&% OPERATION
L....... THE LITHUANIANS

IN THE

 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

GH

DISSERTATION

Submitted to the Faculty of Philosophy of the Catholic University
of America in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Doctorate of Philosophy.

Li

By
FABIAN S. KEMESIS
Catholic University of America
Washington, D. C.
1924 .

 
AMONG THE LITHUANIANS

IN THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

GH

DISSERTATION

Submitted to the Faculty of Philosophy of the Catholic University
of America in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Doctorate of Philosophy.

Li

By
FABIAN S. KEMESIS
Catholic University of America
Washington, D. C.
1924
 
COOPERATION
AMONG THE LITHUANIANS

IN THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

5

DISSERTATION

Submitted to the Faculty of Philosophy of the Catholic University
of America in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Doctorate of Philosophy.

By
FABIAN S. KEMESIS
Catholic University of America
Washington, D. C.
1924
 
HD
24460
=b

MAIN

In compliance with current copyright law,
U. C. Library Bindery produced this volume
on paper that meets ANSI Standard Z39.48-1992
to replace the deteriorated, damaged, or lost original.

2013
 
CONTENTS

Page
TOREWORD ae a 5
CHAPTER I1— RACIAL BACKGROUND. ~~ © = ____ 7
A Pew Historical Facts... —.---~—~—-—--c C=C 7
The Causes of Emigration. 4 o_o. 9
Lithuanian Immigration to the United States____________ 10
Certain. Chavacleristies. oo oo Cl We 13
Cooperative Movement in Lithuania __________.________ 14
CHAPTER II.—THE BEGINNING OF THE MOVEMENT IN THE
UNITED. STATES nn 17
CHAPTER III.—_CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT___ 19
Definition and Classification of Cooperation _____________ 19
The Motives and Aims of the Organizers of the First Stores. 21
Personal Charvacteristies. .  _. 2 _*_ 23
The Movement in Massachusetts... ______ = 2 ~~ __ 24
The Time of Establishment of Thirty-two Societies and of
Failure of Sixteen Societies... ___ = 25
Cooperative Bducation Meetings _--____"_ _ © _ ________._ 26
VollAg weve a Smad CO aL a 26
Intevest on Share: Capital... ooo o_o 0 ori 27
Purchase Dividends... in cnn el 28
The Importance of Competent Leadership ______________ 28
Granting of Credit... CC Ts 29
Employees and Their Salavies. _________- © _ __  _ _____._. 30

Comparative Table of Membership, Shares, Interest, Divi-
dends, Turnover, and Surplus of Lithuanian and American

Societies: oo a 31
Assets and Liabilities_____ fm et mn i Sh SC 31
ACCOR. na EE Re El 32
Relations with the Amevicon People. ___~__- ~~~ : 32
The Concluslond... .oeemaen di a un Ll i 33

CHAPTER IV.—DIFFICULTIES. CAUSES OF FAILURE______ 85
Answers from Varlong Classes... __ o_o __ 35
Tatellectual Defleleneles ooo o-oo 35
Political Differences... i 36
Chovocter Deficiencies... Lo J... 37
Outside Difficuliles.. ... ob 38
Conges of Ballure. od a 44

CHAPTER V— INSURANCE COOPERATION __________.______ 45
Wield of Invesiigallon. ol 45
Motives of Organizers. oo rs 46
Character of the Societies... ._ ____ __  .n 47
Insurance Societies... a 49
Binanelol Satus. ico Ce a 51
Cultural Achievements... = oY aaah El 52

[3]
E

aan
CONTENTS—Continued

Page
Anoloomotion of Seeleties =... aie 52
Lithuanian B. C: Alliance of Ameren... vee nnn 53
Lithuanian National Allianee of America... oven 54
Lithuonlom BR. ©. Woman Alliawee. 55
ConCIuSIONS) «= cobain iim Sai os lS Sid dri iihsrmss bm wht 4 55
CHAPTER VI.—.OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT—AT-
TEMPTS. TO. UNIFPY. IT. .iicen so 300 0B G00 Dh 57
Building and Loan Asgeeciationsi 0 00. 57
"The Aim and Character of Organization... .. .fcccaena... 57
The Besullg oon vmnes sion on L SID SRE) IHR SE, 58
The .Opinion ‘of an American. L... LL ulol Bo 0d 0 00... 60
Cooperative Halls... cooow ona mane niin coe soci Loe bogs 62
Cooperative Produetion. oli. o.oo... ouou sme. oom 63
Attempt to Unify the Movement... ... .. 5; 65
CHAPTER VIIL.—-GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE
MOVEMENT cu Le ni ne del erst fain so En on 67
Rich Endowment and the Factors of Destruction _______ 67
Helplegsness in Pace of Advergity. . . _ eo... _ ze con. 69
PactioNIMSIN ois oi 0m od ah Ye AE ero i i in 70
Total Abandonment by Intellectuals. aed bi dion. nn 70
Difficulty in Developing Cooperative Education__________ 74
The New Generation... cee mmm mew me S50 am ww 71
CHAPTER VIII.—COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP... ... 73
Pwo Kindgrof Cltiveng ose nve a asc par desi 1, OR ile 73
American Vdeglzrar il Sr oe LA 74
Incentives lgad nn ie 0 ne ena ae 75
Crurchose oe somites iio po Sean aides Jn BS 78
Hope of Demoeracy ol ea hema ri mm mie 79
Enlichtened Veojeen 0 0 0 ae . 81

[4]
Foreword

The study of immigrant groups is of importance for the in-
telligent appreciation of their influence and relative position
in American life. But if vague generalities are to be avoided,
investigation must be confined to some particular phase and
group. Hence, the present treatment aims at acquainting the
American reader with the cooperative activities of Lithuanian
immigrants.

Lithuanians in the United States are by no means con-
spicuous. In numbers they exceed a half a million. Excep-
tional abilities, great accomplishments or deeds are hardly the
rule among them. Even in the cooperative field their achieve-
ments, unlike those of their northern neighbors of Finland,
could not with justice be termed remarkable.

Their general place in the cooperative movement is, how-
ever, typical. As a nation, Lithuania need not take a low
rank. Her past has been moderately glorious, marked by a
saneness of tradition, but checked by religious, political and
economic oppression from which she has but recently
emerged. But her citizens have never been below average
ability. In the field of economic cooperation, peculiar handi-
caps have been added to those that usually encounter all who
work in this movement. The equipment for such activity was
limited. Unassisted by outsiders, even the Intellectuals, they
obviously could achieve only moderate results.

The author’s desire has been to collect for his survey all
available material. However, his success has been limited.
Every store, of the twenty-three known to him, located in
seven different States, could not be visited. Even the man-
agers and presidents of those visited sometimes lacked reliable
information and statistical data. Correspondence was re-
sorted to, but this likewise proved unsatisfactory.

Hence, the author was by force of circumstances obliged
to confine himself to a very moderate task. It is his hope to
present in the following pages a few pen pictures from real
American life, which best illustrate cooperative activities
among Lithuanian immigrants. A special effort has been
made to do this work as accurately as possible, and use none

 

17L the number of children born to immigrant parents be included, the estimate
would be at least seven hundred thousand.

[5]
but the true colors of real life. These glimpses will reveal the
story of the struggle of plain toiling people in an attempt to
better their conditions of life. The path to their social ideal
has been rugged and steep, at times blocked by great obstacles,
but never left untrodden.

The historical past of the Lithuanian people and their first
steps in the cooperative movement in Lithuania and in this
country provide the natural background for these pictures;
the statistical data and the various phases, concerning which
it has been possible to gather data, provide the details.

Special attention and emphasis will be put on the reasons
of the failure of many such societies. An attempt to glance
into the vista of the future will also be made, based on the
hopes and plans of those engaged in the movement.

The author wishes to take this opportunity of thanking the
Reverend Doctor John A. Ryan for his guidance and advice,
and the Reverend Doctor William J. Kerby for his encourage-
ment in this task. His thanks are in no small measure
due to those Lithuanian idealists who assisted him.

Finally, it may be mentioned that the author is of Lith-
uanian origin and rearing, and has been interested in the
cooperative movement among his countrymen in Europe
as well as in America.

[6]
Cooperation Among the Lithuanians
in the United States

CHAPTER 1

Racial Background
A Few Historical Facts

The Lithuanians, a distinct branch of the Indo-European
race, have from time immemorial inhabited the regions
drained by the basin of the river Nemunas or Niemen and the
shores of Kurish-Haff. This constitutes “Lithuania propria.”
There are also two other related branches of the nation: the
Prussians, subjugated by the Teutonic Knights at the be-
ginning of the thirteenth century, who finally became Teuton-
ized or extinct in the sixteenth century, and the Letts, who
after the World War formed their own State, Latvia.

The curtain of Lithuania’s history, in the proper sense of
the term, rises with the dawn of the thirteenth century. The
centralizing force was pressure by the Teutons or Prussians
and the Slavs: Russians and Poles. The entire Lithuanian
race then united to form one nation, under the leadership of
the first Grand Duke of Lithuania, Ringaudas (1230-1238).
His son, Mindangas (1238-1263), realized that there was only
one way to preserve the integrity and independence of his
nation. The great menace was the continuous onslaught of
the Teutonic Knights, who seeking to christianize them often
resorted to fire and sword. This purpose naturally rallied to
their standard all the knighthood of Western Europe. The
acceptance of Christianity appeared to provide the best means
of successfully coping with this situation. Mindangas was
accordingly baptized in 1252 and was immediately proclaimed
King of Lithuania by Pope Innocent IV. But the attacks of
the Teutonic Knights continued, in consequence of which the
king recanted and took up arms against the aggressors.
Under her subsequent rulers, Gediminas, Algirdas, Keistutis,
and Vytautas, wars with neighboring groups, especially the
Teutons, continued more or less successfully until the end of
the fourteenth century. Then, Lithuania was one of the great-
est States of Europe, stretching from the Baltic to the Black

[7]
3 RACIAL BACKGROUND

Sea. In 1386, the nation officially and voluntarily embraced
Christianity. 3

After these bellicose beginnings, with the acceptance of
Christianity began a period of cultural and political develop-
ment. Both of these spheres are marked by Polish influence.
Many unsuccessful attempts were made by the Poles to achieve
a political union of the two nations, for example, the solemn
staging of political union in Lublin in 1569. In the social and
cultured realms, the Polish influence is manifest especially
upon the Lithuanian nobility; this affected the increase of
class privileges, the period of decadence, and the final loss of
independence in 1795, together with Poland. The major part
of Lithuania remained under the yoke of Russia until 1915,
when it was occupied by the Germans. Finally on February
16, 1918, the country proclaimed its independence.

The long wars of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth
centuries taught Lithuania the necessity of national unity.
. Previous to contact with the “civilized” nations of Western
Europe, no noteworthy social difference existed in their midst.
As in the case of many primitive peoples, Lithuania had
neither slavery nor serfdom. The only privileged groups were
her military and religious leaders. Contact with civilization
multiplied distinctions, which brought in their train a diminu-
tion and partial disintegration of the spirit of national sol-
idarity. But in spite of four centuries of demoralizing serf-
dom, and a nobility, which was the prey of Polish influences,
the Lithuanian serfs preserved their national language, cus-
toms, and traditions. Throughout this period amid the gloom
have consistently shone the basic natural virtues: love for
justice, and a longing for the reign of brotherly love.:

! The present territory inhabited by people speaking the Lithuanian language
comprises over thirty thousand square miles, and a population in 1914 of four
million, three hundred forty-five thousand. (ef. “Lithuania Past and Present,”
E. J. Harrison, p. 20.) This area is claimed by the Lithuanian nation and
government. However, owing to the vicissitudes of the post-war ‘‘peace,”” and the
Polish military occupation of Eastern Lithuania (Vilna region), Lithuania at
present covers only twenty-two thousand, five hundred square miles, and numbers
two million, one hundred seventy thousand inhabitants. This includes also the
Memel region. (ef. L. D. K. S. 1924 Kalendorius, p. 53.)

The official census made by the Lithuanian Government in 1923, places the total
number of Lithuanians, not including the Memel region, living in the territory con-
trolled by the Lithuanian government, at two million, eleven thousand, one hundred
seventy-three, composed of nine hundred sixty-two thousand, seven hundred sixty-
five men and one million, forty-eight thousand, four hundred eight women. Of
these, eighty-four and thirty-four hundredths per cent use the Lithuanian language,
and fifteen and sixty-six hundredths per cent other languages. In addition, there
are supposed to be over one hundred fifty thousand Lithuanians in the Memel
region and about one million, seven hundred seventy-seven thousand, five hundred

in the Vilna region. This, then, makes the total number of inhabitants of ethno-
graphic Lithuania over four million.
RACIAL BACKGROUND 9

The Causes of Emigration

The abolition of serfdom by the Czar, Alexander I (1861),
introduced a brighter period in the history of the Lithuanian
nation, but it did not provide for economic welfare or political
freedom. Further, more than half of the liberated serfs did
not obtain any land.? Soon, however, new oppression fol-
lowed in the wake of the Polish uprising of 1863, which re-
ceived hearty support from the Lithuanian polonized nobility.
The former serfs reaped the whirlwind. The Russian govern-
ment, with a view to the more complete “Russification” of the
Lithuanian people, forbade the printing of books and period-
icals in Latin type in 1864, which had been in use since the six-
teenth century. It strongly recommended, and tried to intro-
duce by means of the schools, the Russian type. Finally, the
teaching of the Lithuanian language was strictly forbidden in
the schools. These measures were enforced with a truly
Draconian zeal. The possession of a Lithuanian prayerbook or
calendar was deemed sufficient cause for imprisonment or
deportation to Siberia, solely on the judgment of the adminis-
tration and without any court proceeding.

Bitter religious persecution accompanied political and na-
tional suppression. Many Catholic churches were taken by
force, converted to the use of the orthodox rite; priests were
fined or deported for fulfilling their religious duties; monas-
teries were closed; the faithful were induced to change their
religion. -

A final misfortune came from the hand of Providence in
1867 and 1868; a famine followed in the wake of the con-
tinuous rain of 1867 and the drought in 1868.

These, then, together with the desire to escape military
duty,® are the main reasons why emigration from Lithuania
had already started in 1867 and 1868.4

2 Fr. Zilius, “Lietuviai Amerikoj,” p. 7. Plymouth, FPa., 1899.

8 Numerous other reasons could be adduced in explanation of Lithuanian emi-
gration ; economic stagnation, due to the absence of industry in the country,
which was in the bands of the Jews; the custom of parcelling out land among
the children, ete. Emigration started from Lithuania some twelve or thirteen
years earlier, due to the famine, than from Austrian Galicia and Slavonia. The
density of population was not the reason of the emigration. At that time,
Lithuania had eighty-six persons to the square mile, whereas in 1897 Germany
had one hundred forty-three, Great Britain three hundred eleven, Holland three
hundred fifty-nine, Galicia one hundred forty-one, and Slavonia one hundred thirty
persons to the square mile. Cf. Fr. Zilius, op. cit., pp. 5-11.

+In the work of Fr. Zilius, already cited, there is a description of the second
centennial celebration in 1888 by the Lithuanians of Shenandoah, Pa., in honor
of the first Lithuanians who came to New York, then New Amsterdam, in 1688.
The story runs as follows: In the seventeenth century, many Lithuanians fled
to Latvia to escape the economic oppression of the landlords. James, Duke of
10 RACIAL BACKGROUND

Lithuanian emigration took different courses; about three
hundred thousand went to Russia, Poland, and Latvia; others
to Germany, Scotland, England, South Africa; but the great-
est number came to the United States of America.

Lithuanian Immigration to the United States

In 1867, a large number of Lithuanian immigrants arrived
in New York, some of whom settled on New England farms,
while many entered into the employment of the builders of
the new railroad lines in Pennsylvania.

Soon groups of Lithuanians were to be found in the anthra-
cite region in Pennsylvania. In 1868, four Lithuanians
settled in Shamokin, Pa. They were soon followed by many
others. After three years (in 1871), sixty Lithuanians and
forty Poles founded a parish in that town. In 1879, Mikas
Tvarauskas established there the first American Lithuanian
printing shop and published the first Lithuanian newspapers,
“Lietuwizka Gazieta.” Twelve or fourteen issues of this paper
appeared, but its publication ceased with the destruction of
the shop by fire. In 1871 and 1872, Danville, Pa., had the
largest Lithuanian group in the United States, numbering
about two hundred men. In a short time, the Lithuanians be-
came prominent in numbers throughout the entire anthracite
region, especially in Schuylkill, Luzerne and Lackawanna
counties and in all towns of the Wyoming Valley. Soon, how-
ever, they began to spread to several other States. The first
Lithuanians came to New York, Chicago, and Cleveland in
1870; to Boston, Waterbury, and Pittsburgh in 1871; to
Scranton in 1878; to Baltimore in 1881¢ and to St. Louis in
1886.7

Courland, bought the island of Guadalupe from Spain, and transported these im-
migrants. The English captured the island and after destroying it, deported its
inhabitants to New York in 1688. (These facts are related in the book “Budas
Senoves Lietuviu,” p. 195, by the noted Lithuanian historian, Simonas Daukantas.)
In 1777, the famous Thaddeus Kosciusko came from France. He was born in
Merkine, in the district of Trakai, at present under the Lithuanian government.
Kosciusko always regarded himself as a Lithuanian.

® Lithuanians proved their capacity to adapt themselves to the new environment.
According to data collected by Father J. Zilius, in 1898 the Lithuanians of
Shenandoah, Pa., already had a church and rectory, valued at over $50,000; thirteen
societies, of which eight were benefit societies; 17 grocery stores, 5 butcher shops,
59 saloons, 8 cobbler’s shops, 8 barber shops, 5 undertaking establishments, 2
printing shops, 1 blacksmith. They also had one periodical paper, “Garsas.” Most
of these Lithuanian business men owned their properties, and 39 miners their houses.

¢In 1885, 57 Lithuanians established St. John the Baptist’s benefit society in
Baltimore, and in 1887 they began to organize the Lithuanian parish there.

