time system ever known to the world, not
only outranking in this respect the oriental systems, but even those of
modern civilization. \Ve are therefore compelled from ourexamina-
tion of the subject, while commending as exceedingly valuable his real
discoveries, which have been noticed, to reject his theory in regard to
the ancient Mayan chronologic system, so far as it differs from that
generally received, believing that he has mistaken the notation used
by this ancient people in counting time for a veritable time system.

One somewhat startling result of Mr Goodman’s theory in regard
to the Mayan time system is the conclusion reached by him in refer—
ence to the range of time over which the history of the Maya people
has extended. This is shown in the following extract from his work:

Let us, ﬁnally, consider for a moment the possibilities of duration for that Maya
empire. The Mayas were a primitive, pure-blooded, united people. No ancestral
prejudices or racial jealousies could spring between them. \Vhatevertendencies there
were dependent on the inscrutable laws of nature must all have been in common.
They were strong in numbers, and stronger still by their great and solitary enlighten-
ment. They occupied a territory that is practically a fortress. To the east, south,
and west there is not area enough to harbor savage foes in numbers that would have

been formidable even if coalesced, and to the north, if necessary, they could oppose
their united forces. No other great nation ever occupied so secure a position. Hence

moms] IDENTITY or srsTEMs AND CHARACTERS 811

the question of danger from outside sources is practically eliminated from the prob-
lem of their national existence. Their unity of origin, the simple numeral worship
indicated by their monuments, the civic spirit to be inferred from the absence of all
warlike insignia in the inscriptions, point unmistakably to a happy, contented, peace-
ful state of internal affairs, akin to brotherhood. 'Under such conditions, how long
might not a nation endure? \Vc go back ten thousand years and ﬁnd them then civ-
ilized. “'hat other tens of thousand years may it have taken them to reach that
stage? From the time of the abrupt termination of their inscriptions, when all sud-
denly becomes a blank, back to that remote ﬁrst date, the apparent gradations in
the growth of their civilization are so gradual as to foreshadow a necessity for their
280,800 recorded years to reach the\point of its commencement. Manifestly, we
shall have to let out the strap that conﬁnes our notion of history. The ﬁeld of native
nationality in America promises, when fully explored, to reveal dates so remote that
it will require a wider mental range to realize them (page 1-19).

This conclusion is reached by the following process of reasoning:
That the concluding date (he always calls it “initial date”) of the
initial series “could have but a single purpose—+that of recording the
date at which the monument was erected.” The fact that some of the
stelze have different "initial dates” on opposite sides is explained
by the statement that “ in these instances one date is reckoned from
the other, the latter one undoubtedly designating the time of dedica-
tion.” This, however, is a supposition not sustained by satisfactory
evidence. As to the two on Stela C, he confesses he can give no expla-
nation of them without radical changes in each.

By a comparison of the dates in the various inscriptions he arrives
at the conclusion that the lapse of time between the earliest and latest
of these was 8,383 years. Adding to this 2,348 years, the time
preceding 1895 A. D., at which he thinks the record closed (page 148),
“ we shall arrive at the time when thatancient Maya conqueror trod his
enemies under foot, 10,7 31 years ago, the oldest historical date in
the world”; that is to say, the monument on which the earliest
date is recorded was erected 8,836 years before the Christian era. To
obtain the/enormous stretch of 280,800 years, mentioned in the above
extract, he counts back according to his theoretic time system to the
beginning of the grand era. Of course, such startling result, based
upon the kind of testimony offered, can hardly be accepted as historic.
The inscriptions showing what may be called “initial series” exist;
they show the counters up to the sixth order of units, or the great
cycle, but all else upon which his great structure is built consists of
speculation. There is no basis for his grand era, his 73 great cycles,
or his ﬁfty-third, ﬁfty-fourth, and ﬁfty-ﬁfth great cycles. That the
great cycles were numbered, just as we number thousands and mil-
lions, is undoubtedly true, but 11 is the highest numbering of which
we have any positive evidence in the inscriptions or codices, which
indicates that the count would have ended at 20, following the vigesimal
system if carried higher.

Notwithstanding these criticisms Mr Goodman seems to be right in

812 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [manner

his conclusion that, at the time the inscriptions were chiseled and the
codices formed, the Maya people were in a much more homogeneous
state and tribal distinctions much less marked than when described by
the early Spanish writers. Dr Brinton says that “in all the Mayan
dialects the names [of the days] belonged already at the time of the
conquest to an archaic form of speech, indicating that they were
derived from some common ancient stock, not one from the other, and
that, with one or two possible exceptions, they belong to the stock
and are not borrowed words.” Though we can not say positively to
what tribes the inscriptions of the different districts are to be respec-
tively attributed, we can safely assert that they are Mayan, and that
those at Palenque are in what is or was the country of the Tzental
and Chol tribes; those at Menche (or Lorillard City) in the Lacandon
country; those at Copan and Quirigua in the habitat of the Quiche and
Cakchiquel or possibly Chol peoples; and those at Tikal in that form—
erly occupied by the Itza tribes. The great similarity in the time and
numeral symbols and the time systems shown by the inscriptions in
these different localities would seem, therefore, to justify Mr Goodman’s
assertion "that—whether a single empire, a federation, or separate
nations—they were'a homogeneous people,” and thus, though these
records have so far failed to furnish any direct historic data and seem
likely to fail to furnish any by further investigation, they do form
indirectly a firm basis in our attempts to trace the past history of this
people. The next step is to determine the age of the records, for, as
appears from what has been shown, the history as derived from the
early Spanish writers can not be fully relied on, and the traditions can
be trusted only so far as they agree with the monuments and the lin-
guistic evidence. That Mr Goodman’s conclusion in reference to their
age can not be accepted is evident from the quotation given above.

One conclusion which appears to be justiﬁed by the foregoing facts
is that the Maya of Yucatan represent the original stock, or that they
have retained with least change of any of the tribes the names and
time system of the calendar, except as to the dominical days.

NUMERAL SYMBOLS IN THE CODICES

Before closing this paper I will, for the beneﬁt of those who
have recently taken up the study of the Maya manuscripts and inscrip-
tions, refer to some symbols found in the codices which probably rep—
resent numbers. The study of these may, if followed up by further
investigation in the light of Mr Goodman’s discoveries, lead to fruit-
ful results in attempts at interpretation of the codices.

IN THE DRESDEN CODEX

The katun symbol in the ordinary form Shown at a, figure 10, is
very frequently used in this codex, sometimes, as already Shown, as
one of the counters in a numeral series connecting dates, as for

moms] NUMERAL SYMBOLS IN THE CODICES 813

example, on plates 61 and 69. These, which have been heretofore
alluded to, are precisely of the form found in the inscriptions. The
series as given on plate 69 is 15 katuns, 9 ahaus, at chuens, 4 days, the
days having a special symbol not joined to that of the chuens. The
preceding date is 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and that which follows 9 Kan 12
Kayab. The reckoning in this case reaches, as has been shown, the
day and day number (9 Kan), but the 7th day of Cumhu instead of the
12th of Kayab. Nevertheless, there can be no question that this is a
series precisely after the form of those given in the inscriptions.

In these two series are also seen the ahau and chuen symbols of the
usual forms, the days, as has been stated, usually having a separate
symbol, generally the so-called kin symbol, as the lower character in
the symbol of the month Yaxkin.

The ordinary numerals found at the side or top of these symbols are
frequently replaced by one or more little ball or cup-shape characters,
such as are shown in ﬁgure 21. Others of like form attached to other
period symbols are shown at A3, B3, and A}, ﬁgure 16. In the latter,
ordinary numerals are also present. The ﬁrst (ﬁgure 21) is from the
upper division of plate ‘7 3, and the others are from plate 69.
Are these characters numerals? If so, what is the value
of each? As they can not together represent in any
instance more than 20, and as many as three are found in
some instances attached to one symbol, it is evident that, Giff; 5(1);
if they are number characters, each must indicate 1, 2, plate 73,
3, 4, 5, or 6, not more. As the latter three have also 33““ 00'
ordinary numerals attached, but odd numbers, it may be '
inferred that the value is 2, 4, or 6. There is, however, other evidence
bearing on this question, which is seen in the symbol shown at A3,
ﬁgure 16. This is certainly the equivalent of the “calendar round”
symbol of the inscriptions, and as the largest number of full calendar
rounds in the time series immediately below is 5, the value of each
of these little characters would seem to be 2. As a chuen symbol
in the same connection is followed by the symbol for day in the
abstract sense, each having these little characters attached, the evi-
dence in favor of the theory that they are numerals is very strong.
In the middle of the lower half of plate 70 a katun symbol is followed
by an ahau symbol, each having these little characters attached with-
out other numerals. So far, however, I have been unable to connect
dates by means of these counters, if they be such; but this is not
decisive, as there are not sufﬁcient recognized data in any case for a
fair test.

On plate 71, second column, near the top, is a face glyph used as
an ahau symbol; as positive proof that it is such, it has inserted in it
a small ahau symbol of the usual type. There are several other
characters in_ this codex which appear to be used as number symbols,

 

814 MAY AN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [mm m. 19

as the bird head with 10 preﬁxed, center ,of plate 70; the Imix-like
character with 19 preﬁxed, lower left-hand corner of plate 71.

In regard to this character, which is contained in two groups—one
on plate 51, shown at A5, plate XLIV, the other on plate 52, shown at
Ci, plate XLIV, as given in the codex, Mr Goodman’s ﬁgures containing
supposed restorations—he remarks as follows (p. 93):

The resemblance between the last glyph in the list and the character occurring on
plates 51 and 52 of the Dresden codex removes all doubt of the latter being a
directive sign. It is employed so curiously in one instance that it is well worth
while giving both examples of its use in order to illustrate the peculiarity. The
reckonings it follows are from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (which, coincidently, is the beginning
of the 54th great cycle of the Archaic era) to 12 Lamat in both cases, but with
different intervals. The reading on plate LI is this: [See plate XLIvu].

Here the meaning, plainly enough, is: From 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu to the 12 Lamat;
that is, 8 days from the former ( or initial) date. The reading on plate 52 is more
complicated. There are two 4 Ahau—S Cumhu dates followed by this reckoning:
[See plate XLIvb].

The 12 Lamat is not distinct, as here, but there can be no question of its identity,
the reckoning being of exactly the same character as the other. The reading here
is: 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, to the 12 Lamat; that is, 8 days, 1 chuen, and
5 ahaus from the 2 former (or initial) dates. The peculiarity here is that the direc-
tive sign indicates the reckoning to be from two dates—the only instance of the
kind that has come under my observation.

In regard to the group on plate 51 (our plate XLIV) it may be safely
assumed that the upper date is 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and it is true that count-
ing 8 days from this date brings the reckoning to 12 Lamat, but the
long series immediately below seems to be intended to connect the latter
date with the 12 Lamat which is below this, lon0' series precisely as in
the preceding case, the series here ascending to the left. The assump-
tion, therefore, that the Imix symbol is a directive sign is very doubtful;
moreover, the Lamat symbol precedes it. Ferstemann suggests that
it signiﬁes an ahau—katunz8,760 days.

Mr Goodman’s interpretation of the group on plate 52 (our plate
XLIV), will scarcely stand the test of careful examination. In the ﬁrst
place, the assumption that 12 Lamat stands at the head of the group is
not warranted. The remnant of the obliterated glyph gives no color
to it, nor is there anything in the arrangement of the series in the divi-
sion to suggest it. Moreover, the two dates each iAhau 8 Cumhu—do
not pertain to the column, but to the two long series at the right imme-
ediately under them. This is evident from inspection, but positive
proof is found in the fact that, if we use the black numerals of the
series, the 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu over the right column connects with the
12 Lamat below, and when we use the red counters we reach, in the
same series, the 1 Akbal below. Using the red counters in the left
column and counting from the 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu above, we reach 7
Lamat below. The black numerals of this column, which. as they
stand, differ only 10 days from those of the right column, reach Ezanab,

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV
C

‘ N

f .
4‘”

O

 

UPPER DEVISION OF PLATES 51 (A) AND 52 (B), DRESDEN CODEX

t

6
THOMAS] NUMERAL SYMBOLS IN THE CODIOES 815

but the day number is 9 and not 3, as it should be; a dot over the
10 chuens will, however, make the connection. It is evident, therefore,
that Mr Goodman‘s explanation of the two dots before the Imix-like
symbol of the group is. only a supposition, and his theory as to the use
of this symbol is without convincing support; nevertheless, it is prob-
ably a numeral character. Fiji-stemann‘s suggestion is that it signifies
a " katunic cycle," Goodman’s calendar round.

It is true that the troublesome question arises, Are we to assume that
the glyphs which have been noticed are always to be considered number
symbols, wherever found? This would appear to carry the idea of
number symbols to the extreme. See, for example, the ahau symbols
on plates 72 and 7 3. To assume this would imply that
the various preﬁxes to these symbols are numeral signs,
as Mr Goodman contends, having assigned values to most
of the types found on the plates referred to. Possibly he
may be right (see page 67' of his work).

A puzzling character found in this codex is the red
circle or loop with bowknot on top (ﬁgure 22). \Vhether

‘these are intended as symbols of connection or not, the
series connected with them appear in a majority of cases
to form links between other series or to join one or more
of what we may term side dates not following in the line of
the series. They appear, however, in one series to have
some other use; at least, as will be seen when the series
is noticed, the numerals inclosed appear to be used in a
different way from those in other loops.

The ﬁrst we notice are those in the lower left-hand
corner of plate ’70. Counters connected with the left
loop are 4 (supPOsed) chuens, 6 days, the latter number
being inclosed in the loop. The date below is :t Ahau 8
Cumhu, and at the top of the long series over the loop
is 9 Ix. If we count backward from 4: Ahau 8 Cumhu

 

. p ' . FIG. 22—Fig-
4 chuens, 6 days, or 80 days (which does not carry us urcs from 1.1m

beyond the commencement of the year), we reach 9 IX. 7‘3! meme“ W

. _ dex.
The numerals connected With the r1ghtloop are 10 chuens,

8 days, 01'208 days, the date belowl Ahau 8 ()umhu and the day above
4 Eb. Reckoning backward as before, we reach the ct Eb above. The
rule also holds good for the counters connected with the loops above,
nearthe middle of the same plate, Where those of the leftloop are 1 ahau,
12 chuens, 6 days, and those of the right 4: ahaus, 10 chuens, 6 days,
the date below each being} Ahau 8 Cumhu and the day above each 9 IX.

The reckoning indicated by the series belonging to the loops in the
lower left-hand corner of plate 63 is not quite so satisfactory. The
series of the left loop is 11 chuens. 15 days. the date above 3 Chic-
chan 13 Kankin; that of the middle loop 17 days, the date above 13

816 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS lETH.AN.\'.19

Akbal 6 Cumhu; that of the right loop 7 (or 2) ahaus, 14 (or 2) chuens,
19 days, the day above 3 Chicchan (or 13 Akbal); the date below each, 4:
Ahau 8 Cumhu. Counting the series of the left loop backward, we reach
3 Chicchan 13 Yaxkin. This is correct except as to the month, which
in the codex is certainly Kankin. The reckoning in case of the mid—
dle loop reaches 13 Akbal 11 Kayab, whereas the month date in the
original is 6 Cumhu. The series attached to the right loop has been
corrected by the insertion of a red 2 between the ahau and chuen
numerals. The long series above has also been corrected, which indi—
cates some material error here. However, the series will not connect
with either of the two days above, following or rejecting the correction.
Attention is called to the fact that the numerals inclosed in the loops
here in each case exceed 13, the highest day number, as the question
of the use of the numerals will come up in a series to be noticed.

The series belonging to the red loop on plate 58 (using the original
black numerals, there being a correction or different series in red) is
1 ahau, 7 chuens,11 days; the date below 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the nearest
date of the long series to the right is 13 Muluc —? Zac. The reckon-
ing backward reaches 13 Muluc 2 Zac. The native correction is a
red 12 inserted between the ahau and the chuens. This has probably
been inserted to bring the reckoning to the Muluc of the right column
above the lower date. The series in the upper division connects with
13 00 to the right. That in the middle division of plate ~13 connects
with the 3 Lamat over it. Of the two series in the upper division of
plate 31, that of the right loop connects with the date above, but that
of the left does not. The series attached to the red loop on plate 24,
if we consider the red symbol inside as naught, connects with 1 Ahais
18 Kayab at the right.

The series connected with the thirteeen loops, upper divisions of
plates 7 1—7 3, appears to be the usual form of most other series of
the codex, but in this case the numbers in the loops do not form part of
the counters, but denote the day numbers of the days reached, counting
forward (from left to right) from 9 Ix (plate 71), with an interval of
2 chuens, 11 days. This series is explained in my Aids to the Study
of the Maya Codiccs (Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., pp. 337—338). It
may, however, be called a connecting series, as by the numbers in the
loops—though they are day numbers and never exceed 13 —it is joined
to the series concluding in the upper division of plate 71.

It will be observed that in each case except the last the day from which
the reckoning is made is 1 Ahau, and when the month is given at Ahau
8 Cumhu. It would seem, therefore, that special importance was, for
some reason, attached to this date by the people of the country and
era when the codex was written. This, it must be admitted, bears
somewhat in favor of Dr Seler’s and Mr Goodman’s idea of the impor—
tance of Ahau in the Mayan time count.

moms] NUMERAL SYMBOLS 817
IN OTHER CODICEs

in regard to these it may be stated in brief that in the Cortcsian
codex plates 31 to 38 contain frequent repetitions of the ahau symbol,
used apparently as a counter, ordinary numerals being generally
attached. These, however have, in addition to the numerals, other
appendages not seen in the inscriptions (at least not in the same form)
as, for example, the cross-hatched adjunct seen on plate 34. It is true
some of the forms given by Goodman show cross-hatching, and of
these the Cortesian character may be an equivalent. On plate 34 in the
lower division and elsewhere are symbols (with numerals attached)
which apparently occupy the place of days and chuens, or of the
ﬁrst and second orders of units. However, I am unable to determine
either their relation to any of the numerous dates on the plate or
their use. Mr Goodman gives to the cross-hatching in some instances
the value of 9, but in others he uses it as a multiplier, usually as
20x20 (see pp. 100, 101 of his work). Possibly he would decide that
these ahau symbols are simply intended to refer to the beginning of
the ﬁrst, third, tenth ahau, etc, according to the number preﬁxed.
I am inclined to believe there can be little doubt that they are counters
with the usual value assigned to the ahau, whatever may be their
relation to the dates on the plate.

On plate 35, lower division, and possibly elsewhere, is what appears
to be a counter in which the chief element is the Cauac character.
The ordinary chuen symbol occurs quite frequently on the plates
referred to, but never with more than one set of numerals. Other
symbols with numerals attached which may possibly be counters are
found on the same plates, but I have been unable to test the supposi-
tion.

In the Troano codex What appear to be ahau symbols are found on
plates 20 to 23, 31, 7* to 10*, and also elsewhere. On the latter two
plates are also what appear to be katun symbols. In a few instances
these two symbols have numerals attached. Scattered through the
codex are quite a number of other symbols with numerals attached,
which appear to be counters or number glyphs. On the so-called title-
page of this and the Cortesian codices are quite a number of glyphs
which I take to be number symbols. Some of these I presume from
the form to be chuens, but they are in groups usually with numerals
attached, and as in three instances these numerals are 19, I take
them to indicate days, and the number of chuen symbols in a
group to indicate the number of chuens, as the two numbers attached
to the chuen glyphs in the inscriptions indicate the days and chuens.
I am also rather inclined to the belief that on this title-page the
fourth line of characters from the top denotes ahaus. The red oval
symbols below with numerals attached are also probably number glyphs,

19 ETII, PT 2 17

 

818 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH- ANN. 19

but they must indicate days or some higher order of units than chuens.
as the numerals in some cases are 19. However, I have not suc-
ceeded in ﬁnding any relation between these series and accompanying
days.

Whether I have succeeded in showing satisfactorily the real discov-
eries made by Mr Goodman and in indicating clearly their true value
must be determined by the use which other workers in this ﬁeld will
make of what has been here presented. That these discoveries have
opened up new lines of investigation in regard to the signiﬁcation of
the codices and inscriptions will be admitted. Believing that the
advance made thereby may be proﬁtably carried into the study of the
codices in connection with Dr FOrstemann’s discoveries, I have added
some suggestions in regard thereto in the hope that other workers in
this ﬁeld may be induced to pursue the subject.

WORKING TABLES.

As an aid to readers I have followed Mr Goodman’s example in pre-
senting tables, chieﬂy after those in his paper, carrying the cycles up
to twenty.

 

 

 

 

Calendar rounds w Calendar rounds
1 18, 980 l 21 398, 580 i 41 778,180 61 1,157,780
2 37, 960 22 417, 560 i 42 797,160 62 1, 176, 760
3 56, 940 . 23 436, 540 ‘ 43 816, 140 63 1, 195, 740
4 75, 920 1‘ 24 455, 520 1 44 835, 120 64 1, 214, 720
5 94, 900 1 25 474, 500 H 45 854, 100 65 1, 233, 700
6 113, 880 g 26 493, 480 E‘ 46 873, 080 , 66 1, 252, 680
7 132, 860 l 27 512, 460 ,l 47 892,060 67 1, 271, 660
8 151, 840 l 28 531, 440 i . 48 911, 040 68 1, 290, 640
9 170, 820 l 29 550, 420 ', 49 930, 020 69 1, 309, 620
10 189, 800 30 569, 400 l 50 949, 000 70 1, 328, 600
11 208, 780 31 588, 380 l «'1 967, 980 71 1, 3-17, 580
12 227, 760 32 607, 360 , 52 986, 960 72 1, 366, 560
13 246, 740 33 626, 340 l 53 1, 005, 940 73 1, 385, 540
14 265, 720 34 645, 320 I 54 1, 024, 920 74 l, 404, 520
15 234, 700 35 664, 300 55 1, 043, 900 7.“ 1, 423, 500
16 303, 680 36 683, 280 ‘ 56 1, 062, 880 76 1, 4-12, 480
17 322, 660 37 702, 260 i 57 1, 081, 860 77 1,461, 460
18 341, 640 38 721, 240 58 1, 100, 840 78 1, 430, 440
19 360, 620 39 740, 220 59 1, 119, 820 79 1, 499, 420
20 379, 600 40 759, 200 L 60 1, 138, 800 80 1, 518, 400

 

 

 

 

WORKING TABLES

 

Cycles

 

cooo'qczcnnk'wmn—t

1
2,
3_
4
‘5
6
7
8
9

H
O

10
11?
12
13
‘14
15
16
17
18
19
2o

MHHI—IHI—IHHHH
owmuaMrkwwH

 

 

 

’.144,0007
"288,000
432,000 ,
576,000'
720,000
864,000”
1,008,000
1,152,000
1,296,000:
1,440,000
1,584,000
1,728,000-
1,872,000
2,016,000
2,160,000
2,304,000
2,448,000
2,592,000
2,736,000
2,880,000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CONTENTS

:_ Place of numbers‘in the growth. of knowledge
" .* Characteristics of primitive thought . : - - - - . -
Primitive counting and number systems - _ . -
,Numeration..---.-.-----.--_--.-_
[V Notation and augmentation .
Germs of the number-concept . . -
. Modern vestiges of clmaeabala . .

 

 

PRIMITIVE NUMBERS
BY \V J MCGEE

PLACE OF NUMBERS IN THE GROlVTH OF KNOWLEDGE

The gateway to knowledge of aboriginal character is found in
aboriginal conduct; for among primitive folk, habits of action are
more trenchant than systems of thought. . Yet full knowledge of
aboriginal character may be gained only through study of both the
activital habits and the intellectual systems of the aborigines; for in
every stage of human development, action and thought are concomi-
tant and complementary.

In dealing with aboriginal customs connected with numbers (simple
counting, numeration, calendar systems, etc.), the working ethnolo-
gist is confronted by the elusive yet ever-present fact that primitive
folk commonly see in numbers qualities or potencies not customarily
recognized by peoples of more advanced culture. Accordingly it
seems especially desirable to trace the thoughts, as well as the customs,
of primitive number—users, and this may be done with a fair degree of
conﬁdence in the light of homologies with the early stages of mathe-
matics and related knowledge among peoples of advanced culture.

Fairly close homologies with the numbers of primitive peoples are
afforded by the early stages of chemistry and astronomy. Chemistry
grew slowly out of alchemy as natural experience waxed and primeval
mysticism waned; and in earlier time astronomy grew out of astrology
in similar fashion. The growth of chemistry is fairly written, and
that of astronomy less fully recorded in early literature; and in the
history of both sciences the records are corroborated and the sequence
established by vestigial features—for such features are no less useful
in deﬁning mental development than are vestigial organs and functions
in outlining vital evolution.

Now on scanning the long way over which modern knowledge came
up, it becomes clear that the beginning of chemistry marked the third
step in the development of science, and that the beginning of astron-
omy marked an earlier step; and it also becomes clear that another

825

826 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em um 19

step, taken amid the mists of unwritten antiquity, was markedby the
beginning of mathematics. In the absence of records, the rise of
mathematics may be traced partly (like the growth of the next younger
sciences) by vestigial features and functions; and these vestiges indi-
cate that, just as scientiﬁc chemistry came out of mystical alchemy
and as scientiﬁc astronomy sprang from mystical astrology, so rational
mathematics grew out of a mystical system which long dominated the
minds of men and slowly waned under the light of natural experience
concentrated among the Arabs of past millenniums. In Arabia this
mystical system preceded the simple and essentially natural, though
happily conventional, system of enumeration and notation long known
as algorithm (or algorism)—i. e., that inchoate form of arithmetic
which permitted numerical treatment of quantities, and thus gave a
foundation for science. The mystical system is even more clearly rep-
resented in algebra, in which the conventional symbols now used to
express natural values were originally employed as indices of magical
potencies, like the characters inscribed on amulets and talismans;
indeed the literature of science yields deﬁnite records of that long-
abandoned side of algebra known as almacabala (sometimes written
almachabel) from the Arabic word for learning and the Hebraic (or
older) term for mystical or magical attainment of purpose,1 the whole
constituting a jumble of occult or semi-occult redintegration such
as appeals strongly to the ill-developed mind. Accordingly the step—
ping stones to modern science may be enumerated as (1) almacabala,
(2) astrology, (3) alchemy, leading respectively to mathematics and
astronomy and chemistry, the oldest branches of deﬁnite knowledge.

While the transition from almacabala to mathematics is indicated
somewhat vaguely by the records and more clearly by vestiges among
the peoples inﬂuenced by Arabic culture (including all the Aryans and
their associates, who make up the intellectual world), the sequence is
established by parallel developments displayed by other lines of cul-
ture. The import of these parallelisms becomes clear in the light of
principles pertaining both to science in general and to anthropology in
particular; and some of these principles are worthy of enumeration:

1. In all science it is necessarily (albeit often implicitly) postulated
that knowledge grows by successive increments through experience
and its assimilation, through observation and comparison (or general—
ization), through discovery and invention, or, in short, through natural
processes. In the natural (or chieﬂy inductive) sciences and in recent
decades this postulate is commonly made consciously and deliberately;
in the more abstract (or chieﬂy deductive) sciences the postulate is less
frequently made consciously, though a notable example of recognition

 

1 “ Cabala, or ‘practical cabala,’ as described by Hebraic authors, is the art of employing the knowl-
edge of the hidden world in order to attain one’s purpose in accordance with the mysticism expounded
in the ‘Sefer Yczirah’ (Book of Creation), in which the creation of the world is ascribed to a com-
bination and permutation of letters of the alphabet.”—The Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. I, 1891, p. 548.

MCGEEI UNIFORMITY OF HUMAI‘I DEVELOPMENT 827

of the experiential basis of mathematics was recently afforded by the
president of the American Mathematical Society.1

2. In all departments of deﬁnite knowledge, but especially in the sev-
eral branches of anthropology, it is implicitly, if not explicitly, postul-
ated that knowledge is diffused and its acquisition stimulated through
association and interchange among individuals and peoples; indeed,
this postulate affords the warrant, and forms the basis, for education.

3. In anthropology as in other sciences it is necessary to recognize
a volume or body of knowledge proper to each people, made up of the
combined intellectual possessions of all the individuals, increasing with
successive experiences, decreasing only through disuse or neglect, and
in greater part perpetuated by record and tradition if not by direct
heritage.

:t. In ethnologic research, as measurably in other lines of inquiry,
it is desirable and fair to assume that (a) mental capacity and (b) the
sum of knowledge, either in the individual or in the group, are in the
long run practically equivalent. .

5. In ethnologic inquiry it is convenient to assume that the course of
development is approximately uniform (or about as nearly similar as
are environmental conditions) in each separate or independent group
of men. This assumption, which was recognized ﬁrst by Powell under
the law of activital similarities, and later by Brinton under the formula
“unity of mind,” is rapidly crystallizing in the minds of anthropolo-
gists; it is, indeed, but a corollary of the primary postulate on which
all science rests, namely, that knowledge grows by natural means; and
latterly the postulate (which is but a generalization of invariable experi-
ence), with its corollaries and applications, has been formulated as one
of the cardinal principles of science, namely, the responsivity of mind.2

The recognition of the foregoing principles yields a means of out-
lining intellectual development in general, and hence of defining the
grades, or growth-stages, of given intellectual stocks (or peoples); for
when once the general scheme of development indicated by the several
examples is perceived clearly, the relative positions of each of the
examples are evident. The relations of the natural stages in intellec-
tual development may be illustrated by comparison with the growth-
stages of aged sequoia groves of prehistoric birth, whose beginnings
no man recorded and no living man saw, but whose history may be
read clearly in terms of younger groves in other counties; for the
towering groves of the big—tree species and the upshooting forests of
human ideas may well be likened in individual and collective growth,
save that the vegetal species is decadent and shrunk into scattered

 

1“Even pure mathematics, though long held apart from the other sciences, must be founded, I
think, in the last analysis, on observation and cxperiment.”—R. S. Woodward, Science, new sen,
V01. XIII, 1901, p. 522.

2Pr0c. Washington Academy of Sciences, vol. II, 1900, pp. 1—12.

828 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em ANN-19

patches, while the mental growth is luxuriant and spreading exuber-
antly from province to province throughout the lands of the earth.
In both cases the interpretation in terms of growth-stages is established
by conformity with natural law: did the grove receive extranatural
impulse at any stage, or did knbwledge arise otherwise than through
interactions of nature, the interpretation would fail; but in the absence
of evidence against the uniformity of nature, {the equivalence of corres-
ponding stages must be recognized alike for the ﬁgurative forests of
ideas and the material forests of wood and leafage.

Now the acceptance of these principles, and the recognition of the
general course of intellectual development, afford a means of tracing
the unrecorded history of Aryan culture and of‘interpreting the meager
records of Arabia’s mathematical pioneering in terms of the culture
of other peoples still below, or just rising above, the plane marked by
the birth of writing-i. e., the beginning of scriptorial culture.
Especially useful for comparison are various practically independent
Amerind peoples, some low in preseriptorial culture, others grap—
pling with the rudiments of deﬁnite graphic art, and still others just
within that phase of scriptorial culture marked by conventional calen-
dric and numeral systems; hardly less useful are several African peo-
ples representing various early stages of development; of much
signiﬁcance, too, are the Australian tribes, of culture so low that
numerical knowledge is inchoate only, together with different Polyne—
sian tribes whose culture curiously reﬂects their distinctive environ-
ment; while useful suggestions as to the origin of numerical concepts
may be drawn from various subhuman animals. True, the lines of
mental growth maturing in mathematical systems must vary with
environmental conditions, and doubtless with hereditary traits per-
sistently reﬂecting both ancestral and proto—environmental factors;
yet, if knowledge he not an extranatural product rather than a reﬂex
of nature (as brilliantly conceived by Bacon) the lines must be so far
conformable as to render the comparisons trustworthy and sufﬁciently
accurate for practical purposes—just as the retracing of the history of
an isolated grove by comparison with the growth-lines of other groves
must be inexact in detail, though trustworthy in general and suﬂi-
ciently accurate to meet practical needs.

CHARACTERISTICS OF PRIMITIVE THOUGHT

In tracing the lines of intellectual growth maturing in modern
enlightenment, it is needful to note certain habits of mind character-
istic of all primitive men, yet measurably distinct (in degree if not in
kind) from those common to civilized and enlightened men; and for
present purposes, as for practically all others, it will sufﬁce to deﬁne
primitive peoples as those who have not yet acquired and assimilated

MCGEE] PRIMITIVE MY STICISM 829

the art of writing, i. e., as those who remain in prescriptorial culture;
for the longest single step in the development of mind and the widest
chasm dividing humanity is that marking the transition from the
lowly stage of unaided thinking to the stage of mechanically extended
memory and mentation.

riﬂe/3505.922. of print/Wm t/zoug/Lt—All primitive men are mystics.
Believers in extranatural potencies, inexpert observers, and incon-
stant reasoners, their vague faith veils or counterfeits realities and
clothes its own ﬁgments with all manner of attributes, oftener incon-
gruous than germane. In their simple (and presumptively primeval)
aspect, the fear—born ﬁgments are grotesque shadows or fantastic dupli-
cates of actual things moved by capricious or malicious motives, like those
of human kind; in somewhat advanced thought the ﬁgments are more
complex, and are incarnated chieﬂy in self-moving things and invested
with enlarged and intensiﬁed autonomy; while in the higher stages of
primitive culture the figments arc idealized into mystical potencies
conceived to actuate the objects and powers of the universe in accord-
ance with impulses and motives such as these observed to control
human action. And this lowly faith, with its imputation of animistic
impulses and agencies to all nature, is far more than mere abstraction;
in all its aspects the belief is profound and paramount; it is an ever-
present possession, passing often into complete obsession, whereby
action and thought are habitually and wholly controlled.

In every phase of primitive culture the mystical potencies imputed
to natural things are held to be the chief factors of failure or success
in the ceaseless strife for existence. So these potencies are invoked
by fasting, propitiated by sacriﬁce, celebrated by feasting, and expa-
tiated and gloriﬁed by individual and collective ceremony, as well as
by the marvelously persistent tradition of prescriptorial culture. The
ﬁrst effect of recurrent ceremony is to crystallize the animistic con-
cepts and concentrate the imputation of potency on the more conspic-
uous objects of current experience, and hence to lead to the deiﬁcation
of strong and swift beasts, venomous serpents, rapacious birds, turbu-
lent waters, destructive volcanoes, and other impressive things; though
since the successful men and tribes give more thought to joyous
gloriﬁcation and less to anxious propitiation than their unsuccessful
contemporaries, the beneﬁcent potencies tend to survive and the
maleﬁcent mysteries tend to die out of the darksome—but ever bright-
ening—faith of primitive men. Yet throughout the whole domain of
lowly culture the mystical potencies are dominant factors of thought.

In all aspects of primitive- faith the controlling mysteries are con-
ceived as associated with symbolic objects and actions; and by reason
of this notion both mysteries and symbols are zealously enshrouded in
ever deeper mysticism. So, fetishism and shamanism grow apace;
not only ceremonial objects, but places and persons and forms of utter-

830 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em ANN. 19

ance become secret or sacred, as when the plaza is forbidden toall save
priests, and when the Word is deemed a symbol of the Life of the
speaker. 80, too, esoteric Observances, impressive insignia, and
imposing formalities are established, and systems of rank or caste
grow up as tangible expressions of the intangible structures of control-
ling subjectivity. Cumulatively strengthened by reaction of symbol
on mystery and of mystery again on symbol, the pervading mysticism
is exalted above all other motives in primitive thought; and the artis-
tic concepts, the industrial devices, the social relations, and the themes
and forms of speech all pass under the control of the unreal potencies
which shadow the primitive thinker. I

Throughout primitive culture invocation habitually carries a reverse
of incantation, so that the normal course of ﬁducial development is
attended by persistent magic, sortilege, thaumaturgy; while in the
higher stages necromancy and soothsaying, spells and enehantments,
conjury and exorcism, oracles and ordeals, and divination by lot or
chance become characteristic. In the higher strata, too, expressions
supplement or supplant the objective symbols of lower plane, and the
jargon of jugglers and the farrago of fakirs take the place of fetiches
and idols; and it is particularly signiﬁcant that words and verbal for-
mulas come to be regarded as superpotent expressions of mystical
power, and that even the letters of early times were credited with
creative powers in practical cabala. Some savage tribes regard their
language as sacred, some have hieratic languages, and among all known
tribes personal names are considered magical or tabu in one way or
another; while just within the lower strata of scriptorial sculpture (as
illustrated by the Arabs and Hindoos and other Eurasians of a few
centuries ago, and attested by literary and linguistic and objective
vestiges), shibboleths and numerical formulas become rife, and the
inscribed talisman and abracadabra and mystical number, and even-
tually the magic square, form favorite symbols of occult power.

The growth of writing and the attendant decadence of tradition
sounded the knell of primitive mysticism; for one of the leading
functions of lowly faith in the actual economy of thought was the
maintenance of long series of mnemonic associations, and when this
function was assumed (and better performed) by mechanical devices
the strongest support of the crude philosophy fell away. Yet the
mode of thought crystallized by uncounted generations of habit was
too ﬁrmly ﬁxed for easy dropping, and innumerable vestiges in the
line of Aryan culture, as well as the examples afforded by other
lines, demonstrate the potency of primeval mysticism and the tenac-
ity of its hold on the human mind even beyond the verge of modern
enlightenment.

Egoism of primitive t/ioug/izf—All primitive men are egoists.
Knowing little of the external world, tribesmen erect themselves or

mama] _ PRIMITIVE EGOISM 831

their groups into centers about which all other things revolve accord
ing to the caprice of their all-potent mysteries; they act and think in
terms of a dominant personality, always reducible to the Ego, and an
Ego drawn so large as to stand for person, place, time, mode of action,
and perhaps for raison d’etre—it is Self, Here, Now, Thus, and
Because. Science shows that the solar system hurtles through space,
presumably about an unknown center; it showed before that the sun
is the center of our system; but the heliocentric system was expanded
out of an antecedent geocentric system, itself the offspring of a demo-
centric system, which sprang from an earlier ethnocentric system born
of the primeval egocentric cosmos of inchoate thinking. In higher
culture the recognized cosmos lies in the background of thought, at
least among the great majority, but in primitive culture the egocen-
tric and ethnocentric views are ever-present and always-dominant
factors of both mentation and action.

The prominence of self—centred thinking in lowly life is exempliﬁed
by kinship organization, the universal basis of primitive society. In
the lowest of the great culture stages, the recognized kinship is
maternal, and in the next higher (but still prescriptorial) stage it is
nominally paternal, though increasingly modiﬁed by adoption and
other conventional devices; yet the organization is maintained by
bonds and interrelations which can not better be illustrated than by
analogy with the planetary assemblage: Each individual rotates inde-
pendently, may be attended by satellites, and revolves primarily about
the head of the family yet ultimately about the patriarch of the group,
and each exerts a deﬁnite attractional inﬂuence (albeit proportional to
individuality—or perhaps intellectuality rather than mass) on all his
associates. The relative social positions are expressed and kept in
mind by habitual conduct and form of speech; each member of a fam-
ily, each family of a clan, and each clan of a tribe has a ﬁxed place in
the group to which he or she is kept by thon’s own memory and con-
strained by the consensus of associates; and among most primitive
peoples no individual can speak to or of a companion without refer-
ence to the currently accepted view of his circumscribed cosmos—a
man can not say “brother,” but must say “my elder brother,” or use
some other term implying the relative position of several individuals
to himself, and among each other as reckoned through himself; and in
many tribes the terms of relationship used by women differ from those
employed by men.

The ever—present View of a self—centered cosmos ﬁnds expression
throughout primitive language, as well as in the lowly faith with
which it is bound up and in the social organization by which it is
maintained. Primitive speech is essentially associative, abounding in
numbers and genders, persons and cases, moods and tenses, in a complex
structure reﬂecting the egocentric habit of thought. This structure

 

832 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [ma ANN. 19

is crystallized in a characteristically and often chaotically elaborate
grammar, well suited to the formulation and utterance of a limited
number of ideas representing a few main classes (or lines) of thought,
and well adapted to maintaining the associative thought habit; so that
primitive languages are essentially structural or morphologic, only
incidentally lexie. With the multiplication of ideas accompanying
cultural advance, the bonds of linguistic association break under their
own weight, and discrete vocables multiply at the expense of unwieldy
collocations; and with the attainment of writing, the function of lin-
guistic association largely disappears, and speech becomes essentially
lexie, only incidentally morphologic.

Concordantly with self-centered language, primitive arts and indus-
tries are conspicuously egoistic. The most strikingly inchoate esthetic
thus far critically studied is the totemic face-paint borne by the ma-
trons of clans, apparently as beacon—signals analogous to the face-marks
of various animals,1 while the tattoo-marks denoting marriage among
the women of many Amerind tribes are clear vestiges of the more
primitive beacons; and the autobiographic winter count of the warrior
and the closely'related calendar of the shaman are commonly egocen-
tric, never more than ethnocentric for if the motives of the primitlve
scribe perchance transcend self, they never outpass the clan or tribe,
or at most the confederacy. Similarly the industrial devices of early
culture are held to absorb and retain a part of the personality of, and
indeed to become subjective appendages to, their makers and users;
while in advancing culture the subjective personality of the device
passes over into the industries in such wise as to engender guilds and
crafts, and ultimately to grow into the “art and mystery” of conven-
tional apprenticeship.

Concordantly, too, egocentric thought ﬁnds expression in primitive
belief; for the individual long retains his personal tutelary or fetish,
endowing it with characters revealing his own subjectivity; and it is
with exceeding slowness that he rises ﬁrst to the recognition of family
fetishes and clan totems, and eventually to the inheritance, or perhaps
as among the Kwakiutl Indians to the conjugal acquisition, of those
symbols of potency, and much later that he rises to that recognition
of alien tutelaries which expands with piratical and amicable accultu~
ration, and ends in pantheism.

So in every line of human activity self—centered thinking is crys-
tallized by custom, and the thought and custom interact with cumu-
lative effect in dominating the primitive mind well into the upper
strata of preseriptorial life. The persistence of the cumulative effect
is clearly indicated by numberless vestiges of egocentric cosmology
clinging often to the higher phases of Aryan culture.

 

 

 

1 Cf. The Seri lndians: Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1898, part 1,
p. 168.

 

 

MCGEE] PRIMITIVE COUNTING 833

In short, it can not be too often stated or too strongly emphasized
that primitive thought is unlike the ﬁner product of contemporary
intellectuality. While the differences are many, the most conspicuous
are those connected with the pervading mysticism and prevailing
egoism of primitive thinkers, both magniﬁed in their inﬂuence by the
fewness of concurrent intellectual stimuli and motives; so that pre-
scriptorial culture may justly be regarded as the outgrowth and out-
showing of that mysticism-egoism which arose early in the unwritten
past, which began to decline with the birth of writing, but which still
retains some hold on the minds of men.

PRIMITIVE COUNTING AND NUMBER SYSTEMS
NUMERATION

Simple counting is an accomplishment common to men and many
lower animals. The special appreciation of numbers sometimes dis-
played by horses, dogs, and pigs may be due to human association,
while the geometric sense of the bee may be considered mechanical
merely; yet the well-known ability of the crow to count (or at least
to discriminate units) up to six or seven, the similar faculty of the
fox, and the habits of wasps in providing ﬁxed numbers of spiders for
their unborn progeny, as well as various other examples, demonstrate
a native capacity for numerical concepts on the part of birds and
mammals and insects.

Apparently similar is the numerical capacity of various lowly tribes
of different continents: Numerous Australian tribes are described as
counting laboriously up to two, three, four, or six, sometimes doub-
ling two to make four or three to make six, and in other ways reveal-
ing a quasi-binary system; though both Curr and Conant opine that
“no Australian in his wild state could ever count intelligently to
seven.”1 Certain Brazilian tribes are also described as counting only
to two, three, or four, usually with an additional term for many;
while the Tasmanians counted commonly to two and sometimes to four,
and were able to reach ﬁve by the addition of one to the limital
number. 2

The analogy between the counting of the tribesmen and that of the
animals is not so close as the bare records suggest, since the descrip-
tions of the tribal reckoning relate to systems of vocal numeration
rather than to actual ability in discrimination and enumeration; more—
over, most of the tribesmen reveal the germ of notation in the use of
sticks, notches, knotted cords, and the like to make tangible the
numerical values—something which lower animals never do so far as
is known. Actually the savages, even those of lowliest culture,

 

 

1The Number Concept, by L. 1.. Conant, 1896. p. 27; The Australian Race, by E. M. Curr,1886, vol. I,
p. 32.
2The Aborigines of Tasmania, by H. Ling Roth, 1890, p. 147.

19 ETH, PT 2 lb‘

 

884 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [12m Ass-.19

habitually think numerically up to or above three, as Is shown by the
plurality of plurals and by other features of their speech, and the
meagerness of their numeration no more negates numerical capacity
than does the absence of such systems among counting crows and foxes
and wasps. Nevertheless, the comparison is instructive. In the ﬁrst
place, it indicates roughly corresponding ability to count on the part
of higher animals and lower men; it also deﬁnes the origin of vocal
numeration at the bottom of the scale of human development; and it
is especially signiﬁcant in demonstrating that neither the animals nor
the men (1) either cognize quinary and decimal systems, or (2) use
their own external organs (toes, ﬁngers, etc.) as mechanical adjuncts
to nascent notation—unless the binary numeration of certain Austra-
lian tribes is really bimanual, as W. E. Roth implies.1 Many primi-
tive peoples count by ﬁngers and hands, sometimes with the addition
of toes and feet, and thereby ﬁx quinary, decimal, and vigesimal sys-
tems; but the burden of the evidence derived from animal counting
and from the numeration of lower savagery seems to demonstrate that
these systems are fai from p11meval

Simple numbe1 svstems of mystical 01 symbolic character abound
among the bette1-studied tribes of middle-plimitive culture, including
the aborigines of North America. The most widespread of the mys-
tical numbers is four. It ﬁnds expression in Cults of the Quarters in
North America, South America, Asia, and Africa, and is suggested by
certain customs in Australia; 2 it is crystallized in the swastika or fylfot
and other cruciform symbols on every continent, save perhaps Australia;
and it is established and perpetuated by associations with colors, with
social organization, and with various customs among numerous tribes.
In much of primitive culture the hold of the quatern concept is so strong
as to dominate thought and so strong as to seem wholly inex-
plicable save through the interwoven mysticism and egoism of the
lowly mind. The devotee of the Cult of the Quarters is unable to
think or speak without habitual reference to the cardinal points; and
when the quadrature is extended from space to time, as among the
Papago Indians, the concept is so strong as to enthrall thought and
enchain action beyond all realistic motives. To most of the devotees
of the quatern concept—forming probably the majority of the middle
primitive tribes of the earthwthe mystical number four is sacred,
perfect, and all—potent, of a perfection and potency far exceeding that
of six to the Pythagoreans and of the hexagram to Paraeelsus and his
disciples; they are unconscious or only vaguely conscious of any other
numerical concept; and many investigators fail to discover the reverse
of the quartered shield and so trace the mystical ﬁgure to the subcon-
scious self which it invariably reﬂects. Yet careful inquiry shows

        

 

1 Ethnological Studies among the North-WeSI—Central Queensland Aborigines, 1897, p. 2.
9 Curr, The Australian Race, vol. I, pp. 339, 340.

mam] THE SENARY-SEPTENARY SYSTEM 835

that the cardinal points are never conceived apart from the ego in the
center: that the subjectively prepotent part of the swastika is the inter-
section or common origin of the arms; that the four colors of bright-
ening sunrise and boreal cold and blushing sunset and zephyr-borne
warmth must have a complementary all-color in the middle; that the
four winds are balanced against some mythic storm king (able to par-
alyze their powers in response to suitable sacrament) in or near the
middle of the world; that the sky falls off in all directions from above
the central home of the real men; that the four termini of Papago
time relate to the end of the period conceived always with respect
to the beginning; that the four worlds of widespread Amerindian
mythology comprise two above and two below the fate—shadowed one
on which the shamans have their half-apperceived existence; that the
four phratries or societies are arranged about the real tribal center;
and that in all cases the exoterically mystical number carries an esoteric
complement in the form of a simple unity reﬂecting the egoistic per-
sonality or subjectivity of the thinker. It is easier to represent the
quatern concept graphically than verbally—indeed it has been repre-
sented. graphically by unnumbered thousands of primitive thinkers in
the cruciform symbols dotting the whole of human history and dif-
fused in nearly every human province, or in the form of the equally
Widespread but less conspicuous quincunx.

The exoterically quatern and esoterically quineuncial concept appears
to mark a fairly deﬁnite phase of human development; a somewhat
higher stage is marked by the use of six as a mystical or sacred num-
ber. In this stage the mythology remains a Cult of the Quarters,
though the cardinal points are augmented by the addition of zenith and
nadir, while a third upperworld and a third underworld may be added
to the tribal cosmology. The ramiﬁcations of the concept are still
more extended than those of the quatern idea, and lead to even more
patent incongruities-partieularly when the attempt is made to graph-
ically depict the essentially tridimensional concept on a plane. Now
the senary concept, like its simpler analogue, is always incomplete in
itself: the six cardinal points must be reckoned from a common
center, the three underworlds and the three upperworlds are reckoned
from the middle world of actuality, and the six colors (for example,
of corn, as among the Zuiii, according to Cushing and others) are habit—
ually supplemented by a central all-color; so that, in this case, as in
that of the quasi-quaternary system, the exoterically perfect number
is esoterically perfected through the unity of subjective personality,
i. e., the ever-present ego.1 It is signiﬁcant that the six-cult is much

 

1 The perfecting of the mystical numbers four and six by the addition of unity has been recognized
by many investigators, notably by Powell (0n Regimentation, in the Fifteenth Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, 1893—94,1897, p. exvii and elsewhere), Morris (Relation of the Pentagonal Dodeea-
hedron . . . to Shamanism: Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. XXXVI, 1897,
pp. 179—183), and Cushing (ibid., p. 185 and elsewhere).

836 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [ETH.ANN.19

less extensively distributed through history and throughout the world
than the four—cult, though it may be traced in diﬁ'erent continents; and
it is peculiarly meaningful in establishing that marvelous prepotency of
the number cult which, among many tribes, carried the nascent numeral
system past the point at which nature strove, through the obvious
organic structure of the hand and through simple algorithmic order,
to implant the quinary system. Indeed, if further evidence than that of
bestial and savage counting were required to show that ﬁnger numera-
tion and the quinary system were not primeval, it would be afforded
by the development of the senary-septenary system in so many lands.

The quaternary and senary cults illumine the binary systems pre-
vailing among tribes still lower in the scale of, intellectual development.
Especially helpful is the light on the Australian aborigines, who are
found thereby to exemplify What might be called a Cult of the Halves;
for they are controlled by a binary concept of things expressed not
only by their numeration, but even more clearly by their social and
ﬁducial systems, which, in turn, shape their everyday conduct and
speech. “The fundamental feature in the organization of the central
Australian, as in that of other Australian tribes, is the division of the
tribe into two exogamous intermarrying groups,” say Spencer and
Grillen;1 and all other students of native Australian society have either
been overwhelmed by an apparently irresolvable nebula of overlapping
classes and subclasses and superclasses, or have been led to a related
conclusion. Indeed the Gordian knot of entangled relationships con—
stituting Australian society is easily cut by the student who places
himself in the position of an individual blackfellow, and projects from
self dichotomous class-lines occasionally uniting and bifurcating in
other individuals, after the manner of the dichotomous lines of Aris—
totelian classiﬁcation and the Tree of Porphyry; for the social classes,
and the conduct involved in their maintenance, are ﬁxed by a bifurcate
series of ordinances, ostensibly descended from the mystical olden time,
and put in the form of tabus and equally mystical mandates by the
shamans. In like manner the obscure pantheon of the Australians
seems to be arranged in nearly symmetric pairs; and even the indi-
vidual shade (or mystical double of the person) is conceived as bipartite,
as among the Arunta, who designate the ghostly attendants Iruntarinia
and Arumbaringa, respectively.2

Although typically developed among the Australian aborigines, the
binary philosophy is by no means conﬁned to the Austral continent
and primeval culture; it existed among the Tasmanians, it reappears in
Africa, persists in China and Mongolia, and may clearly be traced in
America, e. g., in the “sides” forming the primary basis of society
in the Seneca and other Amerind tribes; while no ﬁducial system is

 

1 The Native Tribes of Central Australia, by Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, 1899, p. 55.
2Op. cit, p. 513.

MC am] AUSTRALIAN NUMERAL SYSTEM 837

wholly free from the persistent dualism springing from binary inter-
pretatlons of nature. Yet the mystical Two is no more complete in
itself than the mystical Four and Six of higher culture; the primary
classes or “sides” are perfected in the tribe both in Australia and in
America, the Iruntarinia and Arumbaringa are conjoined in and non-
existent apart from the personality they are held to shadow, and the
mandates and prohibitions of Australian (and indeed of most other)
laws are perfected in permissive, or normal, conduct; in Australia
indeed the central factor is so well developed that Lumholtz was led
to note a ternary concept as expressing a deﬁnite “idea of the Trin-
ity” among the southeastern tribes;1 so that the exoterically binary
system of thought is esoterically, or in subconscious fact, ternary.

The dichotomous ﬁducial and social structure clariﬁes the Australian
numeral system. The abundant numerations recorded by Curr and
others strongly suggest the simple binary system traced by Conant.
A common form is 90mm, barkoola, barkoola-gomza, baritoola—barlfoola
(1, 2, 2-1, 2—2) sometimes followed by “many” or “plenty ” and more
rarely by barkoola-6a7‘k00la—goona (2-2-1), though usually the table does
not go beyond the fourth term, which may itself be replaced by
“many.” Now, examination of the numerous records shows (1) that
none of the terms correspond with ﬁngers; (2) that a very few of the
terms correspond with the word for hand, such terms being three,
four, one, and two in (approximate) order of frequency; (3) that a
somewhat larger number of terms, chieﬂy three, one, and two, cor-
respond with the words for man; (4) that a considerable number of
threes and ones, with a few fours and twos, suggest afﬁnities with
obscure roots used chieﬂy in terms for man, tribe, wild dog, I, yes,
etc.; and (5) that there is a strong tendency to limit the formal numer-
ation to three. It is particularly noticeable, too, that certain per—
sistent number-terms are used sometimes for two and sometimes for
three among numerous slightly related tribes—i. e., the term is more
deﬁnitely crystallized than the concept, which oscillates indiscrimi—
nately between two and three, betraying a confusion impossible to
arithmetic thought. Similarly the Tasmanian numerations are binary,
and without reference to ﬁnger or hand, though ﬁve sometimes appears
to connote man. These features clearly indicate that the Australa—
sians do not count on their ﬁngers, and are without realistic notion
as to the number of ﬁngers—indeed the Pitta-Pitta of Queensland
are able to count their ﬁngers and toes only by the aid of marks in the
sand,2 while the abundant Australian pictographs reveal habitual
uncertainty as to the number of ﬁngers in the human hand (save where
the picture is developed from a direct impression).

Suggestively analogous in form and meaning are certain South

 

 

 

1 Among Cannibals, 1889, p. 129.
2 Ethnological Studies, by Walter E. Roth, p. 26.

838 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [ETH.ANN.19

American number—systems-~e. g., that of the Toba, whose ordinary
numeration ends with six (the term meaning also “ many” or “ plenty”),
though Barcena has traced it to ten. The terms are somewhat vari-
able, and of such form as to imply actual or vestigial connotive char-
acter; as recorded by Quevedo1 they are natkedcoc, cacayni or 7l'Z‘QJOCC6, Q
camym'lia, vzalohqwgat, m'voca cacamilz'a (2+3), cacayni cacaym'lia/
(2 X 3), natiwdac (swag/m cacaym'lia (1+2 X 3), 7117mm nalotapegat (2 X l),
7127mm naloz‘apcy/at naﬂwdac (2X4—l—1), cacag/wi niooca nalotapegaz
(2Xl—l—2). N ow, it is noteworthy (1) that none of the terms connotes
ﬁnger, hand, or man; (2) that there are alternative terms for two in
both simple and composite uses; (3) that two is the most prominent
factor in the composite part of the series;.(et) that one of the terms
for two and the term for three are closely similar, and distinguished
only by inﬂection; (5) that the term for four apparently connotes
equality (nalotat/tzequal) and declaration (mo-pegazthey say; sena-
pengl say, etc); and (6) that the system is deﬁnitively not quinary or
decimal. There are suggestions, both in the combinations and connota-
tions of the terms, of two threes of ill—deﬁned numeric character,
corresponding respectively to the numeric two and three; and that
four is an essentially mechanical square. There are also many indica—
tions that the system is inchoate so far as the strictly numerical aspect
is concerned.

In the dearth of knowledge concerning the original or collateral
meanings of the Australian and South American number-terms, it is
difﬁcult to formulate the fundamental concept or to give it graphic
expression; but a suggestion of great inherent interest is found in the
Shahaptian numeration, in which, according to Hewitt, the ﬁrst two
integer-terms are denotive or arbitrary merely, while the term for
three means Middle or Middle ONE—not middle ﬁnger or middle of
the hand, but apparently a general (or semi-abstract) Middle like that
of the Zuni ritual; and the suggestion is enforced by corresponding
expressions in Serian, Iroquoian, and some other Amerindian tongues.
The Zuni expression for the middle ﬁnger, as rendered by Cushing, is
particularly suggestive, viz, “ Couliter—equally-itself—which—does’7;2
and the persistent tendency to double as well as to divide is illustrated
by the Hai-it terms (incorporated by Dr Thomas, postea, p. 871) for
two, four, and eight, viz, pen, ism/43k, and pew—£9004]? (2Xl). and still
more clearly by the absence of the numeral nine—indeed this brief
vocabulary displays a curious combination of the binary and quinary
systems.

In the light of these analogies the Australian thought-mode, with its
numerical and social and ﬁducial expressions, and measurably also that

 

1Arte dc 1a Lengua Toba, por el Padre Alonso Barcena * * * con Vocabularios * * * por
Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo, Biblioteca Lingiiistica del Museo de la Plata, vol. II. 1898, p. 41.
‘-’Manual Concepts, Am. Anthropologist, V0]. V, 1892, p. 293.

mam] CORRESPONDENCE IN THE THREE SYSTEMS 839

of the T oba and perhaps other South American tribes, assume deﬁnite
and harmonious shape in a binary-ternary system, in which things are
conceived in pairs related subconsciously to an initial or central inter~
pretative nucleus—that is, to the dominating Ego of primitive ideation.

The three number—systems pertaining to prescriptorial culture are
essentially distinct from modern Aryan numeration, and indeed from
the Whole of Arabic algorithm and arithmetic, in motive as well as in
mechanism. Primarily, they are devices for divination or for con-
necting the real world with the supernal, and it is only later or in minor
way that they are prostituted to practical uses; yet by reason of the
magical potency imputed to them they dominate thought and action
in the culture-stages to which they belong and profoundly affect the
course of intellectual development—indeed, like other ﬁgments (or pure
abstractions, dissevered from the actualities of nature), their ofﬁce is
ﬁrst to stimulate and later to enchain mentation.

In mechanism the three systems correspond substantially, even if
they are not actually correlative, for each rests on an exoteric base in
the form of a small even number, and each is really controlled and per—
fected by a half-apperceived unity, itself the reﬂection of the Ego,
whereby the base is raised esoterically to the next higher odd number.
The systems differ only in the value of the exoteric base, which is
a measure of the intellectual capacity normal to the culture-stage to
which it pertains. The two higher systems have graphic equivalents
which shape and intensify their mystical potency (for the mechanical
conditions attending graphic representation always interact with pri-
mary concepts in primitive thought); but the lowest and presumptively
primeval system is Without known graphic symbol.

NOTATION AND AUGMENTATION

Resting as they do on inconstant and largely subjective bases, and per
taining as they do to prescriptorial culture (or at the best to inchoate
ideographic representation), the primitive number systems are not
susceptible of algorithmic notation. Concordantly they are insuscep—
tible of, treatment by the methods of rational arithmetic; though the
two higher systems (and probably the lowest also) lend themselves to
combinations made in accordance with a method or law which may
be styled augmentation—a process tending to perpetuate itself, and,
while neither addition nor multiplication, tending to generate both.
This curious law of augmentation is of much signiﬁcance; in the ﬁrst
place, it represents a process apparently lost (along with the observa-
tional basis of arithmetic) from the recorded history of mathematics;
and, in the second place, it seems to explain the interrelations and evo-
lution of the magical number-systems; again, it would seem to con-
stitute the germ of the fundamental arithmetic processes, and hence
to explain the transition from magical to rational numbers; and ﬁnally

840 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em ANN.19

it is of no small interest as a source of those vestigial features of
almacabala still persisting in Aryan culture, still cropping out in
“lucky numbers” and in other fantastic forms.

The augmentation of the widely diﬁused quaternary-quinary system
is made clear by aid of its mechanical symbolism, which combined
with the egoistic concept to shape the system. The commonest (and
nearly world-wide) symbol is the cruciform ﬁgure +, or the quincunx,

. . . Now, magniﬁcation of the peripheral powers or objects is
readily and intuitively represented by adding a line or dot to each of
the four extremities of the symbol, whereby it is converted into the
simple swastika in its prevailing forms, GB, or + Actually the ﬁgure
is sometimes developed (as among some Pueblo peoples, according
to Cushing) by laying down four billets or arrows radiating from a
fetishistic Middle toward the east, north, west, and south, and then
adding, as the ritual proceeds, shorter transverse sticks touching the
extremities of the four cardinal billets, the whole being done in such
a manner as to harmonize ritual and symbol, and impress the former
by the objective representation in the latter. In any case, the symbol
is raised from its original value of 4+1 to 8+1; and the graphic rep-
resentation accords with the shadowy concept lying behind the number
system in which the mystical Middle is persistent, and can be counted
but once howsoever the value be augmented. Similarly the periph-
eral potencies may be multiplied by the addition of dots, as in a common

form of the swastika noted by Wilson, FE or PE ,1 or by the develop-

ment of the “meander,” ﬁg, which thus represent, respectively, 12+1,
20+1, and 20—1—1; and the augmentation may proceed indeﬁnitely, by
either mechanical or mental addition, though always in accordance
with the primary principle that the Middle is reckoned but once.

The mechanical conditions accompanying the development of the
ﬁgure tend to maintain its symmetry, i. e., the supplementary trans-
verse billets, or sticks, are naturally so laid as to form counterparts in
relation to the primary billets and to the center; but, as pointed out
by Wilson (after Max Muller and Burnouf), the additional billets com-
pleting the swastika proper may be turned either to right or to left, i. e. ,
the development of the ﬁgure may be either clockwise or counter-
clockwise. The question has even been raised whether distinct names
should be applied to the alternative forms; but in view of the fact that
the habitual motions of primitive peoples are predominantly centrip—
etal, or toward the body, while the predominant motions of advanced
peoples are centrifugal, it seems safe to infer that the clockwise swas-
tika represents the higher cultural plane (just as writing toward the
right represents a higher plane than the archaic mode of writing

 

1 The Swastika; Report of the I'nitcd States National Museum for 1894. p. 767.

MCGEE] SENARY-SEPTENARY NOTATION 841

tovard the left), and accordingly that this form would be normal if
the form itself were normal to advanced culture; but that since the
symbol pertains in all essential respects to the lowly culture charac—
terized by centripetal hand—movement, the counter-clockwise form
would seem to be more properly considered the normal one~and it is
drawn herein.

While the concept of the scnary—scptcnary system is much more
complex than that of the quaternary—quinary system, the law of aug-
mentation is similar; and it is signiﬁcant that the similarity accom-
panies (and presumptively results from) analogous efforts at graphic
representation. Commonly the concept is directional, as in that form
of the Cult of the Quarters in which zenith and nadir are reckoned as
cardinal points; and the mechanical symbol is complicated, and event—
ually modiﬁed, through the difﬁculty of depicting tridimensional rela-
tions on the bidimensional surface. Among the pueblo peoples this
difﬁculty is overcome by bisecting two of the quadrants in a simple
cruciform symbol in such manner as to produce the asymmetric ﬁgure
33%;; but the ever—acting mechanical tendency operates to produce the

regular ﬁgure «36.. as the applications of the systems are extended. In

either case, augmentation is effected by doubling or further increas-
ing the peripheral extremities in such manner as to produce simple
hexagrams, at ﬁrst irregular, 91:}, and eventually regular, %, or®.
The value of successive augmentations is expressed by the ﬁgures
6+1, 12+1, 18+1, etc., i. e., by successive additions (mechanical or
mental) to a once-reckoned Middle.

Now, comparison of these two number systems, especially as
illumined by the Pueblo method of depicting the ﬁfth and sixth direc-
tions, indicates that the higher is produced from the lower simply by
the superposition of a binary system on the quaternary system; and
the inference, coupled with the patent fact that the higher base is the
measure of increased intellectual capacity, seems to deﬁne the course
of development of both systems. True, it is difﬁcult for the arith—
metical thinker to see how the mathematical pioneer missed the now-
plain road from the indeﬁnite quaternary-quinary notion to the deﬁ-
nite quinary concept; but the fact can not be gainsaid that the road
was missed by many primitive tribes of especially mystical cast of
mind, and that it vas found and followed only by the ancestors of
the practical Arabs with their decimal system, the barefoot Mexicans
with their vigesimal system, and a few other peoples of exceptionally
vigorous mind. The failure to ﬁnd so plain a way may be ascribed
largely to the complete domination of primitive thought by mystical
concepts; and it would seem to repeat the demonstration by other
facts that throughout much of prescriptorial culture little if any use

84-2 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [ETH- ANN. 19

was made of nature’s abacus, the ever present human hand—~for a
habit of ﬁnger—counting could hardly fail to. ﬁx the quinary system in
the minds of counters able to grasp so high a number as ﬁve Without
aid of extraneous symbols.

The growth of the senary-septenary system out of the quaternary-
quinary arrangement forcibly suggests the genesis of the latter; for
just as the hexagram of the higher system represents the swastika of
the lower system plus a trigram of the binary-ternary system super-
posed by almacabalic augmentation, so the swastika itself merely
represents two superposed trigrams. This View of the growth of the
three systems in the order of passage from the simple to the complex
is supported by all that is knOWn of the relative intellectual capacity
of their users; and it would seem to be established by the occasional
advances from the binary-ternary system to the quaternary-quinary
plane by some of the Australian numerations, as well as by various
vestiges of the binary-ternary system along various culture lines,
notably the Mongolian and Aryan.

The presumptively primeval system apparently arose spontaneously
(perhaps along lines noted later) and became ﬁxed. through habitual
mental effort shaped less by purpose-wrought symbols than by per-
sonal or subjective associations. Analogy with the higher systems
would indicate that the number-concept outlined vaguely through the
dull mentation of the Australian blackfellows might be symbolized
by any regular trigram uniting the perceived pair of objects and the
unapperceived Ego, i. e., connecting the objective impression with its
subjective reﬂex; but the inequality of all social pairs in the tribal
organization, the ever-varying relative potencies of the good and evil
mysteries, the unequal rank of the two ghostly Doppel-ichen, and
divers other indications, would suggest that a better ﬁgure for the
concept would be an irregular trigram. Yet howsoever the system
be represented graphically by the student (for apparently the black—
fellow had no notion of notation), the law of augmentation common to
the two higher systems prevailed, as is shown both by certain of the
Australian number-terms and by the Mongolian vestiges—i. e., the
augmentation proceeded by successive additions to a once—reckoned
middle, yielding the values 2+1, 4+1, 6+1.

It is questionable whether any enlightened student will ever enter
sufﬁciently into the prescriptorial thought represented by any consid-
erable number of distinct primitive peoples to grasp and record all
the stages and substages in the growth of number systems; yet the
records already extant would seem to indicate the lines of growth in
fairly adequate fashion. The records are consistent in indicating that
primitive peoples used integral numbers rather as symbols of extra-
natural potencies than as tokens for natural values; that they com—
bined the symbols through mechanical devices by aid of a simple rule

mam] FEAR IN PRIMITIVE LIFE 843

tending to develop into algorithmic processes; and that the mechanical
arrangements employed to represent the numerical combinations
tended to develop into geometric forms and symbols—the several proc-
esses being characterized by the method of reckoning from an ill-
deﬁned unity counted but once in each combination.

GERMS OF THE NUMBER-CONCEPT

The course of intellectual development deﬁned by the three pre-
scriptorial number-systems (2—3, i—5, 6—7) naturally leads interest
toward the inception of the number idea among lower men—some-
thing which must always remain obscure, save as illumined by analo-
gies with lowest men and higher animals. Now, the more intelligent
feral animals and the lowest known savages are fairly comparable in
their capacity for counting; they are also alike in another respect of
such consequence as to shape the character of both—their lives (as
Ernest Seton-Thompson so well shows for the animals) are lived in the
shadow of tragedies unto often early and always tragic death. This
great fact of inevitable tragedy overlays all other facts woven in the
web of nascent mind; the most ﬁrmly ﬁxed habit of lowly life is that
of eternal vigilance; the everpresent thought is that of ever-present
danger; the dominant motive is that of mortal fear.

No line of intellectual development can be fairly traced without full
recognition of the ceaseless terrors of feral life; and the primeval
interpretations of environment by animals and men alike manifestly
reﬂect their tragic experiences: The fear-born cunning of the fox
engenders that care for a way of escape without which he ventures on
no advance; his every intuition is molded by living realization of a
two-side universe—the danger side in van, the safety side in rear—
with self as the all-important center; and only religious adherence to
experience-shaped instincts enables him to survive and permits his
tribe to increase. The sagacious crow, even in semidomcstication,
constantly betrays his notion of a two—side cosmos in frequent back-
ward glances as he surveys the novel or forbidden ﬁeld in front; and
he is an arrant mystic, crazed with abject terror by night, replete with
ﬂippant joy by day, and given to the formless fetishism of hoarding
uncanny things in well-hidden shrines.1 In like manner nearly all
animals, from the ﬁercest carnivores to the timidest herbivores, mani-
fest constant realization of three overshadowing factors in nature as
they know itmfactors expressed by Danger, Safety, Self, i. c., by
Death and Life to Self, or in general terms, the evil of the largely
unknown and the good of the fully known coordinated in the vaguely
deﬁned subject of the badness and the goodness; and the chief social
activities of animal mates and parents are exercised in gathering their

 

1Wild Animals I have Known, by Ernest Seton-Thompson, 1898, pp. 72. 83.

*s

844 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [um um

kind into the brightness of the known, and educating their native
dread of all outer darkness. So, too, the more timid tribesmen of dif-
ferent continents betray, in conduct and speech, a dominant intuition
of a terrible Unknown opposed through self to a small but kindly
Known. This intuition is not born of intertribal strife, since it is
strongest in those innately amicable family groups who (despite an
implication of their designation) typify lower savagery, and since it is
slowly modiﬁed with the rise of self-conﬁdence among vigorous and
aggressive tribes in Whose minds the good grows large with the wax
of conscious power; it is merely the subjective reﬂection of implacable
environment yet it is vaguely personiﬁed as a grisly and horrent
bestial power, ﬂaunting specters of death by tooth and claw, by serpent
venom and swallowed poison, by pitiless famine and insidious disease,
by wracking storm and whelming ﬂood, by hydra-headed chance against
half-felt helplessness; and over against this appalling evil there
is a less completely personiﬁed good reﬂecting the small nucleus
of conﬁdent knowledge with its far-reaching penumbra of faith.
Accordingly, the lowest men and the higher animals seem much alike
in their interpretation of nature—both rest their deepest convictions
on a two-side cosmos connected in and through a largely passive Self.

A vague yet persistent placement of the two ever—present sides
with respect to Self is clearly displayed in the conduct of animals and
men—the evil side 1s outward, the good side at the place or domicile
of the individual and especially of the group, as is shown by the homing
instinct of the wounded carnivore, by the haste of the ﬁre—crazed horse
to meet the ﬂames in his familiar stall, by human and equine nostal-
gia, and by the barbarian longing for burial in native soil. Moreover,
both animals and men reveal indications of instinctive placement of
the sides in the individual organism; and the indications consistently
point to persistent intuition of face and back as the essential factors
of self. Yet there is a signiﬁcant diversity in the assignment of the
sides of the organism to the sides of the good-bad cosmos: In general
it appears that among the lower and the more timid the back stands
for or toward the evil, the face toward the good, and that among the
higher and more aggressive the face is set toward the danger; thus,
defenseless birds and sheep huddle with heads together, savages sleep
with heads toward the ﬁre, and timid tribesmen tattoo talismans on
their backs, while litters of young carnivores lie facing in two or more
directions, self-conﬁdent campers sleep with feet to the ﬁre, and higher
soldiery think only of facing the foe. The interesting and signiﬁcant
growth of self-conﬁdence need not be followed; it sufﬁces to note that
the primeval concept of the organic ego, as revealed in the conduct of
animals and men, appears to be that of a face-back (and not bilateral)
unity, with the two sides set toward the two aspects of a cosmos con-
ceived in fear-born philosophy.

 

moans] THE CULT OF THE HALVES ‘ 845

The passage of the primeval concept of a Face-Back Ego into that
notion of two cardinal points suggesting a Cult of the Halves is happily
represented among those Polynesian tribes who, according to Chur-
chill,1 have a system of geographic coordinates dominated by two
cardinal directions, primarily seaward and landward, and secondarily
northward and southward, respectively; while the language and cus-
toms connote a corresponding pantheon, capriciously malevolent on
the sea side and steadily benevolent on the land side. This system of
orientation is especially signiﬁcant as a link in the chain of conceptual
evolution, and equally as an explanation of the persistence of quasi-
binary systems throughout Polynesia and Australasia with their shore-
lands of antithetic potencies; and no less signiﬁcant are the facts in
their bearing on the question of the habitat of primeval man, or of
the orarian prototype already inferred from other facts.2 Although
varying from tribe to tribe in its relation to the meridian, this nascent
orientation is no ﬂeeting ﬁgment, but a deep-laid instinct so ﬁrmly
rooted as to control every serious thought and direct every vital indus-
try; indeed the Samoans and related navigators have developed their
orientations into one of the most marvelous instincts in the whole
range of animal and human life, viz, a cognition of deﬁnite albeit invis-
ible sailing paths, whereby they are able to traverse the open Paciﬁc,
far beyond sight of land, with a degree of safety nearly equal to that
afforded by chart and compass.

The Polynesian orientation at once illumines the unformulated Cult
of the Halves, and opens the way to an explanation of the Cult of the
Quarters; for each point of the shore _is necessarily deﬁned by sea in
front and land in rear, and also by strands stretching toward the right
and toward the left. Moreover, assemblages of Polynesians and Austral-
asians, like the Iroquoian tribal councils, ﬁnd it convenient to arrange
themselves in coordinate groups or “sides,” so placed laterally as to
face a speaker at the end of the plaza or prytaneum; and there is good
reason for opining that the collective habit was soon strengthened,
even if it was not initiated, by the slight asymmetry of the human
body whereby the left brain receives blood a little more directly than
the right and gives proportional excess of strength and cunning to the
right hand. The initial inequality was doubtless too slight to yield
more than barely perceptible physiologic advantage to the dextral fore-
limb, as Brinton and Mason and others have shown; yet it may well
have sufﬁced to set in operation a chain of demotic interactions leading
to the survival of the right-handed and the extinction of the left-handed

 

1Personal communication. While United States consul at Samoa, Mr Churchill collected volu-
minous linguistic and other data well worthy of publication, though not yet issued. Conformably,
Lesson and Martinct note that in Tahiti north and south are distinguished by denotive terms bear-
ing a suggestive relation to tempestuous and milder winds, while cast and west are without dcnotive
designations, and are indicated only by descriptive phrases (Les l’olynesiens, vol. II, 1881, p. 314.)
2Thc Trend of Human Progress: American Anthropologist, new series, vol. I, 1899, p. 423.

846 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em ANN.19

throughout the earlier eons of human development. A clue to the
demotic process is easily found in widespread horror of left—handed-
ness. especially among primitive peoples; the clue becomes deﬁnite in
the light of systematic infanticide among many tribes, whereby all
manner of natal deformity is eliminated; it becomes conclusive in the
light of the customs of those American tribes who habitually eliminate
the sinistral offspring as monsters betokenl‘ng the wrath of the powers.
So, apparently initiated by slight physiologic difference and unques—
tionably intensiﬁed by demotic selection, right-handedness became even
more predominant among primitive men than among their less super-
stitious descendants; the dexter and dextrous hand came to be exalted
in scores of languages as “The One That Knows How” or “ The Wise
One," while the sinister hand was degraded by linguistic opprobrium
unto a symbol of evil and outer darkness. Naturally and necessarily
the bilaterally symmetric division of the Ego into Right and Left fell
into superposition with the antecedent Face-Back concept, and pro-
duced a quatern notion such as that expressed in the Cult of the Quar—
ters. Happily this transition is crystallized in the language of the
Pitta—Pitta of Queensland, which possesses directional inﬂections indi-
cating Front and Back reckoned from the Ego; and it is especially
signiﬁcant (in connection with the bimanual count inferred by W. E.
Roth) that the inﬂection for Front applies also to (right ?) Side.1

It is evident that the passage from the Cult of the Halves to the
Cult of the Quarters marked a considerable intellectual advance, both
in extension and in intension; and it is evident, too, that the transition
must have introduced novel and distinctive thought-modes, susceptible
of growth into habits and hence of crystallization into instincts. Con-
cordantly, men in several stages of culture as well as certain higher
animals are found to display habits and instincts reﬂecting some such
‘ system of'coordinates as that formulated in the Cult of the Quarters.
The habits are especially prominent among the many primitive folks
who ceremoniously venerate the cardinal points, systematically orient
the doorways and other structural features of their houses, and main—
tain social relations in terms of direction. The instincts are particu—
larly conspicuous among horses and kine and swine with their
remarkable direction—sense, and most notable of all in the mule with
its curiously concentrated hereditary intelligence, and the carrier-
pigeon with its carefully cultivated homing-sense. In the present
state of knowledge it would be impracticable to trace conﬁdently the
entire course of development of the direction-sense in animals and
men, partly because so few naturalists have sought, like Ernest Seton—
Thompson, to interpret the habits and instincts of lower animals,
partly because so few anthropologists have really entered the esoteric
life of primitive peoples; yet it is easy to perceive the general trend

 

 

1 Ethnological Studies. 1). 2.

mom] MYsHoAL NUMBERS 847

of the developmental lines from an obscure beginning in higher ani-
mality to a conspicuous culmination somewhere in that lower humanity
in which the direction-sense is ﬁxed by generation on generation of
direction-worship. And it is not to be forgotten that the quatern con-
cept, born of unrecorded myriads of experiences and nurtured by
unwritten eons of ceremonies, is much more than an idle fancy of kiva
and camp- ﬁre. Intensiﬁed by the strongest motives of primitive life,
it doubtless attained maximum strength before writing arose to divide
its functions; yet despite the decadence of millenniums, it still survives
in one, if not both, of the two strongest instincts of higher humanity
the instinct of orientation, with the correlative instinct of right-
handedness.

On the whole, it would seem safe provisionally to trace the begin-
nings 0f the number-concept in the light of common attributes of
animals and men, and especially in the strong light afforded by the
late-studied workings of primitive minds; and when this is done, the
lines of natural development seem clearly to deﬁne a crude philosophy,
or rather a series of intuitive thought-modes, whence all almacabalic
and mathematical systems must necessarily have sprung.

 

MODERN VESTIGES ()F ALMACABALA

The characterof almacabala, and the strength of its hold on the
human mind, are illustrated by numberless vestiges, mainly mystical
numbers and cognate graphic symbols. The entire series of mystical
numbers may readily be ascertained by juxtaposing the three almaca—
balic number systems and the products of their augmentation under
the almacabalic rule. They are as follow (the super-mystical numbers
accentuated) :

2—3—3, 5, 7, 9, etc.

4—5—— 5, 9,13,17,21,25,29,33,37,41,45,49,53,57,61,65,69,73,etc

6—7— 7, I3, 19, 25, 31, 37, 43, 49, 55, 6x, 67, 73, etc.

The vestigial uses of the binary—ternary system are innumerable.
Two persists as the basis of the semi-mystical Aristotelian classiﬁca-
tion, which still exerts strong inﬂuence on Aryan thought; 2 is the
basis, also, of the largely-mystical Chinese philosophy in which the
complementary cosmologic elements, Yang and Yin, are developed
into the Book of Changes 1; and it ﬁnds expression, either alone or in
its normal union, in most Aryan cults. The mystical 3 pervades nine-
tenths of modern literature and all modern folklore; it ﬁnds classic
expression in the Crraces and the Fates; it is particularly strong in
Germanic and Celtic literature, cropping out in the conventional Three
Wishes and Three Tests (a survival of the ordeal), and also as a cus-
tomary charm number; and in these or related ways it persits in half

 

 

lchincsc Philosophy, by Paul Carus, 1898, p. 3 et seq.

848 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em ANN. 19

the families and most of the child-groups even of this country and of
today. The concept survives, also, in all manner of trigrams—
triangles, triskelions, hearts, etc—of mystic or symbolic character.

The quaternary-quinary system survives conspicuously in the form
of graphic devices, especially the world-wide cruciform symbol, which
has taken on meanings of constantly increasing nobility and reﬁne-
ment with the growth of intelligence. Hardly less conspicuous are
the classic and later literary survivals in the Four Elements—air, earth,
ﬁre, water—of alchemistic philosophy, the Four Winds of astrology
and medieval cartography, the Four Iddhis of Buddha, and the Four
Beasts of Revelation, with their reﬂections in the ecclesiastic writing of
two millenniums; while the survivals in lighter lore are innumerable.
The system persists signiﬁcantly also in its augmentals, especially 9,
13, 25, 49, and 61. The numerical vestiges are naturally for the most
part quaternary, since the quinary aspect is merged and largely lost
in algorithm.

The senary-septenary system survives as the bridge connecting
almacabala and mathematics. In the graphic form it became Pythag-
oras’s hexagram of two superposed triangles, the equally mystical
hexagram of Brianchon, with which Paracelsus wrought his marvels,
and the subrational hexagram of Pascal, while the current hexagram
of the Chinese is apparently a composite of this and the binary as
well as algorithmic systems. In the numerical form, 6 and more
especially 7 play large roles in lore and in the classic and sacred
literature revived during the Elizabethan period; even so recently as
the middle of the century the hold of the astrologic ‘7 was so
strong as to retard general acceptance of the double discovery of the
eighth planet, Neptune; and equally strong is the hold on the average
mind of certain senary—septenary augmentals, particularly those coin—
ciding with the augmentals of the lower systems. In idealized (or
reiﬁed) form, the number 7 has exerted marvellous inﬂuence on thought
and conduct, especially in the medial stages of human development;
according to Addis, “The common Hebrew word for ‘swear’meant
originally ‘to come under the inﬂuence of the number 7 ”’1; and this
is but a typical example of reverence for the magical number among
various peoples.

In tracing vestiges in the form of augmentals, it is clearly to be
borne in mind that their signiﬁcance, like that of the primary num-
bers, is mystical rather than quantitative, so that certain augmental
numbers possess greater vitality than others of corresponding arith-
metic grade. This is especially‘true of the almacabalic doubles, nota-
bly 9 as the ﬁrst augmental of 5, and 13 as that of 7; for in these and
other cases the ﬁrst augmental is commonly of opposite sign, in alma-
cabalic :ense, from its basis—thus, 5 and 7 are beneﬁcent or “lucky,”

1 The Documents of the Hexateuch, part 1, 1893. p. 35.

MCGEEJ MYSTICAL NUMBERS 849

while 9 and especially 13 are maleﬁcent or “unlucky” numbers. More-
over, there is a further mystical intensiﬁcation in squares of the
bases (perhaps growing out of mechanical or arithmetical superposi-
tions on the mystical notions); and the charm seems to be still further
augmented by coincidenCes between the several systems. It is partly
through this mystical accentuation of the always mystical augmentals
that such numbers as 9, 13, 49, and 61 become conspicuous as factors
and vestiges of almacabala.

Nine survives as a mystical number in the Muses of classical mythol-
ogy, in Anglo-Saxon aphorisms emphasizing the vitality of the cat and
the eﬁelninaey of the tailor, and as a recurring tale in all of the super—
abundant Celtic lore such as that currently recorded by Seumas Mac-
Manus; it even survived in the schoolbooks of the early part of the
century in the more curious than useful arithmetic process of “cast—
ing out the nines;” and throughout the last decade of the nineteenth
century the newspaper-writing jugglers with nines found (and dif-
fused) much mystery—tinged amusement in almacabalic analyses of the
numbers 1890—1899.

Glaringly prominent in the mythology of recent centuries is the
bode clustering about the ill—omened ﬁrst augmental of “lucky” 7—
indeed it is probable that nearly half of the enlightened citizens of the
world’s most intelligent country habitually carry the number 13 in
their minds as a messenger or harbinger of evil. The almacabalic
double of 13 (which is at the same time an augumental of 5) has largely
lost its mystical meaning in Europe and America, apparently through
friction with practical arithmetic; but it retains no little hold on
the oriental mind, and ﬁnds expression in twenty-ﬁve-fold collectives
in India and China, and in a rather frequent organization of Tibetan
tribes into 25 septs or formal social units. Eminently conspicuous in
Europe and America is the mystical number 49, especially when
expressed as 7 X 7; for, in the belief of a large element of European
population, the seventh son of a seventh son needs no training to ﬁt
himself for medical craft. while scanners of advertising columns of
American newspapers may daily read anew that the seventh daughter
of a seventh daughter is a predestined seeress.

Few of the larger mystical numbers have survived the shock of
occidental contact; but they abound in the Orient. The coincidental-
augmental 61 prevails in Tibet, where Sven Hedin found a lama, 1
out of 61 of co-ordinate rank, who professed survival for sixty-one
millenniums, through a succession of cxoteric deaths and esoteric rein-
carnations at uniform periods of sixty-one years;1 and this odd value
is explained by the designation of the sixty-ﬁrst ﬁgure in the Mongo—
lian hexagram—J‘ The Right Way” or “ In the Middle ” 2——which at

 

1 Through Asia, by Sven Hediu, 1899, vol. II, p.1132.
2Chinese Philosophy, p. 12.

19 ETH, PT 2——19

8‘50 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [Em Arm. 19

the same time connects the Book of Changes with the nearly world-
wide Cult of the Quarters and its mystical Middle. The numbers 63
and 65 are also mystical in Chinese philosophy, though their potency
would seem to be dwarfed by the mechanical-arithmetical structure of
the octonal square to which they have been adjusted evidently during
recent centuries. Among the Hindu more or less mystical numbers
abound, and many of these are found on analysis to correspond with
conventional almacabalic augmentals and coincidentals; while the Budd-
histic rituals and series of aphorisms often run in measures of ﬁves,
with an initial or ﬁnal s'upernumerary—the feature being apparently
ﬁxed by a mnemonic ﬁnger-count superposed on the almacabalic sys-
tem, much as the octonal count is superposed on the mystical ﬁgures
in the Chinese hexagram.

Suggestive vestiges of the mystical number-groups persist widely
in the form of irrational and functionless supernumeraries, such as the
thirteenth loaf in the baker’s dozen, the twenty—ﬁrst skerret in the
coster’s score, the thousand-and-ﬁrst night of Arabian tale, and the
conventional overplus in the legal “year and a day.” It is possible
that the supernumerary habit was crystallized in some cases by sim-
ple object-counting so conducted as to include an additional object as
a tally; but there are many indications that the habit originally sprang
from almacabalic augmentation, in which the sum is always one more
than the multiple of the even—number basis. Moreover, the super-
numerary habit is especially characteristic of countries and culture—
stages in which mystical number-jumbles are rife.

Certain of the graphic vestiges of the quaternary-quinary system
are of special signiﬁcance; for just as the hexagrams of the senary-
septenary system bridged the way from mystical almacabala to rational
geometry, so the mechanical development of symbols exoterically
quatern but esoterically quinary carried intelligence across the chasm
dividing the morass of almacabala from the algorithmic forelands
rising into the ﬁrm ground of arithmetic. True, the passage was
made easier by the coincidental structure of the hand, that natural
abacus which undoubtedly served to ﬁx the quinary system in all
minds trained up to the contemplation of ﬁves; yet the way was
apparently so long from the habitual perception of lowly twos and
fours to the ready grasp and combination of ﬁves that mechanical struc-
ture was even more efﬁcient than organic structure in guiding progress.
The graphic number symbols of the Mexican codices illustrated and
discussed by Dr Thomas and others epitomized the growth of a vigesi-
mal system crystallized by the coincidence of manual and pedal struc—
tures, While both the terms and the gestures of the Zuﬁi ﬁnger-count
analyzed by Cushing point the way in which binary prepossessions
passed into quinary practices despite the obstruction of the senary

MCGEE] SIGNIFICANCE OF VESTIGES 851

concept.1 The most conspicuous and persistent graphic vestiges are
those of the barbaric Roman notation, which barred arithmetical prog-
ress for ages, and even to-day saps vitality by its crude extravagance
in form and function. In certain aspects this notation may be consid-
ered binary, or rather dichotomous, and a reciprocal of the bifurcate
classiﬁcation of Aristotle with the Tree of Porphyry,2 although, as has
been well shown by Cushing, the integers of the ystem stand for
ﬁngers and represent in their combinations the ordmary ﬁnger-counts
employed throughout the lower medial strata of cultural development.
In reality the system is neither perfectly binary nor fully quinary,
and still less is it susceptible (by reason of the indeﬁniteness3 as well
as the inelasticity of the notation) of development into a complete
decimal system; yet its survival as a mere enumerative system opens
a vista through the millenniums to a thought-plane in which men man-
aged to exist without arithmetic, without number systems save of the
crudest, without numerical bases of ratiocination, without traceable
germs of ideas now fundamental in daily thought. The Chinese
number symbols also show traces of genesis and development from the
lowly plane of ﬁnger-counting; but to the Aryan mind the most strik-'
ing vestiges of essentially prescriptorial thought relating to numbers
are those conserved in the Roman notation.

The various vestiges, verbal, proverbial, and graphic (vestiges far
too many for full enumeration), at once illumine prerational numera-
tion and seem to establish that course of development of number-
concepts suggested by the customs of people still living in the lower
culture—stages. Conversely, the deﬁnition of almacabala serves to
explain certain curious vestiges of primitive thought prevailing even
today and in the highest culture' ,and the vestiges and developmental
outlines combine to form a useful means of tracing the general course
of intellectual progress from the obscure beginnings in lower savagery
toward the present culmination in modern enlightenment.

 

lManual Concepts, American Anthropologist, vol. v, 1892, pp. 289—317. [t is to be observed that
throughout this luminous discussion, than in which his genius never shone more brightly, Cushing
conﬁned himself to the middle strata of development in which numerical concepts are quinary, and
in which counting is habitually manual, and made no reference to the lower strata of numerical
conceptuality represesented by peoples less advanced than the Zuﬁi.

2The Foundation of Science, The Forum, vol. xxvn, 1899, p. 177.

3Thus a prodigal publisher may burden his title-page with the cabala MDCCCCI; if a shade less
prodigal of ink, he may substitute the sign MDCDI; or if still more economical of ink and no less
inconsiderate of the convenience of readers, he may recast the formula as MCMI.

 

 

 

N UMERAL SYSTEMS OF MEXICO AND
CENTRAL AMERICA

BY

CYRUS THOMAS

 

 

853

 

Primary numbers ... ....
NumbersabOve 10---.-.. ..-;

‘ Discussion and comparisons. . . . - - .
Ngmbers in the Mexican codices -.-.---.-- .
.The mystical and ceremonial usgof numbers. .

 

 

FIGURE 23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.

34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Symbols of the Mexican days ..................................
Symbol for Atl (water) ........................................
Symbol for Calli (house) ......................................
Symbol for Itzquintli (dog). From Fejervary codex, plate 6 - - - -
Symbol for Ocelotl (tiger). From Fejervary codex, plate 6 ......
Symbol for 400. Mendoza codex, plate 20, ﬁgure 16 ............
Symbol for 4,000. Mendoza c’odex, plate 28, ﬁgure 24 ..........
Symbol for 20 jars of honey. Mendoza codex, plate 38, ﬁgure 21 -
Symbol for 100 hatchets. Mendoza codex, plate 39, ﬁgure 20 - - - -
Symbol for 20 baskets. Mendoza codex, plate 19, ﬁgure 2 .......
Symbols for 20 days. Mendoza codex, plate 19, ﬁgures 10, 11,

12, 13 ......................................................
Symbol for 8,000 sheets paper. Mendoza codex, plate 25, ﬁgure 11 -
Symbol for 8,000 pellets copal. Mendoza codex, plate 38, ﬁgure 35 -

Symbol for 200 cacaxtles. Mendoza codex, plate 44, ﬁgure 34 - - - - .

Symbol for 1,800. Codex Telleriano-Remensis, plate 25 ..........
Symbol for 4,008. Vatican codex 3738, plate 7, ﬁgures 2 and 3. . - .
Symbol for 5,206. Vatican codex 3738, plate 10 .................
Symbol for 19,600. Vatican codex 3738, plate 123 ...............
Diagram of ﬁgures on plates 11 and 12 of the Borgian codex .....

857

Page
937
938
938
938
938
945
945
945
946
946

946
946
946
947
947
947
947
948
951

 

 

NUMERAL SYSTEMS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL
AMERICA

By CYRUS THOMAS

PRIMARY NUMBERS

It Is well known that the vigesimal system of numeration prevailed
among the Mexican and Central American tribes, at least among all
which had adopted the so—called “native calendar”—that is, the cal-
endar specially referred to in my paper entitled Mayan Calendar
Systems, published in this volume. Numerous short notices and inci-
dental mentions of the general system and completer notices of the
systems of particular tribes are to be found in the early Spanish
authorities and in the works of more recent writers. As, however,
most if not all of them are limited in scope, relating to the system of
but one tribe or people, or referring only to certain points, and as no
paper devoted specially to the subject of numeral systems has appeared
in English, it is deemed expedient to present this paper as a supple-
ment to those which have preceded it. Moreover, it is believed that
a résumé of the subject in the light of the recent advance in our knowl-
edge of Mexican and Central American archaeology will be acceptable
to those devoting attention to the study of prehistoric Mexico and
Central America.

As my paper on the calendar systems 1 related to the time system
and symbols of the Mayan tribes, and incidentally to the numeral sys-
tem as used by them in counting time, attention will here be paid to
the numeral system in its more general application among the Nahu-
atlan, Mayan, and other tribes of Mexico and Central America which
used the vigesimal system.

I have shown in the paper on calendar systems that in counting time

 

1 This expression will be used throughout to refer to the paper mentioned above, published in this
volume.

859

860 NUMERAL SYSTEMS (mu. ANN. 19

the units used by the Mayan tribes were as follow, the day being the
primary unit:

1 unit of the 1st order 2 1 day.

1 unit of the 2d order 2 20 units of the 1st order 2 20 days.

1 unit of the 3d order 2 18 units of the 2d order 2 360 days.

1 unit of the 4th order 2 20 units of the 3d order 2 7 ,200 days.

1 unit of the 5th order 2 20 units of the 4th order 2 144,000 days.

1 unit of the 6th order 2 20 units of the 5th order 2 2,880,000 days.

As this notation has been fully explained and discussed in the pre-
ceding paper, I pass at once to an examination of the general
numeral system of the Mayan tribes. The notation given above dif-
fered from that of general application in the change of the second step
from 20, as it should be according to the regular vigesimal system, to
18, probably to facilitate counting with the month factor.

As 20 is the basis of the higher counts, attention will be directed ﬁrst
to the steps leading up to this number. The oldest records to which
we can appeal for knowledge of the system in use among the Mayan

‘WWWWWVH,
Téa'rn only the method of writing numbers, not the number names;
yet the method of writing will indicate to some extent the process in
oral counts. Although the symbols commonly used for this purpose
are now well known from the frequent notices of them which have
been published, it is necessary for our present purpose that they be
presented here. 7

 

1 . 6__-__ 11: 165

2 .. 7__-;_ 12: 17—'-='—

f0} 3 8_--_ mi 18%

\fb 4. 9;; 14"_——‘-1 19%
5 10 15—

 

 

 

 

 

From these it is seen that the count as expressed in symbols is
from 1 to 4 by s1ng. dots, or the unit repeated; but that to indicate 5
the method is changed, and a single short line is used instead of ﬁve
dots. Though frequently horizontal, it is not necessarily so, but is
found both in the codices and inscriptions in a vertical position;
oftener, even, in the latter than in the former. The next four num—
bers, 6, 7, 8, and 9, are formed by adding to the single line one, two,
three, and four dots or units, but 10 is represented by two parallel
lines. That these lines must be parallel, or substantially so, Whether
horizontal or vertical, seems to be requisite in the Mayan hiero-
glyphic writing. Dots are added to the two lines to indicate the num-
bers 11, 12, 13, and 14; three parallel lines are used to represent 15,

moms] MAYAN NUMERALS 861

and dots are added to these to form the numbers 16, 17, 18, and 19,
where the use of symbols of this form stops, 19 being the highest
number for which they appear to have been used in Mayan writing.
The higher numbers were, as has been shown in my paper on calendar
systems, represented by other symbols, or by relative position. Sub—
stantially the same plan of writing numerals is seen in the Roman
system, the line being used instead of the dot, thus: I, II, III, IV, V,
VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, etc. , to XIX, 19. Attention is called to this
because of another resemblance which will be noticed hereafter.

Now it is apparent that if these symbols, taken in the order in which
they stand, indicate the method followed in actual or oral counting,
this method must have been as follows, from ﬁve upward: 5 and 1; 5
and 2; and so on to 2 ﬁves; then 2 ﬁves and 1; 2 ﬁves and 2; and. so
on to 3 ﬁves; then 3 ﬁves and 1; 3 ﬁves and 2, to 19. ,LﬁihiS theory
be true, we should expect to ﬁnd terms in the language to correspond
with the symbols; evidence that these existed in Mayan count appears
to be wanting, yet, as favoring the theory, we do ﬁnd, as will appear,
that the Nahuatl and some other surrounding languages contained terms
corresponding precisely with this method of counting. It is, however,
somewhat strange that the Borgian codex, which is probably the oldest
of the existing Mexican codices, does not use the short line for 5, but
counts with single dots as high as 26, and in fact no one of these
codices appears to use it in counting time from date to date, though it
is used in them for other purposes. The Mayan terms from 10 to 20
follow not this quinary system but the decimal order, as will be seen.
\The terms used for numbers up to 20 in the Maya (or Yucatec) dialect
are, accordingto the usual orthography, as follow:

1 hun. 6 uac. 11 buluc. 16 uaclahun.

2 ca. 7 uuc. 12 lahca. 17 uuclahun.

3 ox. 8 uaxac. 13 oxlahun. 18 uaxaelahun.

4 can. 9 bolon. 14 (:anlahun. 19 bolonlahun.

5' ho. 10 lahun. 15 holahun. 20 hunkal, or kal.

It is scarcely necessary to state that the orthography is varied
slightly by different authors, the Spanish j being used by some for h
in hem, 71.0, and lat/um, and l? substituted for c in mm, um, and uawac.

It is apparent from these terms that the numbers from 12 to 19 are
formed by adding 2, 3, 4, etc., to 10. The terms for 6, 7, and 8 appear
also to be composite, as the terminal 0 or k seems to indicate either
the same radical throughout, or the same sufﬁx, though no satisfac-
tory explanation of this point, which will be again referred to, has
been presented. As additional data bearing on these questions, the
names of the numbers up to 10 in the different Mayan dialects as given
by Stoll1 are added here, the Spanish j being used by him instead of lo.

 

1 Zur Ethnographic der Guatemala, 1884, pp. 68—69.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

862 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Emmmm
Dialect 1 2 3 4 5
1 Huasteca jun tzab ox tze b0
2 Maya jun ca 0X can _ jo
2a Peten jun ca ox can jo
3 Chontal jumpé chapé uxpé chompé joép
4 Tzental jun cheb oxeb chanéb 'jooéb
5 Tzotzil jun chim oxim chanim joém
6 Chaﬁabal juné chabé oxé chané joé
7 Chol jum cha ux chum joo
8 Quekchi jun caib oxib cajib 06b
9 Pokonchi jenéj quiib ixib quijib joéb
. 10 Pokomam janéj quiém ixiém quiejém joém
11 Cakchiquel jun ca’ i oxi caji vuoé
12 Qu’iché jun quiéb vuoxib cajib joéb
13 Uspanteca jun quib oxib quejéb joéb
14 1in ungvual ca’wual 6xvual céjvual 6vual
15 Aguacateca jun cab ox quiéj o
16 Mame jun czive 6xe quiéje jévue
l.
E Dialect 6 7 8 9 10
l
1 Huasteca akak buk vuaxik belléuj laju
2 Maya uak uuk uaxzik bolén lajﬁn
2a Peten uak uuk uaxzik bolén lajun
3 Chontax (?) (?) (‘3) (i?) (E)
4 Tzental uakéb uukéb uaxakéb balunéb lajun
5 Tzotzil uakim uukﬁm uaxakim baluném lajuném
6 Chaﬁabal uaké juké uaxaké baluné lajuné
7 Chol vubk juk uaxék bolén lujlim
8 Quekchi vuakib vukub vuakxakib beléb lajéb
9 Pokonchi vuakib vukﬁb vuaxakib belejé lajéb
10 Pokomam vuakim vukum vuaxakim belejém lajém
11 Cakchiquel vuaki vukﬁ vuajxaki belejé lajﬁj
12 , Qu’iché vuakib vukub vuaxakib belejéb lajﬁj
13 Uspanteca vuakakib vukﬁb vuajxakib belejéb lajuj
14 1in vuajil vujvual vuaxajil beluvual lzivual
15 Aguacateca ukék vuuk vuéijxak bélu léju
16 Mame vuﬁk uk vuacxék belejuj lajuj

 

 

 

 

moms] MA YAN NUMERALS 863

Before commenting on the list, the names in some other dialects of
this stock not included by Stoll and some variations from the orthog-
raphy of his list Will be noted.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pupuluca 1 Chuhe 9 J acalteca 3 Subina 4

1 hun 1 hun 1 hune 1 hun

2 kai’i 2 chaab 2 caab 2 cheb

3 oxi 3 oxe 3 oxuan 3 oxé

4 kiahi 4 changue 4 canek 4 chaneb
5 voé 5 hoe 5 houeb 5 hoe

6 vahatzi 6 vuaque 6 cuaheb 6 guaqueb
7 vuku T uke 7 huheb 7 huqué

8 (?) 8 vuaxke 8 vuaxaheb 8 guaxaqueb
9 belehé 9 vuangue 9 baluneb 9 baluné
10 lahl’i 10 lahne 10 lahuneb 10 lahuneb
2O hunvinackl 20 hun c’al 20 hun c’al 20 tab

 

 

Membreno gives the following numerals of the Honduras Chorti,
which are added here for comparison:

C'horti (IIondums) 5

1 yuté. 4 canté.
2 chajté. 5 guajté.
3 ushté. 12 astoraj.

Huasteca—Alejandre (Cartilla Huasteca) gives for 6, acac; for 7,
buc,’ for 8, huam'c; for 9, velleu/z.

Maya—The only variation from Stoll’s orthography (the Spanish j
and the It being considered equivalents) is the terminal 0 for Is in the
names for 6, 7, and 8; this can, however, scarcely be considered a
variation.

TeentaL—Charencey (Melanges, p. 44) has given as the Tzental
names of numbers What are in fact the Tzotzil names, as is evident
from the vocabularies of Stoll and Guardia and also the Vocabulario
Tzotzil—Espaﬁol edited by Charencey.

T zotzz'l—The Vocabulario Tzotzil-Espaﬁol gives for 1, 97mm; for 6,
mmguz’m; for 8, omawaquin; and for 20, tab.

C’alwhigueL—Guardia (op. cit., p. 23) gives calcaicz'b for 6, but on page
42 emacagi.

.-

 

1Ricardo Fernandez Guardia, Lenguas Indigenas Cent. Am. Siglo, vol. XVIII, pp. 35-36. Probably
a mere idiom of the Cakchiquel Pupuluca, near Volcan de Agua, Guatemala.

2 Stoll, Sprache der Ixil-Indianer, p. 146 (h substituted for j ). Apparently an idiom of the Chafiabal.

31bid. This author associates this dialect with the Mam group; however, in its numerals it
approaches the Maya very closely.

4Guardia. op. cit., pp. 79-80. The number names are closely related to those of the Chaﬁabal and
Tzental dialects, if not identical with the latter. His substituted for the Spanish j.

5 Alberto Membreno, Hondurenismos, p. 264.

864 NUMERAL SYSTEMS _ [mn.1xx.19

Quiche—As Brasseur’s orthography (Gram. Lang. Quiche, p. 141)
differs considerably from Stoll’s, we give his list here:

1 hun. 4 cah, or cahib. 7 vukub. 10 lahuh.
2 cab, or caib. 5 00, or oob. ‘ 8 vahxakib. 20 huvinak.
3 ox, or oxib. 6 vakakib. 9 beleh, or beleheb.

Charencey follows this list, except in 8, which he writes waxak.

Que/cclm' (If’ak’chz', 07' Uakgi)—Pinart (Vocabulario Castellano-
K’ak’chi, page 7) gives for 2, 766127); for 4, 76016166; for 5, joob,’ for 6,
guakib; for 7, 91176115; and for 8, guajxakib. Charencey (Melanges,
page 64) gives for 1, 720072,; for 2, 00,75; for 3, 0002'; for 4, cagi,‘ for 5,
joob; 1'01 6, waklcz'; for 7, uu/cu,’ for 8, waks/Laki,‘ for 9, belojem;
and for 10, Zajegem.

JMam—As Stoll gives another list (Sprache der Ixil- Indianer, p. 146)
which differs somewhat from that given above, and as both vary from
that given in Salmeron’s Arte yVocabulario, page 156, this and Stoll’s
second list are given here (7' being changed to 71):

 

 

 

 

 

Salmeron i Stoll l Salmeron Stoll
\ .
1 hum hun T vuk vuuk
2 k’abe caabe 8 vuahxak Yuahxak
3 oxe ox ll 9 belhuh belhoh
4 k’iahe chyah 1' 10 lahuh lahoh
5 hoe hue , 20 vuink’im vuinqui
6 vuak’ ak ‘ kak ;
l

 

 

 

When the names in these lists are examined, the following points
appear worthy of attention in attempting to trace their origin and
‘ determine their signiﬁcation. It reguires butigursoryrzamination
Qﬁﬂaygy01959-21grepmeet,“morphologically»throughout; a‘faet
Whlth may 1easonably be assumedas‘indicatinguthatwthey had come
into use while the ethnic group was still homogeneous, and before the
plbal distmctlons had become marked. This conclusion agrees with
the infeience drawn in our pape1 on calendar systems from a study
of the hieroglyphics. As the names of the days in all the Mayan
dialects we believed by Dr “Brinton to belong “ to an alchaic fo1m of
speech, indicating that they were derived from some common ancient
stock and not one from the othe1,” the close agreement in the numeral
te1 ms may pe1 haps justify the same conclusion 1n regard to them, espe-
ciall3 as it is generally true that the 01 igin of the names of the lower
numbers lies back of history. This similality also agrees with the
unif01mity, in the diffei ent sectionS‘ocmTpled by the Mayan tribes, 1n
the method of writing the numerals up to 20.

The Chontal, Chanabal, Quekchi (or K’ak’chi) and 1in names, and
those in some of the othe1 dialects, appeal to be furnished with

moms} MA YAN NUMERALS 865

suﬂixes. These, in the numbers exceeding 1, are, in a large number of
cases—as for example where the terminal letter is b or mhadditions,
apparently indicating the plural. In other cases, where they are
joined to the name for 1, they play a different role; for example,
the sufﬁx mud in the Ixil dialect signiﬁes turn or repetition, 01', per-
haps more correctly, step in counting, a sort of reﬂective from a
vaguely deﬁned unity connotative of direction and time; thus the name
for 1, ungvmcl, may be rendered “one time”; for 2, Cd’lj’lcal, “two
times,“ etc. The plural sign may be taken as evidence that the name
still holds a trace of or reference to the process of counting, and has
not yet reached what we may term the abstract or purely simple form.
The pc' in Chontal, c’ in Chanabal, and (1,} (or (6/1) in Pokonchi and Poko-
mam, are also sufﬁxes, though possibly merely phonetic. The replac-
ing of n by It (orj), or the dropping of the letter entirely, as in la/nm,
[aim/4, [ct/w, etc. is, of course, understood to be a mere dialectic
variation.

It has been stated above that the terminal 7) or 27), and in some cases
the m, are construed as sufﬁxes denoting the plural. This conclusion
is strongly supported by Charencey (Meilanges), but Stoll (Die Maya—
Sprachen der Pokom—gruppe) gives a different interpretation. “ By
agreement,“ he says, "with the Ixil, an isolated 6, complete as 27),
is attached to the numerals law [not to ,1]; it is undoubtedly to be
explained as the better understood form 17), which appears in era-7'5,
y‘my head,’ of the Aguacateca, as well as in the reﬂexive pronoun of p,
the Pokonchi, Quiche, etc.: {iv-fl) would therefore have meant origi- '7
nally ' three human beings.‘ " Nevertheless this would still carry the
idea of plurality and would properly receive a plural termination.

According to the same authority the sufﬁx (/j in jeu-rtj, Pokonchi
for 1, “was chosen as the object, in which at any rate we may rccog- 7,
nize the personal sufﬁx (97', so that jm-téj very probably meant origi- j
nally “a man.” This conclusion appears to me doubtful, notwith—
standing Dr Stoll‘s thorough knowledge of the Mayan languages. J

The names for the numbers 6, T, and R in this list, as stated above,
appear to be compound words, the terminal 1‘ or 0 indicating a sufﬁx,
or the radical with a preﬁx; as yet no generally accepted explanation
of these terms has been offered. Chareneey (Mélanges, page 156), fol-
lowing Brasseur, makes the following suggestion in regard to mu: 6:
“This corresponds to our expression ‘hors, pardela, superﬂu, surabun-
dant,” in other words, over or beyond, that is, above or more than 5.
Perez gives as the. signiﬁcation of the verb uac, uacak, “to take out
one thing which is placed in another and united with it.” If this be
assumed as the origin of the name, it would seem to refer to count-
ing on the ﬁngers, turning them in while counting the ﬁrst ﬁve and
then opening them out in counting the next ﬁve. Although the
literal signiﬁcation of the names for 6, 7, and 8 may not be 5 + 1,

19 ET“, PT 2—20

 

866 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mama 19

5 + 2, and 5 + 3, yet, judging by the Maya method of writing the
numbers, shown above, and the Mexican terms, I am inclined to believe
that this is the implied meaning, the words being doubtless archaic;
and I will give on a later page an additional reason for this opinion.

As the names and method of counting in other languages may throw
some light on the subject, the following lists of numerals up to 10 are
added. The ﬁrst is the Nahuatl or Mexican (using the term in its lim-
ited sense—Aztec as given by Charencey), the signiﬁcation so far as
satisfactorily determined being added.

Nahuatl
l ce.
2 ome.
3 yei or ei.
4 naui.
5 macuilli (“ hand taken”).

chiqna-ce or chicua-cen (literally 5 and 1).
chic-ome (literally 5 and 2).

chicu—ei or chicu-ey (literally 5 and 3).
chico—naui or chiuc—naui (literally 5 and 4).
matlactli (“the two hands”).

‘10:

OCOOO

l

The term for 5, vii/(tceoillz', is a composite word from maitl, hand,
and mi, to seize or takewthat is to say, the ﬁve ﬁngers of the
hand have been taken (Simeon, Dic. Lang..Nahuatl). The name for
10 is also composite from maid, hand, and tlactlz', bust or torso of
the man; in other words, the two hands. It is apparent that the
names for 6, 7, 8, and 9 are formed by adding the names for 1, 2, 3,
and 4 to c/Lz' or claim, which here takes the place of macm'llz', 5. The
signiﬁcation of this term is “at the side, in part, by fraction, a
moiety,” etc; the name is apparently fOrmed from chico and 755mm or
lmcm, “near another.” It 'is probable, therefore, that the correct
interpretation is, one at the side, two at the side, etc., the 5 or hand
being understood, the reference being evidently to the process of
counting on the hands.

The following lists are those of related tribes belonging to the group
called by Dr Brinton the “ Uto-Aztecan family.” 1 Some of these, as
the tribes of the Shoshonean group, had not adopted the vigesimal
system nor the “native calendar”; nevertheless, it is best to bring
the material concerning them together, that all which seems to have
any bearing on the questions that arise maybe before the reader.
That the boundaries of the use of the vigesimal system and “native

hence they must have been governed, in part at least, by some other
inﬂuence. Possibly a careful study of the numeral systems of the

 

1 This is used here provisionally, though the Bureau of American Ethnology will,according to the
rule established by Major Powell, adopt the name Nahuatlan.

867

THOMAS] NAHUATLAN NUMERALS

diﬂ'erent tribes may throw some light on this question; hence we have
thought it best to present sufﬁcient examples, so 'far as our data will
allow, to give a deﬁnite idea of geographic and tribal differences in the
group. Examples from other stocks or families of Mexico and Central
America are also given, the stock names being from Brinton.

Nahuatlecan branch,

 

 

 

Pipil1 Alagiiilac 2

1 ce - 1 se

2 ome or ume 2 umi

3 yae, yei 3 jei,

4 nahue, navui 4 nagui

5 maquil, macuil 5 makuil

6 chicuasin, chicuas=5 + 1 6 tschikuasi=5 +1

7 chicome=5+2 7 tschikume=5 + 2

8 chicuei=5+3 8 tschikwei=5 + 3 '

chicunahue=5+4 111atakticumi= (10— 1 )?

10 mahtlati 10 matakti
11 mahtatici = 10+1 20 sempual
12 mahtatiome=10+2
20 (tempual

 

 

 

lsmII, Ethnog. Repub. Guatemala, p.21. Squier, Notes on Cent. Am.. p. 352.
2Brinton, The So-called Alaguilac Language of Guatemala, p. 376.

Sonoran branch

 

o

 

 

 

Cora 1 i Opﬂ ta '3 Cahita 3
] ceaut 0r zeaut 1 se or seni 1 senu
2 huapoa or huah- 2 gode 2 110i
poa i 3 veide or vaide 3 vahi, 0r bei’bey
3 huaeica 1 4 nago 4 naequi
4 moacua or maocoa 5 mazirs or marizi 5 mamni
5 anxuvi or amauri l 6 bussani 6 busani
6 a-cevi=(5)+'1 l 7 seni-bussani, or T uobusani
7 a-huapoa=(5) +2 seni gua bussani 8 nonaequi =2><4 ?
8 a-huaeica or ahu- =1+6 ? 9 batani
vei(ta=(5)+3 8 go nago=2x4‘? 10 uomanmiz2><5 ‘?
9 a-lnoacua or ama- - 9 kimakoi 11 uomamni aman
ocoa: (5) +4 10 makoi senu 210+]
10 tamoamata (moa- 20 seuri, or seneurini 20 tacahua, or senu—
mati, “hand”) tacua=“the
body ”

 

 

1Conant, Number Concept, p. 166,2md ()harencey. Melanges, pp. 15-17.
2 Pimente], Cuadro, Vocab. Opata, vol. 11, p. 273.
31bid.,Charencey, and Mélanges, pp. 15~17, and Eustaquio.