"The endeavors of Lithuanian immigrants in the eighties and nineties of the last
century are of considerable interest. In Chicago, the first Lithuanian societies
were established in 1884, namely, St. George’s L. R. C. Benefit Society, and in
1886, St. Casimir’s Benefit Society. The revival of the national spirit in Lithuania
RACIAL BACKGROUND 11

At the present time, the greater number (about 200,000) of
Lithuanian immigrants are in the anthracite coal region. In
general, they are distributed as follows :8

Anthracite region, of L00 pa Briann ar Ng tae 200,000
Plttshavgh digtrieh woviu cond bas Bat 0 GE Tang SIE 25,000
Philadelphia. disirich. oman. nu oo 0 0 od 20,000
Balbimore oo 10,000
New York and New Jersey States (the Atlantic Coast) ______ 40,000
Western Sectionof New York State... _____ ‘o _ _~ 6,000
Conneetient. ol i cl tli dl sisi ae af = 25.000
Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island__________ 40,000
Detnoitiond Michigan... 0 oo of os ws 13,000
Cleveland ond Oho... Cosa ab Ses i 13,000
Chicago and suburbs... 00 asi JOS NTS 90,000
Wisconmin 220 ov wants sini tommy nel damien 0 0 4 brigiys oh 9,000

To the South and West of Chicago: Illinois, Indiana, Kansas,
Iowa, West Virginia, Oklahoma, Louisiana, and California. 20,000

J. Jonas in his book, “Lithuanians in America,”? points out
that in 1899, “there were 275,000 Lithuanians, belonging to
some sort of organization.” In that year, a separate classi-
fication was instituted by the American government, accord-
ing to which from 1899 to 1914, 252,593 Lithuanians landed in
America and during the same time only 19,171 went back to
Lithuania, thus making the total net influx for the fifteen
years 233,423. According to this calculation the total number
in 1914 was 508,423. During the succeeding years, owing to
the war and subsequent restriction of immigration, com-

began after 1883, when the first patriotic publication, “Ausra” appeared in Tilsit,
Prussia. Previous to that time all the cultural elements in the country were
staunch adherents to Polish culture. Many of the early Lithuanian immigrants
called themselves Poles, some even pretending to be Russians. In many places,
such as Shamokin, Mt. Carmel, Shenandoah, etc., they united with the Poles
in the formation of parishes and societies. But the new spirit of freedom and
independence soon brought its fruits, and Lithuanians began to realize that they
were nationally completely distinct from the Poles. Soon the process of emanci-
pation from the Polish influence commenced. Thus, the first battles for cultural
independence were waged and won in the free lists of America. The following
are the facts. In 1871, Father Strupinskas founded a Lithuanian parish in
Shenandoah, Pa. This was the first Lithuanian parish in this country. Services
were held in the German church, but after this priest left, the Bishop sent a Polish
priest in his place. Complaints and petitions for a Lithuanian priest and sermons
in this language proved ineffective. The Bishop could not see the difference
between the two nationalities, probably due to Polish influence. In 1877, formal
sedition was organized against the Polish priest; Lithuanian women tried by force
to prevent the entrance of the priest into the church. The police were called,
and as a result the Lithuanians were beaten by both the guardians of the law
and the courts. A few years of forced union with the Poles followed, during
which time several attempts were made at separation and the formation of a
Lithuanian parish. In 1891, these efforts were crowned with success; in 1892,
the Lithuanians of Shamokin separated from the Poles, and established their own
parish. The same thing happened at Mount Carmel, Plymouth, and many other
places. The Lithuanians preferred to abandon churches, erected partly by their own
donations, and establish new ones of their own.

8 The figures given are in all cases approximate.

9 As quoted in “Independence for the Lithuanian Nation” by S. Norus & J.
Zilius, p. 23.
12 RACIAL BACKGROUND

paratively few Lithuanians immigrated, probably not more
than the number of those who returned to the old country.

The influence of the United States upon the future destinies
of the Lithuanian nation has been and still is enormous. Dur-
ing the darkest period of Lithuanian history—when Russia
attempted to eradicate the last vestige of the national spirit,
by trying to inhibit for forty years Lithuanian literature
(1864-1904) —the Lithuanian immigrants in the United States
established a score of Lithuanian periodicals and published a
large amount of literary material which was used profitably
by themselves and was smuggled into the old country.2°

In this country they established various organizations,
which served as a foundation for their training in democracy,
and which included civics, art, and education. They learned
to enjoy political and religious freedom and did not fail to
communicate to relatives, by written or spoken word, the
germs of American liberty. And finally when the psycholog-
ical moment arrived for the political regeneration of the coun-
try, these Lithuanian immigrants did not fail to come with
moral encouragement and with material help.

Lithuanian immigrants in the United States have advanced
fairly in different lines. The great majority of them have be-
come citizens of the United States, adapting themselves to the
language of the country and to its institutions.’ A major part
of them have become skillful workers. Many of them have
reached a certain degree of material prosperity and influence
and have acquired property in favorable quarters of the cities.
According to available statistics, there exist 115 parishes and
a number of parochial schools.’? Their social and cultural life
has reached a fairly high degree of development, embracing
various kinds of organizations. The new generation born and
educated here, promises to be a true interpreter of American

1 The following periodical publications had been started here. In 1879 “Lietu-
wiszka Gazieta,” in 1885 ‘Lietuwiskas Balsas;’ in 1886 “Vienybe Lietuvninku,”
in 1892 “Lietuva,” in 1896 “Rytas,” ‘“‘Garsas,’ “Keleivis,” in 1897 “Tevyne,” in
1899 ‘‘Viltis,” “Katalikas,” in 1901 ‘“Zvaigzde.”” Most of these papers no longer
exist, but many new ones have appeared in their place. In the United States there
are published now in the Lithuanian language 3 dailies, 1 three-weekly, one bi-weekly,
7 weekly papers, 5 monthly magazines.

1! As early as in 1896 there was published in Chicago a book in the Lithuanian
language, “The History of the United States of America—with the Constitution
and the Declaration of Independence.” It was a reprint from the weekly paper
“Lietuva,” published by Mr. Olshauskas in Chicago, Ill

12 According to states, parishes are distributed as follows: New Hampshire 1;
Massachusetts 10; Connecticut 6; Rhode Island 1; Maryland 1; New York 12;

Pennsylvania 37; New Jersey 8; Michigan 5; Indiana 2; Ohio 4; Illinois 19;
Wisconsin 5; Kansas 1; Iowa 1; Nebraska 1; West Virginia 1.
RACIAL BACKGROUND 13

ideals, and it is hoped that these will be fully transmitted to
their kinsmen in the land of their forefathers.

Certain Characteristics

The national character of Lithuanians is very well adapted
for cooperative action. They are a people who love liberty
and companionship, and who possess a keen sense of justice.
In Lithuania, there are popularly known, and frequently used
among the common people old adages, such as: “Let the devil
be your slave, not a man;” “I work as I want, I hunt as I wish,
Ilive as I like.”

Their kindness and hospitality were well known to all their
neighbors.?

The magnanimity, the virtue of forgiving even their
enemies, has been well known and practiced by them. The
first English student of Lithuanian life, Mr. E. F. Harrison,
in his book, “Lithuania Past and Present,” writes thus: “On
one occasion Moscow was almost taken by Algird, who spared
it only in deference to the prayers of Grand Duke Demetrius,
thus unconsciously and naively revealing the boundless gulf
which separates the simple barbarous mentality of that age
from our own vastly superior conception of what is due to a
military victor.”4

The spirit of sympathy and solidarity with fellowmen is
very common among the Lithuanians. The Lithuanian his-
torian, Simonas Daukantas, in his work, “Lietuvos Istorija”
brings forth testimony to the universal custom in Lithuania,
which was observed in the past and is still in use in the pres-
ent. It manifested itself in the mutual assistance between
neighbors in the field work. It is exercised spontaneously,
always gratis, and, of course, reciprocally.'®

13 Helmoldus. Lic II. c¢. 18 p. 36 ‘‘homines (Lituani) multis naturalibus bonis
praediti, humanissimi erga necessitatem patientes; qui etiam obviam tendunt iis, qui
in mari periclitantur, vel qui a piratis infestantur ut eis subveniant.” Quoted in
“Budas Senoves Letuwiu Kalnienu iv Zamaitiu”’ Jokubs Laukys Potropilie 1845

Pp. 37.

14 “Tithuania Past and Present” p. 15. Mr. Harrison, however, failed to mention
the final episode of that magnanimity of Lithuanian ruler Algirdas. After de-
ciding to spare Moscow, he thrust the spear into the main gate of Moscow and
said to Demetrius “Do not forget, Prince, that the spear of the Lithuanian
ruler has been thrust into the gate of Moscow.” Cf. “Apsakymai apie Lietuvos
praeiga” Stan. Zanavykas, Tilze, 1891 p. 78; also Sim. Daukantas ‘Lietuvos
Istorija” Vol. II, p. 119. /

15 “The love of neighbour was shown not in word, but in deed, and his misfortune
was felt keenly by everybody; every one was prone to risk his life rather than
allow his neighbour to be confined to chains or be deprived of property. At times,
when the fields of the unfortunate neighbour remained untilled, when crops were
yet not harvested, when hay remained ungathered, and seed not yet sown, friendly
neighbours motivated by neighbourly love, combined and came to the rescue of
their depressed brother.” “Lietuvos Istorija’” by Simonas Daukantas, 1850 p. 53.
14 RACIAL BACKGROUND

No doubt such tender customs and sympathetic hearts have
been appropriate bases for the development of the cooperative
movement. This basis has been considerably weakened
through centuries of serfdom, of persecution by the Russian
regime, but it was not destroyed entirely.

Cooperative Movement in Lithuania

It required fifty-six years before the Rochdale cooperative
store-system reached Lithuania.

The writer, twelve years ago, had occasion to investigate
the beginnings of the cooperative movement in Lithuania.
According to statistics collected in 1912¢ the first cooperative
society in Lithuania was organized in Pabirze in 1900 by the
Catholic priest Darguzas and landowner Kamarauskas. Their
example was followed in many other places, especially after
the nation regained its right to publish literature in its own
language (1904). In 1912 there were in Lithuania one hun-
dred thirteen cooperative consumers’ societies. Data have
been secured from fifty-two societies. The annual turnover of
these has been one million, sixty-four thousand, four hundred
twenty-nine roubles, twenty-two and one-half kop. The av-
erage turnover of a society was twenty thousand four hun-
dred sixty-nine r. seventy-nine k. Three societies sustained a
loss; forty-eight societies realized thirty-four thousand two
hundred seventeen r. twenty-four and one-half k. net profit,
each averaging seven hundred twelve r. eighty-six k. The total
share capital has been one hundred eighty-eight thousand,
seven hundred eighty-five r. fourteen k. The total membership
of these fifty-two societies was eight thousand, one hundred
ninety-three, each averaging one hundred fifty-eight members.

In vain, the Lithuanian cooperators endeavored to organize
a Central Union of the consumers’ societies. The Russian
government rejected all petitions, because it was afraid of
national and political regeneration of the country. Only in
1915 during the war, was the Central Union in Siauliai or-
ganized, but it was soon destroyed by the subsequent ravages
of the conflict.

Besides the consumers’ societies in Lithuania previous to the

 

16 “Lietuvos vartotoju Draugijos 1911 m.” by P. K. Vilnius 1912 m.
RACIAL BACKGROUND 15

war, there existed eighty agricultural and one hundred and
twelve credit societies.”

After the war the movement increased with unhampered
energy. On June 2, 1919, the Lithuanian Cooperative Union
in Kaunas was established. During the next year the Co-
operative Bank was organized. The rapid growth of the
movement will be seen from the following data :'®

January 1, 1923. October 1, 1923.
Consumers’ societies. _____ 864 Consumers’ societies... 422
Credit aa 121. Agrviegltmral & oo. 28
Productive rT 41 Productive la ie 45
Building fey Ae. oh 2 Credit AE 126

— Jewish Credit “ " ___...._ 96
Total as in alia. Lon 528 nd
Total cada sani soul v0 717

There are two Central Wholesale societies, one in Kaunas,'®
and the other in Siauliai. During the first three months of
1923 Central Wholesale Society business was as follows:

 

Sr Ld lb Ge SL 164,699 litai 70 centai®
Soldi to the gsymy. iL elie ola Skiing 1,487,719 sag
Soldito soclefles. op © wv © Lun na 719,437 ef

otal. a a ss 2,871,849: «98

During the same three months another Central Wholesale
Society in Siauliai had a turnover of 430,898.38.

In 1922, C. W. S., of Kaunas, made a net profit of sixty-four
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three 1.

The distribution of net profit is of some interest:

To Reserve Fund 250, Cc coo -c-- 15,000 1.
To Operative fund 1575. nano oD JUL ent ol St 9,000 4
To Houze building Tunde oo ssid Sond Sor Jie ite rt 10,000 oe
Yor the Observance of Coop. Day... __.__.__ _ _ 4,000 o
For the Vibravy of University. 0 oC & —___ 2,000 “
Bonus for the workers— monthly wages______________ 12,000 5
The ‘Cooverative School... 0 i 5,000 5
General education and charity work ______._ 7,363.24

 

1 “The Cooperative Movement in Lithuania’ by P. Salcius in the “International
Cooperative Bulletin” for July and August of 1923.

1% «Pajka” N. 21, Nov. 15, 1923.

19 The temporary capital city of Lithuania. Last year the movement was started
to unite both Wholesale Societies and form one Central Wholesale Society.

20 A Lithuanian litas is equal to $0.10.

 
16 RACIAL BACKGROUND

The Cooperative School, with a prescribed course of six
months for the preparation of the managers of stores and
leaders of the movement, was opened in Kaunas on August
15, 1923. The Cooperative Bank in Kaunas had, in 1923, a
capital of two million five hundred thousand litai. It was very
successful in its operations.
CHAPTER 11

The Beginning of the Movement
in the United States

The pioneer of the cooperative movement among the
Lithuanians in United States was Father J. Zebris, pastor of
the Lithuanian Church in Waterbury, Conn., who was the
foremost social worker among the people of his fatherland.
He published in Waterbury a weekly paper, “Rytas.” Due to
his efforts, as we read in the “Rytas,” N. 2, the Lithuanian
St. Casimir’s Benefit Society of Waterbury, in 1895, opened
a grocery store, and from June to January had a turnover of
twelve thousand, six hundred fifty-two dollars and sixty cents,
making a net profit of one thousand, one hundred twenty-six
dollars and seventeen cents. Soon a shoe selling department
was added with much success. The next year, 1896, Lithuan-
ians of the adjacent Union City, Conn. (St. George’s Society),
voted to open a cooperative grocery store. But the Poles of
that city, on learning this, forestalled the Lithuanian move-
ment by opening their own cooperative store and offering the
Lithuanian, appointed manager, higher wages.

On November 2, the Lithuanian parish bakery was opened
in Waterbury. It was organized by the same Father Zebris.
His motives for doing this were described by him in “Rytas.”
He wished: 1, to secure for the Lithuanians that substantial
rye bread to which they had been accustomed in the old coun-
try; 2, to provide positions for several Lithuanians; 3, to sup-
ply free bread to the poor families (every day about forty
loaves were distributed free of charge to the poor, unemployed,
and strikers) ; 4, if possible, to increase the parish revenue.
This last end apparently was not achieved. But the enterprise
proved to be very popular and accomplished a great deal of
good. Soon private Lithuanian bakeries appeared and the
parish had to discontinue feeding the people with this material
bread.

In “Rytas,” for May 20, 1897, we read about a new project
to establish a cooperative farm. “Being adopted by America’—
wrote the editor—“we are as other nationalities in our own
country. Let us till this great land, and prove thereby, that

[17]
18 BEGINNING OF MOVEMENT IN U. S.

we love it, and getting profit therefrom, let us perceive how
this land is good to us, and how it pays back hundredfold.”

Labor Day of that year, 1897, was observed by the Lith-
uanians of Waterbury on the cooperative farm.

Soon in every issue of “Rytas” there appeared advertise-
ments: “The aim of the Lithuanian Farm of Waterbury is to
sell milk of a pure and wholesome quality. Realizing our
special obligation to the children, and wishing to provide the
wholesome milk for them, we have set aside for this purpose
a beautiful, young and healthy cow.”

Such was the spirit of good Father Zebris.

In the same “Rytas” of 1897 we read that productive com-
panies had been organized by the Lithuanians in Brooklyn,
New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Baltimore. These com-
panies opened tailor shops. But they were not organized on
the cooperative basis.

The consumers’ cooperative movement on the Rochdale basis
appeared among the Lithuanian immigrants before the World
War. This movement will be the subject of the next chapter.

: In 1914 Father Zebris, then pastor in New Britain, Conn., was murdered by
robbers.
CHAPTER III

Consumers’ Cooperative Movement
Definition and Classification of Cooperation

The present economic order, with its astounding inequalities
of possessions and income; with profit as a primary motive of
economic activities; with ever increasing concentration of
capital; with militarism and imperialism, and destructive
wars, spelling death to civilization—is a great departure from
the Creator’s will, as instilled in the human hearts and con-
science, and as expressed in Sacred Scripture. It is also a
most unfortunate obstacle to the progress and happiness of
mankind. This economic order defies the truth of universal
brotherhood, of man’s dignity, of his responsibility, and of the
law of labor. An ever increasing number of earnest protests
against this system necessitates its early and thorough re-
vision and fundamental reformation.

The Cooperative movement in its various forms, as based
on the Rochdale principles, is, as far as human experience is
capable of judging—the best means to build up a new economic
order, in which the production and distribution of goods would
be adjusted according to the principles of human equality,
dignity, and brotherhood, of the rights of labor and of service.
It is being introduced not by force or revolution, but by peace-
ful evolutionary methods, with due regard to human rights
and life; it is being built not on the ruins of the old order,
but side by side with it. It satisfies perfectly the Christian
longing for the mutual love and justice in every day life, be-
cause it adjusts economic relations according to Christ’s teach-
ings, being truly Christianity applied to economics.

Every nation in the world, regardless of its religion, race,
or degree of culture, has a part to perform in the economic
reconstruction of mankind according to the Gospel. This is
why the cooperative achievements of a comparatively small
group of Lithuanian cooperators in United States, unimpor-
tant as they may seem at first sight, should be recorded.

Various definitions of cooperation have been given by the
economists and sociologists. This variety is caused apparently

[19]
20 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

by the different viewpoints assumed by the different writers.
From the viewpoint of distributive justice cooperation, accord-
ing to Dr. John A. Ryan? means “that joint economic action
which seeks to obtain for a relatively weak group all or part
of the profits and interest which in the ordinary capitalist
enterprise are taken by a smaller and different group.”

The progressively minded professor of political economy
would define it, after the manner of Prof. Gordon S. Watkins,?
as “an organized, usually non-political, attempt on the part of
an association of persons to control the production and distri-
bution of commodities for the satisfaction of their numerous
wants.”

The life-long leader of the cooperative movement in the
United States and one of the main pillars of that movement,
James Peter Warbasse, defines a cooperative society as “a
voluntary association in which the people organize democrat-
ically to supply their needs through mutual action, in which
the motive of production and distribution is service, not profit,
and in which it is the aim that the performance of useful labor
shall give access to the best rewards.”* According to him co-
operation is “a practical working plan for a complete reor-
ganization of society upon a voluntary non-political basis.”s

Any Christian may add to all these definitions one of his
own, and call cooperation an economic system reconstructed on
the basis of Christ’s social doctrine.

All these definitions are probably true. But whatever atti-
tude towards cooperation we assume, whether moral, social,
political, or economic, it is apparent that the cooperative move-
ment is the most promising and most hopeful social movement
of the 19th and 20th centuries.

Cooperative societies may be classified according to their
nature, task, functions, etc. The most generally accepted clas-
sification divides them into (a) distributive or consumers’
societies, (b) productive associations, (c) credit cooperatives.

! The cooperative store in Rochdale was established in 1844. The Rochdale
principles are: (1) one vote for each member, regardless of number of shares
held, (2) capital to receive interest (if any is declared) fixed and not more than
the legal rate. (38) Surplus-savings (or profits) to be used for the good of the
members, for beneficent social purpose, or to be returned to the patrons in pro-

portion to their patronage. Cf. ‘‘Cooperative Democracy’ by James P. Warbasse,
New York,.1923, p.:22.

? “Distributive Justice” John A. Ryan, p. 215.

3 “Introduction to the Study of Labor Problems,” p. 537.
¢ “Cooperative Democracy’ p. 10.

s Ibidem in Preface, p. VII.
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT 21

To these three main divisions might be added cooperative
housing, insurance, education, recreation, press, etc.

To the first Lithuanian immigrants in the United States all
these subdivisions of cooperation were of course unknown.
Nevertheless, wherever a number of them gathered in one
place, they in a very short time adopted the cooperative
method. The instinct of self-preservation was the prime insti-
gator; their real needs dictated the type of organization. Their
first want was to organize for mutual aid in case of sickness
and death. Their fondest desire was to provide better condi-
tions of life for their dependents.

Therefore, we see that from the first appearance of Lith-
uanian colonies in the United States even to the present day
there prevails the same type of mutual aid societies, providing
for benefits in sickness and death. These societies will be
described in one of the subsequent chapters.

The Motives and Aims of the Organizers of the First Stores

The first Lithuanian cooperative stores in the majority of
cases were organized without any regard to broader social
ideals. They were the outcome of the real needs of life, de-
signed to counteract the exploitation of private grocers. The
first Lithuanian cooperators lacked the vision of the Rochdale
pioneers, but, even though actuated by different motives, they
began practically the same work.®

The scope of my investigation was very limited. I know of
23 existing Lithuanian cooperative stores and of twenty-eight
extinct ones; but to my two questionnaires I received answers

e “Rochdale Soclety of Equitable Pioneers” set forth the Soclety’s designs (in
the Society's Almanac for 1854) in these terms: ‘The objects and plans of
this Society are to form arrangements for the pecuniary benefit and the improve-
ment of the social and domestic condition of its members by raising a sufficient
amount of capital in shares of one pound each, to bring into operation the following
plans and arrangements: The establishment of a store for the sale of provisions,
clothing, ete.; the building, purchasing or erecting a number of houses, in which
those members desiring to assist each other in improving their domestic and social
condition, may reside.

To commence the manufacture of such articles as the society may determine
upon for the employment of such members as may be without employment, or
who may be suffering in consequence of repeated reductions in their wages.

As a further benefit and security to the members of this society, the society
ghall purchase or rent an estate or estates of land which shall be cultivated by
the members who may be out of employment, or whose labor may be badly
remunerated.

“That as soon as practicable, this society shall proceed to arrange the powers
of production, distribution, education and government, or in other words to
establish a self-supporting home-colony of united interests, or assist other societies
in establishing such colonies.

“That for the promotion of sobriety, a Temperance Hotel be opened in one of
the society’s houses as soon as conyenient’.”

“History of the Rochdale pioneers” by George Jacob Holyoke, London, 1900, p. 12.
22 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

from only thirty-two societies: sixteen existing and sixteen no
longer functioning. Therefore the scientific and social value
of my collected data will be only relative, depending on how
much these data can be regarded as typical and indicative of
a general situation, at least among the immigrant population
of the United States.

The majority of my correspondents are manual workers,
although mostly skilled, some with a primary school education,
others even without it, but all with a fair degree of intelli-
gence developed by their own efforts.

To the question, “What were the motives and aims of the
organizers of cooperative stores?’ seventeen answers have
been received; sixteen of these indicated the desire to have
cheaper and better products. Four of them added: “The wish
to have honest dealing,” and seven more: “to save the profit
for themselves.” Prior to the war, the vast majority of
Lithuanian immigrants did not possess sufficient knowledge of
the English language and therefore innate shyness prevented
them from going to American stores. Many Lithuanian store-
keepers took advantage of that fact, especially where the com-
petitors of the same nationality were absent; they were wont
to exploit and cheat their customers, and the desire to avoid
such exploitation was the primary reason for establishing
cooperative stores.

In one city it happened that all Lithuanian storekeepers
were free-thinkers; they used to offend frequently the religious
feelings of their Catholic customers. This impelled the Cath-
olic workers to organize a cooperative store, which has existed
for eleven years.

The additional motives for establishing cooperative stores
were, in two cases, “to learn how to conduct business;” in two
more cases, ‘social and recreational purposes;” in one case,
“to show capacity of self-government;” in one more, “to take
control of the consumption of goods into our own hands,” in
one case, “to help orphans and needy,” and finally in one—*“for
the prestige of the Lithuanian Association of Labor.”?

In a few cases the organizers included men with broader
vision. In two localities the achievements of English co-
operators were known; here the dream of establishing in the

 

 

"This is the educational organization of the Lithuanian Catholic workers, with
headquarters in So. Boston, Mass.,, having about 100 branches all over the
United States, and about 2,000 in total membership.
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT 23

future cooperative wholesale was cherished. One answer added,
“to arrive at the wholesale trade of coal, potatoes, ete.” ; two
answers read, “to build a central meat market—in the future,
even a slaughter-house;” one dared even to dream of “estab-
lishing factories ;” one desired “to enjoy life better and fuller.”
Finally, in one case, the leading motive was ‘the conviction
that cooperative business will prevail over private business.”

Personal Characteristics

To the inquiry, “What cooperative knowledge had the first
organizers and directors of stores?” the answers were as fol-
flows: in three cases, ‘the cooperative idea fairly under-
stood ;” in eight cases, ‘little knowledge, if any, of coopera-
tion,” and in four cases—‘‘no one understood cooperation.”

Though the questionnaire did not ask precisely about the
religious beliefs or affiliations of the organizers of societies,
nevertheless the majority of correspondents in their answers
touched that phase of the problem. And no wonder. The
strife over religious questions has been very marked, almost
from the beginning of Lithuanian immigration into the United
States. Two factors were the main causes of the appearance
in Lithuanian national life of the advocates of free thought
and of spiritual and social Nihilism. They were: 1., the anti-
religious tendency of secondary and higher education in the
Russian schools under the Czar’s regime; and 2., the complete
suppression of national education in Lithuania for over a
century. Hence the emigration to America of numerous athe-
istic and socialistic Lithuanian students of Russian schools.
The effect of the second factor was the lack of education of
the masses of Lithuanian immigrants, resulting in the sub-
jugation of many of them to the influence of socialistic
demagogues.

Happily, the strong reaction against the influence of Rus-
sian schools appeared among the Lithuanian students in
Europe. This led to a strong organization of Catholic youth
into the Association ‘“Ateitis’” (Future). This same reaction
appeared also among the Lithuanian immigrants, owing to the
influence of a new, different, and more constructive type of
leaders. This change has taken place in the last ten years.

8 The Catholic clergy had to limit themselves to their spiritual duties; their
numbers are inadequate; for 700,000 people there are only 155 Lithuanian priests.
24 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

These relations and influences affected even the cooperative
movement of the Lithuanian immigrants. According to the
data furnished by my correspondents from fourteen societies,
five societies were organized and for a while managed by
socialists and free-thinkers, four societies by Catholics and
free-thinkers jointly, and four by Catholics mainly or ex-
clusively. However, while the struggle between socialistic and
Christian democratic ideals affected the public, and even some-
times the private life of the Lithuanian immigrants, the co-
operative societies proved a good school for mutual toleration,
and in many places effected a spirit of harmony and coopera-
tion. During the last few years a certain shifting of forces
has taken place. Socialists in most places are abandoning the
cooperative societies, their places being taken by Catholics.
Of the sixteen existing societies, which furnished me with
data, twelve are at present managed and governed by
Catholics.

Despite the different religious beliefs of the organizers, in
ten cases they enjoyed the confidence of the vast majority of
the members; while in four societies, the majority was smaller.

The Movement in Massachusetts

The first true consumers’ society on the Rochdale basis was
organized in West Lynn, Massachusetts, in 1908. The next
year their example was followed by the Lithuanians of Staun-
ton, Mass., and Brighton, Mass. Almost every subsequent year
saw the establishment of one or more societies in Massa-
chusetts. True, some of them were shortlived; but in 1920,
the Massachusetts Lithuanians had eleven consumers’ societies
out of a total number of thirty-three mentioned by Miss
Florence E. Parker for that State. The total number of con-
sumers’ societies, organized by the Lithuanians in Massa-
chusetts is fourteen. At present only eight survive. In 1915
the existing societies combined for the common purchase of
various articles. Large quantities of eggs and potatoes were
profitably bought and sold. The establishment of a wholesale
store seemed to be the next logical step. But the loss sustained
during the next year disheartened the cooperators and the

 

® ‘Consumers’ Cooperative Societies in the United States in 1920.” Washington,
Government Frinting Office, 1923.
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT 25

combination was dissolved, individual societies getting back
their money.°

The Time of Establishment of Thirty-two Societies and of
Failure of Sixteen Societies

The consumers’ cooperative movement grew slowly and
normally until 1919 and 1920, when it began to increase more
rapidly. But the subsequent years checked the movement.
Two reasons apparently contributed: After the independ-
ence of Lithuania had been proclaimed, many enterprising
Americans of Lithuanian descent began to organize capital for
trade and industry in Lithuania. Several millions of dollars
belonging to Lithuanian workers went into such corporations.
Every one was waiting for fabulous profits. Cooperation was
totally forgotten. But it seems that the path of profiteers was
not open to simple working people. Disillusionment came
soon. Most of those Lithuanian corporations in a few years
went into bankruptcy and left their investors in a state of
complete demoralization. The second reason for the tem-
porary stoppage of the consumers’ movement was the indus-
trial crisis of 1921, 1922 and the accompanying unemploy-
ment. Unemployment probably was responsible for the fail-
ure of many of the cooperative societies. Up to 1921 only six
societies had failed; but during the three subsequent years the
number of failures reached ten. The average age of sixteen
extinct societies reached only three years and nine months.
Of the twenty-three existing societies, eight are in Massa-
chusetts, seven in Pennsylvania, two in Michigan, two in
Illinois, one in New Hampshire, and one in Connecticut. All
of these societies are in the cities, organized and managed by
the city workers. The average age of sixteen reporting socie-
ties in 1924 was seven and one-half years.’

10 Another attempt to combine activities was made in 1918 in Mahanoy City,
Pa., but without success.

11 The average age of American consumers’ societies in 1920 was four years,
eleven months. If all these societies still exist (which, of course is doubtful),
their average age would not exceed the average age of the Lithuanian societies.
Concerning the American societies, Miss H. Parker says: “More than two-fifths of
the consumer societies and nearly one-fourth of the agricultural bodies have been
in business less than two years. Over 70% of the consumers and over half of
the agricultural associations have been doing business for less than five years.
Only Slag 1.89 respectively, have been operating for 25 years or more.” Op.
eit-'p. .

American cooperation is far more wide-spread in rural districts than in the
cities. In 12 North Central states in 1921 there were ‘4,442 cooperative com-
panies, representing a membership of 493,062 * * * {ransacting a total volume
of business aggregating a billion dollars.” :

“The Cooperative Elevator Movement” by Joseph B. Kenkel, p. 33.
26 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

Cooperative Education—DMeetings

It is safe to say that until 1923 no systematic cooperative
educational work had been undertaken by the Lithuanian co-
operative societies. True, the majority held their monthly
meetings; but these meetings very rarely discussed theoret-
ical questions of cooperation, or current literature. As a rule
they were occupied with the business side of activities. Oc-
casionally societies invited Lithuanian speakers to their meet-
ings; but again comparatively few among the intelligent Lith-
uanians were then or are at present interested in the co-
operative movement. Therefore, speakers for the occasion
were recruited frequently from among the rank and file of the
workers.

Until the summer of 1923 no Lithuanian newspapers gave
special attention to problems of cooperation or the cooperative
movement. Nor was any Lithuanian cooperative society a
member of the Cooperative League of America. Until that
year the League was unknown to them. A desirable change
in that regard came in 1923. Some societies applied for mem-
bership in the Cooperative League and subscribed for the
magazine, “Cooperation.” Moreover, the Lithuanian Associa-
tion of Labor, in its ninth annual convention at Newark, N. J.,
voted to assume as its special task the promotion of the co-
operative movement among the Lithuanians in the United
States and dedicated its tri-weekly paper, ‘“Darbininkas”
(“The Worker”) to the service of cooperation.

Voting

In all the Lithuanian cooperative societies the Rochdale
principle, one vote to each member, without regard to the
number of shares, is strictly observed. The same rule has
been observed by all the extinct societies. This was not the
result of cooperative education, or influence of the Rochdale
example, which was unknown to the members. The funda-
mental conception of equality characteristic to the Lithuanian
mind here manifested itself.?

 

2 It will be worth while to re-state here the fourteen points of the Rochdale
pioneers, as quoted by George Holyoke in his book ‘History of the Rochdale
Pioneers,” which are the following:

1. Began a store with funds of their own providing mainly.

2. Supplying the purest provision they could get.

3. Giving full weight and measure.

4. Chargins market prices, and not underselling or competing with shop-
eepers.
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT 2.

Interest on Share Capital

The second Rochdale principle, that not more than the legal
interest should be paid on share capital, was not so strictly
followed. Out of the sixteen existing societies only seven have
from the beginning fixed the interest which was to be paid on
shares. Six of them decided to pay six per cent; and one, five
per cent. Out of the sixteen extinct societies only three had
made such decisions (four, five and six per cent respectively).
None of the rest made any provision. It seems that the
majority of them did not intend to pay more than legal in-
terest, even in case of financial success. But in Massachusetts
there is one society at least which every year pays its members
an unusually large interest. It was forty-six per cent in 1917
and one hundred and forty-eight per cent in 1916.

However, since the managers of that society discovered, by
means of their own efforts and through experience, the third
Rochdale principle of paying saving-returns for patronage,
they thought it would not be proper to pay shareholders over
a hundred per cent interest, and in 1922 they paid just sixty-
three per cent on shares and four per cent for the patronage.
But that was an exceptional case. The majority of societies
made no previous decisions, not because they intended to pay
very high interest, but, as some of them explained in conver-
sation with me, they thought that there was no use to promise
any interest inasmuch as one is not sure of paying any. As a
matter of fact, no society of those which failed to fix the
amount of interest—with the exception mentioned above—has
paid any interest on shares. Those societies, which paid divi-
dends on purchases, did not see the need of paying additional
interest on shares. Some of the societies had paid neither

5. Sang, no credit, nor giving any; thus discouraging debt among working

6. GD ou profits made to members in proportion to their purchases;
acknowledging that they who made the profit should share it.

7. Inducing members to leave their profits in the profit bank of the store
to accumulate, thus teaching them thrift.

8. Fixing interest five per cent for share capital.

9. Dividing in the workshops the profits among those who saved them, in
proportion to their wages.

10. Devoting 214 per cent of all profits to education.

11. One person—one vote. Equal economic rights to women.

12. The intention of extending cooperative commerce and manufacture by
the establishment of an industrial city, in which crime and competition
should cease.

13. Creation of wholesale buying society.

14. The conception of the store as an Institution, as the germ of a new
social life which shall by well directed self-help insure morality and

competence to all the industrious. :
Quoted from the “Cooperative Movement To-day’ published by Methuen & Co.
28 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

interest nor dividend. Some could not; some even though able
to do so decided not to pay any interest.

Purchase Dividends

Nine out of sixteen societies are paying their members sav-
ings-return on the basis of their patronage, while only four
out of sixteen extinct societies observed this rule. One society
(in Shenandoah, Pa.) is conducted on the cost-plus plan, the
store charging customers ten per cent over actual cost. But
this society is at a standstill, not making any headway.
Among the sixteen extinct societies two were on the cost-plus
plan. These existed only two years. A comparison of Ameri-
can societies with Lithuanian societies is unfavorable in this
regard to the latter, since 90.6 per cent of American con-
sumers’ societies are paying purchase dividends.

The amount of dividends in Lithuanian societies varies from
one per cent to twenty per cent. One society in New Hamp-
shire? is paying regularly ten per cent dividend, besides five
per cent paid on shares. Another society in a small town in
Pennsylvania'* during the three years of its existence paid to
the members twenty, ten and fifteen per cent dividends or a
total of $10,615.00. As this society has only seventy-three
members, the average share in dividends for each member was
$145.41, or $48.47 per year, which of course had a substantial
meaning for the members, all of whom, by the way, were
miners. The share capital of that society is only $1,430;
total sales for the year, $35,000. This turnover is due largely
to the efforts of one man, the manager of the store.

The Importance of Competent Leadership

The success of that society is mainly due to its financial
secretary, who several years ago attended for a period of three
years the “Mining Institute” evening school, located in
Tamaqua, Pa. There he learned English and bookkeeping and
acquired a general knowledge of business and market condi-
tions. Moreover, that society from the beginning adhered
strictly to the Rochdale rule, sales for cash. Owing to the in-
fluence of this enlightened man the society overcame all

 

13 Tn Nashua, N. H.
14 In Girardville, Pa.
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT 29

obstacles and survived all dangers. During the first year it
had three managers. One was a prevaricator, another adverse
to work, the third dishonest. But none of these could greatly
harm the society, since their faults were promptly detected by
the financial secretary. The society finally procured a reliable
and competent manager, who for the last three years has suc-
cessfully conducted the store. His monthly salary is $175.00.

In Middleboro, Massachusetts, we find another example,
proving the importance of a capable and honest leader. There
the society has existed for twelve years. Owing to the unfit
managers and deficiencies of membership, the society has been
twice in a seemingly hopeless condition. The situation was
repeatedly saved through the ability of one man who, although
never attending school, acquired a reading and a writing
knowledge of the Lithuanian language while in the old coun-
try, and later a similar knowledge of the English language in
America, and has all the characteristics of an administrative
genius. During the twelve years of the society’s existence it
had eight managers. Five of them were either dishonest, or
inebriates, or totally incompetent. Here again the financial
secretary managed to save the society. He had great difficul-
ties with members and managers of the store, until he dis-
covered by experience two important Rochdale rules: to limit
the amount of shares held by individual members, and to in-
troduce paying of dividends on the basis of patronage. Be-
sides, he learned how to check and control the activities of the
manager. Since 1916 the society has paid members a very
high rate of interest on their shares and small dividends on
purchases. The administrator recently learned about the
Rochdale principles and rules, and is preparing to put them
into effect.

Granting of Credit

Eighty-seven and one-half per cent of the existing societies
and the same percentage of the non-existing societies were
granting credit to members, some of them even to outside cus-
tomers. The amount of merchandise given for credit by the
average existing society reached $1,396.47, while the average
amount of credit given by extinct ones reached $1,376.85. In
this regard, however, considerable progress has been made.
The credit given by the existing societies amounts to 34.19 per
30 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

cent of total share capital (which is somewhat in excess of
average American societies, where 28.8 of share capital is
tied up by giving credit). But in the extinct societies this
extension of credit reached even 61.73 per cent.