Buelna, Arte Lengua Cahita, p. 199.

 

868

NUMERAL SYSTEMS

Sonorcm branch—Continued

[ETIL ANN. 19

 

Pima. 1

Tarahumari 2

Tepehuan 3

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 youmako, 0r hu— ] bire, pile, or sinepi 1 uma, 0r huma, or
mac 2 oca, or oka, or homad
2 houak, or kouak, guoca 2 gokado, or gaok
or kcéko 3 beica, baica, or 3 veicado, or baech
3 vaik, or vaiko beiquia 4 maukao
4 kick? or kiik nagueoca, or naguo 5 chetam
5 pouitas, huitas, or mariki, or marika,
khekhtaspe 0r mariqui
6 tchu-ut, or tsautep 6 pussaniki, or usahi—
7 wawa, or bubak qui
8 kikig 7 kichao, 0r qui-
9 umu—tchiko, or hu- chauco
mukt 8 ossanagroc, oka—
10 wistima nako, or osana-
20 kuko-wistima guoco
9 kimakoé 0r qui-
macoiqui
10 makoé, or macoi-
qui
20 osamacoi
ICharencey, Mélanges, pp. 15—16, and Hale, Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. (per Gatschet).
2Charencey, loc. cit. Miguel Tellechea, Compend. Gram. Tarahumar, p. 7.
3Charencey, loc. cit, and Brinton, American Race, p. 337.
Shoshone branch
Cahuillo1 Kauvuya 2
supli sople
2 mewi 2 vuy
3 mepai 3 pa
4 mewittsu 4 vuitchiu
5 nome-kadnun 5 namu-kuanon
6 kadnun-sup1i=5+1 6 kuan-sople:5+1 \
7 kan-munwi=5+2 7 kuan—vuy=5+2
8 kan-munpa=5+3 8 kuan-pa=5+3
9 kan-munwitsu=5+4 9 kuan-vuitchiu=5+4
10 nomatsumi 10 nami—tchumi

 

 

 

1001mm. Number Concept, p.165.
”Gatschet, Forty Vouabularies, Wheeler's Report, v01. v11 (number 19).

 

 

“)3... 1:4.» “.6 A

 

 

 

THOMAS] NAHUATLAN NUMERALS
Shoshone branch—Continued '
Gaitchaiml Kechi (of San Luis Rey) 9
1 sopul 1 suploj
2 vue 2 whii
3 pahe 3 paa ‘
4 vosa witcho
5 maha-ar 5 numn‘lu-quéno (numma, “hend”)
6 auva-khanuetch 6 suploj-nameh0n=1+5
7 se—ula

 

 

 

 

l Gatschet, Forty Vocabularies, Wheeler’s Report, v01. VII (number 20).

2 Ibid. (number 22).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Shoshonel Pavant2 Soutliﬁgnd Pai- mafia??? Shoshone5
1 shoui 1 soos 1 shui 1 shum— 1 simitich,
uue or tchi-
mouts
2 waii 2 kune6 2 vay 2 voahay 2 hwat, 0r
. wat
3 pahi 3 piune 3 pay 3 pahi 3 pite, or
manu-
git
4 wachoui 4 watsuene 4 vatchue 4 voats- 4 watsuet,
agve or hwat-
chiwit
5 manék 5 manigin 5 manigi 5 manegi 5 managet,
or tchu-
manush
6 nawé 6 naviune 6 navay 6 napahi 6 naviti, or
natak-
skweyu
7 moquesi 7 tatsuene 7 mukui- 7 tatsuu 7 tatsuit
she
8 nz'u'mtz 8 niwatsu- 8 n ant- 8 voshu“ 8 nywat-
ene chui suit
9 y 0 u - 9 surromsu- 9 yuvibe 9 kvanik 9 shimero-
weep ene men
10 m a t — 10 tomsuene 10 mashu 10 shuvan 10 shimmer
shoui

 

1 Gatschet, Forty Vocabularies, Wheeler’s Report, v01. VII (number 6).
2 Ibid. (number 5).

3 Ibid. (number 12).
4 Ibid. (number 11).
5 Ibid. (number 10) and Charencey, Mélanges.
6Termination rune, probably from once, “ to stand up.”

 

 

870 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mmmm 19

Shoshone branch—Continued

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Comanche 1 Chemehuevi 5‘ Capote Uta. 3 Hopi 4 Takhtam 5
semmuS 1 Shooy 1 soois 1 Shukhga 1 aukpeya
2 waha 2 vay 2 wyi'me 2 lei 2 vurm
3 pahu 3 pay 3 piune 3 pahhio 3 pahe ‘
4 hagar- s 0 - 4 vatchue 4 watssul'ine 4 nale 4 voat— v
wa cham
5 mawaka 5 manuy 5 manegin6 5 tchibﬁte 5 Ina-hat-
_ cham
6 nahwa 6 navay 6 naveune 6 navai 6 -pa—ahave \
7 tah-acho— 7 m u k u i - 7 navechiune — 7 tsenggee 7 voatch-
te She geve
8 n a h u a - 8 nantchui 8 wahwatssu- 8 nanal 8 voa-otch
wachota I ﬁne
9 semm o n - 9 yuepa 9 sooroosi'u'ine 9 peve 9 Ina-ak-
ance _ ove
10 Shurmun 10 mashu 10 towumsuﬁne 10 pakte 10 voa-ham-
atch
1 Charencey, Melanges, pp. 15—17.
2Gatschet, Forty V0cabularies,Whee1er’s Report, v01. VII (number 13).
3 Ibid. (number 15).
4 Ibid. (number 17).
5 Ibid. (number 18).
5 Probably “ all.”
Kechi (San Diego) 1 Tobikhar 2 Kij or Kizh 1 Wihinacht 1
tchoumou 1 pugu 1 puku 1 Siﬁgwein
2 echyou 2 vehe 2 wehe 2 wahéiu
3 micha 3 pahi 3 pahe 3 pahagu
4 paSki 4 vatcha 4 watsa 4 watsikweyu
5 tiyerva 5 mahar 5 maharr 5 napaiu
6 ksoukouia 6 pavahe 6 paboi
7 ksouamiche 7 vatcha-kabya '
8 scomo 8 veheSh—vatcha
9 seou-motchi 9 mahar—kabya
10 touymili , 10 veheS-mahar

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 Charencey, Mélanges, pp. 15—17.
2 Gatschet, Forty Vocabularies, Wheeler’s Report, v01. VII (number 21).

moms] NUMERALS OF CALIFORNIA TRIBES 871

The ﬁve following lists from California dialects obtained and fur-
nished by Prof. W J McGee are inserted here as the most appropriate

place to introduce them:
Hai’it dialect ‘

1 wﬁk’-te. 4 tsoo’—ik. 7 til—poo’dk. 10 1néV-tsii1n .
2 pen. 5 ma’-wuk. 8 pe11’—tsoo-ik. 2O pen’-i-ma-tsani.
3 shii-poo’d. 6 tﬁIIJ-bak/. 9 (lacking).
illi’wilk dialect 2
1 keng’-e. 4 o’-yee—sz‘i. 7 kz’t-nek’-ka-koo. 10 na’-£i-chéi.
2 o-tee’—ko. 5 mii’sho-kéi. 8 kéi’—wIn-t£i. 2O na’-a.
3 to-long’-ko-shoo. 6 ten1’-o—kii. 9 woo’-e. 30 na’-a-néi-£i-ch£i.

Yet’tripi/L (Tulare) (lialect3

1 yélk. 4 hat-pii11/—ik. 7 115im’-cheet. 10 tree’-o.

2 bong’—6y. 5 hit-shin-ik. 8 111011’-iic. 2O l)6ng’-oy-tree-o.

3 Shiv—pin. 6 chfi-da-pe. 9 nan-eep. 30 sha’-pIn-tree—o.

Tlitdll (Kern River) dialect“

1 chich. 4 nii’-now. 7 niim’—tsln. 10 iim-hai—tsing.

2 wo. 5 ma’—ee-tsIng. 8 niip’-n-sing. 20 wom’—m-hai-tsIng.

3 pai. 6 nap/-ai. 9 lz'i’-éi-kee. 30 pai’-m-mai—tslng.
Maricopa dialect 5

1 shim-tee. 3 ka’-mok. 5 sﬁ-rﬁp.

2 kﬁ-Wik. 4 shfun-pup.

Three other lists from California dialects, two collected by Stephen
Powers and one from Major J. W. Powell’s Comparative Vocabularies
(Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. III) are added here.
One of these—the Konkau—appears to be substantially the same as
the Haiit of Professor McGee’s lists.

 

 

 

 

 

Konkau a Nishinam a Nakum b
1 wuk-teh l wut-teh '1 chut
2 pe-nim 2 pen 2 penneh
3 sha-pwi 3 sa-pwi 3 cha-pwi
i 4 ch’u—yeh 4 chui, or chuch 4 chui
5 ma—cha—neh 5 mauk 5 ma-wuk
10 ma-cho-ko 10 ma-chum 10 ma—suk

 

 

aPowers, Contrib. to N. A. Etli., vol. III, p. 313.
b Powell, Comp. Vocab, ibid., pp. 594-596.

 

1 Obtained at Nevada, California, October 3, 1898, and veriﬁed at Forest Hill and Colfax.
‘—' Obtained near Jamestown, California, October 18, 1898.

3 Obtained at Tule River agency, October 25, 1898.

4 Obtained at Tule River agency, October 25, 1898.

5 Obtained at Ashfork, Arizona, from girl en route to San Diego, California.

872

NUMERAL SY STEMS

[ETl-I. ANN. 19

 

 

 

 

Zapotecan family‘

Zapotec? Mixtec3 Chuchon“ (or Chocha)
1 tobi, tubi, or chaga ec (06?) or ek 1 ngu
2 topa, tiopa, or cato 2 wui, uvui, or uhui 2 yuu-rina,5 or yuu
3 chona, or cayo 3 uni 3 ni-rina, or nyi
4 tapa, or taa 4 gmi, or k111i «1 nun-rina, or ﬁuu
5 caayo, gayo, orgoyo 5 hoho 5 nau—rina, or man
6 xopa, or goxopa 6 inc 6 njau-rina, or nhau
7 caache, gaache or 7 ucha 7 y a a t u — r i n a, or

gooche yaatu
8 xoono, xono, or 8 una 8 nh—rina, or nhi

goxono .
9 caa, or gaa 9 ee 9 naa-rina, or naa

10 chii, or gochii 10 usi 10 te-rina, or te
11 usi-ce

 

 

 

1T0 conform to the rule proposed by Major Powell, which has been generally accepted, to use a
single term terminating with (m in forming family names, this family will be called the Zapotec-an.

2Cordova, Arte del Idioma Zapoteco (reprint), p. 176, and Vocab. Castellano-Zapoteco.

3Charencey, Mélanges, p. 44.

4N. Leon, Introd. to Cordova, Arte del IdiomaZapoteco, p. lxxii.

5 Leon says that rim; appears to be a Sign of the numeral adjective. This is merely a subdialect of

 

 

 

 

[the Chuchon.
Popoloca1 (of Oaxaca) Trike 2 Mazateca3
1 gou, or ngu ngo 1 gu
2 yuu 2 nghui 2 ho
.3 nii, or nyi 3 guaﬁzinha 3 ha
4 noo, or nuu 4 kaha 4 ni-kﬁ
5 nag-hon, or nau 5 huhﬁha 5 1‘1
6 tja, or nhau 6 guatanka 6 1111
7 yaata, or yaatu 7 chiha 7 yi-tu
8 gnii, or nhi 8 tOnha 8 hi-i
9 na, or naa 9 hfinha 9 ﬁi—hé,
10 tie, or te 10 chia 10 té
20 kaa. 11 chanha 20 k‘
12 chuuiha
20 hikoo, or kooha

 

 

 

1 N. Leon, Introd. to Cordova Arte del Idioma Zapoteco, p. lxxii.

zateca, p. 43 (under the name Chocha).
ZBelmar, Ensayo sobre la Lengua Trike, 1897, p. 10.

3Belmar, Lengua Mazateca, p. 40.

Francisco Belmar, Lengua Ma-

 

 

 

THOMAS] OTHOMIAN AND ZOQUEAN NUMERALS 873

OTIIOMIAN FA MIL Y

Oﬂwmi 1
1 nnra, n’nra, or ra. 6 rahto, 0r ratht0=1+5.
2 yooho, 0r yoho. 7 yoto, 0r yoht0=2+5.
3 bin. 8 chiato, or l1iz‘tht0=3+5.
4 gooho. 9 guto, or gyth0=4+5.
5 kuto, gyto, kuta, or qyta. 10 reta.
Matlaltzincan or Pirinda 2 (2 rocabularies) .
1 indawi. yndahhuy,3 0r rahui.
2 inawi. ynahuy, or nohui.
3 inyuhu. ynyuhu.
4 inkunowi. ynounohuy.
5 inkutaa. yncuthaa.
6 inda-t0wi=1 to 5. yndahtohuy.
7 ine-towi=2 to 5. ynethohuy.
8 ine—nkunowi=2><4. ynenuunovi.
9 imuratadahati = 10—1? ynturahtadahata.
10 inda-hata. yndahatta.
20 yndohonta.

ZOQ UEAN FAMIL Y

 

Zoqw‘
1 tuma. 6 tutay, or tuch tan.
2 metza, or metsan. 7 cuyay, or wueus-tuch tan.
3 tucay, or tuan. 8 tucututay, 0r tuduchtan.
4 macscuy, 0r makchtashan. 9 mactulay, or makchtuchtan.
5 mosay, or morshan. 10 maeay, 0r makch-kan.
Mixe or Mije5
1 tuck, or tuuc. 7 Inirsh-tuk, miish-tuk, westuuk or
2 metzk, or metsk. huextuuc.
3 tegeug, 0r tukok. 8 tuk-tuk, or tuktuuk.
4 madarsk, maktashk, or mactoxc. 9 machk, tastuuk, 0r taxtuue.
5 m’kosssk (?) mokoshk, or macoxc. 10 tards—tuk, inakh, or mahe.
6 tech-tenchch, or tuduuk. 20 ypx.
Pupuluca (of T epeaca)“
1 tuub. 5 mokoxko. 9 taxtujtujko.
2 mesko. 6 tujtujko. 10 make.
5 tui). 7 juxtukujtujko. 20 ipxe.
4 maktaxko. 8 tukujtujko.
lconant, Number Concept, p. 165; Chareneey, Melanges, p. 84: Ymolina, Arte del Idioma 0th0mi,
p.153.

2(me under the ﬁrst name by Conant, Number Concept, p. 166; the other under the second name

by Chareneey, Mélanges, p. 84.

3Charencey regards the 3m as a “ simple preﬁx.” whether merely euphonic or not he fails to state.
4Charencey, Mélanges, p. 72: E. A. Fuertes, manuscript in Bureau of American Ethnology archives;

Grassierie, Lengua Zoque, in Vocab.

5E. A. Fuertes, manuscript in Bureau of American Ethnology archives; Grassierie, Lengua Mixe,

p. 332; Stoll, Ethnog. Guatemala, p. 28.

6Ibid. Belongs to the Mixe group.

87 4 NUMERAL SYSTEMS , [ETH.ANN. 19

TARASCAN 0R MICHOAC’AN FAMILY

Turagco1

1. ma. 6 euimu.2 11 temben-ma=10+1.
2 tziman. 7 yun-tziman: (SH—2. 12 temben-tziman=10+2.
3 tanimu. 8 yun-tanimu: (5) +3. 20 macquatze, or maka—
4 tamu. 9 yun-thamu: (5) +4. tori.
5 yumu. 10 temben.

CHIAPANECAN FAMILY

Chiaprmec 3

1 tige, tique, tiqui, ticao, tighe, or tiche. 8 mahumihi, or hahu-mihi.
2 hao, jorni, or humihi’. 9 helimihi,
3 haui, jami, or hemihi. 10 henda.
4 ahau—mihi, ahu-mihi, or haha. 14 henda-mahua.
5 aolnilii,, haomo, or haumihi. l5 henda-mu.
6 amba—mihi, or hamba-mihi. 20 hahua, hahue, ahué, or hahoy.
7 hendi-mihi.

TOTONACAN FAMILY

T otonam "
1 tum. 4 tati. 7 tushun. 10 kau, or cauh.
2 tuyun. 5 kitsiz. 8 tsayan.
3 tutu. 6 tchashan. 9 nahatsa.
Totonaca (Starr-)5
1 tla-ka-tin. 4 la—ka-ta—te. 7 la-ka-to-hon. 10 la-kal-xao.
2 tla-ka-to. 5 la—ka-ki-tsis. 8 la-ka-tsai-yun. 20 la-ka—po-shan.
3 tla-ka-to-tf)“. 6 la—ka—eha-shun. 9 la-ka-na-h-Zts.
Akal’mcm (Vem Cruz)“

1 tam. 9 naxatze.
2 thoi. 10 kau.
3 thut. 11 kautam = 10+1.
4 thaate. 12 kauthoi=10+2.
5 kis. 20 pusham.
6 tchashan. 30 pusha1nkau=20+10.
7 taxun. 40 thoipusham=2><20.
8 tsaxen.

AS the origin of the names for 1 to at is a question belonging
largely to the deductive domain because of the very meager data
bearing on the subject, it will not be discussed at any length here.
The reader is, however, referred for an examination of the subject in
its broad and general aspect to a paper by Professor W J McGee,
entitled The Beginning of Mathematics, in the American Anthropolo~

 

 

lAnales de Museo Michoacan, entraga 1, p. 59, 1888.

‘—’ Cu, “ to join or mix one thing with another ”—N. Leon, Anales de Museo Michoacan. entraga 1,106.
Basalenque, Arte del Idioma Tarasco, p. 48, says cu refers to the hand.

3 Chareneey, Mélanges, p. 44; R. F. Guardia, Lenguas Indigenas Cent. Am. en el Siglo, vol. XVIII, p. 86.

4Grundriss, vol. II, p. 293.

5Notes on Ethnog. South Mexico.

6A. S. Gatschet, quoting Pinart, American Antiquarian, vol. W, p. 237 (April-July, 1882).

 

 

moms] ORIGIN OF NUMBER NAMES 875

gist, October, 1899, and to the preceding paper in this volume. This
author points out that while the count of many primitive peoples
has been by the ﬁngers and hands, giving rise to the quinary and dec-
imal systems. and sometimes by the toes and feet also, leading to the
’vi‘gésﬁiml system, yet the evidence derived from the method of count-
in bv tribes in the lowest status seems to demonstrate that these sys
tems afe‘fai‘ from primeval.

He suggests that numbers of the lower s -ale, beginning with 1, rep-
resenting the Ego, were the outgrowth of mysticism: 2. growing out
of the lateral or the fore and aft aspects, being the ﬁrst pausing point,
and 4, the Cult of the Quarters, the second pausing point, beyond
which a number of systems never advanced; to this the Ego being
added gave the number 5. However, for a more complete and clear
understanding of the author’s suggestions on this interesting subject
the reader is referred to his papers.

That the quinary system, or counting on the ﬁngers and band, could
not have taken its rise until 5 had been reached by some other process
appears to be self-evident, and is proved by the numerous systems in
which 5 is not reached, and by others in which it does not form a basis.
It would seem necessary, therefore. in order to obtain a satisfactory
explanation of the origin of the primary numbers, to look for some
other solution than the supposed method of counting on the ﬁngers.
The hand would not be likely to come into use in this respect until 5 had
been reached and the attempt made to rise above that number; then
the advantage of using the ﬁve ﬁngers of the hand, or the hand as rep—
resenting 5 as a basis would be perceived. Pebbles. sticks, or any
other objects, would answer just as well for this purpose as the ﬁngers
until some reference to 5 was desirable. except that the latter were
always convenient objects and were best adapted to use in sign
language. When 5 was reached, and the advantage of using the hand
became apparent, it would be used for the numbers below 5 as well as
those above, but the inquiry here is, were the ﬁngers considered so
essential in counting 2 to 4, before 5 had been reached, as to bring
evidence of the fact into the nomenclature? This can be determined
only by obtaining the signiﬁcation of the names of numbers in those
dialects of tribes which have not reached 5 in their numeral systems.1

Orozco y Berra, speaking of the Mexican names for the numbers—
06, 1; 07m, 2; 3/023, 3, and yea/L145, l-«says, “no one has given a reason
for the origin of these names.”2 ()havero3 contends that, although

 

 

1 Conant (Number Concept, pp. 24—25) says: “ Itscems most remarkable that any human being should
possess the ability to count to 4, and not to 5. The number of ﬁngers on one hand furnishes so obvious
a limit to any of these rudimentary systems, that positive evidence is needed before one can accept the
statement. A careful examination of the numerals in upwards of a hundred Australian dialects leaves
no doubt, however, that such is the fact. The Australians in almost all cases count by pairs; and so
pronounced is this tendency that they pay but little attention to the ﬁngers.” The last sentence of
this quotation appears to answer the author’s cause of wonder expressed in the ﬁrst sentence; the
ﬁngers were, it seems, considered by the Australians as no more essential in the process of counting
than any other convenient objects.

2Anales Mus. Mex., pp. 2, 34. 3Up. cit., p. 33.

87 6 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em ANN. 19

the Mexicans counted on the ﬁngers and hands, 4 was the ﬁrst basis,
the four ﬁngers completing the ﬁrst count, 5 being formed of 4+1.
He remarks as follows: “In the Hindu system the principal number
of the system is 10, which is formed of 5+5; to it the number 5 is
essential; but in the Nahua system the essential number is 4, hence the
20 is formed of 5 times 4, as 5 is formed of 4+1.” The same author
says that among the manuscript notes of Ramirez he has found one
that says, “ the Nahoas formed the number 5 with the four ﬁngers of
the hand, completing the sum with the thumb, as l—l—l.” However,
it must be admitted that, in this dialect, in forming the numbers above
5 until 20 is reached, 5 is the basis, and its name is derived from the
term for hand. _

Charencey,lreferring to the dialects of his so-called Chiehimecan
family, which corresponds substantially with Brinton’s Sonoran and
Shoshonean ln‘anches of his Uto—Aztecan family, says that “in almost
all the idioms of this family, if not all, the name of the number 2 enters
into composition in the word which signiﬁes i.” This is very apparent
in the Shoshonean branch, as is seen in the following examples:

 

 

Tribe 2 4
l

, ()ahuillo . mewi l mewittsu
: Kauvuya vuy ] vuitchiu
l Kechi (San Luis Rey) l whii witcho
l Shoshone (Gratsehet’s number 5) ! wat ; watsuet
i Southern Paiute ‘ vay l vatchue

Talifornia Paiute voahay i voatsagve
! Chemehuevi l vay 1, vatchue
, Hopi ,' lei nale
l Tobikhar ; vehe i vatcha

It is less apparent, however, in the Sonoran branch, as will be seen
by reference to the lists given above.

This fact seems to bear evidence in favor of Professor McGee’s
suggestion in regard to the primary steps in the development of num-
ber systemsaviz, that 2 and 4 were the ﬁrst pausing points. An exam-
ination of other systems outside the scope of the present paper will
furnish many items of evidence in this direction.

Hubert Bancroft2 gives the following deﬁnitions of the Maya names
of the ﬁrst ﬁve numbers: lum, paper; ca, calabash; 0m, shelled corn;
can, serpent, or count; and lm, entry; it is apparent, however, that
the meanings given can have no reference to the use of the terms as
number names. However, as the origin of the names of the primary

1 Melangcs, p. 16. 2Native Races, vol. 11, p. 753.

 

 

 

moms] ORIGIN OF NUMBER NAMES 877

numbers below 5 is not deemed of special interest in the present dis-
cussion, which relates more directly to the systems, we begin with 5.1

110 or jo, the name for 5 in all the Mayan dialects (except the Huas-
teca) when the aﬂixes are omitted, is without any signiﬁcation except
as a numeral, so far as is now known, that seems to be appropriate to
this use. Bancroft gives “entry,” as is stated above, but this, though
one signiﬁcation of the term, has no apparent application here. If
a guess be permissible, I would offer the following suggestion: In
Stoll’s list for 5 we notice that the name for this number in Cakchiquel
is 271400, and for 15 in Quekchi is cucla/m, and in Cakchiquel mould/m];
(substituting the it for 7) N ow, as 6 is mac, weak, or 021070, 7 molt, lam/c,
or wait, and 8 'uawalt, nasal, 01' ’U’Utlfbdk, is it not possible that 110 or
0 is an abbreviation of a word beginning with u, or en, as no], which,
in addition to its signiﬁcation (as a verb) “ to make round," “to will,”
also, according to Brasseur, signiﬁes “ﬁlled up,” “full, entire,” etc?
Henderson, manuscript Maya-English dictionary, gives as another
meaning “all in one,” “the gross amount,” and Beltran, Arte del
Idioma Maya, states that in composition it signiﬁes “todo junto,”
which is substantially the same signiﬁcation as that given by Brasseur.
The term was also used, according to all the authorities, in counting
round or solid things, as bundles of cotton, etc. As Perez informs
us that the ancient form of the word was 7m]. it is possible that in

1 It is to be hoped, however, that Professor McGee. or some one who has given thought to the sub-
ject, will carry forward these investigations, as the working out of the beginnings of counting,
and the origin of the lower number names. will have an important hearing on some of the problems
of ethnology and linguistics not yet completely solved. The ﬁeld most likely to yield fruitful results
is of course to be found in the languages and customs of the lower savage tribes. The more the rela-
tion of '2 and 4 to one another is studied the more important becomes Professor McGee’s suggestion
that these numbers represent the first two steps in many primitive counts. The statement by Conant,
quoted in the preceding note, that “the Australians in almost all cases count by pairs,” seems to
be exactly in line with this suggestion. Curr, to whom Conant refers as “ the best authority on this
subject.” believes that where (among the Australians) a distinct word for 4 is given, investigators
have been deceived in every case. This would seem to explain the supposed use. of pairs; the 2 was
used in naming the 4. This tendency, as indicated above in the text, is found in various dialects
in widely separated countries. As a few examples we note the following:

i Jiviros Bakairi

1"ng ﬁrﬁ‘glth l (South ,( South Amer-. Torres Straits
/ ) lAmerica)l ica)
- #7,, (Vans? , , ﬂ
:2 cayapa catu asage okosa

t

4 cajezea : 2 with I encatu asage-asage okosa-okosa
p‘lural termina— ‘

 

 

1
tion i l
. I 7 l 7 7 #
Mosauﬁltgrgggptral ‘ Wat(-liainlliigs)(South Karankawa (Texas)
2 wal iutauara haikaia
4 wal-wal atarra-utarra hayohakn=2><2

 

 

 

Many examples might be presented, but these will suﬂice to show how widely spread they are,
Australia and South America being the regions of most frequent occurrence, and few examples being
found in Polynesian dialects.

87 8 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mama 19

these facts an explanation of the ho, the name for 5, is to be found.
I offer this suggestion merely as a possible explanation, without as yet
giving it my own positive acceptance.

The Mexican or Nahuatlan term for 5-macm’ll75——is as is shown
above, a compound word signifying “hand taken,” that is to say, one
hand completed. referring to counting on the ﬁngers. The same is also
true in regard to the name in the allied Pipil and Alaguilac dialects.
The name for 5 in the Opata and Tarahumari is apparently the same
as the Mexican term modiﬁed by dialectic requirements. The Cahita
namewmmmn'wis from mama, the general term for hand. Although
Gallatin (Trans. Am. Eth. 800., vol. I. p. 53) considers beta or gyz‘o, the
name for 5 in Othomi, as uncompound, this seems to be somewhat doubt—
ful; however. its signiﬁcation is unknown to me; the same is true of
the Matlaltzincan or Pirinda. The word for 5 in Tarascan—ymnu—
appears to be simple. but I am unable to determine the signiﬁcation;
it is not, however, the usual Tarascan word for hand. The mz'ﬁz' in
amid/L77, the Chiapanec name for 5, is a sufﬁx common to a number of
numeral terms in this dialect. This leaves a0, 12/660, or mao, written
'ariously as the radical. The name for 5 in some of the dialects of
the Shoshonean group appears to indicate “all,” doubtless referring ,
to all the ﬁngers of the hand; for example, in the Chemehuevi, Capote
Uta. Shoshoni. Pa Vant, Southern Pa Uta, and Uinta Uta dialects.

In some others the term appears to be derived from the name for
“hand.” It seems. therefore. that the name is usually based on the
count on the hand. and implies the complete count of the ﬁngers of
one hand.

Examining now the terms for the numbers 6 to 9, we will begin with
those of the Mexican proper or Aztec dialect:

chicua-ce ................. 6. chicu-ei ................... 8.

,—

chic-ome .................. 4 . chico-naui ................ 9.
These. as is shown above, signify or are equivalent to 5+1, 5+2,
5+3. and 5+4, the count being by additions to 5 or to one- hand, and
the names being compounded of claim, “at the side, in part,” etc.,
271mm or Imam, “near another,” and the terms for 1, 2, 3, and 4:. These
evidently refer to the p1'Ocess of counting on the ﬁngers of the hand,
and the system is a true quinary one up to 20. It would seem from
this that Chavero’s theory that the Mexican or N ahuatlan count
’21s based on at instead of 5 can scarcely be maintained. The closely
allied Pipil and Alaguilac dialects form the names for 6, 7, and 8 in
the same way, but in the latter the name for 9 evidently has reference
to 10.
In the Cora the numbers 6. 7, 8, and 9 are clearly based on 5, and the
names are compound. being composed of a and the names for 1. 2. 3,
and i. Charencey (Mélanges, p. 17) says, "1e (1 préﬁxe suivi du chiﬁre

 

 

moms] ORIGIN or NUMBER NAMES 879

de l’unité de 1 a 5 indique les nombres depuis 5 inclusivement jusqu’a
10 exclusivement, c’est 1e remplacant de clufc Azteque.” This, how-
ever, does not give us the signiﬁcation of the term.

In Opata, Cahita, and Tarahumari, where there is a somewhat close
agreement in the number names, especially in the ﬁrst two, the
method of counting from 5 to 9 appears to vary to some extent from
the quinary system. If we may judge from the termination 23% in
pcwsam'ki, the Tarahumari name for 6. the count has reference to 5,
as seems also to be true with regard to the name for T in Cahita; but
the name for T in Opata, if correctly given, is apparently equivalent
to 1+6. In the three dialects the name for 8 is equivalent to ZXI;
and the 9 refers to 10. Ha, the preﬁx in Opata, being interpreted
“antes” by Pilnental. The 10 in these dialects refers to the hand.
The name for 1 in Tarahumari. as given in the list—673% 01' pile is
considered by Charencey as abnormal, who says that sinepi is given
in one place. This would bring the dialect into harmony with the
others. ' .

Of the dialects belonging to the Shoshonean branch, we notice that
the Cahuillo and Kauvuya are regularly quinary, 6, 7, 8, and 9 being
formed by adding 1. 2, 3, and I to 5. The Kechi of San Luis Rey
appears to follow the same rule. The numbers 6 to 10 in the Tobikhar
appear, so far as can be determined by the names, to be formed irreg-
ularly. The name "for 7 includes that for I: 8 is 2Xet; the name for 9
includes that for 5; and 10 as given is 2X5; but in counting the
numbers above 10 another tel’lll‘All/IU‘U'IWﬂl-S used for 10, possibly an
equivalent for “man,” as 20 is im’mm-welw: ) lmmnu. However, a
more perfect knowledge of the language may show the count to be
quinary.

The method of forming the numbers 6 to 9 in the dialects of the
Zapotecan family can not be determined with positive certainty from
the names alone, except in the Mazateca, where, if Belmar (Lengua
Mazateca) be correct. it follows with great regularity the quinary
system even into the higher numbers. For example, 6, M7. is a con-
traction of Tin-git. or 5+1: 7. yi-M, of ﬁ-n-lm or 5+2 ('4), etc. Judging
from this and the slight indications in the Chuchon, Popoloca, and
Trike, these idioms appear to follow the same system. For example,
in the Trike, as we learn from Belmar‘s “Ensayo sobre la Lengua
Trike,” the (wk/1, in gamma/ca, 6, same as (mg/2, signiﬁes “another,”
or “other,” and the 2, nylouf, when changed to the ordinal by the
preﬁx 25.975, becomes tsi-guaa/Iu. That the same rule is followed in the
Zapotec seems evident from the fact that above 10 the quinary-Vigesi~
mal system is followed as distinctly as in the Nahuatl, 15 having a dis-
tinct name and the count therefrom to 20 being based on it.

In the Othomi the numbers 6 to 9 are formed regularly according
to the quinary system. In Pirinda 6 and 7 are formed by the addition

 

880 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mansw

of 1 and 2 to 5 or its equivalent; 8 is 2X4, and 9 is based on 10. In
Mixe 6, 7, and 8 are formed by adding 1, 2, and 3 to 5, but 9 is based
on 10', and the same rule appears to be followed in the Zoque. In
Tarasco the regular quinary order appears to prevail, though the term
for 6 seems to refer to the process of counting, as the cu in cuimu,
according to Basalenque (op. cit.), refers to the hand.

Passing over the other idioms of the Shoshonean group, of which
the signiﬁcation of the numeral terms has not been specially studied
by linguists, we return to the terms for 6, 7, 8, and 9 in the Mayan
dialects. It will be noticed that in all of these dialects, except the
Chuhe, the name for 9 begins with 56, 6a, or 50, and that most of them,
omitting the terminal 7), add to complete the name the term for 10,
Zflillwl, (aim, etc, in more or less varied form. Thus, in Pokonchi,
9 is 7212-16116 and 10, [day in Pokomam, 9, be—le/zem, and 10, le/Lem,‘ in
Ixil, 9, 6e-hozmal, and 10, Mama], etc. It is evident, therefore, that
in these idioms the term for 9 is based on that for 10, the Zeke, hm,
In, and (on, being mere abbreviations of Za/mm, lab/m, etc. As be in the
various dialects signiﬁes “road, journey, way,” etc., this is probably
the term used here and is to be interpreted “on the way to,” “next
to." In Chuhe, however, the name for 9, [cu-(Hague, shows that here
this number, contrary to the rule which prevails in the other dialects,
is formed by the addition of 4c, c/t-zmg/we, to some equivalent of 5, thus
conforming to the quinary system. It is somewhat singular, however,
that the name for 19 is ban-Mime, the ban being doubtless an abbrevia-
tion of balm).

The {1' in the name for 8 in all the idioms seems to furnish the key
to the problem of the numbers 6, 7, and 8, as it indicates that 3—003,
W), or air—is combined with some equivalent of 5 represented by u and
I’ll. as in w-aw-rzc and nu-my-al‘, to form the 8. Up to the present no
suggestion as to the signiﬁcation of this preﬁx has been presented
other than what is contained in the quotation from Charencey in
regard to we, 6, given above. Of the correctness of the above sug~
gestion in regard to the name for 8 there would seem to be but little
doubt. If this be accepted, it follows as reasonably certain that the
names, except the one for 9, correspond with the mode of counting
indicated by the written number symbols; that is, with the quinary
system. The numbers 6, 7, b’, and 9 in the Maya (Yucatec) dialect may
therefore be written out as follows, the 5 being inclosed in parentheses
to indicate that it is represented by some substitute:

6 u-ac=(5)+1. 8 u—ax-ac=(5)+3.
7 u-uc=(5)+2. 9 b0-lon=on the waytolO.

The name for 5 is not represented even by an ultimate abbreviation
in the names for 6, 7, and 8, unless it be by the u and 1m.

THOMAS]

NUMERALS 0F

V ARIOU S TRIBES

881

Before passing to the numbers above 10, some few examples of
methods of counting by peoples bordering on or within the geo-
graphic limits embraced in this paper, and with whom some of the
tribes we have mentioned must have come into contact, will be pre-
sented, as some of them are exceptional.

The ﬁrst of these is a list of numerals given by (.lrallatin;1 the par-
ticular tribe referred to is unknown.

pil.

ajté.

ajti c pil=2+1.
puguantzan.
juyopamauj.

mw—pr—i

G:

The numbers to 14) in use

are as follows:

Sam A ntonio, of

7

20

ajti c pil ajte=(2+1) 2, or ehicuas.

illosqttito 2

1 kumi. 8
2 wal. 9
3 niupa. 10
4 wal—wal=2+2 or 2X2.

5 mata-sip=the ﬁngers on one hand. 20
6 matlalkabe. 40
7 matlalkabe pura kumi=6+1.

Trams

puguantzan co ajti c pilz-H—Z—H.
8 puguantzan ajte=4><2.
9 puguantzan co juyopa1nauj=4+5.
10 juyopamauj ajte=5><2.

taiguaco.

matlalkabe pura wal=6+2.
matlalkabe pura ninpa=6+3.

among the Mosquito tribe of Honduras

mata-wal—sipzﬁngers of the second

hand.

twanaiska—kumi=20 X ].
twanaiska-wal :20 X 2.

Dr Brinton 3 gives lists of numerals in three of the dialects of the
Xinca stock as follows:

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sinacantan E Jupiltepeque .Iutiapa
1 ica ] ical l ical
2 ti 2 piar 2 piar ‘
3 uala 3 lialar 3 guarar
4 jiria - 4 iriar 4 iriar
5 puj 5 pijar 5 pujar
’o‘ tacal 6 6 tacalar
7 pujua 7 puljar 7 pulluar
8 tepue 8 apuj H apocar
9 lixtu 9 gerjsar
10 pakil 10 paquilar
l

 

 

1Trans. Am. Ethn. See, vol. 1, table A, p. 114.

2Conant, Number Concept, p. 12].

del Cabo.”

3 Xinoa Indians of Guatemala, I’roe. Am. I’hil. Soc.,188;’).
4 Dr Brinton remarks that the termination (LI' in this dialect reminds one of the 1in termination
vual, indicating turn or repetition, as ungvual, one time, (:(wurtl, two times, etc.

19 ETII, PT 2—-—21

 

Membreﬁo, Hondureﬁismos. p. 210, under the name “Zambo

882 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mm ANN. 19

The four following lists are from R. F. Guardia (Lenguas Indigenas
Cent. Am. Siglo.. pages 101 and 110). The tribes are classed with the
' Chibcha group. a South American stock. but are, or were, located in
Guatemala and Porto Rico.

 

 

 

(‘abccar Viccytu Lean y Mulia Tcrrava
1 estaba 1 etabageme 1 pani 1 crara
2 bocteba ‘2 buttebz’i 2 1n atiaa 2 crubu
3 maﬁalegui 3 maﬁac 3 contias 3 cromia
4: ( 1118t0V0 ‘ 4 quiet 4 (thiquitia 4 cropquin
5 exquetegu ‘ 5 exquetegu 5 cumasopni 5 croshquin
6 sehen i 6 sehen I 6 comasampepani =5+1 8 cloter
7 curo 7 (surge 7 comasampematiao :5 +2 7 crococ
8 (‘3) l S (‘3) 8 comasanipecontiac=5+3 8 croquon
9 (?) i 9 (?) 9 comasampechiqni— 9 croshcap
l tias =5+~1
10 «lope ! 10 do p 1 0 comassopnas 10 crodobob
‘ 1 1 quinsho crosa
20 ynste j 20 ynste 20 comascoapssub 20 zac Vbu
|

 

 

 

 

 

Another list in the last idi01n-——Terrava—given by Thiel,1 diﬂ'ers so
considerably from the preceding that 'it is given here:

1 krarz’i. 4 krobking. 7 kégodeh. 9 schkawdeh.
2 krowii. 5 kraschking de. 8 kwongdeh. 10 dwowdeh.
3 krommiah. 6 terdéh.

II

NUMBERS ABOVE 10

Our examination of the number names and the method of counting
from 10 upward will be conﬁned chieﬂy to the systems of some of the
more important civilized tribes of Mexico and Central America.
and those of other tribes-will be alluded to only where occasion may
call for comparison.

The ﬁrst example to be presented is that of the Nahuatl or Aztec
method of counting, this being selected because it follows strictly
the quinary~Vigesimal system, and presents clearly the characteris-
tics of that system. and because of its importance. The signiﬁcation,
of the terms or the equi uleiits of their parts in ﬁgures will be given
in connection with the list so far as known.

_,,,__V,,,,,W, , \ ,. W , , WA , , _,_7_,v,,
IVOcabulariuin dcr Sprachcn dcr Bornca—Tcrruba—uud' Guatuso—Iudianer in Costa-Rica, Archiv.
fiir Anth.,Bnnr1 XVI, p. 620.

 

THOMAS]

10
1 1
12
1 3
14
15
16
1 7
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
9 29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40

NAHUATL NUMBERS 883

Nahuatl 1

matlactli=2 hands.

matlactli once=10+1, or 2 hands—+4.
matlactli oxn-ome=10+2.

matlactli onl-ei=10+3.

matlactli on-naui=10+4.

caxt-olli. ‘

caxtolli once=15+1.

caxtolli om-ome=15+2.

caxtolli om-ei =15+3.

caxtolli on—nau=15~j-4.

cempoalli‘lzl counting or complete count.
cempoalli on-ce=20a 1.

cempoalli oni—ome=20+2.

cempoalli om-ei=2043.

cempoalli on-naui=204»l.

cempoalli om-1nacuilli=20+5.

cempoalli on-chiqua-ce:20+5+L
cempoalli on—ehic-ome:20+54 2.
cempoalli on-chic-uei=20+5+3.
cempoalli on-chico—naui=20+5+~1.
cempoalli om-matlactl i = 20 w 10.

cempoalli omrinatlactli once=20+10+1.
cempoalli oni-Inatlactli om-oxne=20—%—10#2.
cempoalli om-matlactli om-ei=20+10+3.
cempoalli om-matlactli on-naui=20+10+4.
cempoalli on-caxtolli=20+15.

cempoalli on-caxtolli on-ce=20+15—H.
cempoalli on-caxtolli om-ome=20+ 15—1—2.
cempoalli on-caxtolli om—ei=20+15+3.
cempoalli on-caxtolli on-naui:20+15+4.
ompoalli=2X20, or two twenties.

The count follows the same order as that from 20 to 89, the only
variation being in the names of the multiples of 20, that is to say, 60,
80, 100, etc., which are as follows:

60

80
1 00
120
140
160
180
186
199
200
220
240
260
280

ei-poalli, or epoalli :3 X 20.

nauh-poalli24 X 20.

macuil-poalli :5 X 20.

chiqua-cein-poalli=6X20, or literally (5+1) X20.
chic-om-poalli = 7 X 20, or literally (5 + 2) X 20.
chic—ue-poalli :8 X 20, or literally (5 +3) X 20.
chico-nauh-poalli29 X 20, or literally (5 +4) X 20.

_ chico-nauh-poalli chiqua—c:9X20+ 5+1.

chico-nauh-poalli ipan (-axtolli on—nau=9 X 20+15+4,
1natlac-poalli: 10 X 20.

matlactli on-cem-poalli=11 X 20, or (10-1—1) X 20.
matlactli om-om-poalli = 12 X 20.

matlactli om-ei-poalli = 13 X 20.

matlactli on-nauh-poalli214 X 20.

 

1 Simeon, Die. Langue Nahuatl, p. xxxiii.
2C’empaalli signiﬁes one entire or complete count, from (w, one, and pan orpoua, to be counted or

estimated.

884 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em Am 19

300 caxtol poalli=15><20. -
320 caxtolli on-cem-poalli=16><20, literally (15+1)><20.
340 caxtolli om-om~poalli=17 X 20.
360 caxtolli om-ei-poalli=18><20.
380 caxtolli on-nauh-poalli=19><20.
399 caxtolli on-nauh-poalli ipan caxtolli on-nau=19><20+15+4.
400 cen-tzontli.
800 ome-tzontli=2><400.
1,200 ei-tzontli, or e-tzontli=3><400.
1,600 nauh-tzontli=4><400.
2, 000 macuil-zontli=5><400.
2, 400 chicua-ce-tzontli=6X400, literally (5+1)X400.
4,000 matlac-zontli=10><400.
6,000 caxtol-tzontli=15><400. ‘
8, 000 cen-xiquipilli, or ce-xiquipilli=l Xiquipilli, or 1X8,000.
16, 0001 on-xiquipilli=2><8,000.
24, 000 e—xiquipilli=3><8,000.

120,000 caxtol—Xiquipilli=15X8,000.

160,000 cem—poal-xiquipilli=20X8,000.

320,000 om-poal-xiquipilliz2X20X8,000.

3, 200, 000 cen—tzon-xiquipilli2400><8,000.
64, 000, 000 (sem-poal-tzon-xiquipilli=20><400I>< 8,000.

The signiﬁcation of cagtolli, the term for 15, does not appear to be
given.

(l’entzmztli, the name for 100, is from 06, 1, and #:0722223, herb, hair,
and signiﬁes one handful, bundle, or package of herbs, or one wisp of
hair, “ au ﬁgure une certaine quantité comme 100,” says Simeon (op.
cit.).

Xiguipilli, the name for 8,000, signiﬁes a sack, bag, or wallet.
Clavigero2 says “They counted the cacao by wiguipilli (this, as we
have before observed, was equal to 8,000), and to save the trouble of
counting them when the merchandise was of great value [quantity ?]
they reckoned them by sacks, every sack having been reckoned to
contain 3 ”fig/161277155, or 24,000 nuts.”

It is apparent from the list given that this system was strictly
quinary-vigesimal throughout, the higher bases-400 and 8,000—being
multiples of 20. The retention of the quinary order in the higher
numbers is evident from the use of 15 in counting 35 to 39, 55 to 59,
etc. The complete maintenance of the vigesimal feature is also shown
' by the fact that the count from 20 to e100—that is, 20X 20~so far as
the multiples are concerned, is by 2, 3, etc., up to 19 X 20 plus the addi-
tions 1, 2, 8, etc, to 19. In its systematic uniformity it is one of the
most perfect systems that has been recorded, though its nomenclature
is somewhat cumbersome. Another point to which attention is called,
as there will be occasion to refer to it further on, is the method of
counting the minor intermediate numbers. It will be observed that
the count above -10 as well as that from 20 to ~10 is by additions to the
base, thus: 10+1 for 11. 10—1—2 for 12, and so on: and the same rule is

1 Thus (Tlavigero. Hist. Mex. 2Cullen‘s 'l‘rans.,vn1.i. :‘e’li.

moms] ZAPOTEC NUMERALS 885

true for the count from 60, 80, etc. This is mentioned because it will
be found in some systems that ~11 is not formed by adding 1 to 10, but
is formed by counting the one on the next score—that is to say, one on
the third score. This diﬂ'erence, slight as it seems to be, is neverthe-
less an important characteristic in comparing the numeral systems.
The Maya method of writing numbers to 19, as shown above, is pre-
cisely in accord with the Mexican count.

The second example of the quinary—Vigesimal system I present is
that in use among the Zapotecs, as given by Cordova in his Arte del
Idioma Zapoteco. This is so burdened with alternates that it will be
best understood by presenting the regular series ﬁrst and the alter-
nates, so far as is necessary, in a separate list. The equivalent ﬁgures
placed to the right show my interpretation of the terms. However,
the correctness of the interpretation can be easily tested by considering
the numbers up to 10 heretofore given in connection with those above
10 here presented.

Zapotec

10 chii.
1 1 chii-bi-tobi = 10+ 1 .
12 chii-bi-topa, or chii-bi-cato:10+2.
13 chii—ﬁo, or chii-bi-chona:10—‘e3.
14 ehii-taa=10+4.
15 chino, or ce-caayo-quizaha-cal le=15, or 20-5.
16 chino-bi-tobi=15+1.
17 chino-bi-topa, or chino-bi-cato=15+2.
18 chino—bi-chona:15—1—3.
19 chino-bi-tapa:15+4.
20 cal le. '
21 cal le-bi-tobi=20+1.
22 cal le-bi-topa, or cal le-bi—cato=20+2.
23 cal le—bi-chona, or cal le-bi-cayo=20+3.
24 cal le-bi-tapa, or etc=20+4.
25 cal le-bi-caayo=20+5.
26 cal le-bi-xopa:20+6.
27 cal le—bi-caache=20+7.
28 cal le-bi-xono=20+8.
29 cal le-bi-gaa=20+9.
30 (-al le-bi—chiiz20—HO.
31 cal le—bi-chii-bi-tobi=20+ 10+ 1.
32 cal le-bi-chii-bi-topa=20+10+2.
33 cal le—bi—chii-bi—chona, or cal le-bi-chiiﬁo="0+10+3.
34 cal le-bi-chii-bi-tapa, or cal le-bi-chii-taa = 20+10+4.
35 cal le-bi-chino=‘)0+15.
36 cal le-bi-chii-bi—xopa:20+10+6.
37 cal le-bi-chii-bi-cache=20+10—1—7.
38 cal le-bi-chii-bi-xono=20+10+ 8.
39 cal le-bi-chii-bi-caa=20—l—10+9.
40 toua.
41 toua-bi-tobi=40+1 .
50 toua—bi—chii 240+ 1 0.
51 toua bi-chii-bi-tobi:40+10+].

So to 54.

886 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em-ANN. 19

At the next step there is a change in the method, or, as Will be seen
When the alternates are given, the regular method is abandoned and
the second method of counting adopted. Thus, instead of saying for
55 toua bi-c/w'nozéO—l—M, they say ce-caa guiona, or ce-caaya guiona=
5 from 60. The term Quiona appears to be a variation of cayona, 60.

55 ce-caa quiona, or ce-caayo quiona: 5 from 60.
56 ce-caayo quiona—bi-tobi=5 from 60+1.

The correctness of this interpretation seems to be conﬁrmed by the
alternate ce-tapacaca quiza/zac/zaa-cayonazet from 60.

57 ce-caayo quiona-bi-tobi=5 from 60+2.
The alternate in this case is 3 from 60, etc. .

60 cayona.

61 cayona—bi-tobi260—l—1.
So to 70.

70 cayona-bi—chiiz60—f—10.

71 cayona—bi-chii-bi—tobi=60+10+1.
So to 74.

At the next step—75—the order changes as at 55, for, instead of say
ing cayona-bi-c/L’ii-bi-caache= 60+10+ 5, they say ce-caa-taa, or ce-caayo-
taa25 from 80.

75 ce-caayo-taa=5 from 80.
76 ce-caayo-taa-bi-tobi=5 from 80+1, 0r ce-tapa-quizahachaa-taa=4 from
80.
So to 79.
8O taa.
81 taa—bi—tobi=80+1.
90 taa-bi-Chii=80+10.
95 ce-caayo-quioa=5 from 100.
96 ce-caayo-quioa-bi-tobi=5 from 100+1, or ce-tapa—quizahachaa-cayoa
:4 from 100.
100 cayoa.
101 cayoa-bi-tobi=100+1.
120 xopalal—le=6><20.
121 x0palal—le—bi—tobi:120+1.
130 xopalal-le-bi-chii = 120+10.
135 ce-caayo—caachelal-lez5 frOm 140.

The rule given above is followed throughout.

1-10 caache1a1-1e= 7 X 20.

150 caachelal—le-bi—chii = 140+10.
160 Koonolal-le=8>< 20.

170 xoonolal—le-bi-chii:160+10.
180 caalal—le=9 x 20.

190 caalal-le-bi-chii =180+ 10.
200 chiia: 10 X 20?

210 chiia-bi-chii=200+10.

220 chiia-cal-le:200+20.

240 chiia-toua=200+40.

260 chiia-cayona2200-l-6O.

moms] ZAPOTEC NUMERALS 887

280 chiia0taa=200+80.

300 chinoua (probably 15x20)

400 tobi-ela, or ehaga-el-la=1><400.

500 tobi-ela—cayoa:400+100.

800 topael=2><400, or catoela=idem.
1,000 catoel-la chiia:‘)><400—l—200.
1,600 tapa-ela=4 X 400.

4,000 chii-e1a=10><400.
8,000 chaga-eoti, or tobi-coti=1)<8000.

Cordova adds at this point: “ Hasta aqui es toda la quenta de los
yndios, y de aqui arriba van contando do oeho en ocho mil arriba esta
declarado. ”

Of the alternates above alluded to it is only necessary to mention the
following:

15 ce-caayo-quizaha-cal le=5 from 20.
17 ce-chona—quizaha—cal 1e=3 from 20.
18 ce-topa-cal 1e, or ce~topa—quizaha—cal le=2 from 20.
19 ce-tobi-cal 1e, or ce-tobi-quizaha-cal le=1 from 20.

The alternates for the numbers 35 to 39-follow the method of count-
ing from 55 to 59, 75 to 79, and 95 to 99 mentioned below, thus:
35 cecaatoua, or cecaayotoua=5 from 40.
36 cecaayotoua-bitobi=5 from 4]; or cetapa caca quizah chaatoua=4
from ~10.
So to 39.

A thorough knowledge of the language, enabling us to furnish a
complete explanation of the terms and particles added and interjected
in forming the intermediate numbers in the higher counts, would be
more satisfactory. However, it is believed that the number equivalents
given in the list will be found correct.

It is apparent from the list that the system is vigesimal and to some
extent quinary—vigesimal (note the names for 15, 55, etc.) The most
notable feature, however, is the intermediate position it seems to hold
between the Aztec and the Maya systems. The tendency toward the
quinary method and the use of a special term for 15 ally it on the one
hand to the Aztec system, while, on the other hand, in the reference in
counting to the next higher score, which will hereafter be shown as a
feature of the Mayan systems, it resembles them. It is possible, how-
ever, that a more thorough knowledge of the language and the system
may show that the names for 15, ~10, etc., which have been assumed to
be simple, uncompounded terms, are in fact composite. While Wit/'71!) is
the usual term for .15, the alternate is (rec/myu—r/wiza/uz—«ullw, which is
equivalent to 5 from 20, showing direct reference to 5. It is possible,
therefore, that 0/057“) is composite. As tom, the name for 40, contains
the ﬁrst syllable of top/4 name for 2——it may also be, and probably is,
composite; this supposition seems strengthened by the fact that ray/ma,
the name for 60, appears to be based on tug/u, 3; and Ma, name for 80,

 

888 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Era ANN.19

on ham or tart, é; and Gag/0a, name for 100, on mag/0, or 5. The simi-
larity of the name for 20~mlle#in this language and cal or Ital, the
term for the same number in most of the Mayan dialects, is noticeable,
though apparently accidental.

The next numeral system referred to is that of the Mazateca, a tribe
speaking a dialect of the Zapotecan family. This, if correctly given
by Francisco Belmar, in his Ligero Estudio sobre Lengua Mazateca,1
presents one of the most complete examples of the quinary system to
be found in Mexico or Central America. In order that the formation
of the names may be more apparent, the list from 1 to 10, Which has
been heretofore given, is repeated here.

Mazateca

1 gm.
ho.
3 ha.
4 ﬁi-hu.
5 1‘1.
6
I

[\3

hu.

yi-tu.

8 hi-i.

9 ﬁi-ha.

10 te.

11 te-n-gu=10+1.

12 te-n-ho=10+2.

l3 te-n-ha=10+3.

14 te-ni—hu=10+4.

15 te-u=10+5.

16 te-f1-n-gu=10+5+1.

17 te-f1-n-ho=10+5+2.

18 te-u-n-ha=10+5+3.
te—ﬁ—ﬁi—hu=10+5+4.

ka.

ka-n-gu=20+1.

ka-n-ho=20+ 2.

ka-n-ha=20+3.

ka-ﬁi-hu=20+~l.

ka—f1=20+5.

ka-hu (ka-L‘l—n—gu) =90—1—5—l—1.

ka~yitu (ka-ﬁ-n-ho) =20+5+2.

ka—hii (ka-u—n—ha) =20+5+3.
ka-ﬁika (ka—u-ﬁi-hu) =2+5+4.
ka-te=90+10.
k21-ne-n—gu:20+10+1.
ka-te-n-h0220+10+2.
ka-te—n-ha220+ 10+ 3.
ka-te-ﬁihu=20+10+4.
ka—te-f1=20+10+5.

kate-hfi (kate-u-n-gu)=20+10+5+1.
kate-yitu (kate-u-n-ho) =20+10—l—5+2.
kate-hii (kate-i‘l-n-ha)=20+10+5+3.
kate-ﬁiha (kate-fl-ﬁihu) =20+10+5+4.

[\D N) N.)

WWKOIClelV/‘balo [\DH
HOZCOO‘Ict‘lM—wwHogo

DCOJDDOOOZODODQD‘”
:CC‘L‘IODO‘r-P-ODN

1 Pp. 40—43.

THOMAS]

40
41

46

50

5]

56

60
61

66

70
71

76

MAZATEC NUMERALS 889

yi-eha=9X20.
yicha-nguz-lO—l—l.
So to 45.
yieha-hu (yicha-i‘l-ngu) =40—l—S—l—l.
So to 49.
yichite (or iehite) =40+10.
irhite-nguz40—l—lO—l—l.
So to 55.
ichite-hu (iehite-i‘l-ngu) =40+10+5+L
So to 59.
iehite-ko-te=50+10, or literally 40+10—i—10.
iehite-ko—te-ngu=50+ 10+].
So to 65.
ichite-ko-te-ln‘i (iehite—kote—ngu) ‘=50+10+5+l.
So to 6‘9. \
iehite-koho-kz‘t=50—l—20.
iehite-k<’)ho—ka-ngu =50+20+l .
So to 75.
iehite—koho-ka-hu (iehite-koho-ka-u-ngu) =50+20+5+ l.

Belmar does not give any explanation of the #0120 in these names;
however. it seems—though one signiﬁcation of 110 is two—to play no
other r6le here than 1'0 in the name for 60, etc.

80
90
95
100
1 10
200
300

1,000
2,000

10,000

iehite-koho-kate=50+20+ 10, literally 40+ 10+20 + 10.
ichite-koho-yicha=50+40.
ichite-ko—ho-yicha-u=50+40+5.
1‘1-eha=5 X 20.
fl-eha-te=5 X 20+ 10.
ho-i‘lehaz‘) X5 X 20.
ha—ueha23 X5 X 20.

So to 900.
te—ﬁeha: 10 X 100, literally 10X5 X 20.
ho-mi (ho-te-ﬁcha) = 2 X 10 X 100.

So to 9,000.
te-mi (ka-ueha) = ‘.’

There seems to be some mistake here in Belmar’s parenthetical

explanation;

if ht is 20 and 726/“! 100, ltd-020M; would be 2,000, which,

as shown above from his own list, is (/w-te-z‘oc/m). As my) is given as
the equivalent of tc-uc/m, 1,000, then 10,000, unless varying from the
rule, should be (fa—tc-ﬁc/la, or lrd-vi-ﬁc/LaIZOX 5 X 100; the latter is
probably what was intended, as we judge from the following numbers:

20,000
30,000

100,000
110,000
130,000

Although

ka—mi (ka-te—L‘ieha) :20 X 10 X 100.
kate-mi (kate-te-ueha) :30 X 10 X 100.

So to 90,000.
1‘10ha—te-ﬁeha: 100 X 10 X 100.
1‘1011ate-te-1‘10ha: 110 X 10 X 100.
ﬁeha-kate-te-ﬁcha: (100+30) X 10 X 100.

this numeral system carries out the quinary count to an

unusual extent, yet it is clearly quinary-vigesimal. It is a little strange,

1111 this, as in the three following numbers (not given here), Belmar, whose list I follow,
seems, probably by a slip of the pen, to have failed to give the complete name; it (certainly should
be iclrite-koIe-ﬁ,my".

890 NUMERAL SYSTEMS many. 19

however, that 10 should have what appears to be a simple integral
name. The name for 20 is also simple, but that for 40—yi—c/Ld—is
composite, signifying 2 times 20. The—intermediate minor numbers in
this system are always added to the preceding base and not, as in so
many others, on that ‘which follows, nor are they subtracted from a
higher base or number, as we have found to be the case in the related
Zapotec.

Some of the number counts which appear to follow somewhat closely
the quinary-vigesimal system having been presented, the next method
of counting to which attention is called is that used by the Maya. As
this system is the one in which most interest centers because of its
relation to the numerals found in the codices and inscriptions, we shall
dwell upon it more fully than we have upon the others, beginning
with the numerals used by the Maya proper (Yucatecs). We take
as our basis the series as given by Beltran in his Arte del Idioma Maya,
placing at the right the interpretations or equivalents of the terms.

Maya
10 lahun.

11 buluc.

12 lah-ca=11+2.

13 ox-lahun=3+10.

14 can—lahun 24+ 10.

15 ho-lahun =5+10.

16 uac-lahun=6+ 10.

17 uuc—lahun = T 4 10.

18 liaxae—lahunzbleelo.

bolon-lahun 2.9140.

hun-kal=one 20, or kal.
hun-tu-kal=1+20, or 1 to 20.

ea—tu-kal =2+20.

OX-tu-kal =53+20.

can-tu-ka124+20.

ho-tu-kal =5+20.

uac-tu-kal=6+ 20.

uuv-tu-kal:7+20.

uaxae-tu-kal:8+20.

bolon-tu-kal:9+ 20.
lahu-ea-kal:10+20.

buluc-tu—kal = 1 1 +20.

lahL'a-tu-kal 2 12+ 20, literally 10+2+ 20.
oxlahu-tu-kal =13 VT 20, literally 3 + 10+20.
canlahu—tu—kal: 14—,20.

holhu-(‘a-kal =15+20.
uaelahun—tu—ka1216—l— 20.

37 uuelahu—tu-kal=17+20.

38 uaxaolahu—tu-kal:18+20.

3.9 bolonlahu-tu-kal = 19+20, literally 94404-20.
40 (*a-kal=2 X 20.

loNaH
[Ll-4015‘

OS

wwozwwwwmtotcmtommw
OZO‘Q—Wke—‘OLCQX‘ICEO‘FL-

Up to this point the forms are quite regular, except that of 11,
which has a name as yet uninterpreted by the linguists. \Vith this

moms] MAYA NUMERALS 891

exception, the numbers from 10 to 19 are formed by the addition of
1, 2, 3, etc., to 10, the decimal system applying here. Twenty has a
distinct name—Jul. From 21 to 39 the numbers are formed by the
addition to 20 of the numbers from 1 to 19; and 40 is twice 20.

Before alluding to the change which occurs in the next step, atten-
tion is called to la/mm, the name for 10. Dr Brinton1 says it is appar-
ently a compound of Zak and 7mm, and gives as the probable signiﬁca-
tion, “it ﬁnishes one (man).” As to its derivation, I think he is cor-
rect, as Zak, as a substantive, signiﬁes “ end, limit, all, or the whole,”
and [mm “one.” The signiﬁcation of the term would therefore seem
to be “ one ﬁnish,” or “ ending,” or “ all of one count,” but not “ one
man.” Henderson, in his manuscript Maya-English Dictionary, under
Zak, says, “ whole hands,” and this is doubtless the true rendering
when used in this connection. Aral, 20, as a verb signiﬁes “ to fasten,
shut, close,” as a substantive, “a fastening together, a closing or
shutting up.”

Calling 20 a score, for the sake of simplicity, the count from 21 to
39 may be illustrated thus: lmn-tu-lml, 1 on the score, or ﬁrst score;
ca-tu-lz’al, 2 on the score, etc. Here the addition is to the score already
reached, but the additions to 10—ca-lcaL—or second score are counted
differently, for 11, instead of being hun—tu—ca/ﬁal, is lam—tu—yowkal, the
latter—yowlcal or ()wlcal—wbeing the term for 60, or third score (3X 20).
As it is evident that this can not signify 1 added to 60, there has been
a difference of opinion as to the true meaning of the expression and
as to its correctness. Perez, as quoted by Dr Brinton, says, in an
unpublished essay in the latter’s possession, that Beltran’s method of
expressing the numbers is erroneous; that ~11 should be 72/u72,-2fu-cal'al;
~12, ca-tu—calcal,‘ 83, ow-tu—cmzkal, etc. Nevertheless, as Dr Brinton
has pointed out, the numerals above ~10 are given in Perez’s Dictionary
of the Maya Language according to Beltran’s system, which appears
from other evidence to be correct.

, Léon de Rosny2 suggests that lum-tu—yw/ral should be explained
thus: 60-~20+1. However, the correct rendering appears to be 1 on
the third score, or third 21). It is possible that an old and a new reck-
oning prevailed among the Mayas, as apparently among the Cakchi-
quels. According to Stoll3 the latter people had an old and a more
recent method of enumerating, which may be represented as follows:

NM New
l 4] hun-r-oxc’al (‘a-Vil’iak-llun
I 42 cai-r-oxc’al , t-a-Vinak-cai, etc
1 Maya Chronicles, p. 88.
2Numération des Anciens Mayas, in (:oxnptc-chdu Pong. Internui. Americanistcs, p. 449; Nancy,

1875.
‘5 Zur. Ethn. der Guatemala, p. 136.

892 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mm m, 19

Perez says that m is an abbreviation of the numeral particle tul, but
Rosny1 says, “Je crois que ce n’est point, comme il [Bancroft] 1e sup-
pose, la simple conjonction ‘et,’ mais une phrase des mots ti-u, ‘dans
son, a lui, sien’; u est un pronoun appele par les grammairiens Espanols
‘mixte’ et qui forme la copulation, comme en Anglais 1’ s du genitif.”
Dr Berendt adopts the same opinion, Which is probably correct.

As Beltran’s method seems to have been followed in all the Maya
lexicons down to and including Henderson’s manuscript dictionary, it
is followed here.

41 hun-tu-yoxkal=1 on or to the third 20, or third score.
42 ca-tu-yoxkalz2 on or to the third 20, or third score.
~13 ox—tu-yoxkalz3 on or to the third 20, or third score.
So to 49. I
50 lahu-yoxkal‘l=10 on the third 20, or third score.
51 buluc-tu-yoxka1=11 on the third 20, or third score.
So to 59.
60 oxkal=3><20.
61 hun—tu-cankal=1 on the fourth score, etc.
70 lahu-cankal=10 011 the fourth score, etc.
71 buluc-tu-cankal=11 on the fourth score, etc.
80 cankal :4 X 20.
90 lahu-yokalzlo on the fifth score.
100 hokal :5 X 20.
101 hun-tu-uackalzl on the sixth score.
110 lahu-uackal=10 on the sixth score.
119 bolonlahu-tu-uaeka1=19 on the sixth score.
120 uackal = 6 X 20.
130 lahu.uuckal=10 on the seventh score.
140 uuckal= 7 X 20.
150 lahu-uaxacka1=10 on the eighth score.
160 uaxackal :8 X 20.
170 lahu—bolonkal=10 on the ninth score.
180 bolonkal=9><20.
190 lahu-tu-lahunkal=10 on the tenth Score.
200 lahunka1=10><20.
210 lahu-tu—buluckal=10 on the eleventh score.
220 buluckal = 11 X 20.
230 lahu-tu-laheakal=10 on the twelfth score.
240 lahcakal=12><20.
250 lahu-tu-yoxlahunkal=10 on the thirteenth score.
260 oxlahukal=13><20.
270 lahu-tu-canlahukal=10 on the fourteenth score.
280 canlahunkal = 14 X 20.
290 lahu-tu-holhukalzlo on the ﬁfteenth score.
300 holhuka1=15><20.
310 lahu-tu-uaclahukal=10 on the sixteenth score.
320 uaclahukal=16><2(l.
330 lahu-tu-uuclahuka = 10 on the seventeenth Score.
340 uuclahukal = 17 x 20.

 

10p. cit.
‘-’The reason for the omission of m in 50 7e. and 90 is not apparent.

 

mom] MAYA NUMERALS 893

350 lahu—tu-uaxaelahukal=10 011 the eighteenth score.
360 uaxaclahukal = 18 x 20.
370 lahu-bolonlahukalzlo on the nineteenth score.
380 bolonlahu-kal: 19 X 20.
390 lahu—hunbak=10 on 1 bak.
400 hun-bak:one 400.
500 ho-tu-bak [hokal-tu-bak?]=100+400?
600 lahu-tu-bak [lahun-kal-tu-bak?] =200+400?
700 holhu-tu-bak [holhu-kal-tu-bak?] =300+400?
800 ca~bak=2><400.
900 ho-tu—yoxbak [hokal-tu—yoxbak] =100 on the third bak, or third 400.
1,000 lohu-yoxbak, or hunpic (modern).
2,000 capic (modern).
8,000 bun-pic (former and correct use of the term).

So far I have followed Beltran’s list, as it is that on which the
numbers as given by subsequent writers and lexicographers are based,
but it carries the numeration only to 8,000. The names for 500,
600, and 700 appear to be abbreviated; I have therefore added in
brackets the supposed complete terms. These, however, as will be
seen by comparison, follow the rule which prevails from 20 to 39, that
is, the additions are to the last preceding basal number, and not toward
that which is to follow; the ﬁrst rule holds good from 11 to 399, but
the second is followed after passing 800 oral-half, as 900 is im—tu-yombal’,
01', complete, hokal—tu-yombal‘, which is equivalent to 100 on the third
bak. The use of Izvzmpz'c for 1,000 was adopted after the arrival of the
Spaniards. One reason mentioned by Beltran for the change was to
prevent confusion and to facilitate the numbering of the century in giv-
ing dates. The proper native expression for 1,000 was [alrzl-g/(nrbak,
or, complete, lairzml’al-tzo-yogvbak, equivalent to 200 on the 3d bak.
C'apic 2,000—is in accordance with modern usage; according to native
usage 2,000 would be Imbak, or 5 X100. In counting the minor num—
bers above 100 the particle catac, "and,” was inserted, thus: 150, lanai/6dr
caiac Zd/zug/(wlral. However, in counting the added hundreds, m, and
not catac. was inserted, as is seen above in 500, 600, and 700; hence, as
Beltran indicates, the latter was only preﬁxed or proposed to the minor
numbers. - _

Bak as a numeral is supposed to be derived from the verb bait,
balm/2, “to roll up,” “to tie around,” and hence presumably refers to
a bundle or package. [’50 signiﬁes “cotton cloth,” also a kind of petti—
coat, which appears to have been the original meaning; as this article
of dress was occasionally used as a sack the numeral term probably
refers to it in this sense; and Henderson, in his manuscript dictionary,
gives as one signiﬁcation " a bag made out of a petticoat.” This inter-
pretation corresponds with the Mexican term for 8,000.

The count from 100, or one bak, when carried out regularly, would
be 2 bak. 3 bak, and so on to 19 bak; 2,0 bak, or 8,000, forming a new

 

894 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em ANN.19

basis to which the name pic or him—pic, one pic, was applied. Above
this number the count continued by multiplication, thus:

ca-pic =2X8,000.

ox-pic =3><8,000.

can—pi(-=4X8,000.
and so on to balonla/nm-pz'c, or 19 pic.

For 20 pic, or 160,000, another simple term—caZab—is introduced;
and for 20 calab, or 3,200,000, another simple term-—k2’nc/e2'l—is intro-
duced; and for 20 kinchil, the term «la/u. The series of primary or
basal terms are therefore as follows:

20 units :1 kal = 20.
20 kal =1 bak = . 400.
20 bak :1 pic 2 8,000.
20 pic 2] calab = 160,000.

20 calal) =1 kinchilz 3,200,000.
20 kinchil=1 alau 264,000,000.

In reference to the signiﬁcation of calab, Dr Brinton1 writes as fol-
loWs: “ (fa/((7) seems to be an instrumental form from cal, to stuff, to
ﬁll full. The word calam is used in the sense of excessive, overmuch.”
His note (1) is as follows: “ ‘C’al; hartar o emborrachar la fruta.’
Diccionario Maya-Espanol del Convento de San Francisco, Merida, MS.
I have not found this word in other dictionaries in my reach.” As
Perez, Brasseur, and Henderson give as one meaning of calab, “inﬁ-
nitely, many times,” it is probable that this was the sense in which it came
into use as a numeral adjective, a more deﬁnite meaning being after-
ward applied. Henderson gives as another signiﬁcation “a buckle,”
but this may be modern. Zotzce/c, which is sometimes u'sed in place of
keno/Lil, signiﬁes “deer skin,” but the latter term has received no sat-
isfactory interpretation. As CM] is interpreted by the lexicographers
“knapsack, granary, barn,” it is possibly the clue to the signiﬁcation.
The highest term~—alau—remains unexplained. As pic has been used
in pOst-Columbian times to denote 1,000, Mac/oil has been used to sig—
nify 1,000,000.

Before commenting further on this system it will be best to present
the data at hand relating to the count above 10 by other tribes of the
Mayan group, and by some tribes of surrounding stocks.

Huasteca 2
10 lahu. 17 lahu-buk=10+ 7.
11 lahu-hun=10+1. 18 Iahu-huaxik=10+ S.
12 lahu—tzab=10+2. 19 lahu—belleuh=10% 9.
13 lahu-ox=10+ 3. 20 hum-inik=1 man.
14 lahu-tze: 10—9—4. 30 hum-inik lahu=°0 (or 1
15 lahu-bo=10+5. manH—IO.

16 lahu-akak=10+6. 40 tzab-inik=°><20.
1Maya Chronicles, p. 4:3.
ﬁstoll, Zur Ethnog. Guatemala, pp. 68-70, and Marcelo Alejandre,Carti11a H11asteca,p.153 (h is sub-
stituted forj. Alejandro uses the terminal 6, but to be uniform with Stoll, I have substituted k).

THOMAS] HUASTECA AND QUICHE NUMERALS 895

H uasfem—Continued

50 tzab-inik lahu=2X20 +10. 800 huaxik-boinik=8X100.
60 _ ox—inik=3X20. 900 belleuh-inik=9X100?
70 ox-inik lahu=3X20—+—10. 1, 000 hum xi.
80 tze—inik=4X20. 2, 000 tzab xi=2X 1,000.
90 tze—inik ca-lahu=4X20—l—10. 3, 000 ox xi=3X1,000.
100 bo-inik=5X20. 4, 000 tzaboinik xi? (tze xi?)
200 tza-boinik=2 X 100. 5, 000 boi xi=5 X 1,000.
300 ox-boinik23X100. 6, 000 akak xi=6X1,000.
400 tze-boinik=4 X 100. 7, 000 buk-inik xi? (buk xi?)
500 bojboiiiik25X100. 8, 000 huaxik xi=8X1,000.
600 akak-boinik :6 X 100. 9, 000 ‘ belleuh-hinik xi? (belleuh xi?)

700 bu-unik = 7 X 1 00?

It is apparent that from 100 upward the count is in accord with the
decimal system, though the 5 times 20 to make the 100 is retained.
E, the term for 1,000, appears to be modern, or, what is more probable,
it is the term formerly used for 8,000, but changed, as pic in Maya,
to 1,000; it is probably derived from mil or 032727, “hair.” Several of
the terms taken from Alejandre’s list appear to be doubtful, to wit,
those for 700, 900, 4,000, 7,000, and 9,000. Possibly the name for
700 is a shortened form of buk 6057221? and that for 900 of belle/uh Mini/r,
but this explanation will‘not apply to the other three, as tzaboinikmi,
to conform to the system, would be 200x 1,000 or 200+1,000. The
proper term according to the rule would seem to be tzem'. I am
unable to offer any other explanation of the terms for 7,000 and 9,000
than that £72275 has been improperly inserted. No data are available
for determining the method of counting the minor additions from «1:1
to 59, 61 to 79, etc.

The next system of numeration to be considered is that of the
Quiche, to which special attention is called for the reason that it is
given somewhat fully by Brasseur, who seems to have studied it care-
fully, and who furnishes explanations drawn from his knowledge of the
language. It therefore affords a good basis of comparison with the
systems of other dialects of the same family, especially with that of the
Maya proper.

Quick/3‘
10 lahuh. 17 vuk—lahuh = 7+10.
11 hu-lahuh=] +10. 18 vahxak-Iahuh=8+10.
12 cab-1ahuh=2+10. 19 belch-lahuh=9+10.
13 ox-lahuh=3+10. 20 hu-vinak=1 man.
14 cah-lahuh:4+10. 21 huvinak-hun=‘)0+].
15 o-lahuh =5+10. 22 huvinak-cab=20 J, ,2.

16 vak-lahuh =6+10.

This continues to 39, the minor numbers 3—19 being placed after the
huvinak or 20. However, it would have been more satisfactory if the
author had written out more fully these added numbers to 39, thus

 

1Brasscur dc Bourbourg. Grammaire Languc Quiché,pp.141—1 m.

896 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mans-.19

enabling us to see Whether there ale any contractionS of the te11ns for
11 to 19 as given above.

40 cavinak=2 men or 2X20.

From this the vinal: for 20 is replaced by gal, which is really the
proper term in Quiche for the number 20, and corresponds with the
kal (20) of the Maya dialect.

41 hun-r-oxqal=1 on the third score, or third 20.
42 cab-r-oxqalz2 on the third score, or third 20.
43 oxib—roxal=3 on the third score, or third 20.

This continues to 59 by preﬁxing the numbers 4—19 to roxgal. The
latter term is composed of the possessive 7'73 sincopated to 7', and ace-gal,
3X20. The counting, therefore, is precisely as in the Maya dialect;
that is to say, from 21 to 39 the minor additions (1—19) are made to the
ﬁrst score, or 20, but from 41 to 59 they are counted as so many on
the following 01' third score. This method is followed, as will be seen,
up to 399.

60 ox-qal=3)<20.

61 hun—ri-hu111uch=1 on the fourth score.
62 cab—ri-humuch=2 011 the fourth score.
63 ox-ri-humuch =3 on the fourth score
80 hnmuch.

The name lemme/z, is composed of lam. 1, and muc/L, a measure
of quantity, a little mass 01' pile comprising 1 qal of cacao nuts.

81 hun-r—oqal=1 on the ﬁfth score.
82 cab—roqa1=2 on the ﬁfth score.
83 oxib-roqal=3 on the ﬁfth score.
So to 99.
100 o-qal=5><20.
101 hu-ri-vakqal=1 on the Sixth score.
102 cab—ri-vakqal=2 on the sixth score.
103 oxib-ri-vakqalz3 on the sixth score.
So to 119.
120 vak-qal=6><20.
121 hun—ri-vukqal=1 on the seventh score.
122 cab-ri-vukqalz2 011 the seventh score.
123 oxib—ri-vukqalz3 on the seventh score.
1 So to 139.
140 \‘11k—qal=7><20.
141 hun-ri-vahxakqal=1 on the eighth score.
1-12 cab—ri-vahxakqalz2 on the eighth score.
1-13 oxib-ri-vahxakqalz3 on the eighth score.
160 \'al1xak-qal=8><20.
.161 hun-ri-belehqal=1 on the ninth score.
So to 179. '
160 beleh—qalz9x20.
181 hun-r-otuk=1 on the tenth score, or literally 1 on the ﬁfth 40.
So to 199.

moms] QUICHE NUMERALS 897

Here is a change in the order from la/m/L-qal, or 10X 20, as it would
be regularly, to omlc, or 5 tub, which seems to give indications of
modern inﬂuence. Brasscur gives the following explanation: “From
the number 180 following they say hun-mtuk, 181, 1 toward 200, which
is represented by the word otulc (this name for 200 is composed
of 00, 5, and talc, which appears to signify a tuft of a certain herb,
which has, independently of its ordinary sense, that of 40. This makes,
therefore, for the entire word, 10 multiplied by 5; that is to say, 200).”
Two in Maya signiﬁes as a verb “to count heaps, or by heaps” (Hen—
derson, manuscript dictionary, and Beltran, Arte). The succeeding
numbers, as will be seen by the list, follow in the count the regular
order, though with abbreviated names.

201 hun-ri-hulah=1 on the eleventh score.
So to 219.

IIulala in this instance stands for laula/m-qal,’ that is, 11 X 20.

220 hulahu-qal: 1 1 X 20.
221 hun-ri-cablah=1 on the twelfth score.
So to 239.

C'ablak, abbreviation of cablaku/L-qal.

240 cablahuh-qal=12)<20.
241 hun-roxlah=1 on the thirteenth score.
So to 259.

Rowlah, abbreviation of macla hula-gal.
260 roxlahuh—qal : 13 X 20.

The retention of the 7“ here, contrary to the general rule, is without
apparent reason unless it be for the sake of euphony. Omlafaukqal
would seem to be the proper term, as order/Lula is given for 13, owqal
for 60, and omuc/L-owla/mhgal for 660; however, the name for 300 is
rolakuhgal.

261 hun—ri-cahlahuhqal=1 on the fourteenth score.
So to 279.

280 cahlahuh-qal = 14 X 20.

_ 281 hun—r—olahuhqal=1 on the ﬁfteenth score.

So to 299.

300 rolahuh-qal=15><20.

301 hun-ri-vaklahuhqal=1 on the sixteenth score.
So to 319.

320 vaklahuh-qal=16><20.

321 hun—ri-vuklahuhqal=1 on the seventeenth score.
So to 339.

340 vuklahuh-qal = 1 7 X 20.

341 hun-ri-vahxaklahuhqal=1 on the eighteenth score.
So to 359.

360 vahxaklahuh-qal = 18 X 20.

19 ETH, PT 2 22

 

898 NUMERAL SYSTEMS (m. ANN. 19

361 hun-ri-belehlahuhqal=1 on the nineteenth score.
So to 379.

380 belehlahuh-qal = 19 X 20.

381 hun-r-omuch=1 0n the 400, or 1 on the ﬁfth much.
So to 399.

400 omuch=5X80, or 5X4X20.

401 omuch-hun =400+ 1. Etc.

500 omuch-oqa1=400+100.

600 omuch-otuk =400A Jr200.

700 omuch-olah, or omuch-olahuh-qal=400+15 X 20.

720 omuch-vaklahuhqal =400 + 16 X 20.

780 omuch-belehlahuhqal =400 +19 X 20.

At this point Brasseur remarks : “From here onward they count
from 400 to 4,000 with the term go, that is to' say, 400, in this manner;
cargo, two times four hundred; and they begin to count from 781,
hun-ri-cago, as if they said, one on (or toward) the eight hundred;
cab—ri—cago, two on eight hundred.”

It would seem, therefore, from this remark, that this change in the
count commenced only with the last 20 required to make up the 800.
But as soon as the count rose above 800 it was based on the 400 next
above, that is to say, .the third 400, thus: ‘

801 hun-r-oxogo=1 on the third 400.

840 cavinak-r-oxogo=2X20 on the third 400.
860 oxqal-r—oxog0=3X20 on the third 400.

Brasseur gives as the equivalent of [um-romgo “es decir 399 para
1200.” Though the term may indicate a number which is the same as
1200—399, it certainly does not indicate any such process of obtaining
this number. The ﬁrst number expressed is Iran, or 1, and this is related
in some way to 3x400, or, the third 400. Brasseur’s explanation is
therefore unsatisfactory. The count evidently proceeds in the same
way as that of the minor numbers above the second score both in the Maya
and Quiche dialects, that is, 1, 2, etc., on the next higher score; here
it is on the next higher go or 400.

880 humuch-r-ox0g0=80 on the third 400.

900 oqal-r-0x0g0=5X20 on the third 400.

920 vakqal-r—ox0g0=6X20 on the third 400.

940 vukqal-r-oxogo=7 X20 on the third 400.

960 vahxakqal—r-oxogo=8X2O on the third 400.

980 belehqal-r-oxogo=9X20 on the third 400.
1,000 otuk—r-oxog025X40 on the third 400.
1,200 roxogo=3X400.

Here the preﬁxed 7' (for m’) is retained for no apparent use unless

possibly for euphony.
1,600 cahgo=4X400.
2,000 roogo, or rogo=5X400.
2,400 vakago=6X400.
2,800 vukugo=7 X400.
3,000 otuk-vahxakgo=5X40 on the eighth 400.

moms] - CAKOHIQUEL NUMERALS 899

3, 200 vah xa-go =8 X 400.

3, 600 beleh-go =9 X 400.

4, 000 lahuh-go = 10 X 400.

4, 400 hulahuh-go = 1 1 X 400.

4, 800 cablahuh-go = 12 X 400.

5, 000 otuk-oxlahuh-go =200 on the thirteenth 400.
5,200 oxlahuh-go=13><400.

5, 600 cahlahuh-go = 14 X 400.

6,000 roolahuh-go = 15 X 400.

6,400 vaklahuh-go: 16 X 400.

6,800 vuklahuh-go=17 x400.

7, 000 otuk-vahxaklahuh-go: 200 on the eighteenth 400.
7, 200 vahxak-lahuh-go = 18 X 400.

7, 600 bele hlahuh-go = 19 X 400.

Upward from this point to 7,999 the count is based on 8,000, for
which the word chuvy—which, according to Brasseur, denotes the bag
or sack containing 8,000 cacao nuts, corresponding exactly with the
Mexican wiguipz’lli—was used.

7,601 hun-ri-hu-chuvy=1 on the ﬁrst 8,000.
7,602 cab-ri-hu-chuvy22 on the ﬁrst 8,000, etc.
16,000 ca-chuvy=2><8,000.
24,000 ox-chuvy=3><8,000, etc.
80,000 lahuh-chuvy=10><8,000.
88,000 hulahuh-chuvy=11 X 8,000.

“Y asi de los demas hasta el inﬁnito” (Brasseur).

In the other dialects of the Mayan family the lists of numerals
above 10, so far as obtained, are as follow:

C'akchikel1
10 lahuh. 16 vuaklahuh =6+10.
11 huvilahuh 2=1+10. ' 17 vuklahuh=7+10.
12 cablahuh=2+10. 18 vuahxaklahuh=8+ 10.
13 oxlahuh=3+ 10. 19 belehlahuh=9+10.
14 cahlahuh=4+10. 2O huvinak=1 man.

15 vuolahuh=5+10.

Stoll 3 gives the old and new methods of counting among the Cakchi-
quels from 40 to 80, as follow (It being substituted for j); the number
equivalents are our additions:

Old 767/;
40 ca—vinakz2 men 40 ca-vinak=2 men.
41 hun-r-oxc’al=1 on the third score. 41 ca-vinak-hun=2 men and 1, or
_ 2>’<20+1.
42 cai-r-oxc’al=2 on the third score. 42 ca-Vinak-cai=2><20+2.

43 oxi-r-oxc’al=3 on the third score. 43 ca-vinak-oxi=2><20+3.

44 cahi-r—oxc’al=4 on the third score. 44 ca-vinak-cahi=2><20+4.

45 voo—r-oxc’al=5 on the third score. 45 ca-vinak—vuoo=2><20+5.

46 vuakaki-r-oxc’al=6 on the third 46 ca-vinak-vuaki=2><20+ 6.
score.

 

1 Stoll, Zur Ethhnog. Guatemala, p. 136.
2The iii in this name is apparently incorrect; it is possibly a misprint for n.
aSoc. cit.

900 'NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mmm 19

Old New

47 vuku-r-oxc’al=7 on the third score. 47 ca-vinak—vuku=2><20—l—7.

48 vuakxaki-r-oxc’ a1=_8 on the third 48 ca—vinak—vuahxaki :2 X 20+8.
score.

49 belehe-r-oxc’ a1: 9 on the third score. 49 ca-vinak-belehe =2 >< 20+9.

50 lahuh-r-oxc’al=10 on the third score. 50 ca-vinak-lahuh=2><20+]0.

51 hu-lahuh-r-oxc’al=11 on the third 51 ca-vinak-huvilahuh=2><20+1L

score.

52 cab—lahuh-r-oxc’al=12 on the third 52 ca—vinak-cablahuh=2><20+12.
score.

53 ox—lahuh-r-oxc’alzl3 on the third 53 ca-Vinak-oxlahuh=2><20+13.
score.

54 cah-lahuh-r—oxc’a1214 on the third 54 ca-vinak-cahlahuh=2X20+14.
Score. ‘

55 vuo-lahuh-r-oxc’al=15 on the third 55 ca-Vinak-vuolahuh=2X20+15.
score.

56 vuak-lahuh-r-oxc’al=16 on the third 56 ca-vinak-vaklahuh=2X20+16.
score.

57 vuk~lahuh-r—oxc’al=17 on the third 57 ca-vinak—vuklahuh=2><20+17.
score.

58 vuakxak-lahuh-r-oxc’al=18 on the 58 ca-vinak-vuahxaklahuh=2 X20+18.
third score.
59 beleh-lahuh-r-oxc’a1219on the third 59 ca-vinak-belehlahuh=2X20+19.

score.
60 oxc’al=3><20. 60 ox-vinak, or oxc’a1=3><20.
61 hun-ru-humu’ch=1 on the fourth 61 ox-vinak-hun23 X20+1.
score.
80 humu’ch. 80 cah-vinak, or humu’ch = 4X20, or 80.

Dr Brinton, in his Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language of Guate-
mala (page 68), translated from a manuscript in the Library of the
American Philosophical Society, gives the following additional num-
bers. his 9 being changed to 0’ to correspond with Stoll’s list:

100 0c’a1=5><20. ,

101 hun-ru-Vakc’al=1 on the Sixth score.
120 vakc’al=6><20.

121 hun-ru-vukc’alzl on the seventh score.
140 vukc’al:7><20.

160 vakxak-c’alz8x20.

180 beleh-c’al=9><20.

200 otuc=5><40.

300 volahuh-c’al=15><20.

400 omuch=5><80. ,
500 omuch-oc’al=5><80+5><20, or 400+100.
600 omnch-otuk=400+200.

700 omuch-volahuh-c’al =400+15 X 20.

800 cagho=2 gho or 2x400.

900 oxc’al-r-oxogho?

This is a mistake or misprint for

900 oc’al—r-oxogho=100 (or 5X20) on the third 400.
1,000 0tuc-r-oxogh0=200 (or 5X40) on the third 400.
8,000 hu-chuvy.

moms] POKONCHI NUMERALS 901

The following list of Pokonchi numerals is from Stoll’s Maya-
Sprachen der Pokom-Gruppe (p. 51):

Pokonchi
10 lahe-b.
11 hun-lah=1+10.
12 cab-lah=2+10.
13 ox-lah=3+10.
14 cah-lah=4+10.
15 ho-lah-uh=5+10.
16 vuak—lah=6+10.
17 vnk-lah=7+10.
18 vuaxak-lah=8+10.
19 beleh-lah=9+10.
2O hun-inak=1><20, or 1 man.
21 hen-ah ru-ca-vuinak=1 on the second score, or on the second 20.
22 quib ru-ca-vuinak=2 on the second score, or on the second 20.
30 laheb ru—ca-vuinak=10 on the second score, or on the second 20.
40 ca—vuinak=2><20.
5O laheb r-oxc’a1=10 on the third score.
60 ox—c’al=3><20.
70 laheb ru-cah-vuinak=10 on the fourth score.
80 cah-vuinak :4 X 20.
100 ho-c’al=5><20.
200 ho-tuc =5 X 40.

Stoll interprets the [Lena/t ru-ca-vm'nak of the above list by “ 1 sein
2X 20;” that is, 1 of, or belonging to, 2X 20 or the second 20. This is
exactly the same as saying one on the second score. The ru for which
“ sein ” stands is the third person, singular, possessive pronoun, as in
rupat, “ his house.”

In Quekchi (or K’ak’chi), from which the next example of numbers
above 10 is taken, we follow the “ Vocabulario Castellano-K’ak’chi”
of Enrique Bourgeois, as published by A. L. Pinart (pp. 7—8), always,
however, changing the Spanish j to it.

K’ ak’chi
10 laheb. 16 guac-lahu=6+10.
11 hun-lahu=1+10. 17 guk-lahu=7+ 10.
12 kab—lahu=2+10. 18 guaxak-lahu=8+10.
13 ox-lahu=3+10. 19 bele-lahu=9+10.
14 kabahu, or kaa—lahu=4+10. 20 hun-may.

15 ho-lahu=5+ 10

Why may or mad is used here instead of Ital, the proper term for
20, is not apparent, as it is a term applied in counting a particular
class of objects. Charencey1 remarks as follows in regard to it:

Ainsi le Cakgi posséde au moins cinq termes pour rendre notre nom de nombre 20,
suivant les objets auquels i1 se rapporte. Ainsi, l’on dira huvinc, s’il s’agit de comp-
ter des graines de cacao ou de pataste (cacao sauvage); huntaab, pour les couteaux
et instruments de fer ou de métal; hunyut, pour les plumes vertes; humai, s’il s’agit

1 Mélanges, pp. 65—66

902 NUMERAL SYSTEMS pm. my. 19

de compter les poutres, les bestiauvx, les fruits et objets comestibles. De méme 1e
Quiché employait cette particule mai ou may, lorsqu’il s’agissait du comput de
l’espace de vingt ans; de vinak, alors que l’on voulait supputer les mois, etc.

21 hun-x-kakal=1 on the second score.
22 kaib-X-kakal=2 on the second score.
23 oxib-x-kakal=3 on the second score.
24 kaaib-x-kakal=4 on the second score.
25 hoob-x-kakal=5 on the second score.
26 guakib-x-kaka126 on the second score.
27 gukub—x-kakal=7 on the second score.
28 guahxakib—x-kakal=8 on the second score.
29 beleb-x-kakal=9 on the second score.
30 ' laheb-x—kakal=10 on the second score.
31 hun-lahu-x-kakal: 11 (or 1 + 10) on the second score.
32 kab-lahu-x-kakal=12 (or 2—1—10) on the second score.
33 ox-lahu-x-kaka1213 on the second score.
So to 39.
40 kakal=2><20.
41 hun—r~oxkal=1 on the third score.
42 kaib-r-oxkal=2 on the third score.
SO to 49. .
50 laheb-r-oxkal=10 on the third score.
51 hun-lahu-r-oxkal :11 (or 1+10) on the third score.
52 kab-lahu-r—oxkal: 12 (or 2+10) on the third score.
So to 59.
60 oxal=3><20.
61 hun-x-kakal?=1 on the fourth score.
62 kaib-x-kak‘al?=2 on the fourth score.
S0 to 69.
70 laheb-x-kakal?=10 on the fourth score.
71 hun-lahu-x-kakal?=11 (or 1+10) on the fourth score.
72 kab-lahu-x-kakal ?=12 (or 2+10) on the fourth score.
80 to 79.

The kakal in the last ﬁve numerals unquestionably denotes 4X 20, or
80, the proper term for which is [radical As kakal is the term for 40,
or literally 2X 20, there must be either a distinction in the pronuncia-
tion not indicated in the vocabulary or an error in the printing. The
data at hand do not furnish the means of determining the signiﬁcation
of the inserted a; as in immakalul; it seems evident that it plays the
same r61e as 70 before 0, as in mmkal.

80 kaakal=4><20.
81 hun—r-okal=1 on the ﬁfth score.
82 kaib-r-okal=2 on the ﬁfth score.
So to 89.
9O laheb-r-okal=10 on the ﬁfth score.
91 hun-lahu—r-okal=11 (or 1+10) on the ﬁfth score.
So to 99.
100 hokal = 5 X 20.
120 guackal = 6 X 20.
200 hotuc=5 X 40.
400 hun-okob: 1 X 400.
800 kaib-0k0b=2><400.

THOMAS]

MAM NUMERALS 903

The list of numerals above 10 in the Mam dialect given below is
from the Arte y Vocabulario en Lengua Mame, by Marcos Salmeron,
published by Charencey (page 156).

10
1 1
1 2
1 3
14
15
16
1 7
18
19
20
3O
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
450
60
70
80
90
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
900

Mam

lahuh.

hum-lahuh=1+10.

kab-lahuh=2+10.

ox-lahuh=3+10.

kiah-lahuh=4+10.

oo-lahuh=5+10.

vuak-lahuh=6+ 10.

vuk-lahuh=7+10.

vuahxak—lahuh=8+10.

belhuh-lahuh=9+10.

vuinkim or huing (Stoll) :1 man.
vuinak—lahuh=1 man, or 20+10.

ka—vuinak :2 X 20.

hum-t-oxkal-imzl to the third score.
kabe-t-oxkal-im=2 to the third score.
oxe—t-oxkal-im=3 to the third score.
kiah—t-oxkal-im=4 to the third score.
hoe-t—oxkal-im=5 to the third score.
vuakak-t-oxkal-im=6 to the third score.
vuk-t-oxkal-im=7 to the third score.
vuahxak—t-oxkal-im=8 to the third score. 1
velhuh—t-oxkal-im29 to the third score.
lahuh-t-oxkal-im=10 to the third score.
ox-kal=3><20.

lahuh-tu-hu-much-im=10 on the fourth score.
hum-mucx=1 much, or 1X80.
lahuh-t-okal-im=10 on the ﬁfth score.1
okal=5><20. ‘

ochuk=5 X40.

Oloh—kal = 15 X 20.

o-mucx :5 X 80.

0mucx-okal=400+100, lit. (5X80)+(5><20).
omucx-ochuh=400+200, lit. (5X80)+(5><40).
omucx—oloh-kal=400+300, lit. (5X80)+(15><20).
lahuh-tuki-okal.

Stoll2 gives a method of counting above 40 in this idiom so different
from that presented above that his brief notice is presented here:

40
50
60
70
80
90

caunak=2 X 20 ?, or 2 men.
caunak—t-iqui-lahoh 240+ 10.
ox-c’al=3 X20.
ox-c’al-t-iqui-lahoh=60+10.
hu-much =1 X80.
hu-much-t-iqui-lahoh=80+10.

 

1 Salmeson gives t-oxkal, which is an evident error.
2Sprache der Ixil-Indianer, p. 146.

904

NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETIL ANN. 19

This, as will be seen, adds to the preceding 20 instead of counting
on the following 20, and is presumed to indicate the more modern
method of counting.

25
26
27
28
29
30
40
60
70
80
90
100
101
110
120
130
140
150
160
1 70
180
190
200
220
230
240
260
280
300

Ixil1

la-vual.

hun-lavual =1 +10.

cab-1avual=2+ 10.

ox-lavual =3+ 10.

ca-lavual = 4+ 10.

o-lavual=5+10.

vuah-lavual = 6+ 10.

vuh -1avual = 7 + 10.

vuaxah-lavual = 8+ 10.

bele-lavua1=9+ 10.

vuink-il, or vuinquil.

vuinah-un-ul = 20+ 1.

vuinah—cab-il =20+2.

vuinah-ox—ol =20+3.

vuinah-cél = 20+4 (cal for cah-il) .
vuinah—ol =20+5 (01 for 0-01).
vuinah-V'uah-il = 20+ 6.

vuinah-vuh-ul = 20+ 7.

vuinah-vuaxah -i1= 20+8.
vuinah-belu-Vual = 20+9.

vuinah-lavual = 20+10.

ca-vuink-il = 2 X 20.

ox-c’ 31-31 = 3 X 20.

lavual-i-much = 10 on the 80.
ung-much-ul = ome much, or one 80.
1avua1-t-oc’a1: 10 on the ﬁfth score.

o-c’ al-al :5 X 20.

00’ a1a1-t-uc—ungvua1: 100+ 1.
1avua1-i-vuahc’a1: 10 on the sixth score.
vuah-c’al-a1=6 X 20. 2

lavual-i-vuhc’al=10 on the seventh score.
vuh-c’ al—al =7 X 20.
lavual-i-vuaxahc’alzlo on the eighth score.
vuaxah—c’ 211-211: 8 X 20.

lavual-i-belec’ a1: 10 on the ninth score.
bele-c’al-a1=9 X 20.

lavual-i-lac’ a1 = 10 on the tenth score.
1a-c’al-a1: 10 X 20 (or cavual-ciento = 2 X 100—Spanish) .
hunla-c’ al-al = 1 1 X 20.

1avual-i-cab1a—c’a1: 10 on the twelfth score.
cabla-c’ 511-211 = 12 X 20.

oxla-n-c’ al-al = 13 X 20 (same as oxlahunc’alal) .
cala-n-c’ al-al = 14 X 20.

ola-n-c’al-al: 15 X 20.

 

1 Stoll, op. cit, pp. 50-52.
2 Stoll gives by slip of the pen “4X20.”

 

 

moms} IXIL NUMERALS 905

320 vuahla-n-c’al-a1=16X20.

340 vuhla-n-c’al-al=17X20.

360 vuaxahla-n-c’ 3.1—3] 2 1 8 X 20.

380 belela-n-c’ al—al = 19 X 20.

400 vuinkil-an-c’ al-al = 90 X 20.

420 vuinah-un-ul-an—c’aI-al = ( 20+ 1) X 20.

440 vuinah-ca—vual-an-c’ 211-211 = (20—1—2) X 20.

460 vuinah-ox-l-an-c’ al-al = (20+ 3) X 20.

480 vuinah-ca-l-an-c’ 31-211 2 (20—1—4) X 20.

500 vuinah-o-l-an-c’al-al = (20-1—5) X 20.

520 vuinah—vuah-il-an-c’al-al: (20—1—6) X 20.

540 vuinah-vuh-l-an-c’al-al: (20+7) X20.

560 vuinah-vuaxah-iI-an-c’al-al= (20+8) X 20.

580 vuinah-bele-l-an-c’al-al= (20—1—9) X 20.

600 vuinah-la-vual—an-c’al-al = (20—1—10) X 20.

620 vuinah-hun—1a-\'ual-an-c’a1-al= (20+1+10) X 20.

640 vuinah—cab—la-vual-an-c’ al-al: ( 20+ 2+ 10) X 20.

660 vuinah—ox-la—vual-an-c’al-al: ( 20+3+10) X 20.

680 vuinah—ca-1a-vual—an—c’al-al= (20—1—4—5—10) X20.

700 Vuinah-o-la-vual—an-c’aI-al = ( 20+5+10) X20.

720 vuinah-vuah—la-vual-an-c’alfal= (20+6+ 10) X20.

740 ‘vuinah-vuh-la-vual—an-c’ al-al = (20+ 7+ 10) X 20.

760 vuinah-vuaxah-la-vual-an-c’aI-al = (20+8+ 10) X 20.

780 vuinah-bele—la-vual-an-c’ al-al = (20+9+10) X 20.

800 ca-vuinkil-an-c’al-al = (2 X 20) X 20.

Aguacateca 1 Jm-altcoal ‘ Chuhe1 .

w
10 lahu 10 lahuneb 10 lahne
11 hunla 11 hun—lahuneb 11 uxlche ('3)
12 cabla 12 (cab-lahuneb 12 lahchue (‘3)
13 oxla 13 OX-lahuneb 13 ux—lahne
14 quayahla 1-1 can-lahuneb 1-1 chanlahne
15 01a 15 ho-lahuneb 15 holahue
16 vuakla 16 vuah-lahuneb ‘16 \'uaklahne
17 vukla 17 vuh-lahuneb 117 uklahne
' 18 vuahxakla 18 vuahax-lahuneb 18 vuaxlahne

19 belela 19 balun-lahuneb 19 banlahne
20 hunak 20 hun-c’al 20 hun-c’al
21 hunak-hun 21 hun-es-cavuinah '40 chavuinal
22 hunak-cab 30 lahun-s-cavuinah 60 hoiX-vuinak (‘3)
23 hunak-ox 40 (:a-vuinah
40 caunak 60 ox-c’al
60 ox-c’al 100 ho-c’al
80 bun-much

 

 

 

 

 

1 Stall, Spruche dcr Ixil-Indiauer, p. 146.

 

906 N UMERA L SYSTEMS [ETI-I. ”11.19

Tzotzil (a) Chanabal (a) -Ch01 (b)

10 lahunem 10 lahuné 10 lahum

11 buluchim 11 buluché, 0r baluche 11 l: u m pé e luhum-

pé=1+10
12 1ah-chaém=10+2 12 lah-uhane (c)=10+2 12 chapé e luhum-
pé=2+ 10

13 ox-lahuné1n=3+ 13 ox-lahuné=3+10 13 uxpé e 1uhumpé=
10 3—1—10

14 ch all-1a h 11 n é 111,: 14 0112111 -1ahuné=4+10 14 chumpé e luhum-
4+10 pé=4+ 10

15 ho-lahuném=5+ 15 ho—lahuné=5+10 15 h o - 111m pé=5+10
10 [ho e luhumpé]

16 uak— 1 ahuném=6+ 16 nak-lahuné :6+ 10 16 11 0 k pé e 111 h um-
10 pé=6+10

17 vuk-lahuném=7—+— 17 huk-lahuné=7+10 17 hukpé e luhum-
10 pé=7+10

18 uaxak - lahuném=8 18 uaxak — I ah uné=8+ 18 uaxokpé e luhum-
+10 10 pé=8+10

19 balum- lahuném=9 19 bala—hune=9+10 19 bolompé e luhum-
+10 pé =91L 10

20 tom 20 huntahbe 20 hun—c’al =one 20

40 cha -vuinik=2X 20, 40 cha-vu i n iké=2 X20, 40 cha-c’al=2 X20
or 2 men or 2 men

60 ox-vuinik=3 X20 60 ox-Vuiniké23X20 60 ux-c’al=3X20

80 chan-vuinik=4 X20 80 ch a n -vuin iké=4X 80 chun-c’alz4 X20

20
100 ho—vuinik=5 X20 100 ho-vuiniké25 X20 100 1100-c’a1=5X20

 

 

 

 

 

aStoIl, Ethnog. Guatemala, pp. 69—70.
bStoll, op. cit.
cShould not this be lah-chabc?

10 mahc.

JIM 1

 

 

mahc-tuuc=10+1.

mahc-tuduuc=10+6 or mahc-mocx-tuuc=10+5+L
mahc-huextuuc=10+7 or mahc-mocx-metzc:10+5+2.
mahc-tuctuuc=10+8 or mahc-mocx-tucoc=10+5+3.
mahc-taxtuuc=10+9 0r atuuc czi ypx=1 from 20 or one more to 20.

12 mahc-metzc=10+2.
13 mahc-tucéc=10+3.
14 mahc-mactz=10+4.
15 Inahc-mocx=10+ 5.
16

17

18

19

20 ypx.

21 ypx-tuuc=20+1.

22 ypx-metzc=20+2.
23 ypx-tucéc=20+3.

1 Raoul de la. Grasserie. Lnngue an110 or Langue Mixe, 332, 3321.

 

 

 

moms] MIXE AND ZOQUE NUMERALS 907
24 ypx-maxtaxc=20+-l.
25 ypx-mocoxc=20+5.
26 ypx-tuduuc=20+6 (literally 20+5+1).
27 ypx-huextuuc=20+7 (literally 20+5+2).
28 ypx-tuctuuc=20+8 (literally 20+5+3).
29 ypx-taxtuuc=20+9 0r atuuc ca ypxmahc=1 from 30 or 1 more to 30.
30 ypx-mahc=20+10.
31 ypx—mahc—tuuc=20+10+1.
32 ypx-mahc-metzc=20+10—1—2.
33 ypx-mahc—tucéc=20+10+3.
40 huixticx (‘3) [metz-ipx?]
60 tucé-px = 3 X 20.
80 mohcta-px=4X20.
100 Iiiocé-px =5 X 20.
120 tuduu—px =6 X 20.
140 huextuut: 7 X 20 ?
160 tuctuut=8X 20 ?
180 taxtuut=9 X20 ?
200 maiqu-ipx :10 X 20.
300 yucmocx=20>< 15 ?
400 tuuc-moiﬁ=1 Inoin.
500 tuuc-moiﬁ co mocopx=400+100 or 400+5X20.
600 tuuc-moiﬁ co 1naiquipx=400+ 200 0r 400+10X20.
700 tuuc—moiﬁ c0 yucmocx =400+300.
800 metzc-moiﬁz‘) X 400.
900 metzc-moiﬁ c0 mocopx=9X400+100.
1,000 metzc-moiﬁ co maiquipx=2X400+200
Zoquc 1
1 z
10 makch-kan 10 macay
11 makch-tuman=10+1 11 (‘3)
12 makch-kues teut-kan 12 macueste-cuy
13 (P) 13 mac-tucay=10+3
20 i-itpshan 20 ips-vote, yps-vote, 0r yps-vate
' (literally yps or ips=20)
30 i-ips-comak-kan 30 yps co mac=20+ 10
40 wﬁeus—tu-gi—ipshan 100 mos-ips==5><20
50 wﬁeus-tu—gi-comak—kan=40+10 300 yet-ips
60 tugi-ipshanz3X20 2, 000 mosmone
70 tugips—comak-kan:60+10 10,000 tzuno-comos-mone
80 mak-tapshanz4X20 12, 000 tzuno—comac-mona
90 mak-tapshan—coma-kan=80+10 13, 000 tzuno-coma, vestec-mone
100 mossiipshan=5><20 ‘ 16, 000 vestec-tzunu
200 magi-ipshan=10x20 20, 000 vestectzuno-comac-mone
j 30, 000 tucuy-chuno coyet-mone
300, 000 yps-coyu covestec-tzuno

 

 

 

lThis list of numerals must be accepted with some reserve; it is partly (1) from E. A. Fuertes’
manuscript in the Bureau of American Ethnology archives and partly (2) from the Vocabulary in
Grasserie’s Langue Zoque.

908 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em ANN- 19
Trike 1

10 chia. 50 ghuixiaa-chiha=40+10.

11 cha-nha=10+ 1. 51 gh u i x i aa-chanha=40+

12 chu-uiha=10+2. 11 (literally 40+10+

13 cha-nﬁnha:10+3. 1).

14 chi-gaha=10+4. 52 g h u i xiaa-chuuiha=40+

15 chinOOnha=15 X 1 ‘3 12 (literally 40+10+

16 chinénhi-ha=15+1. 2).

17 chinon-huiha215 +2. 60 guanénxiaha=3X20 ‘1’

18 chinén-guanénha:15+3. 61 gu a n o n X ia-ﬁia-nha=60

19 chinén-gaha=15+4. +1.

20 hikoo or kooha. 62 guanénxia—ghuiha=60+

21 hikoo-ﬁia-nha:20+1. 2.

22 hikoo-ghuiha:20+2. 70 gu an 6 n xia-chiha=60+

30 hikoo-chiha:20+ 10. 10.

31 hikoo—Chan :20 + 1 1 (liter— 71 g u a 116nxia—chiﬁia-nha:
ally 20+10+1. 60+10+1.

32 hiko o—chuuiha=20+12 80 kaaxihaa=4X20?
(literally 20+ 10+2). ' 81 kéaxia—ngoha=80+1.

33 i k 0 0 - c h a nunha=20+ 13 90 kaaxia-chiha=80+ 10.
(literally 20+10+3.) . 91 kaaxia-‘chan=80+11

40 ghuixiaaha=2 X 20 ? (literally 80+10+1) .

41 ghuixiaa-ngoha=40+1. 100 hﬁhﬁ-chia=5 X 20.

42 ghuixiaﬁ-ghuiha:40+2.
The triad in the names for 40, etc., appears to be an equivalent of 20-

C’ahita 2

10 uo-mamni=2X5.
1 1 uomamni aman—senu: 10+ 1 or 2 X 5+ 1. Also, uomamni ama vepa-
senu.
20 senu~tacaua=one 20 or 1 X20.
40 uoi-tacaua :2 2 X 20.
60 vahi-tacaua :3 X 20.
80 naequi-tacaua=4 X 20.
100 mainni—tacaua = 5 X 20.
200 uo-lnalnni-tacaua = 10 X 20 (literally 2 X 5 X 20) .
400 uo-mamni uosa-tacaua = (2 X 5) X (2 X 20)?
500 uo-malnni uoSa aman mamni-tacaua2400+100.
600 uo-mamni aman vahi-Si-tacaua= (2 X 5) X (3 X 20)
700 uo—mamni vahi—Si aman mamni-tacaua 2600+ 100.
800 uo-mamni 11aequi-si-tacaua: (2 X 5) X (4 X 20).
900 uo-mamni naequi~si aman mamni-tacaua =800+100.
1, 000 uo-mamni liiamni-Si-tacaua= (2 X 5) X (5 X 20).
4, 000 naequi uonnnainni inainnistacaua.

‘ The author adds the following paragraphs:

Some nations [‘3] say senutacaua or sesavehere for 20, others Say sesm'ehere for 10, and
follow up the count thus, 11 sesavehere amcm senu, 12 sesavehere aman uoi, etc.; for 20
they say uosmvehere, which is 2 times 10.

 

1 Francisco Belmar, Ensayo sobre Lengua Trike, p. 10.
2Arte Lengua Cahita (anon), edited by Eustaquio Buelnn, pp.199,200.

moms] OTHOMI NUMERALS 909

The Yaquis say for 5 sesavehcrc, and counting from 5 to 5 [more] say uosavehere 10,
vahz‘vehere 15; these also say for 20 senutacaua or naequivehere, and for 25 say sesavehere,
and for 100 say mamnitacaura or tacauavehere, which is 20 ﬁves.

He explains the “numeral adverbs” 86866 and 7608a thus: se-sa, “ one

time,” uo-sa, ‘ ‘ two times; ” for example, swam/berg, one time 5, uoi—
where, two times 5, etc.
. OtiLomi1

10 réta or rata. 30 n-rzihte-ma-réta=20+10.

11 réta-Ina-ra=10+1. 40 yohte=2X20.

12 réta-ma-yooho = 10+ 2. 50 n-yohte-ma-réta:40+ 10.

1 3 réta-ma—hiu2210+ 3. 60 hiﬁ-réhte=3 X 20.

14 réta-ma-gooho: 10+4. 70 hiﬁréhte-ma—réta=60+10 (liter-

15 réta-ma-qyta=10+5. ally 3X20+10) .

16 réta-ma—rahto=10+6. 80 gooho-r-(ihte=4X20.

17 re’ta-ma-yohto: 10+7. 90 gooho - réhte — ma3 — réta=80+10

18 réta-ma—hiahto=10+8. (literally 4X20+10).

19 réta-ma-gyhto=10+9. 100 n-ranthbe, or n-ranéhbe.

20 n-réhte. 1,000 n-ram-oo. '

Tarasco ‘

10 temben.

11 temben—ma: 10+ 1.

12 temben—tziman:10+2.

13 temben-tanimu: 10+3.

14 temben-thamu = 10+4.

15 temben-yumu=10+5.

16 temben-cuimu=10+6.

17 temben-yuntziman=10+ 7.

18 temben-yuntanimu = 10+8.

19 temben—yunthamu = 10 +9.

20 maequatze or Inakatari.

30 maequatze ca-temben =20+ 10.

40 tziman-equatze = 2 X 20.

50 tziman-equatze ca—temben =40+ 10 (literally 2 X 20+ 10).

60 tanime-equatzez 3 X 20.

70 tanimequatze ca—temben =60+ 10.

80 thameq uatze=4 X 20.

90 thamequatze ca-temben=80+10.
100 yum equatze=5 X 20.
200 temben—eq uatze :10 X 20.
300 temben-equatze ca yumequatze=200+100 (literally, 10 X 20+5 X 20).
400 ma—yrepetazl X 400. ‘ l
500 ma-yrepeta ca-yum-equatze =400 + 100.
600 ma-yrepeta ca—temben equatze=400+ 200 (literally, 400+ 10 X 20).
700 ma-yrepeta ca-temben yumeq uatze 2400 +300, or in full, mayrepeta

ca-temben-equatze yumequatze = 400 +10 X 20+5 X 20.
800 tziman yrepeta=2X400. '
900 tziman y repeta ca-yumequatze =800+100 (literally 2 X 400+ 5 X 20) .
1,000 tziman yrepeta ca-tem ben-equatze = 800 + 200 (literally, 2 X 400 +
1 0 X 20 ) .

 

1Luis de Nevc Ymolina, Arte del Idionm ()thomi, pp. 152, 153, and Elements de la Grammaire
Othomi (anon), p. 14.

2htu in Ymolina's Arte {probably a misprint).

3mg in Arte.

4Arte y Diccionario Tamscos, by J nan Bantista de Laguna, edited by Nicholas Léon, pp. 59—61.

910 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mam 19

2,000 yum-yrepeta: .) X 400.
3,000 yun-tziman yrepeta ca—temben-equatze=7X400+10X20.
4,000 temben yrepeta=10X400.
5,000 temben-tziman yrepeta ca-temben equatze=12 X400+10X20.
6,000 temben yum-yrepeta=10X400+5X400 (written in full, temben
yrepeta ca-yum-yrepeta.)
7,000 temben yuntziman yrepeta ca-temben equatze=17 X400+10X20.
(literally, (10+7) X400+10X20).
8,000 ma-equatze yrepeta=20 X400.
9,000 ma-equatze tziman yrepeta ca-temben equatze: (20+2) X400+10><20.
10,000 ma-equatze yum yrepeta=8,000+200 (literally, lna—equatze yrepeta
ca—yum yrepeta=20 X 400+ 5 X400).
20,000 tziman equatze yrepeta ca—temben yrepeta=2X20X400+10X400.
30,000 tanim equatze temben yrepeta cayum yrepeta = 70X400 + 2,000
(literally, (3X20+10) ><400+5><400).
40,000 yum-equatze yrepeta:5X2.0X400.
50,000 cuim-equatze yrepeta ca-yum—yrepeta26 X20 X400+5X400.
60,000 yun-tanim-equatze yrepeta(?) 2?.
70,000 yun—tham-equatze yrepeta ca-yum—yrepeta(?) =?.
80,000 temben-equatze yrepeta, ca-temben-yrepeta:10X20X400 (“ca-tem-
ben yrepeta ” surplusage‘?).
90,000 temben ma—equatze yrepeta, ca-temben yum yrepeta.
100,000 temben-tanim-equatze yrepeta(?) =?.
200,000 makararhi-equatze yrepeta ca-cuim-equatze yrepeta=?.
300,000 makatarhi-equatze ca-temben yuntham-equatze yrepeta=?.
400,000 tziman katarhi equatze ca-yuntanim equatze yrepeta=?.
500,000 tanim katarhi-equatze ca-tziman equatze yrepeta=?.
600,000 tanim katarhi-equatze catemben yum-equatze yrepeta=?.
700,000 tham—katarhi-equatze ca-yuntanim-equatze yrepeta=?.
800,000 yun-katarhi-equatze ca-ma-equatze yrepeta=?.
900,000 yum-katarhi-equatze ca-temben-tham-equatze yrepeta=?.

There appear to be several errors in this list which can not be cor-
rected with satisfactory certainty without a somewhat thorough knowl~
edge of the language. The name for 60,000 as it stands in the list is
equal to 8X 20X400, giving as the product 64,000. It is possible that
this is the number intended. The proper expression for 60,000 appears
to be yurn—tziman-equatze-yrepeta temben-g/Tepem : ‘7 X 20 X 400+10 X 400.
The name for 7 0,000 as it stands in the list signiﬁes 9X 20X400+5><
400274,000. AS it is not probable that this is the number intended,
the error must be in the name. If we write ymz-tam'm-eguatze yrepeta
264,000 and add tembm yum—yrepeta, the abbreviated name for 6,000,
we shall get the required number, but the positive evidence that this
form is correct is lacking. We observe that the ﬁrst terms in the names
for 10,000, for 20,000, fOr 30,000, and for 40,000 are, respectively, ma, 1;

25mm)», 2; tam’m, 3; and yum, 5. Following this rule, the correspond-

ing terms in the names for 50,000, 60,000, 70,000, and 80,000 should
be cuim, 6; yacn—tzz'man, 7; yawztambn, 8; and temben, 10. The correc-
tions suggested for 60,000 and 70,000 (as 80,000 has temben) will con-
form to this order. These high round numbers have, however, a~
modern look inconsistent with original Mexican number systems.

moms] OPATA AND TOTONACA NUMERALS 911

Opata 1
1 0 makoi.
11 makoi-seni-begua 2 = 10+ 1.
12 makoi-go-begua= 10+2.
13 makoi-ba-begua210+3.
14 makoi-‘nago~begua= 10+4.
15 makoi-mari-begua= 10+5.
16 makoi-bussani-begua=10+6. .
17 makoi—seni-gua-bussani-begua= 10+ 7 (literally 10+1 +6).
18 makoi-go-nago-begufr: 10+8 (literally 10+2 X4).
19 kiseuri=before or next to 20.
20 seuri, or seneurini :1 man (? ).
21 seuri—seni-begua 220+ 1.
30 seuri—makoi-begua =20+10.
40 gode-urini :2 X 20.
50 godeurini makoi-begua=40+10 (literally 2 X 20+10).
60 vaide-urini = 3 X 20.
100 makoi-urini? (error; should be 1nari-urini=5 X 20?) .

Tarah umam‘ 3

10 Inacoi‘qui.
11 macoi-guamina-bire = 10+ 1.
12 macoi-guamina-oca = 10+ 2.
13 macoi-guamina-beiquia = 10+ 3.

So to 19.
20 osa-macoi :2 X 10.
30 beisa-macoi =3 X 1 0.
40 naguosa-macoi :4 X 10.

Notwithstanding the evident resemblance of the numerals of this
idiom up-to 10 to those of the Nahuatl, it is clear from this short list,
which is all we are enabled to oﬁer from the data at hand, that the
higher number names are based on the decimal system.

As the mode of counting used by the tribes of the Shoshonean
group, so far as they have been obtained, is based on the decimal sys-
tem, it is unnecessary to present more than one or two examples,
which will be introduced farther on.

Before closing this chapter a few other examples, including two from
northeastern Asia, will be presented for comparison. The ﬁrst of these
is the Totonacan count above 10. Unfortunately we have only the

round n umbe rs .
Totonaca 4

10 cauh.
20 puxain.
30 .puxam-a—cauh=20+10.
40 ti-puxam=2X20.
50 ti3puxam—a-cauh :2 X 20 + 10.
60 toton-puxam = 3 X 20.

100 quitziz-puxam :5 X 20.

200 co-puxam = 10 X 20.

400 tontaman.

1, 000 ti-taman-a-co-puxam = 2 x 400+ 10 x 20. '

 

1 This incomplete list is gathered from the Vocabulario Opata in Pimentel’s Cuadro, vol. II.
2The signiﬁcation of begud in this connection unknown to the writer.

3 Miguel Tellechea, Compendio Grammatical idioma Tarahumari, p. 7.

4Conant, Number Concept, p. 205.

9 1 2 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 19

For numbers in a different dialect see Akal’man in the preceding
chapter.

Squier1 gives the numerals of a Nicaraguan tribe that he names
Nagranda (Subtiabanss ?), which Show that the system was regularly
Vigesimal.

Nugranda

10 Guha=10. 41 Apudiﬁoimbanu=2><20+1.

11 Guanimba=10+1. 42 Apudiﬁoapunu=2><20+ 2.
12 Guanapu=10+ 2. 43 Apudiﬁoasunu=2><20+3.
13 Guanasu=10+ 3. 50 Apudiﬁoguhanu=2><20+10.
14 Guar. acu=10+4. 51 Apudiﬁoguanimbanu=2><20+1.
15 Guanisu=10+5. 52 Apudiﬁoguanapunu=2 X20+
16 Guanmahu=10+6. 10+2.
17 Guanquinu=10+7. 60 Asudiﬁo=3 X 20.
18 Guanuha=10+8. 70 Asudiﬁoguhanu=3><20+10.
19 Guanmelnu=10+9. 80 Acudiﬁo=4><20.
20 Dino, imbadifio, or ’ badiﬁo = 1 X 20. 90 Acudiﬁoguhanu=4x 20+10.
21 ’Badiﬁoimbanu = 1 X 20+1. 100 Huisudiﬁo or guhamba=5 X 20 or
22 ’ Badiﬁoapunu = 1 X 20+2. great ten.
23 ’Badiﬁoasunu=1 X20+3. 200 Guahadiﬁo=10><20.
30 ’ Badiﬁoguhanu = 1 X 20 + 10. 400 Diﬁoamba: great twenty.
31 ’Badiﬁoguanimbanu=1 >< 20+ 1000 Guhaisudiﬁo=10><5>< 20.
10+ 1. 2000 Hisudiﬁoamba=ﬁve great twen-
32 ’Badiﬁoguanapunuzl >< 20+10+2. ties.
33 ’Badiﬁoguanasunu = 1 X 20+ 10+3. 4000 Guh adiﬁoamba=ten great twen-
40 Apudiﬁo :2 X 20. ties.

As we shall have occasion to refer to one example from a California
dialect not pertaining to the Uto-Aztecan family, we give it here.

wahno‘m 2

1 pu-weh. 20 pu—al-yek.
2 opeh. 30 mis-u-o-pal-yuh=( 1 0 0 n second
3 mol-meh. score)?
4 ke—so—peh. 40 o-pal—yuh =2 X 20.
5 pu—pukh. 50 mis-u-mol-mal-yuh = (10 on third
6 pu-i-tal: (1+5)? score)?
7 o-pi-dun: (2+5)? 60 mol-mal-yuh=3 X20.
8 ken-uh-sol-mi-nun. 70 mis-u-kas-a-pal-yuh = (10 on fourth
9 hel-pi-suh-pu-tul = (10 — 1)? score)?

10 hel-pis—oh. 80 kaS—a-pal-yuh =4 X 20.

1 1 hel-pis-i—pu-tek = 10+ 1. 90 mus-u-pu-al = (10 on ﬁfth score)?

1 2 hel-pis-o-o-po-tek = 10+ 2. 100 pu-ol.

The number equivalents which we have added are given merely as
suggestions. Those for 80, 50, 70, and 90 should possibly be 10 from
40, 10 from 60, etc. We can only say that the equivalent, though pos-
sibly not the signiﬁcation of mic-u, must be 10, and that the count
relates to the next higher score.

 

1 Nicaragua, vol. II, p. 326. '
2 Compar. Vocabularies, by J. W. Powell, in Contrib. to N. A1n.1<:tlm.,vo]. III,pp. 487,488.

mums] MISCELLANEOUS LIsTs 9 13

The two Asiatic examples are the Tschukschi and the Aino.

’I‘MtILu/cschxi 1

10 Inigitkenzboth hands.
20 chlik-kin=a whole man.
30 chlikkin iningitkin parol=20—l—10.
40 nirach chlikkin=2><20.
100 inilin chlikkin=5><20.
200 mingit chlikkin:10><20, i. e., 10 men.
1,000 iniligen chlin-ehlikkin25x200, i. e., ﬁve (times) 10 men.

Aim) 2

10 wambi.
20 choz.
30 wambi i—doehoz=10 from 40, or 10 on the second score.
40 t0choz=2><20. '
50 wambi i-rich0z=10 from 60, or 10 on the third score.
60 rechoz :3 X 20.
70 wambi [i?] inichoz=10 from 80, or 10 on the fourth score.
80 inichoz=4X20.
90 wanibi aschikinich0z=10 from 100, or 10 on the ﬁfth score.
100 aschikinichoz :5 X 20.
110 wambi juwanochoz=10 from 120?
120 juwano (hOZ=6X20.
130 wainbi aruwanoclioz=10 from 140‘."
140 aruwano choz=7><20.
150 wambi tubischano choz=10.froin 160?
160 tubischano choz:8><20.
170 wainbi schnebischano choz=10 from 180?
180 schnebischano choz=9><20.
190 wainbi schnewano choz=10 from 200‘?
200 schnewano choz=10><20.
300 aschikinichoz i gaschima chnewano choz:5><20+10><20.
400 toschnewano ehoz=9>< (10x 20).
500 aschikinichoz i gaschima toschnewano choz=100+400.

M806lld7wous Lists.

The following lists are added here chieﬂy as a means of comparison.
Some of them have not as yet been satisfactorily classiﬁed by linguis-
tic afﬁnity. One or two of the dialects belong to that part of South
America near the Isthmus of Panama, but are given because it appears
that the tribes speaking them used the “ native calendar.” The
localities where they are spoken are given in connection with the
names of the dialects.

 

”Jonant. Number Concept, 1). 191. 2Ibid, pp. 191—192.

19 mm, PT 2 23

 

914 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [H‘I‘H.Axx.19

All/mam (Ibnrilurus) 1

The number names in this dialect present a curious admixture of

Moreno and Spanish.

1 aba. 1]
2 biama. 12
3 irua. '13
4 gadri. 16
5 senc (Sp. ). 20
6 sis (Sp) 30
7 set (Sp.). 40
8 Vi’t. 5O
9 net (Sp. ). 100
10 dis (Sp.). 300

uns (Sp).

dns (Sp).

tres (Sp.).

seis (Sp.).

ven (Sp). .
drandi (Sp. ). ‘
biaven: 9X20.

biax endis=2><20+10.

san (Sp). '

iruasanz3><100.

For the purpose of showing the evident relation of the Moreno num-

ber names to those of the Carib group,

those of the latter up to 5 are

added here, from Rafael Celedon’s Grannitica Catecismo iVocabulario
de la Lengua Goajira (p. 29). 1 am not aware to what Carib dialect
these belong, as this is not stated bv Uricoechea, who wrote the intro-
duction in which theV a1e gix en—probably to that of the Magdalen

district west of lake Maracaibo.

('arib
1 abana.
2 biama.
3 irhua, or eleua.
4 biamburi.
5 nacobo-aparcu, or abana-huajap (one hand).

Sumo (Hondmas)‘-’

1 as. t
2 buu’. 9
3 baas=(2»%—1?). 10
4 arunca. 12
5 cinca (Sp. ). 1 20
6 tiascuas: (5+1?) 30
T tiascabo=(5+2?). 40

tiascobas=(5+3?). »
tiascarunca: (5+4? ) .

salap.

salap-nica-bnu’ =10+2.
Inuiaslic.
Inuyasloimincosala=90+10.
muyas-leibu ="0x2.

The author gives the names for 5H. 60, 70. 80, 100, and 1,000 as

follows:
cincuenta. muy-as leibas.
sesenta. Iniiy-as leiarnnca.
setenta. 11111y-as leisinca (“sinca" Sp).
ochenta. inny-as leitiascobas.
(-ien. muy-as leiarunca.
mil. 1nuy-as leisala.

 

1 Alberto \Iunbn 1‘1“ Hondurcflisnms, p. 200.

”bid” 1111.223—224

 

THOMAS]

MISCELLANEOUS LISTS 91 5

These are clearly erroneous. We venture to correct them so far as
possible as follows:

50 muyas leibu—

11'1incosala?=-10+10.

60 muyas leibas=20 X 3.

70 muyas leibas
80 muyas leiaru

-111i11008a1a‘?=60+10.
néa=20 X 4.

100 muyas leisinca=20><5.
1,000 (muyas leisala may possibly be an' abbreviation for muyas leisinca
sala=100><10).

Sumo ( Nicaragua) 1

1 asla. 13 salapminitcobas=10+3.
2 b0. 14 salapminitcoarunca:10—1—4.
3 has. 15 salapminitcocinca: 10+5.
4 arunca. 16 salapminitcotisaguas : 10 + 5 + 1.
5 cinca (Sp. ). 17 salapminitcotia/scobo:10+5+2.
6 tiascoguas :5+ 1. 18 salapminitcotiascobas =10+ 5 —1 ~ 3.
7 tiascobo=5+2. 19 salapminitcotiascoarunca:10+
8 tiascobas=5+3. 5 X4.
9 tiascoarunca=5+4. 20 m iiyaslﬁy.
1 0 salap. 30 m [1 yasliiy minitcosla p = "0 X 10.
11 salapminitcoguas=10+1, 40 mﬁyasliiyminitcobo=20>< 2.
12 salapminitcobo=10+2. 100 miiyasliiyminitcocinca=20>< 5.

1 as.

2 poo.

3 maig.

4 (-a.

5 aunqui (sp.?).
6 sera.

T taoag.

1 pani.

2 mata.
3 condo.
4 diurupana.

1 pfani.

2 pmata.

3 abrucua.

4 urubana.
5 pevebane.
1 ch).

2 pee.

3 lagna.

4 erio.

5 Hal.

6 eta sai =1—l—5.

Paya (Honduras ) 2

8 oguag.
9 tais.
10 uca.
12 11carapoc=10+2.
20 wauca.
100 ispoc . ?
1 ,000 arcapissas.

J icaque de Yarn (Harm/urns)"

5 (-omasopeni.
10 comaspu.
11 quesambopani=10+1.
12 quesambobomata=10+2.

Jicaque (let Pulmur (IImnIm-us)”

6 pe ve-(l n ,_

7 ashafaffani=6+1?.
8 asllafamata=6+2
9 ashafaabmca=6+3
10 (-ommeavn.

Guajiquim (Ilaml'u'mx) ‘

T pela sai:2—l—5.

8 lagua sai=‘3—+A5.

9 erio sai=4+5.
10 ishish lo sai=(2><5?).
11. ishisln eta sai=10+1.

 

1Albeno Membrcflo, Hondur

eﬁismos, p. 223. ‘1 1bid., p. 231. 31bid., p. 239. ‘Ibid., p. 2425.

 

CC

,_.|

32
QH

~35ch

\IODOlhi—

4—bF-OJODIQIQHHb—‘Hb—l
HOHOI—doho:wr—*cz:cn

50
60
70
80
90
1 00

*ICZUlJ—Qaléﬂ

’L

..i
019

20
21
30

NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.]9

Similaton (H and u rm: ) 1

eta. 4 herea.
pe. 5 say.
lagua. 6 issis (doubtful, 10?).

Guaymi (Veraguas) 2

crada (krati).

(erobu.

cromo.

erobogo (kroboko).

coirigue (krorigue) .

croti.

crocugu.

crocuo.

croegon (krohonkoﬁ).

crojoto.

crododi-cradi:10+1 (krojoto ti krati).
(-rododi-crobu=10+2 (krojoto ti krobu).
urododi—cr0mo=10+3.

crododi-crobogo=10+4.

gre.

grebbi—cradi=20+1.

grebbi-crojot0290+10 (grebi-krojoto).
grebbi—(trojoto-dicradi=20+10+1.

gregueddabu=20><2 (gregue krobu).
gregueddabu-dicradi = 40+ 1.
gregueddabu-dicrojoto240+ 10 (gregue krobu ti krojoto).
greguedanio=20>< 3 (gregue kromo).
greguedamo—dicrojoto=60+10 (gregue kromo ti krojoto).
gregueddabug0=90><4 (gregue kroboko).
gregueddabugo—dicrojoto=80+ 10 (gregue kroboko ti krojoto).
greguetariguie=20><5 (gregue krorigue).

Guaymi Sabanero (Panama) 3

gdaite.
gdabogue or gdabu.
gdamai.
gdabaga or gdatare.
datiga 0r gdabaga.
gdaderegue or gdabo.
gdadugue or gdain.
gdaapa or gdatiga.
gdaica or gdatadi.
gdataboc0=5 X 2 or gdatabu.
Count from 10 to 19 by adding 1, 2, etc., to 10.
giriete.
giriete—gdaite=20+1.
guiriete-gdataboco=20+10 (girite?) .

 

1 Alberto Membreﬁn, Hondureﬁismos, p. 256.

2A. L. Pinart, Coleccién de Linguistica y Etnografia Americanas, tomo 1v, p.23. The words in
parentheses are from Pinart’s Vocabulario Castellano-Guaymie, appendix, p. 5.

3 A. L. Pinurt, Coll. Ling. y Etnog. Am. tomo IV, pp. 52—53, and Vocabulario Castellano-Guaymie,
Murire dialect, p. 41%.

 

moms] MISCELLANEOUS LISTS 917
40 guiribogue=20><2 (girihogue?)
50 guiribogue-gdatabovoTAO—F10.
60 girimai=20><3.
70 girimai-gdataboco = 60 + 10.
80 giribaga=20>< 4.
90 giribaga—gdataboco=80+10.
100 giritiga=20><5.
Dorasque (Panama),1
1 que. 5 calamale.
2 como. 6' catacale.
3 (-alabach. 7 catacalobo.
4 calacapa (calapaca?).
Other lists with dialectic variations are as follow: 2
1 kue, umai. 6 kulpaka, katakala.
2 kumat, komo, umaidos. 7 katakalobo.
' 3 kumas, kalabac, umaitres. 10 kulmalmuk.
4 kupaki, kalapaka. 20 sermalmuk.
5 kulmale.
Cuna (Panama) 3
1 cuenchique. 12 ambegui caca p0cua=10+2.
2 pocua. 20 tulabuena.
3 pagua. 30 tulabuena caca ambegui:
4 paquegua. 204710.
5 atale. 40 tulapocua=20><2.
6 nercua, or nericua. . 60 tulapagua=20><3.
T (:ublegue. 80 tulapaquegua=20><4.
8 pabaca. 100 tula atale=20><5.
9 paquebague. 1000 tula guana (guala?) buena.
10 ambegui.
11 ambeg'ui (-aca cuem-hique:
10+].
Chi/(‘0 (Panama) ‘
1 haba, aha.
2 nine.
3 mnpea.
4 kimari, kimane.
5 huasima, juasoma.
6 huasimara-ba, juasoma-aba:5—+—1.
T huasimara-nmnc, juasmna-ome=54—2.
8 huasimara-ompea, juasoma-ompea25+3.
9 huasimara-kumari, juasmna-kimane=5+~L
10 huasimani manima, ome juas0ma=5><2 or 2X5.
11 011121 juasrmia aba:"><5+1.
15 ompea juasonia=3><5.
2 kimari, or kimane juasoma=4><5.
1A. L. Pinart, (loll. Ling. y Etnog. Am. tom. IV, p. 52. ’
2 A. L. Pinart, Vocab. Castellano-Dorasque (ChumuI;GuaIaca, and Changuina dialects).
3A. L. Pinart, Vocab. Castellano-Cuna, pp. 6-7.
4A. L. I’inart, Vocab. Castellano-Choboc, pp. 2—3.

918

‘ICDCIVHAODNP-l

00

2 1
22
30
4O
41
60
61
100
200

There

NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH.A1\‘.\'. 19

Chibohu. (near Bogota, Colombia) 1
ata.
boza.
mica. 1.
muyhica.
hyzca.
ta.
cuhupca.
suhuza.
aca.
11bchihica.
qhicha ata=10+1.
qhicha boza=10+2.
qhicha ta=10+6.
qhicha (or complete) quihicha ubchihica; also giie and gi'ieta (sig. “ foot
ten”).
guetas asaquy ata=20+1.
gﬁetas asaquy boza=20+2.
giietas asaquy qhicha ata? (gi'ietas asaquy ubchihica=20+10).
giietas asaquy qhicha ubehihica? (gi‘ie bozas=20><2).
gue bozas asaquy ata=90><2+1.
gue bozas asaquy qhicha ubchihiea? (should be gﬁe micas=20><3).
giie niicas asaquy ata.
giie hizca=20><5.
gi’ie ubchihica=°0>< 10.

is apparently some error in the names for 30, 40, and 60.

The term asaqug/ is merely to indicate addition: “ asaguy, que quiere
decir, i mas, con el nombre de las unidades.” As 9726 bows asaguy (1th
denotes 4:1, the name for 10 should be gile 602as=20><2, as 100 is
denoted by giio lu7zca=20>< 5. The proper term for 30 is probably
giletas asaguy zobchihica (or ghéclaa)=20+ 10. .

The following is a specimen~0f the numerals used by the Huave (of
Tehuantepee) frdm Burgoa, Geog. Descrip.. tom. 11, fol. 396, as
quoted by Hubert Bancroft, Native Races?

ZOGDKVODO‘HAOONJH

[Ob—A

anoeth. 10 agax-poax.
izquieo. ll agax—panocthx?
areux. l2 agax—pieuhx.
apequiu. ~ 13 agax-par.
acoquiau. 14 agax—papeux.
anaiu. 15 agax—pacoigx.
ayeiu. 20 nicumaio.
axpecau. 30 nieumiaomeaxpo.
axqueyeu. 100 anoecacocmiau.

Rama (island in Blueﬁelds lagoon) 3

saiming. 4 kunkun-beiso.
puk-sak. 5 kwik-astar.
pang-sak.

 

1E. Uricoechea, Gram, Vocab, ete., de la Lengua Chibcha.
2 Vol. III, p. 758. There are seeming errors in this list.
3 Brinton, American Race, p. 367.

mums] DISCUSSION AND COMPARISONS 919

Briln'l (, Tu/muum'uu Irilw. (hm-f4: Rim) 1

1 0t. 3 skang.
2 but. 0 terl.
2; mnyat. 7 kugu.
l kcng, ka. S nschtan, pai, pa.
Brunca. (lizlamancan tribr}, (Vista, Rica) 2
1 etsik. 5 kchisskan.
2 bug. 6 teschan.
3 mang. T kuchk.
4 bachkan. S oehtan.
Car'rizo (near Jfonclom, C'oahuila) 3
pequeten. 4 naiye.
2 acequeten. 5 maguele.
3 guiye.

DISCUSSION AND COMPARISONS

Before I discuss these lists and attempt to draw conclusions from
them, there is one point which deserves notice. It is this: To what
extent can these number lists be considered reliable? I do not
by this inquiry wish to question the veracity of any author whose
works I have quoted 01' used, but to refer to the method by which
the lists were obtained, especially the portions relating to the high
numbers. Did the Maya, Aztec, and other tribes make use in actual
count or computation of thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of
thousands, and even millions as given in these lists, or have they been
ﬁlled out, in part, by the authors according to the systems found in
vogue? That implicit reliance can be placed on the judgment and
accuracy of the more recent authorities who, as is known, derived
their information direct from the natives, as Stoll, Gatschet, etc., is
conceded, but the lists given by these authors seldom if ever reach
beyond the thousand. Most of the lists from the tribes of Mexico
and Central America, which run into high numbers, are given by the
early authors (chieﬂy Spanish) or are based on their statements.
When the Mexicans spoke of GdalftOZ-ZZUWZHZI5 Zea/nth: (6,000); cem-
[II)(£Z-$i(1££i])7:lli:20 méguépillé (160,000); and can-padl-t20n-wz'gudpilliz
20 times 400 wig/105292703 (64,000,000 see list), did they have in thought
the actual numbers given as equivalents of these terms, or merely
measures? When, for example, they said, " 15 tzontli” (tzomtlz' signi-
fying bundle or package) did they intend to signify 15X400, or
simply 1.5 bundles or packages! In other words, did the reference

 

 

1 Adolph Uhle, in Compte Rendu Cong. Americanistes. Berlin, 1888, p. 474.
2 Ibid., p. 475.
3 L'hle, Die Lander am untern Rio Bravo del Norte, p. 1220, quoted by Briutou, American Race. 1:. 93.

9‘20 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mm mm 19

pass from the number to the measure? T 0 illustrate, if we say 3
barleycorns make 1 inch; 12 inches 1 foot; 3 feet 1 yard; and 1,760
yards 1 mile, do we in speaking of 1 mile have in view the 190,080
barleycorns? When the Mexicans spoke of Myself/7Z2? they alluded,
according to Clavigero, to sacks or bags. He says, as above quoted,
“'mwcp‘unted the cacao by {vigil/[El]? (this, as wewhave before
observed, was equal to 8,000), and to save the trouble of counting
them when the merchandise was of great value [probably quantity]
they reckoned them by sacks, every sack having been reckoned to
contain 3 mew/17127715, or 21,000 nuts.” Now, are we to suppose that
in counting the sacks the number of nuts was kept in view? Did the
merchant who purchased a taint/27 of sacks (100) have in mind or pur-
pose buying 9,600.000 nuts? This will sufﬁce to make clear the
thought intended to be presented, and will. it seems. justify the ques-
tionwhave the high numbers in these lists been added in accordance
with the computation of the recorder. or were they in actual use
among the native Mexi ans?

As contact with Europeans and their decimal system for nearly four
centuries has modiﬁed to a greater or less extent the original native
method of counting, it is doubtful whether direct reference to the sur—
viving natives of the present day would settle the question. The Maya
p/c has. as we have seen, been changed from 8,000 to 1,000, and the
signiﬁcation of other numeral terms has been changed in similar man-
ner. Our only appeal is therefore to the native records, and here,
possibly from our inability to interpret the Mexican symbols, we are
limited to the Mayan codices and inscriptions. Here, however. as
has been clearly shown in another paper, and as has been proved by
Forstemann and Goodman, the evidence is clear that the Maya, or at
least“The“pr‘iestspraut’hm's of the Dresden codex and the inscriptions,
could and actually did tarry their computations to the millions, in
terms where the number element \ 'as necessarily retained, where the
primary unit—in these instances the day had to be kept in view. Of
course they made use of the higher units to facilitate counting. as we
do at the present day. If the Maya were capable of counting intel—
ligently to this figure, it is not unreasonable to suppose that the more
ad 'anced among the surrounding tribes may have made similar, though
possibly not so great, progress in their numerical systems. That the
Mexi ~ans had symbols for high numbers is asserted by the early his-
torians, and is evident from their remaining codices, but no means of
testing these, as the Maya manuscripts and inscriptions have been
tested, has yet been found; however, the explanation of symbols
carrying the count to the tens of'thousands has been given.

Notwithstanding this conclusion, it is apparent that the influence. of
the European decimal system has been felt in some of the native

 

1‘HUA‘HSl DISCUSSION AND COMPARISONS 921

counts herein given. This, for example, is probably true of the Huas-
tecan count, where the simple term mi is used to denote 1,000, and also
in the count from 200 to 900 in this system and in some others.

All the preceding lists showing the count from 10 upward which
belong to the Mexican and Mayan groups. except that of the Tarahu-
mari, pertain to the vigesimal system and in method of counting bear
a strong general resemblance one to another, yet when they are closely
examined minor differences are found which have an important hear-
ing on the question of the origin and relationship of these systems.
Of these variations we notice the following:

The Nahuatl count follows strictly the quinary-vigesimal system, as
has been already stated, 5 and 15, as well as 20, being basal numbers.
The count is always from a lower number, that is to say, the minor
numbers are always added to a number passed; thus 41 and 42 are
formed by adding 1 and 2 to 40, and not by counting the 1 and 2 on
the next or third score, as we have seen was the rule among some
of the Mayan tribes, as the Maya proper or Yucatee, the Quiche,
Cakchiquel, Pokonchi, Quekchi, Mam. Ixil. and probably most of
the southern tribes of the group, but not among the Huastecz , who
formed the northern offshoot. The count of the latter, though, like
the others of the Mayan group, fundamentally yigesimal to 000, is, like
the Nahuatl, by additions of the minor numbers to a number passed I-
as 20+10 to form 30 and 2X 20+ 10 to form 50. Trheiiumeralsystein
of the Mayan tribes generally differed from the Nahuatl, Zapotec,
Mazatec, Trike, Mixe, and Zoque systems all of which are regularly
quinary-vigesimal. and generally add the minor numbers to the pre-
cEding base in being more nearly decimal—vigesimal, and in adding
the numbers above 40 to the following base, as 1 on the third score, or
third 20, to form 41. In the May_an_dialects thecount is never based
on 5 except, as has heretofore been suggested, from 6 to 8, and in
gne dialect from 6 to 9. So far, therefore, as these differences are
com-erned, they tend tovard grouping together the systems of the
Nahuatlan, Zapotecan, and Zoquean tribes, as contrasted with the
Mayan; but the term Nahuatlan is used here as referring only to
the stock in its limited sense—the Aztecan branch as the rule does
not hold good throughout, when we pass into the Sonoran branch.
However, the grouping on these points is interesting as it is in
harmony with other data.

In one peculiarity, however, the Zapotec count differs from the
Nahuatl and approaches the Mayan systems. From 55—59, 7 5—7 9, and
95—99 the numbers are obtained by subtraction from the next higher
base—thus, for 55 they say (Jr-cad (1105mm or (Jo-mayo quit/72a; that is,
5 from 60. For 56—59, 76—79, and 95—99 they have two methods of
counting—thus for 56 they say ()P-CtH’Ig/O (/uinwrt—bf—tnbi; that is, 5 from

 

 

 

92 2 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Hm Ass. 19

604—1. or w-Mjm r1aim/z(xv/(,r/«I-mq/unu, which is at from 60, etc. The
Mazatec: . Mixe, Zoque. and Trike appear to follow throughout the
Nahuatl method of adding the minor numbers to the preceding base.

The Othomian, 'l‘arascan, and Totonacan systems are similar to
the Huastecanwthat is to say, are decimal-Vigesimalvand form the
higher numerals by adding the minor numbers to the preceding base.

Extending our inquiry northward to the Sonoran and Shoshonean
branches of the Nahuatlan family, we notice the gradual change to
the deeimal system. F or example, in the Cahita count the quinary-
Vigesimal rule pre 'ails; 6, T. and 10 are based on 5; 8 on 4; 11 to 19
on 11), or, 'ather, twice ﬁve. From 20 upward the count is Vigesimal,
10 when used retaining throughout its form of 2X5. The contact,
however, in this region with the decimal system is clearly indicated
by the following statement of the author of the Arte Lengua Cahita,
given above: " Some nations say seamzfaccma or sesevehere for 20; others
say for 10 .s'csm‘c/Ic/‘d and follow up the count thus: 11, mecca/Lew amcm
smut; 12. sumac/(cm «(man ((075, etc. For 20 they say uosacehere, which is
two times 10. The Yaqui say for 5 sesame/Lew, and counting from 5 to 5
say M(I.\'(.LI!(:/Icl’t’, 10 [:2 X 5]; m/ube/wre, 15 [:3 X 5]. These also say for
20 Sch :1 z‘acaim [1X 20] or mocyuieehere [4X 5], and for 25 weave/me (this
particular count is of this nation only), and for 100 say 77mmm'tacaua
[5X20] or teatime/(ere, which is 20 ﬁves.” In the paragraph which
follows he states in general. terms that some of the tribes count by
ﬁves, others by tens, both using the same term, where, preﬁxing the
“numeral abverbs” 55ml, “one time,” now, “two times,” etc. The
“ nations ” alluded to are probably the Cahita tribes, such as the Tehu-
eco, Zuaque, Mayo, Yaqui, and other related or neighboring tribes.

This change in the application of a given term in closely related dia-
leets is not only interesting, but somewhat remarkable; and added to
the fact that the c10sely related Tarahumari of the same section use the
decimal system, indicates that the latter and the Vigesimal system here
came into contact. Do the data furnish evidence as to which was the
spreading or aggressive and which the yielding one 3 Without entering
into a discussion of the question the following facts are presented for
the beneﬁt of those desiring to look further into this subject. The
similarity of the number names of the Cahita and Tarahumari to
those of the Nahuatl is too apparent to pass unobserved even by the
mere cursory glance. Include the allied Opata and take for example
the numbers 1 to 5 and 10, as follow:

 

 

 

 

 

i 1 2 l 3 4 5 . 10
1 i l ,__,,,. y ‘ , .#A,_
l Opata se go-de vei-de nago marizi ‘ inakoi
I Cahita se-nu uoi vahi, or bei naequi mamni 1‘ uo-mamni
{ Tarahumari bire oca bei-ea naguo marika makoe
l Nahuatl ce ome yei naui inacuilli ‘ matlactli
‘ l .
l “-

 

 

mums] DISCUSSION AND COMPARISONS 9‘23

Thc resemblance between the names in each column, except birc, 1
in Tarahumari (for which Charencey says he ﬁnds the alternate 825224395,
which would be in harmony with the others), and 16027160771716 (2X 5), 10
in Cahita, is at once apparent. This, however, is merely in accordance
with the recognized afﬁnity of the ﬁrst three idioms with the Nahuatl.
It seems, however, that we look in vain to the Nahuatl names for the
where; (agile-re) as it can not be derived from wmcuilli (5), matlactli
(10), or poalli (20), nor from the names for 5, 10, or 20 in the Opata,
Cahita, or Tarahumari. The name for 20 in Opata is um’ (se—uri), which
signiﬁes “ man; ” in Cahita, tucauw,‘ in Tarahumari, osa—wmcoi (2 X 10).
In these languages the only number name which resembles it is that
for 3, which is not a divisor.

Turning to the Shoshonean group we notice the following facts.
Whether they are sufﬁcient to justify a decision on the point is very
doubtful; this, however, is left for the reader to determine. The
following list of the names for 2, 5, 10, and 20 is from Gatschet’s
Forty Vocabularies.l

 

 

l 2 5 , 10 1 20
Southern Paiute vay manigi mashu V voyha-mashu

, California Paiute voa-hay manegi shuvan voaha»vanoy

J Chemehuevi vay manuy mashu ', voyha-mashu

I Takhtam vurm? ma-hatcham voa-hamatch i voava-hamatch

i Kauvuya vuy namu-kuanon nami-tchumi ivuys-nami-tchumi,

l

 

 

 

Tobikhar ve-he mahar vehes-mahar !' hurura-vehe l
1 l

 

In these our term appears in exact and (supposed) modiﬁed form,
but only as the name for 2 even in the composite forms. This is seen
in the Tobikhar, as appears from the following list:

Tobikhur

1 pu—gu. 8 \'ehesh—vatcha=2 X4.

2 ve-he. 9 mahar-kabya=5+4.

3 pahi. 10 vehes-mahar22 X5 (2 hands?).
4 va-tcha. 1]. puku—hururazl—l—IO.

5 mahar. 12 vehe—hurura=2+10.

6 pa-vahe=2 X 3 ?. 20 hurtira—vehe: 10 X 2. _

7 vatcha—kabya=4+3 ?. 30 hurura pahi=10 X 3.

There is an apparent leaning toward the quinary system in one or
two of the dialects, but this has little bearing on the question.

When the count rises above 10 it seems that the term used to desig-
nate this number is changed. The same thing is true in regard to
numbers in several other idioms of this group. It is possible that we
have in this fact an indication of change from an older and more

 

1 Wheeler Report, vol. vn.

924 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH. .m 19

purely original method of counting to one more recent. It is, in fact,
doubtful whether the lists more recently obtained from the natives
give thrdughout the true original method of counting and'the ante-
Columbian names". There iS nothing, however, in the number names
of the Shoshoncan dialects above 10 to indicate any system other than
the decimal.

It appears, therefore, from the data presented, that the vigesimal
system prevailed in Mexico and Central America from southern
Sonora to the southern boundary of Guatemala, and to some extent as
far as the isthmus. There seem to have been but few, if any, tribes
in this area as far south as the southern boundary of Guatemala that
did not make use of this system; at least the .data obtainable bear out
this conclusion. North of the northern boundary of this area this
system is found, according to Conant,1 “in the northern regions of
North America, in western Canada, and in northwestern United States ”;
however, the only examples he gives are the systems of the “Alaskan
Eskimos.” “'l‘chiglit.” “Tlingit,” “Nootka,” and “Tsimshian.” As
a general rule the systems of the tribes of the western part of the
United States, from the southern boundary to the Columbia river,
Were decimal or qui1'1ary—decimal; however, instances of the vigesimal
system appear here and there in this area. As one example we call
attention to the numerals of the Hﬁchnon dialect of the Yukian
family obtained by Mr Stephen Powers at Round Valley reservation,
California. given in the preceding chapter.

That a count referring the minor numbers to the next higher base,
which is, as we have seen, confined in the southern regions almost
exclusively to the dialects of the more southern sections, chieﬂy to
those of the Mayan group, should be found in California is, to say
the least, interesting; however, it is not the only example from this
section, as will appear. It is somewhat singular that two other idioms
of the same family. the vocabularies of which are given by Mr Powers,
follow the decimal instead of the vigesimal system. Other examples
of this system are found south of the Columbia river, as in the Pomo
dialect (Round Valley reservation, California)? the T uolumne dialect
(Tuolumne river, California);3 the Konkau and Nishinam dialects}
and the Aehomawi dialects" The ﬁrst, third, and fourth of these
appear to refer the count to the following score, while in the last
(Achomawi) it is applied to the preceding score. The Tuolumne sys—
tem is somewhat doubtful, as there are but two numbers (20 and 1M)
on which to base a decision. According to Major Powell’s classifica-
tion (7th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnology), the Pomo are included in the

 

1Number Concept, p. 193. 4Powers, op. cit., p. 596.
2 Powers. Tribes of California, 1). .502. 5Ibid., p. (506.
3G1bbs,op. cit, p. 548.

 

mmsJ DISCUSSION AND COMPARISONS 925

Kulanapan family; the Achomawi in the Palaihnihan family, and the
Konkau and Nishinam in the Pujunan family.

Wiggrring _tQ-,.ch_er.exaqules .it.may be stated in general
terms that while the vigesimal system has not been found in use east
of the Rocky mountains, except in Greenland and among some tribes
in the northwestern cis-montane portion of British Columbia, it pre-
vailed to a considerable extent on the Paciﬁc slope from Mexico north-
ward to the Arctic ocean, and it may also be added that it is found
among the eastern tribes of Siberia and was the method adopted by ,
the Aino. Conant1 says that the Tschukschi and Aino systems are
“among the best illustrations of counting by twenties that are to be
found anywhere in the Old World.” These have been given in the
preceding chapter for comparison.

The count of the minor numbers in the Aino is based, as will be seen,
on the following score, as in the Mayan group. W hether the equiva-
lents added are correctly given is somewhat doubtful, as the proper
interpretation of the name for 30 may be 10 on the second score; that
for 50, 10 on the third score, etc., as we have indicated in parenthesis.
In the Tschukschi the addition is to the preceding score—thus 30 is
formed by adding 10 to 20.

These and additional facts of the same character tend to show that
in North America the vigesimal system of counting, like some other
customs, was conﬁned almost exclusively to that area which I have
in a previous work2 designated the “Paciﬁc section,” which includes
the Paciﬁc slope north of Mexico and all of Mexico and Central
America. This fact and the additional fact that the system prevails
in northeastern Asia, while it is rare in other parts of that grand
division, except an area in the Caucasus region, and is wanting in the
Atlantic slope of North America, are interesting and of considerable
importance in the study of the ethnology of our continent.

It would be interesting in this connection to inquire into the range
of this numeral system in South America, but we have not the data at
hand necessary for this purpose. Conant says in general terms that
it prevailed in the northern and western portions of the continent,
though it is known that on the Paciﬁc slope it did not extend south—
ward farther than the borders of Peru, Where the decimal system
prevailed. It appears to have been in use among the Chibchas or
Muyscas, a group extending both north and south of the Isthmus. It
is or was in use among some of the tribes on the Orinoco, in eastern
Brazil, and in Paraguay. However, the range of the system in South
America is as yet unascertained.3

 

1Numhcr Concept, p. 191.

2Twelfth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 723—24.

-“ Professor W J McGee suggests that it may possibly hold true in a general sense that the barefoot
or sandal-wearing habit accompanied the use of this system of counting.

926 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19

Before proceeding I wish to quote some remarks by Conant in regard
to the origin and spread of the vigesimal system, which I will then
refer to.1

In its ordinary development the quinary system is almost sure to merge into either
the decimal or the vigesimal system, and to form, with one or the other or both of
these, a mixed system of counting. In Africa, Oceanica, and parts of North America,
the union is almost always with the decimal scale; .while in other parts of the world
the quinary and the vigesimal systems have shown a decided afﬁnity for each other.
It is not to be understood that any geographical law of distribution has ever been
observed which governs this, but merely that certain families of races have shown a
preference for the one or the other method of counting. These families, disseminat-
ing their characteristics through their various branches, have produced certain groups
of races which exhibit a well-marked tendency, here toward the decimal and there
toward the vigesimal form of numeration. As far as-can be ascertained, the choice
of the one or the other scale is determined by no external circumstances, but depends
solely on the mental characteristics of the tribes themselves. Environment does not
exert any appreciable inﬂuence either. Both decimal and vigesimal numeration are
found indifferently in warm and in cold countries; in fruitful and in barren lands;
in maritime and in inland regions; and among highly civilized or deeply degraded
peoples. .

Whether or not the principal number base of any tribe is to be 20 seems to depend
entirely upon a single consideration; are the ﬁngers alone used as an aid to counting,
or are both ﬁngers and toes used? If only the ﬁngers are employed, the resulting
scale must become decimal if suﬂiciently extended. If use is made of the toes in
addition to the ﬁngers, the outcome must inevitably be a vigesimal system. Subor-
dinate to either one of these the quinary may and often does appear. It is never
the principal base in any extended system.

To the statement just made respecting the origin of vigesimal counting, exception
may, of course, be taken. In the case of numeral scales like the Welsh, the
Nahuatl, and many others where the exact meanings of the numerals can not be
ascertained, no proof exists that the ancestors of these peoples ever used either ﬁnger
or toe counting; and the sweeping statement that any vigesimal scale is the outgrowth
of the use of these natural counters is not susceptible of proof. But so many examples
are met with in which the origin is clearly of this nature that no hesitation is felt
in putting the above forward as a general explanation for the existence of this kind
of counting. Any other origin is difﬁcult to reconcile with observed facts, and still
more difﬁcult to reconcile with any rational theory of number system development.

I note some facts, taken in part from the work quoted, in order
that the reader may see the bearing they have on the opinions expressed
in this quotation. According to the data furnished by this writer it
seems that this system occurred in Europe only along the western sea—
coast and that almost exclusively among the Celts, the only group of
the Aryan stock which seems to have used it. In Asia it has been found
to any extent only in the Caucasic group and in the northeastern part of
of the continent. that is, in what Brinton terms the “Arctic Group” of
his Siberic branch. Not a single example is noted from the Sinitic group
or from the Semitic branch. In Africa none have been reported from
the Hamitic group, and but few from the negro dialects. but the latter
field has been only superficially examined in this respect. Not a single

 

lNllllllll‘l' Concept, p. 176—3.

mews} . i'nsccssIoN AND coMPARISONs 9'27

example is noted from Polynesia or from any of the Malayan dialects.
So far the data seem to agree with Uonant‘s conclusion. but more
detailed examination presents at least some exceptions.

\Ve see. the Nahuatlan family divided into two groups in this
respect, the Aztecan and part of the Sonoran branches using the vigesi-
mal system, while the Shoshonean and other divisions of the Sonoran
branch follow the decimal method. Among the multiplicity of small
linguistic families in California and Oregon examples of the vigesimal
system occur sporadically, so far as is indicated by the still incomplete
data. even occurring in one or two small tribes of a family while other
tribes of the same family use the decimal system. But it is necessary
to bear in mind that here, as in the Shoshonean group. the lists have
been obtained after there has been long intercourse with the whites,
which may have materially modiﬁed original systems. These facts
are sufficient to show that ethnic lines do not always govern the range
of the system.

That there is a very general agreement among students in the opin—
ion that as a general rule the adoption of the vigesimal system results
from bringing the toes as well as the ﬁngers into the count is admitted,
yet it is possible that there are more exceptions to the rule than is
supposed. That every Vigesimal as well as decimal system has 5 at the
base, or in other words. started with the hand. may be safely assumed,
and that whenever 2A) is expressly or impliedly understood as the
eIQuivalent of "one man ’i the toes are. consider-«(7 in the count may,
perhaps, also be, assumed. However, there are reasons for believing
that in some instances the hands alone were used in actual count. being
doubled to make the whole man; yet in such cases the toes were prob-
ably originally used.

It is possible and even probable that in some c: ses where the
numeral terms have. no reference to the toes or man a change from
the original name has taken place. Such a change seems to be shown
in the name for 20 in the Mayan dialects. In the Huasteca. l’okonchi,
Pokomam, Cakchiquel, Quiche. Uspanteca, Ixil. Aguacateca. and Mam
the name for 20 is "man," while in the Maya, Tzotzil, Chaﬁabal. Chol,
and Kekchi other terms are used. but even in these (except the May:
and Chol) «ml/nil; or “man.“ is introduced into the terms for the mul~
tiples of 20. Even in the Mexican (Aztec). which Conant looks upon
as an exception, (aw/11204115 (:one 20), which signiﬁes "l counting,”
evidently refers to something so well known and so generally under-
stood as to require no explanatory term. “'hat else could this, the
thing counted, have been than one man—the ﬁngers and toes!
Although it must be admitted that there are some systems which -an
not be explained in this way, yet the explanation may be accepted as
gene 'ally, in fact, almost universally, appli ~able. Even among the
Greenland Eskimo. where we would suppose Professor Mc-(iee's su

(r-
a

928 NUMERAL sysTEMs [mn...xx.19

gestion, given in a note above, would fail, the toes were brought into
the count, as shown by the following terms:

11 achqaneq-atauseq—ﬁrst foot 1.

16 achfechsaneo -atauseq——other foot 1.

20 inuk navdlucho—a man ended.

Why tribes belonging to the same well-deﬁned, limited linguistic
group and living geographically in close relation as, for example, in
the Cahita group of northwestern Mexico and one or two of the Cali-
fornia groups—should adopt different systems, some the vigesimal
and others the decimal, we are unable to answer with our present
information. Before answer can be made it will be necessary to elimi-
nate what has been derived from contact with the whites.

In concluding this topic it may be added that Conant appears to be
fully justiﬁed by the data in infering that environment exerts no
appreciable inﬂuence in determining the system. In the regions
occupied by the Semitic, H amitic, and Polynesian races, where we
should most expect to ﬁnd the vigesimal system, it is entirely unknown,
while, on the contrary, it is found in the frozen regions of the north,
where it would be least of all expected. As yet we are unable to
assign any general inﬂuencing cause for its development.

While the chief object of this paper is an examination and discus-
sion of the numeral systems of the Mexican and Central American
tribes with special reference to their relation to the Nahuatlan and
Mayan systems, another object is to bring together the data which
seem to have a bearing on the questions of the origin, development,
and relations of these systems. In accordance, therefore, with this
object, a comparison of the names used in counting (1 to 5, 10, and 20)
in a number of dialects is herewith presented. It is true that nearly
all of these can be found in the preceding lists. The object of reintro-
ducing them here is to bring the corresponding names into close con-
trast for convenience in comparison. They are brought together in
the order of the groups, the Nahuatlan, which is the most extensive,
coming ﬁrst. The names in the Mayan series are so uniform that it
is unnecessary to reintroduce them here.

 

 

 

 

 

 

' 1 1. Nahuatl i 2. Pipil 2:. Alaguilac 4. Cahita
l i—
1 1 cc ce se senu
2 l ome ume umi uoi
3 l yei yei hei vahi, or bei’bey
4 l naui navui nagui naequi
5 l macuilli macuil makuil mamni
10 i Inatlactli mahtlati Inatakti uo-mamni
20 l cein-poalli cempual sempual tacalma
I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

moms J COMPARISONS 929
5. Opam \ G. Tarahumari T. Tepehuan 8. Kern River
1 se, or seni bite, or sinepi uma chich
2 gode 0021, or guoca gokado, 0r gaok wah
3 veide beica veicado pai
4 nago naguo maukao na-nau
5 marizi mariki chetam mahaichinga
10 makoi 'makoe umhaichinga
20 seuri bosamacoi
9. Pima 10. Gaitchaim 2311;101:3339 12- sou‘hem Pai‘
humak 1 so-pul 1 shoui shui
houak 2 vue 2 waii vay
3 vaik 3 pahe 3 pahi pay
4 kiik 4 vosa 4 wachoui vatchue
5 huitas 5 mahaar 5 manek manigi
10 wistima 7 se-ula 10 matshoui mashu
20 ku’ ko-wi 5 ti - 20 wai-matsh 0- voyha-mashu
ma mi
13. leemehuevi 14. Capote Uta 15’ Shoﬂggﬁ (num— 16. Comanche
shooy soois simitich semxnus
2 vay wy-une hwat, or wat waha
3 pay pi-une pite pahu
4 vatchue watssu-une watsuet hagar-sowa?
5 manuy manegin managet mawaka
10 mashu towumsu-une shimmer shurmun
20 voyha-mushu wah-massee wam-i-no
8 nahua-Wachota
=4><2
11031115355191 Pai' 18. Kauvuya 19. Kechi (San Luis) 20. Cahuillo
1 shumuue sople supléh supli
2 voahay vuy whii me-wi
3 pahi pa paa me-pai
4 voatSagve vuitchiu witcho me-wittsu
5 manegi namu—kuanon nummu-quano nome-kadnun
10 shuvan nami-tchumi nomat-sumi
20 voaha-vanoy vuys—namitchumi

 

 

 

 

 

 

19 ETH, PT 2—24

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

930 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mmwx 19
21. Takhtam 22. Tobikhar 23. Kij 24. Kechi (S.4Dieg0)
1 aukpeya pugu puku ' tchoumou
2 vurm? vehe wehe echyou
3 pahe pahi pahe micha
4 voatcham vatcha watsa paski
5 ma—hatcham mahar maharr tiyerva
10 voa-hamatch vehes-mahar touymili
20 voa—va-hamatch hurura-vehe
25. Hopil 26. Millerton 1 27. Tejm} Pass 28. Com
1 1 sukia Si-muh pau-kup ceaut
2 luen wohattuh wah huapoa
3 1 payam pait pahai huaeica
4 naleem watsukit watsa moacoa
5 1 tcivo malokit mahats amauri
10 1 pakte se-wanu we—mahat tamoamata
20 Shuna-tu
29. Zapotec 30. Mixtec 31. Chuchon 1 31. Popoloca
1 1 t0bi,0r chaga ec (ce?) ngu gen
2 > topa, or cato wui yuu yuu
3 1 chona, or cayo uni ni, 0r nyi nii
4 1itapa, 0r taa gmi, or kmi ﬁuu 1100
5 1 caayo, or gayo hoho nau nag-hon
10 1 chii usi te’ tie
20 1 cal 1e kaa
_11 usi-ce
32. Trike 33. Mazateca 34. Zoque 35. Mixe
1 11g0 gu tuma tuuc
2 nghui ho metza metsk
3 guaﬁa‘mha ha tucay tukok
4 kaha ni-ku macscuy maktash
5 huhﬁha 1‘1 masay, 0r mosay 1110’koshk
10 chia te macay makh, or mahc
20 hikoo, 0r kooha k5. ‘ ypx

 

 

 

yps, 0r ips

 

 

 

1 Furnished by Dr J. W. Fewkes.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

moms] COMPARISONS 931
i
36' P1313223? (Te- 1 37. Othomi 38. Pirinda 39. Tarasco
1 tuub Ii’nra, or ra yndahhuy ma
2 mesko yoho ynahuy tziman
3 tuo hiu ynyuhu tanimu
4 maktaxko gooho yricunohuy tamu
5 mokoxko kuta, or qyta. yncuthaa yumu
10 mako reta yndahatta temben
20 ipxe 11-rahte yndohonta macquatze
40. Totonaca 41. Sinacanta 4‘2. Jutiapa 48. Cabecar
_ _ _,| V
1 tum 1‘ ica ical estaba
2 tuyun “ ti piar bocteba
3 tutu uala guarar maﬁalegui
4 tati hiria iriar quetovo
5 kitsiz puh puhar exquetegu
10 i kau, or cauh } pakil paquilar dope
20 l l —— ynste
44. Viceyta 45. Lean y mulia 46. Tcrrava 47. Mosquito
i g
1 etabageme pani krara l kumi
2 butteba matiaa krowii wal
3 maﬁac contias krommia niupa
4 quiet chiquitia krobking walwal
5 exquetegu cumasopni kraschkingde matasip
10 dop comassopnas dwowdeh matawalsip
20 ynste comascoapssub zac-Vbu

 

 

 

 

 

Although the first twenty-eight lists in this series, which are from
idioms of the Nahuatlan stock, might possibly be arranged in a
more systematic order as to terms, yet a careful study will sufﬁce to
detect the links by which they appear to be connected, thus agreeing
with the conclusion of the linguists in regard to the relationship of
the different groups of this great family. The terms for 2 and 3 appear
to be the most persistent, especially the latter term, which shows but
slight variation, except in the Kechi (San Diego) and Cora dialects.
While the differences between the names in this family and the others
represented in the series is too clearly marked to be overlooked, corre-
sponding in this respect with the decision of the linguists in regard to

l
932 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19

the family distinctions, we notice here and there slight indications of
the inﬂuence of intercourse.

Numbers 44 to 48, which pertain to the extreme southern dialects,
are added merely for the purpose of comparison. The ﬁrst four (44
to 47), are classed with the Chibcha stock, among which the vigesimal
system prevailed.

In the tribes from the Mexican boundary northward, with the excep-
tion of those pertaining to the Nahuatlan group, most of which have
been noticed, we ﬁnd nothing in the numerals, so far as the data at hand
show, to indicate any relationship other than that in accordance with
the linguistic classiﬁcation proposed by Major J .W. Powell. An appar-
ent approach to the names in some of the Shoshonean dialects can be
noticed in the Konkau, Nishinam, and Nakum dialects heretofore
given. '

The count in two of these idioms is, as has been already mentioned,
in part, at least, vigesimal. Compare the Nakum list with that of
Shoshone (number 5). These tribes are included in Major Powell’s
classiﬁcation in his Pujunan family. The determination whether such
resemblances are real or only apparent must be left to the linguists;
I have included them merely as material for comparison.

Before closing this chapter attention is called to one point which,
so far as I am aware, has not been discussed, but in regard to which
I must acknowledge inability to offer an entirely satisfactory expla—
nation.

' ""“As has been shown in my paper on the calendar systems, and by the

evidence presented by Dr Forstemann and Mr Goodman, the Mayan
priests, or at least the authors of the Dresden codex and the Mayan
inscriptions, did actually perform computations reaching into the mil-
lions, where the primary unit had necessarily to be retained, that is,
could not be lost in higher units considered as measures. To illustrate:
Take the following time count actually found in one of the Central
American inscriptions: 8 cycles—F14 katuns+3 ahaus+1 month+12
days, to the day 1 Eb, the 5th day of the month Zac. As 1 cycle equals
20 katuns, 1 katun equals 20 ahaus, 1 ahau equals 18 months, and 1
month equals 20 days, we can ﬁnd by calculation that 1 cycle=144,000
days, 1 katun27,200 days, and 1 ahau:360 days, and that the 8 cycles,
1-1 katuns, 3 ahaus, 1 month, and 12 days added together equal 1,253,912
days. The reader is familiar with the methods necessary to make this
and all such computations. How did the Maya scribe or priest accom-
plish it? As a particular day was to be reached and there were num-
bers in each order of units, and the total had to be transferred into

, years of 365 days each, and the surplus months and days ascertained, it

-' is apparent that it was necessary to reduce the whole to primary units-
that is, to days—and then ascertain by division or in some other way,

how many even years were contained therein, and how many months
and days would be contained in the overplus.

moms] METHOD OF COMPUTATION 933

That they had time tables by which they could compute intervals of
moderate length, as the day series in the Codex Cortesianus, which
could be used as the Mexican Tonalamatl, is well known; we can use
them to-day for that purpose. It would seem also from the four
plates in the Dlesden codex, and four in the T10ano codex, showing
the fou1 yea1 series, that they also had tables by which to count year
intervals, but there ale no indications of tables to aid 1n the reduction \
‘of the highel ordels of units~cycles, katuns, etc. In the Mexican /
manuscripts, as will be seen in the following chaptei, the numbei of
tzmzili (400 each) and miquipz'lli (8, 000 each)—the highest counts dis-
cover ed thelein—wele indicated simply by repeating the symbols,
but the Maya had reached the art of numbering their symbols. Now,
it is apparent that the latter must have had some method of computa-
tion where such high numbers as those indicated were involved. This
was necessary even to ascertain the number of days in a cycle or katur,
and when seve1al of these and of each of the lower units were to be
reduced to pr1ma1 y units, 01 day s, and these to be changed into yea1s,

months, and days, and the commencing and ending dates determined,
the count would seem to t1 anscend the poweI of simple mental compu-

' tation. fmvthen‘yvasthis accomplished? It would seem, therefore,

that they must have had some way of Iﬁaking these lengthy caleula- /
‘tions other than counting “in the head; ” but what it was we have nox
means of’determining.

There would seem to be no doubt that they had a way of “cipher-
ing”—to use a schoolboy term—and this appears to be conﬁrmed by
Landa, who, speaking of their method of counting, says:

Que su cuenta es de v en v, hasta xx, y de xx en xx, hasta C, y de C en c hasta
400, y de CCCC en CCCC hasta VIII mil. Y desta cuenta se servian mucho para la con-
tratacion de cacao. Tienen otras cuentas muy largas, yque las protienden in inﬁnitum,
contandolas VIII mil xx vezes que son C y Ix mil, y tornando a xx duplican estas

ciento y LX mil, y despues yrlo assi xx duplicando hasta que hazen un incontable
numero: cuentan en el suelo o cosa llana.

The last phrase, “cuentan en el suelo o cosa llana,” indicates the

manner in which they made their calculations, to wit, on the ground or
on some ﬂat or smooth thing. Brassuer translates the sentence thus:
“Leurs comptes se font sur le so], ou une chose plane.” This certainly
indicates “ﬁguring” or perf01 ming cakulations by ina1 king 011 a
smooth surface. Ahhoungultiplication and division seem impos-
sible with their sy mbols, it 1s posslblc as P10fess01 McGee suggests

tohme, that they leached the desired 1esult by Iepcated additions an

subtractions. These operations may be readily performed with the
ordinary number symbols (dots and short lines), the orders of units
being indicated by position, as in the Dresden codex. The chief dif-
ﬁculty would be to change the sum of units into years. This, when
the number was large, must have been accomplished by means of what
Goodman calls the “calendar round” or 52—year period, for which

I

934 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mm ANN. 19

they had a speciﬁc symbol, though not of the ordinary form. The
sum (18,980) could be expressed thus: ’

- - =14,400
'—' = 4, 320
L: 260
@= 0

18, 980

By using this form and subtracting until the given sum should be
reduced below 18,980 the number of subtractions would indicate the
number of 52-year periods. The years could be obtained in the same
way by repeated subtractions from the overpluS with the ordinary
symbols, thus: 1
36

0100

Q9

II || [1

 

365

Whether this was the method followed I can not say, but it is cer-
tain that the desired result could be obtained in this way. N everthe-
less, this method of changing high series, reaching into millions of
years, must have been very tedious, unless there was some way of
shortening the process. I may, however, have more to say on this
subject in a subsequent paper, in which I propose to discuss the
Quirigua inscriptions.

NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES

The data relating to the use of numbers in the Mexican codices, so
far as we are as yet able to interpret the symbols, are meager com-
pared with those relating to numbers in the Mayan codices and inscrip-
tions. We lack also in this investigation the means of demonstration
in regard to the higher numbers, being limited in this respect to the
statements of historians and the interpreters of the Mendoza and
Vatican codices. However; before proceeding with the examination
of the codices, it is necessary to refer brieﬂy to certain facts in regard
to the Mexican time" system.

This system is, as is well known and aS I have Shown in a previous
paper,1 like that of the Maya, except in the names of the days and
months and in the symbols used to represent them. As there will be
occasion to refer to these in discussing the numbers in the Mexican
codices they are for the convenience of the reader given here. A
condensed calendar like that used in discussing Mayan dates in our
previous paper is also given.

 

1 Notes on certain Mayan and Mexican Manuscripts, in Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth.

moms] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES 935

The days as represented in the codices when placed in regular succes-
sion are as shown in table 1.

TABLE 1

1 Cipactli. 11 Ozomatli.

2 Ehecatl. 12 Malinalli.

3 Cam. 13 Acatl.

4 Cuetzpallin. 14 Ocelotl.

5 Coatl. 15 Quauhtli.

6 Miquiztli. 16 Cozcaquauhtli.

7 Mazatl. 17 Ollin.

8 Tochtli. 18 Tecpatl.

9 At]. 19 Quiahiutl.
10 Itzcuintli. 20 Xochitl.

In attempting to form a condensed calendar for the Mexican system
difﬁculties are met with which do not arise in forming one for the
Mayan system. There can be no question that the year-bearers or
dominical days were Tochtli, the rabbit; Acatl, the reed; Tecpatl, the
ﬂint or ﬂint knife, and Calli, the house; but were these the ﬁrst days
of the years? Gemelli Carreri1 says that the year Tochtli began With
the day Cipactli, Acatl with Miquiztli, Tecpatl with Ozomatli, and
Calli with Cozcaquauhtli, in which he is supported by Clavigero,2
while Boturini and Veytia declare that they began with the dominical
days. As the latter method appears to be the natural one, and is that
adopted by Miss Nuttall3 after a somewhat careful examination of the
subject, I shall follow it. My condensed calendar will therefore be
as shown in table 2.

 

1 Churchill’s Voyages, vol. Iv, p. 492.
2Hist. Mexico, Cullen’s Transl., vol. I, p. 292.
3Notes on the Ancient Mexican Calendar System, p. 5.

TABLE 2

 

 

Tochtli years
Tochtli
Atl
Itzcuintli
Ozomatli
Malinalli
Acatl
Ocelotl
Quauhtli
Cozcaquauhtli
Ollin
Tecpatl
Quiahuitl
Xochitl
Cipactli
Ehecatl
Calli
Cuetzpallin
Coatl
Miquiztli
Mazatl

Acatl years
Acatl
Ocelotl
Quauhtli
Cozcaquauhtli
Ollin
Tecpatl
Quiahuitl
Xochitl
Cipactli
Ehecatl
Calli
Cuetzpallin
Coat]
Miquiztli
Mazatl
Toch tli
Atl
Itzcuintli
Ozomatli
Malinalli

Tecputl years
Tecpatl
Quiahuitl
Xochitl
Cipactli
Ehecatl
Calli
Cuetzpallin
Coatl
Miquiztli
Mazatl '
Tochtli
Atl
Itzcuintli
Ozomatli
Malinalli
Acatl
Ocelot]
Quauhtli
Cozcaquauhtli
Ollin

Calli years
Calli
Cuetzpallin
Coatl
Miquiztli
Mazatl
Tochtli
Atl
Itzcuiyntli
Ozomatli
Mélinalli
Acatl
Ocelotl
Quauhtli
Cozcaquauhtli
Ollin
Tecpatl
Quiahuitl
Xochitl
Cipactli
Ehecatl

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986

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6t 'mzv TIMI]

THOMAS] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES

The symbols of the days are shown
in ﬁgure 23, which is a photo-en-
graved copy from plates 51—52 of
the Vatican codex B. The names
in English of those in the four col-
umns 8—11 as they stand in the ﬁg-
ure are as follow:

 

, ‘ ,
Column 8 Column 9 Column 10 ! Column 11
i

 

Water Dog Monkey ‘ Grass

Movement Flint Rain ‘ Flower
Snake Death Deer Rabbit
Cane Tiger Eagle Vulture

Dragon \Vind House 3 Lizard

 

The symbol for water is oftener
in the form shown in ﬁgure 24:, and
that for house in the form shown in
ﬁgure 25. As the numerous plates
of the codices to which reference
will be. made can not be copied here,
these will enable the reader who is
not already familiar with the sub—
ject, but who has the codices (at least
as given in Kingsborough) before
him, to follow my references. As
the names of the Mexican months
will not be used in this paper, it is
not necessary to give them here;
We shall have occasion to note par-
ticularly the direction in which the
plates'of the codices referred to are
to be read, as the determination of
this is the most important result
obtained by an examination of the
numerals, especially in cases where
the order of the days fails us in this
respect.

As a rule which has few if any
exceptions, numbers which refer to
time counts in the Mexican codices
are expressed by dots, or sometimes
small circles, usually. colored, and

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81

SI

938 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH.ANN.19

never running higher, so far as has yet been determined, than 26.
Their use is seen on plates 17—56 of the Vatican Codex number 3738

1 6

2 3 4 5
1, yellow and white; 2, brown; 3, drab; 4, green; 5, blue; 6, red.

   
 
 

  
 

\\ \

   

Color scheme used in ﬁgures 24—40.

and in other similar counts. Here they are used to number the days

in regular succession, beginning with 1 Cipactli, 2 Ehecatl, 3 Calli,

etc., counting to 13, and then commencing again

with 1, etc., as was the rule in the Mayan day-count.

As the series on the pages referred to (the order

being from left to right) runs through two hundred

and sixty days, or twenty thirteens, the Mexican

Fm. 24—Symbol for method of numbering days is clearly and distinctly
A” (water) shown. In this series two plates are allowed to each

thirteen days, ﬁve days on the ﬁrst (plate 17) and eight on

the second (plate 18), ﬁve on the third, eight on the fourth,

etc. _ Why this division into 5 and 8, when 6 and 7 is the

usual method, is not apparent unless it was best adapted

to the size of the original page, or was to introduce the 5.

It is possible the latter explanation is the correct one, as FIG. 25—Sym-

the eight days are arranged in a line of 5 and column of 221032381“

3, and the numerals above 5 are, with but two or three

apparently accidental exceptions, arranged with reference to 5, thus:

 

6 ooooo 0 100-0000....
7 ..... .. 11 ..... ......
8 ..... ... l2 .......... ..

9 ..... out. 13.............

This arrangement, which would seem to be merely for convenience
in counting rather than for any mystic purpose, is not
found in the Borgian or Bodleian codices, which are
undoubtedly pre-Columbian, while the Vatican (3738) is,
in part at least, post-Columbian. The numerals
are, as is general in the codices, of different

FIG~ 26- colors; for example, 1, the ﬁrst of the series 000
foyrm R021 referred to, is green, the next (2) is yellow, the

quintli next (3) blue, the next (4:) red, the ﬁfth green, FIG. 27—

mog)‘ the sixth, seventh, and eighth red, the ninth 50:32:13;

yellow, the tenth red, the eleventh blue, the twelfth red, (ages.
the thirteenth green, etc. The color no doubt had a sig-

niﬁcation understood at least by the priests, but which there is, so far
as is known, no way of determining at this day.

In the same codex, on plates 91, 92, and 93 and those which follow,

moms] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES 939

we see the years indicated by the symbols for Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl,
and Calli, and numbered in regular succession. Here, as in case of
the days, the numbering is from 1 to 13, thls order being repeated
throughout. There is in this series one continuous stretch of 208
(24X 52) years without a single break in the order of the years or of
the numbers. We have in this fact proof not only that the years were
numbered as in the Mayan calendar, and were of the same length, the
365 being completed by the addition of ﬁve days at the end, as was
stated by the early writers (for only in this way can this succession be
accounted for), but also presumptive evidence, although not positive '
proof, that there was no provision for bissextile years, unless it was
made by counting unnumbered and unnamed days. As the years are
numbered from the day numbers as they come in regular succession,
there could be no additional numbered and named days without mak-
ing a jog in the numbering of the years. The assumption that there
were added days which were neither named nor numbered is a mere
supposition based on the seeming need of them; there appears to be no
proof of it in the codices.

On plates 59—62 of the Mendoza codex we ﬁnd numerals used to
state the different ages of youth from 3 to 15. These are given by
the little circles already described, all of them in this instance being
blue. From 3 to 6 they are placed in single straight lines. The
other numbers are given thus:

0 o a
,.
I

12.0...
80... .0.
O... .13"...
90....
10,,,., 14.....
11..... 15

While there are indications of the tendency to count by ﬁves, it
seems a little strange that the arrangement of the dots in 7 and 8
should have varied from this rule. Attention is called to these seem-
ingly unimportant points in View of what has been said in the preced-
ing part of this paper in reference to the Mexican method of counting
as indicated by the names of their numerals. In the lists of years on
the ﬁrst seven plates of this codex the numbers above 5 are arranged
in almost every instance by ﬁves or with regard to 5. However, it
is necessary to bear in mind that most, if not all, of this codex is

940 ' NUMERAL SYSTEMS [mm mm. 19

post-Columbian, an explanation of it having been made by native
priests and turned into Spanish for the use of the Emperor Charles V.
It must be admitted, however, that very Slight, if any, indications of
European contact are to be found in it. ’

Turning now to the Fejervary codex, to plates 22, 21, 20, etc., to 13
(taking them backward as paged), we ﬁnd the method of counting from
day to day, and thereby the order in which the’ days are to be taken.
As the colored ﬁgures can not be introduced here, Arabic numbers are
substituted for the dots or little circles, and the day names, for the
symbols. The relation one to another in which they stand on the
plates is maintained. The pages are given in the order of the num-
bering, but are to be read in the opposite direction, beginning with 22.

PLATE 13
Upper line: Xochitl, Quiahuitl, 3 Ocelotl.
Tecpatl.
Lower line: 23 Tochtli. 13 Ocelotl.
PLATE 14
Upper line: 3 Itzquintli. 3 Miquiztli.
Lower line: 12 Cipactli. 9 Ozomatli.
PLATE 15
Upper line: 2 Calli. 1 Cipactli.
Lower line: 10 Kochitl. 7 Malinalli.
PLATE 16
Upper line: 3 Ollin. 3 Acatl.
Lower line: 7 (‘3) 1O (‘3)
PLATE 17
Upper line: 3 Atl. 3 Coatl. 3 Cipactli.
Lower line: 8 (‘3) 9 (‘3)
PLATE 18
Upper line: 3 Ollin. 3 Acatl. 3 Atl,
Lower line: 6 (‘3) 5 (‘3)
PLATE 19
Upper line: 3 Coatl. 3 Cipactli. 3 Ollin.
Lower line: 6 Atl, Coatl, Ollin, Acatl, Cipactli.
PLATE 20
Upper line: 3 Acatl. 3 Atl. 3 Coatl.
Lower line: (‘3) 7 Acatl.
PLATE 21
Upper line: 3 Cipactli. 3 Ollin. 3 Acatl.

Lower line: 4 Tochtli. 2 Coatl. 4 Xochitl. 2 Ollin.

moms] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODIOES 941

PLATE 22

Upper line: 3 Atl.‘ 3 Coatl. 3 Cipactli.
Lower line: 4 Malinalli. 2 Atl. ~l Cuetzpallin. 2 Cipactli.

In counting in this case the numbers are to be understood as indi-
cating the intervening days, and do not include either the day counted
from or the day reached. The “lower lines” are throughout inde-
pendent and not connected with the “upper lines.” Commencing
with Cipactli at the right of the lower line of plate 22, and referring
to table 1 for the list of the days, we see that counting forward—that is,
passing over—two days we reach Cuetzpallin; passing over four more
we come to Atl; passing over two more brings us to Malinalli, and
four more to Ollin, which is found at the right of the lower line of
plate 21; and so we reach Acatl, the right of the lower line of plate 20.
Counting 7 from the last brings us to .Cipactli. As the count here
ends with Xochitl, the last of the twenty days, this series may end
here, or may pass to Cipactli. However, as there are no day sym-
bols to guide us until we get back to plate 15, where we ﬁnd 7 Mali-
nalli at the right, we begin again with this day.

Passing over seven days from Malinalli we reach Xochitl; passing
over ten more we reach Ozomatli, at the right of the lower line of
plate 14. Passing over nine more we come to Cipactli; twelve more
bring us to Ocelot], at the right of the lower line of plate 13; thirteen
more to Tochtli; twenty-three more would bring us to Malinalli, but
the day is not found, as the series appears to end here. Possibly we
go- back, as is a common rule in the Troano codex, to the ﬁrst date;
if so, Malinalli, on plate 15, begins a second series. This is prob-
ably the true method, as adding together the counters and the days
represented by symbols gives eighty, just four twenties. It is prob-
able that the same rule applies to the ﬁrst series, beginning with
Cipactli (plate 22) and ending with 7 Acatl (plate 20), as the counters
and days added together make forty, or two twenties.

Taking now the upper line, beginning with 8 Cipactli at the right
(plate 22), we pass over three days, which brings us to Coatl, three
more to Atl, and so on by threes t0 Ollin at the left of plate 16; three
days more bring us to Cipactli, but whether to the beginning or to 1
Cipactli at the right of the upper line of plate 15 is a question. How-
ever, as the .number of days counted up to this point is 80, or four
twenties, and a new series begins in the lower line with Malinalli at
the right of plate 15, it is most likely a new series begins here with
Cipactli in the upper line. This supposition appears to be conﬁrmed
by the fact that to Xochitl at the left of the upper line of plate 13 1s
just twenty days.

No attempt will be made at this point to explain the ﬁgures con—
nected with these day and numeral series, the only object 111 View at
present being to illustrate the use of the numerals and thereby to show

942 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH.A:\'N.19

the direction in which the plates are to be read. It is clear that in this
case they are to be read from right to left; that is, in a reverse order
to the paging.

-VVe turn next to plates 11 and 12 of the same eodex. Here, as in
the preceding illustrations, the series of counters and days are placed
in two lines, an upper and a lower; however, the numbers in the lower,
apparently because of the want of space, are not placed in connection
with the day symbols, but by the .side of the larger ﬁgures. In each
section of the lower line are ﬁve day symbols; for convenience I have
placed the names in columns, the top one corresponding with the
symbol at the left in the plate.

PLATE 11
Upper line: 4 Malinalli. 4 Mazatl.
Tochtli. Quauhtli.
Cozcaquauhtli. Calli.
Lower line: 12 Cuetzpallin. 12 Ozomatli.
Malinalli. ' Quiahiutl.
Xochitl. ' Mazatl.
PLATE 12
Upper line: 4 Ehecatl. 4 Ollin.
' Ehecatl. Atl.
Itzcuintli. Ollin.
Lower line: 12 Tecpatl. 12 Coatl.
Miquiztli. Acatl.
Oeelotl. Cipactli.

Commencing with Cipactli at the right of the lower line of plate 12,
we go backward (upward as given in the list above) to Atl, then to
Occlotl and back (up) to Ehecatl, thence to Mazatl, right of lower line,
plate 11, and so on to Tochtli. We begin the upper line with 4. Ollin,
at the right of plate 12. Passing over four days we reach Ehecatl; four
days more bring us to Mazatl, upper line, plate 11; four more to Mal-
inalli, and four more back to Ollin, thus covering twenty days. The
Ollin symbol of this series (plate 12) is immediately under the blue sit-
ting ﬁgure; Mazatl, or Deer (plate 9, upper line) is represented by the
foot or lower portion of the leg of a deer. This proves that the read
ing is from right to left and from the bottom upward as in the preced-
ing plates. It also enables us to determine positively the unusual
Mazatl symbol.

The days in the lower line are arranged ﬁve to a section, after
the manner explained in a previous paper.1 Commencing with
Cipactli, at the right (bottom in our list) of plate 12, we count or pass
over twelve days and reach Ocelotl, the day at the right (bottom) of
the left series of the same plate; tWelve more bring us to Mazatl, right

 

 

1Notes on Certain Maya and Mexican Manuscripts, in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology.

THOMAS] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES 943

of plate 11; and twelve more to Xochitl, right of the left series, same
plate; counting twelve more brings us to Acatl. As this makes no
connection, let us try another method: Counting from At], the left
(upper) name of the right series of plate 12, we reach Ehecatl, left
(upper) name of the left series, same plate; twelve more to Quauhtli,
left (upper) name of the right series of plate 11; twelve more to
Tochtli, left (upper) name of the left series, same plate; and twelve
more to Cipactli, the beginning. This proves that the reading is to
the left and upward, and that from a day in one section to the corre—
sponding day in the next section an interval of twelve days is to be
reckoned.

The arrangement on plates 5 to 10 (inclusive) is the same, except that
the days in the upper line follow one another in regular order without
any interval and that the counters belonging to the lower line vary.
The movement here is backward, as before. By this series, counting
as indicated, we are enabled to determine that the unusual symbol
(ﬁgure 4) on plate 6 is that of the day Itzcuintli, and the symbol (ﬁgure
5), same plate, is that for the day Ocelotl. Plate 5 appears to be
connected backward with plates 1, 3, and 2 by the lower series, column
to the right. The counter in the lower half of plate 5 is 9, and the
lowest day of the column at the right is Cipactli. Counting nine inter-
mediate days from this brings us to Ozomatli, the ﬁrst or lowest day
of the column in the lower half of plate 1; the Counter here is 3, and
passing over this number of days brings us to Quauhtli, lowest day of
plate 3; here the counter is 16, which carries us to Malinalli, lowest
day in plate 2, and eight days more to Cipactli, the commencement.

This lower series of plates 10 to 2 (inclusive) if to be considered as
one, embraces one hundred and four days, not an even twenty, but
exactly eight thirteens.

The upper series of plates at and 3 has ﬁve days to each section
arranged in the same manner as the column in the lower half. The
counters here are small black dots, 12 to each section. Counting this
number from Cipactli, the day at the right of the right—hand section
of plate 4:, brings us to Ocelotl, right of left section; twelve more to
Mazatl, etc.

The dots or little circles used as counters in this codex are, with
the exception just named, colored blue, red, green, and yellow, those
of different colors being found in almost every number. There is no
tendency shown to arrange by ﬁves, though plates 23 to 40 (inclusive)
are largely ﬁlled with number symbols, short black lines (ﬁves) and
dots, as in the Mayan writings. So far I have been unable to determine
the use of these numbers in the connection they are found.

Vatican cudew— Plates 81 to 90 of this codex (Kingsborough, vol. III)
are, as is shown by the numbers and day symbols, to be read as follow:
The upper line, containing day symbols each followed by the counter 3,

944 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em m. 19

in regular succession from left to right throughout; the lower, where
the numbers are unaccompanied by day symbols, from right to left,
beginning on plate 90 with the number 2, to plate 81, where the number
is 26. The upper line is simple and easily followed, and, counting the
days, embraces four twenties. To what the numbers in» the lower
line—which follow in regular succession, 2, 3, 4, etc. refer is as yet
unknown, though it seems they have some relation to 13; and why
they begin with 2 is also without satisfactory explanation.

Plates 91 to 96 are to be taken from left to right, according to the
paging. The counters in the middle express the intervals between
the left-hand day of the lower line of one plate and the left-hand day
of the lower line of the next plate, etc. The same is true also of
plates 72 to 75. '

Borgia/n codex—As the only object in View at present is to illus-
trate the use of numbers in the Mexican codices, and not to introduce
attempted explanations of the ﬁgures, I give a few illustrations from
the Borgian codex, which is probably the oldest of the existing Na~
huatl manuscripts. Neither in this nor in the two last codiceS to
which I have referred does there appear to be any indication of a
tendency to arrange the counters in groups of 5. Where it is practi—
cable—that is, where the number is not too great—they are placed in
a single straight row, but the arrangement is governed by the space.

We turn to plates 18 to 21. Here the pages are arranged in two
divisions, an upper and lower, each having a row of day symbols run-
ning along its lower edge; in the upper division the large red counters
are placed in a column at the right of each page, and in the lower at
the left. With two exceptions (upper divisions of plates 20 and 21)
there are six counters in each column; in the exceptions there are 4 in
a column. Starting with Cipactli, right of lower division plate 21,
passing over six days we reach Tochtli, at the right of the lower divi-
sion of plate 20, and so on to Ehecatl, at the right of the lower division
of plate 18. Counting six more takes us to Atl, at the left of the upper
division of plate 18; six more to Cozcaquauhtli, left of the upper divi~
sion, plate 19; six more to Calli, plate 20, and four more to Tochtli,
left of the upper division of plate 21. Counting four days from Coz-
caquauhtli to the last day of the upper division of this plate brings us
back to Cipactli, the beginning, the sum ofthe days being 52, or
4 X 18.

The 12 large red counters in the upper division of plate 17 express
the number of intervening days between a day of the right section and
a corresponding day of the left section, the counting being always for-
ward in the calendar. The red counters on plate 58 indicate the interval
between the corresponding days of the different sections in the order
in which they follow one another. Commencing with the right section

 

moms] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES 945

of the lowest division, the movement is to the left up to the middle
division, then to the right up to the upper division, and then to the
left. The 12 large red counters of plate 59 denote the interval between
the days of the two columns, commencing
with Cipaetli in the lower right—hand cor-
ner, and passing to the lower day in the left
column, to the second (next to the lower) in
the right column, to the second in the left,
and so on throughout. The 12 red counters
(plates 63 to 65) denote the intervals between
the corresponding days in the lower line of
the pages in the order in which they follow one
another; that is, from right to left, beginning
with plate 65. But in this instance the count

 

_ . _ FIG. 28—Symbol for 400.
Includes the beginning or endlng day. Mendoza codex. plate 20,

This will sufﬁce to illustrate the use of the ﬁgure 16‘

counters in the Mexican codices in connection with days, so far as it
has been ascertained.

The higher numbers are rep-
resented in the Mexican codices
by a different class of symbols
from those which have been
noticed, but for the explanation
(0/, of these we have to rely wholly
upon the interpretations made
by early Spanish authorities
and based upon the statements
of native priests. The ﬁrst to
which reference will be made
are found in the Mendoza codex, in Kingsborough, vol. 1, the original
Spanish explanations being given in volume 5 of the same i
work. As the different symbols for these higher numbers
are not numerous, it will only be necessary to present a
sufﬁcient number of examples to illustrate the forms of the
symbols and their use.

lllc7ztloza (Jr/dew Plate 20, ﬁgure 16, shown in our ﬁgure
28, is interpreted 400 loads of great mantles, the number
symbol being the fringed spike or leaf on top. Fm. 30—Sym-

Plate 28, ﬁgure 24, shown in our ﬁgure 29, is inter— 2121023339
preted 4,000. This is correct, counting each spike as 400. Mendoza co-

Plate 38, ﬁgure 21 (our ﬁgure 30), is interpreted 20 jars $23,121:?”
of honey.

Plate 39, ﬁgure 20 (our ﬁgure 31), is interpreted 100 (that is, 5 X 20)
hatchets of copper.

  
 

,j/
\

\\\\\\\\\‘
lI//////////,
:\\\\\§V:\\\-$‘

\\\\S

\\\\\\\\\\‘

z
/
z
[-
/
/
/

 

FIG. 29—Symbol for 4,000. Mendoza codex, plate
28, ﬁgure 24.

 

 

25

 

10 ET”, 1"1‘ 2

946 NUMERAL SYSTEMS mm. mm. 19

Plate 19, ﬁgure 2 (our ﬁgure 32), is interpreted 20 baskets of ground
cacao (“cestos de cacao molido”); but it is evident that the number
indicated by the symbols is 20X400><4 or
32,000. The reference
therefore is to the grains
or beans, each basket con-
taining, 01' supposed to
contain, 4X400 or 1,600
grains or beans.

Plate 19, ﬁgures 10, 11,
FIG. 31—Symbolfor100hatch- 12, 13 is 0111' ﬁgure 33!

ets. Mendoza codex, plate These four vari-colored

39, ﬁgure ‘20. . .

clrcles, whlch are spoken
of in the interpretation as ﬂowers or as ﬂower
like, denote 80 days, each circle indicating 20 days.

Plate 25, ﬁgure 11 (our ﬁgure 34) is inter- FIG. 32~Symbol for 20
preted 8,000 sheets of paper of the country baskets. Mendozacodex,
(“pliegos de papal de tierra”). The reticule— platew’ﬁg‘z
shaped ﬁgure is the number symbol; this is evident from the next
example.

   

   
 
 

  

“W".
)I.iiiiim“. “1"" TIL§
.m'iiimiﬁ lair.) e.

FIG. 33—Symbols for 20 days. Mendoza codex, plate 19, ﬁgures 10, 11, 12, 13.

       

Plate 38, ﬁgure 35 (our ﬁgure 35) is interpreted 8,000 pellets of
copal for reﬁning, wrapped in palm leaves.

Plate 4—4:, ﬁgure 34 (our ﬁgure 36) is interpreted 200
cacamtles (“sorte de crochet en bois pour porter
des fardeaux,” Simeon) ; I
would explain it as a hand
barrow! It- is doubtful
whether there is any numer-
ical symbol here.

Codex ﬂileri(m0-Re2)2wz82's
plate 25 (Kingsborough, vol.
I; explanation, vol. V). The

ﬁgure in the lower left-hand
FIG. 34—Symbol for . . .7
8,000 sheets paper. portion of this plate repre-

Mendoza codex. sents a mass of people over—
plate 25, ﬁgure 11.

   

 

 

  

       

\Q\\\\\\\\\\\\\\:\\\\\\\\\ \\ \\\\“"\‘:

\\\\\\\\“ \

 

FIG. 35—Symb01 for 8,000 pel-

Whelmed by a ﬂood; the ex- lets copal. Mendoza codex,

' ' - 1t 38,ﬁ 935.
planation says 1n consequence of an earth- 1’“ gm

quake. The number symbol is reproduced in our ﬁgure 37. It

THOMAS] NUMBERS IN THE MEXICAN CODIOES 947

denotes 1800, that iséXeLOO-l—‘g. The $39 or 200 is indicated by the
half leaf or spike at the right.

Vatican cadem, number 3738 (Kingsborough, vol. II; explanation,
vol. v)—On plate 7, ﬁgures 2 and 3, are the symbols
shown in our ﬁgure 38, interpreted 4008 and sup-
posed to refer to the years of the second age of the
world. Each one of the crossed and fringed circles
(blue in the original) represents 400 and is an equiva-

lent and perhaps a mere variation

. ’ of the fringed spike-like leaf.

The 8 is represented by the upper

‘ row of smaller circles (also blue . . . ,,
2:50-37:383522012‘3112? We add one more of this typ)e FISAcggigsinbiiéghggg
ianO-Remensis, plate from plate 10 (see our ﬁgure 39). gidex’ plate “ﬁgure

25‘ This is interpreted 50—.L2; this,
however, is a mistake; the correct number according to the sym-
bol is 5206:13X400-l—6. Attention is called to this mistake in a
note to the English translation of the explanationin Kingsborough,
vol. VI, but the correct number is not
stated.

We ﬁnd on plate 123 the combi- égéé égég
nation shown in our ﬁgure 40.
Although no interpretation of this
page is given, the symbols clearly

 

 

FIG. 38——Symbol for 4,008. Vatican codex
3738, plate 7, ﬁgures 2, 3.

signify 2X8,000+9><400 or
19,600. To what the numbers
refer is uncertain, but probably
to warriors.

These are all the types of
numeral symbols, except the
combined short lines and dots
found in the codices, which are
known as such and have been
determined, and are all that
Clavigero gives. There are
reasons for believing that there are some others, but there are no
‘ means known by Which to determine the point. Although the value
of the various groups of short (black) lines and dots can easily be

 

Fm. 39—Symbol for 5,206. Vatican codex 3738,
plate 10.

948 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 19

determined, their application and use in the connections in which
they are found has not been ascertained.
It is apparent from the data presented that the Aztec or Mexican

\\9 ill \\\J \\V/// \I/
s, W §l \ / \l/
W/x \il/ \\«l/ \///
\/ M \// \¢
W \
. W at Add ’

 

 

 

/ .
FIG. 40—Symbol for 19,600. Vatican codex‘3738, plate 123.

tribes by whom the codices were made were not so well advanced in
mathematics and time count, or in the symbolic designation of num-
bers, as the Mayan tribes.

THE MYSTIC AND CEREMONIAL USE OF NUMBERS

In taking up this branch of the subject we enter upon a ﬁeld where
the evidence must be drawn very largely from the early (chieﬂy Span-
ish) authorities; their testimony is, however, corroborated to some
extent by the codices and inscriptions. As there is no intention of
entering at this time upon a general discussion of the subject of the
mystic and ceremonial use of numbers among the Mexican and Central
American tribes, but simply of presenting the data so far as they may
seem to have relation to the subject treated in this paper, this part
will be brief.

As 2 is a number connected in some way with almost every action
of life, and necessarily referred to in almost every ceremonial and
mystic rite, it is difﬁcult to determine where it is specially referred to
because of its numeral value. I therefore omit it from considera-
tion in this respect. Three is a number so seldom brought into use
in the customs of the natives of the regions mentioned that it may be
passed over.

Reference to the number i in myths and ceremonials as well as in
other relations by savage tribes, as also by peoples of more advanced

‘ture, is so general and so well known that it requires no proof
here. This, as is well understood, arises to a large extent from the
universal custom of considering the horizontal expanse with reference
to four cardinal points, governed primarily by the rising and setting
of the sun—east and west—ethe midway points on the circle being the
north and south. The number, even outside of any process of count-
ing, would become apparent in any ﬁgure or structure in the form of
a square, the four sides and the four corners; and in the personal rela-
tions, front and back, right and left, as is suggested by Professor

 

moms] MYSTIC UsE or NUMBERS 949

McGee. And this would be true even in advance of a number system.
The number 4 was therefore one which would naturally become promi-
nent, and would necessarily become connected with the recognition of
the cardinal points. The “ Cult of the Quarters” in mystic and cere-
monial rites was therefore a natural outgrowth of the recognition of
these points.

This Cult of the Quarters and recognition of the number 4 appears
to have been carried almost to the extreme limit among the Mexican
and Central American tribes. Reference to the cardinal points appears
hundreds of times in the Mexican and Mayan codices, and reference to
the number 4 is scarcely less frequent. In the latter, as in the Troano
codex, on plate after plate the symbols of the cardinal points are placed
in the four corners of the sections around the main central figure,
indicating, as we may reasonably presume, that reference to these
points is made in the ceremony to which the ﬁgure relates. In the
Mexican codices they are referred to in several ways, sometimes, it
would seem, almost unconsciously, from the mere force of habit. Sev—
eral plates of the Borgian codex—which is probably the oldest of the
series—are crowded with ﬁgures referring to the quarters and with
symbolic representations of them, some plates being devoted entirely
thereto. For example, three out of the four chief ﬁgures of plate 1
are evidently drawn with direct reference to these points, and the
large ﬁgure on plate 7 is devoted to the same cult, this being indi-
cated in the ﬁgure in different ways, as by colors, ﬁgures, four-day
symbols, etc. Reference to this cult, or to the number 1, is also dis-
tinctly seen in plates 9,10, 11, 12, 13, 11, 4:3, 61, 71, 72, 73, 74, and 75.

Four is a prominent number in the time systems of the Mexican and
Central American tribes. The years are arranged in four series, each
with its dominical day. The Mexican cycle of ﬁfty—two years consisted
of four thirteens or four weeks of years, and according to the mythol-
ogy of the same people the world has passed through four ages. In
both Mexican and Mayan mythology the culture heroes appear as four
brothers.

This number also occurs so frequently in other connections as to show
that it had with the native population a mystic signiﬁcance. For
example, it was believed by the Mexicans that the end of the world
would happen on the day 1 Ollin, and in accordance with this belief
the “Feast of the Lords” lasted four days, beginning with 1 Ocelotl
and ending with at Ollin; and other great feasts usually continued four
days. The cross appears also to relate to the cult of the quarters, espe-
cially such as the four-colored St Andrew’s cross on plate 70 of the
Borgian codex. The Mexicans also assigned four gods as rulers over
the inferno. It is stated in the Maya Chronicles, where they speak of
the coming of the Tutulxiu, that there were fours The Cakchiquels,
according to their Annals, consisted of four subtribes or clans, though

‘.
z

950 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [Em ANN. 19

there were thirteen divisions. The same Annals, alluding to the ori-
gin of the people. speak of four men (leaders), four Tulans or tradi-
tional homes, and four rulers. The great Mexican festivals occurred
on the fourth, thirteenth, and ﬁfty-second years. Four arrows were
placed in the hand of their great deity, Huitzilopochtli. At the great
feast symbolizing the death of this deity four of the chief priests ofﬁ-
ciated and four youths were chosen as attendants.

The Guatemalans recognized four culture heroes; at Cholula, four
disciples of Quetzalcoatl were charged with the government; in Tlax-
calla, four princes formed the supreme council; and ﬁnally, according
to Brasseur, almost all the villages or tribes of Mexico were divided
into four. clans or quarters. According to the Popol Vuh, in the
descent to Xibalba (Inferno?) four roads were encountered; one of
these was red, one black, one White, and one yellow. And Gucumatz,
in his ascent to heaven and descent to Xibalba every seven days, under-
went four changes in form, becoming ﬁrst, a serpent; next, an eagle;
next a tiger, and last, coagulated blood.

This number and 5, together with the product of 4 and 5, 20, form

. the base and scaffolding of the Mexican and Mayan numeral and time

Uystems, though two other factors, 13 and 18, were brought into the

atter. '

Although the number 5 does not appear to have entered so exten-
sively into the mythology and ceremonials—that is to say, in so many
different relations—as the 4, yet in some respects it was more promi-
nent. For example, there is scarcely a page of the T roano, Dresden,
or Cortesian codices without from one to four groups (usually columns)
of ﬁve days, arranged in some regular order, which bear some rela-
tion to the accompanying symbolic ﬁgures and numerals. Similar
groups of ﬁve days frequently occur in the Mexican codices, where
they also bear some relation to the accompanying symbolic ﬁgures.
The day symbols in the Tonalamatl, as found in three of these codices,
are arranged in 5 lines of 1 times 18 days each.

The use of this number with a mystic or mythological signiﬁcance
appears to be shown on several plates of the Mexican codices, as for
example, on plates 11 and 12 of the Borgian codex. On each of these
plates are ﬁve scenes or groups of ﬁgures in ﬁve sections, placed as is
shown in the diagram (ﬁgure ~11).

The fact that the chief symbolic ﬁgure in each is the Rain god, Tlaloc,
and that the lower portion of each section apparently denotes earth and
vegetation growing therefrom, renders it probable that there is some
reference here to the seasons or the vicissitudes of cultivated plant
life. Be this as it may, the reference to ﬁve is apparent, not only
from the number and position of the sections, but also from the colors
of the Tlalocs on plate 12, one of the outer four being red, another
blue, another yellow, and another black, while that in the center is
striped with red and white.

moms] MYSTIC USE OF NUMBERS 951

One thing worthy of notice in this diagram (ﬁgure 41) is that one
of the ﬁve ﬁgures is placed centrally, at the expense of the four outer
squares. We have in this, it seems, evidence of reference to the four
quarters and the center. What is to be understood in these ﬁgures
by the “center” is somewhat uncertain. It may be simply a conven-
ient way of locating the ﬁfth symbol, which is in all probability the
correct explanation in some cases, but even here it may have arisen,
as is suggested by Professor McGee, through reference to the Ego in
considering the quarters, giving rise to the quineunx. The same con-
cept is symbolized 011 plate 4 of the Borgian codex, where we see four
outer colored squares and a central colored circle, the Cipactli ﬁgure
over which the latter is placed symbolizing the earth, and the dark
outer border surrounding the whole ﬁgure denoting the clouds or sky.
The central circle may in this case indicate the sun, which we ﬁnd
clearly represented on plate 43 of the same codex, though what seems
to be the corresponding ﬁgure on
plate 24 of the Vatican codex is
without any central symbol. In
some of the ﬁgures indicating the
quarters, as one on plate 4 of the
Borgian codex, where the four
winds are represented, the center
is occupied by a human form. In
another place where Wind symbols
occupy the corners a death’s-head
is placed in the center.

It is proper, however, to bear in
mind the fact that the arrangement
of the days by fours and ﬁves would
follow as a necessary consequence
of the time system. The year being divided into eighteen months of
twenty days each, and ﬁve days being added at the end to complete the
365, each year would be ﬁve days in advance of that which preceded,
and the years necessarily began on the same four days. The division
of the twenty days of the month into four periods of ﬁve days would
be a natural result. Why the ﬁve days of the columns in the codices
are not in regular order according to this division, but are selected by
skipping over regular intervals, is not so easily determined, though as
has been shown in a previous paper, they usually have some reference
the 260-day period.

The number 7, though playing a less important role than 4 and 5,
seems to have had some signiﬁcance in the mysteries and ceremonies
of the Mexicans and Maya. Dr Brinton, in his Native Calendar
says that the Tzental appear to have developed the number 7 as an
arithmetic element in their astronomic system, as they had in their

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIG. 41—Diagram of ﬁgures on plates 11 and 12
of the Borgian Codex.

/

952 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [manna 19

calendars seven days painted with black ﬁgures, the ﬁrst beginning
with a Friday. This , period was, however, probably based on the
European week. That 7 would appear in the adjustment of the thirteen
series to the twenty days of the month is evident; it is also noticeable
that in some of the Mexican codices where the space is not sufﬁcient to
place thirteen day-symbols in a single series, where series of this length
are referred to, the division is usually, though not always, into seven
and six. However, the necessity of referring to seven in these instances
does not appear to have brought it into use as a counter. Its appear-
ance, therefore, in the time system and time count may be considered as
accidental, or at least without signiﬁcance. Nevertheless it does appear
occasionally in relations where its use seems to be mystical. From
the earliest times, the Cakchiquel, with perhaps others with whom
they were related, are mentioned in their annals as “seven tribes”
or seven villages arranged in thirteen divisions. Their sacred days
were the seventh and the thirteenth. Tradition brings the ancestors
of the Mexicans from seven caves; they come as seven tribes, the
descendants of seven brothers. Among their gods was a deess named
Centeocihuatl, also called Chicomecohuatl or the “Seven Serpents,”
who, it is said, nourished the seven gods who survived the ﬂood. It is
said in the Quiche legend (Popul Vuh) that Gucumatz, their great
culture hero, ascended each seven days to heaven, and in seven days
descended into Xibalba; that for seven days he took the form of a ser-
pent; seven others that of an eagle; seven others that of a tiger, and
seven others that of coagulated blood, as has been already mentioned.
Among their mythical heroes was Vukub—Cahix (“Seven Aras”), and
the ruler of Xibalba was Vukub-Came (“Seven Deaths”).

The number 9, though seldom referred to in the ceremonials and
mysteries, was not without a place therein among the Mexicans.
They recognized nine “Lords of the Night.” These are evidently
referred to in the Borgian codex, as in the Tonalamatl, plates 31 to 38,
where they are marked by footprints, and on plate ‘75, where the night
is symbolized by the large black ﬁgure and the nine lords by nine
star-like ﬁgures. It is stated in the Explanation of the Codex Tel-
leriano-Remensis that he who was born on the day 9 Ehecatl would be
prosperous as a merchant, while he who was born on the day 9 Itzcuintli
would be a great magician. The Mexicans also recognized nine
heavens. This number appears also to have had some signiﬁcance
among the Quiche, as they held that in each month there would be
nine good and nine bad days, and two indifferent.

Next to 20, 13 was the most important number in the time systems
of Mexico and Central America. Not only was it the number of days
in their so-called week, but it was that by which the days were num-
bered. Although it did not form one of the regular time periods, as

 

moms] MYSTIC USE OF NUMBERS 953

the month, ahau, year or katun, the so-called week not being recog-
nized as a regular period in their systems, it entered into almost every
time count and every time series in the codices and inscriptions. It
was one of the factors on which the so-called “sacred year” of 260
days and the cycle of ﬁfty~two years were based.

Being so important in the time systems, it would be expected to
enter more or less into the activities of life; nevertheless it appears
to have played a comparatively unimportant role as a mystic 0r cere-
monial number. It was the custom of several Mayan tribes to arrange
their armies in thirteen divisions. It appears in the Votan myth among
the Tzental, where “thirteen serpents” are referred to; and among
the Cakchiquel the day numbered 13 was considered sacred.

The number 20 is the base of the numeral system of the Mexican
and Central American tribes, and it may perhaps also be correctly
considered the base of their calendar system, although there are other
necessary factors. Nevertheless 20 does not appear to have been
used as a mystic number in rites and ceremonies, except so far as the
calendar was made to serve divinatory purposes. Why twenty days
were adopted as a time period and a division of the year has as yet
received no entirely satisfactory explanation, though it is generally
supposed that it was chosen because the arithmetical system of these
tribes was vigesimal. That there is some connection between the two
is quite likely, especially as this would seem to correspond with the
probable order of the steps in the formation of the two systems. That
the formation of the vigesimal system preceded that of the time sys—

tem appears to be an absolute requisite, but the steps in the forma-"

tion of the latter can not be assumed with the certainty which we may
have with regard to the former.
That the custom of grouping the days by ﬁves did not begin until

20 had come into use is clear. Did the introduction of 13 as a factor .

precede or follow the adoption of 20? Dr Brinton states in his
Native Calendar that he is persuaded that this period was posterior
and secondary to the twenty—day period. Although this opinion may
be, and probably is, correct, the evidence on which to base it is not so
apparent as to leave no doubt. It seems probable, as Dr Brinton
suggests, that the twenty-day period was derived from the vigesimal
number system, but this does not explain the origin of the peculiarities
of the unusual time system, which seems to have reference to no
natural phenomena save the earth’s annual revolution. There are
other peoples than those of Mexico and Central America Who use
the vigesimal system, but no others, so far as ,known, who adopt
the twenty-day month or eighteen-month year. The moon’s revo—
lution is the factor on which the month in most of the world’s time
systems is based, and the name for month in most, or at least several

'\

V A...
M.—«

\

954 NUMERAL sYsTEMS pm. Axmg

of the Mayan tongues, is the same as that for moon. This is also true
of the Zapotec language, and Cordova (Arte Idioma Zapoteco) says
that the people of this tribe even count by moons; however, the latter
statement may apply to post-Columbian times. The names for month
and moon are the same in Cahita, Othomi, and Zoque. This fact,
and the further fact that substantially the same term has passed over,
in some instances, from one linguistic family to another, as the Zapo-
tec, p60 or 660; Zoque, paya; Kakchi (Mayan), pr) or 3900, would seem to
indicate an original lunar month. It is also true that the oldest
inscriptions and the Dresden codex refer to a year of 365 days. How—
ever, against this evidence must be placed the fact that all the inscrip-
tions and codices base the time count on the twenty-day month, and
the day numbering on 13, the latter also being a factor in other counts
of the inscriptions and codices. The oldest evidence, therefore, to
which we can appeal where numbers are used, agrees with the time
system of the “native calendar.”

That a change from a lunar count to a twenty-day period could have
been made otherwise than arbitrarily seems impossible; we can not con-
ceive how the one could have grown out of the other. This must have
been true or the system must have developed with the growth of the
number system; at least no other supposition seems possible unless we
assume that two time systems, a secular and a sacred one, were in use
at the same time, and that the latter ﬁnally obscured the former. This
seems to have been the case with some tribes. If the supposition that
the time system developed with the number system be correct, then
the lunar period could never have been a factor. It is somewhat
strangely in accordance with this supposition that the moon, so far as
the aboriginal records and early authorities show, is almost wholly
absent from the codices, and does not appear, so far as is known, in
the inscriptions.

Notwithstanding this negative evidence, I can not believe that a
time system without reference to the lunar periods could have devel-
oped among the tribes of the region of which we are treating. My
conclusion is, therefore, that the priests at an early date adopted a
method of counting time for their ceremonial and divinatory purposes
which would ﬁt most easily into their numeral system, and that this
system, in consequence of the overwhelming inﬂuence of the priest-
hood, caused the lunar count to drop into disuse. Moreover, the only
native records which are available are those made by the priests for
their purposes. This will probably account for the introduction of
the twenty—day period, but does not account for the introduction of
the 13.

Dr Ferstemann suggests that at one time the Mayas arranged the
days of the solar year in four groups of seven weeks each, the week
consisting of 13 days, the year being then counted as 364 days (4X 13

moms] ‘ MYSTIC USE OF NUMBERS 955

X 72361), and that each of the four groups was assigned to a particu-
lar cardinal point. Although it is true that the Tonalamatl, as given
in some of the Mexican codices, seems to show, by the upper and lower
border lines, which contain 52 ﬁgures each, some indications of a
year of 361 days, this does not account for the introduction of the 13;
moreover, Dr F orstemann’s explanation introduces the factors 7 and
91 (TX 13), and 7 and 28 (1X 7), which are not found in the time counts
of the codices or inscriptions. However, it is possible that the 28
(4X 7) may be supposed to indicate the true lunar period, and the 4
times 7 the four changes of the moon. Mr Cushing suggests another
explanation based on his observations among the Zuni. In the cere-
monies of this people the complete terrestrial sphere is symbolized
by pointing or blowing smoke toward the four cardinal points, to the
zenith and nadir, the individual making the seventh number. When
the celestial sphere was symbolized only the six directions were added
to the seven, no further reference to the individual being made. Thus
13 typiﬁes the whole universe. While this explanation seems plausi—
ble, we lack the evidence that such a custom was in vogue among the
people using the native calendar, nothing suggesting it being stated in
the authorities or indicated in the codices, unless in the so-called title-
pages of the Troano codex and Codex Cortesianus, which are sup-
posed by most investigators to be parts of one plate or series. There
we ﬁnd the four cardinal point symbols taken in one direction fol-
lowed by two symbols, which Seler believes indicate the zenith and
nadir; these are followed by the cardinal point symbols taken in the
opposite direction, and these by three other symbols, two of which
appear to be the same as the supposed zenith and nadir symbols.
Unfortunately the third, which makes the thirteenth, is too nearly
obliterated to determine its form. The number symbols 1 to 13
stand above these.

Other suggestions as to the reason of the use of this number as a
factor in the time system have been offered, but, like those mentioned,
they are not entirely satisfactory. That 13 was considered important
by most of the tribes is true, and that it was used by some otherwise
than in time counts is true, but why is as yet an unsolved mystery, nor
is there any satisfactory evidence that it was preceded by the twenty-
day period, though this is probable. Clavigero asserts that the Mexi-
cans, in their computations of time, disregarded months and years,
counting by thirteens, but he evidently means by this that 13 was used
as the multiplier, and, like Goodman, evidently confounds the system of
numeration with the time system. However, this will be discussed
more fully in a subsequent paper relating to the native time system.

 

 

 

TUSAYAN FLUTE AXD SNAKE CEREMONIES

15 Y

JESSE WALTER FEWKES

 

 

957

 

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction -' ............................................................ 963
Snake dance at Mishongnovi in 1897 ....................................... 964
The Mishongnovi Antelope altar ...................................... 966
Snake whips ......................................................... 969
Snake-hunting implements ............................................ 970
Washing the reptiles .................................................. 970
Public Antelope and Snake dances ...................................... 973
Snake dance at \Valpi in 1897 ............................................. 976
Washing the reptiles ................................................. 977
Inﬂuence of white spectators .......................................... 978
Unusual features ..................................................... 978
Number of participants ............................................... 979
Women members of the Snake society ................................. 979
Photographs of the Walpi Snake dance _ - _ _ .; .......................... 980
The \Valpi Antelope altar ............................................. 980
Tiponis .......................................................... 980

Stone images of animals .................... 980
Tcamahia ........................................................ 982

Crooks about the sand mosaic .................................... 982
Medicine bowl and aspergill ...................................... 983

Other objects on the altar ......................................... 983
Antelope priests in the public dance ................................... 984
The most primitive Snake dance ........................................... 986
Flute ceremony at Mishongnovi in 1896 .................................... 987
Flute rooms .......................................................... 988
Ceremonial days of the rite ............................... .. .......... 988
The Mishongnovi Flute altars ......................................... V 989
Comparison with the \Valpi Flute altar ................................ 993
Comparison with the Oraibi Flute altars ............................... 993
Comparison with the Shipaulovi Flute altars ........................ .- . _ 994
Public Flute ceremony ................................................ 996
Personnel of the Cakwaleﬁya society .......... _ .................... 996
Personnel of the Macileﬁya society ................................ 996

The Flute chiefs ................................................. 997

The Flute girls ..... _ ............................................. 997

The Flute boys ................................................... 997
Standard bearers ................................................. 998

Bearer of the moisture tablet ...................................... 998

Bearer of the sun emblem ........................................ 998

The Warrior ..................................................... 999

March from Toreva to the pueblo .................................. 999

959

960 CONTENTS
Page
Flute ceremony at Walpi in 1896 .......................................... - 1000
The ﬁrst Flute altar .................................................. 1001
The second Flute altar ................................................ 1002
Flute songs .......................................................... 1002
Unwrapping the Flute tiponi .......................................... 1003
The kisi ............................................................. 1005
General remarks ......................................................... 1005
Relation of Snake society and Snake clan ............................. 1006
Relation of Flute society and Flute clan ............................... 1007
Ophiolatry in the Snake dance ........................................ 1008
Relative place of the Snake dance in primitive worship ................. 1009

Interpretation of Snake and Flute rites ................................ 1009

 

PLATE XLV.
XLVI.
XLVII.
XLVIII.
XLIX.
L.

LI.

LII.
LIII.

LI V.
LV.
LVI.
LVII.
LVIII.
LIX.
LX.

LXI.
LXII.
LXII I.

LXI V.
LX V.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Snake dance at Mishongnovi .................................
Antelope altar at MishongnOVi ...............................
Entrance to Mishongnovi Snake kiva _________________________
Platoon of Antelope priests at Mishongnovi ...................
The Kalektaka at Walpi .....................................
\Viki, Antelope chief ........................................
Participants taking the emetic at \Valpi .......................
Supela at entrance to Walpi Snake kiva _______________________
Antelope altar at Walpi ......................................
Kakapti at entrance to Walpi Antelope kiva ...................
Antelope priests of Walpi ....................................
Crypt in which snake jars are kept at Mishongnovi ............
Cakwaleﬁya society of Mishongnovi ..........................
Macileﬁya society of Mishongnovi ............................
Macileﬁya society of Mishongnovi ............................
Platoons of Flute priests marching from the spring to Mishong-

novi ......................................................
Leﬁya (Flute) children of Mishongnovi (front View) ..........
Leﬁya (Flute) children of Mishongnovi (rear View) ...........
Flute children of Mishongnovi throwing offerings on rain-cloud

symbols ..................................................
First Flute altar at Walpi ....................................
Cakwaleﬁya altar slabs at Walpi ..............................

FIGURE 42. Diagram of positions of celebrants in the Snake washing .........
43. Altar of the Macileﬁya at Mishongnovi .........................
44. Altar of the Cakwaleﬁya at Mishongnovi ........................
45. Plan of Flute room at Walpi ...................................
46. Core of Flute tiponi ...........................................

961

19 ETH, PT 2—96

1005
l 007
1009
97 1
990
991
1000
1004

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV

 

 

 

M,Wm'p kt (Ha. .

A mzu a L o x ITHu<.Au:. 1|(.‘.n.‘u rumvnh,

 

 

SNAKE DANCE AT MISHONGNOVI

NOTES ON TUSAYAN, SNAKE, AND FLUTE CEREMONIES

BY JESSE \VALTER FEWKEs

INTRODUCTION

The Hopi or so-called Moqui Indians of Arizona are among the few
surviving tribes of American aborigines which still retain an ancient
ritual that is apparently unmodiﬁed by the Christian religion. This
ritual is of a very complicated nature and. is composed of monthly
ceremonies the recurrence of which is precise as to time and place.

It must be remembered that these ceremonies are not performed at
irregular intervals by well—to-do Hopi to cure sickness of themselves
or their families. Among other Indians this motive is often the
keynote of their rites, but while among the Hopi there are ceremonials
which are directed to that end, and all the regularly recurring cere-
monials are regarded as efﬁcacious in healing bodily ills, they have
primarily another purpose. Whether they originated as a preventive
of disease, and in their primitive condition had the same intent as the
rites of the Navaho shamans, is beyond the scope of this memoir. At
present the ritual is performed for the purpose of bringing abundant
rains and Successful crops.

Two most important summer ceremonies in this elaborate ritual are
the Snake dance and the Flute observance, and the former, from
the startling fact that venomous reptiles are carried in the mouths
of the participants, has achieved world-wide celebrity. It is thought
by some white men to be the most important ceremony in the calendar,
but anyone familiar with the Hopi ritual will recognize that these
Indians have several other ceremonies more complicated, though far
less sensational. Only the bare outlines of many of these ceremonies
have yet been described, but enough is known to cause due appre-
ciation of their importance in the Hopi system of religion. The Flute
ceremony is one of these, and as it is closely connected with the Snake
dance it is naturally considered in this connection.

With the accompanying description of the Snake dance at Mishong—
novi the author completes his account of the general features of this
ceremony in the ﬁve Tusayan pueblos in which it takes place, but
this additional knowledge of the externals of the observance has by

963

964 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mmmxm

no means exhausted the subject, as the translation of songs and prayers
is yet to be made.

The existence of a Snake dance among the Hopi villages was called
to the attention of ethnologists about ﬁfteen years ago, and in late
years it has been repeatedly witnessed and described in detail by
many observers, but it is hoped that the additional light thrown on
the subject by the present studies may further advance our knowledge
and prove an aid to more important discoveries.