The amount of credit given is usually decided by the man-
ager and board of directors. The duration is from one week
to one month or more. American societies in this regard are
in better standing; 69.5 per cent grant credit and 30.5 per
cent are doing cash business only.

Employees and Their Salaries

The Cooperative League of America has laid down the
rule's, that “the sales made by each employee should average
at least . . . $18,000 a year,” and expenses for salaries
should not exceed six per cent of the business done. As to
the first requirement the Lithuanian societies are living up
to it and even doing slightly better. The sales made by the
average employee reach $19,877.75 per year.’* But the sal-
aries exceed the prescribed form, reaching 7.34 per cent of
total turnover. (Minimum six per cent and maximum 12.21
per cent.) In all states weekly salaries are paid, ranging
from $30.00 to $45.00 for the managers, and from $15.00 to
$40.00 for the other employees. In the anthracite coal region
monthly salaries are paid, amounting from $130.00 to $175.00.

The average existing society has 2.5 employees, while in
those extinct the average per society was 2.79. Progress,
though slight, was made in efficiency of management. Still
better progress is made in the percentage of turnover used
for salaries. While in extinct societies this percentage was
8.86 in the existing ones it is 7.34.

xia to start and run a Cooperative store on the Rochdale plan’ New York,
p.

16 “The chain store average is $30,000.00.” Ibidem p. 13.
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

31

Comparative Table of Membership, Shares, Interest, Divi-

. dends, Turnover and Surplus of Lithuanian

and American Societies

Lithuanian Lithuanian American

existing extinct societies
societies societies
. In 16 soc. In 12 soc.
'Notal membership... --o- > 2,773 1,264
Average membership _________ 173 105 269
Lowest and highest’ number in
ONE AOCIOLY. ne wren mar ao 59—450
Value per share. J. 01. $5—825 $1—8500
Two-thirds of the Lithuanian So-
cieties, three-fifths of Ameri-
can societies issue shares____ $5—3$10 $5—3$10
Maximum investment allowed to
ONE MEMPEr.. oi $20—$1,000 $200—$1,000
In two-thirds of societies not
eveeedimos, oo $100 $200
In 16 soc. In 13 soc.
Total share capital... o ___._ $65,335.00 $28,995.00
Avergoe ooo Lon au $4,083.44 $2,230.38 $17,056.00
Rate of interest on shares____ 6 % 6% 5% —8 %
Rate of dividends on patronage. 1% —20% 59% —6%
16 soc. 14 soc.
Total IOIROVERL a na alr $795,010.25 $505,276.08
Average turnover per year_____ $49,688.14 $36,091.11 $99,406.00
Average surpluy: 1 ior $4,832.61 $5,142.00
Assets and Liabilities
Lithuanian Lithuanian Lithuanian
existing existing extinct
societies average average
Assets of total
Cash on hand and in bank (11
ontiofilB) or. ol Joon inl is $23,279.42 $1,454.96
Merchandise inventory ——__—___ 39,289.54 2,455.00 $2,022.23
Buildings, land and equipment_ 122,358.00 7,647.37 2,592.84
Accounts veceivable. _ __.._.___ 22,343.46 1,396.47 1,376.85
T.oss (of 2 societies) -——______ 1,361.20 680.00
Liabilities
Shave capital ol nd Nie 65,335.00 4,083.44 2,230.38
Bills payable (12 societies)___ 11,540.48 961.71 1,594.00
Accounts payable (8 societies) 63,119.60 7,889.95 1,341.66
Surplus (14 societies) --——-._- 67,656.54 4,832.61

17 Miss Parker had records for 1920 from 966 cooperative societies in America,
among these 696 were consumers societies and 270 agricultural societies.
32 CONSUMERS’ COGPERATIVE MOVEMENT

It is seen from the above table that, out of the sixteen
existing societies, two were operating until 1923 with a loss,
though not very significant; while fourteen societies had a
total surplus of $67,656.54 or $4,832.61 per society, which is
very near to the average American society, where surplus is
$5,142.00.

Accounting

Accounting in existing societies as a general rule is managed
very poorly. In about half of the societies it is left to the
managers, or performed by the board of directors; usually
neither of these is competent. In five or six societies the
bookkeeper is employed only in the evening; only in two stores
is the regular bookkeeper employed all the time. Even where
the bookkeeping is well provided for, no printed accounts are
published or distributed to members. They are read in meet-
ings, accepted, and by this act all deals are closed. The
real status of the society cannot be verified by members, this
state of affairs resulting often in gossip and slanders.

Relations with the American People

In general the relations of the Lithuanian societies and
their stores with the American people are satisfactory, where
such relations exist. These are usually restricted to the pat-
ronage by Americans of Lithuanian stores. It can be safely
stated that about one-third of the total turnover is provided
by American buyers. In Pittsburgh, Pa., American customers
are furnishing half of the turnover; in Middleboro, Mass.,
even more. But the membership, with very few exceptions,
is composed exclusively of Lithuanians and everywhere the
foreign-born Lithuanian element predominates. The younger
generation as a rule do not take an interest in the cooperative
movement, as the whole educational system of the country
is directed towards arousing the ambition for individual
achievements.

Some societies even do not want to accept members of other
nationalities. There are two main reasons for this. The
majority of Lithuanian immigrants have not yet acquired a
sufficient knowledge of the English language, and as a result
all their meetings are conducted in Lithuanian. The second
reason is that the Americans living in cities where the Lith-
CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT 33

uanians dwell*® are not in any considerable degree interested
in the cooperative movement. Some Lithuanian cooperators
openly express the fear that if Americans were to participate
in their cooperative societies, the latter would be changed from
cooperation to corporation.

Similarly they do not invite Americans as speakers to their
cooperative meetings, simply because they have not even heard
about the existence of American speakers on cooperative
matters. On different political or social occasions various
Lithuanian organizations invite very willingly American
speakers and hold them in great esteem. But on such oc-
casions the leadership usually is assumed by the Lithuanian
professional or business men, who themselves are not inter-
ested in the cooperative movement. The Lithuanian cooper-
ators will not fail to get into communication with American
cooperators as soon as they learn that such men exist in
their neighborhood.

The Conclusions

To sum up what has been said about the existing Lithuan-
ian consumers’ cooperative societies, in comparison with those
extinct and with the average American consumers’ societies,
we may make the following conclusions:

The Lithuanian consumers’ movement in the United States
was inaugurated by the immigrant workers, who were op-
pressed by the exploitation of private stores.

Though these initiators had many necessary and valuable
natural endowments for cooperative action, they with few
exceptions utterly lacked technical knowledge and skill, and
therefore could not make notable achievements. However,
the ground has been sufficiently prepared for more productive
action, and necessary experience has been gained.

The existing societies, as compared with the extinct,
have made considerable progress as regards quality and
quantity ; nevertheless, they have not reached in many aspects
the degree of cooperative efficiency of the average American
consumers’ society.

Unassisted by the intelligent people of their own nationality,
not getting moral support from the American cooperators,

18 Almost all Lithuanian immigrants live in the cities. The few engaged in
farming are scattered throughout the United States.
34 CONSUMERS’ COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

the first Lithuanian cooperators in the United States had to
proceed through a thorny path in an unknown land. Many
casualties took place. Those that survived gained important
experience, and the promise of future progress shines through
the present cloud of darkness. This hope lies in the new
generation; Lithuanian cooperators instinctively look for in-
crease of the cooperative movement among the people of the
United States.

In the next chapter we shall discuss in more detail the
difficulties of the societies described above and the reasons
why so many of them failed.
CHAPTER IV.

Difficulties—Causes of Failure

If many of the cooperative stores in the United States have
met reverses, it is of the utmost importance to find out the
reasons for the condition, as well as the contributory causes
from without. Here again my investigation was limited to
thirty-two societies of Lithuanian immigrants. Only eighteen
replies were received, sixteen of which describe the causes
of failure. However, these have a substantial value, because
they are pictures of true American conditions.

Answers from Various Classes

Observations made by my correspondents regarding the
difficulties of cooperative stores are of peculiar value, because
they are made by men and women of varied social and eco-
nomic standing. Out of the eighteen answers, eight came from
male laborers, of whom only five can be classed as skilled
workers. Three answers were returned by the managers of
existing stores. Other answers came from the following: a
pastor, a female worker, a business girl, an office clerk, a
private store-keeper, an organist, and a printer.

All the difficulties may be put into two classes; those of
a personal character, and those arising out of environment.

The difficulties of a personal kind may be subdivided into
intellectual deficiencies and character deficiencies.

Intellectual Deficiencies

Lack of knowledge of cooperation.—Seventeen out of eigh-
teen stressed this difficulty. This ignorance refers to the
cooperative idea itself, and to the business methods. Five
answers pointed out the total inability of members to control
business. “There is no one among them who understands co-
operation,” writes the pastor, referring to the society of his
city ;—“they heard from some source something about the
cooperative stores and they thought that perhaps they could
establish one of their own. And this they did.” Is it any
wonder, that under such circumstances the main condition of
success, viz.: The observance of Rochdale rules, could not be

[35]
36 DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE

assured? In six answers credit given to buyers is emphasized
as a main difficulty. Such societies, according to George Hol-
yoke—*“eat the calf in the cow’s belly.” In one society too
great inequality of shares held by individual members was
impeding normal progress. In two others a too small share
capital prevented growth. Like the weavers of England, op-
posing the Rochdale pioneers, “they did not understand that
you cannot fight capital without capital.” In two more so-
cieties, not paying dividends for patronage caused decrease in
the turnover. Of course, none of these cooperators could be
justly blamed for the lack of necessary knowledge, as no op-
portunity to study cooperation was presented to them, either in
the country of their birth or in that of their adoption. The vast
majority of them can read and write only in their native
tongue. They came here as adults, and, naturally, there are
only a few who can attend night schools in order to acquire
a new language and through it the necessary knowledge and
information.

Political Differences

As a factor in the movement American politics do not
enter, or, if so, only to a slight degree. Not so with the politi-
cal differences on their own national ground. These pertain
mainly to the religious attitude of members. The philosophy
of life, whether with religion, or without it, is a matter of
greatest importance to the Lithuanian workers. Only an
inconsiderable minority of them are indifferent in this regard.
They are divided into Christians, Democrats and Socialists.
The latter as a rule are free-thinkers. No wonder then, that
in three societies, the lack of religious and political tolerance?

Te Jlistory of the Rochdale Pioneers,” by George Jacob Holyoke, London,
STs

2 There is a fundamental difference between the United States and Lithuania as
regards the relation between religion and politics. Here in the United States no
political party in Congress is in opposition to religion and the Church. In Lithuania
there is more than one such party. In the United States the principle of separation
of religion and politics was a necessary outcome of the very different religious
affiliations of the people. In Lithuania, where Protestants constitute only 2 per
cent of the total population, and the rest of the Lithuanian people are Catholics,
the Church of the country exercises a dominant influence upon the life of the
nation. The new constitution of Lithuania, though perfectly tolerant of all
religious organizations, expressly recognizes the Christian character of the State
and demands religious education in the schools. But this is strenuously opposed
by all the socialistic parties (communists, social-democrats, and national socialists).
The varying attitude towards Church and education presents a fundamental issue
to the political parties of Lithuania. Some echo of these differences is apparent in
relations among the Lithuanian immigrants in United States. Here the battles
are fought not in a political field, but in social life, in organizations and in
periodicals. Here, too, the churches and schools are the primary issue, Socialists
opposing, Catholics defending.
DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE 37

is regarded as a grave obstacle to the development of the
cooperative movement.

Character Deficiencies

Intellectual deficiencies are too often accompanied by char-
acter deficiencies.

Apathy and indifference of the workers, even of the mem-
bers, are emphasized by two of my correspondents. One of
them states: “Those who do not desire freedom, must be
slaves.”

Lack of the spirit of solidarity is stressed in five answers.
It appears that the spirit of individualism may prosper in both
social extremes: in the environment of abundant wealth, as in
America, and in poor and oppressive conditions, as under the
regime of the Czar. The older generation of Lithuanian im-
migrants, who make up the vast majority of the membership
of Lithuanian consumers’ societies, have nurtured their in-
dividualistic tendencies in the atmosphere of suspicion and
oppression. “Selfishness, narrow individualism’ writes the
Catholic priest already quoted, “is a direct consequence of
centuries of oppression. The workers hold in esteem private
property, and especially their own, but they do not care much
for the public good.”

The new economic surroundings do not socialize the immi-
grant. On the contrary they tend to increase his inclination
to individualism. “The immigrant goes to the factory,” writes
my printer-correspondent: “and makes money without diffi-
culty from the first day. If workers wish to have successful
cooperative establishments, they have to study, to assume
risks, and to go through long experience. Why all this
trouble, if you are making nice money in the factory, and
live in plenty, at least for a while?”

Therefore, it is no wonder that in four answers we find a
lack of self-demial or self-sacrifice, and spiritual laziness
strongly emphasized. Such a disposition naturally prevents
the mind from thinking clearly, from looking to a distant
future, and hinders the body from enduring additional hard-
ships. It is interesting to note here that, among the existing
difficulties found in connection with the Lithuanian stores,
the demand by members to have merchandise delivered in
38 DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE

their houses, for which they refuse as a rule to pay additional
price, is mentioned by some of my correspondents. Only one
or two decades ago these same ‘“‘cooperators’ in their native
country were accustomed to walk six to eight miles every
Sunday to attend church services, or to travel in carriages
many more miles to a distant market place to sell or to buy
unimportant articles.

Two answers pointed to the great variety of characters
and views among the members as an obstacle to cooperation.
As indicated by a female worker, “Some believe in money,
some in drink; those who have ideals, do not have knowledge.
Only a few have in their hearts love of God and of neighbour.”

Avarice of members. After paying a small amount into the
society, many expected riches. This is brought out by three
of my correspondents.

Atheism, as a demoralizing factor is mentioned by two
correspondents. One of them, a common laborer, writes: “If
a free-thinker belongs to the society, he has to rule and man-
age. If he cannot, he becomes an enemy.”

Lack of persistency is mentioned in one answer, as a great
character defect in our cooperators.

Outside Difficulties

The environmental difficulties of the cooperative movement
among the Lithuanian immigrants are of a two-fold char-
acter: (1) moral-cultural, and (2), social-economic.

Among the moral-cultural obstacles the general atmosphere
of individualism should be mentioned in the first place. The
immigrant perceives this in the workshop, where thousands
of people are closely packed together, but nevertheless lack
a common tie of friendship, and in a moral and spiritual sense
are widely separated. He experiences it in his relations with
his closest neighbours, who are hardly more than mere
acquaintances. He observes this spirit on the street, where
everybody rushes madly in pursuit of individual ends. He sees
it reflected in periodicals, in meetings, in business. His sons
bring from the schools their individual dreams of business
and profits. He cannot escape it even in church, where pay-
ment is required for an individual seat, a custom unheard and
unthought of in his native country. Is it surprising that
DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE 39

from the dawn of his life in a new country the immigrant
is more and more encouraged to “mind his own business,”
to pursue his aims regardless of others, and to cherish the
hope of becoming rich quickly? Such an atmosphere is not
conducive to cooperation.

Lack of sources of information is another important diffi-
culty. The Lithuanian periodicals, with one or two exceptions,
have completely ignored the subject of cooperation. The
majority of them are published by corporations, organized as
capitalistic enterprises. The minority, operated by private
publishers, are motivated mainly by the desire of quick finan-
cial success. They will ignore cooperation, at least so long as
a wide demand on the part of the reading public does not
manifest itself.

Until 1923 there was published no piece of instructive
literature on cooperation in the Lithuanian language. The
amount now published is quite inadequate.

Lack of leaders and of encouragement from influential peo-
ple, is another serious difficulty. The priests are the natural
leaders of the majority of Lithuanian immigrants. But here
the position of the clergy in regard to cooperation is entirely
different from that found in Lithuania. There, commerce was
almost exclusively in the hands of Jews. It was imperative,
and proved to be very popular, for the clergy to help the popu-
lation in their attempt to liberate themselves from the eco-
nomic exploitation. Moreover, the priests were the only per-
sons who could help the population in that economic struggle;
for until the beginning of the twentieth century no educated
lay Catholic Lithuanian was permitted by the government to
hold any responsible position.

In American parishes the majority of the grocers and
butchers are Lithuanians, most of them church members.
Some kind of “impartiality” is almost imperative to the priests.

The intelligent laymen and women are either employed in
offices, or if professional or business men, are tied up in many
ways with the business world at large. They are bound by
innumerable ties, both visible and invisible, to the capitalistic
system. The grip of the system is strongly felt in every phase
of life. Thus the unskilled and uneducated workers are left
to their very limited capacities. Cooperative progress is of
necessity extremely slow.
40 DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE

Lack of competent store managers. This is mainly due to
the lack of special preparatory schools.! Fourteen societies
out of the eighteen, complained about this most important
difficulty. It would be hard to determine whether the inability
or the dishonesty of the managers was more detrimental. In
some cases probably both deficiencies contributed. One thing
is certain, in the majority of cases of dishonesty, a great part
of the responsibility should be assumed by the Boards of Di-
rectors and by the membership. Neither of these groups knew
nor endeavored to establish a reasonable method of control.

One correspondent writes: “If the manager is fit and
capable, he leaves after a year or two and establishes his own
business; if he is lacking initiative or knowledge, he is work-
ing unwittingly for the destruction of society.”

Among the difficulties of a social-economic character, a sort
of “highway robbery” by a threefold group of exploiters should
be mentioned first. There have been three kinds of exploiters
of the Lithuanian workers during the last few years: (1)
Fake-bankers, or stock-dealers, who paid enormous interest
on investments, and with “specials” of every kind succeeded
in turning the heads of all who were eager to become rich.
It has been estimated that those fake bankers collected from
the Lithuanians of Chicago alone several millions of dollars;
(2) Organizers of Lithuanian corporations on a capitalistic
basis, after Lithuania was recognized as an independent coun-
try. A score of such corporations have been established. They
have raised between four and six millions of dollars. Two
motives were utilized to extract the workers’ money, patriotic,
viz., to reconstruct Lithuania economically and financially and
acquisitive, viz.,, enormous dividends were promised. The
majority of those Lithuanian-American corporations are dead.
Only three of them paid any dividends. None is paying divi-
dends any longer. The majority of them failed on account of
the incompetency of managers and directors ; some have ceased
their existence through the crookedness of leaders, who have
desperately followed the motto, “get rich quick.” (3) Fake-
cooperative schemes, put forth as “a new Rochdale-American

 

3 The first summer school of this kind, of five weeks’ duration, was held in
September, 1923, in Minneapolis, Minn., with fairly good success. Twenty-two
students pursued the course. The Finns in Superior, Wis., have conducted such
a school in the Finnish language during the last five summers, and thus prepared
over a hundred enlightened managers for their stores.
DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE 41

plan,” advocated in Chicago in 1919-1921.* Among the agents
trained for selling shares were a few Lithuanians, who suc-
ceeded in collecting from Lithuanian workers of Illinois, Mich-
igan and Ohio at least several hundred thousand dollars.