The present paper has been prepared from notes made at the Hopi
pucblos in the summers of 1896 and» 1897. At the time these studies
were made the author was in charge of an archeeologic expedition
sent out by the Bureau of American Ethnology, and could give but
little of his time to ethnologic investigations, It was impossible to
follow the complicated secret rites of the ceremonies through their
entire course, consequently this account is limited to those portions
which are most obscure. The author studied with care the Snake
dance at Mishongnovi and the Flute observance in the same pueblo,
of which little was known save the altars. Studies of the latter were
conducted in 1896 and of the former in 1897. Certain comparisons
with the “'alpi Flute ceremony, and new data obtained in 1896, are
likewise introduced.

SNAKE DANCE AT MISHONGNOVI IN 1897

A detailed preliminary account of the Snake dance at VValpi in 1891
and 1893 has been given elsewhere,1 and the general features of that at
Shipaulovi, Shumopovi, and Oraibi, as observed in 1896, are also
recorded in a previous publication.2

The Snake dance covers a period of at least sixteen days, nine of
which are days of active ceremonies, secret or open. These nine days
bear the following names: 1, Yuﬁya; 2, Custala; 3, Luctala; é, Paic—
tala; 5, Naluctala; 6, Soekahimﬁ; 7, Komoktotokya; 8, Totokya;3 9,
Tihuni.3

The author arrived at Mishongnovi on August 16 of the year named,
on T otokya, the day preceding that on which the ﬁnal dance occurred,
and saw the public Antelope ceremony performed. He likewise wit-
nessed the Snake race on the morning of the ninth day (Tihuni), and
studied the altar of the Antelope priests, and certain of their sacred
rites. The only kiva rite of the Snake priests which was witnessed
was the snake washing on the afternoon of the last day.4

 

 

1 Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. Iv.

2 Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

3 The author was present at Mishongnovi on these days.

4 Other members of the party were Dr Walter Hough, of the National Museum, and Mr F. W. Hodge,
of the Bureau of American Ethnology. It was found convenient to camp at. the small spring to the east
of the Middle mesa on the trail to Walpi. As this spring can be readily approached by wagons it is
recommended as a suitable place for visitors who do not desire to remain in the pueblos overnight.

.; ,..

pawns] PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS 965

This article is a record only of what was seen, and lays no claim to
completeness, introducing no rites which were not studied, even when
there is ample proof of their existence (and the same may be said of
the previously cited accounts of the Snake dances at Oraibi and the
Middle mesa). Like the preceding accounts, it is simply a prelimi-
nary record to aid investigators in future studies until enough material
has been accumulated to adequately fathom the meaning of the rites.

The portions of the Snake ceremony to which special attention was
given were the altars, the washing of the reptiles, and the public Ante-
lope and Snake dances. There still remain to be investigated several
important episodes, such as the rites and songs about the altar. It is
expected that this and other fragmentary contributions to the subject
will lead to an exhaustive account of the Hopi Snake dance, which the
author has had in preparation for the last eight years.

The only known description of the Snake dance at Mishongnovi
(plate XLV) was published in Science in 1886, by Mr Cosmos Mindeleﬂ',
who witnessed the festival at the pueblo named on August 16, 1885,
and saw the presentation at VValpi on the following day. He found
the two performances “ essentially the same, the only difference being
in the greater number of performers at VValpi, and in the painting
of the body.” In a general way this is true, but there are impor-
tant differences in the kiva paraphernalia and performances, which
are characteristic and instructive in comparative studies of the dance.
Mr Mindeleff noticed the sand altar, and gave a brief description
of it without illustration. He confused the two kivas used, for he
speaks of a sand altar in the “Snake kiva proper,” or “easternmost
kiva.” The room where the Snake priests meet and where the rep-
tiles are conﬁned has no altar, which in Mishongnovi is always made
in a neighboring room, the Antelope kiva. While observations on
the public dance agree with Mindeleff’s descriptions, there are signiﬁ-
cant differences in interpretation, due to enlarged acquaintance with
the Hopi ritual. “The Snake gens,” he writes, “has nothing to do
with the dance, and contrary to the opinion of Captain Bourke it is
not referable, I think, to ancestor worship, at least not directly.” On
the contrary, no one can now doubt that the Snake dance was pri-
marily a part of the ritual of the Snake clan, and that ancestor wor-
ship is very prominent in it. We need only look to the clan relation
of the majority of priests in the celebration to show its intimate con-
nection with the Snake clan, for the Snake chief, the Antelope chief,
and all the adult men of the Snake family participate in it. The rever-
ence with which the ancestor, and particularly the ancestress, of the
Snake clan, Viz, Tcuamana, is regarded, and the personation of these
beings in kiva rites, certainly gives strong support to a theory of
totemistic ancestor worship.

966 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mans-.19

The reptiles used in the dance are collected on four successive days;
the Antelope and Snake races, as well as several other episodes of the
Mishongnovi ceremonial, are known to conform essentially to those
at VValpi. before described.

THE MISHONGNOVI ANTELOPE ALTAR

The two kivas at Mishongnovi occupied by the Antelope and Snake
societies lie not far apart, on the side of the Village facing west. The
one to the left, as one looks at them from the housetops, was occupied
by the Snake priests; that to the right by the Antelope priests. Like
all Tusayan kivas, these chambers are separated from the houses, and
are rectangular in shape. They are subterranean, with an interior
arrangement quite like those of \Valpi. The Antelope and the Snake
kivas are the only ones in Mishongnovi which the author Visited, but
Mr Victor Mindeleﬂ‘ mentions the names of ﬁve, and Mr Cosmos Min—
deleﬂ‘ speaks of three. Evidently, if these enumerations be correct,
some of the chambers have been abandoned within a recent period.

The Antelope altar at Mishongnovi (plate XLVI) resembles that at
VValpi,1 Oraibi, Shipaulovi, and Shumopovi2 in its essential features,
but there are diﬂerences in detail. There was no altar in the kiva
used by the Snake priests in this pueblo, and this was also true in
the other Hopi pueblos, except \Valpi. The dual wooden images of
Piii'ikoﬁ and the female counterpart in the Oraibi 3 Snake kiva are not
in themselves an indication of an altar; for the essential object in a
Snake altar is the Snake palladium, or tiponi, which does not exist in
this pueblo, and, indeed, is found only at VValpi.

The number of tiponis, or chieftain’s badges, which are placed on the
altars of the Antelope priests varies in the Hopi pueblos. Walpi and
Oraibi have two; Shipaulovi and Shumopovi, one each. There are
two tiponis on the Antelope altar at Mishongnovi, both of which are
carried by Antelope chiefs in the public dances. Neither of these
corresponds with the Snake tiponi of the Walpi chief, who has the
only known Snake tiponi. The position of the two tiponis on the
altar is characteristic, for they stand one on each of the rear corners
of the sand picture, and not midway in the length of the rear margin,
as at’Oraibi and VValpi. ‘

The sand picture of the Antelope altar at Mishongnovi resem-
bles that of the other Antelope societies. Its border is composed
of four bands of differently colored sand—yellow, green, red, and
white—arranged in the order given from within outward. These
marginal bands correspond with the cardinal points and are separated

 

lSnake ceremonials at Walpi, Journ. Amer. Eth. and Arch., v01. Iv.
2Tusayan Snake ceremonies, Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
3 On certain years an altar is said to be introduced in initiations.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVl

‘ 3%- w

 

 

‘ K. vam \ W} :- ‘

 
   

 

 

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- »'r"wrw;x.
& :

ANTELOPE ALTAR AT MISHONGNOVI

a, Aspergill.
at, Antelope tiponi.

0, Corn stalks.

d, Tray of prayer-meal.

f, Basket full of prayer-sticks.

g, Four water gourds, with three ears of corn.

1'. Clay pedestals.
j, Crooks (ceremonial bows).

 

Antelope altar at Mishongnovi (key to plate XLVI)

m, Medicine bowl.

r, Rattles of Antelope priests.
s, Pile of sand for spittle.

u, Meal pathway.

v, Feather attached to a string.

w, Vase containing corn and bean stalks.

1/, Fox skin worn by Antelope priest.
z, Kilt worn by Antelope priest.

 

urc, North rain-cloud ﬁgure.
src, South rain-cloud ﬁgure
wrc, West rain-cloud ﬁgure.
erc, East rain-cloud ﬁgure.

nl, North lightning-snake ﬁgure.

wl, West lightning-snake ﬁgure.

sl, South lightning-snake ﬁgure.

el, East lightning-snake ﬁgure.

[SEX/mid

HVL'IV EIcIO'IELLNV IAONDNOHSIW (EIHiL

L96

968 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND sNAKE CEREMONIES immune

by black lines. In the inclosed ﬁeld, which is white, there are four
sets of semicircles of the same colors, each with four members also
. separated by black lines, and on the border there are a number of
short parallel lines. These semicircles represent rain—clouds, and the
parallel lines, falling rain.

The semicircular ﬁgures occupy about one-third of the inclosed
ﬁeld, and in the remainder there are four zigzag designs representing
lightning, as snakes, colored yellow, green, red, and white, with black
rims. Each lightning symbol has a triangular head, with two dots for
eyes and parallel marks for a necklace. Appended to the head of each
is a horn.

On each side of the sand picture a row of sticks are set upright in
clay pedestals. These sticks, like those at Oraibi, are straight, and
not crooked at the end, as at VValpi. 'On the last day of the ceremony
it is customary for the Antelope priests to hang the bundles of feathers
which they wear on their heads on these sticks, as is shown in the
picture of the Walpi altar (plate LIII). The straight sticks probably
represent arrows, and possibly, when curved at the end, primitive
implements of war, allied to bows, for the propulsion of arrow—like
weapons.1

Back of the sand painting, about midway in the length of the rear
margin, and slightly removed from it, was a small vase containing
cornstalks and gourd vines. This vase is called a “ patne” and corre—
_, sponds with that which the Snake-girl at VValpi holds in her hand
during the dramatizations of the Snake legend, elsewhere described.
Unfortunately there is nothing known of the part this vase plays in
the secret exercises in any pueblo but VValpi; yet it probably has a
similar role in all. It may be said, in passing, that a similar vase is
found on all Antelope altars, even the simplest; and there is no
known Antelope altar where cornstalks and vines are absent on the
last days of the ceremony.

Four spherical netted gourds were placed at equal intervals along
the front margin of the sand picture. These gourds, which were later
carried by the Antelope priests in the public dance, are represented at
Oraibi by a row of similar objects on each side of the altar. . Between
each pair of these gourds there was an ear of corn, as is shown in
the plate. The author‘s studies have not proceeded far enough to
enable him to connect these ears of corn with those of novices, which,

1The author’s illustration of the Oraibi altar is faulty in representing these sticks crooked at the
end. They are straight in this pueblo as well as at Shipaulovi, as was stated in the descriptive
text in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 279. In the Oraibi
Snake (not Antelope) dance the priests do not carry these rods from the altar. The left hands of
all, with the exception of the man who carried an ear of com, 01’ the chief, who had his tiponi, and
of the asperger, who bore the medicine-bowl and aspcrgill, were empty. Thirteen of the sticks were
counted on the left side of the altar, and there were probably an equal number on the right side.
There were no stone images of animals on this altar, and the stone “ tcamahias” which are so con-
spicuous in the Walpi altar between the clay pedestals and the border of the sand picture were
likewise absent. There were no sticks along the front of the sand picture as at Walpi, where, by
their distribution, spaces or gateways are left in the altar.

 

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII

 

 

 

315/? ,’ '

/.

 

ENTRANCE TO MISHONGNOVI SNAKE KIVA

 

mawm] THE MISHONGNOVI ANTELOPE ALTAR 969

at Walpi, are generally placed on a basket tray near the altar. It is
possible that they belong to novices, but their fate when the altar was
destroyed was not noticed. Four netted gourds were carried by the
Antelope priests in the public dance.

In the public dance at Oraibi each Antelope priest carried one of
these water gourds, while in the other pueblos, where the number of
participants is smaller, only one or two priests bear these objects.
At \Valpi, for instance, the Antelope chief has one of the water gourds
which is not conspicuous in the public ceremony. At the Middle
mesa several gourds are used, while at Oraibi they form an important
feature of the ceremonial paraphernalia, and it is probable that the
conditions at Oraibi are nearer the ancient than at VValpi in this partic-
ular. A number of basket trays containing prayer—sticks occupied
the whole space of the ﬂoor between the altar and the ﬁreplace. This
is similar to what is found at Shipaulovi, as shown in a ﬁgure of the
altar of that pueblo.1

There is good evidence that the VValpi custom of making prayer—
sticks of different lengths, corresponding to the length of ﬁngerjoints,
and of prescribing the days of their manufacture and the distance of
the shrines in which they are deposited, is not followed at Shipaulovi,
Oraibi, and Mishongnovi.

“’hile there is a general similarity between the pahos made by the
Antelope societies in all the Tusayan pueblos, there are differences in
detail. One of the component sticks is provided with a ﬂat facet, on
which is painted eyes and mouth, forming a rude representation of a
face. While this facet is absent from the VValpi Snake and Antelope
pahos, the two sticks which compose the prayer-offering are regarded
as male and female.

SNAKE ers

On entering the Mishongnovi Snake kiva all the snake whips were
found to be arranged in a row against a banquette at the end of the
room. A similar arrangement has also been noticed in the Snake kiva
at Shipaulovi, but there was no evidence of an altar or sand picture
in the Snake chamber in either of the pueblos named. The snake
whips are composed of two shafts, instead of one, with a corn-husk
packet of meal tied about the middle. This would seem to indicate
that the whips were regarded as prayer-sticks, and indeed this name
(paho) is applied to them. During the ceremony of washing the
reptiles a small “breath feather” of the eagle, stained red, is tied to
the scalplock, but later this feather is detached and fastened by one
of the pr1ests to the end of his whip.

 

 

1 Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, plate LXXI.

970 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH-ANNJQ

SNAKE—HUNTING TMPLEMENTS

It is customary for the Snake priests on the four snake hunts to dig
out the reptiles from their holes with sticks and hoes. These imple-
ments are left on the kiva roof overnight, or while the priests are in
the pueblos, and must not be carried to the homes of the owners until
the close of the dance. There were noted at Mishongnovi many Hopi
planting sticks, a number of American hoes, several old Mexican mat-
tocks, and ﬂat iron knives, also of Mexican manufacture, tied to
sticks. At VValpi, Mexican implements have almOst wholly passed out
of use, but in the Middle mesa villages and at Oraibi they are still
employed. The Snake chief would not part with one of these hoes
during the ceremony, but had no objection to selling one or more of
them after the festival.

WASHING THE REPTILES

One of the weirdest of the many features of the Snake ceremony
in the Hopi pueblos is the washing of the reptiles used by the priests.
This occurs in all the villages just after noon of the ninth day, and is pre—
paratory to bringing the snakes to the public plaza, from which they
are later taken and carried by members of the Snake society in the
presence of spectators. The details of this rite, as performed at
Walpi. have been described, but no one has yet recorded the variants
of snake washing in the other four Hopi villages where it is celebrated.

In order to gather information in regard to snake washing in the
other pueblos, the author attended the performance of this rite at
Mishongnovi on August 1‘7, 1897. The snake washing at Oraibi and
on the Middle mesa pueblos is greatly modiﬁed by the absence of a sand
altar such as exists at Walpi. In considering the reason for the absence
of the Snake altars in these villages, a corresponding absence of a Snake
tiponi or badge of chieftaincy is to be noted. Walpi, on the East
mesa, is the only Hopi village that has a Snake tiponi.

Considerable time was spent before the snake washing began in get-
ting the reptiles out of the four canteens in which they were kept
when not moving about freely in the kiva. These canteens are of
baked clay similar to those in which the women carry water on their
backs to the pueblos from the springs at the base of the mesa. A
hole is punched in the middle of the convex side, and both this and
the opening at the neck are closed with corncobs. The reptiles were
transferred with difﬁculty from these vessels to cloth bags, and were laid
on the ﬂoor near the ﬁreplace. A considerable quantity of sand was
brought into the room and spread on the ﬂoor on one side of the
kiva. A board was placed on a stone seat along the edge of this
sand, down the middle of the kiva, and upon this board the Snake
priests seated themselves, facing the sanded ﬂoor. They were closely

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

   
   

PHOTOGRAPH BY MAUDE AND JAMES

PLATOON OF

ANTELOPE PRIESTS AT

MISHONGNOVI

mums] THE SNAKE—WASHING. AT MISHONGNOVI 971

crowded together, completely surrounding the sand, save on one side,
which was formed by the kiva wall (see ﬁgure 42). Three boys
novices—stood behind the line of seated priests, and if any of the rep-
tiles escaped between the men while being released, they were
promptly captured and returned to the sand by the lads.

The bodies of all the participants were naked and were stained red
with iron oxide, and each man wore a small red feather in his hair.
Before taking their seats they hung bandoliers over their shoulders
and tied one to the ladder pole. One of their number tied a white
buckskin over his arm, and added other paraphernalia characteristic

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIG. 42—Diagram of positions of celebrants in the snake washing.

of a kalektaka or warrior. It may be here noted that this personiﬁ-
cation does not appear in the Walpi snake washing.

Two Snake kilts were spread on the banquette at the end of the
kiva, and leaning against one of these was a row of snake whips.
One of these kilts was decorated with a complete ﬁgure of the Great
Snake. Ordinarily the head is omitted from ﬁgures of this serpent on
Snake kilts, but the Snake priest at the Keres pueblo of Sia, as repre-
sented in Mrs Stevenson’s instructive memoir, wears a kilt decorated
with a complete ﬁgure of the Great Serpent. The ﬁgure of the zigzag
body of the Great Snake on the kilts at the Middle mesa and Oraibi
has two parallel bars extending entirely across the design; in the
Snake kilts used in Walpi these lines do not join the border, but are
parallel with it.

The chief sat in the middle of the line and a man dressed as a war-
rior was at his side. The former ﬁrst drew with meal on the sand before

972 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETHJNN'N

him six short radiating lines corresponding to the six cardinal points
recognized by the Hopi, and at their junction he placed a large earthen-
ware basin similar to the kind used in washing the head. Into this
bowl the chief poured liquid from a large gourd six times, each time
making a pass in sequence to one of the cardinal directions. The
remaining liquid was then emptied into the bowl so that it was about
two-thirds full. Some object, an herb or root, which was not plainly
seen, was next put into the liquid.

A formal ceremonial smoke followed, during which terms of rela-
tionship were interchanged among the men. When this had ceased
prayers were offered by several of the priests, beginning with the
Snake chief. The Snake men then took their snake whips and began
a quick song resembling that of the Walpi society during a similar
rite, and the priests took the reptiles from the bags and transferred
them, three or four at a time, to the liquid. They were then laid on
the sand, but were not thrown across the room, as at the Walpi snake
washing. The object of placing the reptiles on the sand was simply
to dry them, and they were left there for some time after their trans-
ference from the bowl of liquid. At the close of the rite the priests
resumed the preparation of their dance paraphernalia, painting their
kilts, and decorating their bandoliers with the shells which had been
given them by the author.

The participants, even when the reptiles were free in the kiva, were
not restrained by many of the prescribed rules of conduct which are
so rigidly adhered to at Walpi. Members of the society did not lower
their voices in conversation, and even loud talking was engaged in
during the snake washing. No one at that time speaks above a whis-
per in the Walpi kiva, and loud conversation is never heard.

The wearing of their bandoliers by the Snake priests during the
snake washing seems to be a survival of a primitive custom that has
disappeared at Walpi, and the personation of a warrior by one of
their number may have a similar explanation. It is interesting in
this connection to note that in the Walpi celebration a similar war-
rior personator accompanies the Antelope priests, among whom he is
conspicuous, but he does not appear associated with them in variants
of the Snake dances which have been studied in other Hopi pueblos.
In the Walpi snake washing, when the Snake chief deposits on the
sand the bowl in which the reptiles are washed, he makes four rain—
cloud symbols. At Mishongnovi the chief simply draws six radiating
lines of meal, but it would seem that the intent was the same in both
instances, the Middle mesa practice being perhaps more ancient. At
Mishongnovi it was not noticed whether a bandolier1 was placed under
the basin in which the snakes were washed, as is the case at Walpi.

1 Many of the bandoliers were decorated with rows 0' small cones, the spines of shells identical
with specimens which are occasionally dug from runs along Little Colorado river. The conus
shell, from which these are made, is found in ruins alone the Gila, and was used as an ornament,
or, fastened with others to a stick, served as a rattle to beat time in rhythm with sacred songs.

 

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

 

 

 

 

W53 %

 

 

 

 

THE KALEKTAKA AT WALPI

mwm] PUBLIC SNAKE DANCE AT MISHONGNOVI 973

The idea which underlies the washing of the reptiles in the Snake
dance is that of bodily puriﬁcation or lustration, and probably sprang
from a belief in a totemic relationship between reptiles and the Snake
clan. It can be explained on the theory that the reptiles, as “elder
brothers” and members of the same Snake clan, need puriﬁcation by
water as an essential act in preparation for the ceremonials in which
they later participate.

On the morning of the ninth day of the Snake dance all priests of
the Snake society and all members of the Snake clan bathe their heads
in preparation for the ceremony. The reptiles, or elder members of
the same clan, have been gathered from the ﬁelds and brought to the
pueblo to participate in this the great festival of their family, and it is
both ﬁtting and necessary that their heads, like those of the priests,
should be washed on this day. The ceremonial washing of the reptiles
is therefore perfectly logical on the theory of totemic worship.

A few days after the snake washing at Mishongnovi, the author
attended for the fourth time the snake washing at VValpi, ﬁnding that
the rites presented no marked variation from those of previous years.
The exercises at the Middle mesa, and probably at Oraibi, lack the
dash of those of the East mesa, and are simpler in character.

The Snake priests of Walpi found it necessary to station one of
their number at the hatchway, as a tyler, to prevent the intrusion of
the uninitiated during the snake washing, and this will probably
become a custom in future dances.

PUBLIC ANTELOPE AND SNAKE DANCES

The public Snake dance at Mishongnovi (plate XLV) has been well
described by Mr Cosmos Mindeleﬂ'.1 It closely resembles that at
Walpi, which it generally precedes,2 and, next to that at Walpi, it is
the most spirited performance of this ceremony ’among the Hopi
On account of their similarity it is hardly necessary to describe both
the Antelope and the Snake dance, and consequently this account is
limited to the latter, or to details in which differences exist.

A conical structure made of cottonwood boughs, and called a kisi
(brush-house), was erected in the plaza near a central, permanent
shrine of stone. The kisi served as a receptacle for the reptiles until
they were needed, and was made in the following way: holes were
dug in the ground at intervals in the form of a circle, and several
good size, newly cut but untrimmed, green cottonwood boughs were
planted therein. The upper ends of the boughs were bound together
with ropes and straps, and a cloth was tied on one side covering an
entrance into the inclosure. Smaller cottonwood branches were
inserted between the larger ones, making a dense bower amply sufﬁ-

 

1 Science, vol. v11, number 174,1886.
2 In 1891, 1893, and 1895 it was celebrated the day before the Walpi dance, and in 1885, according to
Mindeleﬁ, the same relative day was chosen.

974 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mmwxw

cient to. conceal whatever was placed within. Shortly before the
dance began a sack containing all the reptiles was deposited in the
kisi by two Snake priests.

The public ceremony was ushered in by the appearance of the line
of Antelope priests, headed by their chief, who carried his tiponi on
his left arm. There were twenty persons in this procession, the
rear of which consisted of four small boys. Next to the chief came
an albino, likewise bearing a tiponi on his arm. The Antelope priests
were dressed and painted as are those of Walpi, but the four small
boys who closed the line wore very small kilts. In the 1885 celebra—
tion, according to Mindelelf, there were but ten Antelope priests in
line. The increase in number is in accord with what has been observed
at Walpi, where the number of participants has also increased in late
years. '

Each Antelope priest, except one to be presently noticed, carried
two rattles, one in each hand, which is characteristic of two of the
Middle mesa pueblos, but different from the custom at Walpi and
Oraibi, where each Antelope priest carries one rattle only.

The third man in the line bore a medicine—bowl and an aspergill; he
wore a ﬁllet of cottonwood leaves, and was comparable with the asper-
ger of the Walpi and other variants. He dipped his feathered asper-
gill into the medicine-bowl as he entered and left the plaza, and
asperged to world-quarters and upon the Snake priests. Before the
snake dance began, this man called out an invocation to warriors.

In an account of the Oraibi dance it has been noted that the words
of this invocation, which have long been recognized as foreign to
the Hopi language, were also used in Keresan songs at Sia pueblo.
In the course of these new investigations direct inquiries were made in
regard to the meaning of the words, and the identity of the persona-
tion by the man who utters them. The man who makes this invocation
is believed to represent the Acoma relatives of the Snake people.
There are several songs in Hopi secret rites, the words of which
resemble closely certain terms of the Keresan language, in addition
.to the vocables common to sacred songs of all American Indians.

The line of Antelope priests made four circuits about the plaza, and
as each member passed the shrine in the middle of the plaza, he dropped
a pinch of meal upon it. The same act of prayer was repeated before
the kisi when the priest stamped violently on a plank as he dropped
the sacred meal. The Antelopes then formed a platoon at the kisi
and awaited the Snake priests, who soon appeared, headed by the
Snake chief.

\Vhen the Antelope priests had formed in a platoon in front of the
kisi (plate XVLIII), it was noticed that the line was continuous and not
broken into two divisions, a right and a left, as at Walpi. The ﬁrst
four men and the ninth man in line, counting from the left, were

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L

 

 

 

 

/
PHOTOGRAPH BY MAUDE AND JAMES

WIKI, ANTELOPE CHIEF

 

mums] PUBLIC SNAKE DANCE AT MISHONGNOVI . 97 5.

barefoot, but all the remainder wore moccasins. There was some
variation in the colors of the feathers on their heads, which can be
interpreted in the same way as similar variations at VValpi, later con-
sidered; but it was noticed that certain of the priests failed to have the
white zigzag markings on their bodies, so conspicuous in the Walpi
celebration. ‘

The entrance of the Snake priests into the plaza was not so animated
as at VValpi under the leadership of Kopeli, but their circuits were
the same, and their dress and adornment was quite similar in the two
pueblos. The Snake priests ﬁled about the plaza four times, stamped
on the plank in the ground before the kisi as they passed it, and took
their positions facing the Antelope priests. The ceremonies at the kisi
began with a swaying movement of their bodies in unison with the
song of the Antelopes, and, as it continued, the Snake priests locked
arms, and, bending over, shook their whips at the ground with a
quivering motion as if brushing a Vicious snake from a coiled pos-
tu-re. These preliminary songs, with attendant steps, lasted about a
quarter of an hour, at the close of which time the startling feature of
the ceremony—the carrying of the reptiles about the plaza—began.
This was one of the best presentations of the Snake dance ever seen
in the Hopi pueblos.

One of the most conspicuous men in the line of Snake priests per-
soniﬁed a warrior (kalektaka), who wore on his head a close-ﬁtting,
open—mesh, cotton skull—cap, which represents the ancient war-bonnet.l
This warrior-personation entered the kisi, and there, concealed from
View, held the neck of the bag in which the reptiles were conﬁned
to the entrance of the kisi, and as the imprisoned snakes were needed
he drew or forced them from the bag to be taken by those outside.

The Snake priests divided into groups of three, each group consisting
of a “carrier” who held the reptile in his mouth, a,“hugger” who
placed his left hand on the right shoulder of the carrier, whom he
accompanied in his circuit about the plaza, and the “ gatherer,” who col-
lected and carried the snakes after they were dropped. The reptiles
were not handed to the Antelope priests to hold during the dance. As
the priests circled about with the snakes in their mouths, two platoons
of women sprinkled them with sacred meal from trays which they held
as a prayer-offering. The Antelopes remained in line by the kisi,
singing and shaking their rattles as the rite progressed.

At the close of the dance the chief made a ring of meal on the ground,
in which he drew six radial lines corresponding to the cardinal points,
and all the reptiles were placed within this circle. At a signal after
a prayer the Snake priests rushed at the struggling mass, and seizing

 

 

1 The wooden image, in the Oraibi Snake kiva, representing I’iiiikoﬁ, has on its head the represen-
tation of one of these war-bonnets. The head of the female idol with the War-god has the terraced
rain-cloud so common on female idols.

976 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [EULA-VS.”

all the snakes they could carry darted down to the mesa side and
distributed them to the cardinal points. A shower of spittle from
the assembled spectators followed them, much to the discomfort of
those who did not happen to be on the housetops. This habit of expec—
‘torating after those bearing important prayers is also noticeable in the ’
N iman-katcina, or Departure of the Katcinas, and may be considered
as a form of prayer for beneﬁts desired. Before the reptiles which
had been thrown into this ring of meal had been seized by the priests
they crawled together and the girls and women threw what meal
remained in their plaques upon the writhing mass. Some of the spec-
tators were likewise observed to throw pinches of meal in that direc—
tion. This is a symbolicprayer which will later be discussed. After
the reptiles had been seized by the Snake men and carried down the
mesa, one or two persons, among others a NaVaho woman, scraped up
some of this meal from the ground. About sixty reptiles were used,
of which more than a half were rattlesnakes.

The reptiles are carried in the mouths of the Snake priests at Mi-
shongnovi in the same manner as at Walpi, hence the descriptions of the
functions of carrier, hugger, and gatherer in the Walpi variant will
serve very well for the same personages at Mishongnovi. With minor
differences in ceremonial paraphernalia and symbolism, the public
Antelope and Snake dances in the largest pueblo of the Middle mesa
and at Walpi are identical.

One of the Snake priests did not obtain any of the snakes in the
rush for them as they lay on the ground. He seized, however, a large
snake which a fellow priest held and for a moment there was a mild
struggle for the possession of it, with apparently some ill feeling.
But at last he gave it up, and after his companions had departed he
made several circuits of the plaza alone, each time stamping on the
plank before the kisi, and then marched off. In an account of the
termination of the Shumopovi Snake dance of 1896, a similar failure
of Snake men to obtain reptiles at the ﬁnal mélée is mentioned. It is
apparently not regarded an honor to depart from the kisi at the close
of the dance without a snake, and in both instances some merriment
was expressed by the native spectators at the man who had left the
plaza empty-handed.

After the reptiles had been deposited in the ﬁelds the Snake men
returned to the pueblo, took the “emetic,” vomited (plate LI), and
partook of the great feast with which the Snake dance in the Hopi
pueblos always closes. i

SNAKE DANCE AT WALPI IN 1897

Several of the more important features of the Walpi Snake dance
were witnessed in 1897, and a few new facts were discovered regarding
obscure parts of this variant. In the year named, the author sought

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L!

 

 

PHOTOGRAPH BY MAUDE AND JAMES

PARTIC!PANTS TAKING THE EMETIC AT WALPI

 

mwms] THE SNAKE-WASHING AT WALPI 97 7

especially to notice any innovations or variations from the presenta-
tions in 1891, 1893, and 1895, which might result from deaths in the
ranks of the celebrants and the increase in the number of white
spectators. ’

- The kiva exhibitions were found to remain practically unchanged,
and notes made in 1891 might serve equally well as a description
of the rite in 1897, although the participants had changed. The mor-
tality among the Antelope priests since the dance was ﬁrst studied in
1891 has been great, among those who died being Hahawe, Nasyuﬁ-
weve, Masaiumtiwa, and Intiwa—practically all the older members
except VViki. This has led in some instances to the introduction of
lads to ﬁll out the complement of numbers, and with them has come
some loss of seriousness in the kiva exercises. For an unknown
reason Hoﬁyi took the part of a Snake priest, and old Tcoshoniwﬁ
(Tcino), after several years of absence, resumed his role of asperger
of the kisi. With the death of the older men of this society much
ancient lore concerning the Snake-dance legend has been lost, for
the boys who have taken their places are too young to understand
or indeed to care much for the ceremony, even if its signiﬁcance could
be explained to them. VViki, the Antelope chief (plate L), is so deaf
that it is next to impossible to communicate with him on the subject,
so that much of the Walpi Snake lore is lost forever.

WASHING THE REPTILES

The exercises in the Snake kiva during the washing of the snakes
were practically identical with those elsewhere described, and there-
fore need not be repeated: but an exceptional event occurred at the
end of the rite: One of the reptiles had crawled up the side of the
room above the spectators’ part and had hidden in a hole in the roof,
so that only a small part of the scaly body could be seen. An attempt
was ﬁrst made to dig the snake out from - the inside of the room, but
as that was not successful some of the men went outside on the roof,
and were obliged to remove some of the stones before the reptile was
captured. It was ﬁnally brought down the ladder and washed with
the others.

Supela was followed out of the kiva in order to note more in detail
than hitherto what was done with the liquid in which the snakes had
been bathed, and with the altar sand in which they had been dried (plate
LII). He went through the western court of Walpi to the end of the
mesa, and, standing on the edge of the cliff, poured a little of the
water over it in four places. Although his explanation of this act
was not very lucid, the rite is undoubtedly connected in some way
with world-quarters worship. The bowl in which the snakes had been
washed was later deposited, with the jars in which they had been kept,

19 ETH, PT 2—27

978 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH.ANN.19

in a crypt on the northern side of the mesa. As these jars must not
be profaned by any secular use, they are deposited in a special cave,
as is the ﬁgurine of Talatumsi used in the New-ﬁre rites.

INFLUENCE OF WHITE SPECTATORS

The number of white spectators of the Walpi Snake dance in 1897
was more than double that during any previous dance, and probably
two hundred would not be far from the actual enumeration. An audi-
ence of this size, with the addition of various Navaho and the residents
of \Valpi and neighboring pueblos, is too large for the size of the plaza,
and it became a matter of grave concern to those who are familiar
with the mode of construction of the walls and roofs of the pueblo
whether they would support the great weight which they were called
upon to bear (plate Lv). Happily these fears proved to be ground-
less, but if the spectators increase in number in the next presenta—
tions as rapidly as in the past, it will hardly be possible for the pueblo
to accommodate them.

The inﬂux of white spectators has had its inﬂuence on the native
performers, for, when gazed upon by so many strangers, some of the
Snake men appeared to be more nervous, and did not handle the rep-
tiles in the fearless manner which marked earlier performances. The
older members of the fraternity maintained the same earnestness, but
the more youthful glanced so often at the spectators that their
thoughts seemed to be on other subjects than the solemn duty before
them, and they dodged the fallen reptiles in a way not before seen at
\Valpi. A proposition to perform the dance at Albuquerque, New
Mexico, in 1897, was entertained by the young men, but was promptly
refused by the chiefs. Germs of a degeneration of the religious char-
acter of the VValpi Snake dance have thus began to develop. When
the old men pass away it may be that an attempt to induce the Snake
priests to perform their dance for gain will be successful; but when
that time comes the Snake dance will cease to be a religious ceremony,
the secret rites will disappear, and nothing remain but a spectacular
show.

UNUSUAL FEATURES

During the public exhibition of the \Valpi Snake dance in 1897
several of the priests carried a tiny snake with the head protruding
from the mouth like a cigar. Kopeli explained this by saying that he
had found a brood of young snakes, but that they were not put in the
cottonwood bower on account of their small size and the consequent
difﬁculty in ﬁnding them. They were therefore held in the perform-
ers’ mouths from the time they left their kiva.

The author’s attention was called by one or two of the spectators to
the fact that one of the Snake priests was bitten during the dance, but
when the chief was asked for the name of the man bitten no information

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII

 

 

 

 

     

MIME L751? .

   

SUPELA AT ENTRANCE TO WALPI SNAKE KIVA

 

mus] PARTICIPANTS IN WALPI SNAKE DANCE 97 9

in that respect could be elicited; he declared that no one had been
bitten during the exhibition. One of the writer’s party says that he
saw one of the Snake priests with a small frog in his mouth, which
is apropos of a statement by a responsible Indian that in former times
other animals than snakes were carried by the priests in their mouths.
Subsequent interrogations of the chief failed to make known the man
Who carried the frog in the way indicated.

NUMBER OF PARTICIPANTS

An enumeration of the participants in the last four performances of
the VValpi Snake dance shows that the number is gradually increasing.
The Snake society has become a very popular one, possibly on account
of the increase in the number of visitors. Several young men of
VValpi wish to join, and a man at the Middle Mesa declared that while
he did not care to become a member of the Snake society of his own
pueblo he would much like to be enrolled among the followers of
Kopeli. The gradual increase in the number of participants certainly
does not show a decline in the popularity of the Snake dance, or that
it is likely soon to be abandoned. The religious element, in which the
ethnologist has the greatest interest, will be the ﬁrst to disappear.
In all the Tusayan pueblos, save VValpi, the number of Antelope
priests is about the same as that of Snake priests; but at VValpi there
are over twice as many Snake as Antelope priests. It is evident that
this predominance is due to the popularity of the society (since the
clan is no larger in VValpi than in the other pueblos), and may be
traced directly to the inﬂux of visitors to witness the spectacular
performance; but while the number of Antelope priests at VValpi
has diminished, that of the Snake priests has steadily increased.1

WOMEN MEMBERS OF THE SNAKE SOCIETY

The women members of the Snake society are so numerous that
Kopeli did not pretend to count them or to be able to mention their
names. They never take part in the public Snake dance, except by
sprinkling meal on the participants, but join the society and oﬂ'er their
children for initiation as a protection against rattlesnake bites and for
the additional beneﬁt of the invocations in the kiva performances.
There are also women members of the Antelope society, but they are
not so numerous as in the Snake society. These women belong to
several clans, and the membership of women in both societies is a sur-
vival of ancient times when all members (females as well as males) of
the Horn and Snake clans were members of the Antelope and Snake
societies.

 

1 A count of the Snake priests in 1891 indicated 41, and there were 4 novices that year. The author
omitted to note the number of novices in 1893, 1895, and 1897, but counted 50 Snake priests in 1897.

980 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH.ANN.19

PHOTOGRAPHS OF THE WALPI SNAKE DANCE

During the last ﬁve, performances the Snake dances in the Hopi
pueblos have been photographed again and again, with varying suc-
cess. Although the conditions of light at the time of the dance are
poor, there has been a steady improvement at each successive pre-
sentation, and ﬁne views can now be purchased from various photog-
raphers. The author has made a collection of these views, most of
which were presented by the photographers, and has selected some of
the more instructive for illustration in this article.

THE WALPI ANTELOPE ALTAR

The accompanying illustration (plate LIII) shows the Antelope altar
at VValpi on the ninth day of the Snake dance. It was based on an
excellent photograph made by Mr George Wharton James, who has
kindly allowed me to make use of his photographic work. The plate
differs from the photograph in several respects, for on the day (Totokya)
on which the latter was taken several objects, as the two tiponis, were
absent, and the sand mosaic was imperfectly represented. These two
features are restored in the illustration.

TIPONIS

Of all objects on a Hopi altar perhaps the most important and con-
stant is the badge of ofﬁce or palladium, known as the tiponi, of the
religious society which celebrates the rites about it. The Antelope
altar has for the ﬁrst seven days two tiponis, the Snake and Antelope.
When the Snake altar is constructed the Snake tiponi is taken from
the Antelope kiva to the Snake kiva, where it forms the essential
object of the new altar. The two tiponis are shown in plate LIII at
the middle of the side of the altar, on the border of the sand picture
next to the kiva wall. The two tiponis are separated by a stone
fetish of the mountain lion. These two objects of the societies, called
“mothers,” are the most sacred objects which the altars contain, and
their presence shows that the altars are the legitimate ones. Each is
deposited on a small mound of sand upon which six radiating lines of
sacred meal are drawn by the chief.

STONE IMAGES OF ANIMALS

There were several stone images of animals on the Antelope altar
at Walpi, which were distributed as follows on the western border of
the sand mosaic near the tiponis: the largest, representing a moun-
tain lion, stood between the two palladia of the society. It was upon
this fetish that Wiki rested his conical pipe when he made the great
rain-cloud smoke after the eighth song in the sixteen-songs ceremony,
as elsewhere1 fully described.

 

lJournal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. 1v.

 

L

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY-

If

32% V ..

2: Hum,

 

ANTELOPE AL¥AR AT VVALPI

a, Aspergil].
at, Antelope tiponi.

1), Tobacco pouch.

0, Corn stalks.

d, Tray oi prayer-meal.

9, Snake prayer-stick.

f, Basket for prayerstioks.
9, Water gourd.

h, Butterﬂy-maid stone.

t’, Clay pedestals.

j, Crooks (ceremonial bows).

 

 

 

 

 

 

Antelope altar at Walpi (key to plate. LIII)

k, Corn husk with pollen.
l, Ceremonial arrow.
m, Medicine bowl.
'ng, Armlets.
0, Fetish of mountain lion.
1), King crab (Limulus polyphemus).
1‘, Rattles of Antelope priests.
st, Snake tiponi.
t, ’l‘eamahia.
m0. North raiireloud ﬁgure.
src. South rain-cloud ﬁgure.

wrc, West rain-cloud ﬁgure.
ere, East rain-cloud ﬁgure.
nl, North lightning-snake ﬁgure.
wl, West lightning-snake ﬁgure.
sl, South lightning-snake ﬁgure.
el, East lightning-snake ﬁgure.
ng, North gate.
cg, East gate.
sg, South gate.

hd, Bunch of feathers worn by an Antelope pries .

HVJIIV {EJO'IELLNV Id’IVAA HHJ. [mamas

186

982 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH'ANN-I‘J

There were also three smaller stone animals, which belonged to Wiki,
in a row by the side of the Antelope tiponi; and an equal number, the
property of the Snake chief, placed in a similar way by the side
of his tiponi. When the Snake chief makes his altar in the Snake kiva
he takes his three animal fetishes and his tiponi from the Antelope altar
and deposits them on his own altar.

TCAMAHIA

The row of ﬂat stone implements called tcamahia was arranged
around the border of the sand picture, there being on each of three
sides a midway opening called a gate. There were eighteen of these
objects. They were of smooth light-brown stone, similar to those
often excavated from ancient Arizona ruins. Those on the northern
and southern sides were regarded as male, the eastern and western
ones as female tcamahia. They were looked upon as ancient weapons,
representing the Warrior or Puma clan of the Snake phratry.

The displaced tcamahia on the right side of the sand picture, near a
gap or gateway in the row of pedestals on that side, was the stone
implement which Kakapti used in rapping on the ﬂoor as an accompa-
niment to one of the sixteen songs, as has been elsewhere described.I

It should be noted that the name of these ancient stone objects is
identical with the opening words of the invocation which the asperger
utters before the kisi in the public Snake dance. These words are
Keresan, and are used in ceremonies of the Sia,2 but their signiﬁcation
was not divulged by the Hopi priests. It is probable that we have
here, as often happens in ancient customs, a designation of stone
implements by the name applied to them by the people who originally
used them.

STICKS ABOUT THE SAND MOSAIC

The sticks which are placed about the sand picture are of two kinds,
some having a crook at the end, the others being straight throughout.
The arrangement of these sticks may be seen in the accompanying
plate LIII, where they are shown placed in clay pedestals on the outer
margin of the sand mosaic.

The sticks provided with a crook have attached to them a string
with a breast feather of an eagle, stained red. The straight sticks,
called arrows, have more complicated appendages, for to their upper
ends are attached a packet of meal, a feather, and a dried corn leaf.
The bundles of feathers represented in the plate as fastened to the
ends of these sticks are those which the priests wear on their heads
during the public dances. These bundles are not found on the sticks

 

lSnake ceremonials at Walpi, Journal American Ethnology and Archeology, v01. Iv. p. 34.
‘ers. M. C. Stevenson, The Sia, Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mrs. Steven-
son mentions similar words used in invocations to the warriors of the cardinal points.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV

 

 

 

 

 

PHOTOGRAPH BV MAUDE AND JAMES

KAKAPTI AT ENTRANCE TO WALPI ANTELOPE KIVA

 

mus] THE WALPI ANTELOPE ALTAR 983

during the ﬁrst days of the ceremony; they are not essential to the
efﬁcacy of the altar, but are hung as indicated because of the sacred
inﬂuence which is supposed to be imparted to them through this asso-
ciation. For the same reason there are placed on the altar the several
rattles seen on the right-hand corner, as well as the netted water gourds
which appear here only on the last two days of the Snake ceremony,
in the public dances of which they are used. Two objects to the right
of the tiponi, on the rear margin of the sand mosaic, have been added
to the altar fetishes since the celeb ‘ation of 1891. They occupied the
position named during the 1893, 1895, and 1897 celebrations. One of
these is the cephalothorax of a king crab (Lb/ruins [ohm/26271118), the
other a fragment of water-worn wood. Both of these were gifts from
the author to \Viki. the Antelope chief, in 1893.

MEDICINE BO‘VL AND ASPERGILL

The medicine bowl and aspergill are shown in the illustration near
the front margin of the altar. to the right of the eastern “gateway”
or passage through the row of crooks on that side. The aspergill con-
sists of two feathers tied by a leather thong. By its side is a bag of
tobacco. The two whizzers are ﬂat slats of wood with rain—cloud ter-
races cut in the end.

OTHER OBJECTS ON THE ALTAR

On the right side of the altar, near a netted gourd, there were two
corn husks, one of which contained corn meal, the other pollen for the
use of the priests who sat on this side of the altar. On the same side,
back of the altar, is seen the slab called the Hokona—mana or Butterﬂy—
Virgin slab, upon which are depicted butterﬂies, rain clouds, falling
rain, and tadpoles, as has been described in a previous memoir.‘ Near
the "gatewayu or passage between the crooks, on the right side of
the altar, is a rattle upon which two wristlets made of bark are laid.
The pointed stick leaning upon a water gourd to the left of the open-
ing through the row of crooks, in front of the alter, is a Snake paho,
or prayer-stick, to one end of which are attached a dried corn leaf, a
twig of sagebrush, feathers, and a corn-husk packet of sacred meal.
The four markings which encircle the corn husk at its attachment to
the stick are well shown in the illustration. The ﬂat Havasupai
basket to the right of the altar is the one in which the prayer-sticks
are placed during the singing of the sixteen songs. The basket was
empty when the photograph of the altar was made, for the prayer
sticks had just been delivered to Kakapti to carry to the four world-
quarter shrines.

 

1 Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. iv.

984 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH-ANN-19

ANTELOPE PRIESTS IN THE PUBLIC DANCE

Twelve Antelope priests lined up near the kisi in the Walpi Snake
dance of 1897 (plate Lv). Eight of these stood on the same side of
the cottonwood bower at the Snake rock, while four were on the oppo-
site side. All the former were adults, and three of the latter were
boys. It will at once be noticed that there is a difference in the
adornment and bodily markings of the adult Antelope priests. This
variation is believed to be of signiﬁcance, probably being connected
with the clans to which the participants belong.

Following are the names of the Antelope priests who took part in
the public dance:

1. Tcoshoniwﬁ (Tcino). This man acted as the asperger, calling
out the foreign word “ tcamahia” at the kisi. 'He wore on his head a
ﬁllet of green cottonwood leaves and a white ceremonial kilt bound
about his waist with a knotted cord. His face was not painted, nor
was his chin blackened; and the white marginal line from the upper
lip to the ears, so typical of the Antelope priests, did not appear. He
carried a medicine bowl and an aspergill, but no rattle. His body
was not decorated with zigzag lines, which are so conspicuous on the
chest, back. arms. and legs of the Antelope chief. Tcoshoniwﬁ took
no part in the secret rites of either the Antelope or the Snake priests,
and he appeared only in the public exhibitions. He belongs to the
Patki (\Vater-house) clan.

2. \Viki stood next in line, and as he is the Antelope chief his
dress and bodily decoration were typical of the priests of that society.
He wore on his head a small white feather, and his chin was painted
black with a bordering white line from the ears to the upper lip. He
wore a white ceremonial kilt with a knotted sash, and also moccasins
and armlets. On both breasts down to the abdomen, and on his back,
arms, thighs, and legs were zigzag lines in white. He carried a
rattle in his right hand, a basket tray of sacred meal in his left. and
on his left arm rested the Antelope palladium, or Tciib-tiponi. “Viki
belongs to the Snake clan and is an uncle of Kopeli, the Snake chief.

3. Katci: The bodily decoration of this priest was like that of the
Antelope chief, except that he wore a bunch of variegated feathers in
his hair. He carried a stick in the left and a rattle in the right hand,
and wore armlets in which cottonwood boughs were inserted. Katci
is chief of the Kokop, or Firewood, clan.

4, 5. Pontima and Kwaa: The faces of these two men were painted
differently from those of \Viki or Katci; their chins were not black-
ened, nor was a white line painted from the upper lip to the ears.
Their chests were decorated with two parallel white bands, instead of
zigzag lines characteristic of Antelope priests. Their forearms and
legs were painted white, but not in zigzag designs. They wore
embroidered anklets, but were without moccasins. Bunches of varie-

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

       

 

 

 

PHOTOGRAPH BY MAUDE AND JAMES

ANTELOPE PRIESTS AT WALF’I

mwxns] THE WALPI ANTELOPE PRIESTS 985

gated feathers were attached to their scalps. Each carried a paho in
the left hand and a rattle in the right hand, and wore a white buck-
iskin across the shoulders. Four banks of yarn were tied about their
left knees. Pontima belongs'to the Ala (Horn); Kwaa to the Patki
(VVater—house). . '

6. Kakapti: The dress and bodily decoration of Kakapti resembled
those of Katci, but he had a bowstring guard on his left wrist.
Kakapti belongs to the T iiwa, or Sand, clan.

7, 8. : These men, as well as the three boys who stood on the
left of the kisi, were dressed and painted like Kakapti. They carried
similar objects in their hands.

9. Wikyatiwa: This man was clothed and painted differently from
any other Antelope priest. He wore a white ceremonial kilt and sash;
over his shoulder hung a buckskin and a quiver with bow and arrows.
From the back of his head there was suspended a bundle of feathers
tied to a bone spearpoint by a leather thong. He bore in his left hand
two Whizzers and at times twirled one of these with his right arm.
He also carried in his left hand the so-called awata-natci, a bow with
appended horsehair and feathers, which hung on the ladder during the
secret rites in the Antelope kiva (plate XLIx). Upon each cheek there
was a daub of white pigment, and a mark on each forearm, thigh, and
leg. Wikyatiwa personated a kalektaka, or warrior, or Piiiikoﬁ, the
cultus hero of the Kalektaka society 01' Priesthood of the Bow.

The objective symbolism of. Tcoshoniwﬁ, or Tcino, the asperger,
led me to suppose that he personated the ancestral Tcamahia. the
ancient people who parted from the Snake clans at “Yukoki and whose
descendants are said to live at Acoma.

Pontima and Kwaa, who were adorned and clothed unlike “'iki, the
typical Antelope priest, show later symbolism due to contact with
other than Snake clans, and suggest katcina influences. Pontima
took the place of Hahawe (Ala clan), who was similarly painted in
1891 but who died in 1893.

An examination of the platoon of Antelope priests, as they lined up
at Oraibi and Mishongnovi, failed to reveal any persons dressed simi-
larly to ’the priests numbered 4 and 5 of the VValpi line. It appears,
therefore, that we must regard this as a signiﬁcant difference in the
public exercises in the different Tusayan pueblos. It will also be
borne in mind that in the Oraibi Snake dance the asperger, like all the
other Antelopes, has white zigzag lines on his chest, and that none of
the Antelope priests in the dance at Oraibi were observed to have
armlets with inserted cottonwood boughs. There is, however, a close
resemblance in the dress and bodily decoration of all the Antelope
priests in all the pueblos except \Valpi, a fact which tells in favor
of the idea that the more primitive form of the ceremony is found at
Oraibi and in the Middle mesa villages.

 

986 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [Em-ANNA!)

THE MOST PRIMITIVE SNAKE DANCE

We have now sufﬁcient data regarding the ﬁve variants of the Hopi
Snake dance to enable us to consider the question which one of them
is most primitive or more nearly like the ancestral performance.
There is no doubt which is the largest and most complex, for the
Walpi performance easily holds that position; and there is no other
pueblo where the inﬂuence of white men is so pronounced, especially
in the paraphernalia of the participants in the public dance. To these
innovations the prosperity of the East mesa people, due to their inter-
course with civilization, has contributed largely. The three pueblos
on the East mesa are, or have been. more frequently Visited, and,
as a rule, their inhabitants are more liberally disposed to improve-
ments of all kinds than are those of Oraibi and the Middle mesa. As
a result we should expect the Walpi ritual to be more greatly modi-
ﬁed than that of any other Hopi village, and we may therefore suppose
that the Snake dances of Oraibi and the Middle Mesa are nearer to
the ancestral form.

It is not alone that the white man’s civilization has acted more pro-
foundly on Walpi than on more isolated Oraibi; the former pueblo
is nearer Zuni and the other New Mexican Villages, and y'as naturally
more greatly affected by outside contact before the advent of white
men. The Hopi population gained many increments from the Rio
Grande before the white man‘s inﬂuence began.

The coming of the Tanoan class of Hano exerted a liberalizing ten-
dency on the adjacent pueblos, for their ancestors came to T usayan with
a more intimate knowledge of white people than the Hopi could have
gained at that time. These Tewa received the Americans more hospita-
bly than did the true Hopi. Men of Hano moved down from the mesa
to the foothills and the plain when urged by governmental ofﬁcials,
braving the threats and superstitious forebodings of the more conserv-
ative people of Walpi. They have for the last twenty years exerted
a liberalizing inﬂuence on Hopi relations with the United States,
and that ever-growing inﬂuence has greatly reduced the conservatism
of \Valpi and Sichumovi.1 Such an inﬂuence has not existed to the
same extent at Oraibi and among the Middle Mesa villages. One
needs but visit the three clusters of Hopi pueblos and note their pres-
ent condition to see that the inhabitants of those on the East mesa
are far ahead of the others in the adoption of new secular customs,
and this inﬂuence can be seen in their ritual, leading to the belief that
the oldest variants of ceremonies persist at Oraibi and the Middle
mesa.

1 In 1890 there were only two houses in the foothills under the East mesa and these were inhab-
ited by Tewa families. There was not a single house at the base of the Middle mesa and Oraibi.
At the present writing the foothills and plains are dotted with new houses of the white man’s type.

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI

 

 
 
  
  

”1,, ”3/, 1/9””, “ V ‘ , m ///V/”/"w' I /

 

 

  
   
   

' Ii/Wﬁhﬁvjﬁww

 

 

CRYPT IN WHICH SNAKE JARS ARE KEPT AT MISHONGNOVI

 

puns] DURATION OF CEREMONIES 987

FLUTE CEREMONY AT MISHONGrNOVI IN 1896

The Leﬁya or Flute ceremony is one of the most complicated in the
Hopi ritual, and one of the most important in the calendar. It occurs
in ﬁve pueblos. not being celel‘nrated at Sichumovior at Hano. The
ceremony was first described by the author in an article1 in which
the public rites 0r “ dance" at \Valpi were brieﬂy noted and their rela-
tion to the Snake dance was ﬁrst recognized. When this paper was
published the author was unaware that the Flute ceremony was of
nine days‘ duration, for in 1890, when the description was written,
the existence of nine days ceremonies among the Hopi was unknown.
A more extended study of the Hopi ritual in the following year (1891)
revealed the fact that a Flute ceremony, similar to that at VValpi,
occurred likewise in the four other Hopi pueblos which celebrate the
complete ritual, and in 1892 the author described the last two days of the
Flute rite at Shipaulovi. In the course of these studies it was recog-
nized that this ceremony lasted nine days, that it was performed by
two divisions of Flute priests, and that each division had an elaborate
altar about which secret rites were performed.

The author was the ﬁrst to recognize that several of the great Hopi
ceremonies, as the Lalakoﬁti, Mamzrauti, Flute, and others, extend
through nine days, and that the Snake ceremony has the same dura-
tion. Whether or not the other pueblo rituals have similar time limits
to individual ceremonies is not clear from the fragmentary descrip-
tions which have been published.

The increased knowledge of the intricate character of the Flute
ceremony led to a detailed study of the VValpi variant, and with the
aid of the late A. M. Stephen the author was enabled to publish2 a
number of new facts on the Flute ceremony at \Valpi in 1892. The
only account of the Oraibi variant of the Flute ceremony that has
been given is a description of the altars, which appeared in 1895,3 being
a record of observations made on a limited visit to that pueblo in the
summer of the year named. In the following year this account was
supplemented by a memoir on the Flute altars of Mishongnovi.

It will thus be seen that there exist published accounts of the Flute
altars of all the Hopi pueblos except Shumopovi, and fragmentary
descriptions of the secret and public exercises in two pueblos, VValpi
and Shipaulovi. The following description of the Flute exercises
at Mishognovi supplement those already given and add to our knowl-
edge of the rites of the Flute society in the largest village of the
Middle mesa. It will be noticed, by a comparison of these rites, that
at Mishongnovi they are more complicated than similar ceremonies

1Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. IV, number 13.
20p. cit, vol. VII, number 26.
3Op. cit, number 31.

988 ' TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEPEMONIES [Em-.Axms

at Walpi and Shipaulovi, but less so than those at Oraibi. No com-
plete account of the observance of this ceremony at Oraibi and Shumopovi
has been published, although it has been witnessed in the former
pueblo by many Americans.

FLUTE ROOMS

It is a signiﬁcant fact that none of the secret rites of the Flute
priests in any of the pueblos are, so far as is known, performed in
kivas, but occur in ancestral rooms of the Flute clan. Although this
is unusual in Hopi secret rites, it is not exceptional, for there are at
least two other very important secret rites on the East mesa which
are not performed in kivas. Since it is true, therefore, that at present
a kiva is not the essential or necessarily prescribed place in which
secret rites are performed. and as the ceremonies observed in living
rooms are also said to be ancient, this fact may explain the absence of
kivas in many Arizona ruins. Whatever the explanation. it shows
that the absence of a kiva, or room set apart for secret rites, does not
prove the nonexistence of an elaborate ritual.

Possibly these facts may shed light on the relative antiquity of
circular and rectangular sacred rooms, or kivas, the former of which
do not exist in Tusayan. Mindeleif says that “there is no doubt that
the circular form is the most primitive, and was formerly used by
some tribes which now have only the rectangular form.” This may be
true of some parts of the Pueblo area, especially in New Mexico, from
San Juan river southward, where circular kivas are a marked archi-
tectural feature; but in Arizona, from Utah to the Mexican boundary,
no circular kiva has been found. There is nothing to lead us to suppose
that circular kivas in the former region antedated those of rectangular
shape, or that New Mexi “an clans once had them. It seems more
likely that the secret rites were once performed in ordinary rectangular
rooms, or dwelling chambers, of the same shape as those now called
kivas. which ultimately were given up wholly to ceremonial purposes.
The Flute rooms are believed to be survivals of a time before this
differentiation, which was brought about by the enlargement of the
religious society by the initiation of men of other clans, through which
means the fraternity outgrew the ancestral dwelling.

CEREMONIAL DAYS OF THE RITE

There are nine active days of the Flute ceremony, which are desig—
nated by the names given in the following list. The author has studied
the proceedings of the last day, called Tihune, the day of personation.

August 7, Yuﬁya. August 12, Soskahimu.
August 8, Custala. August 13, Komoktotokya.
August 9, Luctala. August 1-1, Totokya.
August 10, Paictala. August 15, .Tihune.

August 11, Natuctala.

 

mwxns] THE MISHONGNOVI MACILET‘TYA ALTAR 989

THE MISHONGNOVI FLUTE ALTARS

There were two Flute altars at Mishongnovi, one called the Cakwa-
leﬁya (Blue Flute), the other Macileﬁya (Drab Flute). The chief of
the Cakwaleﬁya had a tiponi on his altar, but although the chief of
the Drab Flute had one of these sacred palladia in the room, it was
not in its customary position on the altar. The author noticing this
fact, asked to see his tiponi. The chief showed it, unwinding its
wrappings, but failed to explain satisfactorily why he did not set it in
its proper place. The only explanation of this failure is a theoretical
one, that the tiponi was not a true Drab Flute palladium. \Valpi
has, as is known, no Drab Flute tiponi, and as there is close resem-
blance between ceremonies at \Valpi and Mishongnovi, it would not
be strange if the same were true of the latter pueblo. Both Oraibi
and Shipaulovi have this badge, which will probably likewise be found
in Shumopovi. It would seem that subordinate societies may celebrate
their part of a rite without a chieftain’s badge, but the celebration is
on that account lacking in ardor. This is the case with the Snake dance
in Tusayan, which is nowhere celebrated with so much fervor as at
VValpi; for in all the ﬁve villages which hold this festival there is but
one Snake tiponi, that of the Snake chief at Walpi.

The reredos of the Macileﬁya altar (ﬁgure 43) consisted of two up-
rights supporting a ﬂat wooden arch. The uprights were incised with
three rows of concave depressions arranged vertically. The tranverse
portion, or arch, bore four ﬁgures of rain clouds outlined by black
borders, from which depended a row of parallel black lines repre—
senting falling rain. The lower third of the arch had two rows of con-
cavities, similar to those on the uprights. The reredos stood in front
of a bank of maize stacked at the end of the room, a feature common to
all Flute altars, but not shown in the accompanying illustration. The,
parts of the altar were tied together with yucca shreds, and were held
in place with wooden pegs. On the ﬂoor at the right-hand side of the
altar, leaning against the wall, there were two rectangular tiles, each
of which was decorated with rain-cloud symbols and dragonﬂies.

Two ﬁgurines were set on small heaps of sand in front of the rere-
dos~—one on the right, called the Flute youth; the other on the left,
the Flute maid. These ﬁgurines were armless efﬁgies, with promi-
nent lateral appendages to the head in the place of ears. Each of these
appendages was tipped with radiating rods connected by red yarn,
and resembled a symbolic squash blossom. The cheeks bore triangular
markings. Six feathers, three on each side, projected at right angles
from the sides of the body, and a narrow painted band, consisting of
alternate blocks of black and white, was made along the medial line,
extending from a symbolic ﬁgure of a rain cloud upon which half an
ear of maize was painted. These two ﬁgurines are similar in position
and shape to the eﬂigies on other Flute altars, as elsewhere described,

990 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mammw

and have the same names. Just in front of the ﬁgurines, one on each
side, wereiplaced short, thick, upright sticks, rounded at the top and
pierced with holes, from which, like pins from a cushion, projected
small rods tipped with ﬂaring ends painted in several colors, repre-
senting ﬂowers. These sticks correspond to the mounds of sand, cov-
ered with meal, of other Flute altars, and are called talastcomos. The
mounds admit of the following explanation: In many stories of the ori-
gin of societies of priests which took place in the underworld, the ﬁrst
members are represented as erecting their altars before the “ﬂower
mound” of Muiyiﬁwﬁ. This was the case of the Flute youth and

 

FIG. 43—A1tar of the Macileﬁya at Mishongnovi.

Flute maid, progenitors of the Flute Society. These mounds, now
erected on earth before the ﬁgurine of Muiyiﬁwﬁ in the Flute cham-
bers, symbolize the ancestral mounds of the underworld, the wooden
objects inserted in them representing ﬂowers.

The interval between the uprights of the reredos was occupied by a
number of zigzag sticks or rods (symbolic of lightning), cornstalks,
and other objects.

These rods and sticks, as well as the uprights themselves, were held
vertically by a ridge of sand on the ﬂoor. From the middle of this
ridge, half way from each end and at right angles to the altar, there

mvxns] THE MISHONGNOVI MACILEﬁYA ALTAR 991

was spread on the ﬂoor a zone of sand upon which meal had been
sprinkled. This zone terminated at the end opposite the reredos with
a short bank of sand at right angles to it, in which an upright row of
eagle—wing feathers was set. Upon the zone of sand there was placed
a row of rudely carved bird efﬁgies, and at the extremity of this row,
just before the eagle-wing feathers, stood a slab upon which was
depicted half an ear of maize and two rain-cloud symbols, one of the
latter being on each side. Between the ﬁrst bird efﬁgy and the slab
was a medicine bowl, from which the nearest bird appeared to be

WW

 

FIG. 44—A1tar of the Cakwaleﬁya at Mishongnovi.

drinking. The bird efﬁgies were eight in number, all facing from
the altar. There were likewise on the ﬂoor other ceremonial par; -
phernalia common to all altars, among which may be mentioned
the six-directions maize (corn of six colors used in a six-directions
altar). rattles, a medicine bowl, a basket-tray of sacred meal, a honey
pot, and similar objects. Their position on the ﬂoor by the altar is
not signiﬁcant.

The altar of the Cakwaleﬁya society (ﬁgure 44) was even more
complicated. Its reredos consisted of uprights and transverse slats of

992 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH.ANN.19

wood, the former decorated with ten rain—cloud pictures, ﬁve on each
side, one above the other. These symbols had square outlines, each
angle decorated with a ﬁgure of a feather, and depending from each
rain-cloud ﬁgure, parallel lines, representing falling rain, were painted.
The transverse slat bore a row of nine rain—cloud ﬁgures of semicircu-
lar form. Four zigzag sticks, representing lightning, hung from the
transverse slat between the vertical or lateral parts of the reredos.
Two supplementary uprights were fastened to the main reredos, one
on each side. These were decorated at their bases with symbolic pic-
tures representing maize, surmounted by rain-cloud ﬁgures. The
ridge of sand between the uprights of the altar supported many smaller
rods and slats, the one in the middle being decorated with a picture of
an ear of corn. _

From the middle point of this ridge of sand a wide trail of sand,
covered with meal, was drawn across the ﬂoor at right angles to the
altar. This zone terminated abruptly, and upon it was placed a row
of four bird efﬁgies, all facing from the altar. ‘Between the second
and third bird was a small bowl. A tiponi stood at the left of the
sand zone, looking toward the altar, and at the left of this were two
water gourds alternating with ears of corn.

Three ﬁgurines stood before the altar, one on the left, and two on
the right side. The ﬁgurine on the left represented the Flute youth,
who held in both hands a miniature ﬂute upon which he appeared to be
playing. On his head was a corn-husk packet, and around his neck a
necklace of artiﬁcial ﬂowers. Of the two ﬁgurines on the other side,
one represented the ﬂute maid, the other Muiyiﬁwﬁ. The latter had
an ear of maize depicted on each of the four sides of the body. Upon
her head were three rain-cloud symbols, and her cheeks were decorated
with triangular markings. On the ﬂoor in front of the two smaller
ﬁgurines were hillocks of sand, into which were inserted small rods
with trumpet-like extremities variously colored.

Although the author did not witness the secret ceremonials of either
of the Flute societies at Mishongnovi, for want of time, he saw from
the nature of the prayer—sticks (pahos) that they probably resembled
the rites at Shipaulovi. In addition to the prescribed Flute pahos he
observed the manufacture of the two wooden slabs, decorated with
corn ﬁgures, which were carried by the maidens in the public dance,
and the balls of clay with small sticks, called the tadpoles, which are
made in both the Flute and the Snake ceremonies at Walpi. There
is close resemblance between the small natcis, or Flute pahos, tied to
the ladder of each of the Flute houses, and the awata—natcis, or stand-
ards, with skins and red-stained horsehair, that are placed on the roofs
of the chambers in which the altars are erected.

 

 

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVII

 

 

 

 

CAKWALENYA SOCIETY OF MISHONGNOVI

 

mwms} COMPARISONS WITH OTHER ALTARS 993

COMPARISON \VITI—I THE WALPI FLUTE ALTAR

As has been already pointed out, there is but one Flute altar at Walpi,
that of the Cakwaleﬁya, the Maeileﬁya society having become extinct.
The uprights of the reredos in the ﬂute altars of both pueblos bear simi«
lar symbolic pictures of rain clouds, ﬁve in number, one above the other.
The transverse slat, or the arch, of the Walpi Flute altar differs from
that of the Mishongnovi in having a picture of Tawa (sun), with two
semicircular rain-cloud ﬁgures on each side, in the interval between
which is pictured a zigzag ﬁgure representing lightning. Both altars
have images of the Flute youth, Flute maid, and Mi'iiyiﬁwﬁ, and so
far as is known they are the only 'l‘usayan Flute altars which have an
efﬁgy. of the personage last mentioned. The VValpi ﬁgurine of the
Flute youth has no ﬂute in his hand, and the slabs with ﬁgures of per-
sons playing the ﬂute, elsewhere described, which characterize the
\Valpi altar, are not found at Mishongnovi.

COMPARISON \VITII THE ORAIBI FLUTE ALTARS1

The uprights of the reredos of the Drab Flute altar at Orai bi have
the same rows of concavities on their front surfaces as have those at
Mishongnovi, and are without the rain-cloud symbols seen on the trans-
verse slat: but instead of having a row of concave dcpr0ssions on its
lower half, the transverse part of the O ‘aibi reredos is in the form of
a rain-cloud, ornamented with differently colored cloud symbols, one
above another, with accompanying representations of lightning and
ﬁgures of birds. No other Flute altar known to the author has a more
elaborate reredos than that of the Maeileﬁya at Oraibi. In common
with the Drab Flute altar at Mishongnovi it has two eﬁigies of the
cultus heroes of the society, the Flute youth and the Flute maid;
but the most remarkable statuette of the Oraibi altar was that of
Cotokinuﬁwﬁ, which stood with outstretched arms in a conspicuous
position. No other known Flute altar has a ﬁgurine of this personage,
although it is possibly represented by the zigzag lightning—sticks
hanging between the uprights of the reredos.

The so-called ﬂower mounds, or hillocks of sand beset with artiﬁcial
ﬂowers, before the ﬁgures of the cultus heroes of the Oraibi altar
differ in form from those at Mishongnovi, although they evidently
have the same signiﬁcance. At Oraibi these ﬂowers are fastened to a
common stalk, while at Mishongnovi their stems are inserted in a log
of wood, and at Shipaulovi in a mound of sand.

Perhaps the most marked difference between the Drab Flute altar
of Oraibi and that of' Mishongnovi is the presence on the ﬂoor of
the former of a mosaic made of kernels of maize of different colors
representing a rain-cloud; in this feature it differs from all other

 

1The Mishongnovi Drab Flute altar has certain likenesses to the Uraibi Flute altar clsewnere
described. Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. VIII, number 31.

19 ETH, PT 2—28

994 TUSAYAN FLUTE .AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [manxw

altars known to the author. This mosaic occupies the position of the
zone of sand, and as a consequence the row of birds placed on this
zone are, in Oraibi, found in two clusters, one on each side of the
maize mosaic. There are several objects on the Oraibi Flute altar
which are absent from that at Mishongnovi, among which may be
noticed a bowl back of the tiponi. wooden objects, artiﬁcial ﬂowers
like those inserted into the mounds of sand, and panpipe-like objects.
The two upright wooden cylindricals representing maize, the rain-
cloud symbols between the uprights of the altar, and the statuette
of Cotokinuﬁwﬁ appear to be characteristic of the Oraibi altar.

Markedly different as are the Drab. Flute altars of Oraibi and
Mishongnovi, those of the Blue Flute are even more divergent. In
fact, they have little in common, and can not.readily be compared.
The Oraibi altar has no reredos, but paintings on the wall of the
chamber serve the same purpose. The Oraibi altar is composed of
a medicine-bowl, placed on the ﬂoor and surrounded by six differently-
colored ears of maize laid in radiating positions (a six—directions altar),
the whole inclosed by a rectangle composed of four banks of sand
into which rows of eagle wing—feathers had been inserted.

The reason the Oraibi Cakwaleﬁya altar is so poor in fetishes would
have been found to be paralleled in the VValpi Macileﬁya altar, now
extinct, were we acquainted with its character. \Ve shall never know
what the nature of this altar was, notwithstanding the fact that it
fell into disuse within the memory of a chief who died only a few
years ago; but the author believes that one reason for its disappear—
ance was that the Macileﬁya division of the Flute fraternity had no
chieftain’s badge, or tiponi.1

No object corresponding with the bundle of aspergills tied to a rod
and set upright in a pedestal, described in my account of the Oraibi
AFlute altar, was seen in either of the two Flute chambers at Mishong—
novi, nor do I recall its homologue in “Yalpi or Shipaulovi. As the
standard, or :u'ata—natci,2 stood in the Flute chamber, and not 011 the
roof, when I saw the altar, it is possible that the aspergills belong
with this object rather than to the altar itself.

COMPARISON WITH THE SHIPAULOV I FLUTE ALTARS

Both Flute altars at Shipaulovi are simpler than those at Mishong-
novi. a feature due in part to the fact that Shipaulovi is a smaller
pueblo and is of more modern origin.

The reredos of the Blue Flute altar 3 is composed of a few upright

1 This sacred palladium (“ mother”) is, as has been repeatedly pointed out, the essential object, of
the altar, the great fetish of the society. A religious society destitute of it is weak, and rapidly dete-
riorates. Hence the want of virility of the Snake society at Or'aibi and the pueblos of the Middle
mesa. Their chiefs have no tiponi and the cult is not vigorous.

'-’ The staff is set on the roof to indicate that the altar is erected. and the secret rites in progress in
the chamber below. The term awata-natci, “how upright.“ is descriptive of the standard of the
Snake, and Antelope cerenmnials, when a bow and arrows are tied to the kiva ladders (plate xm’IIl.

”See The Oraibi Flute Altar, Journal American Ethnology and Arelneology, vol. II.

 

     

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

   

n

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVIII

   

          

 

 

 

MACiLENVA SOCIETY OF MISHONGNOVI

 

mums] COMPARISONS WITH OTHER ALTARS 995

slats of wood without a transverse portion. Figurines of the Flute
youth and the Flute maid are present, but there is no statuette of
Mi‘iiyiﬁwﬁ as at Mishongnovi and VValpi. There are two tiponis and
two talastcomos. The sand zone and row of birds are present, and a
very characteristic row of rods stands vertically in front of the
reredos, where the sticks of zigzag and other forms are found in
known Flute altars. In the absence of an upper crosspiece to the
reredos the four sticks representing lightning hang from the roof of
the room.

The great modiﬁcations in the Shipaulovi1 altar lead the writer to
suspect that the altar is more nearly like that of Shumopovi than any
other, but until something is known of the altarsof the latter pueblo
this suggestion may be regarded as tentative.

The altar Macileﬁya (Drab Flute) at Shipaulovi differs in many
respects from that at Mishongnovi, but is in a way comparable with
that at Oraibi. The reredos consists of several sticks, some cut into
zigzag forms, symbolic of lightning, but there is no transverse slat,
as at Mishongnovi and Oraibi. A ﬂat stick upon which is painted a
zigzag ﬁgure of a lightning snake, elsewhere ﬁgured,2 is interesting in
comparison with ﬁgures on the Antelope altar at Shumopovi. The
four lightning symbols drawn in sand in the mosaic of this altar have
horns on their heads, and depending from the angles of the zigzags of
the body are triangular appendages, representing turkey feathers,
similar to those which are depicted on the Flute slab to which refer-
ence is made above. Although the Antelope altar in the Shipaulovi
Snake ceremony has no such appendages to the lightning symbols, it
is interesting to ﬁnd these characteristic appendages in symbolic ﬁgures
used in related ceremonies, where their presence is one more evidence
of close relationship between the two pueblo." and of the late deriv‘ -
tion of the ceremonials 0f Shipaulovi from Shumopovi.

The position of the image of Cotokinuﬁwﬁ in the Oraibi Flute altar
was occupied, in the Sliipaulovi Macileﬁya altar, by a statuette of
Taiowa. Studies of this ﬁgurine were not close enough to allow the
author to decide whether Taiowa, as represented on the Shipaulovi
altar, is the same as Cotokinuﬁwﬁ. but it is highly probable that the
two bear intimate relationship. This ﬁgurine is absent from the
Oraibi altar, but the pathway or zone of sand, with the birds, the row
of feathers, and the decorated slab before it on the Shipaulovi altar
are comparable with like parts of a similar altar at Mishongnovi.

There remain undescri bed the Flute altars of Shumopovi, the ritual

 

1Shipaulovi, “ High l’each Place,” was founded after the advent of the Spaniards, probably later
than 1700. Unlike Mishongnovi and Shumopovi, there is no ruin at the foot of the mesa which is
claimed as the former home of the ancestors of this pueblo. Teukubi, the nearest ruin, appears to
have been deserted before the sixteenth century, and the adjacent l’ayiipki was a ’l‘ewa pueblo
Whose inhabitants left it in a body in the middle of the eighteenth century, and are said to have
settled at Handia, on the Rio Grandc.

2Journal American Ethnology and Archwology, vol. II, p. 120.

996 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mmxxw

of which pueblo is little known. These altars are erected in August
of every odd year, and ﬁgures or descriptions of them would complete
our knowledge of Hopi Flute altars.

PUBLIC FLUTE CEREMONY

The public dance of the Flute priests at Mishongnovi in 1896
occurred on August 15th, at about 5 p. m., and closely resembled that
of Shipaulovi and Walpi. The preliminary exercises of that day at
Toreva spring, which took place just before the march to the pueblo,
were not witnessed. but the procession was followed from the time it
reached the first terrace of the mesa belOW the pueblo until it entered
the plaza. As a detailed account of the ceremonies at Toreva spring
has been given in a description of the Shipaulovi Flute dance, it will
not be necessary to repeat it here.

After the preliminary exercises at' the spring a procession was
formed which marched to the mesa top along the trail into the pueblo.
This procession was aligned in two platoons about thirty feet apart,
one called the Cakwaleﬁya, the other the Macileﬁya. The personnel
of these platoons was as follows:

PERSONNEL OF UAK‘VALEFIYA SOCIETY.

The Cakwaleﬁya society formed the first platoon and was composed
of the following personages:
1. The chief.
A Flute boy.
. Two Flute girls.
. A man wearing a moisture tablet on his back.
5. Four men with white blankets.

EC

H—OD

The members of this division were arranged as follows: In advance
of the procession walked the chief, and directly behind him was the
Flute boy with a Flute girl on each side. The remaining members of
the division formed the body of the platoon, ﬂanked by the man with
the moisture tablet on his back and a small boy with the Flute stand-
ard at his left (plate LVII).

PERSONNEL 0E MACILES‘YA SOCIETY.

The Macileﬁya priests formed the second platoon, which consisted
of the following persons:
,1. The chief.
2. Flute boy.
Two Flute girls.
A man with the sun emblem on his back.
Men with cornstalks.
Five men with white blankets.
A naked boy with Flute standard.
A warrior.

T‘IOJP'H‘P‘;

.0,

 

LIX

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

,.
l'

BUREAU O

 

 

V ct

 

MACILENYA SOCIETY OF MISHONGNOVI

mvm] THE PUBLIC FLUTE CEREMONY 997

The arrangement of this division was similar to that of the Oak-
waleﬁya, but it will be noticed that the number of participants was
larger. The ﬁve men with white blankets walked side by side, while
the others, bearing cornstalks, and the man with the sun emblem,
formed the left wing of the platoon. A naked boy with the Flute
standard accompanied the Macileﬁya group (plates LVIII, LIX).

THE FLUTE CHIEFS

Each of the Flute chiefs carried his tiponi resting on his left arm,
and had a basket-tray of meal in his left hand. He wore a white cere-
monial garment, or kilt, with a knotted sash. The chief of the
Cakwaleﬁya is not shown in the accompanying illustration (plate LVII),
but the man next to the priest with the sun emblem is the Macileﬁya

chief.
THE FLUTE GIRLS

There were four Flute girls, one on each side of the two Flute boys.
They were all clothed alike and bore similar objects in their hands.
Each wore a downy feather on the crown of her head, and her hair
was tied with a string at the back of the neck. In her ears were
square mosaic turquoise pendants, and several necklaces were also
worn. The chin was painted black; a white line was drawn across the
checks from ear to ear along the upper lip. Each girl wore two white
blankets, one as a skirt fastened by a girdle having long white pend-
ants knotted at the point of attachment. In her left hand she carried
objects similar to those borne by the boy, and in the right a small
annulet with a loop made of yucca ﬁber, by which it was slipped over
the end of a stick (plate LXI). The dress and facial decoration of
the Flute girls were identical with those of the Snake maid in the kiva
during the dramatization about the Antelope altar at VValpi, and
the two are supposed to be the same as the maids which are also
represented by efﬁgies on the Flute altars.

THE FLUTE BOYS

The Flute boys of the two Flute divisions were dressed alike, and
were furnished with the same offerings. Each wore a feather in his
hair and a white ceremonial kilt over his loins. The arms, body, and
legs were naked, and each carried in his left ha id a netted gourd with
water from Toreva spring, and a wooden slat upon which was depicted
an ear of corn to which a feather was tied. In his right hand he bore
a small, black, painted stick about an inch long, with a yucca ﬁber
loop, by which it was carried, slipped on the end of a stick not unlike
those about the Antelope altars. His hair hung loosely down his
back.

In all essential features the Flute boys were clothed and decorated
in the same manner as the Snake youth in the kiva exercises of the

998 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [Hanan

Walpi Antelope priests on the morning of the ninth day of the Snake
ceremonies, with the exception that the boy personating the Snake
youth carried a rattlesnake in one hand. These Flute boys represent
the ancestral or eultus hero of the Flute society, and bear the same
relationship to the priests that the Snake youth (Tei'ia tiyo) bears to
the Antelope-Snake fraternities.

STANDARD BEARERS

The small naked boys at the ends of the platoons carry the Flute
standards, which consist of long sticks to the ends of which skins of
mammals and feathers are tied, also a string to which red-stained
horsehair is attached. The Flute standard corresponds to the Snake
standard (awata natci), consisting of bows and arrows with appended
objects, the most conspicuous of which is the string of red horsehair
borne by Wikyatiwa in the Snake dance. This standard is set upright
on the roof of the room in which the Flute ceremonies are held, just
as the awata nateis are tied to the ladders of the Antelope and Snake
kivas, as shown in plates XLVII and LIV.

BEARER OF THE MOISTURE TABLET

One of the most conspicuous members of the ﬁrst platoon was the
man who bore on his back a rectangular framework over which was
stretched a buckskin 01' cloth on which were painted, in bright colors,
I a number of parallel lines dividing it into rectangular ﬁelds, with
borders of colored bands (plate LVIII). On the upper edge of the tab-
let, which covered the entire back of its bearer, was a bunch of feath-
ers, and along each of the other three sides was stretched a cord, from
which was suspended horsehair stained red. On the sides of the tablet
were tied small round disks made of sections of gourd painted in colors,
possibly representing cornﬂowers. A further description of one of
these tablets, with an illustration, has been given elsewhere.1

BEARER OF THE SUN EMBLEM

As previously stated, one of the Maeileﬁya bore on his back a disk
representing the sun. It was made of buckskin stretched over a hoop
which was strengthened by a framework of two sticks fastened at
right angles. This disk, which was about a foot in diameter, was
surrounded by a plaited border made of corn husks, into which eagle
feathers and red-stained horsehair were inserted. The sun shield was
attached to the back of the bearer by a cord over his shoulders. The
body of the bearer was naked, save for a white ceremonial kilt with a
pendent foxskin, and he had a tuft of feathers on the crown of his
head. He carried a ﬂute upon which he played, and wore moccasins

_

 

1Amerivun Anthropologist, vol. V,number 3, pl. II.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX

 

    

 

 

 

.M- WMQIVC‘".Q’$§.V

 

PLATOONS OF FLUTE PRIESTS MARCHING FROM THE SPRING TO MISHONGNOVI

 

mums] THE PUBLIC FLUTE CEREMONY 999

and anklets (see plate 1.x). The natural inference is that the man
wearing the sun emblem in such a conspicuous way personated the sun.1
It will be observed that one of the ﬁgurines on the Flute altar (ﬁgure 44:)
is represented with a ﬂute to its mouth. The whole ceremony commem-
orates the advent of the Corn maids, called by the tutelary name of the
society, the Flute maids, and just as the Sun is said to have drawn them
to himself in ancient times, so now the descendants strive by the
same method to tole the personators of the same maids into the pueblo.

THE ‘VARRIOR

A man clothed as a warrior, wearing a buckskin on his back and
carrying a quiver of arrows over his shoulder, followed the proces-
sion. He carried a bow in one hand and in the other a whizzer or
bullroarer, which he twirled at intervals. The bundle which he bore
is the clothing of certain of his fellow—priests which they have doffed
and given him to carry to the mesa top.

Most of the Flute priests had corn plants in their belts, and a few
of them carried cornstalks in their hands. This accords with one of
the main objects of the Flute ceremony—the growth of corn, the
Hopi national food.

MARCH FROM TOREVA TO THE PUEBLO

After the two platoons had formed on the edge of Toreva the chief
of the Cakwaleﬁya sprinkled a line of sacred meal, across which he
made three rain-cloud symbols and three parallel lines representing fall-
ing rain. The Blue Flute boy and girls who stood at his side on
the line facing the mesa (plate LX111) threw their offerings toward this
ﬁgure—the former, the small stick of wood; the latter, the annulet
made of twisted ﬂag leaves. The chief picked up these objects and
set them on the rain-cloud signs which he had drawn, and the three
children, followed by the platoon of priests, advanced to the sym-
bols, the men singing, accompanied by the ﬂutists. The children bent
over, and, inserting the ends of their sticks into the loops, raised the
offerings and held them extended, as the whole platoon marched for-
ward to another set of rain-cloud meal-symbols which the chief had
made some distance from the ﬁrst. The platoon of Macileﬁya followed,
conducting the same performance as the Cakwaleﬁya. Thus along the
trail from Toreva to the plaza the two platoons halted at intervals,
repeating what has been described several times without variation,
before they came to the pueblo. They halted three times and performed
the same acts as they crossed the plaza until they stood before the

 

 

lThe symbolism of the sun disk is illustrated in a memoir on Tusayan Katcinas in the Fifteenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Thcemblcm borne on the back of the Flute man. above
mentioned. is identical with that described in the article cited, save that the latter is surrounded by
radiating eagle feathers.

1000 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [Em-ASN.1!»

kisi, in front of which they sang for some time. After the ﬁrst
platoon had sung their songs before the kisi, they handed the offer-
ings borne by the boy and the girls to a man within it,1 and retired
to the chamber where their altar stood. The second platoon followed,
doing the same, after which they likewise retired and the ceremony
closed with puriﬁcation and the dismantling of the altar.

During the 111arch to the pueblo, and later, before the kisi, the
priests sang Flute songs, accompanied by the ﬂutists. These songs
are among the most melodious in Hopi ceremonies, and are worthy of
special study. The songs at the kisi were especially pleasing, and as
each division stood before the cottonwood bower and sang, it made a
ﬁne exhibit of aboriginal worship.

FLUTE CEREMONY AT VVALPI IN 1896

The exercises of the Flute priests at VValpi in 1896 began on
August 12 and continued until August 21, when they closed with
the public dance. The author was able to witness the rites celebrated
on the 12th, 13th, and 11th of the month, ﬁnding in them considerable
variation from those performed 011 the same relative days of 189‘).1
The signiﬁcance of these
variations is not known,
but as material for an ulti-
mate explanation it has
:3 been deemed advisable to
record them.

The secret Observances
of the \Valpi Flute cere-

mony occur in a large

00

 

 

 

 

 

 

    

J r x x x house on the north side
: of the pueblo, about oppo-

P"“ g : site the passageway open-

“ o E ing northward from the

FLUTE R°°"" Z plaza in which the Snake
x x x E dance is celebrated. This

 

 

 

house (ﬁgure 15), the an—
cestral Flute chamber, has
an open balcony in front and exempliﬁes an ancient form of architec-
ture which has well-nigh been abandoned on the East mesa. It was
the ﬁrst home of the Flute clan after it moved to the mesa summit,
the ancient home of the Snake clan being just above the so- *alled Snake
rock, which rises from the south end of the main plaza. The two houses

Fm. 45—Plan of Flute room at Walpi.

1The Flute chief crawled into the kisi, and certain objects, as pahos, water gourds, and meal were
passed in to him, but what occurred within was concealed from view. The small netted gourds of
water which the boy and girls carried (plate LXIII) are the same as those used in the Snake dances.

1 For an account of the Walpi Flute ceremony of 1892 see Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. VII,

number 26.
l

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL LXI

 

 

 

 

 

 

LENYA (FLUTE) CHILDREN OF MISHONGNOVI

mmss] WALPI FLUTE ALTAR ’ 1001

mentioned are separated by a court, and probably never adjoined.
()ther phratries. as the Patki and Honani, were formerly domiciled
in houses separated from both the Snake and Flute dwellings, so that,
originally, probably VValpi consisted of a number of small clusters of
houses which, through later building, were in part consolidated into a
compact pueblo.

There were present in the Flute chamber at about 10 oclock on the
assembly day (August 12) the following priests: Turnoa, Flute chief;
Hoﬁyi, speaker chief; Sikyabotima, courier, and another man. Later
there came in VVinuta, Hani, and one or two others who had been
there earlier in the day. This vas known from the fact that they did
not make the customary offering of meal on their entrance. It is pre-
scribed for a priest on entering a kiya for the ﬁrst time to sprinkle
with sacred meal any altar 01' fetishes which may be in place. An
interesting altar had been erected in the Flute room, and as this altar_
is characteristic, a description of it will be desirable.

FIRST FLUTE ALTAR

There were two Flute altars at VValpi, but neither of these pertained
to the Drab Flute society, for this society is extinct at that pueblo.
On the first day the VValpi Flute society erected their altar on a ridge
of sand just in front of the stack of corn which ﬁlled one end of the
Flute chamber. The altar (plate LXIV) is called the ﬁrst Flute altar1
to distinguish it from the second or main altar. As the songs of the
ﬁrst three days were sung by priests before this altar, it appears to
be an important accessory in the Flute worship. ,

A low ridge of valley sand was made before the stacked corn at one
end of the Flute chamber, and in this ridge, at regular intervals, were
placed three tiponis, those of Tu"noa, VVinuta, and Hoﬁyi, respect-
ively, beginning at the left. From Hoﬁyi’s tiponi a line of meal
extended across the ﬂoor toward the doorway, and over this line was
stretched a string, to the extremity of which were fastened two feathers.
The length of this string was measured from the ﬁnger tips of the out—
stretched arm to a point above the heart, and it was drawn through a
handful of sacred meal before being laid in position. When each
tiponi was ready to be set in place, the chief to whom it belonged ﬁrst
made six radiating lines on the sand ridge where it was to stand, and
deposited half a handful of meal at their junction. On this the tiponi
was placed.

. ()n the ﬂoor in front of Turnoa’s tiponi, there was a basket-tray (-on- _
taining sacred meal; a similar tray containing stringed feathers made

 

1Whether the other pueblos have a similar altar on the ﬁrst day is unknown, since no one has
fully studied the opening of the Flute ceremony in any other village. But probably it will be found
that the societies in the other villages have an altar corresponding to this ﬁrst Flute altar of Walpi

1002 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [ETH-ANN-li?

by members of the society stood before Winuta’s lodge, and the
medicine bowl was on the ﬂoor near Hoﬁyi’s tiponi.

Two bullroarers or whizzers lay on the ﬂoor by the medicine bowl
and paho basket, and when returned to their position after being used,
were always so placed that the strings were at the end toward the
altar. All the priests accompanied their songs on small gourd rattles,
but Turnoa had a “ moisture rattle,” 01' paaya, which has already been
ﬁgured and described.1 '

This altar is almost identical with that which is erected in the winter
ﬂute ceremony, and the same persons took part in almost identical

rites about it.
THE SECoND FLUTE ALTAR

The second or elaborate ﬂute altar was erected on the fourth day.
This the author was unable to see, being obliged to go to the Middle
mesa on the morning of that day to witness parts of the Mishongnovi
Flute ceremony.2 All the parts of the altar were, however, examined
as they lay on the ﬂoor, and drawings were made of several of them
early in the morning of the day named.

The symbolism on the reredos of the Walpi ﬂute altar was excep-
tional. The designs on the uprights were typical of ﬂute altars, repre-
senting rain clouds and falling rain. An exceptional ﬁgure was a
representation of the sun in the middle of the transverse part of the
reredos. This ﬁgure does not occur in any of the other ﬂute altars
which have thus far been studied.

Elsewhere there have been ﬁgured the four slabs which stand about
the upright stick on the roof of the Flute house at Shipaulovi on the
ﬁnal days of the ceremony.3 As similar slabs, used for the same pur-
pose at VValpi, have never been ﬁgured, for purposes of comparative
study they are represented in the aCcompanying illustration (plate
va). They are placed on the roof at the north, west, south, and east
sides of the upright rod, or awati-natci, as is indicated by their
respective colors—yellow, green, red, and white. During the morning
of the fourth day they were all repainted.

FLUTE SONGS

The exercises about the ﬁrst ﬂute altar began by a ceremonial smoke,
during which Sikyabotima acted as pipe lighter, passing the pipe ﬁrst
to Turnoa with the greeting “ Inaa ” (“ My father”),‘ to which the Flute

 

 

lThe Walpi Flute Observance, op. cit.

2 It is next to impossible for one person to study thoroughly any great Tusayan ceremony during a
single performance. Important rites are often being performed simultaneously in several rooms.
while at the same time significant observanees may take place in the plaza of the pueblo.

3Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, yol. II.

~’These two men are of about the same age, or, if there is any diﬁ‘erence. the Flute chief is younger
than Sikyabotima. The designation “ My father” refers to society precedence, not to the family rela-
tionship. I have heard a youm,r man of twenty eeremonially called “grandfather” by an old man of
sixty or more The terms "father." "son," "elder brother.” “younger brother.” et(-., used in pass-
ing the pipe, are ceremonial. not family relationship terms.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII

 

 

 

 

 

LENYA (FLUTE) CHILDREN OF MISHONGNOVI

 

mvms] UNWRAPPING THE TIPONI 1003

chief responded with “Itii” (“My son”). He then lighted a second
pipe and handed it to Hoﬁyi with the word “Itupko” (“My elder
brother”), to which the response " Iviva ” (“ My younger brother”) was
given. After Hoﬁyi had smoked he returned his pipe to Sikyabotima,
and the Flute chief did the same. Turnoa, Hoﬁyi, VVinuta, and Sik-
yaustiwa then prayed in sequence.

At the close of the prayers the songs began, the priests all keeping
time by beating 01' shaking their rattles, and the Flute chief holding
the paaya, or “moisture rattle,” previously referred to. During the
songs an old man cast pinches of meal to the cardinal points in sinistral
sequence, and VVinuta asperged medicine water toward the same
directions by means of a feather.

When the songs were about half ﬁnished Sikyabotima took the
whizzers or bullroarers from the ﬂoor before the altar and twirled
them several times, after which he went into an adjoining room and
repeated the same action. Hani accompanied the songs with a ﬂute.1
When the singing came to an end, prayers followed, and a ceremonial
smoke closed the exercises.

Four chiefs were in the room on the opening day, and each of these
made four nakwa kwoci or stringed feathers. No prayer—sticks were
made on this day, nor on the next two days, a feature at variance with
what occurred in the 1892 ceremony. The sixteen nakwakwoci were
arranged in a basket-tray in four clusters indicating four cardinal
directions, and were placed before the tiponis as shown in the illustra-
tion (plate LXIV). These were later offered to the gods of the four
world-quarters. Pahos were said to have been made on the day on
which the main altar was erected. ‘

UNWRAPPING THE FLUTE TIPONI

The unwrapping of the ﬂute tiponi took place on the second day
at about 1.30 p. 111., the time consumed being somewhat over an
hour.

On entering the room the author found a number of Flute priests
assembled, VVinuta squatting on a white buckskin which had been
spread over a white woolen blanket, beneath which was a red Navaho
blanket of ordinary pattern. He wore a ceremonial kilt and had a
feather tied to his scalp lock; otherwise he was naked. On the buckskin
before him were spread, in regular rows, feathers and strings, with
other appendages of the tiponi, the core of which he held in his hand.
This core consisted of a wooden cup-shape object, in the cavity of
which was inserted an ear of white corn with four black painted

1The so—called ﬂute used in the ﬂute ceremony is different from the instrument usually known by
that name, in that the person usingr it does not blow across a hole in the side, but across a terminal
opening, although producing the tone by the same mechanical principle. To the extremity of the
instrument is attached a trumpet-like piece of gourd, which is sometimes painted in many colors.
The operator ringers certain holes along the side of the ﬂute while playing.

1004 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES immune;

marks extending longitudinally (ﬁgure 46). The four quadrants of
the cup were decorated on the exterior with symbols of corn and rain
clouds, and on the base were two black lines crossing at right angles.
There lay on the buckskin, at one side, another ear of'corn, a quantity
of cotton string, and many feathers which had been taken from the
tiponi and rejected, for a new ear of corn was to replace the old, and
new wrapping was to be added. The grains of corn from the old
tiponi were later planted, and many of the feathers were placed in
shrines. ‘

In wrapping the tiponi the priest held the core in the left hand, and
wound 1 the cotton string about it, inserting at times the feathers which
protruded beyond the ear of corn. Suggestions were made in the
course of the wrapping by several of those present, and many of the
old feathers were replaced in the new bundle.

After the tiponi had been wrapped, and a string with attached shells
added as a necklace, Winuta and
Tu"noa, the young Flute chief, arose
and stood on the blanket side by
side, facing the east, Turnoa being
on the left. Both were naked save
for a breechcloth. and \Vinuta held
the tiponi in his right palm, grasp-
ing it midway of its length with his
right hand. VVinuta addressed a
few words to T u“noa, who responded
“Antcai” (“It is well”). Hoﬁyi
. then took \Vinuta’s place and spoke

Fig. “ﬁgure of Flute tiponi. in the same strain to the Flute chief,

who remained standing. The tiponi,

which had been passed by \Vinuta to Hoﬁyi, was transferred by the

latter to Sikyaustiwa, who followed the actions of the others by handing

it to Hani, who made a fervent appeal and passed it to Turnoa. After

the Flute chief Tu"noa had received the palladium he carried it to

the altar, and made with sacred meal, on the mound of sand where it

formerly stood, six radiating lines, placing the tiponi at their junction.

He then returned to that part of the room where the blankets had been
spread on the ﬂoor, and smoked in silence for a long time.

In a previous and fuller account of the renewal of the tiponi, in
1892, it was said to take place on the sixth day after the main altar
had been erected. It is possible that this and other variations may
in part be due to the death of the old Flute chief Cimo and the eleva-
tion of his younger successor Turnoa.

I ,
1.
I.
0

_~‘

--

   

 

1As he wound the tiponi he allowed the string to be drawn through his hand, which contained
sacred meal. The winding was always toward the left, or in the direction called the sinistral cere-
monial circuit. »

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

NINETEENTH ANNUAL I‘EPORT PL. LXIII

 

 

 

WI» vq“z-a§§n:€l q-ILL a»

 

 

FLUTE CHILDREN OF

MISHONGNOVI

THROWING OFFERINGS ON RAIN-CLOUD

SYMBOLS

d“ Lidn.tﬁmum.w- Lu—

mwm] THE KISI 1005

The unwrapping of the tiponi has been witnessed in two Hopi cere—
monies, the Flute and the Lalakonti. In these instances the contents
of the palladium varied, but in both either kernels of corn or other seeds
form essential parts. From chiefs of other societies it has been learned
that their tiponis likewise contained corn either in grains or on the ear.
Although from this information one is not justiﬁed in concluding that
all tiponis contain corn, it is probably true with one or two excep-
tions. The tiponi is called the "mother,” and an ear of corn given to
a novice has the same name. There is nothing more precious to an
agricultural people than seed, and we may well imagine that during
the early Hopi migrations the danger of losing it may have led to
every precaution for its safety. Thus it may have happened that it
was wrapped in the tiponi and given to the chief to guard with all
care as a most precious heritage. In this manner it became a mere
symbol, and as such it persists to-day.

THE KISI

In no public ceremony of the Hopi is the cottonwood kisi introduced
except in the Snake and Flute rites, in both of which its construc—
tion is identical. This brush-house is doubtless a survival from very
ancient times, and is related with the history of the ceremony with
which it is connected. A line of meal is sometimes drawn around it.
It is stated by the Snake people that they were the original inhab-
itants of V‘Valpi, and there is no doubt that the Bear, Snake, and Flute
clans formed the nucleus of the ancient pueblo of which \Valpi is
the survivor. Equally emphatic is the claim of the Snake traditionists
that their ancestors came from the north, and other evidence tends to
substantiate the assertion. There is little difﬁculty in tracing a like—
ness between the kisis of the pueblos and the medicine-lodges of
nomadic tribes, but thus far there is nothing to prove the derivation of
one from another.

GENERAL REMARKS

Three elements appear to be prominent in the Flute observance,
viz, sun, rain, and corn worship, symbols of which are the most
prominent on the altars and their accessories. The same is true of
the Snake dance; but in both rites the cultus heroes and clan mothers
are special deities to which the supplications for rain and corn are
addressed. This is interpreted as a form of totemism in which the
ancestors of the clan take precedence. The Sun as the father of all
cultus heroes and the Earth as the mother of all gods, ancestral and
otherwise, necessarily form an important part of the worship, which
is traceable throughout both ceremonies.

1006 TusAYAN rLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES mammals)

RELATION or SNAKE SOCIETY AND SNAKE CLAN

The Hopi ritual, or that part of it which pertainsto communal
worship, making up the yearly calendar, bears evidence of being com-
posite. and we may suppose that it has become so for the same reasons
that the social system of the Hopi is composite. It is composed of a
collection of ceremonies which have come together, yet remain distinct.
In the traditional account of the growth of W alpi, for instance, it is
stated that families drifted to the site of the pueblo from different direc-
tions, and as they arrived certain sections of the Village were assigned
to them for their homes; these sections their descendants still occupy.
By mutual consent each clan was allotted certain tracts of land in the
plain for their farms, and these land holdings still remain in the clans.
While the clans were living together, a community of interest de-
veloped and intermarriage broke down the limitation of sacerdotal
societies to clans. Certain emergencies arose when clans were forced
to act together. These inﬂuences resulted in an amalgamation of
clans, and a new organization was effected. The clan languages were
fused into a common speech, and a coalescence of the different arts
and customs also occurred. The new organization retained much that
was good in each of component clans.

The ritual developed along the same lines. but the religious senti—
ment being more conservative, the clan units have remained more
apparent in the rites than elsewhere. When each new family joined
the already established villagers, it brought its own mythology and
ritual clustering about a special cultus hero and clan mother. or tute-
lary ancestral couple and, after the union with other clans continued
to practice its own clan rites. The germ of that clan ancients wor—
ship was evidently ancestor worship. The Hopi ritual is thus a com-
posite of several distinctive clan units.

The Snake dance and the Flute observance are two of these units—
one the clan worship of the Snake clans, the other that of the Flute
clans. Moreover, since these two clans were among the ﬁrst to unite
and form the nucleus of \Valpi, their clan rites must necessarily have
been practiced side by side for a longer time than those of most other
clans. Hence we should expect to ﬁnd mutual reaction and many
pronounced similarities, which account for the ritualistic resemblances
noted. and also afford a veriﬁcation of the legend of the antiquity of the
Snake and Flute ceremonies at VValpi: but there is nothing to show
that they are older than the others. although good evidence exists that
they have been observed at “Valpi for a longer time than any other
forms of clan Worship. It would be interesting to know the sources
and characteristics of the subsequent increments to the \Valpi ritual,
but the Snake and Flute clan rites are preeminentlv attractive to the
ethnologist.

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIV

 

   
 
   
    
 
  
   
 
  

      
 

         

  

    

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FIRST FLUTE ALTAR AT WALPI

 

FEWKES] RELATION OF SOCIETIES AND CLANS 1007

A correct determination of the relationship between the clan and the
sacerdotal society is important if we would gain a clear idea of the
character and history of the Hopi ritual. There is no doubt that at
present the sacerdotal society includes in its numbers members of
several clans, and is not conﬁned to any particular one. Consequently
those who conclude that the two organizations are distinct at the
present time are justiﬁed in that conclusion; but that does not prove
that they always were distinct. Evidently in ancient times, when all
the inhabitants of \Valpi belonged to the Snake clans, the Snake priest-
hood was limited to that clan, and if the inhabitants of that ancestral
pueblo celebrated the Snake dance it was, strictly speaking, a family
affair. After the Flute, the Rain—cloud, Badger, and other groups of
clans joined the Snake village, men from these clans became members
of the Snake priesthood, giving the present composite personnel which
intermarriage made inevitable. The retention of the Snake chieftainoy
in the Snake clan in a matriarchal line of descent is one of the many sur-
vivals of the former limitation of the Snake priesthood to the Snake
clans. A custom in passing the pipe in the ceremonial smoking is
another survival. The terms “father,” “grandfather,” “son,”
“ brother,” “ elder brother,” “younger brother,” which are exchanged
at that time do not now indicate clan relationship, as hitherto explained,
but are survivals of a time when they did. A youth of 18 may be
called "grandfather” by a man of 60, and when Hahawe passes the
pipe to Wiki and calls him “my elder brother,” and Wiki responds
“my younger brother,” neither of these priests means that the other
is his clan relative it is the relationship of the sacerdotal standing of
one to the other that is indicated. The terms are survivals of a time
when they meant blood kinship, for when the ceremony was limited
to the clan, Wiki, the chief, was “elder brother,” or “father,” or
“grandfather,” to the man who thus addressed him. The formal
address survives, although the man using it may now belong to a
different clan from that of the chief.

 

RELATION OF THE FLUTE SOCIETY AND FLUTE CLAN

In the same way that the Snake and Antelope fraternities are or
were directly related to, and were introduced into VValpi by, the Snake
and Horn clans, so the Flute societies originated with the Flute clans
and were added by them to the participants in the Hopi ritual when they
joined preexisting families. Before the Flute clans came to Walpi,
bringing their cultus, they had amalgamated with the Horn clans, which
had earlier lived with the Snake clans at a place called Tokonabi.
Naturally a result of this consolidation was a modiﬁcation of the Flute
ceremony, and the result of this inﬂuence was the likenesses between

19 ETH, PT 2—29

1008 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mamms

portions of the Snake dance and the Flute ceremony due to Horn clans
common to the Horn-Snake and the Horn-Flute groups of clans.

There is good reason to believe that the Flute clans, and hence the
Flute societies, came to Tusayan from the south, whereas the Horn and
Snake clans came from the north, or Tokonabi.

OPHIOLATRY IN THE SNAKE DANCE

The Snake dance is a celebration or worship of the cultus hero and
clan mother (Tci’iamana) of the Snake clan, but not of the Great
Plumed Snake (Palﬁlﬁkoﬁ), which the legends say was introduced by
the Patki clans from the south. These legends are supported by the
fact that the efﬁgies of the Plumed Snake are used in the Soyaluﬁa and
Paliilﬁkoﬁti ceremonies by the Patki and other southern clans, and not
by the Snake society in its worship. No reference to Paliilﬁkoﬁ occurs
in the legend of the Snake clans, but a ﬁgure of it is painted on the
kilts of the Snake priests. These facts have led to the belief that the
worship of a Great Snake was foreign to the ritual of VValpi when its
population was composed only of Snake, Horn, and Flute clans; that
it came to VValpi after the Snake clan was established in that pueblo,
and hence presumably after the Snake dance had been introduced.
The presence of reptiles in the Snake ceremony is generally supposed
to show that this rite is a form of snake worship. It is rather a worship
of the ancestors of the Snake clans, which are anthropo-zoomorphic
beings, called the Snake youth and the Snake maid; but neither of
these represent the Great Snake, nor has their worship anything to do
with that of this personage, who was introduced into Hopi mythology
and ritual by the Rain-cloud clans. As personated in the Antelope
kiva at Walpi, these ancestral beings have no reptilian characteristics,
and the snakes which are introduced in the ceremonies are not
worshiped, but are regarded as the “elder brothers” of the priests.
It is not supposed that these reptiles have any more power to send
rain than the “elder brothers” or shades of deceased members of any
other society. They are intercessors between man and the rain gods,
and if the proper ceremonies with them are performed in prescribed
sequence and in traditional ways, the rains must come because they
came in the ancient times in the house of the Snake maid. The idea
of magic permeates the whole ceremony, which is not an appeal to a
great Snake deity to grant any deﬁnite request, but a compulsion of
the rain and growth supernaturals to perform their functions, which
is brought about by the use of proper charms.

The Hopi conception of the rain gods involves no limitation of these
supernaturals to deﬁnite numbers. There is no suggestion of a single
anthropomorphic being which sends the rain, but Rain-cloud spirits
are associated with the six cardinal points, and are regarded as ances-
tral beings.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV

 

A!1CJ‘-n~;.{‘ :..mm_m;cx.~ “Runny!" x

CAKWALENYA ALTAR SLABS AT WALPI

 

mwxasi ORIGINAL MEANING OF SNAKE DANCE 1009

RELATIVE PLACE OF THE SNAKE DANCE IN PRIMITIVE WORSHIP

The present purpose of the Snake ceremony, which in many publica-
tions has been confounded with its original aim, is primarily, as has
been elsewhere shown, to bring rain and thus to promote the growth
of corn; in fact this desire, due to present environment, dominates all
the rites of the Hopi ritual. It is believed, however, that this is not
original meaning—back of it is a psychic element which the Hopi
share with other primitive people whose myths and ritual have not
been modiﬁed by an arid climate and an agricultural life. We must
look more deeply into the subject in order to bring the Snake dance
into harmony with the elements of religion in a more primitive mind.

It has been shown that in the Snake ceremony there is no worship
of the Great Serpent, and the Snake priests scout the idea that this
great deity belonged to their clan worship. In support of their claims
it may be mentioned that Paliilukoﬁ is not represented on their altars.
The psychic element of religion in the Snake dance is totemic ancestor
worship, which is fundamental in the whole Hopi ritual. The reptile
is a society totem, the lineal survivor of a clan totem, and the totem
ancestor, called the Snake maid, is, generally, like totemic ideas, an
anthropo-zoOmorphic conception. Members of the society claim immua
nity from the bite of the snake because it is their totem, and the idea
of possession of the shade or “ breath-body” of the dead by the snake
totem is in accord with universal totemic conceptions. ,

The Snake dance is simply a form of clan totemism having special
modiﬁcations, due to environment, to ﬁt the needs of the Hopi. It
is a highly modiﬁed form of ancestor worship in which the Sun and
the Earth, as parents of all, are worshiped, but in which the cultus hero
and the ancestors of the clan are the special divinized personages rep-
resented in secret rites.

INTERPRETATION OF SNAKE AND FLUTE RITEs

The main object of the majority of Hopi ceremonials is the pro-
duction of rain and the growth of corn. The reason for individual
rites must be sought in certain universal principles of religion com-
mon to all men. There are three primal elements which permeate all
Hopi ceremonies—the gods, the worshiper, and the needs of the latter,
or what he wishes to obtain from the former. Ceremony is largely, if
not wholly, made up of the methods adopted by the worshiper, man,
to inﬂuence the gods to grant his wishes, and is directly the outgrowth
of prayer, which is a reﬂection of desire or want, which in turn is the
outgrowth of climatic inﬂuences. Agriculturists desire rain and crops,
and they pray to the gods especially for these things. There are

1010 TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES [mamas

certain ways of expressing their prayers, which are known as cere—
monies the nature of the prayer being intimately connected with the
conception of the nature of the gods and the understanding of the
wants of the worshiper by himself.

There are several kinds of prayer, and there is varying development
in the accompanying symbolism. The verbal prayer is one type,
which is universal. In this the worshiper simply asks the gods in
his own language for what he wants. This form of prayer originated
at a time when the gods were regarded as zoémorphic and anthropo-
morphic, and implies a god who speaks and who hears the desires of
his worshiper. In the long process of evolution, however, the verbal
prayer became something more than a simple request~the words came
to have symbolic meanings and as such were media of communion with
gods. They became expressions of religious feeling, but were not
necessary to the existence of that feeling. Many worshipers were
thus led to drop them and to preserve the feeling in silent prayers;
others, reverencing the ancient forms, retained the words as symbolic
aids. In the growth of religion it was early recognized that the gods
had their own language and that possibly they were unable to under-
stand that of men; hence, as has been shown by Powell, there arose
and developed a religious gesture language, or an expression of prayer
by dramatization. The worshiper in this type of prayer, which may
be called dramatic prayer, showed the gods through action what he
desired. He combined it with verbal prayer, with symbolic prayer,
but the dramatic element was always most striking. Ceremony, in
the main, but not wholly, is highly developed dramatic prayer, and the
object of dramatic prayer is to show by acting what the worshiper
desires.

In order to appeal to the gods in this gesture language, symbolism
is largely employed in the paraphernalia used in worship. Let us
apply this to the altars. The prayers of agriculturists in an arid
_ environment are necessarily for rain and the growth of crops—in the

case of the Hopi, of maize, their national food—~and certainly no one,
god or human, could look upon a Hopi altar without seeing symbols
of these two things—rain clouds, falling rain, lightning, and corn and
other seeds. On the altar are placed either the symbols of what is
wanted or the objects themselves. To be sure, there are other objects,
but these are supplementary, and vary, but rain symbols and corn
symbols are universal.

Not only are the desired objects thus symbolically represented as
silent prayers to convey the desire to the gods, but personations of
ancestral gods, either in the form of idols or representations by human
beings, are found on the same altars. These are not the gods—they
are only symbols—temporary residences, if you wish, of the gods.
Here we have a still more realistic evolution of the dramatic prayer.

 

mwms] PURPOSE OF DANOES 1011

The priest prays to this representation of the god by scattering meal
upon it, and the god has but to look about him on the altar to know
what is wanted. Observe how the pantomime of imitating falling
rain is performed in this way. The priest dips his aspergill in the
medicine and asperges in turn to the six cardinal points in representa-
tion of falling rain, and this is symbolic of what the priest wishes the
gods of the six directions to do.

The priest at another time asperges on a sand-picture symbol of a,
rain-cloud for the same reason—he shows what he wishes the Rain
gods to do, Viz. t0 sprinkle the earth with rain.

Again, the priest pours water into his medicine bowl from six direc-
tions to show the gods that he desires them to send rain from the six
directions of the known world. He blows an immense cloud of smoke
on the altar because he Wishes clouds to appear. The act has the
same significance—it is a prayer for the rain-cloud which the Rain
gods may understand. For this purpose also the priest sounds his
whizzer—to imitate the thunder which accompanies the rain.

For this same purpose also the ﬁgures of aquatic animalswthe tad-
pole and the frog—which supposedly bring the rain, are displayed
because they are silent prayers for rain. Hence, also, the Antelope
priests wear rain-cloud symbols on their kilts and zigzag lightning
marks on their bodies and limbs.

 

L

BY

.A STUDY IN AMERICAN PRIMITIVE ECONOMICS?

.\

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTION ............................................................ 1019
CHAPTER I—Botany ..................................................... 1021
Scientiﬁc names ...................................................... 1021
Popular synonyms ................................................... 1022
Etymology of mano’mln ............................................... 1024
Scientiﬁc description ................................................ 1025
Popular description ................................................... 1025
Natural enemies ..................................................... 1026
CHAPTER II—Habitat ..................................................... 1028
Introdlution .................................................... ' _____ 1028
IIalntat according to States ........................................... 1028
Habitat in the wild-rice district ....................................... 1033
Foreign habitat ...................................................... 1036
CHAPTER III—Indians .................................................... 1038
The Ojibwa .......................................................... 1038
The Dakota .......................................................... 1043
The Menomini ....................................................... 1047
The Sank and Fox ................................................... 1050
Tina\Vinnebago.._.-...-..----.-.-...-.....---.---; .................. 1051
The Potawatomi ..................................................... 1053
The Maskotin ........................................................ 1053
The Assiniboin ...................................................... 1054
The Kickapoo, Ottawa and Huron ..................................... 1055
CHAPTERI\3—Iﬁoducﬁon ................................................. 1056
Introduction ................................... ' ...................... 1056
Sowing and other early care .......................................... 1057
Tying ............................................................... 1058
Gathering ........................................................... 1061
Curing and drying ................................................... 1064
Thrashing ........................................................... 1066
IVinnowdng .......................................................... 1070
Storing .............................................................. 1071
Property-right in wild rice ............................................ 1072
Amounts of wild rice harvested ....................................... 1073
CHAPTER V—Consumption ................................................ 1080
Nutrition ............................................................ 1080
\Vays of preparing wild rice for food .................................. 1083
Periods of consumption - - - - - . - . - . . - - - - - - - L ............................ 1086
CHAPTER VI—General social and economic interpretations .................. 1089
The wild-rice moon .................................................. 1089
Wild rice in ceremonials and in mythology as found in Indian traditions - 1090
Dependence of the Indian on wild rice ................................. 1095
Dependence of the White man on wild rice ............................. 1101
Indian population of the wild-rice district .............................. 1106

1015

101 6 CONTENTS

Page.

CHAPTER VII—Inﬂuence of wild rice on geographic nomenclature ........... 1115
Introduction ......................................................... 1115
Sections of country ................................................... 1116
Cities, stations, etc ................................................... 1117
Rivers, creeks, lakes, and ponds ...................................... 1118
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................ 1126
LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS .................................................. 1133
CBRONOLOGIC LIST OF MAPS ............................................... 1136

TABLES
A. Statistical View of wild rice production ................................. 1075
B. Value of wild rice per bushel .......................................... 1078
0. Standard of life of wild rice producing Indians ..... ’ .................... 1079
D. Composition of cereals and Indian foods ................................ 1081
E. Bouquet’s estimate of Indian population in 1764 ........................ 1108
F. Monroe’s estimate of Indian population in 1778 ......................... 1109
G. Pike’s estimate of Indian population in the wild-rice district in 1806 ...... 1109
H. Ratio of warriors to whole tribe ....................................... 1110
I

. Estimate of Indian population in 1822 .................................. 1110

PLATE LXVI.
LXVII.

LXVIII.
LXIX.

LXX.
LXXI.
LXXII.
LXXIII.
LXXIV.
LXXV.

LXXVI.
LXXVII.

LXXVIII.
LXXIX.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Wild rice habitat by States .................................
a, Wild-rice bed in Lac Courte Oreille river; b, Ojibwa birch-

bark and matting wigwam at the wild-rice ﬁeld ............
Permanent ash—bark Wigwam of the wild rice gathering Ojibwa.
Portable birch-bark and rush—matting Wigwam of the wild rice

gathering Ojibwa ........................................
Indian woman on her way to the rice bed to tie the stalks- - . .
A narrow bed of wild rice tied in bunches or sheaves .........
Tied bunches of wild rice ...................................
Birch—bark canoes of wild rice gathering Ojibwa ..............
a, Wild-rice ﬁeld after the harvest; b, Drying rack for grain. .-
a, Section of drying rack; b, Stave-lined thrashing hole for

treading out the grain ....................................
Wild-rice kernels before thrashing ..........................
a, Thrashing wild rice by means of a churndasher—like stick;

b, Indian woman winnowing wild rice .....................
Wild-rice kernels after thrashing and winnowing ............
a, Birch-bark mococks in which the grain is carried; 1), Birch-

bark winnowing tray .....................................

FIGURE 47. Sickle-shaped sticks used to draw the stalks within reach for tying.
48. Map showing areas whose population is compared ...............

1017

Page
1033

1043
1049

1053
1056
1059
1060
1065
1067

1068
1070

1073
1074

1080
1060
1 106

 

THE WILD RICE GATHERERS OF THE UPPER LAKES

BY ALBERT ERNEST JENKS

INTRODUCTION

This memoir was begun with the hope that eventually other some-
what similar studies of American primitive economics might be made
which would throw light from an almost new direction on the culture
status of the North American Indians. As the economic motive is so
dominant among the foremost peoples of to-day, its ascendence must
mark a new stage in the measurement of culture. It has been very
interesting to ﬁnd, through this study, three distinct steps in the
development of the motive for production, beginning with myth-
founded belief and rising to an incipient state of economic consider—
ation. ‘ For example, the Menomini Indians absolutely refuse to sow
wild rice——their motive is simply that of belief; the Dakota Indians
do not sew the grain, but apparently have no myth-founded scruple
against it; while among the Ojibwa no such belief seems likely ever
to have existed, for they sow the grain from purely economic motive,
though such motive is not so dominant as among many maize-producing
tribes.

This study has helped to elucidate the culture position of the tribes
which used wild rice by showing the motives for production, the
effect on the Indian of such quantities of spontaneous vegetal food,
the property—right in the rice beds, and the division of labor. It
has given a detailed picture of aboriginal economic activity which is
absolutely unique, and in which no article is employed not of aborig-
inal conception and workmanship. It has thrown light upon the
almost constant warfare between the Dakota and Ojibwa Indians for
two hundred and ﬁfty years. It has shed light also upon the fur trade
in a territory unexcelled in the richness of its furs, yet almost inac-
cessible had it not been for the wild rice which furnished such nour-
ishing and wholesome support to the traders and hunters. It also
shows that much of history is wrapped up in native geographic
names, and it is hoped that it may help to promote the preservation
and retention of such terms. It has suggested new lines of manu—
facture.

1019

1020 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [manage

I am indebted to Professor Richard T. Ely, director, and to Professor
William A. Scott and Professor Frederick J. Turner, of the school of
economics, political science, and history, of the University of Wis-
consin, at Madison, where this study was made, for the suggestions
and assistance usually given in the preparation of such a thesis.

Most of the historical data was collected in the library of the Wis-
consin Historical Society, at Madison. To Mr Reuben Gold Thwaites,
secretary and superintendent, and to other members of the library
staff, I owe much. By unusual favors and almost constant service they
have greatly lessened my labors.

I am also under obligation to Professor F. W. Woll, chemist of the
experiment station at Madison, for his painstaking analysis showing
the nutritive value of wild rice.

A part of the data was collected by correspondence, and I gladly
take this opportunity to thank those gentlemen whose names appear
in the subjoined list of correspondents.

But most of all I am indebted to Professor W J McGee, ethnologist
in charge of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and to Dr Otis T.
Mason, of the United States National Museum, both of whom
suggested the subject of this study. Through correspondence and
personal conferences Professor McGee has rendered valuable assist-
ance. It is to him also that I owe the opportunity of visiting many
Wild rice producing Indians in the autumn of 1899, when I obtained
additional data and the illustrations for this study.

I am aware that the text of this memoir carries a greater burden of
facts than is necessary to prove the points of the thesis. Had the
study been published simply as a doctor’s thesis, many facts now‘ in
the text would have been omitted, or put in footnotes or appendices.

CHAPTER I
BOTAN Y
SCIENTIFIC NAMES

During the early history of the science .of botany the wild-rice
plant, with which this memoir deals, received many scientiﬁc names.
It is today known as Zisaniar agruatica, and is a grass belonging to the
order Grammar, to the lesser tribe 07‘3/2‘6‘68, to the genus Zizam'a,
and to the species aquartica} The word “zizania” appears in the
New Testament in the Gospel according to Matthew, Xiii, 25, 26, 27,
29, 30, where it is supposed to refer to lolium. The word is translated
“tares,” and the plant is there spoken of as growing in farming soil
among the wheat.2 However, the plant under present discussion is
aquatic, and there is no likeness between the two except in name.

The following table presents a list of various scientiﬁc synonyms by
which the plant Zizam'w aquaticw has been known:3
Zizania—Gronovious, ex Linneus, Gen. ed., vol. II (1742), p. 863.
*Gramineav—Bentham and Hooker, f. 3, p. 1115.

*Elymus—Mitchell, in Act. Phys. Med. Acad. Nat. Cur., vol. VIII (1748), appendix,

IL 210.

*Fartis—Adams, Fam., vol. II (1763), p. 37.

Hydropyrum—Link; see Index Generuin Phanerogamorum (1888), p. 468.
Jilelinmn—Link, op. cit.

Zizzmiopsis—DOII et Aschers; see Index Generum Phanerogamorum (1888), p. 468.
Zizam'a aquatica—Linn., Mant, p. 295.

Zizam'a clavulosa—Micheaux, F1. 1301‘. Am., vol. I (1803), p. 75.

Zizania qfﬂisa—Herb. of Linn. (so marked, but not by Linn. ), J our. Linn. Soc., vol. VI

(1862), p. 52.

*Zizania latifolia—Turczaninow, Bull. Soc. Nat. M. S. (1825) 105; vol. XXIX (1856),

Innnber1,p.2.

Zizania palustris—Linn., Mant., vol. II (1771), p. 295.

The [Iydropyrum esculentum of Link is the same as Zizmzz'tz aguatz'ca.
It is asserted" that Z. latifolz'a of Japan and eastern Russia is iden-
tical with the North American Z. aquatica, but Prof. J. Matsumura, of
the Imperial University, Japan, writes that the American plant is
identical with a plant growing in Japan, Formosa, and eastern China
which bears the name Zizam'a aquouficar.5

 

1F. Lamson-Scribner in B1111. 7 of the Division of Agrostology, U. S Department of Agriculture,
revised ed., Washington, 1898.

2 William Darlington, Agricultural Botany, New York, 1847, p. 207.

"Those marked * have not been veriﬁed; they are from secondary sources.

4Bcntham in Journal of the Linnaean Society, vol. XIX (1882), p. 54.

5.1. Matsumura. letter, Dec. .16. 1898.
1021

1022 WILD RICE GATHERERS 0F UPPER LAKES _ [ETH.ANN.19

In America the plant under present consideration is ordinarily
knewn as “ wild rice,” a term similar to the common names of several
other American grasses, thus necessitating some care in distinction.
The greatest confusion will arise, doubtless, with Zizam'a 7722'lz'acea,
the only other American plant of the same genus. This latter plant is
very common in the brackish waters of the southern states. It is some-
times called “proliﬁc rice,” and is said to grow in shallow waters in
Ohio and Wisconsin as well as in the south.1 Some confusion may
arise also with plants of the same tribe, such as “little mountain rice”
(Oryzopsz's emigm‘o), a slender perennial found among rocks and canyons
and on mountain tops in Montana, Wyoming, Utah, Oregon, and Wash
ington;2 “ white mountain rice” (Oi'yzopsz's asperijf'olia), also a slender
perennial, found in the woods in Newfoundland, in eastern United
States from Massachusetts and New Jersey to Minnesota, and in the
Rocky mountains from British Columbia to New Mexico;3 “ black
mountain rice” (Org/20193239 malanocarpa), also a perennial, which is
reported as growing in open rocky woods in Quebec and Ontario, and
to the south as far as Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, and Minnesota;4
“ small-ﬂowered mountain rice” (Org/2012868 micrcmt/m), a slender, erect
perennial growing in woods, along river bluffs, and on mountain sides
from South Dakota to Nebraska, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona; 5
and ()ryzopsz's cuspz'data, which grows in dry prairies about Fort Rob-
inson, Nebraska.6

POPULAR SYNONYMs

In America there are four chief sources from which popular syn-
onyms are derived for the plant under consideration, viz, the French,
English, Algonquian, and Siouan languages. Other synonyms arise
through dialects and faulty spelling, and still others through ignorance
of a foreign language. Below is presented a list of 60 synonyms for
the plant in America. Only one reference for each name is given: 7

AH-WUH-KAH-NE—ME-NO-MIN (Ojibwa of Grand Traverse bay)—Schoolcraft, Indian
Tribes, vol. II, p. 463.

AMERICAN RICE—Nuttall, Genera of North American Plants, vol. II, p. 210.

AVENA FATUA—Alex. Henry, Travels, p. 241.

BLACKBIRD OATS.

CANADIAN OATS.

CANADIAN RICE—Smith, Dictionary of Economic Plants.

CANADIAN WILD RICE—Cyclopedia; or a New Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sci-
ence, vol. xxxrx.

 

1Chas. L. Flint, Grasses and Forage Plants, Lincoln, 1890, pp. 29—30.

2Lamson-Scribner, American Grasses, 1, p. 113, in Bull. 7 of the Division of Agrostology, U. S. Dept.
of Agriculture, revised ed.

3 Ibid.,p.111.

4 Ibid., p.110.

5 Ibid., p. 114.

6Bessey and Webber, Grasses and Forage Plants, Lincoln,1890, p. 104.

7 See the bibliography for the complete titles of the references.

JENKS] POPULAR SYNONYMS 1023

ESPECE DE SEIGLE DE MARAIs—Relations (les Jésuites, 1671, Quebec, 1858, vol. III,
p. 39.
FALS AVOINEs—Flint, Geography and History, vol. I, p. 84.
FALSE OATS—Neill, History of Minnesota, p. 111.
FATUIS AVENA—Flint, op. cit., p. 84.
FAUSSE .onNE—Relations des Jésuites, 1670, Quebec, 1858, vol. III, p. 92.
FIELD RICE—House of Representatives, 54th Cong, 1st sess., Report 268, p. 7.
FOLL AVOIN—Robt. Dickson in Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. XI, p. 292.
FOLLE—Wisconsin Fur Trade Accounts, vol. Iv, 1820—21,manuscript 172 (Wisconsin
Historical Society manuscript collection).
FOLLE AVOINE—Flore Canadienne, Provancher, vol. II, p. 665.
FOLLs AVOINE—Morse, Report to Secretary of \Var, appendix, p. 34.
FOLs AVOIN—Coues, Pike, vol. I, p. 76.
HAFERREIS—Dietrich und Kénig, Futtermittel, Zweite Auﬂage, Berlin, 1891, I, p. 585.
INDIAN onus.
INDIAN RICE—Lamson-Scribner, Useful and Ornamental Grasses; U. S. Dept. of
Agric, Div. of Agros., Bull. 3, p.95.
MAI) OATS—Kohl, Travels, vol. II, p. 46.
MALOMIN—J. Long, Voyages and Travels, p. 205.
MA-No-MEN—Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. XIII, p. 443.
MANo’MiN—Ojibwa Indians on Lac Courte Oreille reservation, Wisconsin, 1899.
MAN-OM—IN—l’almer, Food Products of the North American Indians; Rept. Dept. of
Agric., 1870—71, p. 422.
MANOMINAN—Keating, Narrative of an Expedition, vol. II, p. 459.
MANORRIN—Lamson-Scribner, Useful and Ornamental Grasses.
MARSH RICE (a kind of).
M ENO’IIJAl—Iloffman, Menomini Indians, p. 324.
MENOMEN—Samuel R. Brown, Western Gazetteer, p. 267.
ME-No-MAw—Pokagon, letter, Nov. 16, 1898.
MENOIIExE—Flint, op. cit., p. 84.
MEN().\IoN—J. Long, op. cit., p. 205.
Mo—No-MIN—Schoolcraft, op. cit., vol. II, p. 463.
MON-o-MIN—Ibid.
MoonIoNICK—New York Colonial Documents, vol. IX, p. 161, note 6.
1\II:IINoo.\IIx—Edw. F. Wilson, Ojebwa Language.
MI'N-No—MIN—Schoolcraft, op. cit., vol. II, p. 463.
MIts-('o—sIa-IIE-NAH—Harmon, Journal, p. 394.
()A'rs—Radisson, Voyages, p. 207.
PsE—Keating, Narrative, vol. II, p. 459.
I’snr—Edw. Palmer, op. cit., p. 422.
I’sIN—Schoolcraft, op. cit., vol. I, p. 187. ,
Psi/NA—Winnebago Indians near Elroy, Wisconsin, winter 1898.99.
{ICE—Schoolcraft, op. cit., vol. I, p. 187.
R12 111' CANADA—Flore Canadienne, vol. II, p. 665.
iIcsD—Lamson-Scribner, Useful and Ornamental Grasses, p. 95.
SEI~:~NAII—Henry Merrell, Manuscript Winnebago Dictionary.
SIV-I'KE’IV—Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, Third Annual Rept. Bur. Ethnol., 1881—82,
p. 308.
SQUAW RICE—White inhabitants, Hayward, W'isconsin, 1899.
STANDING CORN—Ellis, Recollections, p. 265.
'I‘UsCARonA—Flore Canadienne, vol. II, p. 665.
TUSCARORA RICE—Lamson-Scribner, Useful and Ornamental Grasses, p. 95.
\VAsssmIAIrER—Jahresbericht ﬁber die Fortschritte der Agrikulturchemie, Fiinfter
J all rgang, 1862—63, p. 59.
19 ETH, PT 2——30

1024 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [mmmsm

W.\ssEmu-:Is—lbid, p. 59.

\VA’I‘ER oxrs Lamson-Scribner, op. cit., p. 95.

\VA'I‘ER mon—lbid, p. 95.

WILD oxrs—Coues, Expedition of Z. M. Pike, vol. I, p. 344._
Win) RICE Lamson-Scribner, op. cit., p. 95.

 

 

The letter from Professor Matsumura, above referred to, enables
me to add a short list of synonyms for the plant and seed from Japan,
China, and Formosa, as follow ':

CHIMAKI-GL‘SA ( thousand-rolling-grass) —Japa.n.

KATsr'Bo (water-reed )——Japan.

KOMO—GAYA ( covering-grass)—Japan.

Kono-e‘rsa (matting or covering-grass)—Japan.

MAKI-GUSA (rolling-grass)—Japan.

MAKono (water-reed)—Japan.

KAr—PEII-sUNG—Formosa.

KANsL' (the name for the young shoot)—China.

HANAeATerI (ﬂower-water-reed—fruit, i. e., the seed or grain) —Japan.
Kivrslxm (water-reed-fruit, i. e., the seed or grain)——Japan.
M.-\Ko.\Io-xo-.VII (fruit of the water-reed, i. e., the seed or grain)——~Japan.

ETYMOLOGY or “MANo’MiN”

Of the American synonyms given above, the larger number follow
the norm QHCUNI’l/l/MI. This is the Algonquian word for Wild rice,
and it is chieﬂy through this term that the plant has inﬂuenced geo-
graphical names in America. The word is a compound of the adjec-
tive and adverbial form 7110-720, meaning “good,” “right,” “well,”
and of the noun form wu‘n, meaning “berry.” Illa-no never changes
its form in the language, but is used quite variously, as memo
flll-Nr/-)HF. “good man”; int-m; (cu-yaw, “he is getting well.” This
term and 'l/H'Ill.‘-iC/H., or ymm—tc/u', meaning “ bad,” and used exactly
as is HIE-2H), are the most common adjectives in the Ottawa and Ojibwa
langimges.1 The form II’H‘W, is used in a great many words which
denote berry or fruit, as in (Ild-EIMZ'ZD-7/3dy-‘7)22.72 (beechnut), (6716-8116-7212'72/
(apple), slut/zla-lm-min (gooseberry), “ink-(kzuv-il'zz'vz, (maize), and ﬁle's-koa-
min (red raspberry).'2 Among the Algonquian tribesof New Eng-
land. kinsmen of the Ottawa and Ojibwa Indians. min or mean. is the
word for berry or maize. min being the general term for berry.3
Thus ”nun/min. the term by which wild rice ﬁrst came to be known
among the white settlers of the Northwest—the French at Green bay,
\Visconsinwis the Algonquian word for the very suggestive and
connnon-sense term “good berry,” or “good fruit.” The French
named the plant folio awning (wild oat, mad oat. or fool oat), and
this term and its various faulty renditions are frequently applied to

1 See Wilson, Ojcbwa Language, p. ‘21: Blackbird, History of the Ottawa. pp. 111. 112.
2 Blackbird, op. cit, p. 122: see also Wilson and Baraga.
3 Barratt, Indian of New England, p. 19.

JENKsJ POPULAR DESCRIPTION 1025

the plant in early accounts of the Northwest. Marquette once called it
ﬁnesse amine (false oat), and the Latin arena fatna was doubtless
applied to the plant because of the term adopted by the French. It
is difﬁcult to say what the Siouan norm is, but probably it is psin,
which is often followed by some slightly accented vowel, as in the
word 1786720.
SCIENTIFIC DESCRIPTION

The genus Zz'zam'a comprises two species, and is well characterized
by the unisexual spikelets in an androgynous panicle, each having two
glumes, and the males having two stamens. The plant ordinarily
grows from 5 to 10 feet high, with a thick, spongy stem and an abun-
dance of long, broad leaves. The chief mark of distinction between
the two species is that the miliacea bears its male and female ﬂowers 4
intermixed on its fruit head, while the aquatica bears its female
ﬂowers near the top, where the cylindrical panicle, from 1 to 2 feet
long, is quite appressed, and its male ﬂowers on the more widely
spread lower branches of the panicle. The glumes or husks of the
female or fertile ﬂowers are about an inch long and are armed with an
awn or beard usually of about the same length as the husk, but at
times of twice its length. The grain, which is inclosed within the
glumes, is a slender cylindrical kernel, varying in length from almost
half an inch to nearly an inch, and is of dark slate color when ripe.
The plant-is an annual, and grows in either fresh or brackish waters
from a bed of mud alluvium.

POPULAR DESCRIPTION

Wild rice is one of the most beautiful aquatic single-stem plants in
America. The grain is shed into the water when it ripens in the
autumn, and lies in the soft ooze of alluvial mud at the bottom of a
lake or river until spring, when it germinates and grows rapidly to
the surface. Text-bOOks have frequently called the plant perennial.
The old stalks die down below the surface of the vater before the
time arrives for the new ones tO appear, so the inference has been
made that they all come from the same root; but the plant is an
annual, growing from new seed each year. It was called a biennial by
the Detroit Grazette December 24, 1820.

Early in June the shoot appears at the surface of the water and at
once begins to prepare its fruit head. At about this stage of its
growth it has been described as follows:

When seen from a distance, they [the rice beds] look like low green islands on the
lakes; on passing through one of these rice beds when the rice is in ﬂower, it has a
beautiful appearance with its broad grassy leaves and light waving spikes, garnished
with pale yellow green blossoms, delicately shaded with reddish purple, from
beneath which fall three elegant straw-colored anthers, which move with every
breath of air or slightest motion of the waters.1

 

1 Catherine l’arr Trail], Backwoods Of Canada, p. 237.

1026 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Emaxm

The plant blossoms in June, and by September the seeds a1e matuie.
The f1 uit heads a1e mostly of a pale g1 een c0101 with a tinge of yel-
low, but at maturity they gene1ally acquiie a cast of pul‘fple Rice
beds have been desc1ibed as iesembling ﬁelds of wheat, of canebrake,
and of maize. At maturity the stalks range from 2 to 12 feet in
height above the water, and they also vary much in thickness. Their
total length depends largely on the depth of the water in which they
grow, as well as on the fertility of the soil.

This latter cause affects also the size and strength of the stem. The
stalks are most frequently from 5 to 8 feet in length, but they are
also found as long as 16 or 20 feet. They grow up through water
varying from 12 inches to 10 or 12 feet in depth. Mr L. A. Paddock,
of Grass lake, Lake county, Illinois, describes the plant in the most
luxuriant growth which it is believed to acquire in America. His
description is unique also in the fact that, at Grass lake, after the
plant grows to the surface of the water, and until it is 2 or 3 feet long,
it lies ﬂat upon the surface. Then as each leaf enlarges and gains
strength the stalk straightens up (others have said that if once the
young shoot gets down onto the water, it can not possibly rise, but dies
without fruitage). By the middle of July the stalks are about 8 feet.
high. At that time from the center of each stalk a long slender shoot
grows to the height of about 4 feet above the topmost leaf. This
shoot bears the fruit head. The stalk grows an inch or more in diam-
eter, and to the height of 10 or 12 feet above the water. It grows to
this, its greatest height, in water 1 foot deep, but it will grow and
mature in water 8 feet in depth, in which case it rises about 4 feet
above the surface. The roots are so strong and matted that they will
support the weight of a man walking upon the mass in shallow water.2

NATURAL ENEMIES

An annual plant clearly seems to grow not for itself, but for its suc-
cessors. Anything which destroys the seeds, even though they have
reached maturity and are ready to grow, is as much an enemy of the
species as though the parent plant had been destroyed. However,
inasmuch as the plant may produce, say, a hundred offspring, the
destruction of the plant before the maturity of its seeds may be a hun-
dredfold more serious than the destruction of a mature seed.

It will later be seen that the Indian, by his use of the wild-rice seed,
is a great enemy of the plant, for it will be shown that the plant, unless
it is artiﬁcially sown, is gradually being extinguished in such beds as
are continually used. Waterfowl in countless numbers feed upon the
grain at its maturity. In fact, it is so choice a food for duck, geese,
teal, and other waterfowl thatit is now quite frequently sown by gun

 

1 Elliott Comes in Botanical Gazette, Dee, 1894, p. 506.
2Paddock, letter, January 20, 1899.

Jesxs] NATURAL ENEMiEs 1027

clubs .in mud-bottomed waters in hunting preserves to attract such
fowl for shooting. 1

Many descriptions are given of clouds of blackbirds, redwing black-
birds, and ricebirds which subsist on the grain during and immediately
after its milk stage.2 Rails, pigeons, quails, herons, cedar birds, wood-
peekers, and many other birds also consume the grain by feeding from
the heavy stalks.3

Caterpillars have been known to destroy an entire crop of wild rice
in the neighborhood of Rainy river.4 Mr Pither mentions a worm
which eats into and destroys the grain in Manitoba, Canada" This is
probably the “ maggot,” which is the larva of the water weevil (Lis-
sorlmptrus simplex). The “ maggot” is a very small white legless grub;
it destroys the plant by working in its roots, while a beetle, the
water weevil just cited, eats the leaves of the plant.6

A fungus, Entyloma crastop/aﬂuon, Sacc.(?), works in the sheath of
the grain,7 While Olavz'ceps 6]). also works on the plant," and in Japan
the fungus Ustilage csculemfa attacks the shoot. 9

A fungus, (j’lam'cejm ﬁlo/puree, occurs quite commonly on the grain
in northern Wisconsin, where the Indians speak of it as “frozen
rice.” In its early stage it consists of a profuse growth of mycelinm
in the tissue and on the surface of the young ovary. The product is
a compact, horn-shape, dark body called the sclerotium, which occu-
pies the position of the displaced ovary. The sclerotium lies dormant
during the winter, and in the spring germinates by forming tiny
spores which free themselves, and begin growth in the tissue and in
the ovary, as is told above.10

Storms, frosts, and ﬂoods :ause great, doubtless the greatest, dam-
age to Wild rice. “

 

1 See chapter V1 for the consumption of wild rice by these game birds.

‘-’ The most common of these blackbirds, all of which are fond of wild rice, are the purple grackle
(Quz‘scalus quiscula). the boat-tailed grackle ( Q. mujor). and the rusty graekle (.S'calrzmphayus camlinus).
The redwing or swamp blackbird (Ayn/[alas plurals/ms) forms large migratory ﬂocks in the autumn
~ in all of the Northern states, and becomes very destructive to the grain. The rieebird, reedbird, or
bobolink (I)ol[c/umy.uioryzirorus) is the natural bird enemy of wild rice, and is found in countless
numbers in all——both brackish and fresh water—wild-rice marshes during the autumn.

3 Pither, letter, December 5,1898; McKenney, Memoir, vol. II, p. 104; Hind, Narrative, yo]. I, p. 118.
The sora rail (Porsrma (-rtroliuu), the yellow rail (P. novcbrn‘acensis), and the black rail (P. jamat‘censis)
feed upon wild rice. The sora rail is especially common in fresh-water wild-rice marshes. For ref-
erences to great numbers of waterfowl in Minnesota, see Schooleraft, Indian Tribes, vol. I, pp. 186—187,
Vol. Iv, pp. 193-194. For the waterfowl on Fox river, see Brown, Western Gazetteer, pp. 252,261; also
Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, p. 183, and Featherstonhaugh, Canoe Voyage, vol. I, p. 180.

4 See chapter v1 (page 1100).

5' l’ither, op. cit.

“L. 0. Howard, Insects Affecting the Rice Plant, in Rept. of the Commissioner of Agric. ior1881 and
1882, Kept. of the Entomologist, pp. 127, 138.

7Wm. Trelease, Preliminary List of Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, in Wis. Acad. Sci., Lit., and Arts,
Vol. v1, number 258; Madison, 1885, p. 139.

*‘Ibid., number 66, p. 115.

9 Matsumura, letter, December 16,1898,with reference to Henning’s Hedwigia, Band XXXIV, 1895, p.10.

10Lucius E. Sayre, A Manual of Organic Materia Mediea and Pharmaeognosy, etc.; Philadelphia,
1895, p. 439.

‘1 See chapter VI. Very little scientiﬁc attention has been given to Zizania aquatica; consequently
the present treatment of its enemies is scanty. Answers to letters of inquiry lead to the conclusion

that more careful attention will be given it in the near future.

CHAPTER II
HABITAT
INTRODUCTION 1

Zfzam'w aquatica grows in North America from about latitude 500
on the north to the Gulf of Mexico on the south, and from the Atlantic
ocean to the Rocky mountains. In Manitoba it extends farther north-
ward than 50‘J in the Winnipeg drainage, and in Ontario toward Hudson
bay. It grows abundantly in the brackish, alm'Ost stagnant, waters of
the Atlantic and Gulf states, and along the sloughs of Mississippi river
from its headwaters as far south as the state of Mississippi; indeed
it doubtless occurs along the entire course of this river. It fringes
the north shore of Lake Ontario, the northwest, west, and southwest
shores of Lake Erie, Georgian bay of Lake Huron, the shore of Lake
Huron south of Georgian bay, St. Clair lake, and Green bay of Lake
Michigan. Besides growing in these great waterways, it ﬂourishes in
countless small lakes, ponds, and streams in the eastern half of the
United States. It is especially abundant in the region which this
memoir designates the “wild-rice district.”2 In fact, the plant is
quite common in the United States east of the Rocky mountains, and
in Canada as far north as latitude 520, in lakes, ponds, and slow-ﬂowing
streams which have an alluvial bed. Nowhere will it grow in water
having a sand or clay bed, or in swiftly ﬂowing streams.

HABITAT BY STATES

In this section is presented the wild-rice habitat in the various
states so far as data could be collected (see plate LXVI).

ALABAMA. Common in the middle section along streams (letter of
P. H. Mell, Auburn, Alabama, May 1, 1899).

 

1 In the preparation of this chapter text-books on botany have been of little or no assistance. They
have very generally given the habitat of Zizania aquatica in such indeﬁnite language as the follow-
ing: “ Common from Nova Scotia to Florida and west to Minnesota.” For the material of this chap-
ter correspondence has. been conducted with college and university teachers of botany and with
directors of experiment stations in most of the commonwealths of the United States and Canada.
The effort has been to gather data from each section so that a fairly representative habitat may be
described. Perhaps the most striking result of the investigation is that which shows how limited
the knowledge of some of. our economic plants is, and that, too, in states in which they are common.
It is to be hoped that more attention will be given to a systematic study of our economic plants.

Prof. J. W. Harshberger presents the following reasons for the study of ethno-botany, a term which
well might be ethno-economic-botany: It aids in elucidating the culture~position of the tribes which
used the plant; it helps in deciding the ancient trade routes: and it suggests new lines of manufac-
ture to-day.—Harshberger, The Purposes of Ethno-botany, Botanical Gazette, March, 1896, p. 146
et seq.

‘-’See chapter VI. This wild-rice district is Wisconsin (except its southwestern part.) and a part of
eastern Minnesota.

1028

mm] HABITAT BY sTATEs 1029

ARIZONA. Not known (letter of J. \V. Toumey, Tucson, Arizona,
December 7, 1898).

ARKANSAS. Not in an extensive collection made by Prof. F. L.
Harvey (letter of Jerome McNeill, Fayetteville, Arkansas, December
21, 1898). Chal'lCS Pickering says (History of Plants, Boston, 1879,
p. 772) that Nuttall observed it along the Arkansas river. It also
occurs along the Mississippi.

CALIFORNIA. Not known (letter of J. Burt Davy, Berkeley, Califor-
nia, December 6, 1898).

COLORADO. Not known; it was twice introduced but failed to
grow (letter of C. S. Crandall, Fort Collins, lolorado, December 12,
1898). However, the Indians gathered it near Denver in 1872.

CONNECTICUT. Common near New Haven (letter of Alex. W. Evans,
New Haven, Connecticut, January 3, 1899). .It grows also in the
brackish coastal marshes which are submerged most of the time, and
also along Connecticut river, as at Essex.

DELAWARE. Catalogued by Tatnall as being “very common” in
“ditches and muddy banks of streams” in Newcastle county (letter of
W. H. Bishop, Newark, Delaware, December 12, 1898). Featherston—
haugh (A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor, London, 18-17, vol. I, p.
180) says it is very common near Newport. Lamson-Scribner (Useful
and Ornamental Grasses, p. 95) asserts that it is abundant in Delaware
river below Philadelphia, where it is always called “the reeds.”

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Abundant along the Potomac, covering
areas of many acres (letter of F. Lamson-Scribner, Washington, April
25, 1899).

FLORIDA. Very abundant. It occurs in deep ponds in Columbia
and Suwannec counties. “ I think I have also seen it in Orange, Lake,
and Sumter counties, together with several others” (letter of P. H.
Rolfs, biologist and horticulturist, Florida Agricultural College and
Experiment Station, Lake City, Florida, December 10, 1898). Picker-
ing (op. cit., p. 771) says that Pursh received a specimen of the plant
from Florida. MacCauley (Seminole Indians of Florida, in Fifth
Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, p. 504) says that the Seminole
Indians gather in the swamps all the rice they need.

GEORGIA. Grows in Clark county and elsewhere in small quanti-
ties (letter of John P. Campbell, Athens, Georgia, April 13, 1899).

IDAHO. Not known, and probably not found west of the Rocky
mountains (letter of L. F. Henderson, Moscow, Idaho, December 11,
1898).

ILLINOIS. Quite common in Carroll county, Bluff lake in Union
county, and in ponds formed by Illinois river in Peoria and Fulton
counties (letter of G. P. Clinton, Urbana, Illinois, May 3, 1899). It
is also very abundant (one thousand acres) in Grass lake, Lake county
(letter of L. A. Paddock, Grass lake, Lake county, Illinois, January

1030 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Em-MSW

20. 1899). It also grows plentifully in sloughs of the Mississippi and
in small streams in Jo Daviess county. '

INDIANA. Found in Gibson, Monroe, and La Porte counties.

INDIAN TERRITORY. Not known (letter of A. Grant Evans, Mus-
cogee, Indian Territory, April 25, 1899).

IOWA. Common. especially in the northern and central parts. It
has been collected in Emmet, Scott, Delaware, Clinton, Linn, Hum-
boldt, Johnson, Louisa, Hancock, Wright, Story, and Fayette coun-
ties (letter of B. Shimek, Iowa City, Iowa, December, 1898).

KANSAS. Not known (letter of A. S. Hitchcock, Manhattan,
Kansas, April 24, 1899).

KENTUCKY. Grows in lakes in the “ barrens” in the western part
of the state (letter of C. \V. Mathews, Lexington, Kentucky,
December 15. 1898).

LOUISIANA. “Occurs plentifully in all the lower counties” (let-
ter of George E. Beyer, New Orleans, Louisiana, December 19, 1898;
also letter of A. B. Langlois, St Martinville, Louisiana, November 21,
1898).

MAINE. Abundant in Aroostook county in the Mattawamkeag river
system; very abundant in the Penobscot river system above tidewater.
It is also abundant in Kennebec county on Messalonskce river and
other tributaries of the Kennebec, and it is found in Franklin county
along Sandy river. “Doubtless the plant is common in other waters
in central Maine" (letter of M. L. F ernald, Gray Herbarium,
Cambridge, Massachusetts).

MARYLAND. Abundant in Anne Arundel county, and probably in
other countles bordering on Chesapeake bay (letter of N. W. Bar-
ton. Baltimore, Maryland, about December 10, 1898).

MASSACHUSETTS. Rather common in many streams and ponds in
eastern Massachusetts, in at least Essex, Middlesex, and Norfolk coun-
ties. It is found also in Connecticut river at Northampton, in Hamp-
shire county (letter of M. L. Fernald, Gray Herbarium, Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts, December 12, 1898).

MICHIGAN. Found throughout the state in mud—bottomed lakes and
sluggish streams; also found commonly in Grand river valley (let-
ter of C. F. Wheeler, Michigan Agricultural College post-oﬂice, Mich—
igan). It is found also in Huron river, VVashtenaw county (letter
of F. C. Newcombe, Ann Arbor, Michigan, December 9, 1898). The
plant is also very abundant in St Joseph river in southwestern Michi-
gan, and is found also in various streams and small alluvial lakes in
Kalamazoo and Barry counties.

MINNESOTA. See the “\Vild-rice District,” in the present chapter,
pages 1083—1036.

MISSISSIPPI. Common in the extreme southern part of the state
(letter of S. M. Tracy, Agricultural College, Mississippi, January 6,
1899). It is found also along Mississippi river.

new} HABITAT BY sTATEs 1031

MISSOURI. N 0 data through correspondence.

MONTANA. Not known (letter of J. W. Blankinship, Bozeman,
.Vlontana, December 12, 1898).

NEBRASKA. Grows throughout the state (letter of Charles E.
Bessey, Lincoln, Nebraska, December 9, 1898). It also occurs in
swamps in the sand hills near “'hitman, Grant county (Dept. of
Agric., Div. of Botany, U. S. Nat. Herbarium, vol. III, p. 187).

NEVADA. Not known (letter of Marcus E. Jones, Salt Lake City,
Utah. December 23, 1898).

NEW HAMPSHIRE. Found in Androscoggin river (letter of Henry
C. Jessup, Hanover, New Hamphire. December 13. 1898).

NEW JERSEY. “ Common in most districts.” in lakes and ponds and
tidal waters, especially in Delaware river (letter of G. Macloskie,
Princeton, New Jersey, December 15, 1898). A fossil grass with a
broad hat was discovered in the Yellow Gravel at Bridgeton, which
Dr N. L. Britten, of New York City, says perhaps is Zizania (Trans—
actions N. Y. Academy of Sciences. Novembe' 24, 1881, p. 31; also
PI'Oeeedings Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., vol. XXXI, 1882, p. 359).

NEW MEXICO. Not knOWn (letter of E. O. \Vooton, Mesilla Park,
New Mexico, December 22. 1898). ’

NEW YORK. It was collected in large quantities by the Seneca and
other Indians in 1879.

NORTH CAROLINA. Common in low and submerged districts (let—
ter of H. V. \Vilson, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, February 15, 1899).
Notes on Grasses and Forage Plants of the Southern States (U. S.
Dept. of Agric., Div. of Agros., Bull. 1, 1895, p. 31) says it grows
near )Vilmington, New Hanover county: see also Gerald McCarty in
Botanical Gazette, vol. X, 1885. p. 385.

NORTH DAKOTA. Grows in Ramsey and Benson counties in Sweet-
water lake and in Twin lake, Where it is very abundant, and also in
Devils lake (letter of Melvin A. Brannon, Grand Forks, North
Dakota, December 10, 1898), Coues (New Light on the Greater
Northwest, vol. I, p. 138) says that in 1890 wild rice was plentiful in
a Inarais (now Morse’s slough) at “vashville. Walsh county. It is
also quite plentiful in the Dakotas, east of the Mississippi. It is often
so abundant in Sioux river as to cover the entire bed for long dis—
tances (Grasses and Forage Plants of the Dakotas, U. S. Dept. of
Agric, Div. of Agros., Bull. 6, p. 17).

OHIO. Grows in the state as far south as 40 miles below Columbus,
and is also reported from Cincinnati in the catalog of Joseph F.
James (letter of W. E. Kellerman, Columbus, Ohio, May 18, 1899).
It grows also in the shallow waters of Lake Erie.

OREGON. Not known (letter of E. R. Lake, Corvallis, Oregon,
December 30, 1898).

PENNSYLVANIA. Abundant along Delaware river and its tribu-
taries, but probably does not extend far inland (letter Of John R.

1032 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [masmm

Maciarlane, Philadelphia, 'I”)ecember 12. 1898), It is reported in
Brandywine river, in Chester county, by Flo 'a Cestric' . p. 93, edited
in VVestchester, Pennsylvania, 1837. Thomas C. Porter (A List Of
the Cr 'asses of Pennsylvania, Bulletin of the Torrey Botani -al Club,
vol. xx, 1893, p. 197) says that it grows in Lancaster county above
Shocks Mill.

RHODE ISLAND. Occuis in Providence county (letter of J. Frank-
lin Collins, Providence Rhode Island, MaV’ 1,1899).

SOUTH CAROLINA. No data through correspondence.

SOUTH DAKOTA. Abundant in streams tributary to Sioux, James,
and Little Minnesota rivers, and throughout eastern South Dakota
(letter of I). W. Saunders, Brookings, South Dakota, January 4,
1899; se1 2 also Grasses and Forage Plants of the Dakotas, U. S. Dept.
of Agric., Div. of Agros., Bull. 6, p. 17). It is also reported from
Huron, Tacoma, Brookings, and Sioux Falls counties.

TENNESSEE. Not known (letters of Samuel MeBain, Knoxville,
Tennessee, December 9, 1898‘, and November 27, 1899).

TEXAs. “Grows in Texas, presumably in south and east Texas,
abundantly” (letter of \V illiain V1. Bray, Austin, Texas, December
13, 1898). Coulter (Dept. of Agric., Div of Bot., U. S. Nat. Her-
barium, vol. I, p. 55) says that it is found in the region of the Rio
Grande “between Brazos Santiago, and El Paso county.’

UTAII. Not known (letter of 0. Howard, Salt Lake City, Utah,
December 13, 1898).

VERMONT. Grows in abundance in Lake Champlain valley in at
least Franklin, Chittenden, Addison, Rutland, and Grand Isle counties
(letter of L. R. Jones, Burlington, Vermont, December 27, 1898).

VIRGINIA. Not known in the Allegheny or Piedmont regions, but
is found in the Potomac ﬂats (letter of A. H. Tuttle, Charlottesville,
Virginia, January 17, 1899).

TV ASIIINGTON. No data through correspondence.

W :sT VIRGINIA. Not known (letter of WV. E. Rumsey, Morgan-
tOWn, \Vest Virginia, December 17, 1898).

\VISOONSIN. See the " Wild-rice District,” in the present chapter.

)VYOVIING. Not known (letter of Aven Nelson, Laramie, VVyo—
ming, December 112 ,1898).

During the ﬁrst quarteI of the nineteenth century wild rice grew
quite extensively in that expanse of the United States lying between
the Mississippi river and the Rocky mountains.

 

1 \1r John Dunn Hunter VV as a c aptiV e from childhood to V oung manhood among the Osage Indians,
and during the ﬁrst quarter of the nineteenth century roamed over “the Missouri and Arkansas
country,” which he describes as being “ bounded on the east by the state of Missouri and Mississippi
river; north by the British dominions; west by the Rocky mountains; and south by the Arkansas
river and territories of the Mexican empire ” (Hunter, Memoirs of a Captivity, pp. 137, 138). He classi-
ﬁes the lands of this extensive territory under ﬁve heads, as follows: (1) Alluvial or river bottom, (2)
fertile prairies, (3) hills, (4) morasses or swamps, (5) barrens or sterile prairies. He says of the
morasses or swamps, “ In general they afford the wild rice, from which, after the buﬂ‘aloes and other
grazing animals have tramped over it, the Indians collect their supplies“ (ibid., p. 1412).

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVI

 

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HABITAT ACCORDING To STATES 0‘
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WILD RICE HABITAT. BY STATES

 

 

 

JENKS] HABITAT IN WILD-RICE DISTRICT 1033

Thus it will be seen that Zz'zam'a ayuate’ca occurs in all the common-
wealths of the United States, so far as ascertained by correspondence,
except in Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Indian Territory,
Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Tennessee, Utah, West Vir-
ginia, and Wyoming. Most of these states lie in or west of the Rocky
mountains. It is believed that the plant grows in both IVest Virginia
and Tennessee, but it has not yet been reported.

There are three states from which no data have been collected, viz,-
Missouri, South Carolina, and \Vashington. It is believed that the
plant grows in the former two.

HABITAT IN THE ‘VILD-RICE DISTRICT

Wherever the last glacier left little mud-bottomed, water-ﬁlled hol-
lows, there wild rice has established itself, if other conditions are
favorable. Such ponds and lakes are characteristic of the alluvial
apron spread out over Wisconsin and Minnesota. In 1817 the interior
of “Iisconsin is spoken of as watered with innumerable small lakes
and ponds which generally abound with folle avoine [wild rice], water—
fowl, and ﬁsh, each in such prodigious quantities that the Indians are
in a manner exempt from the contingence of famine.1

\Vithin the Wild-rice district sluggish streams and quiet bends in the
rivers and creeks also produce wild rice, provided the bed is mud
alluvium. The grain has followed the stream toward its mouth, the
waterfowl has sown it in its ﬂight, and the Indian has carried it to his
favorite lakes and streams, until to—day it is safe to say that the grain
is found wherever in these two states there is suitable soil (see plate
LXVII a). _

Before the middle of the seventeenth century wild rice was reported
as the staple food of the Menomini Indians, and as being very plentiful
on what is now Menomini river, the boundary between Wisconsin and
the upper peninsula of Michigan. Indian tradition ﬁrst speaks of the
grain as being found in this stream, and from here as a starting place
the present memoir will follow the plant along the various waterways
of the wild-rice district. Green bay, from above the mouth of
Menomini river southward to the bay—head, has been fringed with the
plant from earliest historic times, and to-day there are thousands of
acres of wild rice in the shallows of its waters. _Most of the streams
which discharge into it—all of those which are suitable—bear the grain
abundantly. FOX river, from Lake Winnebago to its source, has been
reported as ﬁlled with wild rice from the time of Marquette, who spoke
of it in 1673 as follows: “ The way is so cut up by marshes and little
lakes that it is easy to go astray, especially as the river is so covered
with wild oats that one can hardly discover the channel.”2 Carver, in

1Samuel R. Brown, Western Gazetteer, p. 252.
5 Quoted by Thwaites in Historic Waterways, Chicago, 1888, pp. 156,157.

1034 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES inmnxw

1767, wrote. “in fome places it is with difﬁculty that canoes can pafs,‘
through the obftructions they meet with from the rice ftalks, which
are very large and thick."1 Featherstonhaugh wrote, in 1847, that
near Fort Winnebago there were several thousand acres of wild rice.
He estimated the ﬁelds as at least 5 miles long and 2 miles wide.2 He
said that on Fox river they were obliged to stop paddling and “all
took to warping the canoe through by hauling upon the tall stalks.”3
In 1888 a writer stated that north of the portage of the Fox and Wis-
consin rivers, “as far as the eye can reach, there is a stretch of
wild-rice swamp.” 4

Fox river illustrates well the inﬂuence of the current upon the exist-
ence of wild rice. From the portage between the Fox and Wisconsin
rivers to Lake Winnebago, Fox river is 104 miles long, with a total fall
of only 40 feet, and, as has been seen, it is ﬁlled" with the plant. On the
other hand. from lake Winnebago to Green bay, where the stream is
only 372% miles long. with a fall of 170 feet, the plant does not ﬂourish.

Wild rice is found along \Visconsin river even below the portage
just referred to,5 while the headwaters of the lVisconsin are often dense
wild—rice beds. \Volf river and its tributaries also grow the plant.

The upper waters of the Red Cedar, Chippewa, and St Croix rivers
are ﬁlled with the growth, and it is from this supply that the Ojibwa
Indians of Lac Courte Oreille reservation gather their annual crop6
(see plate LXVII 7;). In speaking of the Menomini, Wolf, Fox, VViscon-
sin, Red Cedar, Chippewa. and St Croix rivers and systems, it must
be remembered that the various lakes. ponds, and streams in all this
section of country are considered.

Although Dr Jedidiah Morse7 reported in 1822 that wild rice did
not grow within 150 miles of Lake Superior on the south, yet it is
now annually gathered in many of the streams ﬂowing into Lake
Superior from this region, and in 1860 J. G. Kohl stated that “the
plant is very prevalent in the southern part of the lake [Lake
Superior]. ” 8

The headwaters of Mississippi river in Minnesota are in the heart
of the Minnesota rice fields." The regions about Mille Lacs, Leech
lake, Sandy lake, Gull lake. and Lake “'innibigoshish, all draining
into the Mississippi, are abundantly supplied with wild rice.10 Maps

 

 

1 Carver. Travels, p, 38; see also p. 536. Brown. Western Gazetteer, p. 261. Cones. Pike, vol. I, p. 302.

‘~’ Feathcrsttmliaugli. (‘anoe Voyage. \‘ol. 1.13.181.

3 Ibid., p. 190.

4Thwaites,op. cit.. p. 147): see also Edward Tanner in Detroit Gazette, January 15,1819.

5Atwatcr. Indians, p. 181.

6 Mrs Ellet.8111niner Rambles, pp. 151.152: also Schoolcraft, Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, pp.
369, 373, 380, 383,385: Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative. appendix, p. 543; Carver, Travels, p. 533: also
Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 1830. p. 51.

7 Morse, Report, appendix, p. 30.

-“ Kohl, Kitchi-Gami, pp. 117—118.

lJSchooleraft. Indian Tribes,vol. Iv, pp.193—191: also Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, pp. 134, 235,
23%). 2-19.

1" Hennepin, Nouvelle Decouvertc. p. 313 * tiol.0*4‘). See also Indian Affairs Keport,1850, pp. 56,61;
Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. I. pp. 186-187.

Jami HABITAT IN VVILD-RICE DISTRICT 1035

of fifty y ‘ars ago present a "(irreat Rice M[arsh]” as extending along
Minnesota river (then generally represented as the St Peters) from its
juncture with the Mississippi at St Paul up as far as Beaver falls in
Renville county. )r’linnesotaz‘ and Carver said of this country in 1767.
“\Vild rice grows here in great abundance.“

Lakes and streams draining into Red river of the North, between
Minnesota and Dakota. are also Minnesota wild-rice ﬁelds.2 One of
these streams is \l'ild Rice river. which has its source in two lakes
bearing the name Rice. which also lie in Minnesota. Another is
Pse river, whose source is in the Dakotas. Farther north, the lakes
and streams emptying into Lake of the Woods, Rainy lake. and
the “Vinnipeg system in general. are mainly wild rice producing
waters.3 Mackenzie said in 1801:

Yaft quantities, of wild rice are teen throughout the country [from Lake Superior
to Lake \Vinnipeg], which the natives collect in the month of Auguft for their winter
ftores.4

Seymour wrote of Lake of the Woods, in 1850:

The indentations of its rocky, moss-covered shores are full of the wild rice, which
is annually collected in large quantities by the Indians-3

Farther south the St Louis river system tells the same talemthe
streams all bear :bundant stores of wild rice.“ In 1883 the plant was
reported from Minnesota as being “ common, or frequent, in favorable
situations throughout the State; sometimes attaining, in Brown county,
a height of 13 feet. with leaves 4 feet long."7 Chapter VII of the
present memoir still further aims to show the extent of wild rice,
where Indian production y'as carried on. as exhibited by its inﬂuence
on geographic names.

Some idea of the prevalence of wild rice in the lakes of this district
may be obtained from the following characteristic quotations:

The Indians around Sandy lake [Aitkin county, Minnesota], in the month of
September, repair to Rice lake, to gather their rice. In no other place does it grow
in as large quantities as there. This lake is about 5 miles long and 3 broad. It
might, perhaps, be called a Marrais, for the water is not over 5 feet deep, and its
surface is almost entirely covered with rice. It is only in morasses, or muddy bottoms
that this grain is found.“

Warren writes of Mille Lacs in 1852, that it is a circular lake about
an miles across and abundantly stocked'with ﬁsh. Connected with it

 

1 Map aceompanying Carver‘s Travels. See also Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. ii, p. 97.

'—’ Lord Selkirk’s Settlement in North America, p. 120. See also Western Journal, May, June. July,
August, vol. ii,numbcr 5,1849: Keating. Narrative, vol ii, p.37.

2‘ Harmon, Journal, pp. 44, 47), 142. See also McMillan, Observations on the Distribution of Plants
alon},r shore at Lake of the Woods, pp. 94‘.)—1023,in Minn. Bot. Studies, Bull. 9, parts wand 11, p.994'
Hind, Narrative. pp. 90. 97. 115,116,118.

4 Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 131, 62.

5 Seymour, Sketches of Minnesota. 1». 23:5.

0Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, p. 112; also Indian Affairs Reporthm, vol. I, p.471.

7 l'phani. Catalogue oi the Flcra of Minnesota, p. 1.32).

“ Edward Tanner, Detroit Gazette, December 8, 1820.

i

1036 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Hmmxm

is a string of marshy or muddy—bottomed lakes in which the water is
but a few feet deep, and wherein the wild rice grows luxuriantly.
“ Possessing these and other advantages,” he says, “there is not a spot
in the northwest which an Indian would sooner choose as a dwelling
place than Mille Lacs.”1

Jefferson Davis wrote, in 1885, that in 1829 in the country about
“’l‘ay-cho—pe-rah,” “The four lakes country,” i. e., Madison and its
vicinity, in Wisconsin, “the Indians subsisted largely on Indian corn
and wild rice.”2 In 1816 the grain was gathered in Rock river,
Wisconsin, and chapter VII will show that the plant existed throughout
the southeastern part of the State.

A general View of wild rice. in Wisconsin and Minnesota was given
by Upham in 1883, who quotes as follows!

\Vild rice . . . acquires in the Northwest an economical importance second to no
other spontaneous production. It is the only instance in this region of a native
grain, occurring in sufﬁcient quantity to supply the wants of ordinary consumption.
It is particularly abundant on the lake-like expansions of rivers, toward their
sources, which give such a marked feature to the distribution of these northern
streams, and is so grandly illustrated in their main type, the Mississippi. It seems to
select, by preference, the lower terminations of these expansions, which generally
debouch by a narrowed outlet and considerable fall, constituting rapids . . . It is
rarely met with on inland lakes which have no outlet.3

This section has shown that most of -Wisconsin and the northern
half of Minnesota bore wild rice so abundantly that the Indian popu-
lation depended very largely upon it for food. This “ wild-rice dis-
trict,” as considered in chapter VI, includes Wisconsin, excepting the
southwestern part, and that part of Minnesota lying east of Missis-
sippi river. This boundary is ﬁxed almost arbitrarily, the only rea-
sons being that more accurate statistics of Indian population, and a
more precise knowledge of Indian food conditions, were here obtainable
than for the territory west of the Mississippi, which consequently is
left out of consideration, though it has abundant wild-rice ﬁelds.

This view of the habitat within the wild—rice district shows that
no other section of the North American continent was so characteris-
tically an Indian paradise, so far as a spontaneous vegetal food is con-
cerned, as was this territory in Wisconsin and Minnesota.

FOREIGN HABITAT

Immediately north of the states of Wisconsin and Minnesota, in
Canada, the entire system of waterways, extending from Grand Port-
age of Lake Superior through the Winnipeg system, produces wild
rice abundantly. Still farther north and east there are lakes in
which John Long reported the grain one hundred and ﬁfty years

 

 

 

1Warrcn, History of the ()jibwa', p. 156.
2Butlcr, ’l‘ay-cho-pc-rali. in Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. x (1883—1885), p.75.
3Upliam, Catalogue of the Flora of Minnesota. p. 1.09. _

JENKS] FOREIGN HA BIT AT 1037

ago. He said that Lake Monontoye “abounds with excellent ﬁsh and
wild fowl; and oats, rice, and cranberries grow spontaneously in the
swamps.”1 Of Red lake (Misqui Sakiegan) Long said, “Fish is
caught here in great abundance, and Wild rice grows in very great
plenty in the swamps.”2 In speaking of Weed lake (Lake Scha-
beechevan) he further says, “The swamps are full of wild rice and
cranberries.” 3 In Ontario wild rice grows in immense beds along
the shore of Lake Ontario, being very abundant in Quinto bay. It
grows also along Lake Erie, and along the shore of Lake Huron,
especially on the shore of Georgian bay: It is plentiful also in that
triangular section of Ontario roughly bounded by lakes Huron, Erie,
and Ontario, and Ottawa river. Special reference has been made to
it in the region of Lake Simcoe and Rice lake between Quinto bay
and Georgian bay.“

Wild rice is reported as growing in New Brunswick and Newfound-
land.6 The seed has also been planted in England, where Sir Joseph
Banks introduced it from Canada, in 1790. In 1819 it was still grow-
ing at his villa, Spring Grrove.T It was also planted at Lincolnshire,
With the intention of popularizing it as a food for the poor, but it
failed.3 The plant is said to be found in Jamaica, and it is further
reported from the eastern part of Siberia9 and from eastern Russia,
where it is called Zizwniw latif’olz'a.” These last two references prob-
ably refer to the same country. In Japan the plant is very common,
extending from the island of Yezo, in the north, to Shikoku and
Kiushiu, in the south, its total habitat thus reaching from 310 to 410
north latitude. It also thrives in eastern China and on the island of
Formosa.11 So far as is known the plant is nowhere reported as native
in Europe, Africa, Australia, or South America.

1 Long, Voyages, p. 76.

‘3 Ibid., p. 81. '

3 Ibid., p. 108.

4 Kohl, Travels, vol. II, p. 46, et seq. See also Canniﬁ, History of the Settlement of Upper Canada, pp.
587—588; Newberry, Food and Fiber Plants of the North American Indians, Popular Science Monthly,
vol. XXXll,p.40.

5 Kohl, op. cit., vol. II, p. 46, et seq. See also Flint, History and Geography, vol. II, p. 134; Copway, Life
of Kah-ge-ga-gah-bowh, p. 65.

6Mac Kay, Letter, Halifax, May 1, 1899.

7Cyclopedia or Universal Dictionary of Arts, Science, and Literature, vol. XXXIX.

58mith, Dictionary of Economic Plants, p. 83.

gVasey, The Agricultural grasses of the United States, Dept. of Agriculture, Bot. l)iv., Spec. Bull.

. 1889, p. 47.
10Bentham, Notes on Gramineae, pp. 14—134, in Jour. Linn. Soc., vol. XIX, Botany, 1882, p. 54.
11 Letter of J. Matsumura, Tokyo, Japan, December 16, 1898.

19 ETH, PT 2 31

 

CHAPTER III
INDIANS 1

THE OJIBWA

In the region of the upper lakes the wild rice producing Indians are
of. two great linguistic stocks, the Algonquian and the Siouan. Of
the Algonquian stock the Ojibwa, Menomini, Sauk, Fox, Ottawa,
Potawatomi, Maskotin, and Kickapoo tribes will be considered, while
of the Siouan stock, attention will be devoted to the Dakota, Winne-
bago, and Assiniboin tribes. A small number of refugee Huron and
Petun Indians of. the .Iroquoian stock were within this territory at one
time.

When one considers their ﬁerceness, numbers, and extensive habitat,
the OjibV'a (usually called Chippewa) and the Dakota (generally desig—
nated Sioux) are the most important of all of the Indians within the
wild—rice area. These two tribes have been enemies and friends suc—
cessively from historic times until 1862, when the Dakota were
removed from Minnesota.

Even previous to the records of written history, native tradition
paints a picture of almost constant struggle between the Ojibwa and
Dakota Indians for the conquest and retention of the territory includ-
ing the rich wild—rice ﬁelds. Schoolcraft wrote in 1831:

A country more valuable to a population having the habits of our northwestern
Indians could hardly be conceived of; and it is therefore cause of less surprise that
its possession should have been so long an object of contention between the Chippe-
was and Sioux.2

The same author further spoke of this region as follows:

It has been noted, from the ﬁrst settlement of Canada, as abounding in the small
furred animals, whose skins are valuable in commerce. Its sources of supply to the
native tribes have been important. It has, at the same time, had another singular
advantage to them from the abundance of the grain called monomin, or rice, by the
Chippewa Indians, and Pain by the Sioux.3

Mr W. W". Warren presented many facts pertaining to the Subject in
his valuable work, History of the Ojibways, Based upon Tradition and
Oral Statements.

1 Many facts concerning the production and consumption of wild rice by the Indians in the wild-
rice district must be considered later in Chapter U, which treats of the general social and economic
interpretations. This present chapter seeks only to locate the wild rice producing Indians, giving
their migrations and population.

2 Sehoolcraft, Summary Narrative, p. 544.

3 Sehoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. I, p. 187.

1038

 

 

 

mxs] THE OJIBWA 1039

Indian traditions, such as are recited in the so-called Grand Medi-
cine So’eiety of the Ojibwa, contain much of Indian tribal history.
The student will be impressed with the accuracy of Ojibwa traditions,
as presented by Mr \Varren, when dates are mentioned which authentic
written history can conﬁrm.1 That authority states that, according to
their traditions, the Ojibwa dwelt on the Atlantic coast north of St
Lawrence river about ﬁve hundred years ago. At that time they
started westward, stopping for a considerable period on the St Law-
rence near the present Montreal, again on Lake Huron, then at Sault
Ste Marie, and ﬁnally at La Pointe, Wisconsin, and possibly also at
Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, as ope of their traditions includes this
latter as a stopping place.

It is not known what name the Ojibwa bore before they reached
Michilimackinac, where, from natural causes, they split into three great
sections. One section remained near the point of separationwthese
are the Ottawa, “Ot-tah-way,” or “Traders.” The second, the Pota-
Watomi, “Potta~wat-um-ees," or “Those-who-make-or-keep-aﬁre,”
moved up Lake Michigan and for a time kept alive the sacred national
ﬁre. The third division, the Ojibwa, or “To-roast—till—puckered-up,”
stopped at Sault Ste Marie for a long period after the separation. They
made war against the Iroquois in the east, whom they called “ Naud—o-
waig,” and against the Sioux [Dakota] in the west, whom they called
“Naud—o-wa—se-wug.” Naud-o-waig literally means “ Like-unto-the
adders,” and is thus an Ojibwa tribute to the deadly warlike spirit of
both these tribes. -

During a considerable part of the westward migration of the tribal
ancestors of the Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Ojibwa Indians, it is doubt-
less true that they were driven in that direction by the ﬁerce Iroquois.
But since the division of the parent tribe, the Ojibwa, in their continued
westward migration, have been mainly ﬁerce aggressors. Some of them
remained at Sault Ste Marie and in time became a village. These were
the ﬁrst Ojibwa with whom the French came in contact, and because of
the situation of this village the French called all of the Ojibwa Indians
“Saulteaux.” The remainder of the tribe split again, however, and
continued westward. One branch, the Saulteaux, passed north of
Lake Superior even to Rainy lake, and formed a lasting peace with the

 

 

1 Mr Warren says that the Ojibwa Indians ﬁrst became acquainted with the white man about the
year 1612 (op. cit., p. 90). Dr Neill has shown from printed records that Stephen Brule, one of the
reckless and enterprising voyageurs under Champlain, appears to have been the ﬁrst ’white man who
brought to Quebec, about 1618, a description of Lake Superior, as well as a specimen of its copper; and
further, Lake Superior is ﬁrst shown on a map by Champlain in 1632. It is probable that the Ojibwa
Indians were the ones with whom Brule came in contact on Lake Superior at that time (see Neill,
in Minn. Hist. 00115., vol. v., pp. 399—405). Again, Warren ﬁxes the date of the treaty between the
Ojibwa and the Dakota, after the former had driven the Dakota from the rice lakes of St Croix
river, at about the year 1695. Warren’s editor calls attention to the fact that La Harpe wrote that
Le Sueur in 1695 built a fort on an island in the Mississippi about 200 leagues above Illinois river in
order to effect a treaty between the Sauteurs (Ojibwa) and the Sioux (Dakota) (Warren, op. cit., p.
163 and note).

1040 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH.A1\‘N.19

Assiniboin and the Kinisteno or Cree, and from there joined their
southern kinsmen against the latter’s enemies, the Dakota. The second
or southern division, after leaving Sault Ste Marie, pushed westward
along the south shore of Lake Superior, stopping temporarily at
Grand island, L’Anse, and ﬁnally at “Shaug-ah-waum-ik-ong” or
Chequamegon bay.

Warren says that it was while the Ojibwa were still at Sault Ste
Marie that they and the Dakota ﬁrst met, as is seen in the name which
the latter gave the Ojibwa—“ Ra—ra-to-oans,” or “The-people-of—the-
falls.” In all this westward movement south of Lake Superior the
Ojibwa were surrounded by the ﬁerce “ O-dug-aum—eeg,” or “ Opposite-
side people” (the Fox Indians), and also by the Dakota, who claimed
the southern and western sides of the lake. Every foot of ground was
valiantly contested, until at last the invaders halted near La Pointe,
Where they were compelled to seek safety on La Pointe island. It is
clear, from Indian tradition, and the evidence seems trustworthy,1 that
it was about three hundred and sixty years previous to 1852, the year
in which Warren wrote, that the Ojibwa assembled on La Pointe
island. This would be about 1492. There they built a village and
cultivated extensive gardens of pumpkins and maize. They also occa-
sionally hunted on the mainland along the headwaters of St Croix
river. They lived about a hundred and twenty years on La Pointe
island, from which, after a signal victory, over a war party from both
of their western enemies, the Dakota and the Fox, they gained a last
ing foothold on the mainland and spread to the south and west.
From early in the seventeenth century they had ascended St Law-
rence river with canoe loads of furs for the French. Then they
acquired ﬁrearms and the primitive man’s craving for strong drink,
and learned the exchange value of peltries in satisfying their new
wants; with a force at once rapid and irresistible they plunged into
the land of small lakes to the south and west, Where the small
furred animals were the most abundant. They destroyed the Fox
villages about the headwaters of the St Croix and forced the inhabit-
ants to desert their rice lakes in the midland country between St
Croix and Chippewa rivers, the ejected people ﬂeeing to Wisconsin
river. The invading Ojibwa also planted a village on an island at
the mouth of St Louis river at Fond du Lac. Warren places the
date of these inland movements between the years 1612 and 1671. In
1716 the Fox Indians again incurred the hatred of the Ojibwa, who,
with the assistance of the French, dislodged them from Wisconsin
river and Lake Michigan, and drove them to the Mississippi.

The Dakota of Mdewakan (“Spirit lake,” Mille Lacs), were at
peace with the Ojibwa of Fond du Lac, but having treacherously

 

 

 

 

1Warren, op. cit., pp. 89—90.

muss] THE OJIBWA 1041

murdered some of the Ojibwa from that village, they were driven from
Mille Lacs by the united Ojibwa tribe. Immediately thereafter the
Ojibwa began to force the Dakota from the rice lakes of St Croix river
region, which they had long. occupied in conjunction with the Fox
Indians. In 1695 Le Sueur eﬂected peace between the Ojibwa and the
Dakota of the St Croix, who at that time lived near together and even
intermarried. The Ojibwa chose Rice lake at the head of Shell river,
which is a tributary of the St Croix, as their permanent settlement in
the newly acquired territory, and it was still an Ojibwa village in 1852.1

Fish are very plentiful in all of the lakes about the sources of the
Mississippi. The country also affords birch bark and maple sugar abun-
dantly, and “ in many of these lakes, which lie clustered together within
an area of several hundred miles, the wild rice grows in large quanti—
ties and most luxuriantly, affording the Indian an important staple of
subsistence.”2 After the conquest of the Mille Lacs and St Croix
region the Ojibwa drove the Dakota from Sandy lake, Aitkin county,
Minnesota, and made there a permanent settlement. It was subse-
quently from this point, as before it was from Chequamegon bay, that
the Ojibwa war parties started which eventually drove the Dakota from
their favorite homes at Leech, Winnipeg, Cass, and Red lakes, as well
as from Gull lake, Crow Wing, and the vicinity of Mille Lacs. The
Dakota made their last determined stand upon the islands of Leech
lake, but ﬁnally withdrew to the edge of the western prairies between
the sources of Minnesota river and Red river of the North. By the
year 1783 the Ojibwa were Occupying Sandy, Leech, and Red lakes,
and there was not a Dakota village above the Falls of St Anthony and
east of the Mississippi. 3

The ﬁrst permanent Ojibwa settlement on Ottawa lake, the site of
the present Lac Courte Oreille reservation, was made about the year
1745. From there new villages were at length made at Lac Chetac,
Red Cedar lake, Long lake, and “ Puk-wa-wanuh on Chippeway river.”
At about the time that the Fox Indians were driven from Wisconsin
river, the Ojibwa began to occupy this latter territory, their chief village
being established at “VVaus—wag-im—ing” (Torch lake, Lac du Flam-
beau). From here they spread down the Wisconsin as far as the mouth
of Fox river, and toward the east as far as Pelican lake. From these
various places, during the last hundred years, they have spread over the
remainder of northern Wisconsin and Minnesota, ﬁghting with remnants
of the Fox, Dakota, and Winnebago tribes at each advancing step. In
the latter part of the eighteenth century the two bands of the Ojibwa——
the Lac Courte Oreille and Lac du Flambeau—on the sources of Chip-
peway and Wisconsin rivers, respectively, numbered about a thousand

 

1Apermanent Ojibwa Wigwam is illustrated in plate LXVIII, though generally, at that day, per-
manth as well as temporary wigwams were of birch bark or birch bark and matting, See plates
LXVII b, LxXIx.

2 Warren, op. cit., pp. 175—176.

3Neill, History of the Ojibwa, p. 450.

1042 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mammw

souls. They raised large quantities of maize and potatoes; “they also
collected each autumn large quantities of wild riceﬁwhich abounded in
many of their lakes and streams.” 1

The following facts shed light on the importance which the Indian
attached to wild rice. Almost every bend of Chippewa and Red Cedar
rivers has been the scene of an Indian battle, and each of these streams
has borne a name synonymous with “VVild-rice river.” Prairie-rice
lake (“ Mush—ko-da—mun—o-min-e-kan,” Prairie lake, Barron county,
Wisconsin) has been the scene of several battles between the Ojibwa
and the Dakota. It is about 8 miles long and averages less than a quar-
ter of a mile wide. It is shallow, miry-bottomed, and almost entirely
covered with wild rice, which is so thick and luxuriant that the
Indians have to cut paths through it for their canoes. “From the
manner in which they gather the rice, and the quantity which a family
generally collects during the harvesting season, this lake alone would
supply a body of 2,000 Indians.”2 From the earliest period of their
occupation of the Chippewa river country, the most fearless of the
Ojibwa came to this lake each fall of the year to collect a portion of
the abundant rice crop, notwithstanding its close vicinity to the Dakota
Villages, and notwithstanding that they lost lives from the sudden
attacks of the Dakota almost yearly.3

Some of the Ojibwa villages near the wild-rice ﬁelds were named
“ \Vild-rice village.” In 1852 Warren4 said that the Ojibwa living on
“ Rice” lakes of the St Croix were called “ Mun—o-min—ik-a-sheenh-ug,
or Rice-makers.” In 1831, Schoolcraft, in naming the Ojibwa bands,
mentioned the “ Folle Avoine country” as including Lac du Flambeau,
Ottowa lake, Yellow river, “ Nama Kowagun ” of St CroiX river, and
Snake river.5 Indeed, the French called the Indians of all this section
of country—~the river sources of northern Wisconsin—the “ Fols
Avoin Sauteurs. 6 Ar10wsniith’s map (London, 1796; additions,
1802) shows the Ojibwa occupying the territory both north and south
of Lake Superim, and shows Buintwood 1ive1 (Bois Brulé) as the
“passage into the country of the Wild Rice Indians.” It leads to
the headwateis of St Croix liver, half way down the course of which
is a ‘Chippeway village called the Rice people.”

About 10,000 Ojibwa Indians had access to wild rice f1 om the time
they drove the Fox Indians out of the wild- -11ce ﬁelds until, say, the
year 1825, or in round numbers two hundred years, and this is about
the present Ojibwa population in the United States who use wild rice.7

 

1 Warren, op. cit., p. 299.

2 Ibid., p. 309.

3 Ibid., pp. 309—310.

4 Ibid., p. 38.

5 Schoolcraft, Narrative, appendix, p. 576.

6 Genes, Pike, vol. I, pp. 342—343.

7 The portable wigwams in which these Indians visit the rice ﬁelds are illustrated in plates LXVII
b, LXXIX.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII

 

 

 

 

 

A, WILD-RICE BED IN LAC COURTE OREILLE RIVER Bv OJIBWA BIRCH-BARK AND MATTING WIGWAM AT THE
WILD-RICE FIELD

 

 

 

mm] DAKOTA MIGRATIONS 1043

THE DAKOTA

Ethnologists have shown that the Indian tribes of the Siouan lin—
guistie stock at one time occupied the Piedmont and coastwise areas
between the Appalachian range and the Atlantic in the present states
of Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina.1 Allen2 has proved
that the bison, prior to the year 1801,), had crossed the Appalachians
from the west and occupied the Piedmont area, entering this region
probably by the way of Cumberland gap. \V J McGree3 puts these
two facts together, and suggests that the bison led the ancestors of the
Dakota, one of the Siouan-speaking tribes, from the Piedmont into
the western prairies, where history found them. Hale* suggests that
the valley of Ohio river and of Big Sandy river, which ﬂows into the
Ohio and whose headwaters almost interlace those of the southerly
ﬂowing Cape Fear river, was the thoroughfare of these Indians and
the bison. Further than this, Allen points out on the map accom-
panying his memoir that prior to 1800 bison had occupied the western
part of Wisconsin as far north as the highlands, and all of Minnesota
except the northeastern portion. Thus they could easily have led
the Siouan stock through Cumberland gap, the thoroughfare sug—
gested by Hale, across the best pasture lands of America, the blue
grass of Kentucky and the prairies of Indiana and Illinois, into the
territory under consideration.

It is believed, however, that the Dakota were not much given to
buffalo hunting until they came into the prairie region west of the
Mississippi river, where they became distinctly a buffalo-hunting
people. Mr James Mooney suggested to the writer, after this memoir
was written, that the Siouan ancestors were literally pinched out of
their home in the east. The Iroquoian stock on the north and the
Algonquian on the south of them drew in like the approaching sides
of a triangle, and they were obliged to ﬂee westward or perish.

It must further be noted that the Dakota, or that division of the
Siouan stock which opposed the westward migration of the Ojibwa,
were more of the nature of plains Indians than of river Indians. None
of the early travelers, including the Jesuit fathers, speak of them as
having homes farther east than St Croix river. They all speak of
them as settled west of Lake Superior. To be sure the Dakota roamed
over all of Wisconsin, even to Sault Ste Marie and to Green bay; and
as late as 1696 they attacked the Indians in Michigan around the
southern end of Lake Michigan, but their instincts were clearly those
of nomads. With the exception of the Siouan-speaking Winnebago

 

1 Horatio Hale, The Tutelo Tribe and Language, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc.,vol.xx1,1883—8l; see also
James Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the East,bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1894, and Horatio
Hale, Indian Migrations, Am. Antiquarian, January and April, 1883. ‘

2The American Bisons Living and Extinct. ~

3The Sioux Indians; A Preliminary Sketch, Fifteenth Ann. Kept. Bu. Amer. Ethnol.,p. 173.

4 Indian Migrations, op. cit, p. 3.

1044 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mu-Assn;

Indians, part of the Mandan, and a few of the Dakota, the entire
western Siouan stock seems to have clung to the hunter life of the
plains.

A straight line drawn from the foot of Lake Michigan to the foot of
Lake Superior (Fond du Lac) marks the early eastern boundary of the
bison country in the wild-rice district. Near Madison, Wisconsin, this
boundary line bends slightly west of a straight line, while farther
north it bends to the east so as Virtually to cover the headwaters
of Chippewa and St Croix rivers. It is thus seen that the Dakota
were on the border line. They were acquiring a taste for wild rice,
though they had not cultivated the soil in any way, and they still kept
up their fondness for the bison with which they were surrounded
when the Ojibwa, began to force them westward south of La Pointe
island. Though the Dakota fought doggedly, the Ojibwa obtained
ﬁrearms at an earlier period and in greater numbers than they, and in
the end were successful. Previous to the year 1776 Perrot built a fort
at Lake Pepin, and Neill 1 said of the French at this fort: “Through
their inﬂuence the Dakota began to be led away from the rice grounds
of the Mille Lacs region.”

Another cause aided the Ojibwa toward the latter end of this struggle.
As soon as the Dakota acquired horses they turned more readily to
their employment of hunting the bison. They came in possession
of horses near the opening of the nineteenth century. About the year
1766 Carver said that the Dakota method of hunting the bison was to
form a circle around a herd and then set the grass on ﬁre. Few of the
animals escaped.2 Evidently the Dakota were then horseless. Again
he said of the Indians still farther south and west: “Having great
plenty of horfes, they always attack their enemy on horfeback.”3 And
later, “ The N audowefi'ies [Dakota], who had been at war with this peo-
ple, informed me. that unlefs they found moraffes or thickets to which
to retire, they were fure of being cut off: to prevent this they always took
care wherever they made an onfet, to do it near fuch [places] as were
iinpaffable for cavalry.” Lewis and Clarke wrote in 1804—1806 that
dogs were still the beasts of burden used by the Dakota. Their “ lodges
may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation wherever
they go, by dogs which bear great burdens.“ Later they wrote that
the Dakota frequently made incursions among the Mandan Indians to
steal horses,5 and that “ the horses of the Mandans are so often stolen by
the Sioux, Ricaras, and Assiniboins, that the invariable rule now is to
put the horses every night into the same lodge with the family."6
According to Mallery the Dakota winter counts show that the Dakota
ﬁrst saw and stole horses wearing shoes in the winter of 1802—1803.

 

 

‘Neill, Indian Trade, in Annals of the Minn. Hist. 800., 18512, p. 32.
‘-’Carver, Travels in 1766,1777,1778.p.287.

4‘ Ibid., p. 294. 51bid., p. 175.
4 Genes, Lewis and Clarke, p. 110. “bid. 1). 233.

 

 

mm] THE DAKOTA 1045

In the winter of 1811—1812 they caught many Wild horses south of
Platte river, and in the following Winter they used riatas to catch wild
horses.1

So, while during the early incursions of the Ojibwa into the Wild-
rice ﬁelds of the Dakota these ﬁelds were worth defending, yet they
became less so when the horse came to carry the bison-loving Dakota
into the great pasture lands of the western prairies.

However, wild rice played no small part in the household economy
of the Dakota Indians, thOse east of the Mississippi doubtless using it
more than the others. A French author, probably of the ﬁrst quarter
of the seventeenth century, wrote that there were ﬁve village districts
of these Indians. “The Ouatabatonha (River Sioux) live by the St
Croix river or on the Wildrice lake, which is below and 15 leagues
from the Riviere au Serpent . . . The Menesouhakatoha (or lake
Sioux) . . . The Natatoha (or prairie Sioux) . . . The Hictoha (or
hunting Sioux) . . . The Titoha (or prairie Sioux)” The ﬁve vil—
lages numbered 1,200 men, or about 6,000 or 7,000 souls. These were
the only Dakota with Whom there was any considerable commerce at the
time. Others farther west would be little knOWn, but the ﬁve Villages
of 6,000 or 7,000 souls were doubtless about the only Dakota who had
access to wild rice. This number must again be reduced, for the
Titoha village was situated 50 leagues west of St Anthony falls, hence
probably did not use the grain, while it is recorded that the people of
other four villages did not cultivate the soil, but were roving about and
lived on game, ﬁsh, and wild rice.2 This leaves some 5,000 or 6,000 of
these Indians who used wild rice.

Previous to this Perrot said that they occupied a country of nothing
but lakes and marshes ﬁlled with wild rice. It lay for 50 or more

leagues square (19,000 or 20,000 square miles) on both sides of the
4 Mississippi:

11 est a remarquer que le pays ou ils [the Dakota] sont n’est autre chose que
lacs et marests, remplis de folles avoines, séparés les uns des autres par petites lan-
gues de terre qui n’ont tout 311 plus (l’un lac a l’autre que trente 2‘1 quarante pas, et
d’autres cinq a six en un peu plus. Ces lacs ou marests contiennent cinquante
lieues'et davantage en carré, et ne sont séparés par aucune riviere (1110 par celle de la
Loiiisianne (1e Mississippi), qui a son lit dans le milieu, ou une partie (le leurs eaux
vient se dégorger. D’autres tombent dans la riviére de Saint Croix, qui est située a
leur égard au nerd-est, et les range de pres. Enﬁn les autres marests ct lacs situez a
l’oiiest de la riviére de Saint Pierre s’y vont jetter pareillement; si bien que les Scioux
sont inaccessibles dans un pays si marécageux, et ne peuvent y estre détruits que par
des ennemis ayant des cannots comme eux pour les poursuivre; parceque (lans ces
emlroits il n’y a que cinq on six familles ensemble, que forment comme un gros, ou
une cspcce de petit village, et touts les autres sont de mesme éloignez a une certaine
distance, aﬁn d’estre a portée de se pouvoir prester la main :1 la premiere alarme. Si
quelqu’une de ces petites bourgades est attaquée, l’ennemy n’en peut (leffairc que

1 Pictography of the N. Am. Indians, Fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Eth., p. 89 et seq.
Neill, Memoir of the Sioux, p. 236.

1046 WILD RICE GATHERERS 0F UPPER LAKES [Em-ANNA!)

tres peu, parceque tous les voysins se trouvent assemblez tout d’u‘n coup, et don-
nent un prompt secours on il est besoin. La méthode qu’ils ont pour naviguer dans
ces sortes de lacs est de couper devant leurs semences, avec leurs cannots, et, les
portant (le lac en lac, ils obligent l’ennemy qui veut fiiir a tourner auteur; qui vent
tousjours d’un lac a un autre, jusqu’a ee qu’ils les ayent tous passez, et qu’ils soient
arrivez a la grande terre.1

In 1659 Radisson wrote of the Dakota:

Some 2 moons after there came 8 ambaffadors from the nation of Nadoneferonons
[Dakota] that we will call now the Nation of the beefe. Thofe men each had 2
wives, loaded of Oats [wild rice], come that growes in that countrey, of a fmall quan-
tity of Indian Corne, w‘h other grains, & it was to prefent to us, wCh we received as a
great favour & token of friendfhippe.2

In 1671 we read that “they content themselves with a kind of marsh
rye, that we “all folle avoine, which the prairies supply spontaneously.” 3

In the latter part of the seventeenth century Le Sueur wrote much
regarding the use of wild rice by the Dakota. Several references to
his remarks will be made later; one, however, is now given. Le Sueur
had built a fort on the Upper Mississippi in order to effect a treaty
between the Ojibwa and Dakota, and on December 12, which would
be after the harvest season for wild rice, three Mendeouacanton
(Mdewakanto“wa“) chiefs came to tell him that the next summer,
after having built canoes and gathered their wild rice, they would
move near the French. La Harpe wrote, “et promirent que l’été
suivant, apres avoir construit des canots et fait leur réeolte de folle
avoine, ils viendraient s’établir aupres des Francais.”L

Early in the nineteenth century Pike recorded that—

The Minowa Kantongs are the only band of Sioux who use canoes, and by far the
most civilized, being the only ones who ever built log huts, or cultivated any species
of vegetables, and among those only a very small quantity of corn and beans; for,
although I was with them in September and October, I never saw one kettle of
either, they always using wild oats [wild rice] for bread. This production nature
has furnished to all the most uncultivated nations of the N. \V. continent, who may
gather in autumn a sufficiency which, when added to the productions of the chase
and the net, insures them a subsistence through all the seasons of the year.5

This band are reported the bravest of all the Sioux, and have for years been
opposed to the Fols Avoin Sauteurs, who are reported the bravest of all the numer~
ous bands of Chippeways.6

They resided from Prairie du Chien for 35 miles up Minnesota
river. The Kahra, a Dakota band, are called by Coues the “Wild
Rice Sissetons.”7 They extended from White Rock to Big Stone, or
Inyantonka lake, on Minnesota river.

A little later Sehoolcraft presented the following facts:

Even during the ﬁrst part of the nineteenth century the Dakota, who constituted
the tribe of lake people, the Mendewakantons, were united in three villages. The

 

 

1 Memoire sur les Moeurs, Coustumes et Relligion des Sauvages de l’Amerique Septentrionale,par
Nicolas Perrot, Leipzig and Paris, 1864, pp. 88—89. ‘

QRadisson, Voyages, p. 207. 5Coues, Pike, vol. I, p. 344.
3Re1ations des Jesuites, 1671, Quebec, 1858, p. 39 “Ibid., pp. 242—243.
4La Harpe, Journal Historique, p. 68. 71bid., p.349, note.

 

 

 

mm] THE MENOMINI 1047

ﬁrst was east of the Mississippi and about 4 miles from the Minnesota river. The
second was on the Mississippi river. The third was on both sides of the Minnesota,
about 6 miles from its mouth. Lying near the intersection of the roads between
these three villages were the low grounds and marshes of sugar maple and wild rice,
and here the villagers assembled to make sugar in the spring and to gather rice in
the autumn.1

The ﬁerce struggle of the Dakota with the Ojibwa at the rice ﬁelds
is a measure of the value they put upon them. Among them, as
among the Ojibwa, there were rice villages. La Harpe mentions
three such, as follow: “Les Psioumanitons, village des chercheurs
de folle avoine” (village of wild rice gatherers), “les Psinchatons,
Village de la folle avoine rouge” (village of the red wild rice), and
“les Psinontanhinhintons, Village de la grande folle avoine” (the great
wild-rice village).2 He mentions nine Dakota Villages west and seven
east of the Mississippi. It has been asserted that from the year 1800
until 1851, when they were removed to Redwood reservation in western
Minnesota, the Dakota east of the Mississippi, to the number of 2,000,
used wild rice largely. “ Even after that a considerable number would
visit the rice ﬁelds every fall to gather what they could ’til 1862,
when the Minnesota massacre occurred, and they were removed to the
Minnesota river. A few stragglers remaining in Minnesota still gather
some.”3 The above letter does not speak of rice gathering by the
western Dakota, but two of the wild-rice Villages mentioned by
La Harpe were west of the Mississippi, and, as has been shown and
will be shown later from the testimony of maps, Minnesota river had
immense wild-rice ﬁelds, while a few bodies of water west of the Mis-
sissippi bear the Dakota name for wild rice.

Considering all the data presented, it is probable that the estimate of
2,000 wild rice producing Dakota Indians is too conservative for the
earlier part of the nineteenth century; and it is believed that between
5,000 and 7,000 Dakota Indians used wild rice at the time the Ojibwa
were nominally in control of the territory east of the Mississippi.
None of the Dakota Indians on reservations have access to wild rice
at the present time.

THE MENOMINI

From the point of View of the present memoir the Menomini Indians
are unique. From the year 1634 they have consumed wild rice in
large quantities. Unlike other Indians who, for short periods, have
been named because of their intimate relations with the grain, the
Menomini have always been known, so far as Indian tradition and
authentic history are concerned, as the “Wild—rice Indians” par
excellence.

 

1 Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. 11, p. 97.

2 La Harpe, Journal Historique, pp. 69, 70.

3Letter of Reverend John 1’. Williamson, Greenwood, South Dakota, January 21, 1899. Mr Wil-
liamson and his father before him have been lifelong missionaries to the Dakota Indians.

1048 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mmwmm

In 1634, when Sieur Jean Nicollet ﬁrst visited Green bay, he found
there a tribe of Indians lighter in complexion than their neighbors
and remarkably well formed. They subsisted largely on Wild rice,
called “ in their language manoma—from which they took their name;
their own term being Omanominewak (Wild rice men).”1 According
to Hoffman the word “Menomini” is derived from Omd’nomz'né’ii
(72'2d7m’me, rice, and ind’nez? or 2'm'i’m', man). This is the name of the
tribe in their own language, the Algonquian, though they pronounce
it more as though it were spelled “ Menomoni.” The French named
them “Folle Avoine,” “Wild, Mad, or False Oat.” From the above
Indian and French terms and their English translations Hoffman records
eighty-four synonyms by which these Indians have been known in
written history.2 Inasmuch as these synonyms are accessible in his
monograph, they are not reproduced here, but a few synonyms sup-
plementary to his list are presented:

FALLISAVOINES. \Visconsin Historical Collections, vol. XII, p. 78.

FAULSAVOINS. Ibid., vol. XIII, p. 443.

FOLLAVOINE. Ibid., vol. XI, p. 265.

FoLLE AVOINI. Buchanan, James, Sketches of the History, Manners, and Customs
of the North American Indians, vol. V, p. 139 (New York, 1824).

FOLLOWENS. Long, Voyages, p. 146.

MAHNoMONEEG. Tanner, Narrative, p. 315.

MALIIOINML Carte Particuliere du Fleuve Saint Louis . . . avec les noms des
Sauvages (lu pais, des Marchandises, 1750—60.

MALHONMINEs. Radisson, Voyages, p. 201.

MALOMINM De Vaugondy, map, Amerique Septentrionale, 1750.

MANOMINIS. Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. XII, p. 79.

Moxonoxis. Map, The Upper Territories of the United States, in Carey’s Gen-
eral Atlas, Phila., 1814.

ML'NOMINEEs. Atwater, Indians of the Northwest, p. 81.

OMANOMINEWAK. Krautbauer in Am. Cath. Hist. Researches, Oct., 1887, p. 152.

\VILD RICE INDIANS. \Visconsin Historical Collections, vol. I, p. 52.

Radisson said of the Menomini late in the ﬁfth decade of the seven-
teenth century: “They weare of a nation called Malhonmines; that is,
the nation of Oats, graine y“ is much in y“ countrey.” 3 Charlevoix,
in 17 21, wrote of an island on the western side of Green bay, “upon
which is the Village of the Malhomines, which the French call folles
Avoines, (wild Oats), probably becaufe they make their Common Food
of this Grain?” From that time until the present there is frequent
evidence that these Indians depended greatly upon wild rice. A few
instances will be cited. Major Irwin wrote of them in 1820: “The
Canadians designate them Folls-avoine . . . wild cats, or rice. This
is one of the principal articles on which the Indians subsist in this
quarter. It is to be found in great abundance, in the fall of the
year . . . It is believed that enough of it could be gathered in the fall,

 

1 Krautbauer. in American Catholic Historical Researches, Oct., 1887, p 152.

'3 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, part 1,
pp. 12—14.

3Radisson, Voyages, p. 201. 4 Charlevoix, Voyage to Canada, letter XIX, p. 202.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII

 

 

 

 

PERMANENT ASH-BARK WIGWAM OF THE WILD RICE GATHERING OJIBWA

mm} THE MENOMINI , 1049

to support several thousand Indians, for one year.”1 He continued:

“In the spring they subsist on sugar and ﬁsh; in the summer on ﬁsh
and game; in the fall, on wild rice, and corn, and in the winter on ﬁsh
and game. Those who are provident, have some rice during the win-
ter.”2 In 1829 wild rice furnished them abundant subsistence.3 Gov—
ernor Dodge said of them in 1837—38, they “ raise corn on the Oconte,
Menominee, and Fox rivers,in small quantities, but depend on the
chase, ﬁshing, fowling, and gathering of wild rice for subsistence.”4
Exactly similar reports were made for the years 1844 and 1845.5

These Indians are of the Algonquian linguistic stock, and for over
two hundred and sixty years have been known to live in Wisconsin near
Green bay. It is not known that they came westward with their kins-
men, the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi, but it seems probable that
they preceded these others into the wild-rice district. Their habitat
has shifted from the Menominee river on the north, between the upper
peninsula of Michigan and Wisconsin, Where their traditions ﬁx the
origin of the tribe, back and forth over the territory west of Green
bay as far south as Fox river and Lake \Vinnebago. In 1852 they
moved to their present reservation of ten townships, some 360 square
miles, or about 230,000 acres, located in east—central Wisconsin. In
August of the following“ year Oshkosh, their head chief, asked the
agency superintendent to permit the tribe to go back to their old rice
ﬁelds to gather rice.6 Most of their rice is gathered at present in
Lake Shawano, which lies about 8 miles south of the reservation.

The following statistics of Menomini population have been gathered:

 

 

 

 

Year Warriors Women I Children Total ‘ Authority
1718. . . . 80-100 ............ l ............ l .......... ’, Doc. Coll. Hist. New York, vol. IX, Albany,
1‘ 1 i 1855, p. 889.
1761.... 150 ........................ l .......... f Wis. Hist. Colls.,vol.1,1854, p. 3-2.
1820... . 600 900 2, «100 3 3,900 ‘ Morse, Report, New Haven, 1822, app., p.51.
1842.... ........................ I ............ i 2, 464 ‘ Indian Affairs Report, 1843.
1850. . . . .................................... i 500 1
1856.... ........................ , ............ g 1,930 i
1857.... 358 425 ; 914 1 1,697 l
1863. ........................ ‘ ............ 1, 724 1 Indian Affairs Report, 1863, p. 502.
1872. .. . 1,362 ; Indian Affairs Report, 1872, p. 384.
. 1882.... 1,500 Indian Affairs Report, 1882, p. 344.
1884.... 1,400 1 Indian Affairs Report, 1884, p.300.
1890. . .. 1,311 l Indian Affairs Report, 1890, p. 462.
1892.... 1,335 ,’ Indian Affairs Report, 1892, p.798.
1898. . . .

 

 

 

 

 

1,375 : Indian Affairs Report, 1898, p.612.

 

lMorse, Report, app., p. 47. Dr Morse (ibid.. app. pp. 51,52) also reports communications from
Messrs. John Lawe, Jas. Porlier, Peter, Augustin, and Louis Grignon, and Laurent Fily to the same
effect. These gentlemen were traders at Green bay and vicinity for half a century.

2 Ibid., app., p. 48.

3House of Reps, War Dept., 20th Cong., 2d sess., House of Reps. Doc. No. 117, Indian Affairs; see
also Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, pp. 591, 607, for the years 1829 and 1832.

41ndian Affairs Report, 1837—38, p. 16.

5Op.cit.,1844-45, p. 131, and op. cit., 1845, p. 494.

“Op. Cit, 1853, p. 52.

1050 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mammw

It is believed that an average of 1,500 souls is a safe estimate for
the number of this tribe during the last two hundred and ﬁfty years.

THE SAUK AND Fox

The tribes of the Sauk and Fox Indians have been closely associated
for a long time. They are Algonquian, and therefore kindred to the
Ojibwa and Menomini. It is believed that they, like the Menomini,
reached the wild-rice district before the Ojibwa, and that they and all
their kinsmen were at one time driven westward by the Iroquois.
These latter Indians were so ﬁerce that the Algonquians said of them,
“These are not men; these are wolves.”

The Sauk have been called O—saug-eeg, Ousakis, Saukies, Sakis,
Sacs, or “Those who live at the entry.” Warren said that they
were called O—dish—quag—um-eeg, or “Last-Water people.” 1 Arm-
strong wrote of the Osaukies, or “ Men from the white earth or clay,”
that they came from Canada by way of Michigan, stopping for a short
time at Saginaw (Sauganau), which was named after them. They
soon came to Wisconsin and formed a lasting alliance with the F ox
Indians?

Warren called the Fox Indians O-dug—am-eeg, or “Opposite-side
people,” and says that they were driven westward by the Iroquois and
settled southwest of Green bay, Wisconsin, where they were allies
of the Sauk Indians. Armstrong spoke of them as the “Men from
the red earth.”3 The French called the Fox Indians “ des Renards,”
and it is through the French that the English name is derived. On a
map of 1672, and also on Marquette’s map of 1673, they are termed
“ STAGAMI,” and are located on the present Fox river, between
Green bay and Lake Winnebago. It has been noticed that these
Indians were in villages in the wild—rice ﬁelds of St CroiX and Chip-
peway rivers, and that later, after being dislodged by the Ojibwa, they
resided on Wisconsin river. That they were producers of wild rice
is unquestioned, but it is regretted that so little is known of them
during the period when they must have depended largely upon the
gram.

The Sauk and Fox tribes united and migrated southwestward early
in the eighteenth century. On good authority it was claimed in 1822
that more than a century previous, both of these tribes, who then
inhabited the country on Green bay and Fox river, were conquered
and driven away by the Menomini. aided by the Ottawa and Ojibwa;
and the Menomini title to the territory is admitted to be good by these
other four tubes; that is, the Sauk, Fox, Ottawa, and Ojibwa.‘

 

1 Warren, History of the Ojibways, p. 32.

2Armstrong, The Sauks and the Black Hawk War, p. 9.
3Armstrong. op. cit., p. 11.

4 Morse, Report, app., p. 57.

JENKS] THE SAUK AND FOX 1051

Carver said that there was a Sank town on the Ouisconsin [VViscon-
sin] river near the portage to the F ox river where “ they raife great
quantities of Indian corn, beans, melons, &c. f0 that this place is
efteemed the belt market for traders to fnrnifh themfelves with pro-
vifions, of any within eight hundred miles of it,”1 It was about the
year 1730 that “ Sauk-e-nng,” the Sauk capital, was built on Rock river
some 3 miles south of Rock Island, Illinois. In the year 1801 the
Sank and Fox together ceded southern Wisconsin, or such land as lay
east of the Mississippi and as far south as “the mouth of the Ouiscon-
sing river, and up the same to a point which shall be thirty-six miles
in a direct line from the mouth of the said river; then in a direct
line to the point Where Fox river (a branch of the Illinois) leaves the
small lake called Sakaegan; thence down the Fox river to the Illinois
river, and down the same to the Mississippi.” In 1825 the Sauk and
Fox relinquished all claim to territory east of the Mississippi and
north of Iowa river.

In 1826 it was written of the Sauk that “they don’t make use of
wild rice, because they have none in their country except when they
procure some from the VVenebagoes or Menominie Indians.”2 It is
probable that neither of these tribes used wild rice extensively after
about the middle of the eighteenth century, when the Fox Indians
were driven from their Wisconsin river retreat.

Each of these two tribes numbered probably about 1,500 or 2,000
souls during the period when they produced wild rice. In 1823
Beltrami said that there were four Fox villages along Wisconsin river,
with a total population of 1,600.3 Pike reported in 1806 that in the
three Sank villages there were 700 warriors, 7 50 women, 1,400 children,
and probably a total number of 2,850 souls. Of the Fox Indians he
said there were also three Villages, and 400 warriors, 500 women, 850
children, a total, probably, of 1,7 50.‘1

THE WINNEBAGO

The Winnebago Indians belong to the Siouan linguistic stock. They
were the rear—guard of their kinsmen, the Dakota, for, while the latter,
in their movement westward, passed on to the headwaters of the
Mississippi and its large tributaries, the Winnebago halted near Lake
Michigan. They long occupied a strip of territory lying due east of the
Mississippi to the foot of Green bay.

Schoolcraft says the Algonquian called the Puants (Winnebago)
“Wee-ni-bee-gog,” from the Algonquian weenud (turbid or foul), and

 

 

1 Carver, Travels, p. 47.

2Account of the Manners and Customs of the Sauk Indians (manuscript), 1826, by Thomas Forsyth
(in Wisconsin Historical Society’s manuscript collection), pp. 39—40.

3 Beltrami, Pilgrimage, vol. II, p. 169.

4 Pike, Expeditions, table F, to face p. 66, app., part 1.

1052 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES imamsw

72/7266” (the plural form for water).1 Again he says that the Winnebago
call themselves “Hochungara,” or Trout nation, and “Horoji,” or
Fisheaters.2 Hoffman presents a Menomini legend of the origin of the
name.3 While Ma’nabush, a mystic personage who instructed man-
kind in the mysteries of the Mita’wit, or medicine-society, was lying
asleep, some Indians came along and stole all of his roasting birds.
He awoke in time to see some very dirty and poorly dressed Indians
escaping in their canoes. “Then he called to them and railed them,
calling them ‘ VVinnibé’go! Winnibé’go !’ And by this term the
Menomini have ever since designated their thievish neighbors.”

They were at Green bay when Nicollet came there in 1631, living in
the wild—rice ﬁelds at peace with their Algonquian neighbors, the
Menomini, Sauk, Fox, Maskotin, Ottawa, Ojibwa, Potawatomi, and
Kickapoo. Schoolcraft says that their earliest traditions place them at
Red banks, on the eastern shore of Green bay. There is no doubt,
however, that they came into this territory with their Dakota kins-
men, and through preference exchanged the habitat of the prairies
for the forests, lakes, and rivers. Lake Winnebago and Winnebago
county, Wisconsin, mark their old habitat; in 1658 they were called
“Ouinipegouek,” and occupied this territory.4 It is impossible to
locate with accuracy any of these early Wisconsin and Minnesota
tribes, as their possessions, or claims to possessions, greatly over-
lapped, and opportunities for correct map-making of the Northwest
in the early days of its settlement were far from the best.

The Winnebago have been producers of large quantities of wild rice;
in fact it has been, and still is, a staple food with many of them. These
Indians ceded their Wisconsin lands, and many of them took a reser-
vation in Minnesota in 1859;5 but they gradually returned, and in 1897
there were 1,117 of them scattered along Black river and its vicinity
in Wisconsin. These are the only Winnebago now in the wild-rice
district. Of the numerous Indians of this tribe near the Tomah Indian
school in Monroe county, Wisconsin, the school superintendent, under
date of August 25, 1898, wrote: “The Winnebago Indians here are
nearly all full-bloods, and they are about as far from civilization as
they were ﬁfty years ago.”6 The Winnebago in a winter village
near Elroy, Juneau county, Wisconsin, in the winter of 1898—99, said
that they now gather annually large quantities of wild rice in the sloughs
of the Mississippi at La Crosse, Wisconsin, and also on the Iowa side
of the stream.

The following estimates of Winnebago population have been made.

 

1:Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 277.

‘-’ Ibid., VOL I, p. 277.

3 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, op. cit., p.205.

4 Relations des Jesuites, 1658, p. 21.

”See C. C. Royce, Indian Land Cessions in the United States, in the Eighteenth Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, part 2.

0Indian Aﬁairs Report, 1898, p.399.

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIX

 

 

 

 

PORTABLE BIRCH-BARK AND RUSH-MATTING WIGWAM OF THE WILD RICE GATHERING OJIBWA

mm] THE MASKOTIN 1053

Pike reported that in 1806 there were 450 warriors, 500 women, and
1,000 children—a total population of 1,950 in the seven Winnebago
Villages.1 In 1812 it was said that there were 700 warriors, 1,000
women, and'1,800 children, or a total of 2,800, while in 1820 there
were 900 warriors, 1,300 women, and 3,600 children, a total of 5,800.2
Probably 2,000 souls is a very conservative estimate of the number of
Indians of this tribe who used wild rice during the period with which
this memoir deals.
THE POTAWATOMI

It will be'remembered that the Potawatomi (Potewa’tmik) are mem-
bers of the great Algonquian stock, which comprised also the Ojibwa
and Ottawa, and which split into three sections at Sault Ste Marie. The
present Indians, the “ Potta-wat—um-ees,” or “Those—who—make-or-
keep-a-ﬁre,” came southward along the west shore of Green bay and
Lake Michigan after thegseparation alluded to. In 1658 they were
reported to be the nearest tribe to the settlement of St Michel near the
head of Green bay.3 They were then called Oupouteouatamik, and
numbered 700 men, or 3,000 souls, including 100 of the Petun or Tobacco
tribe. Marquette’s map of 1673 places the P8TE8TAMI (Potawatomi)
between Green bay and Lake Michigan. They undoubtedly consumed
wild rice at this time, were noted as traders, and were the middle-
men between the French and Indians farther inland. Their trading
instinct doubtless in large measure explains their departure, for when
the French settled at Detroit, some of the Potawatomi followed them
there; others stopped at St Joseph river, Michigan, where they pro-
duced wild rice (to which numerous references will later be made);
still others stopped at Chicago, where they used wild rice, as will also
be shown.

Though none of this tribe resides on a reservation in the wild—rice
district, yet in 1883 it was said that 280 of them were nomads in “Vis-
consin, and in 1897 the same estimate of population was made. Doubt-
less 2,000 or 2,500 of these Indians consumed wild rice at one time.

THE MASKOTIN

In 1658 Pére Gabriel Druillettes spoke of the “Makoutensak,” the
Maskotin, as being the third “nation” west of. St Michel at Green
bay. A map of 1672 places the “Mascoutens ou Nation du Feu”
along the southwest side of Lake Winnebago. On Marquette’s map
of 1673 the MASKBTENS are on Fox river above Lake Winnebago.
In 1718 the “ F eu” were at Chicagou (Chicago), according to a French
map.‘ Hennepin’s map of 1687 places the Mascoutens, or Nation du
F eu, south of the mouth of F ox river. According to others they

 

1 Pike, op. cit. 3 Relations des Jesuites, 1658, p. 21.
9 Morse, Report, app., p. .59. 4 Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi.

19 ETH, PT 2—01—32

1054 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH.AN.~'.19

were south of Green bay in 1736 with 80 warriors, and in 1764 Hutchins
reports them still there, but with 500 people. A map of the middle of
the eighteenth century locates them south of Wisconsin river.1 They
then vanished from history. It is sometimes maintained that they allied
themselves with the Kickapoo and disappeared among them. School-
craft says that the Ojibwa and Ottawa drove them southward as they
invaded Wisconsin,2 and that among the traditions of the Algonquian
tribes which inhabit the shores of the upper lakes is one that they
drove to the south, into the present area of Wisconsin and Illinois,
two unknown tribes whose names are “ Miscotins ” and “Assigunaigs.”3

In 1671 Father Allouez quotes a “master of a Maskotin feast” as
saying “they [the Dakota] have eaten me to the bones, and have not
left ma a single one of my family in life.”_ In Allouez’ words, “i1
sembloit que ce fust un festin pour combattre, et non pas pour
manger-x. . . Vous avez entendu parler des peuples qu’on appelle
Nadoiiessi; ils m’ont mange jusqu’aux os, et ne m’ont pas laissé un
seul de ma famille en vie.” 4 Thus at that early date the Maskotin were
sorely pressed by a ﬁerce and powerful enemy, but it can scarcely be
doubted that these Indians, in considerable numbers, occupied the
wild-rice region of lVisconsin prior to its occupancy by the Sauk,
Fox, and Dakota Indians, as these latter are known to have occupied
it before they were driven out by the Menomini and Ojibwa.5

THE ASSINIBOIN

The “Assinipoualaks” (Assiniboin) or “ Warriors of the rocks,” are
a Siouan tribe which, perhaps in the sixteenth century, after quarrel-
ing with their kinsmen, the Dakota, sought refuge among the (5887512,
or rocks of the Lake of the Woods. Prof. W J McGee says they
separated from the Yanktonai Sioux.6 It will be remembered that
the division of the Ojibwa which went westward along the northern
shore of Lake Superior found the Assiniboin and formed a lasting
peace with them. According to Warren this would have been in the
latter part of the ﬁfteenth century; and a letter which appears to have
been written at Fort Bourbon on Hudson bay about 1695 says that
the Assiniboin separated from the Dakota a long time ago. It reads:
“On pretend meme que ces Assiniboéls sont une Nation Sciouse, qui
s’en est séparée il y a long-temps.”7 It is therefore believed that the

 

1 Map of America, John Bowles & Son, London [1740—1750].

2Sehoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. v1, p. 203.

31bid., vol. 1,1). 305.

4Relati0ns des Jesuites, 1671, p. 46.

5 Mr James Mooney, in a recent conversation, advanced the plausible theory, that this tribe was a
Potawatomi people, called by the recognized Potawatomi bands Mushkoden’suk or (Little) Prairie
people. They are now on a reservation in Kansas.

0 McGee, The Simian Indians, Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 190.

7 Lettrcs Ediﬁantes, Paris, 1781, vol. v1, p. 30.

macs] THE KICKAPOO, OTTAWA, AND HURON 1055

Assiniboin separated from their kinsmen as early as the sixteenth
century.

Marquette said, in 1670, “The Assinipouars, who have about the
same language as the Nadouessi [Sioux, Dakota], are westward from
the Mission of the Holy Ghost [at La Pointe, VVISCOHSIH], at a lake
ﬁfteen or twenty days’ journey distant, where they gather wild rice
and where the ﬁshing is very good.”1 Perrot writes of them: “The
Chiripinons, or Assiniboulas, sow wild rice in their marshes, which
they afterward gather; but they can transport it home only during
the period of navigation.”2

THE KICKAPOO, OTTAWA, AND HURON

Besides the Indians previously considered in this chapter, the:e were
several thousand Kickapoo, Ottawa, Huron, and other Indians who
lived among them in the wild—rice district.

According to maps of the years 1718, 1740—17 50, and 1755, the
“Outaouacs” (Ottawa) were a short distance south of Lake Superior.
Their numbers at the time are not known.

Radisson and Groseilliers claim to have made, a year or two prior
to 1660, a canoe voyage up Lake Superior as far as Chequamegon
bay, and from there to have Visited a village of refugee Huron Indians
living on a lake whose headwaters drained into Chippeway river.
Perrot gives their number as 100. About 1660 they went to the
Noquet islands at the mouth of Green bay. They moved two or three
times more in the northwest, and ﬁnally went to Detroit. They were
in Wisconsin probably from about 1652 to 167 0.3

Before 1716 the Kickapoo were reported on the west side of Green
bay on the present Fox river.4 A map of 1720 represents them south
of Green bay, while the territory occupied by them in 1716 had a
Kikalin village.5 The map last cited has also “ Villages of 1 Nations”
near the mouth of Fox river.

In this chapter only the most conservative estimates of Indian
populations have been given, and by these it is proved that fully
30,000 Indians used wild rice at one time. Estimating the Ojibwa at
10,000, the Dakota at 6,000, the Menomini at 1,500, the Sauk and Fox
at 2,500, the Winnebago at 2,000, the Potawatomi at 2,000, there are
24,000 souls. Besides these there are the Assiniboin, Maskotin, Kick-
apoo, Huron, Ottawa, and others, all of whom might easily swell the
number to a total of 30,000 souls.

 

1Verwyst, Missionary Labors, Milwaukee and Chicago, 1886, p. 104.

2 I’errot, Mémoire, p. 52.

3 Shea, The Indians of Wisconsin, in Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. III, p. 125 et seq.
4 Herman Moll, Map of North America, printed before 1716.

5 Moll, A New Map of the North Parts of America claimed by France, 1720.

CHAPTER IV
PRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION

The world is fortunate indeed that it has turned its attention to the
scientiﬁc and historic study of human efforts and institutions before
primitive man has entirely disappeared. When attention is directed
to the effort of production, one is convinced that the ﬁrst act was simply
that of appropriation—as of a club to strike, a stone to throw, a hole
to crawl in, fruit to eat. One can not make use of commodities in the
past or in the future; he must use them in the present. The hungry
primitive man was satisﬁed when he found food to eat. His want was
a present want, but he was often hungry when he could not ﬁnd the
desired food; so at the moment when be conceived the thought of
keeping food from a stock of present plenty until a time of future
need he took a highly important step in the varied progress of civil-
ization.

In the study of vegetal food production the ﬁrst attention should be
given to indigenous products which require no care, or, in other words,
to purely native and spontaneous products.1 Wild rice is a plant of
this sort. It was so seldom planted and the stalks were so seldom cared
for that in this regard it is near the bottom of the ladder in the ascent
of-cultivated plants. Production with regard to wild rice, therefore, is
conﬁned chieﬂy to the gathering and care of the seed. After a general
description of the processes of harvesting and preparing the grain, a
detailed study of each step in the production will be made, as the
methods vary greatly in different localities.

The grain is matured in the latter part of August or in September.
Shortly before that time the women often go to the rice ﬁelds in their
canoes and tie the standing stalks into small bunches (plate LXX).
When the grain is sufﬁciently mature, two persons, generally women,
go together into the ﬁelds to garner the seed. The stalks are usually so
close together in the harvest ﬁeld that it is impossible to use a paddle,
so the canoe is pushed along by a pole. As the harvesters pass among
the rice, standing 4 or 5 feet above the water, one of the women
reaches out, and, by means of a stick, pulls a quantity of the stalks down

 

1It is not meant here that all agriculture began with such food products as are produced sponta-
neously in great abundance. It is quite probable that want did much toward causing primitive
people to cultivate the soil. See W J McGee, The Beginning of Agriculture (American Anthropolo-
gist, Washington, October, 1895).

1056

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX

 

 

 

1' , II’IH‘,’ .-. p», ‘ ”m ,

 

 

 

INDIAN WOMAN ON HER WAY TO THE RICE BED TO TIE THE
STALKS

 

Exxs] sowme AND OTHER_EARLY CARE 1057

over the side of the canoe. Then with a similar stick held in her free
hand she beats the fruit head, thus knocking the grain into the bottom
of the canoe. In this way the grain on both sides of the path is
gathered. When one end of the canoe is full, the laborers exchange
implements, the harvester becoming boatman and the boatman har—
vester, and the other end of the canoe is ﬁlled on the return trip to
the shore. The grain is then taken out, dried or cured, its tenacious
hull is thrashed OE, and, after being winnowed, it is stored away for
future use.1
“ In the golden-hued \Vazu-pe-wee—the moon when the wild—rice is gathered;
When the leaves on the tall sugar-tree are as red as the breast of the robin,
And the red-oaks that border the lea are aﬁame with the ﬁre of the sunset,
From the wide-waving ﬁelds of wild-rice—from the meadows of Psin-ta-wak-pa-
dan,
Where the geese and the mallards rejoice, and grow fat on the bountiful harvest,
Came the hunters with saddles of moose and the ﬂesh of the bear and the bison,

And the women in birchen canoes well laden with rice from the meadows.”
Gordon, Legends of the Northwest, pp. 58—59.

SOWING AND OTHER EARLY CARE

Perrot wrote that the Assiniboin Indians, west and northwest of
Lake Winnipeg, Canada, sowed wild rice in their marshes, which they
later came to gather. He says: “Les Chiripinons ou Assiniboiilas
sement dans leurs marais quelques folles avoines qu’ils recueillent,
mais ils n’en peuvent faire le transport chez eux que dans le temps de
la navigation.” 2

At the present time, near Rat Portage, Ontario, there are two small
lakes in the vicinity of Shoal lake where the Indians (Ojibwa) have
sown wild rice, and where they procure quite a harvest.3

The Ojibwa Indians at Rice lake, near Orandon, Forest county, “Tis-
consin, at times both sow the grain and weed out the large ﬂat grass
which grows among the stalks.

The Ojibwa Indians of Lac Courte Oreille reservation, Wisconsin,
have a tradition that all the wild rice between their present habitat and
Red river of the North has been sown by their ancestors.‘ The ﬁnest
harvest ﬁeld now on the reservation is that of Lac Courte Oreille river.
It is a sown ﬁeld. Paskin’, a woman estimated to be slightly over a
hundred years of age, says that she remembers when wild rice was

 

1 Attention is called to the following published illustrations of wild rice harvesting by the Indians:
1, Ojibwa Indians: Schoolcraft Indian Tribes, vol. III, pl. 4, p. 64; ibid., vol. VI, p. 552; same by
Stickney, Indian Use of Wild Rice, American Anthropologist, v01. Ix, pp. 115—121, April, 1896; 2,
Chicago Tribune, Sunday edition, October 6, 1898, p. 1. 3, An early picture of the harvest: Bressany,
Relation Abrégee dc Quelques Missions, Montreal, 1852, p. 237. 4, Dakota Indians: Catlin, Illustra-
tions of the manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians, 10th ed., vol. II, pl. 278,
p. 208, London, 1866. 5, Wisconsin Indians: Olney, Quarto Geography, 1849, p. 37; Bryant, Popular
History of the United States, 1878, vol. II, p. 514.

2Perrot, Mémoire, p. 52.

3 Pithcr, letter, Decemberﬁ, 1898.

4See chapter v1.