All these schemes were equally disastrous morally and
socially. Lithuanian workers became extremely skeptical
concerning all corporate activities. This attitude was further
developed after the failure of many cooperative societies in
1921 and 1922. The cooperative movement among Lithuanians
has ceased for some time to come. No consumers’ society was
established by them in 1922. Only one appeared in 1923.

The intense competition with chain stores and private stores
is another important difficulty, which is very hard to combat.
The competition of chain stores was not strongly felt until
the immigrants learned to speak a few words of English.
Now the difficulties of language in many cases have been
overcome, at least to the extent that the Lithuanian is
understood by the store-employee, or grown-up children are
sent to do the shopping. Competition by the chain stores is
now keenly felt. In many places chain store prices are
about the same as those which the cooperative stores have
to pay for their supplies. Almost similar difficulties are
created by the private Jewish stores. Among the American
Jews are many emigrants from Lithuania, who are well
versed in the Lithuanian language. In many Lithuanian
colonies the same trading relations are observed as in the
old country. The seller is the Jew, the buyer the Lith-
uanian. Commercial facilities for Jewish store-keepers are
far greater than for Lithuanians. This is due to the innate
Jewish skill, the experience of centuries, the abundance of
capital, the knowledge of customers, and racial solidarity.
Moreover, the majority of wholesale houses in which Lith-
uanian stores are obliged to buy are in the hands of Jews.

The competition of private Lithuanian stores is more
easily overcome. But it becomes a significant factor when
those private dealers indulge in various practices of doubt-
ful moral character, which is quite frequently the case.

Instability of membership is another important difficulty.

 

* The Rochdale-American plan has been hopefully accepted even by some econo-
mists of high standing, like for instance, by Mr. G. S. Watkins. Cf. his booklet
“Cooperation—a study in constructive economic reform,” University of Illinois
Dulletin, March 14, 1921, p. 7.
42 DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE

The Lithuanian worker, even with a family and property,
cannot regard himself as a settled citizen of a community.
The great majority of houses held by them in reality belong
to the banks or to the real-estate companies. In case of
prolonged unemployment many families have to move to
another city to make a livelihood. In such cases, the losers
are not only the families leaving their homes, but the stores
too, with which they are unable, sometimes unwilling, to
settle accounts. This is especially the case with single
workers who move from place to place according to the
conditions of the labor market.

Another difficulty is that the members are scattered through
the city, and it is a real hardship for some of them to pur-
chase goods at their society store. On the other hand, it is
a great financial burden for the store to convey merchandise
to the homes of such members.

The temporary character of the stay in America of some
immigrants constitutes another hindrance to the coop-
erative movement. Many of those who intend to return to
the country of their birth do not wish to involve themselves
in financial transactions which to some extent would bind
them.

If to all these causes, we add one more, which is common
and fundamental, viz., that the present economic system
provides to the immigrants, at least for many years, welfare
and wages which are much higher than in Europe’, then it
will be clear that the economic, social and moral conditions
among the immigrants in the United States are not con-
ducive to the spread of cooperative movement. The rural
population in the United States is in a different situation
economically and therefore the cooperative movement is
much stronger in the country than in the city.

The city workers during times of industrial depression do
not take financial risks; they may move to another city,
even to farms; or if they remain in their own cities, they live
on credit and are afraid to spend a dollar for any invest-
ment. Hard times, it is true, usually furnish better ground
for the psychical reaction in the cooperative direction. But

 

’ “There has been a higher degree of individual comfort here than in Europe,
which has made people less cognizant of the need for small economies and so has
retarded the expression of the associative spirit and the development of cooperative
action in Dreduiction and distribution of commodities.” W. G. Watkins in ‘‘Co-
operation’ p.
DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE 43

lack of far-sightedness and intelligence, defects of charac-
ter, and the lack of intelligent leaders prevent workers from
cooperative activities.

But those hard times are easily forgotten after the boom
of industry reappears. The workers are glad again to re-
ceive high wages and do not mind a continuous rise in the
cost of living. Despite the high cost of living, those who are
thrifty accumulate savings, often at the expense of health
and happiness, refusing themselves the elementary comforts
of life, until some repercussion of the globe, social or
political, comes again, when all their savings disappear to
feed the appetites of another band of profiteers.

To persevere in the movement, to fight constantly adverse
conditions, requires men and women of unusual character
and energy. To maintain the cooperative movement among
the city workers in America at present requires high virtue
and real sacrifice. In reality the movement is kept afoot
and fostered, not by those having economic or social power,
not by the intellectuals, but by the very small groups of
workers, men and women of high ideals and admirable
character, but, so far, of insufficient capacities.

Yet there is a possibility and even probability of a
brighter future. This hope is kept alive by those who have
overcome all obstacles. Let us listen again to the two suc-
cessful financial secretaries. One of them writes from
Pennsylvania: “The conditions of the cooperative move-
ment here in the United States are not any worse than in
other countries. The best thing is that the government does
not interfere. All we need is the enlightenment and unity
of the workers.” Another from Massachusetts writes: “If
unity among the workers were attained, there would be no
difficulty for the development of the cooperative movement
in America. Cooperation mostly needs competent and
honest workers and leaders, who command the confidence
of the people. Let us busy ourselves with education, and
the problem will be solved successfully.”

These are encouraging voices. They give a hope and a
guarantee for the future. And they probably have the
key to the solution of most of the difficulties in education
and unity.
44 DIFFICULTIES—CAUSES OF FAILURE

Causes of Failure

The reasons given above likewise explain the failure of
the sixteen societies from which I obtained records. Usually
there was a combination of all or of many of the difficulties
enumerated above. They varied a great deal in quantity
and quality, according to various local conditions.

Certain causes of failure, however, were particularly
emphasized by my correspondents. They referred to mem-
bership, management, non-observance of Rochdale rules,
and outside factors.

1. Membership. Members ignorant of cooperation, in four
societies; lack of solidarity among the members, in four so-
cieties ; members scattered, in one society ; members apathetic,
in one society.

2. Management. Ignorant managers, in six societies; dis-
honest managers, in eight societies; incompetent and inactive
board of directors, in two societies.

3. Nonobservance of Rochdale rules. Credit given to mem-
bers and non-members, in seven societies; insufficient capital,
in one society.

4. Outside causes. Competition of private stores, in two
societies ; competition of chain stores, in one society.

‘Conclusions. Owing to the numerous internal and external
obstacles, the development of the consumers’ cooperative move-
ment among the Lithuanian immigrants could not but be slow,
and the actual failure of more than half of the established
cooperative stores is but a logical effect.

However, due to the experience gained in the first endeavors
and to the general spread of education and enlightenment
among the immigrants, there is rising a new generation of en-
lightened leaders who, with the help of some intellectuals, will
probably manage not only to continue but to extend the move-
ment. The simultaneous increase in strength and expansion
of the general cooperative movement in the United States will
give Lithuanian cooperators, as a constituent part of that
movement, additional encouragement and strength.
CHAPTER V.

Insurance Cooperation

The broad term, “Insurance Cooperation,” perhaps does
not fit the limited scope of the insurance cooperative activities
of the Lithuanians in America. On the material side in most
cases they provide only sick benefits and funeral benefits. But,
as these benefit societies were the first cooperative endeavors
made by the Lithuanian immigrants in United States, as they
now extend to practically all the Lithuanian communities,
as they have exercised very great influence upon the life and
development of the Lithuanian immigrants, they rightly de-
serve a place in this discussion.

Field of Investigation

The writer’s task was to ascertain the approximate number
of Lithuanian benefit societies in America, their membership,
character of activities, their assets in money and buildings,
their cultural achievements. Questionnaires were sent to about
two hundred sixty Lithuanian colonies. Answers have been
received from only fifty-eight, mostly small and insignificant.
Eleven colonies are so small that no local benefit societies could
be organized. There are branches of one of two Central
Lithuanian alliances. Only forty-seven answers are con-
sidered here. They refer to communities which have twenty-
eight Lithuanian Roman Catholic parishes and churches.

The results of this investigation are comparatively poor,
mainly for two reasons: (1) It required a considerable sacri-
fice on the part of the persons addressed by me to collect data
from fifteen to twenty, or even more societies in large com-
munities. No one from among the largest, and only a few
from medium sized communities, furnished information. The
vast majority of the answers came from small communities.
(2) Some societies evidently were suspicious of the aim of the
investigation, although this was plainly stated. They prefer
to live and act unnoticed by the outsiders.

The answers furnished data on one hundred thirty-two

benefit societies.® In twenty-eight communities where
1In forty-seven communities, whose answers are discussed here, there are one
hundred eighty-four other various organizations of a cultural, economic, and social

character, which makes the total number of organizations in said forty-seven
communities, three hundred six.

[45]
46 INSURANCE COOPERATION

churches exist there are altogether ninety-nine benefit socie-
ties or about three and one-half societies per community. In
the United States there are many Lithuanian communities
with parishes, having ten, twelve, or even more local benefit
organizations. It will not be an exaggeration to assume that
in the average Lithuanian colony having a parish and church
(of which the total number in the United States is one hundred
fifteen), there are not less than six benefit societies, which
would make the total number of benefit societies in Lithuanian
parishes about eight hundred. If we add at least two hundred
societies for the communities where no parishes are organized,
we can set the total probable number of such benefit societies
at one thousand.

The average membership, financial status and achieve-
ments of these investigated societies, if multiplied by one
thousand, would give a very conservative figure of total mem-
bership and total achievements of Lithuanian benefit societies
in the United States. The real condition is probably much
better because the societies in old and large Lithuanian com-
munities, whose records it proved impossible to procure in a
short time, are much longer established, more numerous and
probably blessed with far greater achievements.

Motives of Organizers

The organization of benefit societies was dictated by the
instinct of self-preservation. New life in entirely different
surroundings, in the midst of different people, new kind of
work in factories and mines, involving great risks for life
and limb,—this new environment suggested by itself the
necessity of organizing for mutual insurance purposes.

The objects were insurance against accident and sickness
and provision for at least a decent Christian burial. Be-
sides these, there were other motives of even greater im-
portance. Wherever two or more score of Lithuanians
gathered, they ordinarily began to think and talk about
establishing their own parish and obtaining a priest of their
own nationality. For several good reasons this was of great
importance. First, they wanted to preserve their Catholic
religion; and, secondly, a parish gave them an opportunity
to become independent of the Poles, and to establish and
INSURANCE COOPERATION 47

preserve their own distinct nationality. Centuries of forced
union with the Poles caused the other nations of the world
to lose track of the Lithuanian nation. In the old country,
the Poles represented landlords, the class of economic op-
pressors. The traditions of an intolerable yoke under Polish
landlords were fresh in the memory. No wonder, then,
that many of the first Lithuanian settlers in the United States
did everything in their power to rid themselves of all Polish
ties. Their own benefit societies had to be their first means
of self-determination. Back of them was the hope of or-
ganizing parishes and of building churches. In most of the
Lithuanian communities, the local benefit society was the
forerunner of the parish. The society made the first endow-
ment for the parish, and very frequently provided its name.

In Baltimore, the benefit society of St. John the Baptist
was organized in 1884. The Poles offered their hall for the
meetings, but the Lithuanians refused to accept the courtesy.
They held their meetings elsewhere and soon decided to
start a parish organization. The members of St. John the
Baptist Society voted to pay ten dollars each as an initiation
fee and afterwards two per cent of their incomes for the
future church. When a parish was finally established, it
assumed the name of the Society. A similar procedure was
followed in the great majority of Lithuanian communities.
The societies usually assumed the name of one of the
patron saints most loved in Lithuania. Among them may
be mentioned St. John the Baptist, St. George, Sts. Peter and
Paul, St. Anthony, St. Francis, Immaculate Conception of the
Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Vilna, of the Holy Rosary, St.
Agatha, etc. The last named were assumed by the women’s
benefit societies. At times the names of national heroes
were used, for instance; Vytautas, Gediminas, Algirdas,
Keistutis, Daukantas, Bishop Valancius, etc.

Character of the Societies

In their religious, moral and social character, the Lith-
uanian benefit societies strongly remind us of the medieval
guild organizations, although the scope of their activities is
not so wide and important, especially in the social-economic
field. In a moral and religious sense, they have had and
48 INSURANCE COOPERATION

continue to have a powerful significance and influence in the
life of Lithuanian immigrants.

They had to help and foster religious beliefs and prac-
tices. By the constitution of the societies, members were re-
quired to fulfill faithfully all religious duties, especially
Easter confession and communion.? On the day of the pa-
tron saint of the society and the day of Easter confession,
all members with their badges on their breasts were obliged
to come to church in a body. Those who refused to par-
ticipate in these solemnities were not tolerated in the
societies. It was a public profession of their faith.

The meetings always commenced and concluded with prayer.

On the feast of their Patron, the societies usually con-
ducted social entertainments for the families and guests,
with theatrical performances, speeches, concerts, suppers,
ete. 3

The societies have always been of great financial aid to
the parish and its pastor.

The contributions to the moral and social life of members
by the benefit societies are also significant. Members are
required to help one another in distress, to visit the sick, to
attend funerals, and, following the ancient custom, to keep
vigil during the period in which the corpse is waked, during
which time prayers are said and hymns sung.

The monthly dues of the societies are usually small; but
when a great necessity arises an extra collection is made.

These societies have been of great importance in the
social development of Lithuanians. After long centuries of
oppression and forced ignorance, the Lithuanians have ob-
tained through these societies a school of free sociability
and parliamentarianism. They became in a way cultured
gentlemen, acquired power to express themselves logically
and intelligently. Many societies have established small
libraries, which improve the intellectual status of their
members.

Through the instrumentality of their own language and
customs, these societies prepared gradually, though indi-
rectly, for better citizenship. By providing help for their
members in case of sickness and death, they taught self-

 

2 Owing to the strong anti-religious agitation of socialists and free-thinkers,
rampant during three decades, and especially before and during the war, about
one-third of all the benefit societies severed their affiliations with religion.
INSURANCE COOPERATION 49

support and so relieved industry at large of many possible
dependents. By helping to build churches and schools and
by building halls and clubhouses, they contributed largely
to this country’s material and social culture.

They helped a great deal in the resurrection of their
mother country, having contributed generously during the
last few decades toward its liberation from foreign oppression.

Many societies took up the direct task of preparing mem-
bers for citizenship. In the great majority of Lithuanian
communities there is at least one citizen’s club which propa-
gates the idea of citizenship and prepares the members to
become citizens.

Insurance Societies

Membership of sociefifes) 2. cpa Ln SNE Sir 20—1,200
Total membership in 132 zocletiey 15,359
Average membership of each society ___________ 116
Monthly fees. lil loa wb di, 05 S00 10c—$1.00
Paes mostly favored... .oobe dale Judd, Cll aan] 25¢—50¢
Weekly slekness benefiis. oon ac Loo ono $2.50—$10.00
Benefits: mostly favored... die othe ot 5.00— 6.00
Burial beneflls. oo a. oo lGn S anol ewe vin EE 50.00—300.00
Amounts megtly favored... o_o. 100.00—200.00
In addition to the above, in case of death all members

in some societies are assessed (each) ____________ 1.00
Money, land and buildings of 132 societies ______ 344,966.00
AVerage leas dest Ri Bonne an Leiba 2,613.37
Donations for religious and cultural purposes______ 29,366.00
Donations for religious and cultural purposes in

Lithuania 0 oe wa, A 18,638.00

It is apparent that in the majority of the societies the sick-
ness and burial benefits are too small to satisfy even modest
needs of the members. However the societies were not
created to provide for all the needs of the stricken members,
but only to give some subsidy. Every member is supposed
to provide his own savings.

Besides, there are many workers who belong to two, three
or even more benefit societies.

Tt is obvious also that too great variation exists in the sick-
ness and burial benefits. Sickness benefits in the societies
with fifty cents monthly dues vary from five dollars to ten
dollars, and burial benefits from fifty dollars to three hundred
dollars. In societies with twenty-five cents monthly dues the
50 INSURANCE COOPERATION

sickness benefits vary from two dollars and fifty cents to
seven dollars weekly; and burial benefits from twenty-five dol-
lars to two hundred fifty dollars.

Apparently there has been no attempt to determine the
amount of benefits on a more or less scientific basis. Never-
theless, no society has become bankrupt on account of too low
monthly payments by the members. Evidently the organizers
of these societies and the members themselves did not attach
too much importance to the question of dues. Societies pros-
pered despite the low fees, and high fees did not always mean
prosperity. In fact, monthly dues in many cases are not the
principal source of income. The treasury of the society can
be supplemented from entertainments, picnics, extra assess-
ments, ete.

How then were dues and benefits determined? It depended
on many local circumstances. In large communities, where
there were prospects of a great number of members, the
monthly dues were put lower and benefits higher. For such
societies extra income would be more available. In small cities
with very limited communities, the dues were higher and
benefits lower.

Again, an important factor is the spirit of individualism
and competition among the Lithuanian immigrants.

If one’s friend or neighbour, John, organized St. John’s
society and successfully managed it, then why should not
George organize another and call it St. George’s benefit so-
ciety? If George feels that he will easily get followers with-
out bettering conditions (lowering fees, or raising benefits),
then he organizes a new society in the same community and
on the same conditions. If he is doubtful about success, he
lowers the fees and raises the benefits. In either case the
chances are ninety-nine to one that St. George’s society will
succeed, and that St. John’s society will not perish. The
prosperity of both, in membership and in finances, will, indeed,
be limited; but as time goes on both societies will be recog-
nized as important factors in the life of the local community;
both will acquire ardent and zealous supporters, and each will
build up its peculiar character and traditions.

It often happens when the popularity of the leaders of an
existing society begins to vanish, that some new influential
leader of the community appears. If this man has social am-
INSURANCE COOPERATION 51

bition, he will grasp a favorable opportunity and organize a
new society. Again, the common phenomenon is observed that
a society, formerly Catholic will, owing to the influence of
members who have become free-thinkers, change the constitu-
tion and abolish religious restrictions. In that case Catholics,
instead of fighting free-thinkers, usually withdraw from the
society and establish a new one having a religious character.
Where Catholic leadership is strong, there the free-thinkers
will separate and establish the so-called “free” benefit society.

Sometimes the initiative for the new society is taken by
the local pastor, for some good local reasons.

Financial Status

All of the one hundred thirty-two societies have accumulated
some reserve, which as a rule is slowly increasing. The
smallest of the societies, which is in Granville, Illinois, has but
three hundred dollars in its treasury. But there are societies
with fairly good financial status, as for instance:

St. Bartholomew Benefit Society, Lewiston, Me.__________ $30,000.00
St. George's Benefit Society, Brooklyn, N. ¥._-__________ 20,000.00
Lithuanian Athletic Club, Brooklyn, N. ¥._.___~_ _____.__ 20,000.00
Sts. Peter & Paul Society, Braddoek, Pa. ___ _____ 15,000.00
Lithuanian Progressive Club, Youngstown, Ohio________ 13,000.00
Tithuanian Citizens” Club, Donora, Pa... = ~~ 8,500.00

The property, money, land and buildings of the one hundred
thirty-two societies have a total value of three hundred forty-
four thousand, nine hundred sixty-six dollars, which makes
an average of two thousand, six hundred thirteen dollars and
thirty-seven cents. The average property value of the benefit
societies in old and large communities certainly exceeds that
sum considerably. But even if we estimate the average prop-
erty of all the one thousand Lithuanian benefit societies in the
United States only as high as two thousand, six hundred thir-
teen dollars and thirty-seven cents, we would have a total sum
of two million, six hundred thirteen thousand, three hundred
seventy dollars, which shows a material achievement of con-
siderable importance. True, the value of one good State or
Federal building may exceed that total sum; but when we re-
member, that these financial results were achieved by simple
workers, without any intelligent help from professionals (ex-
52 INSURANCE COOPERATION

cept when well paid), without subsidies and help from outside,
but solely out of their hard earnings, we should give them
credit for their achievement.?

Cultural Achievements

To the question, “How much on various occasions has been
donated by the benefit societies for churches, schools, and other
cultural purposes in this country?” answers have been re-
ceived from only thirty-three communities. The others did
not supply information, probably because of the labor involved.
From these partial answers it appears that the total sum of
twenty-nine thousand, three hundred sixty-six dollars has been
donated for the purposes described above, an average of eight
hundred eighty-nine dollars and eighty-eight cents per com-
munity. For the various cultural needs of Lithuania, thirty-
eight communities gave a total sum of eighteen thousand six
hundred thirty-eight dollars, an average for a community of
four hundred ninety dollars and forty-seven cents. These data,
of course, are very inadequate even for the benefit societies,
many of which gave no information at all. Moreover, those
needs are mostly fostered and satisfied by various Lithuanian
cultural societies, which are even more numerous than the
benefit societies. The cultural merits of the benefit societies
are undoubtedly considerable. If we assume the total number
of Lithuanian communities containing some organizations at
three hundred, a very conservative estimate, the total dona-
tions for cultural purposes by the Lithuanian benefit societies
would be two hundred and sixty-six thousand, nine hundred
and sixty-four dollars for the United States, and one hundred
and forty-seven thousand, one hundred and forty-seven dollars
for Lithuania.

Amalgamation of Societies

During the last few years a movement has been going on
among the smaller societies to combine and form stronger
societies. This movement is not yet universal, and has a spo-
radic character. It is due to two causes: (1) Before the war

 

3 The value of one hundred fifteen Lithuanian churches and their properties,
estimated at only one hundred thousand dollars on the average, would make a
total of eleven million, five hundred thousand dollars. About half of this sum
is already paid off. Another half is being paid quite successfully. The credit
for this achievement belongs mostly to the common Lithuanian workers.
INSURANCE COOPERATION 53

all the societies, even the small ones, could prosper without
any fear or danger of extinction. The new streams of im-
migrants supplanted those deceased or departed, and societies
could steadfastly increase in numbers. The war and subse-
quent restrictions of immigration prevented the influx of new
members from the old country. A younger generation is
~ not always eager to support the organizations established by
their fathers. (2) The old spirit of factionalism and separ-
atism is disappearing and a new understanding has come of
the necessity of combination. This new spirit expresses itself
in affiliation with one or two Lithuanian alliances, two great
central fraternal organizations of Lithuanians in the United
States.
Lithuanian R. C. Alliance of America

This is probably the most powerful Lithuanian organization
in the United States and has the largest number of members.
It was founded in 1886 by the noted Lithuanian patriot, Father
Alexander Burba, at Plymouth, Pa.* The main objects were:
separation from the Poles and the unity of Lithuanians; and
educational-social uplift. It was primarily intended to be a
cultural organization. Members paid in the beginning only
fifty cents a year and received in return a periodical. In order
to attract more members it was decided to pay one hundred
and fifty dollars burial benefit. When a member died all were
assessed fifteen cents. But as the number of members grew,
those additional payments became quite annoying, and in
1897 the members decided to pay a yearly amount of two
dollars. At the beginning it was called “Lithuanian Alliance
of America.” When the influence of free-thinkers made itself
felt, in 1892, the Alliance inserted into its name the word
“Catholic.” But this measure served only to increase the ag-
gressive spirit of the free-thinkers; and, being in a minority,
in 1901, during the sixteenth convention in Wilkes-Barre, Pa.,
twenty-eight delegates out of the total number of sixty-five
demonstratively left the convention and founded their own
alliance, naming it “Lithuanian Alliance of America.” The
total membership was then about twenty-four hundred. Of
this number fifteen hundred remained with the old alliance
and about nine hundred went to the new one. The treasury

Tege “Metrastis” of 1916, the article of J. S. Vasiliauskas on the history of
L. R. C. Alliance of America.
54 INSURANCE COOPERATION

($2,000) remained with the Catholics. During the same con-
vention a new addition to the name was made; i. e.,, Roman
Catholic.

In 1902 yearly dues were raised from two dollars to two
dollars and fifty cents. A reserve fund was established with
an initial deposit of one thousand dollars. In 1905, a fund
for the independence of Lithuania was created. In 1907 a
cultural fund was established with an extra yearly payment
of ten cents by each member. The death benefit was equal
for all: One hundred and fifty dollars. In 1907, two new
burial benefit quotas, two hundred and fifty dollars, and five
hundred dollars, were introduced. In 1912, an orphan fund
was established, with payment of five cents for every member.
In 1914, four degrees of insurance against sickness were in-
troduced:

For monthly payment 25c—sickness benefit $3.50 weekly

c cc [3 50c— 3 [ 7.00 [4
c cc é 75c— € & 10.50 &
cc fc k $1.00 ep & £< 14.00 cc

Besides there were added two new life insurance policies
of seven hundred and fifty dollars and one thousand dollars.
The readjustment of dues was voted upon. The Alliance de-
cided to adapt itself to the “National Fraternal Congress Table
of Mortality,” with its monthly dues according to the age in
which a member joins the Alliance. In 1921, two more life
insurance policies were introduced, viz.: Two thousand and
three thousand dollars.

Lithuanian National Alliance of America

After the separation from the Lithuanian Catholics in
1901, this new alliance grew rapidly. The rank and file
of this Alliance has always included a good number of
Catholics, but the leadership has been controlled entirely
by those who are in opposition to Catholics, namely, Na-
tional Liberals and Socialists. This alliance was a few years
ahead of the Catholic Alliance in adjusting itself to the
“National Fraternal Congress Table of Mortality,” and was
benefited accordingly. Each Alliance has about three
hundred branches and publishes its weekly paper: The
Catholic Alliance—“Garsas” (“Echo”) in Brooklyn, N. Y.,
INSURANCE COOPERATION 35

and the National Alliance—‘Tevyne” (“Fatherland”) in
New York.

The Comparative Growth and Status of the Two Alliances
Lith. R. C. All. of Am. Lith. All. of Am.

Membership in 1910_________ 4,908 pilin aii aasad

o ESNI0 ee LL 12,118 12,287

te “GDB Ji sl 17,485 15,385

Net assets in 1910... $22,198.47
4 SSR IPOTON pide Ba 227,753.13 $312,865.77
of the ONS ea 433,707.65 542,746.58
Total sum of insurance in 1923_ 6,895,250.00 5,796,350.00

Lithuanian R. C. Woman Alliance

In the two alliances already described women and men
are accepted to membership on equal terms. But in 1915,
a group of Lithuanian Catholic women determined to estab-
lish their own central organization. Their main objects
were religious, social, national and cultural. To these ob-
jects they added a more material one: life insurance and
insurance against sickness.

The membership and net assets of their organization grew
as follows:

Membership Net Assets

TRONS ool sel prdn inn Ales Yo pete a od 400 $541.69
I IOT0 oni nai Mle maaan 1,039 1,602.67
IOUT i sh... niet ross easc me 1,307 3,647.08
mois, rr ad 1,569 6,365.62
Wmi02l on inen ane dois 1,844 10,776.89
Imto2s ule udihd Benn, 0 1,874 15,874.70

The Women’s Alliance has about sixty branches, pub-
lishes its own monthly magazine, “Moteru Dirva” (‘“Wom-
en’s Field”), holds annual conventions and does a great deal
to improve the economic, cultural, religious and moral status
of Lithuanian women and girls in the United States. Many
branches of the Women’s Alliance in their cultural work
are in touch with women of American organizations.

Conclusions

Lithuanian benefit societies in the United States, although
with a limited scope of activities, and with achievements,
perhaps not to be boasted about, nevertheless held a very
56 INSURANCE COOPERATION

important place in the life and development of Lithuanian
immigrants. They have contributed greatly to the cultural
and social welfare of the immigrants and to the national
and political resurrection of Lithuania. They have both
directly and indirectly prepared the Lithuanian immigrants
for better citizenship.

With the progress of education and enlightenment, a new
tendency towards centralization of mutual insurance has
developed. Societies have amalgamated, or joined one of
the two Lithuanian Alliances.

These two alliances, together with the Women’s Alliance,
constitute the most important economic and cultural Lith-
uanian organizations in the United States.
CHAPTER VI

Other Forms of the Movement— Attempts
to Unify It

Other forms of the cooperative movement among the
Lithuanian immigrants are Building and Loan Associations,
Cooperative Halls, and Cooperative Production.

Building and Loan Associations

This type of associations is very popular among the Lith-
uanians. At least half of the large Lithuanian colonies have
one such association; sometimes we find two or three of
them in one community. Their popularity has been mainly
due to the fact that this type of organization was easily
accessible, not requiring any extraordinary knowledge to
manage. The only virtue required among the members is
that of thrift.

The Aim and Character of Organization

The building and loan associations aim to enable their
members to accumulate savings for the purpose of securing
a home and undertake the loaning of money on real prop-
erty. In most cases the capital stock of association is one
million dollars, divided into ten thousand shares of one
hundred dollars each. No individual is permitted to hold
more than one hundred shares. In associations of Illinois,
Ohio, and Maryland shares are set at $100.00. They can be
paid during twelve years (1214c weekly per share), or dur-
ing six and one-half years (25c weekly). For each share of
stock the holder is entitled to a loan of $100.00, for which
he pays six per cent interest. Members, however, are re-
ceiving about seven and one-fourth per cent on their install-
ments. Interest accrues until the shares mature.

In Philadelphia, Pa., a similar Lithuanian association has
a different arrangement. There the value of each share is
$200.00. The shares can be paid by monthly installments
of $1.00 for each share during eleven years and four
months, or by the installments of $2.00 per share every
month during six years.

[57]
58 OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT

After shares are matured, the full value is paid back to
the members. Loans taken by members from the associa-
tion are returned by them in weekly or monthly payments.
These loans are given usually on first mortgage. After all
payments are made, one ceases to be a member. His place
is taken by some new member, unless he chooses to begin
to pay for new shares.

Although these associations lack the genuine cooperative
spirit, they have promoted the material progress of the
immigrants.

The “First Lithuanian Building and Loan Association of
Philadelphia, Pa.,” during its twenty-three years of exist-
ence has helped over one thousand persons to acquire their
own houses. A similar association of Lithuanians of Balti-
more, established eighteen years ago, helped its members to
acquire about fifteen hundred houses.

The Results

To show in figures the financial status of the Lithuanian
Building and Loan Associations, I took the data of five
typical associations: two of them of Chicago, Illinois, where
at least fifteen such associations are operating.

Total Assets of Five Associations

¥. Chicago, Tl. (Dee. 37,1922)... $329,738.76 (Inc. 1909)
2. Chicago, IN. (July 26, 1923). 664,385.99 (Inc. 1897)
8.i Baltimore, Md. (March 15, 1923)... _ i 618,114.16 (Inc. 1906)
4. Philadelphia, Pa. (Nov., 1928)... =... 803,401.58 (Inc. 1901)
5. Cleveland, Ohio (Feb. 29, 1924). 977,036.75 (Ine. 1909)

The ordinary activities of the associations will be clear from
the account of receipts and disbursements of the Baltimore
Association, which can be regarded as the most typical one.

Receipts (From Mar. 15, 1922, to Mar. 15, 1923)

Cash in bank and on hand Mayeh 15, 1922. _._.____.__..._.._ $7,461.42
Amount received on free shoves... "on. 123,017.38
Paid inon account of morigages.. so 0 139,949.24
Interest fromiloany bio LL Lc Dia 8 lL 37,530.75
On expenses account on mortgaged property___________ 13,169.36
Entrance foes, books, ond fies... i. aod. 1,783.57
Borrowed money... Lo... nooo ooh 90,498.21
Repaid notes. receivable... _. —  ." o.. 8,575.00
Rents from Association property CF  ._... 1,162.25

Moral ey Cle $423,147.12
OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT 59

Disbursements

Loans on morioages......cvve untae cre ee ee $116,704.43
Toansonifvee shares... ooo ne ee a 19,500.00
Withdrawals... hidden ina a 141,566.33
Notes payable (borrowed money)... __._____ 117,998.21
Morigaged propeviy expenses... ___ _.___°__. __! 6,485.69
Asggocliotion property expenses... _.._.__._._ 653.01
Balance m bank and on hand... ocr ee ee ee 7,833.84

Wotol.. . vnonis nnd mene tea LL $423,147.12

During the same year the association had thirty-nine thou-
sand, three hundred fourteen dollars and twenty-six cents
gross earnings. (Interest earned thirty-seven thousand, five
hundred thirty dollars and seventy-five cents, and entrance
fees, books and fines one thousand, seven hundred eighty-three
and fifty-one cents).

The association paid interest for loans and free shares______ $2,883.87
Salaries and compensations... oo 2,999.00
Sundries. Lo ad aaa Se a a 602.82

Total expenditures... wa. op le ws slau ung oiil oe $6,485.69

The net earnings during one year amounted to thirty-two
thousand, eight hundred twenty-eight dollars and fifty-seven
cents, of which twenty-nine thousand, eight hundred thirty-
six dollars and twenty-six cents were paid in dividends, and
two thousand, nine hundred ninety-two dollars and thirty-one
cents remained as surplus. The total surplus of this associa-
tion on March 15, 1923, amounted to eighteen thousand, one
hundred thirty-one dollars and eighty-two cents.

This Building Association of Baltimore and the Cleveland
Savings & Loan Association have a comparatively wider scope
of activities because they have introduced a deposit branch,
paying for deposits five per cent interest in Cleveland, and six
per cent in Baltimore, Md., thus approaching the type of the
ordinary cooperative bank.

How this deposit branch is helping to enlarge the scope
of activities, is shown by the steady growth of the resources
of the Lithuanian Savings and Loan Association of Cleveland,
Ohio, which in this regard is the most typical one.
60 OTHER FORMS CF THE MOVEMENT

Total resources on December 8d, 1914... .____ $42,956.73
5 ot et £e BBs a. Jeaan ns 50,613.57
£0 * 5 re RONG aE 86,859.83
ot 6 t ee AMT nn aa 104,517.13
¥ 6 # oe AGES. ere 150,644.31
’ 4 % tt ANS nan ba 308,467.47
5 v0 *é ve A920 a Sa 610,218.65
te “4 te £ ABR ssa baa 589,698.44
0 +e ot te $1009 Suid wes lieu 717,231.21
£4 re ge o LOT i eee 922,018.34
oe te “ Tebruary 29, 1924... nea. 977,036.75

In 1921 owing to business depression the association evi-
dently experienced a little drawback. However, it survived
the crisis very easily, and, probably, by 1924, it will be first
among all Lithuanian local savings associations in United
States, exceeding the million dollar mark.

The Opinion of an American

It will be worth while to hear the opinion regarding the
Lithuanian Building and Loan Associations, expressed by an
intelligent American observer. Mr. Huber J. Horan, Jr.,
attorney in Philadelphia, Pa., who for a period of twelve years
acted in the capacity of solicitor of the Lithuanian Association
which has been previously mentioned, writes me as follows:

“The Association is twenty-four years old and to me the
most remarkable achievement is that during the entire twenty-
four years of its existence, it has never had to take over a
property on which it loaned money and that during its entire
history it has never had to foreclose against a Lithuanian.
At least one of the officers of the Association, Anthony Linski,
of Chester, has been connected with the Association since its
inception. For the last ten or twelve years Mr. Linski has
been the treasurer of the Association and during that entire
period of time, Mr. Linski has never been short one dollar
in his account.

“The creation and maintenance of this association appears
to me to be the most important achievement of the Lithuan-
ians, as a body, in Philadelphia. They have got an association
which the chief Banking Examiner of Pennsylvania told them
last year, was one of the best associations in the State. They
had made an unusually large profit, for a first mortgage as-
OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT 61

sociation, for I might say that our mortgages are all first
mortgages.

“I am the only person connected with the Association in an
official capacity, who is not a Lithuanian, either by birth or
extraction. The fact that these men handled a couple of hun-
dred thousand dollars every year for the last few years, be-
longing to the people, without losing any money, is an achieve-
ment of which they can well boast.”

As to the general characteristics of the Lithuanian people,
Mr. Horan says:

“I do not think that there is any man in the city, and few
in the country, who is not of Lithuanian birth or extraction,
who has come in such intimate contact with the Lithuanians
as myself and I can say, as a result of this association, extend-
ing over ten or twelve years, that I have been representing
them, that there has been, to the best of my knowledge, but
one man or woman who ever came to me seeking a divorce.
I have been in their homes and have seen their home life and
a cleaner, more self-respecting people never existed. I have
had the pleasure of dining with them informally and of attend-
ing their public functions and have run the whole gamut of
their lives from their christenings to their weddings and their
funerals. To me this association has been one of real pleasure.

“One of the things that has always impressed me with them
has been the desire of the original immigrants, when they
have achieved any measure of success, to give their children
a good education; the result of it is that we have here in
Philadelphia, the children of immigrants from Lithuania,
many men who are members of the learned professions; law-
yers, doctors, druggists and engineers.

“One of the proud boasts of the Lithuanian Building and
Loan Association has been the fact, that they have helped so
many people to buy their homes. In all the years that I have
represented the Association I do not believe that we have
loaned money half a dozen times to men who are borrowing as
an investment; it has practically always been the men who are
buying a home in which to live. Another thing of which they
boast is the fact that no one connected with the Association
charges any commission for placing these loans. Our success
has been due to the untiring efforts of the officers to give the
62 OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT

stockholders the best that was in them without any thought
of compensation.”

Cooperative Halls

Craving of Lithuanian immigrants for education and en-
lightenment and for social-cultural recreation has found its
best expression in the building of cooperative halls. An anal-
ogous movement manifested itself in Lithuania even while
that country was under Russian rule, when almost every
parish or township endeavored to build the so-called “House
of the People.”