1058 WILD RICE GATHERERS 0F UPPER LAKES tmmwsm

gathered in Prairie lake, Barron county, Wisconsin, and sown in Lake
Chetak, Rice lake, Bear lake, Moose-ear lake, and Lac Courte Oreille
river, all in the near vicinity of their reservation. All of these waters
are harvest ﬁelds for the Ojibwa of Lac Courte Oreille reservation
today. I

Awa’sa sowed the grain in Lac Courte Oreille river, and his grand- \
children’s families now harvest the crop. Several other families on
the reservation gather wild rice in harvest ﬁelds which they them-
selves havc sown. In the fall of 1899 at least one family gathered
grain with which to sow a private ﬁeld.

TYING

Various reasons are assigned for tying the standing stalks into little
bunches or sheaves while the grain is in the milk stage (plates LXXI,
LXXII). The stalks are tied with strips of bark, and are left standing
two or three weeks to ripen.1

Hennepin said in 1697 that the “ Nadouessiou ” (Dakota) Indian
women at Mille Lacs, Minnesota, tie the stalks together with white-
wood bark (basswood, Tilia americaoza) to prevent it from being all
devoured by ﬂocks of duck, swan, and teal.2 The unknown author of
the Memoir of the Sioux, written some time after 1719, says that
the Titoha (a Dakota tribe living 50 leagues west of St Anthony
falls, in Minnesota) tie the wild rice into bundles while it is standing, in
order that it may die (ripen); then when it is dead they gather it.3 In
1820 Edward Tanner wrote that the Ojibwa Indians at Sandy lake,
Aitkin county, Minnesota, formerly gathered the tops into large
shocks, “to render the collecting of the grain easier when ripened.
By this means they also obtained it in much larger quantities than at
present.”4 In 1820 they did not tie it into bunches.

General Ellis wrote of the Indians in Green Bay county, Wisconsin:
“One mode is to go into this ‘standing corn’ with their canoes, and
taking as many stalks as they can compass with their hands, give them
a twist and kink, and then turn the bunches downward, leaving them
to ripen 011 the stalks. This gives the party twisting the bunches, a
kind of pre-emption to so much of the rice, which before was all com-
mon.”5 Carver said: “Nearly about the time that it begins to turn
from its milky ftate and to ripen, they run their canoes into the midft
of it, and tying bunches of it together juft below the ears with bark,

 

1Rodman, letter, November 11, 1898; Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, p. 130; Eleventh Census of
the United States, 1890; Indians, p. 340.

EHennepin, Nouvelle Decouverte, p. 313* (fol. 0*4); Williamson, letter, November 30, 1898; Flint,
Geography and History, vol. I, pp; 84-85; Martin Bressani, Relation Abrégee de Quelques Missions,
p. 332; Brown, Western Gazetteer, p. 267; Stuntz, letter, November 24, 1898.

3Neill, in Macalester Coll.Cont. Dept. of Hist, Lit, and P01. Sci.,ser. 1, number 10, St. Paul, 1890, pp.
235—236. '

4 Edward Tanner, in Detroit Gazette, December 8, 1820.

5Ellis, Recollections, p. 265.

 

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXI

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

 

I‘ll-Ii!
taxisga

 

IN BUNCHES OR SHEAVES

A NARROW BED OF WILD RICE TIED

anxxs] TYING IN SHEAVES 1059

leave it in this fituation two or three weeks longer, till it isiperfectly
ripe. About the latter end of September they return to the river, when
each family having its feparate allotment, and being able to diftinguifh
their own preperty by the manner of faftening the fheaves, gather in
the portion that belongs to them.”1 E. S. Seymour wrote: “In the
ﬁrst place, to protect it from black birds, they collect the grain in
bunches while the grain is in the milk, and cover each bunch with a
band made of the bark of the linden or bass wood tree.”

The Ottawa Indians used to so tie the bunches that a pathway was
left between the rows: “Vn peu auparauant qu’elle monte en espy,
les Sauuages vont en Canot lier en touffes l’herbe de ces plantes, les
separant les vnes (les autres autant d’espace qu’il en faut pour passer
vn Canot lors qu’ils reuiendront en cueillir le grain.” 2 There is little
doubt that all of the tied rice was similarly arranged in rows, as that
would be the simplest manner to tie it, and would afford the easiest
way to gather it when the laborers used canoes.

It is seen from the above quotations that the chief reason for tying
the stalks is that the grain may be saved until it is matured. Many
kinds of birds consume it with avidity when they can get at the heads,
and if it is tied up it is also much less liable to be destroyed by rain or
wind storms. _

The care in tying is shown in a letter by Roger Patterson, govern-
ment farmer of Bad River reservation, Wisconsin, which is here
quoted in part: “About August 15th the squaws, using small canoes,
go out along the river and gather together the heads of rice, tying
them with bark strings into sheaves, taking care to draw them
together gently, so as not to break the stems or roots. After being
tied and wrapped with bark strings so that the grain will not waste,
it is left standing, supported by the stalks that are not broken, about
2 feet above the water.” 3

The women at Lac Courte Oreille reservation tied their wild rice
in the season of 1899 in the following manner: They were camping
with their entire family at the ﬁeld and spent several days at this
particular process while the grain was in the milk (see plate LXXII). A
large round ball of “ bast,” the bark string with which they were to tie
the bunches, was ready behind them in their canoes. This ball is often
a foot in diameter and is made of strings of the green inner bark of
basswood; it is so wound that it unwinds from the inside, like the
modern binding twine. The string averages a quarter of an inch in
width. A forked pole is used to push the canoe into the thick, heavy
mass of stalks, it being impossible to paddle in such a forest, and the
mud bed being too soft to allow a straight pole to be used. Then the

 

1 Carver, Travels, p. 523.
2 Relations des Jesuites, 1663, p. 19.
3Patterson, letter, November 23, 1898. See also Rodman, letter, February 14, 1899.

1060 » WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES mnamm

woman reaches out around the stalks with a curved stick and hauls
them toward the side of the canoe (see ﬁgure 47). Both this sickle-
shaped stick and her hands are employed to form the stalks into a bunch.
When the hunch is formed the woman reaches up to her shoulder and
pulls over the bark string, which passes from the ball behind her
through a loop on the back of her dress immediately below the shoulder.
While holding the stalks with one hand, she lays the string down along
the bunch for several inches, and, suddenly checking this movement,
begins rapidly to wind the string around the stalks toward their tops.
In this way she makes secure the lower end of the fastening by put-
ting several wrappings of the string around it. She winds the stalks

 

 

 

FIG. 47—Sickle-shape sticks used to draw the stalks within reach for tying.

for about 2 feet, and then bends the top of the bunch over in the
form n and fastens it to the upright part by a single loop and single
knot of the string, which is then cut with a knife, and the tying proc-
ess is completed. These bunches are usually 3 feet long from the
lowest wrapping to the top of the stalks, but the stalks are usually
not tied closer than 10 or 12 inches to the ends. Such long bunches
are made necessary by“ the uneven length of the stalks. The fruit
heads are quite uniformly 1 foot long. Probably one-half of the ker-
nels are securely wrapped with the string, while the others, at the top
of the stalks, are kept from jarring out by the steady support of the
bunch. As much as 8, 10, and 12 feet of the string is used to tie a
single sheaf.

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXII

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

 

 

 

 

 

TIED BUNCHES OF WILD RICE

 

Jami METHODS OF GATHERING 1061

The bunches are made with great uniformity and regularity. A
row is tied on both sides of the canoe, and when the limit of the ﬁeld
is reached the laborer turns around in the canoe, and returning, ties
two other rows by the side of and parallel to the last. The ﬁelds at
this period are very attractive. The graceful bunches and regular
rows, either straight or following the outer limits of the beds. are
extremely pleasing to see.

At present the Menomini Indians tie their rice only where the water
is too shallow to allow canoes to travel.

The mechanical means necessary in the process of tying are very
simple. The canoe (see plate LXXIII) is indispensable. The only mate-
rial spoken of which is used to tie the stalks is basswood bark in strings
or strips. It has also been noticed that at times the stalks were held
together by being twisted to form. a bunch. A sickle-shaped stick,
about 31} feet long, is used to draw the stalks within reach for tying.

GATHERING

The previous process, that of tying, is not an essential one in the
harvest of wild-rice grain, though, as has been shown, it is not uncom-
mon. The ﬁrst necessary step in the entire harvest is the gathering
of the seed, and, while the grain is always gathered in canoes or other
craft (there is a minor exception among the Menomini), there is, in
the gathering, great variety in means and method. It is usually done
by women. It is customary for the families which harvest wild rice
to move to the ﬁelds during the harvest period, which lasts about one
month.

In the Algonquian language memo”tart/Mayan means “the gathering
of wild rice.” ‘ N572, manmm'nﬂw is “ I gather wild rice; ” 1 wmnomz'm'l‘e
signiﬁes “ he gathers wild rice ” 2 (Wilson spells the same term mun/400-
mim/ca 3). The wild—rice bag used in harvesting is called manom{9247204}.4
In the Dakota language pain ati means “to pitch a tent at the rice
[ﬁelds],”5 While tate 198292, is “wild—rice wind.”6

Radisson wrote of the Dakota: “They have a particular way to
gather up that graine. Two takes a boat and two fticks, by w"“ they
gett yt eare downe and gett the corne out of it.” 7

The following account came from Sandy lake, Aitkin county, Min-
nesota, in 1820:

It is now gathered by two of them [women] passing around in a canoe, one sitting
in the stern and pushing it along, while the other, with two small pointed sticks,
about three feet long, collects it in by running one of the sticks into the rice, and

bending it into the canoe, while with the other she threshes out the grain. This she
does on both sides of the canoe alternately, and while it is moving.8

1Baraga, Otchipwe Dictionary. 5 Riggs, Dakota—English Dictionary.

”Verwyst, Geographicai Names, p. 393. “Gordon, Legends of the Northwest, p. 58.

3Wilson, Manual of the Ojebwa Language. 7 Radisson, Voyages, p. 215.

4Baraga, op. cit. 8 Edward Tanner, in Detroit Gazette, December 8, 1820.

 

1062 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Em-mam

' General Ellis wrote that the Indians in Green Bay'eounty, VViscon-
sin, in pushing the canoe used a “long, light, slender pole, provided
with a fork at one end, to prevent its sinking too deep into the soft
muddy bottom.” 1 .

Catlin said of the Dakota that one woman paddled the canoe while
the other bent the stalks over and beat out the grain, as is told above.2
The Dakota used to gather the grain and carry it home in sacks.3

The Potawatomi Indians, of southwestern Michigan, gathered the
grain as follows: They “would push the boat into the thick rice, bend
the tops over the boat, and pound it out with ‘rawagikan,’ a stick for
the purpose.” 4

The Ojibwa women of Bad river, Wisconsin, bend the tied bunches
over the side of the canoe, untie the bark band, and beat out the grain
with a short stick.5 It is customary to untie the bunches before beat-
ing them.

At Fond du Lac (Lake Superior), Minnesota, two persons of either
sex, or both, go out in a canoe, the forward person working it ahead
with either a paddle or a forked pole. The one in the stern beats the
rice out, using two sticks, one to bend the rice over and the other to
beat the heads.6 Harmon saw the Indians gathering the grain “ with
a hooked stick, in one hand, and a straight one in the other.” 7

Again we read that the “Fols Avoines” (Menomini) west of Green
bay, Wisconsin, beat the grain off into a canoe lined with blankets.8
Another variation is found in that after the band about the stalks was
cut and removed one of the harvesters bent the heads down over the
canoe with a stick while the other with a pole beat off the grain.9

Dr Hoffman, in his monograph, The Menomini Indians, wrote that, in
1892, “at the proper season the women, and frequently the men as
well, paddle through the dense growth of wild rice along the shores of
the lakes and rivers, and while one attends to the canoe, the others grasp
with one hand a bunch of rice stalks, bend it over the gunwale into the
boat, and beat out the ears of rice.” 1° In 1899 the Memomini still gath=
ered most of their rice in canoes from untied stalks, but where the
water was too shallow for canoes, the stalks were tied, and the grain
was beaten out on mats spread upon the water between the rows.
The stick with which they beat the heads is called “pawa’qikan.”

 

1 Ellis, Recollections, p. 266,

9 Catlin, North American Indians, vol. II, p. 1208.

3Williamson, letter, November 30, 1898. This letter reads as though the grain was taken home
before it was cured and hulled. Because of the danger from the Ojibwa, who dominated the rice
ﬁelds during the period covered by the letter, it is not improbable that such was the case.

4 Pokagon, letter, November 16,1898.

5 Patterson, letter, November 23,1898.

0 Phalon, letter, December 27,1898.

7 Harmon, Journal, p. 142.

gBrown, Western Gazetteer, p. 267; also Flint, Geography and History, vol. I, p. 85.

9Seymour, Sketches of Minnesota, 1). 183', see also Schooleraft, Indian Tribes, vol. 111, p. (52 et seq.

1"Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, p. 291.

mm] METHODS OF GATHERING 1063

At Rice lake, Ontario, “two go with a birch canoe, into the thickest
part of it [the rice ﬁeld] and with their paddles thresh it [the grain]
into their canoe.”l

Again it is recorded that the Ottawa bend the bunches over the
canoe and shake the grain into it: “Le temps de la moisson estant
venu, ils menent leurs Canots dedans les petites allées qu’ils ont prati-
quées au trauers de ces grains, et faisant pencher dedans les touﬁ'es

. amassées ensemble, les égrainnent.”2

In all of the above gathering it is simply the grain which is removed.
Two instances are found, however, in which the entire fruit-head is
cut off and taken to the shore in the canoe, and still others in which
the stalks are cut in sheaves and taken thus to the shore.

At Rice lake, Ontario, we ﬁnd that “one person steered the canoe
with the aid of the paddle along the edge of the rice beds, and another
with a stick in one hand, and a curved sharp-edged paddle in the other,
struck the heads off as they bent them over the edge of the stick; the
chief art was in letting the heads fall into the canoe.” 3

At Rat Portage, Ontario, sticks about 2 feet long are used by the
gatherer who “strips off the heads.” 4 A forked pole is used to push
the canoe, but the boatman sits at the bow instead of at the stern.
The men and not the women gather the grain there.

At Moose-ear river, Barron county, Wisconsin, in 1892 the women
and boys went through the ﬁeld in canoes, and with knives cut the
stalks about 2 feet long. They then tied them in bunches about half
as large as a sheaf of wheat, and brought them to the shore.5 The
Green Bay county, Wisconsin, Indians, who made bunches by giving
them “a twist and kink,” cut these bunches with knives and then
brought them to the shore.6 The late Chief Pokagon wrote of the
Potawatomi Indians of St Joseph river valley, Michigan, that “It
[wild rice] was sometimes gathered in bundles and kept in that way
for winter use.” 7 '

The Indians at Lac Courte Oreille reservation also gather what
they call “green Wild rice.” When they are at the ﬁelds to tie the
bunches they strip off the grain into their canoes by simply pulling
the closed hand over the fruit—heads. This grain, then in the milk, is
parched and consumed during the period immediately before the
mature grain is gathered, though some families. at times cure a sufﬁ-
cient quantity for consumption during the year. The grain in this state
1s much lighter in color than that which is cured when more mature.

 

AJones, Life and Journals, pp. 259-260; also Chamberlain, Notes on the History, Customs, and
Beliefs of the Mississagua Indians, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. I, 1888, p. 152').

2Relations des Jésuites, 1663, p, 19; also Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. I, p. 74.

3Traill, Canadian Crusoes, p. 188. ‘

4 Pither, letter, December 5,1898.

5John Hutchinson, letter, Elroy,Juneau county, Wisconsin.

6 Ellis, Recollections, p. 265.

7 Pokagon, letter, Sovember 16, 1898.

1064 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [ETH.ANN.19

Again, as in the tying of the stalks, the canoe is indispensable in the
grain-gathering. At times a blanket is spread in the bottom; the
canoe is propelled by a paddle, a pole, or a forked stick, sometimes
the canoeman propels the canoe from the stern and sometimes from the
bow. The grain may be gathered into the canoe by one person, Who
may hold the stalks in one hand and beat the grain out with a stick,
or with two sticks, or sometimes with a paddle; or two persons may
gather the rice, one holding the stalks over the canoe while the other
beats out the grain with a pole. Again, the heads are clipped off over i
one of the sticks, and this is done either with another similar stick, or
with a sharp-edged curved paddle. At other times the grain is shaken
out. Knives are used to cut the bundles which are tied, sometimes
before cutting and sometimes after.1

CURING AND DRYING

As soon as the grain is gathered it is taken to the shore, and ordi-
narily the curing process begins immediately. This work also usually
falls to the women. A slight movement of the stalk by bird or wind
or rain will cause the grain to drop into the water when it is fully ripe,
hence it must be gathered just before maturity. This necessitates
that the rice be artiﬁcially ripened or cured; when thus ripened it
will not germinate. It is almost always necessary thus to prepare the
grain in order that the tenacious hull may be easily removed.

There are three ways in which the grain is cured, viz, by the sun,
by smoke and heat from a slow ﬁre underneath it while spread on a
scaﬂ'olding, and by parching or “popping” in a vessel.

The sun-dried grains become almost black, the kernels varying from
black through the browns to greenish grays. The Dakota Indians of
Titoha village, about 50 leagues west of St Anthony falls, Minnesota,
early in the eighteenth century, sun-cured their rice.2 On Fond du
Lac reservation there is a double process: After being gathered, it is
taken ashore, laid on birch bark or blankets spread on the ground,
and dried by the sun. After being dried, which takes about twentyi
four hours. it is placed in a large copper kettle and roasted over a
slow ﬁre, being continually stirred with a paddle until the hull is
thoroughly roasted, when it is ready for hulling. On Moose-ear
river, Barron county, \Visconsin, in 1892, after the grain was cut, tied
in bundles, and brought to the shore, it was spread on a long rack to
dry in the sun. The stalks were laid on the rack in two rows, each
having the heads in the same direction. Next, a blanket was spread
on the ground, and a pole was placed with its lower end on the blanket,
while the other end was held at a slight angle above. Over this pole
the stalks, with the now dried fruit heads, were held, and the grain

 

1 A View of the rice ﬁeld after the grain has been gathered is shown in plate LXXIV, a.
rL’Neill, Memoir of the Sioux, p. 236.

x

*3

V}

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIII

 

 

 

 

BIRCH-BARK CANOES OF WILD RICE GATHERING OJIBWA

 

JENKS] CURING AND DRYING 1065

was beaten out with a stick. It was again dried or cured before
hulling, but the details of the process could not be ascertained.‘

The Winnebago, who still gather wild rice in large quantities, cure
the grain on a rack over a slow ﬁre.2 In 1820 the Indians around
Sandy lake, Aitkin county, Minnesota, often cured their rice on a
scaﬁolding of small poles about 3 feet high (see plates Lxxrvb and
Lxxva). This rack was covered with cedar slabs, upon which the
grain was spread. ‘A slow ﬁre was then kept burning beneath until
the kernels were entirely dry. It required about a day to dry a scaf—
foldful. Again, mats were spread over a scaffolding, on which the rice
was put and cured by a ﬁre underneath.3 Marquette said that the
Indians on Green bay cured their rice on a wooden lattice, under which
, they kept a small ﬁre for several days, or until the grain was well
dried.4 ,

By the Mississagua Indians about Rice lake, Ontario, the following
method was employed in 1888:

Returning to the shore, they stick into the ground pine or cedar branches, so as to
form a square inclosure. Within this they drive in forked sticks, upon which cross-
pieces are laid, and upon these latter mats of bass—wood or cedar-bark are placed.
Under this framework a ﬁre is then lit, and the hedge of green branches serves to
keep in the heat. The rice is spread upon the mats, and kept turned about with the
paddle until dried.5

A recent method of the Dakota was to build a scaffold from 20 to 50
feet long, 8 feet wide, and about at feet high. This was covered with
reeds and grass, upon which the grain was spread. A slow ﬁre was
then kept burning for thirty-six hours so as slightly to parch the
hull.6 At Rat Portage, Ontario, the grain of the ﬁrst day’s gathering is
parched, after which a scaffolding is made “with poles about eight feet
high and covered . . . with cedar slabs, and over these grass, and
then a layer of rice.” A ﬁre is built beneath to dry the grain.7

The parched or popped rice is lighter in color than that cured in the
sun. The kernel is also swelled almost to twice the diameter of the
sun-dried kernel, and much of it is slightly popped or cracked open.
However, it does not open like popped corn, but most of the grains
when parched have a'peculiar translucent crystalline appearance. In
1820 Edward Tanner wrote: “One method of curing the rice, and that
which makes it the most palatable, is by putting it in a kettle in small
quantities, and hanging it over the ﬁre until it becomes parched.”8
Chamberlain says of the Mississagua Indians, above referred to:

 

1 Information of John Hutchinson, Elroy, Juneau county, Wisconsin.

2 Information of Winnebago near Elroy, Juneau county, Wisconsin, winter village in 1898—99.
3Seymour, Sketches of Minnesota, p. 183.

4Shea, Discovery and Exploration, p. 9; also Carver, Travels, p. 524.

5Chamberlain, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. I, 1888, p. 15.5.

0 Palmer, Food Products of the North American Indians, p.422.

7 Pithcr, letter, Dccemberﬁ, 1898.

8 Edward Tanner, Detroit Gazette, December 8,1820.

1066 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [Emnmw

“ When it is desired to parch it, the rice is placed in pots over a slow
ﬁre until the grain bursts and shows the white, mealy center.” 1 The
Ojibwa Indians of northern Wisconsin kiln-dried (i. e., parched) their
rice in kettles during the ﬁfties and sixties of the nineteenth century?
At Bad river, W'isconsin, it is cured in kettles, but is apparently not
parched,'as is seen from the following: “Indians like it in dry kettles
and pots over a ﬁre until it is scorched brown. The hull will then
slip off easily.” 3 At Rat Portage, Ontario, as soon'as the men come
ashore with the rice “the women commence to parch the ﬁrst day’s
gathering in the manner corn is popped. They use a kettle over a
slow ﬁre.” 4 The remainder of the harvest is ﬁre-cured on a rack.
The Menomini in 1892 did not cure all the rice as soon as it was
gathered; at times it was not dried until after the threshing and win-
nowing.5 In 1899 the same Indians had two methods of curing the
rice. Such grain as was for immediate use was parched in a kettle,
while the remainder of the crop was ﬁre-cured on racks covered with
rush matting. No new phases of the curing process were learned at
the Lac Courte Oreille reservation. They cure the grain both by
parching in a kettle and by ﬁre-drying on a rack, the closely laid
cross sticks of which were covered with long fresh marsh grass. A
birch-bark box, or mocock, is generally used to carry the grain both ‘
from the canoe to the rack and from the drying rack to the place of
threshing. Although these Indians esteem the parched rice more
highly than the ﬁre-cured variety, yet, on account of the extra labor
in parehing, they ﬁre-dry fully four times as much as they parch.

N 0t many mechanical implements are used in curing the rice. It is
sun-cured on blankets, on birch bark, and on scaffolds of sticks, It
is ﬁre-cured and parched in kettles. Scaﬂ'olds are covered with sticks,
cedar slabs, reeds, grass, and mats of basswood and cedar bark. These
scaffolds are at times nearly surrounded by a hedge of pine or cedar
branches. A paddle is used to stir the. grain while parching in the
kettle, and also at times while drying on the rack.

THRASHING

From the time the grain is removed from the fruit head until it is
thrashed, it is covered with a close-ﬁtting hull. The grain while in
this dress appears almost exactly like a long-bearded oat (see plate
LXXVI). With few exceptions all the preceding work of harvestng is
done by the women, who, at times, are assisted by the children. The
work of hulling falls to the men, or now and then to the boys, only
two instances being noted in which the women did this work.

There is little question that woman was man’s ﬁrst thrashing-machine,
and that her‘hands were ﬁrst employed to separate the seeds from

 

1 Chamberlain, op. cit., p. 155. 3 Patterson, letter, November 23,1898.
9 Stuntz, letter, November 24,1898. 4 Pither, letter, December 5,1898.
5 Hoffman, op. cit, p. 291.

 

NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

 

 

 

 

. ..,.. .on—«mm M

 

DRYING RACK FOR GRAIN

l)’.

WILD—RICE FIELD AFTER THE HARVEST

A,

.mxxs] METHODS OF THRASHING 1067

the fruit head and bull. It seems also true that as soon as small seed
was gathered in any considerable quantity the feet were taught to
do the work of hands. Here, then, is the invention of the treadmill
thrashing-machine. This is the power mostly employed in the thrash—
ing of wild rice, although sticks are used—sometimes like ﬂails and
again like churn dashers. The hull is also rubbed or shaken off in
blankets and baskets. ,

Along the west shore of Lake Koshkonong, in Jefferson county,
Wisconsin, a great many holes were yet visible in 1895 which were
the basins in which the rice hulls had been tread loose from the grain,
though it is questionable whether wild rice has been gathered there
during the last half century. Fifty years ago Schoolcraft also
reported such depressions in great numbers around Rice lake, Barron
county, Wisconsin. He said: “A skin is put in these holes, which
are ﬁlled with ears. A man then treads out the grain. This appears
to be the only part of rice making which is performed by the men.
The women gather, dry, and winnow it.” 1 Edward Tanner said that
in 1820 a hole was dug in the ground about a foot and a half deep and
3 feet in circumference, into which a moose skin was usually put.
The.rice was then put in and trodden out by an Indian. “This is
very laborious work,” he says, “and always devolves upon the men.” 2
Ellis, in speaking of the Indians in Green Bay county, Wisconsin,
wrote that a hole is made to contain about 1 gallon; “the rice is then
tied up in a deerskin, placed in the hole, and tramped upon with the
feet till the hull is removed.” 3

Another variety of the treadmill is found in the following two
accounts: “A hole is dug in the ground, and about a bushel of rice is
put in it and covered with a deerskin. A man, steadying himself by
a stake driven into the ground, jumps about on the grain until the
hulls are removed.” 4 At Lac Courte Oreille reservation, Wisconsin,
two such stakes are driven into the ground and tied together. They
project from the ground at an angle of about 600 and lean slightly
away from the thrashing hole (see plate LXXV b). The man supports
himself upon these props while treading out the grain. It is only fair
to say that he tries to have a new pair of buckskin moccasins for this
work—but sometimes buckskin is scarce. The thrashing holes are of
two varieties. One is a simple excavation about 2 feet in diameter
and 18 inches deep. This is lined with a deerskin, into which the rice
is poured. The thrasher treads directly on the grain. The other kind
of hole is similar in size, but is lined at the bottom with a block of wood
and at the sides with hand-made staves about half an inch thick, which
overlap like clapboards. In this hole also the thrasher treads directly
on the grain.

 

 

 

1 Schoolcraft, Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 385.
2 Edward Tanner, Detroit Gazette, December 8,1820.
3 Ellis, Recollections, p. 266. 4 Seymour, Sketches of Minnesota, pp. 183, 184.

 

1068 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [mammlg

Marquette said that they put the rice “in a skin of the form of a bag,”
after which it was tread out in a hole.1 The Ottawa in the middle of
the seventeenth century tread out the grain in a ditch. This thrash-
ing was done immediately after the gathering, and it was cured after
instead of before the thrashing: “ Quand 1e Canot est plein, ils vont 1e
vuider a terre dans vne fosse preparée sur le bord de l’eau, puis auec
les pieds ils les foulent et remuent si longtemps, que toute la balle s’en
detache.”2 Another glimpse of the worker is obtained from the Dakota
in the early seventies of the nineteenth century. To separate the hull
from the grain a hole about a foot wide and deep was dug in the ground
and lined with skins. About a peck of rice was put in at a time; an
Indian stepped in and with a half jump on one foot and then on the
other tread the grain free.3 A letter from Bad River reservation,
Wisconsin, mentions that moccasins are worn by the Indian as he
treads the grain in a tub.‘ In most places moccasins are usually worn
in this work, but in the autumn of 1899 the men at Vermilion Lake
reservation, Minnesota, tread their grain out barefoot, and this is
their usual method. In the early part of the eighteenth century the
Dakota tread out their grain in a wooden trough.5 In 1829, at Rice
lake, Ontario, the boys tramped the grain in a hole lined with a deer-
skin," and of these Indians the same thing is written again in 1888. In
neither case is the grain cured before it is threshed.7 However, they
also thrash it in another manner, to which later reference will be
made. The curing and thrashing processes were curiously combined
by the Ojibwa in northern Wisconsin in the middle of the nineteenth
century. A green or fresh deerskin was staked out and stretched over
a quantity of coals. The rice was then poured on this suspended skin
‘ and a small boy was put to treading it.8

In 1822 the Menomini thrashed their rice in a hole lined with a deer-
skin. The grain was “pounded with a stick (having a thick end to it),
for the purpose of disconnecting the husk from it.”9 Hoffman wrote
the same facts seventy years later, saying that the hole was 6 inches
deep and 2 feet across.10 Again he says: “ Some of the Menomini
women make a special form of bag in which to beat out the rice. This
bag is 2 feet wide by from 18 to 20 inches deep, and is woven of bark
strands. It resembles very much an old-fashioned carpetbag. After
the rice is put into this, the bag is laid into a depression in the
ground and beaten to separate the bulls.”10 In 1899 their parched

 

1 Shea, Discovery and Exploration, p. 9.

9 Relations des Jesuites, 1663, p. 19.

3 Palmer, Food Products of the North American lndians, p. 422.

4 Patterson, letter, November 13, 1898.

5 Neill, Memoir of the Sioux, p. 296.

“J ones, Life and Journals, p. 260.

7 Chamberlain, Notes on the History, Customs, and Beliefs, p. 155.
8Stuntz, letter, November 24, 1898.

9Morse, Report, appendix, p. 47.

IUHOXTman. The Menomini Indians, p. 291.

.—

1 . , = . V . q _‘. ““4"“, 7'.»
A‘ I l. I b > . IV ’- ‘ .* Q ~ I ' ’

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXV

           

I

A, SECTION OF DRYING RACK

 

If, STAVE—LINED THRASHING HOLE FOR TREADING OUT THE GRAIN

 

mus] METHODS OF THRASHING 1069

rice was hulled by tramping in a hole in the earth. The laborer was
supported by leaning upon a single stick or light post driven into
the ground. But the greater part of the crop, the ﬁre-cured grain,
was thrashed otherwise. Usually 15 to 25 bushels were dumped in a
ditch 10 or 15 feet long and 2 feet deep; then two men with crooked
sticks, pawa’qwilcandq’tilc, ﬂailed the hulls loose. High screens were
erected on both sides of the ditch to check the ﬂying kernels.

At Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, the grain is “ churned or pounded”
with a stick “shaped like a handspike, being largest at the butt.”
The hole is about “knee-deep with a solid block in the bottom, the
' sides being lined with staves, after the fashion of a barrel and of about
the same diameter.” 1

Besides treading off the hulls the Indians at Lac Courte Oreillc
reservation thrash their grain with the churndasher-like sticks. A
deep hole is lined with the previously mentioned handmade staves,
or a barrel is sunk almost its full length into the ground; this is
then nearly ﬁlled with the grain. One or two persons, of either sex,
pound up and down with the heavy-end sticks—frequently holding two
of them (see plate LXXVII a).

The Potawatomi of St Joseph river valley, Michigan, sometimes
pounded the grain in a sack made for the purpose, and sometimes in
a skin—lined hole in the earth. This instance and the ones inn‘nediately
preceding and immediately following are the only ones in which
reference is made to the women as thrashers. The late Chief Pokagon
wrote that this work was done by the women and children, and some-
times by the men.2

The \Vinnebago thrash their rice on a blanket laid upon the ground;
around three sides of this blanket a cloth screen 2 or 3 feet high is
erected in order to conﬁne the ﬂying kernels. The thrasher, man or
woman, sits at the open side of the blanket with a stick in each hand
and ﬂails the grain.3 Hoffman refers to exactly the same process for
the Menomini in 1892, except that mats are used on the ground and
for screens, and a depression is dug, into which the ground mat is laid.‘
The present Mississagua Indians thrash their rice also by shaking it
in large open baskets after the grain has been thoroughly dried.5

Carver wrote that after the grain was cured the Indians trod or
rubbed off the hull.6 Williamson says that the Dakota beat the grain
until the hulls burst, when they will rub off.7 About 1840 the Pot—
awatomi at Grass lake, Lake county, Illinois, had two ways of hulling
their rice. One method was employed immediately after gathering,

 

lPhalon, letter, December 27, 1898.

2 Pokagon, letter. November 16, 1898.

3Information from Winnebago near Elroy, Juneau county, Wisconsin, winter 1898-99.
4 Hoffman, op. cit, p. 291.

5Chamberlain, op. cit., p. 155.

6 Carver, Travels, p. 524.

7Williamson, letter, November 30, 1899; also Kinzie, Wan-Bun, p.67.

19 ETH, PT 2—01 33

 

1070 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [mmmaw

when the grain was roasted on hot, ﬂat stones, thus causing the hulls
to crack and loosen, after which they were rubbed off. The other
method was to wait until the grain was ready to be consumed, when
the kernel, inclosed in its hull, was pounded. This pounded mass was
then put into a vessel of water. The hulls, which would remain on
the surface of the water, were then skimmed off, and the water and
pounded kernels made into a very palatable soup.l

The implements for thrashing are neither varied nor numerous.
Holes dug in the ground are lined with skins and slabs of wood.
Wooden troughs, blankets or mats, bags of skin, and bags of woven
bark are all used to hold the grain while being thrashed. Stakes are
sometimes used to steady the laborer; he usually wears moccasins
While treading the grain. Cloth and mats are used as screens. Sticks
used like ﬂails and like churn-dashers are also employed. The grain
is at times pounded on ﬂat stones, and again it is shaken in large open
baskets.

WINNOWING

It is not difﬁcult to draw sharp lines separating the various processes
which have been described thus far in the harvesting of wild rice.
The entire winter, the spring, and most of summer intervene between
the sowing and the tying. Between the tying and the gathering from
several days to several weeks elapse; and though the gathering and the
curing may be done on the same day, and even at the same time by
different women, the gathering is on the water, while the curing is on
the land. The curing and the thrashng are plainly distinct proc-
esses; but it is only because of division of labor that a sharp line
may be drawn between the thrashing and the winnowing. The Indian
silently stalks into the labors of rice harvesting when the thrashing
begins, and when it is completed he silently stalks out again, leaving
the woman to lift up the pile of mixed kernels and chaff in order that
the wind—nature’s fanning mill—may separate them. If the wind
does not blow when the grain is ready to winnow, the cleaner uses
a fan.

Ellis wrote that in Green Bay county, Wisconsin, the hulls were
blown off by the wind.2 The Ojibwa women of Fond du Lac reser-
vation, Minnesota, and Bad River reservation, Wisconsin, all winnow
their wild rice by means of the wind.3 Mr Phalon writes of Fond du
Lac, f‘A blanket or birch bark is spread on the ground, and with the
help of a good stiff breeze the grain is fanned out.” The women at
Lac Courte Oreille reservation, as I saw the process in the autumn
of 1899, put a peek of the thrashed grain into a birch-bark tray

 

1 Paddock, letter, January 20, 1899.
2E11is, Recollections, p. 266.
3Phalon, letter, December 27, 1898; Patterson,letter. November 13,1898.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI

 

WILD-RICE KERNELS BEFORE THRASHING

 

JExxs] ' WINNOWING AND STORING 1071

(plate LXXIX 7)), which ,is about 8 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 7 or 8
inches deep. They then grasp both ends of the tray, and by a very
simple yet clever movement gradually empty the chaff. The tray is
lifted several inches and carried slightly outward. This upward and
outward movement is checked quite suddenly, and the tray, while
being drawn toward the body of the laborer, is let down again. The
light chaff is thus spilled over the outer edge when the tray is at its
highest point and just as it is suddenly jerked toward the laborer.
However, because of the rapidity with which this shaking is done,
the movements appear neither sudden nor jerky. and the chaff falls
almost constantly (see plate LXXVII 7)).

Among the Menomini, “ on a windy day, by means of a birch-bark
tray, the rice is cleaned. . . . Sometimes the rice and hulls are
separated by spreading on a mat and fanning with a bark tray.” 1 The
Sandy lake Indians in 1820 cleaned their rice with “a fan made of
birch bark, shaped something like those used by farmers. This is the
most expeditious way of cleaning it.”2

The only implements used in winnowing are birch-bark fans, blankets
and birch—bark trays (which are spread upon the ground to catch the
grain).3

STORING

While the American farmer locks his granary that its contents may

be safe, the Indian hides his harvest for safety. In fact. the common
term by which the Indian granary is now known throughout the North—
west is the French term 040716, or hiding place. It is a part of an
Indian’s code of morals not to steal from his friends, but it is equally
a virtue to steal from an enemy. Inasmuch as tribes ordinarily
habitually steal from one another, the fall harvest of wild rice must
be kept in a place of safety. Its hiding was formerly much more
necessary than at present, for before the time of settled homes the
families broke up the harvest camp immediately after completing
their labors, and repaired to their fall festivities or hunting—grounds.
As will be seen later, there was both a subjective and an objective
reason why the Indians did not store away larger quantities of wild
rice. One leason was that they would not gather large quantities of
the grain, and the other reason was that the crop so often failed
that at times they could not harvest abundantly. However, now and
then the instinct of frugality was strong enough to assert itself.
Atwater said that the Winnebago women contrived to save, by hiding,
some of their food in time of abundance. They often buried rice and

 

1 Hoffman, op. cit., p. 291.

2Edward Tanner, op. cit., December 8, 1820-, see also Seymour, op. cit, pp. 183,184; Kinzie, 0p.cit.,
p.67: Jones, op. cit.,pp. 259,260; Gheen, letter, November 15,1898.

3The appearance of the grain after winnowing is shown in plate Lxxvm.

1072 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [mans-.19

maize in the ground to keep it from being stolen.1 Throughout Wis-
consin in 1843 the grain was deposited in the ground to be taken out
when needed for food.2

After winnowing the grain “They [the Titoha band of Dakota, in
the early part of the eighteenth century] carry away as much of it as
they think they need and store the rest in the ground. They also put
some to rot in the water, and when they return in the spring they ﬁnd it
delicious, although it has the worst kind of an odor.”3 The “Man-
tantons” (Mandan) kept rice in sacks, for, after a great feast made in
honor of Le Sueur, the chief “ﬁt present a M Le Sueur d’un esclave
et d’un sac de folle avoine.”4

At Sandy lake, in 1820, the rice when cured was “put into sacks of
about a bushel each. A sack is valued at two skins. . . . A skin is
valued at two dollars.”5 Carver wrote one hundred and thirty years
ago that when the rice was ﬁt for use the Dakota put it into skins of
fawns and young buffalo, taken 03 nearly whole for this purpose, and
sewed into a kind of sack, wherein they preserved it until the next
annual harvest.6 The Indians at Rat Portage, Ontario, “make bags
of the inside bark of cedar in which they store the rice. They hold
from 34% to 1 bushel each.”7 Sehooleraft said that the winnowed rice
“is then put into coarse ‘mushkenioots,’ a kind of bag, made of vege-
table ﬁber or twine, with a woof of some similar material. Occasion-
ally this ﬁlling material is eomposed of old cloth or blankets, pulled
to pieces. ” 8 Birch-bark boxes were also used, which, after being ﬁlled,
were frequently buried. The Ottawa Indians used them in the middle
of the seventeenth century.9 The Potawatomi also used these boxes.”
They were sewed together at the corners with “ bast,” the inner bark
of the basswood, and were called (from the Algonquian) mococks (plate
Lxx1x a).

The Indian granaries here noticed are very simple. They consist
of a hole in the ground, into which are put boxes of birch bark and
bags made of skin, bags made of the inside bark of the cedar and
sometimes of other vegetal ﬁber, together with twine, etc.

PROPERTY—RIGHT IN \VILD RICE

As has been pointed out, most of the labors of wild rice production
are performed by women. The women of more than one family fre-

 

IAtwater, Indians, p. 102.
91ndian Affairs Report, 1843, p. 434.
3 Neill, Memoir of the Sioux, p.236.
4La Harpe,Journal Historique, p. 66.
5 Ed ward Tanner, Detroit Gazette, December 8,1820.
‘5 Carver, Travels, p. 524.
7 I’ither, letter, December 5, 1898; see also Gheen,‘ letter, November 15, 1898, and Hoﬁman, The
Menomini Indians, p.291, for the same use of bags.
8 Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 62.
9 Relations des Jesuites, 1663, p. 19. '
1" Pokagon, letter, November 16,1898.

 

1.4:. 9.0.1.

 

 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLI LXXVII

 

 

 

 

 

 

1L THRASHING WILD RICE BY MEANS OF A CHURN- B. INDIAN WOMAN WINNOWING WILD RICE
DASHER-LIKE STICK

.13sz] PROPERTY-RIGHT IN WILD RICE 1073

quently unite their labors and divide the product according to some
prearranged agreement or social custom. It must not be lost sight
of, however, that if the food of any worthy family fails, the entire
food supply of the social group is available to make up the deﬁciency.
Chief Pokagon writes of wild rice among the Pottawatomi: “ Our
people always divide everything when want comes to the door.” 1 '

Among many North American Indian tribes, especially those culti-
vating ﬁelds of maize, certain harvest lands are set aside by the tribe,
in which the family has a sort of fee tail. In general, it may be said
that such a family controls for its own use, but not for disposal in
any way, deﬁnite harvest lands for stated periods of time, provided it
comply with certain requirements—usually those of cultivation.

Marquette reported something similar among the Dakota in 1671.
They divided the wild-rice ﬁelds so that each could gather his crop
separately without trespassing upon his neighbor’s rights. Wild rice .
“qu’ils partagent entr’eux, pour y faire la récolte chacun a part, sans
empiéter les uns sur les autres.”
, Among the OjibWa Indians property right is quite generally recog-
nized in wild rice. It seems to be due not to tribal allotment, but to
preoccupation. Certain harvest ﬁelds are habitually visited by fami-
lies which eventually take up their temporary or permanent abode
at or near the ﬁelds. No one disputes their ownership, unless an
enemy from another tribe, in which case might establishes right. The
ﬁeld or crop is sometimes distinguished by a personal mark, as is
shown in the following cases. Carver said that after having tied the
bunches they went to gather the crop, “when each family having its
feperate allotment, and being] able to diftinguifh their own property
by the manner of faftening the fheaves, gathers in the portion that
belongs to them.” Ellis referred to a similar custom at Green bay.
He spoke of twisting the standing stalks into bunches. and says: “This
gives the party twisting the bunches, a kind of pre—emption to so
much of the rice, which before was all common.”3 Schoolcraft, in
speaking in a general way of wild rice gathering in Michigan. Wis-
consin, Iowa, Minnesota, and the upper Mississippi and Missouri val-
leys, said that the places where each family is to gather are generally
selected and known beforehand.4 Of course, if one has sowed a ﬁeld,
no one, unless a tribal enemy, would think of disputing the owner-
ship of the sower, and such rice beds fall to the kin, as would personal
property.

AMOUNTS OF WILD RICE HARVESTED

The primitive Indians do not take production very seriously. Indeed,
they do not take it seriously enough for their own welfare, for often
they are in want in an unnecessarily short time after the harvest. In

1 Pokagon, letter. November 16, 1898. 3 Ellis, Recollections, p. 265.
2 Carver, Travels, p. 523. 4 Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 62 et seq.

1074 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH.ANN.19

the case of wild rice, their want was due not to overproduction and
underdistribution, but to underproduction.

In 1820 Edward Tanner wrote: “ One family ordinarily makes about
ﬁve sacks of rice [5 bushels]; but those who are industrious some-
times make twenty-ﬁve—though this is very rare.” 1 At Pelican
Lake, Wisconsin, they gather about 12 or 15 bushels per family.
They could gather more “if they did not spend so much time feasting
and dancing every day and night during the time they are here for
the purpose of gathering.” 2 In the following table (A) an attempt is
made to show the state of wild rice production between the years 1852
and 1898. '

 

1 Edward Tanner, Detroit Gazette, December 8, 1820.
2Motzfeldt, letter, December 3, 1898.

 

j
4
,2
.
1‘
,

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIH

a I
' I w,',,,;. 7' ~ . ‘11,
\ ' ‘ ’ .
.. "1». -
‘~ /} " qt . , "x”
’\
a.

 

WILD-RICE KERNELS AFTER THRASHING AND WINNOWING

 

TABLE A—Statisl’ical view of wild-rice production

[NOTE—Wild rice has no legal weight per bushel. Letters of inquiry to various reservations have resulted in the information that the weight of a bushel is 60, 38, 36,
and 30 pounds. In some ﬁelds, as at Lae Courte Oreille river, Wisconsin, and Rat Portage, Ontario, the grain averages 50, 60, and at times 75 bushels per acre. There are
some fundamental reasons why the following statistics do not tell the whole truth. Unless the Indian agent is personally interested in the natural production of the
Indians he does not know accurately the amounts of wild rice which they produce. Agents’ reports are frequently sent in before or during the harvest, in which case the
amount of wild rice gathered is either only estimated or is not mentioned at all. Agents were frequently changed, and the new ones often did not speak of the rice crop
in their ﬁrst reports. Attention is also called to the utter lack of uniformity in making up the Indian Affairs Reports. The statistics which follow are sometimes given in
the text and again in various tabulated forms. In some of the reports wild rice can not be distinguished from other rice or even other cereals which were produced]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Rice
Indians Year P ($313” P Bush- Value Remarks References
ounds els
Ojibwa (Lake of the Woods), Canada ................. 1852 .................... 2, 000 ................ About 100 families harvested. . . I’ither, letter, Dec. 5, 1898.
Mississippi, Pillager, and Winnebigoshish Chippewa . 1864 3,966 .......... 5,000 $25,000 See note a, p. 1078' ............... Ind. Aﬁ. Rep, 1864, p. 417.
Menomini (Green Bay agency) ....................... 1866 1,376 .......... 50 100 .................................. Ind. AII.Rep., 1864, p. 363.
Chippewa (Ojibwa) of Lake Superior (Michigan 1866 1,058 .......... 650 1, 950 .................................. Ind. Aff. Rep, 1866, p. 363.
agency).
Mississippi band (Chippewa agency of Mississippi). . . 1866 2,166 .......... 4, 000 16, 000 Ind. Aﬂ‘. Rep., 1866, 'p. 264.
l’illager and Lake Winnebigoshish (Chippewa agency 1866 l, 899 ........ . 2, 500 10, 000 Do.
of Mississippi). 7

Red Lake Indians (Chippewa agency of Mississippi). _ 1866 1,183 .......... 500 2, 000 Do.
Chippewa (Ojibwa) of Lake Superior ................. 1867 1,060 .......... 1,000 2. 000 Ind. Aff. Rep, 1867, p. 386.
Kickapoo (Kickapoo agency, 'Kansas) ................ 1867 282 .......... 320 3‘20 Ind. Afi. Rep, 1867, p. 383.
Chippewa. (Ojibwa) of Lake Superior ................. 1868 1,060 .......... 2,000 4,000 . . .. Ind. Aft. Rep., 1868, p. 364.
Chippewa (Ojibwa) of Saginaw ....................... 1868 1,555 .......... 1 2 Do.
Chippewa (Ojibwa) of Mississippi river .............. 1868 .................... 1,000 4,000 _. Do.
Pillager and Lake Winnebigoshish Indians .......... 1868 .................... 2,000 8,000 Do.

Do ................................................. 1869 .................... 1,000 4,000 Ind. Aff.Rep., 1869, p. 479.
Chippewa (Ojibwa) of Mississippi river ............... 1869 .................... 600 2, 400 Do.

Do ................................................. 1870 .................... 2, 150 3, 583 Ind. Aft. Rep, 1370,, p. 342.
Seneca and others (New York) ........................ 1870 .................... 7,250 5,074 Do.
Menomini (Green Bay) ............................... 1870 .................... 30 150 ‘ Do.
Seminole agency (Indian Territory). . . . . . . . . _ _ . . . 1870 2,136 i .......... I 50 500 See note (l, 13.1078 .............. Ind. Aft. Rep., 1870, p. 341.
Yakima reservation (Washington Territory) ......... 3 1870 2, 700 i. . . . . . . . . .5' 200 1,400 See note I), p. 1078 ............. Ind. Aﬂ'. Rep, 1870, p. 336.

L'I'IVIIMNV ([[ELLSEIAHVH SLNIIONV [snnzr

QLOI

 

TABLE A—Statistical view of wild-rice production—Continued

 

 

 

 

Rice
Indians Year H3511?- P d Bush— Value Remarks References
mm s cl s

Chippewa of Lake Superior (Bois Fort bands) ........ 1871 .......... 20, 000 .......................................................... Ind. Aﬂ'. ltep.,1871,p.628.
(Ihippewaof Lake Superior, viz, Bad River, Red Cliff, 1871 1, 125 59,200 .......................................................... Do.

Lac du Flambeau, Lac Conrtc Orcille, Fond (111 Lac,

and Grand Portage hands.
Chippewa of Lake Superior (Michigan) _______________ 1871 1, 125 .......... 260 $1,105 .................................. Ind. A11. Rep.,1871,p. 634.
Menomini (Green Bay, Wisconsin) ................... 1871 1,348 .......... 30 150 .................................. Do.
Chippewa of Lake Superior (Michigan) ............... 1872 1,195 .......... 1,220 .................................................. 1nd. Aﬂ‘. ch.,1872,p.401.
Chippewa of Mississippi and other bands, as Pillagcr, 1872 1,774 .......... 950 Do.

Red Lake, etc.
Menomini (Green bay,Wisconsin) .................... 1872 1,362 .......... 200 .................................................. Do.
Creeks (Indian Territory) ............................. 1872 13, 000 .......... 500 ................ I‘ See note 71, p. 1078 .............. Ind. Aﬂ‘. Rep.,1872,p.403.
Seminole (Indian Territory) .......................... 1872 2,398 .......... 500 ................ l ..... do .......................... Do.
I’eah (near Denver, Colorado) ........ 1872 ____________________ 60 .................................................. Ind.Atf. Rep.,1872,p.409.
Coos (Alsca subagency, Washington) __________________ 1872 110 .......... 200 ................ Sc \ note I), p. 1078 .............. Ind. Aﬁ. ch.,1872,p.413.
Umpqua ( Alsca subagency, Washington) ............. 1872 110 .......... 50 ................ 1 ..... do .......................... Do.
Alsea (Alsca subagency, Washington) ................. 1872 107 .......... 100 ................ ‘ ..... do ........... ' ............... Do.
Menomini, Htockbridges, Munsee, Oneida _____________ 1873 .................... 300 .................................................. Ind. Aﬁ. Rep.,1873, p.346,table.
Chippewa of Lake Superior (La Pointe agency ) ....... 1873 Do.
Chippewa. of Lake Superior and other bands .......... 1873 Do.
Seminole (Indian Territory) .......................... 1873 D0.
Menomini, Stockbridges, Munsee, Oneida ............. 1874 Ind. A11. Rep, 1874, p. 122.
Chippewa of Lake Superior (La Pointe agency) ....... 1874 D0. .
Seminole (Indian Territory) .......................... 1874 Ind. Afi. Rep.,1874, p. 124.
Santee Sioux (Flandreau special agency on Missouri 1874 20 ................ This report was made Septem- Ind. AI‘I‘. Rep, 1874, p. 125.

river, northern Nebraska). her 5, which was too early to

know total amount.

Chippewa, Bad River band (Wisconsin) ............... 1875 732 4, 000 ........................ This crop exceeded 4,000 pounds Ind. Aft. Rep, 1875, p. 371.
(Ojibwa) White Earth (Minnesota) , Mississippi l’cm- 1878 2, 872 .......... 150 ................ This report wasdatcd August 30; Ind. Aﬂ‘. Rep, 1878, p. 82.

 

bina, and Ottertail Pillager bands.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

crop was about 150 bushels.

SHEIHEIHLVB 510121 (I’IIAA 9L0]:

SKXV'I Hﬁddﬂ £0

61 ‘NNV 'Hm]

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chippe\va,Bnd river (Wisconsin) ..................... 1878 .......... 10,000 ........ i ................ Total harvest for the, year was Ind.Aﬂ'. Rep.,1878,pp. 146, 311.
140,000 pounds.

Chippewa (Wiseonsin), Fond (in Lao, Bois Fort, 1879 5,150 129,000 _________________________________________________________ Ind. Aff. Rep., 1879, p. 163.
Grand Portage, Red Cliff, Bad River, Lac 'du Flam- 1881 .................... 6, 500 J ................ Total amount gathered ......... Ind. Aﬂ‘, Rep” 1881, p, 308.
beau,and Lac Courte Oreille bands ................. '

1882 50 .................................................. Ind. Aﬂ‘. Rep., 1882, p. 364.

Menomini ............................................. 1884 1,400 ................ Total amountgathered ......... Ind. Aﬂ. Rep.,1884,p. 320.

1885 ............................ i :10 Total value of wild riee sold. .. Ind. Aff. Rep., 1885,13. 394.

Bad River reservation,Wisconsin ..................... 1898 1,200 .......... 200 i per 1b.,10 Ms. 50 per cent of eropgathered.... Patterson,letter,Dec.5,1898,

Fond dn Lao reservation,Minnesota .................. 1898 400 .......... 650 Eperlb.,0—10 ets. ~11.3pereentofcropgathered...i I’halon,letter,Dee.27,1898.

Lac Courte ()reille reservation,Wiseonsin ............ 1898 1,150 .......... 500 perlb..8—10(*ts.! Could have gathered mueh ‘ R0dman,letter,Nov.11,1898.

; I more. ,

Nett Lake reservation. Minnesota (Vermilion Lake, 1898 200 .......... 100 ‘ per 11).,7 ets. 3.....do .......................... i Gheen,lettor,Nov.15,1898.

Bois Fort). ‘

 

The Indians at Bad river, Fond du Lam. and Lao lourte Oreille reservations harvested about. the some amount of wild riee in 1899 as in 1,898. A storm destroyed
nearly the entire erop at. Vermilion lake in 1399. The Menomini Indians annually harvest from 50141 100 bushels, but the whites who own the land adjoining Shawano
lake—their harvest. ground—frequent1y forbid them to vamp there; thus their crop is nneertain.

L'I'IVFINNV (KELLSEIA'HVH SJAUIOWV [sxxsr

LL01

1078 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mamaw

Note a—Estimates of other Indian productions for the year 1864

 

 

 

Commodities Amounts Value
Furs ......................................................................................... 340, 000
Maple sugar ................................................................. 150,000 pounds 15, 000
Potatoes ..................................................................... 3,000 bushels 3, 000
Maize ........................................................................ 1,000 bushels 1, 500
Total ................................................................................... 59, 500

 

 

 

With wild rice valued at $25,000, as is given in Table A, it equaled 30.308 per cent of the total Indian
production (Indian Affairs Report, 1864, p. 417). -

Note b—Zizania aquatica has not been found west of the Rocky mountains; so this reference should
be, probably, to Arenafatuu, the indigenous wild out of California and vicinity.

Note c—Sevcral letters of inquiry sent to Indian Territory have met with no response. It is there-
fore impossible to state what grain this is, though it is believed to be Zisam’a aquatica.

Note d—The Seminole of Indian territory planted rice in 1873 (see Indian Affairs Report, 1873, p. 212).
The same fact is suggested in the Indian Affairs Report for 1872.

This table shows, therefore, when all doubtful references to wild—rice
production are disregarded, that, besides the Indians in the wild rice
district, the following have produced the grain since 1852: The Kicka-
poo of Kansas; the Chippewa (Ojibwa) of Saginaw, Michigan; the
Seneca and others of New York; the Santee Sioux of Nebraska, and
the Peah Ute of Colorado.

It is regretted that no data could be obtained from the four reserva-
tions where wild rice is now produced in greatest quantities, viz, those
of Red lake, Pine point, Wild Rice river, and White Earth agency,
all in Minnesota.

Following is a list of Indian agencies at reservations where no
wild rice grows, although the natives are within reach of what was
once wild-rice territory, and many of them consumed the grain at an
earlier period:

Lower Brulé agency, South Dakota. Sisseton agency, South Dakota.
Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota. Standing Rock agency, North Dakota.
Crow Creek agency, South Dakota. Devils Lake agency, North Dakota.
Pine Ridge agency, South Dakota. Fort Berthold agency, North Dakota.
Yankton agency, South Dakota. Mackinaw agency, Michigan.

Rosebud agency, South Dakota.
TABLE B—Value of wild rice per bushel

[NOTE or EXPLANATION—These values are obtained from Table A]

Per bushel L Per bushel
1864 ............................ $5. 00 1869 ............................ $4. 00
1860 .............. $2. 00, 3. 00, and 4. 00 i 1870.... $0. 60, 1. 20, 5 00, 7. 00_ and 10.00
1867 ................... $1. 00 and 2. 00 1871 ................... $4. 25 and 5. 00
1868 ................... $2. 00 and 4. 00 l

The following table will aid in showing how long and how largely
the Indians in the wild-rice district have been able to maintain them-
selves through natural production. Some idea may also be obtained

JENKS]

STANDARDS OF LIFE

1079

as to what part Wild rice played in the Indian food supply by compar-
ing a certain tribe of Indians in Table A with the same tribe in Table
C at about the same year.

TABLE C—Standard of life of the various Indians who have produced wild rice, being an
estimate of the standard of subsistence obtained by Indian civilized labor, Indian natural
labor, and Government assistance 1

 

 

 

 
 
  
  
 

  

. Indian
Indians Year civilized
labor
Per cent
1 Creeks, Indian Territory ................................ 1875 .100
2 Kickapoo, Kansas .................. 1875 50
3 ...‘..do .................................. 1881 90
4 Peah Ute, Colorado ..................... . 1875 ..........
5 Chippewa of Lake Superior .............. . 1875 40
6 All Michigan Indians, including 5 ....... . 1877 60
7 Chippewa of Lake Superior ............................ 1881 75
8 Chippewa of Mississippi, Pillager, and Lake Winni-
bigoshish ............................................. 1875 5
9 Chippewa of Red Lake ................................. 1875 50
10 ..... do .................................................. 1877 50
11 All Leech Lake Indians, including 8 and 9 ............ 1877 40
12 Chippewa of Lake Superior, including 13 to 18 ......... 1875 40
Chippewa of Lake Superior in following bands:
13 Red Cliff ........................................... 1881 65
14 Bad River .......................................... 1881 60
15 Lac Court Oreille ................................... 1881 10
16 Fond du Lac (Lake Superior) ...................... 1881 60
17 Grand Portage ........................ 1881 50
18 Bois Fort ................................. 1881 50
19 Santee Sioux, Nebraska ...................... 1875 35
20 ..... do .................................................. 1877 40
21 ..... do .................................................. 1881 70
22 Menomini, Stockbridge, and Oneida of Wisconsin ..... 1875 100
23 Menomini, Wisconsin .................................. 1881 90
24 Coos, Umpqua, and Alsea of Oregon ................... 1875 25
25 Entire Siletz agency, including the three of 24 ......... 1881 65
26 Chippewa of White Earth agency, Minnesota, in the
following bands: Mississippi, Pembina, Ottertaily
and Pillager. (See 8) ................................ 1878 75
27 All Chippewa of Leach Lake, Red Lake, and White
Earth agencies, including 8, 9, 10, 11, 26 ............. 1881 50

 

 

 

 

Indian
natural _
labor ‘
l

Per cent

 

 

 

Govern-

 

 

1 These ﬁgures are found in the Indian Affairs Reports for 1875, p. 122 et seq.; for 1877, p. 311 et seq. ,
for 1878, p. 305, and for 1881, p. 290 et seq.

CHAPTER V
CONSUMPTION
NUTRITION

Of the various authors quoted in this memoir not one has spoKen _
disparagingly of wild rice as a food. A few have observed that it is
nearly as good as the white rice of commerce; a great many have said
that it is fully as good, while still many others have said that it is
bettel. A few of these observations will be presented later, when the
v a11ous wax s of prepaiing the grain f01 food ale considered.

In 1862 Mr Ed. Petels made a chemical test of the composition of
the g1ain (mem (qmtica), and Prof. F. W. Woll, chemist of the
Agricultural Experiment Station at Madison, Wisconsin, made a simi-
lar test for this memoir in 1899. These are the only tests which have
been reported, and it is upon them that the positive statements of the
nutritive qualities of wild rice are made. The following table (D),
column ll, shows that wild rice is more nutritious than the other native
foods to which the wild rice producing Indians had access, viz, maize,
green corn, corn meal, white hominy (substitute for Indian hominy),
strawberries, whortleberries, cranberries, sturgeon, brook trout, and
dried beef (substitute for dried or jerked buffalo meat). It shows also
that it is more nutritious than any of our common cereals, as oats,
barley, wheat, rye, rice, and maize.

It is noticed that the wild rice is very rich in nitrogen-free extract;
that is, carbohydrates, such as starch, sugar, etc., which are heat pro-
ducers. In the economy of the animal body they are transformed
into fat. They thus produce both heat and fat. Indeed, wild rice is
seen to be richer in carbohydrates than any other of the foods here
mentioned, with the exception of white hominy—the hominy of com-
merce.

The last two specimens of wild rice mentioned in Table D were pro-
duced by Indians and came from Lac Courte Oreille reservation, Wis-
consin, while the ﬁrst specimen probably was not, as the Indians do not
consume the grain in the “original substance,” and the “dried sub-
stance,” by Peters, is drier than the Indians prepared it—the water
having been entirely removed. It is also noticed that the Indian-pro-
duced wild rice is very rich in crude protein, or the albuminoids,

1080

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX

 

 

A. BIRCH-BARK MOCOCKS IN WHICH THE GRAIN IS CARRIED

 

Ii. BIRCH-BARK WINNOWING TRAY

 

TABLE D—Composition of cereals and Indian foods

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_ (e)
1" 0:11.33qu- é.) geese. Egg)... trot’nlu]
Cereals and Indian foods wit?” (minseral bueilillxigids, (232111322? (03:38:51? egg??? Nitl‘éggen 1331511530?
matter) ﬂesh starch: oil) . columns 0,
producers) sugar, etc) e, andf)
Wild rice:

In der urspriinglichen substanz 1— Per cent Per cent Per cent Percent Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent
Haferreis geschalt 2 ........................................................ 12. 00 1. 70 6. 74 1. 93 76. 93 0. 70 ........................
Samenschale ‘3 ............................................................. 13. 20 9. 20 2. 82 38. 90 35. 05 . 83 ........................

In der trockenen substanzl—

Haferreis geschéilt‘2 .................................................................. 1. 95 7. 74 2. 22 87. 29 . 80 1. 24 ............
Samenschale 2 ....................................................................... 10. 60 3. 25 44. 81 40. 38 . 96 . 52 ............

The original substance (the entire grain) .................................... 12. 14 2. 60 6.269 6. 36 71. 90 . 715 ........................

The dried substance (the entire grain) ................................................. 1. 98 7.20 7.33 81. 66 .819 1. 15 3 89. 679

Smoke dried (the entire grain) ................................................ 9. 99 1. 58 13. 65 1. 22 72. 68 88 ............ 3 87. 21

Perched (the entire grain) .................................................... 9. 54 1.44 13.00 1. 12 74.04 .86 ............ 387.90

Corn (maize) 4 ..................................................................... 1o. 9 1. 5 10.5 2.1 69. 6 5. 4 ............ ' 85.5
Green sweet corn 5. . . 2. 8 ............ 14. 2 1. 1 ............ 18. 1
Corn meal 5 .............................................................................................. 9. 2 ............ 70. 6 3. 8 ____________ 83. 6
White hominy 5 .......................................................................................... 8. 3 ............ 77. 4 .4 ............ 86. 1
Strawberries5 ............................................................................................ 1. 0 ............ 6. 9 . 7 ............ 8. 6
leiortleberries6 ......................................................................................... . 7 ............ 13. 5 3.0 ............ 17. 2
Cranberries 6 ........................................................................................... .4 ............ ‘ 10. 9 .9 ............ 12. 2
Sturgeon, section of 6 ........................ ‘ ............................................................ 1 5. 4 ........................ 1. 6 ............ 17.0
Brook trout, whole6 ......................................................................... , ............ ' 9.8 ........................ 1. 1 . _. . ........ 10.9

1 Peters in Dietrich und Koiiig Futtermittel, Zweite Auﬂage, I (Berlin, 1891), p. 585.

2 Note in Dietrich . . . , p. 585: “ Kern und Schalo waren in dem Gewichtsverhitltniss von 88:12 vorhanden.”

4 Test of Professor F. W. W011,.Experiment Station. Madison, Wisconsin.
5 Report of Connecticut Board of Agricultural and Experiment Station 1891, table 33
6 Ibid., table 32.

 

 

In order to get the composition of the entire grain, or
the grain as the Indian consumed it, the ﬁrst, “ Haferreis geschiilt,” is multiplied by 88, and the second, “ Samensehale,” by 12, and the product is divided by 100.

3 In comparing the nutrition of wild rice and cleaned rice, it must be noticed that the wild rice grain is yet inclosed in its pellicle, while the cleaned rice has had the
pelliele removed. If the wild rice were “ cleaned ” by having its pclliclo removed it would be still more nutritious.

[sxuar

NOIJJSOJNOO

SCIOOﬂ NVICINI .10

1801

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE D—Composition of cereals and Indian foods—Continued )5
___...,., H. g;
(6)
c) Nitro en- (f) (h)
(b Cruée pro— g Total nu-
(‘erealq and Indian foods ((1) AS tein (‘11- Crud(g)ﬁber frigglegigﬁuct $3231 (9) trition (the
’ ‘ ‘ Water (mineral buminoids, 1 1 d y f Nitrogen product of
matter) ﬂesh (ce u ose) stale-Lite?) ( 3:1)“ columns 0,
producers) ‘ sugar, etc) e, andf) ﬂ
1
H
Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent 5
White-ﬁsh, whole1 ...................................................................................... 10.3 ........................ 3.0 ............ 13.3
Lake trout, whole 7. 7 5. 4 ............ 13. 1 a
Dried beef 2 .............................................................. 28. 8 4. 4 ............ 34. 6 g
Oats3 . . .' ........................................................................... 11. 0 3. 0 11. 8 5. 0 ............ 76. 5
Barley 3 ............................................................................ 10. 9 2. 4 12. 4 2. 7 69.8 1. 8 ............ 84.0 :3
Wheat 3 ............................................................................ 10. 5 1. 8 11. 9 1. 8 71. 9 2. 1 ............ - 85. 9 ,_3
Rye 3 .............................................................................. 11.6 1. 9 10. 6 1. 7 72. 5 1.7 ............ 84. 8 III
Rice, cleaned 4 .......................................................................................... 6. 73 ............ 78. 48 . 88 ............ 86. 09 g
d
1 Report of Connecticut Board of Agricultural and Experiment Station 1891, table 32. a
2 Ibid., table 33.
{ITest of Professor F. W. Woll, Experiment Station, Madison, Wisconsin. 3
4Austin, Rice . . . ,p.11. '
C1
'13
"d
H
w
t4
, K>
74
t1:
' (/4
'E
#5
E”
p
z
.2
ES

   

 

 

mxs] WILD RICE AS A FOOD 1083

which produce ﬂesh. It is richer in ﬂesh-producing substance than
any of the other foods given above, with the exception of sturgeon and
dried beef. It is therefore true that wild rice is the most nutritive
single food which the Indians of North America consumed. The
Indian diet of this grain, combined with maple sugar and with bison,
deer. and other meats, was probably richer than that of the average
American family to-day. Of course this diet lasted a limited part of
the year only.

WAYS OF PREPARING \VILD RICE FOR FOOD

Food suggests plenty and satisfaction. The witty and humorous
after-dinner speeches of well—dined and well-wined men are a natural
overﬂow. Radisson presents a brief glimpse of a happy primeval
banquet before the western Indian had learned to distrust the white
man. He speaks of a friendship feast of the Dakota as follows: " Our
fongs being ﬁnifhed. we began our teeth to worke. \Ve had there a
kinde of rice, much like oats . . . and that is their food for the moft
part of the winter, and [they] doe dreffe it thus: ffor each man a hand-
full of that they putt in the pott, that f wells fo much that it can fuﬂice
a man.” 1

The Indian is very fond of soups, and wild rice is commonly used
by him to thicken food of this kind quite as commercial rice is used by
the whites. Early in the eighteenth century Neill wrote of the Dakota
Indians: “ Wild rice is a good and very healthful food, very light and
nourishing; it is excellent with game broth.” ‘3

On the same page this author also said that at the time these Indians
buried their store of grain in the fall of the year, “they also put some
to rot in the water, and when they return in the spring they ﬁnd it
delicious.” Ellis wrote of the use of wild rice in the early days at
Green bay, Wisconsin, as follows: “It is used to thicken their broth
of venison, bear, ﬁsh, and fowl; it is very nutritious and palatable.” 3
The wild rice of the Mississagua Indians of Rice lake, Ontario, is
parched and “without further preparation it is often used by hunters
and ﬁshermen when out on expeditions. But more frequently it is
made into soup and stews.”4 From Lake of the Woods comes a
receipt for a wild-rice dish, which suggests a delightful ﬂavor, as fol-
lows: “A soup made of wild rice and blue berries is a very palatable
dish, and eagerly sought after by those who have been living on salt
food for several weeks.”5 The Potawatomi Indians, after pounding
their grain, hull and all, and throwing it into a vessel of water,
skimmed off the refuse hulls and made the remainder into a very
palatable soup.6

 

lRadisson, Voyages . . . ,p.215. 4Chamberlain, op. cit, p. 155.
2 Neill, Memoir of the Sioux, p. 236. 5Hind, Narrative, pp. 96—974
3 Ellis, Recollections. p. 266. 6Paddock, letter, January 20, 1899.

1084 WILD RICE GATHERERS 0F UPPER LAKES [Em-nus)

Some of the dishes of which wild rice forms a part, however, are
not so suggestive of satisfaction to the palate of the white man; and
yet, most white people have eaten food less palatable than a stew or
soup of wild rice and dog meat, notwithstanding its suggestiveness.
It is a favorite dish with the Indian. After some of the customary
conﬂicts between the Ojibwa and Dakota in the wild-rice district, the
following was recorded in 1840: "The savage party [Ojibwa] also
cooked some of the ﬂesh of the Sioux with their rice.’7 1 The Sandy
lake Indians, according to Doty, have boiled the excrement of rabbit
with their rice to season it, and they esteem it a luxury. To make
this dish still more palatable—in fact, one of their highest epicurean
dishes they occasionally took a partridge, and, after having picked
off its feathers, but made no further preparation, they pounded it to
the consistency of jelly. It was then thrown into the dish and the
whole was boiled.2

The following dish is not only palatable, but also very nutritious:
“The Indian women used to make a favorite dish of wild rice, corn,
and ﬁsh boiled together, and called ﬁl-S‘St'lltd/N072.72g. I remember it
to this day as an object of early love.”3 Marquette wrote that after
winnowing the grain “they pound it to reduce it to meal, or even
unpounded, boil it in water seasoned with grease, and in this way, wild
oats [wild rice] are almost as palatable as rice would be when not
better seasoned.” Traill wrote of the Indians about Qu-into bay,
Ontario, as follows: “That night . . . cooked some of the parched
rice, Indian fashion, with venison, and they enjoyed the novelty very
much. It made an excellent substitute for bread, of which they had
been so long deprived.”5

The cooked grain is eaten plain, and is also a great favorite with the
Indian when eaten with sweets, especially with maple sugar. School-
craft tells us that it was boiled in water to the consistency of hominy and
was eaten, unseasoned, with spoons. It is also sometimes roasted and
eaten dry. He stated that it contains more gelatinous matter than the
southern rice, and is very nutritious.6 Hennepin said that the Indians
used to boil their rice except during the time of hunting. "Les
Sauvages en font leur provifion pour fubfifter une partie de l’année en
la faifant cuire en maniere de bouillie hors du temps de leur Chaffe.‘77
Flint wrote “The grain, that we have eaten, was as white, as the common
rice. Puddings made of it tasted to us, like those made of sago.”8
Carver stated that the Dakota “ boil it and eat it alone”; that they also

 

 

1 Neill, The Beginnings of Organized Society, p. 64.

2 Doty, Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. VII, p. 199.
3Bidd1e,Wiseonsin Historical Collections, vol. 1,1). 63.

4 Shea, Discovery, p. 9.

5Traill, Canadian Crusoes, p. 185.

“Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 63.

7Hennepin, Nouvelle Decouverte, p. 313* (fol. 0*4).
8Flint, Geography and History. vol. 1, p. 55.

Jams] , WILD RICE AS A FOOD 1085

eat their meat and usually their maple sugar alone.1 Le Sueur spoke
of two features of the feasts of the Dakota. He was invited to their
wigwams, and, after their customary weeping ceremony “the chief
offered him wild rice to eat, and according to their cuftom put the
ﬁrft three fpoonfuls in to his [own] mouth.”2 The “)Iandantons”
(Dakota band) invited him to a great banquet where there were 100
men, each with his plate.3

Hennepin and his companions were captured and adopted into
Dakota families; after pipe smoking, in the ceremony of adoption,
the principal chief gave them wild rice, presenting it on birch-bark
dishes. The women had seasoned the food with sun-dried whortle-
berries. He said that they were as good as currants—“ces Barbares
nous donnérent a manger de la folle avoine, dont j’ai fait mention.
Il nous la prefentérent dans de grands plats d‘écorce de bouleau.
Les femmes Sauvages l’avoient affaifonnée avec des bluez. Ce font
des graines noires, qu’elles font fecher au Soleil pendant l’été, & qui
font auffi bonnes que des raifins de Corinthe.“ He was also/given
'wild rice with the smoked roe of ﬁshes—“Aquipaguetin, qui m‘avoit
adopté, ne me donnoit qu’un peu de folle avoine cinq ou fix fois 1a
femaine avec des oeufs de poiffons boucannez pour me nourir. Les
femmes faifoient cuire tout cela dans des pots de terre.”5 Dablon
said, “et la graisse mélée avec la folle avoine, fait le mets le plus
delicat de ce pa‘is.”6 This was among the Maskotin.

Hoffman wrote in 1892 that the Menomini Indians boiled their rice
and ate it plain with maple sugar. It was also sometimes boiled with
meat or vegetables, or a broth was made of it and was served as soup.7
Mr George Lawe wrote of these Indians in the early forties that their
rice when boiled and eaten with maple sugar is very palatable and
nutritious, and serves them instead of breadstuﬁ's.R Reverend Chry—
sostom Verwyst, a lifelong missionary among the Indians south of
Lake Superior, says: “ \Vild rice is very palatable, and the writer and
his dusky spiritual children prefer it to the rice of commerce, although
it does not look quite so nice.” 9

The Indians at Lac Courte Oreille reservation, and doubtless all
other wild rice producing Indians, will eat the «rain cooked in any
form in which they are able to procure it. During the three weeks
following the harvest of 1899 I was daily, almost constantly, in their
houses, wigwams, war-dance circle, and Mide’ society lodge, and did
not witness a meal in which wild rice was not consumed. In fact,
during the eight days covered by their dances, when I saw them eat
three or four times daily, wild rice, cooked in a manner similar to

 

ICarver, Travels, p. 262. 51bid., p. 35’».

2Shea, Early Voyages, p. 107. “Relations des Jésuites, 1671, p. 44.
3La Harpe, Journal, p. 66. 7 Hoﬁ'man. Menninini Indians, 1». 291.
4Hennepin, Nouvelle Dccouverte, p. 347. flndian Affairs Report. 1543, Iv. 42H.

9 Verwyst, Historical Sites of (‘hcquamegon Bay, in Wisconsin Historical Collections, \‘ul. .\'m.1i.4'.29.

l9 ETH, I’T 2—01 3i

 

1086 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mung

oatmeal, and eaten alone, was their entire diet nearly every meal.
At times also the rice was used to thicken venison and dog stew.

The white people near all the reservations in Wisconsin and Min-
nesota, where wild rice is produced are, as a rule, very fond of the
food. As a result of many personal interrogations I believe that
fully 90 per cent of the white people who have eaten wild rice are
fond of it.

Both the Indians and the whites wash the grain three or four times
before cooking. Sometimes a small quantity of soda is added to the
water used in the ﬁrst washing. The green wild rice will cook by
simply having boiling water poured over it. The parched Wild rice
needs to be cooked about half an hour, while the ﬁre-cured or black
wild rice requires nearly an hour for cooking. When it is cooked
like oatmeal twice as much boiling water as rice is used. The grain '
cooked in this manner may be warmed over, and its ﬂavor and whole-
someness in no way impaired. In cooking it swells probably a little
less than commercial rice, but a coﬂ'ee-cup full, measured before cook-
ing, will furnish a full meal for two Indians, or suﬂicient breakfast
food for eight or ten persons. The grain is especially wholesome as a
breakfast food served with sugar and cream; and when treated in any
way with wild game, whether as a dressing, in soups or stews, or as a
side dish dressed with the juices of the game, it is at its best, and is
delicious and wholesome.

John Long wrote of a baby food in which wild rice was the most
important ingredient. He said that the northern Indian women fed
their little children on rice and oats, which, when cleaned from the
hull, were pounded between two stones, and boiled in water with
maple sugar. “This food is reckoned very nourishing, and with
broth made from the ﬂesh of animals and ﬁsh, which they are fre-
q uently able to procure, can not fail of supporting and strengthening
the infant.”1 Hunter, who was a captive among the Osage Indians
from childhood until the age of 19 years, in the ﬁrst quarter of the
present century, says of their treatment of cholera morbus: “They
resort to the steam~bath and catharties, after which they give copiously
of a gruel made of wild rice, and wild licorice tea. They also apply
fomentations to the stomach.” 2

Famous or CONSUMPTION

The subject of mealtime is still open to study. Why it is that peo—
ple of one nation have three meals regularly every twenty-four hours,
while others have ﬁve, is a matter for sociologic speculation. As habits
of industry become more ﬁxed and the food supply comes more under
control, mealtime correspondingly tends to become more regular.

 

lLong, Voyages and Travels, p. 61.
2Hunter, Captivity Among the Indians, p. 433.

JENKS] WILD RICE AS A FOOD 1087

During the period when the food supply depended upon almost con-
stant effort, meals were partaken of whenever the individual could
obtain food.

In this section will be brought together some facts as to the time of
day and year when wild rice is consumed. It is natural to expect
that most of it will be eaten immediately after harvest, for the Indian
does not often save in large quantities or for a long period, especially
in the case of food that he relishes greatly. However, since the fall
hunts begin soon after the harvest, wild rice is generally quite exten—
sively saved by those Indians whose hunting grounds are fruitful.

Hunter says of the Osage Indians: “The usual times of taking their
meals, are at sunrise, noon, and sunset.” When the days are long and
the food abundant, the grown people eat three meals daily, when the
days are shorter but two meals are eaten, and when food is scarce
they eat but one, and sometimes not even that.1 According to School-
craft the Dakota Indians have no regular mealtime.2

Pokagon, the late Potawatomi chief from the St Joseph river valley,
Michigan, wrote in regard to this subject: “ Indians eat when hungry.”
His people ate their rice in the fall and all the year if it lasted.3 The
Leech Lake Indians, in 1863, garnered their wild rice for use in mid-
winter, when other food could not be obtained.4 In 1813 the Menomini
stored their wild rice in the ground “ to be taken therefrom, and used,
during the winter, as their necessities require. In times of scarcity
of game, they subsist entirely upon it.” Radisson says that wild rice
is the food of the Dakota "' for the moft part of the winter.”6

Pike wrote of the “ Minowa Kantongs ” (the Mdewaka"to”wan band of
the Dakota) that they cultivated a small quantity of maize and beans,
but, although he was with them in September and October, he never saw
one kettle of either, as they always used wild rice for bread. This
production, he said, nature has furnished to all of the most unculti-
vated tribes of the Northwest, so that they may gather enough, which,
together with the products of the chase and the net, will insure them
subsistence throughout the entire year.7

Of the wild-rice district in 1820, we read: “A few provident
Indians save a little [Wild rice] for the spring of the year to eat with
their sugar, though generally by the time they have done curing it,
the whole is disposed of for trinkets and ornaments.” The author
continues: “Thus by gratifying their vanity, they are left nearly des-
titute of provisions for the Winter—choosing rather to endure hunger
and the greatest misery, than to mortify their pride.”8

 

1 Hunter, Captivity, pp. 259-260. 4 Indian Affairs Report, 1863.
2Sclmolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. 1V, p. 67. 51bid., 1843, p. 434.
3Pokagon, letter, November 16, 1898. “Radisson, Voyages, p. 215.

7Cones, Pike, vol. I, p. 344.
8Edward Tanner, Detroit Gazette, December 8, 1820; reprinted in Wisconsin Historical Collections,
v01. vn, p. 199 et seq.

1088 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES 'LETH.Axx.19

Warren says that in 1862 the Ojibwa of Leech lake, Minnesota,
gathered sufﬁcient wild rice for winter consumption.‘ Carver wrote
that the Indians saved the grain for an entire year. He speaks of the
sacks of fawn skins and young bison skins “wherein they preserve
it till the return of their harvest.”2 In 1775 Alexander Henry wrote
of obtaining wild rice from the Indians in Canada, immediately north
of the wild-rice district in the United States, about ten months after
their last harvest.3

Letters of inquiry sent to reservations on which Indians now use
wild rice elicited no new facts as to the time of its consumption. The
grain is very highly esteemed as a food, and is usually eaten at any
and all meals until the supply is exhausted. .

 

1 Warren, History of the Ojibways, p. 186.
2Carver, Travels, p. 524.
3 Henry, Travels, pp. 241,243,244, 251.

CHAPTER VI
GENERAL SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INTERPRETATIONS
THE VVILD-RICE MOON

With primitive man, as with wild animals, there are two chief foci
from which radiate the primary activities of the individual and his
society. Both are connected with the processes of growth. The one
is food getting, the other reproduction. Along these radiations the
majority of life’s battles are fought—along those from the ﬁrst focus
the individual struggles to survive; along those from the second he
struggles that others may survive, that he may perpetuate his species.
In the evolution of animal life these struggles may be classiﬁed
roughly as, ﬁrst, purely chemical; next, predominantly instinctive,
and last, conscious. Attention is called to the struggle along the
radiations from the food focus, and in this last, or conscious stage.

The most fundamental and persistent want of man is that for food.
It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that periods of food plenty should
be recognized and marked conspicuously by suitable names. It is a
worldwide custom of primitive people to name many months or moons
of the year after that natural product which, by its abundance or useful-
ness, or by other means, emphasizes itself for the time being above all
other products. Wild rice at the time of its harvest is such a product,
and it has given name to its harvest moon among many wild rice produc-
ing Indians. In the Ojibwa language the September moon is called
Illanominike—gisz'ss or 11/202,077ai72i-gisiss, “the moon of the gathering
of wild rice.” 1 Schoolcraft gives the synonym Jﬁm-o-min-e-geez-is, 01'
“moon of Wild rice,” 2 as referring to the August moon. There need
be no discrepancy here, for the harvest occupied parts of August,
September, and October. Wilson gives ‘mu/moomehe-kegzis, “ the wild
rice moon,” as another synonym for September.3 In the Ottawa
language, Menomom’a—ka-we keg—sis, and. in the Menomini language,
[Mr/Ia-lcun Ira-2]“), both mean “ wild-rice-gathering moon.” 4 The Pota-
watomi Indians have a moon called amnominike-yis'cs, or “ the moon of

‘35

gathering wild rice, corresponding with late September and early

 

1 Baraga, Dictionary.
2Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes. vol. V, p.569.
3 Wilson, Manual of the Ojebway Language. Both Wilson and Baraga call August the bilbcrry
or whortlcberry moon.
4Tanner, Narrative, p. 321.
3 I’okagon, letter, November 16,1898.
1089

1090 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [Em-male

October. All of these synonyms, except that in the Menomini
language, are clearly from the same root terms, viz, nwno’min, w11d
rice, and lace/2's or gisz’ss, moon or month.

~ In the language of the Dakota Indians, two moons, roughly corre-
sponding to our September and October, have received their names
from wild rice. September is called Psin-na-iw-m-wee, or “the ripe-
rice moon,” and October is designated Wa-zu—pcc-wee, or lVee-wa-sw—
2966, “the moon when wild rice is gathered and laid up for winter.”1
Neill2 gives the following synonyms for the same months: September
is Itsin/maketu-wz‘, or “the moon when rice is laid up to dry,” and
October is ll’é-wajupi, or ll’azupi-wi, “the drying—rice moon.” As
early as 1828 Beltrami3 cited the names for these two months. One
of the words given by him is clearly a synonym of the above and the
other is apparently so. As this author is an Italian it is easy to see
that the difference may be due largely to spelling. However, he eon-
fused the words and called September “lamp/2016);, “the moon of oats,”
and October Scizvostajfa—ow‘a, “the second moon of oats.” Long gives
IVajopi 1/36 or “commencement of wild rice” as the name for Sep-
tember; and Sias/ctaupl we or “end of wild rice” as the name for
October} li’rezcakz'l’s/wo is also given as meaning “the moon when
the wild rice is ripe.”5 .

T hus,_with the three great branches of the Algonquian stock in the
district of the upper lakes the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi—the
autumnal harvest of wild rice was so important an event that at least
one month was named from it. This is true also of the smaller tribe
of the same stock, the Menomini, while the Dakota, of the Siouan
stock, were so inﬂuenced in their household economy by this grain
that two of their autumn months bear its name.

 

WILD RICE IN INDIAN CEREMONY AND MYTHOLOGY

The mythology of primitive people is usually an attempted explana-
tion of phenomena, and for the purposes of comparison much credit
may be attached to it. The following facts have been collected which
show at what relative periods some of the Indians came into possession
of wild rice. The ﬁrst totem ot' the Menomini Indians was the Bear;
consequently Bear is the name of the chief phratry. This bear came
from the earth at Minikanisepe (Menomini river) between the upper
peninsula of Michigan and lViseonsin, where the Bear phratry long
resided. The second totem was the Eagle, which was at the head of
the Big Thunder phratry, dwelling at Lake Winnebago. The Good
Mystery made this phratry the laborers; they also brought rain.

 

1Gordon, Winona, p. 134, note. 3 Beltrami, Sources of the Mississippi, ii, p. 274.

QNeill, History of Minnesota, p. 86. 4 Long. Xarrative, vol. I, p. 422.

5Atwater, Indians. p. 170. This author says that the “ Daeotas reckon time by lunations,” but he
mentions only seven months. '

 

JEXKS] SPIRITUAL ()BSERVANCES 1091

The Good Mystery gave them maize, and they were also the makers
of ﬁre. They visited the Bear phratry, offering maize and fire in
exchange for wild rice, which was the property of the Bear and the
Sturgeon, and which grew abundantly along Menomini river. The
bargaln was concluded, and since that time the Bear and the Big
Thunder phratries have lived together.1 The Potawatomi of St Joseph
river, Michigan, have a similar tradition. The Bear phratry gave
maize and ﬁre in exchange for wild rice.2 The lVinnebago say that
the “Great Spirit” gave maize and wild rice to one man at the same
time.3 From the above, and from other facts known about these
Indians, it seems plain that the Menomini came into possession of wild
rice relatively earlychat is, before the complete organization of the
tribe—While the Potawatomi and the \Vinnebago obtained it at a
much later time.

The periods of the wild-rice harvest, as indeed of most opportuni-
ties for social gatherings, are gala days to the Indians. Social pas-
times and religious ceremonies are strangely commingled. Some of
the ways in which the Indians express themselves at the rice harvest
are here given, and others are presented which wild rice seems to
characterize more or less distinctly. The Indians of “Thite Earth
reservation, Minnesota, give a rice feast. “The Manomin (wild rice)
feast comes in the fall after gathering rice and before the winter hunt.
It is a sort of thanksgiving, and prayers are oifered to Manitou.N
The Ojibwa Indians in Canada, about Lake of the \Voods, perform
the following ceremony: “Before commencing to gather the rice they
make a feast, and none are allowed to gather the grain till after it.
They thank the Master of Life for the crop, asking him to keep off
all storms while they are harvesting.” The ﬁrst fruits gathered by
the Dakota “are set apart for the purpose of a spiritual or holy
feast; the ﬁrst corn or wild rice of the season, the ﬁrst. duck or goose
killed when they appear in the spring, are all reserved for the feast,
at which those Indians only who are entitled to wear the badge of
having slain an enemy, are invitet 3’“ Tanner, who spent all his life
with the Ojibwa, continually speaks of such feasts. At the sacred
dog feast on the White Earth reservation the Ojibx ’11. Indians usually
kill and stew a dog in rice; certain ceremonies, including a dance, are
then performed, after which the dog is eaten.7 Mr Long wrote of the
“ Poes” (Potawatomi) that they compelled their prisoner, Mr Ramsey,
of the American Fur Company, to eat his death feast at the war kettle

 

1 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, part 1,
p. 40.

2Pokagon, letter, November 16,1898.

31nformation from the Winnebago near Elroy, Wisconsin, winter of 1898-99.

4E1eventh Census of the United States; Indians, p. 346.

5 Pither. letter, November 18,1898.

6Lockwood, Early Times and Events in Wisconsin,appendix 6, pp. 98—196, in Wisconsin Historical
Collections. vol. II, p. 181.

7Eleventh Census of the United States; lndians,p.346.

 

 

 

1092 WILD RICE GATHERERS 0F UPPER LAKES [mammal

before he was to be tortured. The feast “consisted of dog, tyger-cat,
and bear‘s grease, mixed with wild oats [wild rice].”1

Carver gives an account of a unique rice feast among the “Naudo-
~wessies” (Dakota). They paid uncommon respect to one of their
women, and “They told me that when fhe was a young woman, for at
the time I {aw her fhe w: s far advanced in life, {he had given what
they termed a rice feaft. According to an ancient but almoft obfolete
cuftom . . . fhe invited forty of the principal warriors to her tent,
where having feafted them on rice and venifon, fhe by turns regaled
each of them with a private defert, behind a fcrene ﬁxed for this pur-
pofe in the inner part of the tent.” . . . “ So fenfible were the young
Indians of her extraordinary merit, that they vied with each other for
her hand, and in a very fhort time one of the principal chiefs took her
to wife.” . . . “It is however fcarcely once in an age that any of their
females are hardy enough to make this feaft, notwithftanding a huf-
band of the ﬁrit 'ank awaits as a fure reward the fucceffful giver of
it: and the cuftom. I fince ﬁnd, is peculiar to the Naudowetfies.”2
The rice was used probably because it was the greatest delicacy
which could be set before guests. Yet it seems to have been the kind
of food which always characterized this extraordinary social function.

As might be expected from the meaning of their name, the Menomini
Indians are more deeply inﬂuenced by wild rice than are other wild
rice producing Indians. Special investigation3 has proved, according
to Indian traditions, what the facts recently given from Dr Hoffman’s
report seemed clearly to show, i. e., that the Menomini came into pos-
session of wild rice at the very inception of their tribal organization.
Mz‘i'nabush, one of the numerous mythic half-god half-man personages
of the myths of the Menomini Indians, created the bear, which came
out of the earth at Menominee river (between the upper peninsula of
Michigan and ll'isconsin). Ma’nabush determined to make an Indian
of the bear, and accomplished the feat at the end of four days. He
called the Indian “ Shekatcheke’nau,” and made him the head of the
Bear phratry, the ﬁrst phratry of the Menomini tribe. Then taking
the Indian to the river he showed it to him and gave it into his hands,
with all its ﬁsh, its great beds of wild rice, and many sugar trees along
its banks. He said, "I give these things to'you, and you shall always
have them—the river, the ﬁsh, the wild rice, and the sugar trees.”
Shekatcheke’nau answered, “I thank you. It is all right. I will
always Work for you.”

In a short time \Vishki’no, the eagle, the thunderer, came from
lake \Vinnebago to visit at Menominee river. He became the head

 

leig,\'oyagcs and Travels . . . p.146.

"It‘arvcr, Travels, pp. "MS, 246. This paragraph, and other matter from this author, is given purely
on (‘arvcr’s authority; he is not so reliable on Indian subjects as could be desired, and this account
of the rice feast savors strongly of the fabulous.

3Information from Menomini. at )Icnomini reservation, in the autumn of 1899.

 

JEXKS] ' WILD-RICE TALES 1093

of the Big Thunder phratry, the second phratry of the Menomini
tribe. The world mission of this eagle, whom Ma’niibush had also
changed into an Indian, was to bring rain, and ﬁre, and maize to
men. When Shekateheke’nau saw the eagle, he said. “ I am glad to
receive you. You will always stand by me. You will always be my
warrior. You see everything—the river with ﬁsh, the beds of wild
rice. everything—I turn all of these over to you." \Vhen the wild
rice was ripe in the fall, the eagles, all decorated With feathers, had
their canoes and rice sticks ready. After they had gathered four
canoe loads, a thunderstorm came. It destroyed all of the grain
which had not been gathered, and spoiled the beautiful feathers on
the heads of the eagles. Then Wishki’no said to Shekatcheke’nau,
“ It won’t do for you to give me the wild rice, for wherever I go there
is thunder, and wind, and rain. I will give it all back to you, and
you’d better control it always.” So after that when rice harvest
came Shekatcheke’nau called all of his people together, and they made
a feast, and smoked, and asked the Great Spirit to give them fair
weather during the harvest. Since then there has always been a ﬁne,
stormless harvest season.

It is remembered that Ma’nabush told Shekatcheke’nau that he
would always have wild rice. This fact has so inﬂuenced the Meno-
mini Indians that they will not sow the grain. If the Great Spirit
wants them to have it, it will grow of itself. According to their tra-
ditions, when the tribe moved from Menominee river to Lake \Vinne-
bago and vicinity, no wild rice grew there, but it soon came to supply
their wants; Lake Poygan even being named by them. It is called “Po-
wa-hé’-canné” or “threshing [or] striking [wild rice].” Mr Gauthier,
who was government interpreter for over forty years among the
Menomini, said, in 1899, that the Indian agent who removed the tribe
in 1852 from the vicinity of Lake Winnebago to their present reserva—
tion. desired them to gather wild rice and sow it in' their new home.
At each council he sought to induce them, but they unanimously
refused. Nio’pet. the very intelligent chief of the tribe, says that
when they came to their present home, wild rice grew only in scatter-
ing stalks in Shawano lake. In about ten years it was plentiful. and
has been their annual harvest ﬁeld since. He also says that it has
nearly died out in the vicinity of Lake Winnebago, where previously
they gathered it in great quantities. Then the old chief asked
" “Yhy? ” and smiled satisﬁedly as though he knew.

Among the Ojibwa of Wisconsin wild rice is frequently spoken
of in folktales. Generally it does not characterize these stories. but
is mentioned as any other natural product might be. However, two
tales were found among the VVenibojo’ stories at, Lac Courte Oreille
reservation which explain the discovery of wild rice. “'enibojo’,
the mythic personage of the Ojibwa Indians (the same as Ma’nabush

1094 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Em-nus?

of the Menomini), made his home with his grandmother, Noko’mis.
One day the old woman told him that he ought to prove himself a
manly fellow; he ought to take a long journey through unknown
forests; he ought to go without food and get accustomed to the hard-
ships of life. So \Venibojo’ told her that he was going away, that he
was going to fast; and taking his bow and arrows he wandered out
into the forest. Many days he wandered, and ﬁnally came to a beauti-
ful lake full of wild rice, the ﬁrst ever seen. But he did not know
that the grain was good to eat; he liked it for its beauty. He went into
the forest and got the bark from a large pine tree. From this bark
he made a canoe with which to gather the grain. After the canoe was
made, he went to Noko’mis, and they both came and gathered the rice,
and sowed it in another lake. He then left Noko’mis by this lake of
sowed wild rice, and, taking his bow. and arrows, started away again
into the forest. As he wandered along some little bushes spoke to him
and said: “Sometimes they eat us.” chnibojo’ at ﬁrst paid no atten-
tion to the address, but ﬁnally he said: “Who are you talking to?”
On being told that he was the one addressed, he stooped down and dug
'up the plant. He found along root, as long as an arrow. It tasted
very good to him, so he dug and ate a great many of the roots. He
ate so many that he became sick, and lay there three days too ill to
move. When ﬁnally he got up, he wandered on. He became very faint
and hungry; other plants spoke to him, but he was afraid to eat them.
At last he was passing along the river, and saw little bunches of straw
growing up in the water. They” spoke to him and said: “ VVenibojo’,
sometimes they eat us.” So he picked some of it and ate it, and said:
“Oh, but you are good! that do they call you?” “ They call us
mano’min [wild rice] ,” the grass answered. lVenibojo’ waded out into
the water up to his breast and beat off the grain, and ate and ate,
but this time he was not sick. Finally he remembered the wild rice
which he and old Noko’mis had sown, so he returned home to his
mano’min lake.

The other tale of the origin of wild rice is taken from a series of
experiences of VVenibojo’. One evening he returned from hunting,
but he had no game. As he came toward his ﬁre he saw a duck sit-
ting on the edge of his kettle of boiling water. After the duck ﬂew
away VVenibojo’ looked into the kettle and found wild rice ﬂoating
upon the water, but he did not know what it was. He ate his supper
from the kettle, and it was the best soup that he had ever tasted. So
he followed in the direction which the duck had taken, and came to a
lake full of mano’min. He saw all kinds of duck, and geese, and mud
hens, and all other water birds eating the grain. After that, when
VVenibojo’ did not kill a deer, he knew where to ﬁnd food to eat.

It is a common belief on the Lao Courte Oreille reservation that
the Ojibwa Indians ﬁrst found wild rice on the Red river of the North,

 

 

JENKS] INDIAN DEPENDENCE 0N WILD RICE 1095

as far west, they say, as the Ojibwa ever dwelt. This was about six
generations ago. As \Varren said that they estimate a generation at
forty years, it would be about 1000. Sixteen hundred and sixty is
probably near the time the Ojibwa came into possession of wild rice as
a food, for \Varren has said that they left La Pointe island in Lake
Superior and came south and west onto the mainland between 1612 and
1671. On the Red river of the NOrth the Indians used the grain and
found it good. They gathered and sowed some at Snake river, Min—
nesota. Then they sowed it at Shell lake, and so on to the east in \Vis—
consin. It was distributed eastward from one Indian to another until
today it is found wherever the Ojibwa lives.

DEPENDENCE OF THE INDIAN 0N \VILD RICE

The food of primitive men varies with the season of the year and
the section of the country in which they are. They frequently live
upon one staple at a time. In the region of the upper lakes three or
four weeks in March, April, or May were given to the making of
maple sugar, during which time the people often lived almost exclu-
sively on this food. Indeed, Alexander Henry says of maple sugar
making between April 24: and May 12, 1768, “ \Ve ate nothing but our
sugar during the whole period. Each man consumed a pound a day,
desired no other food, and was visibly nourished by it.”1 Soon the
early berries were ripe, then green corn (maize) was edible, if the
Indian cultivated it, and in September the wild rice came. Both in
the spring and autumn wild fowl were countless in the vicinity of rice
ﬁelds, and furred game and ﬁsh were plentiful all the year. The win-
ter was the season for hunting, when stores of penmlicani were laid up.

In some sections of the country the rice crop failed partly or wholly
at frequent intervals. Information from such sources as Chief Poka-
gon and government farmers at Indian reservations shows that it so
fails once in three or four years.3 Again, at Grass lake, Lake county,
Illinois, where there are 1,000 acres of wild rice, it has not been known
to fail in the last sixty years.

These preliminary remarks have been thought necessary in order
that the historical sketch and summaries which follow may not over-
emphasize the value of wild rice in the household economy of the
Indians and early whites, for of course other foods must here be
largely ignored.

Very positive evidence of the value of wild rice to the Indian comes
to us from various Indian agencies. Mr D. P. Bushnell‘s report for

 

1 Henry, Travels and Adventures, p. 218.

2 Pemmiean is lean buffalo meat dried and pounded ﬁne, then mixed with melted fat and packed
in buffalo skins. It hardens and will keep for years, but if exposed to moisture it soon becomes
musty and unﬁt for use. One buffalo would make a sack of about 100 pounds. It is a very palatable,
nourishing, and healthful food (Harmon).

3 See page 1099 et seq.

 

1096 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [mmmw

1838 contains the following concerning the Ojibwa of Lake Superior
and the Mississippi river:

It is highly desirable that the annuity hereafter to be paid to the Chippewas
should be paid between the 1st of June and last of August. [Some of these Indians
had to make a total journey of 400 miles to get their annuity] Their spring hunts
are not ﬁnished before the former period, and they commence about the 1st of
September to gather the wild rice, which is a great article of food with the interior
Indians. As soon as they have ﬁnished gathering the rice, the fall hunt commences.
If called together after the 1st of September, they will generally be more injured
than beneﬁted by the sum they receive.‘

Mr Alfred Brunson, Indian Agent, La Pointe, Wisconsin, wrote
Governor Doty, under date of January 6, 18i3, as follows: “By the
Chippeway treaty of 1837 these Indians are to receive $35,000 annually
for twenty years, and by the treaty of 1842. they are to receive an
additional annuity of $31,700 for twenty-ﬁve years, or a total annuity
of $66,700.” “The annual, products of these lands [between the
Mississippi river and Lake Superior] are worth much more to the
Indians than they are to receive . . . . The annual value of the furs
are estimated at $25,000. There are about 1,000 families,” who make
$30,000 worth of sugar. “The same number of families average 25
bushels of rice at $1, [which] is $25,000.” Canoe material he ﬁgures
at $10,000, and game and ﬁsh at $100,000, or a total natural produc—
tion of 5,!5190,000.2 Subtracting the value of the canoe material and
furs, we ﬁnd that the value of the wild rice was about one-sixth of
that of the total remaining (edible) production.

The following protest, signed by “ Martin, head chief of the Ottawa,”
representing Ottawa Lake, Chippewa River, and Lac Chetac bands,
accompanied Brunson’s letter (the conditions of the treaty of" 1842
were not understood by the chiefs when they signed it): “We have
no objection to the white man’s workng the mines & the timber &
making farms. But we reserve the birch bark & cedar, for canoes,
the Rice & Sugar trees & the privilege of hunting without being
disturbed by the whites.”3

Again, in 1813, Mr Brunson wrote to Governor Doty, under date
of January 10: “ But what is of more importance to the Indians than
anything else, in reference to their payment, is t/w time cf: place of it”
(the italicized words are underscored in the letter). “ But selecting this
place [La Pointe] to pay the Inds. of the Mississippi, is next to rendering
their payment a nullity: because they loose more by it than their pay-
ments are worth to them. If taken away from their Rice harvests they
loose more than the whole payment amounts to, say about $7 per head.
And if taken away from their fall hunts, it amounts to the same thing.”
“If the payment of all the Chippewas must [underscored in letter] be

 

1Indian Affairs Report, 1838. document 20.
2Brnnson, manuscript letter book, p. 2:3, in Wisconsin Historical Society’s manuscript collection.
31bid., p. 47. ‘

 

 

JENKS] INDIAN NEED OF WILD-RICE FIELDS 1097

at the Pointe . . . [they should be] paid not later than the ﬁrst of
July [in which case] they can reach their rice ﬁelds in time to harvest.” 1

One of the chief things the Indians desired in being located on
reservations was the presence of rice ﬁelds, as is seen in the following
cases. (The ﬁrst is a “Petition of the head chiefs of the Chippewa
tribe of Indians on Lake Superior,” February 7, 1849, as follows:

That our people, to-wit, sixteen bands, desire a donation of twenty-four sections
of land, covering the graves of our fathers, our sugar orchards, and our rice lakes and
rivers, at seven different places now occupied by us as villages, viz: At View Desert,
or Old Garden, three sections; at Trout Lake, four sections; at Lake Coteré, four
sections; at La Pointe, four sections; at Ontonagon, three sections; at La Ance, three
sections; and at Pah-po-goh-mony, three sections. That we desire these lands for
the purposes speciﬁed. 2

In 1858 the agent at Fond du Lac (Lake Superior) wrote:

The Indians at this place are disappointed and sore with regard to the boundary
lines of their reserve [made according to treaty of September 30, 1854]. They state
that the “Rice lakes” [Perch lake and others of its vicinity] which were to be
included in their reservation have been entirely overlooked and left out, and they are

. unwilling to relinquish their claim to them. These lakes lie a few miles south of the
present reserve, and abound in ﬁsh and wild rice, which constitute the principal
subsistence of these Indians, and their attachment to them is very strong. . . .
They Wished me to say to their Great Father that they are willing to give up a large
portion of the land contained in the present reserve if he will attach to the remainder
the coveted lakes.3 -

The agent for these Indians reported, November 29, 1860, that the
reservation should have included “Perch lake” which was the only
section of the country where they could support themselves the year
round. There they obtained an abundance of “ﬁeld-rice and ﬁsh,”
sugar, and game. There also was their chief settlement. After the
boundary was made to include this lake, he said:

It was gratifying to us to witness the pleasure with which the Indians received the
intelligence that their farms and rice ﬁelds had at last been secured to them, and
that they might now go on and cultivate their lands and garner their rice without
the fear of being molested or driven away by the white man.

In 1863 Hole-in-the-day (Ojibwa chief) spoke for his people at St
Paul, June 7, as follows (they had been moved from Wisconsin to
Minnesota, and he asked that they might be removed to a new reser-
vation): “ Say that strip of land lying on the Wild Rice river between
479 and 480 north latitude, and east of the Red river. There is every
advantage of good soil, game, ﬁsh, rice, sugar, cranberries, and a
healthy climate.” He asked for a land that will “ combine all the ele-
ments of comfort and content to our people; that is, good land, game,
ﬁsh, rice, sugar. Here we have neither, to any considerable extent.

 

1Brunson, manuscript letter book, p. 50.in Wisconsin Historical Society’s manuscript collection.
These last facts Mr Brunson also wrote under date of July 20, 1843, to Robert Stuart, Acting Superin-
tendent Indian Affairs at Detroit; see manuscript letter book, p. 104.

‘~’ House Misc. Doc. 36, Thirtieth Congress, second session.

3 Indian Affairs, Report, 1858, p. 48.

1098 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH.AN1~.19

True, we may ﬁnd a little rice and a few ﬁsh, but not sufﬁcient for my
people, not enough to save them from starvation.” 1

In 1865 the agent speaks of the impracticability of moving the Miss
sissippi and Mille Lacs bands of Chippewa to the Red lake country.
After speaking of the scarcity of good land and sugar trees, be con-
tinued: “There is another great item which must not be overlooked;
that is. there are no rice ﬁelds in that country, . . . or ﬁshing
lakes.” 2 '

A letter from La Pointe agency, Ashland, Wisconsin, September 10,
1891, is as follows:

In many of the streams and lakes of these reservations wild rice grows luxuriantly.
This important cereal is carefully harvested by the Indians, and constitutes an
important part of their subsistence stores. It is palatable and nutritious, and by
many white people is preferred to the white rice of commerce. The rice ﬁelds are
the resort of numerous wild fowl, which are captured by the Indians and either con-

sumed at. home or sold in the neighboring towns. The revenue thus derived from
the rice ﬁelds renders them a very important part of the Indian domain.3

This recent testimony of the value of wild fowl to the Indian sug-
gests their much greater utility in past years; and such in fact the
following citations prove. “Then it is remembered that wild fowl are
today relatively scarce, that through the Central States the sight of
any considerable number of wild pigeons is rare, even to one skilled in
woodcraft, but that our fathers yet living saw them in such ﬂocks that
they shut out the light of the sun, a better perspective will be obtained
for judging of the number and value of wild fowl when the Indian and
his natural foods were undisturbed by the white man. We read of
the Indians of \Vhite Earth reservation in 1890, that from August to
December they hunt duck, which are found in countless numbers
around all the wild-rice lakes.4 Near the middle of the century wild
fowl, as geese, duck, teal, etc., were reported in vast quantities, feed-
ing on wild rice along Green bay,5 Minnesota river,6 Winnipeg river,7
and Lake Winnebago8 and vicinity.

Carver,9 in 1766, ’67, ’68, says the “geefe, ducks, and teal . . . .
which rcfort to it [Lake Winnebago, \Visconsin] in great numbers, are
remarkably good and extremely fat, and are much better ﬂavored than
thofe that are found near the fea, as they acquire their exceffive fatnefs
by feeding 011 the wild rice.”

1 Indian Affairs Report, 1863, p. 329 et seq.

2 mid, 1805, p. 446.

3 Indian Affairs Report, 1891, p. 471.

*Eleventh Census of the United States: Indians, 1890. See also Grasses and Forage Plants of the
Dakotas, by Thos. A. Williams, p. 17.

5Biddle. Recollections of Green bay in 1816—17, in Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. I, p. 63.

GFeatherstonhaugh, Canoe Voyage, pp. 331, 335, 336.

7 Henry Youle Hind, Narrative, pp. 115, 116.

8Caleb Atwatcr, Indians of the Northwest, 1). 181: see also Life of George Copway, p. 65, for
immense ﬂocks of duck feeding on the wild rice each fall in Rice Lake, Ontario, Canada; also Ellis,
Recollections, concerning wild fowl in Wisconsin rice ﬁelds.
. 9 Carver, Travels, pp. 37-38; see also p. 522.

 

new FAILURES or CROP 1099

Hennepin,1 in 1697, speaks of ﬂocks of duck, swan, and teal which
devour the rice at Mille Lacs: “ Les femmes [Ojibwa Indians] en lient
plufieurs tiges [of wild rice] enfemble avee des éeorces de bois blanc,
pour empecher que la multitude des Canars, des Cignes, & des Sar-
celles, qui s’y trouvent ordinairement, ne la mangent toute.”

Dablon speaks of clouds of swans, bustards, and ducks which he
saw in Green bay in 1670. The Indians caught them in nets, often
taking fifty in one night.2 i '

It is unnecessary either to emphasize the value of these fowl as food
to the Indian or to call attention to the fact that the fowl were plen-
tiful largely because the wild rice oﬂiered them such abundant, whole-
some food, but the following point might be overlooked. These fowl
were really gleaners, and picked up and preserved in most delicious
form the grain which otherwise the Indian would have lost entirely.
Heavy V 'aterfowl could not do very great damage to the standing plant,
and while the grain was standing the Indian must gather his harvest.
“’hen the kernels shelled out into the water they were loss to the
Indian, but gain to the fowl, which picked them up by diving to the
bottom. It is interesting and instructive to note that of the illustr‘ -
tions cited in the chapter on production, all except the last two——
from the Chicago Tribune, October 6, 1898, and Bressany show the
Indian as busied in capturing wild fowl while the Indian woman
gathers the grain.

 

Further evidence of the value of Wild rice to the Indian, and of his
dependence on it, is found in the following negative testimony. ln
all of these cases the Indian, for one reason or another, is unable to
get his accustomed supply. In some sections of the country the rice
crop fails partially or wholly as often as once in three or four years."
while in, other sections it has not been known to fail for long periods of
time} The reason for this difference is doubtless found in the nature
of the most frequent cause of failure, VlZ, drowning by high water.”

 

lHennepin, Nouvelle Decouvertc, p. 313* (fol. 0*4).

2Relations de Jesuites, Dablon, 1670, p. 96.

“Chief Simon Pokagon of the Potawatomi, St.Joseph county, Michigan, says “ once in [our years“
(letter. Xov. 16, 1898). N. D. Rodman, Government farmer in charge of Lao Courte Oreille reserva-
tion, Wisconsin, says “once in three years” (letter, Nov. 11, 1898). Stephen Gheen, Government
farmer, Vermilion Lake (Nett Lake) reservation, Minnesota, says crops fail “ wholly about every three
years" (letter, November 15,1898).

4 Peter I’halon, Government farmer, Fond du Lac reservation, Minnesota, says, “complete failure of
crop never occurs. Crop some seasons is so small it would not pay to gather, there being barely
enough for seed . . . After such failures it takes two years to grow a full crop . . . Every alternate
year a full crop may be expected, provided no ﬂoods occur . . . After a heavy crop one year must
elapse before the old straw, necessarily remaining in the beds, decays, thus making room for a full
new crop” (letter, December 27,1898). Roger l’atterson,Government farmer, Bad River reservation.
Wisconsin, says “ the crop never totally fails, but small crop occurs about once in three years” (letter,
November ‘23, 1898).

" Henry Youle Hind, Narrative, p. 119; Indian Affairs Report, 1867, pp. 341, 342; ibid., 1870, p. 309; ibid..
1871,p.:')97 et seq.; ihid.. 1880, p. 175; R. J. N. Pither, letter from Rat Portage, Ontario, Canada. Mr
I’ither was twenty-ﬁve years Indian agent, and the same length of time Hudson Bay Company’s
trader: N. I). Rodman,op. (-it.; Stephen Gheen, op. cit; Peter Phalon, op. cit.; Roger Patterson, op. cit;
MeKenney. Tour of the Lakes, p. 337.

 

1100 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [mans-.19

Where high water is never or seldom possible, failures must be less
frequent. Frosts also destroy the young plant; 1 while, when the grain
is ripe, a storm of a few hours will thresh out into the bottom of the
lake or river an entire crop;2 or, if the storm occurs while the stalk is
green and tender, it will be bent over into the water, from which it can
not rise again.3 ’

Sir John Richardson wrote that in 1847 multitudes of caterpillars
spread like locusts over the neighborhood of Rainy river. “They
destroyed the Fella (media; [wild rice] on Rainy lake,” though they
did not touch wheat.4 A letter dated “American Fur Company’s
establishment, Fond du Lac” (Lake Superior), August 8, 1826, speaks
of a freshet the previous spring. . It “destroyed the wild rice—and
this makes our visit with the supplies we have brought with us so
opportune . . . We are here at a moment of the utmost need of the
poor Indians.” 5

In 1819 the rice crop of the Pillagers (Ojibwa of Leech lake, Minne-
sota, numbering about 1,050) entirely failed, and on this article they
depended mostly for their winter’s support. “ Hilnger and starvation
menace them; and in order to procure means of subsistence their hun—
ters this winter will be forced to press westward till they ﬁnd the but-
falo.”6 The Ojibwa of Sandy lake, Minnesota, numbering about 300,
lost their rice both in 1849 and in 1850. The majority of them passed
their winters in the vicinity of Crow Wing and Fort Gaines, Minne-
sota, on ceded lands, hunting and begging for a living.7 The “Sug-
wun-dug-ah-win-in-e-wug” (Ojibwa in Minnesota north of Lake Supe-
rior) also lost their rice crop in 1850, “and this people anticipatewith
aching hearts the sufferings and privations of the approaching winter." 8
These Indians also depended much upon rabbit and reindeer for winter
consumption.

Mr Hind, in passing down the Rainy lake waterway in 1857, said
that the Indians he met lamented the failure of the rice that year, and
this failure, together with poor ﬁshing and extraordinary mortality
among the rabbits, threatened them with famine during the coming
winter.9 September 30, 1867, the agent of the Ojibwa of the Missis-
sippi (Minnesota), wrote that the rice crop appeared likely to be almost
an entire failure. “This is a great calamity-to the Indians, as they
depend largely upon it for subsistence, and I fear suffering will ensue
in consequence.”10 The Ojibwa of Lake Superior (\Visconsin) lost
their crop both in 1869 and 1870 and are “compelled to scatter over

 

 

1 Chief i’okagon, op. cit.
2 Dr Morse, Report, appendix, p. 52.
3 Roger Patterson, op. cit.
4 Henry Ymile Hind, Narrative, p. 93. For further causes of failure, see chapter on botany, section
“ Natural Enemies.”
5 McKeuney, Tour of the Lakes, p. 337. 5 Ibid., p. 59. ‘
0Indian Affairs Report, 1850, p.57. 9 Henry Youle Hind, Narrative, pp. 118, 119.
71hid., p. 66. 1“Indian Affairs Report, 1867, pp. 341, 342.