In the United States almost every Lithuanian parish has a
hall for meetings and entertainments. For some time those
parish halls sufficed for the cultural needs of the population.
But since many of them were combination buildings under
the same roof as the church, dances were prohibited, and so
special associations were formed for building and maintaining
musical and theatrical halls. This movement was especially
fostered by the elements that were eager to escape from parish
influence. Even many Catholic benefit societies joined these
hall associations, and in fact furnished the first necessary
capital for the purpose.

As a result, there are today in Lithuanian colonies in the
United States at least fifty such cooperative halls of different
size and value according to the needs and capacities of the
local communities. Their value varies from about thirty thou-
sand dollars (in Lewiston, Me.), to about one hundred fifty
thousand dollars (in Detroit, Mich). The shares are set us-
ually at ten dollars or twenty-five dollars.

A limit is put on the amount of shares possessed by one
person (for example, five hundred dollars in Philadelphia).
Every member, whether a society or an individual, has but one
vote. The hall association sometimes is combined with some
club organization (as in Philadelphia and Baltimore). In
such a case the club is the first and best patron of the hall.

The business success of these halls is assured, as they are
almost always busy, occupied if not by the Lithuanians,
then by some other nationalities of the vicinity. The Balti-
more Cooperative Hall, established in 1921, and worth at
least one hundred twenty-five thousand dollars, has an out-
standing debt of about only thirty thousand dollars. The
OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT 63

same situation exists in Philadelphia, where there are two
Lithuanian Cooperative Halls, each having a value of over
one hundred thousand dollars. The membership of such
halls is usually quite numerous. (For example: Lithuanian
Music Hall Association in Philadelphia has a membership
of four hundred fifty, that of Baltimore is about six
hundred.)

The movement for such halls culminates at present in
the endeavor of the Lithuanians of Chicago to build in
1924, a Lithuanian Auditorium at an estimated cost of three
hundred thousand dollars.

Cooperative Production

This most difficult and far reaching form of the coop-
erative movement has been exemplified by the Lithuanian
workers in only two places, in Baltimore, Md., and in
Bridgewater, Mass. The Lithuanian tailors of Baltimore,
Md., organized two cooperative tailoring associations. Both
had a small membership, consisting of about ten members
each, and did not accomplish anything worth mentioning.
There are four or more Lithuanian tailor shops, each em-
ploying from one hundred to two hundred workers and
making large profits for the owners. But the owners are
organized in corporations not in cooperation. The daring
attempt of Lithuanian workers in Bridgewater, Mass., is
worthy of consideration and even of praise. About two
hundred Lithuanian workers established a modern shoe
factory of medium size and have been operating it for eight
years in the midst of very adverse conditions. When I
visited the factory in July, 1923, there were one hundred
ten Lithuanians working, every one of them a part owner of
the factory. The factory’s daily output was about forty
dozen pairs of shoes of the best quality.

Each share costs one hundred dollars. The upper limit
for one man is one hundred shares. But the maximum
amount held actually by one man reaches only thirty shares.
There are now about seven hundred members.

The purpose of “The Bridgewater Workers Cooperative
Association” is stated in its By-Laws as follows:
64 OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT

“To acquire real estate and erect buildings suitable for residential,
industrial and manufactory purposes.

“To found, support and conduct manufactory establishments for the
purpose of manufacture and sale of boots and shoes, textile products
and other goods and wares necessary for human benefit and use.

“To found, support and conduct markets and stores for the purpose
of purchase and sale of the various aforesaid products, goods and wares.

“To found, support and conduct establishments of enjoyment and
recreation.”

The cooperative character of the Association is mani-
fested by the following provision. ‘A stockholder shall
have only one vote regardless of the amount of stock owned
by him and shall vote personally, without privilege of
proxy.”

Nothing is mentioned in the constitution about the disposi-
tion of profits. As a matter of fact neither interest nor
dividends were paid by the Association up to 1923. During
the two years previous to 1923 the society experienced a
great crisis. But the second part of 1922 was brighter and
the association entered the year 1923 with a small profit.
Greater profits were made during the year 1923. The
figures of the last two years show clearly the growing
strength of the association:

 

 

Receipts: 1922 1923
Sales of manufactured product_____ $363,739.52 $451,358.53
Various other incomes... o.oo... 10,089.02 9,389.68

Molal wo oie a a $373,828.54 $460,748.21

Disbursements:

Forthematerialpaid. .............. $190,733.85 $248,048.07
Sslaviex Con nt Lie 102,211.61 126,202.93
Other expenditures... .......... 73,159.07 67,885.54
For: amortizotion. oo oa.nuaoan aus 5,772.67 7,344.45

otal halo $371,877.20 $499,480.99
Web profit on 0 oo. ~. 0. 1,951.84 11,267.22

The assets of the Association reached two hundred twenty-
four thousand, eight hundred twelve dollars and forty-three
cents. Among the liabilities are: share capital of $119,500
and net profit of $11,267.22. The greatest handicap to the
Association is the want of an assured market for its prod-
ucts. The association has to employ the same business
OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT 65

methods as private manufacturers and corporations, viz.,
traveling salesmen, credit to its customers, credit from
capitalistic banks, etc. The actual conditions of life and
environment are obstacles to the cooperative ideal and
force the management to employ the practices of the capi-
talistic system. Conditions of the workers in the factory are
about the same as in capitalistic enterprises. They work at
the same kind of machines, receive the same wages, belong
to the same “Boot & Shoe Workers’ Union.” However there
is a remarkable difference in a spiritual and moral sense,
which their very attitude and facial expression bespeak.
The shop is their own creation and their property; they are
the bosses. They meet every three months and decide
policies. True, their experiment is an extremely difficult
one. They are handicapped by the lack of cooperative and
of general business knowledge, by the indifference of fellow
workers, by the lack of corresponding consumers’ stores to
take their manufactured product, by the lack of cooperative
credit, ete.
But they hold together and never abandon hope.

Attempt to Unify the Movement

In the spring of 1915 in Boston, Massachusetts, a handful
of Lithuanian Catholic workers launched a new organiza-
tion, “St. Joseph’s Lithuanian Roman Catholic Associa-
tion of Labor.” It was a reaction to the very energetic and
influential activities of Lithuanian socialists and com-
munists. The inspiration and arguments were taken from
the encyclicals of Pope Leo XIII and from the general move-
ment of Christian Democracy in Europe.

The purposes of the organization are defined in the con-
stitution as follows:

1. To promote and strengthen the religion and morals of
members.

2. To foster education and welfare, and to strengthen
friendly social feelings of members.

3. To spread the cooperative movement (Rochdale type)
among the Lithuanian workers.

4. To help Lithuanian workers to become useful citizens
of the United States. :
66 OTHER FORMS OF THE MOVEMENT

5. To spread the knowledge of the Christian-Democratic
Ideal among the Lithuanian workers in the United States.

The Lithuanian Association of Labor publishes a tri-
weekly paper, “Darbininkas” (“The Worker’) in Boston,
which is one of the most influential periodicals in the Lith-
uanian language in the United States. It has also published
about thirty books and booklets, dealing with various phases
of the labor problem.

At the eighth annual convention in Newark, N. J., the
association had a total membership of one thousand eight
hundred eighty-three.

The branches of this association are comparatively small
groups of workers, united for the main purpose of studying
the labor problem in the true light of Christian Doctrine. The
movement favors unionism and the creation of a political work-
er’s party. But its main energies are now directed towards
the Rochdale Cooperative Movement. At the convention in
Newark, 1923, the decision was made to insert a new word,
“Cooperative,” in the name of the Association, and to dedi-
cate its efforts to the main task of spreading cooperative
knowledge and promoting the cooperative movement among
the Lithuanian workers. It was decided to procure for the
Association a new charter, by which the association itself
with its property would become a cooperative printing es-
tablishment with shares valued at five dollars and with a
limitation of two hundred dollars for one member. Pamph-
lets on the subject of cooperation are already being pub-
lished and the movement is a very promising one. If the
actual practice realizes the expressed purposes, we can ex-
pect that this “Lithuanian Cooperative Association of
Labor” will become a central bureau of exchange of co-
operative ideas and activities of the Lithuanian immigrants.
CHAPTER VII.

General Characteristics of the Movement

Rich Endowment and the Factors of Destruction

The national character of the Lithuanian people is very
happily adapted to the cooperative movement. Their strong
conception of the fundamental equality of all men, their thrift-
iness, their dexterity, their self-confidence and self-respect are
evidently most conducive to the development of the cooperative
spirit and the creation of cooperative institutions. The best
proof of their appreciation of equal rights is the fact that in
practically all their consumers’ societies, benefit societies,
building and loan associations, hall associations and productive
organizations, we find the provision made and strictly en-
forced that all members shall have an equal voice. Even in
their capitalistic corporations equal voting power is frequently
established. :

The thriftiness of Lithuanians is well known. At least
ninety per cent of them have accumulated some savings, which
are deposited in banks or invested in property. This is the
reason why their building and loan associations have always
been successful. Even where such associations have not been .
organized (for instance in Detroit, Mich.) the majority of
Lithuanian workers have acquired their own homes.

Their innate honesty and dexterity was only to a slight
degree modified by the centuries of servitude to Polish land-
lords, and by the political yoke of a corrupt Russian bureau-
cracy. The great majority remained sound and honest. In
1906 one of the national leaders, Father J. Tumas, made an
experiment in Stakiai, Lithuania. He entered a verbal agree-
ment with his parishioners by which he ordered for them
several cars of fertilizer without requiring in advance any
payment for it. The money was to be paid in nine months
following the receiving of the fertilizer. The pastor announced
in church that he trusted his parishioners. In due time prac-
tically all the money was repaid.

Lithuanians are rightly proud of their achievements in the
field of economic and cultural organization here in the United
States and of the important part taken by them in the re-

[67]
68 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MOVEMENT

construction of Lithuania. They have proved their ability to
organize, to develop, and to be useful ; and as a result their self-
confidence and self-respect are constantly increasing.

On the other hand, we have to admit that when they reach
a comparative prosperity, they tend to lose all the riches
of their natural endowment of character, of which we have
previously spoken. Industrial civilization proves to be their
greatest moral enemy.

In these conditions the idea of equality is continually denied
and trampled upon in every day life. The practice of it is
restricted to church services and to weak organizations of the
working people. In this connection I recall a striking incident
which took place in Brooklyn in 1916. At a meeting of the
Lithuanian Development Corporation which was designed to
develop Lithuania’s commerce and industry, a lively discussion
took place on voting power. All the workers stood firmly for
an equal vote for all shareholders, regardless of the number
of individual shares held. But the physician, the priest, and
the business man eloquently argued for giving preference to
capital. Of course the opinion of the “intelligentsia” prevailed.

Thriftiness is valued only by older people. The new gen-
eration, born and reared here, retains only a dim reminiscence
of the virtue of their fathers. They were taught by their
parents to save; at home they had children’s banks. But the
subsequent association with their school fellows or with the
gamins of the street taught them different customs and imbued
them with different ideals. The majority of Lithuanian
youths, even after they come to adult age and are earning
money, do not differ to any considerable degree from the
youths of other nationalities. Like the average American type
they unquestionably show many good qualities. But they also
manifest the same weaknesses, lavishness and recklessness in
spending, the pursuit of pleasure, thoughtlessness, and a want
of appreciation of the higher things of life.

Moreover the economic conditions and relations do not pro-
mote honesty among the workers. The astounding inequalities
in the distribution of wealth and income are far more clearly
perceived and keenly felt by the common workers than by the
students of political economy. The help of an “insidious
agitator” is not needed at all.
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MOVEMENT 69

The worker hears and reads about the enormous dividends
of the corporations; he feels and resents his scanty wage and
the high cost of living. No wonder that these circumstances
often create a spirit of vindictiveness and selfishness; that it
often leads to varied forms of dishonesty and even to gross
injustice on the part of the workers.

The self-confidence and self-respect of the Lithuanian
workers have been dangerously wounded by their own money-
sharks, organizers of Lithuanian Corporations, as well as by
many American “successful business men,” who have robbed
them of several millions of dollars. Such happenings dis-
courage the enterprising spirit and destroy self-confidence.

Helplessness in Face of Adversity

With the Lithuanian Consumers’ Societies everything goes
smoothly until some great adversity or obstacle appears. In
such a case the members, instead of devoting all their energies
to combating the obstacle, prefer to be on the safe side and not
to risk more than that which they will eventually lose when
the store liquidates. And the liquidation often takes place
without any real necessity. In Hartford, Connecticut, a co-
operative store had existed for four years (1917-1921). Dur-
ing its last year, it had share capital of seven thousand three
hundred twenty-five dollars and a turnover of seventy thou-
sand two hundred seventy-six dollars and eight cents. It was
successfully managed and it yielded profits. Without any good
reason, the experienced and honest directors were discarded,
a few self-appointed agitators took their place and in a few
months ruined the store completely. The membership proved
to be totally defenseless.

In Brighton, Mass., the society has existed for fifteen years.
It has been one of the most successful Lithuanian consumers’
societies. It erected a magnificent building for the stores,
and a large hall for concerts and assemblies. It has always
made substantial profits. But in 1922 a boy employee in the
store accidentally cut off his fingers. His parents failed to
reach a peaceful agreement with the board of directors as to
the amount of compensation. Consequently, lawyers and the
courts were resorted to, resulting in great expenditures for
the society in settling accounts with the boy, the lawyers, and
70 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MOVEMENT

the courts. These and many other failures point to one great
common defect of all Lithuanian cooperative undertakings,
viz., a great lack of education and competence, which makes
the members helpless in the face of any great obstacle or
adversity.

Factionalism

Another trait of character, which is a hindrance to the
growth and strengthening of the cooperative movement, is
the spirit of factionalism. It is due probably more to their
essentially democratic tendencies and opposition to all cen-
tralization than to lack of education. This spirit of inde-
pendence and local self-government prevented for several
decades a centralization of their benefit societies, and even
the growth of many of them. Whenever a consumers’
society, or building and loan association, or benefit society
attains to great numbers and significance, inevitable di-
vision arrives; new groups are formed; new similar organ-
izations are created. In Mahanoy City, Pa., a part of the
membership, for some trivial reason, came to dislike the
management of the store. They formed a new society and
established a new store a few blocks away. In Amsterdam,
N. Y., the only apparent reason for establishing a new
society was that the former society had become “too rich”
(it had accumulated a reserve of eight thousand dollars).
A rival store was opened directly across the street. In
Girardville, Pa., the society had a very ably-managed store.
A few blocks away another group of Lithuanian miners
formed a society, and opened another store, aided by the
leader of the first society. Each group preferred to have its
individual society and preserve its local independence in a
territory comprising a few blocks. The same spirit of
factionalism prevented the organization of wholesale houses
in Massachusetts and in Schuykill County, Pennsylvania.

Total Abandonment by Intellectuals

This is one of the saddest features of the cooperative
movement among the Lithuanians in the United States.
What in Europe is the rule (the lively participation, col-
laboration and leadership by professional people and edu-
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MOVEMENT 71

cators) in the United States is rather the exception. We
very rarely see here a lawyer, a physician or a priest on
the board of directors in the consumers’ societies. Lith-
uanian professionals, born of immigrant parents, are like-
wise as a rule, not interested in the cooperative aspirations
of their people. They did not get the touch of idealism and
spirit of sacrifice in the schools. In the meantime, their
financial, political, and social career is closely connected
with the backers and promoters of the present economic
system as it stands.

Difficulty in Developing Cooperative Education

The solution of the difficulties described in the preceding
paragraphs suggests itself. If the Lithuanian immigrants
could only transmit to their children, to the future law-
yers, doctors, engineers and educated workers, cooperative
ideals, the new generation would feel and act differently.
Therefore the immigrants themselves should first acquire a
better knowledge and understanding of the cooperative
ideal and its practices. But in this endeavor they encounter
tremendous difficulties. The sources of that knowledge are
absent, or if they exist are inaccessible, because compara-
tively few of them know enough English. Even in the Eng-
lish language these sources are not abundant. In all the
United States there is no popular school of cooperation.
Some Universities are treating it briefly as a side issue.
Public and private school systems completely ignore it. The
Cooperative League of America and some labor unions do
a great deal of good for the cooperative education of the
masses; but none of these organizations help the older im-
migrants, or publishes anything in their languages. The
conclusion is obvious: the immigrants must help themselves
and provide means for their cooperative education, after
the example of the Finns, Jews and other immigrant
peoples.

The New Generation

However, all the sacrifices of the immigrants for promot-
ing cooperative education will not bear permanent fruits
without the collaboration of the educative agencies in the
72 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MOVEMENT

country. The best influence of parents would be almost
frustrated by the overwhelming influence of the school and
all the other surroundings of their lives. Among the younger
generation of Lithuanians, even among the students of Uni-
versities and colleges, there are but very few interested in
social and economic problems in general, or in the coop-
erative movement specifically. The vast majority are fully
content with the hopes and prospects of making personal
careers in the capitalistic system.

Certain important and fundamental changes in the edu-
cational system of the country must take place before we
can reasonably expect that the work of the fathers and
mothers will be imitated and augmented by their posterity.

This aspect of the problem will be treated more ex-
tensively in the next chapter.
CHAPTER VIII

Cooperation and Citizenship

There are two sides to the problem of naturalizing immi-
grants. One is formal, superficial, dealing with qualifications
and formal declarations; another requires deeper insight into
the psychology of the immigrant, and the preparation of his
mind and heart.

Two Kinds of Citizens

There is nothing easier than to embrace formal citizenship
of an adopted country: to acquire an elementary knowledge
of the English language, to learn a few facts of American
history, of the Constitution, of government, and to make the
necessary declarations. Probably the majority of new citizens
become naturalized only in this formal sense. In this way
we could naturalize all the foreign colonies, en bloe, and Mr.
Gompers would still not have the guarantee that these foreign
colonies had ceased to be “hot-beds of disintegration and dis-
loyalty.’

Mr. William H. Allen gives much credit to the newcomers
for their knowledge of America. Says he: “It is one of the
anomalies of our present patriotism that our newest immi-
grants know more of our history, more of our patriotic songs,
more of our national ideals than do children who can count
two or six generations of American ancestry.”?

But the mere knowledge of history, of songs, and of ideals
is not sufficient for good citizenship. There are many immi-
grants, who profess readily American ideals on every oc-
casion, who wave the flags, but who care little either for the
flag or the ideals. They give America everything excepting
their hearts. They are led to believe that America does not
need their hearts, but only an outward manifestation of
Americanism. They promptly exchange their language and
customs for new ones, but under the condition of being given
better employment.

 

1 Cf. Mr. Gompers’ speech in Washington, D. C., in 1916 during the First Citizen-
ship convention. This speech is quoted by Raymond F. Crist in the “Second
year of the work of the Public Schools with the Bureau of Naturalization,” 1918,

Pr 6. . .
2 “Universal Training for citizenship and Public Service” 1917, p. 40.