 

mum] FOOD 0F EARLY WHITES 1101

the country and seek such subsistence as accident may offer them.”1
Of the Bad River Indians (Ojibwa of Wisconsin) in 1880, we read:
“The rice crop will be a failure, and the Indians depend upon this for
winter use and also for means of obtaining such articles as they need
and are not furnished by the Department.”2

Comment is unnecessary in the face of .such testimony. All shows
that the failure of the crop was so infrequent that the Ojibwa Indians
depended upon wild rice for their winter subsistence, and that its loss
could not be made up by any other resource of natural production.

DEPENDENCE OF THE WHITE MAN ON WILD RICE

Carver wrote, in 17 66, in regard to the use of wild rice by the whites:

In future periods it will be of great fervice to the infant colonies, as it will afford
them a prefent fupport, until in the courfe of cultivation other fupplies may be
produced.3

Again, in 1828, Timothy Flint said:

It is astonishing, amidst all our eager and multiplied agricultural researches, that
so little attention has been bestowed upon this interesting and valuable grain. It
has scarcely been known, except. by Canadian hunters and savages, that such a grain,
the resource of a vast extent of country, existed. It surely ought to be ascertained,
if the drowned lands of the Atlantic country, and the immense marshes and stagnant
lakes of the south, will grow it. It is a mistake, that it is found only in the northern
regions of the valley. It grows in perfection on the lakes about Natehitoehcs, south
of 32°; and might, probably, be cultivated in all climates of the valley. Though a
hardy plant, it is subject to some of the accidents, that cause failure of the other
grains“

White men have used this grain chieﬂy in and near the wild—rice
district, yet “in some parts of the Bay [Quinto bay, Ontario, Canada]
there grew wild rice, which was much prized by the Indians, and which
was often used by the settlers . . . . The grain was much smaller
than the imported article; not unfrequently, the Indians would collect
the grain and sell it to the settlers.”5

Alexander Henry said that on July 20, 1775, at Lake Sagunac or
Saginaga, 60 leagues from (Errand Portage, he bought fish and wild rice
“ which latter they [the Indians] had in great abundance.” “ July 30, he
recorded at “Lake des Iles,” or Lake of the Woods, that ﬁsh appeared
to be their summer food. He found there a village of 100 people,
by whom 20 bags of wild rice were given him, and he obtained there
a total of 100 bags of nearly one bushel each. He says that without
a large quantity of rice the voyage beyond the Saskatchewan river
could not have been prosecuted to its completion.7 Again, August 1,

 

 

11ndian Affairs Report, 1870, p. 309. 3Carver, Travels, pp. 522-524.

91bid., 1880, p. 175. 4Flint, Geography and History, vol. I, p. 85.

5(Jarniﬁ', History of the Settlements of Upper Canada (Ontario), with special reference to the Bay
Quinte, Toronto, 1869, pp. 587—588.

6Henry, Travels, p. 241. 71bid., pp. 243, 244.

19 ETH, PT 2—01—35

 

1102 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [ETH.ANN.19

he purchased wild rice on a sandy island in Lake of the “Toods.1 And
August 16, at Lake \Vinnipegou, or Winipec (Winnipeg) the Indians
“made me the usual presents of wild rice and dried meat.”2 All of
this rice mentioned by Henry was of the harvest of some preceding
year. It is very remarkable that only one month before a new harvest,
a village of 100 people could produce a bushel of rice per capita. No
better testimony than Henry’s could be given for the dependence of
traders upon wild rice during those early years.3

Early in January, 1778, the provisions at the trading station at
Lac la Mort gave out, so John Long, the trader, made a journey of
several days to Lake Monontoye (this journey was south toward Lake
Nipegon, north of Lake Superior), to try to get some wild rice of Mr
Shaw, a fellow trader, as the Indians said it grew in swamps there.‘
From Mr Shaw’s station Mr Long returned in due time with “an
Indian slay [sleigh] loaded with wild rice and dried meat.” On Feb-
ruary 23, 1778, “another band [of Indians] came in [to Lac la Mort]
consisting of about eighty, men, women and children, who brought
dried meats, oats [wild rice], bears’ grease, and eight packs of beaver.”5
Again Long said of Weed lake (Lake Schabeechevan):

On this lake there are about one hundred and ﬁfty good hunters, who make a
great many packs of beaver, &c. and this was one inducement for settling here,
which was increased by the prospect of a plentiful supply of ﬁsh, rice, and cran—
berries, which are winter comforts of too great consequence to be slighted.6

Mr Long wrote that the last of January, 1779, he was again
reduced in provisions “to a few fish and some wild rice, or menomon
(which are kept in mecccwcks or bark boxes), to support myself and
seventeen men; the allowance to each being only a handful of rice and
a small ﬁsh, about 2 lb. weight, which is boiled together and makes
pleasant soup.” 7

Jean Baptiste Perrault’s Indian Life in the Northwestern Region of
the United States in 1783 (manuscript), as translated by Schoolcraft,8
says it was the custom for the traders to buy provisions (wild rice and
dried meat) of the Indians. But during the winter of 1783 “the
greater part of them [Indians around Leech lake, etc.] had gone to
pass the winter in the prairies west of the Mississippi [where buffalo
were then plentiful] . . . they had no wild rice, the abundant
rains. having destroyed it.” Notwithstanding this failure, early in
May, 1781, these same Leech Lake Indians furnished two fawn skins9

 

 

1Henry, Travels, p. 244. . 2Mid, p. 2:31.

3Voyageurs in their journeys subsist on what ever they can ﬁnd in the country through which they
are passing, rarely taking enough to last them through. The great waterway from Lake Superior to
the Northwest, by way of Grand Portage, along Lake of the Woods and the Winnipeg system, fre-
quently furnished four different varieties of staple; the ﬁrst stage furnished maize, the next rice. the
third pemmican, the last buffalo meat (Cones, Henry-Thompson Journal, vol. II. p. 539).

4 Long, Voyages and Travels, p. 58. 6 Ibid., p. 109.

51bid., pp. 75, 85. 7 Ibid., p. 117.

8Sehoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 356.

91bid., vol. III, p. 3:36. Fawn skins were taken off nearly whole [or use. as rice sacks; see also the
same work, p. 359.

mus] FOOD or EARLY WHITES 1103

of wild rice, which had been saved from the harvest of some previous
year.

Pike, in 1805,‘ describes the Northwest Company’s fort at Leech
lake as being 60 by 25 feet, one and one-half stories high, with a loft
extending over the entire building, and containing, besides bales of
goods and peltrics, “chests with 500 bushels of wild rice.” The same
author says of this company’s station at Lake de Sable (Sandy lake) in
1806: .

They raise plenty of Irish potatoes, catch pike, suckers, pickerel, and white-ﬁsh
in abundance. They have also beaver, deer, and moose; but the provision they
chieﬂy depend upon is wild oats, of which they purchase great quantities from the
savages, giving at the rate of about one dollar and a half per bushel.2

Harmon wrote in 1804::

This grain is gathered in such quantities, in this region, that, in ordinary seasons,
the North “'est Company3 purchase, annually, from twelve to ﬁfteen hundred
bushels of it, from the Natives; and it constitutes a principal article of food, at the
posts in this vicinity. '

In 1813 (probably) a party of 70 persons, composed of Hudson Bay
Company traders, Indians, and John Tanner, made the trip frcm Rainy
lake to the mouth of the Assinneboin river. They had Indians as
hunters to accompany them, “and as we had great quantities of wild
rice, we were pretty well supplied with food.” 4 Colonel Robert
Dickson, Indian agent for the British during the war of 1812—15,
wrote to John Lawe of Green bay from Lake Winnebago, February
14, 1811: “ All I have left at present is 8 handfulls of foll avoin [wild
rice]——10 lbs. Flour —2 Shanks Deers legs three frozen Cabbages & a
few potatoes.” ’

Still further light is thrown on the use of wild rice by the traders
from the three following extracts. Mr Doty wrote to Governor Cass,
under date of November, 1820, of the Indian trade on and about Sandy
lake, Aitkin county, Minnesota: “A skin is estimated at $2 . . . The
articles received from the Indians are sugar, rice, furs. A mocock
of sugar, weighing about forty pounds, is received for four skins; a
sack of rice, two skins;” etc. “The American South West Fur Com-
pany have the chief trade of this country.” They sent in packs from
Leech lake, Sandy lake, and Fond du Lac in the years 1819 and 1820.6
The Detroit Gazette, of November 2-1, 1820, says: “The ﬁsh and the
wild rice are the chief sustenance of the traders, and Without them the
trade could scarcely be carried on [in the Leech lake and Sandy lake
districts].”

 

1Coues, Pike, vol. I. p. 282. 2Pike, Expeditions. p. 60.

3In 1792 the Northwest Company operated all over the Ojibwa country in the United States. They
had four departments: First, the Fond du Lac; second, the Folle Avoine, including the country
drained by the St Croix river: third, the Lac Courte Oreillc, including the country drained by the
Chippewa river; fourth, the Lac du Flambcau, including the country drained by the Wisconsin
river (Warren, History of the Ojibwas, chapter xxxrv).

4 Tanner, Narrative, p. 219. 5 Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. x1, p. 292.

1" Morse, Report, p. 55.

1104 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mmmxw

The section of. country referred to in the following quotation pro-
duced little, if any, maize, and at the time of the statement the bison
were driven several days westward, so that about all the consumable
provisions which the Indians could supply were wild rice and maple
sugar. Robert Stuart, agent of the American Fur Company, wrote to
George Boyd, agent for Indian affairs at Michilimackinac, asking
permission to convey “only twelve barrels of whiskey” into the
country where they wished to extend their trade, “but the difﬁculties
they have at present to contend with in extending their trade in a
direction where they come in immediate contact with the Hudson Bay
Company along the frontier, from the Grand Portage to the Lake of
the Woods, the situation of the country, and the means of conveyance,
completely preclude them from sending in provisions for the support
of the people who are necessarily employed in transporting their goods,
and for the prosecution of the trade. The Hudson Bay Company get .
most of their provisions from the Indians for liquor; and as long as
those people have this in their power, our people must inevitably be
starved."1 . ,

Doty says, quoted by Dr Morse in 1822: “The ﬁsh and the wild
rice are the chief sustenance of the traders, and without them the trade
could scarcely be carried on?” Schoolcraft, who gathered his facts
during this period, says, in speaking of the wild rice, “ Much of it is
sold to the traders, to subsist their men, on their visits to the Indians.”3

Again we hear from Leech lake in 1835 concerning Mr William
T. Boutwell, a missionary:

His remoteness from the white settlements exposes him to many inconveniences,
. and compels him to depend almost entirely on the ﬁsh of the lakes, and the wild rice
gathered in the marshes and creeks, for subsistence; and these afford but a preca-
rious supply. As game is every year becoming scarcer, and their rice so frequently
fails, the Indians will soon be driven to the alternative of cultivating the land or per-
ishing by famine."

In the year 1852, Mrs Ellet, a traveler, was given by Mrs Ansell
Smith, who resided near the Falls of the St Croix river, “a sack made
by the Chippewas [Ojibwa] of braided strips of bark, in a shape rudely
resembling a papoose, ﬁlled with wild rice which is one of the sta-
ples of the territory . . . They [the Ojibwa] sell large quantities to
the whites, some preferring it to the common rice of the south.” 5 It
is unnecessary to cite more instances, but wild rice has been used by

 

1 Papers of George Boyd, vol. I, manuscript letter 117 (circa 1820), in Wisconsin Historical Society’s
manuscript collections.

2 Morse, Report, appendix, p. 31.

There were 17 trading posts about the headwaters of the Mississippi river in 1826. Six were of the
Columbia Fur Company, 9 were of the American Fur Company, 1 was at Fort Green, 1 was a post fac-
tory near Fort Snelling. on the St Peters (Minnesota) river (from a “ Circular [from] Indian agency
on St Peters (Upper Mississippi). 2d April. 1826,” in Papers of George Boyd, vol. II, manuscript 90).

3Schoolcruft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 63.

4 Indian Bulletin 1'or1868, number 2, p. 102.

5 Mrs Ellet, Summer Rambles, pp. 151,152.

JENKS] FOOD 0F WHITES TODAY 1105

settlers and traders to the present time. If it could be cultivated with
any certainty it would long ago have become a staple in America for
the white population, as it was a staple for many thousand Indians
before them. It will be interesting to notice its present use. for which
purpose a few citations are presented.

\Vild rice was offered for sale in 1896 in several towns in Wisconsin
and Minnesota. Among those in the former state were Rice Lake,
Chetek, and Cumberland, in Barron county, Bloomer in Chippewa
county, Shell Lake in VVashburn county, and Hayward in Sawyer
county. In Minnesota it was sold in Bermidji and Park Rapids in
Hibbard county. in Tower, St Louis county, in Grrand Rapids, Itasca
county. and in Minneapolis. Besides in the above markets it is also
sold at the various Indian reservations and at towns in their vicinity.l
Mention is made that it has been shipped quite extensively, during the
past few years, from Chetek to Menomonie, Chippewa Falls, and other
places, and Mr C. “7. Moore retailed in Chetek, in 1894, about 1,500
pounds. His letter2 also states that “all old residents of Barron and
Dunn counties are very fond of it.” Mr Charles C. Oppel,3 of C. H.
Oppel & Sons, wholesalers and retailers in Duluth and Tower, Minne-
sota, wrote from Tower: “ Most of the cruisers, explorers, and home-
steaders take it [Wild rice] out into the woods with them. They claim
that it is better than tame rice, because it don’t take so long to pre-
pare it. We also ship considerable; fact is, we handle from 1 to 2
tons a season.” Mr J. A. Grilﬁllan4 wrote from White Earth, Min-
nesota: “ Among whites in Minnesota it is used only by missionaries
and their families, old Indian traders, and very old settlers, and by a
few merchants along the line of the St Paul Railroad.” It is used in
various lumber camps in the regions where it grows, and is also sold
to gun clubs quite extensively; they plant it in small lakes as food for
waterfowl. Besides the dealers above mentioned, Currie Brothers,
Milwaukee, \Visconsin, advertise it in their Horticultural Guide for
1899. They have sold it in small quantities, one or two hundred
pounds a year, for the past ten years.” L. L. May & Co., of St Paul,
Minnesota, advertiseit in Farm and Floral Guide for 1899. This latter
ﬁrm sells about 3,000 pounds during the season.6 All of the grain
thus sold is gathered by the Indians.

The foregoing facts are sufﬁcient to show that wild rice was a valu-
able and valued food to the pioneer whites of the northwest. It must
be regretted that so nutritious a cereal was a precarious crop and has
not, apparently, warranted extensive cultivation.

1I am indebted to Mr Gardner P. Stiekney, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for the use of manuscript
letters concerning most of the facts here presented about the present use of wild rice by the whites.

9 C. W, Moore. letter, Chetek, Wisconsin, April 29,1896.

‘v’Charles C. Oppel, letter, Tower, Minnesota, May 4,1896.

4.1. A. Gilﬁllan, letter, White Earth, Minnesota, May 4,1896.

5Currie Brothers, letter, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, May (3,1899.

6L. L. May & (10., letter, St. Paul, Minnesota, May 10,1899.

1106 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [Hanan

INDIAN POPULATION or THE WILD-RICE DISTRICT

It is believed that the section of country in the United States which
grew wild rice so abundantly—that is, the northeastern and northern
parts of Wisconsin and the part of Minnesota east of the Mississippi
river-#sustained an Indian population equal to all the other country
known as the Northwest territory, viz, all those States lying between
the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and Lakes Superior and Huron.
This would include southwestern Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio,

 

   
  

 
 

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TERRITORY IN WHICH
RELATIVE INDIAN POPU'
LA7ION l5 CONSIDERED

SCALE OF MILES
0

I00 I00

 

 

 

 

 

FIG. 48—Map showing areas whose population is compared.

and Michigan (see ﬁgure 48). This statement applies to the period
when the Indian lived by aboriginal and not by civilized production.
Estimates of the Indian population will be presented to substantiate
the belief. Roughly speaking, the wild-rice district is about one-ﬁfth
of the entire territory considered.

Mr S. S. Hebberd1 said of this section of the United States:

In ﬁne, the six States lying east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio—
excludingr N(,)rtheaster11 \Visconsinz—contained a population in 1670, of less than

 

1 chbcrd, History of Wisconsin under the Dominion of France, p. 32 et seq.
2There are only ﬁve States in the included territory.

mm] INDIANS AT GREEN BAY 1107

twelve hundred warriors [1,200] or eight thousand [8,000] souls . . . Turning now
to Northeastern Wisconsin we behold a wonderful contrast. Stretched along both
sides of Green Bay and the Fox river as far south as Green Lake county was a terri-
tory about one hundred and thirty—ﬁve miles long and of an average width of thirty
miles, which fairly teemed with human life. In the North, and on the islands and
along the eastern shore of Green Bay, were the Pottawattainies, a docile people,
with a keen instinct for trade, who were seeking to become the middlemen in the
commerce between the French and the tribes farther west; they numbered not less
than ﬁve hundred warriors [500].l Across the bay were the Menominees, settled
upon the river of the samename, a brave but peaceful people.

Charlevoix said of the Menomini,2 “they are very ﬁne men and the

best shaped in all Canada.” Cadillac is very ﬂattering in his remarks ‘

of them.3 At the mouth of the Fox river was a mixed village gathered
from four or ﬁve different tribes; a little distance up the river were
the Winnebago. Mr Hebberd thinks that the number of the VVinne—
bago, Menomini, and of the mixed village, could not have been less
than 600 warriors. On the west side of Fox river were the Sauk,who
numbered 400 warriors. A little way up the Wolf river were the Fox
Indians, who numbered about 800 warriors, while southwest of these,
on Fox river, was the great palisaded town where the Maskotin and
Miami dwelt peacefully together. “ Farther on, enveloped in the
wild rice marshes, were other towns of the Kickapoos and Mascoutins;
all of these tribes together could not have numbered less than the
Foxes [800 warriors].”4 “Here then in this narrow strip of territory
was a population of thirty-one hundred [3,100] warriors, or at least
twenty thousand [20,000] souls, nearly three times the number that
roamed in the vast expanse of surrounding solitude.” 5

Nothing is claimed for the absolute value of the ﬁgures in the fol-
lowing estimates. Only their relative value is here considered.
Inasmuch as the ﬁgures in each table are taken from the same investi-

lHebberd based his estimate, in part at least, on the statement that 300 'warriors from this tribe
came to Allouez at one time at Chequamegou bay (Allouez, Relations des Jesuitcs, 1667).

Pere Gabriel Dreuillettes said that they had 700 warriors, or 3,000 souls; besides, there were with
them 100 men of the Tobacco nation (Relations des Jesuites, 1658, p. 21). This statement seems fully
to justify Mr Hebberd’s estimate.

2 Charlevoix, Journal, vol. III, letter xx, pp. 291, 292. .

3 “Les Malhominyou Folles Avoines sont ainsi appelez a cause de la rivierc on lenr village est situe,
qui produit une quantite prodigieusc de folle avoine, qu’ils recueillent et ramassent comme nous
faisons nos bleds . . . Cette nourriture est sainc . . . Ils nc sont pas si bazancz que les autres, et s'ils
ne se graissoicnt pas, ils surpasseroient lcs Francois en blancheur. Les femmes sont aussi assez jolies
et plus humaines que celles de lcurs voisins ” (Margry, Decouvertes, vol. v, p. 121).

4Perr0t, Mcmoire sur les Moeurs . . . des Sauvages, p. 127, gives the population of the principal
town of the Maskotin and Miami as 4,000 souls; and Allouez, Relations dcs Jesuitcs, 1670, gives it as
800 warriors. See also map of the year 1670—71, in Relations des Jesuites, for distribution of Indian
tribes in the Green bay district.

5 From facts already given, Mr Hebberd seems justiﬁed in his estimate of the Indian population in
the wild-rice district of eastern Wisconsin about the year 1670. At any rate, the thesis of this para-
graph, which Mr Hebberd’s iactsare here given to substantiate. can hardly be doubted thus far.
The population of the wild-rice district of the sources of the Wisconsin, Chippewa, and St Croix
rivers, of the eastern branches of the Mississippi river, and the southern and western feeders of
Lake Superior is not numbered in his estimate. At a very low ﬁgure it had 8,000 souls.

For the disposition of these various tribes sec Map of New France (parts of the United States and
Canada) 1616—1791, to illustrate The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, with volume I of Thwaitcs’
edition of Jesuit Relations.

 

 

1108 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH.ANN.19

gator, such a comparison is certainly legitimate. The estimates were
not made for any such purpose as that for which they are here used,
and there was nothing to bias the mind of the investigator in favor of
one part of the territory against another. Where the estimates are
large, they are so throughout, and vice versa. Thus their relative
value is unimpaired. ’ ‘

TABLE E—Bouquet’s estimate of Indian population in 17641

A—INDIANS IN THE WILD-RICE DISTRICT

    

 

 

] Warriors jTOtliltigglpu'
, U . . ,. . .. “W77”-.- -___,,._ __ , i
Pres de la Baie des Puants: i l
Puans ......................................... i .............. ‘ ........ i 700 i 3, 500
Folle-Avoine ........................................................ 3 350 i 1, 750
[Unknown] Au Sud de la Baie des Puants: , ‘
MecheCouquis ................... . ................................... 1 250 l, 1, 250
400 ‘ 2, 000
Maseoutens .......................................................... 500 2, 500
Ouifconﬁns fur une riviere de ce nom qui tombe dans le Miffiffipi du i
cote de l’Est ........................................................... 550 ] 2, 750
Pres des Lacs Superieur & Michigan: ‘
Chipwas ..................................................... 5, 000
Ottawas ..................................................... 900
[These Ottawa and. judging by other estimates, one-ﬁfth of the
“Chipwas” [Ojibwa] belong in Michigan; so there are left in
the rice districts] .................................................. 4, 000 20, 000
Vers les fources du Miffifipi: *
Sioux des Prairie ............................................ 2,500 3
Sioux des bois ............................................... 1, 800 1
[50 per cent of these were probably in the rice district] ............ 2,150 E 10', 750
Grand total ..................................... , ............................. l 44, 500

 

 

 

 

 

1 Bouquet, Relation Historique, p. 144, et seq. Bouquet estimated the warriors as one-ﬁfth of the
total population. The column “ Total population ” is calculatedin accordance with this estimate.

B—INDIANS IN THE REMAINING TERRITORY

 

 

l’owtewatamis, pr'es de St Jofeph & du Detroit. ., ........................ 350 1 1,750
Chipwas (sec estimate for these Indians in rice district) ................ 1,000 5,000
Ottawas (see estimate for these Indians in rice district) ................ 900 4, 500
Mianiis, fur la Riviei'e de ce noin, qui entre dans la Lac Erie ........... 350 1,750
Delewares (les Loups) fur l’Ohio. . . . . .; ................................. 600 3, 000
Sur l‘Uuabache: t
i Kickapoux .......................................................... 300 l 1, 500
Ouaehtenons [Wea] ................................................. 400 2,000
Punquichas [Piankishaw] .......................................... 250 I 1,250
Les Slia\\'a11eies,t'iir 1a Seioto ............................................ 500 ‘y 2, 500
Kaskafquias, ou Ilinois en general, l‘ur 1a Rivigere des Ilinois ........... 600 1 3, 000
Pianria [Peoria] ......................................................... 800 4,000
Wiandots, pres du Lac Erie .............................................. 300 ‘ 1,500
Total ........................................................................ l 31, 750

 

 

 

 

 

JENKS] INDIAN POPULATION 1109

TABLE F—Estimate of the Indian population in 1778, at the outbreak of the Revolution,
by a trader who had resided many years in the vicinity of Detrort‘

A—INDIANS IN THE WILD-RICE DISTRICT

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

, - Total
“ armors population

1

Chippewees, about lake Huron,the upper parts of lake Michigan,

and then northwest to the Mississippi,5.000 (see estimate of 1764, 1
Table E) ............................................................ 4,000 1 20,000
Mineamies, northwest of lake Michigan ............................. 2, 000 i 10,000
8003, about headwaters of the Mississippi, etc ......................... 500 2, 000
Grand total .................................................................. l 32, 000

B—INDIANS IN THE REMAINING TERRITORY
Wiondots, in neighborhood of Detroit and Sandusky ................. 180 900
Potowatomies, in neighborhood of St Josephs river, etc ............... 450 2, 250
Miamies, in neighborhood of Miami river ............................. 300 1, 500
Shawanese, on the Wabash and other branches of the Ohio ........... 300 1, 500
Delawares and Munsees, between Pittsburgh and Sandusky, on the

Muskingum ......................................................... 600 3, 000
Chippewees (see estimate of these Indians in the rice district) ....... 1, 000 5, 000
Grand total .................................................................. 14,150

 

 

 

 

lSchoolcraft, Indian Tribes. vol. III. pp. 560, 561, from manuscripts of James Monroe. This estimate
leaves several important tribes out of each district. Only the column headed “Warriors” is given
by Schoolcraft. The total population is ﬁgured at Bouquet's estimate.

TABLE 'G—Lieulenant Z. M. Pike 3 estimate of Indian population in the wild-rice dis-
‘ irict in 1806'

 

 

 

? i Probable
‘ 1, Warriors ‘ total
: population
5 1. Chipeways of Sandy lake .......................................... I 45 f 345
“ 2. Chipeways of Leech lake .......................................... i 150 i 1,120
l’ 3. Chipeways of Red lake ............................................ I 150 1,020
g 4. Chipeways of St. Croix and Chipeway rivers ..................... i 104 ' 689
i 5. Chipeways of other bands generally ............................... 1,600 ‘ 8,000
6. Winnebagoes ' 450 3 1,950
, 7. Menomenes ........................................................ i 300 . 1,350
1 8. Sues, Minowa Kantong band (which, Pike says (Coues, Pike, I, I 1
j p. 344),used wild rice very extensively) ......................... 1 305 ‘ 2,105
2 9. Sauks .............................................................. E 700 2,850
} 10. Foxes .............................................................. i 400 1,750
Grand total ..................................................... i ............ , 221,179
i *77 _ ,
1Pike, Account of Expeditions. . . . Table F, to face p. 66, appendix, part 1. Both columns «f

ﬁgures are given by Pike.

2Dr Morse called attention to the following fact in his report to the Secretary of War in 1822,
Appendix, p.375: The proportion of warriors to the whole number of Indians in a tribe varies, or
did vary at the time of their support by Indian natural productions. He found that where ﬁsh con-
stituted a large part of the Subsistence the proportion of men was less. This is but to say that in the
presence of ﬁsh or nourishing subsistence the population increases more rapidly. Among tribes thus
favorably situated women and children will be more numerous—a fact to which early chroniclers
gave testimony in. the wild-rice district of Wisconsin (women as well as children are relatively
more numerous among well-nourished primitive peoples, for it was the female child which was
oftenest sacriﬁced by infanticide in such districts as for the time had a scarcity of subsistence).
Morse’s ﬁgures, which follow, explain themselves: . '

i
4
a
!

 

 

1110 WILD RICE GATHERERS 0F UPPER LAKES [Hanan

TABLE H—Ratio of warriors to whole tribe, inﬂuenced by quality of sustenance.

 

 

 

 

1 Warriors 31.31%; E Ratio

Indians south of Red river ........ 13, 229 46, 370 i 1 warrior to 3% whole population
Winnebagoes ....................... 900 5, 800 i 1 warrior to 6% whole population
M enominies ....................... i 600 3, 900 i D0.
Indians in Ohio ................... 753 2, 257 i 1 warrior to 3 whole population
Indians in Missouri ............... 7, 560 30,000 3 1 warrior to 4 whole population
Indians west of Rockv mountains ...................... 1 warrior to 6 whole population

Columbia river region (ate ‘ 1 i

much ﬁsh).

 

 

TABLE I—Estimate of the Indian population in 18221
A—INDIANS IN THE WILD-RICE DISTRICT

Chippewas, along south shore of Lake Superior to Mississippi river, 19 set-
tlements (Colonel Dickson, long a resident among them, estimates their

number at 10,000) ..................................................... 8,335

C hippeVV as and Ottaw as, south side of Lake Superior, west side of Green bay,
down toward Chi(ag0 ................................................. 1, 600
Menominees, Menominee and F 0x rivers, Green bay, and Lake Winnebago. 3, 900
W innebagoes, Lake W innebago, etc., to Mississippi river ................... 5, 800

Sioux of the Mississippi and St Peters rivers, Leaf tribe, on Mississippi, above
Prairie du Chien, 600 population ....................................... 300
Red Wing’s band, on Lake Pepin, 100 population .......................... 50

Great Village of the Yonktons, both sides of Mississippi, above St Anthonys
falls, 1,000 population .................................................. 500
Total ............................................................ 20, 485

B—INDIANS IN THE REMAINING TERRITORY

Pottawattamie (Michigan), Huron river .................................. 166
Wyandots (Michigan), Huron river ...................................... 37
Ottawas (Michigan), shore of Lake Michigan and rivers ................... 2, 873
Chippewas (Michigan), Saganau river and vicinity ........................ 5, 669
Delewares, Munsees, Moheakunnunks, and Nanticokes (Indiana and Illinois)

(they were numbered in 1816, but in 1822 were scattered) ................ 1, 700
Pottawattamies (Indiana and Illinois), southern end of Lake Michigan ______ 3, 400
Chippewas (Indiana and Illinois), with the above Pottawattamies .......... 500
Menominees (Indiana and Illinois), on Illinois river ....................... 270
Peorias, Kaskaskias, and Cahokias ........................................ 36
Kickapoos, central Illinois ............................................... 400
Kickapoos, Illinois, under treaty to move ................................. 1, 800
Miamies, VVeas, and Eel river Indians, central Indiana .................... 1, 400
Sauks, both sides of Mississippi river, between the Illinois and Wisconsin riv-

.ers, 4,500 ...... _ ......................................... . ............. 2, 250
Foxes, with the above Sauks, 2, 000 ....................................... 1, 000
low ays (living with the last two mostly west of Mississippi), 1, 000 ......... 250

 

' Dr Morse s report to Secretary of War, 1822, table 1.

 

JENKS] POPULATION COMPARED 1 111

B—INDIANS IN THE REMAINING ’I‘ERRITORY——COI'1tIIlued

Wyandots, Ohio ........................................................ 542
Shawnees, Ohio ......................................................... 800
Senecas, Ohio ........................................................... 551
Delewares, Ohio ......................................................... 80
Mohawks, Ohio ......................................................... 57
Ottawas, Ohio ........................................................... 377

Total ......................... . ___________________________________ 24,158

In the above table (I) it will be noticed that of those Indians located
on the Mississippi river only one-half of each tribe is put- in the list;
thus it is granted that half of them may be on the west side of the
stream, and so out of the district now considered; while of the Sioux
(Dakota) the following bands are located in the rice ﬁelds of the St.
Peters (Minnesota) river, though they are west of the Mississippi, and
did the district considered include the western as well as eastern head-
waters of this river, they would be included in the table:

 

Little Raven’s band, 15 miles below St Peters river ......................... 500
Pineshow’s band,15 miles up St Peters river 150
Band of the Six, 30 miles up St Peters river ................................ 300
Others, at Little Rapids and St Peters ..................................... 250

Total ...................... ' ........................................ l, 200

It will also be noticed that no foreign Indians are located in the
wild-rice district as yet,1 while in the other territory a total of at
least 1,988 Indians have been received from the East. They include
the Munsee, Shawnee, Seneca, Delawares, and Mohawk. Also the
Potawatomi, Ojibwa (Chippewa), and Menomini Indians to the num—
ber of 4,170 have passed south from the wild—rice district into the
other territory. Most, if not all, of the above movements are due to
the inﬂuence of white men. Yet, notwithstanding this fact, the wild-
rice district continued to sustain a much larger population per square
mile than the other territory under consideration.2 Besides the Indians
in the wild-rice district, there were for many years hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of white men engaged in various ways in the fur trade,
who subsisted largely on Indian natural production.

What, then, was the cause of this relatively very dense population?

Mr Hebberd3 says that the strip of territory above described, along
Green bay and Fox river, was “like an oasis in a desert . . . The
land was exceptionally rich in all essentials of barbaric plenty.”

 

1The Oneida and Stockbridge Indians came from Ken; York to the wild-rice district near Green
bay in 1821. Morse’s report was printed in 1822, while some of his facts were collected as carlyns1820.

2Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 584, published in 18:33, gives estimates which show the rice
district had over 22,000 Indian population, while the remaining territory had less than 21,000. In 1829
(House Ex. Doc. 117, Twentieth Cong, second scss.) the population of the wild-rice district was
estimated at 45,500, and of the remaining territory at 21,167.

3Hebberd, op. cit., pp. 35, 36.

 

1112 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES newsman)

Charlcvoix1 declared it was the “most charming country in all the
world.” “The lakes and rivers were full of ﬁsh and the forests of
game; fuel was,plenty; the soil was easy to till and yielded richly.
But the crowning attraction, doubtless, was the wild rice marshes,
oﬂering an abundant harvest without any labor save that of gathering
it in the autumn. There indeed, was the Indian Utopia.” Dablon
called it “ a terrestrial Paradise, but the way to it is as difﬁcult as the
way to heaven." It was guarded on the east and north by the Great
Lakes. on the west by the immense marshes of the Mississippi system.
It was guarded internally by the many prosperous, powerful, con-
tented Indian residents, and externally by the Iroquois on the east
and the Dakota on the west, both of whom, because of their ﬁerce
and d sadly enmity, the Ojibwa called “Adders.”

These Indians in the wild-rice district exhibited some social aspects
which were quite unique. First, the Winnebago, of Siouan stock,
had injected themselves among the Algonquian Indians, and, occupy-
ing a strip of land from the Mississippi due east to the foot of Green
bay, they lived at peace with the Menomini, Kickapoo, Maskotin,
Miami, Potawatomi, and other Indians of the Algo‘nquian, stock.
Among the rice ﬁelds were villages in which even four different
tribes dwelt in barbaric harmony. ' Early chroniclers frequently
spoke of the superior physical manhood of the Indians in this dis-
trict, as well as of their peaceful dispositions. On the one hand, these
facts were probably due to the superior quality of their subsistence,
as wild rice and ﬁsh, and on the other, to the abundance of such sub-
sistence, and to the accompanying fact that many could dwell near
together; and also to the fact that they must be more sedentary than
the plains Indians, in order to reap their annual crop. The river inﬂu-
ence in general would also tend toward peaceful life. Rivers and
lakes with their innumerable waterways (such as the wild-rice district
exhibits probably more completely than any other section of equal size
in America) furnished quick, permanent, and easy means of travel and
transportation. Thus, even in canoeing, they would learn the value of
mutual help. Canoes were less easily carried long distances by land
than were the effects of the plains Indians. Constant connection with
wild-rice and maple-sugar areas Would lead to Villages within easy
access. At such Village sites loyalty to kinship in the tribe was planted,
and out of it grew patriotism for country, as was noticeable when
the Indians demanded lands where were situated their rice ﬁelds, their
sugar orchards, and the graves of their fathers. Thus were laid two
corner stones of civilization, Viz, the peaceful massing of various
tribes, and love for a common country. Here, however, the founda—
tion ceased. \Vild rice, which had led their advance thus far, held them
back from further progress, unless, indeed, they left it behind them, for

 

1 Charlevoix, letter 20.

 

.mxxs] CAUSES FOR CONSUMPTION 111.3

With them it was incapal‘ﬂe of extensive cultivation. Its supply was
precarious, and there was no way of making it certain. One year the
gathering of 3 01' 4 per cent of the crop gave food for a winter’s con-
sumption, another year its failure, which might occur for any one of
many reasons, threatened the people with starvation. I11 civilization
one class of people at least must have comparative leisure in which to
develop short-cut methods of doing old things, of acquiring the tradi
tions of the race, and of mastering new thoughts and methods. Such
leisure is impossible with a precarious food supply. But, in spite of
these facts,'for barbaric people during the period of barbarism, the
most princely vegetal gift which North America gave her people
without toil was wild rice. They could almost defy nature‘s law that
he who will not work shall not eat.

The facts presented in this section prove that the wild—rice district
gave natural support to a larger number of Indiansibesides many
hundred whites) than did the adjoining territory of nearly ﬁve times
its area. The facts further prove that wild rice was a chief means
which made possible this greater population.

The causes which led to the use of wild rice for food are lost to his-
tory. Even tradition, with her many volumes written so full of inter-
esting and valuable facts, gives no information on the subject, except
that man’s hunger caused him to eat the grain. The best'cvidence
now known is that of the Relations des Jésuites. It has been noticed
that Ojibwa Indians and early settlers used wild rice in Canada on
Quinto bay and the north shore of Lake Ontario, on the north and
west shores of Lake Erie, on the east shore of Lake Huron, and on
Georgian bay, as well as on Rice and adjacent lakes in the included
point of Canadian territory, now Ontario. The Jesuit fathers lived
in Indian wigwams, subsisted on Indian foods, were interested and keen
observers and intelligent chroniclers of the entire life of the Indian.
Religious, social, and economic life received their careful attention.
Yet not oneword appears to have been written, either by them or
contemporaneous chroniclers, about the use of wild rice in this district.1
Its ﬁrst mention is that of 1634 in connection with the Menomini
Indians, who even then were called “wild—rice men” by their Algon-
quian kinsmen. It therefore seems probable that in the Ontario dis—
trict described above the Indians did not use wild rice until scarcity
of game, caused by the fur trade with the whites, drove them to it.
The Mcnomini Indians, however, did depend upon it extensively before
such scarcity. \Vhat inﬂuence the scarcity of game had upon the use
of wild rice by the other Indians in the wild-rice district it is impossi-
ble to say. However, the Winnebago and several thousand Dakota

 

 

1 Miss Emma Helen Blair, assistant editor of the Th waites’ edition of The Jesuit Relations and Allied
Documents (Cleveland, 1896 +, 73 volumes), is the authority for the above statement, made before the
volumes were accessible.

 

 

1114 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [manna

Indians of the Siouan stock, and the Miami, Potawatomi, Sank, Fox,
Maskotin, and Kickapoo Indians of the Algonquian stock used rice to a
certain extent while still surrounded by small game and even by buf-
falo, The powerful and numerous Ojibwa Indians came into posses-
, sion of wild rice during the ﬁrst period of the fur trade; consequently
theirs also was not a choice between starvation or the use of rice.
This fact is attested by the Annual Report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs for 1861, in which year $10,000 worth of furs were
gathered. But inasmuch as the rice ﬁelds where rice is harvested are
annually failing, but where it is not harvested rice still grows luxuri-
antly, it is probable that in most of the wild-rice district the grain has
been gathered only a few hundred years, say from three to ﬁve, in
such quantities as are shown by the tables on page 1075 and following.1

 

1The following is from White Earth agency, Minnesota, in 1894: “A good many on the different
reservations have, in their proper seasons, gathered wild rice, blueberries, cranberries, and snake—
root, and made considerable quantities of maple sugar; but these are now mere incidents to their
sums rt. The lakes in which the wild rice once grew in such abundant quantities have become
almost barren” (House Ex. Doc., 3d sess., 53d Cong., 1894-95, vol. xv, p. 150).

 

CHAPTER VII

INFLUENCE OF WILD RICE ON GEOGRAPHIC NOMEN-
CLATURE1

INTRODUCTION

One of the simplest and most natural reasons for calling a particular
locality by a deﬁnite name is that that locality is characterized by some
one product. This is the way that a great deal of America was named
by her primitive people. There is “Trout lake,” “ Elm lake,” “ Sugar
Camp lake,” “Rat lake,” “Beaver lake,” “ Rice lake,” “ Wolf river,”
“Big Rice river,” “Little Rice river,” etc. Such names become ﬁxed
by continuous use, and often persist long after the object for which
they were given has perished.

The purpose of this chapter is to throw further light upon the ex-
tensive habitat of wild rice, and the importance of the grain to the
Indian. It is desirable to call attention to the fact that some of
the places which now bear the name of “Rice” were not so named by
the Indian. It will be noticed that the Siouan name for wild rice is
found only west of the MissiSsippi river, except as it is applied to a few
small streams immediately tributary to this river from the east, while
the Algonquian names dominate the territory east of the river. The
explanation of this is the fact that the Dakota Indians were nearly all
driven from the territory east of the river before the white man
learned their local geographic names. After that time the Indian
languages throughout the wild-rice district east of the Mississippi river
were Algonquian, with the single exception of that of the Winnebago,
who speak the Siouan language.

The dominance of the French in this district during the period of

i the fur trade explains the prevalence of French geographic names.
The making of English names is going on to-day as in the past.
Names referring to wild rice are given because of the prevalence of
the grain, or are a translation of an Indian or French term.

1This chapter can be, at best, only a catalogue, and not even an alphabetic one. For purposes of
historic and scientiﬁc study, if for no other, Indian geographic names ought to be maintained.
If the translation of the Indian name is ugly, or not euphonious, the original is often very musical in
sound. No one would think of exchanging the Anglicized “Chicago” for its Indian equivalent
“Place of the skunk.” Certainly no argument need be made for the beauty of the Anglicized
Indian names Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Mississippi. There is generally better reason for
maintaining Indian geographic names than there is for replacing them by some fortuitous name. Yet
unscientiﬁc and senseless as are some names, one acknowledges amusement when he learns that a
map is made designating a lake “ Uncle Lake,” in honor of an old gentleman who is a frequent
visitor 0r hanger-around in a State land office.

1115

 

 

.FJH‘Z‘! mam A:

i
u
i‘
E

ii
5,
g;

 

 

1116 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [Hanan

SECTIONS or COUNTRY 1

No other plant which was used for food by the North American
Indian during the period of Indian natural production has stamped its
name upon so extensive a section of territory as has the wild-rice plant.
About the year 1820 Dr Morse found that “the rice country extended
north to the Lake of the Woods, thence along the northern borders of
the United States to Lake Superior; and south to the Ouisconsin [Wis-
consin] and Fox rivers, and from the last river northerly along the west
side of Lake Michigan.” 2 One reads that in 1860 this territory to the
south of Lake Superior was called by the Canadians le pay/s dc la
folle amine. The French Canadians often spoke of these southern
lands as lee terresfolles or la folle amine as “Je veux hiverner a la
folle wooing.” 3 I

At about the date of Dr Morse’s Report Schoolcraft said that the
Ellie Amine country included Lac du Flambeau, Ottowa lake, Yellow
river, “Nama Kowagun” of St. Croix river, and Snake river.‘ He
presented at that time a map which has drawn upon it a “Great trail
to the Folle Amine country,” leading southwest from near present
Houghton, on Lake Superior, Wisconsin, into the above “ Folle Avoine
country.” As early as 1792 the great Northwest Fur Company desig-
nated one of its four departments, the country drained by the St CroiX
river, the Jiblle Amine department?

illanoma/z, Isle (Chambers island) in Green bay is given on Farmer’s
Fourth Sheet or Map of Wisconsin, Iowa, etc, John Farmer (Detroit,
1818)

Illanomén county was created in Minnesota in 1859 by Mr Fridley.
In 1870 it was changed to Fridley township of Anoka county.6

The Upper Peninsula of Michigan has a JVenominee county, the sec-
tion of country which is separated from Wisconsin by the Menominee
river.

There is a Jlfenominee towns/Lip in Waukesha county, Wisconsin,
and a lllcmomin towns/Hy) in Anoka county, Minnesota, while F reeborn
county, Minnesota, has a Riceland towns/rip.

Rice county, Minnesota, is so named out of respect for the Honor—
able H. M. Rice.

Great Rice 111 [ans/L] is located on the south side of St Pierre
(Minnesota) river near its junction with the Mississippi river on a
map by Carver in 1766 or immediately after.7 In 1796 this same
section of territory was called Rice Siva-2221), and along the north side
of the river farther to the west were Rice Ilfanxa/(eas

 

1Names referring to wild rice are in italics. In these names the original form is literally followed.‘
‘-’\Ior‘sc, Report, appendix, 1). 30. 3 Kohl, Kitchi-Gami,pp.117,118.

4Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, appendix, p. 576.

5Warren, History of the Ojibways, chapter XXXIV. .

6Cones, Pike, vol. III, , p. 887, under “ Fridlcy.” 7 Map with Carver’s Travels . . . 1766—1768.
8Map, London, A. Arrowsmith,January 1,1796: additions, 1802.

mm] WILD-RICE CITIES 1 1 1 7

CITIES, STATIONS, ETC

Indian villages are very often situated at such places as are best also
for the villages of early settlers, as the head of tidal waters and the
falls of rivers, where there is a natural stopping place, because there
boats must be unloaded and portaged, and there also ﬁsh for food are
usually plentiful. ' Besides these reasons, which appeal to both the
Indian and the white man, the latter ﬁnds there necessary water power.
Fertile grassy valleys and elevated table-lands bring to both the Indian
and white man valuable advantages for a settlement. The Indian seeks
to locate his village in a place of safety near his food supply. The sites
of a vast number of our present American cities were previously covered
with the village dwellings of the Indian, and a number of these places
still bear their earlier Indian names. Many such villages were named
from the presence of wild rice.

North Dakota claims a VVlld Rice station and a Rice/ville station,
both in Cass county.

In Michigan, Menominee county has a I [maul/nee station and also a
rlﬂvwmincc River station, while Calhoun county has a Rice (“cc/v station
and a Rice Lake station.

In Ontario, Canada, there is a Iﬁmmmncc station on Parry sound.

J o Daviess county, Illinois, has a rlﬁmmimc station on Big Menom-
inee creek.

In the preceding chapter it was noticed that the Indians about the
St Croix and Chippewa rivers received their name from the abun-
dance of wild rice in their vicinity, and Carver presented a map in
1766—68 which located Rice Village of the Ojibwa Indians along the
east shore of the St Croix river.

According to a map made at the opening of the nineteenth century1
there was a .1 ﬁmmaom’c’s castle on Fox river, near its mouth, at Green
bay, and a Illenomomfe town on the west side of the bay.

Schoolcraft, about the year 1820,2 mentions two “Indian Spring
villages,” Great Rice Place and Little Rlcc Place, on the Namakgum
[Nemacagon] river, a southern tributary of the St Croix. These
villages were probably in VVashburn county, Wisconsin.

In 1836 a map 3 presents ﬁve Ilfcnncmonlc m'llagcs on the west shore
of Green bay, besides one 111-672710772r07l736 village on Big Mennomonie
river [Menominee river], and another Imncnnmncnic village on Fox
river, a short way from its mouth, another at the head of Lake VVin-
nebago, and still another farther to the east. Probably one of the
above villages is presented in 1837 as Ilfcnomlalcmlle on Fox river.‘

 

1 Map, A. Arrowsmith, London, 1796: additions, 1802.

2 Schoolcraft, Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes . . . p. 369.
3The Tourist’s Pocket Map of Michigan . . . by Mitchell, 1836.
4Topographical Map of Wisconsin Territory . . . by Lyttle, 1837.

‘ 19 ETH, PT 2—01 36

 

V

1118 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mamaw

The following year, 1838, Mitchell gives1 this last village as
JVLennomonieville.

There are in Wisconsin numerous cities and stations which bear their
name because of the presence of wild rice in their Vicinity, as follows:

ﬁfevzomonee, in Menomonee township, Waukesha county.

Jmnomonee Falls, in Menomonee township, Waukesha county.

Jilmwm’onie, in Dunn county.

M7107220nie Junction, in Dunn county, although this may be the
Menomoniede, in Dunn county, as given on a map in 1896.2

NON/l Mnommwie, in Dunn county.

Rice Lake, on Rice lake, in Stanford township, Barron county.

Semi/L Rice Lake, on Rice lake, in Stanford township, Barron
county.

Rice Lake, in Langlade county.

Rice/ville, in Washington county.

Mmmnonee, on Red Cedar river in Dunn county.3 -

Minnesota also has a small number of rice cities, stations, etc, as
follows:

ll[mz0min, in Manomin township, Anoka county (Illustrated Histor-
ical Atlas of the State of Minnesota, 1871, Chicago).

Rice Lake, in Dodge county near Rice lake in Clearmont township,
Steele county (ibid.).

Rice, in Zumbrota township, Goodhue county (Goodhue County
Plat Book, 1894).

Rieeford, on Riceford creek, in Spring Grove township, Houston
county (Houston County Plat Book, 1878).

ﬂﬂmetnim, at the mouth of Rice river in Ramsey county (Blanch—
ard’s Map of the North \N’estern States, Chicago, 1866).

Rice Thu/‘72.], at Sandy lake, probably in present Aitkin county
(Map of the United States, etc., John Melish, 1816).

Jlﬁnnnzxna/z, on Crow river, in Meeker county (Sectional Map of the
Surveyed Portion of Minnesota and the North Western Part of Wis-
consin. 1860).

Rice City, south of the preceding in Meeker county (ibid).

RIVERs, CREEKS, LAKES, AND PONDs

Rivers, creeks, lakes, and ponds in the territory under considera-
tion which bear the name Rice, or some of its various synonyms,
present unmistakable evidence that at some time such waters grew
wild rice (it is, of course, recognized that such a name could have
been given in honor of some person, but an effort has been made to
exclude all such from the list). The names which follow, therefore,
tell their own tale: '

 

1 Map of the Settled Part of Wisconsin, Iowa, etc.
2The Railroad Map of Wisconsin . . . by D. J. McKenzie, Railroad Commissioner (1896).
3 Lloyd’s New Map of the United States, the Canadas, etc. (1862).

mm] WILD-RICE RIVERS 1 1 1 9

In Ontario, Canada, Trent river, which leads from Rice lake into
Quinto bay, is called Rice R[iver] in 1817 .1 All other maps examined,
both prior to and following the one named, call the stream Trent
rlver.

ﬂlenmm'nee river, discharging into Green bay and forming the bound-
ary between the upper peninsula of Michigan and Wisconsin, has had
numerous names. Hoifman 2 spells the word Mnomim'. On the
same page he also says that the word is from the Indian Mlm’kd’
nisé’pe. Verwyst says that the word is a corruption of manomim'g, or
omnanomim'g, meaning “Wild-rice people.”3 The following various
synonyms have been given to this stream:

Mnmnmzee. Blanchard’s Map of the North Western States, Chi-
cago, 1866.

Jﬁm-nom-o-me. Map of Wiskonsan, Charles Doty and Francis
Hudson, 1818.

Jlfwmomonee. Map of VViskonsin Territory compiled from Public
Surveys by Captain Cram, 1839.

Mennomom'e. Map of the Settled Part of Wisconsin and Iowa,

etc., by Augustus Mitchell, 1838.
' Big illénnomonie. The Tourist’s Pocket Map of Michigan, by J. H.
Young, published by S. Augustus Mitchell, Philadelphia, 1836.
Little lemonwnie river is shown a short distance up the bay; it is
probably the present Fort river.

ABM/77127726. Dr Morse’s Report, appendix, p. 47.

Mmomom'e. Map of the United States, by Abraham Bradley, jr.,
1801.

[Imamnom'ea Map, States of America, by J. Russell, 1799.

R. ales Ozmmlowuxénec on de [a follc (amine. Map with Relations des
Jésuites, 1670—71.

R. (1.98 OUTIlCCZOINN/7.72.668. Map, Canada, Louisiane ct Terres Angloises,
1755, Le S" D’Anville.

rllalmnine. A Map of the British Plantations on the Continent of
North America, by Henry Overton [circa 1750].

Ozctmalomm'ncc R. Map, North America, D’Anville, 1752, patron—
age of Louis, Duke of Orleans.

12. des Oumalomm'ne ou dc la Folle Ewing. Map, Le Canada, on
Nouvelle-France, Paris, 1718.

If. ([68 Oumalouminec. Map, Amerique Septentrionale, D’Anville
[1746].

The present Red Cedar river, discharging into the Chippeway river,
and also the Chippeway river, which in turn empties into the Missis-
sippi at the southern end of Lake Pepin, have at various times bOI ne
names synonymous with wild rice. About the year 1850 VVa arIen

11\Iap United States of America. No. 55” [1817]. 2Hoifman, The Menomini Indians p. 39
"Verwyst, Geographical Names in Wisconsin Minnesota, and Michigan having a Chippewa
Origin in Wisconsin Historical Collections, v01 x11,p. 393.

 

 

 

 

 

1120 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mu-msw

called the Red Cedar the M-ncm-in-ee,1 and .at about the same time
Schoolcraft named that part of Red Cedar river above Rice lake, in
Barron county, the Folle Amine.2 In 1831 it seems that the entire
stream was called Folle Amine. In 1848 the river is given as ﬁfenom-
om'e, and ﬂows through Manominikan Lake.3 This is undoubtedly
the Rice lake in Barron county, Wisconsin. About 1850 Warren
speaks of Prairie Rice Lake, or Mosh-lso-da-vmm-0-min-e—/ein, or Lac
la Folle [Prairie lake] as connected with Pellican lake, which dis-
charges into the Red Cedar river.‘ This Prairie lake receives the
waters of Rice Week."

In the year 1836 Pellican Rice Lake was given on Red Cedar river.6
This last is probably Lake Chetak, in Barron county.

In 1795 “Chippeway” river is given on a map.7 Previous to that
time it had very generally been called rllé‘ilaminican, as in 1755, 1750,
and 17 46.8

The Mnemcnee river, discharging into Lake Michigan at Milwau-
kee, Wisconsin, was the ﬁftmomcnee river on a map in 1844.9 It was
ﬁfegiominie river on a map ﬁve years previous,10 and ﬂlemzcmonee on
Mitchell’s map of 1838;11 While in 1835 it was given as the 1%710972inee.”

The river has a tributary which is now called Alcacmcnee creek,
which, for most of its course, ﬂows in Ozaukee county.

The F ox river in Wisconsin, which discharges into the southern end
of Green bay, had a Lac des Folles Amines, according to a French
map of 1688.13 It is the only lake then represented along the course of
the Fox river. Another very old French map” has three lakes called
Lac des Folles Amines on the present F ox river. An expansion of
the Fox river 1 mile wide, near its discharge into Lake Winnebago, was
called Lake ﬁfe/iicminey in. 1835.15 The author probably referred to an
arm of the present Big Buttes Des Morts lake. This arm in 1836
was called Alcncmonie Lake.16 The same year it was also referred to as

 

1 Warren, History of the Ojibways, p. 309.

2Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, appendix, 1). 543.

3Farmer‘s 4-sheet, or Map of Wisconsin, etc., by John Farmer (Detroit, 1848).

4 Warren, op. cit., p. 308.

5Map, The Lake Region of Northern Wisconsin and Michigan, by Ring, Fowle & Co. (Milwau-
kee, 1893).

GSchoolcraft. Thirty Years.

7 A Map of the Western Part of the Territories belonging to the United States [1795].

3 A Map of the British and French Dominions in North America, by John Mitchell, 1755; A Map of
the British Plantations, by Henry Overton, 1750: Amerique Septentrional, by D’Anville [1746].

9Map of Wiskonsan, by Charles Doty and Francis Hudson, 1844.

10 Map of Wiskonsin Territory, by T. J. Cram, 1839.

11 Map by Mitchell, 1838.

12 A Map of a Portion of the Indian Country lying East and West of Mississippi, for the Topograph-
ical Bureau, 1835.

13 Copy by LA. Lapham from a map in the Chicago Historical Collection, destroyed by ﬁre in 1871,
entitled “Une partie de la Carte oe L’Amerique Septentrionale en L’Annee 1688, par J . Baptiste
Louis Franquentin HYD DU ROY, a Quebec en Canada.”

14 See map in Winsor, Mississippi Basin, p. 23, reproduced by Marcel from a map in the Marine at
Paris.

_ 15 Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage, vol. I, p. 174.
16 Map of the Territories of Michigan and Ouisconsin, by John Farmer, 1836.

 

JEsz] WILD-RICE RIVERS 1 1 2 1

JEN/nomami.1 In 1850 a Illencmin Lake was shown on Fox river imme-
diately below the present Moundsville, at the upper end of Buffalo
lake.2

ullencminie river, probably the present Wolf river in eastern Wis-
consin, was shown on a map in 1836.3

The present Little Eau Plaine river, a tributary of the Wolf river
between Marathon and Portage counties, Wisconsin, was once known
as llama-min a-kzmg-a-kaug/ Se—be or Rice Stalks river.4 It also ﬂows
through a Rice Lake.

Between 470 and 480 north latitude a river ﬂows from the east into
the Red river of the North which has been noted for more than one
hundred years for its production of wild rice. On recent maps it is
known as lVild Rice River. This river also has a large tributary
called Scat/i Branch Wild Rice River, which in 1836 was said to drain
Lake la Folle Amine between Ottertail lake and the sources of the
Growing (Crow Wing) river.5 In 1885 Bell wrote6 that at one time
the Wild Rice river was known as the rlfencmcne, and also as the Pse
river. In the years 1861, 1848, and 18-13 the river was called Mancmiri
or Wild Rice River.7 On map of 1857 this stream was called Mamcnia
Rirer.8 In 1836 it was known as la Folle Avoind’ In 1822 Dr Morse
called it Wild Oats Or,” while Beltrami in 1828 wrote it Wild Oats
river.ll According to a map of 1816, Wild Oats Or[eek] and Rice Straw
6"[eek] both discharge into Red river of the North from the east,
between 470 and 480 north latitude. It is quite probable that these
refer to the lVild Rice River and South Branch Wild Rice Rieer, as
these two streams join not far from where their waters enter the Red
river of the North. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the
stream was called Rice Straw river, and immediately north of it is
a lV/ld Rice river which ﬂows into Red Lake river, which, in turn,
empties into the Red river of the North.12 This Wild Rice river last
spoken of is probably the Clear Water river rising in Mitcha or Big
Boulder lake on Mitchell’s map.

Another historic wild rice producing river ﬂows into the Red river
of the North. This second one discharges near Fargo, North Dakota,

1 The Tourists Pocket Map of Michigan, Mitchell (Philadelphia, 1836).

‘3 Map, The State of Wisconsin, Lapham (Milwaukee, 1850).

3 Farmer, Map of the Territories of Michigan and Wisconsin, 1836.

4 Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. I, p. 120.

5 Map of the Territory of Wisconsin, by Burr, 1836.

r>Chas. N. Bell, Historical Names and Places, in Trans, Manitoba Hist. and Sci. Soc.,vol. XVII,
1884—85, p. 5 (Winnipeg, 1885).

7 Map of the United States of North America, supplement to Illustrated London News (June 1,
1861); map, United States of North America, by Sherman & Smith (New York, 1848); map, Hydro-
graphieal Basin of the Upper Mississippi River, Nicollet, 1843.

3 A New and Complete Railroad Map of the United States, Wm. Perris (New York [1857]).

9 Map of the Territory of Wisconsin, by Burr, 1836.

10 Map with Morse’s Report.

11 Beltrami, Pilgrimage, vol. II. See map of Mississippi river.

11’ The second section of the map entitled “London, A. Arrowsmith, January 1,1796. Additions
1802."

1122 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Era-Ame

and ﬂows from the southwest. Unlike the river just considered, this
one bears the Siouan name. In 1861 it is found as lVitd Rice river.1
In 1850 it was called [two or thld Rice,2 while in 1848 and 1843 it
was given as 1381'le or th'ld Rice river.3 A map of 1838 gives the
stream as Pee river.4

During the year 1836 two synonyms are found, the word being
written both P965 and [11986.6 Beltrami named this stream, as well as
the one on the east side of the Red river of the North, the le'td Oats
river,7 the one from the west being called Salt - Watpa. lVatpa’ is the
Dakota word for river.8 Keating said that in 1823 the traders called
both of these tributaries of the Red river of the North le'ld—rice, or
170th Avoéne.” Tanner calls the one which discharges from the west
the “Gaunenoway,” and Coues says that “Gaunenoway stands for
11517207/157166. 1 0

Besides the Red Cedar river, which discharges into the Chippeway
and through it into the Mississippi, and both of which have borne
names synonymous with wild rice, other waters will be mentioned
which feed the upper Mississippi, all of which bear the wild rice
cognomen.

In 1892 there was a ill/1720221572, river ﬂowing into the Mississippi
from the east. It drains both Rice Lake in Aitkin county, Minnesota,
and a Ilfanomz'n lake near at hand, while immediately north of it is
another Rice lake draining into Sandy lake at Aitkin county.11 thtd
Oats river is the name given this stream in 1819.12 About ﬁfteen
years previous Lewis and Clarke called it lVild Oats B[’t‘1’67'].13 It enters
the Mississippi river from the east between degrees 46 and 47 north
latitude. This is probably the Ilﬁmonu'n river of the map “Hydro-
graphical Basis . . . ” made in 1813. Beltrami wrote that he named
two lakes, some 5 or 6 miles in circumference, near the source of the
Mississippi, 1l[(monzeny-Ifcmy-agum, because, as he explained it, they
were full of Wild rice.“ Psin—ta-walc-pa—dcm or Little Rice River
is now called Rice Creel, and empties into the Mississippi from the
east a few miles north of Minneapolis.15 I’z'm'dth'n or Illcmomin or

 

1 Map of the United States of North America, supplement to Illustrated London News (June 1,1861).

2General-Karte Der Vereinigten Staaten von Nord«Amerika, by Albrecht Platt, 1850 (after T.
Calvin Smith’s New York Karten).

3 United States of America, by Sherman and Smith (New York, 1848); map, Hydrographical Basin
of the Upper Mississippi River, after Nicollet (1843).

4Map of the Settled Part of Wisconsin. Mitchell, 1838.

5 Map of the Territories of Michigan, by Farmer, 1836.

6 Map of the Territory of Wisconsin, by Burr, 1836.

7 Beltrami, op. cit.

81bid., vol. II, 337.

9 Keating, Narrative, vol. II, 37,

‘0 Coues, New Light, vol. I, note, p. 147.

11 Flat Book of Morrison county (1892).

15‘ Warden, United States of North America, vol. I, p. 117 (Edinburgh, 1819).

13 Map in Lewis and Clarke, Travels.

14 Beltrami, op. cit, vol. 11, p.408.

15 Gordon, op. cit., p. 58.

mxs] WILD-RICE RIVERS 1 1 23

Rice Lake discharges its waters into the Mississippi by a short thor-
oughfare in section 2-1, township 146 north, range 35 west in Min-
nesota.1

In 1879 Aitkin county, Minnesota, had three Rice lakes northeast
of Mille Lacs. In one place the northernmost one is called jlfancman,
while again the westernmost one is Manemin?

Cones speaks 3 of the Pinnidiwin or Carnag or De Sota river. It is
the west branch of the source of the Mississippi, and ﬂows through
Lake La Folle. Rice, or Jllancmin. Rand and McNally now call this
waterway Lake JEN/”niece Schoolcraft speaks of the lake as Lac
la Folle, and ﬂlcncmina from Ilﬂmominakamzing (place of wild rice).‘

The Mississippi also drains allrmcmin. L[ake] between VVakomite
creek and “Cow Horn,” north of Itasca lake.5 There was also a Rice
river ﬂowing into the Mississippi from the east, a short distance above
St. Paul, in 1856.6 It is called Rice creek in 1874:, while Coues later
calls it Rice or alfanomin cr[eek].T

Neill mentioned Otonwewakpadan or Rice creek in Minnesota as one
of the two places where, traditionally, the Dakota ﬁrst planted maize.8
The same writer in translating the French author of the Memoir of
the Sioux spoke of lVildrice Lake 15 leagues below Riviere an Serp-
ent (Snake river), Minnesota. It may be the present Rice Lake in
northeastern Anoka county. Dr Morse mentions Pam—quan-Hie-72,0-
7iiin,-ic-c0n 01' Rice Lake as being 20 or 25 miles south of Sandy lake,
Aitkin county, Minnesota.9

Coues says that a feeder of Sandy lake near Leech lake, Minnesota,
which ﬂows in at the southernmost end is called “ Sandy, Sandy Lake,
01' Rice Lake R[iver ”. This river has a branch from Mmemin or
Rice Lake, and either the branch or the entire river is the il[encmeny-
sibi or Wild Oats river of Beltrami, according to Coues.10 Rice Lake
in Little Falls township, Morrison county, Minnesota, is fed by Rice
creek and discharges into the Mississippi by way of the Platte river.‘l1

In the year 1856 a Rice Lake was drained by Le Suer [Le Sueur]
river into Minnesota river from the south.12 Seven years prior to this
the lake is called Psak L[ake] and is drained by PSd/L R[ive7'] into
Le Sueur river and then into the Minnesota. The same map 13 presents

 

1 Cones, Botanical Gazette, December, 1894, p. 506.

2 Map, Department of the Interior, General Land Ofﬁce, state of Minnesota, 1879.

3Genes, Pike, vol. I, p. 163, note.

4Schoolcraft, Summary Narrative, pp. 248. 249.

5 Minnesota Historical Collections, vol. Vlll, part 2 (1896), p.236, pl. IV.

5 Map of southern Minnesota and part of Wisconsin, by Harris, Cowles & Co. (Boston, 1856) .

TCoues. Pike, note 6, p.94.

8Neill, Indian Trade, in Minnesota Historical Society’s Collections, vol. I, p. 32.

9 Morse, Report, appendix, p. 35. ‘

10Coues, Pike, note 49, p. 137.

11 Morrison County Plat Book, 1892.

12 Map of southern Minnesota by Harris, Cowles .3; Co., Boston, 1856.

13 Map of the Territory of Minnesota, eXhibiting route of the expedition to the Red river of the
north,]849, by John Pope.

1124 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH.ANN.19

a I’sa/L L[ake] just north of the Minnesota river where Rice marshes
were located on earlier maps. Coues explains that Rice River near
Brainer county, Minnesota, is the Nagajika creek of Nicollet.‘ Rig
Rice River and a Little Rice Rice/r, in Oneida county, Wisconsin,
discharge their waters into the Wisconsin river.

Jo Daviess county, Illinois, has a Big aliencminee creek, which is a
tributary of the Mississippi river at “Nine-mile island” or “Number
232,” and this creek is also fed by a smaller one called Little Illencminec
creek.

A Rice creek discharges into Kalamazoo river at Marshall, Michigan.

It is believed that the following bodies of water, mostly lakes, receive
their names from wild rice. Their location is given as accurately as is
possible, but no claim is made for the identiﬁcation and exact location
of all the places previously named in this chapter, in consequence of
which some of them may be unavoidably repeated in the present list:

Peg/gem Lake, Winnebago county, Wisconsin, from the Menomini
word pcwakecdmae, or “threshing [wild-rice].”

Rice Lake, Ontario, Canada, between lake Simcoe and Quinto bay.

Rice Lake, Newago county, Michigan, Grant township.

Rice Lake, the head of Shell river, a tributary of the St Croix, is
given by Warren, History of the Ojibways, p. 164.

Rice Lake, Forest county, \Visconsin, township 35, range 12, near
Crandon.

Rice Lake, Forest county, Wisconsin, township 35, range 11, near
Crandon.

Rice Lake, Oneida county, \Visconsin, township 36, range east
(Pocketbook Map of Oneida,Vilas, and range 4 of Iron counties, VVis—
consin, E. S. Shepard, Rhinelander, Wisconsin, [circa 1898]).

Big Rice Lake, Oneida county, Wisconsin, township 36, range 6
east (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Vilas county, \Visconsin, township 41, range 8 east (ibid.).

Rice Lake,Vilas county, \Visconsin, township 39, range 10 east (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Vilas county, \Visconsin, township 42, range 7 east (ibid.).

Scattering Rice Lake, on line between Forest and Vilas counties. It
is drained by the Wisconsin river (ibid.).

Little Rice Lake, Vilas county, Wisconsin, between the triangle of
lakes, Boulder lake, Fish Trap lake, and Trout lake. Rice creek is
connected with Big lake, which lies immediately west of Little Rice
lake (Map of the Famous Hunting and Fishing Grounds embraced in
the Lake Region of Michigan. Poole Bros, Chicago, 1895).

Rice Lake, Polk county, “'isconsin, Alden township (Polk County
Plat Book, 1888).

Rice Lake, Polk county, Wisconsin, Milltown township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Polk‘county, Wisconsin, \V est Sweden township (ibid.).

7

 

1 Coues, Pike, note 41, p. 131.

mus] WILD-RICE LAKES 1125

Rice Lake. Dane county, Wisconsin, Albion township (Dane County
Atlas, 1873).

Rice Lake, Barron county, Wisconsin, Stanford township (Barron
County Plat Book).

Opakaw, or Rice Lakes (Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. I, p. 75). -

Rice Lake, Ottertail county, Minnesota, Rush Lake township (Otter-
tail County Plat—Book, 1884).

Rice Lake, Ottertail county, Minnesota, Hobart township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Ottertail county, Minnesota, F riberg township (ibid.).

Rice Lake in the city limits of Minneapolis (An Illustrated His-
torical Atlas of the State of Minnesota, Chicago, 1874).

Rice Creek, “Tashington county, Minnesota, Oneka township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Scott county, Minnesota, Spring Lake township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Carver county, Minnesota, Chandhassen township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Carver county, Minnesota, between VVaconia and Benton
townships (ibid.). .

Rice Creek, Blue Earth county, Minnesota, Sterling township, dis-
charges into Maple river (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Blue Earth county, Minnesota, McPherson township
(ibid.).

Rice Lake, Le Sueur county, Minnesota, Sharon township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Rice county, Minnesota, Shieldsville township (ibid.). '
This lake may be named after the Honorable H. M. Rice, as is the
county.

Rice Lake, Steele county, Minnesota, Havana township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, VVaseca county, Minnesota, J anesville township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, VVaseca county, Minnesota, on the border between
Blooming, Grove, and VVoodville townships (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Freeborn county, Minnesota, Riceland township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Faribault county, Minnesota, Dalevan township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Faribault county, Minnesota, Foster township (ibid.).

Rice Lakes, Stearns county, Minnesota. These are several large
lakes in Eden, Lake, and adjoining townships (ibid.).

Rice. Lake, Mille Lacs county, Minnesota, Greenbush towuship
(ibid.).

Rice Creek, Anoka county, Minnesota. It ﬂows into the Mississippi
river from the east (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Anoka county, .Minnesota, between Bethel and Linwood
townships (ibid.).

Rice Ureek, Kanabec county, Minnesota. It discharges into the
Snake river in the southeastern part of the county (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Isanti county, Minnesota, Maple Ridge township, from
which ﬂows the Rice, Greek just cited (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Todd county, Minnesota, Hartford township (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Morrison county, Minnesota (ibid.).

1126 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [manna

Rice Lake,'Wright county, Minnesota, Franklin township (ibid.).

Rig Rice Lake, Cass county, Minnesota (ibid.).

Rice Lake, Hennepin county, Minnesota, Eden Prairie township
(ibid.).

Wild Rice Lake, St. Louis county, Minnesota, northeast of Duluth
(ibid.).

Rice Lake, St. Louis county, Minnesota (ibid.).

Rice L., a pond more than 1 mile long, at the north end of Little
Lake VVinnibigoshish (Cones, Pike, vol. I, note, p. 325).

Rice Lake, or Lake Ann, an expansion of Brown creek [Minnehaha]
(ibid., note 1, p. 90).

Rice L., near Pokegaina, Minnesota (ibid., note 54, p. 147).

This chapter presents over one hundred and sixty places which have
borne a name synonymous with wild rice. Of these some few are
doubtless duplicates, though great care has been exercised to avoid
such.1

When it is called to mind how the North American Indians and
those following them were led to name a certain place by its charac-
teristic product, a better perspective is obtained for viewing the
importance of wild rice as a food—supply during the period of aborig-
inal production.

After a cursory comparative study it is believed that more geo-
graphic names have been derived from Wild rice in this relatively
small section of North America than from any other natural vegetal
product throughout the entire continent.

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1 The material for this chapter has been collected from books. maps, and atlases. It is often impos-
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authentic enough for strict accuracy. The counties of northern Wisconsin and Minnesota have not
been surveyed so that accurate county atlases may be made, while in all of the States which grow
wild rice few atlases have been made. Inasmuch as it is the smaller lakes and ponds which bear
wild rice most abundantly, there are many bodies of water locally bearing a name for wild rice
which the present maps do not show.

 

Jenna] . . BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 1 27

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1128 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [ETH.ANN.19

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1130 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mamam

INDIAN AFFAIRS, ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF.
From the formation of the Government up to and including the year 1835 reports on Indian

aﬁairs were not printed in separate volumes. The Indians were controlled by a division of the
War Department until 1832, when the division was made a bureau. Previous to 1836 the
reports may be found only in Senate and House Documents, and in American State Papers,
Indian Affairs (2 vols.), until 1827.

J AHRESBERICHT ﬁber die Fortschritte der Agrikulturchemie; fiinfter J ahrgang, 1862-
1863.

JONES, Peter, Rev. Life and Journals of Kah-ke-wa-quo-na—by: (Rev. Peter Jones),
Wesleyan missionary. Toronto, 1860.

KEATING,William. Narrative of an expedition to the source of St Peters river [Minne-
sota river], Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, etc., performed in the year
1823, under the command of Stephen H. Long. Philadelphia, 1824, 2 vols.

[Compiled from notes of Messrs Long, Say, Keating, and others.]

KINer, John H., Mrs. Wan-Bun, the early day in the Northwest. [111.] New
York, 1856.

KOHL, Johann Georg. Kitchi-Gami, wanderings round Lake Superior. London,
1860.

Travels in Canada and through the states of New York and Pennsylvania.
Translated by Mrs Percy Sinnett. London, 1861, 2 vols. in 1.

 

KR AUTBAUER, F. X. ,Bishop. Short sketch of the history of the Menominee Indians
of \Visconsin and the Catholic missions among them. Phlladelph1a, October,
1887

In American Catholic Historical Researches,vol. 1v, number 2, pp. 152—108.

LA HARPE, Bernard de. Journal historique de l’établissement des Francaise a la

Louisiane. Paris, 1831. , '

LOCKWOOD, James H. Early times and events in Wisconsin.

In Wis. Hist. Colls. vol. 11, app. 6, pp. 98—196.

LONG, John. Voyages and travels of an Indian interpreter and trader [among] the
North American Indians, [with] a vocabulary of the Chippeway and other Indian
languages. London, 1791.

LONG, Stephen H. Narrative . . . (See KEATING.)

MCGEE, ‘V J. The Siouan Indians: a preliminary sketch. '
In Fifteenth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 153—204,1893—94.
MCKENNEY, Thomas L. Memoirs, ofﬁcial‘and personal; with sketches Of travels
among the northern and southern Indians; and descriptions of scenes along the
western borders. New York, 1846, 2 vols. in 1.

 

Sketches of a tour Of the lakes, of the character and customs of the Chippe-
way Indians; also a vocabulary of the Algic, or Chippeway language. [111.]
Baltimore, 1827.

MAC CAULEY, Clay. The Seminole Indians of Florida.
In Fifth Annual Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-84, pp.469-531.

MACKENZIE, Alexander. Voyages from Montreal, on the river St Lawrence, through
the continent of North America, to the frozen and Paciﬁc oceans; in the years
1789 and 1793.p1e1i1ninary account . . . of the fur trade of that country.
[111. with maps] London, 1801.

MACMILLAN, Conway. The metaspermae of the Minnesota valley. A list of the
higher seed-producing plants indigenous to the drainage basin of the Minnesota
river. .

In Minnesota Geol. and Nat. Hist. Survey, Botanical series, 1. Minneapolis, 1892.

 

JENKS] BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 1 3 1

MALLERY, Garrick. On the pictographs of the North American Indians.
In Fourth Annual Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 137254,1882—83.

MARGRY, Pierre (ed.). Decouvertes et etablissements des Francais . . . dans . . .
l’Amérique 1614—1754. Paris, 1876—86, 6 vols.

MERRELL, Henry. Winnebago dictionary.

(A manuscript list of Winnebago words and their English equivalents, as prepared for personal
use by Mr Merrell, a'Portagc trader. A copy of the manuscript is in the libraryof the Wisconsin
Historical Society.)

MOONEY, James. The Siouan tribes of the East (Bulletin). \Vashington, 1894; 100 p.

Bulletin 22 of the Bureau of Ethnology.

MORSE, J edidiah, D. D. Report to the Secretary of War of the U. 8., comprising a
narrative of a tour performed in 1820 to ascertain the actual state of the Indian
tribes. New Haven, 1822.

NEILL, Edward Duﬂield. The beginnings of organized society in the St Croix val-
ley, Minnesota. St. Paul, 1890.

In Macalester College Contributions, series 1, number 3. See also Warren, History of Ojibways.

 

Memoir of the Sioux. A manuscript in the French archives, now ﬁrst
printed, with introduction and notes. St. Paul, 1890.
In Macalester College Cont., series 1, number 10.

 

The history of Minnesota from the earliest French explorations to the pres-
ent time. Fourth edition, revised and enlarged. Minneapolis, 1882.

 

History of the Ojibways, and their connection with fur traders, based upon
ofﬁcial and other records.
In Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls., vol. v, pp. 397—510.

NEWBERRY, J. S. Food and ﬁber plants of the North American Indians.
In Popular Science Monthly, vol. XXXII, pp. 31—46 (November, 1887).

N ICOLLET, Jos. Nicolas. Report intended to illustrate a map of the hydrographical
basin of the upper Mississippi river, 1841. Washington, 1843.

Also U. S. Senate Docs, 26th Cong, 2d sess., vol. V, part 2, 1840-41.
Also U. S. Exec.’Docs.,28th Cong., 2d sess., vol. II, 1844—45.

O’CALLAHAN, E. B. Documents relative to the colonial history of tne state of New
York, vol. IX. Albany, 1855.

PALMER, Edward. Food products of the North American Indians.
In Rept. of the Dept. of Agriculture, 1870—71.

PERROT, Nicolas. Circa 1644—1718. Mémoire sur les moeurs, coustumes et relligion
des sauvages de l’Amérique septentrionale. Publiée pour le premiere fois par le
R. P. J. Tailhan. Leipzig, 1864.

PICKERING, Charles. Chronological history of plants: man’s record of his own
existence illustrated through their names, uses, and companionship. Boston,
1879.

PIKE, Zebulon Montgomery. Account of expeditions to the sources of the MisSlS'
sippi and through the western parts of Louisiana . . . during the years 1805,
1806, and 1807, and a tour through the interior parts of New Spain, 1807. Illus.
by maps and charts. Philadelphia, 1810, 2 vols.

PROVANCHER, Abbe L. Flore canadienne, ou description de toutes les plantes des
forets, champs, jardins et eaux du Canada. Quebec, 1862, 2 vols. ’

Punsn, Frederick. Flora Americae septentrionalis, 2d ed. London, 1816, 2 vols.

1132 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [mmwmw

RADISSON, Peter Esprit. Voyages, . . . being an account of his travels and experi-
ences among the North American Indians from 1652 to 1684. With historical
illustrations and an introduction by Gideon D. Scull. Boston, 1885.

Publication of the Prince Society (16). '

RIGGs, Stephen Return. Dakota-English Dictionary.

In~Dept. of Interior, U. S. Geog. and Geol. Survey of the Rocky Mountain region, Contr. to
North Amer. Ethnology, vol.v11. Washington, 1890. Edited by Jas. Owen Dorsey.

RYDBERG, P. A. Flora of the sand hills of Nebraska.
In U. S. Dept. of Agric., Div. of Botany, Contributions from U. S. National Herbarium,vol. III,
number 3, p. 187; Washington, Sept. 14, 1895.
SCHOOLCRAFT, Henry Rowe. Summary narrative of an exploring expedition to the
sources of the Mississippi river in 1820; resumed and completed by the discovery
of its origin in Itasca lake in 1832. Philadelphia, 1855.

 

Historical and statistical information respecting the history, condition, and
prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. . Philadelphia, 6 vols., 1851—
1857.

—. Thirty years with the Indian tribes. Philadelphia, 1851.

SCRIBNER, F. Lamson-. Useful and Ornamental Grasses.

In U. S. Dept. of Agric, Div. of Agrostology, Bulletin 3. Washington, 1896.

———. American Grasses, 1.
In U. S. Dept. of Agric., Div. of Agrostology, Bulletin 7, revised ed. Washington, 1898.

SELKIRK’S, Lord, settlement. Statement respecting the Earl of Selkirk’s settlement
upon the Red river, in North America; its destruction in 1815 and 1816, etc.
London, 1817.

SEYMOUR, E. S. Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the west. With map.
New York, 1850.

SHEA, John Gilmary. Discovery and exploration of the Mississippi valley; with
the original narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membre, Hennepin, and Anastase
Douay.

In French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, part 4; New York, 1852.

(ed. ). Early voyages up and down the Mississippi by Cavalier St Cosme, Le

Sueur, Gravier, and Guignas.

 

In Munsell’s Historical Sen. number 8. Albany, 1861.

SMITH, John. Dictionary of economic plants. New York, 1882.

SMITH, John (Captain). True travels, adventures, and observations in Europe, Asia,
Africa, and America, [and] Generall historie of Virginia, New-England, and
the Summer isles. From the London ed. of 1629. Richmond, 1819. 2 vols.

NOTE—The “Generall historie,” in vol. II, has a separate title page.

STICKNEY, Gardner P. Indian use of wild-rice.
In Amer. Anthrop, vol. IX, pp. 115—121 (April, 1894).

 

The use of maize by Wisconsin Indians.
Parkman Club Publications, 13, March 9,1897. Milwaukee.

STRAC‘HEY, William. Historie of travaile into Virginia Britannia; edited by R. H.

Major. London, 1849.
Hakluyt Soc. Publs.,vol. v1. Strachey was ﬁrst secretary of the colony. The period referred

to is 1610, 1611, and 1612.

SUMMERFIELD, John (Sahgahjewagahbahweh). Sketch of grammar of the Chippe~
way language, to which is added a vocabulary, 35 pp. Cazenovia, N. Y., 1834.

TANNER, John. Narrative of the captivity and adventures . . . during thirty years
residence among the Indians in the interior of North America; edited by Edwin
James, M. D. New York, 1830.

 

mm] CORRESPONDENTS 1 1 33

TANNER, Edward. Detroit Gazette, 1819—20.

TENESLEs, Nicola. The Indian of New-England . . . with Etchemin and Micmac
vocabularies, derived from the Indian by Joseph Barratt. [Middletown, Conn.,
1851.] Also bound with the same, Key to the Indian language of New England,
number 1. [Middletown, 1851.] . ,

THWAITES, Reuben Gold. Historic waterways. Chicago, 1888. ,

History of Winnebago county, from the Oshkosh Times, 1877.
(ed. ). The Jesuit relations and allied documents. Cleveland, 1896+, 73 vols.
TITFORI), \V. J. Sketches toward a hortus botanicus Americanus or, colored plates
. of new and valuable plants of the West Indies, and North and South
America. London, 1811.

 

 

[TRAILL, Catherine Barn] The backwoods of Canada: being letters from the wife of
an emigrant oﬂicer. London, 1836.

TRAILL, Catherine Parr. Canadian Crusoes. A tale of the Rice lake plains.
Edited by Agnes Strickland. 2d ed. London, 1862.

TRELEASE, \Villiam. Preliminary list of Wisconsin parasitic fungi.

In Transactions of Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts and Letters, vol. VI, 1881—1883. Madison, 1885.

UPHAM, Warren. Catalogue of the ﬂora of Minnesota, including its pheenogamous
and vascular cryptogamous plants, indigenous, naturalized, and adventive. The
geological and natural history survey of Minnesota. Minneapolis, 1884.

VERWYST, Chrysostom, Reverend. Missionary labors of Fathers Marquette, Menard,
and Allouez in the Lake Superior region. Milwaukee, 1886.

 

Historic sites on Chequamegon bay.

In. Wis. Hist. 0011s., vol.XIII, pp. 426—440. 1895.

Geographical names in “'isconsin, Minnesota, and Michigan having a Chip-
pewa origin.
In Wis. Hist. Coils, vol. XII, pp. 390—398.

WARDEN, D. B. Statistical, political, and historical account of the United States of
North America; from the period of their ﬁrst colonization to the present day.
Edinburgh, 1819, 3 vols.

WARREN, William W. History of the Ojibways, based upon traditions and oral
statements.

In Minnesota Historical Society 0011s., Vol. V, 1885, pp. 23—394. Also contains History of the
Ojibways and their connection with fur traders, based upon ofﬁcial and other records, by
Edward D. Neill, pp. 395—510.

WEBBER, Herbert J. (See BESSEY, Chas. E.)

WILLIAMS, Thomas A. Grasses and forage plants of the Dakotas.
In L'. S. Dept. of Agric., Div. of Agrostology, Bulletin 6. Washington, 1897.

 

WILSON, Edward F., Reverend. The Ojebwa language: a manual for missionaries
and others employed among the Ojebwa Indians. Toronto, 1874.

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

ASH, Benjamin C., Lower Brulé, South Dakota, February 24,1899 (agent of Lower
Brulé agency, South Dakota).

BARTON, N. W., Baltimore, Maryland (about December 10, 1898).

BEGG, Magnus, Fort Frances, Ontario, Canada, January 17, 1899 (agent of the
Coucheeching agency, Ontario, Canada, about Rainy lake) .

BESSEY, Charles E., Lincoln, Nebraska, December 9, 1898.

BEYER, George E., New Orleans, Louisiana, December 19, 1898.

BINGENHEIMER, George H., Fort Yates, North Dakota, November 15,1898 (agent of
Standing Rock Agency, North Dakota).

19 ETH, PT 2—01——37

1134 WILD RICE GATHERERS or UPPER LAKES [Hanan

BISHOP, W. H., Newark, Delaware, December 12, 1898.

BLANKINSIIIP, J. W., Bozeman, Montana, December 12, 1898.

BRANNON, Melvin A., Grand Forks, North Dakota, December 10,1898.

BRAY, ‘Villiam 11., Austin, Texas, December 13, 1898.

CAMPBELL, John C., Athens, Georgia, April 13, 1899.

' CLAI’I’, William R. (Major, U. S. A.), Pine Ridge, South Dakota, November 12,1898
(agent of Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota).

CLINTON, G. 1)., Urbana, Illinois, May 3, 1899.

Corns, Elliott (M. 1).), Washington, District of Columbia, February 16, 1899.

CRANDALL, C. S., Fort Collins, Colorado, December 12, 1898.

CL'RRIE BROTHERS, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, May 6, 1899.

DAvv, J. Burtt, Berkeley, California, December 6, 1898.

DODsoN, \V. H., Ann Arbor, Michigan, November 12, 1898.

EvANs, A. Grant, Muscogee, Indian Territory, April 25, 1899.

EVANs, Alexander W., New Haven, Connecticut, January 3, 1899.

FERNALI), M. L., Cambridge, Massachusetts, December 12,16, 1898.

GARMAN, H., Lexington, Kentucky, December 17, 1898.

GEORGE, D. H., Keshena, Wisconsin, December 8, 1898 (agent of Green Bay agency,
Wisconsin).

GETCIIELL, Fred 0., Fort Totten, North Dakota, November 10,1898 (agent of Devils
Lake agency, North Dakota).

GHEEN, Stephen, Nett Lake, Minnesota, November 15, 1898 (Government farmer,
N ctt Lake reservation, Minnesota).

GILEILLAN, J. A., 1 \Vhite Earth, Minnesota, May 4, 1896.

Goonmcn, D. L., Hampton, Virginia, December 10, 1898.

GRANT, A. J., Plymouth, New Hampshire, December 22, 1898.

HARDING, John W., Greenwood, South Dakota, November 10, 1898 (agent of Yankton
agency, South Dakota).

HARVEY, F. Z., Orono, Maine, December 9, 1898.

HENDERSON, L. F., Moscow, Idaho, December 11, 1898.

HILLMAN, F. H., Reno, Nevada, December 12, 1898.

HITCIICOCK, A. 8., Manhattan, Kansas, April 24, 1899.

HOLFERTY, G. M., Cincinnati, Ohio, April 17, 1899.

HOWARD, 0., Salt Lake City, Utah, December 13, 1898.

JESI'I’, Henry G., Hanover, New Hampshire, December 13, 1898.

JonNsON, Nathan P., Sisseton agency, South Dakota, November 19,1898 (agent of
Sisseton agency, South Dakota).

JONES, L. R., Burlington, Vermont, December 27, 1898.

J ONEs, Marcus E., Salt Lake City, Utah, December 23, 1898.

LAKE, E. R., Corvallis, Oregon, December 30, 1898.

LANGLOIS, A. 13., St. Martinsville, Louisiana, November 21, 1898.

MCBAIN, Samuel, Knoxville, Tennessee, December 9, 1898.

MCCHESNEY, Charles E., Rosebud, South Dakota, November 12, 1898 (agent of Rose-
bud agency, South Dakota).

MCNEILL, Jerome, Fayetteville, Arkansas, December 21, 1898.

MACEARLANE, John M., Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, December 12, 1898.

MACKAY, A. H., Halifax, Nova Scotia, May 1, 1899.

MACLosKIE, G., Princeton, New Jersey, December 15, 1898.

MARKLE, J. A., Birtle, Manitoba, Canada, November 21, 1898 (Indian agent of
\Vestern Manitoba, Canada).

MARTINEAU, H., Portage la Prairie, Manitoba, Canada, November 18, 1898 (Indian
agent in the Lake Manitoba Indian inspectorate).

MATHEWS, C. W., Lexington, Kentucky, December 15, 1898.

 

1 Kindness of Mr Gardner P. Stickney, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

mm] CORRESPONDENTS 1 1 3 5

MATSI'MURA, J ., Tokyo, Japan, December 6, 1898 (professor - of botany at the
Imperial University).

MAY, L. L., & Co., St. Paul, Minnesota, May 10, 1899.

MILL, P. H., Auburn, Alabama, May 1, 1899.

MOORE, C. W.,1 Chetek, Wisconsin, April 29, 1896.

MOTTIER, D. M., Bloomington, Indiana, December 26, 1898.

MOTZEELDT, J ., Pelican Lake, Wisconsin, December 3, 1898. Mr Motzfeldt has lived
about forty years in the above district.

NELSON, Aven, Laramie, “'yoming, December 12, 1898.

NEWCOMBE, F. 0., Ann Arbor, Michigan, December 9, 1898.

OPPEL, Charles (7.,1 Tower, Minnesota, May 4, 1896.

PADDOCK, L. A., Grass Lake, Illinois, January 20, 1899. Mr Paddock has lived
sixty years on Grass lake, where there are 2,000 acres of Zizaniu aquatica.
PATTERSON, Roger, Odanah, Wisconsin, November 23, 1898 (Government farmer,

Bad River reservation, \Visconsin).

PHALox, Peter, Cloquet, \Visconsin, December 27, 1898 (Government farmer, Fond
du Lac reservation, \Visconsin).

PITHER, Robert J. N, Rat Portage, Ontario, Canada, December 5, 1898. Mr Pither
was in the Hudson Bay Company twenty-ﬁve years and Indian agent in the
Coucheecbing Agency district of Ontario twenty-ﬁve years.

POKAGON, Simon (Chief), Hartford, Michigan, November 10 and 16, 1898. Simon
Pokagon was the last chief of the Potawatomi Indians. He died at his home
in Hartford January 27, 1899.

RAMALEY, Francis, Boulder, ColOrado, December 9, 1898.

REID, James G., Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota, November 11, 1898 (agent
of Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota).

RICHARDS, Thomas, Elbowoods, North Dakota, November 17, 1898 (agent of Fort
Berthold agency) .

RODMAN, N. D., Reserve, Wisconsin, November 11, 1898, and February 14, March 1,
1899 (Government farmer, Lac Courte Oreilles reservation, Wisconsin).

ROLES, P. H., Lake City, Florida, December 10 and 19, 1898.

RL'MSEY, W. E., Morgantown, West Virginia, December 17,1898.

SAUNDERS, D. W., Brookings, South Dakota, January 4,1899.

SCRIBNER, F. Lamson-, Washington, District of Columbia, April 25, 1899.

SHIMEK, B., Iowa City, Iowa, December 7, 1898.

STEPHENS, J. H., Crow Creek, South Dakota, November 16, 1898 (agent of Crow
Creek agency, South Dakota).

STUNTZ, A. 0., Monroe, Wisconsin, November 24, 1898. Mr Stuntz was among the
Ojibwa Indians in northern \Visconsin from the year 1848 until 1882.

SUTHERLAND, John H., White Earth, Minnesota, December 14, 1898 (agent of White
Earth agency, Minnesota).

TOI'RNEY, J. \V., Tucson, Arizona, December 7,1898.

TRACY, S. M., Agricultural College P. 0., Mississippi, December 13,1898.

TURNER, James G. (M. D.), L’Anse, Michigan, December 7, 1898 (agent of the
Mackinac agency, Michigan).

TUTTLE, A. H., Charlottesville, Virginia, November 20, 1898, and January 19, 1899.

WHEELER, C. F., Lansing, Michigan, December 14, 1898.

\VILLIAMsON, John P. (Reverend), Greenwood, South Dakota, November 30, 1898,
and January 21,1899. Mr Williamson and his father before him have been
lifelong missionaries to the Dakota Indians.

WILSON, H. U., Chapel Hill, North Carolina, February 15,1899.

Woorox, E. 0., Mesilla Park, New Mexico, December 22, 1898.

 

 

1 Kindness of Mr Gardner P. Stickney, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

1136 WILD RICE GATHERERS OF UPPER LAKES [ETH-ANNJs

CHRONOLOGIC LIST OF MAPS.

1670—71. Map published in Relations des Jésuites (1670—71),Dablon.

Before 1716. Map of North America, Herman M011.

[1673.] Fae simile de la Carte du Pere Marquette.

1687. Amphissimae Regions Mississippi . . . after Hennepin.

1688. Une partie de la Carte oe L’Amerique Septentrionale en L’Annee 1688, par
J. Baptiste Louis Franquentin HYDE DU Roy A Quebec en Canada. (Copy
made by I. A. Lapham from Chicago Historical Collection, which was
destroyed by the Chicago ﬁre in 1871.)

1718. Le Canada, ou Nouvelle-France . . . (Paris).

1720. A New Map of the North Parts of America claimed by France, H. M011.

1720. Moll’s America, Herman M011.

1730 (circa). America Septentrionalis, G. De L’Isle.

[1740 to 1750.] America, John Bowles & S011 (London).

[1746.] Amerique Septentrionale, D’Arx ille.

1750. Amerique Septentrionale, L. Sr Robert De Vaugondy.

1750 (circa). A Map of the British Plantations on the Continent of North America,
Henry Overton.

1755. Nieuwe Kaart van de Grootbrittanische Volkplantingen in Noord America,
Isaak Tirion.

1755. Canada Louisiane et Terres Angloises, Le Sr D’Anville.

177 6—7 8. Map with Carver’s Travels.

[1778]. A New Map of the Western Parts of Virginia, Pennsylvania . . . Tho.
Hutchins.

1791. Sketch of the Western Countries of Canada, 1791, with J. Long’s Voyages and
Travels, etc. (see Bibliography). 1

[1795]. A Map of the \Vestern Part of the Territories belonging to the United States.

1799. States of America, J. Russell.

1796—1802. [Map of New Eng, New York, New Jersey, Penn., and parts of Canada]
London, A. Arrowsmith, Jan. 1, 1796. Additions, 1802.

1804. Map of the United States, Abraham Bradley, J un‘.

1805. Map of the State of Ohio, Rufus Putnam, Surveyor-General of the United
States.

1806. Lewis and Clarke’s Map.

1816. Map of the United States, John Melish. /

[1817]. United States of America, No 55.

1820. Map of western end of Lake Superior, p. 105, in Schoolcraft’s Summary 0
an expedition to the sources of the Mississippi (see Schoolcraft, i1
Bibliography). \

1835. A Map of a portion of the Indian Country Lying East & West of Miss. , fol
the Topographical Bureau.

1835. Reconnoissance of the Minnay Sotor \Vatapah; or St Peters river [Minnesota
river] to its sources, by G. W. Featherstonhaugh, U. S. Geologist (one of
two maps accompanying Featherstonhaugh’s Report of a Geological Recon-
noissance, 1835).

1835. Map of the Surveyed Parts of Wisconsin Territory.

1836. Map of the Territory of Wisconsin, David H. Burr.

1836. Map of the Territories of Michigan and Ouisconsin, John Farmer.

1836. The Tourist’s Pocket Map of Michigan, by J. H. Young; published by S.
Augustus Mitchell. [Philadelphia]

1837. Topographical Map of Wisconsin Territory, Robert T. Lyttle, Surveyor-General-

1838. Map of the Settled Part of Wisconsin and Iowa, Augustus Mitchell.

4 mumm-

JENKS] KMAPS 1 1 37

1839. Map of Wiskonsin Territory compiled fro'm public Surveys, Capt. T. J. Cram.

1843. Hydrographical Basis of the Upper Mississippi River from observations, etc,
J. N. Nichollet.

1844. Map of Wiskonsan, Charles Doty and Francis Hudson.

1848. United States of America, Sherman and Smith, New York.

1848. Farmer’s 4th Sheet or Map of Wisconsin, Iowa and Northern Part of Illinois,
John Farmer, Detroit.

1849. Map of the Territory of Minnesota, exhibiting route of the Expedition to the
Red river of the North in the Summer of 1849, Capt. John Pope.

1850. General Karte der Vereinigten Staaten V011 Nord-Amerika, Albrecht Platt
(after T. Calvin Smith’s New York Karten).

1850. The State of Wisconsin, I. A. Lapham, Milwaukee.

1856. Map of Southern Minn. and Part of Wisconsin, Harris, Cowles & 00., Boston.

1857. Railroad map of Wisconsin, Rufus Blanchard, Chicago.

1860. Sectional Map of the Surveyed Portion of Minn. and Northwestern Part of Wis.

1861. Map Supplement to Illustrated London News, June lst, 1861, of the United
States of North America.

1862. Lloyd’s New Map of United States, the Canadas, and New Brunswick.

1866. Blanchard’s Map of the North \Vestern States, Chicago.

1869. Blanchard’s map of North Western States, Chicago.

1874. The Illustrated Historical Atlas of the State of Minnesota, 1874, Chicago.

1879. Department of Interior, General Land Ofﬁce, State of Minnesota.

1892. Rand, McNally & Co.’s Sectional Map of Michigan, Chicago.

1892. Rand, McNally & Co.’ s Sectional Map of Minnesota, Chicago

1893. The Lake Region of Northern W' 1sconsin and Michigan, Ring, Fowle & Co. .,
Milwaukee

1894. Goodhue County Plat Book, 1894.

[1895]. Map of the Famous Hunting and Fishing Grounds embraced in the Lake
Region of Michigan and Wisconsin, Poole Bros, Chicago.

1896. The Railroad Map of Wisconsin, D. J. McKenzie, Railroad Commissioner.

 

INDEX TO PART 2

Page
AALTC, see ALOSAKA.
—, religious society at Walpi, source and

census of ............................... 623, 627
ABIQUIU, site of ancient Josoge. _ .- ._ __._ 611
ACOMA or Akokaiobi, settlement of ...... 589

—, an example of naturally fortiﬁed pu-

eblo ..._--.__. __... .. ._ .. 641—642
ADAMS, on Scientiﬁc synonym for wild

rice ....................................... 1021
ADDIS, on magical numbers. _--__. .. . . 848, 849
AGRICULTURE, inﬂuence of, on pueblo

architecture _______________________ 640, 642-643
AG UACATECA method of forming numer-

als above ten ............................. 905
—, number names of ...................... 862
AHAU SYMBOL, discovery concerning, by

Goodman ................................ 712
—, Goodman on ............................ 717
—, working table of ............... _ ........ 819
AINO method of forming numbers above

ten ..................................... 913

~, use Of vigesimal system by ............ 925
AI WAKOKWE CLAN, same as Asa clan. 610
AKAL’MAN, number names of ............ 874
AKOKAIOBI or Acoma, settlement of -. .. 589
—, home of Asa. clan ....................... 610
ALA CLAN, mythic origin of ............ 590—591
—, relations of, with Tciia .............. 588—590
ALAG‘UILAC, number names of .......... 867, 928
ALA-LEN" YA (HORN-FLUTE) CLAN, advent

of, at Walpi.. .v-..- .-.. ...,. __. 585-586,:390—594
—, ceremony of advent of, at Walpi .. . . 591—592
-— GROUP, Ala clans of .................... 583
—, Leﬁya clans of .......................... 583
— SOCIETIES, probable origin of __________ 626
ALCHEMY, stepping-stone to modern sci-

ence .................................... 825-826
ALEJANDRE, MARCELO, on Huastecan nu-

meral‘system ............................ 894
ALGONQUIAN, inﬂuence of, on westward

migration of Siouan stock 1043
— LANGUAGE, inﬂuenceof, on geographic

nomenclature .......................... 1115
ALIEN RESIDENTS, inﬂuence of, on pueblo

architecture .. . 649—650
ALLEN, J. A., on American bison in Pied-

mont area... .. 1043
ALLIGATOR, efﬁgy of, in Santa Rita

mounds ................................ 680, 684
ALLOUEZ, PERE CLAUDE, on Maskotin use

of wild rice ............................... 1054
ALMACABALA,modern vestiges of ..... Y, 847-851
—, stepping stone to modern science _ _ _ 825—826
ALOSAKA, Patuﬁ germ-god ............. 595—596

1

 

Page
ALSEA,amounts of Wild rice harvested
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, reference
to _________________________________________ (332
AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, on
Mayan inscriptions ..................... 700
AMERICAN FUR COMPANY, dependence
of, on Wild rice ...................... 1103-1104
AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HIS-
TORY, on Mayan inscriptions _ _--. 700
ANAWITA, chief of Pitka, mention of. --- . 597
—, on advent of clans at Walpi ........... 585
—— ,Bopi Rain cloud clan chief Ieference
to _________________________________________ 579

ANCESTOR WORSHIP, in Snake dance . 965 966,

ANIMAL EFFIGIES, in mounds at Santa

 

Rita .................................... 678-685
ANTELOPE ALTAR, characteristics of. . _. . 968
—, at Mishongnovi .................. 966—969
—, at Walpi ................................ 980

— CLAN,see TCUBIO CLAN.
— PRIESTS, part played by, in Antelope

and Snake dances . ,.._._ ..._ ..,. . 974—975
—,«same as Tciibwimpkia. .............. 623—624
—, in Walpi Snake dance... . .......... 984—985
— and Snake dances....._ 973—976
# SOCIETY, census O/f ...................... 625
—, kiva of, at Mishongnovi ................ 966
ANU,HOPI CLAN, reference to.-.. 583
ANZA, governor Of New Mexico, refer-

ence to ................................... 611
APACHE, raids of, on Sobaipuri, etc ...... 598
~-, inﬂuence Of, on Hopi removal from Old

Walpi .................................... 580
—, on Patki migrations .................... 597
—, on Tusayan migrations ................ 626
ARCHITECTURE, pueblo, modifying inﬂu-

ences on ...... .. _. ...___ 640—644,646—648
ARMSTRONG, PERRY A., on meaning of

Sauk and Fox tribal names ............. 1050
ARROWSMITH, A., on inﬂuence of wild

rice on geographic nomenclature _______ 1116,

1117,1121
—, on territory of “ Wild-rice Indians”.. 1042
ARTS, primitive, egoism reﬂected in. 832
ASA (TANSY-MUSTARD) CLAN, advent of,

at Walpi ............................... 585-586
— or TCAKWAINA CLANS, migrations and

census of . .. .. 610-613
—— GROUP, component clans of ............ 584
ASH-BARK WIGWAM, see List of illustra- '

tions ...................................... 1017
ASPERGILL, importance of, in Snake cer-

emonies .................................. 974

1 139

 

 

 

 
 

1 1 40 INDEX ]ETH. ANN. 19
Page . Page
ASSINIBOIN, tribal history, migrations, BERENDT, Dr CARL HERMANN, on Maya
and settlement of ................... 1054—1055 numeral system ......................... 892
—, meaning of tribal name of. _ , .......... 1054 BERRA, OROZCO Y., on origin of Mexican
—, relations between, and Saulteaux ..... 1040 number names ______ V ____________________ 875
—- sow wild rice ............................ 1057 BESSEY, CHARLES E., on Wild rice in Ne-
——consume wild rice ,. .-.._.._......_..-. 1055 braska ................................... 1031
ASTROLOGY, stepping-stone to modern —- AND WEBER, on wild rice in Nebraska~ 1022
science ................................. 825—826 BETOYA, number names of ............... 877
ATOKO CLAN, with the Patuﬁ clan . 595 BEYER, GEO. E., on wild rice in Louisi-
ATWATER, CALEB, on duck in Winnipeg ana _______________________________________ 1030
river ...................................... 1098 BIDDLE, JAMES W., on duck in Green
—, on synonym for Menomini Indians 1048 bay. .-...._.._.. .-." ................. 1098
—, on Wild rice in Wisconsin river ....... 1034: —, on wild rice eaten with corn and
—, on Winnebago storing food ....... 1071, 1072 ﬁsh ...................................... 1084
AUGMENTATION, law of, in primitive i BINARY CONCEPT, among primitive peo-
numbers ............................... 839—342 ple ........-.1...-...-...-......... .... 836—838
AUSTIN, AMORY, on composition of white BINARY-TERNARY system, among primi-
rice ...................................... 1082 tive pcople ......_......_..._...... 842,847-848
AWATA CLAN, same as Pakab clans _ 608—609 BI RCH-BA RK BOXES, “ mococks,“ used for
AWATOBI, advent of Patuﬁ clans at ...... 595 storing and carrying Wild rice _ ,... 1066, 1072
—, destruction of. referred to ............ 586 — CANOE, used in Wild rice harvest.. _. __ 1017,
—, founded by Pakab- Awata clans _ _. 609 1056-1070
—, probable home of Pakab c1ans.... __ . 608 — FANS, used in Winnowing wild rice.._. 1071
A7TEC or Nahuatl method of forming —— AND MATTING WIGWAM, see LIST OF
numerals above ten .................. 882-885 ILLUSTRATIONS .......................... 1017
BADGER CLAN, see HONANI CLAN. —— WINNOWING TRAY for Wild rice ....... 1017,
BAKAIRI, number names of .............. 877 1070—1071
BANCROFT, HUBERT H., on Huavean num- BIRD EFFIGIES, at Mishongnovi Cakwal-
bers.,.._...............................t. 918 eﬁyaaltar ............................. 992
—, on meaning Of Mayan number names. 876 —, at Mishongnovi Flute a1tar.. _______ 991
—, on migrations of Tanoan .............. 611 —, at Shipaulovi altar ..................... 995
BANDELIER, on foundation of J osoge 611 BIRDS, destructive to wild rice ........... 1W7
BANDOLIERS, used by priests in Snake BISHOP, W.H, on wild rice in Delaware.. 1029
ceremonies ........_._....-...._....... 971,972 BISON, inﬂuence of on modern Dakota
BARAGA, FREDERIC, on meaning of l migrations.-.-.....-.._., .._.-__....- 1044
Ojibwa Word “manominikewin” _ ... 1061 i —, possible inﬂuence of, on early Siouan
—, on Ojibwa wild-rice moon1...._.._..._ 1089 i migrations _ 1043
BARCENA, ALONSO, on Tabo numeration. 838 BLACKBIRD, ANDREW J., on meaning
BARLEY, chemical composition of ........ 1082 and use of “min ” ....................... 1024
BARRATT, JOSEPH, on meaning of BLAIR, MISS EMMA HELEN, authority on
“min"1......._..............._.....,..-. 1024 writings ofJesuiteS ..................... 1113
BARTON, N. W., on Wild rice in Maryland, 1030 BLANKINSHIP, J. W., on absence of wild
BASALENQUE, DIEGO, on Tarasco num- rice in Montana ......................... 1031
her Words___... 880 BLUE FLUTE (CAKWALENYA), ALTA, at
BEAR CLAN, see HONAU CLAN. Mishongnovi._._.-.._. --..-.. --.... 989
—, same as Ke clan ...................... 615,618 BORGIAN CODEX, cited .................... 861
—, associated with Snake—Antelope so- », Nahuatlan numbers from .......... 944—945
cieties at Walpi .......................... 624 BOTURINI, LORENZO BENADUCI, on Mexi-
BEEF, dried, chemical composition of...- 1082 can calendar system __ .... ...... . . .-.... 935
BELL, CHAs. N., on inﬂuence of wild rice BOUQUET, HENRY, on Indian population
on geographic nomenclature . _ _ 1121 in 1764 .................................... 1108
BELMAR, FRANCISCO, on Trike numerals. 908 BOU RGEOIS, ENRIQUE, on Quekchian
—, on Mazateca method of counting ...... 879 numerals .............................. 901—903
—, on formation of Mazateca numbers BOYD, GEORGE. on trading posts in the
above ten........_......._....-......_. 888—889 wild-rice ﬁelds .......................... 1104
—, on Zapotecan number names .......... 872 BOWLES, JOHN, AND SON. map by, locates
BELTRAMI, J. C., on Dakota Wild—rice Maskotin ................................ 1054
moon 1090 BRANNON, MELVIN A., on wild rice in
—, on inﬂuence of wild rice on geo- North Dakota ........................... 1031
graphic nomenclature . . ... .. _ _ _ .... 1121,1122 BRASSEUR, DE BOURBOURG, on formation
—, on population of Fox .................. 1051 of Maya number names ................. 866
BELTRAN, on Maya numerals _ _ . .... . .... 897 —, on Kiche numerals; ............. 864,895-899
—, on Maya numerals above ten. _ ...... 890—893 —, on Maya methods of computation .. ., 933
BENTHAM, on wild rice in eastern Russia. 1037 —, on Maya numeral system .............. 894
— AND HOOKER, on scientiﬁc synonym BRAY, WILLIAM M., on wild rice in
for wild rice ............................. 1021 Texas .................................... 1032

 

 

 

  

ETH. ANN. 19] INDEX 1 14 1
Page Page
BRESSANY, MARTIN, on tying wild rice... 1058 CAHUILLO, formation of number names
—. wild rice harvesting illustration, ref— in ........................................ 879
erence to.....-.....----..--.....- ....._. 1057 —-, number names of .................... 868,876
BRIBRI, numerals of ...................... 919 —, numbers of. ................... 929
BRINTON, Dr D. G., on Alagiiilac num— CAKCIIIQUEL method of forming num-
ber names ............................... 867 bers above ten ......................... 899—901
—. on archaic form of Maya day names. 864 —, number names of .. .. .. .... ...... .... 862,863
—, on Cakchikel numerals . -... _ . . _ . - . . ... 900 CAKWABAIYAKI, site of old Piba pueblo. . 601
—, on early Central American day CAKWALES’YA, religious society at
names ... 808 Walpi, source of ......................... 623
—, on formula “ unity Of mind " ......... 827 — ALTAR, same as Blue Flute altar ....... 989
—, on interpretation of Ik ........ 746 —, at Mishongnovi, described ........... 991—992
—, on Maya numeral system ............ 891,894 — SOCIETY, personnel of .................. 996
~—, on Maya time periods. . . 715 CALAKO TAKA, masks Of, reference to. . . 612
—, on Rama numerals _____________________ 918 “ CALENDAR ROUND " SYMBOL, discov-
—, on time of adoption Of thirteen as group ery ,concerning, by Goodman .......... 712
ordei 953 CALENDAR ROUNDs, Mayan, working
—, translation by, quoted from Goodman. 717 tables of .................................. 818
~—, on Tzental number seven _ ...__ ._ . .. . 951 —. systems Of, of different CentralAmeri-
—-, on Uto—Aztecan family _________________ 866 can tribes shown to be identical. . .... 806—812
—, on Xincan number names ............. 881 —, Mayan ................................ 693—819
BRITTON, Dr N. L., on fossil Zizania in —, object of study of ................... 700—701
New Jersey___.-__..__.-..____,___-..--._ 1031 CALIFORNIA PAUITE, numbers of _____ 923-929
BROOK TROUT, Whole, chemical composi— CAMPBELL, JOHN P., on Wild rice in
tion of _____________________________________ 1081 Georgia .................................. 1029
BROWN, SAMUEL R., on birds destructive CANADA, Wild rice in . . .- .-.. 1037
to wild rice ______________________________ 1027 CANOE, birch-bark, used in wild rice har—
—, on Menomini gathering wild rice . ... . 1062 Vest ................................. 1056—1070
—, on popular synomyn for wild rice ,___ 1023 CANYON DE CHELLY, home Of Asa clan. _ 610
—, on tying wild rice ______________________ 1058 CAPOTE UTE, number names Of ......... 870,929
-—, on Wild-rice ﬁeld in Wisconsin ........ 1033 CARDINAL POINTS, importance Of, in
BRUNCA. numerals of _____________________ 919 Snake ceremonies . . -. .. .. 972,974

BRUNSON, ALFRED, on relative value to
Ojibwa of Government annuity and
natural products .................... 1096—1097

BRYANT, wild rice harvesting illustra-

I

tions, reference to _______________________ 1057
BUCHANAN, JAMES, on synonym for Me-

nomini _ .. . ._ 1048
BUELNA, EUSTAQUIO, on Cahita number

names ................................... 867
~—, on Cahita numerals .................... 908
BULI OR BUTTERFLY CLAN, same as Ho-

nani or Badger clan ..................... 607
—, advent of, at Walpi ................... 585
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,

Eighth Annual Report of, cited on Tu-

sayan architecture ..................... 579
BURGOA, on Huave numbers ............. 918

BURR. DAVID H., on inﬂuence of wild
rice on geographic nomenclature ._ 1121,1122
BUSHNELL, D. P., on relative value to
Ojibwa of Wild rice and Government

annuity .................................. 1096
BUTLER, J AMEs D., on wild rice in vicin- ’

ity of Madison, Wisconsin .............. 1036
BUTTERFLIES, depicted on Walpi Snake

altar M. 983
BUTTERFLY CLAN, see BULI CLAN.
CABECAR, number names of .............. 882
w, numbers of ............................. 931
CACHE, for wild rice .................. 1071—1072
CACTUS CLAN, see Ucti.
CADILLAC. on Menomini .................. 1107
CAHITA, number names of . ., ....... 867, 922, 928
—methodofcounting.-....-.-.._.-_.....- 879
—-numbersabove ten...............-.-... 908

 

, —, recognition of, in Flute ceremonies. 1008,1004

CAREY, on synonym for Menomini ....... 1048
CARIB method of forming numerals . _. _ 914
CARNIFF, WILLIAM, on wild rice in Lake

Huron ....._......- 1037
—, on use of wild rice by Whites in On-

tario ............................... . _____ 1101
CARRERI, GEMELLI, on Mexican calendar

system ................................... 935
CARRIZO, numerals of ..................... 919
CARTE PA RTICULIERE DU FLEUVE SAINT

LOUIS, on synonym for Menomini.... 1048
CARTE DE LA LOUISIANE ET DU COURs

DU MISSISSIPI, on location of Maskotin. 1053
CARUS, PAUL, on Chinese mythic num-

bers ...................................... 847
CARVER, JONATHAN, on Dakota curing

Wild rice ................................ 1065

~~, on Dakota property-right in Wild rice. 1073

 

—, on Dakota storing wild rice. . . 1072,1088
—-, on Dakota tying Wild rice .......... 1058—1059
—, on duck in Wisconsin .............. 1034,1098
—, on future value of wild rice to whites. 1101
—, on location of Sauk ..................... 1051
—. on Minnesota river ..................... 1035
—, on inﬂuence of Wild rice on geographic

nomenclature ............................ 1116
—, on'Dakota thrashing wild rice by tread-

ing or rubbing._..... -..... 1069
—, on time Dakota ﬁrst possessed horses. 1044
—, on wild-rice feast ............. 1092
—, on wild rice in Fox river ............... 1034
CASTANEDA,on location of Tusayan ..... 598

CATERPILLARS,destruction of wild rice
by .................................... 1027.1100-

 

 

1142

Page

CATLIN, GEORGE, on Dakota gathering
Wild rice ....... ..__
—, Wild rice harvesting illustration, refer-
ence to ...................................
CEDAR-BARK BAGS, for storing wild rice.