[73]
74 COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP

On the other hand, there are newly naturalized citizens
who know, understand, believe, and love American ideals,
whose faith in those ideals cannot be dimmed by the shadows
of the dark side of American life. They become American
citizens from conviction and from love of this land of liberty.
They do not see the necessity of entirely forgetting their old
language, of renouncing their affection for the land of their
birth. They know that America does not require such un-
natural and inhuman repudiation. Moreover they under-
stand that it would be even detrimental to America, if they
came here with empty hands, with no spiritual treasures of
their own to enrich the life of their new country. This is
the opinion of an experienced worker in the naturalization
field, Mr. I. M. Berkey: “From the overflow of European
civilization America may yet learn the higher values of
spiritual and aesthetic life, and thus save its own people from
the deadening blight of hoarded gold.”?

Among other things Mr. Berkey advocates “the conservation
and fusion of social and civic virtues from other lands.”

The heart of the immigrant will be given to America, when
he knows and understands American ideals, and when he sees
that those ideals are not merely abstract words, but have
practical value for life.

American Ideals

These are expressed fundamentally in the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution.?
Immigrants, even common workers, have a fairly good

3 “Proceedings of First Citizenship Convention’ Washington, D. C., 1916, p. 41.

4+ Ibidem p. 43.

5 Declaration of Independence. “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by the Creator with certain unalien-
able rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;
that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed.”

The Constitution. “We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common
defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our-
gives and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United

ates.”

. George Washington: “My first wish is to see the whole world in peace, and the
inhabitants of it as one band of brothers, striving, who should contribute most to
the happiness of Mankind.” (Federal Citizenship Textbook, part 1, p. 119.)

“It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation,
to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.” (From Farewell Address.)

Abraham Lincoln : “A new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
rroposition that all men are created equal * * that this nation, under
God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the
Deon, Tor the people, shall not perish from the earth.” (From the Gettysburg

ress.
COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP 75

notion of American Ideals. But the discrepancy between
ideals and realities is understood and felt by the workers
far better than by the middle or upper classes. Why? Be-
cause they have to pay the difference. When they come to
the citizenship school, they come with a fairly good notion
of the essentials of citizenship. They learn there some de-
tails about the forms of government and the English lan-
guage. But in those citizenship schools, as they are con-
ducted at present, they cannot acquire faith in American
ideals. They know from their own experience how seldom
those ideals are realized in practice. They do not see the
way towards realization. The way is not pointed out to
them in the citizenship schools. They become citizens only
with the purpose of achieving the betterment of their indi-
vidual conditions. They leave the school utterly unsocial-
ized. They may attain a higher grade of individual wel-
fare; they may make a career up to the boss-ship or grocery-
ownership; but they will not contribute to American life
anything permanent in the way of real progress and
achievement of ideals.

Incentives Used

A. Writers. The great majority of recent writers on pre-
paring immigrants for citizenship, have in mind the exist-
ing civic and social institutions, and especially the Federal,
State, municipal and county governments. They speak
about various official and semi-official governmental activi-
ties;® they express many beautiful thoughts on the family,
citizenship, prohibition, the Red Cross, Scouts, thrift. Even
the word, “cooperation,” is used very frequently.” There is
much talk about cooperation in education, in industry, in
government; cooperation in community life, even coopera-
tion in corporations, or cooperation between the National
Association of Manufacturers and the American Federation
of Labor. Government is defined as ‘an organization to
secure cooperation, or team work, on the part of the entire
community” (A. W. Dunn). There is talk even about inter-
national cooperation. But those writers do not mention,

 

6 <f Civie Training through Service” by Arthur William Dunn, Washington, D. C.,
1920. Also ‘‘Citizenship and Moral Reform” by John W. Langdale, 1921.
“Living and Working Together” by De Witt S. Morgan, 1923, pp. 24-27. Also
Ws Civics” by Arthur Wm. Dunn, 1921, pp. 40, 97.

 
76 COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP

and probably have not in mind, the most important coopera-
tion in the economic field, cooperation for the economic self-
government of the people.

B. Educators. The Great War has aroused a new energy
and even determination in the American people towards
educating immigrants for citizenship. The unity of the
nation’s mind, heart and action was needed in the hour of
emergency. Following the example of President Wilson
(see his speeches in Philadelphia, in 1915 and in Washing-
ton, in 1916) many patriotic American writers and edu-
cators did their best to promote the general movement of
Americanization.

Let us begin with the negative contributions. In a text-
book for schools, prepared by Edwin W. Adams (1920),
entitled “A Community Civics,” we read:

“Undesirable Immigrants.— Unfortunately many of the later immi-
grants have come to America with the idea of making a lot of money, and
then returning to their own country. These people do not make de-
sirable citizens. They come to the country merely for what they can
get out of it. They are not and do not intend to become citizens. Not
being in sympathy with our democratic form of government, they often
become a source of trouble, stirring up their fellows to act against the
community and the government. Such undesirable citizens should not
be allowed to remain in the country, but should be required to return
at once to their native lands. America has ever stood as a refuge
for the oppressed of every nation, and when a man comes to our
shores in search of refuge he shall find it. But trouble makers are
not wanted and should not be tolerated.”— (Page 299.)

Such an immigrant-hunting spirit does not help in the
least to make citizenship attractive. Mr. Adams evidently
forgets that up to the present time those who emigrated to
America were not told, neither before departure nor at Ellis
Island, that becoming American citizens was in any sense
an obligatory condition of landing in this country.

They knew well that their wages would not exceed the
value of their labor, nor the amount of their contribution to
the welfare of this country. And what about those workers
who were brought here by the agents of American industry
for the purpose of sheer exploitation? Are they criminals
too? :

“There are many,” says S. Gompers, “who have been brought to our
shores even against their own will—lured here, coaxed here, bribed
COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP “i

to come here, fooled to come here, and when here found and still find
themselves in a condition of industrial servitude to which they were
almost strangers in their own countries.

“You can work as hard as you like to teach the foreign born resident
to love American institutions, but if he does not get fair treatment
when he comes into contact with these institutions, he will think they
do not deserve respect.” ’

In the textbooks for citizenship'® we find that mainly in-
dividualistic and selfish motives are used to induce the immi-
grant to become a citizen of the United States. Those motives
are: protection, voting power, public office, jury and army
service, trades and occupations, private trusts, education,
schools. With the exception of the last one, all the rest are not
highly convincing, because an average worker knows perfectly
well that citizen or no citizen, if he is economically or physi-
cally weak, he cannot expect great success, nor adequate pro-
tection of the laws. The textbooks fail to appeal to the better,
spiritual side of the immigrant.

In the book of Mr. Edwin Adams, mentioned above we find
chapters on the community and its interests, on the elements
of community welfare, which according to him are health,
protection of life and property, education, recreation, civic
beauty, communication, transportation, wealth. All these ele-
ments are materialistic and individualistic. True, there is a
chapter on charity. But there is no discussion of common
action in the field of economic cooperation, nothing about the
liberation of the community from economic exploitation. On
the contrary it is plainly intended to educate human machines
which can be used by some visible or invisible government.

In 1914, May 1-13, there was held in New York a “Univer-
sities and Public Service Conference.” The main trend of
thought of the conference was directed towards making gov-
ernment more efficient, and towards more efficient education
in the schools. A call wagissued * * * ‘4p the struocdle
against poverty and disease and want and vice, an inspiring
call.” But the conference found that “Upbuilding of govern-
mental administration is the greatest need of American

8 “Proceedings of First Citizenship Convention” 1916, p. 16.

9 “Justice and the Foor’ Carnegie Foundation Bulletin, p. 40.

10 “Citizens’ Almanac,” issued by Americanization Dept. Women’s Com. Counc. of
Nat. Def., Ill. Div. 1919; also “Citizenship and the Vote” by Elizabeth Fisher.
Also “Federal Citizenship Textbook” pt. 1, 1922; also “Universal Training for
Citizenship and Public Service” by Wm. H. Allen; also “Ways to Serve the Nation”
Loyalty Leaflet, No. 6, by the Com. on publ. Int. ‘‘Plain Issues of the War,”
Elihu Root, Loyalty Leaflet No. 5.
78 COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP

Democracy.” Not a word was said on the need of cooperative
education.
Churches

Christian Churches undoubtedly make a valuable contri-
bution of their own in preparing men and women for good
citizenship. Christian Citizenship has a fundamental strength,
as it is based on religion, on the love of God and of our neigh-
bour. John A. Lapp in his book, “The Catholic Citizen,” 1921,
expresses the great truths of religion concerning the dignity
of man, the importance of the home, the community, of rights
and duties, etc. He insists on Catholic education of Catholic
children and on the parent’s right and duty, derived from God,
not from the state, to educate the children. He even dares to
introduce, though very cautiously and tactfully, the idea of
an international political association to arbitrate disputes.
However in this splendid book we do not find mention of the
need of cooperative education as a means of national and
international peace.

In the book ‘“Americanization and Citizenship”!* we find
quotations from Archbishop Ireland’s writings:

“In America all men are civilly and politically equal.

“In America there are no masters who govern in their own right,
for their own interest, or at their own will.

“Elsewhere there are governments called republics; there, too, uni-
versal suffrage establishes the state; but once established, the state is
tyrannous and arbitrary; invades at will private rights and curtails
at will individual liberty. One republic only is liberty’s native home
—America.”

All these words would be true if the power of invisible
government were curbed by equally powerful economic co-
operative organizations. Then the equality in civic and politi-
cal life would amount to something. This is why economic
self-government of the people is so badly needed.

Cooperation as a factor in socializing the foreign elements
we find mentioned in Frederic P. Woellner’s book “Education
for Citizenship in a Democracy.”> This writer is not op-
posed to foreign colonies of immigrants, for he writes: “The
foreign colonies are necessary to the gradual and wholesome

* By Hanson Hart Webster, pp. 122-123.
=p, 41,
COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP 79

change from Europeanism to Americanism.”!* He finds five
policies practiced by Americans towards immigrants: 1. The
policy of Laissez-faire, to await patiently the natural course of
events; 2. The policy of reeducation of individuals, or Amer-
icanization. 3. The insistence upon the recognition and per-
petuation of the immigrants’ ethnic and political lines in the
United States, this policy being fostered by American
politicians to control the foreign vote. 4. Amalgamation, free
intermarriage. 5. Socialization: normal, wholesome growth
of cooperative relationship. Mr. Woellner evidently is inclined
towards the socialization method.

But whichever policy we choose as most favorable to our
convictions, we all have to agree that a new, vital and power-
ful motive should be added to all those previously used in order
to make of immigrants good citizens of the United States.
This new motive should appeal to their hearts and to their
imagination ; should inspire them with new faith and hope in
the future of America.

Hope of Democracy

This hope lies primarily in the rearrangement of economic
relations according to the eternal principles of brotherly love,
dignity of man, and responsibility. Since these principles
were pronounced by Christ, humanity has never ceased to
admire them, because they satisfy the innermost longings of
the human heart. But the great majority of men in all ages
have regarded them as too ideal and exalted for practical
life. Only during two periods did the Christian world strive
to apply them: when the first Christians brought all their
possessions to the feet of the apostles; and in the organization
of craft and merchant guilds in the medieval towns.

Only after the Rochdale pioneers established the first model
cooperative store with their mighty dreams for the future
did mankind regain its faith in the necessity and practicability
of Christ’s doctrine in economic relations. Rochdale principles
and rules are almost a perfect embodiment of that doctrine.

The Rochdale cooperative system has already a history of
eighty years. Its steady growth in almost every country of
the world, its great success, its bright prospects for the future,

Bp. 33.
80 COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP

have convinced even the pessimists that in that movement
there is something really vital and promising.

If the immigrants were convinced that plutocracy is not
the last word in American life, that the government of the
trusts, by the trusts, and for the trusts, is not a dogma of
American life, that a real democracy is possible in this coun-
try, then a new faith and hope, a new love for America would
be the inevitable result.

How then should we arouse that new faith and new hope
not only among the foreign born, but among native
Americans?

The immigrants, surely, do not need any financial help from
the Federal Government, or from the States or municipalities
for their own cooperative undertakings. Subsidies would not
help them permanently. On the contrary, they would be harm-
ful ultimately.

There is needed an introduction of the study of cooperation
in all the schools, of its philosophy, history, methods and
practices.

There is needed the practice of cooperation by the youth
in the schools, in their own student cooperative societies.

There is needed the introduction of cooperation and co-
operative bookkeeping in the curriculum of the evening schools
of the country, where immigrants could acquire the necessary
technical knowledge of cooperative activities.

True there is before us a hard and long way before the
economic and social reconstruction of the country on the
Christian basis is realized. Some legislation, at least partly
equalizing the economic chances of the working population
with those of upper classes, would be of great help; but as
far as human experience can indicate, there is not to be
found anywhere a better scheme for real economic and
social betterment and progress than the Rochdale coop-
eration.

The process is slow, but sure. Every successful coop-
erative organization, be it a store, or a bank, or a farm, or
a factory, or a house, is a real gain for Christianity in
economics, and a real loss for the old system of profit and
exploitation. It is a real step forward and undoubt-
edly in the right direction. It is probably the only way
to establish in the world a real democracy, because co-
COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP 31

operation is an application of the fundamental principles of
democracy; it is also the best practical school of democracy.
Democracy can be built up by practice. It can not be im-
posed, either by socialist doctrinaires or by benevolent
financial potentates.

If Rochdale cooperation should spread through the coun-
try, revolutionists would lose ground, and the problem of
Americanization would be solved automatically. Brotherly
common action in the economic field by the working people
of America would cause a perfect fusion of all races toward
the common end: the liberation of mankind from the yoke
of militarism and imperialism. The immigrants would sub-
ordinate willingly their former national ideals to the greater
and higher ideal, the universal brotherhood of man.

Enlightened Voices

In conclusion let us quote a few enlightened voices, that
bespeak the American mind with a heart, longing for a
better future.

“The greatness of United States is to be measured not in its extent
of territory, not in its wealth of iron mines, wheat fields, pine forests,
and industrial plants, but in the character and spirit of its citizens.” **

“The true citizen will not look askance either at city or at country.
For him any honest work will be honorable, and those who are toiling
with their hands will not be merely economic factors of work, but
human beings of like passions and possessed of the ‘certain unalienable
rights,’ 2 2

“Will the Tea Pot Dome scandal show farmers, city working people
and consumers that the prime-requisite of their having a government
that will act for their benefit, is for them to secure cooperative control
of their economic activities?” *

“The best form of government is not that which does everything
for us, but that which provides us with liberty and opportunity to do
things for ourselves. The best things of life lie outside and beyond
the domain of politics. Sport is more amusing, dancing is more de-
lightful, music is more entrancing, poetry is more exalting, science is
more engrossing, philosophy is more absorbing, love is worth all of
them together, and religion gives to the whole world that seal of eternity
without which all human life, all human interests, all human efforts
are but ripples on the ocean of immensity.” ¥

14 R. B. MacLean and H. E. Flynn, “Elementary Citizenship for Minnesota
Schools” 1923. he : :
hha Evans Hughes, “Conditions of Progress in Democratic Government,”

1H. A McGowan, in “America” for March 15, 1924.
17 M. D. Petre, “Democracy at the Crossroads” p. 54.
82 COOPERATION AND CITIZENSHIP

“Herein let America pioneer. Our country seems destined in the
Providence of God to be the melting place of all the peoples, to be
the world’s experimental station in brotherhood, all of us learning
that other nations are not barbarians, that other races are not inferior,
that other faiths are not Godless.” **

“Americanism has its roots in the first phrases, the earlier phrases,
of the Declaration of Independence. ‘All men are created equal and
endowed with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty
and pursuit of happiness.” That is the North Star of Americanism.
Whenever we steer away from that we are steering in the wrong
direction. That is the great ideal of democracy. Jefferson formulated
it, Lincoln repeated it. It was our North Star in those days; it is
our North Star today. It is the supreme test of Americanism.

“Any legislation or administration, any education that leads away
from that ideal is un-American, no matter how valuable it may be in
other respects.

“America is, as Lincoln said, an experiment in popular government
on a large scale, the largest in all human history, of the principle of
the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, of the principle
of equality of men, not equality of men in this country merely, but
an experiment in this country that may spread all over the world.
Our government rests upon that universal principle. This is Ameri-
canism, this is the American Ideal.” ™

“Every man on the face of the earth is by nature an American.

“The march of civilization is the epic of man as a workingman, and
that is the reason why labor must be held high always.” *

J 20

 

18 Stephen S. Wise, Rabbi of the Free Synagogue, New York City, as quoted
in the “Americanism and Citizenship” by Hanson Hart Webster, p. 122.

» Louis F. Post, “Proceedings of First Citizenship Convention’ 1916, p. 14.

20 Campbell, Ibidem, D. 16.

21 Franklin K. Lane, in an address at New York, January 11, 1919.

FINIS
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Vita

Rev. Fabian S. Kemesis was born in Vastapos, Alunta
county, Lithuania, on February 25, 1880. He received his
early education in the parish town Alunta, and his second-
ary education in Palanga (1890-1895), and in Libau
(Liepaja, 1895-1897). Entering the diocesan Seminary in
Kaunas in August, 1897, he was ordained to the Holy Priest-
hood on October 1, 1902, by the Right Reverend Gaspar
Cirtautas, Bishop of Kaunas. From 1902 till 1911 he was
assistant pastor in Tauragé, Subacius, Vabalninkas; from
1911 to 1913 the associate editor of the Lithuanian news-
paper ‘“Viltis,” in Vilnius, capital of Lithuania. From the
time of his ordination he took an active part in the coop-
erative movement in Lithuania. Invited by the American
Association of Lithuanian priests, he came to the United
States of America in 1913 to accept a position as editor of
“Draugas,” Chicago, Illinois, and afterwards “Darbininkas,”
Boston, Massachusetts.

During 1917 and 1918 he was a student of the Loyola
School of Sociology, Chicago, Illinois, and during the fol-
lowing three years was pastor of St. George’s Church,
Detroit, Michigan. In the years 1922, 1923 and 1924 he
pursued studies in Economics, Sociology and Education in
the Graduate School of Philosophy of the Catholic Uni-
versity of America. In Economics (his major subject) he
followed courses in Industrial Ethics under Reverend Doctor
John A. Ryan, and Current Economic Problems under Doc-
tor Frank O’Hara; in Sociology: courses in General Soci-
ology under Reverend Doctor William J. Kerby, in Social
Origins under Reverend Doctor John M. Cooper, and in
Social Psychology under Right Rev. Doctor Edward A.
Pace; in Education: courses in Philosophy of Education
under Reverend Doctor Edward B. Jordan, Psychology of
Education under Reverend Leo McVay, and in Methods of
Education, and in Educational Administration and Manage-
ment under Reverend Doctor George Johnson. He also
pursued courses in Educational Religion under Reverend
Doctor Roderick Mac Eachen in the School of Sacred The-
ology, receiving his degree of Doctor of Philosophy on the
completion of his courses in 1924.

[86]