1062

1057
1072

CELEDON,RAFAEL, on Carib numerals. .. 914
CENTRAL AMERICA, ruins of, inscriptions
of ........................................ 806

CEREMONIAL DAYS, of the Flute rite at
Mishongnovi ........................... 988—993
CHAMBERLAIN, ALEXANDER F., on Mis-

sissagua thrashing wild rice by ﬂailing. 1069
—, on Mississagua wild—rice foods ......... 1083
—, on Mississagua gathering wild rice . ._ 1063

—, on Mississagua curing wild rice . . . 1065,1066
—,on threshing Wild rice in deer-skin

lined hole ................................. 1068
CHANABAL method of forming numbers

above ten..._._......._............__.... 906
—, number names of ....................... 862'

CHARENCEY, LA COMTE DE, on Aztec
number names ........................ 878—879

  

  
  
 

—, on Chiapanecan number names ....... 874
—, on Chichimccan word four ........... 876
~—, on formation of Mayan number names. 865
—, 011 Tzotzil number names. ... .. ...... 863
—, on Mame numerals . _.... ..... ..... 903—904
—, on Mixtec number names .............. 872
-—, on Opata and Cahita number names. . 867
—, on Othomi number names ............. 873
—, on Qu’iche’ number names ............. 864
—, on Quekhi numerals .......... . _. 901—902
—._ on Sonoran number names . . _ _ ....... 868
—. on Shoshone number names .. . _. 869,870
—, on Tarahumari numbers .............. 923
CHARLEVOIX, P. DE, on Menomini..-.... 1107
—, on Menomini use of Wild rice.._. ._.... 1048
—, on nature of Green bay area .. .... 1112

CHAVERO, ALFREDO, on Mexican and
Hindu counting ........................ 875—876

 
  

 

W, on Naliuatlan counting ........ .... 878
CHEMEHUEVI, number names of ......... 870
876. 923,929
CHIAPANEC, number names of ......... 874,878
CHIAPAS, ruins of, inscriptions of ________ 806
CHIBCIIA method of forming numbers .. 918
CHICAGO TRIBUNE.Wild rice harvesting
illustration, published in ............... 1057
CIIILAN BALAM. book of, on value of
ahaus in Maya calendar system . . ... .... 717
CHII’PEWA, see OJIBWA.
CHIPPEWAY RIVER, Wild rice in _________ 1034
CHOCIIA, or Chuchon, number names of. 872
CHOCO (Panama) method of forming
numbers ................................. 917
CHOL. number names of ......... 862
—~ method of forming numbers above
ten .......v. ............................... 906
CHONTAL, number names of .............. 862

CHRONOLOG Y, MAYAN, Goodman’s sys-

tem of .................................. 792—800
CHUCHON or Choc-ha, number names of. 872,930
CHUEN symbol, discovery concerning, by

Goodman ................................ 711
CHUHE method of forming numbers

above ten ................................ 905
—, number names of .................... 863, 880

INDEX

 

 

[ETH. ANN. 19

Page
CHUMAYEL, Chronicle of, on value of ahau

in Maya calendar system ............... 717
CHURCHILL, OWNSHAM, on Mexican cal-
endar system ............................ 935
CIBOLA, city of ........................... 650
CIMO, HOPI CHIEF, on advent of clans at
Walpi......_......-....... . 585
CIPACTLI, Aztecan mythic animal, sym-
bolizing the earth ....................... 684
CIPIAS, mention of ........................ 598

CITIES, STATIONS, etc., named from Wild
rice .................................... 1117—1118
CIVILIZATION, inﬂuence of protection of,

 

on Pueblo architecture . . . ....._ . .._ 642
CIWANU, HOPI CLAN, reference to ....... 583
CLANS, inﬂuence of, on Pueblo architec—

ture .................................... 646-648
—, determination of ................. ._ 651—652
—, of Walpi and Sichumovi ............. 582584
— WORSHIP, germs of, in Snake and Flute

societies .................................. 1006
CLAVICEPS PURPUREA, destructive to

wild rice ................................. 1027
CLAVICEPs SR, destructive to wild rice . 1027
CLAVIGERO, FRANCISCO JAVIER, on Ma-

yan feast days at opening of century .. 675
—, on Mexican calendar system .......... 935
—, on Mexican division of year ___________ 955
~, on Mexican method Of counting _______ 920
—,on Nahuatl method of counting large

numbers ................................. 884
CLINTON, G. P., on Wild rice in Illinois..- 1029
CLOUD CLAN same as Okuwaﬁ clan 615,621
—, see PATKI CLAN.

CODICES, numeral symbols in .......... 812—819
COLLINS, J. FRANKLIN, on wild rice in
Rhode Island ............................ 1032

COLORS employed in Santa Rita Wall
painting ................................ 669—670
COMANCHE, inﬂuence of, on Pueblo archi-

   

  

tecture ................................... 641
—, number names of .................... 870,929 .
COMPUTATION, methods of number ..... 932—933
CONANT, L. L., on Australian counting. .. 877
-—, on Australian number concepts . . 833,837
—, on Cahuillo number names. --.... 868
—, on Cora number names ................ 867
—, on geographic extent of vigesimal

system ................................. 924,925
—, on Mosquito number names ........... 881
—, on origin and spread of vigesimal sys- .

teIn ...................................... 926
—, on Othomian number names .......... 873
—, on primitive counting ................. 875
~—, on Totonaca numerals .. 911
—, on Tschukschi numerals ................ 913
CONNECTICUT BOARD OF AGRICULTURE

AND EXPERIMENT STATION, report of,

on composition of cereals and fruits . .. 1081—

' 1082
CONSUMPTION of wild rice ............ 1080—1088
Coos, amounts of wild rice harvested by. 1076
—, standard of life of ...................... 1079
COPAN, inscriptions of ............... 776—788
—, initial series of.... ........._ ._i..... 801-806
COPWAY, GEORGE, on duck in Ontario . .- 1098
CO RA, meaning of number names of ...... 878

 

ETH. ANN. 19] INDEX 1 143

  

Page
CORA, number names of ................ 867,930
CORDOVA, P. FR. JUAN de, on Zapotec
counting by moons ...................... 954
—, on Zapotec numerals .......... -.- 872,887
CORN, of Antelope altar. . __ ...... 968
—, of Macileﬁya altar ...................... 989
—, at Mishongnovi Cakwaleﬁya altar ..... 992
—, prominent in Flute ceremony _ _ . . . -... 1005
— CLAN, same as Kolon clan.-.._._- .--.. 6154118
—— KERNEL MOSAIC, at Mishongnovi altar - 993
— [MAIZE],chemical composition of ...... 1081

—, green sweet. chemical composition Of. _ 1081
— 1&EAL, at Hopi altars. 983, 991, 992, 999, 1001, 1003

—, chemical composition of ............... 1081
—, importance of, in Antelope and Snake
dance ..-.. -..... 974,975,976
—, STACK (shock) of, at Walpi Flute altar. 1001
CORONADO at Cibola ...................... 650
—, expedition of ........................... 598
—, on location of Tucano .................. 599
CORTESIAN CODICES, cited ................ 817
COTOKINUNWI‘J, statuette of, at Oraibi
Flute altar .............................. 993
COTTON’S RANCH, same as Pueblo Ganado 604
—, site of old Wukopakabi ................ 614
COUES, DR ELLIOTT, on description of
wild-rice plant ........................... 1026
—, reference to translation of Diario. . .-. 599
—, (Ed. ), on dependence of fur traders
on wild rice __________________________ 1101—1102
—, (Ed. ),on inﬂuence of wild rice on geo-
graphic nomenclature .......... 1122, 1123, 1124
—, (Ed. ), on dependence of Northwest Fur
Company on wild rice .................. 1103
—, (Ed.), on " Fols Avoin Sauteurs “ ..... 1042
—,.(Ed ), on populai synonym for wild
rice--..._ .. 1024
——, (Ed. ), on sections Of country named ,
from Wild rice -..... . 1116
—, (Ed), on time of year when Dakota
consume wild rice _______________________ 1087
—, (Ed), on popular synonym for wild
rice ....................................... 1023

—, (Ed.), on wild rice in North Dakota __ 1031
COULTER, JOHN M., on wild rice in Texas. 1032
COUNTING, analogy of, between animals

and tribesmen .. .. . ...- 833—834
— AND NUMBER systems, primitive ..... 833—843
COYOTA CLAN, see ISAUﬁ' CLAN.
CRAM, T. J ., on inﬂuence of wild rice on

geographic nomenclature ............... 1120
CRANE CLAN, see ATOKO CLAN.
—, with the Patuﬁ clan .................... 595

CRANBERRIES, chemical composition of __ 1081
CRANDALL, C. S.,on introduction of wild

rice into Colorado ................ . ______ 1029
CREE OR KINISTENO, relations of. with

Saulteaux...._. -..... ... ... 1040
CREEKS, amounts of wild rice harvested

b ........................................ 1076
—, standard of life of ...................... 1079
CREEKS AND RIVERSnamed from wild

rice ................................... 1118—1124

CROOKS, at Walpi Snake dance. .. 982—983
CRoss, FOLIATED, Tablet of the. 733—761, 765—771
-—, initial series of, inscriptions of ........ 800

 

Page
CUCULCAN, see QUETZALCOATL.
CULT OF THE HALVES ................... 843-847
CULT OF THE QUARTERs ........ 845-8116948950
CUNA (Panama) method of forming num-
bers ...................................... 917
CURING OR DRYING wild rice ......... 1064—1066
—, mechanical means employed in ....... 1066
—,reasonsfor...--...-. -....--........_1064
CURR, E. M., on Australian number con-
cepts ................................. . 833—834
—, on Australian counting ................ 877
CURRIE BROS., on present sale of wild
rice to whites in Wisconsin ............. 1105
CUSHING, F. H., on Pueblo number
ﬁgures. 840
~—, on quinary system ..................... 850
—, on Zuni cardinal points, colors for...- 835
—, on Zuni numeration ................... 838
CYCLE OF YEARS, meaning of term ...... 705
— symbol for, discovery concerning, by
Goodman ................................ 712
CYCLES, Mayan, working table of ........ 819
CYCLOPEDIA; OR A NEW UNIVERSAL DIC-
TIONARY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, on
popular Synonym for wild rice ......... 1022
—, on wild rice planted in England ....... 1037

DADLON, CLAUDE, on duck in Green bay. 1099
—, on nature of Green bay area as Indian

 

habitat ................................... 1112

~, on wild rice eaten with grease by
Maskotin ................................. 1085
DAKOTA, earliest historic references to. . 1013
—, population of.... _ ..... .... .... 1108,1109,1110

—-—, tribal history, migrations, and settle-
ment .-.... ........ ....... .. .. 1043—1047
— and Ojibwa warfare _ . 1038—1042
—, last war of, to retain wild-rice ﬁelds. _ 1041
—, wild rice gathered by. ............ 1061,1062
— tie wild rice . . ..... ......_. .......... 1058
— ,amounts of wild rice harvested by..._ 1076
—curewildiice. _ .1064, 1065

—— thi ash wild rice by treading and rub-
hing ..__. ....-...,... .......... 1069
— store wild 1 ice . . ...................... 1072
—, wild rice consumed by ................. 1083
—, population of, consuming Wild rice. .. 1045,
1047,1057

—, time of year when they consume wild

      

 

rice. __._. 1087
—, meal time of ......................... 1087
—, peculiar wild-rice feast of . 1092
—, standard of life of._.. .- . 1079
— property—right in wild rice. .. 1073
H, Wild-rice moons of ..................... 1090
DARLINGTON, WILLIAM, on early use of

word “Zizania”. ........................ 1021
DAVIS, JEFFERSON, on wild rice in vicin-

ity of Madison, Wisconsin ............... 1036
DAVY, J. BURT, on absence of wild rice

in Ca1ifornia......_..._.--..._... ..- . 1029
DAY, Mayan, symbols of.... ..-- "13—714
DAYS of the Mayan “ four series of

years” ...... --.... . ...... .... ._ ,.-..... 702—703
—, Mayan, method of counting ........... 707

DECIMAL SYSTEM. employed by the So-
noran and Shoshonean peoples ......... 922

 

1 144 IN DEX [mm ANN. 19
Page Page

DECIMAL—VIGESIMAL SYSTEM, employed ELLIS, ALBERT G., on duck in Wisconsin- 1098
by Othomian, Tarascan, Totonacan,and —, on Menomini tying Wild rice __________ 1058

Huastecan peoples ...................... 922
DEER CLAN, see SOWINU CLAN.
DELAWARES, pOpulation of... . .. 1108,1109.1110
DETROIT GAZETTE, on wild rice as bien<

nial plant ..... .. .. .... .... ...... 1025 :
DE VAUGONDY, on synonym for Menom- "

ini Indians. .... .... ....._.... ...... 1048
DIARIO, quotation of Garces from. 599
DIAz, CAPTAIN MELCHIOR, on location of

Totonteac.... .-.... ....._.._ . ... 599
DICKSON, ROBERT, on dependence of fuI

traders on wild rice 1103
—, on popular synonym for wild rice.... 1023
DIESSELDORF, on monster‘s head from

Quirigua ................................. 674
—, on painting of Cuculcan ............. (378—679
DIETRICH UND KONIG, on composition of

wild rice ................................. 1081
—~, on popular synonym for wild rice.... 1023

DIRECTION-SENSE, in primitive men and
animals ................................ 846—847
DIVISION OF LABOR between sexes, in

wild-rice industry ....................... 1066
DOC. COLL. HIST. NEW YORK, on Menom-

ini population . . ....................... 1049
DOC. OF HOUSE OF BER, on Menomini

use of wild rice ......................... 1049
DODGE, GOVERNOR, on Menomini use

of wild rice .............................. 1049
DOLL ET ASCIIERS, on scientiﬁc synonym

for wild rice . ...... ...... .... ... . ...”... 10:21
DOMINICAL DAYS._.. .. ”05—706
DORASQUE (Panama) method of forming

numbers .................................. 917
DORSEY, JAMES OWEN, on popular syn0-'

nym for wild rice. .. 1023
DOTY, GOVERNOR, on dependence of fur

traders on wild rice ..................... 1103
—, on dependence of fur trade on wild

rice ....................................... 1104
-, on Ojibwa eating wild rice seasoned

with rabbit feces ........................ 1084
DOVE CLAN, see Hilwt}.
DRAB FLUTE (MACILENYA) ALTAR. at

Michongnovi ............................. 989
DRAGON’S HEAD, eﬁigy of, in Santa Rita

mound ....... .................._......... 689

DRESDEN CODEX, cited ................. 715—732,
757, 758, 793, 794, 797, 799,
805, 806, 808, 813, 814, 815

—, dominical days of ...................... 705
DUCK, the mythic part played by, in
bringing wild rice to the Ojibwa. .. .... 1094

-—, importance of, as gleaners of wasted
Wild rice . .-___... .... .... .... .... .... 1098—1099
EAST MESA, of Hopi country, reference to. 579
—, rituals at . .. . 631—633
EGOISM of primitive thought ........... 830—833
ELEVENTH CENSUS or THE UNITED
STATES: INDIANS, on Ojibwa tying wild

rice ....................................... 1058
-—, on wild-rice harvest feasts ............ 1091
ELLET, Mrs ELIZABETH FRIES, on wild

ricein Wisconsin ........_..... 1034

~—, on use of wild rice by early settlers .. 1104

 

 

 

—, on Menomini gathering Wild rice_. 1062, 1063

—, on Menomini thrashing wild rice. .-... 1067
—, on winnowing wild rice.. ...- .......... 1070
—, on Menomini wild-rice broth. 1083
—, on Menomini property—right in wild
rice ................................... 1073
—, on popular Synonym for Wild rice..__ 1023
ELY, PROF. RICHARD T., acknowledg—
ments to ................................. 1019
ENGLISH LANGUAGE, inﬂuence of, on geo-
graphic nomenclature .................. 1115
ENTYLOMA CRASTOPHILUM, destructive
to Wild rice .............................. 1027
EOTOTO, Clan, and mythic personage of.. 605
ESKIMO method of constructing num-
bers ..................................... 928
EVANS A GRANT, on absence of wild rice
in Indian Teri itory ...................... 1030
EVANS, ALEX. W., on Wild rice in Con-
necticut .................................. 1029
FAITH, inﬂuence of, on Indian economic
life ................................... 1019,1093
FAMILIES, Hopi, determination of ..... 651—652
FARMER, JOHN, on inﬂuence of wild rice
on geographic nomenclature . ... ... 1120,1122

FEAR, inﬂuence of, in primitive number
concept ................................ 843—844
FEATHERSTONHAUGH. G E0 RG E WI L-

LIA\I, on wild rice in Delaware ......... 1029

m, on wild rice at FOI t Winnebago. . ..._. 1034

—, on birds destructive to Wild rice ...... 1027
——, on inﬂuence Of wild rice on geo—

graphic nomenclature .................. 1120
v, on duck in Minnesota river ........... 1098
FEATURES, unusual, of VValpi- Snake

dance ...... ...... .-.... ___.. ....... 978—979
FEJERVARY CODEX, numerals from -.- 939—943
FERNOLD, M. L., on wild rice in Maine,

and Massachusetts ....................... 1030

FEWKES, DR JESSE WALTER, Tusayan
Flute and Snake ceremOnies,by. .. 957,1011
—, Tusayan migration traditions. by. . . 573-633
FIGURINES, use of, in Snake and Flute
rites .................................. 1010-1011
~, of Flute youth, and maiden on altar;
see also Pﬁiikoﬁ. . .... .... . . . ... 989—990, 993,995
FIREARMS, inﬂuence of, on Ojibwa war
fare .................................. 1040,1044
FIREWOOD CLAN, s' e KOKOP CLAN.
FISH, painting of, on wall in Santa Rita

mound ................................... 667
—, efﬁgy of, in Santa Rita mound ........ 683
FLINT, CHAS. L., on Zizania miliacea 1022
FLINT, TIMOTHY, on importance and

extensiveness of wild rice crop. .... . ... 1101
—, on popular synonym for Wild rice ..... 1023
—, on tying wild rice ...................... 1058
~, on Wild rice as pudding ................ 1084
FLOODS, see WATER.

‘ FLORA CESTRICA, on wild rice in Penn-

sylvania .................................. 1032
FLUTE ALTARS, at Walpi, description of . 1001-

1002
— BOYS, description and function of ..... 997—
998,999

 

mm. ANN. 19] INDEX 1 145
Page Page

FLUTE CEREMONY, at Mishongnovi in GATHERING WILD RICE, mechanical
1896 .................................... 987—1000 means employed in ...................... 1064

—, at Oraibi, memoir on .................. 987 GATSCHET. DR ALBERT S., on Akal’man
—, pueblos Where performed . . 987 number names .......................... 874
—, public, at Shipaulovi ............... 996—1000 —,-on Kauvuya number names . --. .. .. 868
—, at Walpi in 1896 .................... 1000—1005 —, on Shoshone number names ......... 869,870
—— CHIEFS. description of .................. 997 —, on Shoshonean numerals .............. 923

—, CLAN, see LENYA CLAN.

—, and Flute society, relationship of . 1007—1008
-—GIRLs, description and function of .. 997,999
— (LENYA) SOCIETY, census of ........... 627

—- MAIDEN, ﬁgurine of ........... 989-990,993, 995
— OBSERVANCE, prominent elements in . 1005
— RITEs, interpretation of ___________ 1009—1011
-— ROOMS, at Mishongnovi ................ 988
—, at Walpi ............................ 1000—1001
— SONGS, at Walpi .................... 1002—1003
—— YOUTH, ﬁgurine of ___________ 989—990, 993, 995

FOLIATED CROSS, Tablet of the, initial

series of, inscriptions of ................ 801
FOLLE AVOINE, use of term, see also

MENOMINI ............................... 1024
—— COUNTRY ________________________________ 1042
FOOD, inﬂuence of, on primitive thought. 1089

—, on increase of population __________ 1109—1110

FORMOSA. wild rice in _____________________ 1037
FORSTEMANN, Dr E. reference to discov-

eries by ________________ .. ................. 818
—, on Dresden codex .................... 799, 805
-—~, on Mayan division of solar year . ... _ 9544455

—, on Mayan methods of computation _ 932—933
—, on Mayan “ old year ” ................. 748
—, on Mayan time units.-. --__.__.__ 715—716
—, on Mayan years .. .-...- 806
—, on methods of counting Mayan time

 

symbols ...................... 723, 724, 725, 729 :
—, reference to .......................... 699. 708
—, on time series of Dresden codex ..... 709-710

FORSYTH, THOMAS, on use of wild rice by

Sank ..................................... 1051

FORT DEEIANCE, home of Hano clans..- 614
FORT WINGATE, site of old Kipo. __ 614 ‘
Fox, see Indians in wild rice district ______ 1050
~, see SAUK AND Fox.
—, tribal names, and meaning of same _ .. 1050
—- (Mechecouquis), population of, in 1764. 1108
—, population of ...................... 1109,1110
—, wild-rice villages of, destroyed by

Ojibwa ................................... 1040
Fox RIVER, wild rice in - 1033
FRENCH LANGUAGE, inﬂuence of, on geo-

graphic nomenclature .................. 1115

FROSTS, destructive to wild rice . 1027,1100
FUERTES, E. A., on Zoquean number

names .................................... 873
—-, on Zoque numerals .................... 907
FUR TRADERS, dependence of, on wild

rice ................... . ................ 1101—1104
GAITCHAI M, numbers of ................ 869—929
GALLATIN. ALBERT, on number names

from San Antonio, Texas ............... 881
GAMA, ANTONIO, on Mayan calendar

periods ................................... 675
GANN, THOMAS, mounds in northern

Honduras, by .......................... 655—692
GARCEs, FRAY FRANCISCO, cited on

Moqui (Hopi) ............................ 598
—. on location of Moqui (Hopi) ........... 599

 

 

GEOGRAPHIC NOMENCLATURE, inﬂuence
of Wild rice on.... ..-._ . ... .... ...... 1115—1126
GREEN, STEPHEN, on amounts of wild

» rice harvested ........................... 1077
—, on failure of wild rice crop ............ 1099
—, on Ojibwa storing wild rice in cedar-

bark bags ________________________________ 1072
—, on birch-bark winnowing fan . .. _. .. .. 1071
GIBBS, quinary-vigesimal system in Cali-

fornia .................................... 924
GILEILLAN, J. A., on present use of wild

rice by whites in Minnesota ............ 1105
GILLEN, F. J .,on Australian intermarry-

ing groups ...... , ......................... 836
GOODMAN, J. T., on Copan Inscriptions . . 776—-

777, 778, 779, 780—783, 784, 785, 78 6, 787, 788

—, chronolgical calendar of ............... 759
-—, copy and interpretation of inscrip-
tions from Temple of Inscriptions.-. 771—775

—, on the “grand era” in Mayan chronol-
ogy ................. 794, 795, 796, 797, 798, 799, 800
—, on importance of Ahau and Mayan
time counts ..............................
—, on initial series of various Mayan in«
scriptions .............................. 800-806

816

—, on interpreting Mayan time symbols. 760
—, interpretation of dates on Foliatcd
Cross, by .............................. 7 65—771
—, on interpretations Of Tablet of the
Cross _ . . 740—743, 744, 746—747, 748
—, on Mayan chronology ................ 792-793
—, on Mayan day names ............ 808—811, 812
~, on Mayan directive signs . . ....- 751

—, on Mayan methods of computation. 932-933

 

—, on Mayan reckoning ................... 728
—, on Mayan symbols ..................... 791
—, on Mayan time series .............. '---. 710
—, on Mayan time symbols ............. 711—714
—, on method of Mayan time reckon-
ing ........... ' ........ . ................... 732
—, on names for Mayan time units ..... 715—720
—, on names for Mayan time periods ..... 723,
724, 725,726
—, on numeral systems in the codices.--. 814
—4, references to ............................ 699,
700, 701, 704, 705, 706, 708, 737, 738
—, on Tablet of the Sun ......... 761, 762-763, 765
—, system of Mayan chronology by .... 792—800
—-—, on Tablet of the Cross ................ 733—736
—, theory of, applied to reading Piedras
Negras inscriptions . . . 788-791
—, on time symbols of the Tablet of the
Cross....... ...... ...... ...... ...... 749,750,751
GOURDs, at Antelope altar .............. 968—969
GRASSERIE, RAOUL DE LA, on Mixe nu-
merals above ten ....................... 906
—, on Zoquean number names... 873
GREEN BAY, wild rice in .................. 1033

— AREA, nature of, as Indian habitat. . 1111—1112
—-, Indians and condition of, in ........ 1112—1 113

1146 '

Page
GRONOVIOUS, on scientiﬁc synonym for

wild rice ................................. 1021
GORDON, HANFORD LENOX, on Dakota
use of Wild rice .......................... 1057
—, on inﬂuence of Wild rice on geographic
nomenclature ..... J ...................... 1122
—, on meaning of Dakota Words._ . . ._ _... 1061
—, on Ojibwa wild-rice moons ............ 1090
GUARDIA, R. F., on Chibchan number
names .................................... 882
—, on Totonacan number names. _ .... .... 871
—, on Tzotzil number names _____________ 863
GUAYMI (Veraguas) method of forming
numbers _...... _...._.. . _.... _.... ... 916
GUAYMI SABANERO (Panama) method of
forming numbers_......____._..___..... 916
GUAJIQUI R0 (Honduras) method of
forming numbers ....................... 915
HAHAWE, Hopi chief, on advent of clans
at Walpi ................................. 585
HAI’ 11‘, number names of ................ 871
HALE, HORATIO, on early home of Siouan
stock .................................... 1043

HALVEs, CULT OF THE .................. 843—847
HAN] ’, Hopi Tobacco clan chief, reference

to. 579
HANO, location of, in Hopi country ...... 579
— CLANS, advent of, at Walpi ____________ 585
~—, descendants of Tewa clans . 614
—, migrations, and census of ........... 614—622
—, names, and location of ............... 615~616
— PUEBLO, origin, language, and culture

of ......................................... 633
—, Piba chief in Walpi .................... 601
—R1TUAL 632—633
HARMON, DANIEL, on dependence of

Northwest Fur Company on wild rice. _ 1103
—, on Ojibwa gathering wild rice.... .. .. 1062
—, on popular synonym for Wild rice ..... 1023
HARSHBERGER, PROF. JOHN W., on rea-

sons for study of ethno-botany ......... 10:38
HATCO, on Hano migrations .............. 614

HAVASUPAI BASKET, contains paho, at
Walpi Snake altar ....................... 983

HEBBERD, STEPHEN SOUTHRICK, on na-
ture of Green bay area ..................

~—, on Indian population at Green bay in

1111

   

1670 .................................... 1106-1107
HEDIN, SVEN, on magical number sixty-

One ....................................... 849
HENDERSON. ALEXANDER, on Maya nu-

merals ................................... 897
—, on Maya numeral system. _ .. 891, 893,894
HENDERSON, L. F., on absence of wild rice

in Idaho .................................. 1029
HENNEPIN, LOUIS, on Dakota tying wild

rice._...- ..- . 1058
—, on Wild rice as Indian food.. ... 1084,1085
—, on wild rice in Minnesota... ........ 1034
—, on duck in Mille Lacs .................. 1099
HENRY, ALEXANDER, on dependence of

fur traders on wild rice ............. 1101 —1102
—, on Indians savmg wild rice until the

next harvest._.... 1088
—, On popular synonym for wild rice._.. 1022
—, on use of maple sugar as food ......... 1095

INDEX

 

[ETFL ANN. 19

Page
HENRY, ALEXANDER, on inﬂuence of wild

rice on geographic nomenclature. . ..... 1122
HEWITT, J. N. B., on Shahaptian numera-

tion ...................................... 838
HIND, HENRY YOULE, on Wild rice in

Winnipeg system ........................ 1095
-—, on dependence of Indian on wild rice. 1100
—, on Wild rice eaten with blue berries. 1083
—, on birds destructive to Wild rice ...... 1027
V, on Wild rice destroyed by caterpillars. 1100
—, on drowning of wild rice .............. 1099
HITCHCOCK, A. S., on absence of Wild rice

in Kansas _ -..... ...... _...... 1030
HODGE, F. W., on city of Cibola .......... 650
HOFFMAN, DR WALTER J., on Menomini

origin of Winnebago tribal name 1052
—«, on organization of Menomini tribe.... 1091
—, Menomini synonymy of, reference to. . 1048
—, on popular synonym for Wild rice ..... 1023
—, on inﬂuence Of wild rice on geographic

nomenclature ........................... 1119
~,0n Menomini gathering wild rice ..... 1062
—, on Menomini curing Wild rice ......... 1066
~, on Menomini thrashing Wild rice ...... 1068
—, on Menomini winnowing Wild rice with

birch-bark fan: .......................... 1071
—, on Menomini storing wild rice in cedar-

bark bags ...................... . ......... 1072
—, on Menomini eating wild rice with

maple sugar .............................. 1085
HOKONA-MANA (Butterﬂy-vigin slab) at

Walpi Snake altar__._._............-.... 983
HOLMES, PROF. W. H.,reference to ....... 699

HOMOLOBI, date of removal of clans
from ................................... 598—603

—, site of old Patki pueblo ................ 597
HONANI (BADGER) CLAN, advent of, at
Walpi .................................. 585—586
— migrations, and census of ............ 606—607
— GROUP, component clans of ............ 584
»— WOMEN stolen, and divided between
Mastcomo, Mishongnovi,and Walpi .... 606
HONAU (BEAR) CLAN, advent of, at
Walpi .................................. 585—586
—, early history and census of ............ 604
— GROUP, component clans of ............. 584
HONAUPABI,same as Kipo.-.-.- ...---____ ‘ 614
HONDURAS. has-reliefs at ................. 672

HONYI, Flute speaker chief, at Walpi- 1001—1004

 

m, prominent Antelope priest. .1 . .-..-- 977
HOPI CALAKO, said to have come from

Winima .................................. 612
HOPI,not desoended wholly from north

ern nomads .............................. 633
— CEREMONIEs, time of performing--- 963
—,purpose of .............................. 963
— COMMUNITIES, modern causes for con-

centration of ............................ 577
— MIGRATIONs,legends concerning ...... 578
—, inﬂuence of early Spaniards on ...... 581—582
— PUEBLOS .............................. 579-582
-, number names of ...............
~ RITUAL, Christian inﬂuence on...-..-. 936
—, growth of. .... .......................... 578

HARE CLAN, see SOWI CLAN.
HORN CLAN, see ALA CLAN.

 

 

 

{

ETH. ANN. 19] INDEX 1 1 4: 7

Page
HORN-FLUTE CLAN, see ALA—LES'YA
CLAN.
HORSE, inﬂuence of, on modern Dakota

migrations _______________________________ 1044
HOUGH, DR WALTER, witnessed Snake
dance at Mishongnovi ................... 964

HOUSE EXECUTIVE DOCUMENT, THIRD
SESSION, Fl ETY-THIRD CONGRESS, on
failure of wild-rice ﬁelds in Minnesota. 1114

—, TWENTIETH CONGRESS, SECOND SES-
SION, on population in wild-rice district
in 1829 .................................... 1111

—, MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENT 36, THIR-
’I‘IETII CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION. on
importance Of wild rice to the Indian. . 1097

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, documents
of, cited on popular synonyms for wild

rice...- .....-... .. 1023
HOUSE STEPS, initial series of, inscrip-

tions of..._ .... ..._._.... ...... ..... __._. 801
HOWARD, Dr L. 0., on Lissorhoptrus Sim-

plex ..................................... 1027
HOWARD, 0., on absence of Wild rice in

Utah ..-. .... .-..... . ..-.... -..... 1032
HUASTECA, number names of .......... 862, 863
HUAVE method of forming numbers _ . . . 918
HUCHNOM method of forming numbers. . 912
HUDSON BAY COMPANY,'(1ependenc-.e of,

on aboriginal production. -..... .. _. .... 1104

HUITZILOPOCHLI, Mexican god of death,
painting of, on wall in Santa Rita
mound --...-.-..-._.... .-.... ..._.___ 669

HUMAN SKELETON,in Santa Rita mound 688

— FIGURES, eﬁigies Of, in Santa Rita

mounds ............................ 683, 684, 685
HUNTER,JOHN DUNN, on time of Indian
meals ................................... 1087

—, on use of Wild-rice gruel by Indians _ _ 1086
—, on wild rice between Mississippi river

and Rocky Mountains in United States _ 1032
HURON, see Indians in wild-rice district .. 1055
HUTCHINSON. JOHN, on Ojibwa. gather-

ing wild rice ... 1063

—, on Ojibwa curing Wild rice ........ 1064—1065
HUWI CLAN, relations of, with Tciia

clan ..-........_. ...._ ...._... 588—590

IDOLS, in mounds at Santa. Rita... .. ._ 678—685
IMAGES, stone, of animals in Walpi Snake

dance _ 980, 982

INDIAN, dependence of, on wild rice. 1095-1101
INDIAN AFFAIRS REPORT, on present

civilization of Winnebago ............... 1052
-—, on Menomini population .............. 1049
— , on Menomini eating Wild rice with

maple sugar ............................. 1085
—. on wild rice stored in Wisconsin ..... 1072

-—, on wild rice in Minnesota river. .. 1034,1035
—, on dependence of Indian on Wild rice. 1096,

1097—1098, 1100, 1101
—, on time of year Indians consume wild

rice ...................................... 1087'
—, on amounts of Wild rice harvested.... 1075,
1076,1077

—, on drowning of wild rice .............. 1099
~—, on Indian standard Of life ---... . . . 1079

—, on dependence of white man on Wild
rice ....................................... 1104

 

Page

INDUSTRIES. primitive, egoism reﬂected
INSCRI PTIONS, Copan ................... 776—788
—, at Piedras Negras .................... 788—791
—, TEMPLE or..... .--.-. 771—775
—, initial series of, inscriptions of.. 801

INTIWA, Hopi chief, on advent of clans at
Walpi .................................... 585
IOWA INDIANS, population of, in 1822 ..... 1110
IROQUOIS, Ojibwa name for .............. 10:39

—, inﬂuence of, on westward migration
of Siouan stock ......................... 1043
— and Ojibwa warfare .................... 1039

IRWIN, MAJOR, quoted, through Jedidiah
Morse, on Menomini use of wild rice. 1048—1049

ISAUC', Coyote clan, advent of, at Walpi. . BS5
ISBA SPRING, Hano pueblo near, on East
mesa ................................... 610. 615
IXIL, number names of .................... 862
—- method of forming numbers above
ten ..................................... 904—905
IXTLILXOCHITL, on early migrations of
Toltec .................................... 676
JACALTECA method of forming numbers
above ten ................................ 905
—, number names of ....................... 863

JAHRESBERICHT UBER DIE FORT-
SCHRITTE DER AGRI KULTURCHEMIE,

on popular synonym for Wild rice ...... 1024
JAMES,GEORGE WHARTON, acknowledg-

ment to .................................. 980
JAPAN, wild rice in ....................... 1037
JEMEZ, home of Hano clans .............. 614
-— pueblo, home of Kokop clan _. .... .... . 604

JENKS, DR ALBERT ERNEST. wild rice
gatherers of the upper lakes, by . . . 1013-1137
JESSUP, HENRY C.,on wild rice in New

Hampshire..-. ..... . .... . 1031
JESUITS. as chroniclers of Indian data. . . . 1113
JETTIPEHIKA, site of old Patki pueblo .. 597
JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA, on meaning of

Cabala ................................... 826
JICAQUE DE YORO (Honduras) method

of forming numbers .................... 915
— DEL PALMAR (Honduras) method of

forming numbers ...................... 915
JIVIROS, number names of ............... 377
JONES, L. R.,on Wild rice in Vermont... . 1032
JONES, MARCUS E., on wild rice in Ne-

braska ................................... 1031
JONES, PETER, on Ojibwa gathering

wild rice ....... ... .-.... 1063
—, on thrashing wild rice by treading... 1068
—, on birch-bark winnowing fan . . .. . 1071
JOSOGE, foundation of. . . 611
JUPILTEPEQUE, number names of ........ 881
JUTIAPA, numbers of .................... 881, 931
KAETIEA,home of Asa clan......... 610
KAKAPTI, Antelope priest, description

of. .......... ...... ........... ...... . ....... 085
K‘AK’CHI, methods Of forming numbers

above ten .............................. 901—903
-KALEKTAKA, name of warrior society

among Pakab clans ...................... 609

—,religious society at Walpi,source of. 623,630
KALAKWAI, Hopi clan chief, reference
to ......................................... 579

1148

. Page
KAPO PUEBLO, speaks same language as

 

Hano clans ............................... 614
KARANKAWA, number names of .......... 877
KASKASKIA, population of, in 1764. __._. .. 1108
KATCI, Antelope priest, description of-.. 984
KATCI, Kokop chief, on original home of

Kokop ................................... 604
KATCINA, or Aﬁwuci clan. migrations

and census of .......................... 607, 608
— CLAN, advent of, at Walpi ______________ 585
—, census of ......................... 620:622
—, migration of ____________________________ 606

—, cults from New Mexican pueblos at
Walpi, unique origin of ............... 630—631

— GROUP, component clans of ............ 584
-— SOCIETY, source and census of .......... 623
KATCINABA,h0me of Katcina clan ....... 607
KATUN, Mayan, working table of _________ 819
—- SYMBOL, discovery concerning, by

Goodman ................................ 712
KAUVUYA, formation of number names in 879
—-, number names of ________ 868,876, 879, 923,929
KAWAIKA,home of Asa clan ______________ 610
KEAMS CANYON, site of old Puﬁci ........ 614
—, same as Puﬁci .......................... 604
KEATING, WILLIAM, on inﬂuence of wild

rice on geographic nomenclature ______ 1122
—, on wild rice in water system of Red

River of the North ...................... 1035
—, on popular synonym for wild rice ..... 1023

KECHE, number names of .............. 869,870

—— (San Luis), numbers of ................ 929 1
—(San Diego),numbers of--...._._...._ 930 ',
KECHI, formation or number names in._ 879, '
. 895—899
KE CLAN, census of ...................... 618, 622
KELE CLAN, with the Patuﬁ clan ......... 595
KELLERMAN, W. E., on wild rice in Ohio. 1031
KERN RIVER PEOPLES, numbers of ...... 929
KICKAPOO, tribal history, migrations,
and settlement of ..................... 10:35

—, population'of ..................... _ 1108,1110
-——, in wild-rice district.._... ___. .....,. 1107
—, amounts of wild rice harvested by .. _ 1075
—, standard of life of ...................... 1079

  

 

KICU, home of Katcina clan _._. ...... 607
KIJ or Kizh, number names of .. ______ 870
—, numbers of ............................ 950
KINGsnOROUG H, ROBERT, on Mendoza
codex ..........._....__.... .._.._. _,__ 945—947
—, on Vatican codex ..................... 947—948
KINISTENO, see Cree.
KINSHIP ORGANIZATION, egoism re-
ﬂected in...._ .._. _._..." ._.. __._ _ 831
KINZI E, Mrs JOHN H., on birch-bark
Winnowing fan _ . 1071
KIPO, home of Hano clans .................. 614
KISAKOBI, second site of Walpi pueblo, . . 580
KISI, description and origin of ________ 973. 1005
—— (brush house), for containing the rep-
tiles used in Snake dance ............. 973, 977
KISIWI, Ala clan at ............ 590
KIVA, cause for building .................. 644
—, comparative antiquity of circular and
rectangular .............................. 988
—, at Mishongnovi ......................... 966

KIZH, see KIJ.

INDEX

 

[ETIL ANN. 19

Page
KNOWLEDGE, growth of, essentials to __ 826—828
KOHL, JonANN GEORG, on inﬂuence of

Wild rice on geographic nomenclature. 1116
—, on popular synonym for wild rice ___. 1023
—, on wild rice in southern part of Lake

Superior ._.. __ _._... ....__ __..__ _._... 1034
—, on wild rice in Lake Huron ............ 1037
KOKOP(FIREWOOD) CLAN, former homes,

migrations, and census of _____________ 604—606
—, advent of, at Walpi ___________________ 585—586
— GROUP, component clans of ____________ 584
KOLON CLAN, census of ............. 617—618,622
KONKAU, number names of .............. 871
KOPELI, Snake clan chief, reference to ._ 579
—, at Walpi ................................ 975
KOTKA, Honau chief ______________________ 601
KRAUTBAUER, F. X., on synonym for

Menomini Indians _______________________ 1048
Kt‘Ki‘TC (LIZARD) CLAN, advent of, at

\Valpi ..................................... 585
KUKUTC CLAN, member of Patki group,

mention of ............................... 596
KUKUTC-TUWA, Lizard-Sand clan, ad-

vent of, at Walpi ........................ 585
KUS‘CHALPI, probable original home of

Patki clans... _. ._.,__._. _._... ___..-__ 597

KWAA, Antelope priest, description of.. 984—985

KWACTAPABI. Ala-Leﬁya clan at. __ .. ---. 591
KWAKWANTf'. a society of Patki clan._-- 595
—, religious society at Walpi. source and
census Of ______________________________ 623, 629
KWAVANOMPI, religious society from, at
VValpi .................................... 623
KWAVONAMPI, home of Pakab clans _____ 608
KWIS’APA, site of Old Patki pueblo ....... 597
LABPHAK, has-reliefs at .................. 672
LAC COU RTE OREILLE, ﬁrst permanent
Ojibwa settlement at ____________________ 1041
LAC DU FLAMBEAU, ﬁrst permanent Ojib-
wa settlement at ........................ 1041
LAGUNA, same as Kawaika.
LAGUNA, JUAN BAUTISTA DE, on Tarasco
numerals ..................... '. ...... . ..... 909
LA HARPE, BERNARD DE, on Le Sueur
building fort to effect treaty between
- Dakota and Ojibwa ..................... 1039
—. on Dakota storing Wild rice in home- ,
made sacks __-.___._.__.. ...... ...._..._. 1072
—, on Dakota use of Wild rice ____________ 1046
—, on Dakotavillages__._.....,_..l_._..-_. 1047
—, on Dakota eating wild rice ............ 1085
LAKE. E. R., on absence of wild rice in
Oregon ................................... 1031
LAKE OF THE WOODS, wild rice in _______ 1035
LAKES. named from wild rice ________ 1118-1124
LALAKONTO, religious society at Walpi,
source and census of .................. 623.629
LAMSON-SCRIBNER, F., on popular syno-
nym for Wild rice ................... 1023,1024
—,on Oryzopsisexigua ....___...._ _._... 1022
—, scientiﬁc determination of wild rice.. 1021
—, wild rice in District of Columbia, also
in Delaware river. __._......____ .1. ___. 1029

LANDA, on symbols in codices .......... 670—671
—, on use of ahau_. "17—718
LANGUAGE, primitive, egoism reﬂected

in ....................................... 831—832

 

mu. ASN.19] INDEX 1 149
Page Page
LANGLOIs, A. B., on wild rice in Loui- MCBAIN, SAMUEL, on absence of wild rice
siana ..................................... 1030 in Tennessee..._....- ....._..__..-_-.-.. 1032
LAPHAM, I. A., on inﬂuence of Wild rice MCCAR'I‘Y, GERALD, on Wild rice in North
on geographic nomenclature ....... 1120,1121 Carolina _ ...... ..._- ...-. 1031
LAWE, GEORGE, on Menomini eating wild MACCAULEY, H. CLAY, on wild rice in
rice with maple sugar .................. 1085 Florida ................................... 1029
LEAN Y MULIA, number names of .' ...... 882 MACEARLANE, JOHN R., on wild rice in
~—, numbers of ........................... 882, 931 Pennsylvania . . . . ...- . . . .. . .. . . _ -.... 1031—1032
LENYA CLAN, possible advent of, into MCGEE, PROF. W J , acknowledgments to. 1020
Tusayan ................................. 626 —, on beginnings of agriculture..- 1056
—, mythic origin of _______________________ 590 .-—, on beginnings of mathematics. .. 874-875,877
LENYANOBI, founding Of .................. 586 —, on California number names .......... 871
—, Ala clan at .............................. 590 —, on Cult of the Quarters . 948—949
LEON, NICHOLAS, on Tarasco numerals. . 909 —, on Maya method of computation . 933
—, on Tarascan and Chiapanecan number ——, on origin of Assiniboin tribe .......... 1054
names ________ . ............................ 874 —, on inﬂuence of bison on migration of
—», on Zapotecan number names .......... 872 Sionan stock ............................. 1043
LE SUEUR, on Dakota eating wild rice... 1085 —, on relation between barefoot and san-
—,on peace between Dakota and Ojibwa. 1041 dal-wearing people and the vigesimal
—, on Dakota storing wild rice in sacks. _ 1072 system .................................. 925
—, on Dakota use of wild rice ............. 1046 —, primitive numbers, by ............... 821—851
LETTREs EDIEIANTES, on separation of MAC KAY, A. H., on wild rice in New
Assiniboin from their Siouan kinsxnen. 1054 Brunswick and Newfoundland _ .. .. 1037
LEWIS AND CLARKE, on Dakota posses- MCKENNEY, THOMAS L., on birds de-
sion of horses ............................ 1044 structive to wild rice . .-.._ .‘ ..... 1027
—, on inﬂuence of wild rice on geographic ——-, on drowning of wild rice .......... 1099,1100
nomenclature ............................ 1122 MACKENZIE, ALEXANDER, on wild rice
LIGHTNING SYMBOLS, at Mishongnovi northwest of Lake Superior ............ 1035
Cakwaleﬁya altar ........................ 992 MACLosKIE, G., on wild rice in New J er-
—, at Mishongnovi Flute altar ........_-_ 990 sey ....................................... 1031
~. at ()raibi altar .......................... 993 MACMILLAN, CONWAY, on Wild rice in
—. at Shipaulovi altar. _ . _ _ -..... . 995 Winnipeg system ........................ 1035
LINK, on scientiﬁc synonymfor wild rice. 1021 , MCNEILL, JEROME, on absence of wild
LINNEL‘S, herbarium of, on scientiﬁc syn- 1 rice in Arkansas. . .. . . . 1029
onym for wild rice ...................... 1021 MACILES’YA, religious society at Walpi,
LISSORHOPTRUS SlMPLEX,deStructive to source of. . . __ .-.- 623
wild rice 1027 —ALTA1{, same as Drab Flute altar"... 989
LITTLE COLORADO, river, Hopi clans — SOCIETY, personnel of ................ 996—997
from ................................... 582—583 MAIZE, see CORN.
—, pueblos from ......................... 594—603 MALER, TEOBERT, inscriptions discov-
—, PUEBLOS, religious societies from, at ered at Piedras N egras by, cited ....... 788
Walpl--- 623 MALLERY, GARRICK,’ on time Dakota
LIZAHD CLAN, see KL‘KL‘TC CLAN. ﬁrst possessed horses . .. 1044-1045
LLOYD, map, 1862, on inﬂuence of wild rice MAME, number names of ............... 862—864
on geographic nomenclature ............ 1118 — formation of numbers above ten ..... 903-904
LOCKWOOD, JAMES H., on Dakota wild- MAMZRAUTG, religous society at Walpi,
rice thanksgiving feast .................. 1091 source and census of .................. ‘23, 630

LOKOTAAKA, Ala clan at .................. 590
LONG JOHN, on popular synonym for

wild rice ................................. 1023
—. on wild-rice baby food ................. 1086
—, on Dakota wild-rice moons ............ 1090

—, on wild-rice death feast of Potawa-
tomi .................................. 1091-1092
—, on dependence Of fur traders on wild

rice ....................................... 1102
-—, on synonym for Menomini Indians... 1048
——, on wild rice north of Lake Superior.. 1087

LOOKOUT MOUNDs, at Santa Rita ...... 685—686

LORI LLARD CITY, has-reliefs at .......... 672
LUMI—IOLTZ, CARL, on Australian ternary
concept ..'. ............................... 837
LYTTLE, ROBERT T., map of, 1837, on inﬂu-
ence of wild rice on geographic nomen-
clature . .................................. 1117

19 ETH, PT 2—01—38

 

MK’NKBUSH, the mythic personage who
ﬁrst gave wild rice to the Menom-
ini .................................... 1092—1093
MANITOBA HIST. AND SCI. $00., on in-
ﬂuence of wild rice on geographic no-
menclature .............................. 1121
MANO‘MIN, etymology of the word .. ...- 10%
MAPLE SUGAR, as food .......... 108p1085,1m5

MARICOPA, number names of ............ 871
MARQUETTE, PERE, on popular synonym

for wild rice ............................. 1025
—, on wild rice in Fox river .............. 1033
—, on location of Assiniboin, and their use

of wild rice .............................. 1055
—-, on curing wild rice .................... 1065
——-, on thrashing wild rice ................. 1068
-—, on wild rice eaten with grease ........ 1084
—, on Dakota property-right in wild rice. 1073

 

  
  
 
 

    

1150 INDEX [ETIL ANN. 19
Page ‘ Page
MARTIN, chief of Ottawa, on importance MENDOZA, on location of Totonteac . . .... 599
Of wild rice to Indian . ....._...._. ...... 1096 3 — CODEX, numbers from .... 939,945—947
MASAIUMTIWA, Hopi chief. on advent of MENOMINI, see Indians in wild-rice dis-
clansat Walpi ........................... 585 trict- 1047
MASAUﬁ', tutelary god of Sekyatki; also —, meaning of tribal name ................ 1048
clan, overthrow of, by Hanan clan ..... 604 —, synonymy of tribal name ______________ 1048
MASKOTIN, see Indians in Wild—rice dis- —-, inﬂuence of Wild rice on tribal organi-
trict ...................................... 1053 zation of ............................. 1090—1093
—, in wild-rice district .................... 1107 ——, ﬁrst historic mention of .. ._ 1047
—, tribal names, history, migration, and —, early description of .................... 1107
settlement . . -____ . ..._- . 1053-1054 —, population of ............. 1049,1108,1109,1110
—-, population of, in 1764 ................... 1108 — tie Wild rice ............................. 1058
—, on wild rice eaten with grease ....... 1085 —, wild rice gathered by .............. 1062,1063
MASON, DR OTIs T., acknowledgments to- 1020 — eat wild rice ................... 1083,1085
MATHEWS, C. W., on wild rice in Ken- — cure Wild rice ....................... 1066
tucky .................................... 1030 —, Wild-rice thrashing stick .. ....... 1068
MATLALTZINCAN, or Pirinda, number — Winnow wild rice ............. '_ ......... 1071
names of ................................. 873 —, amounts of wild rice harvested by . 1075—1077
MATSUMURA, PROF. J .. on identity of —, dependence of, on wild rice ....... 1047—1049
Zizania aquatica in Japan ........... 1021,1037 — thrash Wild rice ............. ... 1068,1069
—, on popular synonyms for Wild rice in —, mealtime of ................... ..- ... _ 1087
Japan, China, and Formosa. _ ._ 1024 —, property-right in wild rice ............ 1073
—, on Ustilago esculenta .................. 1027 —, standard of life of ...................... 1079
MAUDSLAY, A. P., reference to Biologia —, time of year when they consume wild
Centrali-Americana ..................... 700 rice ....................................... 1087
—, reference to drawing of Tablet of the — RIVER, wild rice in . ................ 1038
Cross 754 MERRELL, HENRY, on popular synonym
—, drawing of Copan inscriptions by, for Wild rice ".... .... .... ..i. ...... . 1023
cited ................................... 804, 805 MEXICAN YEARS, and days in calendar
—, on inscriptionsfrom Copan .......... 728 order.....,.,......._.. .....i.......... 936—938
—, on inscriptions of the Quirigua ....... 743 MIAMI, population of ............ 110811091110
—, on Mayan year ......................... 748 MICHAUx, on scientiﬁc synonym for wild
—, reference tO___...__....i............_ 699,711 rice ....................................... 1021
—, photograph of Foliated Cross by, cited _ 765 MICHOACAN, or Tarascan, number names 874
—, photograph of Copan inscriptions by, ‘ MIDDLE MESA of Hopi country, reference
cited ................... 776,777,778,785,795,803 ‘ to.-- 579
—, photograph of inscriptions from Tem- — SNAKE DANCE, most primitive form _ . 986
ple of the Sun by, cited. _ _ _ . 73:3 MIGRATION, character of Pneblo.. . 644,645,648

—, photograph of Sun Tablet by, cited . . 761
-, photograph of Temple of Inscriptions

by, cited .............................. 771, 774
—, on interpretation of Sun Tablet ....... 739
—, on reading Mayaglyphs... 708
—. on reading of Piedras Negras inscrip-

tions according to Goodman‘s theory. 788—791
MAY. L. L. & CO., on present sale of Wild

rice to whites. . ...... ... ...._.____. 1105
MAYA, or Toltec. builders of mound-

covered temples at Santa Rita ....... 670—673
MAYA DAYS. list of ........................ 807
MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS.....- 693v819
MAYAN NUMBER NAMES, formation of... 862,

863, 880, 890-891

—,PUEBLO, inﬂuence of water supply

  
 

on ..................................... 615—646
MIJ E, or Mixe, number names of .. _. .... 873
MILLE LACS, wild rice in _________________ 1035
MILLERTON, members of ......_......___. 930
MINDELEFF, COSMOS, localization of Tu-

sayan clans, by ......................... 635—653
—, on snake dance at Mishongnovi. 973
—, on kivas at Mishongnovi _______________ 966
— published Snake dance in 1886 .......... 965
MINDELEFF, VICTOR, on antiquity of kiva

forms .................................... 988
—. on kivas at Mishongnovi ............... 966
—, architectures, study of Tusayan, ref-

erence to ................................. 57
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.

on inﬂuence Of wild rice On geographic

nomenclature .. . c. 1123
MINNESOTA RIVER (St Peters), wild rice

. in-................____........,..._..__... 1035
MISHONGNOVI Antelope altar . . ...... 9667969
—, Flute ceremony at, in 1896 ... 987—1000
—, founded by the Patuﬁ clan ............ 626
m, location of, in Hopi country. . . _. ...... 57
*, OLD, pueblo of Patuﬁ clan ............ _ 595
,7, Snake dance at, in 1897 . ...... .. ...... . ' 6—976

MAZATEOA method of counting ___________ 879
-— method Of forming numbers above

ten ....... , ..................... 872, 888-890, 930
MEALTIME, among Indians ............ 1086—1088 3
MECIIECOUQUIS, see Fox.
MEDICINE BOWL and aspergill, in Walpi

Snake dance ............................. 983
MELL, P. H., on wild rice in Alabama . 1028
MEMBHENO, ALBERTO, on the Hondurus

Chorti number names. ,. _ 863 .
—, on Moreno and Sumo numerals ....... 914 ‘
—, on Similaton numerals ................ 916
—. on Sumo, Paya, Jicaque, and Guaji~

quiro numerals ...... . ... ...... ...... .... 913 i

MISSISSAGUA cure wild rice. ........ 1065.1066
— thrash wild rice by ﬂailing. . . 1069
— oat wild rice ............................ 1081

 

mum“. .. ..

ETH. ANN. 19] INDEX 1 1 5 1

Page Page

MISSISSIPPI RIVER, head waters of,wild 1 MUNSEE, population of 1109.1110

'rice in......-........._..-........._._..,. 1034 MYSTICISM of primitive thought _______ 829—830
MIT( HEI L,S AUGUSTUS on inﬂuence of NAG RANDA method of forming numbers

wild rice on geographic nomenclature. 1117, i above ten ________________________________ 912

1120, 1122 ;

MITCHELL, JOHN, on inﬂuence of wild

rice on geographic nomenclature ...... 1120,

1121, 1122

M1’ WE‘K, number names of _______________ 871
MIKE method of forming numbers above

ten ....................................... 906

—, numbers of. _.... .....- ...._ 930

MIXTEC. numbers of 872, 930
MOCOCK (birclrbark box), for carrying,

containing, and storing wild rice ...... 1080
MOHAWK, population of, in 1822 ___________ 1110
MOHOCE, mention of ...................... 598
MOISTURE-TABLET, bearer of, description

of ......................................... 998
MOLL, HERMAN, map of, locating Kicka-

poo ....................................... 1055
MOMTCITA, ceremony of Pakab clans 608
MONPA,Alaclanat.-.----...-__-____-.-__- 590
MONTH, Mayan, symbols of. 714
MONTHS of Mayan “ four series of

years” . ...... ,. _. ...... ...... ...... .... 702—703
MOON, the Wild-rice, origin of ........ 1089—1090
MOONEY, JAMES, on cause of Siouan mi«

grations .................................. 1043
MOONS, or months, origin of Indian names

for -.-- ”.-..” 1089
MOORE, C. W., on present use of Wild rice

by whites ................................ 1105
MOQUI PUEBLO, number names of. -... 876
MORENO (Honduras) method of forming

numbers ................................. 914
MORRIS, on mystical numbers ............ 835

MORSE, DR J EDIDIAH, on early conquest
of Sauk and Fox territory by Menomini, 1050
—, on Oneida and Stockbridge Indians. . . 1111

—, on Winnebago population ............. 1053
-—, on Menomini population .............. 1049
—, on inﬂuence of nourishing food on in-
crease of population ................. 1109—1110
—, on popular synonym for wild rice ..... 1023
-—, on inﬂuence of wild rice on geographic
nomenclature .................. 1116, 1121 , 1123
—, on absence of Wild rice immediately
south of Lake Superior .. 1034

—. on destruction of wild rice by storms. 1100
—, on dependence of fur traders on wild

 

rice ................................. 1103,1104
-—, on Menomini thrashing wild rice ..... 1068
MOSQUI'IO, numbers of ............. 877,881,931
MOTZFELDT, J ., on amounts of wild rice
harvested by Ojibwa .................... 1074
MOUNDS of Santa Rita, classiﬁcation
.......... 662—663
—, characteristics of ................... 663—665
—, paintings on the walls of .-_.. _... 665—670
MOUNTAIN-SHEEP CLAN, mention of ..... 596
MUDHEADS, same as Tatcuktﬁ ............ 631
MUIOBI (Rio Grande Valley), Hopi clans
from .................................... 582,584
—, clans from ............................ 604—613
MUIYIS'WC', “ﬂower mound “ of .......... 990
MULLER. on TOtonacan number names .. 874

/

NAHUATL or Aztec method of forming

numerals above ten . .. . _ .... _... . . 882-885
, NAHUATL numbers of ...... 806 867, 878 922,928
NAIUCHE, Zuni BOW chief ................ 609
NAKUM, number names of ................ 871
NAMBE, pueblo of, speaks same language
as Hano clans ........................... 614
NAMES FOR PLACES, Indian method of
assigning ................................ 1115
N145: CLAN, census of .................... 620, 622
NASYUNWEVE, Hopi chief, on advent of
clans at Walpi ........................... 585
NATACKA, masks of, reference to ________ 612
NAVAHO, inﬂuence of, on Pueblo archi<
tecture ................................. 642—643

 

NEILL, EDWARD DUFFIELD, on Stephen
Brulé as ﬁrst white man to visit Ojibwa. 1059
—, on Ojibwa eating human ﬂesh with

wild rice _... -..... _... 1084
—, on Dakota villages ..................... 1045
—, on cause of Dakota migration from

wild-rice ﬁelds ................... . ....... 1044
—, on Dakota wild-rice moon ............. 1090
—, on Dakota tying Wild rice ............. 1058
~, on Dakota curing wild rice ............ 1064
—, on Dakota thrashing wild rice ........ 1068
—, on Dakota eating wild rice ............ 1083
—, on Dakota storing wild rice ........... 1072
—, on popular synonym for wild rice 10:51
—, on inﬂuence of Wild rice on geographic

nomenclature .............. ; ........... 1123
NELSON, AVEN, on absence of wild rice

in Wyoming ............................. 1032
NEWBERRY, J. S., on wild rice in Lake

Huron .................................... 1037
NEW BRUNSWICK, wild rice in ........... 1037
NEWCOMBE, F. C., on wild rice in Michi-

gan ....................................... 1030

  
 

NEWFOUNDLAND, wild rice in-_ ...... 1037
NEW MEXICO, Hopi clans from- . --.- 582, 584
—, PUEBLOS of. clans from .............. 604—013
NEW YORK COLONIAL DOCUMENTS, on

popular synonym for wild rice ......... 1023
NICOLLET, SIEUR JEAN, on discovery of

Menomini, and their use of wild rice. .. 1048
NIEL, on migrations of Tanoan people. .. 611
NISHINAM. number names of --._....__. 871
NIZA, FRIAR, on Cibola ................... 650
NORTHWEST FUR COMPANY, dependence

of, on wild rice .......................... 1103
NOTATION AND AUGMENTATION. ..... 839—843

 

NUCAKX, Spanish mission house at old

Walpi .................................... 580
NUMBER-CONCEPT, germs of ............ 843—847
NUMBERS, in Mexican codices .......... 934-948
—, integral. primitive symbols of, extra-

natural potencies ...................... 842—843
—. mythic and ceremonial use of ....... 948-955
—, place of, in growth of knowledge . . . 825-828
—, primary .............................. 859-882
—, primitive . _..-. --.... .-.... 821—851
—, law of augmentation in_._. . .. _ 839—842

— systems, and counting, primitive... . 833-843

 

 

      

1152 INDEX [E'l‘H. ANN. 19
Page, Page
NUMERAL SYSTEMs,in the codices ______ 812—819 ORKE’, pueblo of, speaks same language
-——, of Mexico and Central America ..... '853—955 as Hano clans ............................ 614
NUMERATION ............................ 833—839 ORPINP‘O, home of Hano clan ____________ 614
NUTRITION of wild rice ............... 1080-1083 Osnxosn, Menomini chief, reference ‘
—-,importanceof,in primitive sociology. 1089 to.._..___,_.____._______,.______________,, 1019
NUTTALL, on popular synonym for wild 0THOMI, formation of number words in. 879
rice._....-...._........................... 1022 —methodof formingnumbersaboveten. 813,
NUTTALL, Miss ZELIA, on Mexican cal‘ 909, 911]
endar system ... . . . . .. . . .. . . . 935 OTTAWA, see Indians in wild-rice district. 1 97:5
OATS, chemical composition of ........... 1082 —, origin of tribe, meaning of name. .1 1039
OJinWA, see Indians in wild-rice district. 1038 —, tribal history, migrations, and settle-
—, tribal history, migrations, and settle- ment ..................................... 1055
ments of .............................. 1039—1042 —, population of, in 1822 ............... 1108,1110
—, population of.. .. ... ... 1042,1108, 1109,1110 #, Wild rice gathered by ................. 11:61}
—,Dakotaname for ...................... 1040 vtie wild rice..._.....V.._............ ... 1059
— and Dakota warfare ................ 1038-1042 — thrash wild rice .... _ _ . _. -..... . . 1068
— and Fox warfare ........................ 1040 — store wild rice in mococks . .... ._ _ 1072
' and Iroquois warfare ............. 1039 —, Wild-rice moon of._-._._.-..__.._._._..1089
—, date when they entered wild-rice OUACHTENONS, see WEA.
ﬁelds of Wisconsin ...................... 1040 PADDOCK, L. A., on wild rice in Illinois .. 10:39
—, traditional manner of ﬁrst obtaining —, wild rice in Grass lake, Illinois ________ 10:36
Wild rice ............................. 11553—1095 —, on Potawatomi thrashing Wild rice . .. 1070
—, wild rice gathered by. ... . _. . . .. “1625,1063 —, on Potawatomi eating wild rice. . ..... 1083
-— (Rat Portage band) sow wild rice . 1057 PAHO (prayer stick), at Walpi Snake
— (Rice Lake band) sow wild rice ........ 1057 altar ______________________________________ 963
— (Lac Courte Oreille band) sow wild —, at Mishongnovi Cakwaleﬁya altar .... 992

rice..-... 1057
— (Lac Courte Oreille band) tie wild
rice._......._.....,. .......,. 1059—1061
— cure wild rice. .. .. . . 1065,1066
— (Moose-ear river band) cure Wild
rice .................................. 1064—1065

  

— Fond du Lac band) cure wild rice _. _. 1064
— thrash Wild rice .. .... .... ...... 1067
-— winnow wild rice. . ...... . . . . 1070,1071
— store wild rice in cedar-bark bags ..... 1072
— cat wild rice with blueberries _ 1083,1084
—— eat wild rice in Midé’ society lodge, in

war-dance circle, etc ................ 1085-71086
—, time of year when they consume wild

rice .................................. 1087,1088

—, amounts of wild rice harvested by. 1074—1078

  

—-, standard of life of ...................... 1079
—— property—right in Wild rice ............ 1073
—, wild-rice moon Of _____________________ 1089
0.10 CALIENTE, Pueblo village of, typical

of method of building up ............... 644
OKUWAN CLAN, census of. . .. . 621—622
OLNEY, Wild rice harvesting illustration,

reference to ............................. 1057
ONATE, JUAN DE, reference to early visit

of, to Mohoce ......................... 598
OPATA method of counting. . .. .. 879
— method of forming numbers above

ten ...................................... 911

—, number names of ............ 867, 878, 922, 929
OPHIOLATRY, in the Snake dance.... 1008—1009
OPPEL, CHARLES 0., on present use of

wild rice by Whites ...................... 1105
ORAIBI, home of Honani clans... -.. 606
—, location and settlement of, in Hopi

country ................................ 579-580 ,

ORAIBI FLUTE ALTAR, comparison with,
of Mishongnovi ﬂute altar ............. 993—994

ORAIBI SNAKE DANCE, most primitive
form .... .... ...... . ...... . ..

—, in 1896........_..__._.,.__._ ._.__.._...i.

986
961

 

PAIUTE, California, number names of. . 869. 876
—,'Southern, number names of ......... 869,876

 

PAKAB REED CLAN, advent of, at Walpi. 58:3

, PAKAB CLANS, migrations and census
of .... __ .-- ...__ .-...- .-. .-..... ...- 608—610
— group, component clans of . . . .. . 534
PAKATCOMO, pueblo of Patki clan ........ ‘26
—, site of old Patki pueblo ............... 597

 

PALATKWABI (southern Arizona), Hopi
clans from _ _ . . . ._ . 582-583

—, mythic original home of Patki clans. . 597
—, clans from .. . ...__ .... . .-.... 5944503
-—, religious societies from, at W'alpi ..... 623

~, religious societies from .............. 626—630
PALENQUE, basreliefs at .................. 672
—, Inscriptions at ....................... 732-775
—, initial series of ....................... 800-801
PALMER, E DWARD, on Dakota curing Wild

 

 

 

 

rice. -....._...-.... 1065
—, on Dakota thrashing wild rice . . . _ 1068
—, on popular synonym for Wild rice ..... 1023
PALL‘LUKOFI, the Great Snake, in Patki

myths .................................... 597
PANQUICHAs, see PIANKISHAW.

PAFJWU CLAN, mention of ................. 596
PAPAGO, quatern concept among ...... 834—835
PARTICIPANTS, number of, in Walpi

Snake dance._.-...-....._.._......-..... 979
PA’SKIN’, Ojibwa traditionist ......... 1057—1056
PATKI CLANs ......................... 596—603
—, advent of, into Tusayan ............... 6‘36
—-, census of .............................. 599—61 11
—, migrations of. _. ......“l... ...... .... 596—597
PATKI (CLOUD) CLAN, advent of, at

Walpi .................................... 585

.. 596

. .. 597

—GROUP,componentclans of....-.._.._.. 583

PATNE, in Antelope altar .................. 968
PATTERSON, ROGER, reference to, on

drowning of Wild rice ................... 1099

 

ETH. ANN. 19]

Page
PATTERSON, ROGER. on destruction of

Wild rice by storms..............._.-.._ 1100
—, on Ojibwa tying wild rice ............. 1059
—, 011 Ojibwa gathering wild rice ........ 1062
—. on Ojibwa curing wild rice. . .. 1066

—, on Ojibwa thrashing wild rice _ 1068, 1069, 1070

—., on winnowing Wild rice . .... , ...... 1070
—, on amounts of wild rice harvested... 1077
—. on reliability of wild rice crop ........ 1099
PATIrS' CLAN, advent of, into Tusayan... 626
—. migrations of, in ceremonials . . _. 595—596
—, original home and migrations Of.... 595—596
— 0 R017 P, component clans of ............ 583
PA'I‘UNPIBA-PATKI societies ........... 627630 2

PATIIN (SQUASH) CLAN, advent of, at
Walpi .-.... ...... -...._...... ....._-,-_-. 585
PAUTIWA, Hopi Eagle clan chief, refer-

ence to.... .. .......__-._ -... 579,608
PAVANT, number names of _______________ 869
PAWIKPA. same as Ol‘pinp’0.. ___.--._ 614
PAYA (Honduras) method of forming

numbers ...... ...... . ..... ..... ...... .... 915'
PEABODY MUSEUM, reference to _________ 699
—, on Mayan inscriptions in. . _ _ _ ...... 700
PEAH, amounts of wild rice harvested by. 1076
PEAH UTE, standard of life of ........... 1079

PHORIA (Pianria), population of ..... 1108,1110
PEREZ, D. JUAN PIO, on formation of

Mayan number names __________________ 866
—, quoted by Brinton on Mayan numer-

als .................................. 891, 892. 894
—, quoted by Goodman on Copan inscrip-

tions ..................................... 784
PmmAULT, JEAN BAPTISTE. on impor-

tance of Wild rice. to fur traders ________ 1102
PERROT, NICOLAS, on Assiniboin use of

wild rice __..__ .-.... ....... ...... .... .... 1055
—, on Assiniboin sowing wild rice ........ 1057

-—, on Dakota occupancy of wild-rice
country .............................. 1045-1046

—, on Kickapoo and Maskotin ............ 1107
PETEN, number names of ................. 862
PETERS, EIL, on composition of wild

rice ..-._--...._ .._-___ .. __ . 1080—1082
PHALON, PETER, on reliability of wild-

rice crop-...._ -....- ....- 1099
—, on Ojibwa gathering Wild rice. . _ ..... 1062
~, on thrashing wild rice..._........_._.. 1069
—, on winnowing wild rice ............... 1070
~—, on amounts of wild rice harvested... 1077

PHRA'I‘RY,inﬂuence of.on Pueblo archi-
tecture. ...._ ...... ...... ...... .... ...... 631
PIANKIsHAw (Panquichas), population

  

of,in1764 1108
PIANRIA, see PEORIA.
PIBA CLAN, original and subsequent

homes of- --.... .... 601
PlBA-TA BO, TOBACCO-RABBIT CLAN, ad-

vent of,at Walpi ..................... 585
-—, advent of, in Tusayan--.. ........... 626

-—, census of ............................ 602—603
596

—, member of Patki group. .. ....
PICKERING, CHARLES, on wild rice in
Florida; also in Arkansas ............... 1029

PIEDRAS N EGRAS, inscriptions at ...... 7887791
PIG EON-HAWK CLAN, with the Patuﬁ clan 595
—, see KELE CLAN.

INDEX

 

1153

Page

‘ PIKE, ZEEULON MONTGOMERY, on Indian

population in 1806 ........................ 1109
—, on population of Sauk and Fox ........ 1051
—, on popular synonym for wild rice. 1023,1024

—, on Dakota use Of wild rice. ..... ...... 1046
—, on time of year when Dakota consume
wild rice ................................. 1087
—, on dependence of Northwest Fur Com-
pany on wild rice ....................... 1103
—, on inﬂuence of Wild rice on geographic
nomenclature ....................... 1123,1124
PIMA, number names of ................ 868,929
PIMENTEL, CONDE DE HERAS FRANClSCO,
on Opata numerals ..................... 911
PINART, A. L., on Dorasque, Cuna, and
Choco numerals ..... ‘ .................... 9 l7
—, on Guaymi and Guaymi Sabanero nu-
merals .... . .. ........_. 916
~, on Quekchi number names ...... 864, 901—903
PINE CLAN, same as Teniik clan ....... 615,619
PIPIL, numbers of ....................... 867,928
PIRINDA, or Matlaltzincan. n u mber
names of ....................... 873, 879—880, 931
PITHER, ROBERT J. N., on birds destruc-
tive to wild rice ......................... 1027
—, on drowning of wild rice .............. 1099
—, on sowing of wild rice by Rat Portage
Ojibwa ................................... 1057
—, on thanksgiving observance before
wild-rice harvest ........................ 1091
—, on Ojibwa gathering Wild rice ........ 1063
—, on amounts of wild rice harvested.-._ 1075
—, on Ojibwa curing wild rice ........ 1065,1066
, i, on Ojibwa storing wild rice in cedar-
bark bags -..... 1072
PLATT, ALBRECHT, on inﬂuence of wild
rice on geographic nomenclature . ..... 1122
POKAGON, CHIEF SIMON, on wild rice in
Potawatomi mythology .. 1091
-—, on popular synonym for Wild rice 10%

—, on Potawatomi gathering wild
rice ................................... 1062, 1063
-—, on Potawatomi thrashing wild rice in

special bag ............................... 1069
~—, on Potawatomi use of birch-bark
mococks ................................ 1072

—, on failure of wild-rice crop. _ . 1095,1099,1100

—, on Potawatomi mealtime ............... 1087
—, on Potawatomi property-right in wild
rice...._. ........ .... .. ... ... ,._....-.... 1073
—, on Potawatomi wild-rice moon ........ 1089
POKOMAM, formation of number names
in ....................................... 862. 880
POKONCEI, formation of number names
in..-.--.-.. --. ......... 862,880,901
PO’KWOIDE, pueblo of, speaks same lan-
guage as Hano clans ..................... 614
PONTIMA, Antelope priest, description
of ..................................... 984—985
POPE, JOHN, on inﬂuence of wild rice on
geographic nomenclature. .... ... . -..... 1123
POPOLOCA, numbers of ................ 872,930
POPULATION, of Indians in the wild-rice
district. . ...._.... ........._.... ..... 1106—1114
—, of all wild—rice consuming Indians . .. 1055
PORTER, THOMAS C.. on wild rice in
Pennsylvania... ...... .i.... .. ._._. 1032

11 54 INDEX

Page .

PUSONWfY, pueblo of, speaks same lan-

guage as Hano clans ..................... 614
POTAWATOM], see Indians in Wild-rice dis-

trict ...................................... 1053
—, origin of tribe .. _._. _._... . ... 1039
—, meaning of tribal name, history, mi-

grations, and settlement ............. 1039,1053
—, population of. ... ,_. __ ._ __.. 1108,1109.1110
—, population of, consuming Wild rice. . . 1053
—, wild rice gathered by .............. 1062,1063
— thrash wild rice ____________________ 1069—1070
—— store Wild rice in birch-bark boxes. 1072
— eat Wild rice ............................ 1083
—, wild-rice death feast of. .... ... . 1091—1092
—, property-right of, in Wild rice ........ 1073
—, wild-rice moon Of ...................... 1089
POTTERY, ancient, historic value of testi-

mony of ...... . ........................... 604
— urns, in mounds at Santa Rita ....... 678-685
POWELL, MAJOR J. W., on California

number names .......................... 871
—,on Hﬁchndm numeralse.__............. 912
—, on law of activital similarities ........ 827
—, American linguistic stocks of, cited 1. 932
—, on mystical numbers ................... 835
—, on word Nahuatl...._........,___._.... 866
POWERS, STEPHEN, on California num—

ber names ................................ 871
—, on geographic extent of quinary—

vigesimal system ........................ 924
POYI, on advent of clans at Walpi _ _ 585

PRIMITIVE NUMBERS, by W J McGee ._ 821-851
PRIMITIVE PEOPLE, importance of imme-

diate study of __....._. -....- 1056
PRODUCTION of wild rice .. __..- _ 1056-1079
PROPERTY-RIGHT in wild rice _________ 1072-1073
PROVANCHER. ABBE L., on popular syn-

onym for wild rice ...................... 1023
PSIN, meaning of .......................... 1025
PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE, inﬂuence of ag-

riculture on ....-. .-. ... . 640,642
—, inﬂuence of war raids on .............. 611
—, Hopi .... ...-...._..... _._..“... 579—582
— REGION, ancient extent of ............. 639
— RUINS, cause of distribution of ...... 6394540
—, SANADOJiome of Kokop clan_._. ...... 604
PUMA CLAN, associated with Snake—Ante-

lope societies at Walpi .................. 624
PUNCI, home of Kokop clan ............... 604
—, home of Hano clans .................... 614
PUPULUCA, number names of __.. .. 863,873, 931
PUTCE, Hopi Horn and Flute clan chief,

reference to .............................. 579
PUUKON, wooden image of ................ 966
PUUKONHOYA, Hopi war god ............. 589
QUATERNARY CONCEPT, among primitive

people .................................. 834815
QUARTERNARY-QUINARY system, among

primitive people._..._. ...... ...... 848, 850
QUARTERS, CULT of ................. 834, 845—846

QUETZALCOATL (Mexican god of air),
painting of, on wall in Santa Rita
mound ......................... 665, 668, 673, 676

QUEVEDO, A. LAEONE, on Tabo numera-
tion ...................................... 838

QU’ICHE, number names of ............. 862.864

QUICHE-CAKCHIQUEL days, list of ....... 807

[ETIL ANN. 19

Page
i QUINARY system of numbers .......... 875—880
QUINARY-VIGESIMAL SYSTEM, employed
by Nahuatlan, Zapotecan, Mazatecan,
Trikean, Mixean,and Zoquean peoples. 921

—, geographic extent of. .-.. .. 924
—, illustrations of . ...................... 882—890
QUINCUNIAL CONCEPT, among primitive
people .................................. 835—836
QUIRIGUA, inscriptions of ................ 743
-—, monster’s head from ................... 674

RABBIT CLAN, see TABO CLAN.
RADIssoN, PETER ESPRIT, on synonym

for Menomini Indians. _. .... ......“ 1048
—. on Menomini use of wild rice .......... 1048
—, on popular synonym for Wild rice . _.. 1023
-—, on Dakota use of wild rice ............. 1046
—, on Dakota gathering wild rice _ _ ._ _._. 1061
—, on Dakota eating Wild rice ............. 1083
—, time of year Dakota consume wild

rice..... ..................._..... .......__ 1087
—, on location of Huron Indians in Wis-

consin .................................... 1055
RAIN, prominent in Flute ceremony ...... 1005
RAIN CLAN, member of Patki group ..... 596
— SYMBOL, made of kernels of corn._.- 993—994
—,of Macileﬁya altar...............-..._. 989
'—, at Mishongnovi Cakwaleﬁya altar.... 992
—, at Mishongnovi Flute altar ............ 991
RAIN-CLOUD CLAN, associated with Piba.

clan ...................................... 601
RAIN CLOUDS, depicted on Walpi Snake

altar ....................................... 983
RAMA method of forming numbers ...... 918
RAMIREZ, JOSE FERNANDO, on Nahoas

counting ................................. 876

RAU, DR CHARLES, on Palenque Tablet. 733
-—, reference to restoration of Tablet of

the Sun, by .............................. 739
RED CEDAR RIVER, wild rice .in ......... 1034
RED RIVER OF THE NORTH, system of,

wild rice in .............................. 1035

REED CLAN, see PAKAB CLAN.

 

RELATIONS DES J ESUITES, on location of
Winnebago .............................. 1052
—, on location of Potawatomi .. ...... .... 1053
—, on duck at Green bay .................. 1099
—, on Dakota use of Wild rice.. . .--. -..... 1046
—, on Ottawa tying wild rice. ...1_.-. -... 1059
—, on Ottawa gathering wild rice ........ 1063
—, on Ottawa thrashing wild rice ........ 1068
—, on Ottawa storing Wild rice in birch—
bark boxes ............................... 1072
—, on Maskotin eating wild rice .......... 1085
I —, on popular synonym for Wild rice .... 1023
—, on Indian population in wild-rice dis-
1 trict ...................................... 1107
, RELIGIOUS soc1ETIES,from Tokonabi- 624—625
i ——, from Palatkwabi ..................... 626-630
—, at Walpi .............................. 622-630
‘ REREDOS, of Cakwaleﬁya altar ......... 991—992
1 —, of Macileﬁya altar ..................... 998
;,-—, at Shipaulovi altar...... ....-...._. ...- 995
RESE RVOIRs, underground rock-hewn, at
Santa Rita ...... . ...................... 691-692

RICE, CLEANED. chemical composition of . 1082
RICHARDSON, JOHN, on destruction of
wild rice by caterpillars ................ 1100

l
1

 

b.5419“

  

 

E'rn. ANN.19] INDEX 1155
Page Page
Rmos, STEPHEN RETURN. on meaning of SCHOOLCRAFT, HENRY ROWE, on inﬂu-
Dakota words ........................... 1061 ence of wild rice on geographic nomen-
RIGHT-HANDEDNESS, among primitive ‘ clature . ...- . 111.6,1117,1120,1123
people ................................... 845—846 —, on “folle avoine country” ............. 104:2
RITUALS, of East mesa .................. 631—633 —. Wild rice harvesting illustrations.
—, Hopi, growth of ........................ 578 reference to -\ 1057
——. of Hano-----.-.-.-----.-..-_...---..-- 632—633 —-, on Indian population in 1778..---." _ 1109
—, of Sichumovi ...... . ..................... 632 —, on Dakota use of wild rice ........ 1046—1047
—, of Walpi _______________________________ 631—632 —~, on Dakota mealtime. __ . .-. . 1087
RIVERS, names of, inﬂuence of wild rice —, on Menomini use of wild rice _________ 1049
on .................................... 1118—1124 —, on migrations from wild-rice district. 1111
RODMAN, Capt. N. D., on Ojibwa tying —, on Ojibwa tying wild rice ............. 1058
wild rice ................................. 1058 —-, on storing wild rice in bags ____________ 1072
—, on winnowing wild rice ................ 1070 —. on wild rice thrashing holes in Wis-
—, on amounts of wild rice harvested.--. 1077 cousin .................................... 1067
—. on drowning of wild rice .............. 1099 —, on value of wild-rice district to In-
ROLFS, P. H., on Wild rice in Florida ..... 1029 dians ..................................... 1038
ROSNY, LEON DE, on Maya numerals ._ 891,892 -, on wild rice as Indian food ............ 1084
'—, photograph of has-relief de Bernoulli —, on property-right in wild rice ......... 1073
by, cited ................................. 775 —, on Ojibwa. Wild-rice moon ............. 1089
ROTH, H. LING, on Tasmanian number —, on dependence of fur trade on Wild
concepts -__._._..--_.___..-,.-.-_....____ 833 rice ................................... 1102,1104
ROTH, W. E., on Australian binary con- —, on birds destructive to Wild rice ...... 102.7
cept ..................................... 846 SCIENCE, modern, stepping-stones to . . 825,826
—, on Australian numeration ....... 834 SCOTT, PROF. WM. A., acknowledg-
ROYCE, C. 0., on forced migrations of ments to .................................. 1019
\Vinnebago .............................. 1052 SECTIONS OF COUNTRY, named from Wild
RUINS or ARIZONA, architectural char— rice _______________________________________ 1116
acteristics of ancient...... 5T7 , SELER, DR E11,, on Dresden codex ....... ”.99
RUMSEY, W. E.,on absence of wild rice in i, on early Central American day names 808
West Virginia ........................... 1032 —, on importance of Ahau and Mayan
RUSSIA, Wild rice in ....................... 1037 time counts ............................. 816
RYE, chemical composition of ............ 1082 —,on Mayan year of 360 days ............. 748
SALMERON. MARCOS. on Mame numer- SELKIRK, LORI), on wild rice in water
als ...................................... 903—904 system of Red River of the North ..... 1035
—, on Mame number names .............. 864 SEMINOLE, amOunts of wild rice har-
SAN ANTONIO, Texas, number names vested by 1075—1076
from ...................................... 881 . SENARY CONCEPT, among primitive
SA CLAN, census of- 617,622 i people .................................. 815,836
SAND MOUNDs at altars, see also MUIYiiw . SENARY-SEPTENARY SYSTEM, among
wi'! .................................... 900,991 ‘ primitive people ...................... 842,818
— pictures at Hopi altars ....... 966,968,982,995 SENECA, population of, in 1822.... .. .. 1110
— CLAN, same as Nan clan .......... 615,616,620 —. amounts of wild rice harvested by... . 1075
—, soc TCWA CLAN. SERPENT, efﬁgy of, in Santa Rita mound. 689
SANTA RITA (Honduras),mounds at ..... 661 —— HEAD, painting of, on wall in Santa
SANTO DOMINGO. same as Tukwi. Rita, mound.--_....__-__._..._.._-. 667
SAL'K. see Indians in wild-rice district... 1050 SETONTHOMPSON, ERNEST, on tragic
—, tribal names for, and meaning of same. 1050 death of animals ........................ 843
—, population of. -......__.__ .... 1108,1109,1110 SEYMOUR, E. 5., on wild rice in Lake of
~AND FOX, coalition of tribes, history the Woods___.......__.___.._............ 1035
and migrations .. .. . 1050—1051 —,on Ojibwa tying wild rice .............. 1059
H, population of, consuming wild rice. . . 1051 »~, on Ojibwa gathering wild rice ......... 1062
SA'I‘ENEJA. mounds at .................. 690—691 —, on Ojibwa curing wild rice ............ 1065
SAUNDERS, D. W., on wild rice in South —, on Ojibwa thrashing Wild rice ......... 1067
Dakota-_ 1032 ——,on use of birch-barkwinnowingfans.. 1071

SAULTEAUX, origin and migrations
of .................................... 1039—1040
SAYRE, LUCIUS E., on Claviceps pur-

purea -..... ... . 1027
SCHOOLCHAFT, HENRY ROWE, on the
cause of Maskotin migration ........... 1054

~, on meaning of Winnebago tribal name _
1051—1052
—, on popular synonym for wild rice. 1022,1023

, on wild rice in Minnesota river ...... 1055
—. on wild rice in Wisconsin and Minne-
sota .-........___._......-_..__... ..._ 1004

 

SHAWNEE, population of... _ .... . 1108, 1109, 1110
SHEA, JOHN GILMARY, on migrations of

  

the Huron ............................... 1055
-,oncuringwi1drice.._...-....._.._..1065
—, on thrashing Wild rice .................. 1068
—, on wild rice eaten with grease ........ 1084
—, on Dakota eating wild rice ............ 1085
SHIMEK, B., on wild rice in Iowa ......... 1030

SHIPAULOVI, location and settlement of,
in Hopi country .. _ 579—580
— FLUTE ALTARS, comparison of, with
those of Mishongnovi 991—996

 

 

1156 INDEX - [ETIL ANN. 19
Page Page
SIIIPAULOVI, SNAKE DANCE at, in 1896, SNAKES for Snake dance, collection of _ .. 965
r eference to ............................. 964 —, how carried by Snake priests ....... 975976
SIIOSIIONEAN method of counting. .. 879 ' SNOW PEOPLE, in Tusayan ................ 652
—, numbers Of ............... 868—870,876, 878,929 SOBAIPURI, tribe of, Apache raid on ..... 598
SHUNOPOVI, location of,In Hopi country. 579 SONGS, Flute, at Walpi ................ 1002—1003
~, SNAKE DANCE of, in 1896, reference to. 964 SONORAN, number names of ____________ 867—868
SIBABI, site of old Patki pueblo .. -- .. ---. 597 SORROW-MAKING CLAN, see TUBIC CLAN.
SIBERIA, wild rice in .................... 1037 SOUTHERN PAIUTE, numbers of ........ 92.3, 929
SICHUMOVI, component clans of ........ 582—584 SOWI CLAN, associated with Piba clan . . . 601
—, detached houses in ................... 649—650 SOWING WILD RICE ..... ' .................. 1057
-—, founded by Asa women ................ 611 —, early Ojibwa traditions of ......... 1057-1058
—, location and settlement of, in Hopi SoYALUNA, or Winter—solstice ceremony. 596
country ................................ 579—530 SPANIARDS, inﬂuence of, on removal of
—, population of. by clans ................ 614 old WalpI_- 580—581
— PUEBLO, language and culture of ...... 633 —, where they ﬁrst found Walpi ......... 580
——RITUAL.--..........-..-.-...-.-... 632 SPANISH PADREs,inﬂuenceof,onHopi. 581—582
SIKYABOTIMA, Flute courier at Walpi. .. SPENCER, HERBERT F., on Australian in-
1001-1004 termarrying groups ..................... 836
SIKYAHONAUWC’, man of TﬁWa. clan ..... 596 SPITTLE, meaning of ejecting, at Snake .
SIKYAOWATCOMO, rocky eminence near dance _____________________________________ 976
old Hano pueblo ........................ 615 , SPRINGs, importance of, in Hopi-settle-
SI KYATKI, founding of . . . .... . --..- -. ...- 536 ment ceremonials ________________________ 592
—— POTTERY, value of testimony of . ...... 604 SQUASH CLAN, see PATUN CLAN.
— PUEBLO, destruction of ................ 580 SQUIER, EPHRIAII GEORGE, on Nagranda
SILETz AGENCY INDIANS, standard of numerals _________________________________ 912
life of .................................... 1079 ST CROIX RIVER, wild rice in ............. 1034
SIMF'JON. REML on Nahuatl Dumber ST LOUIS (MINNESOTA) RIVER system,
names .................................. 866,883 Wild rice in .............................. 1035
SI MILATON (Honduras) method of form- STANDARD BEARERs, description of ..... 998
ing numbers .............................. 916 STANDARD OF LIFE, of Indian tribes- 1078—1079
SI NACANTAN. numbers of— ...... 881,931 STEPHEN, A. M., acknowledgment to 987
SIOKI, home of Asa clan .................. 610 ——, on advent of clans at Walpi ........... 585
SIOUAN LANGUAGE. inﬂuence of, on geo- _, on determination of Hopi clans _______ 651
graphic nomenclature .................. 1115 —, reference to ............................ 578
— STOCK, plains Indians .............. 1043-1044 —, on traditions revealing early Hopi con-
SIOUX, meaning of name ................. 1039 ditions ___________________________________ 648
SKIN BAGS, for storing wild rice . . 1072 _, on migrations of Pakab clans __________ 608
SMITH. JOHN on popular synonym for STEPHENS, JOHN L., on bus-reliefs at
wild rice.._........-..-..--.. ....... 1022 Labphak ................................. 67L
—, on wild rice planted at LinOOlnshire. . 1037 —, on has-reliefs at Palenque ............. 7
SNAKE ALTAR, characteristics of .......... 966 —, on rock-hewn reservoirs at Uxmal ...... 692
SNAKE-ANTELOPE SOCIETIES, original STEVENSON Mrs MATILDA COXE, mem-
composition and development of --.. 624—625 oir of, referred to ........................ 971
SNAKE CLAN, see TCt‘A CLAN. —, reference to ............................ 982
~—',plominence of in Snake dance ....... 965 STICKNEY, GARDNER P., wild rice har-
—— and Snake society, relationship of-1006—1007 vesting illustration, published by ...... 1057
— DANCE, duration of ..................... 964 —, acknowledgments to ................... 1105
—, meaning of ............................. 1008 STOLL, DR OTTO, on Aguacateca and other
—, at Mishongnovi, in 1897 .............. 964—976 numerals above ten ..................... 905
—, at Walpi, in 1897 ...................... 976—985 —, on Cakchikel numerals .. . .. .-."--. 899
—, the most primitive form of ............ 986 —, cited on Cakchiquel language by Good
SNAKE AND FLUTE RITES, gods in.- .. 10094011 man ...................................... 809
~, needs of worshiper in .............. 1009-1011 —, on formation of Mayan number
SNAKE-HUNTING implements. 970 names__--..-._...._-_-.-___...-.-._-----. 865
SNAKE PEOPLE, in Tusayan .............. 652 —, on Huastica numeral system .......... 894
—— PRIESTS, same as Tcﬁwimpkia - 623—624 —., on 1in numerals ..................... 901—905
—, functions of “carrier," “hugger,“and ——, on Mame number names .............. 864
“gatherer” .....-...-. 975 —, on old and new Mayan numeral sys-
—,partsp1ayedby,inAntelopeandSnake tems 891
dance .................................. 975—976 —, on names of numbers in Mayan dia-
— RITES, interpretation of .-.. - ... 1009—1011 lects ____________________________________ 861—863
— SOCIETY kiva. at Mishongnovi ......... 966 —, on Pipil number names ................ 867
—, census of ............................... 625 —, on Pokonchi numerals. . .... ... . -..... 901
— YOUTH AND WOMAN .................... 1008 —, on Tzotzil and other numerals ........ 906
— WASHING, motive for .................. 973 —, on Zoquean number names--- .-. . ---. 873
——- WHIPS, in Snake ceremonies ..... 969, 972,975 STORING WILD RICE .................. 1071—1072
SNAKES, ceremony of washing. .. .. . 970-973 H, mechanical means employed in ....... 1072

 

ETH. ANN. 19]

Page ‘
STORING WILD RICE, reasons for ______ 1071—1072
STORMS, destructive to wild rice, . ., . 1027,1100

STRAWBERRIEs. chemical composition of 1081 ‘

STUART, ROBERT, on dependence of fur

trade on aboriginal production ......... 1104
STUNTz, A. C., on tying wild rice . . . 1058 '
—, on Ojibwa curing wild rice ............ 1066
—, on thrashing wild rice by treading... 1068
STURGEON, chemical composition of _____ 1081
SUBINA, number names of ................ 863
SUFFIXES, use of, in Mayan number

names .................................. 864-865
SULLIVAN, JEREMIAH, reference to- .. 609
SUMAIKOLIS, Cult, and priests of ........ 631
SUMO (Honduras) method of forming

numbers ..__-__-. 914—915
— (Nicaragua) method of forming numer-

als..__~ .................................... 915 L
SUN, prominent in Flute ceremony ______ 1005
SUN EMBLEM, bearer of, description of.- 998
SUN, TABLET OF THE ____________________ 761—765 '
—, initial series of, inscriptions of ........ 801
—, TEMPLE OF THE, inscriptions found in . 732 ‘
SUNOITIWA, member of Asa clan, cited.- 598
SUPELA, Snake priest at Walpi ___________ 977

SWASTIKA, a primitive number symbol. 840—841
SYMBOLISM, use of, in Snake and Flute
r1tes1010—1011

   
 

TABASCO, ruins of, inscription of“ . 806
TABLET OF THE CBoss,_..__ ,. _ .1 733—761
—, initial series of, inscriptions of ........ 800
TABLET OF THE FOLIATEI) CRoss ..... 765—771
—, initial series of, inscriptions of ........ 801
TABLET OF THE SUN- "61—765
—, initial series of, inscriptions of ________ 801
TABO (RABBIT) CLAN, advent of, at

Walpi .................................... 585
~, member of Patki group .............. 596
—, associated with Piba clan .............. 601
TABO-PIBA GROUP, component clans of _ . 583
——, advent of, at W’alpi .................... 585
TAIOWA, statuette of, at Shipaulovi

altar ................................ , ,,,,,, 995
TAKHTAM, numbers of . .._. ._.. ___. 870,923,930
TANNER, EDWARD, on wild rice in Fox

river . ___. ___. ___... ....__ ___... __ ___. ___. 1034
—, on Ojibwa tying wild rice ............. 1058
—, on Ojibwa gathering wild rice ________ 1061
—, on Ojibwa curing wild rice ........... 1065
—, on Ojibwa thrashing wild rice ........ 1067
—, on Ojibwa winnowing wild rice. _ ..._. 1071
—, on Ojibwa storing Wild rice ........... 1072
——, on Ojibwa use Of Wild rice in Minne-

sota _._ ______....-_...-__., .... .......... 1035
—, on amounts of wild rice harvested by

Ojibwa ................................... 1074
—. on time of year when Ojibwa con-

sume wild rice. . _____ ___..- 1087
TANNER, JOHN, on synonym for Menom-

ini, .._.______ __-_-_-_ . 1048
—, on Indian thanksgiving feasts ........ 1091
—, on Ottawa wild-rice moon ............. 1089
—, on dependence of fur traders on wild

rice. 1103
TANO, migrations of ....................... 611
—— CLAN compulsory migrations of ..... 605—606

19 ETH, PT 2—01—39

INDEX 1 1 57

Page
TANSY—MUSTARD CLAN, see ASA CLAN.
TAPOLO, reference to_,_.._.--....-.....l. 601
TARAHUMARI method of counting ....... 868,
878, 879, 911, 922, 929
TARAsCAN or Michoacan, numbers of . . . 874,
878, 880, 909—910, 931
TKTKTL, number names of ................ 871
TATAUKYAMU, religious society at Walpi.
source and census of .................. 623, 628
TATCUKTU, ancient order of priests ______ 631
TCAKWAINA CLAN, see ASA CLAN.
~, MASK, of Asa clan ..................... 612
TCAKWAINAKI, home of Asa clan ....... 610
TCAMAHIA (ﬂat stone implements)‘, in
Walpi Snake dance ...................... 982
— (mythic) HOPI CLAN, mentioned ...... 589
; TCEWADI, original home of Hano clans._ 614
TCOSHONIWC‘ (Tcino), Antelope priest,
description and functions of . .1... .. ,_ 984, 985
—, prominent Snake priest ............... 977
TCUA(SNAKE)CLAN, advent of, at Walpi 585—586
TCUA GROUP, component clans of ........ 582
— CLANs, census of ...................... 587—588
—, original home and early migrations
of ....................................... 587—‘90
TCUAMANA, ancestress Of Snake clan ..... 965
TCUBKWITCALOBI, see J ETTIPEHIKA.
TCUBWIMPKIA, a religious society from
Tokonabi, at Walpi ................... 623—624
TCUKUBI, founded by Patuﬁ clan--. . 626
—, foundation Of ........................... 596
—, settlement of ........................... 595
TCUKUWIMPKIYAS CULT ................. 631
TCUWIMPKIA, a religious society from
Tokonabi, at Walpi .................... 623—624
TEJON PAss, numbers of ................. 930
TELLECHEA, MIGUEL, on Tarahumari
numerals __________ . ...................... 911
TEMPLE OF THE CROSS, at Palenque, bas
reliefs at ................................ 673
—, at Palenque, ﬁgure on, compared with
one at Santa Rita ........................ 668
TEMPLE or INscmrTIONs ______________ 771—775
—. initial series of, inscriptions of ........ 801
TEMPLE, MOUND-COVERED, at Santa Rita,
builders of ............................. 670—673
—, destroyers of ......................... 673—675
—, probable date of building ........... 676—677
TENUK CLAN, census of _________________ 619,622
TEPEHUAN, numbers of ................ 868. 929
TERNARY CONCEPT, among primitive peo-

' ple ..................................... 847—848
TERRAVA, numbers of .................. 882, 931
TETSOGI, speaks same language as Hano

clans ..................................... 614
TEWA CLAN, allied with Asa clan against

the Ute .................................. 610
—, compulsory migration of ............ 605—606
THIEL, on number names of Terrava-.._ 882
THOMAS, DR CYRUS, on Hai-it numera-

tion ...................................... 838
—, on Mayan calendar periods _ ___. ._.... 675
—, Mayan calendar systems, by . _ .....- 693-819
—, on Mayan day symbols ................ 671
—, numeral systems of Mexico and Cen-

tral America, by ....................... 853—955

 

 

\

 
 
 

1 1 5 8 INDEX [ETFL ANN. 19
Page Page
THOUGHT, PRIMITIVE, characteristics of TSCHUKSCHI method of forming num-
828—833 bers above ten ...................... l 913
THRASHING WILD RICE, mechanical TUBIC CLAN ............................... 583
means employed in ...................... 1070 TUCANO, probably same as Tctonteac _ .. 599
— by ﬂailing ............................... 1069 TURCZANINOW, on scientiﬁc synonym for
— by churndasher-like stick .......... 1068—1069 Wild rice ................................. 1021
— by rubbing, bruising,and shaking. . 1069-1070 TURNER, PROF. FREDERICK J ., acknowl-
—— by treading ......................... 1067—1068 edgments to ............................. 1019
—, supporting sticks used during . .. . 1067, 1069 TURNOA, Flute chief at Walpi ....... 1001—1004
— HOLES, for wild rice ................ 1067-1069 TURWI, home Of Asa clan _________________ 610
— MACHINE, ﬁrst form of ............. 1066—1067 TURTLES, eﬂigies of, in Santa Rita
THWAITEs, REUBEN GOLD, acknowledg- mounds ................................ 680—681
mentsto.-........--.-...---.-.-..--...... 1020 TUTTLE, A. H., on wild rice in Virginia. 1032
—, on wild rice in Fox river .............. 1034 TUSAYAN CLANs, localization of, by Cos
TIG ERs, eﬂ‘igies of, in Santa Rita mounds. mos Mindeleff .......................... 635-653
680, 684,687 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS, by
TIKAL INSCRIPTIONS .................... 775—776 Dr Jesse Walter Fewkes ............. 573—633
TIME UNITS, Mayan, employed in count- TUSAYAN SNAKE AND FLUTE CEREMO-
ing ........................................ 860 NIES, by Dr Jes‘se Walter Fewkes ._ 957—1011
— SERIES, in the codices and inscriptions. 715— TUWA (SAND) CLAN, advent of, at Walpi. 585
791 —, member of Patki group ................ 596
TIPONI on altars --.- 966 TUWA-KUKUTC CLAN, census of ...... .. 603
—-—, at Mishongnovi Flute altar... 989 — GROUP, component clans of ........ .. 583
—, as “ mother,” probable meaning of . .. . 1005 —, advent of, at Walpi .................... 585
—, renewal of Flute ............ . ...... 1003—1005 TL‘WANACABI, home of Hanani clans... 606
—, at Walpi, importance of, called TUWAPONTUMSI, “Earth-altar woman ” . 596
“ mother ” ...... . ........................ 980 TYING WILD RICE, bast use in ........ 1058—1061
—, use and importance of, in Snake —, mechanical means employed in ....... 1061
dance .................................... 980 —, reasons for ......................... 1058, 1059
TOBACCO CLAN, see PIBA CLAN. TZENTAL, days, list of .................... 807
—, same as Sa clan ...................... 615-617 ~, number names of .................... 862, 863
TOBIKHAR, numbers of. . 870878928330 TZOTZIL, number names of . . . -..... 862, 863, 906
Tono CLAN, relations with Tciia clan. . 588—590 UHLE, ADOLPH, on Bribi numerals ...... 919
TOKOANU (HOPI) CLAN, reference to .... 583 UMPQUA,amounts of Wild rice harvested 1076
TOKONABI (Southern Utah), clans from. 587— UNBA, ancient Hano spring on East
594 mesa ...................................... 615
—, pueblo of, referred to .................. 586 UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM,
—, religious societies from, at Walpi. .. 623—624 Mayan codices in ....................... 700

TOREVA, march of Flute society to the

pueblo of .............................. 999—1000
ToRREs STRAITS, people of, number
names of ................................. 877
TOTONACA method of forming numbers
above ten .............................. 911,931
—, kingdom of ............................. 598
TOUMEY, J. W., on absence of wild rice
in Arizona ............................... 1029
TRACY, S. M., on wild rice in Missis-
sippi ...................................... 1030
TRADITIONS, Hopi, ignorance of, by
young tribesmen ........................ 579
~, Indian, historic value of. .... ...- . .. 1039
TRADITIONISTS, Hopi, integrity and reli-
ability of.............. ..,.......... ...... 579
TRAILL, CATHERINE PARR, on appear-
ance of wild-rice plant .................. 1025
—, on gathering wild rice ................. 1063
—, on wild rice eaten with venison ....... 1084
TRELEASE, WILLIAM, on Entyloma cras-
tophilum ................................. 1027
TRIKE.meaning of number words in ...- 879
—— method of forming numbers. . 872, 908, 930
TROANO CODEX, on Cauac day symbol
from ..................................... 671
--, cited .................................. 809,810
—, dominical days of ...................... 705

TROUT (LAKE), chemical composition of . 1082

 

UNIVERSITY OE PENNSYLVANIA, on Ma.
yan inscriptions in, and acknowledg-

ment to .................................. 700
UPHAM, WARREN, on wild rice in Minne-

sota and Wisconsin .................. ' 1035,1036
URICOECHEA, E., on Chibcha numerals . . 918
USPANTEGA, number names of ........... 862
UTE, on defeat of, by Tewa ............... 616
—, on removal of Old Walpi ................ 580
—, on inﬂuence of, on Pueblo architec-

ture ...................................... 6-11
UTCEVACA, site of old Patki pueblo ...... 597
USTILAGO ESCULENTA, destruction of

wild rice by .............................. 1027
VASEY, Dr GEORGE, on wild rice in Si- '

beria ..................................... 1037
VATICAN CODEX, number and day sym-

bols from .............. 937, 938, 943—944, 947-948

VERWYST, CHRYSOSTUM, on inﬂuence of
wild rice on geographic nomenclature. 1119

~—, on the Assiniboin ...................... 1055
—, on meaning of Ojibwa words ......... 1061
—, on Ojibwa eating wild rice ............ 1085
VEYTIA, MARIANO FERNANDEZ D‘ECRE—
VERRIA Y, on early Toltec migration . . 676
—, on Mexican calendar system ....... 935
VICEYTA, number names of ............ 882,931 ,

VIGESIMAL SYSTEM, geographic extent
of .................................. 859,925

’mmj..xm>.1m:sarlmmmawx Ln.“ _, ., .A .

 

 

 

 

   

ETH. ANN. 19] INDEX 1 1 59
Page 1 Page
VIGESIMAL SYSTEM, employed by Mexi~ WHITE MAN, dependence of, on wild
can and Mayan peoples ............. 921, 924 rice .................................... 1101—1105
—-, origin and spread of _____________ 926,927,928 WHITES, as spectators, inﬂuence of, on
VILLAGE, PUEBLO, method of building up 644 Snake dance _____________________________ 978
VILLAGES, INDIAN. location of ........... 1117 WHORTELBERRI Es, chemical composition
WALPI, advent of Patuﬁ clans at . 595 of ......................................... 1081
— Antelope altar at ....................... 980 WIANDOTS, population of ........ 1108,1109.1110
— ,building of, by advent of numerous WIGWAMS, see CEDAR BARK, BIRCH
clans .................................. 585—586 BARK; also list of illustrations- -.. . 1017
—, causes 0f removal from .............. 580—581 WIHINACHT, number names of ........... 870
—, component clans of .................. 582—584 WIKI, Antelope priest, description of . .. 984
-—, chronologic sequence of advent of —, functions of ............................ 977
clans at ................................. 585—586 —, Hopi Snake clan chief, reference to _ . . 579
—. date of founding modern .............. 587 .WIKWALIOBI-KIVA, mention of ........... 611
—, Flute ceremony at, in 1896 ......... 1000—1005 W1KYATIWA, Antelope priest, descrip-
—. location and settlement of, in Hopi tion and function of ..................... 985
country .................................. 579 —, on advent of clans at Walpi ........... 585
-—, population of, by clans ................. 614 —— (HOPI, SNAKE) CLAN chief, reference
——, pueblo, origin, and culture of ......... 633 to ......................................... 579
—, religious societies at ................. 622—630 WILD RICE, botany of .................... 1021
— RITUAL ............................... 631—632 —, scientiﬁc description of ................ 1025
—, Snake dance at, in 1891,1893, reference —, popular description of ................. 1025
to ......................................... 964 —, scientiﬁc synonyms for ................ 1021
—, Snake dance at, in 1897 ............... 976—985 —, popular synonyms for ............. 1022—1024
——, OLD, sites of .......................... 580—581 —, natural enemies of ..................... 1026
WAR RAIDS, inﬂuence of, on Pueblo —, general habitat of ................ . ...... 1028
architecture ............................. 641 -, habitat of, by States ............... 1028—1033
WARDEN, on inﬂuence of wild rice on —, habitat of, in “ wild-rice district "_ 1033—1036
geographic nomenclature ............... 1122 —, foreign habitat of .................. 1036—1037
WARREN, WILLIAM W., on meaning of —- in Winnebago tribal mythology ....... 1091
Sank and Fox tribal names ............. 1050 — in Menomini tribal organization. . . 1090—1093
~—, on separation of Assiniboin from their —- in Potawatomi tribal mythology . . 1091—1093
Siouan kinsmen _-.. ._ _. . .-_ _ .. . . . .. __ 1054 — in Ojibwa tradition ....... 1057—1058, 1093—1095
—, on traditional history of Ojibwa, Pota- —, reasons for ﬁrst use of- _ ..._. .. . 1113-1114
watomi, and Ottawa ................ 1038-1039 —, sowing of .. ................. 1057—1058
—, on Wild rice in Mille Lacs .......... 1035-1086 —, tying of ........ .- . ....I . 1058—1061
—, on Ojibwa use of wild rice ............. 1042 —, gathering of ........................ 1061—1064
—, on time of year when Ojibwa consume —, curing of ........................... 1064—1066
wild rice ................................. 1088 —, thrashing of ....................... 1066—1070
—, on inﬂuence of wild rice on geographic —, winnowing of ...................... 1070—1071
nomenclature ........................ 1116,1120 —, storing of ........................... 1071—1072
WARRIOR, description of man to repre- —, property-right in .................. 1072-1073
sent in Flute ceremony ................. 999 —, amounts of, harvested ............. 1073—1079
WARRIORS, paintings of, on wall' In Santa —, nutrition of ........................ 1080—1083
Rita mound ............................. 665— 667 — cooked for food ................ 1083—1086, 1091
‘ WASHING THE SNAKES _..._. ..._ _ __ 977—978 —, periods of its consumption _-. .--_. 1086—1088
WATCHANDIES, number names of ........ 877 — feast, at harvest time .................. 1091
WATER,high, destruction of Wild rice by. 1027, —— harvest, religious Observances con-
1099, 1100 nected with ............................... 1091
WATERFOWL, destructive to wild rice 10% —, social and economic interpretations
WATER-HOUSE CLAN, associated with of, in its inﬂuence on the Indian.-.- 1089—1114
Piba clan ................................. 601 —, value of, per busheL -. -._._. 1078
WATER PEOPLE, arrival of, at Tusayan_. 652 —, importance of, to Indian. -. .. _---.. 1096
WEA (Ouachtenons) , population of in 1764. 1108 1097. 1098, 1100—1101
WEHE,on site of Katcina kiva.-.. .._... 607 ——, weight of, per bushel .................. 1075
WENIBOJé, the mythic personage who —, importance of, to fur trade ........ 1101—1104
ﬁrst gave wild rice to the Ojibwa _ _ 1093—1094 —, reliability of crop of ..... 1095,1099—1101.1114
WESTERN J 0URNAL,on wild rice in water —, dependence of white man on ...... 1101—1105
system of Red River of the North ..... 1035 — villages, Dakota . . . _..... .. .._. 1045,10461047
WHEAT, chemical composition of-__. . __ .- 1082 — villages, Ojibwa ........................ 1043
WHEELER, C. F., on wild rice in Michigan 1030 —, inﬂuence of, on geographic nomencla- -
WHIPs, see SNAKE WHIPS. ture ............................. 1042,1115—1126
WHITE-FISH, whole, chemical composi- — DISTRICT, Indian population in.. .. 1106—1114
tion of .................................... 1082 F —— planted in England ....... . ............. 1037
WHITE HOMINY, commercial, chemical I WILD RICE. GATHERERS' of the Upper
composition 0f .......................... 1081 Lakes. by Dr Albert Ernest J enks . 1013-1137

1160 INDEX

Page
WILLIAMS, THOMAS A., on value of duck
to Indians ................................ 1098
WILLIAMSON, JOHN P., on Dakota gath-
ering wild rice._--.____. . . _ 1062
—, on Dakota tying Wild rice _____________ 1058
—, on Dakota thrashing wild rice ........ 1069
—, on Dakota use of Wild rice. . .. . 1047
WILSON, EDWARD F., on meaning of
Ojibwa words .......................... 1061
—. on meaning and use of “ meno " . . 1024
—, on popular synonym for wild rice .... 1023
—. on Ojibwa wild-rice mOon ............. 1089
WILSON, H. V., on wild rice in North
Carolina .................................. 1031
WILSON, on the swastika ................. 840
WINBA, home of Katcina clan ............ 607
WINIMA, home of Calako ................. 612
WINNEBAGO, see Indians in wild-rice dis-
trict ...................................... 1051
—, ﬁrst historic mention of ................ 1052
—, tribal names, history, migrations, and
settlement of ........................ 1051—1053
—, population of .................. 1108, 1109, 1110
—, on popular synonym for wild rice _. __ 1023
— cure Wild rice ........................... 1065
— thrash Wild rice by ﬂailing ............ 1069
—, population of, consuming Wild rice . . 1053
WINNIPEG water system, wild rice in . .. 1035
WINNOWING wild rice ................ 1070—1071
—, mechanical means used in ............ 1071
WINSHIP, G. PARKER. on Coronado ..... 599
WINUTA, (FLUTE) CHIEF, description of,
and renewing of tiponi by __________ 1003—1004
WISCONSIN FUR TRADE ACCOUNTS, on
popular synonym for Wild rice. . . . ..... 1023
WIS. HIST. COLLS., on duck in Green bay. 1098
—, on popular synonym for wild rice . 1023
—, on dependence of fur traders on wild
rice ....................................... 1103
—, on Menomini population ............... 1049
—, on synonyms for Menomini Indians. _ . 1048
—, on Ottawa gathering wild rice ........ 1063
—, on Ojibwa. eating wild rice . ... .... 1085
WIS. HIST. Soc. MS.COLL., on importance
Of wild rice to the Indian. 1096 3

 

[ETH. ANN. 19

Page
WISCONSIN INDIANS (Ouisconsins), pop-
ulation of, in 1764...- 1108
WISCONSIN RIVER. wild rice in. _ . 1034
WOLF RIVER, wild rice in ................ 1084
WOLL, PROE. F. W., acknowledgments
to....... .. ......-_...._ 1020
—. on chemical composition of Wild rice . 1080—
1082
WOMAN, man’s first thrashing machine . _ 1066—
1067
WOMEN, members of Snake society ...... 979
WOODWARD, R. 8., on pure. mathemat-
ics ........................................ 827
WOOTON, E. 0., on absence of Wild rice
inNeW Mexico.-.............-..._-..... 1031
WUKOANU. (HOPI) CLAN, reference to . 583
WUKOKI PUEBLO, by whom built ........ 589
WUKOPAKABI, home of Hano clans ...... 614

STAGAMI, see Fox INDIANS.
WUWUTCIMTﬁ, religious society at Wal-

 

pi, source and census of ............... 623, 628
XINCAN, number names .................. 881
YAKIMA, amounts of wild rice harvested

by ....................................... 1075
YAQUIS method of forming numbers

above ten ................................ 909
YEAR, MAYAN, various interpretations

of ....................................... 747—748
YET’TRIPIH, number names of _ . ...... 871
YMOLINA, LUIS DE N EVE, on formation

of Othomi numerals ..................... 909
—, on Othomi annumerals ................ 909
—, on Othomi annumbers .................. 873
—, on Othomi number names ............. 873
YUCATAN, ruins of, inscriptions of ...... 806
—. has—reliefs at ........................ .. _ . 672
ZAPOTEC method of forming numerals

above ten .............................. 885—888
—, numbers of ....................... 872,930
ZIZANIA AQUATICA. . . 1021
— MILIACEA ............................... 1022
ZOQUE, formation of number words in . _ . 873—

874, 880, 907, 930
3 ZUNI, see SIOKI ............................ 610
ZU‘S‘I CALAKO, came from Minima ....... 612

 

 

 

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